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SOCIAL SCIENCE STUDIES 

DIRECTED BY THE LOCAL COM- 
MUNITY RESEARCH COMMITTEE 
OF THE UNIVERSITY OE CHICAGO 

NUMBER XII 



THE SOCIAL SCIENCE STUDIES are an expression of com- 
munity of interests of the social sciences. The publication of 
these Studies is one of the results of a comprehensive pro- 
gram of research which lias been undertaken by a group or con- 
ference of departments. The formation of this conference is an out- 
growth of the belief that the social sciences should engage more 
actively and systematically in co-operative consideration of their 
problems and methodology. This does not imply any diminution 
of interest in the development of their special fields. The Studies, 
therefore, arc to include the results of scientific investigations usually 
associated with the fields of each of the participating departments. 
But they will also include the results of joint investigations of several 
or all of 'these departments as well as studies in related fields. 

LOCAL, COMMUNITY RESEARCH COMMITTEE 
H. A. MILLIS 

Department of Economics 

ERNKST W. BURGESS 

Department of Sociology 

C. E. MEHRIAM 

Department of Political Science 

M. W. JERNEGAN 

Department of History 

T. V. SMITH 

Department of Philosophy 

EDITH ABBOTT 

Gincluale School of Social Service Administration 

L. D. WHITE, Executive Secretary 



FIELD STUDIES IN SOCIOLOGY 



THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO PRESS 
CHICAGO, ILLINOIS 



THE BAKER ft TAYLOR COMPANY 
NW YORK 

THE MACMTLLAN COMPANY OF CANADA, LIMITED 
TORONTO 

THE CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS 
LONDON 

THE MARUZKN-KABUSHIKl-KAISHA 
TOKYO, OSAKA, KYOTO, PUKTJOKA, SENDAI 

THE COMMERCIAL PRESS, LIMITED 
SHANGHAI 



FIELD STUDIES IN 
SOCIOLOGY 

A STUDENT'S MANUAL 



By 
VIVIEN M. PALMER 




THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO PRESS 
CHICAGO ILLINOIS 



COPYRIGHT 1918 BY THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO 
ALL RICH IS RESERVED. PUBLISHED DECEMBER 1928 

Second Impression November 



COMPOSED AND PRINTED BY THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO 
PRESS CHICAGO, ILLWOIb, U.S.A. 



PREFACE 

Over four years ago the Local Community Research Com- 
mittee of the University of Chicago was organized to test the 
feasibility of the use of the city of Chicago as a laboratory for re- 
search in the social sciences. From the first, the need of securing 
basic data on the growth of the city and conditions of urban life 
was realized. Among the studies then projected for this purpose 
was "The Social History of the Local Communities of Chicago," 
which is still in progress under the supervision of Miss Vivien M. 
Palmer, author of this volume. The purpose of this project is to 
define the natural areas of the city, to trace the play of social 
forces in the development of its constituent local communities 
and neighborhoods, and to determine the differential characteris- 
tics of the distinctive urban districts of the city. These facts are 
among the essential data required if the city is to become, in any 
real sense, a laboratory for research in sociology and the other 
social sciences. 

In the course of this and other studies Miss Palmer undertook 
the experiment of inducting students into the theory and practice 
of sociological field studies. She believed that the study of a local 
community, of an immigrant colony, or of some small group like 
a boys' or girls' club might be advantageously carried on in con- 
nection with work in the courses in sociology. She planned the 
work as indicated in this Manual in such a way that observations 
of group behavior in the field were timed to synchronize with the 
advance of the student in his reading of the textbook and in his 
class discussions. In this way he not only acquired some under- 
standing of the principles and methods of research but he had at 
hand a growing fund of concrete materials to be organized and 
analyzed in terms of the concepts that he was studying. 

The outlines and suggestions in this Manual were evolved 
in the course of several years' research into the methods and 

vu 



viii PREFACE 

techniques of research as well as several years' experience in the 
supervision of the field study work of groups of students. They 
were revised a number of times before they reached the form in 
which they appear in this volume. The author, I know, desires 
the further suggestions and criticisms which are now possible 
through their wider use in published form. 

This Manual will be welcomed by the growing body of in- 
structors in sociology who desire to integrate the work of the 
classroom with field study. This combined method stimulates the 
interest of the student, quickens his sense of the reality of socio- 
logical concepts as tools of analysis, and gives him training in the 
recording and interpretation of observed behavior. At the same 
time if the field of community study has been staked out in some 
comprehensive and systematic way, the project of each individual 
student may and should contribute to the constantly growing 
fund of basic descriptive materials on the growth and conditions 
of life in the given region, city, town, or village. 

Such a plan assumes a program of continuous research. It im- 
plies that in addition to specialized individual studies there shall 
be a year-by-year accumulation of basic data upon the life and 
activities of the community. In the judgment of the writer this 
is a desirable and perhaps necessary preliminary condition to the 
utilization of the community as a social research laboratory. 
The Manual may be used by students in studying any social 
group to which they belong, and the outline for the study of an 
interest group lends itself especially to this varied purpose. But, 
of course, the value of the Manual will be enhanced if it is con- 
ceived in larger terms, as an instrument of service to teachers 
and students in carrying through a comprehensive plan of studies 
of the community life and of the characteristic organizations 
contained in one locality. 

ERNEST W. BURGESS 



ACKNOWLEDGMENTS 

The co-operation of many persons interested in sociological 
research has made possible this volume, but the author wishes to 
express especial appreciation to the following people: 

To research assistants and members of the staff who super- 
vised student research, using and criticizing the manual at various 
stages in its preparation: Allen B. Carpenter, Paul Con way, 
Paul F. Cressey, Zachacus Egardner, Everett C. Hughes, Helen 
McGill Hughes, Charles R. Hutchinson, Letitia G. Hutton, 
Marion Lindner, Charles Newcomb, Beatrice Nesbit, Edward B. 
Ranck, Daniel Russell, Elmer Setterlund, Frederick Stephan, 
Willard Waller, and Walter Watson. 

To the authors who have published volumes in the sociological 
series of the University of Chicago, and to others who have con- 
ducted studies at the Social Research Laboratory; their experi- 
ences have been freely drawn upon. 

To Professor E. W. Burgess, who has been consulted con- 
stantly throughout the four years that the volume has been com- 
piled, and who made many valuable criticisms of the final manu- 
script. 

To Professor Robert E. Park, Professor Ellsworth Faris, and 
Professor Floyd N. House, all of whom read the manuscript and 
contributed suggestions and fundamental points of view. 

To the Local Community Research Committee who sponsored 
the study and the publication of the manuscript. 

To the University of Chicago Press for its interest and its 
guidance in producing the volume. 

To all these, as well as to students who took part in the proj- 
ects, and the numerous scholars whose theories have been woven 
into the text, the author stands indebted. 

V. M. P. 



CONTENTS 

PART I. THE SCIENTIFIC INVESTIGATION 
OF SOCIETY 

PAGE 

NOTE to INSTRUCTORS xiii 

CHAPTER 

I. THE OBJECTIVES OF SOCIOLOGICAL RESEARCH 3 

"Selection and Definition of the Problem 5 ' 

Collection of Data 7 ' 

Analysis and Classification of Data n\ 

Scientific Generalizations 14 

Variation in Methods among Sciences . . _i6 

Relationship of Sociology to Other Studies of Social Life ... 17 

Selected Bibliography . * 18 

II. JHE METHODS OF SOCIOLOGICAL RESEARCH 19 

Case-Study Method 19 

Historical Method 22 

Statistical Method 26 

Relationship of the Different Methods 3P 

Techniques of Research .- 32 

Selected Bibliography 32 

III. BASIC ASSUMPTIONS 34 

Their Function . 34 

Conception of Sociology and Sociological Data 34 

PART II. TYPE-STUDY OUTLINES 

I. THE SCOPE AND USE OF TYPE STUDIES 41 

Basis of Selection of Type Studies 41 

Source of the Type Study 42' 

Use of Type-Study Outlines 43 

Fourfold Objective of Type Studies 45 

II. TYPE STUDY No. i: SOCIOLOGICAL SURVEY OF A TERRITORIAL 

GROUP 47 

Introduction 

Significance of the Sociological Survey 47 

Social Survey and the Sociological Survey 48 

Problem of the Sociological Survey . . / 50 

Unit of the Sociological Survey 51 

xi 



xii CONTENTS 

CHAPTER PAGE 

General Plan of Study 54 

Selected Bibliography 55 

Assignments 

1. Collection and Classification of Existing Data .... 57 

2. First Impressions of the Governmental Area 60 

3. Determination of Ecological Areas 64 

4. Determination of Social Areas: Cultural, Political, Marginal 70 

5. Natural History of Each Social Area 82 

6. Natural History of Governmental Area 88 

7. Contemporary Study of Each Social Area 01 

8. Documentation, Analysis, and Interpretation of Data . . 99 

III. TYPE STUDY No. 2: SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY OF AN INTEREST GROUP 102 
Introduction 

Characteristics of an Interest Group 102 

General Plan of Study 103 

Selected Bibliography 105 

Assignments 

1. Diary of Group Activities 106 

2. History of the Group 108 

3. Membership in the Group in 

4. Members of the Group 113 

5. Leadership in the Group 116 

6. Group Conflicts 119 

7. Social Organization and Social Control in the Group . . 122 

8. Relation of the Group to the Community 125 

9. Documentation, Analysis, and Interpretation of Data . . 127 

IV. TYPE STUDY No. 3: SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY or AN IMMIGRANT 

GROUP; AN ACCOMMODATION GROUP 129 

Introduction 

Characteristics and Importance of the Immigrant Group . . 129 

General Plan of Study 132 

Selected Bibliography 133 

Assignments 

1. Collection and Classification of Existing Data .... 134 

2. Determination of the Habitat 137 

3. First Impression of the Immigrant Colony 137 

4. Natural History of Immigrant Colonies 138 

5. Accommodation of an Immigrant Group 139 

6. Life-Histories of Immigrants 146 

7. Documentation, Analysis, and Interpretation of Data . . 151 



CONTENTS xui 
PART III. TECHNIQUES 

CHAPTER PAGE 

I. INTRODUCTION ............... 157 

II. OBSERVATION ............... 161 

Observation as Objective Scrutiny ......... 161 

Observation as a Record ............ 164 

Criticism of an Observation ........... 165 

Selected Bibliography ............. 167 

III. THE SOCIAL RESEARCH INTERVIEW ......... 168 

Purpose of the Social Research Interview ....... i6g 

The Interview as a Social Situation ......... 170 

The Initial Contact ............. 172 

The Interview Proper ............. 174 

Completion of the Interview ........... 176 

Record of the Interview ............ 177 

Types of Social Research Interviews ........ 177 

Training in Interviewing ............ 178 

Selected Bibliography ............ 179 



IV. THE DIARY 

Characteristics of the Diary ........... 180 

The Diary as Sociological Material ......... 181 

The Diary of the Research Worker ......... 182 

V. THE SOCIAL RESEARCH MAP ........... 185 

Use of Maps in Research ............ 185 

Maps Showing Distribution of Data ........ 185 

Maps Showing Correlations between Data ..... ' . . 187 

Maps Showing Movements and Trends ........ 188 

The Making of Social Research Maps ........ 189 

Interpretation of Maps ............ 190 

Selected Bibliography ............. 191 

VI. DOCUMENTATION .............. 192 

Face Sheets ................ 194 

Statement of the Problem ........... 194 

Statement of Techniques ............ 195 

The Data ................ 195 

Criticism of Data .............. 196 

Conclusion ................ 199 

Selected Bibliography ............. 199 



xiv CONTENTS 

CHAPTER PAGE 

VII. ANALYSIS AND INTERPRETATION OF CASE MATERIALS . ... 200 

Analysis 200 

Sociological Interpretation 205 

The New Research Problem .207 

Selected Bibliography 207 

APPENDIXES 

APPENDIX A. EXCERPTS FROM TYPE STUDY No. i 211 

APPENDIX B. EXCERPTS FROM TYPE STUDY No. 2 237 

APPENDIX C. CASE STUDY OF AN IMMIGRANT GROUP 255 

APPENDIX D. FORMS AND SPECIAL OUTLINES 267 

, INDEXES 

INDEX OF NAMES 277 

INDEX OF SUBJECTS 279 



NOTE TO INSTRUCTORS 

There is an urgent demand at the present time for manuals of 
research which can be used in the teaching of sociology much as 
laboratory manuals are being used in the other sciences. More 
and more stress is being placed upon concrete researches as a basis 
for building the science of society, and the students own syste- 
matic investigation of some social grouping seems to be a neces- 
sary part of his introduction to sociology. For these first-hand 
studies of relatively small groups a community, a neighborhood, 
a block, an organization, a clique seem to give the student a 
clearer understanding of the principles of sociology and to develop 
in him the requisite critical, impartial attitude toward the col- 
lection and interpretation of social facts. 

While the value of field studies has been widely recognized, 
the lack of texts which formulate problems and techniques has 
been a serious handicap. When it was decided in 1924 to use the 
proposed studies of the natural areas of Chicago 1 as one of the 
channels for inducting students into sociological research, it was 
possible to find but scant material which could be put into the 
hands of students to assist them in the problems which they had 
to face. This was partly due to the fact that the emphasis was 
upon the newer case-study method. Books could be obtained 
concerning the statistical and historical methods, but even these 
contained few references to the application of these methods to 
the sociological study of group behavior, or to the techniques 
for collecting data in the field. It was this situation which led to 
the preparation of a manual which would pool the experiences of 
students, staff investigators, and supervisors directing student 
research. Since 1924 a sufficient number of sociological case 
studies of the newer type have been completed in this country to 

1 These studies were sponsored by the Local Community Research Committee 
of the University of Chicago. 

xv 



xvi NOTE TO INSTRUCTORS 

afford a heritage of methods, techniques, and typical problems 
that can be passed on to beginners. The results of my own studies 
have been supplemented continually by other studies made at the 
Social Research Laboratory under the direction of Dr. R. E. 
Park and Dr. E. W. Burgess, and as far as possible they have also 
been supplemented by discoveries from other research centers. 
We began with six mimeographed pages, and the volume has 
grown out of our field experiences, undergoing continual revision 
as new groups were studied and new methods of procedure were 
used and the results analyzed. 

The case-study method was selected as the central approach 
for a number of reasons. It was felt that at the present stage of 
sociological research the minute, exploratory studies of group be- 
havior, would disclose new facts. Accurate case studies are also 
necessary as a prerequisite to statistical investigations, as any- 
one who has had actual experience in the collection of statistical 
data can well testify. The case-study method is not new. In fact 
it is probably the oldest method of sociological research. The 
"insight" into human activities which pioneer scholars gained 
by observing the world about them has been one of the chief 
sources of knowledge; but this old "insight" must be stripped of 
its mysterious, magical elusiveness. The task of the new case- 
' study method is so clearly and accurately to analyze and define 
its modes of procedure that they may be communicated from one 
investigator to another, becoming matters of standard practice. 

We have found that a case-study offers the beginning student 
an opportunity to orient himself, for by studying a single case as a 
specimen he can obtain a perspective on many of the fundamental 
processes of social interaction. The study of social groups appeals 
to students, and the training in the perception and analysis of the 
essential factors in social behavior is an asset in everyday living. 
In no other science can the techniques learned in the laboratory 
be more readily transferred to the solving of problems that con- 
tinually confront the average person. 

The Manual is divided into four parts, each one of which is 



NOTE TO INSTRUCTORS xvii 

designed for parallel use with the others. Part I contains a dis- 
cussion of sociological research and its methods; Part II presents 
outlines for the study of three types of social groups a territorial 
group, an interest group, and an accommodation group; Part III 
deals with the specific techniques used in making the type studies; 
and the Appendix presents illustrations of the type studies drawn 
from student reports, as well as supplementary outlines. 

Because of lack of space adequate illustrations have not been 
included in Part I of the volume, with the result that it is rather 
difficult reading for a beginning student. But as a file of studies 
are assembled these can be freely drawn upon to make clearer the 
principles of research method. And as each student continues 
with his investigation, the discussions of this section become in- 
creasingly significant to him. We have found it most helpful to 
have students read the case studies in the Appendix first, then 
select a group, and using one of the type study outlines presented 
in Part II as a point of departure, consult and discuss Part I, II, 
and III as questions of method and technique arise in the course 
of their investigations. 

With its wide diversity of cultural life Chicago has indeed 
proved a fruitful field for research. The basic outline for the 
study of a territorial group presented in Part II has been molded 
from research in communities of many types immigrant colonies 
of first, second, and third settlement, highly urbanized areas, sub- 
urbs, industrial communities, and even rural "patches" still in 
existence within the frontier of the city where practically all of the 
working population are engaged in agriculture. The study of in- 
stitutions and organizations peculiar to each of these different 
types of social environments has in turn provided the basis for 
the second set of outlines, the Sociological Study of an Interest 
Group. 

Each of the three type studies or projects for research outlined 
in Part II has been planned to give the student an opportunity 
to use various techniques and to carry through a complete prob- 
lem, from the collection of data to its final analysis and inter- 



NOTE TO INSTRUCTORS 

pretation. An exhibit of material illustrating this procedure has 
been accumulated at the Social Research Laboratory of the Uni- 
versity of Chicago and is at the disposal of anyone interested in 
the question of student research. 

Throughout the researches the effort has been made to relate 
community and organization studies to sociological theory. This 
distinguishes them from the older social surveys. The manual out- 
lines were originally keyed to The Introduction to the Science of 
Society, by Robert E. Park and Ernest W.Burgess,but in order that 
the volume might have wider usefulness it has also been keyed to: 
Emory S. Bogardus, Introduction to Sociology; Clarence M. Case, 
Outline of Introductory Sociology; Jerome Davis and Harry E. 
Barnes, An Introduction to Sociology; and Hornell Hart, The Sci- 
ence of Social Relations. 

In Directing sociological research it has been found advisable 
to encourage students to select for study groups with which they 
already have some connection and which are readily accessible 
during the time the investigation is being made. If a student 
already has access to the group the investigation can be carried on 
quietly and informally, while his familiarity with the group often 
makes it possible for him to obtain data which an outsider could 
not secure. Thus campus groups as well as groups of the com- 
munity in which the college is located may serve as subjects for 
research. 

We have carried on our training in research largely through 
group discussions and individual conferences. Four or five stu- 
dents observing similar kinds of groups, or groups within the 
same neighborhood, meet together under the direction of a re- 
search assistant or an instructor for round-table discussions, and 
these discussions are followed by individual conferences. 1 Care- 
ful supervision is necessary in order to protect the human labora- 
tory, the community, against students' blunders. This super- 

' This apprentice system, the linking of beginners and experienced investigators 
interested in the same problems, has been extensively used by Professor Ellsworth 
Faris in his classes in social psychology. 



NOTE TO INSTRUCTORS X1X 

vision, in turn, results in a high standard of work and in observa- 
tions which may make a real contribution. There is a challenge 
to a student to be engaged in research which is something more 
than a classroom exercise, and checking has disclosed that some 
of our best material comes from student investigators. 

The main purpose of this Manual would be defeated if the 
outlines and discussions of techniques were treated by students 
as final crystallizations of research practice to be followed by 
parrot-like repetitions. We have carefully recorded and edited 
our findings, and will continue to do so; the results obtained to 
date are only being published now because of constant requests 
for outlines and materials. As has been stated before, if the case- 
study method is to have a place in scientific research its techniques 
must be made tangible. Experiences must be passed on so that 
needless floundering and repetition can be avoided, and so that 
standard tools may be forged. But, of course, the essence of re- 
search is the adding of new discoveries; and even in the training of 
students this goal must be kept foremost. It is in this spirit that 
the findings accumulated in this volume are presented; as formula- 
tions to be compared with similar studies of techniques and to be 
criticized, analyzed, and enlarged upon by other investigators. 
Such criticisms, arising out of field experiences, will be eagerly 
awaited. 

VIVIEN M. PALMER 
CHICAGO 

November i, 1928 



PART I 
THE SCIENTIFIC INVESTIGATION OF SOCIETY 



CHAPTER I 
THE OBJECTIVES OF SOCIOLOGICAL RESEARCH 

Everyone has smatterings of knowledge concerning group life. 
The family, neighborhoods, communities, cliques, and organiza- 
tions in which we are enmeshed from infancy give each one of us 
experiences in human associations which include practically the 
whole range of personal and social relationships. Thus largely 
through trial and error adjustments to others, as well as more or 
less haphazard reflections upon our successes and failures, most of 
us gradually and more or less unwittingly acquire a practical 
knowledge of group behavior which influences our conduct. 

But these common-sense accumulations of information con- 
cerning human relations, like the old common-sense conceptions of 
the physical and biological world, have their limitations. They are 
founded upon relatively superficial and disconnected observations 
pf experience, while the interpretations derived from them are 
rolored by our individual prejudices and our particular doctrines 
concerning life. Too often acts based upon them fail to bring the 
desired results. For this reason scientific investigation is gradually 
being extended into the realm of group relationships and sociol- 
ogists are endeavoring to construct a knowledge of group life 
which is grounded upon exhaustive researches that pierce through 
common-sense, customary explanations to reach the bed rock of 
natural laws. 

Science has set the goal of impersonal, accurate data, classi- 
fied on the basis of functional relationships and summarized in 
scientific laws and theories. Our knowledge of human associations 
is slowly being transformed by the empirical study of what ac- 
tually occurs in the different types of human interactions. No one 
can study current sociology without getting a forecast of discov- 
eries concerning social life which give promise of as revolutionary 



4 SCIENTIFIC INVESTIGATION 

changes in the near future as were caused by the researches of 
medicine during the past generation. * 

Science has certain clear-cut objectives and modes of pro- 
cedure which are common to all its branches. It is an axiom that 
whether the scientist is attempting to construct a system of 
knowledge concerning heavenly bodies, or plants, or human 
groups, his underlying purpose and his general mode of attacking 
his problems are the same. These universal basic characteristics 
of all science have been abstracted and described so that they 
may be utilized by a particular branch of human knowledge. A 
consideration of these essential principles may not only serve as 
an introduction to sociological research, but may also give 
criteria for determining whether a given study is scientific or 
whether a proposed investigation can be expected to yield scien- 
tific results. 

All science limits itself to discovering and describing accurate- 
ly the order which already exists in the field which it is studying. 
No event or fact is entirely unique, and the aim of a science is to 
(i) classify individual events or facts on the grounds of their 
common, functional characteristics, and (2) discover the types of 
relationships which exist between these classes of facts. Our com- 
mon knowledge of group life makes us sure that there is a natural 
order in the realm of human relationships. We all know that cer- 
tain group experiences are repeated again and again in so similar 
a manner that, for the purpose of science, they may be classified 
as identical. Each of us makes these rough classifications out of 
our everyday experiences. In the same way we also know that 
certain types of behavior in certain situations are followed by 
certain invariable results. It is this recognition of similarities and 
behavior sequences which opens the way for the scientific investi- 
gation of human associations. If it is to be scientific, however, 
this investigation must stay within the bounds of determining 
dispassionately how things actually occur Moral and social judg- 
ments have their place in human life, and though scientific facts 
may be indispensable aids in arriving at correct judgments, 



THE OBJECTIVES OF RESEARCH 5 

science completes its task when it has made a realistic statement 
of how social life, good as well as bad, actually takes place. 

Any scientific procedure is usually conceived as involving the 
following steps: (i) the selection and definition of a problem; (2) 
the collection of data; (3) the classification and analysis of data; and 
(4) the formulation of scientific generalizations. The histories of 
the different sciences demonstrate that first one and then another 
of these steps has received especial emphasis at different stages of 
their development. As a comparatively new science, sociology's 
present interpretation of each of these steps will be discussed in 
some detail to indicate the function of each of these phases of 
research in contemporary sociological studies. 

I. SELECTION AND DEFINITION OF THE PROBLEM 

Since any phenomena can be studied from innumerable angles, 
the statement of the problem is always made in order to limit the 
scope of research to workable proportions as well as to define the 
kind of data which is to be selected from the mass of phenomena 
which confronts the investigator. The material with which soci- 
ology deals, together with its youth as a science, has necessitated 
outstanding variations from some of the other sciences in this 
first step of research. 

Many of the problems of the physical sciences are stated in 
terms of definite variables: given A and B, discover the result 
which ensues from a given variation in A or B, or the introduction 
of C. This definiteness in stating the problem is partly due to the 
fact that because of the longer existence of the physical sciences 
their complex problems have been broken down into smaller and 
smaller units that can be accurately defined, and it is partly due to 
the fact that the physical sciences through experimentation are 
able to isolate elements for study and to control the variables as 
they are introduced to modify the situation. As a science, soci- 
ology strives .to approach this goal of exact problems, but at its 
present stage of development it inevitably stands much behind 
the physical sciences in this respect. 



6 SCIENTIFIC INVESTIGATION 

Many exploratory studies are being undertaken in sociology in 
which the investigator begins with a definite group, but studies it 
in as many ramifications as fall within the boundaries of sociology. 
He examines his problem from all sides until the main lines of 
research gradually emerge and are in their turn pursued. Ex- 
ploration is resorted to by (i) scientists in an established field who 
are making a radical break with an older point of view by discov- 
ering new facts and developing new theories; (2) scientists in a 
new field who are attempting to orient themselves and block out 
the major divisions of their problem; and (3) beginners who de- 
sire to obtain a bird's-eye view of the subject matter of their 
science by repeating for their own enlightenment discoveries 
which have been made by experienced investigators. Like an 
adventurer in new lands, the student engaged in exploratory re- 
search must follow many blind trails, make unfruitful excursions 
in his effort to conquer the unknown, to map pathways through 
unfamiliar territory. This rough groundwork is also necessary in a 
science before the significant relationships for more minute studies 
can be recognized. 

In addition to the exploratory studies which consider numer- 
ous phases of a given social group, there are many current studies 
which single out for research a particular process or social situa- 
tion as it manifests itself in numerous groups. Common-sense 
analyses of group behavior and statistical studies of social prob- 
lems often suggest important phases of group life which should be 
studied. 

Probably the smallest proportion of all the sociological studies 
now under way are designed directly to test hypotheses which 
have been derived from the existing body of scientific knowledge. 
This is partly because the sociologist has not as yet been successful 
in producing at will the exact group behavior which he desires to 
study, but must begin with groups already in existence. These 
groups never exhibit a narrowly defined phase of behavior in 
isolation, and consequently they must be explored in order to 
make sure that all the important factors entering into the situa- 



THE OBJECTIVES OF RESEARCH 7 

tion have been taken into account. The exact range of a sociologi- 
cal study is determined to a large extent by the types of Behavior 
which are displayed in the cases investigated. It is the important 
aspects of the case itself that limits the research to workable pro- 
portions. This represents a very different mode of attack from 
that of the physicist, for instance, who postulates that because 
certain facts have been discovered certain other facts must ensue, 
and then constructs an experiment to test the validity of his 
hypotheses. 

H. COLLECTION OF DATA 

The observation and collection of facts which are so accurately 
described that they can also be recognized and verified by other 
investigators is the second step in research procedure. This array 
of verifiable facts constitutes the materials out of which the whole 
superstructure of a science is built. 

The first task in the collection of data is the selection of per- 
tinent material. No science attempts to deal with the entire world 
of phenomena, but selects from it those events which it conceives 
of as falling within its particular territory. For this reason famili- 
arity with the literature of a science is essential before the inves- 
tigator can identify the relevant material which belongs within 
his field of research. Usually the more knowledge an investigator 
has of the discoveries which others have made, the more signifi- 
cant material he can select, for the broad frame of reference which 
he has made his own enables him to see with the eyes of many 
other investigators and to profit by their discoveries. With many 
schools of sociology in existence at the present time, with many 
controversial points of view and with numerous theories but few 
empirically established facts which all are forced to accept, the 
research worker is almost compelled to make a very simple state- 
ment of his basis of selection, a statement which entails little more 
than the definition of what constitutes sociological phenomena. 
Equipped with these few basic assumptions he must then explore 
all these aspects of his cases which fall within the scope of his 



8 SCIENTIFIC INVESTIGATION 

sociology as he conceives it. Thus the social reality under study 
dictates to a large extent the data which are selected. 

Science is a social product constructed bit by bit from the dis- 
coveries of innumerable investigators, each one of whom stand on 
the shoulders of those who have gone before, building upon their 
experience. There are outstanding contributions, it is true, which 
revolutionize thought, but even these can be traced directly to 
their sources in previous discoveries. Darwin could scarcely have 
derived his law of natural selection without the previous work of 
Malthus and the principles recognized by animal-breeders. 

But while the research worker is guided by past discoveries in 
his selection of facts, he must not be so blinded by them that he 
cannot uncover new facts. For this reason he constantly searches 
for negative facts, for behavior which is contrary to that which 
has been described by previous research workers, as well as for 
aspects of behavior which others have overlooked. 

Observation and experimentation have been the methods used 
by the physical and biological sciences to collect their data. The 
social sciences also depend upon observation, but, as stated be- 
fore, they have met with relatively little success so far in their 
attempts to construct controlled social situations. Also, human 
beings are everywhere so continually performing their own ex- 
periments in group life that the investigator can always find 
social experiments of many kinds in progress: a systematic, con- 
temporary, observation of these yields significant facts. 

There are two new modes of scientific procedure, however, 
interviewing and introspection, which have put in their appear- 
ance with the newer social sciences. Social research workers can 
reflect upon their own experiences or discuss with the objects 
of their research the behavior which is observed. And these 
two intimate avenues of contact with the phenomena studied 
constitute a unique approach, one which is out of the question 
in other branches of science. 

Introspective accounts and accounts obtained from interviews 
are commonly referred to as "subjective data," and the validity 



THE OBJECTIVES OF RESEARCH 9 

of their use in scientific studies is frequently challenged. Yet 
these so-called subjective descriptions of life-experiences reveal 
indispensable facts about groups which can never be obtained from 
the observation of overt behavior alone. It is common knowledge 
that what appears to be similar behavior from the standpoint of 
the observer is often very different behavior from the standpoint 
of the individual who has committed the act, and his version, as 
well as the observer's, is significant both because it gives us in- 
sight into the motivation of behavior and because it assists us in 
recognizing previously unperceived differences in overt behavior. 
Indeed, the conversation of an individual constitutes part of his 
overt behavior and can be treated as objective data. 

The account which the individual gives of his inner life is 
sometimes criticized as not being scientific data because it is 
liable to be either wilfully or unconsciously distorted by personal 
bias. But the fact is often lost sight of that every scientific ob- 
servation has its subjective aspects. Every science is, after all, a 
human product. Psychology has conclusively demonstrated that 
the personal equation of the investigator enters into all human 
observation. Each science must devise its own techniques for 
discovering and discounting as far as possible the influence of its 
investigators upon their findings. In the physical sciences the use 
of apparatus has been of great assistance in standardizing observa- 
tions. Social sciences must resort to other methods, and some of 
these are described in Part III of this volume, which deals with 
techniques of research. With the increasing use of subjective 
materials in studying group behavior, together with the increasing 
abstraction and definition of concepts contained in the subjective 
narratives of behavior, the average investigator is becoming more 
and more skilful in evaluating his data, in securing from it the 
underlying, depersonalized account which can be duplicated by 
any other investigator who handles the same material. This 
tendency is in line with the general, forward march of any science; 
it is a movement away from individual conceptions toward univer- 
sally accepted ones. 



io SCIENTIFIC INVESTIGATION 

Sociology undoubtedly has a difficult task to perform in han- 
dling data which are colored -both by the personality of the investi- 
gator and the personality of the subject who gave the information ; 
but the task which confronts it and the other sciences differs in 
degree, not kind. And every advancement of social science gives 
us additional guideposts to check the validity of the statements 
and expurge from them the personal biases which vitiate their 
significance. Subjective data give us material which we must 
have, since communication and reflection on behavior is inherent 
in the nature of man, conditioning his group life; and a growing 
body of techniques and knowledge of human behavior is enabling 
us to make these subjective data conform to the spirit of science. 
Indeed, it does not require a very far stretch of the imagination 
to conjecture that science, which is after all a social product, may 
sometime>be revolutionized in some of its essential aspects by the 
discovery of laws of human behavior. 

In many of the sciences measurements have been devised to 
assist the investigator in distinguishing between phenomena and 
in accurately describing the data which is selected. In sociology 
statistics have been utilized to give counts of the extent of a 
phenomenon or of certain of its characteristics. These statistical 
counts may serve as suggestive indices of social processes, but so 
far any more direct measurement of the processes themselves have 
proved elusive. For instance, it is possible to count the number of 
men, women, and children of given age groups in the population 
and secure an index of the type of community which they form. 
Students of population problems have set up a norm, the percent- 
age of persons of each sex and age group which comprise a normal 
population; and deviations from this norm suggest certain types 
of groups. For example, a preponderance of males.from twenty to 
thirty-four found in the population is indicative of a pioneer 
culture, with men at the active age of life competing for jobs, with 
a marked absence of family life, and with a galaxy of institutions ' 
peculiar to the homeless man and a new or transient area. To 
measure the social processes in that area, however, is a more 



THE OBJECTIVES OF RESEARCH n 

difficult task. Through case studies which describe in detail the 
life which goes on in such an area we are only beginning to get 
some insight into what are the significant sociological facts. In 
other words, a discovery of the significant facts through studies 
of specific' cases must precede their exact measurement. 

Various branches of science have developed special systems of 
standards and measurements. And just as physics has established 
volts and amperes, sociology will undoubtedly evolve new units 
of measurement especially adapted to its significant data. The 
recent endeavors of Professor Bogardus to measure social distance 
and of Professor Kirkpatrick to establish a unit of social values 
are illustrations of ventures in this direction. 

III. ANALYSIS AND CLASSIFICATION OF DATA 

Science requires something more, however, than the mere col- 
lection of accurate facts. Many social surveys of communities and 
many social investigations of the problems of modern life have 
compiled accurate facts and have even compared these findings 
with similar ones discovered in other communities. But even the 
comparison of accurate facts can hardly be termed scientific pro- 
cedure. The inquiry only becomes scientific in character when 
these facts are so marshaled and arranged that the habitual re- 
lationships of behavior which are discovered among them can be 
disclosed and stated in abstract principles. 

In the analysis and classification of data there are three ob- 
jectives: (i) the sorting of data into categories on the basis of sig- 
nificant resemblances; (2) the discovery of clusters of coexistent 
factors which occur again and again in similar phenomena; and 
(3) the discovery of repeated natural sequences in events. The 
first objective, the determination of classes, extends through the 
other two objectives also; the scientist is interested in classifying 
processes and factors into types, as well as in grouping together 
individual objects which are alike. 

Even in our common-sense considerations of experiences we 
tend to group together those occurrences in which we perceive 



12 SCIENTIFIC INVESTIGATION 

similarities, and we make these categories the foundation of our 
actions. We have learned from frequent encounters to behave in 
a given manner toward a given object because of the resulting 
effect upon ourselves, and we tend to act in the same way toward 
any object which we identify as belonging to this same class. Too 
often, however, like the man who patted the tiger because it looked 
like a kitty, we find ourselves in difficulties because we have 
made our classifications upon external similarities. 

The most immediate value of classification is that it enables 
the investigator to reduce the numerous cases or instances which 
he has to consider into a relatively few groupings which can be 
grasped and manipulated more readily. This decrease in the num- 
ber of units, of course, marks an important advance toward 
simplification, which is the ultimate goal of science. 

Eiata can always be classified in a number of different ways. 
In the youth of a science the classifications are seldom but slightly 
removed from common-sense groupings; they are usually little 
more than labels bringing together phenomena which have more 
obvious, external similarities and they give but little additional 
insight into the way in which the behavior occurs or the way in 
which it can be controlled. As the background of knowledge 
increases and more insight is gained into processes, groupings can 
be made on a more functional basis, on one which is in accord with 
the behaving nature of the phenomena studied. Common-sense 
investigations of immigration, for example, classify most informa- 
tion concerning immigrants according to the more obvious fact, 
the particular nationality to which each individual belongs. Thus 
we have large numbers of facts on Poles, Germans, Irish, and all 
the other nationalities that have migrated to America in any 
appreciable numbers. Specific, detailed studies of small groups of 
immigrants, however, are revealing to the sociologist certain 
fundamental type patterns of interaction which occur repeatedly 
when a group with one culture comes into contact with a group 
which has different sets of customs and conceptions of life. The 
processes of accommodation and assimilation become the underly- 



THE OBJECTIVES OF RESEARCH 13 

ing themes for sorting facts and interest centers in uncovering the 
type of factors which retard or accelerate these two processes. The 
terms Pole, German, or Italian then become significant in so far 
as they indicate certain specific customs, institutions, or attitudes 
toward life which researches have disclosed are characteristic of a 
particular nationality group. For it is these social facts which 
make it possible to understand many of the conflicts or adjust- 
ments which take place between native or foreign groups. But 
even in the case of the common-sense or political classification 
care must be exercised. The Italians of northern Italy, for in- 
stance, exhibit a different cultural pattern from those of southern 
Italy, so that from the point of view of sociology the term "Sicil- 
ians" carries more specific meaning than the classification "Ital- 
ians." While these popular categories assist the research worker 
because they suggest differences in behavior which are ordinarily 
recognized, the classifications which science finally adopts will be 
grounded on a more exhaustive study of behavior itself and will 
cut across nationality lines whenever common patterns of reaction 
are discovered in a number of groups of different nationalities. 

Because group life is a common experience of all individuals, 
common-sense classifications concerning it are more numerous 
and probably more deep-seated than in any other branch of hu- 
man knowledge. The beginner finds it especially difficult to break 
with his customary conceptions, with his "pet peeves" and preju- 
dices, and analyze his facts in a detached, scientific manner. At 
the same time, however, this existing background of practical 
knowledge has its advantages. The common-sense distinctions 
implied in language usually contain a germ of meaning that is of 
importance and can be made the point of departure for fruitful 
research. 

In addition to obtaining the more elementary type of classifi- 
cations which aid in reducing the mass of data to comparatively 
few categories, the investigator also attempts to discover the con- 
stellations and processes which exist among classes of phenomena. 
Concrete findings are dissected to determine what clusters of 



i 4 SCIENTIFIC INVESTIGATION 

attributes or factors occur together again and again. For these 
constant groupings of factors suggest the probability of some or- 
ganic relationship among them of such a nature that the given re- 
sult would not be produced unless all of these factors were present. 
Or, the findings may be examined to detect the essential steps in 
the sequence of events terminating in a given result. 

In either case the investigator makes use of any classifications 
already existing that he finds helpful for his purposes, and ab- 
stracts new classifications of factors and processes. These new 
classifications in turn usually modify some of the categories which 
he had accepted at the outset of his study. Science advances by 
finer and finer subclassifications which rest upon differences in 
behavior; consequently, a study of processes usually yields im- 
portant new categories. 

IV. SCIENTIFIC GENERALIZATIONS 

It is almost impossible in actual practice to separate the two 
steps of analysis and generalization, so swiftly does the investiga- 
tor pass back and forth between them in his search for new knowl- 
edge. Yet in order to understand what really happens in scientific 
procedure it is necessary to discuss these two processes which 
have such different objectives. Analysis forms the connecting link 
between the world of reality represented in the concrete findings 
5i research and the world of science which finds its expression in 
Abstractions, in generalizations concerning the concrete data. 
Andjhis transition from the_actual tQjJieJ^ceplJJ&Lb^^ to 
reflcctiyej^nkin^ Js dependent, upon constructive imagination. 
Ft is probably the most slippery step in research. 
" ~ Having devised one scheme and then another for analyzing 
the concrete material, and having finally ferreted out the classes, 
the processes, and the interrelated factors which form an underly- 
ing design in the data, the task still remains of stating the results 
in concepts and general laws which square with the reality. 

