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BANCROFT

LIBRARY

•>

THE LIBRARY

THE UNIVERSITY
OF CALIFORNIA

FISBftHAL IMDIAN T>OLICY IN THT3 PACIFIC HOHTHWBSTj
1849 - 1870

Charles ^lorus Coan I ^8 £> ""

3. A. ('University of V.'ashington) , 1908
11. L. (University of California) , 1914

A thesis submitted in ^--rtial satisfaction of the rer»uire«
ments for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy
in the University of California

roved :

Berkeley, California
1920

LIBRARY

PREFACE

There are certain subjects which from the begin/iing
of the colonization of the Americas have formed long threads
through the ,;onerul hiatory of the Hew World and through the
local history of each political or geographic unit into which
it ray divided. One of the isroortant threads io the relation
between the natives and the Europeans*

Th - iurpose of thla study is first, to trace in an

CJ»* -

introductory chanter the relation between the races in the
^icific northwest prior to the organization of the territorial
covernnent, larch .?, 1849. a* shown in the dealings between the
two groups, their altitude toward each other, and the attracts
to civilize the Indians- that is, to change the natives from a
nomadic to a settled people; and second, to give a detailed
account of the efforts by the United States Government to solve
the Indian problem created by the rapid advance of American
settlements into the ^acific Northwest between 1849 and 1870.

The second part or the body of the monograph in*
eludes chanters two to ten inclusive. The twenty-one years
covered may be divided into three periods: 1849 to 1853; 1853
to 1859; and 1360 to 1B70 . In the first period the Congress of
the United Jtatea provided for th« riwaoval of the Indians living
west of the Cascade fountains to an interior "Indian Country"

• •••-,

which was to consist of the area between thoae mountains and the
Rockies, nineteen treaties were made with the Indians of the
Y;illainette Valley and the Pacific Coast between the Chehalis and
the Rogue River, but in these treaties the representatives of
the government adopted an entirely different plan, that of
allowing the Indians to remain among the settlements west of the
Cascade fountains, assigning districts to the various bands but
not restricting them to these locations or providing for the
development of reservations. Both policies miscarried; the
first, when the treaties failed to provide for the removal of
the natives; and the second, when the Senate refused to ratify
the treaties. The first period ended with nothing accomplished.

In the second period, from 1853 to 1859, Congress
adopted the policy of setting aside and developing reservations
formed from a part of the lands ceded anew by the different
tribes through formal treaties. The idea of making the interior
of the Pacific Northwest an "Indian Country" was thus abandoned.
But, because of the Yakima Indian \Var the reservation system was
not immediately put into operation, and there was a strong move
ment to revert to the earlier idea of transforming the interior
into an "Indian Country.11 The reservation policy was finally
adopted with the ratification of the delayed treaties, Larch 8,
1859.

rhe third period, from I860 to 1870, may be character
ized as that of the develoranent of the reservations of which more
than thirty were established. During the first half of the period
the development was very slight, but by 1870 some of the reserves

had become very nearly self -author ting, and many had made progress
in that direction. The control of the Indians, the development
of the resources of the locations, and the establishment of edu
cational institutions were the lines of activity common to all
of the reservations, but each had its peculiar problems in re
lation to these activities*

In conclusion, one may state that it was the general

policy of the government to extinguish the Indian title, next to

'C-
survey the lands, and then provide titles to the settlers* In

/*-—

the ease of the Pacific Northwest this pftfeicy was reversed: the
lands were granted to the settlers by the "Donation Act? and
later surveyed, and finally the Indian title was extinguished,
with the exception of the first part of the intro
ductory chapter this study is based entirely on primary sources.

CONTENTS
PREFACE

CHAPTER I

INDIAN T-XATIONS IN TH7S PACIFIC NORTff,YEST PRIOR

TO 1849 1-89

CHAPTJSR II

SARLY INDIAH POLICIES, 1849-1852 90-117

CHAPTER III

THIS ADOPTION OF THE K333RVYM31! POLICY, 1853-

1855 118-163

CHAPTER IV

INDIAN ^>OLICY DTTRI1HI tU YAKIMA INDIAN WAR, 1855-

1B59 164-192

CHAPTER V

THE ENCAMPMTSNT 3YSTT3U, IB 85*1 8 59 193-264

CHAPTER VI

TKS RE3IIRVATION SYSTEM IK OPSRATI01I IN WESTERN

ORBOOH, 1857-1870 265-296

CHAPTER VII

THE RESERVATION SYSTEM IN OPERATION IN ¥BSTISRN

, 1860-1870 297-335

CHAPTER VIII

THE K£:33HVATIOH SYSTEM IN OPBRATIOK IN THE IN-

tJBUOR 01? THE PACIFIC NORTHWEST, 1860-1870 336-386

CHAPTER IX

THE NON- TREATY INDIANS OP THE INTERIOR OP THE

PACIFIC NORTH^'SST, 18^0-1870 387-422

T1^R X

SUISLARY 423-451

BIBLIOGRAPHY 452-463

APPENDIX- REPORT AND TREATIES 0? AN30N DART 463-49^-

ANALYTICAL TABLK Otf CONTENTS

I Indian Relations in the Pacific Northwest prior

to 1849 1-89

1 The Northv/est Coast Explorers and Traders,

1774-1811 1

2 The Pacific Pur Conpany and the Horth^est

Company, 1811-1821 13

3 The Hudson's Bay Company in the Interior,

1821-1042 30

4 The Missions of the Upper Columbia Vallay,

1836-1842 41

5 The Hudson's Bay Company vest of the Cas

cade Mountains, 1H21-1842 52

6 The Missions West of the Cascade fountains,

1834-1842 58

7 The Coining of the American Settlers, 1842-

1849 62

8 The Oregon Missions, 1042-1849 80

9 Summary 85

II Sarly Indian Policies, 1849-1852 90-117

1 The Administration of Joseph Lane 90

2 The Congressional Jolicy of the Act of

June 5, 1850 97

III The Adoption of the Reservation Policy, 1853-

1B55 118-163

1 The Formation of Hew Indian Policy for

Oregon Territory 118

2 The Indian Policy for Washington Territory 131

3 The Negotiation of the Treaties 141

4 The Genesis of the Yakiraa Indian War 154

IV Indian Policy during the Yakiria Indian War,

1855-1859 164-192

1 Palmer's Recommendations for Oregon 166

2 Support of Encampments in Oregon 170

3 The Encampment System in Washington 176

4 Reservations or "Indian Country" in the

Interior 178

V She Encampment System, 1855-1859 193-264

1 nenoval to Encampments in Western Oregon 193

2 The Warm Springs Encampment 208

3 3teveno rind .right in the Interior 212

4 The Columbia River Encanpnents in Washing

ton 225

5 The Uppor Columbia and the Clarke's J?ork

Indians

6 The "n comment 3 in Southwestern Washington
The Encashments in the ^uget Sound Country

VI The Reservation System in Operation in Western

Oregon, IB 57-1870 265-296

1 The oiletz Reservation 265

2 The Grande Ronde Reservation 279

3 Other Indians in Western Oregon 294

VII The Reservation System in Operation in Western

lashington, 1860-1870 297-335

1 The Tulalip Agency Reservations 300

2 The Medicine Creek Treaty Reservations 309

3 The Skokomish Reservation 318

4 The 2£akah Reservation 323

5 The Quinaielt Reservation 328

6 Southwestern Washington Indians 331

VIII The Reservation 3ystem in Operation in the Interior

of the Pacific Northwest, 1860-1870 356-336

1 The V/arru Springs Reservation 336

2 The Klamath Keservation 342

3 The Umatilla Reservation 346

4 The Yakina Reservation 358

5 The Hex Perce' Reservation 365

6 The Flathead Reservation 379

IX The Non-treaty Indians of the Interior of the

Pacific Northwest, 1860-1370 387-422

1 The Snake and 3hoahoni Indians 537

2 The Establishment of the tforfc Hall Reser

vation 402

4 - 344 .>3i.'t3<

The Non- treaty Indians of Northeastern

Washington 410

7» ^v-. «* •'• + Vi .?» W * et ••*

4 The ^on- treaty Indians of Northern Idaho 416

I) Changes in Indian Policy 419

X Summary 423-451

MAP 1
INDIAN LAN!) CESSIONS PRIOR TO TIP1 YAKIMA WAR, 1855.

No.

I, - 312 Treaty with the Rogue River. 1853; negotiated Sep
tember 10, 1853, ratified April 12, 1854.

2 - 313 Treaty with the Umpqua- Cow Creek Band. 1853: ne-

• -i.

gotiated September 19, 1853, ratified April 12,
1854.

3 - 343 Treaty with the Chasta, etc., 1854 1 negotiated Novem

ber 15, 1854, ratified March 3, 1855.

4 - 344 Treaty with the Umpqua and Kalapuya, 1854; negotiated

November 29, 1854, ratified March 3, 1855.

5 - 345 Treaty with the Bi squall i, Puyallup, etc, ,1854; ne

gotiated December 26, 1854, ratified March 3,
1855.

12 - 352 Treaty with the Kalapuya, etc., 1855; negotiated
January 22, 1855, ratified liarch 3, 1855.

'•Note--The numbers designate either a cession, a
region occupied by the government without a cession, a reser
vation, or a change in a reservation. The first numbers are
consecutive for the Pacific Northwest. The second numbers
are those adopted by Royce, Indian Land Cessions in the United
States.

' *

MAP 2

INDIAN LAUD CESSIONS OF THB DELAYED TR7UTIKS.

7 - 347 Treaty with the Dwomish. Suguamish. etc.. 1R55; ne
gotiated January C2, 1855. ratified March 8. 1859.

13 - 353 Treaty with the S'Klallam, 1855; negotiated January 26,
1355, ratified Larch 8. 1859.

'A gift

15 - 355 Treaty wi th the kakah, 1855; negotiated January 31,
1855, ratified March 8, 1859.

17 - 36? Treaty with the IVallawalla. Cayuse. etc,, 1855; nego
tiated June 9, 1H55, ratified ilarch 8, 1859.

19 - 364 Treaty with .._ the .. Yale lisa,. 1855; negotiated June 9, 1855,
ratified March 8, 1359.

21 - 366 Treaty with the Nez Percys. 1355; negotiated June 11,

1855, ratified March 8, 1859.

22 - 369 Treaty with the Tribes of Middle Oregon. 1855; nego

tiated June 25, 1855, ratified March 8, 1859.
24 - 371 Treaty *ith the "juinaielt. etc., 1855; negotiated

July 1. 1855. ratified March 8, 1859.
26 - 373 Treaty with the ?latheads, etc.. 1855; negotiated

July 16, 1855, ratified Uarch 8, 1859.
30 - 401 Treaty with the ^olala. 1855; negotiated December 21,

1355, ratified Llarch 8, 1859.

This nap nlao shows the nolitical divisions of the
Pacific Northwest* Orecon Territory and Washington Territory-
from Uarch 2, 1853 to February 14, 1B59.

,11

- VI

MAP 2

INDIAN LAND CESSIONS 0? THE T5ARLY UNRATIFITCD TREATIES, 1851.

A Six treaties with the Willamette Valley Indians made
"by the treaty commissioners, April and ^ay 1851.

B Ten treaties with the Chinook Indians made by Anson
Dart, August 1851.

C Two treaties with the Port Orford Indians made by

uf^^^HuL "**( dcnter

Anson Dart in the fall of 1851.

D A treaty with the Clackamas Indians made by Anson

Dart in the fall of 1851.

claimed

e country*

MAP 3

RT23IOH3 OCCUPIED WITHOUT TREATIES 0? CESSION

Ho.

28 - 397 The Oregon Coa$t. Treaties *ith the Oregon Coast

tribso were made, August 11, and. September 8,

1B55, but not ratified. The government took pos
session by the Executive Order of November 9, 1855.

29 - 398 Treaty wi'th the Blackfeet. 1855; negotiated October 17,

1355, ratified April 15, 1856. Common hunting
grounds \vere provided for the Blackfeet, llez Percys,
'latneads, TTo treaty of cession was made.

36 - 444 Treaty with the Western Snoshoni . 1863; negotiated Oc

tober 1, 1863, ratified June 26, 1866. The region
v.-aa defined but no treaty of cession was made.

37 - 458 Southwestern Washington Territory. The lands claimed

by the Chehalis, Cowlita, and Chinook were taken
possession of by the Executive Order of July 8,
1864.

45 - 520 Treaty with the Baa tern Band Shoahoni ann Bannock, 1368;
negotiated July 3, 1868, ratified February 26 , 1869.

47 • 532 Northeastern Washington Territory. The government
took possession in the early part of 1871, by
Llemorandum,

57 - 553 Coeur d1: \lene and southern Spokane country. The govern-
nent took tjdssession by the Executive Order of No
vember 8, 1873.

'TAP 3
THIS LAST a<:S3IANS 0? INDIAN LANDS

No.

39 - 462 Tr aty with feho Klanath. etc.. 1864; negotiated
October 14. 1864, ratified July 2, 1866,

42 - 474 Treaty with the Snake, 1B65 ( alimpi); negotiated
August 12, 1865, ratified July 5, 1866.

This mar) also shows the political divisions of the
Pacific Northwest- the State of Oregon and Washington Territory-
from February 14, 1859 to .-arch 3, 1863.

JDIAN KC.JlSHVATIONS, 1854 - 1880

Ho.

6 - 346 Squaxon Island

a « 348 Port :.adison

41 - 465 Port Madison addition

9 - 349 Swinoznish

10-350 Lummi

58 - 555 Lummi addition
11 - 351 Tulalin

14 - 354 Skokomish

59 - 559 Skokomish addition
16 - 35r> akah

53 - 543 ,,akah addition

25 - 372 tyiinaielt

55 - 551 Ouinaielt addition

31 - 405 T>uyallun

32 - 406 Ni equally
38-459 Chehalis

44 - 493 Shoal water Bay

60 - 564 Jiuckle shoot

33 - 407 Grand* Rondc

43 - 479 Coast- Yaquina Bay reduction

63 - 573 Coast- "Further reductions

64 - 579 Coast, or 3iletz after roductions

1 4

"io.

18 - 363 Umatilla

20 - 365 *akima

23 - 370 Warn Springs

27 - 374 Plathead

34 - 441 He a Perce"

35 - 442 l>ess T'erc<< re-lucod
54 - 54 b eat >erce- Yallowa
40 - 463 Klamath

46 - 540 ?0rt Hall

48 - 533 Colville, original

49 - 536 Colville

50 - 537 ,)ou theaotern Oregon
56 - 55Z Coeur cl* Alone

56*- Coeur d'Alene

62 - 575 Lemhi

66 - 001 Xick Valley

69 - 625 Spokane

71 - 638 Malheur

65 - 539 i^alheur addition

72 - 646 .alheur reduced

73 - 647 f Hlheur further reduced

74 - 659 Columbia

6a - 613 Columbia enlarged

70 • 64? Columbia reduced

OHAPTKR I
INTRODUCTION

:/vi: RELATION in THE PACIFIC UOHTHWEST PRIOR TO 1849

The Northwest Coa at Tlxplorers and Tradera.-- The
first intercourse between the natives and the Europeans in
the ^acific Northwest was alonft the coast, the principal
center of contact being Hootka Sound. The intermingling of
the races began with the first voyage of P^rez in 1774,

and closed with the destruction of the Tonouin in 1311. Con-
A

flicts between the I'uroneano- represented "by the Spanish,
British, and Americans- and -he Indians were nuraorousi
usually the result of an attempt to revenge offences
co.mrnitted , by the Indians or by the traders.

The Spanioh interest in the Northwest Coast v/ns
r>riFi?xrily political. They wished to kce*> out intruders.
The fir«t e. sedition of P^rez , in 1774, was instructed to

treat the Indians kindly. According to Father Cres^i' tho Indis

1
were friendly. During the- next year the expedition of Heceta

and Quadra had trouble with the Indians in the neighborhood of

H. H* Bancroft, Hintory of the .....Northwest .Coast...,.
I, 151, note.

Point jrenville, where they anchored, July 14, 1775. The
Indians visited the ship several times seeming to be friend
ly and desirous that the white men should land. The natives
wished to trade furs for iron. Six men were sent ashore for
wood and water. They were attacked from ambush and killed.

Quadra favored an attempt to punish these Indians but the

2
council of officers decided against any action of that nature.

The Arteaga and Quadra expedition of 1779 found
it difficult to prevent a collision with the Indians of the
Prince of ..ales Island. These Indians stole the clothing of
the sailors and threatened working parties. Arteaga purchased
five children with the puroose of learning the customs of
their people from them. He also seized an Indian chief in order
to secure the return of two sailors, but the chief was released

when it was discovered that the sailors had not been captured

3
but had deserted.

Ten years after the first voyages, the Viceroy;
Flo re Sj gave instructions for the occupation of the Northwest
Coast at llootka Sound. Buildings for the defence and abode
of the colony were to be built. Briars were sent with the
expedition to convert the Indians. Care was to be taken to
conciliate the natives. This expedition, led by kartinez and

Ibid. , I, 161.

Bancroft, History of Alaska, p. 218.

Haro , failed due to the conflict with the British at the place
assigned for the colony. Martinez was recalled, October 31,
1789, and a new expedition under lilisa, Fidalgo , and Qiiimper
was sent to Nootka, who were instructed to treat the Indiana
kindly. Martinez had had trouble with Iiaquinna, the Indian
chief at Hootka Sound, "but he became friendly with the new
commander . A narty sent out in June 1791 under Jose Verdia

to survey Haro Channel was attacked. Some of the Indians were

4
killed. In &ay of 1792, Caamano sailed north from Nootka Sound.

Two seamen were captured by the Indians of Oueen Charlotte
Island but were released because, according to the report, the
Spanish had always treated the natives of the region well.

Spanish efforts at permanent locations were made

»
between 1792 and 1795 at Nuflez Gaona and at Eootka Sound. In

May 1792 Salvador Fidalgo built a Spanish post at Nuflea Gaona
(Itfeah Bay) , which was held until September when the materials
were transferred to Nootka by order of Bodega y Quadra. The
contest over Nootka Sound ended Aarch 23, 1795 when letters were
given to the Indians stating that Hootka Sound had been abandoned.
These were for the benefit of future traders. The site of the
Spanish establishment was then occupied by Iiaquinna and his
Deor>le. v/hen the Spanish left Nootka, they took with them twenty
Indians to California to be baptized. This had been done in

>-*«nt : sit* * «r** of

Bancroft, History of the northwest Coast, I, 213,
225, 241, 248.

5
former years .

The British interest in the Northwest Coast was
both political and commercial. James Cook, in 1778, was re
ceived at Nootka Sound with the friendly ceremony of the In
dians which consisted of spreading feathers umon the water.
The only complaint made by him of the Indians was that they
would steal small things when allowed to visit the shins. The
fur trading expeditions were a direct result of information fur
nished by this expedition concerning the abundance and cheapness
of furs.

It was not until 1785 that a furtrading expedition
arrived at Nootka under James Hanna. In August of the same
year, he was attacked by the Indians of that r>iace. The account
stated that defeat made them friendly and willing to trade. A
cargo was procured valued at $20,600. During the following year^

John :;cKay of the eares's imrty remained among the Nootka In-

8
dians and was well treated.

In 1787, Hanna, Meares, Colnett, Barclay, and Dixon
were trading along the Northwest Coast. Dixon made no landing,
the Indians bringing their furs alongside in canoeu. He procured ,
in this way a cargo valued at $54,857.00. Barclay in July 1787
e^olored the coast to the south of Cane Flattery. In the latitude
of 47 "" , 43*, he sent Miller with a crew of five men to enter

Ibid. , I, 269, 273, 300.

Ibid., I, 174.

the (toiahlat Kivor. They were attacked by the Indians and
all lost their lives.

r^ares and Douglas were at Uootka in the soring
of 1788. With the consent of the Indiana, they built a aniall
vessel, .leares clairied that he obtained at this tii.e exclusive

tra^e rights from the Indian chiefs Wicananish and Tatootche

7
and alno that he bought lands at Kootka .

In 17^9, Meares formed a partnership with the repre
sentatives of the London Company for the ourooae of making
a ^erruanont British establishment at Kootkrt. Colnett was sent
out with instructions to make treaties with the Indiana especially
at 1-,'ootka, ;u'ui to establish a factory at that olace. It was
a part of the plan to establish trading houses at oth«;r points
as the trade developed. The ahios of Colrictt were seized July 4
and 14, 1789, oy the Spanish, umm the arrival of the British
at Nootka, and thus ended this plan for organized trade, on the
tisn Columbia coast, which was later developed by uhe .iudson* s

Bay Company .

The clash between the British and the Spanish concern
ing the control of ihe Northwest Coast which began in 1789 was not
settled until 1795. During this oeriod the expeditions of Vancouv
er played the loading nart for the British. The traders seemed
to have forsaken the field. The first Vancouver expedition did

Ibid. , 1, 178, 131, 183, 196, 200.

not suffer from trouble with the Indians. The second, which

arrived on the coast, ...ay 20, 1793, had two men wounded while

8
exoloring the coast of .British Columbia.

One of the journalists of the Vancouver expedition
staged that the Northwest Coast trade had been ruined during
the years following 1789. He lamented the fact that the British
had not taken control of the trade and developed it in a systema
tic mariner by establishing t>osts. The Americans, he saia, had
supplied the Indians so freely with muskets that Wicananish at
Clayoquot could muster 400 armed men. Wot only this but the
raarko ts of China had been over-suoolied and the Indians had in
creased their orices four fold. The competition had become so
strong among these traders that they had forced the Indians
to oart v,ith their fura, and in some cases had taken them without
pay. /The journalist concludes .his remarks with the following:

.e interval of time between the capture of the English Traders
by the opaniards and the concluding of the treaty between England

and iioain afforded the Americans an opportunity of doing all that

9
I have mentioned.1'

The American expeditions to the Northwest Coast were
for commercial ourooses. They were Yankee traders seeking
profits for Boston coraoanies. Gray and Kendrick were instructed
to treat the Indians fairly, as the following from their orders
shows :

W« cannot forbear to impress on your mind our wish

Ibid. , I , ,-533 .

E .. S. Heany, ed., A Hew Vancouver Journal on the
Discovery st Sound, -». 40,1.

and expectation that the most inviolable harmony and
friendship may "be cultivated between you and the natives
and that no advantages may be taken of them in trading, but
that you endeavor by honest conduct to impress u^on their
minds a friendship for Americans . 10

Robert Gray landed at Tillamook Bay, on the coast
of the present state of Oregon, August 14, 1788, for the purpose
of trading and getting wood and water. The Indiana exchanged
berries and furs for objects of iron and copper. Trouble arose
over a cutlass which was stolen by an Indian. In the conflict
that followed one of the sailors was killed and several were
wounded. Gray proceeded to Nootka Bound where he met Kendrick,
September 22, 1788. The Britishers, Lleares and Douglas^ informed
them that it was certain destruction to attempt to winter at
iMOotka. The Americans stated that lAeares in order to insure
himself against attack would seize the possessions of the Indians,
and that he would give them only that which pleased him for
their furs. It was affirmed that the Indians were unapproachable
until after the deoarture of the British, but that they then
became friendly and sutrolied the Americans with everything that
they needed. In 1788, Kendrick established favorable trade
relations with Wicananish, who faithfully fulfilled the agreements
made with Kendrick and in addition held all of his furs for

"Orders given Cantairi John Kendrick, of the ship
Columbia t for a voyage to the Pacific ocean," Report of the
Cpmmi ttee to whom was referred the memorial of George Barrel! . . .
Aug. 11, 1852, 32 Cong., 1 -Jess. ( Ge r i al 631, Do c .3 35), Senate
Reports , TD . 16.

him. In 1792 , Joseph Ingraham stated that the Indiana saved

11
their fur a for Kemlrick, as he had always treated them rairly.

Kendrick established 7ort Washington at liootka
in the winter of 1789-90 and in the summer of 1791 made
purchases of lands on Vancouver Island from l^aquinna, Wicananish
and three other chiefs, for which he gavR them muskets, oowder,
sails, and other articles. Treaties were drawn up and signed
according to instructions which Kendrick had received, which
were, as follows:

If you make any fort or improvement of land ux>on
the coast, be sure you nurchase the soil of the natives,
and it would not be amiss if you ourchased some advantageous
tract of land in the name of the owners, if you ahouldpjlet
the instrument cear every authentic mark the circumstances
will admit of. 12

In addition to the above ourchases, tne documents
concerning which are ^reserved, and have to do with the first

.-t of the instructions, there were other purchases the deeds
for which were lost in the Orient, prooably Canton. These, it
was claimed, covered four degrees of 1-titude, extending south
to the 47th parallel of latitude, and had an area of two hundred
and forty miles square. These lands were advertised for sale
in a circular of Barrel! and Jervantea, London, August 31, 1795
under the caption, "To the inhabitants of Europe." Relative to

Bancroft, History of the northwest Coast, I, 189.

"Orders given Captain John Kendrick, of the ship Col-
umbia, for a voyage to the ^acific ocean," op. cit., r>. 16.

the title, Joseoh Barrell vvrote:

The Congress of the United States, nor any other
nower in the world, that I know of, claims any juris
diction over them fthe Indians of the Northwest Coast] ,
and I suppose the title as good as can be given by un-
i civilized people. 13

An interesting statement was made by Hall J.
Kelley relative to these purchases in a work written in 1352:

f ' 'i

finally, without fear of contradiction I say it,
the Kondrick purchases were nore available in strengthen
ing our country's claims to Oregon, than any other
acts performed by our citizens in that territory. 14

During the winter 1791-92, Gray was at Clayoquot,
where he built itort Defiance. J?or months, the Indians had been
very friendly when, in February 1792, a plot was discovered
to kill all of the men of the ship Columbia , exce-ot an Hawaiian
who was to wet the primings of the guns. The fact that the

Hawaiian reported the scheme probably prevented a complete

15
disaster. Burin-; the summer of 1792, Gray had further trouble

with the Indians. At Grays Harbor, he was attacked by the
Indians and in the conflict that followed a number of the Indians
v.ere killed. After trading inside the Columbia, he sailed
for the coast north of Nootka where he was again attacked.
At this time, the Indians north of Uootka resorted that they
had recently lost seven of their people in conflicts with

Ibid . , p. 29.

H^J. Kelley, Colonization of Oregon, T. 41.

Bancroft, History of the Northwest Coast, I, 258.

10.

traders and that their furs had been taken from them when

16
they refused to sell at the oriceo offered.

Between 1802 and 1805, a number of American lives

were lor.t in conflicts with the Indians of the Northwest
Coast. The shir) Manchester stored at Nootka in 1802. Seven
of the crew of the ship were supposed to have been put to
death by .aquinna. They had joined him and then attempted to
desert to another Indian chief. The following year a complete
disaster occurred at Nootka, the story being very similar to
that of the destruction of the Tonqui.ru Ca-otain Baiter in
command of the ship Boo ton anchored at Nootka, March 12, 1803.
Due to a quarrel between the traders and the Indians, Maquinna
planned an attack. The Indians went on board to trade appearing
to be Derfectly friendly, but at a given signal they killed
twenty-five of the crew. The two survivors were made slaves.
During thin same year Captain Kowan in the Hazard was attacked

in Chatham Strait. No lives were lost but the shi-o was badly
17
. In 1805 the Indians attacked the ship AtahualTDa in an

effort to capture it. Captain Porter and seven of the crew were
killed.

The Russians and the Americans considered the T)lan
I of establishing a oost at the mouth of the Columbia river during
the first decade of the nineteenth century. Res^noff in 1806

Ibid., I, 259, 261.

Ibid., I, 314.

t
a.£ tr-Ol ©taw

11.

recommended that the Russians build a fort at the Columbia
River entrance and that the Americana be driven out of the
Pacific, bu i nothing seems to have been done toward cutting
these ideas into effect. In 1810, the Wiriships planned to
establish a trading post near the mouth of the Columbia. Captain
Nathan snent from May 26 to July 19 choosing a r>lace . Oak
Point was selected as the location but, due to fear that the

Indians would destroy the oost if only a small force were left

18
to garrison it, the project was abandoned.

The closing incident of the early trade on the
Northwest Coast was the destruction of the Tonquin. As we
have seen, trouble between the Indians and traders at Kootka
and farther north waa not uncommon. The year before the
arrival of the Tonquin t Captain Ayres in the Mercury had taken
natives from Nootka to the Lower California coast and had
failed to bring them back. On June 5, 1811, the Tonquin sailed
from Astoria on a trading expedition along the coast to the
north. Ja^tain Thorn waa the leader, seconded by Alexander
McKay. They anchored in Nootka :3ound and KcKay went ashore.
During the trading on board the ship, Captain Thorn struck
an Indian chief. McKay was afraid that there would be trouble and
warned the <jantain. The Indians later came nut in large
numbers and were allowed to board the ship, against the advice
of McKay. The captain thought that the Dunishment that he
had administered to the Indian chief had had the effect of n ok ing
the Indians friendly. After the trading waa finished, Thorn

I Did. , 1 , 320 .

12.

ordered the Indians to loavo the shir). At a signal the
natives fell ut>on the crew and killed them. '?wo of the
crew seem to have lighted a fuse to the t>owder magazine which
blew UT> the ship and caused the death of several hundred

Indians. News of the catastrophe reached Astoria, by way of

i
tne Grays Harbor Indiansyin August, 1811. By October, there

was no longer any hor>e that any of the twenty- seven members

19
of the Tonquin1 s officers and crew had survived the attack.

This event occasioned the greatest loss of life sustained by
either party in any conflict growing out of the intercourse
between Europeans and Indians on the Northwest Coast.

Ross Cox, Adventures on the Columbia River, I, 85.

r. O.|B. Sperlin after examining the journals of the
Europeans who visited the Pacific Northwest (along the
coast and in the interior) between 1741 and 1812 gives the
Indians the following character based on one hundred and
nine cases of first contact with the whites:

"They Zthe journals! show that the Indians received
the strangers hospitably, that they r>racticed a aimrcle,
unostentatious religion, that they were men of honor, of
3 in -Die industry, and physical skill, that thoir government
was simple but efficient; ano that the home embodied strong
attnchments , t-iough it exhibited at times improperly
amortioned burdens. Indian vi6es, not necessarily crimes
were such as improvidence, gambling, and occasionally
cruel treatment of enemies; but we cannot justly ^charge
the race with the alleged crLros of treachery, drunkenness,
nor with atheism nor idolatry."

The only exception that the writer allows is that of
the Indians at The .Dalles whose bad conduct he believes due
to the gathering of outlaw Indians at that place. — Sperlin,
"The Indian of the Northwest," Oregon Historical Society,
the Quarterly. XVII (1016), 38.

13.

The Pacific ifrar Gom-oany and the North V/est Company:- -
The early fur companies were ^receded by Lewis and Clark, and
David Thompson. The latter was noosed by the Blackfeet Indians
in his Dlans to cross the Rocky Mountains, but successfully over
came their efforts to prevent him from taking arr.s to the Indians
west of the mountains. The Indians of the Flathead and Spokane
country v/ere glad to have the trader among them. Thompson was
strongly oot>osed to the use of liquor in the Indian trade. The

"Partners" sent some to him which he destroyed and wrote to

20
them that he would do the same -with any more that they mi ~ht send.

During the visit of Lewis and Clark to the Pacific
Northwest, from October 7, 1905 to June 15, 1806, the Indians
caused very little inconvenience. Che first council was hold at
the mouth of the Snake River, at which the Indians wore given
advice and Dresents. The exnlorers left thirty-eight horseB with
the Nez Percys to be keot for them until their return. Along
the Columbia the Indians were friendly. It was said that they
lived in dread of the Snake Indians. During the winter at l^ort
Clatsop one of the men by the name of iicNeal was plotted against
by the natives, the rmrnose being to kill him for his nossessions ,
but the scheme was discovered. On the return journey the Indians
at the "Great Narrows" were bothersome. They traded horses to
the oarty and then returned the goods that they had received
demanding their norses. It was here that Clark threatened to

J.| . Tyraell , ed. , David Thompson's :.arrative of "is
-lo rations _in -v 0:3 tern. Anerica, p. 375; Sperlin, "The
Indian of the Northwest,11 Oregon Historical Society, the
Quarterly. XVII (1916), 37.

shoot an Indian who was caught attempting to steal from the
explorers. When they reached the Walla \Valla country, the
chief of those Indiana was vory kind to them. Unon arrival
at the one ver, they found that their horses had be<*n allowed
to scatter but they -were able to recover twenty-one 'of them. A

second council was held with the Uez Percys after which they

21
re~crossed the Rocky fountains.

Thompson for the "Northwesters" crossed tlie Rocky

llpun tains in 1307 and entered the Flathead and the Srcokane country.
In 1811 , the Autor parties carne by sea to the mouth of the Columbia,
and overland by v ay if the Snake River Valley, Joint occupation
by these co-i^anies was of three years duration, 1811 to 1813. In
the latter year, the North West Company gained control and held
the country until 1321 when the "Northwesters" united with the
Hudson's Bay Company. "During the ten years from 1811 to 1821, the
fur trade west of the Cascade Mountains did not extend to PuRet
Sound toward the north, from the center on the lower Columbia, nor
to the T'mqua Valley on the south. JSast of the Cascade Mountains
the principal area was the UTToer Columbia and the Clarke1 s Fork
Valley although efforts were made to nrocure the furs of the
Snake Valley. The country lying south of. the Columbia between the
Cascade fountains and the Snake River was not explored.

The headquarters for the companies was at Astoria
which the "Northwesters" called Port George. The location for the

G. B. Grinnell, Trails of the Pathfinders, rm. 180-197.

15.

Astor post was selected and work was begun April 12, 1^11. The
clearing was made more arduous by the hostile attitude of the
Indians. While working, the men were forced to keep their guns
with them for defence against the Indians, who v/ere prowling
about, and at night it was necessary to keep watch to orevent

an attack. During the first tv/o months) three members of the

22
company v;ere killed at Astoria. In September, there were

rumors t^it the Indians nlanned to destroy the fort in order
to expel the intruders from the country, but no attack was
made. Although friendly relations were establinhed through a
marriage alliance between Duncan l^cDougall and the daughter of
the Chinook chief, Comcomley, yet that did not prevent the latter
from representing to the traders that' the more distant Indians
were hostile. The Chinook also told the other Indians that the
whites were dangerous. The purpose of this line of action on the
part of the Chinook was to monopolize the trade, but their plan
was so )n discovered. When the British appeared Comcomley offered

his assistance to the Astor traders, and was greatly disappointed

r 4'^UerJ 23
when it was not accepted.

The Willamette Valley Indians were of very little
use to the traders, A living was so easily obtained that they
would not hunt. Trouble occurred in 1812 which was caused by a
whioping given to an Indian by Joseph Gervais. The Indians planned

Grinnell, Beyond the Old frontier, P. 10.

Cox, Adventures on the Columbia River, I, 73.

16.

to be revenged by an attack ur>on an Astor party led by Donald
McKenzie aa it portaged around the Falls of Willamette, but
their nlot :'ailed.

Alexander Rons told of a collision between a number
of hunters and some of the Indians of the Willamette Valley
about 1316. The Indians demanded pay for tracing on their
lands. In the struggle that followed, several Indians were
killed and two or three of the hunters wounded. Only after
Ross agreed to pay for the dead would the Indians consent to

imoke with the hunters, which was followed by long speeches of

25
a friendly nature by both parties.

During the winter of 1818-19, Peter okene Qgden from
^ort George conducted a trapping expedition in the direction of
the Puget Sound country. Trouble occurred about t.hiB time
between the Cowlitz Indiana and some of the Iroquois attached to
the- cornoany. Keith, in command at Port George, sent Ogden to
punish the Gowlitz. The Iroquois were apparently uncontrollable.
They killed twelve and scalped three of the Cowlitz. In April,
the nuarrel was settled by the marriage of the daughter of a
Cowlitz chief bo one of the "gentlemen" at !<'ort George. Of the
general situation at the fort, Alexander Ross wrote:

Alexander Ross , .Adventures of the thirst Settlers on
the Oregon or the Columbia Rivor, p. 77, 8.

I>id._t R. G. Thwaites, Karly Western Travels, VII,
231.

17.

There was more sporadic fighting and killing of
Indians and the murder of five oeonle belonging to ?ort
George, so that things got into a very bad condition,
which it took a long time to smooth over. ' 26

At the Cascades and The Jallos, the -nortages of
the Columbia, the Indiana were used to carry the ninety Toonnd
oackayes around the obstructions in the river. i'hey became
acquainted with the value of the goods and made a number of
attacks upon the early traders in order to acquire their
possessions. A snail party with a quantity of goods was not
safe. Donald :.:cKenzie and W. P. Hunt, who arrived at Astoria
January 18, 1)12 and Ve ru;iry lo, 1812, respectively, massed
down the Columbia without bein^ robbed, but another party
of the land exoedi tion , Ramsay Crooks and John .Day, came down
the Columbia as far as the falls where they were relieved of

everything, about AT)ril 15, l'H.2 , except their lives. These

£* I

men wer<? forced to retreat to the Walla Walla country.

A short time before Crooks and Day arrived at the
mouth of the lima til la River, Robert Stuart, March 30, 1^1:1, left
Astoria en route for ?ort Okanogan with supplies for his uncle
/id Jtuart who had established thrt oost the oreceding year.

He was attacked at one of the portages and the dispatches, which

John Reed was taking to New York, were stolen. After the first

T. C. Elliott, "Peter Skene Ogden, Fur Trader,"
Oregon Historical Society, the Quarterly, XI (1910), 240.

Ross, "Adven cures of the j?irst ^ettlnrs on the

Oregon or the Columbia River," Thwaiteo, Uarly Western Travels,
VII, 189.

18.

attack t>eace was purchased frori the Indians for six blankets.
Stuart had attempted to ^ass the -> >rtage at ni;?ht. Rosa con
sidered this action a mistake for the reasons that it revealed

28
weakness and fear.

After the sale of Astoria, Roas Cox and La Rocque
with sixteen men started for ??ort William, July 5, 1813, with
di snatches. Concerning the conduct of the Indians at the
oor; , Cox said:

Having no lading in our canoes, except provisions,
we passed in safety the hostile Indians at the gr< t
rapids and falls. Thoy were very numerous at the latter

ce ; out seeing our men well armed, and our canoes
eiiDty, they had no ice a of risking their lives, when
no plunder could be obtained. 29

ix months later, the "Northwesters" met with a

double defeat at the hands of the "Cath-le-yach-e-yach" Indians
along the Columbia. HOBS, who arrived at Astoria from the
interior, January 7, 1814, t>assed the "llorthv^esters" below the

Cascades and warned them that their party w?;o too small to

pass the nortages but they laughed at the advice. As they at
tempted to make the portage at the Cascades they v;ere overpowered
vlcxander Stuart was wounded and their goods fell into the hands
of the Indians. The party was forced to return to f'ort George.
An expedition of eighty-five armed men v.;as immediately organized
and sent against these Indians. After nine days the force
returned having failed to punish the natives. Ross considered
that the wiiole affair had b^en mismanaged and that it had had

Ibid., VII, 187.

Cox, o.P*. cit. t I „ 210.

19.

a bad effect iroon the Indians, who ridiculed the expedition
and rlenanded ~>ay for the Indians that had "been killed. He
stated that the ^ronrr ir-ethod would have been to have obtained
a few Indians as hostages, by strategy, and then, by threats, to

have forced the Indians to restore the property without any

30
.vl ike demonstration.

A change for the bettor had taken place by 1816 at
thr -?a of the Columbia as shown by the following experience
of Donald IcKenzie. A canoe was broken at the Cascades. Sixty

t>ac of ninety Bounds each were turned over to a chief who

31
returned then to I'cKenzie ^hon he ca:ne back six norths later.

In 1817, tno Indians at The Dalles w<>re talking of
demanding tribute of the traders. When ?'cKenr.i«r! and RODS massed
the T>ortiige an Indian harangued the tribe asking when would the
whites oi./ them for dioturiung their waters zaxl taking their

•y\. Rosa out the suenker to shame by asking hi:i where he ob-

32
•led his gun, tobacco, oto.

The Hudson* s 3ay Company had no trouble with these
Indiana. ie early conoanies had tau^it the ria-civea to fear
and respect the tradero. Interference from the Indians along
the Columbia gradually disappeared and for a small quantity of

Ho 33, op, cit. , VII, 255.

Grinnell , Beyond the Old '.^ror.tier, D. ^>1 .

Ibid., p. 63.

20.

tobacco the Indiana willingly aided the hunters in carrying
their r>roocrty across the portages.

The comninies be^an ohoir activities in the

la Walla and the Nez Perde' country, in 1811. .Oonald

establish a pool in 1813 in the Nez

^rce' country but v/ithout success. Hot until the sir -:er of
1'-1S «t built at the mouth of the Wa a a \Valla River

•which was called 3 imeti it Bl ~cd and at others, Fort

la Walla. David rstu-irt loft Aatorin, in July 1811 to find
a location for a oost in the iritorior. V.'hen the narty reached
the mouth of the 3nako River they found a British flag and

. on^ the Indians, which had bsen given them by David
Thoim^on. The oarers sinted that all the lands north of the
junction of the onake and the Columbia River belonged to
Gre itain and forbade any other than British to trade north
of th-.tt olace. This proclamation, however, had no effect on
Stuart. He held a council with the Indian chiefs, who, in a
friendly manner, acceded to hi a desire to go north. otuart

then c :ntinurd his journey -stabliahed a post at the mouth

33
of the Okanogan River.

During the senson 1812-2^13, three parties passed
from Aatoria ur> the Columbia into the interior. They left
headquarters together, July 31, 1812. One of the oarties under
David Stuart continued UD the river to ^ort Okanogan, leaving
other groups at the r.iouth of the I3nake TUver. A second

Ibid., o. 17 .

21,

<er John Clarke followed the Snake to the mouth of the

-, ,vhf iey left their canoea, and proceeded

overland to t >Kane and the ?lathead country. The third

~ryj-:> led by enzie, c mtinued un the Snake River

c'.io i.it Tition of wintering in tho I\ea Perce' arid the

•u,i try. Clarice and rizie had inoortant relations

v/i th trie .rider consideration.

In t '- of 1'U , . c-.onzie established himself

am- . z Percys ko lUver OIK! sent John Be.ed to

; the caches 1 r"t in i, . ->er Jnase River Valley by v/. P. Hunt

in the -. } , 10 neighborhood of Caldron Linn

ilner, Idaho), iloed found that tho caches had been discovered
: ii robbed but v.-hat rcinained of the deposits was brought back
to lAcKenzie'a camp. <iz i'erce's would not hunt beaver, their

activitiQ3 bein^ horae raising, buffalo ;, and war. McKenzie,

reforc^ la rmined to move further no the1 .i!:,t.:e Valley but
this was prevented by circu;ai3tancea. Af cer a vi ait to Spokane
House and return to his ooat on the Snake River, he cached his
fur.-, r.n ; / -;r: i t ., . ;ria. he returnea, February 24, 1313 ,

he found t: he had been robbed. A council was called

a.;d the Ir: refused to restore the stolen goods. McKenzie,

a little la , urprioed the Indian cf.jnp and^witli a D arty of
armed men, began : c search of the lodges which resulted

in wrecking then:. After 'five or six lodges had been so treated,

? Indians asked lAcKenzie to desist oromising that they would
procure the . , ich they . In order to drive the

traders from the country, the Indians then refused to sell them
horse-3. McKerizie adopted the method of killing those

22.

for rood, on the range, and leaving the r>v.rch,ise ^rice

at t'ie -ol. ce where ih-? horses were killed. Then the Inaians
ol tinned to attack the noet, whereupon McKenzie moved to an
island in the onake River, but continued to kill horses for food.
S'inally, the India, s agreed to sell horses to McKenzie at the
usual ->rice. The action of Clarke in hanging an Indian made

^ie fear "6hut tne Indiana vould seek rev nge. He, therefore,

34
left for Astoria, June 1,

Clarke arrived at the mouth of the Palouse River from
the Snokane country, y 30, 1813, and witched carcT). He had
so little fear of the Indians that no guard was -ins ted during
the nirht. This trust was not wise. An Indian entered
Clarke's tent ami otole a silver goblet and some other things.
The orincipal Indians were assembled the next morning and
inf ;med trV't rj^rdon wot" -anted if Uv property was

returned, otherwise, if the thief were apprehended, he would
be hanged. The next nirht, May 31, an Indian was caught robbing
a tent. Che following any no was hanged. Clarke tqld tho
Indians that he had overlooKed roDberies in August 1812 but that

it was due to leniency and not fear. The Indians declared that

35
the thief was an outlaw. cXenzie and Ross considered that

Clarke's conduct was vc-ry r>oor nolicy. RO-JO wrote, concerning

L 3- 3bJ Ross, op. cit. r).

Cox» o^* cit^. , I, 203.

23.

the hanging, as follows:

It was not until the deed had been done and the
;ry Indians h; neared to carry the news in all

directions and to assemble surrounding tribes to take
revenge on t? men that Clarke a^prociat -\t

he nad done. 36

In the summer of 1313, Hoss.who was stationed at
yort Okanogan, made a trio to the southward to obtain horses
probably in the Nez Percex country. The Okinagan Indians warned
him not to go because the natives to the south were very unfriend
ly. IJnon reaching his deotin.-i tion, he found about three thousand
Indians who treated him coldly oaying that these are the men who
kill our relations. Ross and his party were given nothing to
eat. An incident finally occurred which temporarily changed
their attitude. An Indian seized a knife belonging to one of
Ross1 men. A quarrel ensued but Ross quickly set. tied the
matter by offering the Indian a "chief's knife." The
chief then busied himself -oersuad. in^ the other Indians that Ross
was a friend. The natives changed their conduct, gave him
the hor3e.; that he had purchased, and allowed him to depart i>n

ice. Rosa felt that his -oosition had been a very dangerous
37 d
one*

McKenzie made a trip, ^ebruary 12, 1817, to the
Hez Perde7 country ostensibly to buy horses but Cox thought that
his principal reason for going in person v/as to determine whether
tt woulc; }|rtto ^ork." the 3nake Valley from Spokane House.

Grinnell, Beyond the Old Frontier, r> . 31.

id . , . >-52.

J4.

The l!ez Percys were not hostile "but they feared the ten tt

> ed Hawaii ane v horn cKr'nzie had I ,'nt with him, as Uicy

38
'•i3t h? Lght revenge past grudges.

I-, the? > or of the following year Peter

Skene Ogden M, tacked by the Indians below the mouth of

th<-: .alia Walla River. This and the need of a oost.fro.n wnich
to .-urvTly Uie 3nake country •:. ditions, Y?cre the main reasons
for of ;.-t Nez Peree', or ?ort V^alla Wa-la, in the

? >f 1318. The Indians *f*re not favorable to uhe -olan of
establishing t -at at the I . of the Walla *alla FUver and

their actions ca ;uch uneasiness. They demanded pay for

.ber, set their ov/n orice in trading, and forbade hunting
and fisviirt<{. t method of trading at the

Tort v/hich did not allow them to enter the post, all trading being

39
done through an opening in the wall of the stockade.

:-i overland Astor party i.vith a .^reat deal of
liTTjculty parsed through the Jnake Valley in the winter of
TU1-12.' ::cF , therefore, ; realized fully the difficulties

and advantages of the country. We have seen that John Reed

. 'ouii'n the country in the l';te summer of 1 U2 , as far
as liilner, Idaho. In the fall of 1 H3, he was aent with a oarty
of eight huntc.-j LO the Snake country. In September, headquarters

•*erc eot.--*bli'j:ifid at the mouth of the Boise River. In January

m it&ie

of tho following ytjwr, Jacob Rizner, Leclerc , and Pierre

Do ri on were training one hundred miles from the mouth of the

Cox» °rj* c^-'t II » 121.

Grinnell, Beyond the Old frontier, D. 70.

25.

Boise River, on Liie 3outh fork. At this time, the trappers
v.oro attacked adquarters and in the field. All the men
of thr> Darty v;erc killed, probably by the Bannock Indians. The
only survivors of the massacre were the Indian widow of Pierre
Dorion and her two children who, after untold suffering, suc
ceeded in reaching the Walla Walla country in the spring of

40
1814, where tii re treated kindly by the Indians. Although

Heed belonged to the As tor company , the transfer had been made
and his party was , therefore , a -part of the North Wei;t Company.
This loss of life,- however, did not cauoO I^cKenzie to give
us his olans for the opening of the trapping in the Snake
country. In I:;17 , he was uor t the furs of that
region.

Fort iValla Y.'alla, which Ross culled the "Gibraltar

of the Columbia", having been ouilt in the suxamer of 1818 as a

base for expeditions into the anake" country , &cKenzie left, in

teraber, for a survey of the field. In the middle of winter,

•*&

he returned to Jtort ^alla WallaA made arrangements for supplies
to be sent to him in the spring of 1819. Kittson was sent with
the'm . s said, th;rt ne was a new nan in the. service and

that he "was full of confidence that he could handle and defeat all
the Indiana on the continent." Kittson had just reached the
hostile country when the Indians stole all of his horses. HcKenzie

Milea Cannon, HThe Snake River in History," Oregon
• tiorical Society, the Quarterly, XX (1919), 11.

26.

saortly Afterwards ..:et tjie liiieves, killed one and captured

ee oL. .. . ittaon then met .zie, exchanged supplies

I'or fur 6, rind, v.itu almost all of the party, retraced his
route to r'ort Walla V*alla. On tnis return triD with thirty-six
men Kittaon was attacked by the Nez forces, and loat two men.
-ivenzie nad bee \ Ci v.'ith only three men, and some Iroquoio
who were of little uue . He v,aa threatened by the mountain
3nake , whom lie attempted to fri ton by threatening to i>low up
tlae whol*1 cr,:rip, but L-I ^rice of the i-:ez Percys was more

effective in causing the Snake to abandon tneir a'-tacic uoon
mCKenzie1 3 party. The Jnake Indians had loot several killed at
tho tirae Xittson lodt two. r/ney followed tiie i-^ez Force's but,
meeting a band of ».-allawallay the onake killed several of tuezn.
This, the Aallawalla Iiidianb blamed on the whites for furnishing

3 to the ni^'.e Indians. ; former aooeared before ^ort

V*aila Walla t.ar«atenin<s; an attack. Roos calmed the/n, told them
that their rel.vtiv.u3, one ,*ez forces, had not only broken the
treaty wdth the onake, made through the intercession of the
whites, but had also killed two of tne traders. A quarrel ensued
among the Indiana in vmich five of v.orc killed. Koas was

careful to KCCD out of the difficulties, ao any aorioua attack

uoon the fort would have nut an end to their prospects in the

U
Snake country.

I we have oeen Fort Ok;ino^an waa the first Astor
post established in the interior. Hooert Stuart in the winter
of 1311-12 conducted an exoedition to the north up the Okanogan

irinell , ^eyona the Old Frontier, pp. 77-88.

27.

er, leav .iexander Ross in charge of the station. The
Indians were friendly out little was known of their general
attitude at this time as white men had not t>reviously been
among them. The Inaiaris in the vicinity of the fort discovered
tnat Hoas had two bales of ftood:: , . tv.o rolls of tobacco. The
eignt of so ucn wealth made tnem trou Die some for a tirnr1, but
this 3131 - radually uisapoeared. Tne aelay in Stuart's return
in the soring of 1812 causea Ross some uneasiness as the Indians
were groving cold, loitering about the ^oct, and holding councils.
ty wao relievea by tne appearance of otuart, ^arch 22,

42
1812.

IXirinnf^ the v. inter of lSl^-14, Joseph LcGillivray was
in ell rge of the post. The f rienaline^B of these Indiana con
tinued. The location vas I j Toorl/ cirf onded t.h t the Indians

have ea.:ily destroyed it Viad they been 30 inclined. There

were only four men vith McGillivray, and two of thu away

43
hunting almost all of - . *e .

Rose Cox was meci ; :, 'ort Okano^an in the

winter of 1H16-37. His nonularity with the In^Jpn& rci-r-lted in
the obtaining of more furs than other traders who had conducted
the post. During the winter, an express service w:is successfully
operated between yort Okano,'?an o.nd ?ort ileorge, lining Indian chiefs

. , oo. ci t . . II , 83.

28,

the medium. jy were given nreaents for their services.

The is to ncsxe unnec- •/ the f;.*ll "voyage11 to the

44
aea. *ne conduct of the Okinagan chief in 'February 1817 illus

trates the hel^fullness of friendly Indians to the traders.
i'en horses were stolen \he ooot early in the month. Cox

immediately aoked the Okinagan chief5 for aid in recover..
the The Darty, which wao made up , c ted of six Indiana

and six cononny nen. The thieves were tracked for two days to
the northward when they v<ere overtaken. _y v-ere Sanpoil

3 in a st.-irvi.n;-; condition. The hor«-,e«j vere recovered "but
rcfuoed to puniah the thievea much to the disgust of the

chief, whose anger was 3ed quite completely by

45
li or hia assistance in r-"eovc-rin£ the horses.

Cox f the following description of the isitu; .lion i.n^ character
, Innians:

The natives of oki' are an :.-->neat, nv.iet tribe.

ire than two hundred v.i^r-iors; cut

as ti'.f -'. on ttorsis of friendshi •> with the Karaloona

nnd thr -soils, ar.d other amall trl >ea in t "ear;

and as tne Columbia in front fcrrvs <--n impassable barrier
againot any -UT ! from their ol<i en^i.iies the Wez Perces,

t>it.-y in a great degree forgotten the oractice of

•odious war* , and ire nor; 3ettled dovn i.^to -i
rather slothful tribe. 46

Ibid ., II, 121,

Ibid. , Ii,i .

Ibid. , II, 37.

29.

.-•3 center for the trade in the Spokane and
the ?lathead country was Sookane House. David Thompson

Lored tn< thwe steps* beginniir/; in

1807. In tne sur? T of 1N12 the Astor party under Clarke
appeared in tne rcj.;i->n and established or>r>osition oosts.
The companies agreed to sell no liquor to the Indians. The
natives of thi 3 part of the Pacific Northwest were quite
uniformly friendly. The only difficulty was that the traders,

'./ell as the i'i -. , \vt;re uu^ject to the attacks of the

Piegan and the Blackfeet Indians from the Rocky Mountains who
had in earlior years \vorated the .^latheads with ease but
wno were not now iio aucceujful since the latter were implied
with guns. Curing the winter of 1312-13, the two companies
-iitere operating up the Columbia from Spokane House; to the
no rtheaat ttts Kutenai country; and to the eaat in tno land

of the I?latheafi3. In :Jece:abor of If312 , a fight with tho ^lack-
feet took nlaco , in which the ?latheada were beaten. Jliey
were '. 'ore an:.<ioua for suo^liea in order to take rovenge

uoon i-hcir .33. In the spring of l")ir«, uoih /arnhrin, of

the Pacific Air Conoon./ , nnU McDonald, of the Horth \Vest Company,
were without tooacco or other trading gooda. The Indians had
a quantity of fura and were so impartial, anci so desirouu for
tobacco, r,hat the p.-irty getting a ouonly of the same first

Alexander Ross with a few fathoms of thick

twist tobacco ro oe aevority-two miles in eight hours from Spokane
House to th Uiead portage, beating the "Northwesters" by

30.

a few hours, but sufficient to obtain the furs.

James McMillan and Ross Cox, in the winter of 1813-14,
found the ^latheads very solicitous for sun^lies as they were
campaigning against the Blackfeet. The latter declared war on
the whites west of the Rocky Kountains because the traders
furnished the Indians with arms. The white men for their own
i interest, and that of the Indians, used their influence to
end this struggle. Both tribes tortured their orisoners.

c illan threatened, in the case of a Jlackfoot girl, that
unless they desisted fcfcett he would leave the country. The
result was that the girl was released. The i'latheads were
also persuaded to send orisoners back to the Blackfeet with

a message to the "Northwesters" in that country to urge the

48
Blackfeet to ado^t the oolicy of exchange of orisoners.

These inter- tribal wars, however, continued to be dangerous to
the traders. In the winter of 1316-17 McMillan was surrounded

at the ^lathead post by the Piegan, licKenzie stated that McMillan

49
had a narrow escape.

The Hudson's Bay Company in the Interior, 1821-1842.-**
During the first ten years of this neriod, fur trading expeditions
were conducted through the Valley of the Snake River. Gome of

[bid.. I, 111.

Ibid., I, 244.

Ibid. , II, 119.

31.

these crossed the Rocky fountains on the east, while others
reached the Humbert River, Great oalt Lake, Klamath Lake, and
the Des Chutes Valley. In the latter part of the period forts
were used, i^ort Boise and Fort Hall, instead of the long trips
extending usually from September of the one year to July of the
next. There were dangers and difficulties without number in
the Snake country. In the barren area, the fear of starving often
forced the traders to eat their horses; the Indians were hostile
in a large part of the region covered; Americans were net with,
which introduced the difficulties that usually existed where
competition arose in an Indian country; and the Iroquois and
half-breeds were often rebellious and always careless. Donald
McKenzie, as we have seen, had successfully conducted the
expedition for the North West Company but not without the
loss of several lives through Indian attacks. With his retire
ment in 1321, iTinan McDonald became head of the Snake expedition,
who was succeeded by Alexander Rosa in 1323. Peter okene Ogden ,
the most important man in the history of the Snake exneditions,
began leading the "brigade" in 1824 and continued in that capacity
until 1830, when he was relieved by John «ork who led the expedi
tion in 1830-31. McDonald and Ross used ?lathead House as their
base of operations. Ogden started his first trip from the
Flathead nost but on November 9, 1825 he arrived at .tfort Walla
Y;alla, which was ua'ed as the base from that time until 1831.
The Piegan, Blackfeet, and Snake were so dangerous, Ross declared,
that the onake Valley would continue a fine hunting region for
generations. Comoared with other fields of activity of the

32.

company, this was by far the most difficult.

Finan McDonald as he was returning from the Hocky
Mountains to Snokane House, between 1821 and 1323, was attacked
by the Piegan. He adopted a policy of extermination which Ross

considered a serious mistake. As a result of the encounter

50
sixty-eight Piegan were killed and McDonald lost eight men.

During the year 1324, Ross Grossed and repressed the main ridge
of the Rocky fountains where he was attacked by the Piegan.
Writing concerning them, he said: "Cannot these outlandish
devils disturbing the peace be annihilated or reduced?" e

shall see that Ogden expressed himself in a similar fashion about

51
the Snake and the Modoc.

Of the six expeditions of Ogden, 1B24-30 , Keening
him almost all the time in the Snake country, we have published
journals of the second, third, fourth, and fifth. Concerning
the first there are references in -work1 a journal for
which tell of Ogden1 8 trouble due to the desertion of a number
of his men to an American camp on the upper Missouri Hiver.
Ogden in his journal for 1825-26 wrote that the Americans were
surprised to find the Hudson1 s Bay Company's men in the upper
Snake Valley as threats had been made by the Americans that
they would attack the Company1 a men if they returned. Ogden wrote

Grinnell , Beyond the Old frontier, T) . 106.

Ross, "Journal of the Snake Expedition, 1324," Oregon
Historical Society, the Quarterly, XIV (1913), 376.

33.

in his Journal on .:arch 22, 1826; in the urmer Snake Valley:
"We cannot be far from the T3la.ce where the Blackfeet killed

one of my oarty last a >ririg" , which refers to the Journey of

52
1824-25.

Ogden1 s hunt of 1325-26 extended the field farther
to the west. He descended the Des Chutea River, crossed
central Oregon, and then went up the Snake Valley. Touring the
firat Dart of the trip their principal difficulties were caused
"by untrustworthy Indian guides in a country where the traders
were not familiar with the geography t and by the absence of food.
Of Indian guides Ogden wrote: "The anxiety and trouble Indian
;uides give is known only to those at their mercy." By the 22
of March, 1826, he reached the uooer Snake Valley. On that date,

I he wrote that they were in dangerous country and that a ri;uard

L i:
had to be posted at night. March 25, thriteen tra^s were stolen.

Hftrch 27, a ^arty of Saskatchewan Indians were met who had come sout]

to steal horses. Aoril 1. Hez Percys were encountered who were

53
stealing horses from the Snake. It was certainly a dangerous

region. Ogden was in favor of some strong measures to insure
the safety of the traders. February 18, 1826, he wrote:

It ia gloomy to reflect the number of lives that have
have been lost in this quarter luonpr Snake Valleyl and

P.S. Ogden, "Journal of the Snake Expedition, 1825-
1826, " Oregon Historical Society, the Quarterly, X, (1909), 355.

Ibid., X (1909), 356,

34.

without the death of one being rev nged, not from want
, tout circumstances which prevented it. 54

Ogden stated Aoril 8, that one of the tranters had
been pursued by the Blackfeet, who would not give them any
peace until an example should be made of some of them. Two
days later the exainnle was made. An Indian horse thfeef was shot

by Thomas ?;CKay. Ogden stated that the Indian would not make

55
another attempt*

A peculiar method of trading was described under
the date June 3, 1826;

In fact, with trie Snakes, you must take them by
surprise, take their "nroporty ere they have time to secure
it, and recompense them for it. By any other means you
cannot obtain anything from them, so averse are they
to trade orovisions, nor do I blai.ie tnem in such a
wretched country; nor would they remain in this quarter,
but the dread of losing their scalps. They are surround
ed on all aides by enemies; are at peace with the Flatheads
and the Ne* Percys but have the Grows, the 1'tas, the
Saskatchewan tribes to guard against. 56

In the above quotation, reference was made orobably
trie poor western Snake while that which follows has to do
vith the mountain Snake. The latter had killed thirteen Americans
and stolen one hundred and eighty traps during the ten months
preceding June 8, 1826. They had, through murder and thoft,
become independent of trade. Ogden had no scruples against
ounishing them. He wrote; "The Americans swear to make an example
of them; I do hooe from my soul they raay.rt 57.

Ibid.. X (1909) , 353.

..5

Ibid., X (1909) , 359.

Ibid., X (1909), 361. 2.

35.

Ogden' s third expedition, 18P,6-27 , followed in
general the route of the second except that he pushed farther
south visiting the Klamath Lake r^ :ion, Harney Valley, and the
Malheur River. Among the Indians of the Klamath Lake country
he found few guna. The Indians feared the l\ez\ Percys and the
Cayuse and therefore regretted the fact that the traders had
come into tne country thus making known the road through the
mountains.

The Modoc Indians snowed the greatest contempt for the
traders co.'i ii tting, according to Ogden, murder and theft at
eveiy opportunity. He believed that they should be punished
severely at the very beginning of intercourse with them in order
that they mi^ht learn to respect the white man. Such a policy,

he thought, would save a great number of lives, and should have

58
been followed in the early contact with the Snake. In fact,

it seems that according to the following, Ogden held rather
extreme views. On February 17, 1827, while among the Modoc,
he vrote: "We all know. Indiana are treacherous, bloodthirsty.
The sooner the exterminating system be introduced among than,
the better." 59. *T

Ibid... X (1909). 362.

Ogden, "Journal of the Snake Expedition, 1826-1827,"
Oregon Historical 3ociety, the Quarterly, XI (1910), 213.

Ibid. , XI (1910), 214.

36.

An incident occurrod a short ti:ne before this

in the course of which Qgden expressed himself against any injus
tice bein;:~ done th' n .ives. Near the mouth of Silviea River,
v/hich flows into Malheur Lake, some of his men killed an Indian
for stealing horses after the Indian had agreed to return the

This conduct on the part of his men Ogden considered
60
disgraceful. The Snake Indians of the Harney Lake region were

met in large numbers and were bold and determined to steal horses

61
in which they were r> .rtially successful .

The fourth expedition abandoned the western route
and followed the Snake Valley. In January 1328, Ogden was in
the neighborhood of the Portneuf River. Here, January 22,
he met Americans who wished him to join in a war of extermination
against the Snake. Ogden feared that the corrroany would
not support him, but his own feelings he expressed quite frankly,
as follows: "Acting for myself, I will not hesitate to say I

would willingly sacrifice a year or two to exterminate the

62
whole Snake tribe, women and children cxcepted."

len was not at all onoosed to gelling liquor to

the Snake Indians as the following shows: "I dread their I the

ArnericansI returning with liquor. A small quantity would be

most advantageous to them but the reverse to me. I know not

Ibid.. XI (1910), 208.

Ibid. , XI (1910), 219.

Ogdeh , ".Journal of the Snake Expedition, 1R27-1828,"
Oregon Historical Society, the Quarterly,. XI (1910), 370.

37.
their intentions but had I the same chance they have, long

since I would have had a good stock of liquor here, and every

63
beaver- in the camp would be mine."

Discussing the situation in the Snake country and
the general nolicy which he believed should be followed, Ogden
made tho following statement, January 26, 1828 :

The Snakes have now about 400 guns obtained in war
excursions against Blackfeet and from trappers they have
» killed and stolen caches. In tho olunder of Heidfs
Fort, they secured 40. Still these villains are allowed
to go unmolested. In any other Dart of the world, the
guilty are nuniahed in England a man ia executed. Power
gives the right. Here we have both r^ower and right, but
dare not minish the guilty. .Vere T>ror>er statements sent
to England or to the Honuble Hudson's Bay Com. 1 am con-
•fident greater power would be granted to Indian traders;
and surely they would not make an improper use of them.
This is the plan the American gentlemen adoot with tribes
on the Missouri; the Spanish also. The missionaries have
done but little: and murders are no longer heard of among
the Spaniards. x'hreats are of no avail among the
Snakes. 64

Ogden ended his fourth trip on July 22 , 1323 with

returns greater than he had expected but not without the loss

iob« 65
of several lives.

^_ ^ During the season 1828-29, Ogden followed the Snake

River to the upper valley. From there he crossed into Nevada
alon^ the Humbol*t Hiver. By Kay of 1329, he reached the Modoc
Indians who attacked individual trat>x>ers. A war T)arty of two

Ibid. , XI (1910), 380.

Ibid., XI (1910) , 371.

Ibid.. XI (1910), 379.

38.

hundred Indiana v;ho intended a surprise attack, were discovered
in time to prevent the destruction of Ogden' s party. At the
time there were only twelve guns in the traders1 camp. Ogden
presented a bold front, stopped the Indians at five hundred
yards, and refused their request to enter his camp. These

Indians had rifles and ammunition but went away without making

56
any disturbance.

It is said that Ogden reached southern California
during the season of l«29-i$30 . (The term California at
this period was applied loosely to the northwestern Dossesaions

of Mexico.) There has been no journal of this expedition

.:• -. H*i ' *ti io!4 to
published.

John Work, during the season 1830-31 passed through
the Snake Valley and crossed over to the Salt Lake region. An
attack by twenty tilackf =et near Wood River caused the death
of two of the party, August 22, 1830. Friendly Snake Indians

were met, October 21, 1330, who had recently killed two Blackfeet

68
Indians. Along the Snake River the Blackfeet were troublesome.

Ogden, "Jou-rnal of the Snake Expedition, 1828-1829,"
Oregon Historical Society, the Quarterly, XI (1910), 395.

Elliott, "Peter Skene Ogden, Fur Trader," Oregon
Historical Society, the .Quarterly,. XI (1910), 251.

John Work, "Journal of the Snake "Expedition, 1830-1831,"
Oregon Historical Society, the Quarterly, XIII (1912), 366.

39. .

They stole three horses and the Snake stole twenty- seven. In
June 1831, the Indians stole two traps and attempted to steal

horses, fork's journey was no execution to former expeditions

69
in that losses were suffered in traps, horses, and lives.

Early attests were made to build forts in the Snake
country by Reed and LicKenzie. Their successors did not
attempt a fixed establishment until Tathaniel Jarvis v.'yeth,
a Boston trader, built Fort Hall in 1834. Shortly afterward,
Thomas McKay erected Fort Boise as an oTroosition nost at
the mouth of 7^r, "but the competition of Wyeth
was of short duration, npon the failure of his plans in 1335,
Fort Hall waa sold to the Hudson's Bay Company and became
the upper Snake Valley poot for that organization. Wyeth
thought that the country between the Snake River and the
Cascade fountains was not occupied by the comany. We have
seen that Ogden had found the region unprofitable. Vyeth
attempted to gather beaver in the Valley of the Des Chutes in
the winter of 1834-35 out he, too, found very few furs in that

area. January 27, 1835, six of hi 3 horses were stolen by

70
the Snake Indians.

The disposition of the Indians in the neighborhood
of Fort Hall had not changed by the later thirties. H. H. Spal.
ding, October 2, 1836, wrote: "This is a dangerous situation,

Ibid.. XIII (1912), 300, 314.

N.JJ. Wyeth, "Correspondence and Journals," Sources
of the Ki story of Oregon, I, ^ts. 3-6, p. 235.

40.

in the vicinity of the Blackfeet, a "bloodthirsty Indian

tribe, frequently at the gates of the fort, have destroyed

71
many lives, and stolen hundreds of horses." Thomas J. Farn-

har. , vugust 5, 1839 , had the following to say concerning
the Blackfeet Indians in the vicinity of Fort Hall: "As ever

they wage exterminating war upon the traders and trappers and

72
the Oregon Indians." Both Spalding and Farnham wrote that the

Indians in the region about ^ort 3oise were friendly.

We have seen how numerous the trials of the fur
traders were south of the 46 parallel between the Rocky and
the Cascade Mountains. North of that line in the uoper
Columbia Valley, a different story is to be told. The first
and controlling cause of the difference was that the Indians
were oeaceable; second, the tribal wars had less effect upon
the fur traders; third, the American competition was not
important; and fourth, provisions were not difficult to obtain.
In the southern area. there were no forts established until

. ; • n\ « IT

1834 • In the northern region, there were five established
between 1807 and 1818 by the "Northwesters", Spokane 11 o se in
the center, Kutenai House to the northeast, Flathead House to
the east, Fort Okanogan to the west, and j?ort Walla Walla to
the south. These posts received suoolies from the "brigade"

H. H. Spalding, "Letters .. .Oct. 2, 1836," Oregon
Historical Society, the Quarterly F XIII (1912), 372.

Grinnell, Trails of the ^athfinders, p. 385.

41.

as it oasued on the Columbia Hiver and turned over to i t
the furs th-it had b^en collected. The trade was completely ays-
tematized. The Indians soon learned what the company's tariffs
were , and that they must accent them.

There was no desire to exterminate the Indians nor
to sell then liquor. °ea<*e and prosperity was the general
condition of the region during the oeriod. John Work said that
it was a pleasure to trade with the i'lathead Indians. Wyeth

described them as brave, unobtrusive, alow to anger , clean,

73
and moral but not industrious. Their never ceasing wars with

the Blackfeet was the only hindrance to perfect trade conditions.

The Missions in the Uoper Columbia Valley, 1836-1842.
This region was in some respects a favorable one for missionary
work. Conditions, however, were by no means Derfect. The
Indians were peaceable, but not weak, nor docile. They were
not inclined to become a settled people which the missionary
always found an essential for the success of his work. In the
eastern part of the area, the Indians defended upon the buffalo
for a large r)art of their living which meant excursions into
disputed territory lasting sometimes several years.

Sir George Simpson, .November 25, 1841, made the
following statements concerning the missions in the Pacific
Northwest :

The country is studded with missions, from the shores

Wyeth, ga; cit., I, t)ts. 3-6, D. 19r>.

42.

of the Pacific to the skirts of the Rocky Mountains,
on the jouthfand east) side of the Columbia River and...
ihey Lthe American ^rotestantal are endeavoring to
extend thoir influence to the northward of that stream.

I cannot learn that the I the American Protestants!
are successful, or taking much r>ains to be so in the
mo r 1 :;nd religious instruction of the natives.

Their presence Tthe Roman Catholic si has been nro-
ductive of much good and ...we have every reason to
be satisfied with them. 74

The above remarks applied primarily t > the region
west of the Cascade Mountains, although Sinpson mentioned four
Protestant missions and one Catholic mission in the region
under consideration

With the exception possibly of * the Canadian Drieste,
the mission incentive was the series of delegations sent to
^t. Louis by the Flathead Indians. There can be little doubt that
the early knovfledge of the white man's religion was gained by
the.se Indians from the French Canadians and the Iroquois. April 30,

1833, V.yeth wrote of the custom of these Indians of keeping

75
Sunday and of having prayers re^rul rly. The first of these

delegations, 1B31 , was the cause of the Methodist and the "American

-d/ni ssions , but neither of these groups located in the
'1 thead country. Later delegations from the ?lathead Indians

followed in 18:35, 1837, and 1B39. It was in answer to the last
these appeals that Pierre de Smet began a work which in his

great enthusiasm he honed, against obstacles clearly understood,

4. George oir.vDson, "Letters, 1B41-43," the American

Historical Review,. XIV ('1908-09), 79-81.

Wyeth, or), cit.. I, ots. 3-6, p. 192.

I - c route an In<: ten (inr.luding, according to his

,'100 Indians of the* vail" f the Columbia and

ri) that d christianize and civilize these

natives .

•sot, in tho err • of 1040, HS Whitman >i

i ••"..- -rs ear.U , proceeded to the; Rocky Mountains, and

then returned for heifer , , an, as Whitman had d->ne, re

traced h. > the following year in order to found his

missions.

ior to the bo^inning of the Rocky

•itain mi union :,ober 27, 183,% the Second "Provincial

Council of -.-,-• itiiooro of the Roi/ian Catholic Church had petitioned
Rome that the Indian rtiaaiona of the mi ted States be confided
to the .locioty of Jeaus, vhich was d >ne, July 1:6, 1B34*

•it, on his journey to the fathead
reached ;/ort Hall, August, '^5, 1841, viiere he was
cordially treated by the Protestant, Brunei a "rmatiriger of
the Hudson1 Cotnoany. ( De .^net always snoke in the highest

terms of the Cornoany's "gentlemen1*.) l^rmatinger agreed to do
all that he could to help the Vathers in their v.ork among the

cie Indians. De omet nreachod to the Shoehoni Indians who invi
ted hirr. to oatabliuh a i i Lh-^ir country. There can be
n ^ .oubt that -^ath r de t hoped to accept this invitation later
c that was not t) be?6'

H. M. Ciiittenden, rd., Life, Lott^ra and Travels
of Father ")iarre-Je&n de JTnr-t, o.J<t 1Q01> 1.^73, I, 21B.

44.

As Be Sinet travelled north he met the Bannock,
' ^mber 1, 1H41 , a chief of whom ^romised; to r>ersuade
his men to aclont religious views. De Smrt desired to end
the conflicts between these Indians and the Flatheads, relative
to which he wrote: "I hose that we shall hr:ve no difficulty
to bring on a reconciliation. The Flatheads will undoubtedly

follow the advice we shall give them and I foel confident that

77
the Bannocks will be satisfied."

Of all the tribes in the area where Father de Smet
planned to do effective work, the Blackfeet were admittedly

the moat h->",tilo. Concerning these he said he had been assured

78
that they would receive a Mblack^own.w

The first mission, 3t. Mary's, was established in

the Bitter Root Valley, September 24, 1841, among the Plathead

79
Indians. A definite nolicy waa f ^r rulated which was designed

to accomolish the solution of the Indian t>roblem, for the valley

Ibid., I, 314.

Ibid.. I, 318.

Ibid. , I, 316, note. St. Mary's mission was located
on the ri^ht bank of the Bitter Root River between old Fort
Owen and Steven sville. The mission was closed in the airing of
1850, and ro"br>oned in IB' 6 under Father RavallS.

45.

of the kissouri and the Columbia, ot . Mary's was to be the
nucleus and the model. This plan was outlined by Father de
Smet, October 18, 1841, as follows:

The wonderful manner in which we ha^e been called,
sent arid led to this new mission; still more the good
dispositions manifested by the Indians, will appear very
oroT>er motives to inspire us with fresh courage, and with
the hope of establishing here, on a small scale the order
and regularity which once distinguished our missions in
?arn,^uay. 80

Father de Gmet gave the following details concerning
the ^lans for the first mission:

To facilitate the attainment of the end in view,
we have chosen the t>lace of the first missionary station,
formed the plan of the village, made a division of the
lands, deternined the form of the various buildings, etc.
The buildings deemed most necessary and useful at present
are the church, schools, workhouses, storehouses, etc.
Next we have made regulations respecting Dublic worshir),
religious exercises, instructions, catechisms, confrater
nities, the administration of the sacraments, singing,
music, etc. All this is to be executed in conformity
with the plan formerly adopted in the missions of
°araguay. 81

In carrying out these r>lans, a rule and regular
routine were provided. The rule specified the conduct of the
converts toward God; their neighbors; and themselves. It warned
against in^ediate relations with the whites. The Indians were
to be taught in their own language and education was to be limit
^d to reading, writing, arithmetic, and singing, as further
study might lead to error. All effort was a rroans to one great
end, namely; "The illumining by faith the ignorance of the

Ibid. , I, 316.

Ibid., I, 327.

46.

savage." the cU.ily riutine was fixed. The anp-olua waa
rung as a oignal for rising, thirty minutes later prayera
were said in connon, which were followed by mass and in
struction, then regular morning visits were made to the
oick by one of the Bathers , at 2:00 P.M. a regular class in
the catechism v.-ao conducted (in order to create interest*
tickets, medals, and teams were used with these classes),

a second instruction took place at sunset, and the day

82
was closed with prayers.

In the winter of 1B41 , father Point accompanied
the Flatheads to the buffalo hunt but ,*fter a few trials
it was found that-due to lack of time for religious services
and collisions with the Blackfeet- influence was weakened
both with trie ^latheads and the .dlackfeet. The practice was
therefore discontinued. One of the aims of the missionaries
was to r>ersuade the Indians to give un these excursions into
the "Buffalo Country^&nd engage in agriculture, which would

not only keer> the Indinris at hone, but bring to an end the

83
Flathead-Blackfoot wars. It was this ha^py condition that

the Jesuits hoped to bring about by means of the "Paraguay
system." ?e

In order to devolope an agricultural community
it was necessary to have suDolies. For this ^uroose Father
de Smet went to the Hudson's Bay Company's post at Fort

Ibid.. I , 336.

Ibid. , I, 360.

47.