Concepts are the simplest and the first generalizations which 
are derived. Each new class which has been recognized in the 



THE OBJECTIVES OF RESEARCH 15 

analysis is given a name, is labeled, while the requirements for 
membership in it are accurately described. This description of 
requirements then constitutes the definition of the term. Often 
the new concept is a commonly used word, but when it becomes a 
part of the scientific language it is given a more definite and pene- 
t^ating meaning. Simmel, for instance, raised the commonly used 
word "stranger" to the level of a sociological concept by giving a 
more exact and richer meaning, a meaning which he derived from 
a subtle analysis of what actually occurs in that particular type 
of human relationship. Concepts may be likened to chemical 
formulas whose exact specifications must be learned in order that 
the investigator may come into possession of the contributions 
made by other people in his field. 

A concept devised by one investigator is reported to his fellow- 
scientists. If it proves to be a valuable tool in assisting others to 
analyze their data, the new concept comes into more and more use 
until eventually it is recognized as part of the orthodox terminol- 
ogy of the science. Sometimes a new concept lies dormant for 
years before its contribution is widely enough acknowledged to 
secure for it a niche in scientific thought. New discoveries are 
constantly giving new classifications and new concepts which are 
more valuable than the older ones because they give more in- 
sight into the behavior of phenomena and afford a better basis for 
control. Each negative case, each concrete instance of behavior 
which is contrary to that described in some accepted scientific 
formula, results in a restatement of the theory and a nearer ap- 
proximation to the facts. It is in this manner that the language of 
a science which represents its accumulated knowledge is con- 
stantly being increased, refined, and revised*/'' 

While concepts are formulated to assist the research worker in 
identifying his facts clearly and accurately, laws are formulated to 
describe either the interactions which customarily occur between 
these classes of facts, or the type of relationship which commonly 
exists between them. When a number of laws can in turn be linked 
together the resulting generalization is usually known as a scien- 



16 SCIENTIFIC INVESTIGATION 

tific theory. In actual practice the broad, scientific theory is 
often formulated first as a hypothesis, and the various Jaws and 
sub-laws which verify it are painstakingly established by a series 
of more specific researches. Thus these more general theories 
form a frame of reference, a point of view, for attacking many 
problems. 

In sociology at the present time there are probably more of 
the broad, theoretical generalizations which suggest lines of attack 
than there are empirically established laws and sub-laws. The 
germ theory, for instance, gave an entirely new approach to the 
problems of disease, but innumerable laws have had to be discov- 
ered and will still have to be discovered before diseases resulting 
from different germs can be controlled. In a similar way the gen- 
eral theory of assimilation or accommodation will have to be de- 
veloped in greater detail before its application can give us a basis 
for control over the various types of behavior which fall under 
these general categories. In other words, these general theories 
are blanket terms which lend insight, but which cover up signifi- 
cant variations in behavior unless they arc simplified by more 
minute statements of scientific laws. 

Science proper is often considered as just this body of abstrac- 
tions, of concepts, laws, and theories which have been derived to 
summarize the ways in which phenomena behave. 

V. VARIATION IN METHODS AMONG SCIENCES 

The foregoing sketch suggests the goals and principles which 
motivate science wherever it exists. But since every branch of 
science has its own peculiar phenomena it must devise its own 
methods and techniques for solving problems. Considerable mis- 
understanding arises out of the tendency to confuse the particular 
jnethods which have been evolved by some of the sciences with 
the underlying mode of attack of science in general. The method 
of some of the earlier sciences, especially the physical sciences, 
have become so closely identified with the term "science" that 
they are often postulated as the only pathways which can lead to 



THE OBJECTIVES OF RESEARCH 17 

really scientific knowledge. This blunder lies at the root of most 
of the criticisms which insist that the facts of social life cannot be 
treated scientifically. 

One frequently hears the statement that sociology is not a 
science because its findings are not derived from experimenta- 
tion, or are not reduced to mathematical formulas, or that the 
complex behavior of human beings cannot be broken down into 
elements. One need only mention other branches of investigation 
now recognized as sciences in good standing that do not meet these 
requirements to demonstrate the error in the charges. Astronomy, 
the oldest and most completely developed of the sciences, has not 
as yet been able to experiment with its celestial phenomena. 
Biology can reduce relatively few of its discoveries to mathemati- 
cal formulas. And geology must content itself largely by dis- 
covering how its phenomena come into being without experi- 
menting with its metamorphic rocks or reducing them to their 
constituent elements. 

As each new branch of knowledge perfects its methods of re- 
search so as to insure accurate, uniform results from its investi- 
gators, discovers facts and laws, and gives to the world informa- 
tion which insures control over another group of problems, it is 
gradually, and usually reluctantly, admitted into the fold of 
science. And the conception of what constitutes scientific method 
is enlarged in turn with the recognition of each new branch. 

The hopeful aspect of sociology at the present time lies in the 
fact that it is not mechanically taking over the tools of other 
sciences, but that it is laboriously forging new ones which will 
enable it to cope more adequately with the phenomena of its own 
field. It can be guided by the underlying spirit of all scientific 
methods, but not shackled by the specific requirements of alien 
realms. 

VI. RELATIONSHIP OF SOCIOLOGY TO OTHER STUDIES OF 
SOCIAL LIFE 

One other statement should be added before this general dis- 
cussion of research is concluded. Man is undoubtedly approach- 



iS SCIENTIFIC INVESTIGATION 

ing the problems of social life, and human relationships, in more 
ways than in the investigation of any other set of problems. From 
the average man on through a whole array of social reformers, 
religious leaders, literary men, philosophers, and social scientists 
we find persons who are vitally engaged in coping with the puzzles 
that arise out of human interactions. Sociologists are interested 
in making only a very definite and limited contribution to this 
widespread search; they are interested solely in formulating the 
natural laws that underlie group behavior. 

SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY 

SCIENTIFIC METHOD 
I. GENERAL 

HOBSON, E. W. The Domain of Natural Science. Cambridge, 1923. 
JEVONS ; W. S. The Principles of Science. A Treatise on Logic and Scientific 

Method. London, iqoy. 
RITCHIE, A. D, Scientific Method. An Inquiry into the Character and Validity 

of Natural Laws. London and New York, 1923. 
WESTAWAY, F. W. Scientific Method: Its Philosophy and Practice. London, 

1912. 
WOLF, A. Essentials of Scientific Method. New York, 1925. 

2. SOCIOLOGICAL RESEARCH 

ALLEN, E. W. "The Nature and Function of Research," Publication of the 

American Sociological Society, XXI, 236-47. 
BURGESS, ERNEST W. "The Trend of Sociological Research," Journal of 

Applied Sociology, III, 131-40. 

BOGARDUS, EMORY S. The New Social Researcjt. Los Angeles, 1926. 
CHAPIN, F. STUART. Field Work and Social Research. New York, 1920. 
ELLWOOD, CHARLES. "Scientific Method in Studying Human Society," 

Journal of Social Forces, March, 1924. 
GIDDINGS, FRANKLIN H. The Scientific Study of Society. Chapel Hill Press, 

University of North Carolina, 1924. 
HOUSE, FLOYD N. "The Logic of Sociology," American Journal of Sociology, 

XXXII, 271-88. 

LINDEMAN, EDUARD C. Social Discovery: An Approach to the Study of Func- 
tional Groups. New York, 1924. 
MELVJN, BRUCE L. "Methods of Social Research," American Journal of 

Sociology, XXXII, 194-211. 
MOWRER, . R. Family Disorganization. Chicago, 1927. 



CHAPTER II 
THE METHODS OF SOCIOLOGICAL RESEARCH 

Scientific methods change from time to time as a division of 
knowledge develops, and just now three outstanding methods 
are being utilized in sociological research: (i) the case-study 
method, (2) the historical method, and (3) the statistical method. 
This volume deals primarily with the application of the first of 
these procedures, the case study, to certain selected types of social 
groups. But the purposes and the pathways followed by each of 
these three are summarized here in order to indicate their relation- 
ship to each other as well as the distinctive contributions which 
each makes to the building of sociological knowledge. 

I. CASE-STUDY METHOD 

The term "case study" is commonly used to describe two dif- 
ferent types of investigation: (i) in its broader sense it is consid- 
ered as an all-inclusive study of an individual case in which the 
investigator brings to focus upon it all his various skills and meth- 
ods of research; and (2) in a narrower sense it is conceived as a 
distinct method of research, a limited stage in the investigation of 
a research problem in which the investigator makes an exhaustive 
study of a case as an interacting whole, but confines himself to 
descriptive statements of the results. It is this second, restricted 
meaning of the word that is the subject of the theoretical discus- 
sion of this section. In carrying on studies of social groups, how- 
ever, the case-study method is seldom used entirely. For instance, 
while the emphasis in the type studies outlined in Part II of this 
volume is upon the case-study method, the historical and statisti- 
cal methods are used to some extent. 

In the case-study or monographic method, as it is sometimes 
called, research centers upon the intensive investigation of 
the relationships and processes inherent in a single case. The 

19 



20 SCIENTIFIC INVESTIGATION 

investigator selects a group, or some broad phase of a group's 
behavior, as his problem and painstakingly scrutinizes it from as 
many different angles as possible, tracking down first one clue 
and then another in the effort to penetrate more deeply into the 
various facts involved. Fundamental to the case-study method is 
the effort to view the different aspects of the problem as an organ- 
ic, interrelated whole. The meaning of each factor is sought in 
terms of its relationship to other factors and in terms of its rela- 
tionship to the results which are observed, for it is recognized 
that it is the study of factors as integral parts of different social 
situations, and not the study of these factors in isolation, that 
leads to the understanding of group behavior. It is from this very 
complete description of what actually happens that the investi- 
gator is able to extract the vital processes which make the group 
what it is, and from this analysis, in turn, to infer new canons that 
govern collective action. 

The case study may also be utilized as the stage in research 
which co-ordinates the findings of other social sciences with those 
of sociology. In this comprehensive investigation of a small seg- 
ment the research worker is often led into the overlapping terri- 
tory of history, political science, economics, human geography, 
or social psychology. 

So much time must be spent in the microscopic examination of 
social groups that it is only possible to investigate a limited num- 
ber of cases in this thoroughgoing manner. Once a new relation- 
ship has been discovered by means of a case study, however, it 
can be singled out for extensive research. Numerous instances 
can be examined to determine the presence or absence of this one 
set of factors, and statistical methods of enumeration, and possi- 
bly measurement, may be applied to find the extent of the phe- 
nomenon and to define it numerically. 

The justification of the expenditure of so much time on a 
single case is based on two facts; first, it is only through exhaustive 
studies that new relationships and processes can be discovered or 
described accurately; and second, every individual case has char- 



METHODS OF RESEARCH 21 

acteristics which may be regarded as typical or representative of 
a large number of cases. 1 It is a common observation that any 
case has three important characteristics : (i) characteristics which 
are common to every individual in the species to which it belongs, 
(2) variations of these common attributes which are characteristic 
of groups within the species, and (3) still other characteristics 
which belong uniquely to the individual and distinguish it from 
every other individual within the species. Science is always 
interested in characteristics of the first two types, and it is at- 
tempting to reduce more and more of the individual variations to 
categories that pertain to the species or to classes within the spe- 
cies. Class differences are but variations of the common charac- 
teristics of the species, and individual variations, with the excep- 
tion of freak mutations, are in turn but a variation of class char- 
acteristics. No two individuals are of course exactly alike, but 
science assumes that individual characteristics vary so slightly 
from some scientific category that the individual or a specific 
attribute of an individual may be treated as though it coincided 
with the definition of some class. 

Since individual characteristics are but variations of the 
fundamental, common attributes of a species, each case may be 
assumed tentatively to display the common qualities of the spe- 
cies and may be treated as a specimen. For instance, in selecting 
for study any human association which might be commonly called 
a social group, it may be assumed that it is the result of certain 
basic relationships and processes which are found to a greater or 
less degree in all groups. It is for this reason that the study of a 
case is of such value to the beginner in social research. Under 
adequate direction he can conduct his investigation of a group in 
such a way as to secure an understanding of the underlying proc- 
esses of group life, much as a medical student dissects his cadaver 
to discover the universal, fundamental functions of different parts 
of the human body. 

1 This discussion of the use of a case as a specimen is adapted from a mimeo- 
graphed statement by Dr. E. W. Burgess. 



22 SCIENTIFIC INVESTIGATION 

After a case study has been completed its findings must be 
compared with those secured through a similar study of another 
case. As a result of the comparison the new case may prove to be 
(i) another case of the same class, (2) a negative case, or (3) a 
marginal case. The last two types of incidents are especially valu- 
able inasmuch as they point the way either, toward new generaliza- 
tions or toward more adequate descriptions of previous ones. They 
indicate variations in the characteristics of processes that are com- 
mon to many social groups. 

A negative case, one which displays behavior that differs 
markedly from that discovered in a previous case or is contrary to 
that described in some generally accepted theory, serves as a point 
of departure for another investigation. This exceptional,previous- 
ly undiscovered behavior creates a new problem which must be 
solved by further research, and usually results in a more accurate 
definition of a concept or a statement of some scientific law. A 
marginal occurrence, one which does not quite exhibit the same 
essentials that have been described in other events, accentuates 
the identifying marks of the previous cases and leads to a 
refinement of class definitions It often indicates also a new form 
of behavior which will become increasingly prevalent, and en- 
ables one to see it in its inception. 

Since the principal aim in the case study method is to probe 
systematically into as many aspects of a given situation as is 
possible, it is usually employed in the early, exploratory stages of 
research. Its chief value is in the assistance which it gives in un- 
covering in considerable detail certain processes or certain move- 
ments in a process which have hitherto remained obscure. 

II. HISTORICAL METHOD 

The historical method might be considered as one type of the 
case-study method, inasmuch as it, too, deals with social situations 
as organic, interrelated wholes and is interested in obtaining in- 
formation concerning the sequences of events, or social changes. 
But history has dealt especially with past events as these are 



METHODS OF RESEARCH 23 

recorded in documents, while case studies undoubtedly secure 
their most accurate and reliable data from the direct observation 
and investigation of contemporary events. Also, the group of 
scholars who develop history and those who concern themselves 
with sociology have different ultimate objectives which have re- 
sulted in significant differences in the methods and techniques of 
the two types of research. 

Sociology and history have a common meeting ground : both 
are interested in the changes which occur in human societies dur- 
ing a period of time. History, however, is interested in depicting 
these changes vividly, in re-creating the past as accurately as pos- 
sible, while sociology is interested in discovering in this accurate 
account of social changes the sequences of behavior which cause 
social processes. History is interested in each unique event as it 
actually occurred in time and place, while sociology's aim is to 
abstract from these individual events the laws and principles of 
social interaction, irrespective of time and place. 

Sociology utilizes historical method in two ways: (i) indi- 
rectly, through materials which competent historians have com- 
piled, and (2) directly, through the use of the historical method 
in compiling natural history documents for its own use. 

The advocates of synthetic history who are rebelling against 
the old stereotyped textbook history based on military and politi- 
cal affairs are constructing as comprehensive a picture of the life 
of a period as the sources of information will permit. These 
newer historical narratives enable the sociologist to view the broad 
sweep of social changes which have taken place in different groups 
down through many centuries, and from this array he can derive 
pointers as to the underlying principles of group behavior. 

But there are limitations to the sociological use of even the 
best of these historical narratives. The modern historian uses the 
generalizations of psychology, sociology, and political science to 
assist him in judging the significance or relationships of the vari- 
ous historical facts out of which he endeavors to reconstruct the 
past; but because of the infancy of these sciences the historian 



24 SCIENTIFIC INVESTIGATION 

must still be guided largely by a priori or common-sense con- 
ceptions of group behavior in selecting his data and arranging 
them in a sequence of cause and effect. Also his necessary reliance 
upon old documents written by people who looked at the world 
without the glasses of modern science make it inevitable that 
many facts of the past which are significant from the standpoint 
of sociology have not been recorded and cannot now with ac- 
curacy be read back into the old sources. The sociologist will have 
to turn to the direct investigation of contemporary group proc- 
esses in order to be sure of the minute information concerning 
social interaction from which to infer his social laws. He will have 
to base much of his ground work of theoretical knowledge also upon 
small groups close at hand which it is possible to encompass with 
research, rather than upon the study of national groups whose 
behavior is too complex for accurate sociological investigation at 
the present stage of our skill. 

Those documentary sources of the historian, especially letters, 
diaries, and autobiographies, which give glimpses into the inti- 
mate experiences of people and express their real attitudes, prob- 
ably afford the sociologist more profitable material than the final, 
reconstructed historical narrative. The emphasis in sociology is 
upon processes, and historical records which give detailed ac- 
counts of "the becoming," the development of an event, are the 
most useful. 

Historical monographs such as London in the Eighteenth Cen- 
tury, by Dorothy M. George, in which a small section of human 
life definitely bounded in time and place is subjected to an in- 
tensive, all-around study are another valuable type of material 
for sociology. Perhaps the synthetic historian who is dealing with 
current events aftd attempting to assemble as complete an account 
as possible of an incident which has recently occurred collects the 
most relevant data for social science purposes. 

The social research worker must often make use of the histori- 
cal method in carrying on his concrete studies of selected groups. 
For in order to understand the contemporary behavior of a group 



METHODS OF RESEARCH 25 

it is necessary to have some knowledge of the previous experi- 
ences in which the present is rooted. Social life is a continual, on- 
going process, and though it must be broken up into segments in 
order that it may be studied each of these parts is intimately con- 
nected with those that precede or follow. Most of these past ex- 
periences which still influence a group can be traced back through 
the reminiscences of the oldest living members, with the result 
that the investigator can himself prepare the necessary histori- 
cal documents directly from their sources. By supervising the 
compilation of the documents through interviews with these old 
participants the investigator is able to dig out a natural history 
narrative that meets his needs, one which describes in detail what 
actually did happen and what interactions took place. Then, 
after comparing the document secured, he can return again and 
again to his informants to check points of discrepancy until he is 
satisfied that his data are accurate as well as adequate for his needs. 

Historians have made a distinct contribution to method in 
the standards which they have set for the criticism of documents. 
In their classic volume, The Introduction to the Study of History, 
Langlois and Seignobos state the principles for the external and 
internal criticism of documents. Research workers dependent 
upon documentary material find these principles indispensable as 
guides in evaluating data. They also assist the research worker 
in estimating the value of his interviews. Social psychology will 
eventually give us laws upon the basis of which these tenets of 
criticism can be refined; but until these laws have been formulated 
the suggestions of Langlois and Seignobos remain an outstanding 
contribution. 

The sociologist also brings his understanding of group be- 
havior to bear upon testing his historical data. A knowledge of 
the laws of group life assists him in detecting gaps and discrepan- 
cies in material as well as in evaluating conflicting evidence or 
weighing the relative importance of various details. Eventually 
the body of scientific data of the sociologist, and that accumulated 
by the social psychologist, will be so definitely formulated that it 



26 SCIENTIFIC INVESTIGATION 

can be placed at the disposal of historians to be incorporated into 
their technique of criticism. 

III. STATISTICAL METHOD 

The statistical method is outstandingly different from the 
case and historical methods in that its major emphasis is upon the 
extensive enumeration and measurement of certain selected at- 
tributes found in a large number of cases rather than upon the 
intensive study of all the interrelated processes displayed by a 
single case. Another important difference is found in the fact that 
the data of statistics are expressed numerically or graphically, 
while those of the other two methods are expressed descriptively. 
The sociologist uses statistical counts and measurements for four 
purposes: (i) to discover the extent of selected attributes by 
counting their occurrences; (2) to discover trends by comparing 
enumerations which are made at intervals; (3) to compare the 
distribution of selected types of cases by localities; and (4) to 
measure the frequency with which given attributes are found to 
occur in constellations in a given case. 

The enumeration of a given phenomenon or attribute in order 
to determine its extent is the elementary form of statistical pro- 
cedure. The unit to be counted is defined, a large number of cases 
are examined to discover whether or not they possess this trait, 
and the results are then enumerated. Usually the inquiry is made 
with respect to a number of attributes which are recognized 
commonly as being associated with the phenomenon and are 
popularly postulated as "causes. " Thus, juvenile delinquency is 
studied by counting the total number of cases, by counting the 
number of cases in (i) different nationality groups, (2) in homes 
broken by divorce or .desertion, (3) among children employed, (4) 
among children in school, (5) among boys, (6) among girls, and 
so on. Whenever the findings of a case study are reported, the 
question always arises, "Is this case like others, is it typical, or is 
it unusual?" A frequency enumeration is designed to answer the 
query. , 



METHODS OF RESEARCH 27 

Quantities of this type of statistical data are being compiled 
constantly by governmental departments and social and civic 
agencies, but the fact that the attributes which are selected as 
the basic units are defined in common-sense terms limits the value 
of these statistics for sociological research. If the sociologist 
desired to study juvenile delinquency these statistical figures 
suggest where he might turn to locate his cases as well as indicate 
the many different types of groups from which he should select 
cases as representative in order to make comparisons. The figures 
would also lead him to speculate concerning different angles of 
his problem. If 30 per cent of the delinquents were of one nation- 
ality and 5 per cent of another, for example, he would want to 
discover whether there was some difference in the cultural pat- 
terns of the groups and their adjustments to American life which 
contributed to this difference in the behavior of their children. Or 
again, if a high percentage of the delinquents came from broken 
homes he would want to obtain much more intimate pictures of 
those interactions which occurred among the members of disor- 
ganized families that influenced the behavior of the delinquents. 

After securing what assistance he could from the statistical 
figures he would then make exhaustive case studies to determine 
the influence of group factors in the given instance. He would be 
interested in obtaining from observations, from members of the 
child's various groups, and especially from the child's own story, 
a picture of the social attitudes of the group, the child's r61e in it, 
and the influences which it exerted in defining the child's habits 
of action. Physiological, psychological, and social psychological 
factors would also have to be taken account of in a thoroughgoing 
study of the individual, but the sociologist's interest would center 
upon the group influences, factors which are so often ignored. 

The findings of the sociologist in such a case would be expressed 
in different categories from those used in most statistical studies 
of delinquency, for they would be stated in terms of group proc- 
esses for instance, in terms of customs, folkways, mores, attitudes, 
or social control rather than in common-sense, formal attributes. 



28 SCIENTIFIC INVESTIGATION 

If a given factor in the sociological discovery could be easily 
identified did it exist in other cases, this factor could then be made 
a new unit in a statistical inquiry. Case studies discover and 
define the units of study; statistics begin with the acceptance of 
these units. 

Statistical studies which have been made at intervals may be 
compared in order to determine trends and to make predictions 
concerning the direction in which social problems tend to move. 
Figures for the years 1900, 1910, and 1920, for instance, may show 
that in each succeeding decade a larger percentage of the total 
number of delinquents are girls. This fact would be significant, 
for it indicates social change. But, like all the statistical facts, it 
does not reveal as complete an account as the sociologist is in- 
terested in obtaining. He may speculate as to whether changes in 
the girl's status in the family group, changes in the attitudes of 
the community toward girls, the increased mobility of girls, or a 
number of other factors have influenced this increase. The sta- 
tistics will suggest an interesting problem for analysis, but in- 
dividual cases of girl delinquents will have to be studied in minute 
detail in order to decide what changes are really taking place 
which might account for the growth of delinquency. 

The third use of statistical method is in finding the distri- 
bution of cases by locality. Figures may show that the male 
juvenile delinquency rate of a city is 60-70 per cent per 1,000 of 
the male population of juvenile delinquency age. If the residences 
of those delinquents are spotted on a map it will be found that 
large clusters of them will appear in some sections of the city, 
while other sections will have no cases at all; the rates of delin- 
quency will vary for each section, though the high rates of some 
areas and the low rates of others will cancel each other when the 
lump figure is presented for the city as a whole. This localized 
picture of delinquency in the city is of far more service to a soci- 
ologist than a numerical statement for the city as a whole, as it 
assists him in breaking his problem into parts and obtaining a 
truer picture of the actual social environments in which delin- 
quency occurs. Control of the problem of delinquency depends 



METHODS OF RESEARCH 



29 



upon this more exact knowledge of different types of groups in 
which delinquents develop. 

In the studies of Chicago the city was divided into eighty nat- 
ural areas, maps were made to show the distribution of a number 
of different kinds of social phenomena, and the cases which fell 
within each area were counted and rated. Table I, showing the 

TABLE I 





RATE PER THOUSAND OF THE POPULATION 


I 

Apartment 
House Area 


II 

Industrial 
Area 


III 

Area of 
Contrasts 


IV 

Residential 
Area 


V 

Immigrant 
Area 


Suicide 
Poverty 


.11 
50 
I 78 
.19 
5 36 


.17 
2 35 


3 4 
o 


33 
6 67 
I 14 
3 




I 2 
1-54 
.09 

.17 
18 


.14 
3-79 
03 
35 

.02 


Contributors to charity . 
Delinquent girls 
Distinguished persons 



ratings with respect to some of the social phenomena for five of 
these local areas, indicates the wide difference in the social en- 
vironment of each of these areas and the value of localizing sta- 
tistical facts. From this table it is also possible to secure some 
indication of the combination of factors within any one area. 1 

1 The following brief description may be given of each of the areas listed: 

Area I: A residential area which has just undergone transition from an area 
of single dwellings to apartments. It also contains a university community. 

Area II: A small industrial neighborhood at the extreme border of the city. 
For many years it has been isolated from the rest of the town by poor transporta- 
tion facilities, and the city is only now growing out to it. With little trained leader- 
ship, it has managed its own problems for years with little interference or aid from 
social or civic agencies. It has a cosmopolitan, lower middle-class population. 

Area III: An area of striking contrasts, with the wealthiest residential section 
of the city, a rooming-house area, and a group of small colonies of Southern Europe- 
an and Near East immigrants in close proximity and pressing in upon one another. 

Area IV. An old, established, conservative, middle-class community just be- 
ginning to be disintegrated by the outward expansion of the city. A newer popula- 
tion of lower economic status is trickling in and the older residents who have built 
the c6rnmunity over a period of thirty to forty years are rapidly moving to newer 
residential areas farther out. 

Area V: An old immigrant area, containing colonies of both first and second 
settlement. Poles predominate, though there are also colonies of Italians and 
Russian Jews. 



30 SCIENTIFIC INVESTIGATION 

The statistician uses coefficients of correlation in order to 
determine with what frequency given attributes occur together in 
the same case. He may, for instance, compute the coefficient of 
correlation which exists between delinquency and desertion. If 
he obtains a high degree of correlation, an indication that in a 
large number of families in which delinquency occurs desertion 
is also found, the result would suggest one of three things: (i) 
a causal relationship between delinquency and desertion; (2) a 
dependence of both delinquency and desertion upon the same un- 
derlying factors; (3) simply a chance, unrelated coincidence of 
the two phenomena. Again the case study method must be ap- 
plied in order to determine which one of these theories is plausible. 
Correlations are of great assistance in pointing out possible rela- 
tionships between phenomena and in measuring the frequency of 
that relationship in a large number of cases, though again the in- 
vestigation must be carried farther. 

Statistics, expressed as they are in numbers, carry with them 
a sense of exactness and finality which is convincing to the aver- 
age person. They are a distinct aid also in attaining the exact 
statement of social facts that are demanded in a science. And yet 
danger lurks in the ease with which inaccurate facts regarding 
behavior may be given the appearance of extreme correctness 
through the use of numbers. This is not an argument against the 
statistical method itself, but rather a caution against the improper 
or careless use of it. If the unit which is counted has some intrin- 
sic relationship to the behavior which is being studied, if it can be 
defined so precisely that its presence or absence in cases can be 
identified readily, then statistical treatment adds to the utility 
of the discovery. 

IV. RELATIONSHIP OF THE DIFFERENT METHODS 

Like a golfer with his bag of sticks the investigator selects 
first one implement and then another in his drive toward the goal. 
Each implement has its specific use, with its manifest limitations, 



METHODS OF RESEARCH 31 

so the ultimate success depends upon both the selection and the 
skilful use of the right implement at each stage of the game. Each 
instrument is superior in its own sphere, and the variety of the 
problems encountered demands the interchanging use of first one 
and then another tool to insure the highest returns. 

This sequence of transition from one method to another in 
sociological research is difficult to summarize, inasmuch as it 
varies from one problem to another. The use of the different 
methods thus far employed in the investigation of group life 
might be schematized somewhat as follows : 

First, the study of existing statistics, historical narratives, and 
descriptive accounts that have any bearing whatever on the sub- 
ject. This existing material will consist of (a) common-sense 
statements and (b) reports by other research workers. 

Second, a preliminary use of the case-study method to explore 
at first hand the various aspects of the problem and decide upon 
its more important aspects. 

Third, the historical approach to secure a picture of the past 
of the group, of those traditions and customs which were gener- 
ated in it and which still influence the present. 

Fourth, the application of the case-study method, an exhaus- 
tive investigation of recent and contemporary behavior to formu- 
late concepts and laws that describe the processes and the inter- 
relationships of factors. 

Fifth, the use of statistical method to express more accurately 
those findings of the case-study method which can be handled 
numerically: the extent to which the case occurs, the frequency 
with which certain identified factors are found in combination, the 
measurement of the degree of some attribute, or the change in 
statistical measurement over any period of time. The success 
with which the case study method has unearthed the salient facts 
in concrete events determines to a large extent the degree to which 
the various refinements of statistical method should be carried in 
adding accuracy to these results. 



32 SCIENTIFIC INVESTIGATION 

V. TECHNIQUES OF RESEARCH 

Techniques, ways of skilfully and efficiently handling prob- 
lems in so standardized a manner that they can be communicated 
from one investigator to another, are necessary in connection with 
each one of the three methods of sociological research. Volumes 
are available concerning statistical techniques, and certainly the 
mathematical phases of them have been standardized and elab- 
orated. Historical techniques have also received attention, with 
the result that many of them have been formulated clearly. The 
case-study method is still in the process of being raised to the 
status of a scientific approach, with the result that though widely 
used in both the everyday and the semi-scientific inquiries into 
social life, it is only recently acquiring a set of specific procedures 
that adds the precision necessary for scientific work. It is because 
of this fact, as well as because the case-study approach gives the 
beginner the most intimate contact with social reality, that this 
method has been chosen as the center of emphasis, and Part III 
has been limited to those techniques which are needed in making 
a case study. Some of these tools of case study are also basic to 
the historical and statistical methods. Some of them apply, for 
instance, to the field investigations in which statistical data are 
collected, and this is another reason why they are being given so 
much attention. Both the statistical and the historical approaches 
are also used in the type studies of Part II, but in these instances 
references are given to discussions of techniques which can be 
found in other volumes. 

SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY 

CASE-STUDY METHOD 

BURGESS, E. W. ''Statistics and Case Studies," Sociology and Sociological 

Research, XII, 2, 103-21. 

BOGARDUS, EMORY S. The New Social Research, chap. ix. 
COOLEY, CHARLES H. "Case Study of Small Institutions as a Method of 

Research," Publications of the American Sociological Society, XXII, 

123-33- . 
GIDDINGS, FRANKLIN H. The Scientific Study of Society, chap. vi. 



METHODS OF RESEARCH 33 

HEALY, WILLIAM. "The Contributions of Case Studies to American So- 
ciology," Publications of the American Sociological Society, XVIII, 

I47-5S- 

MOWRER, E. R. Family Disorganization, pp. 145-73, 216-29. 

SHAW, CLIFFORD R. "The Case Study Method," Publications of the Ameri- 
can Sociological Society, XXI, 149-57. 

HISTORICAL METHOD 

BARNES, HARRY ELMER. The New History and the Social Studies. New York : 

Century Co., 1925. 

GEORGE, REV. H. B. Historical Evidence. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1909. 
HERTZLER, J. O. "The Sociological Uses of History," American Journal of 

Sociology, XXXI, 173-99. 
LINDEMAN, EDUARD C. Social Discovery, chap. ii. 
MCLAUGHLIN, ISABELLA C. "History and Sociology. A Comparison of Their 

Methods," American Journal of Sociology, XXXII, 379-95. 
TEGGERT, FREDERICK J. The Theory of History. Yale University Press, 1925. 
THOMAS, FRANKLIN. The Environmental Basis of Society. Century Co., 1925. 

STATISTICAL METHOD 

CHADDOCK, ROBERT E. Principles and Methods of Statistics. Boston: 
Hough ton Mifflin Co., 1925. 

CHAPIN, F. STUART. Field Work and Social Research. 

ELMER, MANUEL C. Social Statistics: Statistical Method Applied to Sociology. 
Los Angeles: J. R. Miller, 1926. 

GEHLKE, C. E. "The Use and Limitations of Statistics as Sociological Re- 
search," Publications of the American Sociological Society, XXI, 141-48. 

GIDDINGS, FRANKLIN H. Scientific Study of Human Society, 189-241. 

LINDEMAN, EDUARD C. Social Discovery, chap. iv. 

OGBURN, WILLIAM FIELDING. "Sociology and Statistics," in The Social 
Sciences. Edited by A. GOLDENWEISER and W. F. OGBURN. Boston, 
1927. 

WOLF, A. Essentials of Scientific Method, chap. vi. 

YULE, G. UDNY. An Introduction to the Theory of Statistics. London, 1919. 



CHAPTER III 
BASIC ASSUMPTIONS 

I. THEIR FUNCTION 

Before presenting the outlines of typical case studies it is 
necessary to indicate the sociological assumptions or points of 
view which underlie the proposed research problems. For there 
are so many definitions of sociology at the present time, so many 
conceptions as to what should be the center of emphasis as well 
as the limits of the field, that sociological problems can be formu- 
lated in surprisingly different ways. The adherents of the various 
schools: of sociology have written textbooks which discuss at 
length these numerous approaches to their subject, and this task 
of describing the field rightly belongs to textbooks and not to a 
manual of research. Nevertheless, in order that the problems for 
research may be understood in their fuller implications they have 
to be prefaced by a statement of the particular sociological point 
of view which lies back of them. What is meant by the term 
"sociology," and consequently what constitutes the data of socio- 
logical research, molds both the studies and the techniques of 
investigation. 

II. CONCEPTION OF SOCIOLOGY AND SOCIOLOGICAL DATA 

The following assumptions concerning sociology were ac- 
cepted in planning the three type studies which are described in 
Part II: 

i. Sociology is defined as the science of group behavior. The 
interest focuses upon discovering the natural laws and principles 
which underlie collective behavior. Hence it concerns itself with 
the interactions and processes of human associations. It is as- 
sumed that variations in processes and interactions produce 
variations in group life, and that what these variations are and 

34 



BASIC ASSUMPTIONS 35 

how they are produced in turn constitutes the specific problems 
for research. How group life occurs and is carried on is the prob- 
lem which must be described and analyzed. Thus a wide 'variety 
of groups boys' gangs, political organizations, neighborhoods, 
sects, church societies, mobs, crowds may be examined to ex- 
tract the common group characteristics which develop out of any 
social interaction in any sphere of human activity, and the varia- 
tions in these common attributes. 

2. Behavior may be conceived of as occurring in a chain of 
events linked together in a series of cause and effects. The sociolo- 
gist breaks into the on-going activity of a group at a given point, 
and analyzes it in cross-section to discover the factors and relation- 
ships which have produced the behavior. 'By selecting a number 
of successive points in the stream of the activity for a similar 
cross-section analysis and then comparing the factors, relation- 
ships, and results at each point, the sociologist then infers the 
process. Figuratively speaking, each link in the chain is studied 
for its interactions, and a section of the chain containing a number 
of connected links is analyzed to discover the process. 

3. As a science, sociology bases its conclusions upon a thor- 
oughgoing study of actual cases of group behavior. Its hypotheses 
must be relevant to the observed behavior, and its laws and gen- 
eralizations must be verified by discoveries of what really occurs 
in group life. Careful, specific observation of the interactions 
which are found in different kinds of groups supply the data out 
of which the sociology is constructed. 

4. A science grows pragmatically as newly discovered facts 
are added little by little and its laws and concepts are restated 
to taV^ ' " account these additional facts. In this process of 

^ science passes through various stages at 
* scientific procedure must be ei^ 
"*Vthe case study ir 



36 SCIENTIFIC INVESTIGATION 

evolved so that the results obtained by one person may be com- 
pared with those obtained by another. 

5. The following kinds of data can be used in sociological re- 
search: (a) Observation of a group in action. One can attend a 
meeting, for instance, and observe what its leader does, what the 
overt reactions of the members are, what discussions take place, 
and what the group actually does before it reaches consensus and 
either accepts or rejects the plan proposed by the leader. (6) The 
investigator can get accounts of group behavior from individuals 
who have either observed it or participated in it when he himself 
has not had first-hand contact with the event. This secondary 
material must, of course, be criticized and evaluated carefully, (c) 
Similar to the data just described is that received from records. 
If the material has been reduced to writing soon after the event 
which it describes occurs it is of more value than if considerable 
time elapses between the event and the record which is made of 
it. (d) The attitudes of the members of the group can be obtained 
from conversations or autobiographical documents from their 
expressions or descriptions of their own behavior. 

Every attitude is authentic from the sociologists' point of 
view, though the statement expressing the attitude may be er- 
roneous. For instance, persons of nationality A in a given com- 
munity may believe and state that members of nationality B are 
a "shiftless, ambitionless lot." Investigation may disclose, how- 
ever, that these people have records of steady work, are buying 
their own homes, and gradually raising their standards of living, 
though these standards may still fall below those of nationality 

A. While it is essential to establish the "truth" about nationality 

B, it is equally valuable to discover the attitude of ~ UD A to- 
ward group B, as this attitude is also a "fo'- 4 -'" 

^s it is undoubtedly a potent fora* " 
v v and in creating 



BASIC ASSUMPTIONS 37 

which the individuals belong. By comparing these supposedly rep- 
resentative attitudes of a number of people from the same group 
it is possible to eliminate the personal equation. And by compar- 
ing the representative attitudes of each group of which a person 
is a member with those of the individual it is usually possible to 
account for the so-called individual attitudes which are the result 
of the conflict and subsequent modification of the prevailing at- 
titude of two or more groups. 

The individual's account of his inner behavior is often referred 
to as subjective data. And yet, as Cooley and others have pointed 
out, the individual's expression of this inner attitude through 
speech is as much a part of the objective data of research as his 
physical movements. It can be observed objectively by any 
number of investigators. Statistical data pertaining to observable 
behavior is another source of sociological material. Its use has 
been described on pages 26-30. 

6. Inasmuch as personal data is relied upon in the study of 
group behavior, a brief statement is necessary as to the assump- 
tions underlying personality. One aspect of every individual is 
the modification of his original inheritance through his interac- 
tions with other people. If he grows up in a Chinese group, his 
attitudes are different than if he were raised in an English group. 
And in a similar way, if he grows up as an only child in a family 
he is a different personality than if he were raised in a large family 
of children. In other words, an individual is a member of many 
different groups during his lifetime, and each of these modifies 
his behavior. It is this group experience which forms the meeting 
ground between social psychology and sociology. In the former, 
stress is laid upon the influence of the group upon personality; 
in the latter, it is laid upon the behavior of the group itself. 

The value of the basic assumptions in sociology must be tested 
by the assistance which they give in analyzing and interpreting 
group behavior. Accepting tentatively the principles which have 
just been summarized, the next task is to apply them to the study 
of concrete instances of group activity in order to discover what 
returns they will yield. 