Colvile, where ne arrived October 23, 1841. On hie return,
he met 3 vie of the Kalispel Indiana who knew .the prayers of
the church. A'hio they had accomplished by sending a repre
sentative to 'che ^lathead mission to learn the religious
ceremonies. i'hey were very pleased \;i th the information given
them by De Limet that a missionary would soon be aent to them.
.During this -trip, ather de Jni' u an Indian chief who told

him that an American minister had stated thcLt De Smet's
religion ^as not a good one. Father de 3met wrote concerning
the incident: "1 nad no trouble in making him understand the
difference between those gentlemen anci priests, and the cause

of their calumnious attacks against the only true church

84
of Christ, which their ancestors had abandoned."

The need of sunnlies and a desire to plan the

work of the missions in conjunction with the Canadian priests,
determined De Jmet to visit the low-r Columbia. He went down
by way of the Columbia from J'ort Colvile and returned through
the Llez Perce country. This trip was made between Anril and
July 1842.

Many tribes were visited on this Journey. Of the
Kalispel, he said, that . they were still faithful and that
polygamy and gambling were their only sins. On April 14, he
reached the camp of the Kutenai. They were favorably disposed

.f I, 347,

48.

and adopted the custom of morning and evening prayers. At
rt Golvile he instructed, ba-ntized, and translated prayers.

3 was not tiieir first acquaintance with a "black-robejn'or
father Demers had made then visits in former years. Concerning
the Okinagan Indians leather de 3inet wrote; May 13, 1842: "How
much good a missionary could do, who would reside in the

midst of a people who are so desirous of receiving instruction

35
and correspond BJ faithfully with the grace of God."

The Protestant missionaries, De oFiet asserted,

during four years in the Spokane country, "have baptized several
of their own children, but they seldom see the Indiana," who
were delighted with the news that a "blackgown" would soon
establish a mission among them,

?ro:n the Walla Walla country^ father de omet proceeded
to visit the Coeur d'Alene Indians. He was welcomed.' ^ ^ taught
them some of the religious services, and promised that a'
mission would be built in their midst.

The Coeur d'Alene mission was established on the

« _ ,

first Friday in November 1342 by father Point and Brother Huet
and was called the mission of the Sacred Heart of Jesus. This
plan had been made before father de 3met left the tflathead
country in July to return to St. Louis and thence to -Jurope
for aid of men and means. Before leaving the ^lathead country
Father de Smet organized two societies for the propagation of

Ibid.. I, 381.

devotion to the "Sacred Heart." The society for the men

was headed by Victor, the Flathead chief; and the women's

M
by Agnes, ais wife.

Five years before the Jesuits started their
mission in the Bitter Root Valley, the American Protestants
began their work in the urmer Columbia Valley. The leading
soirit of these missions was Marcus Whitman. Samuel Parker
visited the Hudson1 s Bay posts at Colvile, Okanogan , Y/alla

Vvalla, and Vancouver between September 1035 and 1-iay 1836 for the
"Board," but left by sea a short time before the arrival
of Whitman at Vancouver. This journey was a result of the
Flathead or Hex Perec's delegation of 1831 to St. Louis, the
story of which was related in the Christian Advocate, March
22, r&33^ and May 10, .833. Parker and Whitman had decided

that trie missions should be established, when Whitman turned

87
back from the Rocky Mountains in 1835.

The Whitman oarty crossed the plains in the summer
and fall of 1836. They Droceeded to J?ort Vancouver where the
women remained, while the men returned to Fort Walla Walla to
choose a site and erect the necessary buildings at \Vaiilatpu
which was the place selected. In the spring of the following
year H. H. Spalding founded the mission for the Nee Perces
at Lapwai in the Clearwater Valley. In 1839, Elkanah Walker

Ibid. , I, 375. The Coeur d'Alene mission was ori
ginally located on the .it. Joseph's River. It was later moved
to the Coeur d'Alene River near Cataldo, and from there to a
site near Farming ton, Idaho.

.Jrinnell , j? rail 8 of the Pathfinders, up. 360-371;
Chittenden, ed., Life of De Smet, I, 27.

50.

and Gushing < . eat- is ".ion on the Chemakane

-kain; in the iJ^oVanc country. It was soon found
that the mission oolicy must be to encourage the Indiana
to a in agriculture so that they would become a
settled oeoole. In March of . hitman wrote:

It seened important to make a beginning that
would encourage the Indians at the outside, that we
might the sooner gain access to thera and try the
influence of cultivation and a settled manner of life,
not forgetting th-.t it is the gospel which we come
to bring and that our great business is with the mind,
and not the body. But while we acquire their langu ?ge
and are preparing to instruct them, they are not idle

, vrs. They u :t be nncov. raged in the most
useful habits. Everything seems encouraging in our
D r ' t s .

In tho fall of 1R49, Thomas J. Farnham visited the
'^hitman mission and *rote , as follows, cone- rning the v/ork
of Waiilatpu:

le course ou.roued by -litnian and the other
:3resbyterian missionaries to improve the Indians is to

ch them the Nez Perce language, according to
fixed grammatical rules, for the ourpose of opening
to them the arts and religion of civilized nations through
the medium of books. ^hey also teach them practical agri
culture and the useful arts for the tmrpose of civilizing
their physical condition. 89

The work at these missions was rather discouraging
during 1841. Although some progress had been made in agri
culture as shown by the fact that many of the Indians had

tches of wheat, corn, and ->otatoes iwhich were growing well,
yet they were insolent and difficult to manage. Dray ton, of

Myron Eells, Marcus Whitman, p. 102.

Ibid. , t). 115.

51.

of the '.Vilkeg1 ex^ed:. "d uhat the r.isnions had had

90
littl* ccea . out this ti;ae Dr. Whitman was stwuck

r;il tines by lent 1 a. They demanded: that they
be CM! tn :ny t>urt o r thr -ii onion home; that they
be Tmid for their lands; e,nd that they be Wight only oarts
of the Bible, omitting reft* once a to thsir sins. also
turned their horse.- i itD the raisoion corn field.

Htltinan looked ajjiead toward the day when the
religious work a Q missionary would inclir-le the leading
of Christian .uierican cnn-.-. unities. lie saw, as De 3met saw,
the wave of e- T tiori coming to occupy the lands of the
Indians.. Concorning the general situation, Whitnan wrote:

•h the Indiana have ra«rtde and are making

rapid advancement in religious knowledge and civilization,
yet it cannot ra honed th-;t titao will be allowed to
mature the work of Ghristiariization or civilization before
white settlers will demand the soil and the removal of
both the Indiana and the missions. I have no doubt our
greatest work is to be to aid the Vhite settlement of
this country and help to found its religious institutions.
To ^uide as fur as can be , and direct these tenden
cies for the best, is evidently the part of wisdom. 91

In the fall of 1842, the "American Board" missionaries
received information that those in authority were seriously con
sidering discontinuing the Oregon missions. After the experiment
of six years there seemed to be a feeling among the controling
element in Boston that the missions were an unwarranted exoense.

i_L . , t>« 1 :1.

Chittenuen, o^ . c:it.L I , 27 .

52.

The Hud son* a Bay Company We at of the Cascade
Mountains, 1321-1842...-- During the D'Tiod from 1821 to 1842
the contjany broadened the field of the fur traders in this
area by occupying Puget oound and southwestern Oregon.
The first locution in the northern district was S'ort Langley.

This was follcwed by /ort 1U squally at the head of the 3ound.
Ivirard the end of the T: ..riod the company built a station at
Victoria. Only at the latter 7)1 -ice was there any fear of
the Indiana. However, serious trouble occurred on the south
side of the Strait of Juan de tfuca in 1828.

During November and December 1824^ James McMillan

and John V.ork led a r> rty from ?ort George to the mouth

913
of the Ya -er River without mishap. Three years later, January

1828, Alexander UcKenzie and four men wore killed by the
Clallam Indians as the oarty was coming south from Fort Langley.
In the summer, an expedition under Alexander kcLeod was sent north
fro 'ort Vancouver to punish these Indiana. The land expedi
tion v/as assisted by the ship Cadboro which was met near Port
To?/nsend. According to Ermatinger* s account, the Indians were
killed inaiscriminately , without any attempt to uuniah only

those who had committed the crime. This was certainly

93
contrary to the policy of McLoughlin.

Work, "Journal, November and December 1824," the
Washington Historical Quarterly L III (1908-12), 198.

/rank "Irmatinger, "Notes connected with the Clallam
expedition," the Washington Historical Quarterly, I (1906-7),
16-19, 2nd paging; C.O. Ermatinger, "Hudson1 s Bay Company
on the Columbia,'' the Washington Historical Quarterly, V (1914),
197.

53.

.Fort Hi squally, founded in 1833 in the up^er
jt Sbund region, was located among docile Indians. The
following incidents illustrate the fur traders' methods
of dealing with them. On June 21, 1833f an Indian chief was
given ^resents for services and good conduct and told to

visit the Clallam Indians and ask them to bring their furs
94

to the fort. December 'I, 183-1, it v,as recorded that the

Indians \vere giving trouble ->u-;h stealing .;he iron parts

of the bout. This was expected to continue until the thieves

95
were discovered and Duniahed. On Sunday, February 1, 1835,

the "gentleman" of the post preached to the Indians. He told

them what was right arid thnt they should keei> on good terms

96
with one another. .en treated kindly the Indians sometimes

failed in ;.;•, \.i tude . >ruary 26, 1^35, a oiek Indian was

sweated in a coin^any blanket. Upon recovery he attempted to

' 97
steal the blanket. There were disagreements arising from

the changing of the co'crouny* ^ tariffs, but the u^ner Puget
Sound region was a V(jry peaceable place under the regi re of

94 to

C.B. Bagley, "Journal of Occurrences at Ni squally

House," the ^ac'Un^ton Ilidtorical ^uctrtcrly.,. VI (1915), 183.

(1916) ,151.

1 Jid. .. VII (1916), 158.

Ibid., VII (1916), 161.

54.
the Hudson's hay CorrDony.

oroaa the Strait of Juan de j?uca on Vancouver
Island the situation, "Hovernber 25, 1841, was very different.
Concerning the ferocity of the Indians ^and the need of a large
post and a -ni^, for protection against ther , 'rliwoson wrote
as follows:

There is a very large T>onulation of daring, fierce,
and treacherous Indians on, and in the neighborhood of
the southern shore of Vancouver's Island, so that a
heavy est.-vblisnment of people, say from 40 to 50 officers
and men will "be reouired, for its protection in the
fir^t instance; but with the occasional presence of the
steamer, whose power «nd ubiouity >i93 done more in ray
opinion to take tnose daring hotdes tnan all tho other
means t •> th %t end that have bet--,, wrought into action

. ^eo, not only the new de^ot , but every other
establishment on the coast may in due time be reduced. 98

The southwestern Oregon Indians had a bad
re-nutation from the beginning of intercourse with them.
The wooded and mountainous nature of the country made it
difficult to ouniah the Indi.-ms and easy for them to attack
small ^.-^rtiea. The Hudson1 afBay Company's "brigade11 through
the region bep-an in 1828. John McLeod established #ort Um-oqua
in 1832. -icum wrote that all of the American oarties, except

one, had been destroyed while alternating to r>ass through south
western Oregon, and that the Americans accused the subordinate

agents of the Hudson's Bay Company of instigating the Indian

99
attacks. Jedediah Smith's r>arty suffered at the hands of the

ijiwpson, "Letters, 1841-1843," the American Historical
Review, XIV (1SOS-OS). 34.

W.A. Slacum, "Memorial, 1836-37," Oregon Historical
Society, the Quarterly. XIII (1912), 189.

Um-oqua Indian . -/lost their furs and twelve of

the fifteen ™eri,v?ho made up the T>arty, we-f-e Villed, The

•••••ere recovered by -A rvirty pent o\;t frorr, Fort

100
by in. The "brigade" of the cov.^any

was fairly s;\fe because it war l^r,^ crouch to provide
-sroter t I ;Jo not doubt that if the ptory of the

trit)8 that were rn-Kle through this country were as well
known an o through the Snake country that there v/ould

be many in- ->f collisions with the Indiana to relate.

Blanchet about 1 :M.2 wrote c^ncernin- this region: "In
southern Or it Ethf- 'on them 3ri^??de1 had to r»snn through

a very warlike, wicked and treacherous race of Indians, waiting
in ambuscade for the nurnose of robbing and killing pnimals

and men, on all occasions. Hence the name of Lee Coquins

101
given to ther. ... by the men of the brigade."

Hudson's Bay Conrx,ny activities west of
ino r.ocky Mountains were directed by John McLoughlin. The

nt to the ^nrmny of 1821 contained provisions for the
protection of the Indiana. This grafct was renewed in 1838 for
a poriod of twenty years for the tmroose of encouraging trad«
with the Indians and for preventing the evils of competition

100

John i.icLoushlin, "A Narrative,11 Oregon Historical
'Jociety, the Quarterly, I (1900), 193.

101

ff. N. Blanchet, Historical Sketches of the _ Catholic
Church in Oregon, p. 94.

56.

uoon them. The general Indian policy was set down as follows
in the company's rules:

That the Indians be treated with kindness and
indulgence; and mild and conciliatory means resorted
to, in order to encourage industry, repress vice, and
inculcate morality that the use of spirituous liquors
"be gradually discontinued in the few districts in which
.it is yet indispensable) and that the Indians be
liberally surv>lied with requisite necessaries- particularly
with articles of ammunition, whether they have the means
of paying, or not. 102

The policy of McLoughlin in personally handling
the Indians was stated by his daughter, as follows:

The Indians caine and asked what is right to be done,
and niy father Itold thenvl what was right and what was
not right whether they should kill such a man for doing
so and j3o. My father said 'No you must not do it it is wrong
and it ~.ould be all stopped. The whites themselves
sometimes troubled the Indians and then they complained
to iay father. He nut men in irons who treated the Indiana
badly. That is the way they kept at Deace with the
Indians. Sometimes they were not satisfied and wanted
to make war against the whites, and my father would make
oeace with them, and talk with their head chiefs, and it
would all die off. The whites I s->oke of were hired men
belonging to the Company. 103

James G. Swan believed that the company's system
of controlling the Indians should be imitated, in general, by
the United States. He characterized i t as combining policy
and humanity. The company limited spirituous liquors. It.

102

. _^ , R. M. Martin, The Hudson's Bay Territories and Van
couver Island, TO. 46; John Dunn, History Oregon Territory,
p. 81 .

103

,:rs. Daniel Harvey, Life of John McLoughlin. MS
(Bancroft Collection), p. 10

aided half-breeds to gain so.ne education. It encouraged
intermarriage of Indians and the company's men. It es
tablished agricultural settlements of old employees, squaws,
half-breeds, and Indian relatives. It taught the Indiana to

believe in the ^ower of the traders and in their treatment

104
as to Drices, x>ay, and ouality of goods.

"•'' ?he attitude of the company toward men in the
Oregon country who v/ere not attached to an organization who
could protect them was stated October 29, 1332, by Wyeth:

I find myself in much diff i oilty on ace. of my
men some of whom wish to leave me and whom the Co. do
not wish to engage no IrJ to have them in the country
without being attached to some Co. able to protect them
alledging that if any of them are killed they will be
obliged to aveng lei it at any expense of money and
amicable relations with the Indians. 105

William Slacum stated that the Indians of the lower
Columbia were afraid to sell to any one except the Company. Con
trol over the Indians was a very powerful means of warding off
American competition which was greatly feared. On this subject
McDonald at Colvile wrote: HWe shall always be able to corrnete
with them|£Americans on the Missouri Hiveid but the moment an

entrepot is formed by American subjects near the mouth of the

106
Columbia good bye to our advantage a." Slacum gave an example

of the policy of the Germany toward American competition on
the lower Columbia. The Indians believed that the sickness of
1829 was brought by the American brig Owyhee . The company

104

Swan, The Northwest Coast, o. 372.

105

Wyeth, op, cit.t I, r>ts. 3-6, p. 176.

106

Archibald McDonald, "Letter, January 25, 1337," the
Washington Kistorical Quarterly, II (1907-03), 257.

•\

. t

made no effort to disabuse the Indian mind of this false idea.
As a result, the Indians, thinking that it would please the
company, ^rooosed to capture Captain Domines's shit) while it was

at the Willamette l?alls, but this action John McLoughlin

107
forbade .

...iaaions 'nest of the Cascade fountains, 1334-1842.--
It has been said that the Hudson's Bay Company was opposed
to trie establishment of missions. Upon that point there may
be ii ome doubt, but it does seem quite clear that McLoughlin did
not desire the erection of missions in the interior of the
country. The Methodist were advised to settle in the Willamette
Valley, and it seems orobable that he urged the "American
Board" missionaries to stay out of the interior. The company

was certainly opposed to the American missionaries working

108
north and west of the Columbia Kiver. Protection and the

transportation of supplies into the interior for the missions
fell as a bufden upon the company. Although the Catholic
priests were allowed to accompany the "brigade" into the interior
in the first years of the mission, yet McLoughlin was rebuked
by Simpson for his action. McLoughlin advised De Smet and
Blanchet to make the Willamette Valley the center/of their
endeavors for the reason that the country would first be settled

107

ilacura, 0-3. cit., XIII (1912). 189.

108

Simpson, "Letters, 1841-1843," the American Historical
Review, XIV (1908-09), 30.

59.

in that region. His idea v;as to allow religious thought

109
to 1 into the interior from the Valley.

The first Catholic missions were established by
Blanchet and Demers, in the Willamette and the Cowlitz Valley.
They arrived at ^ort Vancouver with the "Overland Express t"
November 24 , 187 The company refused to send additional
assistance at "irst but this was overcome by sending two
missionaries by sea, who arrived September 12, 1842. Both
from the missionaries and from Simpson we have the information
that, at the time of the visit of the latter to I^ort Vancouver,
in 1141, he considered the Catholic missionaries useful

and recommended the passage of two priests with the "Express"

110
for the following year.

In addition to the Indians, the Catholic ^riests
served the French Canadian settlors and half-breeds. Some
Of these were retired employees of the company and some of them
c- .e in the fall of 1841 from the Red Rivor of the North to
settle in the Puget 3ound district.

very effort was made by these men to carry

out the very definite instructions given them by the Bishop
of 'uebec, under the date, April 17, 1838, which were the
following:

¥"ou must consider as the first object of your

109

Chittenden, ed., op. cit. , I, 42.

110

Simpson, op. cit., XIV (1908-09), 81; J. B. Z. Bolduc ,
"Letter, August 5, 1842, Raoport sur les missions du Diocese de
Quebec. Ko.5. r> . 109.

60.

. Mission to withdraw from barbarity and disorders which
it •Droduces, the Indi'ina scattered in that country.

Y"our second object is, to tender your services
to the \vicked Christians who have adopted th'-re the vices
of the Indiana, and live in licentiousness and the
f orgetfulnesa of their duties.

Persuaded that the nreaching of the Gosr>el is the
:-,;rest ra^ans of obtaining these hanpy results, you will
loose no o ^ortunity of including its principles and

\xins either in your orivate conversations or rmblic
instruction .

In order to make yourselves sooner useful to the
natives of the country where you are sent, you will airily
yourselves, as soon MS you arrive, to the study of the
Indian 1-in • 3 and will endeavor to reduce them to
regular orinciolea , 30 as to be able to publish a grammar
aft^r some years of residence.

You will prepare for baptism, with all possible
expedition, the infidel women who live in concubinage with
Christians, in order to substitute lawful marriages for
these irregular unions.

LOU will take a particular care of the Christian
education of children, establishing for that purpose,
as much as your raeans will allow, schools and catechism
claques in all the villages which you will have occasion
to visit.

In all the Dlaces remarkable either for their
oosition or the passage of the voyagers, or the gathering
of the Indians, you will -olant more crosses, so as to
ta v : - ion of those places in the name of the Catholic
religion. Ill

The missionary .journey of the etnodist, Jason Lee,
in 1334, was a direct result of the 71athead delegation of
1031. As has been stated the location of the mission in the
Willamette Valley was advised by McLoughlin, although Lee did
not decide on that region until after a Dersonal examination
bf the valley. The mission was started some ten miles north of
Salem at Branch ^rairie, where a regul r settlement was
I developed. Additional missionaries arrived May 18, 1337,

111

Blanchet, on. cit., p. 26.

61.

inc'uai? . lijah White r-nd others. CJlacum wro te, January 18*

1837, of t) ly work of the mission in very favorable terms;

On my return to the civilised parts of our country,
I snail not hesitate to express my humble opinion Uuit
you have already effected a great public good, by
rvrac tic.-.lly showing; that the Indians vest of the Kocky
Mountains are caonble of the union of mental and physical
discipline, as taught at your establish, ont. >'or I have
seen v. i In my ov;n eyeo children }w ho , two yer.ra ago were roam
ing their own n- t^-ve in a state of savage barbarism
be. -lught within the knowledge of moral nnC religious
instruction, becomim: useful members of society by being
tfrht the r.ost useful of All tho arts, «;r;ri culture , and
-1 this without the elichtest corr-.>u2>sion. 112.

m Lee crossed the plains, in the summer
of 1838, in order x,o persuade the Board of Managers of the

I ::T)iacoT)al Church to send out more assistants. The
r>lan v increase tiie scone of the vork by Ooi>vbli3hin/i

iasions in uie Uripqua Valley, on j Sound, and at Clatsop

Plains. The first branch mission uaa established, in March 1838,
at The Dalle 3 by Daniel Lee.

With the arrival of the "Great Peenf orcenerit" in
, Utional missionaries and helpers were sent to the
Wii: fete isaion and to The Dalles, while others were sent
to Cl-taoT) ulairiG, Pu^ct Jound, and the Urmoqua Valley. The

t of t-iese 'mission enterprises to be abandoned was the r>lan
8 in the Unoqua Valley. In the aunmer of 1^40, Gustavus
Hincs and Jason Lee made a .journey to ?ort Unroqua , ;ind from
there to the mouth of the Unrpqua River. They were accompanied

112

Gustavua Hines , wild Life in Oregon, p. 21.

62.

"by the Indian v,-if e of the Hudson* 3 .Bay Company1 c commander
at the fort, Mr. Goniea, who ur>on their return, informed them
that their lives had been s ved by the watchfulness of
his wife. The min^i viories reached the Willamette Valley in

safety but the olan to establish a mission in the Umpqua

1X3

Valley was ^iven lit'" rther c >n .-^duration, The second

of the Methodist missions to bo dl -Jnno.-i, was the

Sound station. Dr. .'Uchraond was sent to that re-;ion in 1840

but remained IOTO than tv.-o years for he left Oregon in 1842,

and no one was sent to 3uget Jounu to take his olace. Rlijah

V.hite .left tne mission in 1841 after a disagreement vith Jason

Lee. It may hn.ve been his report on the Oregon missions that

created the belief, on the oart of the Methodist Board

of Managers ,hat the exDense of the missions was not justified.

However that rnay be, it is true that the ove ent for the dis

continuance of the L'ethodist missions began before the end of

1842.

The Corning of the American Settlers. 1Q42-1849. - -
The American Society for Kncou racing the Settlement of thr
Oregon Territory was organized by Hall J. Kelley in 1829.
The Dlans included definite ideas relative to Indian -00! icy.
The 3ociety in I1- 7.1 memorialized Congress:

To incoruorate their Society with -nower to
tj.n£uis!:i uhe Inixirin title, tq oucii tracts and extent
of territory, at the mouth of the Columbia, and at the
junction of the ;Aultonozttc**h with the Columbia, as may
Hbci adequate to the laudable objects and oursuits of
aetticrs.

113

T h i f )

j. u J. u • f_

The critics of Kelley said that his colonists
would be murdered by the Indians. In rer)ly he described
the Indian situation and the Indian policy of the colony,
ao follows:

The first ninety niles of the banks of the
Columbia River are occupied by eight independent tribes
of Indians, numbering eight thousand souls; these
include about 1000 male adults, v/ho are truer in the
excellence of moral integrity- are more ho'oni table
to strangers and leas disposed to quarrel than those
on the eastern side of the Rocky Mountains. They are
fond of the society of white men, and will long continue
to a^r>reciate , and promptly to reciprocate honest and
fair dealing. Nothing is more remote from the intentions
of the 3ociety than to oppress them, or to occupy their
lands without making amole and satisfactory remunerations.
So far from this, it is desired, that each head of a
family receive a lot of % land. That the Chinook be
located on the back lots, in the sea port tov/n^v/here
they can be instructed, and encouraged in cultivating garder
grounds, and wbcre schools can bo opened for their children,
be. 114

Although Kelley spent a great deal of effort in
attempting organized colonization of Oregon, his project failed*.
Independent nioneers gathering on the Missouri frontier rather
than an organized society or corporation from New England were
to be the blazers of the long tatail across the plains, over
the mountains^ and down the valley to the sea.

In the fall of 1842 the annual migrations into the
Oregnn country began, and in a few years a new element, the

American settler, became the dominant factor in dealing with

115
the Indians. At the beginning of the period the Indians had

114

Kelley, A General Circular to All V/ho Viash to
tfrnigrate to the Oregon Territory, r)n. 11, 20.

115

F. V. Holman , "Oregon Provisional Government," Oregon
Historical Society, the Quarterly, XIII (1912), 132. Emigration
into the ^>acifi c Northwest : 1842, 112; 1843, 875; 1844, 1400;
1845, .3000; 1846, 1500; 1847, 4000; 1848, few; 1849, few.

64.

no reject for tho American . / th wrote in 1839: "The

Americans are unknown as a nation, and, as individuals their

116
power is dis-nised by thp natives of the land. This attitude

changed sonewh t ~ the Cayuse Indian War.

The firnt emigrant party, 1842, was led by iilijah
White, who 1337 until 1H41 had been a rnenber of the

Mtthodist Mission in the Willamette Valley. White had been
instructed by the United Stat .1 dovernrnent to accompany the

emigrants. He had been appointed sub-Indian agent for the

117
territory west of the P.ocky Mountains. The question arises

what right had the TTnited States to Rpr>oint an administer tive
officer in a : which it had no control. Dr. McLoughlin,

April 14, 1813, wrote to Archibald McKinlay at Fort Walla Walla
that Yrtiite could not be recognized as an Indian agent of the

United States (Jovernrnent because the ownership of the country

: not been decided; and that he should neither allow an Indian
council to be held in Fort V/alla Walla, nor attend any Indian
council with Dr. \i-.ite. Thia cler.rly showed the attitude of

the Hudson's Ba / Cornoany. ?urt: * cLoughlin stated March 20,

118
1844, that a great part of the Americans were hostile to xhite.

The Catholic missionary, Mode. t< -emers, vrote concerning

116

th, "Correspondence and Journals," jources of the
History of Oregon ^ I, pts. 3-6, p. xix.

117

White, A Concise View of Oregon Territory, P. 3.

118

McLoughlin to , jimp son, ^ar. 20, 1844, Oregon Historical
oociety, the Quarterly. XVII (1916), 237.

65.
, 1J- 14, as follows:

Dr. -ilfhite who formerly resided in the country,
has returned with authority to establish certain

the auv-i^s only. In using his authority
he has aroused the savages against him and it ia
feared thnt there will "be more trouble than before. 119

ji r Virge ;Unp3on wrote concerning \Vhite, June 21,

120
1843 he was "active, forward and very presumptuous."

V. Holman asserted that V/hite'a duties were
never defined and the right of the government to appoint an

-ent never explained. He commented on the conduct of V/hite,
as follows:

)r« hi it lacked in rep.l authority he supplied
by hib imagination and ingenuity. His attenrotg to act
as qu&si-ri v i '.,h oiooosition and in some casep;

with resentment. He was in frvvor of a provisional

•riment, orovifiecl he was chosen governor and be, at the
same time, 'Sub-Indian Agent1. 121

Gustavus Hines described the meeting of the
settlers at the time of the arrival of White in the Oregon
country in the fall of 1842:

The subject of organizing a government was again
revived in September 1842; but Dr. ' hi te v/ho was now
in the country as Sub-agent for Indian Affairs, contended
that his office was equivalent to that of Governor of
the Colony. oone of the citizens contended that the
Doctor's business w 5 to regulate the intercourse . etv/een
the Indians and the whites, and not to control in their

119

Modeste Deiners, "Letter, ay 5, 1844," Rapport sur
-issions du .Oiocese de Quebec, Xo . 6 , p . 64 .

120

R. C. Clark, "How British and American Subjects Unite..,"
Oregon Historical Society, the Quarterly, XIII (1912), 45.

121

Holman, "Ore.-- >n Provisional Government," Oregon
Historical Society, the Quarterly, XIII (1912), 132.

66.

intercourse amoncc themselves. Without arriving at
any thing definite on this noint, after hearing the
documents "brought to the country from Washington
by Dr. '..hi te , the people scattered away to their
homes ur>on the nlains, pleased with what they con
sidered to be a preliminary steo of the United Stales
towards extending jurisdiction over the Territory of
Oregon. 122.

In November of 1842 there were reports in the
Willamette Valley that thrs upoer Oregon Indians planned
to destroy the settlements. There were also calls from
the interior urging that \.-hite, the sub-agent, visit

that nart of the country in order that the distrubed spirit

122
among the Indians might be quieted. V.hite stated that in the

fall of 1842 Whitman had been treated insolently and ' threatened
by the Indians, and th t ifter he had left for the East,
the Indians had broken into the house where Mrs. Whitman was
staying. Pwo days after this incident the mill at Waiilatpu was

destroyed by fire. At Lapwai , in the Liez •'erce' country, the

124
iciings had also been threatened by the Indians.

These were the reasons for the journey of Vhite,
in the winter of 1342, to the country of the vYallawalla,
e/'.ni. ez ^erce' Indians. x'rie first council was held
Dece ber 3, 1842 among the 14ez tree's, with the assistance
of ArcnibalcL McKinlay, Cornelius Rogers, and Thomas McKay.

oe men urged the Indians to live on terms of peace 'with the

122

Hines, on. ci t . , p. 421.

123

Hines t •> the Jecretary of \Var, April 3 , 1843, white,
A Concise view of Oregon territory , n. 4.

124

White to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, Ar>ril 1,
1 1 3 , i id. , o . .

67.

whites. 7 -je Indians replied that they were glad that the
sub-agent : j 6CM among t le difficulties. At a

second coun 11 nice stated .the connolairvws of the mi* ries,

to which the In answered that the mi Bdeeds were 'due to

misunderstandings and tne unruliness of the young 7/arrioru.
White advised, in order to orevent difficulties in the future,
that the Indians cnoose a high c.Ld ef and adopt certain laws.
These ->r .)vi.Ued oun_ n; for murder, incendiary, theft, and

tresoass. Juring the morning of the folloving day, the Indians
•greed to the laws and elected iSllis to thefplace of high
chief. The afternoon was devoted to feasting, and in the
evening the grievances of Raiding and the Indians were di a-
cussed for the last time and settled. On the folloving day,
after warning tae chiefs that they \vjuld be held responsible
to the aub-agerit for the conduct of their Indians, \vhite
distributed nresents and departed for the Willamette Valley.
At Vf'aiilat^u, a council was not held with the Cayuse on account
of the absence of the Drincipal chiefs. Arrangements werf made,
however, for a meeting the following siring. On the way down
the Columbia, the sub-a-:ent atopoed at the Methodist mission

Wasco, vhere he persuaded the Indians to ador>t the laws which
the '."fjz -Oreo's had acdepted.

Visit of the sub-agent had the effect of

cifying the Indians. H. H. Snalding, at Lanwai , and H. B. Brewer,
at Wasco, eXnressed their satisfaction v i th the increased
security that se- lo result from the councils. White was

68.

not vor ly i Tressed .>y the situation in the interior.

He stated that trie urroro tec ted condition of the missions invited

attack by the Indiana, endangered the lives of the vrhiteo, and

U25

would be •'-• •_'•••• tfc • ovr.rnment .

In the enrin^ of 184?, the Indians and the settlers
were excited by falne renortr . r_'he si-ttlr-rB werr rtirred ur>
by the ronort that the Nez tree's and the O.yuse would attack
the settlements find these Indians were made ret:. tie BS by being
told that the Americans would come in larger numbers in 1^43 than
they had in 1842, and that they would take the lands of the
Indians, and destroy the natives. The Indians sent a represen
tative t- talk v;ith uicLou.;~hlin who told the?-; that he did not believe
th? t the AT. na would make v;ar against the Indians arid

that the company would be no party to such an attack. -'his had

126
a qi I- ting effect ur>on the Indiana. A second journey VT.O made

by ' hi tr V-> the interior at; the result of the disturbed condi-
ti-> ;sed by these renorto. He held a council with the

1 avail- , ^e, ar. z ?erccfs, Hay n3, 1043, at -aiilatpu.

At t ' the second rtny , the Jez Perec's1 laws were o;lopted

by the Cayuse, and ;/ive Crows was chosen hi ;h chief.

Dr. r/cZ.oug'nlin advised strongly against this
council ?t« the Indians were T3reT)ared to fi^ht. y boli?ved

White to t- -ret-iry of ,V-ir, Nov. 15, 1843, ibid.,

liolls, . -i-cus Whitman, D. 2^4; McLoughlin to Simpson,
Mar. 20, 1844, Oregon Historical Society, the quarterly ,_ XVII
(1916) , 232.

69.

that white was coining into their country with an armed force.
Concerning the council, McLoughlin wrote:

Dr. White v.ent to visit the Indians and saw the
Cayuoe and :.cz tree's tribe together about twenty-five
miles from V/alla Walla at which it is said he principally
oooke to them of religion and advised them to become
f'-rraera. At the first meeting the two tribes in conse
quence of natural jealousies were on' the point of coming
to blows but the assembly broke ut> quietly. 127.

In the fall of 1844; rumors were again abroad that
the Indians of the Anterior would attack the Y/illamette Valley
settlements. A t>arty of Wallav^alla, Cayuse , and Gookan
Indians went to California for cattle in the summer of 1M44.
7/hile there, trouble arose and Elijah Hedding, a young
V/allawalla chief, was killed by an American. The Indians
returned filled with anger against all Americans, and may
have made threats that they would attack the settlements.
Ellis, the Mez Perce' chief, visited : cLoughlin and white, \vho
convinced him that the Oregon settlers were not, to blame for
the action of the American in California. The result was

that the Nez Percys refused to join in an attack UDon the

128
settlements.

In the \villa* ette Valley, White handled a number of
case.- of difficulties between the Indians and the settlers.
In the spring of 1843, he stated that difficulties were increasing.

^ Greere was denorted for inciting the Indians against the
whites. In T.Iay, 1814, a man named Saul was given over by the
rt to the agent for punishment. In June, V.'hite r>ro cured the

127v

Ibid,,. XVII (1916), 232.

128

Eells, oo. ci t . , o. 264.

70.

conviction of James Connor for making and selling liquor to

129
the Indians .

Thc3 office of sub-Indian agent for the territory
west of the Rocky Mountains went out of existence in 1845.
White found that the emigrants of 1(M.4, who increased the
population to over two thousand, were more inclined to question
his autrioriiy than the settlers who had come before that time.
In 1343 the sub-agent had asked for more power but that was not
forthcoming. Concerning the Indian situation and ita relation
to the se tilers, vvhite wrote: "Sir, shall men be allowed to
go v.herever they may please ... and settle, und--r circunstances
that not only endanger their own personal safety, but the

peace and safety of the whole white population? Please give

130
me specific instructions respecting this matter." \Vhite left

Oregon in August 18-15 and went to Washington, D. C. for

the ounose of obtaining more authority and more pay. Neither

being orocured, he resigned. The last reference to the office

of sub-agent v/eot of the Rocfcy Mountains was the recommendation

of the Commission- r of Indian Affairs, November 24, 1845, that

an Act be massed making Oregon a full agency, and giving to

the ^resident the power to make it an acting superintendency with

one or more sub-agencies . This recommendation was not acted

unon mr was White's place filled, although he was urged to

131
return to Oregon as sub-agent.

129

White to the Secretary of War, Apri'l 4, 1845, C. I. A.,
A . R . . Nov. 24, 1845 (Serial 470, Doc. 1 ) , p. 621.

White to the Co.'nmissioner of Indian A 'fairy, r\t>ril
1, 1843; White, A 6oncise View of Or gon Territory, r>. 18.

*&*

The duties which "lijah hite had performed
as Indian sub-agent were Delegated to an officer of the
reorganized provisional government of Oregon after his

oarture. Thi -eminent was formed July 26, 1845, by
making certain changes in the laws adopted July 5, 1043. The

Drovisional government laws included a paragraph on Indian

•

affairs. Section 1, article 3, r>ara.graph 2, read:

The utmost good faith shall always be ^reserved
toward the Indian; their land and ^ronerty shall
never be taken from the vithout their consent; and
in their pro-oorty, rights, and liberty, they shall
% never be invaded or disturbed, unless in just and
lawful vars authorized by the representatives of
the people. But laws founded in justice and humanity,
i^hall from time to time be made for oreventing injus
tice being done to them and for ore serving T>ea.ce and
friendship with them. 132.

The control of Indian affairs in 1845 was placed
by t'lio provisional government in the hands of the governor,
George Abernethey. L'h ^ fear of war with Gre^t Britain in
which the Indians would be allies of the British, the rent-
1 ssness of the Indians in the vicinity of the se ttlements;
and the attacks on emigrant trains as they passed through
the interior of Oregon, made ur> the subject matter of Indian
affairs during this -oeriod.

131

The Commissioner of Indian Affairs to the Secre
tary of r, November 24, 1845, White, A Concise View of
Qre^n Territory , p . 389 .

132

]?. F. Victor, The i:'.arly Indian Wars of Oregon,
P. '34; Hines, wild Life in Oregon, r>. 427.

72.

•

The fear due to the British control of the Indians
was not entirely unfounded. 3ir George Simpson wrote to

:ry War re, .-iy 30, 1M5, that the United States was building
a line 6f forts along the northern boundary from LSichilimackinac
to the ^.ocky .Mountains, "showing the importance they attached
to their Indian frontier and acquiring for them an influence

surrounding Native Tribes, which would be highly imr>or-

tant in the event of war; while trade and settlements along

133
the British frontier are altogether unprotected in that way. "

The belief of some of the se , tiers that the British
desired t) use the Indians, v/as voiced in a letter of D. H. Lowns«
dale to ;}. r*;. rhuraton, August 10, 1849:

After the company found Doctor \Vhitman opposed
the doctrine th.it the Hudson's Bay Company had or
dar°d to hold possession of Oregon, it now was their
policy to get him from among the Indians that they

' ^ht use the M they had been used by Great Britain
during the revolution and last war, as a check to
what they thought dangerous1 to their interest, i.e.,
settling Oregon by Americans or to assist in a war,
if thought expedient against the United States. Accord
ingly the Indians were encouraged in nny thing that seemed
like on-vooition to his iwhi tr'inn' si ->lans. 134.

This feeling of fear that the British would use the Indians
disappeared in ->art with the Ginning of the treaty which sot-
tied the boundary, June 15, 1846; but the continued influence
of the company and the lack of it by the An; rican settlers

133

Simpson t-> Henry Warre" and ,: . Yavasour, Llay 30, 1845,
the 'Washington Historical Quarterly, III (1908-12), 136.

134

D. II. Lownsdale to 3. R. Thurston, Aug. 10, 1849,
in Ore istorical Society, the Quarterly, XIV (1913), 234.

73.

resulted in seme unfriendliness "between the groups. The nower
of the company, Decem"ber fM , IB 17, was -olninly shown in the
surrender of the prisoners to Ogden after the Whitman ; assacre.
The Indians aaid that they would not have given them over to
a youn in. There was no man better fitted from long exner-
ience with these Indians to accomplish the difficult task.
Ogden had made the acquaintance of these Indians in 1818 and
had been among them a great deal in the years following that
date. That kind of influence no American could possibly have
because no American had had the long contact with the ur)r»er
Oregon Indians that had been the experience of Ogden.
Guotavus Hines was of the opinion that

the nolicy of McLoughlin was one of conaiaerateness and

*•

peacefulness in directing relations between the traders
and the Indians:

Whoever has been intimately acquainted with
the Hudson* s Bay Company and has observed its operations
for any length of time, must be aware that the
policy pursued by the;--, with reference to the Indians,
is one of the greatest forbearance and conciliation,
and that they never resort to severe measures except
when robberies are committed, their servants murdered
or the saf ty of the company is at stake. 135

The restlessnes-s of the Indians in the Willamette
Valley was due to the occupation of their lands and deferred
promises that they would be paid for the same. The emigrants
of 1145 and 1^46 increased the ponulntion of the valley
to about seven thousand. Governor Abtfrnethey recommended that

135

Hines, iVild Life in Oregon, p. 394.

74.

some action be taken to fulfil the ^nroises that had been
made to Indiana in the immediate area of the settlements.

In the fall of 1346, Neil M. Howison reoorted to
the United States uoon the Indian situation in western Oregon.
He stated that the time was favorable for the extinguishment
of the Indian title, that the government should assist the
Indiana of the lower Columbia, by giving them a few thousand
blankets, and that "it would be highly judicious to make
them sensible to their new and exclusive relations with the

. Government. H As to the method of extinguishing the
title, he stated, that formal treaties would be difficult
because the bands had no chiefs, but that an ,-i-ont with
limited means could induce the Indians to live within limited

specified areas, regardless of the fact that the bands claimed

136
large areas. Two Indians were killed by settlers during

Lieutenant Howison1 s visit to Oregon. He believed that

olic opinion was becoming strong against mien acts and that
in a few years, instead of raying a blanket, a man would be
h;>n -ed for committing a similar crime.

The attacks on the emigrant trains, both Ibfco
the 3nake Valley route and the southern ^regon route, were
from th : b^inning a source of gre.it danger. A long list might

136

N. M. Howisori, "Report to ttie Commander of the

Pacific jquadron. . . ,l!/Beb. 29, 1848, Oregon Historical Society,
the Quarterly^, XIV (191?), 46 , 7 .

75.

"be compiled of the loss of life and ->ronerty between 1842 and
1870 by settlers and miners in the area commonly known as the
Snake country. The mountain Snake, the Bannock, the IvLodoc,
and the Ro^ue River between 1842 and 1?H9 added new offenses
to the list of earlier times. The Wallawalla, Cayuse, and
Nez Percys were certainly not friendly, while the Indians at
The Dalles revived something of their early reputation as
marauders. A member of the first emigrant r>arty, Medorem
Crawford, stated, September 15, 1842, that they determined to
get away from the Y/alla Walla country as soon as possible

as they had received very bad treatment from the Indians of

137
that region. In the fall of 1847, the emigrants were robbed

by the Cayuse between the Umatilla River and The Dalles.
At this time, Whitman advised the emigrants to give no cause
for hostilities as the Indians were very restless, llrs. Y/hitman
wrote, July 6, 1847, that the Cayuse did not wish any Americans
to settle in their country. They were willing for the settlers

to winter in the upper country, but they insisted thnt the

138
newcomers pass on down the Columbia in the spring. i<'our

families were robbed of all tneir possessions near the
mouth of the John Day River, and a man named Shephard was

137

Medorem Crawford, "Journal," Sources of the History
of Oregon, I, 20; Victor, op. ci t. , o. 34.

Eells, op. cit., o. 138.

76.

killed by the Indians at The Dalles. The southern trail
into western Oregon was inflated by the Indians in the vicinity
of Klamath Lake. A party was massacred in the fall of 1B47
at a Toint ten miles southeast of the natural bridge on Lost

River, which became known as Bloody ^oint. There were twenty-

139

three or more who lost their lives in this attack.

•

In order to solve the Droblera of protecting the
emigrant trains, Marcus Whitman drafted a bill in 1844 and
again October 16, 1847, which he sent to the Secretary of
War. The -olan TDro^osed, provided for the establishment of
oo-Jts along the Oregon trail, the commanders of which would
be superintendents of Indian affairs with legal power to conserve
r>eace within their district. It was believed that by following
the Hudson's Bay Company's -oolicy of rewards among the savages
that bad men among them could soon be eliminated. These posts
were not to be military establishments. In urging this policy
i, hitman said: "The gov -rnment cannot long overlook the imoor-
tance of superintending the savages that endanger this line
of travel, and that are not yet in treaty with it."

'^he Whitman Massacre^ and the Gayuse Indian foar
which followed that event resulted in the establishment of
the territorial government of Oregon, March 2, 1849. The Act
was massed by Congress August 14, 1848. Before the massacre

139

C. S. Drew to George Wright, Feb. 20, 1863, C.I. A.,
A.R. , Oct. 31, 1863, r>. 175.

77.

occurred, J. Q,uinn Thornton left Oregon, October 1M , 1^47, to

e Congress to establish the territorial government; to
build nosts from IndeTencience , Missouri to western Oregon; to
purchase the Indian title; to a^ooint Indian agents at the
oosts along the Oregon taail*. and to furnish troops for
nrotcctiori of the emigrants against the Indians. According
to one account Thornton was accredited by the Governor only,
and after his departure the provisional legislature massed

resolutions expressing disapproval of "secret factions," by

141
wao meant the "nission party."

Governor Abernethey recommended to the provisional
ature, Dec. 7, 1847, that an a-or>ror>riation be made: for

presents to the Indians of the valley; and for the punishment

142
of the Indians who had robbed the emigrants along the trails.

Sight days before the above recommendation was
made, the Cayuae Indians destroyed the Whitman mission at
Waiilat-m, and murdered twenty- three of the residents. The
Hudson's Bay Company sent a party to the rescue which saved
sixty persons. The provisional government of Oregon, December 17,

141

J . Thornton, Oregon and California in _1B48J% I, 49.

142

George Abernethey to the Legislature of the
Provisional Government of Oregon, Victor, op. cit.. ^. 91.

78.

resolution which Provided for tho sending of
recent-. tive to California to nrocure assistance from
Governor .aoon, and the Dacific Squadron. Jesse A^le^ate

<inted out <iue to the deep snow was not able to reach
California, fc representative was also appointed to proceed
to Washington, D. C. in order to persuade the government that
some action should be taken to aid the settlers in Oregon.
Joseph L;eek carried out this difficult aor>ointment which
required that he cross the Rocky Mountains in the mil ;le of
the wint r. He left the Y.'illanetee Valley, January 4, 1848,

arid re.-.-ched hi- destination in, the 3-oring. Oregon nt that time

143
had two representatives in -,Va i.:h i nr; t on • On May 31, 1^48, Senator

Eenton made :-ho following statement in a speech before the
i'ite concerning the Indian situation in Oregon:

Down to the nre ;ent moment the settlers in
Oregon had escaped a conflict with the Indians,
the war between the;r is breaking out; ard I
cannot resist the conviction, that if there had "been
a regularly organized government in that country
immediately after the treaty wi r,h Great Britain with
a military force to sustain it, ... the calamities
now impending over tlut country -eight have been
lifted* 144

The campaign against the Cayuse Indians, December
1347 to July 1848, known as the Cayuse Indian ar , ended with
the murderers of hitman and the T5eor)le of his mission, still
at large. Volunteer con^aniea were raised among the settlers

143

Victor, Die River of the west, T. 430.

144

Ibid., ry. 455.

791

in the willamette Valley and a winter campaign was carried
on against the Cayuse Indians in the Walla Walla Valley, but
the armed force was not large enough, nor sufficiently ^ro-
visioned, to force the surrender of the guilty Indians
during the winter. \Vith ths coding of th^s snring the Indiana
escaped to the mountains. o conflict, however, created a

fear and respect for Americans that had not previously

145
existed.

Three nen were chosen by the legislature

of the provisional government at the beginning of the Cayuse
Indian War to accompany the "Volunteers" in order to prevent
other tribes from joining the Cayuse by means of oence nego
tiations, and to obtain the surrender of the guilty Cayuse
without a conflict, if possible. This connission consisted
of Joel Calmer, Robert Newell, and H. A. G. Lr>e . A conference
was held by the? n with some of the Nez Perce and Cayuse
chiefs, March 7, 1343, w/io said that they desired oeace
and agreed not to join the hostile Indians. On the following
day, a council was held with the *ar party of the Cayuse for
the -nuroose of obtaining the surrender of the murderers, but
the Indians refused to comply with the re-quest of the commis
sioners who, oelieving that they could not prevent further

146
conflict, returned to the V;illanette Valley.

145

Victor, The Early Indian Wars of Oregon, r>. 93.

1 16

\bernethey, to H. A. G. Lee, Aoril 10, 1848,
ibid. , -1. 206.

80.

Joel Palmor held the office of superintendent
of Indian af ndcr tirio -ozrcrvi aional :-;o /rrrtment from

December 27, 1M7 to A*>ril 10, 1A48, -viien he was succeeded
by . ~. G. Lee who held further councils with the uollawalla
and 'J:e .lez Percys for the jur^ose of kee^inp- then neutral
in the Indian war. He forbade the Catholic miasionaries,
June 15, 1348, to carry on further misninnary work until the

interior should be occunied by a military force of the United

147
tes -Government. The "Volunteers" continued to hold

Walla Walla Valley until July 5, 1MB. They were then dis
banded, exc it ufficient nunbe rriaori t\ oost at The

Dalles, ^ort Leo; and one in the Walla V»'alla Valley, 7ort
Water a. Jheae nen held the country and guarded the emigrant
road during the fall of 1548.

During the Cayuse Indian v»ar, the natives border-
in.: t llamette Valley on the ;3outh took advantage of

the absence of the men of the settlements in order to siteal
cattle. A company of volunteers was firmed by ?elix 3cott to
•orotect the h vnes of the men who were fighting the Cayuse.
This company alao guarded the e^i^rant oarty who arrived in
Oregon by the southern trail in tho fall of 1VU8.

The Oregon l/iiasions, 1B42-1849.-- The fate of
the"Am"ra can '^oard" .iu.ji.^ns, and their relations with the

147

J.'i.A. Brouillet, Auti\entic Account of the Murder
itman, o. 8^.

Bl.

Indiana has been considered as a >art of the relations of
the settlers Aith the Indians. The nthodist missions were
discontinued in 1H44. In I'W a lint was compiled of the

tiona, churches, and millions of the Catholic church in
the Columbia Valley. There were twenty- two in the liit
but the only ones th»t were Indian missions which attested to
settle the Indiana and thereby solve the Indian r>roblem were
the Hoclry '.iountain missions founded by the Jesuit, Pierre
de ;*net. it seems to the writer that the larger space given
to these missions in justified by their success in establishing
an Indian community on a mission basis.

Father de Smet, with definite r>lans for the
extension of his mission endeavors in the Rocky Mountains,
left the Flathead country in the summer of 1842. In 1843,
l-.-ree assistants were sent to the raisBion^ries that he had
left in the mountains, and De :;>Tnet proceeded to 1'torope . The
•olan of '-V ', :sinn of the J^euits in

the \Villariette Valley was ayoroved by t! '.her General.

father de ..tact accompanied by fovr Bathers, six listers, and
one brother arrived at Vancouver by sea fro'i :\rror)e, August 2t
1844, and immediately founded the mother mission, 3t. ^rancis
Xavier, two miles south of t. 'Jaul . In Be-pteinber , instruction

was begun and, in October, the Convent of ot. Llary's was

143
completed.

148

Chittenden, ed., Life of De JroetL II, 450.

82.

r de Smet after founding the mi SGI on in

the \,illu:;£tte Valley d« - d Tor the mountain missions,
Octob - • ., 1 . .•: : tt«<3 the Kklispel 1;. , forty

n:iles above - bh of Clarke's j?ork, where he founded

tfet .is-jion of Jt. Ignatius, v.hich was built in the a or ing

149
of 1 M5 by leather Hoekeru

During 134£ the mission of the Sacred Heart
of Jesus c uhe Coeur d'Alene and Lit. Gary's in the fitter

;t Vaxley *erc oved. /it the Coeur ci'Alene mission,

fields sufficient for a number of Indians were enclosed, the

v.'as good, and the Indians were successful i. ;.ioing
grain and p The 'icance of f aiming in Je .imet's

scheme of miasiorio ic shown in the follov/ing:

Our be , then, of seeing these poor Indians
furnished 7/i th a plentiful auoily of nrovieions
arid their 7,-andering habits thereby checked, will, with
the blessing of God, alized at no very dintant

date. attain the desirable object of uniting them

in rilla^es, an ' iing them t?. h -.bits of industry,

we need, however, more than v;e OOSSCGS at wresent-

ry : uch in want of rious kinf.

and of agricultural implements. 150

rovements v/ere made at 3t. Gary's. The soil yielded
abi.n >-intly through simple irrigation, and pasture land was
plentiful. L^orty head of cattle, a herrl of hoga, and numerous
ic fowls, belonged to the mission. A saiOnill and a

149

Ibid.^ II, 474. In 1354, 3t. Ignaciua rnissionwwas
moved to a nev ne;;r Solish Station on the N. P. R.

150

Ibid.. II, 5f-7

83.

, and tw> - . . i» t Aether v;ith a very good

151

new cnurcu, till , ouil I of the mission.

ii-if uuence of* these missions spread among
the -<ez tree's, Bannock, Jnakc , and ^'luckf eet , but it did not
end the wars of the mountain Indians. The success of the
/I a the ad Indians waa said by ^lackfeet to be due to the

:nolic religion. In 1845, the Blackfcet loct Jn sever 1
encounters, father de ;a.iet vrote, October 30, 1345:

Ihe year 1845 will be a Memorable eocch in the
sad annals of the Bluckfeet nation. It has been a

•r of disasters. In two Bkir^iuhes with the Flat-
heads and the KaliaT>els they lo^t twenty-one warriors.
The Crees have carried off K. ber of their

horses, and twenty-seven scnl^s. The Crows have
struck tucn H /-jortai. blow- fifty I'.-,: -.J lies, the entire
band of Little Kobe, were lately massacred and 160 women
and children have been ied into c,-i -; .ivity . 152

i'h. ring iniseiona of tho early period vere

tnoae founded oy 'larkefs j'ork, yet there was

"r^icient opposition to nis olaria to prevent him from carry
ing on the v.oi'k that ne aad atarted. He left Jt. Mary1 a September
'^8, 1840, never to return, e- iceot on visits. His influence,
however, in obtaining suioolies and government consideration
for trie rni ssi on G^ continued until the end of his life. Concern
ing the removal of De 3met, Chittenden wrote: "The -o

151

Ibid., II, 571.

r de Gm -t was not .ially to

•owing feeling in Rome that he

was olannin/5 m too large a aonle; that th^ endg would not

153
justify the mean have seen i.i an earl . rt of

thi;> it tV)se ilana wero, but it seems doubtful whether
he had any lion? of saving the Indians 'in 1845. He saw the
v.ave of nitration sweeping over tho country and he know th t

existed in the mountains. The Indians seemed doomed
to destruction. 'here was n> ti:ne to allow ther; an opoortunity,

o aid of the nissi maries , to become a settled jeoole.
aer de Jrnot wrote of i tuition in 1845, as follows:

The *)oor Indians of Oregon who alone; have a right
to the country, are not consulted. Their future destiny

ill be, undoubtedly, like t*hat of 30 :^any other unfor-
tur ribrs v.ho , p.ftor having lived peaceably by
hur, ind fisr for centurion, will finally disappear,
vie tins of vice and malady, under the rapacious influence

:lern civilization. 154

In concluding the subject of Indian missions in
the Pacific Northwest orior to 13<18 it nay be stated that
-her de Smet founded niasions that were permanent; that
the Canadian nrie.-ts, who were und- r a mission organization
urtil 1013, \\ere tho founders of the Catholic church inpregba;

t the et )iiat church was established by the Kethodist
missionaries after the dissolution of the missions; and that

1 53

Ibid., I , 59 .

Ib4

Ibid. , II, 480.

85.

the "American ^oard" missi onaries were the nioneers in the

^n;-re;;ational and the Presbyterian
church, in t)' "ifjc . sorthweat .

_ry_^--VVe have seen that the intercourse

bet, the Inds nd the whites in the Pacific Northwest

during the thrro nuorters of a century from 1774 to 1349

Ited in the races gradually becomi onuainted. Prom

1774 to l°'ll the c :s c v.-oaratively slight, but

•reused in the period fsrom 1111 to 1842, until in
the years from 1^42 to 1849 there were few Indians in the
-ion v h-> %ere not familiar with white men. jThe explorers

c'ir cT-v.-t and in ^.he interior suffered no h^rm
>ra the natives. :«? coast trade^R were not so fortunate. The

'*ound Indians wero successful in exDGlling the traders
from Vancouver Island. By 1811, the Indians aloni* the Pacific
Coaat had become familiar with the whites anu , had had a
number of conflicts with them. However, no continued association
had resulted because no n'-rmanent settlement or trading post

established. In the interior along the Columbia Hiver, the
Indians had met a fev; explorers but the contact was very Much
less than along the coast, particularly, if we include the
const of British Columbia,

The increased intercourse which followed the
date IM].I was due to the organized effort- based on the

)itril of large conoanies gained fuom fur trading in adjacent

B6.

areas- to exploit the most obvious rmtural resource of the

ion. Che elimination in 1813 of the Am'.Tican coirmany and
in 1K21 of the "Northwesters'* ;~ave the control into the hands
of the hi --hi;/ rod and highly organized Hudson's Bay Company.

Prior to the corning r»f the company, the character of the Indians
in a 1-rge part of the interior had been determined. Along
the rax in riri^e of the Rocky Mountains the hostile Indians made
the ^ath ring of beaver an extremely dangerous occupation;
in tne ffcathead , Kutonni , St>okcine , Okanogan regions, r>p-.ce was
the general rvl^; the ^ml-e Valley was famous for its danger ;
the Indians at the portages of the Columbia River v/ere at
first very oothersome but they were taught to accent the n resents

ren the.: for their services , * and not to commit robberies:
the Vi'allawalla , Nez Percys, anrl the Cayuse aor>ear to have been
neither so tnjev.1. 3h as the Mt>ortagert Indians nor so fierce as
the Blackf^et and the fciouncain Snake, nor ao friendly as the
Indians of the Plr=.thc.f-id and t ^okane country; as for the

Indians of the eastern r> irt of Oregon, oouth\ve stern Oregon,
and the Puget Sound country, their attitude toward the traders
was little known t-> the "Northwesters."

Although the North West Company established
a number of forts, and conducted "brigades" into the Snake
country the organization vas not no coi.vilete as that of the

' y in the r>oriod between 1824 and 1876.

It was during this r^riod that the comany developed its

r f

trade ov(:r the ^r^ t extent of territory weat of the Rocky

ithin ^Cifi 'OfJt they cane into contact

-03 nox, net by t com

panies r..i'i increased their dealings ivith those alre:1 .own.

-•I the dangerous l-odoc ?<nd the -.-riouritain
~rn "brigade** passed through southwestern
'i whe. e Indians v.cro "by refutation ho;tile. Jorts

established in the Pvftt , uci country, whcr^ the

bo oeacoablo. farther north on Vancouver
strong fort v,,is necessary to orotoct the t racier s
"ieri'lly In linns .

8 nisaionr^ry efforts ( thut introiuced into
a <3rouT> of men wnooc r.iain -u.^oGe in li "e was to
p Indians to become a civilized, settled people

ttir ion and . . ulture) were organized in 1M."54, 1036,

183 , "codinr the period of the com ing of the

AIL -it tiers by a fev yc , and at tho beginning of the

Decline in the ciuantity of beaver procured by the trappers, and

. i?~ice." Both Whitman and Dn itoet felt that the
od of emigrants would flow into the country long before

of teaching the Indians the ways of settled life
couli'i b ac-.;o. .lialied, vihich proved to be the case.

Before the Annexation of Texas and the. kexican
sion there wan no outlet for the frontier nomilation
ciesirrbie e.s Crr^; -n. resulted in B.n imniigration

88,

across the "»l:iii:s \ fie Northwest betv^ .d 1847
of --sano .e. The influx of this oo^ulation,

t/ic de3i&y of the United States in organizing the territorial
.'Tnment of Orison until 1349, resulted in the occupation
of 4 'llamette Valley by settlers without any nrovision
v.h -or being nsde for the Indians. The western Indians
were not strong enough to or event the settlement of their

atry. The Indians east of the Cascade Mountains, however,
were of a different ty^e . 1'hcy refused to allow settlero to

ctop in the interior; ;rants must 50 on to the coast. This

• ,

ling against the settlors, nnd a desire to drive them out

of the country, I in the Whitman .Massacre and the
Cayuse Indian War. The population had arrived before the
military protection of the Federal government.' fhio, together
with the fact. during the period of settlement, 1042-1847,
there was no government, other than a provisional one, organized
by the srttler-, resulted in a conflict over the occun. tion of
il'.c land prior to the organization of the territorial government
by the United S^atos.

Indian relations in Oregon had thus reached a
r advanced stage at the time the United States took up
the matt r of o ^ .ing an Indian policy and yet the Co.-nmissioner
of Indian Affairs wrote to I. I. otevens that tnere was very
little information in the Indian Office, May ?, 1853, on the
subject of Indian affairs in the newly created territory of
Washington. Lack of interest in the sub.lctt , distance from

the seat of •;overnnenL/ and the difficulty of obtaining

i.on must be c llea in to exT)ln.in this fact. It
is clear that the Indians had had extended contact with
i}\f i _ , I think it 13 >robably true thc.t they had
aeter;nined to eliminate the Americans from the interior
of tne country .

90.

CHAPTER II
EARLY INDIAN POLICIES, 1849-1852

The Administration of Joseph Lane.-- When the
territory of Oregon was organized, March 2, 1849, the Federal
government took over the management of Indian affairs. During
the term of the first governor, Joseph Lane, recommendations
were made for the removal of all the Indians west of the Cascade
Mountains to the country east of those 'mountains. The few diffi
culties that occurred were promptly settled.

The Act creating the territory provided that the
governor should oe , ex-officio, superintendent of Indian
affairs; that the rights of the Indiana and the authority of

•

the Federal government over them should be the same as previous
to the passage of the Act; and that $10,000 be appropriated

for presents to the Indians and -my for the messengers sent

to Congress by the -orovisional government of Oregon. Of

2
this sum, $3000 was used for Indian purposes. In order that

agents be atroointed, it was necessary that a provision be

"An Act to Establish the Territorial Government
of Oregon," Aug. 14, 1^48, Statuses at Large, IX, 323.

"Indians in Oregon," Congressional Globe, liar. 22,
1850, 31 Cong., 1 Sess., p. 582.

91.

made for them by an Act of Congress, but the Secretary of
the Interior could appoint sub-agents. Since Congress

did not provide for agents,, the Secretary of the Interior

3
appointed three sub-agents for Oregon Territory. A

further anrjro^riation of $10,000 for Indian purposes in

4
Oregon was authorized by Congress, May 15, 1850. In

urging tho.t this appropriation be made, the delegate from
Oregon, 3amuel Vhurston, stated that it was necessary that
presents be made to the Indians of the Willamette Valley
to keet> thei.i quiet until the government purchased their
ri.-hts to the land. No further provision was made for the

Indian service nrior to the Act of June 5, 1850, which eon-

5
stituted the Indian policy of Samuel Thurston.

Shortly after Lane's arrival, March 2, 1849, large
numbers of the Willamette Valley Indians visited him expect
ing presents and Day for their lands, which the settlers
h .d promised then when the representative of the "Great Father,1'
the President, should arrive. The Indians were greatly disap
pointed to find that there had been no provision made to pay
ther?i for their lands, but since they were not strong enough

to enforce their deinand-3, they could meaiely continue to

6
repeat them.

Secretary of the Interior, Annual Report, J)ec 3, 1R49
(Serial 570, Doc. 5), p. 15.

"An Act to Supply Deficiencies in Appropriations, "
May 15, \1850, Statutes at Large. IX, 427.

"Indians in Oregon L" op. cit. , p. 583.

92.

Outside the villaraette Valley, Indian troubles
were successfully managed. These-; wore more numerous than
formerly due to the steady increase in the number of whites
and the beginning of settlements along the Columbia River,
in the Puget 3ound country, and in the valleys of southwestern
Oregon.

Lane held a council, April 1849 , with some
of the interior Indians at The Dalles for the miroose of
making ^resents to them and establishing friendly relations
which would protect the emigrants from attacks on their
way down the Columbia, and keep the Indians from joining the
hostile Cayuse against the settlers. The Cayuse were informed

that they nust either surrender those guilty of the Vhitman

7
Massacre, or be exterminated. The Indians gathered at The

Dalles agreed to maintain peaceful relations with the whites,
in and passing through their country. Presents to the amount
of two hundred dollars were distributed among them. Inciden
tally, at this time, Lane brought to a close a tribal war be-

8
tween the Villas/valla and the Yakima Indians.

Joset>h Lane to the Secretary of V.ar, Oct. 13, 1849,
C.I. A., A.R..,. Nov. 27, 1850 ( 3erial 595, Doc. 1), p. 156, first
paging.

Message of the Governor of _0 regon Territory Trans
mitted to the Legislative Assembly, LSay 7, 1850, p. 2.

Lane to the Secretary of \Var, Oct. 13, 1849 , on. cit.,
p. 156, first Tuni

93.

After the meeting at The Dalles, Lane visited

the Cov.litz Indians. "Anile there, he received word that Wallace,
an American settlor, had been killed by the Snoqualamie Indians
near i^ort Ni squally. A comoany of the regular army forces,

vhich had recently arrived in the territory, was immediately

9
stationed at i?'ort ,}teilacoom and an Indian sub-agent was sent

to tne district, May 1849, to obtain the surrender of the
guilty Inuir.r. .: . Jhe sub-agent offered a rev/ard for the capture
of the murderers of , all ace which caused the Snoqualamie Indians
to deliver to the military authorities several of their tribe.
These Indians were tried by a territorial court, and two of them
were found -uilty and hanged. Lane believed that this punish
ment of the Indians for an offence against the whites had the

effect of making the:-; fear the Americans, which was necessary

10
for tne oeace of the scattered, unprotected settlements.

In the spring of 1850, the standing hostilities
between the war T)urty of the Cayuse Indians and the whites
was brought to a close by the surrender of the Indians who had
led the attack ur>on the v»aiilatpu Mission. In February, Lane
received information from the Hudson's Bay Company1 s post,

Walla Walla, that the Indians had agreed to give up the

™- ~ 9

Adjutant General, Annual Report Nov. 28, 1849
(Serial 549, Doc. I),p.l32.

Lane to the Secretary of War, Oct. 13, 1849, op. cit.,

p. 156 , fir . t

94.

11
murderers. Their decision may have been due to the increase

in the number of soldiers in the country. The Regiment of
Mounted Riflemen arrived in Oregon in the fall of 1849. Five
of the Cayuse Indians wore taken to Oregon City for trial.
They were convicted and hanged, June 3, 1350. The Cayuse had
thus accepted the terms of the government. The respect for
Americano increased among the Indiana of the interior. The
Drestige of the Cayuse among the tribes of ur>per .Oregon was
greatly diminished.

Lane's last important dealing with the Indians
outside of the Willamette Valley was a peace treaty with a
band of one hundred and fifty Indians in the uoper Rogue
River Valley. In the spring of 1850 a party of miners, who

were returning from California, were robbed at the ferry of

12
Rogue River. Thoy requested that Lane attempt to recover the

gold dust wnich the Indians had stolen, Lane visited the
Indians and the -oeace treaty which was made provided that the

Indians should restore all stolen property, and that whites

i
massing through the country should not be molested. The

Indians were nrornised that any lands settled upon by newcomers
would be paid for by the government, and that an agent would
b sent among them to care for their interests. Lane gave to

•a.agd of the Governor . . ^.:ay 7, 1850, n.3

' ~ / V * "V

Lane, Narratives, MS (Bancroft Collection) , u.90

95.

each member of the band a narcer, aigned "Jo Lane/ for the

purpose of informing the whites that these Indians had made

13
a t>eace treaty with the government. No further trouble

occurred in this vicinity until the fall of the following
year.

Thus, the governor, in his ex-officio duties

as the superintendent of Indian affairs, succeeded in establish
ing and maintaining amicable relations between the races. No
r>olicy was adopted further than that involved in making peace
treaties with the Indians, in giving presents to them, and
in prompt nanishment for offences committed by the Indians
against the settlers.

A statement of the comolaints of the Indians living
in the Willamette Valley was made by Lane in a report to the
government, April 9, 1849, The Indians stated that the whites
had taken their lands, brought sickness among them, and killed
off the game. In return, they had received only promises th-it
the government would pay them for their lands. In order to
remove these causes for dissatisfaction, Lane recommended that
the government buy their lands, arid locate them out of the
settlements^ No suggestion was made as to where or how they
should be removed, but the belief held by Lane was, that
there was no longer a nlace for -them in the 'Willamette

Victor, The Early Indian V/ars of Oregon, r>. 269.

96.

14
Valley.

Lane recommended in his message to the legislative
assembly of Oregon Territory, July 17, 1849, that they
memorialize Congress for the removal of the Willamette Valley
Indians. He stated that the Indians whom he had visited in the

•

valley, as well as in other ;s, were well disposed toward the
whites and desirous of selling their rights to the land; and
that the Indians of the V>illamette Valley should be removed
to some district remote from the settlements, because the

destruction of the roots, grasses, and game by the settlers in

15
the valley forced the Indians either to steal or starve.

Following the recoinraendation of the governor, the
legislative assembly memorialized Congress, July 20, 1849,
for the purchase of the Indians1 rights to the land; and for
the removal of the Indians from the district needed for settle
ment, namely; the V/illamette Valley. The memorial also stated
tnat the Indians had been promised payment for their lands, and
that it was the custom of the government to imy* the Indians
orior to the settlement of a region. Three reasons were given
for the need of removing the Indians from the settlements: the
Absence of a. large number of the men of the valley, who had gone

Lane to the Secretary of War, April 9, 1849, Message
from the ^resident... in answer to a resolution of the Senate^
calling for further information in relation to the f-)rraa.ion_

if ornia; o_j in_0re n^ May 22,

1850 (Serial 561, Doc. 52), t>. 5.

Messa -e of Governor Lane, July 17, 1849, ibid. , T>. 7.

97.

to the Calif orru , tne /il in ts

of ; -ty QJ ne

• vision i iQse Indj ->y the government , me

olace r**ia>te fro?;i t/i- settlements, since they *ere no
Ion r oelvoa, and were degenerating

through c ct with the white -.3. The conclusion was th

Indians should bo colonizod in some. rep-ion distant from

1<J
the growing population of the illamette Valley.

r the Indian service in Oregon, Lane suggested

the eat'ibli ahment of t ^ncifw; one for the Pugot viovnd

i --m , .rui one uley in upi> -egon;

and tv. - cies; one in b ^ua Valley, and one

•

near 1. in woul I have nlaced renreuent .tiveo

of the India:* burenu alon ; t>i "rant trail in tho interior

of Ore ;oni aa violl as i)i tno '^i'*et 3ound country, and th-?

17
valley a )\itli layette Valley.

The Go.-. -;rn .,;i \nr.l >ol icy of ,, Act xof TJune o , 1 ^ bQ . • »
la X>an« wa^ d ith the Indians in Oregon and making

recommend-itions for the future treatment of the Indians, L

Majnor 1 j^ i s 1 ?i lu .. • e o f QjrogQ n p r ay i n% for

the exti .igu_i ahraont of th an titlo.*., Jul / 20, 1 ^19 ("lie rial
592, Doc. 5f7 ^>. 1

Lane to the 3ecret»\ry of . , ^ct. 13, 1349, QJOU
t first

98.

Ihur!3ton, the delegate to Congress from Oregon, was planning
to have all the Indiana west of the Cascade fountains moved
to the country east of those mountains. The Jecre Lary of
the Interior, December 3, 1349, urged Congress to make an

appropriation for the conduct of Indian affairs in Oregon,

13
and to autnorize the appointment of a number of agents,

but Thurston was evidently not satisfied with only more
appropriations and more agents. During the early part of
1850 , he wrote :

The Committee on Indian Affiairs in the senate
have the subject of extinguishing the Indian title
to Ian is in Oregon before them, and have promised me
to report a bill soon for the extinguishment of
their title to all of that part of Oregon lyin£ west
of the CascM ie Mountains, and for the removal of the
Indians east of those mountains. I am in hor>es that
it will pass Congress in the course of next sum :er, and
all the country at present and for some time to come,
needed for settlement, will be thrown open to the
immigrant and thus the first pre- requisite step will
have been taken preparatory to the final disposition
of the soil. 19

It v/as, thus, planned to extinguish the Indian title before
donuti: ntis to settler .

The Act of Coiigress, June 5, 1850, nrovided for
the negotiation of treaties, and the reorganization of the
Indian service, in Oregon. Three commissioners were to
be anointed with the authority to treat with the Indiana

The Secre >c<ry of the Interior, Annual Report ^
Dec. 3, 1849 (Serial 570, Doc. 5), p. 15.

T.T. Johnson, California and Oregon, p. 266.

99.

west of the Cascade Mountains; for thoir lands, and for their

removal fco l--uid'.? east of those mountains. An appropriation

of '"20,000 wan aut^oriaed to rmy the exoennes of the commission;

The law also provided for the extension of the laws regulating

trade and intercourse with the Indiana east of the Rocky Moun

tains to the Indians in Oregon; the creation of the office

of sunerintendent of Indian affairs of Oregon, thus separating

these duties from the duties of the office of governor; and

20
the appointment of three agents. It was understood that

three sub-agents would be anointed as formerly, Thurston
ted that this act provided for the efficient

of the Indians and made it certain that there would not be

21
the least trouble with them in the future.

nineteen treaties were made With th*« Indians
of the region west of the Cascade Mountains in 1851. The*'
officials found that the Indians would not a^ree to nove to
eastern Oregon. The officers, then ationted the T>3>an of
allowing t HI rf-servfitions of a rmrt of their tribal lands.
This course did not carry out the t>lan of removing the
Indians from the settlements. The result was, that the treaties
were not ratified. In 18f>3, the oroblera of providing for the

"An Act Authorizing the Negotiation of Treaties...,11
June 5, 1850, Statutes at Large A IX, 437.

Johnson, op. cit. , Appendix, r*. 332.

100.

Indians and extinguishing the Indian title was not any
nearer a solution than in 1850. The early policy was a
complete failure. Juring these years conflicts bee- ore
numerous as the settlements spread to the reri ons north
and south of the Willamette Valley.

The following instructions were issued to John P. Gaines,
Alonzo A. okinner, and Bererly f>. Allen, October 15, 1850, who
had been appointed, under the Act of June 5, 1850, as commis
sioners to tr th the Indians of western Oregon. They
v/ere instructed to purchase; first, the Ian ;^i of the ;nette
V-illey, and then the others west of the Cascade Mountains;
to treat with the tribes separately; to gain the consent of the
Indians to :nove to lands in eastern Oregon; and to -my for the

lands a nominal ~>rice in five o^r cent annuities in the form

22
of beneficial objects and ^rov.isions for education.

oix treaties were mn.de by these commissioners in

•
A$ril • Jl ">rior to th<i receipt of information that

the treaty commission had been abolished by an Act of Congress,
!*%>.. 27, 1851.

The Santiam <tnd the Tualatin band of the Kalapnya
tribe were treated with by the commissioners at Charn-ooog, Oregon,
Anril 1C and 19, 1851. iey agreed to cede their lands lying

The Acting Commissioner of Indian Affairs to
ues, Oct. 15, 1850, in C.I. A., A^H . . Nov. 27, 1*50 (Serial
595, Doc. 1) , p. 146 .

101.

along both nides of the Willamette River, south of Oregon
City. The Indians were approached early in the negotiations
on the subject o oval to eastern Oregon, but they firmly
refused to agree to such a plan. Their reasons were: that
they did not wish to leave the graves and lands of their
forefathers where they wished to be buried; and that the country
east of the Cascade fountains was an unknown land to them, where
they would starve due to their ignorance of the foods in that
region. The commissioners finally agreed to allow these Indians
certain lands in the foothills on each side of the Willamette
Valley. In justification of this action, it was stated that

the Indian laborers were indispensable to the se & tinmen to

23
on account of the scarcity of workmen.

Tv;o bands of the Molala Indians, and the Yamhill
and Lakmiut bands of the Kalarmya tribe made four treaties with
the commissioners, May 14, 1851. The Indians refused to move
east of the Cascade Mountains and demanded cash payment for
their lands* The upixrr and lower Molala agreed to accent
as pay for their lands, the sum of $42,000, in twenty annual
installments, one third of each payment to be in cash, and two
thirds in goods. The Indians were to be allov/ed reservations
of a Dart of the cessions of lands which they made. In the

The Trenty Cc loners to the Commissioner of

; an Affairs, Anril 19, 1-51, C.I. A., A.R. , Nov. 27, l«51 (Serial
, Doc. 2) , p. 467.

102.

case of th" -iill "band, they were advised to move west
of the Coast Ran,;e aince their lands had "been so completely
occupied by settlers that it would be impossible to r>rovide

a reservation of sufficient size, of their tribal lands,

24
to sumort them.

The policy concerning .the western Indians of
Oregon as formulated by thuraton was riot followed in the
treaties of the coramissi oners. In the piace of the Thurston
policy7 they adopted a plan of their own, which allowed the
Indians to remain in the Willamette Valley. They urged
th?) t the treaties should be ratified on the grounds th.

the treaties procured a valuable territory and juatly compen-

25
suted the Indians. These treaties were not ratified. The

delegate from Oregon, at the time that they came before the
Senate, was Joseph Lane. It is not probable that they had his
support, because the treaties did not provide for the removal
of the \Villamette Valley Indians which he had recommended
when governor of Oregon. The Comrni osioner of Indian Affairs
did not or>T)ose their ratification nor did he advise it. He

stated that the treaties contained, "^'ovel provisions tne

26
practical operation of which could not be foreseen.**

Ibid.ifi p. 469,

Ibid. . p. 471

26 -

The C: I .i -n -T of Indian Affairs, Annual Report ,
Nov. 27, 1851 (Aerial 636, Doc. 2), p. 271.

The following information was obtained from the
files of the Indian Office, relative to the treaties made

103.

art was appointed to the office of

s -ntendent of Indian affairs, which was created by the Act

of , . 50, He continued the policy of holding councils

v/ith the In of tho interior, which Y.hite and Lane had

•>ted. The .vet which abolished the office of the treaty
CT ry 27, 1851, transferred the duties of

is-.: ion to ~in:endent of Indian affairs. In

summer of 1851, iie made thirteen treaties with the Indians
of yes tern Oregon, in which he allowed the same terras that

. "been included in t/ne treaties made by the cournissi oners,
namely; a reservation of a ^art of e?ich cession for the Indians
tie. M ymenis in cash and beneficial objects.

The suo or in ten dent of Indian affairs for Oregon

was i istructed to | )ecial attention to the v;ork of civilizing
the i tti This waa to bo accomplished through the encourage

ment of agriculture arnong the Indians, cooperation between

missionaries and the Indian service, the surmression of the

26 (Cont).

by the commiasi oners. -re exists:

"A cooy of a treaty (Aoril 16, 1^51) negotiated
by (laanfa, okinner, and Allen at Charnpoeg with sub
ordinate chiefs of the 3antiar.i band of the Callapooya
Indians, with a journal of the oroceedmgs. Treaty
5 p'o.; Journal 612 .

"A coTDy of a treaty (AT>ril 19, 1''51) negotiated
by a, Jkinner, and Allen at CharriDoeg with the Twalty

band of Callaoooya Indians. 7 pp.

No treaties were found d^ted May 14, 1851 which were

made bj the corwiissi oners with the k'olala and bands of

the Kalapuya Indians. Letter from Dr. J. Franklin Jameson^
Feb. 23, 1917.

104.

whiskey trade, and the nrevonti^n of war :i# the Indian
tribes. In commenting on the general Indian si tuition the

.lission-.T of Indian Affairs v/rote: "The raoid increase
of our oooulation, i cs inward march from t. : ;sr>uri frontier
westward, and fron the Pacific east, steadily lessening and
closing u.r) the intervening s-mce , renders it certain that there

remains to the red man but one alt ive- early civilization

27
or extinction."

Anson Bart held three councils in June 1351 with
the Indians of uooer Oregon. He had promised some of the

-co, Klikitat, and Cascade Indians in tl ' 11 of I'TjQ, that
he v:*uld visit them. These Indians had becr»--,c al-;nned on account
of the rumor that the western Indians were to be moved into
their country, and the berrinnin;* of settlements, alori^r the
Columbia River. Another c iurce of trouble ifi the unner Oregon
country was the unfriendly -r>i tions which existed between the
rc^s and the loni . At the council vi th the Columbia
Kivor Inciinns at Tne Dalles, June 5, 1351, the subjects dia-
cussed were the renoval of the v:entr-rn Indians into eastern
Oregon, and nay for the lands taken by the settlers. The
l.'idiana objected to n tae western Indians brought into
taeir country on the grounds that the western Indiana would

lissi oner of Indian Affairs to Anson Dart,

July 20, 1350, in C.I. A., A ..*? . L TIov. ?7 , lT.r)0 (Serial 595,
-oc.l) , p. 149.

bring dinease arnon^ them, and that their customs were different.
J;,rt quieted their fears on this score by informing them th t

••JTornment would not force the removal of tho Vvillamette Valley
Indians, who had refused to leave their native lan'is. As to

for their Ian is, the superintendent oro^nised them thr-.t they
would be oaid for their rights to the land. The second council
was held in the Walla Walla Valley with the Cayuse Indiana,
June 20, 1^51. Kx^reasions of friendship were exchanged, and
arrangements \vf?re nade for the establishment of an agency on the

•

Umatilla River. The third council was held with the Nez

Perec's, June 27, 1*351. The superintendent feasted the Indians

28
Y/ho expressed themselves as friendly towards the whites.

The iJez Percys agreed to postpone their attack upon the

23
Shoshoni. The r>lan of holding councils with the Indians

of upper nr<-<--on r>reserv^d the peace of that r>art of the
territory fairly well, as long as there were few settlers in
the ref'ion.

Ur>on returning from tho interior, Anson Dart con
tinued the wor1: of ma):ing treaties with the Indians west of the
Cascade Mountains* He submitted a report and thirteen treaties,

'^nbe.' 7, 1851. These were received by the Conmissior.or of
Indian Affairs, January 10, 1852, and sent to the Senate, by

Bart to the Co'Tnissioner of Indian Affaire, Oct. 3,
, in C.I. A., A.R. , Nov. 27, 1^51 (aerial 636, Doc. 2)
$< 479.

Bancroft, History of Oregon, II, 217, note.

106

the President, August 3, 1352, where they were read and ordered
printed. T/ieoo -renties were not ratified. They may be
di/idcd into three -: , as follows; the Tansey Point

treaties, which included ten of the thirteen, thr-f two treaties

30
made at '-:>rt Oxford, ana the one with the Clackamas Indians.

The . ^oint tre tio^ were made with ten small

bands of the Chinnok Indians, numbering in all about 3SO Indians.
The territory ceded stretched alon^ the Pacific Coast from
Shoalwater Bay to Tillanook 13ay, a. distance of one hundred
mii-?a, and extended back fron the coast about sixty ul^s.

The treaty with the Lower "Bantt of Chinook wan made
at Tan^ey ?oint, Au^ulst 9, 1851, by Anson ^arL, H. H. opalding,
and J. L. Parrish. These Indians ceded a small area on the
north side of the entrance to the Columbia P.iver, and/reserved
for their own use lands that they were occupying at the time,
which roserve was to continue uuring the lifetime of the
Indians signing the treaty. It was also -provided that Washington
Hall should be re ovnd from the reservation. As r>ay for the
cf-3sion, the Indians were to receive an annuity of $2,000

r ten years, .J400 of which was to be in money and thr, remainder
in clothing, foodXtools, cooking utensils, tobacco, soap

Interior Department, Indian Affairs Office,
11 Anson Dart submits 13 tre.-.ties ne,r;o ti :ited with Indians of
Oregon, also his report relative thereto," Nov. 7, 1H51 , Archives.
(Photoa lat conies of the report and five of the treaties are
in the Bancroft Collection.) Aopendix A.

107
31

and amiviu n i t i o n .

Hie el a ^-a "band of Chinook Indiana were
treated with , 1851, by Anson Bart and his assistants

at Tanaey ^oint. ion ceded lay betveen the ">Rcific

at Shoalwate-r Bay and the Cov/litz Valley, and between lands
claimed by the Chehalis Indians on the north and the
Chinook tr: Lhi bordered the Columbia "River on the

uouth. The treaty r>rovided that the region ceded should be
a reservation for the Caihook and" Chehalis Indians, in
case the f these In B agreed to move to

this location vithin a . In cnnai' ^t-

^n '.. = centrrj.1 roserv iti ->n, i t £ the rovernnent

wiulfi blish an --i^ncy, nanu?il Inbor school, blacksmith

shoo, and s. ' n thi-: rcr.orvo. The Indians were to receive

an annuity of ^500 for ten year.:. Of thin ur , 150 \vas
to be ir> : oney and the rest in goo<ls. This treaty included
the 1 -->f the " • i lle-^ue-onua br.nd of Chinook and must

be counted as two to account for the ten st-t d to h?we been

32
made with the L of the ChinooV

Con jorninp; these tvro bn.ndo, Dart said th;.t only
two ic,- and aevoral females and children . p.etl of the

b«nds. The cr:«3ion extended twenty rilos along the coast

... ^- 479 ff

Ibid. , . 483 ff

108.

and forty miles into the interior. At this time there was
no white man located on the purchase. As for the general
reservation, the provision was made to satisfy some of the
citizens of Oregon. Dart had not the slightest expectation
tn.it any of the Indians would leave their accustomed places
and take UTJ a residence on the reservation witnin the year
required oy the treaty. At tne exoiration of that tine the

area would become a ^art of the public domain, in case the

:53
Indiunss refused to occupy it,

The Waukikum band of Chinook Indians made a
treaty at Tansey Point, August 8, 1851, with Anson Dart,
in which they ceded lands lying along tne north bank of
the Columbia ittver, between tne cessions of the Lower Band
of Chinook and the Konniack Indians, and overlapping tu-.t of
the .ViOHla^D.a Dand of Chinook. The reservations consisted of
their olaces of residence at the time the treaty was made.

An annuity of 3700 for ten years was to be ->aid in the

34
following manner; .3100 in cash, and the remainder in -;odds.

The Konniack band of Chinook Indians concluded
a treaty with Anson Dart, Auguot 3, 1301, at Tansey Point.
Jhe cession made by tnone Indians lay in two r>arts; one on
the north 'ji>ie of the Columbia River which included the

I.bi.d « t_ o. 472

, ^. 487 ff.

109.

western T)art of the Cowlitz Valley, and ore on th' th

side of tr.fj Co?.un'bia, west and south of that river. A
r> TV-- tjon T'.a.B made of the lands occupied by t °o

at Onk Point. The coi'mensatior. for these lands was

annuity for ten years of 31.050, of which $150 was to "be

35
money, while the re.it was to be

The information c >ncernin£ the other eight
treaties i^nde by Anson Dart is limited to his report on

trace of these tre coi I'1 be found

in the Indian Office Archives.

The Klatskania bp.nd of Chinook Indians formerly
occupied t \o larias claimed by the Kooniack south of
the Columbia. At the time the treaties were rrade, they

claimed a region south of the Konni.vicV: cecsion, th^t is, the

;d lying to the north and west of the ^outh of thr . illamette
River. There were only three men and five worren regaining
of a band that in the er.rly D-'riod, according to D^rfc, forced

ibute fro.'A tne Indiana an; tiic v.hit'^s who naf;aed up or down
the Columbia RiTer, it being irnoossible for the Hudson's
Bay Cornoany to x>ass vi th less tnan sixty arrned nen. They

ceded their lends, but the tormc of the trea * :. rail-

36
able .

L •'• 491 ff .

Ibid. , -D 474

110

The Kathlamet oand of Chinook Indians ceded

** *

a region OY\ the soutn aide of the Columbia, The cession

had a frontage on the Columbia of forty miles from Ah-pin-pin

Point and extended into trio interior about twenty miles.

Astoria v/as located on this purchase. The reservations

37
consisted of two small islands in the Columbia River.

wallooska, the only survivor of a band of Chinook
Indiana formerly of s ime importance ceded lanUa lying between

those claimed by the Kathlamet uiic chose ceded by the Clatsoi),

38
including &he valley of the Lewis and Clark hiver.

Clutoop band, of Chinook tit first refused to
sell unless the ships and mills were r»;: oved from the Coo
country. Later they agreed to cede their Ian is if they v/ere
allowed two reservations of about one Hundred square miles
each, uu t finally they accepted a reservation ut Point >i
which vas three ana one naif miles in lengtn, two miles
wide at the north end, and one mile wide at tne southern
end. Tney complained of the injustice of the government
in not Day in^ them for their lanus. Tne cession was

Ibid., o. 473

™ 38

I "o i d . j n. 473

111.

caid to contain five hundred thousand acrco.

The Tillamook band of Chinook Indians ceded
thr T' . -ith of the Clatson cession, th:? Tillamook

Bay country. uT)t;r.i.nten(lerit of Indian affair* stated

that there were no settlers in this region at the time
the treacy was made, but that there was tv.elve feet of water

on the bar, tl-.,vt th<: ] ^ncis were good, and th. t it would,

40
no clouot, "be r^iidl/ settled.

^ treaties r.iade v.ith the Port Orford Indians
to have ceded the area between the Rogue River and
the Coauillc Hiver. Dart stated that the Goquille Indians,
who had murdered T'Vault'a party, lived north of the Coquille
Piver and • aot included in the treaties iriade at Port

Orford. The Indians had had very little intercourse v/i th
the vhites, and had very little knowledge of the value of goods
or money, but it was believed that they would carry out
the provisions of the treaty in every oarticular. About
five jiuridred Indians v.«re included in these treaties, Liart

ued th:,. t it was important that these treaties should be
made because the r gion would be rapidly settled due
to the location near the gold mines, the agricultural

Ibid. , n. 465

, p. 474

112

41
advantages, the cedar forests, and the good harbors.

The treaty with the Clackamas Indians -orovided
for the cession of lands lying along the south aide of the
Columbia River and east of the Willamette River. It inclufl-
led the valleys of the Clackamas and the Sandy River. This
treaty v.as considered the most important ,\of those made by
Anson Dart, because the region was in the nost thickly
settled part of Oregon. There were twenty mills operating
in this region in the fall of 1851. The -town of Milwaukee
was located on the cession. At the beginning of the nego
tiations, the Indians made unreasonable demands but finally

42
agreed to accept the terms offered by the superin ten lent .

Three causes for objection to the thirteen
treaties were mentioned by Dart. In the treaty with the
Lower Band of the Chinook, the removal of Washington Hall,
which the Indians demanded, was considered*possible objection
To this, Dart held that the removal of an obnoxious whiskey
dealer was hardly a valid cause for non-ratification. The
second objection was the reservation at Point Adams desired
by the Clatsop band of Chinook Indians where two or three
settlers had claims. The superintendent stated that the

Ibid. , *>T>. 475 f .

Ibid., ->r).475 f.

113.

Indians refused to sell this region and he thought that
they were entitled to the district as a home. The third

reason for non-ratification was the informality in the

it
negotiation if the Glackamas treaty/Nhaving been made by

Dart acting alone. II. H. Spalding and Beverly S. Allen had
been designated by the Act of February 17, 1851 to serve
with Dart in making treaties. Spalding had been removed
and hi s successor had not been authorized to assist in

making treaties, and Beverly S. Allen had declined the

43
office .

•
Probably the reasons for the non-ratification

of the treaties were other than the objections raised to
them by Dart. The fact that in most cases they were made
with insignificant bands was probably the strongest objection
to them. They did not carry out the Indian r>oiicy of Lane
and Thurston, which planned for the removal of the western
Indians to lands east of the Cascade fountains, but gave
reservations of the tribal lands. There also seena to have
been objection to the amount of annuities allowed the Chinook
bands.

Dart stated that the nlan for the removal

of the western Indians to lands east of the Cascade Mountains
as orovided for in the Act of June 5, 1850 had been found

I. id., np. 470 ff.

114.

impossible by the treaty commissioners, Gaines , Skinner,
and Allen, although they had made <ivery effort to obtain
the consent of the Vkillainette Valley Indians' to the plan.
The superintendent believed tir-t the Indians were more indus
trious than other Indians of the United States. He stated that
they did the boating on the rivers, made all the rails for
fencing, and did the greater onrt of tne labor on the farms,
and worked for lower wages than it was nossible to obtain
white laborers. For these reasons he thought that it was
better not to remove them. The Indians treated with by
Dart recognized the power of the government to exterminate
them, but they said that they would suffer this rather than
7 a the -raves of their band. It was this attachment to

their native region that caused the guneriri tennent to believe

44
that the central reservation scheme was impractical.

The Indians would not acce-ot annuities unless
they were oaid within ben years. They said that unless

-.iy Y/ere oaid soon that the whites would have the lands
for nothing. They believed that their bands would be cone

extinct within ten years. Contrary to instructions, the

treaties provided for Dart of the annuities to be oaid in

Ibid. , pp. 470 f .

115.

cash. da the Indians demanded. Dart stated that ^
or clothing in excess of the yearly needs of the Indians
would be worse than thrown away. In the case of the Chinook
bands clothing was provided for every adult of each band.
Flour was provided to give a little variety to. their fish
di t which Dart thought the cause of some of the sickness
among thorn. ^ools arid utensils were included in the annuities
to assist them in living and working.

In every case, the entire band was present at
the ti:ae the treaty v/as made, arid every nan, woman, and
child was r;ade to understand the terms of the treaty. There
wao, therefore, no chance for the complaint that only a
portion of the band was ^resent and a r>arty to the treaty.

The Indians, in every case, were satisfied v/ith the conditions

45
of the tre.xty.

Ibid.y|68f .. Bancroft stated that the Clackamas
Indians were to receive an annuity of $2,500 for ten years,
$500 in cash and the remainder ir. food and clothing. The
Chinook Indians were allowed $91 ,300 in ten annual installments
in clothing, provisions, and other articles; and reservations
were set aside at Clatson ^oint, V*oody and Cathlamet Islands,
and 3 loalv/ater Bay. The Port Orford treaties made in Jer>tember
1 1 provided that the Indians should receive $28,500 in ten
annual installments of supplies. Bancroft, History of Oregon^
II, 217.

116.

No more treaties were made during Dart's term
of office. He had ironised the Indians of the unper Umpnua
and the u->r>er Ro<rue :Uver Valley th it he would treat with

the:n but this was indefinitely oosit^oned on account of the

46
lack of money. In the latter part of October 1852, Dart was

informed by the Commissioner of Indian Affaire that the
treaties had been practically rejected by the Senate, and

Dart was instructed to make no more treaties until the

47
general policy of the government was determined. In his

annual renort for 1851 the GoriiiisBioner recommended larger
aopror)riations and an assistant commissioner of Indian

affairs for the Pacific Coast region. He did not commit

_. , 48

himself on the ouestion of the ratification of the tre .ties.

In his rer>ort for 1852, he assumed th^t the policy adopted in

the treaties had been abandoned by the government. Thus,

by December 1°,52, the Federal government, the neo^le, and

the Indian officials, ija Oro^on considered that the treaties

had been finally rejected. Dart had comolained in his reports

that he was unable to explain to the Indians the delay

in the fulfilling of the treaties, and that the Indian situation

Dart to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, 3et>t. 23,
1352, C.I. A., A.R., Nov. 30, 1352 (Serial 656, Doc. l), n.446.

Bancroft, History of Oregon, II, 245.

The Commissioner of Indian Affairs, Annual Report,
Nov. 30, 1852 (Serial 658, Doc. 1) , p. 301.

117.

49
was made more serious by the oostponement of ratification.

In 13 5'i, conjectures wore made in the Senate

as to why the treaties had not "been ratified. It was sta.ted
that it might have been due to the large appropriations
which were required under them. Houston stated that the
treaties contained objectional provisions, that they were

made with insignificant tribes, and that there was no

50
-"irent restriction in several of the treaties. There may

be some obscurity about the exact terms of some of the treaties,
and s"»me difficulty in determining the exact reasons for
their n on- ratification, but of this we are certain -- the
plan of Thurston for the renoval of the Indians west of the
Cascade fountains to lands east of those mountains ended in
complete failure, which was due to the absurdity of the nlan.
'to have moved the western Indians into eaetern Ore^n would
have mrarit to have exterminated them.

Dart to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs,

Sent. f?3, 1852, in C.I. A., A.R., Nov. 30, 1352 (Serial 658,
. 1) , T). 447 .

"Indian Aopropriation /.ill," Congreasiorv-.l
Mar. 24, 1854, 33 Cong., 1 Sess., p. 744.

118.

CHAPTER III
THK ADOPTION 0? TKft RESERVATION ^OLICY, 1853-1855

The yormatinn of a Hew Indian Policy for Oregon
Terri t nry .--Aitoon Bart's failure to secure treaties that
tae Jenate v.ould ra-ify resulted in his resignation. Joel
Palmer was appointed inarch 1? , 1853, to succeed him in the
work of for?riing and administering an Indian policy in
Oregon. Calmer had settled in Oregon in 1845, and had taken

iCti/e part in the Cayuse Indian War. He was generally
respected by tho Indians and the settlers. It was his belief

t, since the settlers had occupied the valley lands, the
only ..leans of saving the Indians was for the government to
uroviae reservations and assistance for them, in order that
they might become a settled people. This plan was adopted,

-i not without an armed effort on the part of the

Indians to prevent it.

At the time Palmer took charge , he stated that
the Indians of the V/illamette Valley were rostless and in

iln/jton Territory was created, &arch 2,
out of the northern r>art of the Oregon country, as limited
by the treaty with Great Britain, June 14, 1846. From 1853
to 1309, the boundary between the Territory of "Washington and
the Territory of Oregon was the Columbia River and the forty*
sixth Parallel of latitude, from the Pacific Ocean to the
main ridge of the Rocky fountains.

119.

a deplorable otate. The causes for this state of affairs
were: the mn- ratification ^ the treaties, which Vr-«l been
made with the^; the belief -1 »ng the Indians that the
treaties would not be ratified until they had wasted av/ny ;
the settling of the lands which the Indians claimed under
the tre.tieo; the decrease in the surely of roots and game

due to the increasing settlerien ts ; and the Cauterization of

1!
the Indians by unprincipled whites.

The Willamette Valley Indians had never made
any serious opposition to the settlement of their country,
but the Indiana of the southwestern coast of Oregon, of
the upoer Rogue lUvor Valley, of the Klamath Lake region,
showed a decided determination to prevent the settlf5!r>ent
of their districts. Offences by the Coqnille Indians
were committed in 1^51, such as the attack unon T1 Vault1 a

party. In the winter of 1853-54, Indians were killed along

2
the Illinois xUvT, at the mouth of the Chotco Hivrr, and

3
at the mouth of the Conuille River. According to nome

Joel Palmer to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs,
June 23, 1853, C.I. A., A.R._A Nov. 26, 1-M53 (Serial 710, Doc. l),
T5. 449.

Imer to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, Sept. 11,
1854, C.I. A., AiR.^ Nov. 25, 1M54 (Serial 746, Doc.l ), p. 467.

...I. Smith to Joel Palmer, Feb. 5, 1854, C.I. A., A.R.. ,
Nov. ?.5, 1854 (Serial 746, Doc. 1), p. 476.

>flJ
tub

120.

reports the settlers were the aggressors. They claimed that
the Indians had threatened to destroy the settlements. In

August 1853, the Kogue Paver Indians attacked the settlements

4
in the unrj^r Rogue River Valley. (The mounted rifle regiment had

been attached at the crossing of Rogue River in the fall of 1851,
and there had been trouble in 1852 with these Indians.) After
an ariec conflict the Indians sued for peace and agreed to cede
their lands. Joseph Lane, who commanded the volunteers> made a

-;:xty with them that became the basis for the first treaty
made with the Oregon Indiana, Later, during the winter, the

ians were attacked on Cottonwood Creek on the ground that

5
they were planning to destroy tne settlements. The emigrant

D -rties of 18; 1854 massed through the Klamath Lafce region
withovt bfcirii? attacked, due to military protection of the
volunteers. In January 1854, four nen were billed near lower

-ith Lake, and in May the settlers attacked Mie Indiana

6
at Klamath Ferry. In almost «=.-very case the federal authorities

reported that the whites were entirely responsible for the

Victor, The Early Indian Wars of Oregon, p. 300.

A. J. Dmitn to George -right, Jan. 31, 1854, in
Message from tho ^resident ... coLomunicating«.the instructions and
correspondence b etrreen the government and k'ajor General Wool,

his operations on the Coast of the Pacific^. Dec. 26,
1854 (Serial 751 , Doc. l6|f p. 18.

J. C. Bonnycastle to John 13. \Vool ,• May 28, 1854,
ibid. , p. 76.

121.

outbreak, and that the Indians were being exterminated.
These -ts of army and Indian officers, accusing the
whites of att-tcVin- the Indians, mark the br-.-innin^ of
the ov -^ - -eo: t-ie ^conle of Oregon, and the officers
of t •-.*'. '.iliwory and the Indian deoartnent.

Difficulties with the Indiana in the interior
were expected by the military and Indian authorities
unices samf c was brought ibout in their attitude toward
settlements that were being made, ka.lor Rains stated that five
Indians h?*d been killed in the vicinity of Fort Dalles
during a short period nrior to January 29, -1*3-54, and that
the Indians were go enraged by the actions of the
settlers ir their lands and committing crimes thnt
action would be required to nrevent an Indian war,

with all the tribes between the Cascade Mountains and

7
the Rockies united. The Indian ap;ent at The Dalles, R. R. Thomp

son, wrote th-;t conflicts between the settlers and the Indians
were on the increose caused by; the unites trkin.3 ur> claims
which included the lands actually occupied by the Indians,
the r : of t-ie emigrants along the trail, and the oresence

of whiskey dealers, who under thr & ise of settlers, verc carry-

their trade. The most s . s Indian attack that occurred

G. J. Rains to fi. D. Townsend, Jan. 29, 1354, i bi . ,

R. R. Tnom^eon to Palmer, Jept. 3, 1B54 , C.I. A.,
A.R. , NOT. 25, 1854 (Serial 746, Doc. 1), p. 486.

122.

during the nr-riod under cons;* .ion h-imoned nenr

l*ort 13oi . -.honi Indians Aver were

tened to kill .ill those who night /all
int~> their han , -,no the fate of the Ward r)arty, and
several • r oart" , i 11 of 1854, 'ed

to c * • . oiu of this t-i.reat. . Mie

War rderod, Au^u ;t f!0 , 1>';4, on tho Oregon

trail, :lP8 f»r::it of .-'or" e.

It will bo sf f*om t; of the

Indian sitt, , that difficulties \v< oro nun rous,

and scattered ov , ^revicn;s years.

oovious reitson for this vtuj ,hr iricreaoe of settlernenta
outside of uie -illarsette Valley. L'herc were two other
causes for tho ; • Indian si tuition th,-

in the fall of IfA. rae were: the failure of ;he

courts and oolice ta or.ninn offences by the Indiana and

• of tho rnilir. r<t

to ana vn th sufficient fepr of thr mo

it attacks.

The Indian noli in wiiich \vr

in I-'. r)4 was based on the reco o of •- ;; ant*

•-intcnJent of In 1- ;f fairy, in Oregon t

Ibid.. *). ", \1 .

123,

those of the Co-.irni;isioner of Indian Affairs. The formation
and the adoption of the reservation nolicy in Oregon, and
in VVa--. in : ton , was largely the work of Joel Palmer,
have aeon in the ^receding chapter that the plan of removing
thf western Indiana to eastern Oregon had failed, and the
Dlan of ex t.ir. -uishing the title, and leaving the Indians
to roam H«J tnoy ^leased, which had been adopted in the
treaties of 1^';1, had been rejected by the Senate. In
comr.eiiting on the Indian situation in Cali/ornia and Oregon,
/ember 30, 1852, the Commissioner of Indian Affairs said:

Regarding the policy of the rejected treaties
Tin California^! ac finally abandoned, anc! c. rr.idering
the removal of the Indians from the State as impossible,
I su ., as worthy of consideration, the nlr«.n nf
forming them into two ^rand colonies, to be suitably
located; one in cite northern ano the othrr in the
southern portion of the State. Like circumstances recom-
mend a like policy in reli^ation to tho Indians we'st of
the Cascade Mountains in Oregon. 10

ilnor's first recom ondations were made, June 23,
1B5;Z>, in which he outlined an Indian oolicy and suggested
a r-'gion which he considered would make a ^ood reservation
for the Indians of western Oregon. He stated that the
system adooted by Gaines and Dart of allowing the Indians
to mingle v;i th tho whites vould, if out into effect,

The Commissioner of Indian Affairs, Annual Report,
&Y. 30, 1352 (Serial 658, Doc. 1), T. 301.

124.

s-oeedil/ result in the extern! rrition of the Indians. Ke
laid down four r>rinci^les of policy necessary for the pre
servation of the Indians, namely: a hone remote from the
settlements; laws guarding them from degraded whites; lav/8
governing the Indians in their relations with one another;

ana the aid o^ schools, missionaries , and instruction in

11
agriculture. ,ith the above views in mind, Palmer proposed

that the Willamette Valley Indians be located in the snail
vMlleys alonu the ^acific Coast between the iaquina and
the Alsea i<iv~r. A number of reasons were given for con
sidering this a favorable location. These were: the
friendliness, free intercourse, and similarity in cu atoms
and languages, of the Indians inhabiting the Coast region
and tho v;illaraette Valley; the abundance of game anci fish
west of the Coast Ranf;e ; the prevalence of small valleys
ada-o table to cultivation; the comlete »£p ration of the
country by the Coast Range from the Willamette Valley;
the uninviting coast whicn repelled ingress from the sea,
and the unnttractiveness of the small valleys for v/hite
settlements. Jhese recommendations were concluded by the
following statement which described the status .of the Indian

^alner to the Commissioner of Indian Af fairs,

June 23, 1853, C.I. A., A.R._, Nov. 26, 1853, (Serial 710, Doc. l),
p . 4 50 .

125.

policy in the suimner of IB 53:

It is evident that a delay in coming to
a full ana definite understar ; • Ih the Indian
bands residing in the settlements serves greatly
to increase t;ie difficulty of firu . it. In

the absence of instructions from the department, I

'cirraased how to proceod in adjusting
difficulties. My conviction, from what I have said,
rcay be easily inferred, that ; i ;e evils can scarcely
be mitigated by any means in my -oower, and only abated
by k. 1 of the Indiana. icace of society,

the security of ^ronrrty, the welfare of the Indians,
demand i

further recommendations were made by Palmer,
October 3, 1 . They were included in his annual

ort which was received by the Commissioner of Indian
fffmi.T9 too late to b' nted in the annual report of

1 Co ran is si oner for 1 . . is comiaunicationjnas not

n printed. I • . ..•. ;;t is? ohtit

tlic recr. ions .r.aae in it becane the b&&i8 for

the reservation Indian policy for the Pacific Northwest.

t there v/ere recoramendations in the report urging
that treaties be negotiated for the nurchaee of the lands
from the Iric.iane of Oregon Territory which *<>ulc provide
ervations for the Indians, anci assi atari ce to theiG in
-•tbli sliii^-; t -Ivec aa settled people-3, i ->,-n by

reference .3111 in a r^eciG.1 report of the Cc:nr,iBsioner

of Indian Affairs, February 6, 1854, which will be discussed

Ibid. ^ p . 4 51 .

126.

ia'jioner of Indian Affairs, 1 ov$ '26,

185?., Dointed -»ut ine necessity of adooting awe systematic
"olicy in dealing with the Indians of the j'ar Vest. He
stated that no ->lan JMt4 "been decided uoori for any oart of
the region. It was recommended that a commission be anpoint-
ed to report on tne subject of Indian oolicy in the territories
~f -•', -Jico, Utah, urenron, "..-ashirigton , and the state a of
Texas and California. i::je reasons for urging the immediate
adoption of a olan for dealing with these Indians v;ere: the
increase in the number of depredations consult ted by t
Indiana o/j --«ttiers; the losses sustained by the govern-
n was responsible to the/set tlera , u^dor tao

since it failed to restrain t;. .ian^; tne neceosit3r for
the colonization of tie Indiana if tney were to be saved

extermination; and tne inexpensiveness of the reserva
tion system as connared with the constant use of the military

Torce to keep the peace. The Corainissioner was, quite

14
evidently, in favor of colonizing the Indians.

The Commissioner of Indian Affaire to the Secretary
of the Interior, Peb. 6, 1W34, «* Letter from the Secretary
of the Interior tran-.: ng a report from t^e Cowuisaiono.r of

''fairs recorfunending the speedy making of treaties v/ith
the Indian tribes of_ the territories of Oregon and Washington,
J?eb. 9, IB 54 (Serial 721 , Doc. 55), T>r> . 1-3.

The Commissioner of Indian Affairs, Annual Report,.
Nov. 26, 1853 (Serial 710, Doc. l), p. 260.

127.

A special report was submitted to Congress,
February 9, 1354, by the Commissioner of Indian Affairs
in which he advised that treaties be speedily made with the
Indians of Oregon and Washington, both east and west of
the Cascade liountains. It was this renort, based on Palmer's
report of October 8, 1853, that determined the -oolicy of
treaties and reservations For the Indians of Oregon and
'..fisaington. The report recommended thrt Congress appropriate
.$68,000 to ^ay the expenses of negotiating thf treaties
and to pay the first installment of the annuities. This
action was statod to be necessary: becausn tho i^nriR
the Indians wore b e i ng t ak - » n by th & vvli i t e 3 ; b e c au 3 e

t aad cnc r; raged the settlement of the ration;
becnuae the pro^Berity of the country was' delayed by the
uncertainty of ~>eacc; because an extensive outbreak was

)bab~le unless the Indian? ivero pacified; because lion tili ties
•e caused by tho ab r: •-: T: '.* yp treaties; and because it

desirable that there be ~>eac \ the Indians along the

15
• of the railroad projects. Thio re commendation led to

•• decision on the part of th? {--overnrnent to make treaties
v/i th the Indians of Oregon rmd v.'aehinrt on. Later recommenda
tions only tended to strengthen the belief on the part of the
Indian office thnt the cit^-tion was serious- -n that the

The Cornmissioner of Indian Affairs, to the Secre
tary of the Interior, ^eb. 6g 3,854, o). cit . , p. 3.

means had been adopted ^ it.

J. L. Parrish, the agent for the Oregon c
district, r« commended, July 20, 1-1 ")4; that the Indinna be
treated as wards, placed' on re'-.Qr- , protected, and
taught the cu of civilized life; thnt tney be trained to
understand the laws of the lanrl; an:: th-.t tney be p<=nr.^ded to
>?ive u~> uheir tribal ; ionn and customs, in order ^? t

they :-night becono caoablc of exercir. ie rights and duties

16
of citizenship.

The Indian agent for gaatern Oregon, A . Thompson,
• ressed the belief, July 20, 1354, th.-it the existing uncatia-

tory conditions could only oe ^^:no:Jied hy lure - the

17
iaa titlo and olacing the Indians on r-^servatio .

r visit.- • •• t di strict, between the

^uina and the -\Lr,e;i luver, in the of 1954 1 rd found

that it v?as less desirable for an Indian reservation than

had suo-oosed. He stated that it would be TossibV- to locate
the Indians in t' on If the Indian den'-..rt?rrrt would

furnish sufficient employees to rear 'f\^fj tho Indians i;, the
isolated valleys vrhich charact«n*iaed the countr

In e yc-.r, 1)?.l;i^r visited

ke region and reoorted that it v,--»uid be a -j;ood
location for the Indiana of tho Willamette and the Unroqua

J. L. Parrish to Calmer, July 20, 1854, C.I. A.,
Nov« -5» ^^54 (Serial 746, Doc. 1) , p. 493.

Thompson to Palmar, July ':0, 1-^ 54, ibid. , r) . 485.

129.

Valley. The advantage of this district was its remoteness

n is uo^f'.Jl for sfit*-,le--,2r.ts. Objections worn
foun-J to t..io olan in thr? c inters of the Klamath lake

••-nviliingneas of the Tndinns to " iove east

of the Cascade fountains. These, however, were not considered
serious hinrfr to thr --In.n.

Calmer r ended, Se^temb^r 11, IB 1)4 , that

treaties of purchase "be made with the Indians of the Territory
of Oregon. Th 3 an unnecessary repetition of earlier

recommendations but he had not been informed that Congress

i massed ar? Act authorizing the making of treaties and

18
-OTiriating money for that rmroose, July 31, 1854.

recommendations , however, wero imnorUint because the
policy vas not determined in detail by Congress or the
Indian bureau but left to the 'ii.'cretion of the superintendents

tff airs in Oregon and Washington . Palmer advised
Indians be placed on reservations vhere they should
be voverned, at first, by v^gents of thp government; and later,

i they bec.Tiv;jo cap.ible, b/ members of their own race under

19
1 W3 of the United States.

^cveral trer.uica were raade by Palmar before the
-izition by ;ress, Jnly 31, 1B54. After the conflict
in the utrvir -.0.71^ Hiver Valley during August and September
5, Jo ae oh Lane, the commander of the Oregon volunteers,
G a ^e ace treaty, _,e^teraber 8, 1853, with the Upper Rogue
Hiver Indians. It defined the boundaries of the lands

The Indian Aopropriation Act, July 31, 1^54, Statutes
at Large. X, 330.

130.

claimed by these Indians, and provided that they should
accent a reservation to be designated in the future. They
agreed to surrender their ar^s, and pay for the destruction

of property, in the late conflict with the v/hites, out of their

20
annuities. Palmer made a treaty with these Indians, September 10,

18b;5, one provision of which was that $15,000 was to be
retained for the payment of property destroyed a.s provided
in Lane's treaty of 3eptember S, 1B53. Tho other provisions
of tne treaty were, as follows: the Indians agreed to cede
the lands of the upper Ro^ue River Valley and accept as a

.try reserve the Table Hock region, with the understanding
: -~ ' ion ni^ht bo exc d for another, or

ri into farms for the Indians. They were to receive
,$55,000 in twenty annual inatallnents - in addition to presents

ived fit .l~,e ~i--e the treaty was made- •r-nr: houses for the
chiefs. The Indians al;o agreed to protect travellers; restore

n property; and to submit their grievances amon- t.aem-

•, and trith thf wl iton , to the Indian a/<ent for settlement.

Calmer t;-» the •'-> 33sionf>r of Indian Affairs,

b. 11, 1354, C.I. A., A.M. . liov. 25, Icb4 (burial ^ ' -, t Doc 1),
P « 47 3 .

C. J. Kanplrr, co-;t)., Indian Affairs- r.-.-.\-u and
r-li^.3. (Serioi 4r,24 f Doc. :U9 ) , II, 1049.

Ibid. , II, 603-

131.

The Cow CreeK band of Uripqua Indians, on account
of having participated in tho attacks on the settlements
in the unpor Rogue? River Valley in August and Sentember 13133,
vere forced to code their lands, September 19, 1853. The
ceosion was a sr.-.all region in the central oart of southwestern
Oregon. The Indians agreed to remove to the temporary reserva
tion at Table Rock. They were to receive in payment for
the cession Ul,000 in tventy annual installments of beneficial
objects Aand ')2,000 in presents and buildings. The other
provisions were the same as those of the treaty with the Utroer
Rogue River Indians. These treaties were ratified by the
Senate, April IS, 1854, but, due to the Senate amendment which

was not agreed to by the Indians until November 11, IB 54,

22
they were not proclaimed until February 5, 1855,

The Indian ^olicy for Washington Territory.- - The
Indian policy for Washington was identical with that adopted
for the Territory of Oregon. This was not due to the action
of the government but rather to the fact that Palmer and
Stevens were, in gen£ral , of the same opinion as to the proper
mann r of conducting Indian affairs. The situation north of
the Columbia Siver and the forty sixth parallel of latitude was
similar to that south of the line except that ( the re were fewer
settlements and more powerful Indians, in Washington Territory.

The Indian situation in Washington Territory in 1853

Ibid., II, 606-7.

138.

was more serious east of the Cascade fountains than west
of those mountains although the settlements were almost
exclusively in the western part of the territory. There
was a movement, in this year, to make settlements _n the
interior of the territory. The region had been practically
closed to settlement since the Cayuse Indian War. The
military commander in the Puget Sound region stated that

the settlers were unjustly taking lands cultivated "by

23
the Indians. Colonel Bonneville, Father Pandory, and

Major Alvord, wrote that the Indian situation in eastern

ijhinston was threatening the peace of the Pacific Northwest.
Bonneville st. ted, February 23, 1853, that settlements were
to be attempted in the Walla Walla Valley during the coming
summer and that there w-mld probably be trouble with the

Indians as they would not peaceably submit to the occupa-

24
tion of their lands. It was stated by father Pandory,

•
•

April 1853, that during the winter of 1B52-53, there had been
rumors that the Cayuse and the Nez 'erce's were in favor of
a war against the American settlers, and that feasts had
been held by the Nez Perec's and the Cayuse in the soring

Floyd Jones to Townaend , Se )t . 1, 1853, Message from
the President •• .transmitting report in regard to Indian affairs
on tho ^acific, Feb. 14 , 1857 (Serial 906, Doc. 76) , p. 9 .

B.L.33. Bonneville to Townsend, Feb. 23, 1853,

, o . r' %

of 1353 for the purpose of uniting all of the interior
Indians against the whites. Places had been designated
for the gathering of the warriors of the various tribes.

The reason for those plans for hostilities was that

25
the settlers were taking their lands. Major Alvord reported,

July 17, 1853: that the Cayuse were afraid that the •
Americans would disrjosses them of their lands; and that if
settlements were attemnted in the Walla Wa'la country, under
the existing c mdi tions, as had been planned, war would likely
result with the Cayuse and their sympathizers, the Yakima.

These men believed that some provision should be made for

26
the Indians before the settlement of the regio'n was attempted.

Bonneville advised that the Indians be given reservations,
and that Indian agents be anointed to look after their inter
ests. Alvord recommended that the Indian title to the
lands alont; the Columbia River between The Dalles and the
Cascades be extinguished and reservations provided for the
Indians of that region. He also suggested that the north
eastern -oart of the Territory of V/ashington - which at that
time extended to the main ridge of the Rocky Mountains --

Father Pandory to Father Mesplie, April 1853,

Letter from the .Secretary of ..the Interior transnii tting. . . . the
report of J . Hoss Browns, on the subject of Indian war in

Q£e&o_ and Washington crritories, Jan. 25, 1858 (Serial 955,
Do 67 38) , o. 64.

B. Alvord to Townsend, July 17, 18133, 4^ Message
from the President.... .'•1eb. 14, 1857 (Serial 906, Doc. 76), p

134-

be reserved as an "Indian Country." These ooinions,
with the exception of the laat, were in line with the
later policy as developed by Stevens.

It seems evident from the above statements

that the Indian situation in the eastern part of Washington
Territory had reached a critical stage in the fall of 1853.
The movement of settlement had started east from the Pacific,
and settlers, coming from the "States," were beginning to
stoo east of the Cascade Mountains, due to the occupation of
all the lands thought desirable west of those mountains.
Isaac I. otnvens, the governor and superintendent of Indian
affairs for the territory, faced, from the beginning of his
administration in the fall of 1S63, the difficult oroblem
of adopting measures that would give the settlers the lands,
and that would satisfy the Indians and thus orevent hostilities
This oroved to be an impossible task.

In the fall of 1853, the Indian service for
shington Territory was organized. .he suaerin ,entlent
visited the Indians under ais charge as he proceeded west
ward as chief of the northern Pacific Railroad Survey, and
became acquainted with the tribes which he was to manage
until 1H57. The Act which created the territory, ^arch 2,
^i, reserved to the federal governnent the control over
the Indians; and to the Indians all the rights that they
had had prior to the formation of the territory. It Drovided

135.

that the governor should be, ex-officio, suDerintendent of

27
Indian affairs.

The instructions issued to Governor LStevens by
the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, May 9, 1853, were of
a general mture. The Commissioner stated that the information
in the hands of the bureau concerning the Indians of the new Ter
ritory of Washington was of very little value. Stevens waa
instructed: to obtain all the knowledge relative to the
various tribes that he could; to report all the informal
treaties that had been made between the Indians and the
settlers; to st ;te the needs of the Indian service in vVashing-
ton, after having surveyed the field; to submit estimates
of trio exoenses necessary for the efficient conduct of the
Indian affairs of the region; and to make recommendations
relative to a change in the laws regulating trade and inter
course with the Indians. The Commissioner urged that the
report on these matters be made as soon, and as full, as
possible in order that he might maxe recommendations to
Congress, aince no money had been appropriated for the
Indian service in the 'territory. Economy was necessary
because funds a^oro-oriated for othor -Durnoses were being
used for the Washington superintendericy . Stevens was

An Act to Establish the Territorial Government
of Washington, Mar. 2 , 1853, Statutes at Large, X, 172.

136.

authorized to a~>r>o.irit temporary special agents.

The report of Isaac I. Jtevens , December 26,
I'5 .- , v.nn received by the Commissioner of Indian Affairs
prior to the roo^rt of the latter of February 6, 1854, and
influenced the Comrisaioner to include Washington in
hi a reco'irraendation that treaties be speedily made with the
Iniians of Oregon. Aa in the case of Oregon, the formation
of 1 Lan policy was r>laced in the hari'is of the sut>nrinten-

dent. Hecornri- ions made after the policy of making

treaties h n adopted by Congress, July 31, 1854, were,

therefore, important in determining the policy. In December
18. "S3,, Stevens stated: the general policy which he believed should
be followed in dealing with the Indians of Washington Territory;
the coat of making the treaties; and a plan for the organiza
tion of the Indian service. It was asserted that it would
be impossible to accorolish anything for the Indians unless

i for their lands and nlaced on reservations
wherf they Gould be cared for. This situation was the
result of the "Donation Act/1, massed by Congress September 27,
18 DO, which gave the lands to the settlers without regard
to any claim that the Indians might h?.ive . The superintendent
urged that the reservations be made immediately, because

The Commissioner of Indian Affairs to I. I. Stevens,
May 9, 1?U>3, C.I. A., A. R ...... Nov. 26, 1853 (Serial 710, Doc. l),

137.

suitable lumls for this ->unose would be difficult to
obtain if tne matter was delayed, particularly west
of the Cascade Mountains, an that ^art of the territory
was rabidly filling UT5 with settler?.; and that the
reservations be surveyed at once, in order that land disputes,
a common cause of conflicts between the whites and the
Indiana, rai^ht be settled more readily. It was estimated
that $30,000 would cover the cost of making tho treaties
with all of the Indians of the territory. The superintendent
recommended that War ton be divided into five districts

for Indian administration r>urr>oses; thr^e of v.-bich were to
be agencies, and two, sub- agencies. The agencies were to
be the ^u^et 3ound region, the Yakiraa and the Spokane
country, and the St. Gary's valley. The aub-a^encies were
to be southwestern Yv'a shins; ton and the Spokane country.

These we ^finite ooiniona as to what should be done,

29
and how it s iould be done.

The Commissioner of Indian Affairs recommended,
November 26, 1853, that a >rne T>lan be adopted for dealing with
the Indians of Washington. On the basis of 3tevens*5 report
of December 26, 18 o3 , and the policy outlined by Calmer for
Oregon, the Coroiiissioner urged, February 6, 18:54, that treaties

oteveno to the Corjni ssioner of Indian Affairs,

1853, Conmunications from the Secretary of the Interior and the
Commissioner of Indian Affairs. • .reco- ?-;endins certain a )^ropriations

[ndiari service^.. , ^eb. 9, 1854 (Serial 698, Doc. 34),
t)T> . 7, 15; Stevens to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, Sept. 16,
4, C.I. A., A.R. . Nov. 25, 1854 (Serial 746, Doc. l) Von -\415-462 .

138.

"be made with .he Indians of Washington and Oregon. Congress
authorized, ."rl ./ 31, l(Vj4, the negotiation of treaties in
these territorios and appropriated 145,000 for the raking
of T> resents to, and trr tieo with, the Indians of Washington

, however, did not determine the ^olicy, except
to i ' i thorizing the making of treaties r.nd

of ->rovi the money for accomnliuhing that work.

In Q riessage to tho territorial legislature,
, I, ^vernor otnvrns urged thn t a memorial
b^ nridresaed to Congress requesting that treaties be rrade
with the Indians both east and v/est of the -Cascade Mountains
in the territory of Cashing ton. Concerning the subject,
said :

The Indian title has not been extinguished
east of the Cascade mountains. Under the land
law of Centre -.59 , it is impossible to secure titles
to land, and thus the growth of towns and villages
is obstructed, 0.3 well as th» development of the
resources of the Territories. 30

The Washington legislature accepted the suggestion of
the governor and memorialized Congress, April 12, IB 54,
relative to the situation in eastern Washington. The
memorial stated in nart:

(The district east of the Cascade mountains^
is occuoied by numorous tribes of Indians, who, although at

Stevens to the Legislative Assembly, Feb. 28,
Washington i lature* House Journal .. . 1 Ses8.,,Feb. 87,
1854, 13. 16.

139.

^resent are on friendly i>enri8 v.-i th the citizens of this
territory, yet are warlike in their di L3oosi tions , and
may become still more so should further settlements

!e anorig then without orovioun arrangement, and
that the interests of this territory require that its
cj tizeno nhoul • be allowed nt once to occuoy that
oortiori of this territory for agricultural and especially
for .grazing ourooseg, without moles tati on. 31

In a rooort, .lentember 16, 1854 , Isaac I. Stevens
id down certain principles of Indian ^olicy which he
believed should be followed in making tree tie a with the
Indians. He stated that the aim of the Indian r»olicy should
be to r>ror)-ro the Indians to become citizens of the United

tes. In order to accomplish this they should be provided
ri th reser-'v tions of ^ood lands of sefficient size to allow
each head of a family a homestead. The Indians should be
sur>r>lied with farms, an: farmers to instruct them in agri
culture. L'any bands should be concentrated on one

ervation in order that the control of the government over
therr. might be more easily effected. The authority of the chiefs
of the tribes should be increased so that they coulci be held
responsible to the government for the conduct o^ their bands.
The Indians should not be excluded from the fisheries. This
olan of concentrating the Indians was nrobably the best but

v/as difficult to effect without the use of force, r»s Stevens

32
c known. In the previous year, while among the

Memorial of the Legislature of Washington Territory
relative to the extinction of Indian titles to lands in the
^-Territory of Washington," Ar>ril 1?, 18b4, Washington Legislature^
House .Journal . 1 Sess., Feb. 27 , 1954, p. 148.

140

d'Oreille he had been told of the effort of the
Jesuit missionaries to t>crsuade the Indiana to move to

a better region, and of their refusal on the ground of

33
ancestral ties to their own country.

Thus, during 1853 and 1854f as a result of the
increased settlements in Washington Territory, the Indian
service had been organized; a-voropriations had been made
for -liking treaties v;i th the Indians; and Indian •nolicy
recommendations had been made by the superintendent of
Indian affairs for Washington Territory. The Co^ir, winner
of Indian Affairs, November 25, 18u4 and the superintendent
of Indian Affairs, for Washington Territory, February 28,

1854, expressed the belief that the time hae c ime for the

34
final settlement of the Indian problem in Washington.

••tevens to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs,
16, 1854, C.I.A. A. HI,- Nov. 25, 1854 (Serial 746,
Doc . 1) , r>. 421.
33

jtevens to the Comrriiasionr'r of Indian Af fairs,
beirt . lr, ;4 , ibid. , T>. 450.

The Commissioner of Indian Affairs, Annual
Report. Nov. 25, 1854 (Serial 716, Doc. 1), p. 223;
itcvcne uo the Legislative Assembly, Feb. 23, 1854, ibid. t
o. 15.

141.

The Negotiation of the Treaties.-- We have seen
- during 18f>3 and 1854 a r>olicy of making treaties with
the Indians had, for the second time, been adopted. The two
differences that marked the later from the early policy were;
the absence of any r>lan for a general removal of the Indians
to anY Indian Country" and the inclusion of the whole area of
the Pacific Northwest in the plan for the extinguishment of
the Indian title. Between November 1854 and January 1856,
fifteen ireatiea were made which extinguished the Indian
title to all of the Pacific Northwest except southwestern
Washington, the Okanogan, Sr>okane , Coeur d!Alene region,
and the Snake country. They were negotiated by Joel
Palmer, superintendent of Indian Affairs for Oregon Territory*
and Isaac I. j .evens , who held the same office, for Washington

-•ritory. These treaties contained provisions for coloniza
tion and management of the Indians. It is hardly necessary
to consider the details of each treaty as the general character
of all of them is the same. This can be shown by an enumeration
of the orovisions which the treaties had in common. A1! of
the tre ties included: a cession of lands; payment for the
cession in annuities of beneficial objects; assistance for
the Indians in the form of buildings, mills, instructors, and
physicians; a reservation which the Indians wero to occupy
within a year after the ratification of the treaty; provision

142.

for the granting of the reservation lands to the Indians
in severally; compensation to the Indians for granting rights
of v:ay for roads or railroads through their reservations;
the acknowledgment by the Indians of the jurisdiction of the

'eral government over them; the submission of disputes
among the Indians of a band, or with other 'bands, or
with the whites, to the Indian a/^ent for se ttler-^ nt ; the
non-payment of the deots of individual Indians from the
a.j-:iv.<i tie. r, ; anri the reservation of fishing rights to the
Ini . In addition to these, t.ie following provisions
were common to the treaties made with the Indians of the
Pu,~et Sound region: the nrohibition of slavery; -provisions
for a central agency; and the prohibition of trade with
I. British Columbia.

The tre.-.tiec were negotiated in the follov/ing
order: three treaties v;ere3 made by Palmer, west of the
Cascade Mountains in Oregon, urior to June 1855; eecond,
four were made by Stevens, west of the Cascade :v;.oun tains in
Washington Territory, nrior to Juno Io55; third, three
treuiieL, \vere m&de by 3tevena and 'Palmer .jointly, Jure 1855,
east of the Cascade Mountains, the lands purchased lying
rt,ly in each territory: fourth, two treaties were -ade
by Stevens after June 1855, oiie east of the Cascade L'oun tains,
ar.d one west of those mountains in ington Territory; fifth,
three treaties were made by Palmer after June IBo.;, one

143.

east of the Cascade Mountains, and two west of the mountains
in Oregon Territory. > course of the negotiation of these

tre -ties will be followed according to this grom>in£.

The first treaty, exclusive of the Ro^ue River
and tho Cow Creek treaty, made "by Palmar was with the
Rggue River Indians,' November 15, 1^54, and was suoolementary
to th ver tre-ity, dated Ge^tenbor 10, 1P:;~, which,

en, was made pr:I '.horization of the

: of treaties "by Conr;rroo« It provided that certain
iver Indi-.no, whic >t been included

in tho original treaty, should rcr,ove to Treble Rock, and re
ceive ?2,150 in nup^lics, to be shared v.-ith the oth^r bands

that rr .ion. In returnf the bands of the supplementary

treaty were to share in the provisions of tho original treaty.

The above amount T.-as a^oro-piri tted by Congress, March ,

25
5.

••; Chasta-Skn ton In were treated v/ith

by Calmer, .'jovember 18, 1853, at trie mouth of Anx>legate
creek on Ho iver. They agreed to cede their lands in

• Diddle Ro^ue T'iver Valley and to r' - to th le

^eserv. ti >n . -5 ao^ro^riatr-u *35,730 for the

execution of the treaty, March 3, 13551 It wao proclaimed,

Kar>Dl -r , c orr:-> . , In-llavt Affairs^ Laws an- Treaties
(Serial 46^4, Doc. 319), II, 654-55.

144*

36
April 10, 1855.

On November 29, 1854, a treaty was wade with
the UmDqua and Kalapuya Indiana of the middle Umpqua Valley.
The Indians ceded their lands and accented a temporary reser
vation in the tlnroqua Valley. Congress appropriated, March 3,

1855, $23,980 for the first annual payments under the treaty,

37
which was proclaimed March 30, 1855.

The Willamette Valley Indiana were treated with
by Palmer, January 22, 1855, under the title of the Confederated
Bands of the Willamette Valley. The lands of the valley were
ceded and temporary reservations were set aside for them
within the cession, the first appropriation for the fulfill*

ment of this treaty amounted to $62,260 and was made by

38
Congress, March 3, 1856.

It will be noticed in these treaties that the
reservations were temporary. Palmer was instructed to make
treaties "first with the Indians in the vicinity of the
settlements. It was necessary to make the above treaties,
therefore, orior to treating with the Coast tribes, in whose
cession the proposed Coast Reservation was located. The
temporary reservations were to continue only until the super
intendent was able to make the treaty with the Coast tribes.

During the winter of 1854-55, Isaac I. Stevens
attempted to raake treaties with all the Indians of the western
part of Washington territory. He was successful in purchasing

Ibid,. II, 655-57.

Ibid,, II, 657-60.

•*£ e

c?ruv..j>rrl

ill

145.

the Indian title to all the lands bordering on Puget Sound,
tout due to the failure of the Chehalis council, the coast
district and southwestern "Washington were not ceded* The
first treaty was made with the Hi squally, Puyallup, and others
at Medicine Creek - now known as KG Alister's Creek - December
26, 1854* The Indians ceded the lands of the headwaters of
Puget Sound, and received three small reservations which were
later changed, with the exception of Squaxon Island. The
treaty was proclaimed March 3, 1855, and Congress appro
priated $16,500 for the first payment under the treaty

39
on the same day*

The eastern side of the Puget Sound country was
ceded by the Dwaraiah, the Suqua&ish, and other Indians,
January 22, 1355, at Poitt Slliott. ?our reservations were

•

provided for the Indians* This treaty and those which follow

were not ratified until March 1859, due to the Yakima Indian

40
War*

The Clallam Indians were treated with at Point-no-

Point, January 26, 1855, for the lands bordering on the western
side of Puget Sound and the southern side of the Strait of

Juan de Aica. A reserve was set aside at the head of Hood

41
Canal.

Ibid. , II, 665*69; Civil and Diplomatic Appropriation
Act, #ar. 3, 1855, Statutes a\ Large, X, 675.

Kappler, op. _cit« «. lit 661-64*

Ibid . . II, 669-73.

Ibid.. II, 674-77

eJgf::.

JMW x^-ari^ ^*

TC^
34dX$ hadjr-.

'rtWI9 *ltt

-20! fcnblv

146.

At Neah Bay, the Makah Indians, January 31, 1855,

ceded a small area in the vicinity of Cape Flattery, and

received a reservation of a part of the cession. This

was the smallest area purchased by any of the treaties in the

42
Pacific Northwest.

A council was held by Stevens and his assistants
with the Chehalis, Chinook, Cowlite, and Quinaielt, February
25, 1855. It was the aim of this council to extinguish the
Indian title to the coast area and southwestern Washington,
and to set aside a reservation for these Indians between
Grays Harbor and Cape Flattery. The Indians were offered
#44,000 in annuities, and the usual aids of a reservation
establishment. One objection that the interior Indians
made was that they did not wish to occupy a coast reservation,
among "canoe Indians.11 After the early meetings Tleyuk, a
young chief of the Upper Chehalis, influenced other chiefs to
refuse to sign. Some of the members of the council thought
that, had the reserve proposed been located upon the lands of
the Upper Chehalis Indians and had Tleyuk been chosen head
chief, he would have agreed to the treaty and it would have
been accepted by the other chiefs. The council broke up with
out effecting anything definite, but the trsaty with the
Quinaielt, Quillehute, and others, was a direct result of this

Ibid.. II, 682-84.

to -•- •.-

147.

meeting, the treaty having "been explained to them at this

43
council.

Stevens and Palmer had thus made noticeable
headway toward the extinguishment of the Indian title
west of the Cascade Mountains in Washington and Oregon during
the winter of 1854-55. In June 1855, all arrangement*
were completed for the beginning of treaty making east of
the Cascade Mountains. It was planned to inaugurate the
work in the interior by a council with the principal tribes
of that region, namely: the Yakima, Nez Percys, Cayuse, Walla*
walla, and the Umatilla, to be held by the superintendents
Palmer and Stevens, acting jointly, because the lands claimed
by the Indians were partly north of the Columbia and the
forty- sixth parallel, and partly south of that line.

Three treaties were made at Camp Stevens, June 9
to 11, 1855, in the Walla Walla Valley, which were known
collectively as the Treaty of Walla Walla. The original
plan was to create two reservations, but in order to over
come the objection of the Cayuse, Umatilla, and the Wallawalla,
they were allowed a reserve in the Umatilla Valley. The
Yakima, and other Indians, ceded about one half of the
eastern part of the present state of Washington and received
a reservation of fertile lands in the Yakima Valley. The

Hazard Stevens, Life of Isaac Ingalls Stevens. II,
2-8.

3B9

148.

Wallawalla, Cayuse, and. the Uinatilla ceded lands lying in
the northeastern part of the State of Oregon, and the south
eastern part of the State of Washington. They were provided
with a reservation in the Uinatilla Valley. The Nee Percys1 s
cession included the region of central Idaho, lying between
the Wallawalla cession and the Bitter Hoot Mountains* The
reservation in the Clearwater Valley was one of the largest
set aside by any of the treaties made with the Indians of
the Pacific Northwest.

These treaties were not made without the expres
sion of considerable opposition on the part of the Indians.
The Yakima objected to being limited to a reservation; the
Umatilla, Cayuse, and Walla \Valla demanded an independent
location; and a part of the llez Force's refused, to the last,
to sign the treaty. The Indians were quite generally opposed
to selling their lands, but almost all the chiefs were finally
persuaded to sign the treaties. Just what the plans of some
of these Indians were at the time of signing the treaty, it
is difficult to say, but it is quite possible that the Yakima
Indian War was agreed upon by some of the chiefs at this
council .

The first council was held, May 29, 1855, there being

149.

five thousand Indians present* On the first day a speech
was cade by 3tevens explaining the our nose of making the
tree. ti* s, after which the council adjourned for the day. On
the following day i the council was addressed by Palmer,
and by Stevens who gave the details of the plan that was
proposed in the treaties. On the third day, the superinten
dents stated the benefits that the Indiana would obtain
through the treaties and the reservations* During the next
day, June 1, 1855, the Indians considered in an Indian
council the n repositions made by Palmer and Stevens* The
Indians made speeches the following day in the council* On
June fourth Stevens, and the Sec Perce* chief, Lawyer, urged ^^t
the treaties be accepted, but the^Council adjourned without
having made any sensible progress." On the following day
Steiens and Palmer made long explanatory speeches, and June
sixth was occupied by the Indians in consultation among
thennelves. The superintendents continued their explanations
on the next day. Speeches were made on June seventh by
the Indian chiefs. Lawyer agreed to accept the treaty for
the Nee Perdee. Looking Glass, a Ke» Force chief who arrived

nfter thie agreement by Lawyer, objected strongly and refused

*
to sign. Young Chief of the Cayuse stated that he could

not understand the treaties; the Wallawalla chief, Piopiomoxmox,
said that he thought that Lawyer had given his lands away.
The Yakima chief, Kamaia\can, when urged to speak, renlied,

£XV«

.ten

150.

•I have nothing to say." Owhi , a chief of the TTmatilla,
•aid that hit people were far away and, therefore, he could
•ay nothing. When the council met on the following day,
Palmer urged the Indian chiefs to accept the treaties. It
was during this meeting that Looking Glass created considerable
confusion by forcefully objecting to the NeE Percys accepting
the treaty, which had been done by Lawyer* Looking Glass had not
been ^resent at the earlier meetings* These objections were
met in oart by agreeing to allow the newcomers an additional
reservation. At this stage all of the chiefs agreed to accept
the treaties except Kamaiakan. The papers were brought into
the council on the following day to be signed. Stevens ex
plained the reservations which were allowed in the treaties
for the various tribes. This was followed by a speech from
Looking Glass in which he urged the chiefs not to accept
the treaties. The result was that Piopiomoxmox, Kamaiakan,
and Looking Glass refused to sign. When the council was
called together on th^ following day, these chiefs suddenly
changed their attitude, from v/hat cause it is not known.
After a short speech from Stevens, the chiefs signed the
treaties. That these Indians were unwilling to be restricted
to reservations, and were unwilling to have the settler*
occupy thetandB, seems evident from their general dissatisfaction

•

151.

with the treaties'", their earlier relations with the whites,

44
and their subsequent hostilities*

Stevens and Palmer separated after the signing
of the treaties at Camp Stevens, Palmer proceeding to The
Dalles to make a treaty with the Indians of that region under
the title of the Confederated Tribes of Middle Oregon, and

Stevens travelled eastward to make a treaty with the Flathead

•

Indians. The council with the Flatheads and other Indians,

was held, July 16, 1955, at HellCj^&te TUey ceded the region lying

between the Bitter Root fountains and the main ridge of

the Rocky Mountains, and agreed to accept a reservation lying

south of Flathead Lake. It was alsa provided that a portion

of the Bitter Root Valley should be temporarily withheld

from settlement, the/Plathead Indians desiring that this

region also be m-ide a reservation, and the superintendent

agreeing to leave the matter open for final settlement at a

45
later time .

Stevens negotiated a treaty with the Blackfeet,
October 17, 1855, relative to common hunting grounds east
of the Rocky Mountain* for the Blackfeet, lies Percys, and
Flatheads. It was the intention of Stevens to treat with
the Coeur d'Alene, Sfeokan^ , Colville^and Okinagan on his
return trip to Olymx>ia, Washington, but when the Indian

Lawrence Kip, "The Indian Council at Walla Walla,11
Sources of the History of Oregon, I, pt. 2, pp. 4-28; Kappler,
pp. cit., II, 694-98; 698-702; 702-6,

Ibid., II, 722-25.

152.

war broke out he decided to postpone the negotiation of these

46
treaties, although he visited the Indiana.

While otevens was in eastern Washington in the
summer of 1855, the treaty was made with the Quinaielt, and
other Indians, July 1, 1855, "by A.\J. Cain. These Indians
ceded the lands lying north of Grays Harbor, on the Pacific

coast of Washington Territory. A reservation was set

47
aside for them along the Quintielt River.

The treaty made by Palmer, at Wasco near The
Dalles, June 25, 1855, with the Confederated Tribes of
Middle Oregon provided for the cession of the lands lying
between the Wallawalla ceauion and the Cascade fountains.
The Warm Springs Reservation was designated as the future
home of these Indians. It was located about seventy-five
miles south of The Dalles, on the west side of the Dee
Chutes River, and was probably the most isolated region

designated in the Stevena-Palmer treaties as an Indian

48
reservation.

During August and September 1855, Palmer treated
with the Indians along the Pacific Coast of Oregon from the
mouth of the Columbia River to the California border. Several

Ibid.. II, 736-40.

Ibid, i II, 719-21.

Ibid. . II, 740-42.

153.

treaties were made by Palmer between August 11, 1355 and
oGTJteiuber 8, 1855, which contained a provision for a Coast
reservation, arid for the location of the other Indians of
western Oregon upon it. The cession included all the lands
west of the Coast Range in Oregon Territory. Although this
treaty was never ratified, the reservation was set aside by

an Executive Order, November 9 , 1855, and the government

49
took possession of the region.

The upper Umpqua Valley was ceded by the
liolala Indians, December 21, 1855, in a treaty made with
them by Palmer. The Indians agreed to confederate *ith
t ,10 Umoqua and Kalapuya who had ceded the middle Umpqua
Valley in a treaty dated, November 29, 1854. The Indians
agreed to remove to the Yaahill encampment and to mOve later
to the Coast Reservation, as soon as that location should ba

efficiently improved to make it possible for them to obtain

50
a living in that district.

The treaty with the Q,uinaielt which had been nego
tiated by A. J. Cain on the Gfcuinnielt Biver, July 1,1855, was

signed by the Indians and by I. I. Stevens at OlymDia,

51
January 25, 1356. This was the last treaty made until 1864.

C. C. Royce , cornp. , "Indian Land Cessions in the
United States," Bureau of American Ethnology, Eighteenth Annual
Report f II, 812-13.

Kappler, op. cit. t II, 740-42.

Ibid.. II, 719-21.

IWA

154.

The fleneais of the Yakima Indian .War*** During

was
the period that the super in Undents of Indian Affair* for

t S*++Tf **. /

Washington and Oregon Territory were making the above treaties,

that is, between the fall of 1854 and the fall of 1855,

the agents, in the various districts into which the territories

were divided for mirx>oaes of Indian administration, were meeting

with increased difficulties with the Indians* In the Fort

Hall district, the agent for the Snake River country found

it unsafe to remain in that area; in southwestern Oregon, the

country was disturbed by continual robberies committed by

the Indians. In western Washington, tha Ki squally Indians were

dissatisfied with their reservation j and the Chehalis and

the Covlitz Indians were restless because settlers wore taking

their lands* In eastern Washington, the Klikitat and the

Yakiaa were areoaring to make an atteaot to drive all the

whites out of the Pacific Northwest*

Hathaniel Olney, the Indian agent for the 3nake River
district, accompanied a military expedition which was sent to
punioh the murderers of the Ward party and to protect emigrants
who were entering the country in the early fall of 1B55. The
detachment under Major Bailer was in thejupper 3naks Valley
during August and oepternber. The agent made presents to the
Indians in the vicinity of ?ort Kail , but returned to The

:*£&fi2 lc e

,tt»i««9v *

- •••ociwer ~c';

JOO

«n lyq

155.

Dalles with tho military force as he considered that it was

unsafe to remain at Fort Hall without military protection.

52
At The Dalles tht Indians were quiet.

The a-ent for uouthve stern Oregon reported that
t e month of September 1355 in the Rogue River Valley was
gassed, "In one continued series of aggressions** Two men were
killed in the L'iskiyou fountains, ;>e^tember 25, 1155. It
was stated that numerous thefts were being committed by the
Chanta-Skoton bands who had left the reserve at Table Pock,
and taken refuge in the Coast Range « The situation was so

serious that the agent feared that the people would rise

53
against the Indiana unless the thefts were stopped.

In western Washington, the Chehalis and Cowl it*
Indians were very restless and dissatisfied because the
settlors were? occu->yin# theAr lands* Their situation was
difficult because of their location between the Willamette
Valley settlement* and those on Puget Sound; and because,
on account of the failure of the Chehalis council, no
lands vorft set aside as a reservation for them. The Hi squally

Hathanirjl Clnay to ?alra«r, Aug. 71, 1855, Message
from the ?r^sident« ..comnuni eating information relative to Indian

g't-vD% April Tf,

1856 J^oriar B58," Joe. 93)Tpp. 96-7 ; ' fKbmpson to Palmer, Sept.
28, 1855, ibid. , T>T>. 61-62.

0. H. Ambrose to Palmer, Sept. 30, 1856, ibid..
T>. 62.

VWt 03 »l*«rtU

•*•

156.

Indians were in an unsettled state due to the dics*tisf action
witn their reservation, and the sr,ori*s circulated by the
Jlisqually chief, T.eschi . J. Ross Browne stated that Leschi
traveled anon/" the Indians west of the Cascade Mountains
during the summer and fall of 1855 telling them that thp
whites vrere plannir/r to gather the Indiana together on reser
vations in order to destroy then, and appealing to the Indians
to ve**ke r, united effort to drive the whites from the country.

The Klikitat and the Yakima Indians desired to
unite the Indians of Oregon and Washington in an effort to rid
the country of the Amorican settlers. The Klikitat Indians
refused to participate in the Yvalla Walla Council of June
1855, A portion of the Klikitat Indians had resided in the
Willamette Valley for amny yeprs. These Indians, in the
spring of 1855, were forced by ^alwer to return to their
own country east of the Cascade Mountains and north of the
' Columbia itiver. J. Ross Browne stated that from the time
of their departure they were at war with the settlers, and

that when the fakima Indian war started they joined imnediately

54
with the Yakiroa.

During September 1855, some miners who were crossing

J. Ross Browne to the Commissioner of the Indian
Affairs, Dec. 4, 1857, Letter from the Secretary of the I.nteriorf .

Jan. 25, 1858|( Serial 955, Doc. 38), p. 11.

157.

from the Puget Sound country to the Colville region were
murdered by the fakima Indians. Mi Indian agent, A. J . Bolon,
was in the Spokane country at tho time arranging for the
council which Stevens hoped to hold with the Indians of that
region on his return from the upT)cr Missouri where he had
gone to treat with the Blackfeet. Bolon returned "by way
of The dalles, to the Yakima Valley where he wan murdered by
some of the Yakima Indians. The Yakina chief, Kamaiakan ,
had been strongly opposed to the Yakiraa treaty made in June
1855 at walla Walla, and wao known to b« dissatisfied with
it. The Catholic missionary in the Yakima country stated that
the /akima Indians had been talking of nothing but war with
the settlers froia the time of their return from the Walla

Walla council until September 1, 1855, after which time few

55
af the Indians had been near the mission. A. J. Bolon left

The Dalles, September 18, 1855, and was not heard from after
that time. Nathaniel Glney, cent out Indian messengers from
The Dalles who brought back the information that Bolon had
been murdered by order of Kainaiakan. About this time, nee sen*
ffers were sent out by the Yakima Indiana to all the neighboring
tribes urging the Indians of the country to join in the hostilities

Palmer to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, Oct. 9,
1355, .^fcRBage from the President. L. . , April 17, 1856 (Serial
858, Doc. 93) , p. 56.

•8-Uscr

/ aeci

158.

56
against the American settlers.

The Yakiraa and Klikitat Indians were in arms
by October 1, 1355. They were not joined immediately by
any of the other tribes, although individual members of
other tribes probably did join them. Opinions varied
as to the cause of the outbreak. John Cain believed
that it was due to rumors that were current among the Indiana
that Stevens** party and Haller!s command had been murdered
Iby the B\-a.2kfeet and the Shoshoni , respectively; that the
whites were. about to be overthrown in every direction; and

that the time had come for the Indians to gratify their enmi-

57
ty against the whites.

Palmer believed that the outbreak was due
to the dissatisfaction of the Klikitat and the Yakima
with the treaty; the immigration of settlers into the
country before the treaty had been ratified and carried
out; the passing of miners through central Washington on
their way to the Colville mines; and the stories told the
Indians of the increasing value of their lands due to the

Palmer to John Cain, Oct. 3, 1855, C.I. A., A.H. .
Hov. 26, 1855 (Serial 840, Doc. 1), pp. 514-15.

Cain to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, Oct. 6,
1855, ibid. . p. 513.

159.

A* M

discovery of gold.

The immigration into the eastern part of the

territories of Washington and Oregon had been forbidden between
1848 and 1855. Xrs . Victor stated: ""Vrom the spring of
1848, when all the whites, except the Catholic missionaries,
were withdrawn from the upper country, for a period of
several years, or until Government had made treaties with

the tribes east of the Cascades, no settlers were permitted

59
to take up land in eastern Oregon."

James G. Swan, writing in 1857 stated that the
Indian trouble began on a border where the Indians south
of the line were under the control of a foreign company--
by which was meant the Hudson's Bay Company. He believed
that the under employees and the half-breeds in the pay
of the company were guilty of inciting the Indians against
the Americans. Upon this point, however, he admitted that there
was no evidence. To what extent the company was guilty of
selling ammunition to the Indians after the law was passed
forbidding the sale of arms to Indians would be difficult,
probably impossible, to determine. It is probable that

Calmer to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs,

Oct. 9, 1855, ft* s sage from the President... , April 17, 1856 (Serial
858, Doc. 93) , P. 58.

Victor, The River of the West,, p. 497.

160

Americans were guilty of this same offence. The arms
of the interior Indians were procured from the Hudson's
Bay Company in large measure, but it is rather absurd
to blame the company for having furnished the savages
with arms. The fur trading period was common to ail the
northern parts of the continent, and only as a part of
the natural course of events did the fur traders put guns
into the hands of the Indians, although in some cases the

guns were largely obtained by theft, as in the case

60
of the Mountain Snake Indians. The Klikitat and the Yakima

Indians were described by Robert Newell, October 13, 1849,

61
as "friendly, warlike and well armed.*1 When the treaties

had been made and the settlers began moving into the
country, along with a transient American population of
miners, these Indians became unfriendly, warlike and
well armed. Under such circumstances conflict was inevi
table, or practically so. There were only two means of pre
venting trouble, namely; the presence of a strong mili
tary force that would inspire the Indians with a fear
for the Americans so complete that the Indians would

Swan, The Borthwest Coast, p. 384.

Lane to the Secretary of War, Oct. 13, 1849,
C.I. A., A.R.. Hov. 27, 1850 (Serial 595, Doc. 1 ) , p. 159.

•

161.

realize the futility of resistance; or a change in the
attitude of the Indians through peaceful negotiations*
The military force was not large enough to affect the
conduct of the Indians, and the treaty method failed to
prevent the conflict. The result; was that the Yakim* Indian
War, which did not end until the country had been occupied
by a strong military force .

George Gibbs believed that the primary cause
was not any immediate offences OY policies, but that at the
base of the whole trouble was the land problem. On January 7,
1857, he wrote, in concluding a letter on the subject of
the Indian wsr as follows:

What I have meant to show was that the war
sprung partly from ill-judged legislation, partly
from previous unratified treaties, and partly from
recent blunders. Much is due to the natural struggle
between the hostile races for the sovereignty of the
soil. The land is at the root of the war. Many
outrages have been committed since it begunj; it is
true, but it was not private wrongs that led to it.
The numerous outrages conanitted by Indians on whites
have not been taken into account by those who bleat
about the 'poor Indian* 62

The opening of the 7ar West had affected the

policy of the government in the region lying east of the Rocky
Mountains. Father de anet, December 30, 1854, wrote:

The great openings offered to emigration by
the definitive arrangement of the Oregon question, as

Swan , op. cit. , t> . 429 .

•

162.

well as the acquisition of New Mexico, California,
and Utah, have alone, thus far, hindered any efforts
for extinguishing the Indian titles or rights to the
lands situated immediately west of the State of Missouri ,
and those situated on the south side of the river
Missouri, between the rivers Kansas and Platte.... 63

On the subject of the general Indian situation in
United States at the beginning of the Yakima Indian war, Be Smet
made a statement which included a generalization on the history of tW
Indiana's relation to the Europeans in the United States. April 17,
1855, he stated:

Since the discovery of America a system of exter
mination, of moving the Indians, thrusting them further
back, has been pursued and practiced by the whites,
little by little at first, more and more as the European
settlers multiplied and gained strength. At this day
this same policy in inarching with giant strides; the
drama of spoliation has reached its last act, both east
and west of the Rocky Mountains. The curtain will soon
fall upon the poor and unhappy remnants of the Indian
tribes, and they will henceforth exist only in history. 64

The new Indian policy adopted, in 1854, for the
Pacific Northwest , was thus, put into effect by the negotiation
of fifteen treaties. These provided for the cession of the
greater part of the region; furnished reservations as homes for
the Indians; and supplied twenty annual appropriations of,
approximately, five hundred thousand dollars each, for the
purpose of aiding the natives in becoming a settled people.
This peaceful method of solving the problem did not satisfy

Chittenden, ed. , Life of De Smet. Ill, 1202.

Ibid.. I, 119.

163.

some of the Indians, who, when settlers began moving into the
interior in the fall of 1855, instigated a war, which, although
it did not change the policy of the government, delayed the
ratification of the treaties until 1859.

164.

CHAPTER IV
INDIAN POLICY DTJRI140 THE YAKIMA INDIAN WAR. 1855-1859

The Indian policy which had been adopted

by Joel Palmer in the fall of 1853 for Oregon Territory was
also adopted by I. I. Stevens for Washington Territory in
the fall of 1854. It provided that treaties should be
made with the Indians for the purchase of their lands, and
that the Indians should be allowed reservations consisting
of a part of the lands ceded. Treaties were made between
September 1853 and January 1856 by which the Indian title was
extinguished to more than half of the Pacific Northwest. The
making of treaties was not completed when Indian hostilities
began in the Yakiroa Valley, the Rogue River Valley, and the
Puget 3ound country. The first problem that then had to be
solved was the defeat of the Indians who had taken uu arms.
An important Tjhase of this situation was to prevent a general
Indian war. It was for this miroose that the encampment
system was adopted in Oregon and in Washington. In both cases,
I believe, the policy was detenained by Joel Palmer. All but
two of the Western Oregon treaties had been ratified before the

165.