PART II 
TYPE-STUDY OUTLINES 



CHAPTER I 
THE SCOPE AND USE OF TYPE STUDIES 

I. BASIS OF SELECTION OF TYPE STUDIES 

A glance at human society readily discloses the fact that the 
greater part of human associations take place within Ihe limits 
of relatively small groups. Modern means of transportation and 
communication have increased contacts between the members of 
widely distant groups, and the world-wide interdependence of 
modern times makes social events which occur in almost any part 
of the inhabited world set into motion a chain of effects which 
manifest themselves in remote groups. But the more intimate 
contacts of life, the day-by-day contacts with relatives, friends, 
acquaintances, and opponents are still confined for the most part 
to people who live within the same local area. When one at- 
tempts to break human society into its elementary, functional 
units, two types of groups immediately present themselves: (i) 
territorial or habitation groups, associations of people who live 
together; and (2) interest groups, associations of people who come 
together to satisfy certain common interests. In the United 
States, communities, neighborhoods, and colonies are common 
names for the first type of group, while clubs, organizations, as- 
sociations, gangs, and leagues are examples of the voluntary or 
interest groups. These two basic forms of associations have been 
made the subject of type studies through which fundamental 
aspects of human associations and social processes may be investi- 
gated. 

A third type of group has also been selected for a type study. 
One can hardly analyze the group life in any section of the United 
States without coming into touch with settlements of immigrants. 
These colonies can be analyzed as territorial groups, and the or- 
ganizations of one kind and another which are found within them 

41 



42 TYPE-STUDY OUTLINES 

can be analyzed as interest groups. But the colonies are bits of 
transplanted culture which stand out in marked contrast to the 
prevailing life of the land, and in the attempts which their mem- 
bers make to adjust themselves to new conditions and in the cul- 
tural modifications which ensue, a vivid picture is presented of 
the process of accommodation. For this reason a third type study 
has been added, the Type Study of an Immigrant Group, an Ac- 
commodation Group. These three type studies by no means ex- 
haust the possibilities of sociological research. They merely offer 
an introduction to the case study of social phenomena, an op- 
portunity to observe closely three fundamental types of groups 
and discover their outstanding attributes, the nature of the proc- 
esses and interactions which take place within them, knitting 
together their members. 

In actual practice a group is selected for study because of a 
number of local factors. Areas in which students live, which they 
know, or in which they have become interested generally yield 
the more profitable studies. Sometimes a community will ask to 
be studied, or sometimes a social problem will force attention to a 
particular locality. In any case the area selected should be readily 
accessible to the investigators so that they may make frequent 
first-hand observations and contacts. This necessity for having a 
social research laboratory close at hand also means that a relative- 
ly restricted territory around a college will have to be studied 
again and again, and that the greatest care must be taken to pre- 
serve the good will and the confidence of people within the area. 
The human laboratory must be protected by a careful supervision 
of the research work against the explosions which can so readily 
grow out of the errors of inexperienced investigators. 

.II. SOURCE OF THE TYPE STUDY 

Each type study was compiled from the investigation of a 
large number of groups. The original outlines were made from the 
study of texts, by turning the hypotheses and principles concern- 
ing group life into questions and suggestions for research. The 



SCOPE AND USE OF TYPE STUDIES 43 

outlines were used in the study of a wide variety of groups of each 
of the three types and revised again and again until composite 
outlines were obtained which seemed applicable to the study of 
any territorial, interest, or immigrant accommodation group. 
These composite outlines indicate the more common, universal 
processes and interactions which take place in each type of group. 
It is for this reason that the term "type-' study has been used. 

m. USE OF TYPE-STUDY OUTLINES 

The type study is divided into a number of sections, each one 
of which suggests a line of research which may be pursued over a 
period of time. One phase of a given group may be studied in- 
tensively by a research worker; several research workers may col- 
laborate in studying different phases of the same group; research 
data collected by one worker may later be checked by another 
who repeats the investigation; or one research worker may com- 
plete the entire study of a given group. The number of years the 
group has been in existence, the size of the group, the range of its 
activities, and the amount of time which the research worker can 
spend on the investigation will be factors in determining how the 
outline will be used. 

Students will find it profitable to select groups for study with 
which they are already associated, as their background of experi- 
ences and knowledge will greatly facilitate the investigation. And 
the opportunity to study objectively a group with which they are 
already familiar will illustrate vividly the difference between the 
common-sense and the sociological approach. 

Each type study has- been arranged to give the investigator 
contact with a number of different phases of group life and to give 
him an opportunity to use different sociological research tech- 
niques. The problems have also been arranged within each 
type study in the order of their difficulty. Provision is made, for 
instance, to handle that phase of the subject first which involves 
interviewing old settlers, for they usually have leisure, enjoy 
reminiscing, and are relatively easy to meet. The study of existing 



44 TYPE-STUDY OUTLINES 

documents and map-making is required before interviewing, as 
some background or acquaintance with the group is a prerequisite 
to a successful interview with one of its members. Any rearrange- 
ment of the outlines should take into account this sequence in 
techniques and the theoretical sequence of the sociological text- 
book which the manual is used to supplement. It is not possible, 
of course, to follow the logical order of the outlines exactly, as 
each person gives data on many aspects of a study during the 
course of any one interview. 

Each section of the type study contains: (i) a statement of 
the problem, (2) text references to theoretical discussions of this 
phase of the study, (3) references to the techniques which are to be 
used, (4) suggestions as to the type of material to be collected, (5) 
suggestions as to sources from which the data are to be secured. 

The techniques referred to in each part of the type study are 
discussed in Part III of this volume. The chapters on techniques 
are offered as points of departure to assist the investigator in per- 
fecting his own skill in collecting and handling research data, and 
these chapters on techniques should be studied throughout the 
investigation. 

Under the heading of "Case Description" each section of the 
type study contains paragraphs of questions which indicate the 
kind of material which is pertinent to the investigation. These 
questions are not to be treated as questionnaires and be taken into 
the field to be answered one by one; they should be studied by the 
research worker before he goes into the field. The questions are 
offered to initiate reflective thinking concerning the group under 
observation, to raise issues, and to start trains of thought. It has 
been found advisable to have groups of investigators who are fol- 
lowing the same type study meet with an experienced research 
worker and discuss thoroughly the implications and possibilities 
of the problem presented in each unit of the type study before 
they undertake to collect the data concerning this phase of group 
life. After the data have been collected the group can meet again 
to discuss the problems which they encountered in the field and 



SCOPE AND USE OF TYPE STUDIES 45 

the results which they obtained. The underlying method in all 
the investigations is that of the exploratory, case-study approach. 
Each group considered will present phenomena and problems 
which are peculiarly its own, and first one and then another phase 
of the type studies will have to be elaborated in order to distil the 
essence of each group. This exploratory emphasis should never be 
lost by the slavish following of questions contained in the outlines. 
Research is never routine and mechanical; the investigator must 
always be alert to find new facts, must be open-minded, and must 
exercise initiative in dealing with his immediate problems. 

The material presented on techniques, and the type study out- 
lines arc to be freely discussed and criticized. Each research 
worker's experience and the study of every group should suggest 
some revisions and additions to this manual. These discoveries 
should be made part of a permanent record for the benefit of 
future investigators. 

IV. FOURFOLD OBJECTIVE OF TYPE STUDIES 

Four divergent objectives can be harmonized in carrying on 
sociological investigations such as are outlined in these type stud- 
ies: (i) the data gathered can be treated scientifically; (2) it can 
be assembled in a central fund for civic use; (3) contributions can 
be made to techniques and methods; and (4) students can be given 
unusual advantages through the opportunity to participate in 
significant research. 

There is no reason why student research cannot be directed 
toward securing reliable, worth-while facts, facts which can be 
accumulated and checked until they constitute a genuine contri- 
bution to sociological knowledge. We have so few accurate, mi- 
nute records of observed group behavior that such a record almost 
inevitably adds something new to the body of sociological ma- 
terials. The high standards of work necessary to produce results 
of this quality can only be obtained through a correspondingly 
high standard of student training. So it works out that the two 
goals of accumulating valuable research data and of training stu- 



46 TYPE-STUDY OUTLINES 

dents reinforce each other, greatly to the advantage of each. Any- 
one finds more incentive, a real challenge, in working on problems 
that are something more than mental exercises, in making studies 
which may become part of a permanent archive. In such an 
undertaking each participant may be sure of making some addi- 
tion to the existing data, and also of improving his own technique 
for dealing with human relationships. Students who are perma- 
nent residents of the areas which they investigate can become con- 
sultants concerning it, assisting other students to make contacts 
and keeping the central laboratory informed of important devel- 
opments. In the Chicago studies it has not been uncommon to 
have students voluntarily render this service for a number of 
years after they have completed their university work. They have 
become interested in the problem; they know their area perhaps 
better than anyone else in it; and they are trained to recognize 
pertinent material. 

The body of information which is gradually built up concern- 
ing an area will be of value also as a constant source of reference 
for civic leaders who need authentic and thoroughgoing informa- 
tion concerning trends and problems in the social life with which 
they are attempting to cope. The department of sociology that 
looks upon its community as a laboratory for social research and 
systematically studies its environment can as a matter of course 
render a real service to the community in which it is situated. 
College work can be vitally co-ordinated with the world about the 
campus. 



CHAPTER II 

TYPE STUDY NO. 1: THE SOCIOLOGICAL SURVEY 
OF A NATURAL TERRITORIAL GROUP 

INTRODUCTION 
I. SIGNIFICANCE OF THE SOCIOLOGICAL SURVEY 

The sociological survey of a territorial group is both an espe- 
cially fitting introduction to the field of sociology and an essen- 
tial preface to further research. No study affords a better intro- 
duction to the study of society than this first-hand survey of a 
given area, for through it one can see vividly many social processes 
in their various relationships and obtain concrete illustrations of 
the different aspects of social phenomena that textbooks discuss 
theoretically. And as a preface to many intensive researches, the 
survey is equally important. The territorial group constitutes the 
social environment within which numerous other groups exist, so 
an understanding of it is indispensable preparation for most 
sociological case studies. The particular interactions and proc- 
esses revealed by a survey must be isolated for more minute in- 
vestigation and analysis, but it is also necessary to view each proc- 
ess in its broader setting and to secure this general view of the 
whole fabric of group relationships. Such a survey gives a pano- 
rama of the social environment, a fitting background to a variety 
of the special problems which are created by human associa- 
tions. 

The sociological survey is equally valuable as an introduction 
to techniques of research. Most of the varied techniques which 
have been developed in sociological research must be employed 
in making a survey, with the result that the relative merits, the 
peculiar contributions, and the limitations of the different tools 
of research are demonstrated. 

47 



48 TYPE-STUDY OUTLINES 

II. SOCIAL SURVEY AND THE SOCIOLOGICAL SURVEY 

Two types of studies, the well-established social survey and 
the much newer sociological survey, are so often confused that it 
is necessary at the outset to discuss their similarities and differ- 
ences. 

The social survey gradually emerged as an orderly and sys- 
tematic inventory of a political area a town, a city, or a village - 
an inventory made for the purpose of determining the outstanding 
problems and planning a constructive program of social reform. 
It became the social engineer's means of diagnosis, and it usually 
included the educational aspect of "informing the public/' 
through conferences, lectures, and exhibits, of the existing con- 
ditions, together with the steps which should be taken to improve 
them. This attempt to study conditions before dealing with them 
was a marked contribution to social work, an outstanding factor 
in placing it upon a professional basis. 

The sociological survey can be conveniently described by con- 
trasting it with its predecessor, the social survey. Inasmuch as 
both types of surveys deal with a common phenomenon, society, 
they often shade into one another in actual practice, but their 
centers of interest are fundamentally different, and the difference 
can be stated simply. Both types of surveys are identical in their 
attempt to give a general, synthetic, exploratory picture of their 
respective fields. But the field of social work is practical reform 
and amelioration, while the field of sociology is the scientific 
discovery of how human societies function. And these widely 
different objectives give rise to as equally divergent types of sur- 
veys. 

Core differences between the objectives of the two types of 
surveys might be stated somewhat as follows: 

i. Pathological conditions are usually the center of Interest in 
the social survey. But some of the existing twists and inaccuracies 
in general social theory are undoubtedly due to generalizations 
which have been based solely upon the study of pathological con- 
ditions. The sociological survey is as much concerned with normal 



TYPE STUDY NO. 1 49 

phenomena as with pathological phenomena, and must explore 
both types of processes to obtain balanced, proportionate results. 

2. The immediate necessity for formulating a social program, 
on the one hand, and the disinterested attempt to formulate 
social laws, on the other, has also led to important differences 
between the social survey and the sociological survey. Unburdened 
of the necessity for formulating a social program, the sociolo- 
gist has no particular points to prove; nor is he under pressure to 
relieve some crucial situation. He is therefore free to make an 
unpartisan, unhurried study of social phenomena, the kind of 
study that can lead to discoveries of scientific caliber. 

3. Professor Giddings has defined two fundamental types of 
survey: "the pattern survey," which deals with "action patterns 
as they appear at a given moment," and "the variability survey," 
which deals with "changes in form and action patterns." 1 The 
social survey has emphasized the first type, and under pressure of 
ameliorating conditions has barely skimmed the second type of 
survey, resorting to common-sense judgments as to what would 
change the discovered conditions. The sociological survey, on 
the other hand, is the "variability survey," for its problem is to 
explore social processes. 

4. The social survey is interested primarily in the situation in 
a given community. It compares, more or less systematically, 
similar and dissimilar conditions in other communities, but its 
emphasis is always on a given community. The sociological sur- 
vey, on the other hand, selects concrete communities for prelimi- 
nary study, but it is interested in comparing a number of com- 
munities and abstracting social processes and patterns for more 
intensive study rather than in studying a particular community 
as such. The social survey practically constitutes research in its 
field; the sociological survey is only an introduction to sociologi- 
cal research. 

Though the respective fields and objectives of the two types 
of surveys may be clearly defined, in actual practice they are 

1 Franklin Henry Giddings, The Scientific Study of Human Society, p. 184. 



SO TYPE-STUDY OUTLINES 

often confused, due to the following factors: (i) The common 
phenomenon, society, with which they deal. '(2) The increasing 
attempt of social workers to carry on their task scientifically has 
led to a confusion of attempts to formulate laws of social practice 
with attempts to formulate laws of social activity. (3) This last 
factor has been further complicated by the fact that in many 
fields sociologists have not yet formulated laws of human behavior, 
and in their attempt to treat their cases scientifically social 
workers have stepped aside to supply the missing laws of human 
behavior. 

The social survey has been widely used and is well standard- 
ized. In the beginning stages of sociology, any available data con- 
cerning social groups were valuable, and the material gathered in 
social surveys was often the most systematic and reliable that 
could be secured. But many sociologists still persist in utilizing 
the social survey as an introduction to their own field of research, 
and it is this persistence which constitutes one of the stagnant 
backwaters in sociological research at the present time. As has 
been shown, the differences in these two types of investigation are 
so deeply rooted that their content and their methods are corre- 
spondingly different. The sociologist cannot blindly pattern his 
survey on the social survey, but must develop his own type of 
research to meet his own particular needs. 1 

III. PROBLEM OF THE SOCIOLOGICAL SURVEY 

The sociological survey of a territorial group is a trail blazer 
into the realm of human relationships. Concretely, it is an at- 
tempt to obtain a sympathetic and keen insight into the life which 
is going on in a given area, as well as into the forces which have 
made the area what it is. Its goal is to penetrate deeply beneath 
the surface, to put one's fingers on the actual pulse of the com- 
munity in order to obtain a realistic, accurate, and detailed read- 

1 The difference between the social survey and the sociological survey can be 
seen readily by comparing the outlines for the former as presented in Carol Arono- 
vici, The Social Survey, with the outline of the Study of a Territorial Group pre- 
sented in this'volume. 



TYPE STUDY NO. 1 51 

ing of existing relationships, together with the changes whicl 
they have undergone. Scientifically, it is an attempt to defim 
problems for research, and to abstract from the concrete date 
the patterns of social organization together with the processei 
which have produced them. 

These objectives might be more explicity stated as follows 

1. To accumulate a mass of documentary and statistical dati 
concerning a local area. This concrete material will in itself be o 
interest to social and civic workers in the area. Systematically 
arranged and organized, it can be used as a frame of reference fo 
more intensive, specialized sociological studies. 

2. To discover and list important sociological problems re 
quiring more intensive study, orienting these problems with re 
spect to the entire life of the group. 

3. To interrelate the sociological aspects of the area wit! 
border-line fields for example, geography, economics, and politi 
cal science. There are many forces outside of the realm of strictb 
sociological inquiry which nevertheless must be taken into ac 
count in explaining the social superstructure, and the informatioi 
which these fields have accumulated must be brought into focu 
with the sociological data. 

4. To interpret the data scientifically, comparing it with find 
ings concerning other territorial groups. To test existing hypoth 
eses and to formulate new ones. To contribute to an under 
standing of the patterns of social organization and the force 
which create them. 

IV. UNIT OF A SOCIOLOGICAL SURVEY 

The term "survey" has two different meanings in social inves 
tigation. Originally it was used in a limited, technical sense ti 
apply to an inclusive, introductory study of the various aspects o 
a given community; later it was used to designate an explorator 
investigation of some one organization or problem, as, for instance 
"A Survey of the Fourth Avenue Church," or "A Survey o 
Juvenile Delinquency." The principal contributions of the sur 



52 TYPE-STUDY OUTLINES 

vey, however, seem to have come from its attempt to obtain a 
composite picture of many interrelated phases of community life 
at a given time, and social investigators made an effort to have the 
term restricted to this kind of study. 

In accordance with the helpful distinctions of early investi- 
gators, the name "sociological survey" is limited here to studies 
which take as their unit the community, or, in a more exact sense, 
a natural territorial group, and explore its total life. 

As a basic fact in social life, as well as a readily accessible proj- 
ect for investigation, the territorial group has proved its impor- 
tance. A glance over human associations discloses two types of 
social groups: those that have a clearly defined basis, and those 
that do not. A community, a neighborhood, a colony, or a town 
are examples of the first type of group, while an interest group 
like the International Association for Peace is an example of the 
second type. Both of these groups are the concern of sociologists. 
It is true that with the increase of facilities for transportation and 
other forms of communication, non-localized interest groups are 
becoming more and more significant and individuals are traveling 
long distances by means of automobiles, trains, steamships, aero- 
planes, radios, and the printed page to associate with kindred 
spirits, to share common experiences, and to exert their influence 
upon one another. But it is still true that the great mass of people 
do have a relatively permanent physical habitat and that their 
interactions with people nearby constitute a major part of group 
activity. The territorial group is still a reality, an outstanding 
one for most people. 

The fact that the territorial group can be limited definitely 
in space makes it both tangible and readily accessible to the in- 
vestigator. A given locality has specific geographical designations 
which enable other research workers to find and examine it in 
order to verify data. The social groups which are created in a 
given geographical area and are the special concern of the sociolo- 
gist are much more difficult to locate, but once they have been 
bounded their existence can be made clearer by reference to their 



TYPE STUDY NO. 1 S3 

There are many different kinds of territorial groups which 
might be selected as a basis for the study of social phenomena. We 
are accustomed to think of groups as defined by governmental 
boundaries, towns, cities, counties, countries, wards, etc., and 
most of the social surveys have dealt with the smaller govern- 
mental units. But sociologists have been awakened to a realiza- 
tion that these areas usually do not constitute a single, homogene- 
ous social group, but that they may be broken up into a number 
of smaller interacting groups, some of which have a definite terri- 
torial basis. It was from such widely different sources as anthro- 
pology and biology that sociologists received their clues as to the 
significance of natural areas, and hence of natural political and 
natural cultural areas. 

Students of plant and animal science added a whole new realm 
of knowledge when they conceived the idea of studying plants and 
animals in their natural habitat, instead of examining individual 
specimens in isolation. Through plant and animal ecology, as the 
new branch of research was called, they studied plant and animal 
communities. They found that there was a natural ordering in the 
array of different plants and animals which were formed in a given 
area at a given time, that there was a natural sequence of change 
by which one group of plants and animals succeeded another in a 
given area, and that the interplay of a number of widely different 
forces of the physical environment and the groups of animal and 
plant life were responsible for this succession. 

Anthropologists, securing their data here and there over the 
world, were impressed with the fact that culture is regional, that 
it is found in patches over the earth's surface, and that individual 
cultural processes and traits are parts of cultural complexes which 
have to be studied with reference to their regional background. 

To the sociologist the concept of "natural area" has proved 
just as fruitful a unit of study. A natural social area is one which 
can be definitely isolated from the surrounding territory because 
it is "a world in itself," characterized by a peculiar type of cus- 
toms, traditions, or social organizations. Three types of natural 
areas are found in modern life: (i) a cultural area, one in 



54 TYPE-STUDY OUTLINES 

which the interaction and the resulting solidarity of the group 
arise out of a common cultural background; (2) a political area, 
one composed of people with varied cultural backgrounds who ac- 
commodate to one another sufficiently to co-operate in attaining 
certain specific common goals; (3) a marginal or interstitial area 
lying between cultural and political ones, which either is not yet 
organized socially or is in the process of disintegration. These 
definitions are, of course, conceptual statements of different types. 
Actual social areas are either variations of one and another of 
these types, or combinations of two, and sometimes the three, 
types. And during a period of years a given section of a com- 
munity will change from one type of an area to another. 

The investigator looking over the modern city saw it as an 
aggregate of numerous areas, of workingmen's neighborhoods, 
apartment-house areas, immigrant colonies, etc. ;in other words, as 
a collectivity of many small territorial units, each one of which 
constitutes a distinct social group within the larger governmental 
area of the city and hence must be studied as a separate entity. 
Sociologists studying rural districts, on the other hand, found so 
intimate a relationship between the market or town and the 
scattered farms which were tributary to it that they were forced 
to extend the limits of their natural unit beyond the corporate 
boundaries of the town in order to obtain the real unit of inter- 
action. 

Thus, starting with the governmental unit, the investigator 
is sometimes forced to extend it geographically and sometimes 
forced to break it up into small sections in order to approximate 
the actual way in which social life operates. The resulting cultural 
and political areas of social interaction become the units of socio- 
logical surveys. 

V. GENERAL PLAN OF THE STUDY 

It has been found convenient to divide the sociological survey 
of a territorial group into the following assignments: 

1. The collection and classification of existing data. 

2. First impressions of the governmental area. 



TYPE STUDY NO. 1 55 

3. The determination of ecological areas. 

4. The determination of social areas, cultural, political, and 
marginal groups. 

5. 'The natural history of each social area. 

6. The natural history of the governmental area. 

7. Contemporary study of each social area 1 . 

8. The documentation, analysis, and interpretation of data. 
Each of these problems is dealt with in the "Outlines for the 

Study of a Territorial Group/' which follow. The investigation 
cannot, of course, be conducted in rigid compartments. The re- 
sults of the intensive study of the local areas in Assignment 7 
will modify the tentative boundaries secured from the studies made 
in Assignments 3-4. Hypotheses concerning social processes and 
social organization will be constantly drawn upon throughout the 
study to suggest lines of investigation and to check data secured. 
But a systematic check of findings with hypotheses deserves 
especial emphasis as the final stage of the study, Assignment 8. 

The thorough study of a number of cultural areas within a se- 
lected political unit usually requires the co-operation of a number 
of persons over a considerable period of time. This necessitates 
complete record-keeping and the constant pooling and checking 
of data on each cultural area in order to avoid needless duplication 
and insure each person picking up the study at the point where 
his predecessor has left it. 

Frequent conferences between all persons engaged on the 
study at a given time, as well as frequent examination of each 
other's data, are also essential to the progress of the study. Also, 
a single problem sheet or assignment may be worked out through 
the co-operation of a number of students. 

'Throughout this volume the terms "natural social area," "social area/* 
"natural territorial group," and "territorial group," are used synonomously to 
designate that unit of society which arises out of the interactions and common 
life of people who live in close proximity to each other. The basic concept is 
natural area; "social" is used to differentiate this unit from other types of natu- 
ral areas (as a natural topographical area), and "territorial" is used to distin- 
guish it from an "interest" grouping. 



56 TYPE-STUDY OUTLINES 

SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY 

A TERRITORIAL GROUP 

BURGESS, E. W. (EDITOR). The Urban Community. Chicago: University 

of Chicago Press, 1925. 
ELMER, MANUEL C. Technique of the Social Survey, Revised ed. Los Angeles: 

Jesse Ray Miller, 1926. 
GALPIN, C. J. The Social Anatomy of an Agricultural Community. Wisconsin 

Agricultural Experiment Station, Madison Research Bulletin, 1915. 
PARK, ROBERT E., AND OTHERS. The City. Chicago: University of Chicago 

Press, 1925. 
PETTIT, WALTER W. Case Studies in Community Organization. Century Co., 

1928. 
SANDERSON, DWIGHT. The Farmer and His Community. New York: Har- 

court Brace & Co., 1922. 

STEINER, JESSE. Community Organization: A Study of Its Theory and Cur- 
rent Practice. New York and London: Century Co., 1925. 
WILLIAMS, JAMES M. An American Town: A Sociological Study. New York : 

J. Kempster Printing Co., 1906. 



TYPE STUDY NO. 1 57 

ASSIGNMENT I 1 

COLLECTION AND CLASSIFICATION OF 
EXISTING DATA 

PROBLEM: A territorially defined governmental group a town, a 
ward, a city, a county is selected tentatively for study, and 
the initial problem is: 
a) To become familiar with the existing data concerning the 

governmental area selected for study. 

ft) To prepare an annotated bibliography of the existing data. 
c) To begin a file of abstracts and excerpts of the more 
significant data contained in the records. 

COLLECTION OF DATA: There are existing data concerning every 
governmental area which are in valuable to the sociologist ; read- 
ing widely all material available upon an area is a necessary 
introduction to a more intensive study. 

Much of this material, especially that contained in official 
reports and investigations, gives only formal, conventional 
statements which do not present an intimate account of events 
or of social processes as they have actually run their course. 
But these formal statements often suggest significant events 
about which the sociologist must collect more intimate first- 
hand data. And they usually yield two important kinds of 
clues: (i) the names of people or groups of people directly 
connected with the events, and hence prospective subjects for 
interviews; and (2) the accurate dates of events, which are 
usually important as marking milestones in a slow-moving 
social process. Careful records should be made of all such 
clues. 

Inasmuch as one of the first problems is to break the gov- 
ernmental area into its constituent natural social areas, 
especial note should be taken of any data concerning some 
particular place or section within the governmental area, of 
local names which are applied to sections within it, and of the 

'For illustration of this assignment see pp. 213-17. 



58 TYPE-STUDY OUTLINES 

boundaries which various organizations set as the limits of the 
territory within which they function. 

This preliminary study is a more or less cursory perusal of 
as much data as possible, in order to secure a general orienta- 
tion with respect to the area and to gather clues as to prob- 
lems and sources for further investigation. The principal 
sources of existing data on a given community are usually the 
following: 

a) Official investigations. Material complied by governmental 
departments: federal, city, state, country, village, town- 
ship reports. Most statistical data is compiled by govern- 
mental investigation: data on population, mortality, mor- 
bidity, industry, business, education, crime, delinquency, 
etc. 

b) Unofficial investigations. Reports compiled by civic and 
social agencies, social surveys, special investigations; an- 
nual reports of charity and welfare organizations; case 
records of organizations. 

c) Newspapers. Current numbers, as well as back files, con- 
tain much raw material. Sooner or later a systematic study 
of newspaper files will be essential for the study. 

d) Local histories. 

e) Articles in magazines and periodicals. These usually fea- 
ture some unique, interesting aspect of the communities. 

/) Miscellaneous manuscripts. Documents written by old 
settlers concerning pioneer days; papers on local matters 
prepared by members of women's clubs. 
g) Directories. 

//) Maps. Geological maps, maps of land 'divisions and owner- 
ship, and old maps showing the area at different periods 
are valuable. 

CLASSIFICATION OF DATA: The classification used in sorting and 
filing this material will grow naturally out of the data collected 
and will have to be subdivided and enlarged as the study pro- 
ceeds. It should include at least the following main headings. 



TYPE STUDY NO. 1 59 

Many more classifications will suggest themselves as the data 
grows : 

A. Bibliography. 

B. Sources (names of persons to be interviewed). 

C. History (of the entire area), subdivided by periods and 
outstanding events. 

D. Organizations. 

E. Local areas. 

F. Suggestions for further study. 

G. Unclassified (to be classified as the bulk of material on 
any one phenomenon accumulates). 

RECORD OF DATA: It has been found valuable to use slips of 
paper of uniform size and of different colors to designate: (i) 
bibliographical references, (2) excerpts and abstracts, (3) first- 
hand observations of the investigator, (4) information ob- 
tained from interviews, and (5) original comments and sug- 
gestions of the investigator. These slips can be readily sorted 
and resorted as the investigation progresses and arranged in 
the most valuable way. Before commencing this cursory re- 
view of the literature it would be valuable to read through all 
of the outlines for Type Study No. i in order to get a clearer 
understanding of the kind of material which is of value and 
the different lines of approach which will be utilized in making 
the study. 



60 TYPE-STUDY OUTLINES 

ASSIGNMENT 2 
FIRST IMPRESSIONS OF THE GOVERNMENTAL AREA 

PROBLEM: 

a) To obtain a general impression of the governmental area, 
such an impression as can be obtained by walking about 
the area and observing its more obvious characteristics. 
6) To observe differences in characteristics in various sections 
of the area, differences which might suggest the existence 
of natural areas. 

c) To list sources that might prove useful for further study. 
d} To locate on a "work map" the more important features 
of the area: public buildings, highways, industries, char- 
acteristic types of residences. 

This "first impression" study is designed for students 
who are studying an area with which they are not familiar. 
For students who are already familiar with a given area,, 
another type of study is offered (cf. p. 63, Alternative 
Study). 
TECHNIQUES: 

Observation (cf. pp. 161-67). 
Diary (cf. pp. 180-84). 

CASE DESCRIPTION: The suggestions listed below are to be 
studied thoroughly before going into the field. They are not 
to be carried into the field and answered question by question. 
They merely suggest the point of view and indicate the more 
outstanding characteristics of the area which is to be observed. 
The real objective is to browse about the area, to become 
familiar with it, to "get the feel of it," and in this exploration 
to discover as many facts as possible concerning it. 
A. Physical environment. 

i. What are the most striking characteristics of the 
physical environment? Note topographical leatures 
rivers, valleys, hills, ridges, swamps, physical structures 
roads, tracks of steam and electric railways, types of 
residences, industries, public buildings and parks. 



TYPE STUDY NO. 1 61 

Do the topographic features seem to divide the area 
into natural areas? Does there seem to be any signifi- 
cant relationship between the topographical features 
and the physical structures which man has reared upon 
them, i.e., do the railroad lines follow the contour of the 
hills ? Are the mansions clustered on the hills and the 
shacks at the edges of swamps? 

Does there seem to be any significant relationship 
between the different types of physical structures, i.e., 
industries and railroads, railroads and tenements, 
boulevards and mansions, etc.? 

. What does the present condition of the area indicate 
concerning its status? Notice condition and repair of 
buildings, open spaces, vacant lots, lawns and gardens, 
industrial property. Is there any striking variation in 
conditions in different sections of the area? 
3. What does the physical environment reveal about the 
history of the community? Note dates on public build- 
ings, types of architecture, condition of repair. Is there 
any evidence that certain sections of the area were 
settled before others? Are there any evidences of 
changes in the use of dwellings, i.e., single homes con- 
verted into rooming-houses, stores converted into dwel- 
lings, churches converted into factories and warehouses? 
Are these changes localized in certain sections? 
B. Centers of community life. 

1. Where are the trading centers located? What business 
institutions do they contain? Is there evidence that any 
one of these centers dominate? What are the principal 
transportation channels which bring people to the 
trading center? 

2. Where are the recreational centers located? Parks, play- 
grounds, community houses, churches, theaters, dance 
halls, lodge halls, poolrooms, clubhouses. Posters con- 
cerning meetings, lectures, entertainments, etc. Groups 



62 TYPE-STUDY OUTLINES 

of people coming and going from centers. Do children 
play in the streets, in yards, or in vacant spaces? 

3. Where are the religious institutions located? What are 
they? Give brief descriptions. 

4. Where are the educational institutions located? (Loca- 
tion of all these institutions can be checked by reference 
to directories.) 

C. The people of tJie community. 

1. What is the economic status of the people? Notice grade 
of dress, food displayed in stores, ownership of auto- 
mobiles, type of houses. Do some sections of the com- 
munity seem to be wealthier than others? 

2. What are the occupations of the people? What oppor- 
tunities are there for employment within the area; in 
adjacent areas? 

3. What indications do you find of the type of home life? 
Notice types of dwellings single houses, apartments, 
rooming-houses. Are there many restaurants? Are peo- 
ple working about their homes, yards, and gardens? Do 
you see family groups on street, on porches? 

4. What type of behavior do you see between adults? Do 
they seem to know each other? Stop on the street to 
chat? What is their attitude to you as a stranger? Do 
they watch you, or do they seem accustomed to seeing 
strangers? Do the tradespeople seem to know their 
customers and talk with them? Are there street crowds? 
What seem to be their interests? 

5. Are there foreign nationality groups within the area? 
Notice names on stores, offices; language spoken in the 
streets; foreign newspapers sold; dress; food displayed 
in stores; institutions peculiar to certain nationality 
groups, i.e., Greek coffee shops. Do these nationality 
groups seem to be segregated in specific areas? 



TYPE STUDY NO. 1 63 

' D. Other data. 

1. Are there any other distinctive features of your area? 

2. What are the strongest impressions which you carried 
away with you? 

3. List sources for further study of the area: names and 
addresses of institutions; real estate men, prominent 
professional men, clergymen, civic leaders. 

Record your observations in diary form, giving a narrative 
of your experience. 

ALTERNATIVE STUDY: For those students who already know the 
area they are to study, another paper is suggested to take the 
place of this one. Read over all the outlines to get a general 
picture of the type of material pertinent to a sociological sur- 
vey, and then write a paper on your area, giving the important 
aspects of it as you see them and suggesting problems for 
study and sources available. 



64 TYPE-STUDY OUTLINES 

ASSIGNMENT 3 
DETERMINATION OF ECOLOGICAL AREAS 1 

PROBLEM: In the introduction to this study attention was called 
to the fact that there are a number of different kinds of 
natural territorial areas or habitats territorial areas within 
which a given type of phenomena is found, and to which it 
seems to belong as a matter of course. The sociologist is inter- 
ested ultimately in the natural social area, but some of the 
other types of natural areas have an intimate relationship to 
the natural social groupings. Experience has shown that one 
of these, the ecological area, is indispensable in understanding 
the social unit, and also that it is a halfway step in defining it. 2 
The ecological area is the product of: (i) the natural physical 
environment, the topography of the land; (2) the physical 
structures roads, transportation routes, various types of 
buildings, etc., which man has added to the landscape; and 
(3) the economic organization the trade centers, the usage, 
and the price of land. These are the basic forces which de- 
termine the grouping of people in modern society, sifting 
and sorting them into different types of areas. Ecology is thus 
the meeting ground of geography, especially human geog- 
raphy, and economics; but it deals with only one phase of 
these two sciences, with that phase which studies the economic 
and geographic factors which affect the distribution and segre- 
gation of population. 

The problem is to discover the different ecological areas 
which exist within the town or other governmental area 
which is being investigated. A list of the types of maps useful 
in determining ecological areas is given. Some of these maps 
will be available; others will have to be plotted. When a num- 
ber have been completed they can be compared and studied. 

1 For illustration of this assignment see pp. 222-23. 

3 It is suggested that both this problem sheet and the next one dealing with the 
determination of social areas be read before any of the work is undertaken, inas- 
much as the two problems are so closely interrelated. 



TYPE STUDY NO. 1 65 

REFERENCES: Brunhes, Jean, Human Geography; The Urban 
Community j edited by E. W. Burgess, pp. 167-82; Case, 
Clarence M., Outline of Introductory Sociology, pp. 106-28; 
Davis, Jerome, and Barnes, Elmer, An Introduction to Sod- 
ology, pp. 191-304; Galpin, Charles J., The Anatomy of an 
Agricultural Community; Hayes, Edward C, Introduction to 
the Study of Society, pp. 29-41; Mukerjee, Radhakamal, 
Regional Sociology, chaps, vi, xv; Park, Robert E., and Burgess 
E. W., Introduction to the Study of Society, pp. 161-225. 

TECHNIQUES: 

Social research maps (see pp. 185-91). 

TYPES OF MAPS: The following maps, chosen from a series pre- 
pared under the direction of Robert E. Park and Ernest W. 
Burgess in the studies of Chicago, are of especial value in de- 
termining the location of the ecological areas. If the same base 
is used for all maps of a locality it will be possible to trace 
the different natural areas discovered on to a final, summary 
map, and from a study of it determine the natural social areas 
to be used for the investigation. 

A. Topographical map. This map, usually already in exist- 
ence, shows the natural geographic features of an area 
hills, valleys, swamps, mountain, streams. These natural 
features are generally the pioneer force in determining the 
location of different types of human habitats. But their in- 
fluence is constantly being modified by man's increasing 
control over nature. To cite one of many possible examples : 
pioneer cabins were built in the shadow of hills, but with 
improved methods for heating, comfortable houses can now 
be built on the top of the hill in full exposure to the ele- 
ments. An examination of the topographical map suggests 
natural geographical locations for settlements at the 
present time, or in the past. 

B. Physical structure map. Upon this topographical base, and 
more or less in conformity to it, man has erected physical 



66 TYPE-STUDY OUTLINES 

structures. These features of the landscape, more than the 
original topographical conditions, affect the location of 
different types of settlements within an area. The most 
important physical structures to be located are as follows: 
roads (distinguishing the highways and main arteries), 
bridges, railroads, electric lines, railroad yards, industrial 
property, and parks. These are more or less permanent 
structures and, as they cross and recross, divide the area 
into natural sections. There are usually maps already in 
existence which show these physical structures, but any 
missing factors, as for instance bridges, should be added. 

The comparison of the topographical map and the 
physical structure map show many facts from which inter- 
esting inferences can be drawn. For instance, it will often 
explain why railroads are located where they are, or why 
highways take the courses they do. 

An examination of the physical structure map reveals 
the existence of "natural pockets/' sections of the area 
separated from the adjoining section by structural barriers 
railroad tracks, highways, or a river. These physical 
barriers are significant because they impede communica- 
tion between different sections, and hence break the social 
life of the area into segments. Physical structures also 
facilitate communication. Many of these structures which 
act as barriers within the area itself connect the area with 
far-distant sections of the country, and this communication 
affects the section as a whole. Others, like bridges, facili- 
tate local communication and break through local barriers 
at points. A study of the map should indicate local natural 
areas based on the physical structure and structures of 
communication between these different local areas. 
C. Building map. Another type of physical structure map, 
but one which for convenience can be handled apart from 
that described previously, is a map which shows the 
distribution of different types of buildings over a given 



TYPE STUDY NO. 1 67 

area. Apartment areas, areas of cottages, areas of man- 
sions, areas of bungalows, and sites of public buildings sug- 
gest this type of natural groupings. Areas so defined arc 
significant also as indices of different types of social life. 

Where zoning and other restrictions on the usage of 
property already exists it is possible readily to secure data 
needed in plotting this map. Public buildings, churches, 
schools, etc., suggest centers of various natural groups. 
Where such data is not available, the information secured 
on the "First Impressions" tour can be used as a point of 
departure, and another tour of the area be made to locate 
the different centers of the community. 1 
D. Map of business centers. In 1915 Professor Galpin defined 
a rural community by (i) selecting a trading center, (2) 
locating on the map those farm homes which did most of 
their trading at the center, and (3) bounding the com- 
munity by connecting those homes farthest from the 
center on all the roads radiating from it. 

But, as pointed out by Professor Sanderson and others, 
there are other community centers whose location and 
territory of influence do not coincide with the business 
center and its territory, and the natural areas of these other 
centers must also be taken into consideration before a rural 
community can be defined. 

The location of business centers and the definition of 
areas tributary to them is, however, one of the important 
factors which breaks a governmental area into its natural 
divisions. 

In cities, mapping the points of highest land values is 
one of the simplest methods of locating the dominant trad- 
ing centers. The territory over which its business houses 
distribute handbills, the area within which the stores 
deliver, and the territory of the newspaper in 'which the 

1 Maps prepared by insurance companies and known as "insurance maps' 
give buildings and the types of buildings in every lot. 



68 TYPE-STUDY OUTLINES 

business houses advertise are other methods of determin- 
ing the natural areas of important business centers. 

The territory of small neighborhood shopping areas, 
however, cannot be located in this manner. They, must be 
determined by interviews with storekeepers and residents 
of the neighborhood. Usually local barriers, as for instance 
railroad tracks and boulevards, which children are not en- 
couraged to cross, determine these sub-business areas. 
E. Map of land values. A map which shows areas of different 
land values will be another basis for determining natural 
divisions. In some places published land values are avail- 
able, i.e., Olcott's Land Values of Chicago. Real estate men 
will give rough estimates of the range of land values in 
different neighborhoods and sections, and these can be 
classified into two or three significant divisions. In areas 
where great variation in land values exist, minute statis- 
tical methods have been utilized. 

But in this preliminary mapping of different types of 
phenomena to determine natural areas, rough indications 
of areas of high, low, and medium land values will suffice. 
Real estate figures, advertising data giving sale prices, and 
listings of real estate men will usually give the desired 
material. Variations in rentals in different areas is an- 
other possible basis for determining natural areas. 

Natural areas formed by land values are usually vivid 
indices of natural groups. People are sorted into areas by 
the amount of money which they can expend on the own- 
ership or rental of their homes, and these areas of different 
economic status usually have significant variation in social 
life. 

INTERPRETATION or MAPS : From a study of the foregoing maps 
it will be seen readily that the governmental area is split up 
by physical barriers into a number of local areas with distinc- 
tive physical characteristics. Each of these areas has a differ- 
ent dominant land usage; it is used mainly or exclusively as a 



TYPE STUDY NO, 1 69 

high-class residential district, a slum, a manufacturing district, 
a bungalow area, a suburb, a farming section, and so on. 
Economic forces determine to a large extent the usage, and 
set the land values. It is a well-known fact that each of the 
ecological areas attract a different social group, that people 
living on farms have a different regime of life than people 
living in wealthy residential districts in a town, and that this 
different life finds expression in a whole complex of different 
attitudes and ways of behaving. 

From an inspection of the maps it will be possible to 
divide the area tentatively into ecological areas. Then, from a 
more intensive sociological survey of each area, it will be 
possible to verify these tentative divisions by discovering 
whether the ecological boundaries cut across social organiza- 
tion and segregate the social groups. This more intensive 
check is provided for in the remainder of the study. 



yo TYPE-STUDY OUTLINES 

ASSIGNMENT 4 1 

DETERMINATION OF NATURAL SOCIAL AREAS: CULTURAL, 
POLITICAL, AND MARGINAL GROUPS 

PROBLEM: As has been stated, the sociologist is most interested in 
the social areas, the natural social groupings which exist in 
small patches over the land. He begins his study with the gov- 
ernmental unit (a town, city, county) because it is already 
defined and because the existing data is generally classified 
on this basis. But most governmental units will be found to 
consist of a number of neighborhoods, communities, racial 
groups, foreign colonies, and other groupings, each one of which 
may be treated as an elementary unit for sociological research. 
Social processes do not operate uniformly through the entire 
governmental area, even when that area is only a small one. 
Therefore it is necessary to break it up into its natural areas 
of social interaction. 

Three types of natural units of social interaction have been 
found among territorial groups: (i) cultural areas, (2) po- 
litical areas, and (3) marginal or interstitial areas. 2 The prob- 
lem is to discover the different social areas within the govern- 
mental unit and to classify them into significant types. 

TECHNIQUES: 

Map-making (see 185-91). 

REFERENCES: Bogardus, Emory S., Introduction to Sociology (re- 
vised), pp. 204-380; The Urban Community, edited by E. W. 
Burgess, pp. 219-33; Case, Clarence M., Outlines of Introduc- 
tory Sociology, pp. 449-80, 516-33 ; Davis, Jerome, and Barnes, 
Harry E., An Introduction to Sociology, pp. 540-56; Hart, 
Hornell, The Science of Social Relations, pp. 124-45; Wissler, 
Clark, Man and Culture. 

1 For illustration of this assignment see pp. 218-27. 

a Professor Frederic Thrasher gave significance to the use of the term "inter- 
stitial areas' 1 in The Gang. 



TYPE STUDY NO. 1 71 

SUGGESTIONS: 

A. Cultural areas. A committee appointed last year by the 
Social Science Research Council adopted the following 
definition of a cultural area: 

A culture area may be defined as a region or area having 
certain definite characteristics or elements of culture both material 
and non-material which distinguish it from other areas. Such an 
area appears to have a nucleus or center in which the characteristic 
traits are most emphasized and from which they radiate out with 
diminishing strength 

Once established, the area shows marked conservation and 
resistance to change. However, ideals and articles of material culture 
do diffuse, and one of the most important results of the culture area 
is to see what is done with the material accepted or rejected. The 
results of the melting of cultures on their margin, or weakest points, 
are likewise of significance. 1 

This definition applies especially to the larger cultural 
areas of the world Eskimo cultural area, Euro-American, 
Indo-European, and so on. But the concept is also a useful 
one to apply to the study of the smaller patches of culture 
which are found within the boundaries of a few square 
miles. A city in this country, for instance, has many differ- 
ent cultural areas within its limits: (i) nationality areas, 
(2) racial areas, and (3) areas which display discernible 
variation in the prevalent culture of the United States 
hobo groups, rooming-house groups, "gold coast" groups, 
and so on. 

i. Nationality maps. Social groups transplanted from the 
Old World are among the most easily recognized cul- 
tural groups in this country. For immigrants of the 
same homeland tend to colonize in certain sections of a 
region where their complex of customs and institutions 
forms a separate social environment. Groups with for- 
eign cultural backgrounds are usually known by reputa- 

1 Social Research Bulletin, No. 7, p. 3, published by the Society for Social Re- 
search, University of Chicago. 



72 TYPE-STUDY OUTLINES 

tion, but they may be more exactly located through the 

following types of maps: 

a) Maps showing nationality distribution. By spotting 
the residences of people of different nationalities 
upon a map, using a different colored dot for each 
nationality, and then drawing closed curves about 
the dots, using a corresponding color for the lines 
inclosing each set of dots, it is possible to get an 
indication of the present location of each nationality 
group and an indication from scattered dots as to 
the direction from which the group has come and the 
direction in which the group is moving. 

The residences of members for spotting may be 
obtained from (i) public records containing the na- 
tionality, as for instance birth or death records, court 
records; (2) social and civic agency records; (3) pub- 
lic directories and telephone directories; (4) lists of 
the membership of various clubs and organizations 
which are known to be composed of persons of a 
given nationality, as a German club or a Polish 
building and loan association. 

6) Maps showing the location of characteristic institu- 
tions of a given nationality, as coffee houses of the 
Greeks, turnvereins of the Germans, sokols of the 
Bohemians, and so on. 

c) Maps showing the distribution of certain cultural 
traits which are displayed by a given nationality 
group a peculiar type of dwelling, garden plots, 
type of fences, home furnishings, or variations in the 
prevailing American types of dress, as for instance 
wearing a shawl as head dress. The more obvious 
cultural traits of a group, those which can be readily 
ascertained and plotted at the outset of a study, are 
usually some material trait. The sociologist is inter- 
ested, of course, in discovering peculiarities in social 



TYPE STUDY NO. 1 7^ 

life in non-material traits but these material differ- 
ences assist in locating the group for more intensive 
study. 

Racial maps. Racial groups are closely allied to na- 
tionality groups in displaying readily noticeable cul- 
tural characteristics. In this country Negroes and 
Indians constitute the two large f racial groups who are 
of native birth and hence not classified also as national- 
ity groups. These two types of groups may be identi- 
fied by a similar type of map to that used in discovering 
nationality groupings. 

Maps of subcultural groups. Subcultural groups which 
display variations in the prevailing culture of the land 
are much more difficult to discover. Investigations seem 
to disclose, however, that there are certain basic differ- 
ences in people's mode of life which lead to clear-cut 
variations in their customs, attitudes, and behavior pat- 
terns. Deep-seated modifications seem to arise out of 
differences in occupations, economic status, or religious 
affiliations, and these may be detected roughly through 
the following maps : 

a) Maps showing the residences of people by their occu- 
pations. Life is outstandingly different, for instance, 
for the farmer and the tradesman, and the regime 
which each follows leads to a whole array of cultural 
variations. In the cities, where the division of labor 
is much more marked, people of the same type of 
occupation tend to segregate into different areas: 
the hobo or migratory worker is found in one neigh- 
borhood, the factory worker in another, the mag- 
nates of business in a third, and the "white collar 
clerks" in still other areas. In The Hobo, by Nels 
Anderson, the unusual cultural deviation of one of 
these groups is portrayed in a striking manner. 
Classified telephone directories, city directories, 



74 TYPE-STUDY OUTLINES 

polling lists, lists of different industries, etc., give 
data as to occupations and residences which can be 
plotted. Again colored dots can be used, one color 
for each type of occupation. And again, once the dif- 
ferent groups are located, case studies can be made to 
get a more intimate picture of the forces and proc- 
esses which produce the variations. 

b) Maps showing the residences of people by their eco- 
nomic status. If it is possible to secure personal tax 
or income tax data, these can be plotted. Or poverty 
areas may be discovered by plotting the residences 
of cases which come to local charity and civic 
agencies. 1 

c) Maps of land values and rents suggested in the 
previous section (p. 68) also give some indication 
of the division of the area on the basis of economic 
status. 

d) Maps showing different types of dwellings (see pp. 
66-67) are a ' so significant, for it can be assumed, 
from a common-sense knowledge of life, that the 
social milieu of people who live in bungalow, in 
hotel, in apartment, or in tenement areas differs in 
many essentials. 

e) Maps showing the location of religious institutions 
and the distribution of residences of their members 
generally show another cultural schism. Religion is 
often an indication of a whole constellation of atti- 
tudes and behavior patterns which result in a unique 
group life. A Mennonite church, a New England 
church, a synagogue, may each indicate a cultural 
type which constitutes a social unit. Sometimes 
these religious groups appear as interest groups, with 
their members sprinkled throughout a community 

1 A map showing the residences of poverty cases and contributors to the United 
( Charities was one of the first maps prepared under the direction of Professor Robert 
E Park in the series of social maps on Chicago. 



TYPE STUDY NO. 1 75 

and their influence confined almost entirely to the 
religious life of their ihembers. And at other times 
they may appear as distinct territorial groups, 
settled about their church. In the latter case they 
are likely to form a more definite cultural unit with a 
complex of characteristic behavior patterns. Maps 
spotting the residences of members show whether 
the religious group is also a distinct territorial group. 
/) Maps showing different periods of architecture. 
Sometimes the old residents of a community will live 
segregated in one section, and, with their back- 
ground of traditions and years of common experi- 
ences, will form a close group set apart from new- 
comers to the area. The age and type of buildings 
will sometimes give clues as to the existence of such 
a group. 

Cultural areas are usually designated by irregular and 
changing boundaries. They can never be marked off either 
by exact or straight continuou? lines like those which arc 
drawn arbitrarily to define governmental units. And yet 
the rough approximations obtained by mapping social 
phenomena give the research worker much assistance in 
finding the cultural areas which are the significant units 
for intensive case studies. 

B. Political areas. Cultural areas, areas in which people have 
common traditions back of them, common beliefs and atti- 
tudes toward life, common folkways and mores, common 
ways of doing things, are areas in which the interpenetra- 
tion of one person's life into another's, the intimate commu- 
nication of experiences, creates a strong group solidarity 
and a social organization arising out of primary contact and 
informal social control. But people with diverse cultural 
backgrounds, people who do not share a common social 
environment, often co-operate with one another in order to 
get certain things done which are wanted by the entire 



76 TYPE-STUDY OUTLINES 

group. In such groups individuals must adjust or accom- 
modate their differences in so far as these differences tend 
to conflict and impede the attainment of common goals. 
This situation results in a natural social grouping in which 
people are held together for certain administrative pur- 
poses. Such a group has been called a political group, using 
the term in the broader sense of the word. Political groups 
vary from governmental groups in that there is always a 
natural basis of interaction in the former, while the latter 
may be merely an artificial creation and the people who 
live within the area may not participate in common enter- 
prises. 

Territorial political groups are of two kinds : (i) groups 
which include a number of smaller cultural areas which 
have banded together for certain purposes, and (2) groups 
which form an elementary unit in themselves. 

For instance, a Lithuanian group and a Polish group 
living adjacent to one another and forming two distinct 
cultural groups may co-operate in a business men's asso- 
ciation, a church, a building and loan association, an im- 
provement club, and several other organizations which are 
of mutual benefit. In this case the political area is a larger 
unit embracing the two cultural areas, and the common 
social life of the political area as well as the distinct life of 
each cultural area are objects for sociological research. 

An illustration of the second kind of political area, the 
one which forms an elementary unit in itself, is a small, 
cosmopolitan area composed of people with different na- 
tionality, economic, and religious backgrounds whose main 
interactions as a group are confined to local organizations 
which deal with a few problems of general concern. 

The following maps suggest ways of discovering po- 
litical groups in cities or towns, especially : 
i. Maps showing, within a small territorial space, consider- 

able variation in social phenomena. If any of the maps 



TYPE STUDY NO. 1 77 

which have been suggested previously show a cosmo- 
politan grouping of people, differences in economic 
status, or differences in religious affiliations within a 
relatively small area, one may expect it to be either a 
political area or a marginal area and further mapping 
must decide which of these two types of areas is repre- 
sented. 

2. Maps showing the absence of indices of definite cultural 
groupings and the presence of civic and social organiza- 
tions of a secondary nature, i.e., formal organizations 
with officers, statements of purpose, a definite social 
structure, and a concern in common welfare. Two 
boundaries should be indicated on the map: (a) the 
wide reach of the organization this is usually the 
formal definitions of boundaries which the organization 
gives in its printed literature and upon first inquiry; (6) 
the inner boundaries, the area within which the major- 
ity of its members live. These latter boundaries are the 
significant ones in determining the real natural area 
which is tributary to the organization. 

The plotting of the residences of people who par- 
ticipate in the activities of a given organization, and 
then the drawing of lines about the further reach of the 
dots and about their concentration is the accurate way 
. to prepare a map of this type. Many of these accurate 
maps will be wanted in the course of the study. 

When an area shows heterogeneous social phe- 
nomena with no general community organizations in 
existence, however, it is usually an indication of the 
third type of natural social grouping, a marginal or 
interstitial area. 

C. Marginal areas. As was suggested in the definition on 
page 71, cultural areas seem to have a "nucleus or center 
in which the characteristic traits are most emphasized and 
from which they radiate out with diminishing strength/' 



78 TYPE-STUDY OUTLINES 

On the fringes of cultural areas, or between two dominant 
cultural areas, unorganized or disorganized areas are often 
found in which group life has not as yet developed, or in 
which the group life is disintegrating. In these areas social 
interaction either is very scarce or is on the wane, and 
people tend to live individuated, without social bonds. A 
rooming-house area in a city, an aggregate of isolated indi- 
viduals, each living more or less unto himself, with few 
ties to bind him to his fellow-lodgers and with no com- 
munity interests, is a district of this type. A new, un- 
formed area with but few residents is an illustration of an 
unorganized area, and such a section would hardly con- 
stitute a sociological unit. Areas of unorganization or dis- 
organization may be discovered through the following 
maps: 

1. Noting, as suggested in connection with political 
groups, those areas in the series of social maps which 
shows considerable variation in phenomena within a 
relatively small area. 

2. Maps of social pathology. By making a series of maps 
plotting the addresses of cases of poverty, delinquency, 
truancy, divorce, desertion, crime, and other types of 
social pathology which occur within a given area, it is 
possible to secure the natural areas of social disorgan- 
ization within the governmental unit. 

Areas of disorganization are usually well known by 

reputation and do not require as much mapping as do 

some of the other types of local areas. 

D. Summary of social areas. The preceding discussion of the 

way in which to determine the boundaries of natural social 

groupings undoubtedly sounds very complicated. But, 

except in the case of large cities, the problem is not nearly 

as difficult as it sounds. For in presenting the problem it 

has been necessary to suggest many different kinds of social 

areas, while in the concrete study of most governmental 



TYPE STUDY NO. 1 79 

areas the social areas are relatively few in number and usu- 
ally known by reputation, at least, from the outset of the 
study. If the investigator will begin his mapping by work- 
ing out more exactly the outstanding divisions of the com- 
munity with which he is most familiar and then attempt 
to grapple with the residue of the governmental unit, those 
sections of it which are not so obviously defined, his prob- 
lem will be greatly simplified. It might also be stated once 
more that the mapping of phenomena gives only an indica- 
tion of the existence of natural social units, and must be 
followed by case studies of the areas. Such studies often 
result in redefinitions and more accurate boundaries. 
E. The relationship between ecological areas and social areas. 
Social areas in modern society are usually in a state of flux, 
reflecting the ceaseless flow of life itself. In areas of rapid 
change, where there is a high rate of mobility, where peo- 
ple frequently move or constantly come into contact with 
other cultures, the areas shift with surprising rapidity. In 
most of the local areas of New York or Chicago, for ex- 
ample, each decade witnesses a new social area on a given 
site. 

An ecological area studied today may contain an 
Italian colony and a Polish colony; at the time of next 
study the site of the Italian colony may have become occu- 
pied by a Croatian colony, and the site of the Polish cul- 
tural area may have become a hobohemia, a distinctly 
different social area. The hobohemian area probably will 
have new boundaries, extending into part of the territory 
previously occupied by the Italian colony. 

The sociologist is interested in studying each of the 
four cultural areas: the Italian, Polish, Croatian, and the 
homeless-man area. But he is also interested in keeping 
track of the processes which have changed the areas, of the 
interactions which arise out of the impact of the old and 
the new cultural groups. Each group which passes through 



80 TYPE-STUDY OUTLINES 

a given site seems to leave an imprint which affects th< 
one which succeeds it, so the continuity of an area must b< 
taken into account. The sociologist finds himself in neec 
of some more permanent basis than the social area fo 
pooling data concerning the processes and social change: 
which are taking place. For this reason he has sought i 
more lasting natural area, and has selected the ecologica 
divisions. 

Ecological areas give a more permanent, though at thi 
same time a more arbitrary, basis. Yet inasmuch as the> 
take into account physical and economic factors which ex 
ert an influence upon the location of groups, they bear a sig 
nificant relationship to the social area. Social areas seem t( 
criss-cross back over governmental boundaries withou 
rhyme or reason, but they usually form within ecologica 
areas, constituting irregular patches, for the physical bar 
riers which usually define an ecological area are recognizec 
by people as barriers. When a person moves across one o 
these local landmarks a railroad, a street-car line, a rive 
he generally has a sense of having either risen or fallen ii 
the world. 

The ecological areas, in other words, are pigeonholes 01 
the landscape which the investigator uses in studying th< 
surge of social life. Experience has shown that socia 
groupings tend to segregate within these pigeonholes. Bu 
while the sociologist uses these divisions to pool data over i 
period of time, he is always interested in using the socia 
areas which are contained within the ecological boundariei 
and he uses these as the basic unit for his investigations o 
any given period. 

F. Map files. Much information, valuable for other purpose: 
than determining natural areas, can be found on map: 
which show the exact locations of various kinds of socia 
phenomena. 

For example, a city may have a very low infant mortal 



TYPE STUDY NO. 1 81 

ity rate, but a spotting of the location of infant mortality 
cases probably will reveal a concentration of cases in one 
or two natural areas. The rates for these areas will be 
abnormally high, and to discover this fact is to get some 
real insight into the problem of infant mortality. 

Maps also offer a graphic method of correlating data. 
Through a comparison of a series of maps it is possible to 
see what constellations of social phenomena occur in differ- 
ent areas, and these constellations suggest hypotheses of 
interrelationships and lines for further research. 



82 TYPE-STUDY OUTLINES 

ASSIGNMENT 5< 
NATURAL HISTORY OF EACH SOCIAL AREA 

PROBLEM: As has already been pointed out (cf. pp. oo), sociology 
is interested in historical data both because an understanding 
of the past is essential to an adequate interpretation of exist- 
ing group life and because historical study can reveal the 
sweep of social forces and processes. In the past the tendency 
in history has been on the more spectacular events, but the 
sociologist, like the modern historian, is interested also in the 
commonplace routine, the usual interactions within the group 
which, together with its moments of crisis, reveal the cultural 
life of the group. 

A definite territorial base is of great value in reconstructing 
a social history, for it may be used as an underlying design to 
golve the puzzle. Each section within the area must be ac- 
counted for throughout the period of study, and this fact acts 
as a check to determine the completeness of material. The 
question, "What was the next change in this corner of the 
area?" leads the investigator to gather information which 
might otherwise have been overlooked. 

The problem is to produce social histories of each of the 
natural areas selected as base units, to reconstruct vividly the 
life of these areas at different periods, and to secure a concrete 
account of the forces and processes which have created the 
change from one period to another. 

REFERENCES: Case, Clarence M., Outlines of Introductory Sociol- 
ogy, pp. 3-15, i47~S7; Davis, Jerome, and Barnes, E., Intro- 
duction to Sociology, pp. 3-18; Park, Robert E., and Burgess, 
Ernest W., Introduction to the Science of Society, pp. 1-24; also 
see Part I, chap, ii, "Methods of Sociological Research" in 
this manual. 

TECHNIQUES: 

Interview (see pp. 168-79). 
Diary (see pp. 180-84). 

1 For illustration of this assignment see pp. 228-32. 



TYPE STUDY NO. 1 83 

CASE DESCRIPTION: The kind of data which should be included 

in the social history of an area may be summarized as follows: 

A. The early settlement. Who were the first settlers? What was 

their nationality? Where did they come from? Why did 

they leave? Why did they choose this area for their new 

home? Who were the outstanding personalities? Did the 

early settlers know each other before they moved here? 

What were their occupations before entering the area? 
What natural resources did they make use of in their new 
home? What occupations did they enter? What business 
and new enterprises did they develop? 

Just where did they locate their homes? What physical 
features made this section desirable for residences? Why 
was this particular locality selected? 

What roads and transportation facilities existed within 
the first settlement? Effect of these on the life of the 
group? What roads and transportation facilities connected 
it with other communities? 

What institutions did they develop churches, schools, 
clubs, lodges, etc? What factions within the group, if any, 
were represented by particular institutions? What inter- 
relationships existed among the various institutions? 

Describe as fully as possible the life of the people in 
these days. What were the prevalent customs, religions, 
ideas, moral ideas, community interests, life- values? What 
type of family life was characteristic? What was the atti- 
tude toward neighborliness? What must you do to be a 
good neighbor? What were the outstanding events which 
occurred? Give a full account of these. What crises did 
the community meet? How did it adjust itself? Did any 
factions or conflict groups result? 

What have been the most lasting contributions of this 
period to the one which follows? Why has this particular 
part of the social heritage persisted? What traditions were 
formulated? 



84 TYPE-STUDY OUTLINES 

What was the reputation of this area in surrounding 
communities? What outstanding contributions has it 
made to surrounding areas? 

B. Second period. What were the outstanding events and 
conditions which brought about the transition from the 
first period? Did the change come gradually, or was it 
abrupt? What were the outstanding effects of the change 
upon the old settlers and old social life? 

What physical changes took place, i.e., transportation, 
drainage of swamps, new types of buildings, industrial 
plants, etc.? What new areas were opened for settlement; 
their exact boundaries and dates of occupation? 

What new groups came in? Nationality? Economic 
status? Where did they come from? Why did they come? 

What relationships developed between the old settlers 
and the newcomers? Did conflicts arise? What old organ- 
izations did they join? What new ones did they form? 
What accommodations did the old and new groups de- 
velop? What was the status of the newcomers in the com- 
munity? 

Did old settlers move before "the invaders"? Did chil- 
dren of old settlers remain in the community after they 
grew up? If not, why did they migrate? What was their 
attitude toward the newcomers? Did they intermarry with 
them? 

In what outstanding ways, if any, did the customs of 
the old and new groups differ, i.e., family life, religion, 
moral ideas, life-values? 

How was the old group modified by the new? How was 
the new group modified by the old? What changes came 
in the life of the group as a whole? 

What were the outstanding events which occurred dur- 
ing this period? Give a full account of these. What crises 
occurred and how did the groups adjust themselves? 

What has been the most lasting contribution of this 
period to the ones which follow? 



TYPE STUDY NO. 1 85 

C. Subsequent period. Follow outline B for each subsequent 
period, bringing the history down to the present day. 

D. Present trends. What changes, if any, is the community on 
the verge of at the present time? What are the factors in 
this change? Is it rapid or gradual? What can you predict 
about the next period? 

The foregoing groups of questions suggest the general 
point of view and type of data significant for a social his- 
tory. It is necessary, however, to particularize the fore- 
going questions for the study of any given area. 
CHRONOLOGICAL DIGEST : Two general types of historical material 
will be available: (i) events with dates which serve to break 
the slow, ongoing processes of society into significant seg- 
ments (they usually indicate turning-points in group life) ; (2) 
data descriptive of conditions which persist over a period of 
time and give a keen, sympathetic insight into the life of the 
area. 

A chronological digest of the history will be found invalu- 
able as a work sheet. The dated events secured from the 
initial study of existing records will give a skeleton. To this 
can be added from time to time the other dated events as they 
are secured. Frequent study of this growing chronological table 
will suggest gaps in the historical material as well as events 
concerning which an all-around descriptive study should be 
made. Most statements of events are formal and conventional 
and give little real insight into the way the event actually 
happened. For example, the item "1878 Village incorpor- 
ated" occurs. It is the story behind this in which the sociolo- 
gist is interested. Why was it organized? What were the con- 
ditions which led to organization? Who were the leaders in the 
movement? Was there opposition? Who led the opposition? 
What was the community like at that time? 

Of course, there are always parts of the past history of a 
group which are completely lost and cannot be accurately re- 
constructed. These gaps should be frankly recognized; the in- 



86 TYPE-STUDY OUTLINES 

COLLECTION OF DATA: Unless exceptionally good documents of 
the early history exist, it will be impossible to secure the de- 
tailed type of material which is of interest to the natural his- 
torian for periods which antedate the experiences of the oldest 
living residents of an area. Diligent search of old legal records, 
especially court files, newspapers, personal correspondence, 
personal diaries, etc., would yield much of value, but it is often 
difficult to allocate by specific local areas the information con- 
tained in such material. 

The narrative of an old resident of any period, supple- 
mented by discussion with him of the more important events 
and by direct cross-questioning, gives valuable material. 

Old residents generally enjoy conversing about their 
experiences and are usually the best subjects for a novice to 
interview. Detailed suggestions for interviewing given on 
pages 168-79 should be mastered before attempting an inter- 
view. 

A few more hints concerning interviews, with old residents 
in particular, might be added : 

Experience has shown that each person usually knows ac- 
curately a small section over a brief period of time, and has 
vague but suggestive information concerning larger areas and 
extending over longer periods of time. It is therefore neces- 
sary to obtain many interviews in order to round out the 
story of each local area. 

It is difficult to predict what type of person can give the 
desired information. Leaders of community life sometimes 
have surprisingly little intimate knowledge of the life of the 
area, while some inconspicuous person who has lived quietly 
and reflectively will have an amazing stock of knowledge. 

An individual is always a member of a number of groups, 
and it is the experiences of groups and subgroups which are of 
interest in this study. It is therefore always necessary to 
identify the group whose opinion is being presented. 

It is often difficult for an old-timer to give exact dates. He 



TYPE STUDY NO. 1 87 

can usually arrive at them indirectly, however, by relating the 
event to some specific event in his own family: a death, birth, 
marriage, /the date on which he started a particular job, etc. 
"Reckoning" of this type usually proves very accurate. 
RECORDS : The following records should be kept : (i) diary record 
of your own experiences; (2) a separate, detailed record of each 
interview; (3) the chronological digest suggested. 

Information concerning the diary and interview records 
are contained in chapters iii and iv and should be carefully 
consulted. 

The material obtained in the field through observation and 
interviewing is in narrative form with concrete statements. 
After it has been recorded it should be studied (i) for clues as 
to incidents or attitudes about which more data is required, 
and (2) from the standpoint of these outlines in order to de- 
termine what phases of the study have been covered and what 
phases still remain untouched. 



88 TYPE-STUDY OUTLINES 

ASSIGNMENT 6 
NATURAL HISTORY OF THE GOVERNMENTAL AREA 

PROBLEM: In the preceding study the emphasis has been upon 
compiling a social history of each of the local areas or ele- 
mentary units into which the larger governmental unit has 
been broken. There are, however, important forces and proc- 
esses which affect large areas a whole town, city, or county 
and the history of small, specific local areas should be cast 
against this broader background. 

REFERENCES: See references in previous assignment. 

TECHNIQUES: 

Interviews (see pp. 168-79). 

Diary (see pp. 180-84). 
STATISTICS AND CASE DESCRIPTION: 

A. Statistics. Most of the statistics available will be compiled 
on the basis of the political unit : village, county, town, city. 
A comparison of statistics over a period of years will indi- 
cate trends and suggest fields for studies. The concrete 
case material collected in this and previous studies will 
contribute much to an interpretation of the statistics. 
Statistics are usually available on the following points: 

1. Population. Total number, age and sex distribution, na- 
tionality, literacy, occupations. Variations in any of 
these factors from one period to another are usually 
indexes of significant changes in social life and ongoing 
social processes. 

2. Industries and business. Number and type of industrial 
establishments, number of people employed, number of 
women and children employed, value of the product. 
Trends over periods of years give valuable suggestions. 
Comparison of data obtained in i is also significant. 

3. Vital statistics. Changes in death-rates, infant mortal- 
ity, birth-rate, different disease rates. 



TYPE STUDY NO. 1 89 

Suggestions as to the analysis of the type of data can 
be found on pages 57-58. 

B. Case description. Growth and expansion in one section of 
an area affects other sections because of the organic, inti- 
mate interdependence of the different parts. Data which 
deal with the development of a governmental area as a 
whole are therefore indispensable in understanding a local 
area within it. 

1. Development of the hinterland of a town, the area 
tributary to it which pours its products into the town on 
the one hand, and purchases commodities from it on the 
other, is the outstanding factor in the development of 
the town. For instance, the history of the development 
of natural resources, coal, iron ore, etc., of the hinter- 
land will be necessary to an understanding of the indus- 
trial development of the town. Or, changes in agri- 
culture in the surrounding territory will have a direct 
effect upon a rural town, upon its whole social organiza- 
tion and group life. 

2. A history of transportation is essential to an under- 
standing of the town. Freight and passenger connec- 
tions breaking down the isolation of a town have far- 
reaching effects upon its social life and the growth of 
its areas. This development also affects the hinter- 
land. 

3. Outstanding events in the life of the town as a whole 
are often reflected only segmentally in one of its local 
areas. The whole story is essential to an intelligent 
interpretation of the event in the local area. 

4. The "epoch setting," the general tone of a period, can 
often be sketched in the large from data concerning "the 
town" which cannot be localized into any particular sec- 
tion. These descriptions serve as glasses through which 
to view the life of a local area during a given period. 



go TYPE-STUDY OUTLINES 

COLLECTION OF DATA : The first study of existing records will have 
unearthed much of this material. More can be gathered as 
old residents are interviewed for material on local areas. 

A chronological digest, such as is described on page 85, will 
be of service in the historical study also. 

RECORDS: Each interview should be recorded separately (cf. pp. 
177); personal experiences should be entered in diary (cf. pp. 
182); old records should be copied or the data from them di- 
gested and classified in the central files described in Assign- 
ment i. 



TYPE STUDY NO. 1 91 

ASSIGNMENT 7 
CONTEMPORARY STUDY OF EACH SOCIAL AREA 

PROBLEM: The historical approach was used almost exclusively 
by the pioneer sociologists who were blocking in the first broad 
outlines of their field. Certain attributes of the historical ap- 
proach made it the medium par excellence for this initial task: 

a) Social processes usually take place so gradually and subtly 
that it is easier to detect them through a long time survey. 

b) It is also easier for most people to be objective about a 
culture in which they themselves are not enmeshed. 

c) It is only after some guideposts have been erected that 
this close-up scrutiny of one's own culture can be carried 
on objectively. 

The retrospective account of social processes, however, 
has decided limitations from a scientific standpoint. It is 
exceedingly difficult to obtain an accurate, detailed picture 
of what has happened centuries before, especially in an 
epoch of different culture. Many of these earlier inter- 
pretations of the past were vitiated by reading the stand- 
ards, ideas, and customs of contemporary culture into the 
analyses of past events. 

Contemporary history, history concerning the genera- 
tions of people still living, can yield more of value to the 
sociologist, for it is possible to supplement the accounts re- 
corded in documents by personal interviews, thus rounding 
out the tale and securing many of the less spectacular, un- 
formalized details which make up the substratum of 
sociological data. 

But even more valuable are the data obtained from the 
first-hand observation of contemporary events. Leaving 
behind the enticing sweep of centuries of history with all 
its grandeur and immensity, the sociologist must turn to 
the more prosaic chore of examining some relatively 
minute aspect of a contemporary society, spending per- 



92 TYPE-STUDY OUTLINES 

haps as much time on studying this limited problem is his 
predecessor spent on studying the whole era of hunan 
associations. Curiously enough, one of the contributions of 
this modern study should be the formulation of laws of 
human behavior which will place historical criticism oa a 
firmer basis and eventually make possible a more revealing 
interpretation of previous centuries. 

The survey of a contemporary group is but an intro- 
duction to this intensive study of specific problems. It is 
an attempt to witness a unit of society actually carry.ng 
on, outlining broadly the processes which operate. 
REFERENCES: Case, Clarence M., Outlines of Introductory Sociol- 
ogy* PP- 55~93> Davis, Jerome, and Barnes, Harry E., 
Introduction to Sociology, pp. 453-83, 593-698; Park, Robert 
E., and Burgess, Ernest W., Introduction to the Science of 
Sociology, pp. 226-32, 252-68, 293-302, 339-56, 435~43> 
800-846. 
TECHNIQUES: 

Observation (see pp. 161-67). 
Interview (see pp. 168-79). 
Diary (see pp. 180-84). 

CASE DESCRIPTION: From the standpoint of logic, this very com- 
plex, contemporary study of the social areas should be divided 
into many subtopics. But from the standpoint of the collec- 
tion of data in the field this is impossible. For one cannot 
interview a person again and again, obtaining information 
first about isolation in the community, then social contacts, 
then conflicts, and so on down the list. The unit of research 
must be the interview with a given man, and though each 
person will know most about some particular phase of a com- 
munity, data should be secured from him concerning all other 
phases with which he is familiar. This practical necessity 
makes it essential to have in mind as many aspects of the 
study as possible, and they are briefly outlined in the follow- 
ing paragraphs. 



TYPE STUDY NO. 1 93 

A. Isolation. Two problems are presented here: (i) isolation 
of the territorial unit from the surrounding territory; (2) 
isolation of groups and people within the territorial unit 
from each other. 

i. What differentiates this area from tlte surrounding terri- 
tory? 

a) Consider each of the boundaries of the area. Is it a 
physical barrier based on topographical features or 
human constructions? Is it a historical boundary, 
imbedded in tradition and symbolic of many con- 
flicts and differences? Is it a dividing line between 
religious groups? Between groups of different na- 
tionalities? Between groups of different races? Be- 
tween groups of different economic status? Between 
groups of different occupations (i.e., overall and 
white-collar workers) ? Between old and new groups? 
6) What is the relative strength of each boundary? 
Which boundary do individuals cross most frequent- 
ly in leaving the area for work, recreation, visiting 
friends, shopping, church? Which boundaries do in- 
dividuals cross most frequently when entering the 
area for these purposes? 

What boundaries do individuals cross to change 
their residence, either in leaving the community or 
coming into it to live? What changes in economic 
status do these changes in residence represent? 

What boundaries are more firmly intrenched in 
the minds of inhabitants of the areas? Of inhabitants 
of other areas? 

What boundaries are crossed by the various 
natural groupings depicted on the maps? 
c) What changes may take place in the boundaries? 

What boundaries seem the weakest at the present 
time? Are there any projected local improvements 
which may affect existing boundaries? Any new 



94 TYPE-STUDY OUTLINES 

location of institutions which may affect barriers? 
Any other changes? 

2. What differentiates various groups within the natural area 
from each other? Consider here groupings on the basis of 
nationality, race, economic status, occupation, length 
of residence in the community. 

3. Isolated individuals. Are there any people socially os- 
tracized? Why? What light does this throw on current 
social standards? On group methods of control? Are 
there any "lost souls," people who do not fit into exist- 
ing groups? What are their interests? 

B. Social contacts. In life, isolation and contacts are so closely 
related that it is difficult to draw the line between them; 
both are relative statements of the amount of communica- 

* tion which exists. Social contacts can be broadly studied 
from the same type of questions as those listed under 3, 
with special emphasis placed on those factors which draw 
people together. In most instances a negative answer con- 
cerning isolation is a positive answer concerning social con- 
tacts. 

Communication, the medium of social contacts, mobil- 
ity which determines the number of stimulating contacts, 
and social distance which measures the degree of social 
contact can all be considered, from the standpoint of this 
general survey, under the next topics. 

C. Local interest groups. Here we are especially concerned 
with the organized life which goes on in an area. Type 
Study No. 2 is designed for an intensive study of this kind 
of group behavior. All that can be accomplished in this in- 
troductory survey is to outline roughly the various interest 
groups and the role which they play in the life of an area, 
i. Social directory. From data gathered in this and pre- 
vious sections of the study, and from local newspapers, 
classified directories, etc., prepare a social directory of 
the area. Churches, lodges, schools, political organiza- 



TYPE STUDY NO. 1 95 

tions, clubs, business men's associations, etc., should be 
included. 
2. Each organization. 

a) Formal organization. Date of organization? Stated 
purpose? Reasons for organization? Original lead- 
ers? Place of organization? Rituals observed? Does 
ritual play an important part? 

b) Membership. What type of people are members? 
Characterize by age, sex, nationality, occupational 
affiliation in other organizations. What is their 
standing in the community? What is the basis of 
selection which actually operates? Does this organ- 
ization draw people from outside the area? 

From what sections of the area do most of the 
members come? (See map showing distribution of 
members.) 

Do families participate as a unit? Is participa- 
tion largely on an individual basis? 

c) Activities. How do the activities of members com- 
pare with the stated purposes of the organizations? 
What is the actual behavior? What needs of the 
members does the group satisfy? What groups are 
in conflict with this one? With what groups does it 
co-operate? What have been the outstanding events 
in the history of the group? How do these affect its 
present activities? 

d) Role in the community. What role does the organiza- 
tion play in molding the life of the community? 
What increases or diminishes its importance as a 
social force? 

What changes in the organization have reflected 
changes in tlie community? What situations in the 
community are responsible for the group's existence? 
In what type of social environment would this organ- 
ization reasfi to function? 



96 TYPE-STUDY OUTLINES 

D. Informal social organization. The informal aspects of be- 
havior of a territorial group are more difficult to ascertain 
than those formally organized, though even in the case of 
the latter it is difficult to get behind the conventional 
structure and discover what the group really is. 

Informal group behavior in a natural area is, however, 
the basic behavior which pervades all types of activity, in- 
cluding that of formal organization. Even as standardized 
an organization as a Boy Scout troop or an Epworth 
League society will bear the stamp of adaptation to the 
underlying customs, mores, and life-values existent in the 
area. 