Indian trouble began, but only one of the western Washing
ton treaties had been ratified. The hostile Indians in western
Oregon and western Yiashington belonged to tribes with whom
treaties had been made and ratified. Bast of the Cascade
Mountains not any of the treaties had been ratified before
the outbreak of hostilities. The principal question that
had to be -settled was- Should the unratified treaties be
ratified? Other problems were* Should the Indians with
ratified treaties who had become hostile receive their
annuities, and should the government, support the Indians at
the er.cam-oments and reservations?

The officers of the volunteers were ordered to
take care in distinguishing the friendly from the unfriendly
Indians, but in cases where the attitude of the Indians was
doubtful they were to be treated as hostile. The peaceable
Indians were to be required to out themselves under the
protection of 4 government agent. Indian property was to
be respected when possible and the Indians were, to be
treated in a humane manner. There are some reasons to

suppose that the volunteers did not always follow to the

1
letter these instructions.

E. M. Barnes to J. W. Nesmith, Oct. 16, 1855,
Message from the President. . •_, April 17, 1856 (Serial 858,
Doc. 93), p . 8 .

:.. . . ...-•:

• • i .

•

166.

Palmer's Recommendations for Oregon*-- Palmer
wrote to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, October 9, 1855,
that the Indian difficulty in which the Pacific Northwest was
involved was due to the settlement of the country prior to
the extinguishment of the Indian title; and stated that the
only possible policy under th« circumstances was to continue
the plan of reservations. He stated:

Much of the present difficulty is traceable
to the mistaken policy of permitting the settlement
of this country prior to the extinguishment of
the Indian title and the designation of proper reserva
tions. This mistake might now be partially remedied
by the immediate gathering of the Indian population
on their several reservations; to do which, and matte
the proper o revisions for their comfort, would involve
an expense less than that of six months of a two
years' war, which nust inevitably follow, as I believe,
their r>reoent situation and a failure to provide for
their wants.

In order to carry out this policy Calmer recommended,
October 9, 1855, an extra appropriation of $100,000. Of this
sum, $35,000 was to be used for the removal and subsistence of
the Coast tribes located south of the Umpqua River, to
their new home on tfee Coast Reservation ;|$25, 000 for the
improve vent of the Table Rock Reserve and for the assistance
of the Indians of that area; $25,000 was to be 3T>ont for
the development of the TJmatilla Reservation; and $20,000

167.

Some changes were made in the above recommenda
tions, Hovember 19, 1855. In the first place , it had
been decided to abandon the Table Hock Reserve. Palmer
recommended that the Indians of the upoer Rogue River
Valley be located on the Neachesna River, which was a
small river in the northern part of the Coast Reserve,
and that the Unrcqua and the Willamette Valley Indians
should be placed on the ^rorvosed Grande Ronde Reserve (Yamhill
encampment). Relative to this plan "Palmer stated:

This would concentrate all the tribes in
the territory west of the Cascade mountains upon
one reservation which I regard as highly desirable,
and now, if ever, this object must be achieved,
as I believe it the only measure by which they
can be saved from extermination. 3

General Wool stated, December 13, 1855, that •
he did not believe that the Indians of western Oregon vtould

move to the Coast Reserve as they were averse to leaving

4
the lands which they considered their natural homes.

As a part of the policy of concentrating the

Palmer to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs,
Oct. 9, 1855, ibid.^ r> . 35.

Palmer to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs,
Hov. 12, 1855, ibid.. p« 85.

Wool to L. Thomas, Dec. 13, 1855, ibid. ^ t>. 18.

•

168.

western Oregon Indians on the Coast Reservation, a treaty
was made with the Molala Indians, and the Coast Reserve was
set aside* The treaty with the Molala Indians was negotiated
December 21, 1855. They agreed to cede their lands in the
upper Uinpqua Valley and to confederate with the TTrapqua and
Kalapuya Indians of the treaty of November 29, 1854, and
to move to the Yamhill encampment. Tn return for the cession,
they were to receive payment for their improvements, to
be paid annuities in supplies, and to receive the customary
benefits of a treaty. This treaty was sut>T>lementary to
that of November 29, 1854, and the benefits of the two

treaties were to be applied equally to the Molala, and

5
the Uaipqua and Kalapuya Indiana. The Executive Order of

Novenber 9, 1855, *et aside the Coaat Reservation. ?he
treaty -which provided for this reservation was not ratified
on account of the Indian war. The reservation was created
in this manner in order that the policy of collecting the

western Oregon Indians on the Coast Reservation might be

6
carried to eonroletion.

Ka^pler, Indian Affairs^. Laws and Treaties, II,
740-41; Palmer to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, Jan. 9,
1356, Message fraro the President..., Aoril 17, 1856 (Serial 858,
Doc, 93,) T>. 109.

Kappler, op. cit. r I, p. 891.

1C9

Palmer's recommendation concerning the conduct
of Indian affairs in Oregon, January 9, 1856, is a very
good summary of the work accomplished by him T>rior to his
removal in July 1056:

The ratification of the coast treaty, and settle
ment of the Indians of this valley fwillamettej and
those of the Umpqua and Rogue River upon the reservation,
and the removal of the southern coast trifres within its
limits, with the requisite number of troops to guard the
passes and maintain order, v.-ould be a matter of economy
to the government; and besides it may save the lives of
hundreds of our citizens, for it requires but a slight
provocation to cause an outbreak in the immediate
settlements* 7

In February 1356, Palmer proposed that the Wallawalla,
Cayuse, and Umatilla Indians should be moved to the Warm
Springs Reserve and thus concentrate all the Indians in Oregon
on the two reservations: the Coast Reserve, west of the
Cascade Mountains; and the Warm Springs Reserve, east of those
mountains. It was suggested that possibly the eastern
Indians thus assembled might be moved to the Coast Reserve , which
would have placed the majority of the Indians of Oregon on

one reservation. However, neither of these recommendations

8
were carried out.

During the early part of 1856, Palmer was supported

Palmer to the Commissioner of Indian Affaire, Jan* 9,
1856, op. cit« > p. ,111.

Palmer to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs,

Feb. 11, 18&6, C*I.A., A..R* . Nov. 22, 1856 (serial 893, Doc. 1),
p. 748.

170.

by the Secretary of the Interior and the Commissioner of
Indian Affairs and the policy was left for him to determine.
The Commissioner wrote to Palmer January 17, 1856, relative
to the ooinion of the Secretary of the Interior, as follows:
"In existing emergencies, the direction and management
of Indian affairs in Oregon will be confided to your discretion,

believing as he does, that promptness, humanity, firmness,

9
and wisdom will mark your course." On March 8, 1856, the

Commissioner stated in a letter to the Secretary of the
Interior his conviction that Palmer should be supported in
his tiolicy. He wrote: "All the force the Executive Department
can exercise in that section of the country should be brought

to the aid of the superintendent ia the views entertained by

10
him*"

Support of &he Bncamaments in Oregon. •»•» The

Commissioner of Indian Affairs instructed the Oregon superin
tendent to continue the policy of encampments. An appropriation
of £300,000 passed Congress Arcril 5, 1856, for restoring
peace and preventing outbreaks in the Pacific Territories.
The superintendents for Wasnington and Oregon were authorised

The Commissioner of Indian Affairs to Palmer,

Jan. 17, 1856, Letter from the Secretary of the Interior transmit/
t i ng sup ol em e n t&j estimate s for the Indian service in California^
Texas,, and several of the distant territories,. Jan. 16, 1857
(Serial 899, Doc. 37), p. 9.

The Commissioner of Indian Affairs to the Secretary
of the Interior, Mar. 8, 1856, Message from the President. .. f
April 17, 1356 (Serial 858, Doc. 93), p. 99.

171.

to draw upon the department to the amount of $10,00 per
month beginning December 1, 1855. This a^oropriation was
exhausted by November 1856 and overdrawn. The superintendent*
were instructed that they must cut down expenses. In reply
A. F. Hedges, the successor to Palmer, stated: "Unless the
drafts are promptly uaid, or this office in some manner in
sured a constant supply of funds, we will be obliged to turn

our Indians loose again, and the c^nseouencee would be disas-

11
trous to this territory and discreditable to our government."

In submitting the estimate for the Oregon Indian
service for the first quarter of 1357, which was $109,667.50,
Hedges stated that the feeding of the Indians would have to
continue until September at least:

Notwithstanding the remark in your letter of the
18th October, that the1 policy of subsisting Indians
in large numbers is to be regarded as a temporary
expedient only1 , I would respectfully represent that
the Indians upon the Grand Pond reservation, Coast
reservation, at the mouth of the Umpqua Hiver, and at
The Dalles of the Columbia,... must be fed until
after the next harvest, say 1st August or must be
fought; there is no alternative. 12

In answer to the inquiry of the Indian Bureau as

A. 4*. Hedges to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs,
Nov. 8, 1856, Letter from the Secretary of the Interior. ..,
Jan. 16, 1857 f Serial 899, Doc. 37) , p. 22.

Hedges to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs,
Dec. 8, 1356, ibid. , p. 137.

•."!••

172.

to the amount that should be ?mid to the tribes whose
treaties had been ratified but who had been hostile,
Hedges ot'ited, that the needs of these Indians were so
great and the annuities so small that the full sum under
the treaties should be r>aid to them.

The Indian appropriation Act for the year ending
June 30, 1858, which was passed March 3, 1857, combined
the Indian supenntendencies of Oregon and Washington into
one office. In Itay 1H57 , J. w. Hesmith took charge of the
Indian au^erintendency of Washington and Oregon. The Act
also provided that no more treaties should be made with
the Indians of the r gion unless specifically ordered by
the President. The Oregon super in tendency under A. ?. Hedges
had incurred a heavy indebtedness which was in the form of
promises to pay, and which had ruined the credit of the
superintendency . In Washington Territory, the superintendent,

I. I. Stevens , left a deficit but not so large as in the

13
case of Oregon*

Superintendent Hesmith was instructed to report
Immediately on the Indian situation in his superintendency.

Indian Appropriation Act for the Year Ending
June 30, 18b8, Mar. 3, 1B57, Statutes at l^rge^ XII. 135

173.

In reply he stated that the Indiana of the Gr&nde Hondo
Reservation and the Jiletz were veil cared for but that
funds would be required to continue the policy of the
past, concerning which he wrote May 5, 1857:

I see nothing at present likely to interrupt this
very desirable condition of things, which I think
will exist eo long as the eOTtrnment will continue
its humane policy 5n the partial supply of their
wants; my experience. . .con /: noes me that a continuation
of the ^resent policy of k^e^ing the Indians collected
on reservations, and partially subsisting them until
such tine as ftKiy can be induced and become able to
procure their own subsistence by agriculture, is the
only way that peace can be maintained with them....
Except the* reservations there is no lands west of
the Cascade fountains not already preoccupied by the
whites; to send them east of the Cascade Mountains
Mrould bo dooming them to extermination at the hands
of the Indians who own and occupy that region. 14

The large deficit in the aupcriritendency

caused the Commissioner of Indian Affairs to feel that the
proper economy had not been and was not being practiced.
Hesmith replied, rather sharply, that he wished to be
informed whether it wa» the intention of the government
to feed the Indians or to allow them to return, to their
former homes :

I therefore would respectfully ask the Department for pos
itive directions and instructions as to the plan that
it desires me to pursue. I would particularly ask
if it desires me to pursue the system of 'economy* to

The Commissioner of Indian Affairs to Hesmith,

Mar. 18, 1357, Letter from the Secretary of the Treasury enclos
ing supplemental estimates for the Indian service on the Pacific
Coast and in remote Territories upon either side of the Rocky
Mountains. &c., Mar. 24, 1BS8 ( oerial 957, Doc. 93) p. 15;
iaesmith to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, May 5, 1357,
ibid., p. 14.

174.

the extent of discharging the employes, stopping
the improvements, and to discontinue feeding the
Indians*

It will be barely possible, with the supplies
accumulated at the reservations, together with
what can be purchased upon depreciated promisee, to
retain them IT the reservation Indians^! upon the re
servations until your Ithe Commissioner! decision
upon the matter can be had. 15

It was further stated by He smith that if the
reservations were to be continued the funds must be
forthcoming. He wrots, Seotember 1, 18157: "I therefore
have to request that remittances be made in advance of
the o- rchases, ami equal to the estimates; if this cannot
be done, the whole systrn had better b* abolished at once,

and the Indians turned loose to obtain their living, as

16
they will, by plunder and murd«r."

As a remult of the above correspondence, funds
were received to oay the deficits that had been incurred
by Hedges and Stevens T)rior to May 1857. The Commissioner
stated that he had consulted with Lane and Stevens and had

been ^.ble to arrange to remit $249,728.13 which he aasertad,

17
should put the superintendency on R creditable basis.

The Commissioner of Indian Affairs to Kesmith,
. 1, 1 ;57 , ibid. , p, 33; Heanith to the Commissioner of
Indian Affairs, Oct. 19, 1857, ±* rbid.^ PT). 23, 26.

Nesuiith t--> the Commissioner of Indian Affairs,
Sept. 1, 1857, tbid. , p. 5.

Tho Commissioner of Indian Affairs to Kesmith,
Dec. 7>, 1857, ibid. ,. ^. 35; The Commissioner of Indian Affairs
to Nesmith, Dec. 18, 1837, i*- ibid., p. 38.

175

In January 1858, Neamith repeated his former
statements that if funds were not supplied, sufficient to
support the Indians on the reservations, it would be necessary
to fight these Indians. The deficit for the first six
months of 1353 was estimated at $362,245.09 which was the
difference between the estimates and the appropriations for
that period. January 20, 1858, Se smith wrott:

If pe&ce is maintained, and the Indians barely
subsisted, I have no idea th it any present estimates
can in any way be curtailed.

The question is now presented to Congress, whether
they will make the necessary appropriations, or stand
cooly by to see this country deluged in blood? ...
In any event, I shall consider it my duty to continue
the present system on credit until I am otherwise
instructed.

Superintendent ISesmith recommended, August 20,
Io58, that the Grande Ronde and the Coast Reservations be
improved and the Indians assisted until the locations
would suooort them* This, however, could not be done unless
the appropriations eaualled the estimates, which for the

r ending -June 30, 1859, were : appropriation , $160^600;
estimate, $484,700. Further, it was stated that unless the
appropriation should be enlarged the Indians on the reserva
tions mist be allowed to return to southwestern Oregon where
they would do a great deal of damage, since the nonulation
of the r-.-gion had been deoleted by the departure of many

' • •
'

176.

of the men for the "Borth<?rn Mines."

The Encampment System in i;ashingtorv,-- In
Washington Territory at the beginning of the Yakiraa
Indian Jar, »teps were taken to keep the friendly Indians
from joining the hostiles by John Cain in the Columbia
Hirer district; by the acting governor, C. H» Mason,
in the IPuget Sound region; and by J^vernor Stevens in
the extreme eastern part of the territory.

on hearing of the murder of A. J. Bolon, the
Indian a,~ent for the Yakiina diatrict; the acting superin
tendent of Indian Affairs for Washington Territory, A. J. Cain,
irarr.edie. tely r>rccee£ed to The Dalles. On the basis of the
information gathered there as to the state of Indian affairs
and a conference with Joel Palmer, he decided to adopt
the following policy:

To designate different points wher^ Indians
who wished to remain friendly should come and place
themselves under the charge of a local agent, appoint
ed for that purpose, who would take possession of
thsir ams, giving receipts for the same, to be returned
at sruch times as the department should think proper:
take a Hot of the names of all the males and those
that surrender arms, making them answer to their nanea
as called at least once every day: and in consideration
of their doing this, whenever there was a deficiency
of provisions among them in consequence of their new

imitn tc the Commissioner of Indian Affairs,
Jan. 20, 1858, ibid. ^ p. 54; Meamith to the Commie si oner of
Indian Affairs , Aug. 20. 1858, C.I. A., AyR . . Nov. 6t 1858
(Serial 974, Doc. 1), p. 566.

177.

nosition, the local agent would provide for their
necessities in the ^.ost economizing manner possible,
always selecting points that would offer the greatest
opportunities for their providing for themselves- conclud
ing that it was much cheaper to feed than fight
thera . 19

Acting Governor C. H. Mason , and the Indian
agent for the ?ugct 3ound r^ion, M. T. Simmons , determined
to collect all of the Ii.u-s.ns livin/ along the east side
of Pucjct Sound as far north as the Skagit River, and move
then to the vent aide of the Sound, in order to separate
these friendly Indiana from the hostile natives who
were continually sending messengers across the mountains
from the Vakima country. This action w%s due to the

excitement caused in the "uget Sound settlements "by the

20
murders committed in the Yakima country in September 1855.

Stevens made a tour of the Puget Sound country
in the latter T5art of January 1856, and on his return
made the following brief surormry of the situation: "The
condition of affairs in the Territory Iwestem Washington?
is this: Hearly five thousand Indians are now under
the charge of ten local agents, and rationed daily." In

Cain to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, NOT. 22,
1855 » message from the President, . • , Aoril 17, 1856 (Serial 858,
Doc. 93) , V. 98.

C. H. Mason to Stevens, Oct. 22, 1356, Letter from
the Secretary of the Interior..., Jan. 16, 1857 (Serial 899,
Doc. 37), p. 23".

178,

order to continue this plan of feeding and protecting the
friendly Indians it was necessary to convince the government
of the need of large appropriations. For this purxwse,
C. H. Mason, the secretary of the territory, was sent, by
Stevens, to Washington, B.C. to urge that an expenditure

of $15,000 per month, beginning November 1, 1855, be
21

authorized.

^eserv^tl on 3 or "Indian Country* in the Interior •.«••»
At the beginning of the Yakima Indian far, October 1, 1355,
Governor utevenc was on the uoper Missouri Hiver making
a treaty with the Black feet Indiana and other tribes in
that vicinity. Upon receipt of information concerning the
state of Indian affairs, he began a return trip to western
Washington in the middle of winter. On the way he held
councils with the Coeur d'Alene and the Spokany , and the

Sea Percys. He loft Port.Benton October 28 , 1855, and

reached the Yalla Walla Valley, December 20, 1855. Concerning
the policy adopted in relation to the interior tribes, he
stated: "Friendly tribes were directed to keei> hoatiles
out of their country, and provision was made for tne care

of the few Indiana who remained friendly, notwithstanding

2S
the defection of these tribes."

Stevens 66 the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, Jan.
29, 18 ">"), iJe.saot&e irrjji the ^ resident. . , . t April 17, 1856
(Serial 358, Doc. 93) , p. 141.

Jtevens to the Com/aiBflionfir of Indian Affairs,
Hov. 1, IB 56, Letter from the Secretary of the Interior... »
Jan. 16, 1357 (ocrial 899, Doc. 37) , p. 31.

• ol tebic

179.

Stevens made the following recoi:mendation con-
cerning the policy of the government in its treatment of
those Indians who had become hostile:

My plan is to make no treaties whatever
with the tribes now in arms; to do away with
the reservations guaranteed to them; to make
a summary example of all the leading spirits,
and to place as a conquered people, under the
surveillance of troops, the remains of these
tribes on reservations selected by the Presi
dent , and on such terms aa the government in
its justice and mercy may vouchsafe to them. 23

Following the closing of the country
east of the Casdade fountains to settlement, August
1356, the military officials recommended th:^.t the
region be declared an "Indian Country.". Stevens
on the other hand, urged that the Indians be placed
on reservations and the country thrown open to
settlement. Colonel George tf right* after collecting
the majority of the Yakima Indians, and failing to
punish the murderers of A. J. Bolon and others, re com*
mended that the whole region between the Cascade Mountains
and the Columbia River be made an "Indian Count ry.w The
following expresses his ideas on the subject;

It ia out of the question to confine the Indians
in this country (Y&kimaJ to a certain district, un
ions .the government furnish thoir entire subsistence.

Stevens to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs,
;r;ec. 22, 1B55, ^lessp^e fron _thc_:?res.i.<tent_i.« . , April 17,
IB 56, (Serial 858, Doc. 93), p. 140.

180.

The whole country between the Cascade Mountains
and the Columbia River should be given to the
Indians; it is not necessary to the white people.
The Indians can subsist themselves, if they
have it; the mountains, the plains, and the rivers,
each in turn affords them food. In the winter
they are compelled to live in the valley, and one
strong military r>ost will ensure their good
behavior. 24

This recommendation was equivalent to

advising that the Inman title should not be extinguished
to the lands between the Cascade Mountains and the
Columbia River.

Lieutenant Colonel Stentoe stated, September
18, 1856, shortly after he had occupied the Y/alla Walla
Valley with a military force, that if the treaty of

Walla Walla were ratified, it would meet with the combined

25
resistance of all the surrounding tribes.

The plan of making the country east of the
Cascade Mountains an " Indian Countryyffas f-ivored by General
Wool. He stated that the country contained almost no
white oeo^lc; that there were no lands suitable for
cultivation, and that i ta only value was as an "Indian
Country/- He was confident that an attempt to execute
the v;all a >nila treaty would result in a long arid expensive

Wright to W. W. LSackall , Aug. 3, 1856, Secretary
of War, Annual ^e^ort^ Dec. 1, 1856 (Serial 894, Doc. l) , r>.
190.

3. J. Steotoe to Bright, Sept. 18, 1056, ibid. ,
p. 197.

181.

war* He suggested as an alternative to the Treaty of Walla
Valla, in cast the government decided to extinguish the
Indian title, that new treaties should be made by a commission
of military officers. General \\ool further urged that the

Indian service be placed under the V/ar Department, an opinion

26
which was also held by Colonel '..right.

While the military officers generally held

the view th.it the treatiea had been the cause of the Yaklma
Indian War, and that those treaties that had been delayed
in ratification should not be ratified; Stevens believed
that the treatiea should be ratified in part , and that
the treaties had been a factor for peace rather than for
war. He stated:

TShilst the treatiea wsre made by some tribes
* pretext forgoing to war, with other tribes, and
particularly thase on Puget Sound,, they have been a
DO tent elea-v-nt of oeace. In ray opinion, the v?ar on
the sound vyould have been general had it not been
for the treaties.

I will again urge upon the department the imoor-
tance to the peace of the country of a prompt
ratification of the treatiea made with the Indiana
on the 3ound and Coast and with the Vlathead nation.
As regards the Hex Percys , the unnor Nez tree's
with the head chief; of the nation, La-w^er, ... are
. deserving elf all encouragement from the government.
I will recon-iend the ratification of the Kes
Percys treaty, it being understood that the appropria
tions provided for it shall be used only in the
proportions to the number of Indiana who remained
friendly to the whole number of the tribe. In

"Aool to L. Thomas, Kov. 1, 1856, Lessage from
the ^resident. .. transmit tin/? report in regard to Indian
affairs on the ci^ic^ ?eb. 14, 1B57 (Serial 906, Doc. 76) ,
P. 219.

182.

regard to the tribes of both Oregon and Washington,
east of the Cascade 3, yrtio have broken out into
hostilities, I will respectfully urge thatjCongrest
be urged to oasa a law to niant them on two reser
vations, not exceeding one in each territory, and that
the Cayuse, Walla ^alla, and the Umatillas, the two
former tribes living partly in Oregon and part/ly
in Washington, be r» laced with the John Days, Des
Chutes, Thy, and other Indians, on the reservation
provided for these latter tribes by tho treaty made
with thein by General Palmer in 1855; and that the
cither hostile tribes of Washington, excepting the
Nez Percys, be planted on the reservation provided
for the Yakira*-. 27

Diese suggested changes in the treaties were not made, because
Con^reaa decided through later influences to ratify the
treaties without alteration.

The Commissioner of Indian Affairs, November 22,
1856, stated that tne policy adopted had been considered the
beat and most economical. The results were disappointing, due
to the desire of some of the whites for the extermination of
the Indians. He wrote:

The policy pursued by this department

has been attended with a considerable expenditure and it
was honed that the results of its operations of both
a permanent and temporary character would show that, all
things considered, it had been the beat that could
be adopted, and the most himane and economical. It
cannot be disguised that a oortion of the whitejpomi-
lation of the Pacific Territories, entertain feelings
dee-oly hostile to the Indian tribes of that region,
and are anxious for the extermination of the race. 28

Stevens to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs,
Nov. 1, I0 56, Letter from the Secretary of the Interior...,
Jan. 16, 1357 T^erial 899, T)OC. 57), p. 41.

The Commissioner of Indian Affairs, Annual Report,
Nov. 22, 1356, (Serial 893, Doc. 1), p. 18. •

183

The firat part of the Yakima Indian War
closed in December 1856. From that time until May 1858,
the Indiana committed no open hostilities but the
interior was not safe for small parties. In I'Ay and
September, 1358, conflicts occurred which resulted in
the defeat of the Coeur d'Alene, Spfckan, . Klikitat, Yakima
and other hostile Indians and their complete submission*
It was during the r>eriod from December 1856 until December
1358 that the following recommendations *ere made that
convinced Congress that the treaties made by Palmer
and Stevens should be ratified. Some of the recommendations
were opposed to the ratification of the treaties but
the majority of them favored cutting the treaties into
effect without alteration.

General Clarke, at the beginning of his service
as commander of the Pacific Division of the United States
Army, followed thejoolicy inaugurated by General Wool , that
ia, h^ continued to keep the interior closed to settlement,
and he omosed the ratification of the treaties. General
Wool had ordered, Auguat 1056, Washington and Oregon east
of the Cascade Mountains closed to settlement. In the
latter p -srt of the sane yrar, Colonel Steptoe, who WR.S ia
command at Port V;alla Walla, proposed to General v/ool that
settlers be allowed to locate in the Walla Walla Valley, on

184.

the ground that they would be useful in controlling the
Indians. General Wool replied that it would not be wise to
allow settlers to enter that country, The adjutant for
the Pacific division of the array wrote to Colonel Step toe,
as follows:

Permit no settler to come into the country
until the Indian titles are extinguished. Do not
distmrb the Hudson Bay Company or with the Colville
miners if the latter do not in+.^rfere vith the
Indians. Crioae persons who claim to have gained
rights of settlement under the donation law muet
wait until a t>eace is secured or until the government,
to ishem the Genoral has reporter! his orders, counter
mands thera. 29

General Clarice held a conference at The Dalles,
June 29, 1857, with J. \v. Neamith, who tas at this time super
intendent of Indian affairs for the ^acific Horthweat. It
was agreed th-.t the country east of the White Salmon River
in V/ashington, and east of the Bes Chutes River in Oregon
should be forbidden to net tiers. Clarke made the following
statement in reference to the afcove order: "If this order
effects the separation of the Indians and whites in the
interior then, with the additional cavalry sent to Wall*

Walla, I hone to ^reserve peace,, or to ounish promptly

30
its disturbers**

Mackall to ote^toe, Jan, 1, 1857, Message from the
President. . M Peb. 11, 1857 (Serial 906, r>oc. 7d) , p. 255,

N. S. Clarke to Thomas, June 29, 1857, Message from

the President, .^^.ran ami tting. _. ,_corre»p., mdence and d"o ;ents

Territories,
Ac. Liay 6, 1359 (Serial 958, Doc. IIS}", ^. 2.

•

185.

In the Tall of 1857, a dispute arose which
brought out the opinion of several promiannt men on the
debated question as to whether the treaties shouild be
ratified. These wen were J. Ross Browne, General Clarke,
and Lieutenant Colonel -te^too. Brovme informed Lawyer,
an influential Hes Acres' chief, that the treaties would
surely be ratified. Steptoe claimed that Browne had no
ri^ht to contr.iiict the 9 tu tenant 3 of the nilitnry officials,
who had tolr} the Indiana that t5ie treaties would not
be ratified. ;>te^>toe believed thalJErowne had done great
damage by unsettling the minds of the Indiana. He also
believed that -iny :-tt rv>t to enforce the Walla Walla
treaty would be followed by general hostilities. Oaneral
Clarke expressed the sapie opinion in a letter dated October

19, 1857.

In the fall of 1857, Lieutenant T. Morris
made a reoort on the Indians of western Washington in
which he recommended that the treaties with the Indiana
of that region be ratified, and that the Indians of south
western V/a shin"; ton "be treated with immediately. The
fact th--\t the le Indians of the Puget Sound area were
receiving the benefits of a treaty, and the Indians who

Ste^toe to Kackall , Oct. 19, 1857, ides sap, e from
the President ..» . M May 6, 1358 (Serial 958, Doc. 112) , B . 4.

186.

remained friendly were not receiving such benefits,
w«is a cause of a great deal of discontent among the Indiana
with unra.ifiad treaties and those who had no treaty with
the government. He believed that Ticace would continue

if the treaties were ratified, but if not, war was to be

fleeted as the settlements advanced.

2he Comrnisnionpr of Indian Affairs stated,
ITovenber 30, nr>7 , that the unsatisfactory condition
of Indian affairs in the Oregon and 'Yashington stroorin-
tendency was due t/> the fact that the Indians who had
committed the nurders at the outbreak of the Yakima
Indian War h,;d not been mini shed , and thr.t these Indiana
were in control of a large t>art of the interior of .
Washington. He reconmonded the ratification of the
treaty as the only solution for the situation. Relative
to the treaties, he wrote:

I "know of no alternative to the o resent unsatis
factory and dangerous state of things but the adoption
of earl/ measures for the extinguishment of their
title and their colonization on properly located
reservations, uaing and applying the consideration
agreed to be allov.ed to them for their lands, to sub
sist them until they can be taught and influenced
to support and sustain theraselveo. 33

T. Morris to uackall , IIov. -7, 1857, ibid. t pp. 8-12

The Commissioner of Indian Affairs, Annual .Report,.
Nov. 30, 13f,7. (Serial 942, Doc. 3), p. 390,

187.

We have aeon that J. <v. Hesmitiijthe suoer-
Intendent Tor Uasnington and Oregon, agreed to General
Clarke's plan of keeping the region east of the Cascade
Mountains closed t-i settlement, June 29, 1^S7, Later
he bflcane convinced that the -oolicy could not longer be
continu :•'.. ,e»rtember 1, X?157, ha stated that the
of the Yakiraa Indian War, which had closed with * a sort
of an armistice," , had be$n to make the management of the
Indians more difficult than formerly, and th;\t the increase
in Yihite settlements waa having the same effect. The only
policy th it Meamith could auggeot waa that of the unratified
treaties, because "The rapid encroachment of the settlements

on both sides of the Rocky Mountains leaves no country

34
to which the Indian* can be aesigned." In August 1858,

.'.uoorintendent Heenith asserted that it would be impossible
to reatrair /n: snttlera fro^l occupying the eastern pnrt of
the suDRrinten^iency , that is, Oregon and Washington Territories
aaot of the Cascade Mountaine, and that the only course that
the government coul ' follow would be to subdue the Indians,
ratify the treaties, and ooen the country to settlement.

In western Washington in 1350, new causes
l arisen ring the ratification of the treaties. The

Nesmith to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs,

Sept. 1, 1867, C.I. A., A.R.. Nov. 30, 1857 (Serial 919, Doc. 2),
p. 604.

,1 . r-
.K

188.

discovery of mines and the sale of liquor to the Indiana had
increased the danger of extermination of the Puget Sound
Indians. It was recommended that the treaties with the
Indians of this area, made by Stevens, be ratified, and the

Indians placed on reservations, and the "Intercourse

35
Laws" strictly enforced.

In the fall of 1838, after the defeat of

the Indians by Colonel George w'right, John Mullan, -who had had
five years close acquaintance with the -Indians of the eastern
part of Washington territory, wrote to the Commissioner of
Indian Affairs on the subject of the un ratified treaties,
as follows:

Let these £the Stevens treaties! be ratified;
let the country be thrown OT>en to our peoole; let the
Indiana have sent among them #ood, honest, upright

ents; let school houses and churches be erected, fields
enclosed, farming utensils and i"--->l amenta ajjcl seeds
of civilization be introduced, and I boldly predict
that ere many years have massed away instead of
finding one vast field of desolation. . .Hthere will bej
many green snots. 36.

The above opinion so ens to have been merely a
reenforce ;ent of information formerly ,~iven, for -tfee- in
the soring of 1^38 Hullan was informed by the Chairman of
the Committee on Indian Affairs that the treaties would bo
ratified. He wrote to Father de Smet, Ar^ril 1, 1858, as

Nesmith to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs,

Aug. 20, 1858, C.I. A., A. . , Bov. 6, 1858 (Aerial 974, Doc. 1),
~>. 566.

John Mullan to the Corami ssioner of Indian Affairs,
Se^it. 5, 1858, ibid.., T>. 629.

189.

follows: "I have seen the chairman of the Indian Committee
and he saya that all the Indian treaties made by Governor
Stevens are to be confirmed, and that in these treaties the
moat annsle provinion has been made for schools, "arm* ,

utensils, etc. All of which in the mountains will be under the

37
eye of the Je suite.

The Commissioner of Indian Affairs, November 6,
1153, recommended thi-t the treaties read* by Steven* and
Palmer, which had been held ut> on account of the Yakima
Indian iflar, should be ratified. He stated that the expendi
ture of .£1,323,000 on Indian affairs in the sup erin tendency
of Oregon and "iaunington since the adoption of the Beservation
policy in 1353, had not accomplished as much as might have
been expected. ..'ithout considerable explanation by the
reorssen tatives in Congress from Oregon and Washington, the
Coracissioner would probably not have recommended the

if i cation of the treaties. He also advised, at thio time,

the,t the su^erintendency be divided into three 7>arts but thia

38
w&s not done until the creation of the Territory of Idaho.

Chittenden, ed., fcif e of De JAnet^ IV, 1318.

The Commissioner of Indian Affaire, Annual Report,
Hov. 6, inc>8, (Serial 974, Uoc. 1), p. 353.

190.

General Harr.ey, Vovereber 5, 1858. urged in
no uncertain language that the treaties be ratified. He
wrote as follows:

?or the \velfare of the Indians, as well as the
better security of the white settlers, I would
r soectfully recommend that the Indians of this
department be nlaced on reservations assigned them
by the government for their suooort and sustenance. A
system of instruction in cultivating the soil appli
cable to them should be adopted with a prot>or
provision of seeds and instruments for their uae.

Tjjvw3 should be passed defining their position
and their rights ur>on these reservations , which
should be convenient to the military stations, that all
controversies between them and the whittes may be deci^*
i ed on tho snot, and that the Indian could have a market
for his produce when desiring to dispose of it. 39

The "ashington delegate in Congress, I. I.
Stevens, in a smee ch^ February Zl , 1859, shoved that
General Clr,rke, Colonel Mansfield, and Judge Mott were in
f-^vor of the ratification of tho treaties made by Stevene
and Calmer. General Clarke in IB 57 had been opposed to
the ratification of the treatieo but he later changed his
vievs o the subject. After discussing the matter he wrote:
"Influenced by these viewe, I decided to urge on the
roent tne immediate conf irra -\ tion of the tre ties, or of
modifications of them, the payment of the stipulated
and the opening of the lands to settlers.* Colonel Mansfield,
the inspector general of the army, believed that the treaties
should be ratified without any further delay. In a letter

W.S. Haine,y to 3. Cooper, Hov. 5, 1858, 3ecretary of
ar, Annual Re-port A Dec. 1, 1856 (Serial 1024» iJoc, 2), o. 91.

191.

to Stevens he stated: *I have this iuail reported to the
Secretary of V/ar direct, that the treaties rrad« by you in
this de^srtraenllOLiilitary Department of the Columbia^ should
be confirmed without delay, and I have urged it strongly .
They must not lay over another year." Judge Mott, the
commissioner appointed in 1358 to investigate the

fTK

Indian situation in Washington and Orngon> expressed himself
v~ry emphatically in favor of the ratification of the treaties:

We have taken from thia people Ithe Oregon and
Washington Indians?! a country, some of which ia as
fine as «?ver the sun shone ur)on; re have made millions
of money Igy the bargain y/e conDel them to accept;
^nd yet -Truse to conroly with our portion of the
contract. Justice, humanity, and every principle of
fair dealing, imperiously demand the ratification
of these treaties. 40

The orroosition to the ratification of the treaties
had disappeared by the spring of 1859 » 7ith the exception

the treaty with the Coast Indiana, -oortiono of which
hid been -?ut into effect by Executive Order, all of tho
treaties were ratified in March 1B59. They were the Treaty
*ith the Walla Walla, whicn included the Umatilla, the Nez
Perc^ , and the Yakima treaty; the i?lathead treaty; the treaty
with the Confederated Sands of Middle Oregon; the Molala
treaty; the Makah, the Point- no-Point , the ^oint L'lliott, and

Speech of I. I. Stevens, Feb. 11, 1359, Congressional
35 Con^. , 2 :ea<3., A^endix, p. ?06.

192.

the Quinaielt treaty. However, these treaties went into
effect only in theory in the soring of 1859, for it
was not until 1860 that any appropriations were made for
their execution. The importance of the ratification of the
treaties and their immediate fulfillment was shown in
Superintendent Geary1 s remarks on the Indian situation in
Washington and Cfregon in the fall of 1859:

The most salutary effects in quieting the at>T)re-
hensions of the Indians have been manifest on the
announcement of the ratiF i cation of the treaties, not
only among the tribes immediately interested, but
with others with whom as yet no treaties have been
negotiated. If adequate appropriations be made
without delay for fulfilling treaty stipulations, it is
confidently believed that the remaining tribes will
be eager to dispose of their country, and secure the
protection and other advantages arising from the
present policy of colonizing on reservations.

As a means of mutual safety to the races, and for
preventing the horrors of savage warfare, no scheme
commends itself so strongly as that now become the
policy of the government- the collecting of the Indiana
on ^roperly located reservations. 41

i 41

Geary to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, Sept* 1,

1859, C.I. A. . A.R.i Nov. 26, 1859 (Serial 1023, Doc. 2), p.

752.

193

CHAPTER V
THB EHCMMPMEHT SYSTEM, 1855-1859

The Yakiraa Indian War which broke out in October 1855
Hastened the gathering of some of the Indians at encampments
but retarded the ratification of many of the treaties and
the making of further treaties for the complete purchase
of the Indian title in the Pacific Northwest. When the
trouble began in the Yakima country the superintendents of
Indian affairs for Washington and Oregon adopted the policy
of gathering the Indians west of the Cascade Mountains
at temporary encampments, in order to r>revent\them from
joining the hostile Indians in a general Indian war. In
the case of western Oregon two of these encampments immediate
ly developed into permanent reservations- at Grande Honde and
Siletft.

Removal to Encampment* in Western Oregon*-- Th«
Oregon superintendent, Joel Palmer began the work of gathering

the Indians at temporary encampments by the issuance of

Regulations for the Guidance of Agents in the Oregon Indian
Superin tendency » Pending Existing Hostilities. These provid-
i ed for the collecting of the Indians; feeding them when
necessary; and roll call, for the purpose of keeping the

•; = -'

;

194.

hostile Indians from sending messengers among the friendly
Indians. In order to carry out this plan,E. R. Geary was
appointed to arrange for the encampments, and appoint local
agents. Berryman Jennings was made special sub-agent for
the Willamette Valley; R. R. Thompson, the agent at The
Dalles, was instructed to appoint local agents for the
bands included in the treaty made with the Indians of
Middle Oregon; William J. Martin was appointed to collect
the Indians of the|upper TImpqua Valley; B. P. Dr«w, sub-agent,
and Benjamin Bright, special sub-agent, f or the coast district
of southwestern Or*gon,were to gather the Indians of that
region on temporary reserves if they deemed such action
necessary; and G» H. Ambrose, the agent for the Rogue River

district, was authorized to appoint local agents to look

1
after the friendly Indians of that area.

Along the south side of the Columbia in the

vicinity of The Dalles, three encampments were established; two,
(for the Indians of the Confederated Bands of Middle Oregon

who belonged to the Wasco treaty; and one for the friendly

2
Indians whose country was north of the Columbia River*

Palmer, "Regulations for the Guidance of Agents in
the Oregon Indian Sut>erintendency , pending existing hostilities,"
Oct. 13, 1855, Message from the President. . .communicating in
formation relative to Indian hostilities in the territories of
Oregon and Washington^ April 17, 1B56 (Serial 858, Doc. 93), D. 72.

Palmer to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, Oct.
25, 1855, ibid. . p. 82.

195.

They were urged by °alraer to cross to the south side of
the river until peace was established in the Yak i ma
country. In addition to these encampments, the Wiahram Indians
of Washington Territory were under the supervision of
the Oregon agent at The Dalles due to the absence of the
Washington agent, B. 7. Shaw, who had accompanied the Rains
expedition into the Yakiraa Valley. There were, November 19,
1855, 402 Indians at the Wasco encampment; 150 at the Dog
River encampment; and 250 encamped near Olney1 s house.
The Wi shram numbered about 400. The Indian officials had
some difficulty in keeping these Indians from joining the
hoatiles. In November 1^55, ntockwhitte^ with a band of twenty
well- armed Indians left the encampment, as the agent thought,
with the intension of joining the war party. They were
followed by Thompson, who notified them that unless they

returned to the encampment tta*4 they would be treated as

3
hostile.

Adjoining the Kiddle Oregon encampments on the
east were the Indians of the Walla Walla country. Kathan
Olney was sent by Calmer in October 1355 to that region for
the purnoae of keeping the Indiana fr lewdly. Olney found it

Thompson to 5aliaer, Nov. 19, 1H55, ibid* . p. 125.

;

8 ft £.<*;-

•

i c i w 1 £> a cxs

luolllJtfc

b»(

10 6CK

196.

impossible to accomplish the work that he had been sent to
do. The danger of an attack on the settlements in the
valley by the Cayuse and the Wallawalla seemed so great
that he sent to The Dalles for a military escort, and
warned the settlers that they ;<ust be ready upon notice
to leave for The Dalles, or to remain at their own risk.
Palmer had planned to go to the Walla Walla country to
establish an encampment of the friendly Indians, but
failing to get an escort the plan was postponed. In
the early ^art of December 1855, the Oregon volunteers

occupied the rtalla Valla Valley, but did not pursue the

4
hostile Indians on account of the lack of supplies.

In the Willamette valley, two encampments
were established. Some of the Indians were collected at

Milton under local agent Thomas H. Smith, where there was

5
no serious trouble. In the Yamhill country, the settlers

were alarmed by the actions of the Yamhill Indians. B. R.
Geary believed their fears to be entirely unfounded,
but for the safety of all, he appointed Stone, local agent,
to collect the band and treat them according to the

Palmer to the Commissioner of the Indian
Affairs, Oct.|26, 1855, ibioV, p. 83.

T. H. Smith to Palmer, Nov. 25, 1855.1 ibid. . p. 130

197.

_ §
"Regulations."

The Indians of the upuer Umpqua Valley were
collected on the reservation provided in the treaty of
November 29, 1854. The Cow Creek band were also collected
at this place. There were 266 Indians at the encampment
under local agent T. R. Magrudsr. All of these Indians

were without food and clothing except aa supplied by

7
the Indian agent.

Serious trouble occurred in the upper Rogue
River Valley in the early part of October 1855. Some
of the Indians that had been collected at the Table Rock
Reserve provided for in the ratified treates, left the
location during the early fall. After the attack by the
volunteers, October 9, 1855, and the murders by the
Indians which followed immediately; the Indian agent , fearing
that the settlers would kill the Indians that had remained
on the reservation, moved them to the military reservation
at Fort Lane, October 11, 1855. The original plan had been
to locate the Indians of the Hogue River Valley at Table
Rock at least temporarily. These were included under the

Geary to Palmer, Oct. 21, 1855, ibidv p. 81.

Ambrose to Palmer, Nov. 30, 1855, ibid. t p. 119.

198.

four ratified treaties, namely; the Rogue River treaty,
September 10, 1853; the Cow Creek treaty, September 19,
1853; the supplementary Rogue River treaty, November 15,
1854; and the ChastaCeosta treaty, November 18, 1854. The
Indians of the first of these treaties seem to have
remained faithful, the Cow Creek Indiana were collected at
the encampment with the Um^qua Indians, the Indians
of the supplementary treaty were said to have been on
their way to the military reservation when they were attacked
by Lupton's volunteers, October 8, 1855, after which some
of them joined the hostile Indians. It was this killing
of a number of Sambo1 a band, and the later killing of some
of Jake's band, December 1855, that seemed to justify the
belief of the military authorities that the settlers were
in favor of the extermination of the Indians. The Indians
of the treaty of November 18, 1854, the Chastacosta, seem to
have been the cause of the trouble at Table Rock. The
agent stated that if they had not been brought to the
reservation there would have been no trouble with the
Indians in the Rogue River region. The Chastacoata had
never staid on the reserve with any regularity. They
left for the Coast Range in the early fall of 1855, and

199.

had been ooenly ho -tile after October 8ip 1855. There

were encamped at Port Lane, November 12, 1855, 334 Indians
principally of the treaty of Sept ember 10, 1853. R. B. Metcalfe
was instructed at this time to move these Indians to the

Yamhill encampment, but owing to the severity of the winter,

9
the plan was postponed until the following spring.

In the Coaet region, sub-agent K. P. Drew, and
special sub-agent, Benjamin Wright were busy quieting the
fears of the Indians and the whites and in keeping out
messengers from the hostile Indians in the Coast Range
to the East. Drew, at the time the "Regulations11 were
issued, October 13, 1855, did not consider it necessary to
collect the Indians of his district. The chiefs with
wftom he talked expressed the most friendly views, although
their fears were aroused due to the oettlers building forti
fications. By November 14, 1855, the situation had changed
to Such an extent that Drew appointed a local a^ent to gather
the lower Umpqua Indians on a temporary reservation near
the agency at Umpqua City* The agent visited Empire City,
November 16, 1855, where he found the settlers excited
and expecting an attack by the Coos Bay Indians because

Ambrose to Palmer, Nov. 30, 1855, ibid. . p. 119.

Palmer to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, Nov.
12, 1855, ibid. , p. 87; Palmer to the Commissioner of Indian
Affairs, Jan. 9, 1356, ibid., p. 108.

200

these Indians had moved up the river-* Jim and Taylor* s
bands were found so located that they kept open a line
of communication through the Coast Flange and with the hostile
Indians. They were ordered to move to a temporary encampment

four miles below Empire City, which they did, and Socrates

10
Schotfield was aDpointed local agent.

The region from Port Orford to the southern
boundary of Oregon, which was under the control of special
sub-agent Benjamin bright, was in an unsettled state due
to the success of the Indians in their attacks on the settle
ments in the upper Rogue River Valley. Bright g^ent the
latter oart of October along the lower Rogue River quitting
the fears of the Indians and doing all he could to prevent
them from joining tne hostile Indians in the mountains
to the east of them. In November, he visited the Indians
along the headwaters of the rivers to the north of Rogue
River* where he found messengers from the hostile Indians
who were attempting to get these Indians to join in
the war against the settlers. Wright ordered these messengers
to leave the region. He then returned to the coast where ht
appointed a local a^ent to look after the Coquille Indians,
who were believed to be friendly. After attempting to quiet

E. P. ?rew to Talraer, Oct. 30, 1855, ibid. , p. 94;
Drew to Palmer, Dec. 3, 1855, ibid.. t>. 127.

201

I the fears of the people in the vicinity of Port Orford,
Wright went to the mouth of the Rogue River where a number
of Indians had congregated. His aim was to protect these
Indians and try to get them to return to their usual
places of living in order that they might not suffer from

I lack of food during the winter. The collector of customs

•

at Port Orford considered Wright's efforts very successful,

»
but the most serious trouble in thisiegion was to come later.

The Indians in some Tarts were supplied by Wright with

potatoes, but he did not collect them at this time on tempo-

11
rary reserves.

Palmer applied, December 1, 1855, to General
Wool for a military escort to protect the agents in removing
the Indians from the Fort Lane and the Umpqua encampment.
Threats had been made that, if the superintendent attempted
to locate these Indians at the Yamhill encampment, the agents
and the Indians would be attacked. The escort was granted

but due to the severity of the winter the removal was not

12
made until the spring of 1856.

R. W. Dunbar to Palmer, Oct. 19, 1855, ibid. . p.
95; Dunbar to Palmnr, Nov. 4, 1855, ibid** fc. 127.

Palmer to Wool, Dec. 1, 1855, ibjd . , p. 23.

.
bmd aiwil:

202.

the Indians who had been collected at Port
Lane and in the upr>er Umpqua Valley were removed to the
Yamhill encampment in February IS 56. The opposition to
the collection of all the western Oregon Indians on the
Coast Reserve which had arisen during the latter part of
1855, had in the main subsided by January 9, 1856. According
to Palmer, "The settlers in the immediate vicinity of the
contemplated encampment (Yamhill) cease to oppose the

movement, and many urge its propriety and press its immediate

13
consummation . n This change in feeling, however, did not

prevent the territorial legislature from petitioning for

the removal of Palmer on the ground that his Indian policy

and methods had caused the outbreaks of the fall of 1855.

Palmer applied, January 21, 1856, to the
com.mnding officer at Fort Vancouver for an escort of
thirty dragoons to aid in the completion of the removal
of the u^per Urapqua Indians. R. B. Metcalfe had moved
these Indians from the upper Uoroqua encaamment to Jilk Creek

Palmer to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs,
Jan. 9, 1856, ibid. t p. 111.

"Memorial on the Subject of Indian Superintendent,
in Oregon, ibregon Legislature, House Journal, 7 Bess., Dec.
3, 1856, Appendix, p. 156.

203.

but the settlers had alarmed the Indians, and it was
feared that they would run away. Although General Wool

had authorized an escort in November 1855, Colonel

15
Wright now referred the request to headquarters. Palmer

wrote an aipeal for cooperation to General Wool, in which
he blamed the settlers for the Indian difficulties:

Very little good can be accomplished unless I
am sustained by the troons in the regular service,
and I cannot but believe that I shall receive your
cooperation in carrying out the policy of the
government, a failure to obtain which would subject
•• to the most humiliating mortification, as I
should regret very much to see the humane policy
to better the condition of these Indiaaa frustrated
by the interference of designing, intriguing, corrupt
and vicious demagogues, such as are now burking at
the heels of every public officer who has the moral
courage to express his disapprobation of the voyage
and brutal conduct of tnese miscreants who have pro
voked this war, or who may dare differ in opinion upon
any subject in which they may figure. 16

Without the aid of the military, about seven
hundred Indians were collected at the Yamhill encampment.
R. B. Metcalfe succeeded in bringing the upper Umpqua
Indians to the location, where he arrived, February 2, 1356,

Palmer to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs,

Jan. 26,- 1856. Message from the President. . v\A^ril 17, 1856 (Serial
858, DOC. 93), p. 130; Palmer to Bains, Jan. 21, 1856, in
C.I. A., A.R.. Nov. 22, 1856 (Serial 893, Doc. 1) pp. 749-50.

Palmer to V»ool , Jan. 27, 1856,ibid. , p. 175.

204*

with three hundred and eighty Indians from the Elk Creek
encampment. In addition to these, the Lakraiut and the
Yamhill band of the Willamette Valley Indians were brought
to the encampment. The Indians of the Valley south of Dayton,

Oregon, were collected at that place prior to February 11,

17
1856, and were moved to tho Yamhill encampment.

The Indians at the Fort Lane encampment were

moved to the Yamhill encampment in March 1856. The

removal was begun »bru<»ry r,3, 1856, by (K H, Ambrose,
who was assisted by the sub-agenta lletcalfe and Drew. The

Indiana arrived at the Yaahill station about Uarch 20, 1856,

18
wi thou t mi snap .

The Indian attack on tho settlers at the mouth
of the Rogue River, .sVoru-iry 22, 1856, brought a force of
soldiers of the regular anny into the region which was larger

than had previously sxisted, and between them and the volunteer

forces, the Indians were forced to surrender by July 1856
and agree to locate on the Coast Reservation . Plans had been
made before this attack for the removal of all the friendly
Indians in southwestern Oregon to the Coast Reserve, but
very little had be^n accomplished. Nathan Olney was directed,

Pnlmnr to the Cocniiission^.r of Indian Affairs, Feb.

11 • - • *£*!•.•. n* 747«

Palmer to the CttO&issioher of Indian Affairs, liar*
8, 1H56, 1M4.. T). 752.

•

lrimaV

oiiw

.. «£

ri^ lo

205.

March 8, 1856, to collect the Indians that were not hostile
at the Fort Orford Military Reserve. At the same time; Palmer
suggested to Major Reynolds that he appoint J. Maguire to

care for the friendly Indians until Qlney should arrive at Port

19
Orford.

After the defeat of the southwestern Indians in
May 1856, the hostile Indians surrendered and were sent to
the Coast Reserve. Palmer arrived at Port Orford, May 16,
1856, and a few d.iys later, May 22, oerit out messengers to
the Indians living along the headwaters of the neighboring
rivers asking then to locate at encampments. This, the
Indians agreed to do. Thore were at this time about thret
hundred Indians collected at^Vort Orford Military Reserve.

Lieutenant Colonel Buchanan held a council,
Hay 24, !Bo6, at Oak viats on the Illinois River with the
hostile Indians, who agreed tr» surrender their arms at a
specified place four days later. Instead of fulfilling thie
promise they made an attack, May 23, 1856, which ended in their
defeat. On the morning of the 29th, Palmer sent messengers
to ''leorge and Lirapey advising them to submit to the demands
of Buchanan :he following morning messengers were sent
to the hostile Indians o* the Cow Creek band, to the Callice
Creek band, and to Old John's band. During the evening of

Palmer to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs,
Mar. 8, 1856, ibid. , p. 751.

206.

May 30th, Geroge and Limpey, with their bands, surrendered.

By June 9, Buchanan had 265 Indians in camp at the Big Bend

20
of the Rogue River.

The Indians of southwestern Oregon slov,ly
surrendered at the military camps. Major Reynolds
at the beginning of June was stationed at the mouth of
the Illinois River, and Captain Augur and Captain Bludsoe

established a camp on Rogue River below the Illinois* By
f»*vwr wjio ww» e %o iwi i* '

June 12, 1356, there were 421 Indians at Captain Augur* s
camp. These Indians, and the 277 who were at Buchanan's
camp, were started* July 13, 1856, on their way north
to ?ort Orford. On the same day Old John's two sons came
to Captain Augur's camp to learn the terms of surrender.
They were told that they would have to move to the Coast
Reserve, and an Indian was sent back with them to explain
the purpose of the reserve to Old Joha. As a result of
these meetings, they agreed to surrender to Major Reynolds

21
on a specified day at the mouth of Rogue River.

After some excitement at Port Orford, six

hundred Indians were moved to the Coast Reservation by boat
by way of Portland. Palmer, accompanied by Captain Augur's
company of 72 men, managed the removal. The Indians were

•'aimer to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs,
July 3. 1856.|ibid.. p. 764.

"almor to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs,
July 3, 1856, i.bid.^ p. 768.

ai a<

' 6ft* egcnttt) t it;.
.««t

'io

Xfe XXI

' a i mil serf »rtif tn

no crmfta

I «SI 9

•

»a

'1O'-

«mc«*»H *r**oO
m§Q wf frftiajMHieft

0* t»tt

«r ^

20*.

located on the Siletz River in the northern part of the
Coast Reserve. They were principally friendly Indians
from the neighborhood of Fort Orford, and some of the

Lower Rogue River Indians. On July 7, 1856, they left

22
Dayton, Oregon for the Coast Reserve.

Palmer stated that there were about 600
Indians at Port Orford and about S50 at the mouth of
Rogue River who were to be moved immediately to the
southern part of the Coast Reserve with the aid of
the military authorities. Captain Ord arrived at Port

Orford, June 23, 1856, with 242 Indians that had been

23
collected at the mouth of Rogue River.

Old John and his band surrendered on June 29,
1856. They arrived at ?ort Orford three days later
and were taken to the southern part of the Coast Reserve
by Major Reynolds in command of a military escort. The
remainder of the Lower Rogue River Indians were taken

Palmer to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs,
June 23, 1856, ibid. t p. 763.

R. C. Buchanan to D. R. Jones, June 24, 1856,
Secretary of War, Annual Report..,. Dec. 1, 1856 (Serial
894, Doc. 1) , p. 156.

Buchanan to Palmer, July 8, 1856, C.I. A., A.R.
Nov. 22, 1856 (Cloth set), p. 222.

208.

In order to enforce the "Intercourse Law§"
three forts were established in the vicinity of the
Coast Reserve and the Yamhill encampment- which later
became the Grande Ronde Reservation. These posts were
Fort Hoskins, Port Umpqua, and Fort Yamhill. The

commanders were instructed to allow no whites on the

25
reserve excet>t the employees of the Indian bureau.

The only Indians in southwestern Oregon
according to Palmer's statement, July 18, 1856, were
ten or twelve Indians reported by Colonel Buchanan; and
a few families reported by J. Maguire, who would be taken
to the reserve before the end of the season. There was
no danger of these Indians attacking the whites, but it

was thought that they might furnish an excuse for Indian

26
disturbances by lawless persons.

The Warm Springs Encampment.-- The encampment
system developed along the eastern side of the Cascade
Mountains somewhat as it did in western Oregon. The
temporary encampments were formed, as has been
seen, along the Columbia River at the outbreak of the
Yakima Indian War. Then, in order to provide a place
for the Indians whose lands had been taken by settlers, they
were moved in 1857 to Warm Soria^s, the region set aside
by the treaty with the Confederated Bands of Middle Oregon.

25 i U

JJG. Chandler to Palmer, July 4, 1856, ibid., p.E24.

Palmer to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, July
18, 1856, ibid. . p. 221.

t wet «

209*

When the Treaty was ratified in March 1859, the encampment
became the Warm Springe Reservation. This location was
distant from the settlements and the routes of travel. No
demand for the region by the whites was expected unless
it contained mineral wealth. Poor soil, summer frosts, and
poor roads to the settlements, together with constant
attacks by the Snake Indians made the region rather unfavorable
for the establishment of an agricultural comi-mnity of
primitive people.

In the spring of 1856, the Indian agent for
eastern Oregon explored the Warm Springs district with the
purpose of finding a suitable location for an agricultural
settlement. The place selected was eight miles southwest
of the springs, called She -tike , where there were three
thousand acres of tillable land within a radius of six
miles. The principal hindrance to the immediate moving
of the Indians from the encampments along the south side
of the Columbia River to the Warm Springs region was the
fear, on the part of the Indians and the agent, that they
would behestroyed by the Snake Indians. Thompson applied
to Colonel Wright for military protection but it was not
furnished. The agent felt that it would be better to leave
the Indians at the temporary encampments until proper
military assistance could be urovided. The Indians along

• - • • • •

•

~ C,tf ft A

. ff bi'i.?-

210.

the Columbia agreed to move to the Warm Springs district,
with the understanding that the Snake would not be
permitted to attack them. The only exception to this

willingness to move was in the case of the Wasco who refused

27
to locate at the encampment until it had been improved.

In the spring of 1057, the Tyich and the Des
Chutes Indians were moved to Warm Springs. This waa
necessitated by the complete occupation of their lands
by settlers. The following spring the Wasco Indians
were moved to the same region. It was said that 1200
of the 1500 Indians in the northern part of eastern
Oregon were attached to the encampment at this time*
In the spring of 1359, when the encampment be dame the
reservation, these Indians suffered a severe loss. They
were attacked by a band of Shoshoni Indians who drove away
150 horses. In May, a vand of Indian auxiliaries from the
reservation defeated a r>arty of Shoshoni Indians on
the John Day River but this did not prevent future attacks
upon the Warm Springs Indians by the marauders of southeastern
Oregon. The agent recommended that steps be taken to treat

Thonps^n to Palmer, Feb. 26, 1856, C.I. A., A.R..
Hov. 22, 1356 (Serial 893, Doc. 1) , p. 759.

JtlCf&uXcO erfj

211.

with the Indians of southeastern Oregon in order to eliminate

28
these raids which hindered the progress of the reservation.

A beginning was made in the agricultural
development of the reservation during the period of the
encampment. In 1857, some cultivating was undertaken but
the product was far from sufficient to support the Indiana
during the following winter. It WHS necessary to supply
tne Indiana with food as they had lost their provisions
and property during the hostilities* The poverty of these
Indians was increased in 1858 due to a bad crop and a
small salmon "run,". It was, therefore, essential that the
policy of aiding the Indians with supplies be continued
during the winter of 1858-59. In the summer of 1859, there
were 356 acres under cultivation from which a good crop
was predicted. These lands were divided among the heads
of families and each was held responsible for tilling their

respective tracts, but this the Indians failed to do,

29
preferring to depend u-non salmon for their living.

Dennison to Nesmith, Aug. 1, 1858, G.I. A., A.R..
Nov. 6, 1858 (Serial 974, Doc. 1), p. 614; Dennison to Geary,
July 14, 1859, C.I. A., A.P... Nov. 26, 1859 (Serial 1023,
t>oc. 2) , p. 300.

Dennison to Nesmith, Aug. 1, 1857, C.I. A., A.R..
Nov. .30, 1357 (Serial 919, Doc. 2), pp. 659-62; Dennison
to Nesmith, Aug. 1, 1B58, op. cit.. p. 614; Dennison to Geary,
July 14, 1859, op. cit... ?. SCO.

! tt

saw

Stevens and Wright in the Interior* Stevens
had intended to treat with the Lower Pend d'Oreille,
Coeur d'Alene, Spokan, Colville and Okinagan on hit
return trip from the uoper Missouri River to Puget Sound,
but one day out from .Fort Benton the expressman Pearson
arrived from The Dalle* with the news of the defeat of
Haller in the Yakima country. He also reported the rumor
that the Cayuse, Wallawalla, and the Umatilla would join
the Klikitat and the /akima in a general Indian war.
Stevens immediately pushed ajiead to Hellcat*, where
agents Lansdale and Adams had been sent to gather the
Lower Pend d'Oreille for a treaty council land to make
preparations for the homeward trip. It was found impossible
to gather the Indians in time to hold the council. Lansdale
was given instructions to make a treaty with them as soon
as they could be brought to a meeting. ?ram Hell^gate,
Stevens passed west to the Coeur d'Alene Mission where he
arrived Uovember 24, 1855. The Indians talked friendly but
Stevens feared treachery. William Craig, with several
friendly :$ez Perce' chiefs, who had been with Stevens at
the council on the|ur>per Missouri Hiver, were sent to the
Hez Perce' country LO gather that tribe for a council.
Stevens, with Looking Glass and several other Nez Perce'

213.

chi of s, moved westward to the Spokane country where they
arrived November 28, 1855*

A council was assembled including the chiefs of the
Spokan, Colville, and Coeur d'Alene, which lasted for three
days. The Indiana had become excited by false reports concern
ing the intentions of the whites. Ho treaties were mad« on
account of the unsettled state of Indian Affairs, It was
arranged, however, that the treaties should be made in the
spring of 1856. These Indians agreed to take no part in the
Indian war and to protect all the whites in their country.

The Nez Perce' country was reached December 12, 1855,
where a council was immediately held, the Indians having been
previously asaerabled in the neighborhood of Craig's house,
The Indians were friendly and successful in impressing
Stevens with their reliability.

About the middle of December, otevens arrived in
the Y/alla Walla Valley and gave instructions to thejagents,
B, F. Shaw was ordered to organize the settlers, who had
not l(*ft the valley at Olney' s orders, for protection against
theWw ho stiles and to safeguard the friendly Cayuse against
the War party, veilliam Craig was given similar orders for the
Hez Perce country, and George fooCntour was sent as special

214.

30
agent to the Spokane Country.

During the last days of the year 1855, it was
"believed th it Kamaiakan was planning to attack the Oregon
volunteers who had defeated the Indians in the Walla
V,alla Valley, December 8, 1855, and that it was probable
that all the Indians between the Cascade Mountains andjthe
Bitter Root Mountains would be involved in the hostilities

unless the war party of the Indians was struck and defeated

31
before the soring of 1856 .

An attempt was made by the military and

the Indian department to bring peace to the interior, but
the year 1856 passed without any marked gain in this
direction. The Hesi Percys were in charge of William
Craig, the Yakima and Walla Walla districts were under
B. F. 3haw, and P.. H. Lansdale was responsible for the
Bitter Root Valley Indian affairs. In May 1856, Colonel
Wright with 500 United States soldiers occupied the
Yakima country, and, in September, the Walla Tftfalla Valley
was given military protection by a force under Lieutenant
Colonel Steptoe.

Stevens to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs,
Sov. 1, 1856, Letter from the Secretary of the Interior...,
Jan. 16, 1857 'f Serial 899 , Doc. 37), p. 35.

Stevens to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs,
Dec. 22, 1855, Message from the President..., April 17, 1856
(Serial 853, Doc. 93), p. 137.

riw ®T0r

•

r r

215.

Craig's work was to keep the Nez Percys

from joining the hostile Indians. In order to accomplish
this, it was deemed necessary to keep the friendly, as well
as the unfriendly, Cayuse out of the He* Perce' country.
In February, Olney, the Oregon Indian agent, sent the
friendly Cayuse into the He* Perce' country. Stevens and
Craig objected to this because they believed that it
would lead to messengers from the ho a tile Cayuse entering
the country. In &arch, Colonel Wright sent Indian
runners wi bh a peace letter to the Nes Perce' and the Spokan
Indians. The action of Olney and '.right, according to
Craig, led to the hostiles coming into the Nex Perce" country.
In April, an attack was threatened by the war r>arty
of the Indians uioon the Hez Percys unless they agreed to
join in the war against the settlers. The Yakima chief,
Kamaiakan, sent messengers to the He* Percle, in May,
presumably, to ^all them to a council with Colonel
Wright, but Craig thought that the runners said nothing

about a council with the military officer but urged the

32
Nez Percys to join in the Yakima Indian War.

The danger that the war party might force the
Uez Perces to join them was so great by the end of May
1856 that Craig recommended tirat the Kez Perce7 country

Craig to Stevens, n.d. , Letter from the Secretary
of the Interior. . . . Jan. 16, 1357 (Serial 899, Doc. 37), p.
116.

216.

be occupied immediately by at least two companies of
soldiers to protect the friendly Indians. Relative to
the situation, he wrote:

There are now Cayuses, Palouses, Spokane s,
Okiaagans, Coeur d'Alenea, and Colville Indians,
a oart of each of which are on this side of the
Spokane prairie. They say they have made all
the white men run out of their country, and will
now make all the friendly Indians do the same*
They have sent to the Snakes and a imrty has already
joined them. 33

Stevens reported, June 5, 1856, that there
would probably be a general war in the interior, which
he accused Wright of being the cause due to his manner
of handling the Yakiraa situation. On the subject, Stevens
said:

Kamiakin has perhaps effected a combi nation
of all the tribas, including one-half of the Nez
Percys and tho general Indian war, of which I have
been apprehensive ia about to burst ut>on us, and in
consequence of th<? bad management of the regular
troooB. 34

. A Month later the danger did not seem no
imminent to otcvens and Craig. Stevens stated, July 7, 1856,

c Ka;iaiak*n had failed to indue* the Spokan Indians
to join hi/i. They were not to be considered entirely friendly,
however, because they allowed the hostile Cayuse to remain

Stevens to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs,

June 5, 1656, C.I. A., A.H. » Nov. 22, 1856 (Serial 893, Doc. 1) ,
p. 741.

8-xelMoe

217.

35
in their country.

From the letters which Stevens had received
from Craig and others, he deemed it essential that the
Walla .Valla Valley ohould be occupied iramedi ately by
a military force. On april ?A, Stevens wrote to Wright
stating that a supply tvain of Indian goods was to be
sent to the jtfez Perc^ country and Spokane region,
and asked if it were the intention of the military author
ities to occupy the Walla Walla Valley with a command of
soldiers. He also iaquired as to the possibility of obtain
ing an escort for the supoly tjain in case the T/alla
Walla country was not occupied. In reply to this letter,
Wright stated, April 27, 13£fc, that his present plans
did not include the occupation of the walla Walla
Valley with a military force, since "we are assured that
the Indians in that district, and on the Snake river ar«

peaceably inclined, " and that the request for an escort

36
had been referred to General Wool.

Stevens believed that the Spokan, Coeur d'Alene,

Stevens to the secretary of War, July 7, 1856,
from the President..., I'ob. 14, 1857 (Serial 906,
Doc. 76) , p. 173.

Stevens to Wright, April 24, 1856, Letter from the
Secretary of the Interior..., Jun. 16, 1857 (Serial 899, Doc.
37), p. 55; bright to Stevens, A~>ril 27, 1856, ibid. t p. 56.

218.

Okinagan, Colville, half of the He* Percys, and part of tht
Snake Indians were prepared for war, and it was to prevent
this *ar and get supplies to Craig in the lieu Perec7 country
that Stevens raised four hundred Washington volunteers in

order to occupy the lalla *e,lla Valley with afoilitary force.

. — V» ^ Jl •' j» « k/% A f^t A j * * t ^ tj

Thene troops reached their destination on July 8, 1856. The
Commander, B. F. Shaw, was instructed by Governor Stevens
to strike thf? hostile Indians, without any neace talk,
wherever they might be found*

Shortly after the arrival of the Washington
volunteers in the Tfalla tlalla Valley, a train of onr?
hundred pack animals was sent to the 'crce' country under
special a^ont I'obic, while Hh&w determined to attack a ba«d
of ho a tile Indians who were oaid to be in the Srande P.onde
Valley, not far to the eouth. This expedition loft the

Walla Kalla Valley on July 14, 1856, and decisively defeated

37
the Indians three days later.

Stevens claimed th??t thie defeat broke UT> the
combination among tho Indians, and he gnve as nroof

Stevon;; to the Corrjr.issioner of Indian Affairs,
June 5, 1356, C.I>AJA>3^. Nov. 22, 1356 (Serial 893, Doc. 1),T>.

7A1 • .t«> \rona 4-r\ t V» e '' ft, r> •»•<•» t- » y~v rtf* Wnf Tlin*> ft. 1 f\ ^fii . UA.<: «or7A

741; otovens to the"3ecrc t-ry of «ar, June 8, 1856, Message
f r oa th e ?re aidant *^ « , >eb. 14, 1857 (Serial 906, Doc. ¥6).

T3. 170

10 tfiBCf froa i*fe alllvXoO ,

H ftru ,isw 10*.

iw 'x^

•
aaavfi

•o.*ftf ^-

•

9bn&' ^Ilv

(;

ari^

tf_c-

219.

the uncertain attitude of the Nez Percys during the
month of July* When Shaw returned to Mill Creek,
July 24, 1856, in the Walla Walla Valley, he found
Robie who had practically been driven out of the Net
Perce' country. Robie stated that the chiefs of the Nez
Percys had ordered all the whites out of that country.
A messenger was immediately sent to the Nee Perces by
Shaw with the information that the volunteers desired peace
but that they were ready to fight and would unless the
Nez Percys changed their attitude toward the settlers*
News of the defeat of the Indians in the Grande Ronde

Valley had preceded this message, which was considered

x 38
the cause of the friendly reply made by the Nez Percys.

The Washington volunteers, according to Stevens,
having successfully prevented the general outbreak of
the Indians east of the Cascade Mountains, it was then
planned, "to meet the Indians and establish relations of
friendship with the tribes generally but especially those
attacked by Lieutenant Colonel B. 7. Shaw." Stevens arrived
in the Walla lalla Valley August 23, 1856, and immediately
sent expresses to the Nez Perce, Spokan, Colville, and the

Stevens to the Secretary of War, Aug. 14, 1856,
.. p. 175; Shaw to Stevens, July 26, 1856, ibid., p. 189

220

Coeur d'Alene Indiana inviting them to a council* The
hostile Indiana were asked, "to cone in and submit to
the Justice and mercy of the government.* The council
began on September 8; and lasted until the eighteenth but
failed either to gain the submission of the hostile Indiana

W' t rl ~K^ ' fe J^*1

or to establish friendly relations with the others. Stevens
believed that the commander of the regular troops was
responsible for the result. This, however, was not the
fault of the local commander for he had been instructed

On the same day that the council ended,
Governor Stevens started for The Dalles. Steptoe, the
military commander in the Walla Walla Valley, had arranged
for a council on September 19 with the Cayuse, the v,allawalla,

€.&•**

and the Yakima chiefs, but, when the tiraeAfor the council
to assemble, only two chiefs appeared. During the evening
of September 19, Steptoe received word that Stevens1 a party
had been attacked. A detachment was sent out to rescue

Stevens and his companiona. They were safely brought back

40
to the military camp on Mill Creek.

Stevens to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, Aug. 31,
1856, C.I.A.. A.H.. Hov. 22, 1856 (Serial 893, Doc. 1), p.
743; Steptoe to \vright, Set>t. 18, 1856, Secretary of War,
Annual Report^ Dec. 1, 1856 (Serial 894, Doc. 1), p. 197.

Steptoe to Wright, Sept. 20, 1856, ibid., p. 199.

.Ofifi

»riT .Xlanuoo A 0J grartt aiUJivru ccuiJtJbciI snsXA'fc

oj ^iradirt! 6rug ni er.oo e£* , bo^e^ *iftw enalfcnl
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srU lo t^bnr, , «n 02 £»*i* ^

Jon 8B» ,t»vfwr . eri^ 10!

sri to'-

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iitfllA ««/- 0/iJ CJ

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r tos .3<rae ,*ffr

221.

The open hostility of the Indians in an
attack on the Indian superintendent placed Colonel
Wright in a difficult position. He had been ordered
to occupy the Walla Walla Valley and hold councils
with the Indians, by an order dated September 1,
1856. After the news of the attack on Stevens' s party
had been received by General Wool , he wrote to Wright
as follows:

Were you not aware that when hostilities
had begun, and the troops been sent to suppress
them, the duties of an Indian agent (though a
governor) ceased; that the power of regulating the
Indians then passed from the civil to the
military.... How, then, could you permit the
agent to precede the march of your column to Walla
Walla, to treat with the Indians that you had been
ordered to subdue. 41

Upon the receipt of this letter, Wright proceeded
immediately to occuoy the Walla Walla Valley* Steptoe had
withdrawn to the Umatilla River* and to hold councils with
the Indians. On October 30, 1356, a council was held by
Wright with some forty chiefs of the Cayuse, Nee Percys,
and others at his camp six miles from the mouth of Kill
Creek in the Walla Walla Valley. Wright reported that no
difficulties were probable with any of the Indians of the
region; that many of the Indians were hostile to Stevens
and the Treaty of Walla Walla; that the Indians made no
objection to the establishment of the military post; and
that all they wished was peace and protection which could
easily be provided. Wright had thus offered peace on the

Mackall to Wright, Oct. 19, 1856, ibid., p. 201.

•

ni ;

;wd

£ff

Xliffi

222.

basis of Indian possession of the country and a military
post to protect them, and this had been accepted by some
more or less friendly Indians. Such was the situation from
a military point of view until the spring of 1858, a condition
which Lansdale of the Flathead Agency and Superintendent
Hesmith considered an unsatisfactory armistice as it later
proved. The region east of the Cascade Mountains, which
had been closed to settlers in August 1856, became an "Indian
Country* for a period of three years, although unofficially

it had been practically that from the beginning of immigra-

42
tion into the Pacific Northwest.

The settlement at the Cascades was attacked
March 22, 1356. Many people believed that, in case tnis
attack was a success, the Indians planned a general uprising
at the encampments along the Columbia River. In order to

establ ?h peace in the interior, Colonel Wright moved into

43
the Yakima country with a force of the regular army.

Wright1 s campaign in the Yakima country of more
than four onths brought about the surrender of a number
of the Yakima Indians but failed to defeat the hostile chiefs
who crossed to the east side of the Columbia River where
they finally succeeded in getting the Indians of that area
to Join them. In the early part of May 1856, Wright held
a council with some of the Indians in the Yakima country but
nothing was accomplished. He camped on the Natchess River,

Wright to Mackall, Oct. 30, 1856, Message from the
President.... Feb. 14, 1857 (Serial 906, Doc. 76) , p. 230;
Wright to Mackall, Oct. 31, 1856. ibid., p. 231.

jU&

«c

•vV

..>;r

. •

223.

May 30, with more than five hundred soldiers. In a
report of that date, he stated that he would bring the
Indians to terms by battle or desire for peace, or would
drive them out of the country as Boon as he could
cross the river. It seems that he succeeded in driving
the hostile chiefs out of the Yakima country and in

bringing many of the people of the chiefs to terms, but

44
that did not solve the Indian problem of the interior.

During the first part of June 1856, a number
of bands of Indians visited Wright1 s camp on the Nat chess
River and peace was concluded with them. Two Yakima chiefs,
Tevias and Owhi , had a talk with Colonel Wright, June 9,
in which it was agreed that the hostile chiefs would
surrender within five days* Kamaiakan, who was on the
I other side of the river at the time, expressed himself
as friendly and determined to fight no more. Wright

Thompson to Palaer, Mar. 27, 1856, C.I. A., A.R. .
Nov. 22, 1856 (Serial 893, Doc. 1), p. 760.

Wright to Jones, May 30, 1856, Secretary of War,
Annual Report, Dec. 1, 1856 (Serial 894, Doc. 1), p. 152.

Wright to Jones, June 11, 1856, ibid. . p. 161.

T»ii^ s

•

,
'

Vfftf-tf.aV *

. !f Ol

224.

The failure of the Indians to keep the above
promise and the completion of the bridge across the
Hatches s River, June 17, 1856, was followed by the move*
ment of the troops first to the camp on the Yakima River,
and then to the one near the Wematchee River. During the
first week in July, Wright scoured the uppr Yakima Valley.
He learned that the principal chiefs, Kamaiakan and Owhi , had
left their people and fled east of the Columbia River. It
wop while encamped near the Wenatchee River that Wright
discovered the major part of the Yakima women and children.
The army, accompanied by thewe Indians then returned to
their canm on the Yakima River in the Kittitas Valley. By
July 18, there were five hundred Indians being fed at
the camp to the extent of 250 pounds of flour, per day.

The object of the military commander in so gathering the

46
Indians was to separate them from the hostile party.

Wright* s next steo was to hold a council
with the Klikitat Indians at the Atahmin Mission. These
Indians agreed, July 25, 1856, to the terms submitted to

Wright to Jones, June 20, 1856, ibid., p. 163;

Wright to Jones, July 7, 1856, ibid., p. 175; Bright to Mackall,
July 18, 1856, ibid., o. 177.

•

-.^miiDJ

•

225.

them and seemed very friendly. It was planned at this time
to bring together at Kamas Lake all of the Klikitat Indians,

that is; those who had been collected at The Dalles, the

47
Cascades, Vancouver, and in the Yakiroa Country.

The headquarters for the garrison in the Yakima
country was established in the Simcoe Valley, July 29,
1856. This location commanded the roads to The Dalles, the
Cascades, and the Walla Walla country, and had a mild climate
suitable for the Indians during the winter months. The
Indians who had been collected at the Kittitas camp near

the Yakima River, and at the camp on the Katchess River were

48
located at this place.

The Columbia River Bncampmentsjin Washington.-*
In the fall of 1855 when the encampment system was adopted
in Washington Territory, Gr. B. Simpson was But in charge of
three hundred Klikitat Indians at the Cascades. At the
time of the attack on the settlement at the Cascades,
March 26, 1856, some of the friendly Indians that had been
encamped at that place joined the war party. The friendly
Indians were allowed to roam at will until June 3, 1856 when
they were brought together and t>laced under local agent

Wright to liackall, July 25, 1856, ibid..A p. 186;

Wright to Mackall, July 27, 1856, ibid., p. 188.

Wright to Mackall, Aug. 3, 1856, ibid., p. 189;

Wright to Mackall, Aug. 24, 1856, ibid. , p. 192 4

•

'*f

226.

William ?. Lear who continued to look after them until
August 30, 1856, when they were raoyed to the *hite Salmon
encampment*

In the latter part of August, John Cain was

ordered to move the Indiana at the Vancouver and the Cascades,
to the vhite Salmon encampment in the Yakima country. Some
of the Indians were sent up thn river by "boat, while others
drove their cattle over the mountains, both parties accom
panied by a military escort. It was planned that some of
the surrendered hostile Indians should be -placed at this
encampment. In order to orovide for the many destitute
Indiana that would bo gathered at the encampment, a large
amount of Indian supplies was sent to The Dalles. It
was absolutely necessary to feed the surrendered Indians
"because they had had no opportunity to lay in food for
the winter. The Vancouver Indians were located, September
1, 1856, to the number of 225 Indians, three miles above the
mouth of the VThite Salmon River at Jocelynfs Place and
the Cascades Indians were established at the mouth of the
White Salmon Piver. These new locations gave thejlndians

more liberty than had their former encampments which resulted

49
in less discontent among them. The encampment extended

Cain to Stevens, Sept. 20, 1856, Letter from the
Secretary of the Interior... , Jan. 16, 1857 ( Sorial 899, Doc.
37), T>. 105; Fields to Ste /ens , n. d. , ibid., p. 108.

. .

.ff fcj&i

,
.

227.

along the north side of th<* Columbia Biver from the Klikitat
River to the Ti/hite Salmon River. Feeding was continued
until the summer of 1857, when there v/ere eight hundred
Indians at the encashment. ?vf forts were made by the war
party, who v/ere eaut of the Columbia River, to t>ersuade
these Indians to join them but without success. The encamp
ment *;as not considered valuable for agricultural purposes,
although there were forty acres in vegetables in the suiamer

of 1857. It was valuable for ita productivity in stock,

50
berries, and fish.

When B. 7. i>haw, the agent for the Yakima
country, left The Dalles with the Oregon volunteers, he
appointed John T. Hoble to manage the Wi shram Indians
to the number of about four hundred Indians who had been
moved to the south side of the river by the Oregon
superintendent of Indian affairs at the outbreak of the
Yakima Indian War. In the summer of 1856, these Indians were
moved to the north aide of the Columbia River. They had
exhausted their supplies in April and the agent was
forced to assist them from that time which , it was said,
would have to be continued during the winter 1056-5? as

Townsend to Cain, June 30, 1857, C.I. A., £.K M, N0v.
30, 1857 (Serial 919, Doc. 2), o. 636.

•

b*o%o1

228.

these Indians had had no opportunity to lay in supr>lie»

in the regular way. The encampment was increased by Indians

declared friendly by the military authorities. In addition

to the ^'i shram Indians, there were ninety Klikitat and two

51
hundred and sixty Yakima Indians at the encampment. In

1857, there were one thousand Indians at this encampment, includ
ing those formerly scattered along the north side of the
Columbia Hirer from the mouth of the Yakima River to about thirty
miles west of The Dalles. These Indians were partly
subsisted until May 1857, and aid was considered necessary for
the winter of 1857-58. About three hundred bushels of

potatoes were raised by the Indians, who were furnished with

•h-u*^52
tools and seed by the agent.

The Yakima Indians, who had been collected by

the military authorities at an encampment in the Simcoe Valley,
in the fall of 1856, were very poor due to the losses
incurred during the first phase of the Yakima Indian
War. They had given away much of their property to other
Indiana in an effort to get them to join the war party
against the whites, and their supplies for the winter had
been destroyed. It was necessary, therefore, to supply

Noble to Cain, Oct. 1, 1856, Letter from the

Secretary of the Interior... f Jan. 16, 185T (Serial ?9, £>oc.
37) , p. 109.

Cain to Nesmith, July 25, 1Q57, C.I .A., A.R.. Nov
30, 1857 (Serial 919, Doc. 2), p. 633; Robie to Nesmith,
July 31, 1857, ibid. . p. 638.

•3Tig t

29.

them with provisions during the winter of 1856-57. There
were 1515 Indiana at the encflarocient in the summer of 1357.

It waa predicted that the Indiana would have to be martially

53
supported during the v/inter of 1857-58.

In the aurvner of 1359 the Yakima encampment

under K. H. Lansdale hnd a total r>omil»tion of 2629

soo
Indiana. These included 633 Klikitat, 471 ffishrap, eight

jro
huadyed Columbia Hiver, 667 Yakiwa, and 1'if ty fcenatchi.

The Paioos belonged to the Yak i ma encamoment but they were
not located there at this time. It was the aunt* with the
Okinagan. There were reports that the latter had committed
act 3 of hostility against miners In and passing through
their country. A m*?nber of Bother Indians that belonged to
the encaiapment refused to aove to the region until the
treaty sums had been nnid.

Until the spring of 1859, the agent resided
at the White Salaon ancamrwaent. With the ratification
of the Yakizna treaty in the snring of 1859, the a cnt

raoved to the Sincoe Valley encampment which becane the

» 'l *

headquarter s for the Yakima ReserTation. General Harney

transferred to the Indian department the extensive nili tary
innrovewents at ?ort 3imcoe. There were one hundred acres

Cain to Hesiaith, July 25, 1857, op. cit*. o. 639;
Robic to Hesmith, July 31, 1857, pp. cit.» p. 641.

qr *d o* »v

ivc*ic

?n a-naifcftl dldl rx»«
•»^0it

ijiibal

TO 7 *••:

1 l)^i»10aja^U
^HSdvci"

230

in crops on the Yakiraa Reservation at this time, with
the expectation that two hundred acres would be put in,
in the fall of 1859. In addition about fifty acre* were
under cultivation at the White Salmon, Kamas Lake, and
Columbia River encampments.

Lansdale had objected to the ratification of
the treaties on the ground that the Indians were not
satisfied with them, but after the ratification in
March 1859, he stated that the treaties were as good
as the Indians could get or exoect. He urged that
the appropriations be made in time for use in the spring
of 1860, as the whites were filling up the country and
causing the Indians to become dissatisfied. The lands
were being taken before the Indians had received their
annuities. It was believed that the great value of the
reservation would soon attract the Indians that were averse
to settling on it, and that no trouble would arise if the

whites were fairly prudent in their conduct towards the

54
Indians.

The Nez Feres' , Wallavvalla, Cayuse, and

Umatilla Indians were under 111 Uam Craig. In the summer
of 1857, there was an encampment in the Walla Walla
Valley which consisted of 685 Indians. In the fall of 1856,

R. H. Lansdale to Geary, July 20, 1S59, C.I. A., A.R..
Nov. 26, lS59JCSorial 1023. Doc. 2), p. 778.

•

231

soae of the Ne2 ^erces had Joined the hostile Indian*
but had later withdrawn from the war party. Owing to
the fact th-.t little cultivating had been done in
1856, du* to the disturbed condition of the country, all
of thcne Indiana had been assisted during the soring
of 1857. The sixty friendly Cayuse Indians did no
fanning during 1357 and made no nrovision for the winter
57-/t$58. ie agent stated that the Indians objected to

the Port being located in their country. The Hez Percys
to the number of between 3100 and 3600 desired that mills

i uchooln be established, but some of the Hex
were opposed to the ratification of the treaty. The agent
believed th-it v;hcn the treaties were finally discarded
these Indians would become permanently quiet. Less than

fifty acres was the total amount under cultivation in the

- -

whole region.

The Cayuse, the Wallawalla, and the Umutilla
Indians vrere reported as almost destitute after the Yakima
Indian Uar. In 1853 and 1859, the agent John Cain,
reported that the Cayuse and the Wallawalla would soon be
vagabonds unless they were removed to their reservation.
This bad boon created by the ratification of the Treaty

Craig, to Nesmith, July 21 , 1B57, C.I. A., A«R..
tfov. 30, 1357 (Serial 919, Doc. 2), T). 641.

an r Jfcw Tts>

fli

232.

of Y/alla Walla, which set aside the Umatilla Reservation
for these Indiana. The Cayuse had been further humbled by
a defeat by the Shoshoni Indians, and the hard winter
of 1858-^59. The feeling of disaffection towards the
whites had almost completely disappeared by the spring of
1859 among these Indians. The Wallawalla Indians were
also affected by the winter of 1358-1859. They lost over
fifty of their number from privation during the winter.
Thus the spirit and strength of these tribes was reduced

until they were willing to submit to any kind of treatment

56
that would save them from starvation.

The Kez Percys in the summer of 1859 w«re in better
condition than the Walla Walla, Cayuse and Umatilla Indians
to the south. The agent John Cain, held a council with
them at Vfeipe, July 22, 1859, at which there were present
three thousand Indians. The rurpose was to acquaint the
Indians with the fact that the treaty had been ratified,
and to disabuse their minds of rumors that the government
was cheating them out of their lands. Although there were
those among the Nes Perec's who had always objected to
the treaty, the majority were in favor of it, and hoped

Cain to Geary, Aug. 2, 1859, C.I. A., A.R. , Nov. 26,
1859 (Serial 1023, Doc. 2) , p. 782.

^-aaaj

\;e

row ^;

233.

that the treaty stipulations would be carried out immediately
after the council. In uhis,th<3y were to be di«ai>r>ointed, for
a number of years elapsed before nuch was done in the »my
of fulfilling the provisions of this treaty. The Ke*
Peree" Indians, in th fall of 1859, were said to have six
hundred and forty acres under cultivation, and a number of
horses and cattle, 3tock|raising was believed to furnish
the best source of wealth frora the lands of the reserve*

The agent little realized that millions would be taken

57
from it in gold within the following five years.

The Upper Columbia and Clarke* ejfrork Indiana. --
The Coeur d'Alene Indians, in a council held at the Coeur
d'Alene mission by Lansdale in the gunner of 1857, stated
that mi srepresentati ona of the actions of the whites and
the Indians had caused misunderstandings, but that the
Coeur d'Alene Indians had always been friendly toward
the whites and hoped to continue in that relationship.

7hey did become O7>enl / hostile after the defeat of

53
Lieutenant Colonel steutoe in May 1858.

The Jesuit Fathers stated that the teraa of the
treaty vith the tflathead v/ere being carried out in their

Ibid., -o. 786.

58 \

Lansdale to Eesmith, Sept. 22, 1857, Ctt.A., A.R.fl

Nov. 30, 1B57 (serial 919, Boc. 2), p. 665.

, ' : "• ' •

234 •

Here in our missions, we already observe
all the conditions stimulated in the treaty
concluded last year C ? 3 by Governor Stevens,
at Hellgate. Our brothers assist the Indians,
and teach them how to cultivate the ground.
They distribute the fields and the seeds for
sowing and planting, as well as the plows and
other agricultural instruments. Our blacksmith
works for thenOC ne repairs their guns, their
axes, their knives; the carpenter renders them
great assistance in constructing their houses,
by making the doors and windows; in fine, our
little mill is daily in use for grinding their
grain, gratis; we distribute some medicines
to the sick;- in a word, all we have and all we
are is sacrificed to the welfare of the Indian. 59

The Flathead Indian country, as well as the
Spokane country, was considered unsafe during the period
from the fall of 1855 until the fall of 1858. In the
spring of 1856, Isaac I. Stevens ordered the agent, R. H.
Lansdale, to leave the Flathead country. In the summer
of 1357, Lansdale, with a guard, made a tour of the uoper
Columbia Valley. He started from The Dalles, passed through
the Nez Perce country, and from there to the Flathead country.
On his return to The Dalles he fallowed the trail through
the Coeur d'Alene country. In councils with the Indians
through *hose territory he passed, the natives were found
to be decidedly in favor of friendly relations with the
whites. Nevertheless, the whole ut>per country was considered

Chittenden, ed., Life of De anet. IV, 1245

nJt ancJtsaJtm

C YJt)

•

»TS

•

235

unsafe for travel, except by large parties. There had been
rumors of depredations, but no attacks by the Indians had
been proven during 1857,

The Flathead Indians, consisting of the Flathead
proper to the number of four hundred, the six hundred
Pend d'oreille, four hundred Kutenai , and three hundred
Lower Pend d'Oreille believed that, since the xAtification
of the treaty had been postponed so long, ***** they should
be consulted before it was ratified. The agent stated that
he did not believe that the Indians would oppose its
execution. These Indians were rightly offended because

The Paloos and the Spokane Indiana of the Upper
Columbia Valley, the former belonging to the Yakima
treaty and the latter having no treaty, were generally
involved in the conflicts of Hay and September 1858. The
Paloos were destitute as a result of their part in the
struggle. They expressed great fear of the whites and showed
a desire to be friendly which seemed to point- to a willingness
to abandon their hopeless struggle against the whites.

Lansdale to Nesmith, Sept. 22, 1857, op. cit..
p. 663.

"TO fi

.«. ><rorf

236.

The Spokan and the Coeur d'Alene Indiana had never been
openly hostile until after the defeat of Steptoe in
May 1358. They had lost their horses during the conflict
and suffered from a shortage of provisions through the
winter of 1858-^59. It was recommended that treaties
be made with these Indians and other non- treaty Indiana
of northeastern Washington, and that they be located

at encampments until the treaties should be made and

61
ratified by the Senate.

The Indiana of northeastern Washington submitted
unconditionally to Colonel Wright after their defeat
in the fall of 1858. The Indiana of this area had not
•been treated with by Governor Stevens on account of
the outbreak of the Yakima Indian War. In order to come
to some understanding with them. General Haroey sent
Father de anet, in the spring of 1859, to hold councila
with them and to arrange for a delegation of chiefs to
meet General Harney at Vancouver, Washington. The deputation
arrived in the summer of 1859 under the supervision of
Father de Smet. It consisted of chiefs of the Upper and
Lower Pend d'Oreille, Flathead, Spokan, Colville, and the
Coeur d'Alene. The general stated that these chiefs were
desirous of friendly relations with the whites; that some

John Owen to Geary, May 31, 1859, C.I. A., A.R..
Hov. 26, 1859 (Serial 1023, Doc. 2), p. 79.

•s»IA*i> 2i*»c

-a"l«isi ** •"
b 8««-20£l lid; £**

a AW • •'- "

an s r;*»x:

BOAS
XeaoJ

237

of them boasted that their tribes had never killed a
white man, while others expressed regret for their
hostile conduct; that they willingly agreed that the
whites should settle in their country and pass through
it unmolested; and that they wished to have reservations

for their special use where they would be protected

62
from the intrusion of settlers.

Father de Sraet submitted, Uay 28, 1859, to
General Haraey an interesting proposal for dealing with
the Indians of northeastern Washington. Concerning the
plan of making the region of the Rocky Mountains an
"Indian Country/ he wrote:

The country of the upper Clarke's fork,
the St. Mary* s or the Bitter Root Valley,
the Valley of the Hell's date fork, the upper
valleys of the Beaver headwaters, the Kootenay
country within the 49th degree, and under the
jurisdiction of the United States, appear to be
laid out and designed by Providence to serve
as reserves for the rezn£nants of the various
scattered tribes of Oregon and Washington Terri
tory, at least for some years to come* This
region, I should think, might contain all the
Indians, and afford them the means of subsistence. 63

Harney to Cooper, June 1, 1859, Secretary of
War, Annual Report,. Dec. i, 1859 (Serial 1024, Doc. 2),
p. 98.

Pierre de 3met to A- Pleaston, May 28, 1859,
ibid., p. 106.

4 J- i j*5 :&

mt-

-'a ®j* irfr

JbfldR%i£9f> b&a ^oo feJtjal
a»vxs8»'

:wn»j.

^,10^

Ths Kncagpaenta of Southwestern Washington*--
Hhen the encampment system v;as adopted in Washington
Territory in the fall of 1355 f local agents were ap
pointed to collect the Indians of aouthwe stern Washington

64
and deal with them according to prescribed rules, Bnca»T>-

ments were established at ?ort Vancouver, Cowlitz Landing,
Ford's Prairie, and on the lower Chehalis River. A

special sub-agent was appointed to oversee the Indians

65
west of the Cowlita River and south of the Chehalis River*

The Upper Chehalis Indians were collected at
Ford's Prairie on the Chehalis River, thirty miles south of
Olympia by S. 3. Ford, 3r. to the number of three
hundred and fifty. They came to the encampment between
the fourth and the tenth of October, surrendered their
arms, and put up their lodges a short distance from
Ford's fans* On October 12, a meaoenger cane to them
with the news of Mailer's defeat in the interior. The
Chehalis Indians were threatened with slavery by
the Yakima if they did not join the war party against
the whites. The White River Massacre, October 28, and

64 .

3upra. Dp* 176 f.

Cain to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs,

Nov. 22, 1856, Message from the President, * . . April 17, 1856
(Serial 858, Doc* 93), p. 98.

d8 8f

:UOl 5 It?

v .. il i

&£7*GL I

239.

the murder of Miles and Colonel Moses, October 31, near
the Natchess Pass, increased the excitement among the
Indians of the encampment. Some of them wished to leave
the location and join the hostiles. Ford explained to
them that they must be avowed friends or enemies. He
then offered their guns to those who favored the war
party but they refused to take them. No further diffi
culties occurred in this district due to the efficient

66
work of the agent.

The Indians of the Vancouver district were
collected at the Fort Vancouver Military Reservation to
the number of two hundred and twenty-f ive Joctober 23,
1855. The local agent reported that the Indians were
mistreated by the settlers, and that they had lost consider
able property as a result of the sudden removal to the
encampment. On Hovember 9t 1855, fifty Indians left the
encampment with the evident intention of joining the

hostile Indians but were brought back by a party of

67
volunteers.

S. S. Ford, ST., to Stevens, Oct. 10, 1856,
Letter from the Secretary of the Interior..., Jan. 16, 1857
(Serial 899, Doc. 37), p. 97.

H. Fields to Stevens, n. d. Letter from the Secretary
of the Interior... » Jan. 16, 1857 (Serial 899, Doc. 37), p.
107; J. Withers to Cooper, Nov. 12, 1855, Message from the
President.... April 17, 1356 (Serial 858, Doc. 93) , p. 12.

ta«ft . a a* elf

B ealii,! lo -sji

•*^r

240.

At Cowlitz Landing, three hundred Cowlit*
Indians were collected at an encampment and placed under
a local agent* Thirty miles down the Chehalis Hirer
from j?ord fs Prairie three hundred Lower Chehalio Indians
were out in the charge of B. C. Armstrong, The Indians
west of the Cowlitz River and uouth of the Chehalis River,
Chinook Indiana, were not collected at an encampment
but Travers Daniels was anointed to watch them* It
was stated that messengers from the hostile Indians had

been sent among them but had not affected the friendly

68
disposition of these Indians.

During the first half of 1856, the local
agencies were consolidated in this area, and all of
the Indians were nut under 3* 3. 9ord, 3r. The encamp*
ment of the Lower Chehalis was broken up in March
1856 and the Indians allowed to scatter* The local agency
on the Cowlitz River was discontinued, May 13, 1856.
The special sub-agent for the Chinook Indians was relieved
of his duties by Ford, l£ay 27, 1856. The agent recom
mended that the Cowlita Indians be moved from their
country along the Cowl it* River in order to orotect the*

Cain to .Stevens, Sept. 20, 1856, Letter from
the .Secretary of the Interior...,,, Jan. 16, 1857 ( aerial 899,
Doc. 37) , D. 103.

s*££sroO 5s

. ei»* e

'Ob • '• c*3# X&or

elXiuiflxiO lavot? bd* •i'ix

«n^ >KT .j|r

orf7 ow e rui iiv: I • a*t?

. ' • -

.a<-

:^8 y«M %bi«v; ^o 99

241.

from the whiskey sellers, and that treaties be made with

69
the Ui>per and Lower Chehalis Indians.

During 1357, 3. S. Ford, Sr. continued to

manage with success the Indians of southwestern Washington*
The only cause for fear was, that the increase in the settle
ments was rapidly crowding these Indians from any favorable
SDots that they occupied. To prevent the Indians from
loosing all Af the lands suitable for cultivation, the
agent urged thnt a treaty be made with them, and that
they be given a permanent home. It was believed that
the Indiana would gladly make and keep a treaty, which

would eliminate the bad effects of the existing condition

70
of allowing the Indians to mingle with the whites.

The increase of settlements in this region
during 1858 and 1859 and the increased sale of whiskey
resulted in the Indians being Doorer and in a more
miserable condition than at any time in the preceding
sixteen years. The uprjer Chehalis were desirous of
establishing homes, and were capable of doing so if
given a chance. In the spring of 1859, they planted

Ford. Sr., to Stevens, Oct. 10, 1856, ibid.^ p.
96.

Ford, 3r., to Hesmith, June 30, 1857, C.I. A. .A.R..
Novl 30, 1357 (Serial 919, Doc. 2), p. 604.

9mm

•
.

i^r &

,
:

ninety acres, and would have planted more had there
been any assurance that they would not be dispossessed.
Simmons and ?ord determined to set aside a district
for the Middle and Upper Chehalis Indians. Notice
was given to the settlers that the region designated
would probably be made an Indian reservation by the
government. It was planned that the agent should
encourage the Indians to gather at this proposed reserve
in the fall of 1859. Simmons recommended that a
similar policy be followed with the Lower Chehalis
Indians who caused trouble occasionally, by drunken
ness, in the settlement at Grays Harbor. Only a
very small quantity of food supplies were furnished
the Indiana of southwestern Washington during 1859.
Ho conflicts had occurred during the year, nor was
any difficulty expected in the immediate future. The
settling of places which the Indians claimed was becom
ing a more serious problem as the settlement of the

71
region advanced.

The Encampments in the Puget Sound Country.--

71.

Ford, 3r., to Simmons, June 30, 1858, C.I. A.,
A.R.. Nov. 6, 1358 (Serial 974, Doc. 1), p. 602; Ford,
Sr., to Simmons, June 30, 1859, C.I. A., A.R.^ Nov. 26,
1359 (Serial 10:33, Joe. 2), t>. 768; Simmons to Nesmith,
June 30, 1358, C.I. A., A.H.. Nov. 6, 1858 (Serial 974, Doc.
1), p. 577; Simmons to Geary , July 1, 1859, C.I. A., A.K. .
July 1, 1359 (Serial 1023, Doc. 2), p. 766.

: •«.-

•tfv

UB i

243.

The work of gathering the Indians at encampments
in the Puget Sound country was preceded by councils
held by the agent for the Puget Sound area, Michael
T. Simmons, in which he explained the situation and
the Diana of the government. They were told that they
would be protected and taken care of, and paid, for
their property lost due to removal, but those who re
fused to follow the instructions of the government
agents would not be protected or considered as friends.
All of the Indians that were visited agreed to accept
the offer except some two hundred ^isqually, Puyallup,
and itoamish Indians who, under the leadership of Leschi ,

shortly after killed James McAlister, and, October 28,

72
1855, raided the fthite River settlements.

The plan was to move the Indians along
the eastern side of Puget Sound to the west side. The
Indians were ordered, November 12, 1855, by Simmons
to collect at the following points; the head of North
Bay, Steilacoom, Gig Harbor, Hi squally, Vashon Island,

, Port Orchard, Penn Cove, and Oak Harbor. Local

agents were appointed to manage the Indians and move

73
them to the encampments.

Simmons to Stevens, Oct. 22, 1856, Letter from the
Secretary of the Interior..., Jan. 16, 1857 (Serial 899,
Doc. 37), p. 71.

»••• i

244.

When Governor Stevens arrived at Olyrapia,
January 19, 1356, from the ur>per Missouri Hiver, the
upper Puget Sound country waa in the hands of a party
of hostile Indiana. The settlers had either lefbt the
region or moved into stockades. The regular army
force had aasimad the defensive. Stevens immediately
called out volunteers, and later enlisted Indian auxil
iaries, who, with an increased force of the regular

array, were so far aisle to restore peace that by March

74
1356 there was little fear of the hostile Indians.

Governor Stevens stated that there were five
thousand Indians at ten encampments in Western Washington,
the majority of whom were in the Puget Sound region. These
were located at Bellingham Bay, Port Towheend, Penn Cove,
and Holmes' Harbor, in the northern part of Puget Sound;
and at Port Madison (Port Kitsmp) , Fox Island, and the

Bancroft, History of Washington, Idaho, and
Montana , p. 121.

Stevens to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs,
Jan. 29, 1356, Message from the President..., April 17, 1356
(Serial 858, Doc. 93), TO. 140; Simmons to itevens, Oct. 1,
1356, letter from the Secretary of the Interior.. ., Jan. 16,
1357 (Serial 829, Doc. 37), p. 72; Cain to Stevens, Sept.
20, 1856, ibid., p. 104.

evil

245.

three reservations of the Medicine Creek treaty, Squaxon
Island, Hisqually, and Puyallup.

The northern most local agency was on Bellingham
Bay where it was not found necessary to collect the Indians

at an encampment because they were remote from the seat

i
of hostilities. There were in the district 300 Lummi ;

367 Nooksak; and 98 Bamish, under the supervision of
S. C. l?it*hugh. He adopted the plan, which worked well,
of giving the Indians passes when they left their regular
camps in order that strange Indians might be detected and
kept out of the country. All of these Indians were
friendly except the Nooksak who lived in the vicinity
of Mt. Baker. They were orroosed to white men coming
into their country and it was believed that they would
probably resist removal from their native place. The
principal difficulty was the atot^ing of the trade carried
on by the whiskey boats. This trade had increased with

the establishment of the military post on Bellingham

75
Bay. During 1357, it was not found necessary to

suoply these Indians with orovisions nor to collect them
at an encampment. The agent feared that there would be
trouble rvith the Nooksak Indians in the vicinity of Mount
raker if the settlers carried out their plan of building

*} 9M ©

>0p€ilH ,tiiX
«*fl

i
•

(

a road into that country. J. Ross Browne imported that

the Bellinghan and the Chehalis agencies were the

^^ 76

only useful ones in western Washington.

The situation of the Indians in the Bell ing-
ham Bay district was considered to be gradually becoming
worse during Iri68 and 1359. They suffered from the coming
of a large number of miners and toe prevalence of bad
liquor. The agent believed that the Indians would fell
be dead within a few years unless they were placed on
a reservation. The llooksak continued to show tneir
unwillingness to have the vdiit >s pass through their
country. They destroyed the ferry across the Hooksak
River* The Indians claimed that the whites had no right
to -oass through their country until it had been purchased
by the government. A temporary settlement was made

with the Iniians by the payment of three hundred dollars,

77
in pr3sents.

Work was begun on the Lurami "Reservation, April 1,

3. C. Fitzhugh to Simmons, Sept. 21, 1356.
ibid., p. 615.

?itzhugh to He smith, June 13, 1357, C.I. A., A.H..
Nov. 30, 1*57 (Serial 919, Doc. 2). r>. 615.

Fitzhugh to Simmons, n. d. , C.I. A., A.R.» Hov. 6,

1858 (Serial 974, Doc. l), p. 575.

247

1859, by 3. 1?. Shaw. The Lummi Indiana were willing to
aectle on the reserve as it was an their own lands f but
the Uooksak and the :}amish Indians, who had cultivated
patches along the rivera of the same names were not in
clined to locate at the reserve. Shaw felt that the
"beat method would be to make the reservation more attrac
tive than their present homes. However, it was not
possible to assemble all of the Indians at the reserve
at the beginning of development because tools and stock
could not be supplied in a sufficient quantity for all
of the Indians. The agent claimed that whites had
filed upon lands included within tne reservation since
the ratification of the treaty in order to acquire
claims against the government. It was recoramenaed that
the reservation be surveyed for the purnose of prevent
ing boundary disputes between the settlers and the

Xwr«v

Indiana. .ia location was^develooed more successfully

78
and more r;i )idly than any other in western Washington.

The axa-^it Indians were moved from their
nitive olace along the Skagit River to ?enn Cove on
toy Island. 1'hey were visited, in Uovember 1Q55,

3. j?. Jhaw to Simoons, July 1, 185°, C.I.A.,
A, a.. Nov. 26, 1859 (Serial 10?3, Doc. 2), p. 752.

. ••

248.

by ^.C. Fay anil agreed to move to the island. By the
end of November , almost all of these Indians had
crossed to Penn Cove. At a council after the removal,
the local a#ent explained the policy oT tne government
feo some twelve hundred Indians who seemed to be satisfied
with the -olan. The messengers from the hostile Indians
had failed to get any of the Indians to desert the encamp
ment. Kany of the Indiana were displeased with the
reservation allowed them by the tre^y. Ho regular
issue? of food were made, the Indians from the beginning
supplying themselves by hunting and fishing. During
A^ril and May 1B56, these Indians were allowed to return
to the Skagit River country to plant potatoes. The Upper
Hkagit Indiana were permitted to return to their homos .
the friendliness of these Indiana was considered to be

a matter of nolicy as was the case with the Bellingham Bay

79
Indians. The Penn Cove encampment was abandoned in the

soring of 1857. The large number of deaths which had
occurred amons> these Indians since the coming of the

R. C. Fay to Siannons, Sept. 30, *56, Letter from
the Secretary of the Interior..., Jan. lf>, 1857 (Serial 899,
Doc. 37 }~, ~x>T 84.

f antcC' '

•

fix:

•

249.

-I MA-

settlor* caused the Indians to fear that they would all
die br-fore Uie treaty was ratified. The agent believed
that thrsy would lay in sufficient provision* for the
winter of 1357-53. In the soring of 1859, the Skagit

included with the Clallan and the Snohonioh

under one local agent, who visited them in their native

80
regions*

the Indiana along the ttnohomish, the Snoiualmis,
and tiio ykiiuamish Hiver were collected at Holmes* Harbor
on Vhitby Island by H. J). Hill. The uoper river Indians
objected to moving to tne aalt water country. After attempts

had been made to persuade them, they were given three

*
days t rt for the encampment, vhich they did, November

27, 1835, nrobably duo to fear of volunteer* who were
• ta tio.ied at Colonel ?b*y's block-house. By December 20,
1355, 1640 Indians had reached the encampment where a
store house had been erected and filled with auoDliea.
The Indiana vere provisioned to soae extent but the
major part of their subsistence they procured by hunting
and fishing. Many of theae Indians were dissatisfied

-0

?ay to Simmons, July 1, 1857, C.I. A., A.H.,
Hcv. 30, 1057 (aerial 919, ;>oc. 2), o. 264.

•tiTSJvn •:
f»f(j baft A.

'Btrti.-'

8iir cbnl i»¥lT ^*c cto

.'/s»& &•• 2)9^ Of-

•i iMfflwr -;olii" s*\:»a';

a 9*x»ii

»*to^«

• Tt»«U ,

250.

with the location but none of them /joined the hostile
party. The expedition of sixty Indian auxiliaries under
Patkanam was said to have had a good effect on the Indiana
at the encc'unpment . The agent recommended that these
Indiana be collected at Tulalip, the reservation provided
in ohe unratified treaty, because the Holmes1 Harbor
location was unsuitable, and because it would be impos
sible to gather the Indians at that T>lace in the fall

of 1356. Partial feeding was considered a probable

81
necessity for the winter of 1856-57* During 1857. the

encampment vas abandoned and the Indians alloY/ed to
scatter, witnout any other control than that of general
supervision by the agent for the Puget Sound district.
In the soring of 1859, the region was under R. C. ?ay,
who was also in charge of the Clallam, and the Skagit
Indians,

The Clallara Indians under 35. C. Fowler numbered
about twelve hundred in 1356. They were very poor and very
desirous that the treaty should be ratified because their
ordinary means of obtaining a livelihood kad been inter
fered with to such an extent that many had found it imnos-

, D. Kill to Simmons, 3e?t. ?0 , >56, Letter
fiom the secretary of ; the Interior. • . t. Jan. 16, 1C Serial
899, Doc. "37) 7" P« 78.

251.

82
sible to get supplies for the winter of 1856- 57 . In the

summer of 1857 , some of the Clallam Indians were collected
in the neighborhood of Port Townsend by the local agent.
A number of the Clallam Indians, who had potato patches on
Whitby Islan4, became excited as a result of a report that
the "Northern Indians'* would attack them. The agent believed
that the report had been spread by certain individuals who
wished to get possession of the lands cultivated by the
Indians. Due to these circumstances the agent reported

that it would be necessary to aid these Indians during

83
the winter 1837-58.

The Makah Indians were in charge of the Clallam
agent* They were so far removed from the settlements
that they were not affected by the excitement due to the
Indian war. Their means of subsistence had not been
interfered with, as no settlements had been attempted
in that region.

The Skagit, Snohomish, and Clallam suffered a
great deal during the winters of 1857-58 and 1858^59 due to
the severely cold weather and the small salmon "run." About

B. 3. fowler to Simmons, Sept. 23, 1856, ibid..
p. 92.

T. J. Hanna to Simmons, July 1, 1857, C.I. A., A«R**
Nov. 30, 1857 (Serial 919, Doc. 2), p. 625.

9*c»* ar? MBXX*XCt arfj to *f>o* ,

l&QQl a«Ul -0<l to i

q- o^^^o
>i * .So

^ 6

leasfiecq t*%

i-.-SJ 'SOCK'S '£i?- >*:{*<

tl £a&fl* bi

»•• BA ivjruw 90^

10 :.' ".:ew ft. J fi MlteM

•3KI"|^^.1S« SNftt T ^VO£5:.

r:^ ?§^^ i^MK?; '^ I* 9 * t> C

na&dT fan Jyyi attir^Jfific

f;5»^C;-^SJa.A H^ftCC

^s«ttus m&XX^

252.

four thousand Indians belonging to the agency were allowed
to roam the country getting a precarious livelihood, which
each year became more difficult to procure as the country
became more fully occupied by whites. Very little assistance
was given these Indians in the way of provisions, and
since there was almost no agriculture, they were dependent
almost entirely on hunting and fishing for their living.

The agent stated that they were in need of government assis-

84
tance , particularly the Clallam Indians.

In the southern Puget Sound area there were
three encamrxnents; Port Madison (?ort Kit sap) , Fox Island,
and Squaxon Island. After 1857 the Puyallup and the Hi squally
Reservation were used as locations for the Indians. The
Indians of King County were collected at Port Madison by
D. S. Maynard, Hovemberl?, 1855". The total number was
estimated at 942 .Indians, 434 of whom were located on the
east side of the Sound. Maynard assembled at Seattle 225
Indians after visiting the Dwamish, the Black River, and the
Lake Washington region. He was ordered, November 17, 1855,
to move these Indians to Port Madison. About 80 Indians
were moved. Hi H. Tobin, who had charge of those remaining
at Seattle, found that they refused to cross to the encampment

Pay to Simmons, June 30, 1858, C.I. A., A.R.. Nov. 6,
1858 (Serial 974, Doc. 1), p. 590.

•

253.

By the latter part of December, there were some 308 Indiana at
the Port Madison encampment. Owing to the cost of feeding
the Indians, they were allowed, in many cases, to remain
away from the encampment reporting to the agent at stated
intervals. Almost all of these Indians were kept from

joining the hostile party. However, some of them were

85
engaged in the attack on Seattle, January 26, 1856. During

this month the Indians at the encampment feared that
the hostile party would attack them. Reports of Indians
creeping about the camp were common in the first part
of January. After the defeat of the war party in their
raid on Seattle, January 26, 1856, the encampment Indians
were more easily managed. In April 1356, there were 308

Indians at the location who were being partially support-

86
ed by the government. Shortly after taking charge of the

encampment, July 22, 1856, G. A. Paige moved the Dwamish
Indians to Bainbridge Island but the location was not
a desirable one. Biey were, therefore, moved to Holderness
Point on Elliott Bay. The Indians were encouraged to work
on the encazrroment for supplies issued to them. During

D. S. Maynard to Simmons, Sept. 17, 1856, Letter
from the Secretary of the Interior...^ Jan. 16, 1857 (Serial
899, Doc. 37;, p. 93.

Ibid. . p. 90.

an 5Hy*ar.

91 »« i?ne.

:js<r si.

3l^a

.»

254.

the summer and fall of 1856, these Indians were quiet and

87
showed no signs of becoming hostile. Provisions were

supplied them to some extent until the st>ring of 1857 .
When Ross Browne inspected the encampment he found some
thirty Indians, and sixteen frame huts erected along th«

beach. He considered the location of no practical

88
value and recommended that it be abandoned,

In 1858, the Port Madison Indians were
very dissatisfied on account of the non- ratification
of the treaty and the danger of settlers seizing their
improvements. It was stated that the Indians were in
a helpless, miserable condition due to having been
dispossessed by whites of every means of subsisting
themselves. The agent believed, July 1, 1858, that
the Indians should be given homes immediately as the
thousands of miners coming into the country, failing
in their search for minerals, would turn settlers and

G. A. Paige to Simmons, Se^t. 17, 1856, Letter
from the Secretary of the Interior..., Jan. 16, 1357 ( Serial
899, Doc. 37) , p. 93.

J. R. Browne to the Commissioner of Indian

Affairs, Nov. 17, 1857, Letter from the Secretary of the Inter
ior transmitting. ..the rejso rt of J. Ross Browne, special
agentt on the 'subject of Indian Affairs, in the Territory of
Oregon and Washington, Jan. 23, 1858 (Serial 955, Doc. 39),
p. 7 .

.
•

>V A£tO ifi 9 H •'

'
• ' ' . .-. J $ fw Jb 8 * 3 t^tf

?. i^j?.-

255.

89
rapidly take up the vacant lands in the country.

In the latter part of October. 1855, 720
Indians were gathered at an encamuraeirt on Fox Island.
In March 1856, S* S. Ford, Jr., took charge of the
location and reported that nearly one third of the
Indians were sick and all of them destitute. Eighty
deaths occurred at this encampment between May 1 and
September 30. 1856. These Indians, the Hi squally, Steilacoom,
Puyallup, and Jhomahmish, belonged to the Medicine
Creek treaty and to the same bands as most of those who
were hostile t*est of the Cascade Mountains. It was,
therefore, only with great difficulty that they were kept
friendly. During July and August 1856, about 150 Indians
were added to the reserve. They had been with the war
party east of the Cascade Mountains. Some of them had
been sent to the encampment by Colonel Wright and Lieutenant
Colonel Casey, while others had come to the reserve out
of fear that they would be killed by the whites. The

agent believed that the Indians were convinced that

90
peace was the best policy. During 1858, it was necessary

Paige to Simmons, July 1, 1858, C.I. A., A«R. .
Hov. 6. 1858 (oerial 974, Doc. 1), p. 599.

B*°.r<l»_Jr. ' rs\_fL-l *° Simmons, Sept. 30, 1856.
Letter fromAthe Secretary' of the Interior«..t Jan. 16. 1857
(Serial 899, Doc. 37), p. 95.

256.

to assist these Indians but in the winter of 1858-59 the
Indians were made comfortable by the cro-o raised on forty
acres during the summer of 1858.

At the Squaxon Island Reservation, four

hundred Indians were collected by A. J. Simmons, November
22, 1855. In April 1856, there were 460 Indians of the
Squaxon, Sahawamish, and Hi squally bands who would need
continuous assistance until a greater amount of land
could be brought under cultivation. Six acres had been
planted. The agent recommended that twenty acres be

added each year for the succeeding three years. The

91
Indians were s?*tisfied with the reserve. In the spring

of 1857, these Indians were allowed to scatter among the
settlements with the understanding that they would return
to the reservation in the fall. The only improvement that
had been made was the clearing and fencing of thirty acres*
The inspector, J. Ross Browne, stated that the ground
was too poor to pay for the clearing and fencing; that

the school for the Indian children had completely failed; and

92
that there were only a few Indians at the reserve.

W. B. Gosnell to Simmons, Sept. 30, 1856, ibid. t p. 94

Gosnell to Heaaith, June 30, 1857, C.I. A., A.R..
Hov. 30, 1857 (Serial 919, Doc. 2) , p. 626; Browne to the Com
missioner of Indian Affairs, Nov. 17, 1857 , Letter from the
Secretary of the Interior. ...... Jan. 23, 1858(tSerial 955, Doc.

39), p. 7.

.•

257.

The Nisqually Reservation Indians were not
restricted to their location. During the summer of 1857
the Indians worked for the settlers. In the fall, they
were supposed to return to the reservation. The land
of the reserve was reported as entirely worthless for
agricultural purposes* ?ive Indian houses and fourteen

acres under cultivation was all the improvements report-

93
ed "by Browne in the summer of 1857.

During 1858 and 1R59, the Indians of this
reserve began to take an interest in agricultural work.
They had traded some of their horses for cattle and de
sired to fence their lands in order to prevent trespassing
by the settlers. The lands under cultivation h&d increased
from 60 acres in 1858 to 124 in 1859. Their farms were
well tilled and the fisheries aided them materially in
obtaining a livelihood. It was stated that these Indians

were almost independent of other aid than that specified

94
in the treaty.

The Indians of the Puyallup Reservation were

Gosnell to Nesmith, June 30, 1857, op. cit.» p. 626;
Browne to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, Hov. 17, 1857,

QP. CJt. . T5 . 7 .

Gosnell t*> Simmons, June 30, 1858, C.I. A., A.R. .
Sov. 6, 1858 (Serial 974, Doc. 1). TJ. 593; Gosnell to Geary,
June 30, 1859 JO. I. A., A.R.A Hov* 26, 1859 (Serial 1023, Doc.
2), p. 752.

. .

258.

not confined to the location in the summer of 1857. They
were allowed to mingle with the whites in the settlements,
with the understanding that they would return to the
reserve in the fall. On August 25, 1857, the inspector,

«.

J. Ross Browne, found some fifty women and children at
Puyalluo. The improvements consisted of twenty acres
under cultivation and twelve Indian houses. The Indiana

raised sufficient for their support through the winter

95
of 1857-58.

The Puyallup .Reservation Indians were said to
be in better condition in 1859 than any of the other Puget
Sound Indians. This was due to the fact that the reservation
contAined better land, which was not heavily timbered,
than r-ny of the other locations. However, in 1858, the
Indiana were not in the least inclined to settle on the
reverv*. At that time, there were 53 acres under cultivation
In 1359, this was increased to ninety- six acres. The crop
of 1858 supplied little more than half the needs of the
Indians. The 1859 crop, it was believed, would furnish

Gosnell to Sesmith, June 30, 1857, CJ.A., A.R. .
Nov. 30, l.°57 (serial 919, Doc. 2), TD. 626; Browie to the
Coirjniasioner of Indian Affairs, Nov. 17, 1857, Letter from
the Secretary of the Interior...., Jan. 23, 1853 (Serial 955,
I>o c. 39) Y P* 7.

259.

96
sufficient supplies for the following winter.

The Muckleshoot Reservation was in the begin
ning a military reservation. It was later turned over
to the Indian department. In the summer of 1658, the
agent for the Medicine Creek treaty reserves recommended

:t an agent be sent to gather the \vhite Hiver Indians
at this location because it was feared that they might
join the hostile party who»\in May, had defeated Lieutenant
Colonel Steptoe* In the fall of 1858, three hundred
acres were surveyed at Muckleshoot Prairie for a reserve,
and it was planned to plant 100 acres in wheat in the

fall of 1859. The land was said to be of agricultural

97
value.

fhe only government Indian school in the
Pu/^et Sound ^3trict before the ratification of the
delayed treatiee was that provided in the Medicine
Creek treaty, which was opened in Sovember 1857 at
the Squaxon Reservation. The location on the island
made it impossible for the Indians of the other reserva
tions belonging to the treaty of Medicine Creek, to
attend unless they could be boarded. It wae strongly
recommended by the teachers and the agents that the

Gosnell to Simmons, June 30, 1858, C.I. A., A..R. ..
Hov. 6, 1858 (Serial 974-, Doc. 1), p. 593; Gosnell to Geary,
June 30, 1859, C.I. A., A.R. . Hov. 26, 1859 (Serial 1023*
Doc. 2) , p. 752.

260.

should be boarded at the school in order to separate
them from the influences of their homes, and make it
possible to keeo the children in school in the soring
and fall when their parents viere gathering supplies. The
first school operated was closed on account of the
lack of t>upils due to the above causes. A second attempt
to establish a school was made in April 1359 with but
little better success than had accompanied the earlier
effort. The largest number in attendance was sixteen,
which soon dropped to three or four. The teachers
believed that the school could be made a success by
boarding the ^upils, but in no other way.

The salary provided for a -ohyaician was too
•tall t-> obtain a competent person, so that for the

majority of the time cnere waa no doctor attached to

98
the reservations of the Medicine Creek treaty.

Gosnell to Simeons, June 30, IP 58, C.I.A. . A.R. .
. 6, 1853 (Serial 974, Doc. 1), p. 593; Gosnell to
Geary, June 30, 1859, C.I. A., A.TU. 2ov. 26, 1359 (Serial 1023,
Doc. 2), p. 752.

Gosnell to Simmons, June 30, 1858, C.I. A., A.R. .
Nov. 6, 1^58 (Serial 974, Doc. 1), p. 595; Gosnell to Geary,
June 30, 18b9, C.I. A., A.H« . Nov. 26, 1359 (Serial 1023, Doc.
2), p. 752.

261.

In the airing of 1358 and again in the spring
of 1859. M. T. Simmons, agent for the Puget Sound District,
made a tour of the encampments. The first trip was to
quiet the Indians and to make presents to the old and
sick. At Fort Kit sap, 3kagit Head, Bellingham Bay, Scab
Bay and Bungeness, grievances were listened to at councils.
The Indians complained against the conduct of the
settlers, the miners, and the government. The settlers
for taking their lands, the miners for abuse, and the
government for the non-ratification of the treaties.
Simmons1 s visit in the spring of 1859 was for the
purpose of informing the Indians that the treaties had
been ratified. This news, it was stated, pleased the
Indians veiy much, but they were disappointed that no
appropriation had oeen made to put the treaties into
immediate effect.

Simmons believed that good results would be
obtained from the treaties, concerning which he wrote:

In conclusion, sir, I have only to say that
the great body of Indians under my charge are
prepared to appreciate the benefits they will
receive from treaty stipulations and my firm
belief is that, if judiciously managed, they will
be raised above want in a few years.

In order to get the Indians accustomed to the

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9V 98 1,

262.

reservations it was proposed to locate on each reserve of
the treaties ratified an agent who should encourage the
Indians to gather at the location. It was also recommend
ed that a central agency be established for the Puget
Sound district, which would consist of shops, schools,

farms, and a military force for the protection of the

99
reserve.

It is clear that Simmons opinion in 1859
was not that of J. Ross Browne in 1857 when he wrote,
concerning the reservations and encampments in the Puget
Sound district, that "unless some change for the better

takes place the system might as well be abolished and the

100
various agencies discontinued."

Simmons to Nesraith, June 30, 1858, C.I. A., A.R. .
Hov. 6, 1858 (Serial 914, Doc. 1), p. 575; Simmons to Geary,
July 1, 1859, C.I. A., A.R. . Nov. 26, 1859 (Serial 1023, Doc. 2).
p. 760.

100

Browne to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs,
Hov. 17, 1857, Letter from the Secretary of the Interior....
Janj 23, 1858 (Serial 955, Doc. 39), D. 7.

jo or

' I .ffl A

J rf ;:. mg '-eejii

»f1.BiIc ' 1J.9W 8.

,
"f SjT V

263,

From the making of the treaties in 1855 until
the ratification of the delayed treaties in 1859, a period
of suspended judgment continued on the part of the gorern-
iment relative to the advisability of adopting the reser
vation Dolicy as outlined by the Stevens- Palmer treaties.
The officials of the Indian department urged that the
treaties be made the basis for the solution of the Indian
problem while the early group of military officers were
in favor of making a large part of the Pacific Northwest
an "Indian Country11, and discarding the treaties. The
later army officers were of the opinion that the treaties
should be ratified.

In western Oregon, five treaties were ratified
before the Yakima Indian Xtfar. The Indians belonging to
these treaties, when war broke out in southwestern Oregon,
were moved to a reservation by force and supported at a
large expense. This was the only reserve established
prior to the ratification of the delayed treaties. The
Warm Springs Indians were first collected at an encampment
along the Columbia River and later, but before the treaty
was ratified, located on the Y/arm Springs Reservation.

On the north side of the Columbia, encanroments
were formed of the friendly Indians and those who had

3 1 01

•tsrn scf Qdi

ill •

rtl

nr> Jj^

er i

0
?xi^ lo

264.

abandoned the war party. These wer« at the White Salmon
encamtwient and at Fort Simcoe. Bast of the Columbia., coun
cils were held with the hostile Indiana but without effect.
The military expeditions against the Indians, first in
the Yakiraa Country and later in the Spokane region failed
until Wright's campaign in .September, 1858, crushed the
Indian opoositi^n to settlements by the whites. Many more
of the Indians in the interior would have perished during
the Yakiraa Indian War had it not been for the aid furnished
them fit thf* encamtnnents.

In western Washington, encampments were general
throughout the region during the winter of 1855-56. These
were abandoned in large ceasure in the spring of 1356.
The increase in oooulation due to mining and settlements
made the de.-mnd more urgent that some provision be made for
the Indians. Although some work was done on the re serrations
of the Medicine Creek treaty, which had been ratified
orior to the Yakiraa Indian, War, the Indians were not
restricted to th«ir reservations.

Thus the encampments hud, to some extent ?TKtved the
way for the reservations which v»ere orovi ded by the ratification
of the delayed treaties, Uarch 0, 1859*

265.

CHAPTER VI
TIB HB3.-3RVATION SYSTEM IB OPT3RATIOH IH WESTERN ORSQON, 1857-1870

The Siletz Reservation.— The Silct* or Coaat
Reservation was occupied in the fall of 1856 "by the Indians
of southwestern Oregon, who, as we have seen, were brought
to the location, after a conflict, under military guard. The
reservation extended along the Pacific Coast from the
Hestina to the Tsiltcoos River and east to the summit of
the Coast Range. Only five thousand acres of the region
was considered of value for agricultural rmrooses. Some
of this land lay in small prairies along the Siletz River.
Here, the following Indians were located prior to the
fall of 1357: the U^per Rogue River band, 172; George's
band, 222; Joseph James1 band, 160; Joshua's Band, 179;
Cheatee, 215; Tototin, 202; Mackanotin, 129; Chastacosta,
110; Port Orford, 242; Coquille, 313; Uka, 84; Siletz,
21. The total number on this reservation was 2049 Indians.

During the first year that the Indiana were
on the reservation, they suffered a great deal from lack
of food. It waa only by the presence of the military
post, the removal of some of the leaders among the
Indians, and the refusal of the Indians of the TJmpqua sub-

w , . lo

- i-

»tf

c '.

lal alrf^ lo
Dr
e^^ioc :

• . : '

, Oil

vXI
fflr

J \tf \:lm c^i-

, ensl

266.

agency to join in the plans of the Siletz Indians, that the
reservation Indians were prevented from returning to
southwestern Oregon. They threatened to return saying that
war was better than the reservation as more of their
numbers died of disease on the reserve than by war. At
a council held by Ross Browne, September 21, 1357, the
subject of all tne speeches cy the Indians was, "Let us
go back to our native country.*

In order to keep the Indians on the rfcaerve
it was necessary to hav,e supplies and funds with which
to purchase them. Great difficulty waa p«perienced during
the winter of 1856-57 in getting supplies of flour to the
Siletz Reservation. The first cargo was wrecked at the
mouth of the 31 lots 'iiver during the early part of the
winter. This necessitated the carrying by the Indians
of twenty thousand rounds of flour some thirty miles,
from King Valley to the reservation. On April 7, 1857,
the second shipment was landed at Yaquina Bay. Although
the contract price was .$20.00 T>er barrel, the product
was found to be principally shorts and sweepings. The
thirty- one thousand pounds received April 29 was
worse than the second consignment, and the 48,394 pounds
received May 26 was of still lower grade. It waa not

:
.

t£

eidc

1 SAW

. .ow

possible to throw the flour on the hands of the shipper
because the need of food was so great at the reserve that
it had to be used regardless of quality. Much of the
sickness among the Indians was due, according to report,
to the t>oor quality of these shipments of flour.

The question of funds was of first ira->or-
tance. The agent believed that there were only two
courses o^en to the government in handling the Indians
of that reservation; either to furnish to the agent
sufficient funds to make the Indians self-supporting
through farming, or to allow them to be driven to
desperation by hunger, which would be followed by war
and the extermination of the Indians.

The skill of the agent in controling Indians
was, in the nature of the case, an important master. Ross
Browne praised very highly the work of R. B. Metcalfe at
tke Siletz Reservation. This opinion, however, was not
held by all. Lieutenant Philip Sheridan, who had been
detailed in the spring of 1^57 to move some Indians from
the TTmpqua region to the Siletz Reservation, stated that
one of the causes of discontent among the Indians of
the reserve was the hostile attitude of the agent and his

O &ftSJl ad* 98

ifxjjs? Jbseu ad" oJ bj

•nian

268.

1
employees.

During 1858 and 1859, the Indians were

"brought under control. This was accomplished by just rules
strictly enforced. The determination of the Indians
to return to southwestern Oregon disappeared almost
completely. However, the burden of feeding the Indians
was not removed. The continuation of the policy of
keeping the Indians under the control of a government
agent, required that the natives be supplied with food
until the reserve would produce sufficient to
suoport them.

During the period from 1860 to 1870, the
desire of the Indians to leave the reservation caused
a certain amount of trouble, although no serious diffi
culty occurred. The absence of treaty stimulations contin
ued to make the problem of controlling the Indians more
complicated than it otherwise would have been. The
agent reported, August 15, 1860, that the military
force at Fort Hoskins rendered important service in
preventing the dissatisfied Indians from leaving the reser-

R. B. Metcalfe to Nesmith, July 15, 1857, C.I. A.,
A.R. . Nov. 30, 1857 (Serial 919. Doc. 2) , pp. 644-47; Browne
to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, Nov. 17, 1857, Letter
from the Secretary of the Interior... t Jan. 23, 1858 (Serial
955, Doc. 39), pp. 37-43; P. H. Sheridan to C. C. Augur,
April 13, 1357 Message from the President..., Uay 6, 1858
(Serial 958, Doc. 112) , p. 16.

ni";

•Xcmoo

sac i3i

269

vation. In 1861; the principal source of difficulty

was the existence on the reserve of treaty and non-
treaty Indians. It was stated that there were 259
Indians, Rogue River and Chasta-SKoton, who were under

treaties, and 1766 Coast Indians without treaties who

3
felt that they had been unfairly treated. In the

summer of 1862, the Indians were inclined to "be
hostile due to rumors that the government had been over
thrown. The agent held a council with the Indians, dis
tributed presents among them and succeeded in quieting their
fears. In 1863, it was stated that the Indians were becom
ing more satisfied with the reservation as better provision

was made for their support. The confirmation of the

4
treaty was urged as absolutely necessary. Destitute

Indians to the number of 153 were brought to the reservation
at this time. By the Act of March 3, 1863, Congress appro
priated $10,000 for the benefit of the Coast Indians. In
1864, the agent recommended that this appropriation be
continued until the treaty should be ratified and that

Daniel Newcomb to Geary, Aug. 15, 1860, C.I. A.
A.R.. Nov. 30, 1860, D. 211.

Newcomb to W. H. Rector, Aug. 15, 1861,
C.I.A., A.R.. Uov. 27, 1861, p. 160.

Benjamin Simpson to J. W. Huntington, Aug. 20,

1863, C.I. A., A.R.. Oct. 31, 1863, p. 183.

(/ *^

270.

an annual appropriation be made of $5,000 in order to
supply theae Indians with clothing. The superintendent

of Indian affairs, asked the Commissioner for authority

5
to compel the Indians to remain on their reservation.

Nesmith reported that the Chasta-Skoton and the Rogue River
Indians numbering 244 were progressing through the aid
of treaties, while the other thousand Indians, who had not
the benefits of a treaty, were less fortunate in their

condition. He recommended that Congress provide aid for

6
the non- treaty Indians. The advance in control of these

Indians was shown by the fact that no particular objection
was made when the military posts, Port Hoskins, Fort
Umpqua, and Fort Yamhill , were removed in 1866. The
agent stated that it would necessitate an increase in
the number of employees. In 1868, it was recommended
that the Indians be paid $10.000 for the improvements
lost due to the settlement of the Yaquina Bay district.
The throwing ouen to settlement of this part of the
reservation had created considerable uneasiness among
the Indians as they feared that the whole reserve would be

Huntirgton ts the Commissioner of Indian Affairs,
Sept. 26, 1364, C.I. A., A.R. . Hov. 15, 1864, p. 81.

Condition of Indian Tribes; Report of Joint special
committee appointed ... Mar. 3, 1865^ Jan. 26, 1867. Appendix,
Sub -report of Hon. J. W. Ne smith (Serial 1279, Doc. 156),
p. 4.

271.

taken from them. The agent advised that the location be

made absolutely permanent through the ratification of

7
the treaty. In 1869, there was less trouble than in any

former year in controlling the Indians of the Silets
Reservation. The year 1870 found the principal difficulty that
of keeping the Indians on the reservation. According to
the regulations, the Indiana were not allowed to leave
the reservation without a permit. This rule had always
been broken but it was believed that fewer were absaat
without leave than in former years. Other difficulties
arose from the agitation for the removal of the Indians
and the absence of a market for their excess products.
The Indians complained that it was useless to make

improvements and raise crops if the former were to be

8
taken by the settlers, and the latter to be unsalable.

The demand that the Yaquina Bay region be

opened to settlement was made to the superintendent of Indian

9
affairs in 1864. This demand was refused. The Oregon

delegation in Congress informed the Secretary of the Interior

Simpson to Huntington, July 29, 1868, C.I. A., A.R.
Nov. 23, 1868, p. 120.

Simpson to A. B. Meacham, Sept. 30, 1850, C.I. A.,
A.R.. Oct. .31, 1870, p. 389.

Huntington to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs,
Sept. 26, 1864, C.I. A., A.R. . Hov. 15, 1864, p. 81.

272.

that the inhabitants of the Willamette Valley needed the
area as a means of access to the Pacific Coast, and that
it was not used by the Indians. The matter was settled
by the Executive Order of December 21, 1865, which re
stored to the public domain the region beginning two
miles south of the Siletz agency and extending along the
coast to the south twenty-five miles and into the
interior, the width of the reservation. Such action was
possible because the Coast Reservation had not been set
aside by a treaty or an Act of Congress, but by an Executive
Order. This reduction in the Coast reserve separated
the Siletz Agency from the Alsea Sub-agency, and caused the

loss of considerable property and improvements by the

10
Indians who were not consulted on the subject.

The Oregon superintendent of Indian affairs
had proposed in 1864 an entirely different method of
opening to settlement the Yaquina Bay region. He had
recommended that a treaty be made with the Coast Indians
for the cession of that part of their reservation lying
south of the highlands between the Siletz and the Yaquina
River, and that the Indians of the Alsea Sub- agency be

Kappler, Indian Affairs- Laws and Treaties (Serial
4623, Doc. 319),|I. 390-1.

273.

moved north of those highlands. This recommendation was
repeated in 1865. The estimated cost of making the treaty
and remoing the Indians to the Silet* Valley was §16,500.
The superintendent stated that this plan would prevent
/any joint occupancy and, at the same time, throw open
not only the Yaquina Valley but all of the reserve
south of the Yaquina-Siletz highlands. The adoption of
the plan of restoring to the public domain the Yaquina

Bay district by Executive Order seems to have been

11
due to the influence of the Oregon delegation in Congress.

The superintendent recommended an appropriation
of $10,000 in 1868 to be used to compensate the Indians
for property lost due to opening the Yaquina Bay region.
The settlers, as they moved into the district had seized
the developed lin>is of the Indians, which worked an obvious
injustice. T?vil disposed persons, according to the agent,
tald the Indians that the opening of the Yaquina Bay
country was only the beginning, and that the government
would gradually take all of their reservation and improve
ments. A petition of a number of settlers in 1870 asking
for the removal of the Indians and the throwing open to
the settlers of the entire reservation seemed to fionfirra

Huntington to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs,
Seot. 26, l^G'l, C.I.A., A.R.. Hov. IS, 1864, p. 81; Hunting-
ton to the Secretary of the Interior, Dec. 12, 1865, C.I. A.,
A.R.. Oct. 31, 1865, p. 107.

274

the above statement. The agent advised against any removal

12
of the Indians from the Siletz Reservation.

Due to a number of causes the agricultural
development of the reserve was very slow. The absence
of treaty stipulations for the majority of the Indians
made it impossible to carry out the treaty with the
Chasta-Skoton Indiana, and made the suoport of the
reservation depend upon incidental and special funds of
the Indian sur>erintendency . The failure of Congress to
ratify the treaty with the Indians of the Oregon coast,,
when the other treaties were ratified March 8, 1859, caused
the a^ent to recommend that the treaty be ratified, or a
new one "be made with the Coast Indians. He felt that they
would probably revolt unless treated as well as the other
Indiana. In 1359, there were on the reservation 1495 Coast
Indians without a treaty, and 554 Chasta-Skoton and
Rogue River who were under treaties.

Among the other causes that made the development
of the reservation difficult were: the remoteness of the
location, which made the transportation difficult and

Simpson to Huntington, July 29, 1368, C.I. A., A.R

Nov. 23, 1B68, p. 120; Simpson to Meacham, Sept. 30, 1870,""

C.I.A., A.R. . Oct. 31, 1370, p. 339.

275.

and expensive; the poor quality of the land, which when
newly broken raised a better crop of fast growing ferns
tHao it did of cereals; the absence of fisheries, . hunting
grounds, and #ood grazing lands. The character of the
Indiana increased the difficulties of the development
of the reservation: Hot any of the Coaot Reserve Indians
had had any experience in agriculture; and many of them
were not acquainted with the natural products of the
Siletz Vallor. The determination of the Indians to return
to their own country made it very hard to interest them
in helping themselves on the reserve.

When these Indians were brought to the
reserve in the suiamor of 1856, nany of then were desti
tute aa A result of the Indian war in southwestern Oregon.
So croT wns ~mt in during the first summer. In the soring
of 1357, improvements were begun but tho crop of that year
was a cranlete failure so that through the winter of
1357-58 the Indians had to be subsisted by the government.
Two hundred and eighty acres were nlanted in the em ring
of 1357. The failure of the cron was partially due to
the ground having been ooorly broken. 'ight buildings
for general use and twenty-sevan Indian houses were erected

.
•-. i>aa I

, •-«• h«%*>p <:><•<-•

w ** «r«i 419 i .. - i •!

rf *itr/j:^"

•

•-8*^.5;. 9^

tol

276.

By the year 1858, thore were ei^ht hundred acres under
cultivation, "but the crop wac far from sufficient to

suryoort the two thousand Indians during the winter of
13

1858-59.

In 1360, it wia stated that sufficient
lands were under cultivation to su^oort the Indian*
of the r serve. The lack of funds to pay for and keep
in good condition, the buildings, mills, work stock, and

tools wac an evr-r present hindrance to the successful

14
development of the reservation. In 1862, a new agent

reported that the Indians wore destitute and half starved,
that less than one half the amount of land was under
cultivation that the former agent had rer>->rted. fhe
buildings, fences, tools and roads w«r« badly out of repair,
while the mill sites were valueless, which would necessitate
moving the mills to new locations prior to any successful

Metcalfe to "Teamith, July 27, 1858, C.I. A., A.R. .
Nov. 6, 1358 (Serial 1023, Doc. 1), p. 603; Metca\fe to Geary,
July 8, 1859, C.I. A., A.R.A Hov. 26, 1859 (Serial 1023.
Doc. 2) , p. 793.

Newcomb to Geary, Aug. 15, 1860, C.I. A., A. P..
Nov. 30, 1360, p. 211.

277.

o Deration of them. In 1863, the assertion was made that

for the first time in the history of the reserve, there
would be sufficient supplies for the following winter. The

sawmill was moved to a new location and the flourmill was

16
repaired. In 1864, it was suggested that allotments of

eighty acres to heads of families be made as the best

17
manner of interesting the Indians in agriculture. In

1867, the agent stated that the reserve would compare
favorably with any agricultural community in the state.
The majority of the Indians had homes and fenced gardens
which were quite different from the early improvements
that had been of a very temporary nature. Sixteen
miles of road were built for the purpose of connecting
the Indian farms. The sawmill produced all of the

lumber necessary for the reserve and the flourmill was

IB
replaced with a patent French burr-mill. In 1868, the

difficulty was the old and depleted condition
of the work stock of the reserve which made it impossible

Biddle to Rector, Aug. 13, 1862, C.I .A., A.R..
Nov. 9.6, 1362, p. 276.

Simpson to Huntington, Aug. 20, 1863, C.I .A., A.R. .

Oct. 31, 1863, p. 183.

Huntington to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs,
3et>t. 26, 1864, C.I. A., A.R.^. Nov. 15, 1364, p. 81.

Simpson to Huntington, July 31, 1867, C.I. A,, A.B. .

Nov. 15, 1367,' p. 87.

278.

to cultivate as much land as had "been planned. In
1869, according to the report, there had been better
agricultural work on the reserve than in any preceding
year. The potato crop was frozen out and wheat was
not very successfully grown. The oats crop was more
than sufficient for the needs of the Indians. It had
been planned to sell the surplus at the Yaquina settle
ments, but this region did not supply a market. The
agent toad promised the Indians that the government would
buy their surplus crops because he understood that the
Snake Indians were to be brought to the Coast Reserva
tion. The suggestion was made that the government

19
purchase the reservation products for use in San Francisco.

The Coast Reservation School in the early
years of its existence was a failure, but by the end
of the period it was conducted with a certain amount
of regularity. In I860, a school was started but the
attendance did not justify the expense. The agent recom
mended the establishment of a boarding school. The

Simpson to Meacham, Sept. 30, 1869, C.I. A., A.R. .
Dec. 23, 1869, T>. 169.

Newcomb to Geary, Aug. 15, 1860, C.I. A., A.R. ^

llov. 30, 1860 , p. 211.

279.

next year a second attempt was made to found an educa-

21
tional institution but this failed also. In 1863, the

22
school was reopened as a boarding school. In 1867,

the school attendance averaged fifteen pupils which

23
was all that the building would accommodate. The

following year the boarding of the ^uoils was discon
tinued on account of the lack of funds. The agent
recommended an aopronriation for the support of a

labor boarding school because that had proven

to be the only efficient method of operating an Indian

24
school .

The Grande Ronde He ser vat ion.- -The tfrande

Ronde Reservation was in the upper Yamhill Valley and joined
the Coast Reservation. It was started ao the Yaichill
encain?>ment. The location of tiiese reservations brought
all of the Indians of western Oregon into the same
district, although the Siletz Reservation was on the
west side of the Coast Range and the Grande Ronde on
the east. The Willamette Valley and the upper Umpqua

Hev/comb to Rector, Aug. 15, 1861, C.I. A., A.R..
Nov. 27 , 1861, ->. 160.

Simpson to Huntington, Aug. 20, 1863, C.^I.A., A.R. .
Oct. 51, 1863, P. 183.

Simpson to Huntington, July 31, 1867, C.I. A., A.R. .
July 31, 1867, p. 87.

Simpson to Huntington, July 29, 1868, C.I.A., A.R. .

TJov. 23, 1^68, p. 120.

280.

Valley Indians found their Dermanent home on this
reserve. Until May 1857, the Rogue River and the
Chasta Skoton Indians were also at this location,
but all of these except Sam's band of the Rogue
River Indians were moved to the Siletz Reservation
prior to May 1857. This arrangement left 267 Rogue
River Indiana at the Grande Ronde and olaced 642 of
them on the Siletz Reservation, The Umpqua at the re
serve in 1 57 numbered 262 Indians which was a much
smaller number than at the time of their removal to the
encampment. The Willamette Valley Indians numbered 666.
In May 1157, there were on the reserve 1195 Indians.

The problem of control at the Grande Ronde
Reservation was simple compared with the Coast Reservation
The location was much closer to the settlements making
transportation easier* The Indians were not far from
their former homes and therefore more willing to live
a settled life on the reserve. The military post, Port
Yamhill , was quite sufficient to restrain any tendency
to leave the location. All of the Indians were under
treaties ratified before the Yakima Indian War. There
were, however,, other causes which operated to make
the develcxoment of the reservation very up-hill work.
Until 1860, it was found necessary to feed the Indians*

•

281.

The expense of feeding decreased from )500 per day

25
in 1857. to $73 t>er day in 1860.

In 1862, ao little fear of difficulty in
controlling the Indiana was felt th:.t Chief John and

his son, who had been in orison in San Francisco since

26
11357, were allowed to return to the reserve. In 1863,

seventy-five Molala Indians were brought to the reserva
tion and seemed willing to stay because of the advantages

27
offered by the location. The removal of Fort Yamhill

in 1866, the agent believed, would necessitate the

employing of additional help on the reserve to act

28
as police. In 1867, several of the Indians left the

reserve without permission. In order to ^revent such

occurrences , the agent suggested that some of the Indian

29
chiefs be employed as police. In 1869, it was reported

J. P. Lliller to Geary, Aug. I860. C.I. A., A.R..
Hov. 30, I860,

Rector to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs,
Sept. 2, 1*62, C.I. A., A.H.^ Nov. 26, 1862, p. 254.

J. B. Condon to Huntington, Aug. 28, 1863, C.I. A.,
A.R»i Oct. 31, 186:5, p. 185.

Amos Harvey to Huntington, Aug. 11, 1366, C.I. A.,
A.R. . Oct. 22, 1366, p. 80.

Harvey to Huntington, June 25, 1867, C.I. A., A.R..
Hov. 15, 1867, D. 178.

282.

that there was a group of Indians between Salmon Biver
and fillamook Bay who had become very degraded and very
bothersome to the settlers. The latter desired that
the Indians should be removed. The agent suggested that
these Indians be placed on a reservation '^.t the nouth

of the Salmon liver and put under the control of the

30
Grande ^onde Reservation.

Prior to 1370, no complaint waa made relative
to whites coming on or in tno immediate vicinity of
the reservation. In that year, the u^ent asserted that
no less than eight hundred wagons carrying four thousand
oeople passed through the reserve on their way to the
ocean beaches. The agent considered it remarkable that,

with so much travel and contact, there had been no

31
conflicts between the whites and the Indians.

It is probable that there were more improve
ments at this reserve in the spring of 1857 than at
any other location of Indians in the ^acific Northwest,
but it did not progress ra-oidly. The principal causes
for the slow development of the reserve were the

Charles Lafotlettto I'eachan, Aug. 1, 1B69,
C.I.A., A.B., Dec. 23, 1869, p. 165.

Lafollett to Meacham, Aug. 15, 1870, C.I. A., A.R..
Oct. 31, 1B70 , p. 63.

soil and the absence of fisheries and hunting grounds.
Boss Browie, the inspector, remarked that the settlers
who sold their claims in that region rauyt have been
very glad to find a buyer for such worthless land.
There were nine hundred acres under cultivation in 1857 but
it did not yield half a crop. This discouraged the
Indians. In order to encourage them the arable lands
were divided among the several bands. Other imorove-
ments consisted of a floumill and a sawnill, 190 houses

for Indiana, agency buildin.;s, and tho fencing of ?>] 1

32
the arable lands, which amounted to 2,300 acres.

The reservation was far from self-support
ing in the soring of 1859. The crops were very small in
1853. ?ro3ts, poor soil, very little grazing land,
no gam*, and no fisheries accounted for the slow develop
ment and yet among some of the Indians, there was un
doubtedly progress. Only a small oart of the Cow Creek,
the TJsroqua, and the Rogue River Indians were disposed to
do agricultural work. Of the 330 Indians belonging to
the ten Willamette Valley bands, many of them were

J. y. Miller to Hesraith, July 20, 1857, C.I.A.,
A.3.. Hov. 30, 1857 (Serial 919, J>oc. 2), pp. 649-59;
Browne to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs; Nov. 17,
1857, -i«. Letter from the Secretary of the Interior ...» Jan. 23,
1858 (Serial 955, Doc. 39), o. 25.

»T

284.

inclined to be industrious. A number of these Indians
had their own homes and fenced lands, and some of them
hatd planted orchards of apple trees. In order to

encourage the Indians that were willing to work, ninety

33
cows were distributed among them.

In 1860, the crops of the reserve were
sufficient to supply the Indians for the winter. One
of the means by which the Indians had been encouraged
to farm was the assigning of lands to the heads of
families. So successful had this sytem proven, that,
it was believed, the time would soon come when the

treaty stipulations would cover the expenses of the

34
reservation. In 1861, the report by a new agent was

not so favorable. The crops were not large enough to

35
support the Indians through the winter of 1861-62.

In 1862, it was stated that the advancement in civili
zation ejn^ng the Indians of the location was very
marked. Although the farm products were not sufficient

Mill:r to Nesmith, July 28, 1H58, C.I. A., A.R..
Nov. 6, 1358 ( Serial 974, Doc. 1), p. 612; Miller to
Geary, July 26, 1^59. C.I. A., A.R.. Ko-. 1859 (Serial 1023,
Doc. 2) , p. 794.

J. F. Miller to Seary, Aug. 1860, C.I. A., A.R..
Nov. 30, 13:), j. 216.

Rector to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs,
Ser>t. 25, 1861, C.I. A., A.R..A Nov. 27, lr>61, r?. 159.

t ••"/•• '

a«

285.

to support the Indians of the reserve through the

winter, the shortage was less than in former

36
years. In the following year, a successful fishery

for the Grande Ronde Reserve was established along
the Salmon River in the northern part of the Siletz
Reserve* Such was the reported progress in farming,

that the majority of the Indians were said to have

37
their own homes and small farms.

Senator Nesmith's inspection of the reserve
in 1865 did not support the above facts concerning
the rarjid advance in civilization through farming on
the -oart of the Indians. He stated that the lands
were poor and full of weeds and the Indians not dis
posed to work. It was recommended that the reservation

38
be sold and the Indians moved to the Siletz Reserve.

In 1866, there were 923 acres under cultivation

and the crop was said to be anrole for the support of

39
the Indians during the winter 1866-67. The lands had

Condon to Rector, Aug. 24, 1862, C.I. A., A.R. »
Nov. 26, 1862, p. 283.

Condon to Huntington, Aug. 28, 1863, C.I. A., A.R. .
Oct. 31, 1863.

Sub-report of Hesmith, Jan. 26, 1867 (Serial 1279,
Doc, 156) , p. 4.

Harvey to Huntington, Aug. 11, 1866, C.I. A., A.R. .
Oct. 22, 1366, p. 80.

;cr

286.

been temporarily divided among the Indians with gaod
results. The severe winter of 1867-68 froze out one
hundred and fifty acres of winter wheat. This caused
very much discouragement among the Indians. The reserve
was also handicapped for the lack of a farmer. The

provision for this office ran out in 1865 and no appropriations

40
for the -mi-Dose hid "been made since that time. In June, 1868,

a new agent took charge and reported that the advancement
of the Indians was greater than he had expected. The
superintendent at this time stated that the condition
of the Gran'de Ronde Reservation was the most satisfactory

of any in Oregon. The potato crop in 1868 was a failure

41
and the wheat only yielded about half a no nnal output.

In 1870, the reservation was said to have made satis
factory progress. The belief was expressed that in aifew
years the reserve would be self-supporting. The super
intendent repeated a recommendation made in 1868 and 1869
that the reserve be surveyed and the plots allotted to

Harvey to Huntington, July 31, 1868, C.I*A., A.R..
Nov. 23, 1868, T>. 108.

Lafollett to lieacham, Aug. 1, 1869, C.
Dec. 23, 1869, p. 165.

.
•

287.

42
individual Indians. Senator H. W. Corbett visited the

reserve in the sunnier of 1870. In December, he wrote
that the Indians of the location were dissatisfied
because of the uncertainty concerning the title to
their improvements, many of them having good homes*
At the request of Senator Corbett, the Secretary of the
Interior and the Commissioner of Indian Affairs recom
mended, January 6, and 9, 1871, an appropriation of
$7,000 for the survey of the reserve into plots.
It was the plan of the superintendent to assign the
lands permanently to individual Indians as soon as
the lands were surveyed. The condition of the buildings
became worse during the last years of the decade.
Practically no repair work had been done on them for a

number of years. New buildings were needed in order

43
to properly carry on the work of the reservation.

Three schools were provided in the treaties
with the Indians who were r>laced on the Grande Ronde

Meacham to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs,
Sept. 21, 1870, C.I.A., A.R. . Oct. 31, 1870, p. 48.

Letter fnm the Secretary o f the In t e r_i o r t ran s-
mitting Report of the CommTssioner of Indian "affairs upon tEe
survey of the Grande Honde Reserve, and asking for an appro
priation, Jan. 9, 1871 (oerial 1453, Doc. 46)7 p. 2.

288.

Reservation. In the treaty with the Confederated Bands
I of the Willamette Valley, the government agreed to Tjay
a teacher for the term of five years. The first appropria
tion was made for the year ending June 30, 1856. This
part of the treaty, then, expired with the appropriation
for the year ending June 30, 1860. So little progress had
"been made prior to 1860 that the school was of no value.
The agent recommended that the appropriation be contin
ued and that the teacher for the Umpqua and Kalapuya be
authorized t ^ instruct both tribes. This plan would
have increased the amount of money for the support of
the latter school. The provision for a teacher in the
treaty with the Umpqua and Kalapuya was for twenty years,
the first appropriation being for the year ending June 30,
1856. The treaty with the Molala included a section by
which the government bound itself to establish a manual
labor school. Nothing was said in the treaty concerning
the length of time that the government would make
appropriations for this school. The first appropriation
was made for the year ending June 30, 1860. In 1862,
the agent affirmed th?t all the attempt* to conduct a
school at the reserve had failed and that the only solution

*&£&

-J*i

289.