Turning from the consideration of specific organized 
groups, the entire territorial group now becomes the unit 
of this phase of the study: 

1. What interests of the territorial group are not expressed 
in organization? How important are these? 

2. What are the outstanding habits of group behavior or 
customs which mark this territorial group off from 
others? Can these be traced to past experiences of the 
group? Has the group well-established routines and 
habits of activity? 

3. What will the group not tolerate? What events have 
recently aroused it? Did the events call up discussion 
or direct emotional behavior, such as mob violence? 

4. Does the group respond readily to fashions? In what 
realm? In what respects is it notably conservative? 

5. What are the outstanding prejudices current in the 
group or in definite parts of it? Have these prejudices 
become organized into propaganda? 

6. What consensus of attitudes on the larger issues of the 
day especially reflect the sentiments of the group? 
What centers of influence in the community are instru- 
mental in formulating public opinion? 

7. How much spontaneous, face-to-face interaction takes 



TYPE STUDY NO. 1 97 

place among members of the group? Are there castes 
which act as barriers to interaction? 
8. What is the group's attitude toward cases of social 
pathology? What action does it take? 

E. Intra-group organization. How much overlapping is there 
among groups? Do a number of groups have the same 
leaders? Do the leaders of different groups have confidence 
in each other? Is there under- or over-organization in the 
area? Do the groups combine readily to act on matters of 
common interest? What are these interlocking interests? 
What groups dominate these federations? Are there "un- 
official" relationships between members of different 
groups? Are these group relationships complicated by 
unfortunate past experiences? 

What are the outstanding centers of group life? What 
constellations of institutions are found here? Do different 
sections of the area patronize different centers? Which 
centers dominate? 

Are the majority of the groups purely local, or are they 
affiliated with national organizations? What peculiarly 
local traits do these branches show? Are non-localized 
interest groups of more importance in the life of the people 
than neighborhood or community organizations? 

What is the relationship between the amount of shift 
in population and the amount of group organization and 
intraorganization? 

F. Relationship to other communities. To what extent is the 
natural area autonomous, and to what extent is it de- 
pendent upon surrounding areas for its activities? Are the 
majority of the interests of the people of the group satisfied 
by life within the borders of the community? What com- 
munities are "looked up to"? To what extent are other 
areas dependent upon this one? To what extent is the area 
"in the stream" of modern life? What are the national 
issues with which it is especially concerned? 



98 TYPE-STUDY OUTLINES 

G. Boundaries of natural social areas. In the light of this addi- 
tional information should any changes be made in the 
boundaries of cultural, political, and original areas which 
were determined by the mapping of data? Do these 
boundaries encompass naturally organized social groups? 
COLLECTION OF DATA: As much of the foregoing material as pos- 
sible should be gathered from actual observation of group life, 
from informal talks with people, from current newspapers, 
and from literature, documents, and reports. Data collected 
in previous assignments should be scanned from this angle. 
Formal interviews with leaders of different organizations 
should be reserved for Type Study No. 2. 

People's attitudes and opinions are significant for this 
study in so far as they may be taken as representative of those 
held by a given group. In order to obtain a fair sample of the 
community these informal conversations should be carried on 
with as wide a variety of people as possible: ministers, chil- 
dren, housewives, politicians, business men, teachers, doctors, 
etc. 

The data recorded should be conversations, and concrete 
observations of group situations together with the resulting 
behavior. It is not, of course, possible to sever this part of the 
study from that which has preceded it. Additional material can 
be obtained on the history of the area or other previous assign- 
ments during the course of this one; and this more intimate 
inquiry, as stated before, will be a check upon the validity of 
the natural boundaries tentatively discovered in Assign- 
ments 3 and 4. 

Case material should be constantly studied as it is obtained 
in order to discover concrete problems for further investiga- 
tion. 
RECORDS: 

Diary of personal experiences (see p. 82). 

Records of observations and responses of groups (see pp. 

164-65). 

Records of conversations and informal interviews (see D. 177). 



TYPE STUDY NO. 1 99 

ASSIGNMENT 8' 

DOCUMENTATION, ANALYSIS, AND INTERPRETATION 
OF DATA 

PROBLEM: The final step in research is the complex one of docu- 
menting, analyzing, and interpreting the data which have 
been collected, and it is this problem that is presented in this 
assignment. 

REFERENCES AND TECHNIQUES: 
Documentation (see pp. 192-99). 
Case Analysis (see pp. 200-207). 

SUGGESTIONS: The following additional, specific suggestions are 
made for the handling of the case material of this type study: 

A. Documentation. All data collected should be put into per- 
manent form by each person participating in the survey. 
This is essential in order that needless duplication in re- 
search may be avoided and each person may build solidly 
on the work which has already been done. 

A limited number of complete, documented interviews 
and observations is far more valuable than dozens of 
sloppy manuscripts. 

B. Analysis. In arranging the data on a territorial group an 
analysis chart has been found indispensable. The basis for 
this chart is the chronological sheet prepared in the history 
of the social areas and the history of the governmental 
units. This chart should be made for each of the social 
areas studied. Dates should be kept down the left-hand 
margin, forming the stub, but horizontally classified into 
significant topics. The material entered on this analytical 
chart should include both events and descriptive phrases. 
The following topical divisions are suggested for the hori- 
zontal headings of the analysis chart: 

i. Ecological factors affecting relation of area to surround- 
ing sections: 
a) Making for isolation. 
&) Making for unity. 

1 For illustration of case analvsis see on. 



ioo TYPE-STUDY OUTLINES 

2. Internal forces in the life of the area: 

a) Population changes. 

b) Ecological changes. 

c) Economic changes. 

d) Centers of community life. 

e) Organizations. 

/) Informal group life. 
By reading the chart horizontally it is possible to get a 

conception of the life of any given period, analyzed into its 

significant elements. 

By reading the chart vertically, it is possible to trace the 

development of a given factor. Intensive study of the chart 

will suggest interrelationships and topics for further research. 

C. Interpretation. In scientific research the analysis of the 
concrete data is followed by the attempt to explain the 
facts by existing hypotheses and laws, and then by the 
formulation of new hypotheses and laws in instances where 
the data warrant them. 

The general, introductory character of the survey, 
however, makes it impossible to obtain a complete, sci- 
entific interpretation. Through this preliminary study con- 
crete data bearing on many different sociological hypoth- 
eses and generalizations are obtained, but the data on 
any one of these points will be too meager to result in the 
formulation of new laws and hypotheses. 

From the standpoint of research the analysis of the 
survey will have fulfilled its function when it suggests pos- 
sible problems for intensive investigation and orients these 
problems with the organic whole of group life. 

From the standpoint of student training the analysis of 
the survey will have fulfilled its function when it enables 
the student to bring into juxtaposition the more generally 
accepted theoretical concepts and interpretations with the 
concrete findings concerning the operation of a definite 
unit of social life. 



TYPE STUDY NO. 1 101 

Discussion of student findings with respect to a num- 
ber of different areas will contribute further to their under- 
standing of group life, by throwing into relief the peculiari- 
ties of different communities, and the explanations of them. 
It is suggested that a list be compiled of the more im- 
portant processes and concepts studied in texts on sociol- 
ogy and that each of these be examined and illustrated 
from the standpoint of concrete data obtained. This will 
serve as a general review of the course in sociology. 
D. Listing of problems. Every investigation and every piece of 
research raises more problems than it settles. And this is 
especially true of an exploratory study such as a sociolog- 
ical survey. In fact, one of the chief functions of the survey 
is to discover the important problems for further intensive 
research. Suggestions of persons who have actually taken 
part in the survey are of more value than those compiled 
by persons who merely read the results obtained. It is 
therefore of importance that each investigator list the 
problems he has uncovered as well as his "hunches" as to 
ways of solving them. 



CHAPTER III 

TYPE STUDY NO. 2: SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY OF 
AN INTEREST GROUP 

INTRODUCTION 
I. CHARACTERISTICS OF AN INTEREST GROUP 

In analyzing the social life of a natural area it immediately be- 
comes evident that there are numerous groups or associations in 
which some, but by no means all, of the people resident within the 
area are members. And it is also evident that these smaller groups 
are outstanding social forces that influence community life, and 
that they must be intensively studied before the community can 
be fully understood. Churches, schools, boys' gangs, clubs, polit- 
ical organizations, and business men's associations illustrate the 
wide variety of groups covered by this type study. 

The basis of membership in an interest group does not depend 
always upon territorial propinquity. With the development of 
transportation and communication the area over which people 
can be organized into non-territorial groups has been extended un- 
til today it embraces the greater part of the world. International 
organizations which come within the scope of this type of group 
are numerous, and it is not uncommon for many residents of a 
local group to be members of national and even international as- 
sociations. However, in this study the chief concern is interest 
groups that function principally in local areas and therefore have 
a rather narrowly defined territorial base. Crowds, mobs, casual 
gatherings may be considered also as interest groups, but the 
problem is further limited to relatively permanent associations of 
people. 

The underlying characteristic of non-territorial groups is that 
they are composed of kindred spirits who have been drawn to- 
gether because of common interests and a desire to participate in 

102 



TYPE STUDY NO. 2 103 

the same activities. The groups are relatively segmcntal, segmen- 
tal in their selection of people who live within a given natural 
area, or segmental in the fact that each group usually satisfies a 
few interests of the individual predominantly, so that he must 
belong to a number of groups in order to satisfy his various in- 
terests. The groups are referred to variously in current writing as 
"segmental groups/' "association groups/' and "interest groups. " 
None of these terms are entirely satisfactory because they can be 
applied to territorial groups also. Detailed studies are essential 
to refine the definition and separate the various kinds of groups 
from each other. The term "interest group" has been selected in 
this study because it seems to emphasize the outstanding charac- 
teristic of this type of group, though it does not satisfactorily 
mark the limits which separate this type of group from other 
types. 

J * II. GENERAL PLAN OF THE STUDY 

This outline for the study of an interest group is a composite 
statement derived from the study of a wide variety of interest 
groups found in natural areas. It is, of course, difficult to study at 
first hand an interest group of international scope, but in the study 
of interest groups of neighborhoods, cities, counties, and states it 
is possible to get an exact analysis of some fundamental factors 
of group interaction. These local interest groups reflect social 
processes in miniature, in situations in which they can be con- 
cretely observed and studied. Because interest groups are com- 
paratively small, as well as segmental, they offer definite units for 
specific research. In addition to studying community interest 
groups, students may follow the outlines in studying both formal 
and informal campus groups. 

The following plan of research is suggested for the study of in- 
terest groups: 

SECTION I. DIARY OF GROUP ACTIVITIES 

A running account should be kept of the group in action, of its 
formal meetings, and of its informal gatherings. This record 
should be as accurate in detail and as vivid as possible. 1 

1 See Appendix B for illustration of a diary. 



104 TYPE-STUDY OUTLINES 

SECTION II. SPECIAL STUDIES 

Different aspects of the group and group activities should be 
studied from time to time: 

1. History of the group. 

2. Membership in the group. 

3. Members of the group. 

4. Leadership in the group. 

5. Group conflicts. 

6. Social organization and control in the group. 

7. Relation of the group to the community. 

SECTION III. DOCUMENTATION, ANALYSIS, AND INTERPRETATION OF DATA 

The data collected in the first two sections of the study is to 
be carefully documented, analyzed, and interpreted sociologically. 

In making an intensive study of an interest group it is almost 
essential that the investigator be what Professor Lindeman has 
termed a "participant observer." 1 The smaller the group, and the 
more intimate its members, the more necessary it is that the per- 
son studying the group be closely associated with it. If he does not 
already have entree, this must be gradually secured before the 
study can be undertaken. The record of the investigator's ex- 
periences in becoming a part of the group will in itself form a valu- 
able part of the data concerning it, for it will depict the reactions 
of the group toward newcomers as well as the process by which 
a person becomes incorporated into the group. The special studies 
listed can be carried on in any convenient order, and the order 
chosen will depend largely upon the contacts established with the 
group. 

Through the running diary of group activities and contacts 
with members of the group, information concerning all of the 
special studies will be constantly collected; and the data gathered 

'The term "participant observer" in this study differs somewhat from the 
meaning which Professor Lindeman assigns to it. It includes both (a) a person who 
has identified himself with a group simply for the purpose of studying it; (b) a 
person who is really a part of the group but studies it in an objective, detached 
manner. 



TYPE STUDY NO. 2 105 

for any of the special studies will have bearing on all the others. 
It is therefore necessary that the entire set of outlines be kept in 
mind in order that the interrelations between the various phases 
of research may be considered. Different aspects, represented by 
each of the special studies, can be selected for emphasis at dif- 
ferent periods during the course of the investigations, but all 
aspects are bound to present themselves during any phase of the 
research. 

SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY 

INTEREST GROUP 

BROWN, WARREN B. Social Groups. Faithhorn Co., 1926. 
COOLEY, CHARLES H. Case Study of Small Institutions as a Method of Re- 
search, "Publications of the American Sociological Society," XXII, 

123-33- 

KOLB, J. H. "Interest Groups in Rural Society," Publications of the Ameri- 
can Sociological Society, XXII, 211-13. 

THRASHER, FREDERIC M. The Gang. Chicago, 1927. 

WEATHEREY, ULYSSES G. "Habitation Areas and Interest Areas/' Journal 
of Applied Sociology (May-June, 1926). 



io6 TYPE-STUDY OUTLINES 

ASSIGNMENT 1 

DIARY OF ACTIVITIES OF THE GROUP AND 
ITS MEMBERS 

Two diaries should be kept throughout this study: one 
containing a record of observations of group behavior, and 
a personal diary containing a record of the investigator's 
experiences with research techniques and methods. 1 Detailed 
information concerning the latter type of diary is contained in 
chapter iv, "The Diary" (cf. pp. 182-83). 2 

The first type of diary, a chronological record of the in- 
vestigator's observations and experiences with the group and 
its members, written as soon as is convenient after the observa- 
tion has been made, will furnish invaluable data for the special 
aspects of the study which are to follow. The essential facts 
concerning the group can be obtained only very seldom by the 
direct questions of a stranger, though a sociologist who has in- 
tensively studied many groups may infer significant facts from 
qtf h a procedure. Careful observation by a person who enters 
into the group naturally without disrupting its usual behavior, 
and who carries on these observations quietly and unob- 
trusively over a period of time, yields the most accurate data. 
For the purpose of the study is to penetrate deeply into the 
life of the group, to uncover the real significance of its activi- 
ties from the standpoint of its members, and to obtain the 
"inside story." 

The actual activities of the group will never follow the 
logical analyses presented in these outlines, and the running 
record of behavior as it actually occurs must form the back- 
bone of the sociological data. It is possible, and necessary, to 
turn aside to ferret out the type of material required for the 
special studies, but the diary record of what is going on in the 

1 Since 1912 Professor Robert E. Park has emphasized the value of the diary 
in sociological research and it has proved an important technique. 

2 In the student's diary presented in Appendix B the flexibility of method 
is illustrated. In this case the two types of diary are combined into one (pp. 238-44) . 



TYPE STUDY NO. 2 107 

group should not be neglected. Throughout the research, in- 
formation which has bearing on special phases of group be- 
havior can be culled from the diary and used as a point of de- 
parture for the special studies. 

In instances where a student is analyzing a group of which 
he is already a member the problem arises of taking an objec- 
tive attitude toward situations and relationships with which 
he is familiar. For he is usually so submerged in the life of the 
group that it is difficult for him to observe its behavior in a 
detached, scientific manner. Nevertheless the effort of the 
investigator to study objectively social groups to which he 
belongs has exceptional value both for him and for the re- 
search data which he is attempting to gather. As has already 
been stated, a participant observer can obtain more revealing 
data concerning a group than an outsider. And an individual 
can usually learn more sociology by getting a new point of 
view concerning groups with which he is already familiar, 
through an impartial investigation of them, than by studying 
groups with which he has no intimate contacts. 



io8 TYPE-STUDY OUTLINES 

ASSIGNMENT 2 
SPECIAL STUDIES: HISTORY OF THE GROUP 1 

PROBLEM: A natural history of the group, an account which por- 
trays chronologically the everyday humdrum behavior of the 
group as well as its more spectacular experiences, will give a 
background for understanding the present group activities. It 
will also demonstrate significant processes and interrelation- 
ships that take place within the group. The object is to 
secure as complete a history as possible of the group, recogniz- 
ing gaps in the account that cannot be filled, and keeping 
within the bounds of actual data. 
TECHNIQUES AND METHODS : 
Interviews (see pp. 161-67). 
Diary (see pp. 180-84). 
Study of existing documents minutes, newspapers, articles, 

local histories. 

REFERENCES: See references on page 82. 

CASE DESCRIPTION: The following items are suggestive of what 
should be included in this phase of the study: 
A. Early organization. When was the group formed? Why? 
What was its purpose as stated? What were its immediate 
objectives? Its remote objectives? Did its real purpose 
and the r61e it occupied in the lives of its members differ 
from its stated purpose? 

Where did it meet? What type of programs and activi- 
ties did it have? Was its organization formal or informal? 
Who were the first officers? The leaders? Describe 
their activities and points of view. 

Who were the first members? On what basis did the 
selection of members take place? What interests bound the 
members together? What mutual associations had they 
previously had? Were they enthusiastic about the new 
organization? 

1 For illustration of this assignment see pp. 245-47. 



TYPE STUDY NO. 2 109 

B. Outstanding events. What conflicts and crises has the 
group passed through? Has it experienced any "high- 
pressure campaigns"? What important events have ac- 
celerated its progress toward its goals? What important 
events have changed its direction of development? What 
events seem to stand out most vividly in the memories of 
its members? ^ 

C. Changes in organization. What different stages has the 
group passed through? Describe each one in detail. 

What leaders has it had? How have these leaders 
differed from one another? What effect have they had 
upon the activities of the group? 

What changes has the group experienced in place of 
meeting? In type of program? 

Has the group undergone a cycle of development? If 
so, trace this. Has it passed from informal to formal 
organization? From democratic to autocratic organiza- 
tion? 

D. Relationship to other groups. Is this group linked up with a 
general movement? Are similar groups in existence near 
by? Is there a general, standardized scheme of organiza- 
tion? What role does this group place in the intergroup 
movement? Has its role changed? How does it vary? 
Has the group adapted itself to general changes in its social 
environments? With what results? 

What changes have taken place in the membership? 
Why? Has the basis of selection of members changed? 

E. Results of the historical process. What rituals, traditions, 
sentiments, symbols, has the group developed? What 
stories, phrases, jokes connected with past experiences are 
handed down? What has been the resulting morale of the 
group? 

What achievements is it proud of? Describe and 
explain the solidarity of the group. 

What relationships and activities of the past exert the 



no TYPE-STUDY OUTLINES 

greatest influence over the present activities of the group? 

Why? 

COLLECTION OF DATA: In some of the groups being studied the 
history will yield little of value. This will be especially true, of 
course, in the case of groups that have been newly formed. 

The historical approach is usually one of the easiest ap- 
proaches to any group, and members will talk more freely 
to newcomers about things which have happened in the 
past than about present problems. Where the investigator is 
not already familiar with the history of the group he can 
usually secure it by asking but few questions and getting the 
members to talk freely about old times. Once the general out- 
line of the group's history has been obtained, specific points 
can be rounded out by discussion with group members. 



TYPE STUDY NO. 2 in 

ASSIGNMENT 3 
SPECIAL STUDIES: MEMBERSHIP IN THE GROUP 

PROBLEM: To make a general study of the members, the in- 
teracting units of the group. 

TECHNIQUES: 

Interview (see pp. 168-79). 
Diary (see pp. 180-84). 
Map-making (see pp. 185-91). 

REFERENCES: Davis, Jerome, and Barnes, Harry E., Introduc- 
tion to Sociology, pp. 598-604; Park, Robert E., and Burgess, 
Ernest W., Introduction to the Science of Sociology, pp. 198- 
210, 293 94, 45i~77- 

CASE DESCRIPTION: 

A. Habitat of the members. Plot on a map the residences of 
members at different stages of the group's history, using 
different colored symbols for different years, and indicating 
by symbols the difference between active members and 
those who "just belong." 

What type of natural areas do the people come from? 
Has there been an increase in the territory covered by the 
group? Is this the result of the expansion of the group's 
activities, or is it the result of movement of the old mem- 
bers to new sections? Compare this map with other spot 
maps, thus obtaining a more complete picture of the type 
of area in which the group functions. 

B. Size of the group. How many active members are there? 
How many "contributing" members? Does the member- 
ship fluctuate? Why? 

What is the effect of the size of the group on its activi- 
ties? Of size upon its type of organization? Of size upon 
its type of relationship between its members? Do all the 
members know all the others? Do all the members par- 
ticipate in group activities? 

C. The basis of selection. How were the members of the group 



ii2 TYPE-STUDY OUTLINES 

selected? What requirements does one have to meet in 
order to become a member of the group? What types of 
individual are ostracized by the group? Do they come from 
the same or different age and sex groups? Is there a dis- 
crepancy between the formal statement of requirements 
for membership and the actual practice? How have mem- 
bers of the group been brought together? 

Can the members be classified into distinct types? If 
so, describe these and give the relative portion of the mem- 
bers belonging to each type. 

D. Basis of association. What common interests hold the 
group together? What similar interests? What common 
cultural backgrounds? What common or similar experi- 
ences? Beliefs? Ideas? In what ways do the members 
differ most from one another? 

How frequently do the members of the group come 
into contact with one another through the activities of the 
group? What portion of the leisure time of the members 
of the group is spent upon the activities of the group? 
Upon the activities of other groups? 

What relationships exist between old and new mem- 
bers? Do they form cliques within the group? 

Do regular and repeated contacts create a definite 
status for those who participate? 

Does the group have a center or nucleus, and a pe- 
riphery? 

Are the members on intimate terms with one another? 
Does the group attempt to bring about relationships which 
are more intimate than actually exist? 
The foregoing questions are designed to secure a general de- 
scription of the membership of the group, placing it with respect 
to other organizations and informal groups of the community. 
The next study deals with individual members. 



TYPE STUDY NO. 2 113 

ASSIGNMENT 4 
SPECIAL STUDIES: MEMBERS OF THE GROUP 

PROBLEM: To write case studies of individual members of the 
group. This study will aid in understanding the processes 
which are taking place within the group. A thoroughgoing 
study of the individual members would really fall within the 
realm of social psychology rather than sociology, but the 
emphasis here is upon that phase of the problem which falls 
upon the border line of sociology. 

TECHNIQUES AND METHODS: 
Observation (see pp. 161-67). 
Interviews (see pp. 161-67). 
Diary (see pp. 180-84). 

REFERENCES: Davis, Jerome, and Barnes, Harry E., Introduc- 
tion to Sociology, pp. 453-66; Park, Robert E., and Burgess, 
Ernest W., Introduction to the Science of Sociology, pp. 64-160, 

445-77- 

CASE DESCRIPTION: As in the case of most of the special studies, 
this one is really a central theme which runs throughout the 
entire investigation of the group, and data for this study will 
be obtained throughout the research. If the group being 
studied is small, it is desirable that case studies be made of 
each of the members. If the group is large, only a limited 
number of the members can be selected for intensive study. 
In this case it will be well to select a few personalities, one or 
two individuals who seem "typical" of the membership of the 
group, one or two who seem to be "misfits" or "different," 
and one or two outstanding members. The object of this study 
is to work out a few case studies intensively, rather than a 
number superficially. The following outline indicates the type 
of material to be collected. 

A. General data. Name, age, place of birth, nationality, occu- 
pation (of parent, if case study is of a child), economic 



ii4 TYPE-STUDY OUTLINES 

status, place of residence during past ten years, other 
group affiliations. Length of membership in this group. 

B. Interests. What occupation does he follow or wish to fol- 
low? How does he spend his leisure time? Who are his 
companions? Has he any hobbies? What are his ambi- 
tions? What people does he look up to? Accept as a model? 
What is his role and status in the different groups of 
which he is a member? What does he consider the most 
interesting facts about himself? 

What interests led him to join this group? To what 
extent has the group fulfilled expectations? Have interests 
changed as a result of the group associations? What gains 
have come through membership? Has he thought of leav- 
ing the group? 

C. Attitudes. What prejudices does he hold (religious, racial, 

nationality, class)? How do you explain these prejudices? 
What habitual mannerisms characterize him? List some 
typical social situations and describe his behavior in 
them. 

D. Relationship to other members of the group. What is his atti- 
tude toward other members of the group as you have 
observed it in group meetings, in his conversations? Give 
concrete examples. 

What is his r&le in the group? Is he considered inferior 
or superior to the other members? Is he considered as de- 
viating from the average by members of the group? By 
outsiders? Is he considered queer? What members are his 
especial friends? Has the group honored him in any way? 

Does he get into conflict with other members of the 
group? Does he co-operate well with other members of the 
group? Is he easily led? 

Has he initiative? Does he offer suggestions as to what 
is to be done? Does he perform certain definite tasks in the 
group? Is he an "active member"? Does he feel at home 
in the group? 



TYPE STUDY NO. 2 115 

What has been the effect of his group associations upon 
him? 

E. Life-history. If possible, get him either to write or tell his 
life-history (see suggestions on pp. 147-50). 

COLLECTION OF DATA: The intimate, personal data required by 
this study can only be obtained after you have established 
rapport with the individual being studied. Most of the 
material should not be obtained directly by questions, but 
indirectly, through conversations, in which the individual 
is not "on his guard," but reacts in his usual manner. The 
prejudices of the individual, for instance, can usually be 
discovered by conversing with him about people, policies, 
institutions, organizations, etc., and noting his reactions. 



ii6 TiPE-STUDY OUTLINES 

ASSIGNMENT 5 
SPECIAL STUDIES: LEADERSHIP IN THE GROUP 

PROBLEM: To make a study of leadership in the group, how it is 
developed and how it is maintained. Leadership is con- 
sidered as a social phenomenon, the result of reciprocal 
interaction between the leader and his group. 

TECHNIQUES AND METHODS: 
Observation (see pp. 161-67). 
Interviews (see pp. 168-79). 
Diary (see pp. 180-84). 

REFERENCES: Davis, Jerome, and Barnes, Harry E., Introduction 
to Sociology, pp. 297-99, 484-88; Hart, Hornell, The Science 
of Social Relations, pp. 300-307, 341-47; Park, Robert E., and 
Burgess, Ernest W., Introduction to the Science of Sociology, 
pp. 695-98, 353-54, 695-98. 

CASE DESCRIPTION: 

A. The leader. Who is the leader? How long has he been the 
leader of the group? What other leaders has the group had, 
or what other leaders does it have at the present time? 
What are the differences between these leaders? 

Is the present leader the leader of any other groups 
also? Does he show different qualities of leadership 
in the other groups? Does he stand for different activi- 
ties in the different groups?. Is he a "different person" 
in each group? Is his pattern of leadership similar in all 
groups? 

Does he use his position of leader for personal advance- 
ment in business or professional life? In gaining social 
status? Is he looked upon as a "good fellow"? Feared? 
Hated? Tolerated? 

B. Explanation of leadership. Record in detail concrete in- 
stances in which the leader has both succeeded and failed 
to lead his group, and analyze these to secure the under- 



TYPE STUDY NO. 2 117 

lying factors. In recording these incidents describe the 
following: 

1. The social situation. 

2. The sequence of behavior of leader and members in the 
situation. 

3. Supplement if possible by comments of leader on his 
behavior. 

How do you explain the hold of the leader on the group? 
Is it in terms of his points of view with respect to issues in- 
volved? Of personal ascendancy? Does the leader possess char- 
acteristics of the stranger as outlined by Simmel? Is leadership 
in this group something that has been carried over from other 
groups? Has conflict with other groups had any bearing upon 
leadership in this group? Does the leader usually define the 
situation and offer suggestions as to the line of action to be 
pursued? What things does he have in common with the group? 
In what things does he stand above them? Is loyalty to the 
ideals and interests of the group stronger than loyalty to the 
leader? Does he dominate the group against their will? Secure 
co-operation through loyalty to himself? 

Have the members confidence in the leader? Does he con- 
sult with them about his plans? 

What circumstances gave the individual his first opportu- 
nity to display qualities of leadership? How has his leadership 
changed the group? 

Are there factions in the group? If so, on what are they 
based? Who are the leaders of the other faction? Has each 
leader a well-defined following among the members, or does his 
following change as issues change? 

Obtain type of data suggested above for each of the leaders 
and compare the analyses of their leadership. 
COLLECTION OF DATA : The bulk of the data for this section of the 

study should be secured through watching the group in action. 

The diary record of the group which is kept throughout this 



no TiPE-STUDY OUTLINES 

study should supply much of the material. Informal conversa- 
tion with the leader, "drawing him out" in conversation, 
rather than questioning him directly, should be employed 
to secure the data. Discuss his leadership casually with the 
individual and obtain his explanation of how he handles his 
group, reporting these conversations in detail. 



TYPE STUDY NO. 2 119 

ASSIGNMENT 6 
SPECIAL STUDIES: GROUP CONFLICTS 

PROBLEM: Conflict situations have long attracted the attention 
of sociologists, for they have provided one of the most fruitful 
fields for research. In a conflict situation between two groups, 
their differences in points of view and behavior are brought 
into such transparent contrast that intrinsic attributes of each 
group which had previously passed unobserved are literally 
thrust upon the attention of the observer. Also, conflicts dis- 
rupt the habitual behavior of the group, and in making adjust- 
ments the social processes of the group are both intensified and 
exposed to observation. Both conflicts within the group and 
conflicts between this group and other groups are studied. 

TECHNIQUES: 

Observation (see pp. 161-67). 
Interview (see pp. 168-79). 
Diary (see pp. 180-84). 

REFERENCES: Case, Clarence M., Outlines of Introductory Sociol- 
ogy, pp. 498-515; Davis, Jerome, and Barnes, Harry E., 
Introduction to Sociology, pp. 439-52; Hart, Hornell, The 
Science of Social Relations, pp. 177-348; Park, Robert E., and 
Burgess, Ernest W., Introduction to the Science of Sociology, 
pp. 574-662. 

CASE DESCRIPTION: Suggestions for the study of group conflicts 

are as follows: 

A. Conflicts within the group. Record concrete instances of 
clashes between members of the group. Supplement these 
observations with discussions of the conflict with those 
who were involved. 

Was the conflict due to personal antagonism? At- 
tempts to secure a higher status in the group? Rivalry be- 
tween individuals? Controversial issues? Misunderstand- 
ings? Differences in ideals? Differences in cultural back- 
grounds? 



120 TYPE-STUDY OUTLINES 

Trace the behavior sequences which occurred during 
the course of the conflict. What expressions of emotion 
were evident during the conflict? How was the conflict re- 
solved? What results ensued from it? 

Do frequent conflicts occur between these individuals? 
Have habitual reactions of conflict been built up between 
them? Are there radical and conservative elements? 

Were other members drawn into the conflict? Did they 
take an active part, or merely "take sides"? What was the 
effect of the conflict upon group solidarity? What effect 
has it had upon the progress of the group toward its 
avowed aims? 

How could future conflicts within the group be pre- 
vented? Be controlled so as not to issue in open conflict? 
B. Conflicts between this group and other groups. With what 
other groups is this group in conflict? What are the issues? 
At what points do the groups overlap? Are the conflicts 
occasional or habitual? Which group is usually the ag- 
gressor? 

What form does the conflict take? Has the form of the 
conflict been altered through a series of conflicts? What 
factors brought about the change, i.e., from feuds to 
rivalry? 

What has been the effect of the conflicts upon the soli- 
darity of each group? On generating the feeling of a "we 
group" as against an "outside group"? On the develop- 
ment of group consciousness? Has the effect been the same 
on both groups? Do the members of the two groups come 
into direct contact, or is the disagreement carried on 
through newspapers, publications of the two groups, state- 
ments of members in each group to people outside both 
groups? 

Has the loyalty of a member of this group come into 
conflict with his loyalty to another group? Has he been 
forced to choose between the two? With what result? 



TYPE STUDY NO. 2 121 

What public opinion prevails in the community with 
respect to these conflicts? Which of the groups occupies 
the stronger position in the community? Which of the 
groups is looked up to? 

COLLECTION OF DATA : Secure data from records of conflicts which 
have been observed, and from discussing old conflicts 
with members of the group. 



122 TYPE-STUDY OUTLINES 

ASSIGNMENT 7 

SPECIAL STUDIES: SOCIAL ORGANIZATION AND SOCIAL 
CONTROL IN THE GROUP 

PROBLEM: The statement is sometimes made that the problem 
of social control is the central one in sociology. We are con- 
fronted with the social fact that individuals conform to groups, 
that groups have a way of impressing their standards, preju- 
dices, their customary ways of behaving upon individuals. 
Some of these group controls are exercised subtly, often with- 
out individuals being aware of their existence. Others are ex- 
pressed legally in written form, as mandates to which the 
group will force obedience. 

From the standpoint of science control is also of central 
importance; we must discover how social control operates in 
order to be able to exercise control intelligently. 

TECHNIQUES : 

Observation (see pp. 161-67). 
Interview (see pp. 168-79). 
Diary (see pp. 180-84). 

REFERENCES: Bogardus, Emory S., Introduction to Sociology (re- 
vised ed.), pp. 380-402; Case, Clarence M., Outlines of Intro- 
ductory Sociology, pp. 50-71; Davis, Jerome, and Barnes, 
Harry E., Introduction to Sociology, pp. 467-83; 609-39; Park, 
Robert E., and Burgess, Ernest W., Introduction to the Science 
of Sociology, pp. 785-864. 

CASE DESCRIPTION: The following suggestions for this study are 
offered : 

A. Informal controls. Is there an identity of interests of mem- 
bers with interests of the group? Do members sacrifice 
their own interests for those of the group? Do members 
voluntarily conform to group standards? 

What taboos exist? What group loyalties have been 
established, and how do they function as controls? What 
common language, expressions, mannerisms, gestures, 



TYPE STUDY NO. 2 I23 

ideas have been established as a result of the process of 
group interaction and are peculiar to the group? 

Cite instances of repression through informal group 
control. Of expression in activities. 

What symbols, traditions, collective representations 
control members of the group, arousing them to action? 
What stories are told of the past life of the group? 

Has the group exercised control by ostracizing mem- 
bers? For what? Are threats used? When? Are there "un- 
written laws" which members observe? What members are 
looked upon as "models"? What traits of theirs are ex- 
tolled? What outsiders are admired? 

How are new members inducted into the life of the 
group and made to feel a part of it? What traditions, 
group objectives, ideals are transmitted to them, and in 
what way? Are they given an opportunity actively to par- 
ticipate? What is expected of them? 

Can the group be brought into action quickly as a unit? 
How? What are the usual "rallying points"? Will it act 
in spite of deterring conditions? Give instances. 

Are there recognized gradations of status and author- 
ity with the group? Are these largely the result of formal 
procedure, as for instance elections, or have they grown 
unwittingly out of group activities? 

Is the informal organization of the group strong? Is it 
largely "unconscious"? Has it been stronger at other 
stages in the group's, development? 

Is there an inner circle of active members who control 
the destinies of the group? 

B. Formal controls. Does the group have much formal ma- 
chinery through which it achieves its purposes? Is par- 
liamentary procedure relied upon? Does formal control 
extend beyond the limits of the informal control? 

Does the group have clearly defined standards to which 
its members are asked to subscribe? Does it have codes of 



i2 4 TYPE-STUDY OUTLINES 

conduct? On what grounds can a member be expelled from 
the group? What anti-group activities are punished? 
How? 

Is the program of activities carefully outlined and 
executed? Are there prescribed ways of doing things? 

What rituals and ceremonials have been established? 
What rules and laws are stressed? Does the group still 
employ ceremonials or regulations which have outlived 
their significance, or are they still vital? What are the most 
effective formal controls? 

C. Group solidarity. What is the result of these controls in 
group solidarity? If solidarity is absent, how do you ac- 
count for these facts? Lack of common interests? Poor 
organization? Undeveloped controls? 

COLLECTION OF DATA: Diary observations supplemented by 
special observations of the aspects of group behavior suggested 
will furnish the data for this phase of the study. 



TYPE STUDY NO. 2 125 

ASSIGNMENT 8 

SPECIAL STUDIES: RELATION OF THE GROUP TO 
THE COMMUNITY 

Up to this point the group has been more or less isolated from 
its social background for the purposes of investigation. But every 
group is partly a product of the larger social environment in which 
it functions, partly influencing and partly being influenced by the 
larger group. 
PROBLEM: Here the problem is to consider the group being 

studied with respect to the larger community group within 

which it functions. 

TECHNIQUES: 

Observation (see pp. 161-67). 
Interview (see pp. 168-79). 
Diary (see pp. 180-84). 

CASE DESCRIPTION: The following questions indicate the perti- 
nent type of data. 

A. The community* Consult information collected through 
Type Study No. 1 to obtain an understanding of the com- 
munity within which this group functions. 

B. The role of the group in the community. What is the status 
of the group in the community? What reputation does it 
have? How does its status and reputation compare with 
that of other groups? In what ways has the community 
exercised control over the group? What remarks do people 
in the community make about it? 

Do its members come from various sections of the 
community various economic, racial, national, and reli- 
gious groupings of the community? Does it represent one 
faction or a cross-section of the community? Does it repre- 
sent the majority or minority in the population? 

1 Term "community" is used here to indicate the territorial group in which 
the interest group functions. Technically this may be a cultural group, a political 
group, or a marginal group. 



126 TYPE-STUDY OUTLINES 

Does it participate in activities of community-wide 
significance? Is it a leader in these activities? Do all mem- 
bers participate in these activities, or only the officers? 

In what way and to what extent is the group an index 
of social conditions in the community? What outstanding 
characteristics of the group bear the stamp of the local area 
in which it functions? What needs of the community have 
called it into being? Has the group changed as the com- 
munity has changed? 

COLLECTION OF DATA: Material from Type Study No. 1, from 
previous sections of this study, and from special observations 
and discussions will give the data for this topic. 



TYPE STUDY NO. 2 127 

ASSIGNMENT 9' 

DOCUMENTATION, ANALYSIS, AND INTERPRETATION 
OF DATA 

PROBLEM: To put the data which has been collected into perma- 
nent form, and to analyze and interpret it sociologically. 

REFERENCES AND TECHNIQUES: 
Documentation (see pp. 192-99). 
Analysis and Interpretation (see pp. 200-207. 

SUGGESTIONS: The following suggestions apply specifically to 
the handling of material on an interest group. 
A. Analysis and interpretation. Three steps are suggested in 
the analysis and interpretation of facts which have been 
secured concerning the group: (i) arrange the data which 
you have obtained concerning the group, stating the 
significant facts in chronological sequence; (2) list state- 
ments in sociology textbooks concerning group behavior, 
turn these statements into hypotheses, test these hypoth- 
eses by the concrete data, and restate them in terms of 
your own discoveries; (3) compare the analysis of your 
group with those made of other groups by their students, 
and apply these comparisons to the hypotheses as sug- 
gested in B. 

It is always difficult to make suggestions concerning 
analyses because every group displays its own peculiar be- 
havior and gives the observer insight into many phases of 
group life, each one of which can in itself create a problem 
for intensive research. At present we are in an exploratory 
stage of our studies, and instead of testing universally ac- 
cepted hypotheses merely to demonstrate their validity, as 
is done in most sciences, we are still attempting to discover 
these basic, universally accepted analyses and reduce them 
to laboratory practice. The outstanding purpose of this 
study has been to introduce the student to an analysis of a 

1 For illustration of this assignment see pp. 248-53. 



128 TYFE-STUDY O U 1 \L1JN US 

group in action, to suggest to him the way in which to con- 
sider the group sociologically. 

From the data collected in this study many different 
processes which produce group behavior can be identified. 
Only the more striking of these, and the ones concerning 
which you have secured the most complete data, should be 
selected for intensive study and analysis. Each of these 
processes should be analyzed step by step, in the most 
minute detail. Similar processes in other groups should be 
compared in order to obtain more exact, qualified state- 
ments of the processes and the essential variables which 
condition them. Exact definitions of factors in these proc- 
esses, in terms of their different attributes, should be 
secured and compared with one another. There are many 
general statements concerning group behavior, but few 
exact, specific statements which define the variables so that 
both they and the results of their interrelationships can be 
unmistakably identified. 

B. Listing of problems. As stated in Type Study No. 1, an 
important phase of any research problem is always to leave 
behind a statement of your own mistakes, of hints as to 
how you would go about the study if you were to under- 
take it again, of suggestions as to new phases of the study 
that should be investigated, or of additional data that 
should be secured to round out parts of the study which 
have already been considered. This record enables the 
next observer to pick up the study at the point where it 
has been discontinued, insuring against needless repetition 
and waste of time. 



TYPE STUDY NO. 3: THE SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY 
OF AN IMMIGRANT GROUP (AN ACCOM- 
MODATION GROUP) 

INTRODUCTION 

CHARACTERISTICS AND SOCIOLOGICAL IMPORTANCE OF 
THE IMMIGRANT GROUP 

In dividing almost any political unit of America into natural 
territorial groups, as described in the previous type study, areas 
characterized by the imprint of many different foreign cultures 
will be found. For scattered over this country are immigrant 
colonies, small aggregates of people principally from European 
countries, who have brought with them customs, traditions, in- 
stitutions, and ideas of their homeland, and are in the process of 
modifying their old culture to conform to American conditions. 
These natural areas transplanted from the Old World exhibit 
problems of exceptional interest to the sociologist, problems which 
are treated in this special type study because they demand their 
own peculiar emphasis in research. 

The mosaic of cultures and cultural adjustment which America 
presents offers us a fruitful laboratory for research. Not only are 
many widely different cultures dovetailing into American life, but 
these numerous cultures are also adjusting to each other. For in- 
stance, the Polish groups of this country have Italian, Lithuanian, 
German, Irish, Slovene, and a wide variety of other cultural 
groups for next-door neighbors, and in the variation in types of 
adjustment which the Poles make to each of these different groups 
many aspects of Polish culture become evident. Sometimes, as in 
the case of the Lithuanians and Poles, associations which have 
existed for centuries in Europe are continued and modified by the 
new conditions; sometimes, as in the case of the Irish and Poles, 
the associations are almost entirely a product of American ex- 

129 



130 TYPE-STUDY OUTLINES 

periences. So many variables rather obviously identified enable 
the sociologist to press deeper into the study of cultural processes 
and refine his hypotheses of group behavior. 

First, second, and third generations the original immigrants, 
the children, and the grandchildren of the first comers also make 
it possible to trace the process of adjustment over a period of 
time, and thus to obtain a clearer insight into the various stages 
of modification and to refine statements of sociological hypotheses. 
In large cities one often finds areas of first, second, and third 
settlement of an immigrant group. Each of these settlements has 
its characteristic institutions and social life, representing different 
degrees of adjustment to American situations. As a family pros- 
pers and becomes more "Americanized" it will move from one of 
these areas to another, and a comparison of the different areas 
gives data on the processes of accommodation and assimilation. 

It is always difficult to analyze one's own culture, for the social 
heritage in which a person grows up is so much a matter of 
habit and is so unconsciously accepted that its real significance is 
usually hidden. The striking contrasts displayed by the array of 
immigrant colonies in America throws into bold relief facts about 
human society which it would be exceedingly difficult for a person 
to observe through a study of his own culture alone. The precau- 
tion must always be taken, of course, to interpret this alien be- 
havior from the standpoint of its meaning to the immigrant group, 
as well as from the standpoint of the meaning of the behavior to 
the American group. The same overt act may have a widely 
different significance for the two groups, and this underlying 
meaning must be ascertained. 

Culture in the making is paraded distinctly in most natural 
areas of immigrant groups, and in this process of the breaking up 
of old habits and the development of new much can be learned 
concerning the operation of human societies. Conflict situations 
between immigrant groups, between immigrant and American 
groups, and between different generations of the same immigrant 
group make us aware of definite phases of social processes. 



TYPE STUDY NO. 3 131 

Before the passage of the immigration law in 1918 people of 
the European countries were pouring into the United States in 
such large numbers that natural areas with marked foreign char- 
acteristics were everywhere in evidence. In most instances people 
of the older immigration have taken on so many outward manifes- 
tations of American culture dress, houses and furnishing, oc- 
cupations, etc. that one has to probe a little more deeply beneath 
the surface in order to identify the areas of foreign culture. Since 
immigrants have been admitted in such comparatively small 
numbers they find their way almost unnoticed into colonies which 
have been established for many years, where the old heritage has 
been so modified and where the influence of the newcomer is so 
slight that the disparity between American and immigrant areas 
which existed at the beginning of this century is no longer ap- 
parent. Cultural adjustments, however, are only the result of a 
very slow process, and even in these colonies of the early immigrant 
many of the old customs and ideas are still preserved. 

The two processes of accommodation and assimilation are 
both found in immigrant colonies, and though emphasis has been 
put upon the former in this type study, many instances of as- 
similation will be found. Both are, of course, relative terms, and 
various degrees of each process can be discovered in any study. 

It is a generally accepted statement that individuals raised in 
one culture who migrate to another can never be assimilated com- 
pletely into the new culture. Usually the Old World fades more 
and more as time goes on, but there is always a residue of habits, 
ideas, points of view, and ways of doing things which are never com- 
pletely changed. For this reason a great many of the adjustments 
which are made by immigrants who have come to America as 
adults are compromises or accommodations to American culture. 
Sufficient changes take place so that the newcomer may live under 
the new conditions without coming into open conflict with them, 
but the resultant behavior is something new, which stands be- 
tween the foreign and native standards. As has been stated be- 
fore, there are certain outward marks of a given culture dress, 



132 TYPE-STUDY OUTLINES 

house and furnishings, tools, and social rituals which newcomers 
take over very rapidly, but the underlying points of view and 
interpretations of the native land persist with surprising tenacity. 

Children of immigrants, though born in this country, are 
raised in homes where foreign culture predominates, though often 
trained in schools of the new land. From their homes they receive 
one type of experience, from the schools and their associations 
with children of other groups, other types of experience, with the 
result that they may do one of three things : (a) accept one culture 
and accommodate themselves to the other; (b) accept one culture 
and come into open conflict with the other; (c) accept both cul- 
tures and slip from one type of behavior to another as they find 
themselves in different cultural surroundings. Assimilation is 
usually manifested in a higher degree in the children of immi- 
grants than it is in the case of their parents, and in the case of the 
third generation the process of assimilation is almost completed. 

The processes of assimilation and accommodation are found in 
other instances of our social life besides those in which a foreign 
group is making its adjustments to American conditions. The re- 
cent migrations of large numbers of Negroes, for instance, from 
the rural districts of the South to the industrial centers of the 
North are presenting some interesting demonstrations of the two 
processes. But this type study has been designed primarily for 
the study of immigrant colonies. Eventually other type studies 
will be made of these other problems and it will then be possible to 
formulate a general type study. 

GENERAL PLAN OP THE STUDY 

In investigating immigrant areas it has been found of assist- 
ance to divide the study into the following sections: 

1. Collection and Classification of Existing Data. 

2. Determination of the Habitat. 

3. First Impressions of the Area. 

4. Social History of the Area. 

5. Accommodation Group. 



TYPE STUDY NO. 3 133 

6. Life-Histories of Immigrants. 

7. Documentation, Analysis, and Interpretation of Data. 
All these sections are, of course, so intimately related that data 

secured for any part will have a bearing upon the facts obtained 
in the other sections. Outlines for the entire study should be care- 
fully read before intensive work is undertaken for any section. 

SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY 

IMMIGRANT GROUP 

ABBOTT, EDITH. Historical Aspects of the Immigration Problem. Chicago, 

1926, pp. 409-532. 
FAIRCHILD, H. P. Immigrant Backgrounds. New York, 1927 (also see other 

books in this series dealing with different immigrant groups). 
PARK, ROBERT E. The Immigrant Press and Its Control. New York and 

London, 1922. 
AND MILLER, HERBERT A. Old World Traits Transplanted. New 

York and London, 1921. 

Ross, EDWARD ALSWORTH. The Old World in the New. New York, 1914. 
THOMAS, W. I., AND ZNANIECKE, FLORIAN. The Polish Peasant in Europe 

and America. 5 vols. Chicago, 1918-20. 



i 3 4 TYPE-STUDY OUTLINES 

ASSIGNMENT 1 

COLLECTION AND CLASSIFICATION OF 
EXISTING DATA 

PROBLEM: As in the case of the first section in Type Study No. i 
(pp. 57-59), the purpose is to become thoroughly familiar with 
existing data on the topic under study, and to start a bibliog- 
raphy and a reference file of this data. Material already col- 
lected through Type Study No. i should prove especially 
useful. 

SUGGESTIONS : Immigration to this country has been so extensive 
and the results of the influx of millions of people with different 
cultural heritages has been so startling that volumes have 
been written upon the subject. It is, of course, impossible to 
summarize here the vast literature which exists on immigra- 
tion,. and the undertaking is accordingly confined to indicating 
the type of material which has most bearing upon the topic 
of this study, the adaptation of a given cultural group to 
American conditions. 

The pertinent literature which is available falls into three 
broad classes: (A) background data concerning this cultural 
group in its native land; (B) general data concerning this 
cultural group anywhere in America; (C) specific data con- 
cerning the particular local cultural group being studied. 
A. Background data. Grasping the background setting of a 
foreign culture is a difficult undertaking. Wide reading, 
supplemented by a first-hand study of transplanted cus- 
toms and institutions, is necessary to understand even the 
more obvious characteristics of a foreign culture. There is 
usually a variation between our interpretation of a foreign- 
er's behavior and his own interpretation of it, and it is the 
latter which demands a study of the cultural background. 
Intensive studies of the group in its native habitat, 
such as that contained in The Polish Peasant in Europe and 
America, by Dr. William I. Thomas, are necessary for an 



TYPE STUDY NO. 3 135 

adequate study of the foreign culture. The bibliography 
at the close of the previous chapter gives some of the more 
valuable publications containing background and general 
material. 

The meeting of two cultures often throws into relief 
aspects of each which were previously unobtrusive, thus 
leading to illuminating discoveries. In this way back- 
ground material is collected during the course of the study 
of a foreign group on American soil. 

B. General data. Governmental publication, histories of differ- 
ent nationalities and cultural groups, and published auto- 
biographies are the outstanding sources for information 
covering the United States as a whole. 
i. Three governmental departments, the Bureau of 
Census, the Bureau of Labor, and the Immigration 
Commission, have prepared statistics and special 
studies of the various problems of immigrant groups. 
Nationality, in fact, has been one of the basic classifica- 
tions used in federal investigations, with the result that 
much material can be found in all federal reports. 

These statistical data have two limitations which 
must be kept in mind. They are frequently classified on 
the basis of nationality, thus making it impossible to 
obtain data covering some of the foreign groups. 
Statistical data are often not available covering Jews, 
for instance, as they are classified among the Russian, 
German, English, etc., according to country of their 
birth, "Mother-tongue" has, however, been used by the 
census to provide statistical data not covered by 
"country of birth." And minority groups are classified 
together as "all other Nationalities," thus making it 
impossible to obtain separate data for certain of the 
smaller cultural groups. 

i. There are histories of practically all the outstanding im- 
migrant groups in America. Most of these volumes, and 



136 TYPE-STUDY OUTLINES 

especially the ones written in English, are formal his- 
tories with defensive attempts to justify the group in the 
mind of the reader. These accounts usually give a valu- 
able skeleton of events, but seldom depict the actual 
adjustments which the group has made to American 
life. Data from these histories must therefore be criti- 
cally handled. 

3. Published autobiographies of immigrants give our most 
valuable data and clues, but they often have much the 
same shortcomings for sociological research as the 
histories discussed in the preceding paragraph. 
C. Specific data. Data concerning the particular immigrant 
group being studied can be obtained from publications of 
its organizations, from the files of local newspapers, par- 
ticularly foreign local papers, from publications of social 
agencies, and from the reports of local governmental de- 
partments. Any reference to the group should be ab- 
stracted or clipped and filed. 

In general, the suggestions given for the classification 
of data on page 59 can be followed in this study also. 



TYPE STUDY NO. 3 137 

ASSIGNMENT 2 
DETERMINATION OF THE HABITAT 

An immigrant colony is usually one of the easiest natural groups 
to identify and to define territorially because of the many 
obvious earmarks which differentiate it from the neighboring 
groups. Difference in language, names of places and people, 
institutions, and sometimes differences in the type of housing 
are among the characteristics which commonly make it pos- 
sible to distinguish the area through a hasty inspection. Pages 
64-81 deal with the determination of natural areas, and sug- 
gestions given there can be followed in determining the habitat 
of the immigrant colony. Maps especially suggest the type of 
data which should be prepared. 

ASSIGNMENT 3 
FIRST IMPRESSION OF THE IMMIGRANT COLONY 

For explanations of the purpose of this study, as well as for sug- 
gestions as to what to include, see pages 60-63. As an alter- 
nate study, for persons who are already familiar with the 
colony, an account of the significant aspects of the colony as 
the investigator conceives of them should be substituted. In 
the event that this alternative study is selected, a perusal of 
the entire outlines for this type study at the outset will be 
helpful. 1 

1 For illustration of the alternative study, see pp. 257-60. 



138 TYPE-STUDY OUTLINES 

ASSIGNMENT 4 
NATURAL HISTORY OF IMMIGRANT COLONIES 

In general, the outlines for the "Natural History of a Social 
Area" (pp. 82-87) should be followed in this study. Some 
additional points for emphasis, however, can be noted. 
A. If there is more than one settlement of this cultural group 
within the political unit being studied, a social history 
should be prepared for each colony. The roles which each 
colony plays with respect to every other, and in relation to 
the rest of the town, the reputation of each colony, and its 
contributions to its own cultural groups should be noted. 
B Any background data concerning conditions which led to 
immigration at different periods, and variation in members 
or type of people who immigrated, will prove valuable. 

C. Data concerning the first-generation immigrants (those 
who come to this country as adults), the second generation 
(the children of immigrants, who are either born on Ameri- 
can soil or were brought here at an early age), and the third 
generation (grandchildren of immigrants, who have been 
raised in "second generation" homes) should be carefully 
distinguished. These three groups represent distinct stages 
in cultural adjustment, and the attitudes of members of 
each generation toward the others, the degree to which 
each of the generations either consciously or unconsciously 
maintains the customs, behavior patterns, and the values 
of the foreign land, the relationships of each group to other 
native groups should be carefully distinguished. 

D. Since the main interest in this type study is in the changes 
of customs, values, interests, and modes of behavior which 
a cultural group experiences on new soil, historical ma- 
terial bearing on these points will furnish clues for the more 
intensive phases of the study which follow. 



TYPE STUDY NO. 3 139 

ASSIGNMENT 5 
ACCOMMODATION OF AN IMMIGRANT GROUP 

PROBLEM: The members of an immigrant group bring with them 
a social heritage of customs, traditions, ideas, and interests 
which are often at variance wth those maintained by the new 
community within which they settle. In the process of adjust- 
ing to the new conditions, this social heritage is modified, and 
the problem is to obtain data concerning the forces which bring 
about this modification, and concerning the processes which 
ensue from these forces. 

As has been stated before, the modification of old customs 
goes on for several generations, and the differences in the 
processes in each generation must be distinguished. 

In the case of adults who migrate, the old culture can never 
be completely discarded for the new, and the process is one of 
accommodation. 

Children of immigrant parents who are either born in this 
country or arc brought here at an early age are influenced by 
the culture of their own homes, on the one hand, and the 
American culture with which they come in contact through 
school and play, on the other. If the immigrant colony main- 
tains its own schools, or is isolated from the rest of the com- 
munity, children are not as much influenced by the American 
culture as they might otherwise be. Often the values and cus- 
toms which the child receives from his home and those which 
he receives in his school and play groups are diametrically op- 
posed, and mental conflict ensues. 

It is common for children of immigrant parents who live in 
a community in which the culture of his parent is looked down 
upon, or ridiculed, to break from the old cultures, usually 
without fully grasping the meaning of the American culture 
with which they come into contact. The result is that mis- 
understandings often arise between the child and the Ameri- 
can community, as well as between the child and his family. 

Usually the members of the third generation have become 



HO TYPE-STUDY OUTLINES 

thoroughly adjusted to American conditions and have securel} 
attained desired status in the American group. The tendency 
is for them not infrequently to become interested in the cul- 
ture of their grandparents. This interest is usually idealized 
tinged with romance, and expressed in the revival of festive 
customs, handicrafts, art, folk songs and folk dances, the 
"ruffles" and "local color" of the old culture. Occasional!} 
this revival of interest in the foreign culture is attained in the 
second generation. 

The problem in this section is to (a) obtain as graphic anc 
exact picture as possible of the outstanding characteristics oi 
the foreign culture, (b) to obtain a correspondingly vivid pic 
ture of the impact of this culture on the new social order, anc 
(c) to discover the resultant modifications. 

Cultural changes occur, for the most part, so slowly that 
they have to be taken account of over a long period of time 
Contemporary observation of adjustments should be utilizec 
wherever possible to check the conclusions obtained from the 
historical account. 

REFERENCES: Case, Clarence M., Outlines of Introductory Sociol- 
ogy, pp. 449-81, 719-49; Davis, Jerome, and Barnes, Harry E. 
Introduction to Sociology, pp. 504-15, 557-77; Hart, Hornell 
The Science of Social Relationships, pp. 460-535; Park, Robert 
E., and Burgess, Ernest W., Introduction to the Study oj 
Society, pp. 663-784. 
TECHNIQUES: 

Interview (see pp. 168-79). 
Observation (see pp. 161-67). 
Diary (see pp. 180-84). 
CASE DESCRIPTION: 

A. The foreign culture. What are the outstanding patterns oi 

family life? What is the role of the father in the family! 

Of the mother? What are the duties of parent to children! 

Children to parent? What forms of control and discipline 

are used in the home? 



STUDY JNU. 3 141 

To what extent do women participate in activities out- 
side the home? What is the attitude toward the outside 
employment of women? Toward women's participation in 
politics? In social organizations? 

What is the attitude toward the education of boys? 
Of girls? Toward occupations of boys and girls? Con- 
cerning children's play and recreation? Health? Religious 
training? 

What interests do the entire family share? In what 
common activities do they participate? What families 
associate intimately with one another? What outstanding 
rituals, celebrations, festivities are observed within the 
family group? How are the finances of the family handled? 

What type of economic organization existed in the 
native land? Did the immigrants work for others, or did 
they own their own business or land? What customs and 
habits grew out of this economic system? 

What are the outstanding organizations in the native 
communities? What spontaneous organizations existed? 
What are the activities of these organizations? How im- 
portant were they in the life of the individual? Did mem- 
bership in the organization depend upon class or family 
affiliations? Upon individual interests? 

Attitudes toward politics and political organizations? 
What political questions are discussed? Idea of good gov- 
ernment? 

What handicrafts were prevalent? How important a 
part did music play? Is there a distinct folk music? Folk 
dancing? Folk art? 

What collective representations arouse the group? 
What traditions are the pride of the group? What attri- 
butes or traits of their people do they most often stress? 
How do they rate their own group with respect to other 
groups? 

Has this group been in conflict with other cultural 



142 TYPE-STUDY OUTLINES 

groups in the Old World? Has it been dominated by other 
groups? Has it developed a pattern for maintaining its own 
culture in the face of suppression? Have Old World 
hatreds and prejudices been perpetuated between this 
group and foreign groups in this country? What codes of 
conduct seem striking or unusual? What folkways are 
usually mentioned? 

B. Comparison with American culture. What were the most 
apparent differences between the foreign culture and the 
American culture? What do underlying disparities be- 
tween the two groups reveal concerning the differences in 
their points of view? What were the major values on 
which they agree? On what points has co-operation been 
established? 

C. Adjustments of the first generation. Did the immigrants live 
in an isolated group? Who were the first native people with 
whom they came into contact? What interests brought 
them together? Did they compete with the "natives" for 
jobs? In what organizations did they participate? From 
what aspects of the social life were they excluded? With 
what strata of American society did they come into con- 
tact? 

What opportunities did they have to assimilate those 
American ideas and conceptions which were most divergent 
from their own? 

How readily did they learn to speak English? What 
opportunities did they have to learn the language? Were 
newspapers written in their own language available? 

Did intermarriage take place between the immigrant 
and the "natives"? Between the members of the group 
and any other immigrant group? Between what racial, 
social, or vocational groups is marriage frowned upon? 

What institutions did the immigrant develop? How 
did these differ from the institutions to which the immi- 



TYPE STUDY NO. 3 143 

grant was accustomed in his own land? What adaptations 
were made, and why? 

Who were the leaders? Did friendships develop with 
the people in the surrounding neighborhood? Have any of 
the foreign customs been adapted by the Americans? 
Why? 

With what government officials have they had most 
contact? What is their attitude toward American politics? 
How complete is their political organization? In what po- 
litical issues are they interested? How do political leaders 
control their vote? What political organizations exist? 

Has the immigrant group merged with the surround- 
ing groups or does it still maintain its identity to a marked 
degree? 

D. Adaptations of the second generation. Does the second gen 
eration consider itself "American," or does it identify itsel 
with the nationality of the parent? Have children "Ameri 
canized" their names? Are they proud of their ancestry "' 
How do they regard their parents? 

Did the immigrant group maintain its own schools, or 
were the children sent to public schools? Did they have 
opportunities to mix with children of other immigrant 
groups and "Americans"? 

Do the children speak the native language of their 
parents? Occasionally? Always in the home? Do they 
read this language? 

What foreign customs and ideas seem to cling? What 
' foreign ideas and customs do they most avoid? What cus- 
toms or ideas have caused conflict between the parent and 
the children? 

Are the children following the occupations of their 
parents? 

What changes have the children brought about in the 
home, changes in food habits, household furnishings, 



144 TYPE-STUDY OUTLINES 

family ritual, status of the father and mother? In their 
own status? 

Have they married within their own group, or inter- 
married outside the group? Do they continue to live in the 
colony, or have they left it? Have their parents moved 
with them? Are they interested in the Old Country? Are 
they interested in the arts, politics, or problems of the Old 
Country? Do they champion their parents' culture when 
it is ridiculed? 

Have parents attempted to compel their children to 
observe the Old World customs and traditions? With what 
results? 

What forces seem to have preserved the culture of the 
parent in the attitude of the children? What forces seem to 
have undermined the cultural heritages which the parents 
transmitted to their children? 

Are the rates for crime, delinquency, divorce, deser- 
tion, or poverty higher among the foreign-born parents 
than among the native-born children? What inferences 
may be drawn from these facts? 

COLLECTION OF DATA: The questions listed before are given to 
suggest trains of thought and indicate the type of material 
which is to be sought. If the study is made by a member of the 
group, he can usually give a great deal of material from his 
own experiences as well as from his observation of the experi- 
ences of others. Concrete descriptions of behavior, not mere 
"yes" and "no" answers to the foregoing questions, should be 
secured. 

Many of the questions listed would arouse antagonism if 
asked directly. The answers must be gained, for the most part, 
indirectly. One of the best ways to obtain material is to induce 
the individual being interviewed to talk freely about life in his 
native land, his experiences in America, the way in which this 
country came up to his expectations or fell short of them, and 
the shortcomings or superiority of the second generation. A 



TYPE STUDY NO. 3 145 

genuine interest in his story will usually result in revealing 
data. Similar outward behavior, similar folkways or customs, 
frequently have different meanings for people of different cul- 
tural groups, and it is this difference in meaning which must 
be obtained. 

Files of foreign newspapers reflect the current problems 
and interest at different periods and furnish much valuable 
material. Editorials occasionally contain worth-while data. 

The history of organizations, their growth, changing inter- 
ests, and functions register important steps in the adjustment 
of the group to American conditions. 

RECORD OF DATA: Personal experiences in securing data should 
be recorded in a diary and every interview or conversation 
should be recorded separately. General impressions should al- 
so be reduced to writing. 



i 4 6 TYPE-STUDY OUTLINES 

ASSIGNMENT 6 
LIFE-HISTORIES OF IMMIGRANTS 1 

PROBLEM: Through an individual's narration of his life in the 
Old Country and his experiences in making adjustments to 
American culture it is possible to approach the heart of the 
problem of accommodation, to obtain a clear, well-defined 
conception of how the process actually operates, what factors 
accelerate it, and what factors retard it. These personal ac- 
counts of how immigrants interpret American life, of what 
meaning they attach to the new customs, of the way in which 
these new values are incorporated into their lives and become 
a part of their basis for behavior, are indispensable to a 
thorough understanding of " Americanization." These life- 
histories are vital in interpreting the behavior of the immi- 
grant. 

The glimpse "behind the scenes" makes intelligible the 
outward behavior which is commonly observed and supple- 
ments the more formal, objective data data such as has been 
collected in the first four parts of this study. Once this deeper 
insight into the process has been obtained, the more casual, 
external observations of behavior acquire a new significance, 
and can be interpreted in the light of the more intimate knowl- 
edge. These outward manifestations of behavior, in other 
words, become indices pointing to the underlying process. 
Life-histories of children of immigrants are also invaluable in 
the study of accommodation because they reveal the conflict 
between the two cultures and the adjustment to both cultures. 
Intimate pictures of the personal world of human relation- 
ships reflect group processes in a realistic manner. 

REFERENCES: Case, Clarence M., Outlines of Introductory Sociol- 
ogy, pp. 429-48; Hart, Hornell, The Science of Social Relation- 
ships, pp. 349-78; Krueger, E. T., "The Technique of Securing 
Life-History Documents," Journal of Applied Sociology 

1 For illustration of life-histories see pp. 261-65. 



TYPE STUDY NO. 3 147 

(March-April, 1925); Park, Robert E., and Burgess, Ernest 
W., Introduction to the Study of Society, pp. 712-14, 688-97, 
712-15. 
TECHNIQUES : 

Interview (see pp. 168-79). 
Diary (see pp. 180-84). 
CASE DESCRIPTION: 

A. Life-history of an immigrant. 

i. Life in the native land. Descriptions of family life, oc- 
cupations, interests, education, dominant religious be- 
liefs, ambitions, difficulties encountered, problems. 

When did you first hear about America? What did 
you hear about it? What opinions were prevalent con- 
cerning America in your section of country? Did you 
come into contact with Americans? With friends or 
relatives who had been in America? 

What were the immediate situations which led to 
your decision to come to America? What plans had you 
definitely formulated for your life in the new land? 
Could you read, write, or talk English? 
2. First impressions of America. Relate the outstanding 
events in your experiences during the first few months 
in America. 

In what way did America come up to your expecta- 
tions? In what way did it fall short of your expecta- 
tions? What aspects of American life disappointed you 
most? What aspects interested you most? What shocked 
you? 

What changes did you notice in your countrymen 
who had been here some time? Did you disagree with 
them? Over what questions? 

What American customs of dress, manners, food 
habits, ett., did you adopt first? What ideas different 
from those you already held appealed most? What 
modifications resulted? 



148 TYPE-STUDY OUTLINES 

3. Subsequent life in America. What different kinds of 
work have you done in America? What difficulties have 
you experienced in getting work? What handicaps of 
language, education, customs, have complicated your 
problems? 

What Americans have you known intimately? 
What contact have you had with them? In what Ameri- 
can homes have you visited? What do you think of 
American family life? Of the freedom given children? 
Of attitudes toward women? 

What organizations have you joined? To what 
American organizations do you belong? 

Which experiences stand out as the most pleasant 
ones you have had in America? Which ones stand out 
as the most unpleasant ones? What conflicts have you 
had with Americans? What, in your opinion, was the 
cause, and what was the outcome? In what way have 
Americans failed to understand you? 

What contact have you maintained with the Old 
Country? Have you been back on a visit? Did things 
seem to be the same there as they were before you left? 
What American customs, conveniences, point of view, 
did you miss most? What old customs were you happy 
to experience again? 

Do your people have social problems in this country 
which they did not have at home? Divorce? Desertion? 
Sickness? Difficulty with children? Poverty? How do 
you account for this increase? What old problems have 
disappeared? Why? 

To what extent have you realized your ambitions in 
coming to America? In what respects have you been 
disillusioned? Do you feel at home here? 
B. Life-history of member of second generation. 

i. Contact with the culture of parent. What customs, beliefs, 
attitudes, typical of the family life of your parents' na- 



TYPE STUDY NO. 3 149 

tive land were maintained in your family? In what out- 
standing ways did your home life differ from that of 
American children or children of other nationality 
groups with whom you associated? What privileges or 
opportunities did your friends have which you did not? 
What were the attitudes of your parents with respect 
to these things? What things did you have which other 
children did not? 

Do you speak your parents' language? Fluently? 
Do you read it? Did you attend school in which it was 
taught? Was it used in the church service you at- 
tended? 

Were most of your friends from the same nationality 
group? What contact did you have with people outside 
that group? What was your reaction? 

Did you have conflict with your parents? Over 
what? Where did you get your ideas on the matter? 
Do you still hold them? What means did your parents 
take to make you observe Old World customs and 
traditions? 

COLLECTION OF DATA: Usually students investigating groups of 
which they themselves are members will find it possible to 
secure better life-histories than those who are on the outside 
of the group. One has to establish rapport with an individual 
before he can secure the intimate, confidential type of material 
which forms the central theme of a life-history. And this rap- 
port usually has to be* established gradually, built up out of a 
sharing of experiences. 

The questions given merely suggest the point of view and 
type of material which is pertinent. The life-history may be 
secured by conversing with the person or by having him write 
his autobiography. If the latter plan is followed, a list of ques- 
tions based on the preceding ones, but framed specifically, in 
accordance with your information concerning the person and 
the cultural group, should be given him as a guide, and after 



ISO TYPE-STUDY OUTLINES 

the manuscript is received, the materials can be discussed with 
him and the gaps filled. Letters, stories, and articles which 
the person has written are also valuable. 

If the data are obtained entirely through conversation it 
will be advisable to have the person narrate the story of his 
life with as few interruptions as possible and then to discuss 
specific points with him later. The appeal for co-operation can 
usually be made on the basis of securing the history of the 
experience of people of his group in America, and the interest 
evinced in the narrative opens the way for more intimate 
confidences. 

In times of tension, in crisis situations, persons often reveal 
their attitudes, beliefs, and bases for action, giving an un- 
usually intimate insight into their lives. For this reason court 
documents and the records of charity organizations and the 
social agencies contain snatches of life-history data which are 
valuable for this study. 



TYPE STUDY NO. 3 151 

ASSIGNMENT 7 

DOCUMENTATION, ANALYSIS, AND INTERPRE- 
TATION OF DATA 

PROBLEM: The data collected should be put into permanent form 

for future reference and analysis. 
REFERENCES AND TECHNIQUES: 
Documentation (see pp. 192-99). 
Analysis and Interpretation (see pp. 200-207). 
SUGGESTIONS: Additional suggestions, especially pertinent to 
materials collected in this type study, are as follows: 
A. Analysis of data. Three types of material have been col- 
lected during the course of this study: (i) general and 
background material on the group in this country and in 
the mother-land, (2) material dealing with the local im- 
migrant areas covered in the fielcl studies, (3) life-histories 
collected of immigrants and their children. 

The first two types of material can be analyzed in much 
the same manner as was suggested in Type Study No. i 
(pp. 99-100). Subheadings on the analysis chart should 
deal especially, however, with adjustments of the group to 
American life. 

The analysis charts should be prepared for each of the 
natural areas studied, and data concerning first, ^second, 
and third generation groups should be separated. 

The analysis of the life-histories should also be ap- 
proached chronologically, for it is through the sequence of 
events and behavior that the processes of adjustment can 
be traced. Life-histories can be analyzed chronologically 
into a series of events each of which can be broken up into 
the following aspects: 

1. The social situation. A description of the setting or cir- 
cumstances in which the behavior took place. 

2. The behavior of the individual in the situation. 

a) The simple, objective description of the behavior as 
actually occurred. 



i 5 2 TYPE-STUDY OUTLINES 

6) The interpretation of meaning of this behavior in 
terms of the mores or folkways of the immigrant 
group. 

c) The interpretation of meaning of this behavior in 
terms of the current mores or folkways of the Ameri- 
can group. 

d) The interpretation of meaning of the behavior to the 
individual as indicated by his statements in the life- 
history. 

On the basis of data collected through this study 
it should be possible to obtain statements of the cur- 
rent behavior of the local American group and of the 
local foreign group in certain specific situations, and 
then to compare specific situations and the behavior 
of the individual in them, as expressed in this life- 
history, with the standards of the two cultural groups 
to determine the degree of adjustments. 

In an interesting study Jessie Ravitch has at- 
tempted to measure Jewish culture and adjustments 
to American life statistically. 1 

3. Interpretation of data. The main purpose of this study 
has been to obtain insight into the processes by which 
two different cultural groups adjust to one another 
under conditions in which one group dominates. The 
terms "accommodation" and "assimilation" have been 
used to designate the two outstanding processes in- 
volved in bringing about these cultural adjustments, 
and general statements and hypotheses have been ad- 
vanced by many scholars concerning them. These 
theories are summarized in chapters x and xi of The 
Introduction to the Science of Society by Park and Bur- 
gess. Few detailed, concrete studies have been made, 

1 Jessie Ravitch, "Relative Rate of Change in Customs and Beliefs of Modern 
Jews," Publication* American Sociological Society, XIX, 171-76. 



TYPE STUDY NO. 3 153 

however, and the specific facts essential to a science 
have not as yet been formulated. 

The data collected in this study can be used some- 
what as follows in considering the two processes of 
accommodation and assimilation: 

a. The material will give the student a close-up view of the 
processes and will vitalize the theoretical discussion. 

b. The hypotheses presented in the two chapters cited 
should be listed and the analysis of the case materials 
should be tested by the hypotheses. 

c. Instances in which a hypothesis is affirmed, instances in 
which it is contradicted, and instances in which it is 
elaborated should be noted. 

Old hypotheses should be revised and new ones 
formulated on the basis of this comparison. 

Because of the lack of study of the processes of ac- 
commodation and assimilation even the elementary 
material collected may offer valuable modifications of 
the hypotheses. 

B. Listing of problems. It is of importance that each investi- 
gator close his study with a detailed statement of sugges- 
tions as to problems, sources, and methods for further re- 
search, so that the next investigator may benefit by the 
experiences of his predecessor. 



PART III 
TECHNIQUES 



CHAPTER I 
INTRODUCTION 

While a great deal has been written concerning the fundamen- 
tal concepts of sociology and their implications for research, the 
points of view from which social phenomena should be studied, 
and the types of problems which should be solved, very little has 
appeared concerning the specific ways in which research can ac- 
tually be conducted. 

The reasons for this lack of discussion of the techniques of re- 
search are many and varied, but probably the present stage of the 
development of sociology is outstandingly responsible. Sociol- 
ogy is just emerging out of the philosophical stage, and though for 
some time armchair sociologists have been demanding concrete 
studies as a basis for sociological generalizations, as a matter of 
fact very few careful, thorough researches have as yet been made. 
The emphasis has been upon blocking out the field of the science, 
formulating its underlying assumptions and points of view, and 
defining its concepts. In instances where research has been done, 
the "detail" work has been disparagingly left, too often, to clerks 
and amateurs, with the result that the person who has planned 
and directed the collection of data has had only second-hand 
contact with the problems involved in securing it. Yet the value 
of the research is just as dependent upon the techniques involved 
in securing the data as upon the ingenuity exercised in formulating 
the hypothesis and interpreting the results. 

The older established physical sciences present a different pic- 
ture. The fundamentals of the sciences have been established, 
and progress now depends upon exact, refined researches. No 
"detail" of the process of research is beneath the personal mastery 
of leaders in the science. In fact the discovery and detailed devel- 
opment of some new procedure in laboratory technique is usually 

157 



iS8 TECHNIQUES 

the prerequisite to any new scientific discovery. As sociology ad- 
vances in the realm of science the demand for the development of 
techniques and the demand for the mastery of techniques by those 
who call themselves sociologists will become more insistent, and 
leaders in the field will be accomplished technicians as well as 
thorough scholars. 

Another important reason for the neglect of sociological re- 
search is that many of the techniques or devices used have been 
employed in a common-sense manner in everyday living, and the 
average person has some knowledge of them and is more or less 
proficient in their use. But these ordinary tools must be sharpened 
and standardized if they are to be a part of scientific equipment. 

It has been customary for persons conducting social research 
to present their findings and a formal statement of their plans and 
methods in carrying on research. They seldom give a "natural" 
statement of their actual behavior in collecting and analyzing 
their data. And yet very seldom does a person finish a piece of 
research without stating, "If I were to do this all over again I 
would do it in a different way." He then proceeds to describe 
what he would do. In other words, the next person to undertake a 
similar piece of research could profit by the experiences of his pred- 
ecessor, and would not have to rely on his own trial-and-error 
procedure to discover for himself the same things which another 
person has discovered before. 

To be sure, much of the application of technique is an art 
which each individual must acquire for himself. But experiences 
can be formulated and pooled, and statements concerning re- 
search techniques and their use can be passed on as a heritage to 
others. In fact this accumulation and transmission of a heritage 
of experiences is an essential factor in progress. When a technique 
has been perfected it becomes a habit, an accurate, efficient, 
and reliable means of securing an end. Like other habits, it en- 
ables the person to direct his attention to new tasks. The onginal 
development of a technique, of course, constitutes a real research 
problem. 



INTRODUCTION 159 

The formulation and standardization of research techniques 
does not interfere with the originality and initiative of the re- 
search worker, as is sometimes charged. It simply places at his 
disposal the agreement derived from the experiences of many 
others and enables him to exercise his own ingenuity in attaining 
new discoveries rather than in repeating those which have been 
made previously. 

In the physical sciences much of the technique is crystalized, 
standardized, and transmitted by the use of apparatus. This is, of 
course, impossible in most phases of sociological research. For 
this reason social research workers are under obligation to make 
an especial effort to record their experiences in techniques and 
to make them generally available. In making his apparatus, the 
chemist utilizes principles which have been demonstrated by the 
physicists, and in a similar manner the sociologist must utilize 
principles formulated by social psychologists and other scientists 
in allied fields. There is probably no more work involved in either 
formulating or learning techniques of social research than in for- 
mulating or learning techniques in the physical sciences. But so 
far we have kept our eyes fastened on the results and the general 
mode of attack, ignoring the very important questions of tech- 
nique. 

Statistics are perhaps an exception to many of the foregoing 
statements, for statisticians have given much attention to the 
formulation of techniques for the analysis and interpretation of 
data; but even with them the technique for the collection of 
data has not as yet been carefully standardized. 

Scientific managers, in their insistence upon "the one best way 
to do the job/' have suggested another possibility with respect to 
research techniques. Not only can progress be attained by pooling 
experiences, but it can also be insured through analysis of the 
task and the study of the best way to perform each phase of it. 
It is true that in some instances the efficiency experts have pro- 
duced absurd results, but it is even more true that this careful 
stock-taking of jobs and the standardization of methods of work 



160 TECHNIQUES 

has made remarkable contributions to both the quality and the 
amount of production in business and industry. Similar careful 
studies of the tasks of sociological research, with emphasis upon 
discovering the best way to do the work, is bound to bring prog- 
ress to social research. Each investigator who becomes imbued 
with this attitude and analyzes and experiments with his own ways 
of collecting and handling data will readily discover the value of 
a systematic attempt to perfect his methods of work. This seems 
a common-place statement; but many research workers neglect 
this painstaking effort to improve their techniques. 