44
was the establishment of a boarding school. In 1865,

could only be obtained by establishing a manual labor

45
boarding school. In 1056, one of the ochoola was

discontinued, while the other was conducted ac a manual

labor school. The school buildings were little inore

46
than sbaclcs. In 1867, the superintendent suggested

thai; the $2,500 on hand of school money be a-nent for
the building of a new school but this was no more aDproved
than the using of one of the teachers as farmer for the
reserve. The recommendation that the two schools be

united was also not received favorably by the Commissioner.

47
There was an enrollment at this time of twenty-nine ^uoils.

The following year, there were thirty pupils attending th«
school which was all that the equipment could accommodate.
The buildings were in very bad condition. The most
serious hindrance to the growth of the school was the

Condon to Rector, Aug. 24, 1362, C.I. A., A .JR..
Hov. 26, 1362, D. 283.

Sub-report . _o_f fle ami th , Jan. 26, 1R67 (Serial 1279,
Doc. 156), T>. 4

Harvey to Huntington, Aug. 11, 1866, C.I. A., A.R.i
Oct. 22, 1866, T. 30.

Huntington to tho Commissioner of Indian Affairs,
Aug. 20, 1967, C.I. A., A.R.. Nov. 15, 1867, p. 63.

«..-ti$

290.

frequent change of teachers. The school conducted

a successful garden. In order to follow further

the idea of developing a knowledge of agriculture, it

was advised that twerty-five acres be set aside as a

48
school farm. In 1869, the recommendation was made that

the schools be combined and made a manual labor boarding

49
house. This recommendation waa repeated the following

50
year, but no action was taken.

The TjmpQua Sub- Agency.-- The Umpqua sub-
agency was established for the Indians of the southern
part of the Coast Reservation and those farther south
who were not moved to the Coast Reservation Agency in
the Siletz Valley. They were allowed to scatter over
quite a large area, and unless difficulty arose were
not collected at an encamnment. Their location was along
the lower valleys of the Alsea, the Umpqua, and the
Siuslaw River. No improvements were made or assistance
given to these Indians except occasional presents. Ho

Harvey to Huntington, July 31, 1368, C.I .A., A.R..
Hov. 23, 1'6Q, p. 108.

Lafollett to Meacham, Aug. 1, 1869, C.I. A., A.R..
Dec. 23, 1869, p. 165.

Meacham to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, Sept
21, 1870, C.I. A., A.R. t Oct. 31, 1870, p. 48.

•

. ayi;

•

291

feeding was necessary because the district furnished
an abundant supply of food through hunting and fishing.
The sub-agent recommended that agency buildings be
built, that the Indians be assisted in opening farms,
that they be supplied with presents of clothing before

the winter of 1357-58, and that they be located on a

51
permanent reservation.

In June 1857, a band of Indians, who had
previously been collected in the neighborhood of Port
Umpqua, were allowed to return to the Coos Bay region,
but were shortly afterwards brought back to the encannsnent
due to the excitement among the settlers, and the advice
of the military authorities. During 1858 and 1859,
the condition of the Indians in the sub-agency continued
with little change. They were able to get their own
provisions as fonnerly, and there was very little sickness
among them. They complained because the hostile Indians
of southwestern Oregon had been, in the matter of treaty
stimulations, treated better than they. The sub-agent

Drew to Nesraith, July 1, 1857, C.I. A., A.R« . Nov.
30, 1857 (Serial 919, Doc. 2), p. 647.

292.

recommended that the Coast Reservation be ratified
and these Indians be located on the southern part
of the reservation, in orOer that improvements might
be developed at a permanent location. The importance
of this matter was emphasized by the fact that the
Indians at the encampment would have to be assisted during

the winter of 1859-60 unless they were allowed to return

52
to their usual rilaces of fishing and hunting.

In the early sixties, those Indians of the
Urapqua sub- agency who were not on the southern part
of the Coast Reservation were moved to that locality,
and this district became known as the Alaea sub-agency*
In 1962, the agent stated that these Indians, although
they received little aid from the government, had an
abundance of food from the first Bumiier after they were
taken to the reserve. For the winter of 1862-63, they were
provided with wheat and potatoes from one hundred and

fifty acres under cultivation; with fish, from the rivers;

53
and game, from the mountains.

Drew to Jfesraith, Jfcly 27, 1858, C.I. A., A.R..
Hov. 6, 1^53 (Serial 974, Eoc. 1), p. 607; Drew to Geary,
July 24, 1359, C.I.A., A.R.. Hov. 26. 1859 (Serial 1023,
Doc. 2) , ,o. 766.

Linus Brooks to Rector, July 20, 1862, C.I. A.,
A.R. . Hov. 26, 1862, p. 297.

Sfi?jEIOD0*C

293.

The agitation for the opening of the Yaquina
Bay region to settlement, which ended, December 21, 1865,
in throwing or>en that ii strict, separated the Alsea Sub-
agency from the remainder of the Coast Reservation. The
sub-agency then became known as the Alsea Reservati on.

Between 1863 and 1869 the sub-agency, under
G. w". Collins, waa self-supporting. Bach year the report
stated that the Indians were able to supply themselves
with plenty of food'. After the opening of the Yaquina
Bay district, there was some discussion of the advisability
of moving the Alsea Reservation Indians to the Siletz
Reserve . In 1866, the agent advised that the location

be made permanent and the agency supplied with the regular

54
aid and buildings, of a reservation. The following year,

ha stated that the resources of the district were quite
stifficient to su^voort the 527 Indians located in that

region but not great enough to make white settlements

55
profitable. In the fall of 1869, the military agent recom-

mended that the Indians of the Alsea Sub-agency be moved

Collins to Huntington, Aug. 15, 1866, C.I. A., A.R.
Oct. 22, 1866, p . 85.

Collins to Huntington, June 25, 1867, C.I. A., A.R.
Hov. 15, 1367, p. 79.

• .

294.

56
to the Siletz Reserve. Following this suggestion, the

Commissioner of Indian Affairs recommended, December
23, 1369, that the Alsea Reservation Indians "be moved

to the Siletz Peserve and that the Alsea Reservation

57
"be thrown o^en to settlement. In 1870, the military

agent repeated the recommendation for the removal of
the Alsea Reservation Indians, and urged that treaty
stipulations be extended to then. The removal did not
take place during the period under discussion, although

the recommendations for removal were later put into

58
effect.

Other Indians in Western Oregon**-- In the
spring of 1 157, there were a few Indians in the u^per
Umpqua Valley, in the mr>er Rogue River Valley, and
along the Chetco and the Pistol River who refused to
go to the reservation. Those in the up-oer Unroqua Valley
were the part of tfe« a band who, after having been
attacked by the settlers at the beginning of the Yakima
Indian War, had fled to the mountains. In the upper
Rogue River Valley there were about seventy-five Indians

F. A. Battey to Meacham. Aug. 31, 1870, C.I. A.,
A.R. . Oct. 31, 1370, p. 66.

The Commissioner of Indian Affairs, Annual Report,
Dec. 23, 1369, p. 14.

F.JA. Battey to Meacham, Aug. 31, 1870, C.I. A., A.R. .
Oct. 31, 1870, p. 66.

295.

that had not gone to the reservation at the time of the
removal. In January 1857, ten of these were killed by
the settlers because the Indians had committed thefts.
The remainder were taken to the Grande Ronde Reservation

in May 1357. The Indians on the Chetoo and/xPistol
River numbered about 145, the majority of whom were
women and children. Some of these Indians objected to
moving to the reserve, after a settlement had been
Blundered on Carrion Creek, William Tichnor was sent
to settle the difficulties and move the Indians to
Coast Reservation. In November 1857, he took about one
hundred and fifty Indians to the above named place. A
party of twenty warriors refused to accompany the agent.
In May 1358, these Indians were collected and started
for the reserve. On June 6, 1858, they attempted to
escape. In the conflict that followed, nineteen of them

were shot. The Umpqua sub-agent, B. P. Drew, stated that

59
no other course was possible under the circumstances.

The Astoria Sub- agency included some two hundred
and fifty Chinook Indians, who were not parties to the
Coast treaty. The question of moving them to the Coast

1m. Tichnor to Nesmi th, July 20, 1857 , C.I. A., A.R. .
Nov. 30, 1357 (Serial 919, Doc. 2), p. 670; Tichnor to Drew,
June 30, 1158, C.I.A., A.R.., Nov. 6, 1858 (Serial 974, Doc. 1),
p. 608.

. . o*Ca e^ aw

296.

Reservation had been considered. The Indians opposed
this arrangement, but dasired a treaty and a separate
location. The government had presented them with tools
and olows but their agricultural activities produced
only a amall 0;,rt of their living which they obtained

principally by fishing, gathering berries, and working

60
for the settlers.

In 1066, the superintendent asserted that there
were about twelve KM,w4v«A. Indians in we&tern Oregon
and along the Columbia River who were not on reserva
tions. There were one hundred at Clatsop Plains- the
Astoria Sub- agency; one hundred in the upiser TJmpqua
Valley; one hundred Klikitat, Spokan, Paloos, and 71,-tthead
Indians in the Willamette Valley; and about nine hundred
Indiana aeatter^d along the Columbia River. It was recom
mended that an appropriation be made for the reuovr».l
of these Indian? to a reservation. This was repeated
several times before 1870, but no action resulted, except

in 1367 it was asserted that steps had been taken to remove

61
the stray Indians from the Willamette Valley.

wJw. Raymond to Nesmith, July 21, 1857, C.I. A., A.R.
Nov. 30, 1357 \ Serial 919, Doc. 2) , p. 642.

The Commissioner of Indian Affairs, Annual Report,
Oct. 22, 1866, T. 23; Huntington to the Commissioner of Indian
Affairs, Oct. 20, 1867, C.I. A., A.R. . Hov. 15, 1R67, p. 63.

297

THK HSSBHTATJOH .i?o HM IN 0?"3RATIOH IN WSSTKRH

1360-1870

The reservation policy as developed in
western Washington had little in common with that
in western Oregon. In the latter region, practically
all of the Indians were gathered on two adjacent
reservations which were isolated from the settle
ments. In western ing ton, there were twelve reser
vations scattered from the Chehalis River to Cape
•Tluttery, *nd frora Commencement Bay to Jtollingham
Bay, which in the majority of cases were surrounded
by settlements • The Indians were not forced to liv«
UDOD their reserves prior to 1370 in western Washington,
nor was it ooasible to support them at the locations
during this oeriod from the resources of the reserves.
The treaties provided for a central reservation at
Tulalip, but the olan of collecting all of the Indiann
of western Washington at one location was never carried
out. Another difference was in the time of the
ratification of the treaties in the two regions. In
western Oregon the majority of the treaties were ratified

298.

by 1855, and the general reservation set aside; while
in western Washington only one of the five treaties wa«
ratified prior to It559. .Jhe results were that the
Oregon reservations began in 1356, and that little
was accomplished in establishing the western Washington
reservations until after 13 '.il. In Oregon, the only
claims that existed against the lands of the reserve
were purchased, and the absence of survey s^ as far as
relations wita settlers were concerned^ was not a cause of
trouble, but in western Washington claims and "reserva
tion jumpers" were a continual source of annoyance
and made surveys of the reservations an important
matter from the beginning. Then, too, there were
probably twice as many Indians in western Washington
as in western Oregon.

One point of imoortance is clear: The
majority of the Indians in western Washington between
1860 and 1870 did not live on their reservations, which
meant that, in general, little progress was made toward
the development of theBe locations into self -supporting
agricultural conFauni ties. At the end of the period
Colonel F.oss stated that the Indian problem of western
Imehington cculd be easily solved by providing for the
wants of the adults and teaching the children useful

299.

industries. Such a simple remedy would plainly necessitate
the gathering of the Indians on th-3 reserve a, which involved
two rather serious difficulties. These were: that the
reservations would not support the Indians as developed
by the 3-mrox>riations of the treaties, and that the
Indians would not live at the locations unless forced
to do so. Yet the r>olicy as followed through the
sixties of allowing the Indians to work among tho settle
ments was considered one that would lead to the extinction
of the Indians. Father Chirouse stated that the only
method by which the Indians could be saved from exter
mination through deterioration was for the government
to take strong measures and force the Indians to live
upon their respective reservations, to observe the
articles of the treaties, and to send their children to
school. \Vhen one remember c, that it was during the
Civil War and the period of Reconstruction, thn tithe
attempt was made to develop these Indian settlements,
in regions which, in general, were difficult to bring

under cultivation, it is not surprising that progress

1
was the exception rather than the rule.

JS. C. Chirouse to H. C. Hale, July 2, 1869, C.I. A.,
A.H. . Dec. 23, 1869, p. 115; Samuel Ross to the Commissioner
of Indian Affairs, Sept. 1, 1870, C.I. A., A . R . . Oct. 31, 1870,
p. 28.

•'••

300

The Tulalip Agency Reservations.— The one
location that did develop was the Lummi Reservation,
on the west side of Bellingham Bay, which was in
change of C. C. Finkbonner from 1862 until 1870. It
was his opinions that the Indiana should be collected
on their reservations. On this subject, he wrote:

These Indians on the Sound seem, and are,
willing to work and provide for themselves,
hence it is both wisdom and humanity to give
them an opportunity to do so. To accomplish
this I would most respectfully suggest for
tha department to collect all Indians and
put them on good arable reservations and provide
them with teams, farming utensils and seed.

I am well satisfied that this mode of
treatment the result will be of very great
benefit to the Indians and also a great saving
to the government. In order to manage Indians
successfully they must have confidence in
the person in charge; then with proper manage
ment they will both fear and respect him, and
look upon him, as a friend and protector.

A single man, if he is the right kind, is
sufficient to superintend a thousand Indians. 2

The Lummi Reservation between 1862 and 1867
became a self-supporting community where the lands had
been surveyed and improved. In 1863, it was stated that
a successful beginning had been made, which had resulted

C.JC. Finkbonner to A^R. Elder, July, 1867,
C.I. A., A.R.. Hov. 15, 1867, p. 60.

•

301.

3
in the production of an abundance of potatoes. Senator

Hesmith visited the reserve in July 1865 and reported
that nothing had been accomplished in the agricultural

were many signs of a successful Indian community. The
Indian town was built at the main mouth of the Lummi
River, eight miles from Whatcom. The Indians were assigned
lands to cultivate which they did successfully. Sixty
houses were built on the reserve and the Christian Indians
numbering about four hundred were very much in favor
of a school being established on the reserve* They had
sent ten boys to the school of Father Chirouse at Tulalip.
However, there were a number of Indians who refused

to move to the reserve, even when ample provision had

5
been made for their support.

Three years later the improvement of the Lummi
Reserve was still more in view. The agent, C. C. Finkbonner,
gave much of the credit for the favorable growth to Father

C. H. Hale to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs,
Sept. 1, 1863, C.I. A., A.R.. Oct. 31, 1863, p. 440.

Sub. - report of Hesmith, Jan. 26, 1867 (Serial 1279,
Doc. 156) , p. 10.

Finkbonner to Elder, July 1867, C.I. A., A.R.. NCov.
15, 1367, p. 57.

••a nftfttf bad soJtii

1 9&$ /ow

•-: e-iij **•: •« nooim Im*

'
aj&w mrot neibnl

a 3flJt<x®<*fliia

•b-s B lo

9VOH1

. ,

Chi rouse who made many visits to the location, and
assisted in the educational work* In 1870, there were
twenty- three "boys from the Lummi Reserve at the Tulalip
School. The Indian population of the reserve had
increased to 819, but some of the natives continued to
refuse to settle on the reservation. These were the
Sahmish and the Nowhaat. The reservation Indians
were not only self-supporting but were beginning to
accumulate property. During the year 1870, $5,000
had been made by the Indians through the sale of products.
As the population of the reserve increased, it was neces
sary to adopt measures to preserve order on the location*
A set of laws were put into force governing the relations
among the Indians on the reserve. These laws were

enforced by means of an Indian police system. The plan proved

6
a success*

The military agent, Captain George D. Hill,
for the Tulalip Agency, of which the Lummi Reservation
was a part, stated that there was more progress at Lummi
than at any other reserve connected with the agency* He
might well have said more than all of the other Puget
Sound Reservations put together. The credit was due to
C. C. Finkbonner who, during a service of eight years,
whatever the favorable circumstances may have been, accom
plished the uncommon result of creating a successful
Indian reserve. It is true that the two men whose work
was always praised and never condemned, and who worked
year after year at their task with little financial

.rtjsxE •£«« offw

•

303

reward, but with marked success in their work, were

7
C. C. Finkbonner and Bather Chi rouse.

Father Chi rouse was responsible for the
success of the Tulalip school. He early realized that
it was necessary to provide for the nupils at the
school, and to teach the boys, and girls as well, how to
work, both at mechanical arts and agriculture. He did
not neglect common education. Above all other things^
he believed that the success of work with the Indians
depended upon their conversion to Christianity. This
program was very similar to that recommended by the
agents of the reservations of the Pacific Northwest,
namely; a manual labor boarding school, but the Tulalip
school was the only one where the idea was carried out,
prior to 1870, with any marked degree of success- with
the possible exception of the Yakima school*

In order to provide for both boys and girls,
not only schools; which would require buildings, books
and teachers; but also their clothes and subsistence, it
was necessary to obtain more funds than the treaty provided

Finkbonner to G. D. Hill, Aug. 1, 1370, C.I. A.,
A.R.. Oct. 31, 1870, p. 37.

0* D. Hill to Ross, Sept. 1, 1870, C.I. A., A.R..
Oct. 31, 1870, p. 37.

bn& , loc

T,/-

•

304.

for school purposes. These might "be obtained either
by "bringing lands under cultivation or by special
appropriations for the school from the government.
The first of these was almost impossible due to the
difficulty of clearing the land of the 'reserve, and the
second was not forthcoming during the early years
of the school. In 1861, the equipment of the school
was very poor, conoi sting of a shell building,
books, and four acres of land cleared, which had been
paid for by Father Chi rouse. The manual labor work
was begun, but it was not possible to raise funds to
board the ou^ils. The four acres supported twelve
pupils and it was hoped that more land might be cleared
in order to increase the influence of the school*
It was recommended that a girl's school be established

under the Sisters of Charity, but this was not done

8
until cfter 1870, B. ?. Kendall* who criticized freely-

9
stated, that the school at Tulalip W&B a success* In

1863, it was recommended that part of the land of the

Chirouse to W. B. Oosnell, July 1, 1861, C.I. A.,
A.R.. Hov. 27, 1361, p. 180.

Kendall to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs,
Jan. 2. 1862, C.I.A., A.R.. Hov. 26, 1862, p. 306.

•lift

305.

reservation be sold for the support of the school. In

1364, the agent asserted that a good beginning had been
made in an agricultural school at Tulalip and advised

that a central school for the Puget Sound district be

11
established at that place. Hesmith wrote that the

Tulalip school was the only successful institution of
its kind in the Puget Sound region. He advised that

Congress make provision for its support as a manual

12
labor boarding school. The Territorial Legislature

of Washington, January 20, 1866, asked Congress
to appropriate $5,000 for the support of a girls'
boarding school to be established at the Tulalip Agency
under the Sisters of Charity.

Progress was made by the school both in
the number of puuils and the acres of land under
cultivation during the decade. From twelve pupils in
1861 the number increased to sixty, and from four acres
cultivated in 1861 the acreage was increased to fifty-five,
but this growth was very gradual* In 1870, the military

C. H. Hale to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs,
Sept. 1, 1863, C.I.A., A.R.. Oct. 31, 1863, p. 440.

S. D. Howe to C* H. Hale, Sept. 30, 1864, C.I. A.,
A.R.. Nov. 15, 1B64, p. 69.

Sub- report of He smith, Jan. 26, 1867 (Serial 1279,
Doc. 156) , p. 10.

acf

306.

agent reported that the appropriations were entirely

insufficient for the proper development of the

school. He advised, as had been done in previous years,

that appropriations be made for school buildings and

13
for the support of the institution.

Thus far we have considered two institutions
that were parts of the Tulalip Agency, namely; the
Tulalip School and the Luxmni Reservation. Attached to
thic agency there were four other reservations; Tulalip,
Port Madison, Swinomish and Muckleshoot.

The Tul al in Reservation.-- Some progress was
made in the equiping of the Tulalip reservation. Com
plaints of dishonesty and inefficiency were common, and
no man was in chai^ge for more than a few years. During
1863 the mill was aaid to have cut 200,000 feet of lumber

and some buildings were erected. Also 350 apple trees

14
were set out. In 1865; Nesraith stated that there were

Chirouse to Elder, Aug. 3, 1866, C.I. A., A.R..
Oct. 22, 1866, p. 313; Chirouse to Elder, July 15, IB 67 ,
C.I -A., A.R.. Hov. 15, 1867, p. 41; Elder to T. J. McKenney,
July 28, .1367, C.I, A., A.R.. Hov. 15, 1867, jjp . 105;
MoKennoy to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, Aug. 14,
1869, C.I. A., A-R.. Dec. 23, 1869, p. 127; Hill to Ross,
Sept. 1, 1870, C.I^., A*R* . Oct. 31, 1870, p. 35.

307.

on the reserve, that the Indians lived by hunting and

fishing, and that there were no agricultural improve-

15
ments at the reserve. In 1868, Henry C. Hale stated

that the location was in worse condition than when
S. D. Howe had left it. The only useful equipment on

the reserve was the sawmill and it was badly out of

16
repair. According to the military agent, Captain

Hill, Hale* s administration was more corrupt than that

of Elder. Not only was nothing accomplished by Hale,

but,\by his conduct, the Indians had lost confidence in

the government. Reservation property consisting of

three yoke of oxen and 100,000 feet of logs was

found in the possession of George A. Meigs of Port Madison.

These were seized by order of the superintendent. There

were forty acres of cleared land on the reserve but

it had not been cultivated and would have to be r eel eared .

The sawmill was rebuilt by the military agent. In

Sub- report of Ne smith. Jan. 26, 1867 (Serial
1279, Doc. 156) , p. 10

H. C. Hale to ^cKenney, Sept. 18, 1868, C.I. A.,
A.R.. Hov. 23, 1868, p. 105.

G. B. Hill to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs,
Sept. 12. 1869, C.I. A., A.R.. Dec. 23, 1869, p. 143.

•

JKVAe

308.

Swihomish Reservation. The development at
the Swinomish Reservation was almost unnoti ceable . As
early as October 13, 1860} work was started but during
a large part of the decade there was no white employee
stationed at the reserve. It is true that many of the
men at the western Vi/ashington reserves accomplished very
little, yet as long as there was some one in charge there
was a chance that some progress might be made. When a
reserve was left without any white employee, it was
certain that nothing would be accomplished toward the
creation of an agricultural community.

In 1861 , eight acres had been cleared and

fenced, and a small house built but the work was dis-

18
continued on account of the lack of funds. Prom 1863

the location be sold and the Indians be moved to the

19
Lumrai Reservation. Willam D&ere took charge of the

reserve, November 27, 1869, the first employee at the
reserve since 1861. In the fall of 1870, it was assert
ed that there were 280 Indians on the reserve. A claim
"Jumper,1* J. J. Conner, who refused to leave the reserve,
was removed by force. The location was said to show

Fay to Gosnell, June 30, 1361, C.I. A., A.R.. iiov.
27, 1861, p. 179.

19 J

Sub-report of Ne smith, Jan. 26, 186TUberial 1279,

Doc. 156) , p. 10.

rsl^-

309

The lluqkleshoot Reservation was not devel
oped during the period, 1860-70. In 1863, the Tulalip
agent recommended that it "be abandoned and the Indians
moved to the Port Madison Reservation. In 1870, the
reservation was in charge of Lewis Nelson, an Indian
chief. The report stated that these Indiana were wild
and that they had done very little agricultural work.

It was necessary to have a white employee before any

21
development could be expected.

The Port Madison Reservation was also
without a white employee during the period. During
1870, Jim Seattle, an Indian, chief, was in charge.
The location was visited Father Chirouse from the

Tulalip Reservation. Three hundred fruit trees were

22
planted during the year.

The Medicine Creek Treaty Reservations*****
The Medicine Creek Treaty Reservations and the Indiana

G. D. Hill to Ross, Sept. 1, 1870, C.I. A., A.R.
Oct. 31, 1870, p. 35.

Howe to C. H. Hale, Aug. 25, 1863, C.lk., A.R..
Oct. 31, 1863, p. 460; G. D. Hill to Ross, Sept. 1, 1870,
C.I .A., A.R. . ;o. 35.

G. D. Hill to Ross, Sept. 1, 1870, C.I. A., A .R .
, >. -3-5*.

•

A. I

310.

attached to them were located in the midst of the
settlements of the °uget Sound region. The Hi squally and
Squaxon Island Reservations might well have been aban
doned as was frequently recommended and all the money
spent at Puyallup. Some of the Indians objected to
locating at the Puyallup Reservation. This was by far
the best land. However, there was trouble during the
whole period relative to the boundaries of the reserve.
It was stated that the treaty called for two sections
of land, while the map in the office of the surveyor
general* s office had thirty-six sections designated
as the reserve. Some of the whites claimed that if
the Indians did not occupy their reserve that the settlers
had a right to pre-empt the lands. As late as
August 14, 1869, the superintendent recommended that
the government take steps to determine exactly what
lands belonged to the Puyallup Reservation. It seems
strange that there should have been this uncertainty.
The original reservation as specified in the treaty
did consist of two sections, but it was enlarged by
the Executive Order of January 20, 1357, to a fraction
over twenty-eight sections, at the request of Isaac I.

311.

Stevens. The Commissioner, December 23, 1869, recom
mended that action be taken to fix the boundaries of

23
the reservation.

Some of the reports of the Puyallup Reserva
tion give one the impression that considerable was
accomplished. Although the military agent reported that
the reserve had been neglected, the rapid improvement,
the following year, would seem to point to some work of
a permanent nature having been accomplished prior to
that time. Headquarters for the Medicine Creek Reserva
tions was first at Squaxon Island but about 1860 the
employees were transferred to Puyallup. According to
the report of 1861, four hundred Indiana engaged in
agricultural work on the reserve during the year. All

of the old lands were planted and forty acres in addi-

24
tion were cleared and planted in addition. In 1863,

the reserve was said to be in a prosperous condition
due to the faithfulness of the employees. The crops
promised a good return. In 1865, Nesinith reported that

McKenney to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs,
Aug. 14, 1869, C.I. A., A .R . ^ Dec. 23, 1869, p. 127; The
Commissioner of Indian Affairs , Annual Report, Dec. 23, 1869,
p. 10.

Gosnell to W. W. Miller. Aug. 1, 1861, C.I. A., A.R
Nov. 27, 1861, p. 180.

9 Si

* b'9Bm-

312.

the lands of the reserve were good but difficult to clear,

that there were one hundred and forty acres in crops, but

25
that, on the Yifole , there was very little advancement.

The Deriod culminated with the reports of
McKenney and Rosa; the one very favorable, and the
other unfavorable. The former stated that the Indians
of tne Puyallup Reservation were eng?*ged exclusively in
agriculture, while Ross stated that the reserve had
suffered from neglect. A. R. Elder and H. C. Hale who
had been in control in the later sixties were not very
successful in their efforts at developing Indian reserva
tions. Two months after the military authorities took
charge, they reported marked improvement. In 1870, the
improved conditions of the reserve were said to have
caused great satisfaction among the Indians. Large
crops were raised from lands assigned to individual
Indians. A new school building was erected and the
other agency buildings were repaired. The Indians were
especially pleased with pay for work done on the reBerve .
Either the military superintendent exaggerated the

:ider to C. H. Hale, Sept. 7, 1863, C.I. A., A.R..
Oct. 31, 1863 , p. 467; Sub -report of Hesmith^ Jan. 26, 1867
(Serial 1279, Doc. 156), p. 10.

313.

results of his work or minimized the work of foimer

26
years.

The Squaxon Island Reservation, between 1855
and 1861, was the headquarters for the reservations of
the Medicine Creek treaty. The employees and the school
were located on the island. After 1861, this location
was practically abandoned until 1869 when Colonel Ross
changed the attitude of the sut>erin tendency toward it.

In 1861, the agent recommended that the Squaxon Island

27
Reserve be sold. In 1863; it was stated that the island

had a population of only a few Indians and they refused

28
to work. In 186 *, it was asserted that the only trouble

in tne agency was caused by a small number of Indians
who made their headquarters on Squaxon Island. It was
a vised that the Indians be moved to the PuyallUD Reserva
tion and the island sold. Nesmith made the recommendation
that the Indians of the Gquaxon leservation be moved to

Elder to HcKenney, Jul-y 28, 1867, C.I. A., A.R..
Hov. 15, 1867, p. 37; H. C. Hale to McKenney, Sept. 18,
1363, C.I .A., A..R... Nov. 23, 1868, p. 105; UcKenney to
the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, Aug. 14, 1869, C.I. A.,
A.R. i Jec. 23, 1869, t>. 127. ~oss to the Commissioner of

Indian Affairs, Se-a 7.;, 1869, C.I. A., A .R . . Dec. 23, 1869, D.
134; A. H. Lowe to Hoss , Aug. 1. 1370, 'C.I.A., A.H. . Dec. 23,
1870, p. 44; Ross to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, Sept. 1,
1B70, C.I.A., A.R.. Dec. 23, 1870, p. 19.

Gosnell to Miller, Aug. 1, 1861, C.I. A., A.R..
Hov. 27, 1361, p. 180.

Blder to C. H. Hale, Sept. 7, 1863, C.I. A., A.R..
Oct. 31, 1863, p. 467.

to sj

s-d

314

the ^yallup Reserve. He stated that the land of the
island waa poor and heavily timbered, and that there was

little to show for the rooney s^ent on the location in

39
previous years. In 1367, it was asserted that for three

years attempts had been made to improve the Indians belong-
ling to the Squaxon Reserve, but without success, because

the Indians spent their time roaming through the

50
settlements.

By 1868 to recomnend that this reserve be
abandoned had become a part of the stock in trade for
reports. In 1868, the agent recommended that the reserve

be sold. In 1869, the superintendent advised the sale

of the .iquaxon Reserve. As a result of these recommenda
tions extending over a T>c:?riod of eight years, the
Commissioner of Indian Affairs recommended that the squaxon
Island Reserve be sold for the benefit of the Medicine
Creek treaty Indians an<i the Indians moved to the "P

Sub- report of Kesmith^ Jan. 26, 1867, (s^AaX
"Hoc. I -5" k) , p. to.

Elder to McKenney. July 28, 1367, C.I. A., A.RriL
Nov. 15, 1367, o. 37.

MoKenne/ to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs,
Aug. 14, 1369, C.I. A., A.R.A flee. 23, 1869, p. 127.

315.

Reservation.

Samuel Hoes, the military superintendent ,
reported that the :3quaxon Island Reservation was the
best location in the 3uget Sound region for an Indian
reservation. He believed tint the Commissioner had
made a great mistake in recommending that it be sold. Ross
stated that almost all of the land of the reservation was
good for agricultural purposes and that the buildings,
which had been erected before 1B61, were in fair condition.
The cK.e hundred and forty Indians, who formerly had been
allowed to scatter among the settlements, were said to

be living on the reserve and not as degraded aa former

33
reports would lead one to suppose.

There is no oueation that less work was done

f4\$^m/aiVV»4

at the ^"Re s erve^ during the seriod^than at Puyallup. It
was generally agreed that the ground was valueless for
agricultural .ournooes. In 1860, the farmer stated that the

equipment and the crops were in good conditioh and that the

stock was increasing. The following year, the agent recom
mended that the reserve be sold. In 1863, the reservation
was said to be in a prosperous condition, the crops being

The Commissioner of Indian Affairs, Annual Report,
Dec. 23, 1369, p. 11.

Ross to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs?, tfept. 1,
1870, C.I. A., A.R.. Oct. 31, 1370, p. 20.

D. M. Mounts to Gosnell , June 30, 1860, C.I. A.,
A.R.. Nov. 30, 1860, n. 204.

316

35
larger than any previous year. In 1865, Senator Ne smith

re commended that the Ki squally Indians be moved to the
Puyallun Reservation, because the 1U squally Reserve was
of no value either for agriculture or grazing. At the
time of hiss visit, he did not find any Indians on the

reserve. He was told that they were absent gathering

36
berries. In 1867, the agent asserted that the Indians

were making their living by working for the fanners in
the vicinity of the reserve. He thought that the

Indians should be encouraged to raise stock, the reserve

37
containing good pasture land but worthless for cultivation.

In 1368, there were one hundred and seventy five sheep

38
on the iUsqually Reservation, according to the report.

The following year, the superintendent recommended that
the reserve be sold and the Indians moved to the Puyallup

•

Reserve. In 1370, the military superintendent asserted

7,5

•Josnell to Miller, Aug. 1, 1861, C.I. A., A.R.^ Nov.

27, 1861, p- 180, Elder to C. H. Hale, Sept. 7, 1363, C.I .A.,
A.R.. Oct. 31. 1863, p. 467.

Sub-report of KesraitluJan. 26, 1Q67 (Serial 1279,
Doc. 156) , T>. 10 .

Elder to tfcKenney, July 28, 1367, C.I. A.. A.R..
Nov. 15, 1867, p. 37.

H. C. Hale to McKenney , Sept. 18, 1869, C.I. A.,
A.R.. Nov. 23, 1868, r>. 106.

317.

there was very little agricultural land on the reserve.
The Indians were supplied with seed and it was believed

that the crops would be amole for the winter of 1870-71.

39
The location was in charge of Dick, an Indian chief.

The ?£edicine Creek treaty provided for the
pay of a teacher but did not make provision for the
general support of the school. It was early discovered
that a bearding school was the only type that would
produce any results but this required funds to establish
and support. The school was first opened on Bquaxon

Island but was very Doorly attended during 1860 and

40
almost nothing accomplished. The temcher recommended

that a boarding school be established . In August, 1361,
the agent made a similar recommendation. The school

was conducted at the Squaxon Reservation during the year

41
beginning September 7, 1862, but without success. Plans

wer« made for the removal of the school to Puyallup Reserve

McKenney to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs,
Aug. 14, 1369, C.I. A., A.R... Dec. 23, 1369, p. 127; Ross
to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, Sept. 1, 18? 0 f C.I .A.,

A. 1.. Oct. 31, 1370, p. 19.

C. C. Pagett to Gosnell , June 30, 1860, C.I. A.,
A. .3.. HOY. 30, 1060, p. 203.

Gosnell to Miller, Aug. 1, 1861, C.I. A., A.R.. T
27, 1861, p. 180; ;ilder to C. H. Hale, tfeut. 7, 1863, C.I. A.,
A.R.t Oct. 31, 1363, . H^t.

Jet

3*1 e

318.

and this was effected, but in 1864 and in 1867 the

agents stated that it was impossible to conduct a

42
school without funds to support the children. In 1863,

43
the school was discontinued due to the lack of funds.

Fifteen years had passed since the ratification of the
treaty but nothing worth mentioning in the way of a
school existed on the reservation.

The Skokoaiiah ^eserva Lion ..-- The Skokomish
Reservation, located at the head of Hood Canal, was
set aside by the treaty of Point-no-Boint for the
Indians of the eastern part of the Olympic Peninsula.
The lands of the reserve *ere heavily timbered, which
necessitated a great deal of coatly cl oar ing before
the rcservHtion woula supoort tne Indians assigned to
it. The result was that during the rjeriod under conoid-
leration these Indians were scattered, obtained whiskey
readily, in some cases developed vicious habits and
became vagabonds; and, as a concomi tafit, were rabidly
dying off. By the end of the TJ riod, some improvements

raider to C. H. Hale, Aug. 8, 1864, C.I. A.,

Kov. 15, 1364, p. 61; ISlder to McKenney, July 28, 1867, C.I.A.,
A.R.. Hov. 15, 1867, p. 37.

H. C. Hale to IIcKenney, Seot. 18, 1868, C.I. A.,
A.R .^ p. 105.

319.

had "been made on the reserve but not sufficient to
su-roort the Indians had they "been forced to live n->on
the location.

The Indians were scattered over such a large
area th-vt those not at the location were free from
any control by the agent. The number on the reserve
increased during the oeriod until in 1B7Q almost all of
the 3Kokomish and a r>art of the Clallam were said to
be in the vicinity of the agency. In 1361, it -waa stated

that not one sixth of the Indians were ever on the

reserve at any one time. In 1862, it was asserted that

the Indians along tho otrait of Juan de Fuea. were opposed

45
to noving to Hood Canal. '£he following year, the agent

asserted th.;t it would be impossible to improve the

bad condition of these Indians unless they were collect

ed at the reserve. In 1865, according to Senator Ifesmith's

stifceiTient, these Indians were rabidly dying off as a

result of vicious habits. It was not considered possible

to gather them ^t the reserve because the land would

not support them. There were very few Indians near the

W. iU Morrow to Gosnell, June 30, 1361, C.I. A.,
A.R.. Kov. 27, isei, p. 179.

Kendall to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs,
Jan. 2, 1862, C.I.A., A.R.. Hov. 26, 1362, p. 306.

320.

location at the time of the inspection. They were

46
absent fishing, gathering berries, and gambling.

It was further stated that th^ -v-r-nt exercised very
little control ovr them. In 1867> the agent asserted
thit the absence of control over the Indiana, and
their working in the mills, where they readily obtained

whiskey, waa resulting in thoir destruction, ana no orogress

47
at the reservation. In -1368 and 1369, the absence of

control continued and the deterioration of the Indians
through whiskey was accelerated. In 1870, the agent report
ed that all of the Skokoniish and one fourth of the Clallam
Indians were on the reserve, The Indians off the reserve
were said to be in a very much worse condition than those
on the reserve. The 01 all am chief, the Duke of fork,

had come to the reserve and others had been urged to follow

48
his exazBole which they were inclined to do.

3ub- report .of ..He smith, Jan. 2G, 1867 ( oerial
1279, Doc. 156} , p. S.

J. T. Knox to vicKenney, July 1, 1367, C.I. A.,
A.R.. Nov. 15, 18^7, -3. 50.

C. J. King to XcKenney, Aug. 1168, C.I. A., A.R..
Sov. 23 , 1368, p. 104; King to the Commissioner of Indian
Affairs. Au~. 15, 1369, C.I .A., A.R.. Dec. 23, 1869, p. 140;
J. W. Kelley to Ross, Aug. 51, 1870, C.I. A. , A . R . ^ Oct. 31,
1870, T). 33.

321.

Progress in the development of the

Skokoinish Keaerve was in the early sixties difficult to
discern, but by the end of the decade there were signs
that a real Indian settlement was being founded that
would some day support the Indians attached to the
location. In 1360, it -was stated that fifteen acres

had been cleared, fenced, and sown. The following year)

49
the value of the improvements were estimated at $1,000.

In 1862, it was stated that the location was in need of
everything necessary for a reserve. Development work

was impossible because tne Indies would not do the

50
hard work of clearing the land. In 1863, the crops

were eaten by the army worm* The agricultural landa

were said to be insufficient for the support of the

51
Indians, ^esraith reported that the location was $ood,

cut the improvements were very meager. He suggested that
the annuities be us^d Tor the opening of fanes, since

the Indians were opoosed to doing the heavy work of

clearing tiie lands. In 1367, the agent stated that

Morrow to Gosnell, June 30, 1861, C.I. A.,

7. 27, 1361, D. 179.

H. A. Webster to C. H. Hale, Sept. 1862, C.fiA.,
A.S.i Nov. 26, 1862, T). 384.

P. C. Purdy to C. H. Hale, July 20, 1863, C.I. A.,
A.R.. Oct. 31, 1363 . p. 465.

322.

there were one hundred acres under cultivation

that an orcnard of one thousand trees nad been vet out.

The rjrinci^al difficulty was that the Indians would not

53
work without ^ay. In 1368 and 1869, conditi6ns seemed

to be improving; the Indians r>aid more attention to
agriculture than formerly ana. a number of new buildings
were erected. It was oronosed to oay the Indians for

work on the reserve by selling the logs off of ninety

54
acres of the location. In 1869, the military superin

tendent reoorted that the reserve was in fair condition.
During the following year, there was steady imorovement.
All of the cleared lands of the reservation were under
cultivation. Twenty acres were cleared <iunng the year
by the Indians. Thie work was paid for by allowing the
the Indians to aell the logs which were cut from the lands

53 ,

3ub- report of flesBiith^ Jan. °6t lJi67L Serial
1279, *o<t. 156), p. 10.

Knox to tfcKenney, July 1, 1867, C.I .A., A . R . ^
iJov. 15, 1 77 , -o. 50.

King to McKenney, Aug. 15, 1868, C.I. A., A.R..
"Nov. 2:3, 1H68, p. 104; King to the Commission er of Indian
Affairs, Ser>t. 30, 1-6°, C.I.A., A.R.._^ Dec. 23, 1869, p.
133.

323.

the Indians off the reserve were inclined to settle

55
at the location.

The Skokomish school prior to 1867 had made
very little progress, but in the latter part of the period
there seems to have been marked improvement. Between
December 1865 and July 1867, the attendance of the school

declined from twenty-five to thirteen. This was due,

56
according to the agent, to the inefficiency of the teacher.

During 1868, there were in attendance at the school
twenty boys and twenty girls. In the following year, the
institution was said to have improved over the preceding

year. In 1870, the school attendance doubled and the

57
school was reported in a prosperous condition.

The Makah Reservation.-- The Makah Reservation
was established at Heah Bay near Cape ^lattery, far removed
from the center of settlements. Neither the land nor the

Ross to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, Aug.
15, 1869, C.I. A., A..R.^ Hov. 23, 1869, p. 133; Kelley to
Ross, Aug. 31, 1876 , C.I.A. , A.R.^ Oct. 31, 1870, p. 33.

Knox to McKenney, July 1, 1867, C.I. A., A.R.. Hov,

15, 1867, p. 50.

King to McKenney, Aug. 1868, C.I. A., A .R . . Hov.
23, 1868, p. 104; King to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs,
Aug. 15, 1869, C.I. A., A.R.. Dec. 23, 1869, p. 133; Kelley to
Ross, Aug. 31, 1870, C.I. A., A.R.. Oct. 31, 1870, o. 33.

324.

Indians were adaptable to agriculture. During the
latter part of the decade of the sixties, it mas discov
ered that encouragement of and aid in, fishing was the
propnr method of assisting these Indians. They were never
disturbed by settlers but they were attacked by the
Indians :'rom Vancouver Island and in one case the Makah
Indians attacked the agency, although they were not con
sidered of a dangerous disposition. The Indians of the
location were not scattered, the entire cession including
only a small area in the neighborhood of Cape Flattery.

The problems of control involved the whiskey
sellers, the Northern Indians, and an attack on the
agency. In 1862, the ag nt recommended that a small
armed vessel be sent into the Strait of Juan de Puca

for the protection of the location against whiskey

58
sellers and the Northern Indians. In March 1866, there

occurred at $eah Bay the only attack on an agency in the

Pacific Horthwest between 1860 and 1870. It came about

in the following manner: The Makah killed a Clallam Indian.

Webster to C. H. Hale, 1863, C.I. A., A.R.. Oct. 31,
1863, p. 566.

••&& "Tia*

r t*i*»i

9 «t»$P'

•j*m T^COIO

fibril
e

,t«fe a 1©

I
t *9*ze Llams « \

325.

Then the murderer was captured and imprisoned by the reserva
tion authorities. The Hakah Indians retaliated by an
attack on the agency, rescued the prisoner, and refused
to allow the reservation employees to leave the agency
buildings. A message was sent to Fort Jteilaooom to the
military authorities who conducted a military expedition
to the region, relieved the besieged employees of the
reserve, and captured the prisone'r and the Indians who
led the attack on the a.^ewcv^ . A force of twenty-five

men was left at the reserve for the protection of the

59
agency.

un 1870, due to the quick action in destroying

whiskey when brought to the reservation, the health of the

60
Indians was very much improved.

There was at the Hakah Reservation some agri
cultural development during the sixties , but the principal
source of support of the Indians came from fishing. It
was along this line that they were to develop. Some lands
were broken for cultivation in 1863, but they were found

Webster to W. H. Waterman, Mar. 16, 1866, C.I.A.,
A..H . . Oct. 22, 1866, p. 67.

J. H. Hays to Ross, Seot. 12, 1^70, C.I.A., A.R.+
Oct. 31, 1070, p. 35.

•
•t

326

to be very 7)oor and the Indians of very little assistance

61
in agricultural work. During 1867, a number of buildings

were erected, and agricultural lands were divided among

62
the Indians of eighty families. In 1869, it was stated

that forty acres were cultivated by the Indians and

63
thirty by the government. The fisheries were successful.

When the military agent took charge, August 10, 1869, the
reserve was said tc be in a dilapidated condition with
practically no agriculture It was said that there were not
two acres of good agricultural land on the reserve. The
improvements that did exist were not on the reservation,

but adjoining lands which had been added unofficially to

64
the reserve by the former agent. In 1870, lands formerly

-fc
considered woohlesa were made to yield a crop by the use

of fish products as fertilizer, but the Makah Indians, in

Webster to C. H. Hale, Sept. 1863, C.I. A., A.R.
Oct. 31, 1363 , o. H4H-

Webster to McKenney, July 1, 1367, C.I. A., A.R.
Nov. 15,\1867, p. 41.

Webster to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs,
3e*vt. 30, 1869, C.I. A., A.R... Dec. 23, 1869, o. 133.

Hays to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs,
Sept. 30, 1^69, C.I. A., A.R.. Dec. 23, 1869, p. 133.

327

the opinion of the agent, could not be made an agricultural
people. They were, as a result of their geographical
location, natural fishermen. It was thought that the

greatest assistance could be rendered them through aid

65
in the development of fisheries.

The Makah Reservation School seemed to be of
some benefit to the Indian children in the later years of
the ooriod. In 1863, the teacher spent his time teaching
the Indian children the "elements of agriculture.*1 In
1357, the school was discontinued on account «f the resig
nation of the teacher. It was recommended that the

appropriations be increased and that provision be made for

66
the support of the Indian children. In 1868, it ma

67
asserted that there was a good school at the reserve.

In 1370, the school was conducted as a manual labor boarding
school, the farm attachedfto it producing enough to support
the school children tllpugh the winter. Some of the Indians
objected at first, to the children staying at the school

Hay3 to Ross, Sept. 12, 1870, C.I .A., A .R • . Oct.
31, 1870, p. 35.

Webster to Waterman, July 1, lp,67, C.I. A., A.R.^
Hov. 15, 1867, p. 14.

McKenney to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs,
Aug. }££>*>, C.I.A., *.R...«. Nov. 23, 1868, p. 88.

saw ,ti

328.

68
but they were gradually won over to the plan.

The Q.uinaielt Reservation. — At the Quinaielt
Reservation the work of establishing the agency pro-
greased very slowly. However, in 1869, the military
superintendent stated that the reserve was in better
condition than any of the others in Washington Territory.

In the matter of control by the agent over
the Indians, there was improvement in the latter part
of the period. In 1867, it was stated that the Indians
did not live on the reservation, but paid visits to the
agency. It was not expected that any change would take

place in the situation until the Indians-- who were friendly

69
but wild--had had more contact with the agency. At

the beginning of winter of 1870, it was affirmed that

the condition of the Indians of the agency was better

10
than ev^r before in the history of the tribe.

The reservation was characterized by poor
land. As in the case of the ttakah Indians, it wa.s
gradually perceived that the encouragement of fishing

Hays to Ross, Seot. 12, 1870, C.I. A., A .R . .
Oct. 31, 1^70. p. 55.

Joseph Hill to UcKenney July 1, 1867, C.I. A.,
A.H. , Nov. 15, 1867, p. 49.

T. H. Hay to Roas, Aug. 31, 1B70. C.I .A., A.R..
Oct. 31, 1*70. p. 46.

329.

was the best method of assisting these Indians* In 1862,
the superintendent stated that the reservation had been

laid out twenty-five miles north of Grays Harbor but that

71
nothing in the way of agriculture had been attemoted.

In 1863? the reDort stated that the agency farm had been
started about twenty-five miles from the coast but that
it had been moved to the mouth of the Quinaielt River due
to the poor land at and difficult transportation to,
the former location. The encouragement of fishing was

believed to be the best means of making these Indians a

72
settled people. In 1867, it was proposed to move the

agency to the original location up the Q,uinaielt River.
Six acres of land along the lower Quinaielt raised one

thousand bushels of potatoes, but the principal source of

73
food continued to be fish and game. In 1869, it was

stated that it would be unwise to collect the Indians
at the location up the river because it would remove the
Indians from the fisheries. It was the agent* s opinion
that the reserve offered little opportunity for agriculture

and" that th^principal support of the Indians must come from

74
hunting and fishing. In 1870, the military agent made

Kendall to the Commissioner of Indian /if fairs, Jan.
2. 1862, C.I. A., A.R.i Nov. ?,6 , 1362, p. 306.

C. H. Hale to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs,
Scot. 1, 1863, C.I. A., A.R.i Oct. 31, 1863. p.

330

tho nilitaiy agent aaAe a test of the prairie lands

up -frn the Quinaelt River and reported that they were

75
valueless for agricultural purposes.

The fjuinaielt Reservation School was conducted

during the later years of the period. In 1867, the school

76
building was erected. 'Two year* later it was stated that

the school was making progress, having a roll of twelve

77
children. In 1870, the attendance was reported ac twelve

THioils with a probable increase to twenty before the end

of the winter. These Indians were loosing their prejudices

78
against instruction.

J. Hill to McKenney, July 1, 1867, C.I. A., A.R..
Hov. 15, 1867, p. 49.

H. Winsor to McKenney, n. d.+ 5. 1. A., A.R. »
Dec. 23, 1869, p. 148.

T. H. Hay to Ross, Aug. 31, 1870, C.I. A., A.R..
Oct. 31, 1870, p. 46.

J. Hill to McKenney, July 1, 1867, C.I. A., A.R ..
Hov. 15, 1867, o. 49.

T. H. Hay to Ross, Sept. 15, 1869, C.I.A., A.R..
Dec. 23, 1869, p. 148.

T. H. Hay to Ross, Aug. 31, 1870, C.I. A., A.R..
Oct. 31, 1370, D. 46.

331.

Southwestern Washington Indians. - - The
failure of the Indians of this region to accent the
treaty offered to them by Isaac I. Stevens, February 25,
1855, resulted in no treaty being made with them. A
reserve was set aside, July 8, 1364, and the government
took possession of the region. The reserve consisted of
five thousand acres at the mouth of the Black River.
There was also a small reservation set aside September 22,,
1866, on Shoalwater Bay consisting of 335 acres. Various
plana were suggested for dealing with the Indians of
this region but the only Indians of the area who were located
on a reserve were the Upper Chehalis.

The settlers in the Grays Harbor district
feared an nttack by the Lower Chehalis and the Chinook

in the fall of 18GO. Soldiers were sent to protect the

79
whites but no collision occurred. Due to continued

difficulties betv/een the Coast Indians and the settlements
of that region, it was planned to remove the Lower Chehalis
and the Chinook to the Quinaielt Reservation. The settlers

Simmons to Geary, July 1, 1860, C.I .A., A.R ._.
Nov. 30, 1860, p. 187.

332

objected because they desired the use of cheap labor,
but the agent urged that the removal take place for
the good of the Indians, and it was advised th. t a

company of troot>8 be sent to the north side of Grays

80
Harbor to aid in the removal.

In 1862, the superintendent suggested
that the Lower Chehalis be united with the Quinaielt, and

that the Ut>per Chehalis be placed on the Squaxon Reserva-

81
tion. In 1863, the agent advised that the Indians

be given a reservation and assistance as if under a treaty.
Unofficially, the reservation at the mouth of Black Hirer
was set aside in 1859 by Superintendent Geary. The lands
of the reserve were good and easily cleared. In 1863.
there were two hundred and thirty Indians at the location
belonging to the Upper Chehalis tribe who through their
own efforts had carried on considerable agricultural activity
All attempts to move the Cowlitz, the Chinook, and the

Lower Chehalis to the reserve failed, these Indians steadily

82
refusing to settle at the mouth of Black River.

C. F. Winsor to Oosnell, June 30, 1861, C.I. A.,

A.R.. Sov. 27, 1861, p. 178.

C. H. Hale to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs,

Oct. 19, 1862, C.I. A.. A.R.^ Nov. 26, 1862, p. 384.

Elder to C. H. Hale, Oct. 19, 1863, C.I. A., A.R.^

Oct. 31, 1863, p. 467.

333.

The reservation was officially established
"by the Executive Order of July 8, 1864, which also

provided that $3,500 be paid for the claim of D. K.

83
Mounts. The following year; the superintendent advised

that a treaty be made with the Indians of southwestern
Washington, in order that they might be given the advan
tages of treaty stipulations. It was believed that with
such aid these Indians would progress rabidly, and that

their success would encourage other Indians to occupy

84
their respective reserves. Hesmith recommended that

these Indians be given the same assistance that was

85
given to Indians who were under treaties.

In 1868 , there were about forty families
living on the reserve at the mouth of Black River. The
improvements consisted of fifty acres of land under
cultivation, br<rns, agency buildings, school house, and
some Indian cabins. In order to -oersuade the Indians

The Commissioner of Indian Affairs, Annual Report,
Nov. 15, 1864, T>. 79.

The Commissioner of Indian Affairs, Annual Renort,
Oct. 31, 1865, t>. 9.

85
Doc. 156) , p. 10 .

Sub- report to Nesmith, Jan. 26, lae'/jlSerial 1279,

354

not on the reserve, to move to the location, the superin
tendent held a council with ther« at the agency, June

20, 1368. The Cowlitz Indians refused to accent any

86
presents, and demanded a reserve in their own country.

In 1369, the military superintendent stated
that the Chehalis Reservation was in good condition.
During the following year, tn*o of the larger "bands of
the Upper Chehalis lived on the reaerye. Farming was
successful: A large crop was raised and harvested with
the assistance if the Indians, who were paid for their
work on the reserve. The agency buildings were repaired.
However, the funds were not oufficient to give to these
Indiana the same amount of assistance as the treaty
Indiana received* The Chinook, fiowlitz, and the Lower
Chehalis remained scattered. Some of the Cowlitz and
Klikitat Indians had bought lands from the government and
were develoning •jucceaaful farms. Another group of
Cowlitz Indians conducted a transportation line, by means
of canoes on the Cowlitz River. These Indians and those

jXenney to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs,
Aug. 1868, C.I.A., A.R.. Nov. 23. 1868, p. 96.

335

along the Pacific Coast from Grays Harbor south were
practically free frorr any control by the officials of
the Indian department, which reoultcd in the free sale
of liquor a song them. This *ras due to the contact v.ith
the v/hites along the Cov;litz lUver and in the oyster
houses on Shoalwater Bay. Some of the Lover Chchalis and

Chinook Indian chi of s , itiile vioiting thethehalia Reserve,

-7
promised to do what they could to stop the trade.

Rosa to the Coramisaioncr of Indian Aff airs,
Sept. 30, 1869, C.I.A., A.R.^ Dec. 23, 1869, p. 134; Ross
to the Commiaaion^r of Indian Affairs, Sept. i, 1870, C.I. A.,
A ..3.... Oct. 31, 1870, p. 20.

336

CHAPTER VIII

THE RESERVATION UYoTIOi III OPERATIC!; IU TIE INTERIOR OP THE

PACIFIC NORTHWEST, 1860-1870

The V arii Springs "Reservation*-- The development
of the 'ftarm Springs* Reservation was difficult on account
of the soor soil of the reserve. It did not suffer from
contact with settlements or from proxinity to trails,
but i ty isolation vrae a serious handicap because of the
difficulty of transporting supplies. Raids of the
Snake Indians an<! tho custom of the Indians of spending
part of their time at the fisheries along the Columbia
River increased the problems of creating a self- sustain
ing settlement of Indians.

The superintendent stated, October 1, 1360,
that the only serious hindrance to the development of
the location was the danger from the Snake Indiana.
I This was so great th Jt he believed that it would be
necessary either to establish a military post at the
agency or abandon the reserve. The only demand for the
region by the whites, it was thought, would come from
the discovery of minerals in the region. TheOLand was said

337

to be g) d for grazing "but of little value for cultiva
tion. However, it was considered, that there was suffi
cient for the support nf the Indians attached to the

1
agency. During the winter of 1359-60, the agent found it

necessary to issue flour to the Indians. This was due
to the destruction wrought by the Snake Indians in their
raids on the reservation. It was stated that sufficient
would be raised for the nuDnort of the Indians during
the v/.iiuer of 1860-61. There rere six oTrvployees at
the reserve in 1362 carrying -rut the etinulnti ons of the
treaty "but the results were not very encouraging iue

•

to the :a;my adverse conditions. The severity of the v/inter
of 1331-62 waa the cause of a great deal of suffering on
the reserve. In the a-oring of 1862, the Indians refuoed to
do any agricultural work because of the cro~> failure the
preceding year. The Indians spent the open season in the
neighborhood of The Dalles where they obtained a quantity

Jeary to the Coramissioner of Indian Affairs,
Oct. 1, I860, C.I. A., A.R.. Nov. 30, 1860, p. 172.

Abbott to Geary, July 30, 1960, C.I. A.. A.R.
Nov. 30, 1860, p. 217.

•

>Ai

•

•
i

338

of fish and also much "bad whiskey.

According to the superintendent, the reserve
developed more in the year orecedinf* September 1363 than
in the five preceding years. The greatest difficulty
experienced at this time was due to the custom of the
Indians of leaving the reserve in the spring of the year
in order to lay in a supply of food fror the Columbia
River fisheries. This privilege had been accorded them
in the treaty. It was advised that a su-o^lem-ntary treaty
be made with them for the surrender of this right as it
interfered with the agricultural work on the reserve.
The reservation farmer believed thst a sufficient number

of Indians would engage in agriculture to provide for the

4
inhabitants of the location through the winter of 1864-65.

However, the principal source of food supply con
tinued to be fish taken from the Columbia Hiv^r, which
were dried and salted, for winter. Sarly crops were des
troyed by freezing, drought, grasshoppers, or the Snake
Indians. Between crop failures and absence of the Indians
during the ooen season, it was found impossible to develop
any agricultural resources of the location. In order to
prevent the absence of the Indians in the spring of the

Abbott to Oeary, July 30, 1862, O.I. A., A.R.*
Nov. t*., \%&z., p. • tn
4

Huntington to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs,
Sept. 12, 1863, C.I. A., A.R.. Oct. 31, 1863, p. 49.

id/

339.

year, a treaty was made with then, Nov. 15, 1865, by which
the Indians agreed to aurrec'ior their right to visit the
Columbia Hiver fisheries. jlhe r>act ras ratified March 2t
1867, but even after this arranger ent was made it was
found necessary to allow the Indians to strmfcy themselves
with fish since there was not sufficient produced on the
reserve to feed the Indiixiic. In 1866, 153 barrels of salnon
were salted and four times that amount dried. In 1867,
it was stated that the exodus, to the fisheries was to
be abandoned the following year provided the crop was suf
ficient to support the Indians. It had been necessary to

grant the permission in 1867 because the Indians were

5
destitute. In 1868, the decrease in furs in the Indian

hunting grounds, the increase of white settlements east

of the Des Chutes Hiver and along the Columbia, were forcing

the Indians to locate on the reserve, but the reservation

6
waa not sufficiently developed to support them. In 1869,

it was stated that the Indians claimed that they had not

John 3mith to Hunt ing ton, Aug. 25. 1866, C.I. A., A.R. .
Oct. 22, 1866, ^. H2; Smith to Huntington, June 26, 1867,
C.I.A. , A.H ... n. 85.

Smith to Huntington, July 10, 1868, C.I.A. » A.R..

340 .

surrendered their rights to visit the fisheries in the
treaty of Nov. 15, 1865. During the season twelve tons
of fish wre tafrwn fr« the Columbia River by the Reserva
tion IncMnns. A cro^ failure had forced the agent to

7
depend u->on the fisheries for the support of the Indians.

The atterrots to develop the agriculture of
the reserve between 1866 and 1369 were not accompanied
by any marked success. The crop of 1865 was destroyed
by ~r<is shoppers . The hard winter of 1865^66 necessitated
thr u fi<? of seed for food and the annuities to replace the
seed., "Tie implements and 3tock for farming were worn
out and would have to be reDlaced. The mill sawed

62,733 feet of lumber which wan to be used to build

8
houses desired by the Indians. In 1867 and 1868, the

reports stated that the interest and work of the Indians
along agricultural lines was improving. In the latter
year, there were two hundred Indians engaged in agriculture
on the reserve. An attempt was made at this time to nersuade

dmith to Huntington, July 10, 1869, C.I;A.. A.R..
Dec. 23, 1869, r>. 170.

Smith to Huntington, Aug. 25, 1866, C.I. A., A.R..
Oct. 22, 1^6C, ->. 8?.

341.

the Indians who were not on the reserve to move to the
location but v.-ithout success. This waa due to the fact

that the agricultural development of the reserve was

9
not sufficient to attract the::. In 1869, it was urged

that the lands of the reservation be surveyed and allotted
to tnose Indians Vio wrjld cultivate them. In the fall
of the year, the military agent stated that it would take
ten years to make the reserve self-supporting, and that
this would • hr».ve to be done through grazing as the location
was worthless for agricultural puroosQa. The wagons, tools
and work stock -were -worn out. The milla were in running
order but required constant repairing. The crop was a
failure in 1^70. The continued crop failures discouraged

the Indians, and convinced the agent thc.-.t it was impossible

10
to produce cro-os on the reserve.

The Warm Springs "Reservation school could
show «o more important results than the farming activities.

Smith to Huntington, June 26, 1067, C.I. A., A.R.»
Hov. 15, 1867, 7). 85; Smith to Huntington, July 10, 1868,
C.I. A., A«.H_«t ^- 115*

WJW. Mitchell to Meachara, Seat. 18, 1369, C.I. A.,
A.R.. Dec. 23, 1369 , r. 1»52; Mitchell to ^eauharo, Aug. 20 . 1870,
C.I- A., A .R vi O^-t-, -»x, \s-\o,

342

In 1866, it was stated that there had been an attendance
of twenty until Boring "but at th;it tine all of the rmpils
left the reserve with their oarents. In 1870, the r.chool
was conducted by a native teacher with an attendance

of twenty- two. The agent r>ianned to make the institution

11
a boarding school supported by the Indians.

The Kl ama th R e s e rva t i on .,* - The Indians of

""^ »^ MMMtf»»M«» I L J T^ l-rt^LM- -„ T -l» -»L JrMM^MMMM^*^

the southwestern t>art of eastern Oregon were troublesome
from the time that the trail was first travelled into
southwestern Oregon. Charles S. Drew estimated that
between 1846 and 1862 they had destroyed and stolen $300,000
worth of property and killed or Bounded 451 persons. Drew
strongly advised that <j. fort be established in the district
because the road from California to the mines of the Rocky
Mountain district of the Pacific Northwest passed through
the re.^i ;n. The fort was established and a treaty was
made with the Klamath, Modoc, and the Yahuskin Snaka
for the cession of their lands in the sou thwestern part of
eastern Oregon. The Kla-nath Reservation was provided as
a pftmanent home for these Indians as well as for the

Smith to Huntington, Aug. 25, 1366, C.I. A., A.R.
Oct. ^2, 1366, p. 82; Mitchell to the Comiai jsioner of Indian
Affairs, Aug. 20, 1370, r!.I.\., 4.R.. Oct. 31, 1870, p. 59.

343.

Walpapi Snake Indiarib, with whom a treaty Tras natie in

13
1865. Sesuiith advised t. ;e treaties be ratified. The

Klaniath treaty was ratified July 2, 18 fir..

As travel and settlements increased^ the
demand that these Indians be placed on the reserve was
made. The Klamath and of the ^o6oe seem to have

moved to the reserve but aome of the Modoc refused. Some
of the Snake Indians moved to the reoerve while others
were "brought there by military force. The a^ent stated,
August 6, 1866, that tne Modoc Indians had come to
the agency but that they had returned to Clear Lake.
Messages were sent to theia urging that they locate on

the reserve, to which they replied that they would

14
(return. Two years later, it wa& stated that some of

the odoc remained off the reserve, an«i that they refused
to settle on it. The agent believed that they could be
located on the reserve only by the assistance of a military

C. 3. Drew to ..right, 7cb. 20, 1863, C.I. A.,
A.R.. Oct. 31, 1963, p. 178.

13 L

Sub- report of liea^lth. Jan. 26 , 1867|Serial 1279,

Doc. 156) , p. 37 "

Lindsay Applegate to Huntington, Aug. 6, 1866,
C.I. A.. A.H.. Oct. 22, 1866, p. 89.

344.

force. In 1R69 , the i;od:->c chief, Skouticn, and a number

of his T)«oT)le v<rre oui^-My living on the reserve. A
part of the teodoc, however, persistently refused to move
to the reservation. The ayent requested that the military
authorities force those Indians to locate on the reserve
but the officials did not take any action. The regent
stated th.-it the presence of these Indians off the; re serra
tion ni.^ht "be the cause of a conflict at any time. Hie

opinion was thn.t they should be moved to the reserve by

16
force in>?»ftdi:«tely.

The military -vjont attempted to perauade the
Modoc Indiana to ~nove to the reserve but without success.
He visited, Ttecenbor 13, 1369, the Hodoc on Lost River who
agreed to locate on the rPMorve. A party of 258 Indians
moved to th^ renfrvati ^n December 30, 1869 vhere they
remained through the vinter of 1B69-70, but on April S6t
1870 they returned to Lo«t River. The old chief, Schow-
Scho^;, did locate at Camp Yainax on the reserve with
sixty- seven of hi 15 neoole. The others refused t:> return
and reports were common that they were driving off cattle
of the settler-, ?nd rarJcin.'j theingelvea generally troubleeome.

Apnler te to Hur-tington, Aug. 6, 1866, C.I .A.,
A.R. , SOT. 23,

Apple^ate to Meacham , June 30, 1869, C.I. A., A.R.
Dec. £3, 186S, x>. 176.

345

In order to perauude the so recalcitrant Indians to accept
the reservation as thsir hor.ie, the agent met Caotaln Jack

at Yreka. The meeting wao without results as Jack refused

17
to return to the reservation.

The dev ent of the reservation did not
begin until after tl:e ratification of the treaty, July 2,
1866. The o^inio; of the agent, after an experience of
four years at the reserve, was that stock raising A^uld
"be the only means of making the reservation self -support ing,
In Vay 18^6, sixte* ~as wero slowed and -<ut into
cro-os at Kowastaby , eight miles south of Port Klamath.
It was necessary to furnish flour to destitute Indians
and to thoae vriio w«ro working on the reserve , through
the wlhter of 1366-67. The agent stated that if the
treaty were ratified the Indians, through its aid, would

soon become an airier Itural people. It was believed

-rU-
: t the croT)s had shown .all of the ordinary products

18
could be raised on the lands. During 1867, a shortage

of food and clothing existed among the Indians of the

0. C. r.na^o to the Commissioner of Indian
Affairs, Seat. 5, 1370, C.I. A., A.^.,, Oct. 31, 1S70, p.

Apolegate to Huntington, Aug. 6, 1866, C.I .A.,
A.H., Oct. 22, 1B66, o . 89 .

346.

reserve, and it was believed that they would have to

be assisted during the winter of 1867-68. In 1869 an

abundant crop was r>r«Jiste'. school was in opera
tion and an effort was bein^ made to instruct the Indians

in manual l->hor ^nd agriculture. Agency buildings for

20
varioun T-Jumosoa werf; constructed .it this tiiie. In

1870, the military * ;;ev . t stated that the reserve was
of no v-ilue for ^iltur:il lurooises oecause the

season was too short, nnd th ,t stock rising was the

only means bv which th« reiorve could be made to provide

21
a livelihood for the Indians attached to it.

?he TTnntJ Mr* I'o^erv:;. - .-ir*.-- The location of

the CiiU.tilla Reenrr- ti -n on tlu Oregon Vrail , the develop
ment of mines in the ITez Perce', the Owyhee , and the
Canyon City regions, and the belief that almost all of the
good Ian-is of the r°;ion east of the Cascade Mountains
were included within the reserve; created complications
from the very beginning of the develoxunent of the reserve.

AoT>l3g-'ita \i Runtington, June 20, 1867, C.I. A.,
A.R.. Nov. 15, 1157, p. 91.

Applog»te to Huntington, June 30, 136 n, C.I .A.,
A.R.. Dec. : , 1869, p. 176.

•>1

Knapo to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, 3eut
5, 1870, C.I. A., A..I.*i Qct.3i,tano, P. fen.

347;

At the end of the period an attempt was made by the govern
ment to solve the ^roblervi by allotting lands to the Indians,
or by removing them, ^r by both of these methods, but
without success. The reserve tion runidly became self-
supporting due to th« productive lands. Many of the
Indiana wore not fee r aerve at the end of the period.

In the m r of I860, few of the Indians
were on tl.c reserve, The Walla Walla Agency was under
A. J. Cain. I of the Cayuse and the flallawalla.

The H'al !«*•'. alia \vere sn 5 d to be utterly demoralised and the
Cayuae r^j ; reaching th^t state. The agent believed that
unle^a the Indians were collected on their reservation, ttie
rapid settlement of the country would result in their
extermination. Cr.ly through considerable exertion on
the part of the r-ent had conflicts been -prevented. Neither
of these tribe >ne or ca.red to do any agricultual

work. The '.vallawalla were dependent ut>on the fisheries
of tne Coluinbia Hlver for their living and it was believed
that it would be difficult to persuade them to move to
the reserve. ?he Cayuee Indians were related to the
Nez Berne's and jeaired to be located on the Nez Perc^
Reservation. The agent recorunended that this be done,

348.

n:> action \VLIQ t

The .-^very >f ••;- In .:;!5I in the western

<rs of the Ko~\ . JIB breach- a large number of

people :nto the country ami immediately there followed .

tio'i for the re^ov.,1 of the Indians from tfce

23
Umatilla MSJC. :i. Betreen April gust 1562,

four thousand p?r. jua pncaeci the agency on their way
to t>.p ^ran^s Croe: "'o^der Jlivcr mines. 4."iie agent

"believed that encroachment upon the reserve was inevitable
beer-use ell ^f the gvc£ lar.dis of the region were included
in the reserve. 3oae of the newcomers tolci the Indians
that the g v::rmient had been destroyel and that the

settlers would tafce the lands of the reserve. These state-

24
bi c • : :e restlc a anong the Indians. In

1364, the Superintendent reported that the only solution
for the problem of the Umatilla Reservation was the
removal of the Indiana to a more secluded locality-^ which
did not oxist, that is, where the Indiana could get a
livelihood. Since it wa« impossible to rer.iove the

Cain to " , 1360, C.I. A., A.? . ,

. 30, 18 CO, ~>. 280.

r» TP

Abbott to Rector, Sept. 10, 1861, C.I. A., A.R..
Nov. 27, 18 '51 , p. 165.

W. H. Barnhart to Hector. Aug. 2, 1862, C.I .A.,
A.P... ffov. 22, 1862, p. 269.

349

Indians, the superintendent suggested that a company
of cavalry be stationed at the reserve to keep the
peace among the Indians, to prevent squatters from

locating on the reserve, and to protect the reserve from

25
raids by the Snake Indians.

Senator Ne smith, when he investigated the
reservations in 1865, reported that the location of the
Umatilla Reserve was unfortunate. It was not only on
the emigrant road but also on the road to the mines.
He further stated that the discussion of the subject of
removal had caused some restlessness among the Indians.
He objected to changing the reserve on account of the

fact that considerable expense had already been incurred

26
in developing the reserve.

During 1866, the Indians were restless and
not willing to work on account of the talk of removal.
Reports were circulated among the Indians that the re
serve would be thrown open to settlement. These rumors
were a great hindrance to the development of the

Huntington to the Commissioner of Indian
Affairs, Sept. 26, 1064, C.I. A., A.R.. Nov. 15, 1864, p. 83.

Sub- report of Hesmith^ Jan. 26, 1867 (Serial 1879,
Doc. 156) , p. 8.

evisa
i 91 ew

350.

27
reserve.

In 1867, the Oregon Senators and the State
Legislature were said to be taking action concerning the
opening of the Uraatilla Reservation. The agent stated that
the legislature had memorialized Congress for the removal
of the Indians. He believed that there were more good
lands in the reserve than was necessary for the support
of the Indians. In order to settle the matter, the agent
suggested that a commission be appointed to ascertain
for what vrice the Indians would be willing to sell the
reserve, and at what time they would be willing to remove.
The superintendent stated, August 20, 1867, that the only
solution for the situation was the removal of the Indians.
The reserve had become completely surrounded by settle
ments. The problem of finding a r>lMce where settlers
would not desire the lands, and where the Indians would
be self- supporting was impossible. The suggestion was
made that the farms adjoining the Yakima Reservation
might be purchased for $50,000 and the Indians moved
to that district, but this idea was short lived as the
following year the demand was made for the reduction of

Barnhart to Huntington, Aug. 4, 1866, C.I. A.,
A.R.. Oct. 22, 1866, p. 88.

"19991

351

that reservation because all of the good lands of that
area were included in that reservation. The superinten
dent recommended that a commission be appointed to treat

with the Umatilla Indiana, consisting of the Yakima

28
and the Umatilla agents , and one other person.

!>uring the year 1868, the number of Indians
at the reservation increased. There were several hundred,
however, who had refused to move to the reserve but had
caused no trouble. The excitement over the ownership of
the reserve ran high during the year. There was a
rumor current in the Umatilla district that Congress had
passed an Act authorizing the purchase of the reservation
through a new treaty. It was the opinion of the agent
that the Indians would sell if they were guaranteed as
good lands of less quantity Imore removed from the settle
ments. The agent, who had been in control of the reserve
since 1861, believed thit the location had become entirely

j unfit for an Indian reservation due to the growth of

29
settlements in the immediate vicinity.

Barnhart to Huntington, July 1, 1867, C.I. A.,
A.R. . Nov. 15, 1-^67, p. 81. "Report of the Surveyor General
of Washington Territory1*, July 31, 1868, w» Commissioner of
the General Land Office, Annual Report. Nov. 5, 1863 (Serial
1366, Doc. 1), p. 344.

\t*9 A si <v *r fr a t^ ^

•

352

Barnaart's report of 1869, which was his
last, stated that the Indians were opposed to removal ,
but, in his opinion, "go they must sooner or later,",
because they were a hindrance to the rapid development
of the region.

The military agent, who took charge in the
summer of 1869 stated that there were 837 Indians on
the reserve and 785 scattered in different parts of the
region. An attempt was made to bring these Indians to
the reserve but without success. It was redominended
that the government use force in dealing with these
Indians. The reservation Indiana were said to be opposed
to moving to a new location. The military agent agreed
with former reports in stating that the reserve contained

most of the good land in eastern Oregon, and that the

30
settlers were determined to take possession of them.

In order to satisfy the settlers, Congress
passed a Resolution, July 1, 1B70 , authorizing the

Barnhart to Huntington, Aug. 7, 1869, C.I. A.,
A.R. . Dec. 23, 1869, p. 157.

W. H. Boyle to Meacham, April 15, 1870, C.I .A.,
A ,.R . . Oct. 31, 1B70, p. 55.

ai*-

353.

President to negotiate with the Indians for the tmr^ose
of determining on what terms they would cede to the
United Jtates the Umatilla Reservation and remove to
some other reservation in the state of Oregon, or in
Washington Territory, or take lands in severalty, not
exceeding one hundred and sixty acres from the present
reservation, and to report the results to Congress. The
result of this negotiation was that the Indians refused

to sell any part of their reserve, receive lands in sever-

alty, or remove to any other reserve.

The inrorovement of the reserve was always
hindered by the demand of the settlers that it be
thrown OT>en to settlement. The Snake Indians also held
back the reserve by their attacks in which they destroyed
buildings and crops. Other difficulties were the refusal
of some of the Indians to live on the reserve, and occasion
al crop failures. Almost all of these difficulties
were partially overcome during the period.

During 1861, the first buildings were erected
on the reservation, and lands were brought under cultivation

"A Resolution instructing the President to

Negotiate with the Indians upon the Umatilla Reservation in
Oregon /"^July 1, 1870, Cong. Globe, Appendix, 41 Cong., 2
Sess., p. 745.

354.

Hills and shops of a temporary sort were built. A
second-hand flouiOnill which had been purchased for
the reserve t> roved to be worthless. By the fall of 1861,
there were seventy acres under cultivation. In order
to make it unnecessary for the emigrants to pass through
the reserve, a new road was built twenty-five miles
south of the old one. The expense of the reserve had

resulted in a deficit of )20,000 due to the receipt by

32
the agent of but half of the funds allotted the reservation.

The winter of 1861-62 was very severe. A great deal of
the stock owned by the Indians was lost and the seed for
the coming year had to be used for subsistence. The croT>s
ifor the year 1862 were encouraging. It was predicted

that there would be a surplus which would find a ready

33
market among the miners.

The success of the croo in 1862 resulted in
a number of the Indians locating on the reserve. The
government farmers instructed the Indians, who were then

Rector to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs,
Sept. 25, 1361, C.I. A., A.R.. Hov. 27, 1861, p. 156.

Barnhart to Rector, Aug. 2, 1862, C.I. A., A.R.. ,
Nov. 26, 1862, p. 269.

355.

with tools to establish farms for themselves.
The Indians were discouraged by the rmrtial cror» failure
of 1863 caused by drought and grasshopperu. It tm.a the

olan of the igent to allot farms to all heads of families

in the soring of 1864* Senator Hesmith reported favor
ably on the development of the reserve. He stated that

35
the cross were good and that the mills were being built.

General improvement had taken olace by 1866,
exceot in a few particulars, Ahere were one thousand
acres under cultivation; a number of Indians having
raised from t500 to $1,000 worth of nroduce , which had
been sold. f w of the Indians were wealthy in stock*
The mills were in good running order* On account of the

fact that no funds existed for the upkeen of SHOTS und

\
tools the;je *ere badly out of repair. The stock used

36
for agricultural ourooaes was also worn out.