To a beginner in social research the mastery of techniques is 
as important as the acquisition of data, and as much time and 
thought should be put upon the one as upon the other. In the 
physical sciences the necessary techniques are of very little use 
outside of the laboratory. Many of the techniques of social re- 
searchj on the other hand, can be transferred directly to the prob- 
lems of everyday living, and proficiency in these techniques is a 
valuable asset to anyone's general equipment for life. 

In the chapters on techniques which follow only a start has 
been made toward analyzing the task, pooling experiences, and 
formulating standards. All suggestions are offered only as points 
of departure, as statements for criticism to be added to and re- 
vised as your own experiences dictate. This critical, experimental 
attitude toward techniques is a necessary phase of the develop- 
ment of scientific procedure. And investigators must share their 
techniques if we are to arrive at verifiable results. 



CHAPTER II ' 
OBSERVATION 

The observation of concrete cases is generally recognized as 
the cornerstone of scientific procedure. For all sciences seek to 
obtain detailed, exact statements of how the phenomena in which 
they are interested "behave," and on the basis of these discoveries 
they seek to construct scientific laws. The generalizations can 
be no more accurate than the observation out of which they are 
constructed. Scientists use the term "observation" to denote both 
the accurate, objective scrutiny of phenomena and the record of 
that scrutiny. It is the implications for sociological research of 
both these meanings of the term that concern us. 

I. OBSERVATION AS OBJECTIVE SCRUTINY 

In 1795 an assistant was dismissed from the Greenwich Ob- 
servatory because his observations did not tally with those of his 
chief. The case received wide attention and it was subsequently 
proved that the differences in observations were due to the dif- 
ferences in the reaction time of the two men in observing and tim- 
ing celestial phenomena. The further discovery was made that 
the "personal equation" could be computed for astronomers, that 
it was constant over a period of years, and that astronomical ob- 
servations could be corrected by taking into account the "personal 
equation" of the observer. 

Social psychologists have elaborated upon this personal ele- 
ment in observation. They state that observation is not merely a 
passive reception of stimuli, but that it is an act which has its 
source in the observer and is shaped and directed by him. His 
"personal equation" is the starting-point of the observation, and 
it influences the activity throughout. This psychological fact is 
of the utmost importance for scientific research, and particularly 

161 



162 . TECHNIQUES 

for research in the social sciences. Its significance may be briefly 
summarized in the following paragraphs. 

In the process of observation the person selects certain aspects 
of the event, and what he selects is determined by his mental 
background, his interests, attitudes, prejudices, etc. The back- 
ground of scientific knowledge which the investigator possesses, 
his hypotheses upon which inferences are based, his human atti- 
tudes, and his tendency to pass moral judgments on social phe- 
nomena, all affect the validity of his scientific observations. 

The background of scientific knowledge which the observer 
possesses has a direct bearing upon his discoveries. A botanist 
passing through a forest gathers facts concerning plants and trees 
which are unnoticed by the layman, and he sees these things be- 
cause his past experiences, gleaned both from books and personal 
observation, are brought to bear upon the phenomena which he 
encounters. The broader his knowledge of his field, the more 
likely he is to notice the exceptions to the rule, the more unob- 
trusive, new facts which lead to new discoveries. Scientific ob- 
servation has to be learned. The beginner in the laboratory has 
to learn what to look for under the microscope, and as he masters 
the background of the science he begins to see under the microscope 
hitherto obscure phenomena which prove or disprove theories 
which have been formulated by himself or other scientists. An 
artist and a sociologist will notice different aspects of a crowd, and 
each one will select those aspects which he has learned to recognize 
because of their bearing upon the problems of his field. Each may 
also learn something by knowing what is of interest to the other. 

The scientific background of the observer has another angle 
which must be stated. Most treatises on scientific method warn 
against the danger of unwittingly mingling observation and in- 
ference. In the act of observation it is practically impossible not 
to "read into" the inspection an interpretation of what is actually 
occurring. It is for this reason that clear formulations of the un- 
derlying assumptions and the hypotheses with which the problem 
is approached are stated at the outset of an observation and at 



OBSERVATION 163 

subsequent stages as unexpected aspects are discovered. These 
exact statements of the basis upon which inference is most likely 
to be made enable the investigator to discount its effect upon the 
observation. 

This tendency to project into our observations those aspects 
with which we are most familiar and those which fit into our scien- 
tific tenets, and to neglect the unfamiliar and those which are not 
in line with our pet theories, has given rise to a generally accepted 
canon of scientific research: "Search for negative cases, those 
which disprove your hypothesis as well as those which support 
it." For these exceptions and marginal cases cast against the 
background of existing knowledge lead to the more accurate 
restatement of old truths and the formulation of new ones. 

In the social sciences, the "personal equation" of the investi- 
gator has more tendency to distort his observations than in the 
physical sciences. For he is dealing with phenomena which in- 
volves fellow-beings, which concern issues about which he has 
strongly imbedded prejudices, and toward which he finds it dif- 
ficult to take a disinterested, impartial point of view. Most of 
these social biases are customary, unwitting reactions, so subtly 
buried in the depths of his personality that the observer finds it 
possible to detect them only through much effort. 

However, the fact that the observer in the social sciences is 
studying his own kind, his fellow-beings, has advantages as well as 
disadvantages. He is dealing with problems with which he is 
intimately associated, and his sympathetic insight makes it possi- 
ble for him to delve deeply into the heart of the problem. Out of 
an introspective analysis of his own behavior he gets valuable 
"hunches" as to the behavior of others. Using these "hunches" 
he is able to devise problems of research which penetrate beneath 
the surface into the very essence of human behavior, with the 
result that observations of group life may be enriched. So far, 
most of our illuminating discoveries in sociology have come from 
men who have brought introspection to bear on their own group 
experiences. When disinterested observation of other group be- 



164 TECHNIQUES 

havior is raised to a scientific level and added to this introspective 
analysis of personal experiences, sociology and the other social 
sciences will find themselves in a uniquely fertile realm. 

One other effect of the "personal equation" upon sociological 
observations should be mentioned. We are so accustomed to pass- 
ing judgments upon human acts, labeling them as "good" and 
"bad" and estimating their "value," that it is difficult to cast 
aside the moral implications and secure an unevaluated statement 
of the observation. Yet this simple statement of what occurred, 
denuded of moral evaluations, is essential. Science is interested 
only in what happens and in exactly how it happens; the physical 
scientist never asks whether the behavior of a phenomenon is 
good or bad. The determination of standards of "good" and "bad" 
and the application of these standards to specific acts has its place 
in human study, but these problems fall within the provinces of 
philosophy and ethics, and not within the realm of sociology. 
This amoral or unmoral contemplation of social behavior is one 
of the most troublesome aspects of sociological observation which 
the beginner has to face. The ideal of scientific sociological ob- 
servation is a detached, impersonal, objective scrutiny of group 
relationships. Sympathetic interpretation may point the way to 
new factors in the situation being studied, but these factors must 
then be observed in a disinterested manner. 

H. OBSERVATION AS A RECORD 

The scientist does not consider his observation complete until 
an accurate, detailed record has been made. This record contains 
a statement of the problem, usually in terms of a hypothesis, 
together with statements of the methods, techniques, and appara- 
tus used, and the findings. This detailed account enables other 
investigators to repeat the observation and verify or disprove it; 
and this check by other investigators is the essence of scientific 
proof. Indeed, the detailed transcription of the observation is so 
commonly demanded that the term "observation" has come to 
mean the finished record. 



OBSERVATION 165 

In the field of sociology, where the personal equation of the in- 
vestigator is even more complex and where the methods and 
techniques used are less standardized, it is even more important 
that the investigator put his observation in the form of a full, 
permanent record, so that others may follow step by step his pro- 
cedure and his findings. 

A case description, a full detailed account of the phenomena 
observed, prefaced by a statement of the problem and the tech- 
niques used in solving it should be made for each observation. In 
subsequent chapters on the diary and documentation this ques- 
tion of recording the results of research will be discussed in more 
detail. 

HI. CRITICISM OF AN OBSERVATION 

The criticism of an observation may be made from three dif- 
ferent aspects : the scientific validity of the observation, the con- 
tribution of the experience to the development of the research 
ability of the observer, and the contribution of the experience to 
the development of research techniques. 

In general, science makes use of three tests in determining the 
validity of observations: (i) Is there an agreement between this 
observation and that reported by other competent investigators? 
(2) Is this observation in line with other related observations? 
Does it dovetail into the existing array of findings? (3) Is the ob- 
servation useful, does it assist in solving pertinent problems? 

This aspect of the criticism pertains to its contributions to 
scientific knowledge and is discussed in more detail in the chapters 
on case analysis and sociological interpretation. 

The other two aspects of the criticism of observations, the 
contributions to the technique of the observer and to the general 
development of research techniques, are perhaps more important 
for the purposes of this manual. A systematic attempt to develop 
skill in observation will yield much to the person who spends the 
necessary time in studying his observations. The following lines 
of criticism are suggested: 



166 TECHNIQUES 

1. Compare the results of your observation with those secured 
by another person who has witnessed the same or a similar oc- 
currence. Note the omission of detail in your report, as well as the 
additional details which you have secured. What is the signifi- 
cance of these details from the standpoint of the understanding of 
group behavior? Which are essential? Which are superfluous? 
Study observations reported in standard sociological works and 
compare these with your own. 

Whenever possible observe a given social situation in the 
company of someone who is more advanced in social research than 
yourself, and compare the record of your observations with the 
record of his. 

2. Check your observations for the common biases discussed 
in the second section of this chapter: (a) Omissions or over- 
emphasis of one phase due to the narrowness of your sociological 
knowledge. This should be discussed with someone who stands in 
advance of you in theoretical knowledge. (6) Examine the ob- 
servation for political, religious, racial, class prejudices which may 
have colored the report, and attempt to purge it of these biases. 
Compare your observation of a political event (for example) with 
an observation made by another person whom you know has a 
different political point of view than your own. What does this 
comparison reveal concerning your political prejudices? In fu- 
ture observations be on your guard against these discovered prej- 
udices, (c) Scan the record for moral judgments and substitute 
for these a statement of what actually happened, (d) Do not leave 
vague, generalized statements in the report. Give specific, con- 
crete details. Too much material, rather than too little, is advis- 
able. 

The statements contained in this chapter have come out of the 
pooled experiences of a number of people engaged in sociological 
research. They should be modified and increased in the light of 
your own experiences. 

It must always be remembered that the observation contains 



OBSERVATION 167 

the raw material of research. The value of scientific inferences 
depend in large measure upon the validity of the data col- 
lected. 

SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY 

OBSERVATION 

JEVONS, W. STANLEY. The Principles of Science, pp. 339-415. 
LINDEMAN, EDXJARD C. Social Discovery, chaps, viii and x. 
PEARSON, KARL. Grammar of Science, Part I, pp. 39-75. 
WESTAWAY, F. W. Scientific Method, pp. 194-96. 



CHAPTER III 
THE SOCIAL RESEARCH INTERVIEW 

In the physical sciences the investigator must rely upon ob- 
servation in collecting his data, but in the social sciences another 
very important technique, the interview, can also be utilized. The 
social scientist is in the unique position of being able to interro- 
gate his subject matter concerning the process which is taking 
place, thus adding a valuable check to the discovery of his facts 
and the formulation of his generalizations. Partly because this 
experiential procedure can never be a part of the scientific tech- 
nique of the older sciences, and partly because it has not as yet ap- 
proximated a tool of precision in the hands of the social scientists, 
this inner approach to the problems of human beings and human 
society has been challenged and sometimes banned as a scientific 
mode of attack. Yet this peculiar facility of the social scientist to 
get behind mere outward behavior and treat his phenomenon 
from its internal aspect should enable him to secure an approxi- 
mation of accuracy that is denied to other departments of human 
knowledge. 

The subject matter of chemistry, physics, botany, zoology, of 
almost all the realms outside of social science must be investigated 
in terms of an alien realm, the realm of human beings. In the social 
sciences the realm of the subject matter and the realm of the 
investigator are identical, and through the facility of communica- 
tion the investigator can arrive at the heart of his subject matter. 
If chemical elements could discuss with chemists the processes 
which they undergo, how many valuable clues would the chemist 
secure to facilitate his research! 

This ability of the objects of social research to converse with 
each other and with the scientific investigator is-so vital a charac- 
teristic of the subject matter of the social sciences that it cannot 

168 



THE SOCIAL RESEARCH INTERVIEW 169 

be disregarded in any well-rounded study. It is also a fact that 
cannot be overlooked, for this ability to converse makes human 
beings what they are; it is the reality which makes human society. 
The conversations of human beings are an important part of the 
data of social research, as well as an important part of social re- 
search technique. 

We are constantly conversing with people, and through every- 
day experiences we learn many of the tactics that are useful in 
securing from them the information and the co-operative response 
which we desire. The interview is only a more specialized attempt 
to obtain efficiently through conversation the particular data 
which we want. Doctors, social workers, newspaper reporters, 
lawyers, and salesmen have developed techniques of the interview 
to fit their especial needs, and much that they have discovered is 
useful to the sociologist. 

Two important types of interviews may be distinguished in 
social research: (i) the case study or social research interview, 
and (2) the questionnaire interview. The difference in their ob- 
jective leads to significant variations in the techniques involved. 
Inasmuch as the kind of research studies presented in this volume 
require the social research interview almost exclusively, the dis- 
cussion is confined to this technique. 

I. PURPOSE OF THE SOCIAL RESEARCH INTERVIEW 1 

Thoroughness and its corollary, exhaustive exploration, are 
the two outstanding attributes of the case study. Likewise, 
thoroughness and exploration define the objectives of the social 

1 It is difficult to name appropriately the type of interview which is the subject 
of this discussion. From the standpoint of social research this type of interview 
should really be called the "case-study interview," for it is the interview employed 
when the emphasis is upon the case-study method. But social workers have used the 
term "case-study interview" so generally to apply to their technique in obtaining 
data from clients and handling their case work that the use of the same term in 
social research leads to confusion. For this reason we are employing the term "so- 
cial research interview." In a broader sense, the questionnaire is also a social re- 
search interview, but we are arbitrarily limiting the term to the case-study type of 
social research interview. 



170 TECHNIQUES 

research interview. In the social research interview the nature of 
the quest makes it necessary for the investigator to probe deeply 
into the unknown, to uncover new clues, and to open up fresh 
angles of his problem, as well as to secure the usual data which 
previous studies have demonstrated are pertinent to a given prob- 
lem. The contrast between the objectives of the questionnaire 
interview and the social research interview reveal the significance 
of the foregoing statement. In the questionnaire interview the 
investigator has a limited number of questions specifically for- 
mulated on a schedule to which he seeks answers. In the social re- 
search interview the investigator is attempting to discover any- 
thing he possibly can concerning his problem. A definite set of 
questions, outlined at the beginning of the study and adhered to, 
would prove disastrous, for they would tend to narrow the scope 
of the research, closing the eyes of the investigator to important 
facts which lie outside the range of the specific questions. A 
questionnaire interview seeks information whose existence has 
already been discovered, but a social research interview is an 
adventure into the unknown, into uncharted land. 

The social research interview is employed to obtain some spe- 
cific dates and specific facts, the data which form the guideposts 
in. the study of a process. But it is employed also to obtain a 
vivid, accurate, inclusive account of these events as they are re- 
flected in personal experiences. Attitudes of the individual inter- 
viewed are the most distinctive contribution of the social research 
interview, and these attitudes are significant to the sociologist, not 
as individual expressions, but as representative expressions of the 
different. groups of which the individual is a member. The obser- 
vation of the individual's overt behavior reveals much to the 
trained observer, but the conversation with him concerning his 
experiences furnishes the necessary check upon these inferences. 

H. THE INTERVIEW AS A SOCIAL SITUATION 

Any interview constitutes a social situation between two in- 
dividuals; it is a process of continuous, spiral interaction in which 



THE SOCIAL RESEARCH INTERVIEW 171 

one person's response to the stimulation of another in turn be- 
comes the stimulation for another response. Thus both individ- 
uals concerned in the interview are an intricate part of the in- 
cident. But the interviewer has his specific interest, and he must 
perform his double function by using both the stimulation of the 
informant and his response to the stimulation of the informant for 
the purpose of furthering his research ends. The skilfully conduct- 
ed interview assumes the appearance of a natural, interesting 
conversation. But to the proficient interviewer it is always a 
controlled conversation which he guides and bends to the service 
of his research interest. 

The social psychological process of the interview makes it 
necessary that both persons concerned mutually respond and 
stimulate, the response of each in turn becoming the stimulation 
for the other; the social research purpose of the interview, how- 
ever, demands a very different response from each of the persons 
concerned. Failure to reconcile these two facts seems to be an 
outstanding factor in most of the unsuccessful interviews which 
we have studied. The object of the interview is to secure the habit- 
ual reactions of the person being interviewed, to slip so complete- 
ly into his world, into his universe of discourse, that he reacts 
naturally and freely and his usual and habitual views are ex- 
pressed. 

The interviewer's stimulation must as nearly as possible be 
confined (i) to keeping the subject relating experiences and ex- 
pressing attitudes which are pertinent to the problem being 
studied, and (2) to encouraging the subject to express these ex- 
periences and attitudes naturally and freely. A few comments and 
remarks, together with an occasional question designed to keep 
the subject on his main theme, to secure more details at a given 
point of the narrative, or to stimulate the conversation if it tends 
to lag, are the usual means by which the interviewer accomplishes 
the first part of his task. Gestures, the nod of the head, smiles, 
facial expressions which reflect the emotions narrated are a very 
important factor in obtaining the second objective. For gestures 



i?2 TECHNIQUES 

which respond to the recital of the person interviewed encourage 
his continuance, give him a free reign to tell his story in his own 
way, and do not interrupt his chain of thought. They also aid the 
interviewer in escaping pitfalls; if the response is put into language 
it can more often lead to disagreement and misunderstandings 
which break the rapport between the interviewer and his subject. 
Gestures economize time and insure the greater part of the inter- 
view being spent in expressions from the person being interviewed, 
and this fact, too, makes their use an important one. 

Turning from a general discussion of the interview, we can 
consider the social research interview more minutely. For con- 
venience it can be analyzed into three sections: the initial contact, 
the interview proper, and the completion. Each of these sections 
has its particular function and technique. 

III. THE INITIAL CONTACT 

This phase of the interview belongs primarily to the inter- 
viewer. Through it he must inform the person interviewed of the 
purpose, enlist his interest and co-operation, and launch him upon 
his narrative. In an informal interview, one which takes the form 
of a casual conversation, the interviewer conceals his real purpose 
in the approach, "picks up a conversation/' and "draws out" the 
subject on the relevant points. This type of an interview is very 
significant for social research since it forms one of the best ap- 
proaches to the individual, one which leads to natural, uninhibited 
responses. But it is often necessary to approach the individual 
formally to secure desired information, and in this type of inter- 
view the approach is a matter of considerable importance. 

In the formally sought interview the investigator must state 
his purpose. This statement of purpose varies with each inter- 
view, for in order to secure co-operation the purpose must be 
stated in terms of the attitude of each person interviewed. A busy 
business man must be approached differently from an old resident 
who is no longer employed, and the purpose of the study must be 
stated differently to each of these individuals. Data secured 



THE SOCIAL RESEARCH INTERVIEW 173 

beforehand concerning the interests, hobbies, points of view, and 
biases of the person to be approached aid the interviewer in so 
stating his purpose that it will receive the heartiest response from 
the subject. Where such data are unavailable, the interviewer 
must begin cautiously, take his clues from the responses of the 
person interviewed, and expand on the statement of his purpose 
in the light of these discoveries. The sympathetic understanding 
of the informant determines the investigator's r61e. 

The subject must be made to feel that the aim of the research 
is worth while, that the investigator is competent, and that he is 
handling the problem professionally. He must be made to feel 
that he has something worth while to contribute. This recognition 
of the informant's importance creates a status for him which is one 
of the most valuable assets in conducting the interview. Phrases 
such as "There are few who can give us this material"; "Only you 
can give us this important data" ; "We have searched and searched 

for this information, but have been unsuccessful"; or "Mr. 

told us you know more about this than anyone else" are often the 
best keys to unlock the subject's treasure chest. The feeling that 
the interview is being forced upon the informant or that the in- 
vestigator is prying into his private affairs must be avoided, and he 
must be made to feel that his aid is eagerly sought, but not de- 
manded. He must also be made to feel that any statements which 
he desires to have treated confidentially will be guarded, and he 
should be told what disposition is to be made of the data which he 
contributes. The current mores and situations in a group always 
dictate additional principles which must be observed. 

Because of its scientific purpose the social research interview 
has some intrinsic advantages which can be capitalized in making 
the approach. The scientific purpose insures impersonal interest 
concerning the person interviewed, the investigator's ultimate 
consideration being, not with the informant as an individual, but 
with the informant as a member of a group, as a human being who 
has participated in a phase of social life which the investigator is 
interested in studying. He is also concerned with the subject's 



174 TECHNIQUES 

experiences and attitudes as they actually have occurred or exist, 
and does not wish to reform him, enlist his support in this or that 
enterprise, or change his point of view. The fact that he has no 
"axe to grind" other than that of securing an accurate account for 
scientific purposes usually goes a long way toward obtaining a 
frank, open atmosphere together with a minimum of defensive, 
guarded reactions on the part of the informant. The scientific 
purpose and the professional attitude of the investigator lends a 
dignity to the interview which aids rapport. The genuine partici- 
pation of the interviewer in this scientific purpose and outlook 
is one of the surest safeguards in shaping his technique. There is 
always an outstanding danger that the immature investigator may 
confuse the forced, "high-brow" approach for the simple, direcc, 
genuinely scientific mode of attack. It is surprising how quickly 
the average person will respond to the genuinely scientific attitude 
of an investigator and make an effort to give accurate, revealing 
statements. 

Through the initial contact the stranger who knocks at the 
door must be converted into the accepted listener seeking valuable 
research data, while the doubtful person who answers the door 
must have become the willing talker, convinced of the stranger's 
mission, and aroused to relating his own experiences. These 
changes must be wrought by the interviewer who makes interest 
in the subject's experiences the common meeting ground and ap- 
plies his knowledge of human nature to create the mental release 
which he desires in his subject. 

IV. THE INTERVIEW PROPER 

This phase of the interview has two widely different steps. At 
the outset of the interview proper the investigator attempts to 
secure the informant's own narrative. Then he resorts to questions 
in order to obtain more details, to verify statements made by this 
or other informants, or to obtain data which will enable him to 
evaluate the informant's statements. 

The first step belongs outstandingly to the person interviewed. 



THE SOCIAL RESEARCH INTERVIEW 175 

It is his narrative, told in his own way, encouraged by responsive 
gestures and occasional comments on the part of the investigator. 
If the conversation lags, if it begins to wander into obviously un- 
pertinent channels, or if it turns to needless repetition, the in- 
vestigator must use questions and comments to control its course. 
But the objective is to reduce such interruptions to the minimum. 

The research interviewer's detachment as a scientific investi- 
gator is noticeable, especially at this stage of the interview. It is 
demonstrated when he fails to become aroused or angry if the sub- 
ject expresses an opinion contrary to his own or criticizes adverse- 
ly something which he holds in high esteem. This detachment is a 
safeguard against distorting the story of the person interviewed, 
against causing him to express himself in the terms of the inter- 
viewer. Gestures again are an asset to the interviewer, for they 
assist in maintaining the detached attitude, and give time for the 
mental gymnastics essential in maneuvering the interview. 

While the interviewer's overt r61e in the interview at this time 
is that of a sympathetic participant who enters into the conver- 
sation sufficiently to keep it moving along lines which feed his 
research, his subjective r61e throughout the informant's narrative 
is that of a detached scientific observer, critically examining the 
data which he is securing, comparing it with other data, on the 
alert for clues, feeling himself into the situations described, and 
then examining them to discover what salient facts seem lacking, 
and testing hypotheses also in order to decide what additional 
data should be secured. The background of knowledge of his 
problem which the research worker brings to his interview deter- 
mines to a large extent the success of the conference. For this 
reason it is essential that the investigator secure all the data possi- 
ble from existing records and casual conversations, as well as theo- 
retical treatises, before he resorts to the interview. 

After the informant has given his story the interviewer begins 
on a cross-examination by asking a series of questions. He still 
strives to maintain the informal, conversational situation, but he 
directs it to obtain certain specific material. 



176 TECHNIQUES 

He is interested in securing fuller information with regard to: 
(i) new, unexpected aspects which the informant has just touched 
upon; (2) statements of the informant which contradict data that 
have previously been secured; (3) certain dates or locations that 
are needed to place material exactly; and (4) the informant's 
associations and biases such data as will make it possible to 
evaluate the personal equation of his statements. Questions may 
also be used to refresh a person's memory with respect to some 
event that he has omitted from his narrative, or to check the 
validity of his memory for dates and events by asking him about 
data that are a matter of record and comparing his statement with 
the recorded fact. 

If the interview is reported in the first person, in the actual 
phrases and language used by the informant, it will furnish better 
data for scientific analysis. When the research worker makes the 
report in his own terms, when he translates the expressions of 
the informant into his own language or summarizes them in 
trite generalizations or common concepts, he makes a less objec- 
tive record. For his interpretation has so transformed the original 
narrative that it has lost its exactness, and though the investi- 
gator may be able tp recall the exact occurrence, no one else can 
have access to it in order to check new data. 

Because of the exploratory nature of the research the inter- 
view proper must be highly flexible, adapted to secure a wide 
variety of data from a wide variety of subjects, and molded spon- 
taneously to meet the immediate situation. Principles of the 
technique, formulations regarding types of people, types of situa- 
tions, and types of data all assist the interviewer in handling his 
job efficiently. 

V. COMPLETION OF THE INTERVIEW 

The final part of the interview again overtly reverts to the 
interviewer. The human laboratory within which the social in- 
vestigator works must be carefully preserved for further research. 
Every interview should be closed with the latchstrings out, with 



THE SOCIAL RESEARCH INTERVIEW 177 

an invitation to return again for additional data. For as the re- 
search continues it is frequently necessary to go back to a person 
who has already been interviewed to secure additional data con- 
cerning some phase of the problem which has been opened up by 
a subsequent interview. Names of other persons to be interviewed 
as well as information concerning their interests and peculiarities 
which will assist the research worker in conducting an interview 
can be obtained. 

VI. RECORD OF THE INTERVIEW 

As in the case of an observation, the interview is of little value 
in research until it has been recorded and made accessible to 
other research workers. Usually a minimum of notes should be 
recorded during the interview, jottings of dates, names, phrases, 
and words which will be of help in recalling the conversation. 
Each interview should be recorded in a separate document as soon 
as possible after the interview has been made, before the experi- 
ence has "gone cold/' This immediate recording of the interview 
insures a more accurate and fuller account, one which yields the 
most for research purposes. The putting of the interview into per- 
manent form is discussed in detail in chapter vi on "Documenta- 
tion." 

The use of mechanical devices to record interviews, devices 
such as the dictograph and the motion-picture machine, will make 
it possible to obtain exact reproductions of interviews, reproduc- 
tions which can be studied and analyzed and made to contribute 
much to the formulation of principles of social psychology as well 
as principles of interviewing. So far no extensive use has been 
made of these mechanical devices, and their use should, of course, 
be confined to the study of the interview and to exceptional re- 
search studies. 

VII. TYPES OF SOCIAL RESEARCH INTERVIEWS 

Anyone making social research interviews realizes that there 
are many different types: the formal interview, the informal in- 



178 TECHNIQUES 

terview, the initial interview, the repeated interview with the 
same person, the interview with strangers, friends, or acquaint- 
ances, the interview concerning historical material, the interview 
concerning contemporary events, the interview dealing with con- 
troversial subjects, the interview dealing with intimate personal 
experiences, and so on. Each of these types of interviews requires 
its own tactics, though in general all of the research interviews 
have certain fundamental underlying characteristics in common. 
The analysis of these different types of interviews on a functional 
basis and the formulation of principles in terms of the underlying 
social psychology still remain undone, and the chapter on tech- 
niques of interviewing will remain incomplete until this more 
detailed analysis has been made. 

VIII. TRAINING IN INTERVIEWING 

In the foregoing paragraphs the analysis and formulation of 
experiences in interviewing which we have made to date are pre- 
sented; presented with the knowledge that the study of the inter- 
view has but begun. The purpose in passing on this incomplete 
material is simply to offer a point of departure. By making a 
systematic study of his own interviews, observing conversations, 
and experimenting with conversations as well as with research 
interviews, the student in social research can discover for himself 
some of the underlying principles and make contributions to the 
formulation of this research technique. Everyone who interviews 
profits more or less by his own experiences and learns to do the 
job more efficiently. But as in the case of all of the social research 
techniques, knowledge should be accumulated and disseminated, 
in order to prevent the repetition of the same mistakes and aid 
each person in the development of his own technique of inter- 
viewing. 



THE SOCIAL RESEARCH INTERVIEW 179 
SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY 

THE INTERVIEW 

BOGARDUS, EMORY S. The New Social Research, chaps, iii-v. 

MYRICK, HELEN L. Interviews: "A Study of the Method of Analyzing and 
Recording Social Case Work Interviews," Studies in the Practice ol 
Social Work, No. f. New York: American Association of Social Work- 
ers, 1928. 

QUEEN, STUART A., AND OTHERS. "The Interview as a Process of Interac- 
tion," Journal of Social Forces, June, 1928. 

SHEFFIELD, ADA E. The Social Case History. New York : Russell Sage Foun- 
dation, 1920. 

The Family. See index of this periodical for series of articles on the interview. 

WEBB, SIDNEY AND BEATRICE. Problems of Modern Industry (London, 1898), 
pp. 1-19. 



CHAPTER IV 
THE DIARY 

The diary, a daily personal record of events, has recently 
come into use in sociological research for a number of different 
purposes. Chief among these uses have been the following: (i) 
diaries have been used as the raw materials of research; (2) diaries 
have been used by research workers to record miscellaneous ma- 
terials which they have accumulated from time to time during the 
progress of a study; (3) diaries have been used also to record daily 
experiences, problems, and discoveries which the investigator has 
made with respect to research techniques and methods. All these 
attempts to make the diary serve the purposes of sociological re- 
search are still in a pioneer stage, with the 'result that only very 
brief statements can be formulated concerning them. Before ex- 
amining the different ways in which the diary has been employed, 
however, it might be well to consider the outstanding character- 
istics of a diary. 

I. CHARACTERISTICS OF THE DIARY 

There are a number of characteristics of the diary which makes 
it of value in sociological research. It is a daily record, and as such 
gives a continuous, chronological account of events as they occur. 
This makes it possible to trace processes, to trace step by step the 
sequences of behavior, together with the changing factors in the 
situation. The daily record is also one that is written within a 
short time after the event occurs. Canons of historical criticism 
state that one of the factors in determining the value and reliabil- 
ity of a document is the length of time which has elapsed between 
the event and the record of it, those records being considered more 
authentic which are written nearest to the date of the occurrence 
of the event. For this reason the diary record is useful in socio- 
logical research. It usually contains a fuller, more accurate state- 

180 



THE DIARY 181 

ment than records which are made later, when points of impor- 
tance have been forgotten and when the past is likely to be in- 
terpreted in the light of the present attitudes of the writer. 

A diary is considered a personal record, and as such it contains 
"natural" statements of behavior. The person feels free to cast 
aside conventions and write in an intimate, unrestrained manner 
concerning his experiences. Formal statements are replaced by 
individual expressions, so that a vivid account is given of events 
as they happened. Different types of individuals write different 
types of diaries, to be sure, and some of these daily records, like 
the now popular "line a day," are little more than jottings of a few 
disconnected words. But the essence of the diary may still be 
considered its intimate, informal portrayal of individual experi- 
ences. 

Material used for research has to be in written form, and the 
diary fulfils this requirement. It has the added advantage of 
having been written by the individual whose experiences are being 
recorded, thus eliminating the filter of a second person. This fact 
may mean also that details in which a sociologist is interested will 
be omitted by the person who writes the diary, but if the record 
can be supplemented by interviews this difficulty can be over- 
come. Most accounts which individuals write of their experiences 
have a tendency to conform to the formal standards of literary 
composition. But the attitude toward the diary, the conception of 
it as an intimate document in which the individual can express 
himself untrammeled by rules and regulations, makes it a fruitful 
source for sociological data. 

II. THE DIARY AS SOCIOLOGICAL MATERIAL 

Autobiographical material has always been of interest to the 
average reader because of the glimpses which it gives into the lives 
of others and because of the insight which it gives into human 
nature in general. Sociologists have utilized autobiographical 
documents to obtain an insight into the group associations, cus- 
toms, social adjustments, group standards, social control, and a 



i8 2 TECHNIQUES 

wide variety of phenomena by obtaining an intimate picture of 
the effect of groups upon individual lives.. Diary material is one 
of the most difficult kinds of autobiographical material to obtain, 
but in the relatively few instances where it has been secured, in- 
teresting analyses have been made of it. Very little use has been 
made of this kind of diary material in the type studies which are 
presented in this volume. 1 

HI. THE DIARY OP THE RESEARCH WORKER 

The personal record which the research worker himself com- 
piles of his own experiences has proved one of the most important 
contributions to the development of research techniques. Be- 
cause this record must be continuous, vivid, expressive, and in- 
formally written it has, for want of a better term, been called a 
"diary*" The personal record of the investigator may contain 
two types of material: (i) miscellaneous data and information 
pertaining to the subject under consideration; (2) the experiences 
of the investigator in the application of research methods and 
techniques. Both of these accounts may be kept on dated loose 
slips which can be sorted by subjects to furnish data on different 
aspects of the study or different techniques and methods, or the 
slips can be arranged in chronological series to give a natural his- 
tory of the progress of the investigation. 

When one is working upon a research problem he usually 
breaks it up into a number of different phases and at any given 
time he is usually concerned predominantly with one of these 
aspects. But social reality never presents itself in fragments, and 
a great deal of miscellaneous material is constantly discovered. 
References to other documentary material, to people who can be 
interviewed, to new aspects of the problem to be considered, and 
stray facts concerning other phases of the study should be record- 
ed from time to time as they are found. In addition to these mis- 
cellaneous materials dealing with the concrete data of the prob- 

1 Sec Suicide by Ruth Cavan, and Family Disorganization by Ernest Mowrer 
for this use of the diary. 



THE DIARY 183 

lem, theoretical materials are also accumulating from time to 
time which should be reduced to writing; new hypotheses and 
new theories gleaned from books and discussions with fellow- 
workers, as well as the investigator's "hunches," make significant 
records. This store of miscellaneous materials represents the out- 
posts of the research work, and upon its richness depends much of 
the progress of the study. Research workers always profit more 
or less by information such as is described in the foregoing, but 
the fullest benefit accrues when these data are not left to memory 
but are reduced to writing from day to day and made a matter of 
permanent record. 

In Type Study No. 2 the diary of the miscellaneous ma- 
terials forms the backbone of the study. A relatively small, defi- 
nitely limited group is selected for observation and a running 
record is kept of all phases of group behavior as they are observed. 
From time to time different aspects of the group are selected for 
intensive study, but the contemporary record of group interaction 
is the underlying theme. In exploratory studies, where the indi- 
vidual is feeling every step of his way and blazing his own trails, 
as is true in research, the diary record of miscellaneous materials 
is indispensable. 

The research worker's personal record of his experiences in 
applying sociological methods and techniques will give a picture 
of how an investigation is actually carried on. The student's 
record of his experiences makes it possible for the instructor to 
discover what difficulties are being encountered. In the physical 
sciences the instructor can observe the student's performance in 
the laboratory, but in the social sciences this is not always possi- 
ble. A third person observing an interview, for instance, so 
changes the social situation that the interview becomes a very 
different type of experience. For this reason it is almost imper- 
ative that the detailed description of what was done accompany 
the statement of the findings. 

This personal record of research experiences also focuses at- 
tention upon the way in which the investigation is being conduct- 



184 TECHNIQUES 

ed, enabling the investigator to analyze his difficulties and watch 
his own progress. A person usually profits more or less by his 
mistakes, but when a systematic effort is made to study each 
experience in order to determine the strong and weak points, 
progress is usually accelerated. A diary record makes it possible 
for the research worker to compare his experiences with those of 
others, to receive criticism from someone who has had more re- 
search experience, and to analyze his own problems. As in the 
case of any research document, the diary should contain as ac- 
curate an account of the behavior which took place as can possibly 
be recorded. Collections of personal experiences from the diaries 
of research workers also make it possible to pool experiences, 
formulate statements of techniques and methods, and criticize 
techniques and methods which have already been formulated. It 
is to such records that we must turn to develop higher standards 
in research practice. 



CHAPTER V 
THE SOCIAL RESEARCH MAP 

For many years maps have been one of the most important 
techniques employed in presenting research data. Through the 
use of maps many of the results obtained in a social survey can 
be so vividly and graphically portrayed that social investigators 
have found maps indispensable in presenting their findings to 
communities for the purpose of obtaining action. While maps are 
also useful to the sociologist in exhibiting many of his facts, they 
are even of more service as a part of his working technique for 
locating his problem and for analyzing and discovering relation- 
ships in data. It is with this latter application of maps that this 
chapter is concerned. 

I. THE USE OF MAPS IN RESEARCH 

Plotting cases of social phenomena on a map according to the 
locality in which they occur is one form of statistical procedure for 
classifying large numbers of cases. The spot map classifies the 
data spatially, making it possible to discover the location of 
phenomena and the patterns of their distribution. By the use of 
a map it is also possible to bring the phases of group life which are 
being studied into juxtaposition with other social phenomena, 
thus classifying many different types of phenomena into the con- 
stellations in which they occur, and suggesting possible relation- 
ships between them. In addition to classifying data spatially it is 
also possible to classify it chronologically, obtaining a picture of 
the movements through space of social phenomena during a period 
of time. Each of these uses of maps has a place in social research. 

II. MAPS SHOWING THE DISTRIBUTION OF DATA 

The simplest use of the map consists in plotting data on a 
background that contains merely sufficient markings to identify 

185 



i86 TECHNIQUES 

the exact location of each case, markings of streets, rivers, trans- 
portation lines, etc. When a large number of cases of a given 
social phenomena occur, this plotting is an important device, for 
it enables the investigator to size up the mass of material quickly 
and to see at a glance where cases are most prevalent and where 
he must turn in order to make his more intensive studies. The 
location of the habitat, in other words, is one of the first steps in 
conducting a research problem. 

The scattered cases which appear on the map just described 
are also significant for the investigator. They usually point to: 
(i) old areas where the social fact being plotted is disappearing; 
and (2) new areas where the social fact being plotted is just be- 
coming established. These isolated cases make it possible to pre- 
dict the future of the natural areas in which they appear, and they 
indicate areas of change. In the new areas the investigator can 
often obtain unusually significant material, for he can discover 
the initial stages of the process and the map enables him to locate 
the areas before most people are aware of their existence. 

This simple spot map can also be used to discover the natural 
area of an institution by plotting its membership. Overlapping 
between institutions, areas with a dearth of organizations, and 
the persistence of old institutions when members have moved 
away but return long distances to attend meetings are some of the 
aspects represented by a map of this type. If the nationality of 
the members of the institution is plotted along with the residence, 
the map may be used as an indication of nationality groupings in 
the area being studied. 

In comparing the plottings of the same social phenomena in 
different cities or villages one is impressed by the fact that the 
spots -on the map seem to assume characteristic geometric forms, 
and that from these patterns certain facts can be inferred concern- 
ing the characteristics of the phenomenon itself. This discovery 
suggests the possibility of eventually using map distributions as 
indices of social phenomena. 