Hunt ing ton to the Commissioner of Indian
Affairs, Jept. £<>. 1364, C.I. A., A.R.. Nov. 15, 1864, p. 83*

35 j

3ub- report of Ke smith, Jan. '^, 1867|( Serial
1279, Doc. 156), ".

Barnhart to Huntington Aug. 4, 1B66, C.I. A.,
Oct. 22, 1866, o. 88.

356.

From 1866 until 1870,, there was no change
in the condition of the buildings and agricultural
stock, but the Indian farms continued to increase in value,
and the mills were in ^ood running order at the end of
the period. In 1867, the agent recommended that $7,000
be appropriated for new agency buildings. In 1870, the mi lit- •
ry agent stated that new agency buildings must be built
if the reservation was to be continued. In 1867, the
improvements of the reserve were valued at $215,000. With
the exception of the mills, this consisted largely of
Indian farms. The agent recommended that allotments be
made to Indians who had developed farms. He believed
that through agricultural activities these Indians were
becoming civilized. In t>roof of whichfhe stated that
their condition was ~o much better than those off the
reserve that many of: the latter were moving to the reserva
tion. The winter 1867-68 was very severe but the reserva
tion Indians experienced no losses. In 1869, crops were
a failure due to drought. The military agent stated that
the results of ten years development of the Umatilla
Reservation were disappointing, a statement which the
facts will not justify, if one compares the substantial

L'il A

357.

results obtained at this reserve, with the absence of

them at the majority of the reservations in the Pacific

37
Northwest .

The Umatilla Reservation School was conducted
by the Catholic father on the reserve. It seems to
have declined toward the end of the period. In 1362., the

agent recommended that provision be made for boarding the

38
pupils. Senator Nesmith stated, as a result of his

inspection in 1865, that the Catholic mission and school

39
were effective forces for good on the reserve. In 1866,

the agent resorted thnt the school under the Catholic
Father had been conducted successfully with an attendance

of twenty-five, but that the development was retarded due

to the absence of a suitable building. The largest atten
dance the following year was forty- mix pupils. It was

advised that a contract be made with the Catholic Fathers

41
for the ooe ration of a manual labor boarding school.

Barnhart to Huntington, July 25, 1868, C.I. A., A.R..
Mov. 23, 1368, p. Ill; Barnhart to Huntington, Aug. 7, 1869,
C.I.A., A.R.. Dec. 23, 1869, p* 157.

Barnhart to Rector, Aug. 2, 1862, C.I. A., A.R..
Hov. 26, 1362, p. 269.

Sub- rep o rt of Ne srni th t Jan. 26, 1867 (Serial 1279,
Doc. 156) , p. 8.

Barnhart to Huntington, Aug. 4, 1866, C.I. A., A.R. »
Oct. 22, 1866, p. 88.

358.

In 1868, the attendance dropped to twenty puoils. This

was due to lack of funds for the conducting of a

42
"boarding school. The military agent aiviaed that a

manual labor boarding school be aatabliahed. As condi-

43
tions then existed, the institution was a failure.

The Yakima Reservation.-- The Yak i ma and
the neighboring Indians were collected at temporary en-
canmnents during the Yakima Indian #ar. The largest
number gathered at these locations was three thousand
Indians as resorted by Stevens in 1857. After the cam
paigns of Step toe and Wright in 1858 which were followed
by the abandonment of tfort Simcoe in 1859, the complete
control was placed in the hands of the Indian burenu.

A grout) of Klikitat Indians living along the
Lewis River were moved to the Yakiraa Reservation. They
had not been Darties to the treaty but something had to
be done with them as their land* had been completely
occupied by settlers. The Klikitat Indians belonged
east of the Cascade Mountains but some of them had
occupied lands west of those mountains. A few of the

Barnh.irt to Huntington, July 1, 1867, C.I. A.,
A JR.* Nov. 15, 1867, p. 81.

Barnhart to Huntington, July 25, 1868, C.I .A.,
A .R . . Hov. 23, 1868, p. 111.

Boyle to iLeacham, April 15, 1870, C.I. A., A.R..
Oct. 31, 1870, p. 55.

ill

-BL:

en--

359

hundred Indians refused to move to the reservation.
Thirty- seven -were taken up the Columbia River by boat to
Rockland and thence overland to the reserve. Forty- three
Indians with their cattle proceeded by the trail over
the Cascade Mountains to the Yakima country. This is

the only instance of moving Indians from west of the

44
Cascade Mountains to lands east of those mountains.

In 1860, the superintendent stated that
the Yakima Indians would be easy to control because
they had been 30 completely subdued and had learned the
futility of attempting to exwel the whites. However,

in 186% there were rumors on the reservation of an

45
Indian rising, but these proved to be unfounded.

During the early part of the sixties,

the Yakima Reservation was considered an ideal location
for the Indians on account of the good lands of the
district and its isolation. This situation changed somewhat

Lansdale to Geary, Aug. 15, 1860, C.I. A., A.R..
NOV. 30, 1360. T). 205.

0*ary to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs,
Oct. 1, 1860, C.I.A,, A.R. . Nov. 30, 1860, p. 179; A. A.
Bancroft to C. H; Hale, Aug. 22, 1863, C.I. A., A.R..
Oct. 31, 1863, TD. 475 .

360.

toward the end of the period. \Vilbur stated that
it would always be difficult to manage Indians near
settlements ana main roads, when hi a opinion was asked
conccTning the moving of the Umatilla Indians to the
Yakima Reservation. The increase of settlements in the
Yakima country probably caused the abandoning of the
plan. The surveyor general for \Vashington Territory de
plored the fact, in 1>>68, that so much good land had
been set asiae for the akizaa Reservation as it was
needed by the settlers who were rabidly moving into

the country. He said that not more than 125 Indian

46
families lived on the reserve.

Development -«ork. The Yakima Reservation was
more advantageously located than the majority of the
re-serves . It also had the buildings of the abandoned fort
to aid in establishing the reserve. In I860, the superin
tendent determined to put the emphasis on stock raising.
For this purpose^ he bought a few hundred cattle and six

hundred sheen, and predicted the ra^id development of

47
the reserve. During the winter of 1860-61 there was a

shortage of food. In the spring of 1861^ some development

Wilbur to T. J. McKenney, June 30, 1867, C.I. A.,
A . R . . Nov. 15, 1367, p. 45; "Report of the Surveyor General
of Washington Territory," July 31, 1868, Commissioner of the
General Land Office, Annual Report, Nov. 5, 1868 (Serial
1366, Doc. 1) , p. 344.

361.

work was eT'ect^d. A contract was let for the
building of the flouiPmill and in A^ril the sawmill
was completed. Implements were issued to those Indians
who were capable of using them and ground was assigned
I to individual Indians. They were assisted by the
farmer who olowed the tracts alloted to the Indians.
In January 1862, Superintendent Kendall stated that the
iarorovemarts at the Yakiina Reservation showed no adequate
return for the money that had been spent. In the fall
of 1862>it was affirmed that the mills were being success
fully operated and that the Indians were more inclined to

settle on the reserve, there being four hundred families

48
settle I at the reserve. In 1863, the report stated

tftat the reservation was proving productive. The saw^mill

49
cut 100,000 feet of lumber during the year.

Concerning the development of the Yakima
Reservati ~>n, the Commissioner of Indian Affairs wrote
in 1365:

Geary to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs,
Oct. 1, 1860, C.I. A., A.R.^ Nov. 30, I860, p. 179.

Kendall to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs,
Jan. 2, 1862, C.I. A., A.R.. Nov. 26, 1862, p. 300; Bancroft
to C. H. Hale, Sept. 1. 1062, C.I.A., A.R.. Nov. 2S. 1862, p.
419.

Bancroft to C. H. Hale, Aug. 22, 1863, C.I. A., A.R..
Oct. 31, 1863, p. 473.

362.

It is as gratifying as it is uncommon to be
able to record thus the complete success of an Indian
agency, where every feature of its annual report is
favorable, no complaints are made and no changes
asked for.

Senator Nesreith made his inspection in 1805 and praised
the work of the agent, Rev. James H. Wilbur. The improve
ment a of the reserve v ore roa opted as extensive; lands
were wall tilled, and the mills in good order. The inspec
tor remarked that the isolated location of the roerve

50
r:ly to its advantaf

General Imsroveir^at in the personal appearance
of th- Indians and in their conduct, in the houses , fences,
and farms was noted in 1367. Lanvia under cultivation were
increased from fifteen hundred to eighteen hundred acres.
During the soring, thirty tetuns of seven yoke of oxen
each T/ere used by the Indians. Twelve hundred cattle
and ten thousand small horses were owned by the Indians
of the reserve. Pour American stallions were purchased
in order to imorove the stock. Also there was a plentiful
of fish and game. The uncommon situation '.xisted

The Commissioner of Indian Affairs, Annual Report
Oct. 31, 1865, o. 9; Sub- re port of Hesmith^ Jan. 26, 1867.
(Serial 1279, Doc. 156) , n. 6.

363.

that the Indians were well sut>nlied for the winter of

51
1867-68. In commenting on the success of the reserve,

the superintendent of Indian affairs for Washington Territory
wrote: "These results are a standing nroof of the excel
lence of the present Indian system, and of the fact
that wherever the system fails of satisfactory results
tnc fault mats not with the system itself, nor as many
confidently assert *-ith the hopelessness of the Indian

character but with the men through whose instrumentality

52
the ministrations of the government reach the Indians."

During 1868 and 1869} the development of the

reserve steadily progressed. Thirty-five hundred acres
were slowed, 20,000 bushels of wheat raised, 10,^000
bushels of wheat were ground, and 163*114 f :et of lumber

were sawed, in 1868. 3ach year from 1865 to 1869 showed

53
improvement .

The military a^ent stated that the 1869 crop
was a failure, and that it would be difficult to support
the Indians through the winter of 1869-70. The figures of

Wilbur to McKenney, June 30, 1867, CI.A., A.R..

Nov. 15, 1 '.67, p. 45.

McKsnney to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs,
Aug. 1868, C.I..^.f fr.K^ VAov. *-V vg^ ?.^JT.

Wilbur to McKenney, June .>0. 1868, C.I. A., A.R. .
June 30, 1868, p. 100; Wilbur to iicKenney, June 30, 1369,
in S.I.A., A«R.> p. 138.

364

I production for former years were said to have been
very much e:cH^&erat'?d. The condition rabidly imnroved
during 1B70 under the fostering care of the military
authoriti es.

The Yakima Reservation School was probably
the only one th it would compare *ith that of the Tulalip
Reservation. Hev. Jaroea H. Wilbur was from 1860 until
1869 to thi s school what Father Chirouse was to the one
at Tulalip. In each case we have examples of the unself--
lis/i en-le r/or of Lien who were attempting to aid, to the
best o ' their ability, the Indian race. The school was
established in 1360 and in 1861 it was operated as a
manual labor school, where the pupils were boarded. There
was a school garden, and the boys were taught industrial
work in the shops, while the girls were instructed in
sewing and cooking and in taking care of the home. Pro
gress was also made in the regular school branches. In
the latter part of 1861, Superintendent Kendall dismissed
the te -chers and reprimanded the agent because the Indian

children had been boarded and clothed whicn he said

54
was contrary to the treaty. In October 1862, the new

Kendall to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs ,
Jan. 2, l'J62, C.I. A., A . H . . Nov. 26, 1862, p. 300.

365,

superintendent reinstated v,iibur and recommended that

55
the rding school be reestablished which was done*

Uesmit.h stated that the manual labor boarding school

doing very much -practical good, in 1865, and was

56
well managed. During 1868, there were twenty- three

students in attendance. v;»>rk done was valued at
"1,000. During the following year the activities were
curtailed for the lack of funds, although harness valued
at $1,225 was made by the Indian boys.

The Sez Perce* Reservation*-- This location
is originally set .Toart in the treaty included about
ten thousand square miles. The discovery of gold on the
reserve and in the vicinity of it> completely altered the

:^oe of its development. The acceleration of settlement
caused by the mining advance demanded the reduction of

extent of the reservation before any of th-» r>rovlsions
of the treaty had been put into effect. The situation was
further complicated by the existence among the KeE Percys
of certain bancis who were known &s the non- treaty, or the
war oarty, who had objected to the original treaty.

C. H. Hale to the Commissioner of Indian

Affairs, Oct. 19, 1862, C.I. A., A.R. . Hov. 26, 1862, p. 392;
Bancroft to C. H. Hale, Aug. 22, 1863, C.I. A., A.R.. Oct.
31, 1863, o. 473.

3ub- report of Ne smith, Jan. 26, 1867 (Serial
1279, Doc. 156), p. 7.

366.

The contact between the miners nnd the
Hez Percys began in 1860. The sv >evintcndent of
Indian affairs stated^ October 1, 1R60, that a party
of miners had alternated to force their way ur»on
the reservation against the oirmodltion of the Indians, the

Indian rt^ent, and the military authorities tout that

57
they had not forced the issue. In order to weaken the

war party and retain thf friendship of those Nez
who held the balance* of nower am on"; the Indians of the
interior, the a^ent believed th^t the essential need was
the immediate execution of th* Iptply ratified treaty.
Only through the T>oa3er,sion of Property v^hich they would
have to protect, was it expected that these Indians would
give uo their visits to the "Buffalo Country" which

made it impossible to bring them under control on a

58
reservation.

An at tenant to solve the difficulties between
the miners and the Ne« "Perec's was raade in the soring
of 1861 by the superintendent of Indian affairs. An

Geary to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, Oct
1, I860, C.I. A., A.R. . Kov. 50, I860, D. 170.

Cain to Geary, 3er)t. 30 , 1860, C.I. A., A.R. i
Nov. 30, 1^60 , T>. 209,

367

agreement was made between tho Indiana and. the govern
ment t'hich allowed the miners to enter tha.t part of the
reservation north of the Ciearvater iUver. it x»rovid«d

" no whites should live in the valley south of the
river, th:xt all persons on th^ reserve should be subject

to the "Intercourse Laws." , anJ that a military force

59
should enforce the ag recent.

The raining population increased during
until, by November, it war, reported there were about
ten thousand oeoplo at or in the vicinity of Lewiston,
Idaho. The above agreement was not enforced and the

nt stated that it -*as impossible to keep the newcomers
off the reservation. TAG superintendent of Indian
affairs informed the Commissioner of Indian Affairs that
the onl / solution of the probltenr was to make a new

treat/ by which part of the reservation would be thrown

60
ooen ti settlement. The Commissioner agreed that a n en

treaty should be mad* in order rtto adapt their reservation
to ci rcv/n stances now surrounding them which are so

"Articles of Agreement with the Hez Perces,"
April 10, 1661. C.I. A., A ,3.. NOT. 26, 1862, p. 430.

W. '*. lor t > the Commissioner of Indian

Affairs, 3e~ot, Ib, 1851, C.I. 4., A.R.. Nov. 27, 1861,
T). 176.

368.

difftvert 'tri those at the ti: o tb^.lr present treaty

61
wa itlated." January 2, 1862, the superintendent

stated that tho provisions of the treaty, which related

to t}ie occupation of the reservation by the Indiana only,

02
had been entirely disregarded.

The increase in the mining t>otmlation in
1362 made s-r^e action relative to the Indians1 rights
absolutely essential. .During the year> new gold fields
were discover d in the eastern oart of the reservation,
'. the reservation was completely overrun by a mining
population of fifteen thousand people who, it was esti-
n ;ed, du£ out ten million dollars worth of gold in 1862.

Hays who furnished the superintendent with the
above information stated that the Indians would cede

of the reservation if they were paid for the lands
63

surrendered.

The Commissioner of Indian Affairs, Annual
Report, l.ov. 27, 1061, p. 26.

B. ?. Kendall to the Commissioner of Indian
Affairs, Jan. 2, 1862, C.I.A., A.H.t Nov. 26, 1862, p. 303.

Charles Hutchins to Calvin H. Hale , June 30,
1862, C.I.A., A.P.^ Bov. 26, 1862, D. 422; Hale to the
Commissioner of Indian Affairs, Oct. 19, 1862, C.I. A., A.R..
Hov. 26, 1862, p. 431.

369.

A treaty was negotiated by Calvin H. Hale,
June 9, I'H'.r?, by v;hich the *:ez ^erces ceded about four
fifths of their reservation. The Indians agreed to
move to the reserve as designated in this new treaty
within a year after the ratification of the treaty.
The agricultural lands of the reserve were to be sur
veyed into twenty acre ^lots and assigned to all of
the rcale Indiana over twenty- one years of age; the
remainder of the lands were to be held in common. The
government agreed to pay in addition to the annuities
of the original treaty $262,500 for additional mills, the

opening of farms, the support of a boarding school,

64
and the erection of cnurehea.

This supplementary treaty with the Ifes
f June 9, 1863, waa not ratified until April
17, n67. This was due to recommendations from Idaho
officials thnt the treaty should not be ratified. For
four years uncertainty as to whether the treaty would
be r tified continued, and little was accomplished in
th.it p:riod toward the development of the reservation.

Kapoler, Indian Affairs. Lawa and Treaties^ II,
S43-48.

370.

During 1363 :md 1864, no money w ont for improvements.

In 1*365, the agent stated that the injustices done the
Indian -3 anJ. the failure to receive annuities were strengthen

ing the war Darty , who were planning to join the Blackfeet

65
anu the Crow in an attack on the Cv^rl^nd mail. Ne; smith

seated th.at if the wrongs done Uir» T.'ez Percys were not

56
corrected they would eventually rebel. Caleb Lyon, the

goverr 7 Idaho, reported that many of the Indiana

oppoood the treaty of June 9, 1303, and favored the
negotiation of a new one which he recommended that he
be ci.nt orized to make with them. The chaotic condition
of the affairs of the reserve ^as charged to the sudden
advanco of T0^ul':tion, and the Civil \Var which gave an
excu:io for the breaking of all of the laws of the reserve
on the ground that the government h?.i<i collapsed. Lyon
was instructed to make a new treaty with the Nez Percys,
September 22, 1365, but he suddenly left the territory,

April iJl , 1866, and action was deferred until a new ad-

67
ministration determined what should be done.

James O'Heill to the Commissioner of Indian
Affaire, , 1865, C.I. A., Ar.H ./ Oct. 31, 1865, t>. 240.

Sub-report of Heemiithj. Jan. 26, 1867 (Serial
1279, Doc. lb6J , p. 5.

371.

In 1866, the relations between the whites
and the Indians were very unsettled. Promises made
by Lyon had not been fulfilled. The removal of the
military force from Fort Lapwai had resulted in increased
disturbances. The agent stated there were three or
four thousand miners on the reserve and about the same
number of Indians and it was feared that unless the
fort was regarrisoned that there would be serious trouble.
Public meetings were held at Pearce City, Oro Pino, and
Lewiston to take action against the Indians for robberies
and attacks. The Nez Perce chief, Lajrer, continued
faithful to the government. Eagle from the Light, and a
number of his band of the war party^ were on the reserve
during the winter of 1865-66. The agent held a council
with Red Heart of the war party and advised him to move
to th« reservation. It was the belief of the agrnt

that if the treaty of 1863 were ratified the existing

68
bad conditions would be corrected.

Caleb Lyon to the Secretary of the Interior,
Sept. 20, 1865, C.I. A., A . R . ^ Oct. 31, 1865, p. 232.

O'Neill to D. W. Ballard , July 20, 1S66, C.I.A.,
A«R.« Oct. 22, 1866, p. 193.

CIB

n fcjjrf at

adti
0

372

No marked change took place in the situation
during 1867. Lawyer demanded the ratification of the
treaty of 1863. Promises had been made that this would*
follow the close of the Civil War but such had not been
the case. This failure had weakened the influence of
Lawyer among the Nez Percys. The agent thought that
all of the Indians of Idaho would join with the Blackfeet

in a war against the whites unless the treaty of 1863

69
were ratified.

The treaty of June 9, 1863, was ratified,
April 17, 1867, but it was provided that there should
be certain changes in the treaty. George C. Hough,
special agent for the Indian bureau, held a three weeks
council with the Nez tree's which resulted in the supple
mentary treaty of August 13, 1868, which was ratified
Feb. 16, 1869, It provided that the Indians not on the
reserve should move to the reserve as soon as allotments
were provided for them. In case that there was insufficient

O'Neill to Ballard, July 10, 1867, C.I. A.,
A.R.. Nov. 15, 1867, p. 248.

[ft*

373

agricultural land in the reservation for this nurpose, then
each male Indian over the ftge of twenty- one who had no
allotment, mi^ht occupy twenty acres of agricultural

land off thf: reserve and be protected in the ownership of

70
it by the treaty and the military force. During the

councils, tw> of the war party bands, those under S
from the Light and Red Heart, were present. They com
plained bitterly against the whites for occupying the

reserve, and against the government for not fulfilling

71
the treaties.

Although there were signs that conditions
were inor vying in 1869, yet some of the tfez Perec's
refused to recognize the treaties. The treaty Indians
were said to be satisfied with the assistance given by
the government during the year. The non- treaty Indians,

however, refused to accent any part of the annuities

72
un -er the treaties.

KapPler, op. cit. , II, 1024-25.

George Hoiigh to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs,
Aug. 24, 1868, C.I. A., A. P. . Nov. 23, 1 "568 , D. 200.

Kobert Newell to 71oyd Jones, July 15, 1869, C.I. A.,
A.R. . Dec. 23, 1869, P. 179.

374.

Vhen the military agent took charge in
the summer of 1369 he attempted, tola top the sale of
liquor to the Indiana, but found it impossible to
obtain a conviction in the civil courts* In order to
remedy the situation, he prooosed that offenders be
tried by a military court. He also urged that surveys

be made immediately in order to prevent disputes between

73
the miners and the Indians.

The Nez Perce Indians and the agent disagreed
on the question of the Indians leaving the reservation.
In the fall of 1^70> some of the Indians left for the
"Buffalo Country,** a custom that had not been broken up
but was soon to end. The Indians did not believe that
the government would force them to live on the reserve.

The agent informed them that they must settle upon the

74
reserve as soon as it would support them.

Development work. The Nez Perce Reservation
when selected was far from any developed settlements
but the raining advance during the Civil War made it the
center of an extensive mining area. The development
of an agricultural Indian settlement under such
circumstances was not a simple task. Financial embarrassments

J. W. Wham to Floyd Jones, Aug. 23, 1869, C.I. A.,
A.R.. Dec. 23, 1869, p. 284.

D. M. Sells to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs,
Sept. 5, 1870, C.I. A.. A..R..J. Oct. 31, 1870, fp, 1*3 ?.

ptT

in the form of delayed funds, an unratified supplementary
treaty, and depreciated currency -were factors in the
retarding of the develorxnent of the reserve. The presence
of so many people in the region made it imperative that
the reservation not only be reduced "but that the restrict
ed reservation be made the home of the Indians. This
meant that the Indians would have to be forced to remain
on the reserve, but it was impossible to force them to
live on the reserve unless they could obtain a livelihood
from it. -'f forts to OT)en farms were rather feeble until
{ 1869 when some successful work along that line seems
to have been «complished.

In I860, some of the Indians moved to the
reservation due to the promise made them that they would
be given farms. At this time, there was very little

fanning in the district although some of the Indians had

75
gardens. 3. F. Kendall st .ted, January 2, 1862, that

the improvements on the reserve were very disappointing.
A full quota of employees had been at work with but
little to s low for their efforts at an expense of

Cain to Geary, Sept. 30, 1860, C.I. A., A.R.
Nov. 30, 1860, p. 209.

IS*

dirt A

376.

$60,000. Vttth the exception of the mills, which anoarently

were being well constructed, the only buildings were a

'76
few shell houses. In 1862, the agent recommended that

the annuities be used for tools and the opening of farms

instead of for clothing. There were but few agency

' 77

buildings at the reserve and no Indian houses. The flour-
mill had been completed but the sawmill was still
unfinished. Ne smith reported that the treAty orovisions
had n^t been carried out. A church of basaltic rock
laid uo with mud and never roofed which cost $5,943*13

was said to be a part of the development of the reserve

78
in the r gime of Caleb Ly6n. it was stated in 1866 that

seven hundred acres additional were brought under

cultivation, and that tv/r-nt / thousand nounds of flour had

79
been sold as well as a large amount of vegetables. In 1867,

$3,000 worth of products were sold to the miners. The
croT) of sosie of the Indian farms was devoured by the

Kendall to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs,
Jan. 2, lflr>2, C.I. A. . A.R. » Nov. 26, 1362. p. 303.

Hutchins to C. H. Hale, June SO, 1862, C.I .A. t A.R
NOT. 26, 1862, r>. 422; G. Hays to Hale, Oct. 30, 1862,
C.I. A., A ._R . A EOT. 26, 1862, p. 43ir"

Sub- report of Nesaith. Jan. 26, 1867 (Serial 1279.
Doc. 156) , p. 8.

O'Heill to Ballard, July 20, 1866, M.A. t A.R..
Oct. 22, 1866, p. 193.

b&*3 B n i
cwcf

.J 9w 3 It- SSC: 3 0» v

ri* list B i. . &4Jfe i ai l&u

,%«ii

^ cti

•nl ®»1 fl^Tft'8

•
r « a, • «« ^'

377.

crickets. The provisions of the original treaty were

said t i be insufficient for the development of the reserve.

There was an increase in the amount of work done by the

Indiana, which was done by the women. In the fall of 1868 ;

the reserve was reported as very much out of repair and

the crop for the year a failure due to drought. Imorovements

added were the purchase of forty- three yoke of oxen and the

80
refencing of eighty acres. In 1369, the cro^ was only

one fourth the normal nroduction. Livestock and Indians
had to be fed during the winter of 1869-70 to t>revent
them from starving. There were forty five hundred acres

under cultivation which the agent believed could be

81
made to support the Indians. In 1870, one hundred plots

of twenty acres eacn were surveyed but the agent stated that
the survey was useless because it was by sections rather
than according to the fencing of lands. A large amount
of work was a me on the reserve during the year and the

Newell to )?. Jones, July 15, 1869, C.I. A. . A.R..
Dec. 23, 1869, T>. 179.

Ballard to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs,
July 15, 1869, C.I.A., A.R.. Dec. 23, 1869, p. 276.

9W f

O r* • **

378.

crops were unusually good but far from sufficient to
support the Indians who should be on the reservation. The

mills were operated but were worn out and should be

82
replaced .

The school on the Nez Perce" Reservation
during the Deriod from 1860 to 1870 did not prove of

any value. In 1865, Nesmith reoorted tfcat no effective

'33
school had ever been in operation. The supplementary

treaty, ratified April 17, 1867, provided for the
establishment of a boarding school. In 1869, the school

was in session for a part of the year but was discontinued

84
on account of small-pox. In the fall of 1870, it was

reported that the school had made no progress. The Superin
tendent stated that the Jesuits wished to take charge of

ttoe school. He recommended that it be Dut in charge of

35
these missionaries.

Sells to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs,
Sept. 5, 1870, C.I. A., A.R.^ Oct. 31, 1870, p. 184; Jones
to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, Sept. 10, 1370, C.I. A.,
A.R.. Oct. 31, 1870, p. 180.

Sub-rejort of No smith, Jan. 26, 1867 {Serial
1279, Doc. 156), p. 5.

Newell to Jones, July 15, 1869, C.I. A., A.R..
Dec. 23, 1869, p. 179.

y. Jones to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs,
Set>t. 10, n70. C.I. A., A.R.. Oct. 31, 1870. p. 181.

379.

The fflathead Reservation.-- The advance
of population into the Bitter Root Valley with the
mining advance wrecked any prospects of a peaceful
development in the sixties of an Indian settlement
between the Bitter Root Mountains and the main ridge
of the Kocky Mountains.

The Flathead Indians claimed under their
treaty a reservation in the Bitter Root Valley. The
arrival of a ^o^ulation aided in occupying the country by
the discovery of mineral wealth, soon made it impossible
to consider the idea of setting aside an additional reserve.
Before 1870., there was a demand for the reduction of the
Jocko Reservation. Charles Hutchins stated, June 30, 1863,
that the claim of the Flathead Indians to a reserve in

the Bitter Root Valley was a continual source of trouble

86
and thrtt the question should be settled at once. Two

/ears later he repeated the recommendation but no

action was taken. He said that the raoid advance of settlement

Hutchins to C. H. Hale, June 30, 1863 , C.I. A.,
A.R.. Oct. 31, 1863, p. 455.

380.

made it impossible to set aside a reservation in the
Bitter Root Valley, and that it was unnecessary because
there wan plenty of room at the Jocko Reservation for all
of the Indians of the district. Commenting on the situation,
Hi. tchins said; w A f«w dozen of these people [Plathead
Indiana] **re occupying about four hundred square miles

' ••:

of valley, which w-.utld supnort a whi te population of
thousands, and the inevitable fact is that the whites
are now taking their lands." The agent aaaerted that the
Indian d should be paid for their ipiproveraentt*, but that

the whites wore taxing then without making any comoenwa*

87
ti on .

The dependence upon the buffalo hunt limited
the c mtrol of the agent. In Sentember 1866, the Flathead
Indiana returned from a successful hunt. The ?end
df0roille had not only failed to obtain any :>r vision ,
but, in u conflict with the iJlackf eet, had lost twenty- one

i of tae i r nurabers, which caused a great deal of discourage-

'88
ment among th In 1866fit was stated that the

. . . _

utchins t^ Sidney Kdgerton, June 30, 1B65, C.I. A.,
A.R.> Oct. 31, 1B65, p. ^'Al

Augustus Charnan to the Coramissionr.r of Indian
Affairs, AUg- 31, 1866, C.I.A., A t.R.rf Oct. 22, 1366, np. Bi-

'• JB J»K,

»i*MiJ ^i

4 eii «"*!.'•.

Flathead Indians were inclined to take uo agricultural
work an i give up the buffalo hunt due to the scarcity
of. the buffalo anu the trouble with the Blackfeet, The
agent stated that the joint occupation of the Bitter
Root Valley by the whites and the Indians was not a success
and that immediate action was necessary to avoid trouble.
Some of the Indians had excellent furwB in the valley*
Kither the whites or the Indiana should o* removed from
the valley was the opinion of the agent, and he believed
that it woul i be impossible to keer> the settlors and
miners out of the valley. He recommended that the
?lathead Indians be rooved to the Jocko Reservation, which

would have to be done by force aince the Indians refused

39
to go voluntarily.

A council was held with the Flathead Indians
of the Bitter Root Valley, August 22, 1868, by Special
Agent V« J. Cullen for the r>ur?ose of making sone plan
to solve the oroblea of joint occupation of the Bitter
Root Valley. The Indians coni^lain^d that the annuities
were short, and that the Jocko Reservation was distant
from their holies. They did not desire t^ move to the
above reservation. The agent rvro^osed two solutions:
first, t; aet aaide a reservation in the Bitter Root

W* J. McCorraick to Jarneo Tufts, AUR. 31, 1B68 ,
., >. >± l«ov. 23, 1868, o. 208.

.*«

>na
oftt Ic tttttB

•••vie a O

•

Valley and move the Jocko Reservation Indians to
that location; and second, to t>ay the valley Indians
liberally for their improvements with the understanding

that they move to the Jocko Reservation. Cullen urged

90
that an immediate settlement be made.

In 1969, a new solution was offered for the
settlement of the Bitter Root Valley controversy.
The agent stated that he believed the Indians would
accent certain lands in severalty under title from the
government, and waive any elytra to other lands in the
valley. In the aoring^f 1869, a commissioner was anoint
ed to make a settlement with the Flathead Indians, but
he failed to reach the country. His commission was
cancelled and the task was delegated to General Sully who

made a treaty October 7, 1869, but he wished It withheld until

91
he could consult with the Indians of the Jocko Reservation.

In the fall of 1870, the Bitter Root Valley
problem was still unsolved. The whites were taking
pasture lands claimed by the Indians. The situation was
considered more dangerous since the death of Victor, a

W. »7 • Cullen to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs,
Aug. 22, 1868, C.I. A. . A.R.. Nov . 23, 1068, p. 216.

If* M. McCauley to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs,
Set>t. 27, 1869, C.I. A., A.R.. Dec. 23, 1869, p. 296; The Com
missioner of Indian Affairs, Annual Report, Dec. 23, 1869, p. 25.

i,-.*C

flSK,

*£A&

383.

peaceful, influential Flathead chief. McCauley believed
that the Jesuit mission at St. Ignatius, through its

influence for t>eace orer the Flathead Indians had probably

92
saved the country from an Indian war. In order to

prevent hostilities, the following action was recommended:
that the Indians be paid for lands unjustly taken from
them by thcjnewcomers; that the idea of a Bitter Root
Valley Reservation be abandoned; that titles be given
to Indiana who desired to remain in the valley on
previously developed lands; and that the remainder be
moved, by force, if necessary, to the Jocko Reservation.
The suoerintendent had attempted to persuade the

Flathead Indians to move to the Jocko Reserve out had

93
failed.

Very little was accomplished at the Jocko
Reservation during the sixties towards the development
of a self-supporting Indian community. In 1863, the

McCauley to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs,
. 27, 1369, C.I. A., A.R.. I3ec. 23, 1369 , p. 296.

Alvin S. Galbreath to Alfred Sully, Aug. 10,
1870, C.I. A., A.R.^ Oct. 31. 1870, T>. 193; 0. E. ?ord to
Sully, Sept. 1, 1870, C.I. A., A,^.. Oct. 31, 1870, p. 195; Sully
to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, Sept. 20, 1870, C.I. A.,
A.'.. . Oct. 31, 1870, t>. 192.

384.

agent stated that the money sr>ent on the agency farm

94
had been wast -d due to its bad location.

As long as the Indians continued to deoend
upon the buffalo hunt for their Iiving7it was impossible
to develop the reservation. In 1869, there were signs
that the buffalo hunt would soon be discontinued, due
to the disappearance of the buffalo. In 1866, the Flathead
Indians obtained their living from a successful buffalo
hunt and good croos from farms in the Bitter Hoot Valley.
The Ku>t3nai obtained a good crot> from a small area of
land which they had cultivated. The Pend dfOreille were
not so successful. rhe grasshoppers had taken their
cross and they had failed in the buffalo hunt. ITie agency
farm had also suffered from the crickets, but had rai»ed
some seeds for distribution among the Indians. It was

stated that all the agenc/ buildings would be completed by

95
the soring >f 1367.

The snecial agent, W. J. Cullen, reported,

Hutchins to C. H. Hale, June 30, 1863, C.I. A.,
A.R.. Oct. .31, 1863, n. 455.

Chapman to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs,
Aug. 31, 1866, C.I.A., A.R., Oct. 22, 1866,

385

August 22, 18^5, that the Jocko Reservation Agency
was in very bad condition. The buildings, implements,
and stock were said to be practically worthless. Annuity
goods were short, unpaid debts amounted to $25,000, and

transportation charges were double what they should have

96
been. In 1869, thft military agent reported that there

was nothing at the reserve of value except the mills.
These r?ere destroyed by fire, July 2, 1869. The crop
on one hundred and fifty acres would not yield one
twentieth of a. normal product. This situation required
that orovisi^na be purchased for the Indiana for the
winter 1359-70. The Flathead and the Pend d'Oreille
were said to be self-supporting through hunting. The
Kutenai were shiftless, living on berries in the suzmer
and by hunting and begging in the winter . The loss of
horses by the Kutenai and the Pend d'Oreille mad« their
condition more serious. During 1870, the Pend d'Oreille
farm near the agency produced a good crop making these

Cullen to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs,
Aug. 2P, , 1368, C.I. A., A.»Jj ._.. Nov. 23, 1868, p. 216.

386

Indians self -survoort ing for the winter of 1370-71. The

Kutenai were becoming more worthless, living by begging

97
ana stealing.

The Fl a the ad Reservation school made

very little orogrcBs during the sixties. In 1863, Charles
Hut chins stated that he had made arrangements with ifather
Grasai of the St. Ignatius Mission for the establishment of
a boarding school at the Jocko Reservation. This school was
conducted during 1864 with an averrige attendance of
thriteen ~>uoils, which it was held did not juatiTy the

expense. It was reoiamended that a manual labor boarding

school be established. In 1868, the special agent report
ed that the only development at the reserve that was worthy

of r»raiae was the girl* a school under the Sisters of

99
Charity, which had an attendance of nineteen girls*

Galbreath to Sully, Sept. 6, 1869, ClX.A-, A.R.,
Dec. 23, 1869, p. 198; Ford to Sully, Sept. 1, 1870, C.I. A.,
A.R.. Oct. 31, 1870, p. 195; Sully to the Commissioner of
Indian Affaira, Sept. 20, 1870, C.I. A., A«R. . Oct. 31, 1870,
p. 192.

Hutchins to C. H. Hale, June 30, 1863, C .I.A. . A.R.
Oct. 31, 1803, p. 455; Hutchins to the Commissioner of Indian
Affairs, Oct. 15, 1864, C.I. A., A.R.* Nov. 15, 1*364, p. 240.

Cullen to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, Sept.
27, 1869, C.I. A., A.R..*. Dec. 23, 1869, p. 216.

•

•
.

' • • »&e-

387.

CHAJ

TID5 NON- TREATY IHDIA33 0 INTERIOR 0? TH3 PACIFIC NORTHWEST,

1360-1870

The Snake and ohoahoni Indians, — » The terms
Snake and Shoshoni were used to designate the same Indians.
However, in referring to theae Indians the western bands
were usually spoken of as Snake Indians and the eastern
as the Shoshoni. There were the Walpapi , Paiute , and the
Yahuskin, Snake Indiana; and the Boise, Brunjfeau,

:itern, northwestern, and Eastern, Ghoshoni, who were
entirely or martially within the Pacific Korthwest.

The increase of travel through eastern Qreg-n
caused by the discover/ of the mines in the Rocky Mountains
of the Pacific Northwest; and the attacks by the Snake
Indians upon the Warm Springs » Klaraath, and Umatilla
Reservations, and upon parties of miners, forced the
government to take some action to make the country safe.
Several military expeditions in the early sixties were sent
against the Snake Indians without any marked improvement

388.

in the situation.

The Warm Springs Reservation was attacked
in the fall of 1059, r»nd the agent and the reservation
Indians were driven from the district. Military aid was
requested but the only protection that was forthcoming
remained but one day at the reserve. is was a command

of thirty men from The Dalles under Lieutenant Johnson.
The agent stated that the reservation Indians had lost
eighty horses in the eighteen months prior to July 30, 1860.
It had become necessary in the early part of 1860 to

watch the stock on the reserve day and night to prevent

1
it being stolen by the marauders.

During the siaruaer of 1860 , Superintendent

G ary and lUajor 3tein entered eastern Oregon with the purpose
of making a settlement with the Indians by war or peace.
Geary met the military command on Buck Greek, a branch
of Crooked Hiver , forty miles west of Hamey Lake.
Shortly before the meeting Gas tain I3mith had attempted to
punish some Indians , who had stolen seventy horses from
a party of fifty-four miners from the Willamette Valley,

Abbott to 3eary, July 30, 1860, C.I. A., A.!*.^ Nov.
30, i860, p. 217.

309.

thirty miles northeast of Harney Lake. Smith was met
by a superior force of Indians and was forced to retreat.
After a three months campaign, the troops and the
officials of the Indian bureau withdrew without h-.ving
ounished the Indiana or without having held a council
with them. Immediately following this event, the Snake
Indians attacked the V/arm Springs Reservation. Superintendent
C/eary advised that the country be made an "Indian Country"
as it was almost a desert. He believed that these Indians

I would have to be punished before the settlements bordering

the 3nake country would "be safe.

Before Stein and Jeary reached The Dalles, a
massacre occurred in the southeastern part of the Indian
auperin tendency. The Shoahoni Indians, September 13, 1860,
attacked the Vanorman emigrant party between Succor Creek
and the Owyhee lUver in the1 Snake Hirer Valley. Eleven
mfJTnberfl of the party were killed. A military rescue party
was sent out from Fort Walla Walla under Captain Dent.
Leas than half of those who were rescued survived due to

Geary to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs,

Oct. 1, 1860, C.I.A., A.R... Nov. 30, 1060, p. 172.

-
•

390.

injuries received in the attack. As a result of
the Vanorman Massacre, Congress aonropriated $50,000
for military protection of the overland travel in 1861,

and January 22, 1362, $25,000 was appropriated for a

3
•faailar tmr^ose for the following year.

Geary had planned to come to a settlement
with the Snake Indian** by reaking an agreement with thera,
but *.ith tne aid of the military. Congreas had provided
for military protection against these Indians. The new
superintendent for Oregon Indian affairs believed that
neither of tiie I used, was the proper one to solve the

problem. Ilia olan provided tnat Con^reaa appropriate

5,000 for the distribution of presents which should be
given to the Indians at a council without a show of
military force. In return for these presents the Indians

were t ; agree not to attack travellers and miners in or

massing through, their country.

Miles Cannon, "Tne Snake River in History", Oregon
Historical Society, the Quarterly, XX (1919), 16; "An Act
to Provide for the Protection of Overland Emigrants to Califor
nia, Oregon, and Washington Territory," January 27, 1862,
statutes at Large ,_ XII, 333.

Hector ti the Commissioner of Indian Affairs,
Sept. 25, 1361, C.I. A., A- 3.., Nov. 27, 1861, p. 156.

Due to a report that a party of miners

had been killed in the upoer John Day River Valley in the
winter of 1861-62, the Oregon superintendent sent J. M.
Kiakpatrick through eastern Oregon to the Powder River
country for the puroose of making agreements with land presents
to, the Snake Indians. Kirkpatrick visited the region
and sent Indian messengers to the places where the
Indians were accustomed to gather but the Indians avoided
theae locations. The special agent reported that probably
the miners had either lost their way and died of starvation
or that they had been attacked by the vagabond Indians
along the Columbia River. He recommended that a military
post be established on the Malheur River for the protection
of the whites c uning into the country by the following
roads; the emigrant trail from the States, the trail from
HumbolAt City; the trail from Red Bluff, California, by the

way of Goose Lake; amd the trail from Yreka via Little

5
Klamath Lake.

After a visit to the Warm Springs Reservation,
Superintendent Huntington recommended that he be authorized

J. M. Kirkpatrick to Rector, July 22, 1862, C.I. A.,
A.R. . Nov. 26, 1862. pp. 264-68.

3&d$
gaol*

8001

392

to make treaties with the Indians of southeastern Oregon.
Following this recommendation, Congress passed an Act,
l^rch 25, 1864, authorizing the making of treaties with
the Klamath, Modoc, and other Indians of southeastern
Oregon, and appropriated $20,000 for the purpos*. Two
treaties were made: the one, with the Klamath, Modoc,
and the Yahuskin Snake, October 14, 1864; and the other,
with the Walpapi Snake, August 12, 1865. The Indians

of both treatfes were assigned to the Klamath Reserva-

6
tion.

During 1864, three expeditions were sent into
the Snake country; one from Fort Klamath under Charles S.
Drewt one from the Warm Springs Reservation under Drake;
and one from Fort Walla Walla under Curry. The Snake
Indiana were being attacked from all sides as a result
of their conduct. After the battle of Crooked Hirer,
July 1864, the Warm Springs agent received a message
from some of the Snake Indians under the chief, Pauline,
that they desired to make a settlement. The capture of
°auline»s wife by the treaty narty, as they were returning

Kappler, Indian Affairs" Laws and Treaties, II,
865-68; 876-78.

&?£ 91UNK O

393

from the Klamath country to the Warm Springs Reserve in the
fall of 1864, may have had some bearing on the willingness
of the Walpat>i to end hostilities. The superintendent
urged that a treaty be made with these Indians, because he

thought it would end the attacks from this part of the

7
3nake country and end the expensive military expeditions.

The treaty with the Walpar>i Snake was made
at Warm Springs, August, 12, 1865, by which they ceded
lands in the central part of eastern Oregon, which were

included, with the exception of a small area, in the

-rU
ceBsion by the Confederated Bands of Middle Oregon ^Klamath,

and Wallawalla and agreed to accept a part of the Klamath

8
Reservation as their abiding place. The Klamath agent

reported that Pauline seemed desirous of carrying out
the agreement of August 12, 1865, but that few of his
band were on the reserve. In 1866, however, it was
stated that Pauline left the reserve and apparently
joined the hostile Indians. In October 1865, the Klaznath
agent sent some of the friendly Snake Indians to Howlick,

Huntington to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs,
Dec. 10, 1864, C.I. A., A.R.. Oct. 31, 1865, p. 101.

Huntington to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs,
Sept. 17, 1865, C.I .A., A.R.. Oct. 31, 1865, p. 467.

394.

the chief of a band of Snake Indiana living in Sprague
Valley, with messages asking the chief to make a peace
treaty, but he refused the invitation, declared in
favor of war, and attempted to persuade the messengers to
join the hostile party. Some Snake Indians, who were

near the reservation, were captured and held as prisoners

9
because they were thought to be members of hostile bands.

In the fall of 1866, there was trouble with
Howlick's band of Snake Indians. Major Rinehart had
brought some of these Indians to the Klamath Reserve.
The agent held a council with them, Oct. 3, 1866, Against
their wishes, they were required to move from Sprague
Valley to Council >rove. It was arranged that Captain
Sprague with a detachment of soldiers should accompany
these Indians to their home in Sprague Valley to assist
in bringing their raroperty to the reserve. Instead of
accepting this plan, these Indians drove off some of the
reservation cattle and escaped. An expedition was sent

Applegate to Huntington, Aug. 6, 1866, C.I. A.,
A.R.» Oct. 22, 1866, p. 89.

395.

against them and the agency wau fortified aa hostilities

10
were expected.

A uarty of eighteen men under Lieutenant

Oatman pursued a band of Snake Indians from Odtober 5 to 8,
1866, through the Sprague Valley. Five prisoners were
taken, two of whom were killed while attempting to escape.
A second party was sent out under Lieutenant Oatman, October
15, 1866, of twenty- two men, which made a circuit to
the east and south of Fort Klamath. The|exDedi tion was
joined by a command under Lieutenant Small from Camp
Bidwell. Thirteen Indians were killed, about thirty
were wounded, and the winter supplies of the Snake Indians
of the region were destroyed.

These attacks upon the western Snake Indians were
a minor part of the general campaign conducted by Brevet
Major General George Crook from his headquarters at Boise,
between September 1866 and July 186$, against the Snake
Indians along the southern border of the interior of the
Pacific Northwest. T^WY^- extjjkt parties were sent against

Applegate to Huntington, June 30, 1867, C.I. A.,
A.R.. Nov. 15, 1867, p. 91.

8 Iff J3C

d;^*. 90

396.

the Snake Indiana during the period from the camps

in southeastern Oregon and southwestern Idaho. Relative

to this campaign, General Steele made the following

statement: "The hostile Indians have been pursued

so vigorously and oun Ished so severely during the

past year that an officer with ten or fifteen good men

might visit any ai>ot in this department with impunity."

It was further stated that the hostile Indians

11
would be exterminated "by the spring of 1868. This

feeling of security was felt at the Warn Springs Reserve.
In 1367, the Indian chief, We wawewa, robbed the reserve
of seventy-seven head oi horses. The agent stated that
the surrender of this chief would probably free the v;arm
Springs Reservation from the danger of attacks from the

Snake Indians who had been a constant source of loss and

12
fear from the beginning of the reserve.

On the Klamath Reservation in the spring of 1869,
there were the Klamath, the Walpat>i, and the Yahuskin band

Frederick Steele to J. B. Fry, Aug. 20, 1867,

Secretary of War, Annual Report, Nov. 1867 , (Serial 1324, Doc.
1) , p. 78.

Smith to Huntington, July 10, 1868, C.I. A., A.R. »
Nov. 23, 1868, p. 115.

. - •.

I *£B

397

of Snake Indians, and a part of the Modoc Indians. Trouble
with other bands of Snake Indians continued. In the fall
of 1369 , the superintendent stated that a large part of
the stock and equipment and employees of the reserve were
used during the year in the conflicts with hostile bands
of Snake Indians. At this time, three hundred of the
war party of the Snake Indians were collected at Camp
Warner. These were moved tD the reservation and located
at Cairo fainax on the Prague River forty miles from
the agency and ^laced under Lindsay AT>T>legate. This

was done because the Klamath Indians objected to the hostile

13
Indians being placed near the agency.

Frequent Indian outbreaks occurred in the
upper '/alley of the Snake River between 1857 and 1862
such as the attack u^on the Vanornan party. January 29,
1863, General Connor defeated the Shoshoni Indians, who
agreed to the terms of peace offered them. In addition

to providing to some extent for the Indians, the treaties

defined the boundaries claimed by the several groups. The

Heacham t~- the Commissioner of Indian Affairs,
Sept. 21, 1370, C.I. A., A . R . ^ Oct. 31, 1^70 , p. 67.

398^

Eastern Shoshoni wer« treated with at Fort Bridger, Utah.
July 2, 1863. Their territory included southeastern
Idaho, southwestern Wyoming, and a part of northeastern
Utah. The Northwestern Shoshoni made a treaty of peace,
July 30, 1863, at Box Elder, Utah, in which they "became
parties to the treaty with the Eastern Shoshoni. However,

when they were assigned to a reservation they were placed

14
with the Western Shoshoni on the Duck Valley Reserve.

The Western Shoshoni acc^ted the treaty of peace offered
them at Duck Valley, Nevada, October 1 , 1863. Their lands
as defined by the treaty included southwestern Idaho,
southeastern Oregon, northern and central Nevada, and a
part of northwestern Utah. They agreed to accept and

live on, a reservation whenever the President should deem

15
it advisable that they give up their nomadic life.

Governor Doty of Utah referred to these treaties
in his message, December 12, 1864, as follows: "These were

Kappler, Indian Affairs* Laws and Treaties, II, 845-
451; Royce, Indian Lam tatea. II, 828-

829.

Kappler, op. cit.^ II, 851-53; Royce, op. cit. t II,
828-29 .

399.

the first treaties ever made by the United States with
the bands of Shoshonea jand it is somewhat remarkable

that they have adhered to their stimulations with a fidelity

16
equal to that of most civilized nations."

But i>eace with the 3hoshoni was of short

duration. Trouble in the Owyhee country had necessitated
the sending of troops to that region in the summer of
1866. General Hufus Ingalls of the quartermasters Depart
ment arrived at Boise, July 24, 1866. Relative to the
Indian situation, he remarked: "The Indians, as usual , were
in a hostile state, and troops were being sent into the

Owyhee country." This event marked the beginning of the

17
campaign from 1866 to 1868 against the Snake Indians.

The inspector general of the army, commenting
on the Indiana on both sidts of the Rocky Mountains
at the beginning of the campaign against the 3nake Indians,
wrote July in, 1866:

The Bannocks, 3nakes , Pend d'Oreilles, ^latheade,
Crows, and Gros Ventres are all desirous to go on

Bancroft, Hiatory of Utah, o. G34 , note.

Rufus Ingalls to M. C. Meigs, Pec. 14, 1366,
Letter from, the Secretary of ttar... transmitting report of
ueneral In^alls's inspection made in 18^6 y Mar. 1. 1B67 ( Seri al
1293, Doc. Ill) , p. 7.

9*:J SO

400.

reservations; they hare been badly treated by the
whites and sadly neglected by the government. Most
of them have not received their annuities for years,
and are now in a deplorable starving condition. It
is the duty of the Indian department to see that
they are placed on proper reservations, and the
treaties heretofore made with most of then fully complied
with. Honest agents, if they can be found, should be
sent to them, to protect them in all their rights.
White men in these regions concede v Ty few rights
to the Indians. It is a great wonder the Indians,
having been so badly treated and neglected, have
behaved themselves so well. Had they misbehaved, they
would no doubt have received their annuities and presenta
long ago. 18

The Shoshoni peace treaties of 1863 were, in
beginning, looked upon as preliminary arrangements to
be followed by formal treaties. However, these were never
made, although Governor Lyon was instructed to make treaties
with the Indians of southern Idaho- which were the Brun^eau
and the Boise Shoshoni, in the vicinity of Boise; the
Shoshoni and Bannock, in the vicinity of Fort Hall; and the
Paiute and outlaw Shoshoni, of southeastern Idaho. In 1864,
Lyon was authorized to make a formal treaty with the Boise
Shoshoni on the basis of a preliminary agreement that he
had made with them. The treaty was made October 10, 1864.

18 i

D.jB. Sacket to the Adjutant General, July 18,

1866, Letter from the Secretary of War. . .transmitt ing information
respecting the protection of the routes across the continent
to the Pacific from molestation by hostile Indians, Dec. 27, 1866
(Serial 1288, Doc. 23), p. 50.

& jdOiec

401.

The Commissioner stated in 1866 that the only treaty

with Idaho Indians that had been received was the one with

the Boise Shoshoni, and that he had not submitted it

19
to Congress on account of the actions of Lyon.

Special agent, George C. Hough, stated, August
1 31 , 1866, that the organization of the Boise and the
Bruneau Shoshoni was not sufficient to justify the negotia
tion of formal treaties with them, but that their condition
had become deplorable due to the hostile Paiute and
the occupation of their fisheries and root grounds by
the settlers and that, therefore, they should be moved

to a reservation immediately, which could be done without

20
difficulty.

There were in the extreme southern part of
Idaho Territory two groups of Indians: The Bannock and
the Shoshoni, of the southeastern part of the terri toryJand
the Paiute and the outlaw Shoshoni, of southwestern Idaho.

Caleb Lyon to the Secretary of the Interior,
Sept, 20. 1365, C.I. A.. A.R. ^ Oct. 31, 1865, o. 234; The
Commissioner of Indian Affairs, Annual Rep or t^ Oct. 31, 1865,
p. 30. The Commissioner of Indian Affairs, Annual Report,
Oct. 22, 1866, p. 38.

G. C. Hough to D. W. Ballard, Aug. 31, 1866,
C.I. A., A.R. . Oct. 22, 1866, p. 189.

402.

The Indians of the southeast lived in ainall bands
scattered over a large area which made it almost impos
sible to make treaties with them. The superintendent
advised that they be moved to a reservation without the
negotiation of a formal treaty. The Indians of the
southeast had made the whole district dangerous for both
the friendly Indians and the whites. During the summer
of 1866, they had killed about one hundred Chinese,
and a number of whites. They not only infested southwestern
Idaho but also southeastern Oregon. It was against these
Indians that thirty-eight military parties were sent out

between October 1866 , and July 1868 with the avowed

21
ourpose of exterminating them.

The Establishment of the Fort Hall Reservation.--
Governor Ballard believed that the Indians of southern
Idaho should be gathered on one reservation, but that
formal treaties should not be made with them. He made
this recommendation to the government and the department
instructed him, October 1, 1866, to select a reserve.

Ballard to the Commissioner of Indian Af flairs,
Sent. 4, 1866, C.I.A. , A.R.> Oct. 22, 1866, p. 190.

403.

Ballard reported that the district in the vicinity
of Fort Hall would be suitable for these Indians, and
the reserve was set aside by the Executive Order of June
14, 1867. In August 1867, Ballard stated that he had
received no instructions relative to the establishment of
the Fort Hall Reservation. He believed that the Bannock
would move to the location and that there removal
would be beneficial because it would not only separate
them fro*n the whites but also from the hostile Snake
Indians. Also, if the reserve should be established, it

would give a place to locate the warring Snake Indians

22
after they had been conquered.

An agreement was made by the superintendent
with the Bannock, August 26, 1867, for their removal
to the .?ort Hall Reservation in the spring of 1868. They
agreed to surrender their claims to the lands between
the forty- second and the forty-fifth parallel of latitude,
and between the one hundred and thirteenth meridian and

Ballard to the Commi salon er of Indian Affairs,
Aug. 2, 1*67 1 C.I.A., A.R. . Nov. 15, 1367, p. 246.

404.

the summit of the Rocky Mountains. In return, they were

to receive all of the benefits that the government customarily

furnished to Indians living on a reservation under a

treaty. The Bannock were included in the treaty with the

Eastern ohoshoni of July 3, 1868. It was orovided that

the Bannock should be assigned to a reservation whenever

the President deemed it advisable. The ISxecutive Order

of July 30* 1869, stated that they should be located on

23
the Fort Hall Reservation. In 1868, the recommendations

were repeated that the Boise and the Bruneau Shoshoni be
moved to the Fort Hall Reservation, and that the hostile

Snake Indians be placed there upon the termination of

24
the Shoshoni War.

The Fort Hall Reservation was set aside

by the Executive Order of June 14, 1867, but no provision
was made for the location of the southern Idaho Indians

Kat>pler, op. cit. , II, 1020-24; Royce , op . ci t . ,
II. 850-51.

Ballard to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs,
Sept. 12, 1868, C.I. A., A.R.. Nov. 23, 1868. p. 96; Hough to
the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, Aug. 24, 1368, ibid. .
p. 200.

405.

upon the reserve until April 1869, when Charles ?. Powell
moved the Boise and the flruneau ohoshoni , and some of the
Bannock to the location, ^rior to July, almost all of
Tyghee's band had joined the reservation Indians, It
was recommended that an agreement be made with Pocatello's
band of Shoshoni for their removal to the reserve. When
the military agent took charge, July 31, 1869, a census
was taken of the Indians at the reservation which showed
that there were belonging to the location six hundred
Bannock, two hundred Boise Shoshoni, one hundred Bruneau
Shoshoni, and two hundred Western Shoshoni. These Indians
were without food or clothing. The agent recommended
an attDroTjriation of $75,000 for the stmr>ort of the
Indians during the winter of 1869-70. Thirty Boise Indians
left the reserve and returned to Boise, but were imried-
iately brought back to the reservation by the military
authorities. During 1870, some of the Indians remained on
I tie reserve while others would come in for their annuities
and then leave for distant hunting grounds. Tyghee's
band came to the location, June 1, 1870, and complained
loudly of the n:>n-fulf indent of the treaty. They were
given presents, and} August 26, 1870, they were preparing to

LIB

406.

go to the "Buffalo Country11 on the Yellowstone and in the
Wind River Mountains. Ho appropriations had been made
for the reservation, it bein^ supported by the general
funds of the auperin tendency* The superintendent recommended
September 10, 1870, that 150,000 be appropriated for

the subsistence of the Indians and the erection of

25
buildings.

The develOTment of the Fort Hall Reservati on
was started in the spring of 1869; buildings were erected
for the agency, seventy- two head of cattle were -ourchased,
and crops were planted which in the course of the summer
were consumed by the grasshoppers. However, the location
was deemed excellent for a reserve, there being ulonty

of fish and grazing land, as well as some good agricultural

26
tracts.

The mill machinery was purchased in the winter
of 1869-70 and was undoubtedly better than that at any

C. y. Powell to the CoTmissioner of Indian Affairs,
July 31, 1869, C.I.A., A.R.. Dec. 23, 1869, p. 286; W. H.
Danilson to Floyd Jones, Aug. 30, 1869, ibid. , p. 287; Jones to
the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, 3ept. 28, 1869, ibid. . p.
277; Danilson to Jones, Aug. 26, 1870, C.I. A., A.R. . Oct. 31,
1370, p. 187; Jones to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs,
Septi 10, 1870, ibid., p. 183.

Powell to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, July
31, 1869, C.I. A., A.R.. Dec. 23, 1869, p. 286.

, •• ; x -

•

407.

other location in the Pacific Northwest. August 30,
1869, the military agent recommended that a steam saw
be bought for the use of the reserve, and in the latter
part of September it was decided to install the following:
a stationery engine, a locomotive boiler, a circular
sawmill, a shinglemill , a flourmill, and a sraut Machine,
which cost 15,250. The importance of the railroads in the
development of the reservation was showi|by the rar>id
progress in installing this machin ry. The military agent
went to Chicago, September 23, 1860; the machinery was shipped,
Hovember 7; it was received at the reservation, December 15;
and was in operation, Janmary 12, 1370. The whole transaction
had thus occurred leas than four months. In the spring
of 1870, the Boise and the Bruneau Shoshoni worked at
agriculture with sufficient skill to cause the agent to
believe that they could till plots of their own the

following year. The CTOD of 1870 was a failure due to

27
the destruction wrought by the grasshoppers.

In the summer of 1870, the j?ort Hall military
post was established at the request of the Department of the
Interior for the rmroose of assisting in the control of the

Danilson to Jones, Aug. 26, 1870, C.I. A., A.R
Oct. 31. 1370, p. 183.

•

403.

Indians of Southern Idaho who had been located during
the previous year at the ?ort Hall Reservation. Plans

and estimate* for the fort were forwarded from Portland,

28
Oregon, August 22, 1870.

The campaign against the Snake Indiana which
began infthe summer of 1866 was completed in the sumrrer of
1868 with the surrender of about eight hundred Indians
to General Crook at Carar) Harney. Between October 1866
and July 1868 thirty-eight military parties had been sent
against the 3nake Indians. Relative to the peace, General
Crook wrote :

On the 1st of July, 1868, I met the principal
hostile Indians at Camp Harney, Oregon, and by authority
from the commanding general of the military division
of the Pacific I made peace with all the hostile
Indiana from the Humboldt, on the south, to Fort
Hall, on the north, they all acknowledging the one
chief, WeSah-wee-wah , leaving no hostile Indians within
the department or on its borders, except the Pitt
River Indiana, in California, and probably a few
scattering on*s between Nevada and the Three Forks
of the Owyhee. I was much pleased with the manner
and general bearing of the Indians I met at Harney,
and feel satisfied that with proper management by our
troops they will not willingly enter into hostilities

B. R. 3. Canby to the Adjutant General, Oct. 3,

1870, the Secretary of War, Annual ^eport^ Nov. 30, 1870 (Serial
1446, .HOC. 1), p. 57.

409.

29
with us again.

General Crook stated, October 4, 1369,
that no trouble had occurred with the Indians of the
interior to break the peace made in the fall of 1868:

Since that time the peace which was concluded
with the roving bands of hostile Indians, who had
been carrying on a predatory warfare through Idaho,
Nevada, California and this State for many years,
which took place at Camp Harney , in this State,
in July, last year, and which was followed in the
late fall by the surrender of all the smaller
bands which were not at first included in that
armiatice, has remained unbroken; settlers have
gone into heretofore inaccessible portions of the
country; the great thoroughfares have been crowd
ed with passengers, and neither have been inter
fered with by the late hostile Indians. 30

The conmander of the Military Department of
the Columbia, October 3, 1870, in commenting on the number
of troops in the department, slated: "It will probably
be sufficient for the future if, as there is reason
to hope they will, our relations with ths Indians should
remain in their present satisfactory condition." Froia
the time that the Indians were gathered at Camp Harney

until the end of the period under discussion, these

31
natives were under control of the military authorities.

Crook to Fry, Jet. 14, 1863, the Secretary of War,
Annual Report, Nov. 28, 1868 (Serial 1367, Doc. 1), np. 71 f.

Crook to W.)D. fchiDple, Oct. 4, 1869, the Secretary
of War, Annual Report, Hov. 20, 1869 (Serial 1412, Doc.l) , pp.
139 f.

410.

The Non-treaty Indians of Northeastern vVasnington.--
The Yakiraa Indian War prevented Isaac I. Stevens from
making treaties with the Indians north of the Uez Percys
and the Yakima. and west of the /lathead. These Indians,
the Coeur d'Alene, 3?>okanf Okinagan, Colville, and Pend
d'Oreille, had lived in peade with the fur traders and the
missionaries but objected to the settlement of their
country. They felt strong enough to prevent the occupation
of the region "by the whites "but found that they were
mistaken. After their defeat by Colonel Wright, they
made a peace treaty with General Haraey by which they
agreed to allow settlers to take up lanus in northeastern
Washington. From 1859 to 1865 these Indians were controlled
by the military commander at Fort Colville.

In the spring of 1864, Superintendent Hale
visited the Indians of the Jpokane country. He stated that

in the r-gion of the western branches of the Columbia

»
the Indians were unfriendly toward the United Spates

due t-> statements emanating from Victoria to the effect that

S. R. 3. Canby to the Adjutant CJenarul , Oct .1 , 1870,
the Secretary of ^ar , Annual Keport, Nov. 30, 1870tSerial 1446,
Doc. 1) , pp. 53 f .

tffl

411.

the Federal Government had broken up. It was planned
to hold a council with the Indians in the vicinity of
Fort Colville but ttu c d^fs failed to appear. Presents
were left i th the mi li Gary commander for late* distribu
tion. Hale reported th.it the i>pokan Indians did not wish
to raake a treaty but desired instruction in agriculture
and tbL- establishment of schools. In return for this
assistance, they were willing to allow the whites to travel
through their country, and to mine, but did not wish the
newdoiners to engage in grazing or agriculture. Hale
recommended that an igency be established at Port
Colville with a regular corps of officers to have

charge of all the Indians -if Washington Territory not

32
parties to treaties.

In 1865 , George A* Paige was sent as agent
to the ij^oknn country. He asserted that the majority
of the non- treaty Indians continued to onnose any treaty
which should include a cession of land, but some of the
more intelligent of the Indians were said to be in favor

7,2

C. H. Hale to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs,
Aug. 8, 1B64, C.I. A. » .A.R.^ HOV. 15, 1364, pp. 59 f.

•T«#

i*# r.

.cin

•

412

of such a treaty. It wao the or>infan of the agent that

when the full benefits were explained to these Indians that

33
there would be no difficulty in making a treaty.

Settlements were started in the Spokan

country in lr<68 and as a result a series of recommendations
were made advising a treaty and a reservation for the
Indians of the area. The sut>erin tendency of Washington
was represented in the region beginning in 1865. Presents
were made t -» the Indians; disputes airong the natives
were settled by the representative Agricultural pursuits
were encouraged, but without any marked results; and a
physician aided the Indians. Although there was little
to sho* in the way of tangible results, such as improve
ments, yet the oeace of the country was preserved.
Relative to the situation, the agent stated: "It affords
me unmixed satisfaction to bear witness to the successful

working and the acimirable results of the present conciliatory

34
policy throughout this wild and extensive region."

0. A. Paige to W. H. Waterman, Aug. 4, 1365,
C.I.A., A J* .^ Oct. 31^ 1365. p. 101.

Paige to McKenney, July 1, 1367, C.I. A., A.R^
Hov. 15, 1867 , p. 52.

•

413.
41

The settlement of the upjper Columbia Valley
began in the last three years of the decn.de 1860-70. July

1, 1867, the Indian agent stated that there were no aettle-

35
ments in the region. The following year, the complaint

was made that trie settlers were moving into the region

36
and taking the improvements of the Indians. In 1869 ,

the difficulties between the Indiana and the whites increased,
which the agent succeeded in settling amicably. Kot
only the miners iind settlers in increasing numbers were
a source of trouble but also the half-breed French who
would sell whiskey to the Indians in exchange for the
agricultural implements given the Indians by the depart
ment. The increase in settlement was due principally to

the whites moving into the country in anticipation of the

37
Northern ^acific Railroad.

The only solution that was offered for the
growing difficulties in the LSpokan country during the
period from 1368 to 1870 was the making of treaties with

Paige to ^eKenney, July 1, 1367, C.I. A., A.R..
Hov. 15, 1367, p. 52.

McKenney to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs,
Aug. 1868, C.I. A., A.R.i Hov. 23, 1868, p. 85.

King to Ross, 3ei>t. 1, 1869, C.I. A., A.R. • Dec. 23,
1869, t>. 95.

414

the Indians and the setting aside of a reservation. In
1866, ~>aige stated that the Spokan Indians were in favor
of a treaty, and that he had planned to hold a council

with the Uoper 3ookan in order to determine their

58
attitude coward a treaty. The agent recommended that a

reservation, be set aside west and south of old tfort

39
Colvile. 'resents were distributed to 926 Indians

on May 9, 1868. Some of them refused the gilts because they
feared that by receiving them they would surrender their
rights to the land. It was the opinion of the Indian
officials that the seizing of Indian improvements by
the settlers* made it absolutely necessary that some
provision be made for the Indians, This, it was believed,

could only be done by making treaties and giving the

40
natives a reservation. In 1869, the superintendent urged

that a treaty be made and a reservation set aside for

Paige to Waterman, Aug. 12, 1866, C.I. A., A.R..
Oct. 22, 1866, p. 72.

Paige tct McKenney, July 1, 1867, C.I. A., A.R. ,
Hov. 15, 1>67, p. 52.

McKenney to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs,
Aug. 1868, C.I. A., A .H . . Nov. 2* , 1368, p. 95.

(.;:

415

the twenty-eight hundred Indians of northeastern Washing
ton -Ji:it would include old Fort Colvile and the fisheries

at Kettle Falls. A reserve of about forty square miles

41
was suggested. September 1, 18 ~>9 , the agent advised that

a treaty be made with those Indians who were willing to
treaty trusting that those who objected to the treaty would
later accer>t it. He stated that the Kettle Palls fisheries
were a necessary part of the reservation because the Indiana

defended ut»on fish from that t>lace for about three-

42
fourths of their living. The military superintendent

recommended that a treaty, with provisions similar to
the one with the Yakima, be made with these Indians. A

reservation should be provided and the remainder of the

43
country thrown open to settlement.

On the basis of these recommendations, the
Commissioner of Indian Affairs proposed that an agent
be atroointed for the Spokane country and that a reserva
tion be set aside, but he did not advise that a treaty

tecKenney to the Commission or of Indian Affairs,
Aug. 11, 1B69, C.I. A., A.R.i Dec. 33, 1^69, D. 128.

King to Ross, 3et>t. 1, 1869, C.I. A., A.R.. Dec.
23, 1869, t>. 151.

Ross to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs,
Sept. 30, 1369, C.I. A., A.R.. Dec. 23 , 1869, ^. 134.

.g -^

416.

44
be made with these Indians.

The Hon- Treaty Indians of Northern Idaho •--
During the early sixties northern Idaho was a part of
the Washington superintendency "but after March 3, 1863,
the region was controlled toy the governor of Idaho,
who was ex-officio superintendent of Indian affairs.
In the fall of 1859, the Coewe d'Alfcne district was
under A. J. Cain, but tho real work among the Indians
was being done by the Jesuit missionaries. Cain report
ed that the Catholic mission was helping these

Indians by instructing them in agriculture and that

45
the country was in a peaceful condition.

Governor Lyon visited the Coeur d*Alene

country in September, 1864, and shortly afterwards recommend
ed that treaties be made with the Indians of northern
Idaho. Tie stated that the development of the region
was being retarded because many people would not enter
a district where the Indian title had not been extinguished.

The Commissioner of Indian Affairs, Annual Re nor t,
Dec. 23, 1369, op. 12 f.

Cain to Geary, Sept. 30, 1860, C.I. A., A.R. .
NOV. 30, 1860, o. 210.

rt* »ni

adtf

aw orfw

. •

^cf saw

"I * 8fl

•^ «X' ii«0

TOE

417

He advised tnat the agency be established at the Coeur
d'Alene mission and that the Jesuit fathers be olaced in
control of it. During 1865, Lyon was instructed to
make a treaty with the northern Idaho Indians "but instead
he departed for San Pranciaco, Ar>ril 21, 1866, le ving
few traces of money or official Dapers. The disat>pea ranee

The 3fea "Perc^ agent, James OfHeill, visited
the Coeur dVAlene district, August 5, 1866. Concerning
a proposal that the northern Idaho Indians be moved to
the ?lathead Reservation, he stated that there were
strong objections to such a t>lan; He advised that the
So oka n, Coewr d'Alene, Kutenai, and Pend d'Oreille be

placed on a reservation at the head of Hangman's

47
Creek. On August 2, 1367, the Idaho superintendent

recommended to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs that
a reserve be set aside in the northern part of the
territory. It was stated that the Spokan and the Coeur

Lyon to th<? Secretary of the Interior, Sept. 20,
1865, C.I. A., A..R*..* Oct. 31, 1865, T>. 232; The Commissioner
of Indian Affairs, Annual Report, Oct. 31, 1865, T>. 30.

Ballard to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs,
Sept. 4, 1366, C.I. A., A.R. . 190.

':;< fose.ivfca fr

>itt

'
•

418

d'Alene Indians desired a location, but that the

attitude of t/ie ^end d'Oreille and the Kutenai toward

48
a reservation was unknown.

government, following the recommendation
of 1366, set aside the Coeur d'Alene Reservation by
the Executive Order of Juna 14, 1^67. As late as 1370,
nothing h :d been done toward locating the Spokan, Pend
d'Oreille, Coeur d'Alene, and Kutenai on a reservation.
The agent believed that the extension of the Northern
Pacific Railroad into the country would necessitate

some provision for these Indians other than an unimproved

49
reserve .

Thus, between 1860 and 1870 the reservation

policy "baaed on treaties of cession was ^ut into effect in
all of the ^acific Northv/est, except in the Snake and
the 3t>okane country. In the case of the Snake country,
the reservation policy was adopted without treaties
of cession. In the Spokane country, a similar plan
was followed with the Coeunr d'Alene, and for the other

Ballard to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs,
Aug. 2, 1867, C.I. A., A.R.. Nov. 15, 1^67, p. 246; O'Heill
to Ballard, July 10, 1867 , ibid.. T>. 248.

«!.

• "I

419.

Indiana of the region a few years after the close of
the mriod under discussion. In this manner, the new
policy of not making formal treaties of cession had been
begun ir. the outlying districts of the Pacific northwest
prior to the passage of the Act, of March 3, 1^71, forbid
ding the making of further treaties with the Indians.
j£any recommendations from the Indian and
the Military service had been made during the sixties
advising against the making of further treaties with the
Indians. One of the strongest of these was made by
General Halleck, September 18, 1867, as follows:

Whatever may have been, or may now be, the
effect of our Indian system east of the Rocky mountains,
where the Indians are organized into large tribes
and governed by powerful chiefs, it has proved worse
than useless on thi s coast, where they live in
small bands, with no recognized and responsible head.
Jhe farce of Indian treaties should be entirely
abandoned, and these savages be taught that they
are not independent nations, but the subjects of
our government; and that, while tho/ are
amenable to our laws, they are entitled to receive
our protection.

It is useless to expect the whites and the

.iella t; th« Co'nniasiorior of Indira Affairs, .;e-?t
5, 1870, C.I. A., A .R . . Oct. 31, 1370, o. 184; Jones to the
Commissioner of Indian Affairs, ibid. , p. 1B1.

*fw

9&BC'-

420.

Indians to live together in peace. In
revenue f "<r savage barb ri ties , th^ frontiers
men kill the Indians, without regard to their
individual innocence or guilt. The military
are powerless to Drevent this, and the civil
courts will not ounish a white man for killing
an Indian. Consequently the Indians retaliate by
.lurcieririg innocent *hitos, *iuhout regard
to sex or age.

The onfcy way this murderous frontier war
can be terminated within a limited period, is
to remove the Indians to some large and well-defined
reservation 3, placed entirely under military
authority, and to exclude all white settlers
therefrom. It may take years to collect all the
tribal Indians ofl these reservations, but it can
be done in time, and thus remove both the cause
of, and the incentive to, Indian wars. 50

The Commissioner of Indian Affairs, in
his annual report for 1869, advised that "the treaty
system should be abandoned, nnd as soon as any just

method can be devised to accomplish it, existing treaties

51
should be abrogated."

It was due to such recommendations as the
above that CongreBS passed the following act, March 3,
1871.

HO Indian nation or tribe within the territory
of the United States shall be acknowledged or
redognized as an independent nation, tribe or power

H. W. HallecK to Townsend, 3ept. IB, 1R67, the
Secretary of war, Annual Report, Hov. 1867 (Serial 1324,
Doc. 1) , p. 74.

5ft

The Commissioner of Indian Affairs, Annual Report.
Dec. 23, 1869, p. 5.

•

*L&*ej

£•'.-
tf$

421

with whoia the United States ?r.ay contract by
treaty: but no obligation of uny treaty lawfully
made and ratified with any such Indians or
tribe prior to ^larch third, eighteen hundred
and seventy-one, shall be hereby invalidated
or imoaired. 52

Another change in policy was made in the
i«r of 1869 when the military agents took charge
of the reservations. They were instructed to
require the Indians attached to a reservation to live
upon it. All Indians who refused to obey this order

were to be considered under the direct charge of the military

53
authorities.

The areas set aside for Indian reservations
as accurately as could be determined in 1879 were:
western Oregon, 448 souare niles; western Washington, 521
square miles; the interior of the Pacific Northwest including
the Duck Valley and the wind River Shoahoni Reservations,
23,447 square niles; making a total of 24, 416 square miles.
Hot any of the reservations of the interior had been
completely surveyed by 1879. West of the Cascade Mountains,
the Siletz, the A;akah, and the Q,uinaielt Reservation, con-

er, Indian Affairs- Laws and Treaties, I, 15.

The Gomrnissi >ner of Indian Affairs, Annual Ue-oort,
Dec. 13, 1^69, T). 5.

422.

taining more than three fourths of the area set a. aide
for Indian -reservations v?est of the mountains, \vere
not completely surveyed by 1B79. This moans that the
figure given for this area ia not accurate but as
close as was known at that time.

The figures for Tjonulntion are also not
absolutely reliable. The estimates of the number of
Indians in the Pacific Northwest from 1850 to 1379 vary
between tv/erty-f ive and forty thousand. According to
the report of the Commissioner for 1879 there were :
2911 Indiana in western Oregon; 6765 in western v/aahington;
and 22 9 482 in the interior of the Pacific Northwest,
including the Eastern and the Western Shoshoni , which
makes a total of 32, 158 Indiana for whom was set aside
24,^416 square miles. In other words, as the situation

stood in 1879, the Federal government had set aside 480

54
acres for ev^ry Indian in the Pacific Northwest.

The Commissioner of Indian Affairs, Annual
Reoort. ifov. 1, 1879 (Serial 1910, Doc. 1), pp. 324-33.

nil

423

CHAPTER X
(MARY

The explorer* the fur trader, and the mission
ary blazed the trail into the Pacific Northwest urior to

1342. On the whole, their relations with the Indians

were of a friendly nature. There were isolated attacks but
few that had for their nuroose the expulsion of the
newcomer. There were two ;-ood reasons for this: first,
these nen cane in very small numbers and therefore created
no fear on thf; ^art of the Indians that the white nan would
interfere with the Indians means of existence; and second,
the wandering explorer and fur- trader furnished a market
for the Indian and supplied him with products very*
much desired, auch as; guns, oowder, bl; rink eta, and othor
less useful articles. One could not imagine the conflicts
betveen the Indians and whites in the Pacific Northwest
during the third quarter of the nineteenth century, if the

uil&nl »s -

424.

country had continued as a land of the fur trader, nor
is it nossible to picture under tho jc conditions any
extensive development of the natural resources of the
area. The aettienent of the country brought exploitation
of agricultural and then mining, resources, which, under
t e political organization of the oeriocl, resulted in
a aeries of armed conflicts for the possession of the
country. The outcome was nevor in doubt due to the super
ior organization and equipment that the aettler was
able to btfing to bear when an issue became clear cut.

In the neriod between 1842 and 1849, the
miasi marie s introduced the. settlers into the country
to the number of thirteen thousand. The missionary was
different from the fur trader and thr explorer in th t
he lived a more settled life and was inclined to experiment
in agriculture. ?or this reason, the missionary marks,
in a very real 3ense, the transition from the nomadic
to the settled, whi te ; and also, from occasional Indian
attacks unon Individuals to a -plan for the extermination
of all the settlers, as was shown by the Vtoitrnan Massacre,
November 30, 1 47.

Under the development possibilities of that day,
1842, almost all of the lands of the Mississippi Valley

4?5.

had been occupied. Hard times had brought the ever
recurring desire to rehabilitate ones condition in tho
West, and since the Southwest belonged to Mexico, there
was only one outlet, the Oregon country.

The first migration of one hundred farmers,
in 1842;led by Elijah V.hite, marked the advent of the
settler into the country. White, in addition to being
a missionary and leader of the first immigrant party, was
also In iian sub-agent for the United States Government
for the country west of the Hocky Mountains. His exper
ience gained as a missionary was thus an aid to the settler
in m economic way, and to the government in a political
situation.

This migration was supplemented by larger
inea in 1843, 1344, and 1845 until the population was so
largely American that the British agents, who were sent
to r oort on the situation, were convinced that it
would be impossible for their country to hold any of the
country south of the forty-ninth parallel.

The first provisional government for Oregon
was organized in the fall of 1B42 by the settlers when

426.

the British tind Americans \?ere equally few in numbers.
During the period of this organization, that is until
1845, Klijah white dealt with the Indian problems of the
region %itn some degree of success. It is true, however,
that settlements had not been made outside of the
Willamette Valley- with the exception of a few mission
stations- where tho Indians were not so docile as those
of the valley. Threatening conditions east of the Cascade
Mountains had caused White to hold councils with the
Mez Jeree', The dalles, and the Wallawalla Indians in the
winter of 1843 and the an ring >f 1 >43 with the result
that these Indians nromiaed not to molest white people
in the interior. Again in 1344, the Indians of the uoDer
country were angered against the whites and threatened to
attack then. white was able to persuade the Hex T>erce'
not to join with the Cayuse and in this manner prevented
an attack uoon the settlements in the Willamette Valley.
In the valley itself, it was the custom of the courts
to recognize White as having control over Indian ai'fairs.
In several instance s> t>ers ms convicted of crimes relating

•

-
.
.

427

to Indian affairs were handed over to White for
ounishiaent .

Coincident \vit<; the organization of the second
provisional government of Oregon, Whi te resigned his
position as sub- agent due to the smallness of T>ay and the
growing disregard for his authority among the ever increas
ing settlers. He -oointed out the danger of the existing
situation in which citizens were allowed to gn freely among
the Indiana remote from the settlements.

Between 1345 and 1849, Indian ai'fairs were con
ducted by members of the reorganized provisional govern
ment. Juring this period, there wera three important
Indian problems that the government had to face. The
first of these was the fear of wa£ with the British, and
the Indians as their allies. This largely disappeared
with the tre.-icy of 1846 which settled the question as to
owner shit) of the Pacific Northwest. The second was the
restlessness of tho • illamette Valley Indians due to the
raoid settlement of that region and the unfulfilled premises
Tiade by the setttera that the federal government would r>ay
the Indians for the lands arraropriated by the whites. The

rf ariew 8-ii.sll* cu:

third Y.HS the attacks ui)on the emigrant parties along the
trail from South "ass to the Willamette Valley, both by
way of the Columbia Hiver, and by way of southern Oregon.
The governor proposed that the provisional legislature
make an appropriation for ^resents for the Indians of
the Willamette valley, and also an appropriation for
an expedition to punish the Indians along the trails
west of the x^ocky Mountains. "i-~ht days before the
above ro commendation va.9 made the first attack occurred
which had at least a semblance of being an attempt to force
the 7.hite man from the country. This was the destruction
of the Whitman mission at Waiilatpu, November 30, 1B47.

The settlers of the Willamette Valley
fearing that the attack would spread to their region
took immediate steps to punish the Indians of the
interior. The campaign lasted from December 1847 until
July 1 '48 and failed in its purpose, that of getting
possession of tho^o Indians who had caused the destruction
of the mission. It was generally admitted, however,
that tV' n.ppenrancc of an armed force in th«? country
had had the effect of instilling into the Indians of the

-129

interior a degree of respect for the fighting .ability of the
white men that they had not gained from their encounters
with the somewhat dilapidated era i^ ran t trains, whuK they
had robbed at their leisure.

When the territorial government was established,
a regular Indian service was provided consisting of a
superintendent of Indian affairs and three sub-agents .
Governor Joseoh Lane successfully dealt with Indian dis
turbances extonding over the area from Puget 3ound to
Rogue reiver and from the Willamette Valley to the Walla
Walla country. His policy was th.-it of councils T>!US
presents, an 1 -nromises that the government would soon
-)ay tne Indiana for their lands. This to him was not
sufficient for he joined with Samuel Thurston, the
delegate to Congress from Oregon, in recommending that
all of the Indians west of the Cascade Mountains be
moved east of those mountains. Here was a very definite
Indian policy being somewhat similar to the policy that
had been Carried out in the country east of the Mississippi
River. In the cave of the Pacific Northwest, it *as
planned to move tie Indians to an ."Indian Country" east
of the Cascade Mountains. It is significant thit the
Act for the purchase from the Indians of the lands west

•"»!•*«>
•

of the Cascade fountains was passed r>rior to the Law
granting Ian 1^ t the settlers, known as the "Donation
Act." 3iis ahov-ed that it was the purpose of the
government : first, to extinguish the Indian title by
complete removal; second, to survey the lands of western
Oregon; and third, to grant these lands to the settlers.
It so haooened th '; the order be cane conpfeetely reversed.
The lands were take', uo, then surveyed, and final-ly the
Indian title was extinguished. This reversal of the
order that experience had taught was just and proper
caused «n endless amount of trouble.

In order to carry out the Indian oolicy, Congreaa
appropriated 340,000, provided for a superintendent and
three agonta, and a commission of three men to treat with
the Indi-ms. The treaty cornriissiori made six treaties with
the Indiana of the Willamette Valley which did not orovide
for thoir removal. The Commission had been abolished
February 27, 1851, ->rior to the making of the treaties>
April, 1151. The Senate did not a«e fit to ratify these
tre-itiea. The duties of snaking treaties was trariaf erred
to the superintendent, Anaon .")«irt, v/ho continued the oolicy,

>nffT

431.

in the making thirteen treaties with Indians along the
wacific Coast, of allowing the Indians to remain among
t'ie settlements. These were made in the fall of 1851.
By the fall of 1852, it was definitely known that the
Genate did not intend to ratify these treaties as they
did not provide for the removal of the Indians or for the
segregation of the Indiana from the v*hi te settlements.
It was also said that the sums allowed the Indians for
their lands were entirely too large, that the area purchased
was small, and that the tribes Yrft-rc insignificant . The
failure of this DOlicy had the effect of delaying the
purchase of the Indian title.

In addition to the making of treaties, Anson
Dart continued the policy of holding councils vith the
Indiana of th« interior when rumors of trouble existed.
His first c nmcil was held at The Bailee, June '-., 1 51 .
The Indiansjcomolained because their land* were being
taken without oay, and because of tho plang to move the
-western Indians into their country. Their fears were
quieted cy r>r , iises of Day and oro^ises that the western
Indians would not be moved east of the mountains. Presents

432

were used to allay the disturbed condition. Councils
were also held with the Cayuse and the Nex Perce' -with
feasts rmid for by the superintendent and the exchange
of expressions of friendshi-o. Anson ])art was loud in
T>rai se of the success of his work in the management
of Indian affairs. He felt that it had only been marred
by the failure of Congress to ratify his treaties, and
by a number of small outbreaks in the Rogue River country.

The credit for for ulating the reservation Dolicy
for the Pac.ific northwest belongs to Jo^l Palmer, Dart's
successor, lie coniemed the treaties of the commission
and of Dart as useless because they did not provide for
the segregation of the Indians from the settlements. On
the other hand, he considered it impossible to move the
Indians to the region east of the Cascade fountains. His
annual reoort for 1B53 which was received by the Commissioner
of Indian Affairs too late to nublish with the report
for 1853, and which has, as far as I know, never been
published, outlined the nolicy which he believed that the
government should follow in relation to the Indians of
Oregon Territory, which at this tine included the country

433

south of the Columbia 7iver and the forty-sixth narallel
of latitude to the suinnit of the Hocky Mountains. The
plan was to grant to the Indians a nortion of their own
lam B as a ir manent reservation and in return for the
cession of the lands claimed by the particular tribe
they were to receive aid from the government for a period
of years- usually twenty- at the end of which tine they
werr expected t ; be self- supporting on their reservation,
th~ transition from nomadic to agricultural life having
been Trade in this way.

The CoTrjr,issiorier accented the solution of the
Indian -Droblen as proposed by Calmer in a recommendation
to the effect that treaties "be made along these lines,
in his annual resort, November 26, 1^53; and furtner
urged t/int the oolicy be carried out in a special report,
February 6, 18 b4. Au a result, Congress a^nroprittted
funds for making tre ties, July 31, 1354. This reservation
policy was concurred in not only by the ngents of the
Oregon su-o f3rin tendency , J. L. Parrish and R. R. Thompson
but also by Governor Stevens who had charge of Indian
affairs in the Territory of '.Vauhington* It was so arranged
that where the Indians lived in both territories the two
superintendents should act jointly in treating with them.
The T>lan was of larger scor>e thaa the earlier attempt to

434.

solve the Indian nroblern in that it included all of
the "-.'acific North, '/eat. This showed a changed attitude
toward the ultimate destiny of the country east of the
Cascade Mountains. The policy seems simple but the
difficulties in the v,ay of its complete realization were

During 1853 , Calmer Dressed the demand

upon the Indian department for a definite -nolicy which
resulted in the arrsropriations for treaties with full
discretion left to hiri an to the form that thene should
take. In September of 1853, he had -lado two treaties with
Indiana of the upner Rogue River and Cow Creek after they
had been defeated by jvn armed force. This was prior to
the aclo-otion by the ^o /eminent of the policy as developed
by 'aimer. The important fact is that they were later
ratified by the 5en:«te nnci thus beca'.ie the first treaties
providing for cesai-ma of lamis by Indians to the United
States i :- the Pacific northwest. Jho Ian lg ceded included
the "log-;e River Canyon with the Siskiyou Mountains to the
south and the Umpoua -lountains to the north, and the
famous Cow Creek Canyon. i'heee two canyons with an
almost inf initeamal amount of ";irr.iin£ lands became the
first ceaaians due to; conflicts >^ th«* fen settlers, the
mining population, and the constant travel to California.

•~:tQ IU5 illl 3YlO*

435.

The Indians were -:\iven a l s.ry reserve at Table

Heck wit i the understanding th»t other Indians might be
sent there and also that this reserve might be exe}mnged
for another- the idea being that it might be possible
to gather ail the Indians on one reservation either in the
country weat of tne Coast Range, or in the neighborhood
of Klamatn. Lake. In return for the cession, the Indians
were t > receive £;overn:i<*nt aid in five p^r cent annuities
and also in assistance of a medical, educational, and
ag ri cul tu r al n; i vU re .

After Palmer arid Stevens received information
that Congrts ; i td made the at>t>ropriaTiion8 neceasary for
the making of the treaties, they began immediately to negotiate
for tl', cession of the lands west of the Cascade Mountains
in Washington and Oregon Territories. In Oregon, Palm* r
made a treaty, November 18, I^b4 , with the Ghasta Indiana
who lived in the middle Hogue Hiver Valley, which included
a cession and an agreement that theue Indians ?<oulcpove
to the Table Rock Reserve. A fe\»- weeks later, November 29,
1854, he made a treaty with the • rcr)qua and Kal&rmya Indians
of the middle Umr>qua /alley for the cession of that area.
They were assigned to a temv>o ary reserve, the t)lan being to
make their ^enianent reserve t- th<? weat of the C0ast Han e

.V.8JB 91 3 W

436

on lands at th .t time not yet ceded by the Coast Indians.
The whole of the V.illamette Valley was purchased from the
various rennants of bands unaer the titlo of the Confederated
Bands of th o illarnette Valley. The Indiana were to be
given a temporary reserve in the Yamhill country on the
eastern side of the Coast Range. The three treaties above
named and the tv;o rna.de before the authorization of the
making of treaties b^ Congress, were ratified by the Senate
Drior t * the outbreak of the Yakima Indian War which
prevented the ivxtifi cation of the other treaties made by
Palmer and Jtovena, except in the caso of the treaty with
the Indians of the southern v>art ->f the Puget 3ound
country.

Stevens beran ma! ing treaties for the *

purchase of the Indian title to the lancis of ^uget Sound,
December 26, 1854, at about the saT-e time t
resumed his work in southwestern Oregon. The first treaty
included the cession of the lands of a -TU thorn Puget oound.
The ?uyalluT> Reservation nas the rno^t important of the
several reservations allowed by the treaty. As mentioned
above, this treaty, known as brie treaty of Medicine Creek,
was the only me of the otevens treaties which was ratified
before the Yakima Indian V.ar, the ratification of the
remainder being Dont^onsd until -u-arch 1859. The treaty of

437

Point Elliott was made, January 22, 1855, *ith the Indians
of the eastern ^uget 3ounu region. The Drincivml reserva
tion was the Tulalip, wluch was nrono^ed aa a central
agency, the ^lan being at some future date to concentrate
all the Indian of the Puget oound region at this -olrice.
The treaty of Point-no-Point , January 26, 1855, included
all the 1 M.ndc on the western side of juget Sound, consist
ing of nb :ut to thirds of the Olympic Peninsula, a
reservation being set aside at the head of Hood Canal.
The l*eah Bay treaty was made with the iiakah Indians,
January 31, 1355, for a sr.all area in the vicinity of
Case :?1 a 1 1 o ry . A reserv.ition v,as set aside n« ar the?
cat>e. .-\n at tent) t w?,s made t ; make a -ith the

Chenalis Indians of southwestern V/ashington out they refused
to sell their lands.

Af ter otevens f.md Palmer had rmde their
treaties in the ^u^et iiound country and western Oregon,
respectively, in the winter of 1854^55, they joined
in the summer of 1855 in making a grand- treaty of three
parts for the cession of a large part of eastern Oregon

Washington. These were: the Yakirau; the Cayuae,
Wallawalla, and Utaatilla; .and the Jtez Pierc/. Three
lar^e r^3ervati ona of v^ry ^ood landa fsere set a^art
by the Treaty of Walla Walla, namely: the fakima, in Lho
3imcoe Valley; the Itfez Perce, in the Clearwater Valley; and

438.

the Umatillu, in thr> Urv tilla Valley, It was only after
a great cieul of • >ion that the Indiana agreed to

aign the treaty. -i-y persons believed this treaty to
be the cause of t/ie /akij/ia Indian V,'ar which followed in
October of the s&ag year.

Two more treaties were made by Stevens. The
country making un the ^acific side of the Olympic Peninsula
was ceded, July 1, 18E»r>, .and a reserve set aside at the
mouth of trio ^uinaielt Hiver. The other treaty was rr.ade
at Hellg'ite, July 16, 1855, witr* the i*lathead and other
Indiana for trie cea^ion of the area between the Bitter
Hoot uountaina /tiiu the main ridge of the Rocky fountains.
A reservation naa provided near ?lathead T>ake, The
desire of the Indians for an additional reaerv-ition in
the fitter Root Valley, ms 1 rr For 'later settlorr.ent.

Paljner also made severoA treaties after the
Treaty of \Valla Walla. The firat ->f theae was v/ith
the Indians of Oregon alone ^ie Columbia un<ler the title
of the Confederated Bands of isii«j<ile Oregon. They ceded,
Juno >:^, 1:1 .:>5, the aroa bo'i: on tne north by tho Yakima

ceasion, on t. . -y the wall awalla . , anci on the WCBt

by the cession of the Confederated Bands of the Willamette

439.

Valley, and the south by tho onake country. The Viarm
Spring.5 reserve was set aside for these Indians. After
the return of Palmer to the illanette Valley, he made
treaties, August 11 and September 8, 1355, with the Indians
of the Oregon Coast, for the cession of all the lands west
I of the su nit of the Coast Range, A reservation was pro
vided of the lands directly west of the Willamette Valley,
with the understanding that all the Indians of western
Oregon would be concentrated on this reservation. Tae last
of tho treaties of 1855 was made by Palmer with the Molala
Indians, December 21, 1855, by which they ceded the lands
of the ut>ner ITmr>qua Valley, and agreed to move to the
Yamhill encampment which, in 1857, became the Grande Ronde
Reservation.

Various causes were given for the Indian war started
by the Yakima Indians in October 1855 in which they attempted-
to get the au^oort of all the Indians both of the interior
and west of the Cascade Mountains. Some said that it was
caused by the treaties; some, by rumors that Haller, among the
Shoshoni. and Stevens among the Blackfeet, had been killed;
while others said that the treaties acted as a preventive
and made possible the failure of the Yakima Dlan of
getting all the Indians to attack the settlers. The
truth seems to be that all of those operated but that
the underlying cause was the settlement of the interior,

a $

o feebly

440.

particularly from 1853 to 1B55. It was to be expected
that the jcnate would not ratify the treaties while the
Indian ~n,r lasted. I'hat meant a general postponement of
the purchase of the Indian title for three years while
the or >cesD of taking u o the lands continued vreat of
the Cascade noun tains, and while the lan^e east of the
Cascade .loun tains v.-ere closed to settlement.

l"n October of 1B55, the only permanent reserves
re re those e^ /mooted with the ^edicine Creel: treaty and these
had not been put into operation. Efforts were being made
by t.ie 'akirna and the Klikitat to get the assistance of
all the other Indians in their plan for the extermination
of tho settlers. Obviously, then, the Indian suDerintendents
must do everything in their noY/er to keet> the Indians
friend!/ v;ho a.-id not joined the Yakima. In order to accom
plish this, encampments of friendly Indi-ma were established

fh< P , one at the Cascades, one at Fort Vanc>uver,

on? nt trie Cowlitz Hivcr, and ono on the Qiehalis Hiver.
The^e ,ade u^ the Columbia Hiver district, th» region where
the Indians were noot likely to join the hostiles. Another
area was th .t of °uget 3ouno. Curing the winter of 1B55-56,
the Indians i^ade a number of attacks on the settlers. The
encampment nlan here was ao^lied principally to those Indians

441.

living along the eastern aide of the ,]ound. The Indians from
the okagit River as far south as Tacoma wero moved to the
wester:, aide of the Jound t Port Itadison, Fox Island, Squaxon
Island, Oenn Cove, and Holmes Harbor. The other Indians of the
Puget Sound area were considered too distant from the Yakima
region to be dangerously affected. Local agents, however, were
anointed to look after the various tribes of the Pugnt Sound
country.

In western Oregon, the encampments were of a more
important and T>ormanent nature. The Indians of the Willamette,
the ur>-ner Rogue River, and the uooer VrnDqua Valley were c n-
centr ted near I/ay ton, Oregon. Ko reservation had been nro-
vided in the treaties with these Indians, encashments having
been nstabliahed at tho time the treaties were made. In the
winter of 1355-56, they were located at the Yamhill encampment
wnich later became the Grande Ronde Reservation. This was
officially set aside by the Executive Order of June 30, l'?57.

The Indians of the Oregon Coast south of the TJmoqua
River made a very determined resistance in the winter of 1855-56
with the result that they were completely defeated. They were
collected at ?ort Orford and moved to the Coast Reservation
during the sunder of 1856. This reserve had been officially
set aside by the Executive Order of November 9, 1855.

East of The Dalles, Colonel V. right conducted a
campaign into the fakin.a country in the summer of 1856 which
resulted in driving the hostile Indians out of that region, and

3191T £91 A :

".'•**

S$SSW

-: ^n*^

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nsi*r
arwsibiil •Ifi i^ 5i0

442.

the continuation of hostilities north of the Columbia River.
Governor otevens believed that ; right's policy of not crush
ing the Indians simply oostponed indefinitely the solution of
the Indian oroblein, as veil as the settling of the interior.
Stevens also believed that the Indians of the interior, par
ticularly the Eez Perec's, planned to join the hostile party
in the summer of IB 56 and were only prevented from doing the
sane b/ a comnany of volunteers whom he sent into the country.

The financial problem was an important one during
this oeriod when a great many Indians were restricted to en-
cann>ments. No reservations had been stablished that vere in
any degree self -aurriort ing . The result waa that for a period
of about four years the Indians had to be supported without the
assistance of the funds that would have been at hand if the
treaties had been ratified. Stevens asked for ?15,000, per
month, to date from November 1855. The Commissioner seated
that the government h.-id never adopted the i>olicy of support
ing the Indians. The reply was that it would be necessary
either to feed the friendly Indians at encampments or fight
them among the settlements. The result of the controversy was
that the superintendents were ordered to continue the encamp
ments and Congress made its first large appropriation for Indian
affairs in the Pacific Northwest, April 5, 1856, which amounted
to <)300,000.

443.

The Indian oituati >n came to a crisis *rhen Lieu
tenant Colonel oteptoe conducted a military expedition into
the ot>okane country in l^ay 1B58 and met with defeat. A larger
force Y.as led against these hostile Indians in September by
Colonel \Vright who conquered them. This battle ended the re
sistance of the Yakiraa and their allies and made nossible a new
effort to solve the Indian problem.

The questions that arose were the following: Should
the treaties made by Stevens and Palmer be ratified; or should
new treaties be made with the Indiana; or should all of the
Pacific Northwest between the Cascade Mountains and the Rocky
Mountains be declared an * Indian Country"? The suTV>orters of
the latter idea were the military officers. General V/ool claimed,
on the basis of the report of the topographical engineer, th^.t
the country was worthless for white settlements. Colonel \vright
held that the Indians could not support themselves without the
use of the whole country cast of the Cascade fountains. In case
the interior was not declared an "Indian Country^ the military
officials recommended the making of new treaties on the ground
that the Indians were violently opposed to the Stevens- Calmer
treaties. Superintendent Nesmith waa of the opinion that the
Indians must first be crushed, and then the treaties ^ut into
effect. General Cl :trke at first oooosed the ratification of the
treaties but by the latter part of I;i58 he expressed the belief

oil

444.

that it was the "best method of aealing witn the situation.
T:>robably the mo:>t important individual who exerted himself
to bring about the ratification of the treaties was .Stevens,
who became the delegate to Congress from Washington Territory
in the spring of IB 57. He brought to bear all the influence
Dosaible in favor of the ratification of the treaties imme
diately after Wright's ca i*>aign in oentember 1858. As a r suit
of these recommendations, the delayed treaties were ratified,
Inarch 8, 1<H59, exceot the ones with the Coast Indians of Oregon,
which, aa has been seen, were put into operation as far as the
reservation and the cessions were concerned, by the Executive Order
of November 9, 1855, but the failure to ratify the treaty
caused a great deal of difficulty on the Coast Reservation, on
account of the 1 ck of funds to develop the location. this
situation was further eo <r>licated by the fact that sone of the
Rogue River Indians were ^laced on the reservation who had ra
tified treaties with the government. The result vaa th-;t the
Coast Indians, who, in general, had subrai Ltecl peaceably to re
moval from their native haunts to the reservation, were without
aid from the government; while the Hogue River Indians, who had
fought to the last ditch, were receiving aid and annuities.

Although the treaties were ratified in 24arch 1859,
Congress made no aoT>roT>riations for their execution until the
soring of 1860. There were a number of reasons for the slow
development of the reservations, during the decade from 1860 to

rt e rriw

445.

1870. The payment of officials, annuities, and expenses in
depreciated pai>er money decreased by about fifty per-cent
the funds orovided for the eatablishment of the reservations.
The decrease in salaries made it difficult to nrocure and
keeo co,.->etent agents. It may be by chance, but the fact
remains th-.t the 1.1 wt successful reserves were those where
the agents continued in charge over a period of years, as in
the case of ;imoson at Siletz; *"inkbonner at Lumzni ; Barnhart
at Umatilla; and Wilbur at Yakima.

Another cause of trouble was the tendency of a
part of the o emulation to disregard the rights of the Indians
by encroachments on the reservations. In 1370, the military
superintendent denounced the squatters on Indian reservations
in the ^uget Sound country witia a touch of local color. He
said: HI verily believe that were the snow crowned summits
of Mount Rainier set a^oart as an Indian reservation, white men
would immediately commence "jumping* them."

In western Oregon, the Indians h id been gathered
on two adjoining reserves, the oiletz and the Grande Ronde .
There were a number of vagabond Indians scattered through
western Oregon but they were not important, only in so far as
it was the general oolicy to put them on the reserves when
ooasible, without any exoonse, which was not very often true.
The land of the Grande Ronde Reserve waa ^oor and th amronria-
tions small. At the beginning of an agent's terra of office,
he would usually re >ort that the conditions were deplorable; and
at the end; that they were very good. After fifteen years of

•

i w 4 !•
^•v 8.3W

446.

development , there were si^ns th?-.t the condition of th" Indians?
was beginning to improve. This was brought about through the
assigning of stock and lands to the heads of '"ami lies, which
encouraged them to work. _' ,e result was that in 1370 there
were many self-su^orting Indiana on the reserve.

The Siletz Reservation and the Alsea Sub-
age nc.r- '.the latt :r bein^* located on the southern wart of the
original Coast Reservation- were hindered in their deveioT»ent by
the absence of funds due to the fact that the Coast treaties
were not ratified. The reserve was divided into two parts by
the throwing oncri to aettlenent of the Yaquina Bay region by
the Executive Order of December SI, 1B65. This was the second
reduction in the aroa set naide for Indian Reservations in the
"^acific northwest; The wor'r of Agent Simpson, over a neriod
of years, soeins to have borne fruit for the reoorts of the later
sixties Tsrere very favorible. By the end of the period, some
of the Indians were beginning to nake noney by the sale of rwr-
?)lU3 products.

In western Washington, eleven reservations were
provided by the treaties; and one by the Executive Order of
July 8, IB 31, for the Chehalis Indians who had refused to make
a tre ty. The difficulty of clearing the land at the majority
of the reservations in this region made it impossible to sut>-
r>ort the Indians at the locations. They were, therefore, in
-eneral , allowed to scatter among the settlements, which retarded

• ' ' .

•

>fl*«.

447.

the establishment of the reserves. The only locations where
there was any m irked advancement were at the Lumroi Reservation
under C.|C. /inkbonner and at the Tulalip Reservation .jchool under
father Chirouse, although in the cane of all of the reserves,
except the 5winominh, ^ort Madison, .?,1ucklnshodt , and Nisqually,
a beginning of permanent value was made.

TSast of the Cascade .ountaino and south of the

Columbia Hiv^r, there stretches eastward to the P.ocky Mountains
a vast rogion known as the Snake country. 3orae of the Indians
of this *iroa in tho twenties had been quite bothersome and even
danger ms, while the western bands were considered quite harmless.
The • gre*t extent of their country and the ease with vhich they
plundered the emigrant trains had resulted in their becoming
quite formidable. Long lists of attacks by them were reported
to tho government. After the mining advrjice into the Canyon
City district and the Malheur and the Owyhee Valley, outrages
became more frcnuent. It was not only the miners and the
emigrant trains that suffered, but also the settlements and the
Indian reservations on the borders of this great Snake country.

The first reservation to be established on the edge
of this area was the Warm Springs Reserve, to which tho Indians
in the? vicinity of The Dalles wer^ moved nrior to the ratification
of the treaty which set it aside. However, little was accor. iliahed
prior t^ 1100. he location, about seventy-five miles south
of The Dalles, was ideal in one respect, its perfect isolation,

TO.

448.

out this isolation, combined with an elevation of some four
thousand feet, made the agricultural development very dif
ficult. The result was that the Indians during the p- riod
were dependent in large measure on the fisheries of the
Columbia River for their subsistence. The attacka by tue
Snake Indiana wfare constant until t:ie government took u -> the
task of uefeating these Indians i a what was known as the
Shoshoni Indian War which ended in July 1868. In 1870, the
reservation had been receiving appropriations for ten years
and was far from a self-supporting Indian community.

The treaty with the Klamath , Kodoc, ana the

Yahuskin 3nake, October 11, 1864; and with the Yvalpapi Snake,
Aug. 12, 1865, were the only treaties made after the >tevens-
Palrcer treaties, and the last formal treaties of cession made
rith Indiana in the Pacific Korthv.eat. The Klamath Reservation
was set aside for those Indians of the southwestern part of
the ijnake country. The officials, at the end of the Tjeriod,
concluded that the location could only suuoort the Indians
through stock raising. Trouble with the Snake Indians was
continuous. Also there was difficulty with a -Hart of the
LSodoc who refused t:i live on the reservation.

The Um;j.tilla Reservation suffered from numerous
squatters. The location on the Oregon Trail ana the fact that
a large oart of the good land of the vicinity was included with
in the reserve cauaedd continual friction with the whites. The

•

. SI:

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'

•

snail

8SW

e^sn:

100

sit

449.

influx of population during and after the Civil War had its
effect. Congress was memorialized for the removal of the
Indiana to ;*,orae othor locality, th-xt of the semi-deisert
southeastern Oregon being suggested as a suitable olace. A
co^ isoion was at^ointed to persuade the Indians to accept
certain terms f ^r the surrender of the reserve but the work
of the ccrrinisaion ended in complete failure. The Umatilla
Reservation was one of the few locations that was a success
from an agricultural noint of view. It suffered to some
extent fro.i attacks by the iinake Indians but not as in the
case if the 'A'ann Springs Reservation.

The Yakima Reservation seemed to develop in a very
satisfactory manner. The Inn Us were good and easily cleared
which made possible fine crops that encouraged the Indians.
There T/MS no trouble during the period from the intrusion of
settlors. By the end of the period, a number of Indiana had
located on the reserve and were fast becoming an agricultu al

The greatest disregard of a reservation in the
Pacific Northv/est was in the case of the N«z Perc£ Reserve.
This was caused by a big mining rush, uillions were taken
from the reservation and the surrounding country in tho early
sixties. A number of attempts were made to adjust the matter.
In 1861, an agree .en t was • iade which allowed minine; bi?t not
agriculture on the north rn n; ,rt of the Ne« Perec Reserve.

•

.
.

ciijj^

to eno SBW aoJt?*TCft*ft&

.
.

•

/At.

•

'
'

450.

This provision proved a failure and a supplementary tr-'- ty
was made for the reduction of the reserve from 10,000 square
miles to 1485. This tre .t/ was n >t r tified until 1-367 caus
ing delay in carrying out the treaty and increased discontent
among the Indiana. Only toward the end of the period was there
any agricultural develor* ent vorthy of the name.

The tflathead Reservation was also affected by the
mining rush of the early sixties. The reserve was a failure
from the noint of view of agriculture at the end of the Tcriod.
The settlement of the Bitter Root Valley caused trouble bo-
cause tun "?l-:tthead Indians claimed that area as an additional
reaorve. At the end of the t>eriod the question was unsettled.
The authorities advised that the Indians be naid for their im
provements in the valley and be moved to the Jocko Reserve,
giving a title to those who had developed lands in the valley
and desired to renairi.

In the case of the Fort Hall Reservation , the new
oolicy of making agreements with the Indiana for their removal
to a reserve was adopted. The reserve was set anide by the
Executive Order of June 14, 1^67, and the Bannock r.nti the
Shoshoni were gathered there in 1B69. One of the difficulties
in this system was getting Congress to make appropriations for
the dpveloor;ont of the reserve. As there was no trer:ty, Congrei
was not bound to make appropriations. The first year )75,000
was asked but without result. The second year the estimate
was reduced to '-50,000 with a similar outcome.

451.

The tjpokane country remained n region which the
government had not taken ^09 session of p.t the end of the
period under discussion. The demand, however, thn.t the region
be opened to settlement became very strong after 1868 with the
coming 9? the settlers who were exTjetJting the Northern Pacific
Hail road. The government did *n»4 take -nossession of the country
in 1872 arid set aside n rennrve for tho Indiana,

Two changes in policy were wade in the later

sixties; one of them hr.-d been in orv: ration several years- before
it was given final form by an Act of Congreos; tho other was
not enforced generally. The first of these was the decision
ution the part of the government that no more formal treaties of
cession should be made with Indians. The second was the ruling
of the Con isai oner that all of the Indians attached to a
reservation muut live on the reserve.

There were three problems which conditioned the
degree of success of a reservation before 1070 and would
determine its success after that date. These were the -oroper
control of trie Indians , the successful development of the
resources of the location, and the estnblishnent of manual
labor boarding schools for the instruction of the Indian
chilaren.

452.

0? OTBO&ITXSd CITT;I>

PRIMARY SOURCES
United States Government Publications

"Indian Appropriation Bill," Mar. 24, 1B54, 33 Cong.,

1 oes8., Congre s si onal Globe t n . 744.

Congress Joint Committee Ke^ort

"Condition of the Indian Tribes- Report of joint special
coruiittee aTooin ted. . . March 3, 1865/' Jan. '?6 , 1-1367,
Appendix, 3ub-reoort of Hon. J. W. Nesmith, 39 Cong.,

2 3es3. (Serial 1279, Uoc. 156), Sena t e _ . te T>O r t a .

Congrc»3 Senate

Joi^rnal of tho Executive ? Proceed. \ng a of the vienale of the
United States. 13 vols. , vola. 4-16 incl., Mar. 4,
1829 - liar. 3, 1369.. Washington, 1887.

Congre 33 -jenate Committee Rooorts

"Heoprt of the committee to whom was referred the memorial of
"eorge Barrell... praying the confirmation of their
title to certain landa purchased of the Indian tribes
in 1791, on tho northwest of America. « .," Aug. 11, 1B62.
32 Cong., 1 Seas. (Serial 631, Doc. 335), Senate Reports,

Interior Je-a a r 'orient Secretary

Annual Keport^ 1349-1870. Washington, 1849-1870.

* Communication B from the Secretary of the Interior and the
Coriniaaioner of Indian Affairs. . .re dommending certain
appropriations for the Inaian service... ," i?eb. 9,
1354, 33 Cong., 1 3e3s. (Serial 69B , Doc. 34), 3enate

^Letter from the Secretary of the Interior transmitting a

renort fror, tue Corrjnisaionrr of Indian /vf fairs recommend-
in,: thn speedy riaking of trentieo with the Indian tribes
of the Territories of Oregon and Washington^* tfeb. 9,
1854, 33 Cong., 1 ieGs. (Serial 721, Doc. r-5) , House Ex.
Docs.

453.

"Letter addressed to the Committee on Indian Affairs,

transmitting and explaining estimates for Indian an-
ttro7>riatisnsf " Feb. 17, 1354, 33 Cong. 1 oess. (Aerial
741, Doc. 33), House via. Docs.

"Letter from the Secretary of the Interior transmitting sup-
elemental estimates for the Indian service in Califor
nia, 'Jexas, and several of the distant territories."
Jan. 16, 1-57. 34 Cong,, 3 Seas, (aerial 899, Doc. 37),
House TX. Docs.

"Letter fron the Secretary of the Interior transmitting...

the report of J. Ross Browne on the subject of the Indian
ivnr in Oregon and Wasmingtor> .territories." Jan. 25, 1858
35 CorK., 1 Sess. (Serial 955, Doc. 38), Houae 73x« Docs.

"Letter frorr the Secretary of the Interior transmitting. ..
the rer>ort of J . Hosa Browne, special agent, on the sub
ject of Indian Affairs in the Territory of Oregon and

3)1 ing ton," .Tan. '.17) t 1158. 35 Cong., 1 ;3ess. (Serial
955, Doc. 39), House _l'1x . Does.

"Letter from the Secretary of the Interior transmitting P.eoort
of the Coj.inissioner of Indian Affairs u^on the survey of
the Jrrmde P.onde Heserve...TM Jan. 9, 1371. 41 Cong.,
3 3e3s. (Serial 1453, Doc. 46), Ilou ae Kx . ijo c a .

Interior ;)er)artrnent Indian Affairs Office

"Anson Dart submits 13 treaties negotiated with Indians of

Oregon, also his reoort relative thereto?H Kov. 7, 1 • bl .
A.rchivcs of Indian Affairs Off ice*** (Photostat copies of
the report and five of the treaties are in the Bancroft
Collection.) A^^endix A.

Die Commissioner of Indian Affairs, .'Jinual ::eoort, 1B49-1870.
Washington, 1R49-1370.

Interior Department Land Office

"Report of the Surveyor General of Washington Territory.1*

July 31, 1H68. Comnissioner of the General Land Office,
Annual Report, Nov. 5, 1368, 40 Cong., 3 Seas. (Serial
1366, Doc . 1 ) , Hou ae T^x . Do c a .

454.

President Message

".-.lesaage fror the >re si.ient . . . in amrwer to a resoliition
of the Senate, calling for further information in
relation to the formation of a atr te government in
California; and also, in Oregon,11 Hay 22 , 1350. 31
Cong., 1 Seas. (Serial 561, Doc. 52), Senate Ex.
Do c s .

from the President. . .communicating. . .the instruc
tions and correspondence between the government and
Major General *.vool , in regard to his operations on the
Co-\ut of the Pacific," Dec. 26, 1B54. 33 Cong., 2
Seas. (Serial 751, Doc. 15), Senate llx. Docs.

from the ""'resident. . .cow-runi eating information
relative to Indian hostilities in the territories of
Oregon and Washington,* April 17, 1856. 34 Cong.,
1 Sess. ( lierial 358, Doc. 93), House Sx. Docs.,

"Message from the President. .. transrni tting report in re

gard to Indian /tfTaira on the Pacific," :'eb. 15, 1857.
34 Cong., 3 Seas. (Serial 906, Doc. 76), House 3x. Docs.

•*«lessa^e from the President .. .transmitting. .. correspondence
and documents relating to Indian affaire in Oregon and
teashiagton Territories, &cf* May 6, 1358. 35 Cong.,
1 Jess. (Serial 958, Doc. 112), House Ex. Docs.

Smithsonian Institution Ethnology Bureau

"Indian Land Cessions in the United States." Corrp. by C.\C.
Ro/ce, cknithsonian Institution, Bureau of American
Ethnology, Eighteenth Annual Report, vol. 2, 56 Cong.,
1 .Jess. ( r>erial 4015, Doc. 736), House Docs.

.andbook of American Indians X<o.rth of Mexico. ' edited by

F. w. Hodge. Smithsonian Institution, Bureau of American
Jthnology, Bulletin,, lio. o ". 2 vols. shington,

1907,

State Department Laws of the United States

"Indian Affairs- L-IWS and Treaties.1* Co?np. by C. J. Kaopler.
53 Cong., 2 Sega. (Serials 4623, 4624, Doc. 319), Senate
Docs . 2nd ed. 2 vols.

Statutes at Large.., 15 Tola., vol. 1-15. Boston, 1845-

1?368. 23 vols., vol. 16-23. Washington, 1868-1915.

455.

Treasury Department Secretary

"Letter from the ,vpcretary of the i'rer.srry enclosing sun-
elemental egtim tes for the Indian service or: the
°acific coast and in reir.tj M territories u~)on either
side of the Rooky mountains, &c," Mar. 24, 1658. 35
Cong., 1 Jess. (Serial 957, Doc. 93), Houae Ex. Docs.

War Department Secretary

Annual Keoort^ 1849-1870, Washington, 1849-1870.

"Report of the .'jecretary of v/ar communicating the several
Pacific Railroad Meliorations, M Feb. 27, 1855. 33

Cong., 1 ,JeuB. {Serial 736, Doc, 129), House Hx. Docs.

"Letter fron the Secretary of ,ar transmitting a reuort of
the Commissioners to ascertain the expenses incurred
in the Indian wars in Oregon and Washington Territories,"
Jan. ?.3, 1058. 35 Oon^., 1 Sess. (Serial 955, Doc. 45),
Ho_use .

"Letter from the Secretary of War, transmitting the tot)o-
graohi cal memoir and report of Captain T. J, Cram, re
lative to the rorritories of Orc'gon and Washington, in
the military division of the Pacific.*1 &ar. 3, 1359.
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Legislative Assembly

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Kelley, Hall .'fask

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£Lo wn s dale, Daniel H.^

"Letter by Xpaniel H. LownsdaleU to LJamuel R. Thurston, 5*ir3t
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460.

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"Letters of Reverend H. K. Spalding and Mrs. opal ding written
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The Northwest Coast; or. Three Years Residence in ..ashington
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Historical .sketches of the Catholic Church in Oregon.
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arcus whitman, Pathfinder and Patriot. Seattle, 1909*

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"Dr. John McLoughlin and His Guests," the Washington Histor
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Beyonci the Old frontier. New York, 1913.

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Handbook of American Indians North of Mexico. 2 vols.
a shington, 1907.

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A Brief History of the Oregon provisional Government
and What Caused its ^oiviation, Oregon Historical
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Acquisition of Oregon. 2 vols. Seattle, 1905.

Sperlin, O.B.

"The Indian of the Horthwest as Revealed by the Earliest

Journals, " Oregon Historical Society, the Quarterly.

XVII (1916), 1-43.
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The Life of Isaac Ingalls Stevens. 2 vola. Boston,
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"American and British Treatment of the Indians in the

Pacific Uorthuest , * the Washington Historical Quarterly,
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of Wisconsin, Bulletin, No. 638, History Series, vol. 3,
No. 2, DP. 137-392.

Victor, ^ranees Tuller

All over Oregon and V.aahington. San Francisco, 1872.

The Barly Indian Wars of Oregon. Salem, Ore., 1892.
The River of the ^est^ San Francisco, 1870.

Young, -'rederic George

"Some Features of Oregon's Experience with the Financial
Side of Her Indian Vars of the Territorial
Oregon Historical Society, the Quarterly, VIII
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BJ I COQ

:.i3WC

3<I

.*• • ) v

•

APPKHDIX

Oregon Suoerintendency , 1). 3/52
Ana on Dart

Oregon City Nov. 7, 1851
Submits 13 t,rea ties negotiated
isith Indians of Oregon, also
hio report relative thereto.

( Treaties)

Informal inquiry made at Senate
shows that treaties were received
there from President Aug. 3/52, read
and ordered nrinted , and there
all trace is loct. (Never ratified^
Christiancy
April 1R88

Reed. Jany. 10, 1R52

Copy sent with treaties to Sec. of Int
21 Aug 1S52

File

465.

Office of the ^Superintendent of Indian /O* fairs
Oregon City 9.T. November 7th 1851.

Hon. L. Lea

Con \iasi oner of Indian Affairs

Sir:

You have herewith, thirteen Indian Treaties;
which cede to the United States more than Six Million acres
of land, lying uoon both sides of the Columbia River, upon the
Y/illamette River; and unon the Pacific Coast- west of the Cas
cade range of fountains in Oregon. The Treaties concluded at
Tansey-Point (near the mouth of the Columbia) cover a tract
of over one hundred miles on the Pacific, running .back along
the Columbia about sixty miles; The country was owned by ten
small Tribog of Chinook Indiana, numbering in all, about
three hundred and twenty souls. The Clatsops, who were the first
treated with; interposed many objections to parting with their
country uoon any terms; they made many long and loud comolaints,
at the injustice done the i by the Government; who they said
had taken Tjoasession of their lands without paying them, had
allowed the white peonle-raany years since- to occuny and buy and
sell their country, for which they had received no equivalent;
pointing to instances where farms had been sold for from two tfc
six thousand dollars, upon which lands the whites were making
"much money". Their first demands of the Government notwith
standing their anxiety to ge<t their pay- were very unreasonable.

rfw

aurt ssio i©

">(j?^ '-

466.

They assured me that they would not "talk" until I would
the shios from coming into the Columbia, and destroy two saw
mills in the Southern part of their country; which by their noise
had frightened the fish away 1" Being assured of the imoossibil-
ity of having their demands complied with; and after much talk
in Council, they concluded to waive these demands provided, they
could be permitted to have two Reservations of about ten miles
square each: this being objected to in like emnhatic manner: the
Indians held a consultation with neighboring Tribes which lasted
two days,\anci finally agreed to one Reservation, which should
cover their Jurying grounds and Lodges at Point- Adams,- making
a tract three and a half miles in length-two miles wide at the
north end, and one mile at the lower or south end. As this
tract had three claimants or settlers unori it, large offers
were nade the Indians to place the title to all in the United
States, this they steadily declined; leaving no alternative,
but to allow this Reservation or not treat with them for the
for the balance of their lands, being. about five hundred thousand
acres. That part of their lands known as "Clataop Plains" is an
open level country with a vory rich aoilj' nearly or quite every
acre of which is claimed and occupied by white people; The balance
of the purchase is timbered land, chiefly of the heaviest kind,
(Although it is called "timbered land" there are some Prairies
of small extent on both sides of the Columbia,) the soil is of

£«

o \*l

»fe*:

467.

excellent quality for fanning -3urr>o3es, and from its very
advantageous situation u^on the Columbia Kiver, and Pacific
Ocean affording superior facilities for exporting its timber,
and tho products of the Farmer, it cannot but ^rove of ir, enae
value to the United States, this too at a day I think, by no
Means far distant The timber alluded to, is mostly a snecies
of 7ir, growing innensely large and tall. There are unon this
purchase two never-failing mill streams sufficiently large for
any nil! or manufacturing mir^oses, besides these are large
Springs and 3r>ringbrooks in every r>art of the Country west of
the Cascade fountains .

In relation to the Conditions of the Treaties made it
is necessary to inform you, that the habits and customs of
these fishing Indians are unlike those of any other part of
our domain. It is characteristic with thera to be industrious.
Almost without oxcention, I have found them anxious to get
employment at common labour and willing too, to work at x> rices,
much below that demanded by the whites: The Indiana make all
the rails used in fencing, and at this time do the greater part
of the libour in farming. They also do all the boating ur>on
the rivers: In consideration therefore of their usefulness
as labourers in the settlements, it was believed to be far
better for the Country that they should not be re ioved from the
settled nortion of Oregon if it were possible to do so. As

463.

alluded t ; in the Act of v^ongregs of June 5th 1850, Let me
here retn*rk that the Treaty Commicssinners, a^nointed under this
act, used their best exertions to ncrauade all, or either of
the bands in the Valley of the V/illamette ; to remove east of
the fountains: but without success.

The poor Indians are fully aware of the rabidity with
which, as a oeoole, they are wasting away, on tnis account
they could not be oerauaded to fix a time, beyond ten years
to receive all of their money and -ocy for their lands, saying
that they should not live beyond that period. They me fully
sensible of the po^'er of the government, admit thart they can
be killed and exterminated, but say that they cannot be driven
far from the hones and graves of their fathers, they further
told me that if compensation for their lands was much longer
withheld, the whites would have the lands for nothing.

Believing as I do, that the food used by these Indians
("bei.n.3 almost entirely fish) tends vuch torrards shortening
their lives, I cannot but admit that there is great probability
that only a very few years will pass e're they will all lie
side by side with their fathers and Graves, -the tribe or tribes
extinct, tfhen an Indian is sick, hi a only food is Balmon ,
which he must eat, or notuiag, and I have observed that few-
very few, ever reaover from Sickness. Owing to their wretched
food in ouch Cases, I was induced to include in their annuities,
tflour and Uread: and to orotect them from storms & inclement

469.

weather I stimulated Clothing sufficient for every adult, male
.^nd female in nil of the several tribes treated with.

You will observe that besides furnishing each band
with provisions, which will go far towards their yearly subsis
tence, there are many useful farming tools and cooking utensilst

I am convinced that money or goods given to the

Indians of the Pacific, beyond what is absolutely necessary for
their subsistence from year to year,- is worse than thrown away. I
would however here remark, that in every case with the bands
treated with, they are well satisfied with the Compensation
to be given them as well as with all the Conditions and Stip
ulations of their Several Treaties.

It may not be uninteresting to inform you, that during
each treaty concluded with the thirteen tribes, the entire band
was present, men, worsen and children, and all were made to
fully understand the importance and the conditions of the
contract entered into.- In most cases they were extremely
anxious one and all to sign their names (make their mark)
ut)on the Treaty. In several cases every man living of the
band, did sign, make hi a mark. I mention this to show you that
a difficulty often arising in Indian Treaties, may not be looked
for here. I allude to the many cases that have occurred, where
loud complaints arise after a Treaty was concluded-- that the
greater -oart of the Tribe, were not parties to, or consulted
during the Negotiation.

470.

The lov?er band of Chinook Indiana, v;hich is the largest
of that tribe; have their head-quarters at what is called
Chinook ooint- on the Columbia; and occupy at present, the
country on the north aide of that river directly omosite
that of the Clatsor>s: As late as the year 1820 this point
was the rendezvous of the no at powerful Nation ur>on the Pacific
Coast; nov/ wasted to a few over three hundred souls.

In going to council with this band, a difficulty arose
which they assured me rfaust be settled, before they were ready
to "talk". They stated that one Washington Hall, a white man,
had laid claim to the ground covering their whole Village he
had degraded hinself by marrying one of thnir slaves:- was
very obnoxious to all the band; sought every means to drive
them from their possessions, and had particularly annoyed them
by fencing UT all the frenh writer and entirely excluding them
from it, in short had done many acts, which compelled them to
demand his removal as a first consideration; and we were
obliged to agree to this requirement, or abandon negotiations
with them.

In continuing this subject I would here remark, th it

the removal of Hall , and the Clatsop Reservation, seem to be the only
grounds for objections raised against the ratification of these
treaties: I should be sorry then, if a Whiskey trader ur>on one side
of the river; and the influence of two or three settlers on a r>oint

471.

of land which the Indians refused to sell, upon the other,-
should interfere with their ratification.

The next treaty I would speak of in detail, is the one
concluded Tilth the remnant bands of V.'heelappas and Quilleque-
oquaa. The only males living of which tribes, are the two
signers to the treaty; there are however several females-
women .and children yet living.

The tract of country purchased of them is situated on
what is known as "Shoal-water Bay" u">on the Pacific having about
twenty miles of Coast and running back inland about forty miles-
bounded on the north by the country owned by the Chehales
Indians- on the east by the lands of the Cowlitz band,- and on
the south by the lower band of Chinooks. This purchase is
known to embrace a tract, equal in fertility of soil, and
quality of timber, to any portion of Oregon. It has extensive
and beautiful groves of the Fir and Cedar, with small Prairies
interspersed; there are also large tracts of what is c'alled
"hard wood bottoms*1 1 The surface is gently undulating and mill
streams and fine brooks abound throughout the purchase .

You will perceive that this tract i:-. set aoart as an
Indian country, or Reserve Provided all the neighboring bands
shall, within one year consent to occupy it, and give ur> their
temporary rights of possession; This was not done at the
suggestion of the Indians, but to gratify a large number of
our own people, who believed these small bands on, and adjacent

472.

to the Coast (should suitable provision be made) could be
persuaded to live together as one band or tribe. But in my
opinion, there is nr>t th^ leant prospect that a single band
will leave their present homes; in which case the country will
be OTjen for settlement within one year;- at the present tine
there is not a white nan residing upon the purchase.

V/allooska is the only male survivor of a tribe, once
of some not^. The tract purchased of him, joining the Clatoot>8
on the east is nainly valuable for its immense forests of
and variety of choice timber, the southern part io very hilly
almost nountninoi23- yet everywhere covered with the timber
described. Lewis and Clarke's river (where these travellers
wintered) is a superior mill stream, there are others- smaller
streams in different parts all valuable for milling or
agricultural purposes. It is eaually true of this, as of the
other mirchises, that the soil is good and has every indication
of being susceptible of high cultivation.

The Kathlamet band of Chinooks, cede a valuable body
of land to the United Jtates- extending from Ah-uin-pin -point
forty miles along the south side of the Columbia- running
back (south) about twenty miles. Astoria and Fort George
are uoon this tract. Dense forests of various kinds of
valuable timber, with some small "Prairies and many mill
streams- are the r>rincit>al features of the Country. The

• i

473.

>
great growth of timber and underbrush here, rendered it

extremely difficult for me to examine as much of the tract
as I desired, but I informed riyself vory narticularl/ from
those who had made personal inspection of it- this bund reserve
from sale two a-^11 Islands in the Columbia.

The treaty with the Tillamooks secures a valuable
country reaerablinr; the Clatsop Plains- and is directly south of
thnt tract, it io very even and regular along the Coast, but
approaching the Mountains, it is uneven and hilly. Tillamook
Bay af fords a fine harbor, with sufficient denth of ?/ater
on the bar for venae! n drawing twelve feet of water; Uhero
arc no lose than five considerable streams nutting into the
bay; the valley of one of which extends fifty miles along the
stream, making richest of bo t ton land. Much of this ourcnase
is onen country and as far as known, without settlers.
Travellers all concur in representing it as offering equal
inducements to settlers with any nortion of Oregon.

The lands ceded by the Waukikam and Konniack bo,nds of
Chinookn is everywhere densely coverod uith timber, and has
many v«ry valuable mill-rmwen uoon it; thnt nart lying u->on,
and for two or three miles back from the Columbia, is very
hilly with many bluffs and deeo ravines. ihe balance is
moderately rolling, and suscentible of cultivation. i'he
Cowlitz river near the east side of the tract is sufficiently

fttf

T. ieab X aft

474.

large for 3teamboats to the r-voids fifteen aiilos un from the
Columbia, at the rapids it is a series of falls suitable for
Milling purooses which extend many miles interior.

The country ceded by the Konniack's ui)on the South
aide of the Columbia is composed of flat lands adjacent t6 this
river, vdth deer), rich soil, then gradually rolling, but good
fanning land extends to the bounds of the Klaslkania's a distance
of about twenty miles. These lands were once owned by the Klats-
kania's above mentioned, and as an instance to show the
rabidity with which the Indian unon theae shores is passing
away. I will relate, that this tribe was, at the first
settlement of the Hudson's Bay CoTOT>any in Oregon; so warlike
and formidable that the Company's men dare not oass their
possessions along the river, in less numbers than sixty armed
men; and then often at considerable loss of life and always
at great hazard. The Indians were in the habit of enforcing
tribute uoon all the neighboring tribes who passed in the
river, and disputed the right of any persons to pass them
exceot upon these conditions. The tribe ie now reduced to
three men and five women.* The face and character of their
country is very similar to that previously purchased along the
river, (of the Kormiack1 s * )

fj?he two treaties made at Port Orford UT> >n the Pacific
embrace a valuable tract of Country, not only on account of the

891

475*

great value of ita timber, but having two good harbors uoon the
°acific, viz, at .^ort Orford a.nd mouth of the Cocmllle river, -
in addition to the harbor at Coquille th^t river IB navigable
for large steamboats seventy miles interior. The bottom lands
along this stream are from ten to twenty miles in width, and I
think in fertility of Soil are not ou massed in the United
States; the whole tract will be ranidly settled first, on
account of its r>roximity to the gold-mines, again ita induce
ments in an agricultural r>oint, of view, and thirdly on
account of the easy access to its almost interminable foreste
of Cedar. The total number of Indians living upon this tract
is ascertained to be about five Hundred souls, have had very
little intercourse with the whiten, and live in an almost
entirely denuded state; they have no idea whatever of the
value of money or many articles of use and value among other
tribes; yet it is believed that they will in every particular,
scrurtauBly adhere to the Contract which they have entered
into with the Jovernirtent.

The Coquille Indians, of whom so much has been said, connected
with the murder of Tf Vault Ts r>arty- have not been as yet
treated with; their country lies adjacent on the north, beyond
the river bearing their name.

I will now ST>eak of the Clackamas treaty; the Inst , and

476.

decidedly tin* riout important one concluded among the thirteen
bands or tribes of Indiana. It embraces a. country more thickly
settled than any portion of Oregon. i'he flourishing town of
Milwaukee on the v,illfxmette river, is UTOII the purchase; and
immediately on i us southern border adjoining is Oregon City, the
largest town in tho Territory, Woodland and Prairie; conven
iently situated for farms make un tne western portion of the
tract, and upon tne North, or Columbia aide of the country,-
as well aa adjoining the Willamette on the West, are extensive
and rich river bottoms, there is much oi' this kind of land
also on a considerable stream, washing the base of the Cascade
range of .oun tains- called "Sandy river" (which joins the
Columbia near the North "Blast part of the purchase.

The Clackarrae river, which empties into tho Willamette
juat below Oregon City, is a dashing, never failing stream,
UT>on which are many mills, affording besides these, power
for many .ore: there are nor in operation about twenty mills
in different oarts of the tract. I will mention that instances
have occurred where farming lands have been sold for fifty
dollars por acre; this was of course upon the western or best
settled portion of the purchase.

The rrhole eastern side of the Clackamas lands is cov
ered with a den 30 growth of ?ir and Cedar timber, :-.n has not been
much explored; at least not sufficiently for iae to give a

477.

minute description in theee

I vas induced to negotiate this treaty, al though there
was a.i inforra&iity connected with it, but which I ho^oe isrill not
prove a serious obstacle to its ratification. I allude to the
f<ict of there having been no one associated with ine on the part
of the United States. In conformity to the Act of February
last, you did associate with me Henry H. Spaulding and Beverly
3. Allen, but the first named having been removed and his
successor not having conferred ur?on hira the power to act with
me,- and ./:.r. Allen declining the Office*- left me the respon
sibility of acting alone on the part of the Government .

At first many unsuccessful efforts were made to nego
tiate with them or/ing to demands made by them, which r;ere unreason
able, and even inoossible to comply with; at several of our meetings
they refused to sell the most valuable r>art of their lands;
but at length, cane and ext>rer;sed their willingness to be
governed in their sale, entirely by my readiness to do them

justice; and would submit the matter entirely to me as to the

•

reservations, and other preliminaries connected with the sale*
The same terms as contained in the treaty were then submitted
to them, UT>on which they deliberated a fev^ days- then they met

male person in the tribe) and desired the treaty to
be drawn UT> accordingly. To conclude, I would say, that I

478.

found so many persons -jixi*>uo am- dcc-oly interested in the
result, that I assumed the responsibility before mentioned,
of acting alone.

In concluding thia Report I would say, that I hare
sought to ~£mbrace the principal and important features connected
•with the treaties herewith submitted; without great care as to
manner of arrangement.

I desire time to become more thoroughly acquainted

with cacn( and every band of Indians in this important and interest
ing section; as well as to examine personally tracts of country
occupied by then, (portions of which have been but little
explored) before I crin enlarge upon many subjects, but
briefly alluded to in this Report.

I have the honor to be your Obt. Servt

Ana on Dart

Superintendent of Indian Affairs
Oregon T.

479.

Treaty at 1'ansey Point, near ClatsoT) Plains

between Anson Dart, 3upt. Indian /Affairs and others on the TKirt of
the United States, iiiid the Chiefs & Headmen of the Lower
Band of the Chinook Indiana.

Ar t iules of ?i Treu ty , raade anc concluded at Tr^nsey
Point, near Clatao^ ^laino, this ninth day of August, Eighteen
hundred and fifty one between Anson Dart Superintendent of Indian
Affairs, lienry it. 3pauldin? Indian Agent, and Josiah L. T1ariak
Sub Indian Agent, on tho oart of the Tnited States, of the
one T-mrt arid the undersigned Chiefs and Headmen of the Lower
Band of ChinooK Indians, of the other part,

Article 1st.

The said Lower Band of the Chinook Indians,

hereby bede to the United States the tract of land, included
within the following boundaries to wit:

Beginning at the mouth

of a certain stream entering Gray 3 Bay, on the Horth aide of the
Columbia River, which stream forms the wontem boundary of lands,
ceded to the United States by the \vaukikun 3kind of Chinooks;
running thence Northerly on said western boundary to lands of
the Wheelar/na Band of Indiana; thence westerly along said
lands of the Uieelaryoa B-ind, to thn LJhoal water Bay; thence
Southerly and Easterly follov^ing the Coast of the Pacific

•

• "-

480.

Ocean and the Northern shore of the Columbia to the

of beginning. 'ftie aoove description iv intended to embrace

all tho lands owned or claimed by said Lov/er l^and of Chinook

Indians.

Article _2n.d .,

Lov/er Band of Chinook Indians,

reserv the- privilege of occupying the grounds they now occupy
for the of building, fishing and grazing their stock,

7»i th the right to cut timber for their own building mirooses
and for fuel. Also the right to pick Cranberries on the
marches, and the right t> cultivate as much land as lifcey \vish
for their own -ou.nofj>?3« Ho white man shall be allowed to
interfere "i in their rights, and it is hereby agreed, that a
7/hite man by the name of Washington Hall , shall be removed from
tha land above ceded. The reservations in this article, shall
continue during the lives of the Indians tyho sign this treaty.

Article 3rd . ..

In consideration of the cession, made in the

first Article of this treaty, the United States agree to pay,
tn th'-; said Lower Band of Chinooks an annuity of Two Thousand
"Jollara, for ten years in the manner following to wit: ?our
hundred dollars in money, Vifty Blankets, Thirty woollen Coats,

Thirty r>airs oants, Thirty vesta, ^ifty Shirts, ^ifty T^airs

•
3hoes, one hundred and fifty yards Linsey Plain, Two hundred

and fifty yards Calico, rwo hundred and fifty yards Shirting,

481.

Twenty blanket ohawlo, Three hundred pounds Soap, Three barrels
Salt, -?'ifty bago ?lour, Three hundred -pounds Tobacco, Twenty
Hoes, Ten Axes, Thirty Knives, Seventy Cotton Handkerchiefs,
Two Barrels olaases, "Aour hundred pounds Sugar, Thirty pounds
Tf?a , Ten eight quart Brass Kettles, fifteen ten-quart tin r>ails,
Thirty pint cu~J3, Thirtv six-quart pans, Thirty Caps, one Keg
"°o\vder, All the above to be of good quality, and delivered
at Tansey ^oint aforesaid.

Article ._4th«_

There shall be nerpetual peace and

friendship, Between all the citizens of the United States of
AmerJoa, and all the individuals composing said Lower Band of
Chinook Indians.

Article 5th.

Tiiis agreement ahall be binding and obliga
tory u^on thr contracting parties, as soon as the same shall be
ratified and confirmed by the "^re si dent and Senate of the United
States .

In TestimDny whereof , the said Anson Dart Superintendent,
Henry II. 3paulding Agent and Josiah L. Parish 3ub ^Agent afore
said, and the said Chiefs and Headmen of the Lower Band of
the Chinook tribe of Indiana, have hereunto set their hands and

seals, at the time and r>iace first herein above written,

oigned, Sealed and witnessed Anuon Itert (Jeal)

in nrnoence of Superintendent

. DuBois, Secretary if. H. Spalding (Seal)

W. W. Raymond, Interpreter Agent

R. Shortess, Acting Sub Agent Josiah L. ^arish (Seal)

L. H. Judson Sub Agent

his

Cumcumley

( Seal )

Tychah-win

(Seal)

mark

hi 3

his

Kul chute

( Seal )

Bar-cotta

(Seal)

mark

aark

his

(Seal)

Ah-m )os-a-mosse

( Seal )

Yahmants

mark

his

Q,ue-wish

(Seal)

Kaase

(Seal)

mark

his

hie

Selahwish

(Seal)

Wahguevn

(Seal)

mark

his

Vahkuck

( Seal )

Seekumtyee

(Seal)

mark

his

Chakinpon

( Seal )

Rah dock

(Seal)

mark

his

Huckawelt

(Seal)

Yahwisk

(Seal)

mark

his

Kah-luck-nuck

( Seal }

El a shah

(Seal)

mark

his

Schoo

{ 3eal )

Chacolitch

his

mark

(Seal)

mark

»seoffi»B-eor

•

433.

Treaty ; t Trinsey Voint, near C1.9.t3or> Uaina "between
Anson :>,rt, ;-int, Indian Affaira and others on the part of the
United 3t~t-;3 and the Chiefs ana HG.-idir-en of tho Vheelappu
Band of tho Chinook Indians.

Articles oC a Treaty t made and concluded at
Point, near Clatsop ^lain;3, this ninth day of August irtigliteen
H'jndr^d and fifty one, bstv/eea Anoon Dart, Superintendent ->f
Indian Affair?,, ~.Ie?nry ".-:. Spaulding Indian j\gentt and Josiah L.
Parish 3ub Indian Agsnt, on the part of the United States of the
one part and ths undersigned Chiefs or Headmen gf th^ '.-heelappa
Band of tho Chinook Indian.**, of the othor ^art.

Article 1st.

The said Wheelappa Band of Indians, hereby

cede t--» '.ho United States, all the land claimed or owned by
the said Band. The land intended to be hereby ceded is
bounded on ths ITorth by lands owned by the Cheehalea tribe
of Indians, o-i the jCast by lands of the Cowlitz Band of Indiana
en the jouth by lands of the ^'aukikum and Lower Bands of
Chinooks, and on the V.eat by the Ocean and Shoal v;a ter Bay.

Article 2nd.

The above cession is made with the express

understanding that the land, ahall be reserved for the exclusive
une of the Chinook Triben or Baxi'.la and the Cheehales Tribe

484.

of Indians, provided the majority of them, shall consent to
f*ive UT> their reserved rights to the lands they now occuoy,
and re: ove to the lands ceded in Article 1st. of this treaty.
Article 3rd.

It is hereby agreed on the part of the
United States, that they shall establish an Agency, a
Manual Labor School, Blacksmith 3hop, fanning establishment
&c, at some point on the lands above ceded; provided the
above mentioned Indians, consent to congregate u^on said lands
and "give uo their reserved rights1* as named in Article 2nd.
of this treaty, within one year after the ratification of this
Treaty, by the ^resident and Senate of the United States.
Article 4th.

In consideration of the cession made in the

first article of this Treaty, the United States agree to pay
to the said T heelanpa Indians, an annuity of Five hundred
dollars, for ten years, in the following manner, viz: one
Hundred and fifty dollars in money, Twenty five blankets,
Four Woolen coats, Four pairs pants, Four vesta, Four x>airs
men* s shoes, Ten pairs women's shoes, Ten shirts, Sixty yards
Linsey plaid, one Hundred Yards Calico, one hundret. t\ards
brown muslin, Sight blanket Shawls, Fifty pounds soap, Twenty
rounds Tea, one hundred Bounds Sugar, Eight sacks flour. Five
Brass kettles (eight quart) Five ten-quart tin T>ails, Five

lo aloire* fait i

laloo'
,ft9? .e9or:e a'n«sr

48 5i

six quart tin oans. The above articles are to be of good quality
and delivered at Tansey Point, aforesaid, one hundred dollars
of the money, to be used for educational purposes, nrovided
the conditions of Articles second and third of this treaty
are complied with.

Article 5th.

There shall be pernetual peace and friend
ship between all the citizens of the United States and all the
individuals composing said Vtfieelappa Band of Indians.

Article 6th.

The cession made in Article 1st. is

intended to embrace the land formerly owned by the Quille-que-o-qua,
Band of Indians of whom only one man remains, Jloaest, who is a
signer of this treaty.

Article 7th.

This agreement shall be binding and obliga
tory upon the contracting r>artiea, as soon as the same shall be
ratified and confirmed, by the President and Senate of the
United States.

In Testimony whereof, the said Anson Dart
Superintendent, Henry H. Spaulding, Agent, and Josiah L.
Parish 3ub Agent, and the said Chiefs or Headmen of the
"Wheelaooa and Quille-que-o-qua Indiana, have hereunto set their

. VSfiCCJ 3fl

*«£*

•

wti eirf^ 10

fix

486.

hands and seals at the time and place first herein above
ritten.

Signed, Sealed and Witnessed Anson Dart (Seal)

in presence of Superintendent.

K. Du Bois H. H. Spaulding( Seal)

Secretary Agent.

W. W. Raymond Josiah L. ?arish(Seal)

Interoreter Sub Agent.

R. Shortess his

Acting Sub Agent Mowaast x (3eal)

mark
his

To s e turn x (Seal)

mark
his

Pahanoo x ( Seal )

mark
his

x ( Seal )
mark

•
nt*> *jrie north >f t**«? Co?.^JBtbl« Rivs

of- Jjr :.y ': % B--..7: TV.-'.^.^"^- ..:'•:" ..& un »:;.'

i-'. 3?r?;;/^ c.^..L#d th«

487.

Treaty at Tansey Point, near Clatsop Plains, between
Anrion Dart, Supt. Indian Affairs, and others on the part of
the United States, and the Chiefs & Headmen of the Y/aukikum
Band, of the Chinook 'Jribe of Indians.

Articles of a Treaty nade and concluded at Tansey
Point, near Clatsop Plains, this eighth day of August,
Eighteen hundred and fifty one, between Anson Dart, Superinten
dent of Indian Affairs, Henry H. Spaulding Indian Agent, and
Josiah L. ?arish, Sub Indian Agent, on the part of the United
States of the one nart, and the undersigned Chiefs and Headmen
of the \Vaukikum Band of the Chinook rribe of Indians of the
other part.

Article 1st.

The said Waukikum Band of Chinook Indians

hereby cede, to the United States, the tract of land, included
within the following boundaries, viz:

Beginning at tho

mouth of a certain stream, called the Sahbacluthl , which
empties into the north side of the Columbia River, at the
west end of Gray's Bay, running thence up and along the
Columbia to the mouth of a certain stream called the
Neuc-tuc-hae which empties into the Columbia on the North
side, above Oak Point, thence Northerly along said Neuc-
tuc-hae, to its headwaters, thence North to the summit of

438.

the high lands, between the Columbia, and Che-haleea rivers,
thence following the summit of said highlands westerly to a
Toint ODOosite, or directly North of the headwaters of the said
Sahbacluthl, thence south to said headwaters, and following
said last named stream, to the olace of beginning. The
above description is intended to include all the land claimed
by the said Band of Chinook Indians.

Article 2nd.

The said Waukikum Band reserve to them
selves the privilege of occupying their present place of residence,
and also of fishing UT>on the Columbia river, and the two other
streams mentioned in Article 1st. also the privilege of cutting
timber, for their own building purposes and for fuel, on the
above described land, and of hunting on said lands where they
are not enclosed.

Article 3rd.

In consideration of the ceosion made in the
foregoing articles of this treaty, the United States agree
to r>ay to the oaid Wau-ki-kum Band of the Chinook Tribe of
Indians, Seven Thousand Dollars, in annual Payments, of
Seven Hundred dollars for ten years, ac follows viz: one
Hundred Dollars in money, Twenty Blankets, Ten Woollen Coata,

iMR
-;e 9*i

j" «9Ylfttt

•

(f«li
?I> &?&&&

• -

489.

Ten pairs Pants, Ten Vests, Twenty Shirts, Twenty pairs Shoes,
Fifty yards Linsey Plaid, one hundred yards Calico prints,
one hundred yards Shirting, Eight Blanket Shawls, one Hundred
pounds 3oao, one Barrel Salt, fifteen Bags Flour, one
hundred pounds Tobacco, Ten Hoes, Ten Axes, fifteen Knives,
Twenty five Cotton Handkerchiefs, one Barrel Uollasses, one
hundred pounds Sugar, Ten pounds Tea, six eight quart Brass
Kettles, Ten ten-quart Tin pails, Twelve pint Cupg, Ten six
quart Pans, Ten Caps; all to be of good quality, and delivered
at 3runies landing, on the Columbia River.

Article 4th,

There shall be perpetual peace and friend
ship between all the Citizens of the United States of America,
and all the individuals composing the said vaukikum Band
of the Chinook Tribe of Indians.

Article 5th.

This treaty shall take effect, and be

obligatory on the contracting parties, as soon as the same
shall be ratified, by the President of the United States, by and
with the advice and consent of the Senate thereof.

In Testimony whoreof the said Anson Dart, Superinten
dent, Henry H. Spaulding Agent, and Josiah L. Parish, aforesaid,
and the said Chiefs and Headmen, of the Waukikum Band of the

•

afUB1! £**&p

• • .'

•

490.

of the Chinook Tribe of Indians, have hereunto set their
hands and seals, at the time and place first herein above
written.

Anson Dart (Seal)
Superintendent

Henry H. Spaulding (Seal)
Agent

his

Sku-mah-queah x (Seal)

mark
his

Josiah L. Parish
Sub Agent.

his

(Seal)

Stuc-allah-wah x (Seal)
mark
his

Hla-hau

Wal-lah-sah

Hal-lah-le

x (Seal)
mark
his

x (Seal)
mark

Wall-halsh

Tah-we-os

Wa-ke-toes

x (Seal)
mark
his

x (Seal)
mark

Signed, Sealed and witnessed

in presence of

N. Du Bois, Secretary

W. W. Raymond, Interpreter.

R. Shortess

Acting Sub Agent

At the signing of the above articles of this Treaty
it was agreed, that upon the ratification of the same, by the
President and Senate, Sku-mah-queah should receive clsifle, worth
Fifty Dollars, as a present.

-oaif

•

.
.

• •

3C _ —

;31BSd <

•

.{ft^A eft;; •

•

491

Treaty at Tansey Point, near Clataop ^lains, between
Anson Dart, 3upt. Indian affairs and others on the Tjurt of the
United States and the Chiefs & Headmen of the Kon-naack Band
of the Chinook Tribe of Indians.

Article a of a Treaty made and concluded at Tansey
Point near Clatsoo ^lains, this ilighth day of August Eighteen.
Hundred and 71fty one, between Anson Dart Superintendent of
Indian Affairs, Henry H. :yoaulding Indian Agent and Josiah
L. nari3h 3ub Indian Agent, on the p<irt of the United ^tatea,
of the ono r);\rt; an : the undersigned Chiefs and Headmen of
the Konnaack Band, of the Chinook tribe of Indians of the
otaer rrnrt,

Article 1st.

The aaid Konnaack Band, hereby cede to the

' nite- tea, the tract of land included within the following,
boundaries viz:

Beginning at the mouth of the Neuc-tuc-hae-Creek,
on the North side of the Columbia River, and running thence
ut> and along the said rivsr to the mouth of the first stream
that enters trie Columbia above the Cov/litz river, thence up
the Cowlitz and following the highland parallel with said
river to v;h*t is called the Pooshoo; thence w»st to. the North

T69fl Jti.

•

492.

Bast boun-is of Ian b lately clained by the \Yaukikum Band of
the Chi n^- oka; thence southerly following the eastern boundary
of said Ian 3s of the 'tfaukikum Band, to the place of beginning.
Also the tract of Ian a described as follows, to wit:

Beginning

at a point on the South side of the Columbia River, opposite
the mouth of the Cowlita river, running thence South, to
lands claimed by the Klats-Kanias; thence westerly along their
North boundary to a ooint clue Jouth of Hunts Mill, on the
Columbia, thence North to said Mill, thence ur> and Along aid
river to the place of beginning, ilie above descriptions, are
intenoed to inclu e all the lands claimed or owned by the said
Konn.iack Band of Indians.

Article 2nd.

The said Konnaack Band reserve the privi
lege of occupying their present place of residence on Oak
~>oint, and the privilege of hunting on the lands described
above.

Article 3rd.

In consideration of the cession made in

the foregoing articles of this Treaty, the United States agree to
Day to the said Konnaack Bund of Chinook Indians, Ten Thousand
five hundred dollars, in annual payments, of j?en Hundred and Fifty
dollars for ten years, as follows to wit: one hundred and Fifty
dollars in money, Thirty Blankets, Twenty wollen Coats,

m $4£

•

493.

Forty Shirts, Thirty pairs jjio 3, Twenty Cax>3, Twenty i>airs
pants, Twenty Vests, One hundred yards Linsey Plaid, Two
hundred yards brown muslin, one hundred yards Calico, Ten
Shawls, Fifteen bags flour, one hundred potinds Tobacco, one
hundred and fifty rounds Soap, Two hundred pounds Sugar, Ten
ten-quart Tin x>ana, Ten eight-quart tin pans, Six Frying pans,
one barrel Salt, one barrel molasses, 3ix hoes, oix Axes, Ten
pounds Tea, Tne Knives, one Keg powder, one hundred rounds
shot, All to be of good quality, and delivered at the Burnies
landing, on the Columbia ftiver.
Article 4th.

There shall be perpetual peace and friend

ship between all the Citizens of the United States of America,
and all the individuals of the said Konnaack Band of Chinook
Indiana.

5th.

fhie Treaty shall take effect, and be

obligatory on the contracting parties as soon as the same shall
have been ratified by the President of the United States, by and
with the advice and consent of the Senate thereof.

In Testimony whereof, the said Anaon Dart* Super
intendent Henry H. Spaulding Agent, Josiah L. Pariah, Sub Agent
Aforesaid, on the part of the United States of the one r>art,
and the said Chiefs and Headmen of the Konaack Band of the
Chinook tribe of Indians have hereunto set their hands and seals,

•

ts£«
^$lit bnjs br

;

?,«<j w&rf

. | Jiw

494.

at the time and T»lace firnt herein above written.

Anoon Dart,

Superintendent .

Henry H. Spaulding

Agent

Y/ah-sul-sul

hi a

x ( Jcal )

mark

his
Sy-cuifi-ickg x (Seal)

mark

his
Tah-my-nin-nus x (Seal)

mark

Josiah L. Parish
Sub Agent.

- Cappa
Qua-Kah
Ati-whul
Os-v«al-licks

his

x
mark

his

mark

his

mark

hi 3

mark

(Seal)
(Seal)

(Seal)
(Seal)
( Seal )

(Seal)

Signed, Sealed and witnessed

in presence of
Nicholas DuBois, Secretary
W. W. Raymond, Interpreter
R. Shortesa, Acting Sub Agent

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