THE SOCIAL RESEARCH MAP 187 

m. MAPS SHOWING CORRELATIONS BETWEEN DATA 

By plotting data upon a map it is possible to bring into 
juxtaposition to it: (i) data which are represented on the base 
map and (2) other sociological data which have been plotted. The 
discovery of these constellations of social phenomena within the 
same area suggest either possibilities of relationship between the 
phenomena depicted or the mutual dependence of these phe- 
nomena upon common underlying factors. 

The consideration of the correlation of data brings into the 
foreground the question of a base map. A social research base 
map, as has been pointed out by Young and others who have dis- 
cussed its characteristics, may contain two types of data: (i) the 
usual map markings which designate locations, and (2) fundamen- 
tal basic facts of the physical and social environment which have 
an underlying relationship to nearly all social phenomena. It is 
the second type of data which distinguishes the social research 
base map from others of the same locality. 

As is true with any map, the social research base map must 
furnish the labels which make it possible quickly and accurately 
to determine location. Streets, rivers, railroads, boulevards, and 
other features of the environment commonly used to describe lo- 
cation are necessary. These features are also characteristics of the 
physical environment which act as forces in sorting the population 
into natural areas, and there is a significant correlation between 
them and the social phenomena which is plotted. In addition to 
the usual physical features, markings to show the zoning of land 
for different purposes, the location of residential, railroad, indus- 
trial, and business property, vacant areas, and topographical ele- 
vations have been found of value on social research base maps. 

The common physical and social features of the environment, 
those aspects which we want to correlate again and again with 
different kinds of social data, can be depicted in a series of base 
maps. The density of population of various sections can be in- 
dicated by background shadings or colorings, and by plotting the 



i88 TECHNIQUES 

distribution of a social phenomenon upon this base the correlation 
between the density of population and this social fact can be per- 
ceived readily. In a similar manner base maps can be constructed 
to show the distribution of nationalities, land values, rentals, 
business, religious groups, social centers, and occupations. 

In addition to correlating social and physical features rep- 
resented on a base map with the particular phase of social life 
which is being studied, it is also possible to correlate the plottings 
of different social data to discover constellations. Juvenile delin- 
quency, divorce, suicide, and members of boys' gangs, for instance, 
can be plotted on a series of base maps. Closed curves around the 
concentrations of dots can then be made on each map to show the 
natural areas of the phenomena which are depicted. These outlines 
of natural areas can be traced upon another base map, using dif- 
ferent colors for each phenomenon, and the natural areas compared 
to determine whether or not they coincide. The scattered cases 
of each phenomenon can also be noted to determine whether there 
are movements in the same or in opposite directions. 

IV. MAPS SHOWING MOVEMENTS AND TRENDS 

Maps may be used for plotting the location of a given social 
phenomenon at different dates. Movements thus traced often 
give clues either to a change in the phenomenon itself, or to 
change in the social environment of the different localities in 
which it is found. 

One caution must be observed in plotting the location of 
phenomena over periods of time. The conditions of the environ- 
ment represented by the base maps are accurately depicted for 
the year in which the base was constructed, but changing condi- 
tions often make these maps inaccurate for other years. This fact 
must always be kept in mind when the phenomena of different 
periods are placed on the same base maps. For example, in plot- 
ting the home of the family of a delinquent boy in 1915, 1920, and 
1925, the map of 1925 used as a base may show that the family 
has always moved onto a traffic street, whereas the surface lines 



THE SOCIAL RESEARCH MAP 189 

showing on the map of 1925 may not have existed at the time the 
family lived on the streets in 1915 and 1920, and the family may in 
reality have been moving to escape residence on a traffic street. 

V. THE MAKING OF SOCIAL RESEARCH MAPS 

Nowhere can the significance of the pooling and formulating 
of research techniques be demonstrated more tangibly than in the 
map room. Unless presented with a statement of past discoveries, 
persons will waste an almost endless amount of time in discovering 
by trial and error the best way to present their materials. The 
development of new methods in map work will always require 
experimentation, and in any plotting of facts new combinations of 
old techniques and methods are always required. But experience 
has shown that there are certain "do's and don't's " which, if handed 
to the newcomer in written form and studied by him, will prevent 
needless experimentation and sheer waste of time. 

Books on drafting and graphic presentation, a brief bibliog- 
raphy of which are presented at the end of this chapter, are indis- 
pensable to a thorough study of the technique of map making. 
The plotting of social research data, however, presents its own 
problems, and a few general statements can be made which will 
be of service to the student who wishes to make his own work 
maps: 

1. If a large number of cases are to be plotted it will save time 
in the end to transfer the necessary data of each case to a card. 
These cards can then be sorted and classified to facilitate spotting. 
For example, if cases are to be plotted on a city map the cards 
should be arranged by streets, and numerically within each street 
classification. If many different symbols are to be used, additional 
cross-classification can be made on this basis. Classification by 
cards also reveals the degree of saturation the minimum, aver- 
age, and maximum number of cases that will have to be plotted 
at a given point on the map and thus indicates the scale of the 
base map and the size of the symbols that can be used. 

2. All plotting should be carefully checked. The first plotting 



TECHNIQUES 

can be done in pencil, and if the cards are numbered and the num- 
bers entered on the map in the original plotting, checking is facil- 
itated. In the case of work maps the numbers should be entered 
permanently. 

3. The title and key are important parts of a map. They 
should contain exact and concise statement of data plotted, 
source, period covered by data, accurate and concise description 
of cases represented by each symbol, and date and name of person 
doing the plotting. A map is not complete until the legends have 
been added. 

4. Symbols, seals, colorings, cross-hatching, or shadings may 
be used separately and in combination to plot the cases. Many 
variations of these methods of plotting are possible; facility in 
plotting and clearness in results are two objectives that should 
determine which method is selected. If many cases are to be plot- 
ted, time "spent at the outset in experimentation with different 
possibilities may well be justified. Experience indicates that for 
photostating, photography, or making cuts, colors should be 
avoided. 1 

5. There are many -tools that expedite the work: lettering 
pens, spotting pens, section liners, map measures, etc.; and if 
many maps are to be made an initial outlay for equipment reduces 
the final cost of the series. 3 

VI. INTERPRETATION OF MAPS 

It is one task to make a map; it is another task to read it, ex- 
tracting the significant relationships and implications which are 
thrown into relief. The first step in interpretation is to formulate 
accurate statements describing the various facts presented on 
the map. All other available data bearing on these facts should 
then be sought: maps on which other social data have been plot- 

1 The Russell Sage Foundation, 130 E. Twenty-second Street, New York City, 
has -prepared social map symbols; these are fully described in a booklet which it 
issues. 

9 Keuffel and Esser, New York, and Eugene Dietzgen Company, Chicago, are 
two firms that sell these special drafting devices. 



THE SOCIAL RESEARCH MAP 191 

ted, statistical materials, documents, and personal observations. 
Accurate statements of this additional data may then be carefully 
compared with the statements formulated from the map which is 
being interpreted. 

In interpreting a map it is important* to keep in mind two 
distinct categories: (i) the conclusions which are substantiated 
by the data of the map or by the other data which are correlated 
with them, and (2) the conjectures and hypotheses which arise and 
require more intensive investigation before they can be accepted. 

SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY 

MAP-MAKING 

BOGARDUS, EMORY. The New Social Research, pp. 34-38. 

BRINTON, WILLARD COPE. Graphic Methods of Presenting Facts. New York: 
The Engineering Co., 1914. 

RIPLEY, W. Z. "Notes on Map-Making and Graphic Presentation," Quarter- 
ly Publications American Statistical Association, September, 1899. 

YOUNG, ERLE FISKE. "The Social Base Map," Journal of Applied Sociology, 
January-February, 1925. 



CHAPTER VI 
DOCUMENTATION 

Documentation is the process by which the social research 
case material is put into permanent form so that it may be used by 
other research workers. This case material will consist of (i) in- 
terviews, (2) observations of the investigator, and (3) copies of 
existing records such as letters, diaries, manuscripts, old newspaper 
articles, and old books; materials which are difficult to obtain, 
rare, and not generally accessible. In the case of the last type of 
record a full statement of the source and a copy of the material 
completes the account. The task of documenting observations and 
interviews adequately is more difficult, and it is with these types 
of documents that this chapter deals. 

In discussing the final report of observations and experiments 
in the physical sciences Professor E. H. Hall states that "the 
record should tell a plain tale to people who are not present when 
the record is made/' 1 and this statement also defines the objective 
of documentation. A carefully prepared record is the indispen- 
sable final step in the preparation of any scientific data. 

In most of the physical sciences the final report follows a 
generally accepted form, thus making it possible for all who read 
the record to readily comprehend its exact meaning. Reports of 
experiments, for instance, usually state the problem, the appara- 
tus, and the method used, the results obtained, and the inter- 
pretation of those results. Standard apparatus, common tech- 
niques, established terminology, and the reduction of the number 
of variables involved by means of control make it possible for 
the physical scientists to write concise, clear-cut reports. 

Records of interviews and observations obtained in the type 

* Hall, The Teaching of Physics, quoted in F. W. Westaway, Scientific Method, 
p. 381. 

IQ2 



DOCUMENTATION 193 

studies of this volume cannot be handled in the same brief, exact 
manner, for the exploratory nature of the material makes it more 
voluminous and varied. The fact that the emphasis here is upon 
blocking the broad, general aspects of human associations rather 
than with handling minute, specific details of association is an- 
other reason why the social research documents differ from the 
records of the physical scientists. Lack of generally accepted 
terminology as well as standardized techniques makes it necessary 
for the research worker to describe procedure and findings exactly 
in lengthly paragraphs rather than in simple phrases, thus adding 
materially to the size of the document. Undoubtedly one mark of 
the development of sociology as a science will be the compilation 
of generally understood research documents which approximate 
scientific records in exactness and conciseness. 

Just because it is difficult to reduce the exploratory case study 
material to scientific records the question of documentation must 
be carefully considered. In analyzing the function of the docu- 
ments in certain research projects in which many investigators 
have'participated, where the findings secured by one person have 
been placed at the disposal of all, the following prerequisites of a 
document have been evident: (i) Uniformity, in order that the 
documents can be compared quickly and accurately, and in order 
that they may be readily classified. (2) The statement of facts 
concerning the informant and the conditions under which the 
document was secured in order that anyone can critically evaluate 
it. (3) A full, accurate account of the findings. (4) The investi- 
gator's own criticism of the document. 

In order to meet these four specific demands, as well as the 
general objectives of scientific recording which are discussed at 
the beginning of this chapter, a form for documentation has been 
developed. A face sheet or introductory caption, a statement of 
the problem, a statement of the technique employed, a full pres- 
entation of the data, and a criticism of the data constitute the 
important sections of the document. Each of these parts will be 
considered briefly. 



i 9 4 TECHNIQUES 

I. THE FACE SHEET 

Certain identifying data which make it possible to determine 
the nature of the document quickly should appear either on a 
separate face sheet at the beginning of the document or at the top 
of the first sheet, (i) The name of the study, (2) the number of 
the document, (3) the name of the investigator, (4) the name of 
the informant and a brief statement concerning him, (5) the topics 
or phases of the study which are covered by this particular docu- 
ment, (6) the date of the interview, and (7) the conditions under 
which an observation was made are items that have been found of 
use in this introductory caption. If this information is presented 
in the same way for each document, following a standard form, 
the documents can be readily handled and compared. 

Some of the data contained in research documents is of such a 
confidential nature that it must be carefully guarded and put at 
the disposal only of competent research investigators. Such 
documents should be conspicuously marked "Confidential" an.d 
kept in locked files in order to avoid unpleasant situations which 
close the doors upon further research. If the document is to be 
placed in open files for general use it is almost necessary to keep 
the name of the informant in a confidential key and merely make 
descriptive statements concerning him on the document. 

II. STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM 

The formulation of the problem in writing clarifies the objec- 
tives of research for the investigator and also leaves a record of 
the purpose and scope of the investigation for anyone else. who 
may wish to make use of the documents. This statement of the 
problem can usually be made at the beginning of a set of docu- 
ments, and only when a marked deviation in the investigation was 
made in obtaining the material for any one document is it neces- 
sary to make a new statement of the problem. Outlines, type 
studies, hypotheses, and questionnaires which give the point of 
view from which the data are gathered should be preserved as a 
permanent part of the record. As was pointed out in the chapter 



DOCUMENTATION 195 

on "Observation," the filter through which the investigator looks 
at his phenomena determines to a large extent the character of 
his findings, and a description of it should be available for anyone 
who may want to use the material. 

m. STATEMENT OF TECHNIQUES 

At the present stage of the development of research techniques 
little can be reported on this phase of the study as it pertains to 
each particular document. And yet some clue as to the type of 
interview technique employed is often as significant in using a 
document as it is to know whether a Fahrenheit or centigrade 
thermometer was employed to obtain the results in a given labo- 
ratory experiment. An experienced laboratory worker can tell 
through a glance, of course, which type of thermometer was used, 
but interviewing is still in such an unstandardized stage that little 
can be gleaned from the material as to the type of interview which 
was made. The research worker's diary, of course, furnishes the 
best information concerning the techniques used, and cross- 
references to it in this section will increase the value of the docu- 
ment. 

IV. THE DATA 

A full, accurate record of the relevant data constitutes the 
main part of the document. The sociologist is interested primarily 
in documents in which a process can be traced step by step, in' all 
its details. For this reason documents on contemporary, or recent 
events which the investigator constructs for himself are the most 
significant sources of data. Historians rely mainly upon existing 
documents, documents often written by people untrained in ana- 
lyzing the situations which they describe, with the result that 
much data which modern, synthetic historians want is lacking in 
the record. The sociologist who makes his own records by inter- 
viewing or observation can get much more accurate data, since he 
can observe behavior at first-hand. And after getting an inform- 
ant's account of events he can, by cross-questioning, make the 
informant expand the- narrative to include all important phases 



i 9 6 TECHNIQUES 

which were omitted from the original account. If the stories of 
two persons vary, or if the investigator's own observations do not 
tally with the account given by another person, he can re-question 
until he ascertains the reason for the discrepancy. Data which the 
average informant would consider insignificant, but which are 
necessary for research purposes, may also be obtained by inter- 
viewing and observation, thus enabling the research worker to 
make his document approach perfection. 

Because of the exploratory nature of the documents required 
by the type studies of this volume, an over-abundance rather than 
a scarcity of data is sought. Marginal material which opens up 
new aspects of the problem often appears in a fragmentary way 
and only takes on its full meaning after the study has progressed 
and additional facts appear in other documents to which the frag- 
ment stands in the relationship of a connecting link. If this ma- 
terial is discarded when it is obtained, important clues are de- 
stroyed. 

Observations and interviews should be recorded concretely 
and precisely, preserving the original phrases, expressions, and 
actions of the persons studied. The sequence in which the narra- 
tive was repeated or the succession in which the events took place 
should be preserved also, since the context often influences the 
meaning profoundly. Skilled research workers are able to re- 
arrange the data obtained in interviews so that remarks concern- 
ing one topic may be grouped together without losing the implica- 
tions contained in the original sequence, but the beginner will 
find it of value to preserve the sequence of the conversation or 
other behavior as it took place. 

V. CRITICISM OF DATA 

The social research investigator who secures his data directly 
at its source and then documents it is in a position to make a 
further contribution by appending his own criticism of this data. 
His evaluation of the observation or interview are an important 
phase of the permanent record. He may (i) present the material 



DOCUMENTATION 197 

which he secures in exactly the form in which he obtained it and 
follow this presentation by his criticism, or (2) he may present 
only the account after he has criticized it, corrected it, and ex- 
purged it of its unreliable data. The first method of handling his 
material is the one recommended, as it insures the complete ac- 
count which enables another investigator to check the material 
step by step. 

Suggestions as to the criticism of observations may be found 
on pages 165-66. And in addition to these, statements may also 
be included of (i) the circumstances under which the observation 
was made, (2) the immediate and the more remote setting of the 
event, (3) the relationship of the observer to the situations de- 
scribed, and (4) information concerning the participants which 
will give more insight into their rdles in the group. In instances 
where the investigator observes behavior and then supplements 
his observations by discussing the behavior with the persons con- 
cerned, discrepancies in accounts can be explained. 

Interviews require even more criticism on the part of the 
investigator, inasmuch as they are indirect accounts, based on 
experiences and observations which the investigator has not 
witnessed himself. The volume, The Introduction to the Study 
of History, by Charles V. Langlois and Charles Seignobos, and 
especially the section of it which deals with internal criticism, con- 
tains instructions that are useful in evaluating interviews. In 
addition, the following list indicates "distortions" in data which 
are often detected by the investigator and which should be noted 
in the criticism: 

i. The informant sometimes makes defensive statements to 
maintain his status in the eyes of the investigator, to justify him- 
self through rationalizations, or to protect his group from the 
possible adverse criticism of the stranger who is seeking informa- 
tion. Frequent repetition of explanations, or elaborate explana- 
tions are indicative of this type of "false statement. " These 
so-called "false statements" are valuable as facts, but the criti- 
cism is also a necessary part of the record. 



198 TECHNIQUES 

2. There is sometimes a discrepancy, not defensive in charac- 
ter, between the informant's alleged attitude or his opinion and 
the attitude which leads to action or determines his behavior. 
Both of these opinions and attitudes are important, however, as 
opinions are responsible often for the individual's reputation in 
a group and may be as potent forces in molding events as though 
they corresponded with his attitudes or actual tendencies to ac- 
tion. Yet it is important to know when an opinion is being stated 
and when a habitual mode of behavior is being described. This 
check is usually obtained through interviews with other persons 
concerning the same social situation. 

3. Mistakes in memory occur, and where these can be checked 
by other materials a note giving the correct data should be added 
to the document. This precaution is necessary, especially if the 
false statement has gained adherents and the question has be- 
come a matter of controversy. 

4. The reliability of the informant as an observer can be 
checked by asking him a few questions to which answers have 
already been established definitely through previous interviews or 
through existing documents, and then comparing his answers 
with the established fact. 

5. Biased statements due to prejudice can often be detected 
by the investigator. Interests, emotions, and feelings which are 
associated especially with conflict situations often color the state- 
ments of the narrative, destroying its "truth." When the investi- 
gator is in possession of information which enables him to point 
out and explain these biased statements his information should be 
made a part of the permanent record. The prejudices are in them- 
selves very significant data, since they indicate group frictions, but 
the point is that it is important to know whether a statement is a 
prejudice or an unbiased fact. 

6. There is a tendency on the part of the person giving a his- 
torical narrative to romance about "the good old days/' throwing 
a glamor over the account and omitting unpleasant experiences. 



DOCUMENTATION 199 

This rosy picture can usually be readily recognized and must be 
discounted. 

In short, any "sidelights" which the investigator has at his 
command, any means that he has of evaluating the data, should 
be added as criticisms to the documents. 

VI. CONCLUSION 

To immature research workers elaborate documentation often 
appears as needless red tape and ritual. Attempts to use docu- 
ments prepared by others in order to avoid duplication or to com- 
pare results, however, soon leads the investigator to appreciate 
the essential values in documentation. Historians are limited of 
necessity by imperfections in the existing documents upon which 
they must rely. There is a real challenge to the social research 
craftsman in the fact that the opportunity which he has to make 
his own documents places him in a position to prepare case studies 
which will approximate the ideal requirements of his science. 

SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY 

DOCUMENTATION 

FLING, FRED MORROW. The Writing of History: An Introduction to Historical 

Method. Yale University Press, 1920. 
MYRICK, HELEN L. Interviews: A Study of the Method of Analyzing and 

Recording Social Case Work Interviews, 
SHEFFIELD, ADA E. The Social Case History. 



CHAPTER VII 

ANALYSIS AND INTERPRETATION OF CASE 
MATERIALS 

Deriving sociological conclusions from observed facts is the 
final objective of research. Case studies fully documented are a 
source of data for testing old hypotheses and originating new ones. 
This transition from the actual to the conceptual, from the scru- 
tinizing of group behavior to the constructing of sociological gen- 
eralizations concerning it, is a difficult feat. The result depends 
upon the creative imagination of the investigator, upon his ability 
to detect new relationships in his data and invent new formulas to 
account for his concrete discoveries. 

Many books and treatises have been written on this phase of 
research which summarize the underlying principles. Two dis- 
tinct steps are always recognized: analysis and theoretical inter- 
pretation or generalization. The first step, analysis, is usually 
divided into four sections: (i) the arrangement of materials, (2) 
the factoring of a case and the discovery of relationships, (3) the 
comparison of cases, and (4) the classification of cases. Each of 
th6se steps will be considered with respect to the scientific treat- 
ment of sociological case studies, and particularly with respect to 
the three types of studies presented in Part II. 

I. ANALYSIS 1 

The complex array of facts which have been collected in case 
studies must be arranged into the natural order in which they oc- 
curred, and the underlying design and meaning of relationships 
must be traced. Analysis is not, of course, confined entirely to 
this stage of the research investigation. The investigator is al- 
ways analyzing all data as he obtains it, analyzing the narrative 

1 For an example of case analysis, see pp. 248-53; 257-60. 

200 



INTERPRETATION OF MATERIALS 201 

as he secures it in an interview in order to discover gaps in the 
tale which he may fill by further questioning, analyzing the docu- 
mentary material which accumulates, and fitting together and 
analyzing the various scraps of data which he obtains from time 
to time. The fragmentary manner in which the material must be 
discovered makes it necessary for him to postpone the detailed, 
thorough task of analysis, however, until numerous documents 
have been collected. 

In an exploratory study, the first question that confronts the 
investigator who attempts to analyze the mass of material is, 
"What constitutes a case?" The answer may be given that any 
set of relationships about which sufficient data have been assem- 
bled may be treated as a case. The cultural area, or the interest, 
or the accommodation group which has been studied may be 
considered as "the case" and all of the documents treated as a 
part of one case study. Later, different phases of the problem 
about which considerable data has been collected may be broken 
off and handled as separate cases. Because of the fragmentary 
manner in which material has to be collected, because of the fact 
that every group incident has to be looked at from many different 
angles both through the narrated experiences of many different 
people and through a series of observations on the part of the re- 
search worker, data from numerous documents have to be pieced 
together in an effort to secure a complete case study. 

Having decided upon the case, the next step is to prepare and 
arrange the material for analysis. Irrelevant data must be pruned 
away until only the essential factors and their relationships re- 
main. And in an exploratory study there is, of necessity, much 
data collected which are not pertinent to the case selected for 
analysis. This initial simplification, like all the steps in analysis, 
is still expressed concretely in the language of the findings them- 
selves, and scientific terminology is not used until the final step, 
sociological interpretation, is reached. It results in an abridged, 
terse statement of situations and the factors which create them, 
or in a statement of the sequences of behavior and the processes 



202 TECHNIQUES 

involved. It has been found helpful at the outset of an analysis 
to reread all the documents, underlining in colored pencil the im- 
portant data, the salient facts in the case. 

In analyzing the material for constellations of factors and 
processes it is desirable to prepare this selected or underlined data 
into an analysis chart. By arranging data chronologically in verti- 
cal columns according to consecutive dates and at the same time 
grouping them across the sheet horizontally by significant topics 
it is possible to grasp quickly the various aspects and relationships 
which the case presents. Reading the chart vertically gives the 
sequence of events and suggests processes, while reading it hori- 
zontally gives groupings of events which occurred simultaneously, 
and hence indicates possible constellations of relationships. The 
selection of a social area or an interest group at the outset as the 
unit of study insured the limitation of the study to behavior that 
was contiguous, and therefore probably related. 

In an analysis of group life this statement of the sequence and 
constellations of behavior makes it possible to secure concrete 
descriptions of: (i) a type of group life which exists over a period 
of time; (2) the constellation of conditioning factors which de- 
termine this type of life; (3) new factors which enter into the situa- 
tion and bring about a new type of group life; (4) the new type of 
life; and (5) the constellation of conditioning factors which deter- 
mine this type of life. Item i acts as a check on item 2, and item 
3 and 4 act as a check on item 5. Similarly, in studying an ac- 
commodation group it is possible to obtain through a sequence of 
behavior either in the study of a group or in the study of the life- 
history of an immigrant (i) a description of the immigrant life; 
(2) an analysis of the determining constellation of factors in that 
life; (3) a description of the American life with which the immi- 
grant group comes into contact; (4) an analysis of the determining 
constellations of factors in the American situation; (5) the inter- 
action of factors in the American situation and those in the im- 
migrant group life;, and (6) the resulting modification of both the 
immigrant and American life. 



INTERPRETATION OF MATERIALS 203 

One of the most difficult problems in analysis is that of lifting 
specific facts from the context in which they appear without 
destroying their real meaning. Society can be compared to a 
fabric, not to a bundle of single threads, and it is in interrelation- 
ship, in interactions, that group life is manifested. To facilitate 
handling, however, the great mass of material collected has to be 
reduced to the single items such as those of an analysis sheet, but 
in the subsequent study of that sheet the research worker re- 
constructs in his imagination the interrelationships in which the 
phenomena represented by the items actually occurred. The 
chart, in other words, becomes symbolic of the entire mass of 
pertinent data. 

A study of the analysis chart almost inevitably reveals that 
important concrete facts are lacking, with the result that addi- 
tional research data have to be collected before the material is in 
shape for sociological interpretation. Some investigators have 
found it of value to keep a running analysis chart, adding the data 
from each document as they are secured and studying the chart 
throughout the investigation in order to determine the next move. 
Research workers with considerable experience in studying group 
phenomena can do this more easily than the beginner, for they 
are in a position to estimate the significance and implication of 
apparently isolated scraps of data as they appear. When this run- 
ning analysis chart is kept, however, it is necessary to return 
again and again to the early documents for other data which take 
on new significance as the analysis grows. 

By limiting the study to a social area or a natural group, and 
then by arranging items chronologically on an analysis sheet, the 
two basic classifications of space and time have already been 
made. This classification enables the research worker to handle 
the case as a specimen; it enables him to discover constellations 
and processes and to understand the fundamental way in which 
the group behaves. 

But when comparison and classification are discussed in 
treatises on scientific method, the emphasis is usually upon a 



204 TECHNIQUES 

different type of procedure. A number of cases are analyzed and 
compared in order to determine their similarities and differences; 
the cases are then divided on the basis of these similarities and 
differences and sorted into classes which are labeled in accordance 
with their outstanding characteristics. This procedure can also be 
carried on to a limited extent in handling our type studies, to a 
limited extent because a thoroughgoing case study requires so 
much time that the numerous case studies necessary for compari- 
son can only be accumulated slowly. 

Two kinds of comparison can be made in the type studies of 
this volume: (i) the analyses of different groups can be compared, 
and (2) the analyses of various stages which are depicted in the 
natural history of one group can be compared with each other. 
Usually the first kind of comparison involves the research data 
which has been collected by a number of investigators, while the 
second kind of comparison involves data which has been collected 
by one person. Comparing various stages in the same group 
reduces the number of variable factors to a minimum, and if 
equally well-rounded material can be secured concerning each 
stage, this kind of comparison should yield especially valuable 
results. If data on different groups which are compared have been 
collected in accordance with the same outlines it is more likely 
from the standpoint of content, to be really comparable. 

Comparison opens the investigator's eyes to new relationships 
and enables him to discover significance in data which hitherto 
seemed unimportant. In making a comparison he is constantly 
asking, "What are the factors in this case which are similar to the 
ones in the other, and what are the factors in this case which are 
different from the ones in the other, and hence may be responsible 
for the difference in result"? This search, directed by the guide- 
posts which each case contributes, often enables the investigator 
to uncover factors and relationships which have previously re- 
mained obscured. 

As in the case of analysis, classification and comparison can 



INTERPRETATION OF MATERIALS 205 

hardly be confined to this stage of research; they go on to a cer- 
tain extent throughout the entire study. But classification and 
comparison can only be used extensively when considerable data 
have been collected. Also, as in the case of analysis, comparison 
and classification discloses gaps in the material which must be 
bridged by the collection of additional research data and new re- 
search problems which should be undertaken. 

II. SOCIOLOGICAL INTERPRETATION 

The final stage in a given research project is the formulation of 
scientific generalizations from the concrete data which have been 
analyzed and compared. This formulation of scientific generali- 
zations may be made from a number of different objectives. In 
research, research which actually makes new contributions to the 
body of existing knowledge, the emphasis is either upon verifying 
a discovery which has already been made by someone else but 
which requires corroboration before it is generally accepted, or 
it means discovering for the first time a new explanation. In what 
might be termed practice research the student discovers for him- 
self something which others have discovered before. From the 
standpoint of the body of existing knowledge this can hardly be 
called research, but from the standpoint of the contributions 
which are made to the investigator's own knowledge the discovery 
is often a new one and involves the same processes on his part as 
though it constituted research. 

The final interpretation of data is usually the most creative 
part of research. Through reflective thinking the research in- 
vestigator attempts to interpret his concrete data by the appli- 
cation of first one and then another of the accepted theories in 
his field, searches for negative cases which are contrary to the ac- 
cepted theories, and then attempts to formulate the theory anew 
in such a way that it will account for the negative case. Or the 
research worker may start with an analysis of his concrete data, 
formulate his generalizations on the basis of it, and then compare 



206 TECHNIQUES 

his generalizations with the scientific theories which already exist. 
This latter approach is usually more fruitful in a new science or in 
an exploratory study. 

The type studies presented in Part II were designed to enable 
the beginning student in sociology to discover concretely how 
groups function, in order that he may understand the theories 
regarding this phenomena which are set forth in textbooks. A list 
of the theories which have been studied can be compiled, in which 
conflicting theories are grouped together, and these theories can 
then be applied to the concrete data which has been collected in 
order to determine their significance and value in interpreting the 
facts. Concepts should also be listed and identified with the con- 
crete data. In identifying concrete materials with a concept it is 
essential that the elements of the concepts as contained in its 
definitions be kept in mind, and that these be compared with the 
elements into which the concrete situation is analyzed. Studying 
interpretations of case material which have been made by experi- 
enced investigators, comparing case analyses of his own with those 
of experts, and going through a case analysis and interpretation 
step by step with someone who performs the task skilfully will 
assist the beginner in perfecting his own technique. 

III. THE NEW RESEARCH PROBLEM 

The building of a science is a continual, gradual process. A 
scientific theory which was generally accepted yesterday is de- 
molished or modified by a new discovery of today. As the fron- 
tiers of research are pushed outward old controversial questions 
are settled, new ones immediately arise, and occasionally a new 
fundamental theory is advanced which shatters the accumulations 
of countless investigators and in turn becomes the cornerstone for 
a new superstructure. And each time an investigator completes 
a research project he finds himself facing a whole array of unan- 
swered questions, each one of which may become the center of a 
new research project, the basis for new generalizations which may 
annul ones which he has previously discovered. 



INTERPRETATION OF MATERIALS 207 

The type studies with which we have been dealing have been 
framed to give a first-hand introduction to the more general as- 
pects of group life which are commonly discussed by sociologists. 
This orientation in the field inevitably results in the formulation 
of innumerable questions that point the way toward new research 
projects. 

SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY 

ANALYSIS AND INTERPRETATION OF DATA 

JEVONS, W. STANLEY. The Principles of Science, pp. 594-734. 

WESTAWAY, F. W. Scientific Method, pp. 203-70. 

WOLF, A. Essentials of Scientific Method, pp. 28-39, 116-33. 



APPENDIXES 



APPENDIX A 

EXCERPTS FROM TYPE STUDY NO. 1: THE 

SOCIOLOGICAL SURVEY OF A 

TERRITORIAL GROUP 

In this Appendix, and in the two which follow, a few excerpts 
are given which have been taken from investigations made by 
students in accordance with the type-study outlines of Part II. In 
order that the snatches of material presented might have greater 
significance, they have all been taken from studies made in one 
small natural area, the local community of Canalport. 

The community selected is one of the eighty-odd ecological 
areas into which the city has been divided, and is located about 
25 miles from the heart of Chicago. In addition to being an eco- 
logical area, a product of the forces of competition, with definite 
geographical barriers, a segregated population, and a central 
shopping center, it is also a community with its own social or- 
ganization and a consciousness of its existence. Also, it is recog- 
nized as a community by other sections of the city. It has within 
its borders several smaller neighborhoods, based principally upon 
nationality differences. All of these cultural groups, however, 
consider themselves a part of the one community of Canalport. 

A number of students have been engaged in the study of Canal- 
port, and this Appendix A deals with data gathered in the 
sociological survey of Canalport. Appendix B contaiijs sections 
from the study of a contemporary boys' gang in the community. 
Appendix C presents parts of the study of an immigrant group: 
the Lithuanians. Many nationalities have found homes in Canal- 
port, but for the Lithuanians their neighborhood in the com- 
munity is the most important one in the city, and in many ways 
the center of Lithuanian culture in this country. 

Four or five students have worked on the survey of Canalport 

211 



212 APPENDIXES 

as a territorial group. Two were engaged on the general study of 
the community. Later, one spent his entire time on the social 
history of the community during its pioneer period, and two others 
concentrated on neighborhoods, following the complete outline of 
Type Study No. i for each of the four neighborhoods contained 
within the boundaries of Canalport. 

The material presented in Appendix A is abstracted from the 
following sections of this survey: (i) The collection of existing 
data; (2) the determination of ecological areas, and the determina- 
tion of social areas; (3) a study of the history of the community; 
and (4) case analysis. 

The complete study was made in accordance with the outlines 
presented in Type Study No. i, but only a few of the materials 
are presented here. 



TYPE STUDY NO. 1 213 

STUDY OF A TERRITORIAL GROUP: CANALPORT 

BASED ON ASSIGNMENT 1: THE COLLECTION AND 
CLASSIFICATION OF EXISTING DATA 1 

Canalport, one of the oldest sections of the city, originated at 
the junction of the Illinois-Michigan Canal with the Chicago 
River. In the forties it was an important transfer point be- 
tween the Great Lakes boats and the Mississippi River barges. 
Industries flourished along the waterways in the port town. Rail- 
roads coming in the fifties superseded the water travel, and 
though Canalport became surrounded with railroad lines and 
industries, it was no longer the dominant industrial and trans- 
portation center. Successive waves of immigration have poured 
their quota into Canalport, with the result that it has had many 
cultures implanted upon its soil. The existing literature which 
was found at the outset of the study of Canalport may be sum- 
marized as follows: (i) Literature dealing with the Illinois- 
Michigan Canal and its successor, the Ship and Drainage Canal. 
Describes origin of Canalport and the economic forces which 
affected the community. A few concrete references to the com- 
munity itself. (2) The usual sources of city, county, state, and 
church histories scanned for the occasional meager references to 
this- area which they contained. (3) This community has been 
recognized as one of the "problem spots" of the city, and reports 
of civic and social agencies contain occasional references to it. 
Also, one or two limited social studies have been made at different 
times. (4) Occasional references to the community have been 
made by investigators who were studying surrounding areas. (5) 
The series of maps showing the spotting of social phenomena over 
the city as a whole give social statistics with respect to Canal- 
port. The census data for 1910 and 1920 were also available for 
the small areas of the city. (6) Since Canalport contains the out- 
standing Lithuanian settlement in Chicago and the dominant 
Lithuanian settlement for the entire country, all available litera- 

1 See pp. 57-59 of outlines. 



214 APPENDIXES 

ture on the Lithuanians in America and Chicago was also di- 
gested. 

Bibliographies were made and excerpts copied. The material 
was filed chronologically and by subtopics. Much of this back- 
ground work was done by members of the research staff and 
placed at the disposal of students. Some of the work was also 
done by students who preferred library study and who worked 
along with field investigators engaged on the same community. 

A working digest of the material secured from existing docu- 
ments was prepared and is presented. References to sources are 
omitted from the digest, for the investigator familiar with the 
material can readily find these in the file of excerpts. 

DIGEST or DATA 

1. PERIOD PREVIOUS TO ORIGIN OF CANALPORT 

1673. Joliet mentions possibility of canal across this section of the coun- 
try to connect the Lake of Illinois (Lake Michigan) with the St. 
Louis River (the Des Plaines and Illinois) and complete the water- 
way to the Gulf, and hence to Florida. 

1808-36. National agitation for the canal. 1808, Secretary of Treasury 
recommends the waterway; 1810, Congress passes resolution in its 
favor; 1812, secures strip of land along canal way from Indians; 
1817, first canal survey made. State promotion of canal. 1822, 
newly created state of Illinois petitions Congress for right to t>uild 
waterway and receives grant of land; 1825, state incorporates com- 
pany to build canal is unsuccessful; 1827, Congress donated addi- 
tional land to be sold to finance canal and new Commission crea- 
ted; 1830, plats Chicago and Ottawa at either end of the canal 
route; 1833, Commission abolished because it could not raise funds; 
1835, another Commission appointed. 

2. PLATTING OF CANALPORT TO FIRE (1836-71) 

1836. Canal commissioners plat town of Canalpoft on the river about 
three miles from its mouth in the center of city. Construction work 
on canal began. Scarcity of labor, floods, epidemics, and panic of 
1837 retard work. 

1842. State bank failed and Illinois faced bankruptcy. Work on canal 
stopped. Men working on construction of canal receive canal 



TYPE STUDY NO. 1 215 

scrip in payment; this becomes unnegotiable; exchange it for 
canal land. Thus some settlers come into land in and about Canal- 
port. They farm. 

1843. Loan floated, board of trustees created, and work began again. 
Shallow-cut channel substituted for larger scheme. 

1847. St. Patrick's parish organized in Canalport; "Irish immigrants 
settling here in ever increasing numbers." 

1848. First boat passed through the locks at Canalport. 

1854. Railroad built and canal is doomed. Rail travel begins to super- 
sede water travel. Same year passenger packets on canal sold. 

1856, "Feud that has been brewing between Irish and Germans resulted 
in open fight. Irish have won and Germans are withdrawing 
north across the river, leaving Canalport to the Irish" (political 
fight). 

1863. Township in which Canalport is located is annexed to the city. 
Description by newspaper man: "There are clusters of low con- 
structions along A Road. These are either slaughter or packing 

houses with a glue factory and some rendering establishments. It 
is an area with a reputation. Here crowded boats and long lines of 
wagons meet." German Protestant church founded. 

1865. Packing plants move to new area two miles south. 

1869. Swedish Evangelical church built; 200 members; a mission church. 

3. FIRE TO IQOO PERIOD OF NEW POPULATION INFLUX 

1871. Distribution and realignment of population following the great 
fire brought influx of a number of new families into Canalport. 

1872. First Polish family entered Canalport. 

1875. Omnibus line opened extending from center of city to Canal- 
port. 

1880. Beginning of influx of Russian Poles into Canalport. 

1882. Peak of tonnage reached on Canal. 

1885. Lithuanians begin to appear in Canalport. Movement of some of 
the old German and Irish families out of the community begins to 
be marked. 

1889. First Polish Catholic church built at 32d and F ; this marked 

the center of their neighborhood with T Street as the business 

thoroughfare. 

1891. Lithuanians organize parish; thirty families. 

1895. Italians begin to enter southeastern corner of Canalport. 

1900. Canal abandoned as waterway. 



2l6 



APPENDIXES 



4. 1900 TO PRESENT 1 

1902. Ship canal construction began. 

1908. The first large manufacturing district in the city opened. It ex- 
tends into the southeastern part of Canalport. 

1919-20. Maps showing the distribution of social phenomena over the city 
for one year during 1918, 1919, or 1920 give facts concerning 
Canalport as shown in Table I. 

TABLE I 



Total Cases 



Rate per 1,000 
of Population 



Rank among 

Other 
Communities* 



Poverty 195 3 . 23 14 

Delinquent girls 16 .26 18 

Delinquent boys .* 31 .49 28 

Suicides 3 .05 45 

Gangs 6if 

Divorce and desertion 56 .93 42 

* The eighty local communities of the city are ranked in order of their rate per thousand, that 
community with the highest rate being ranked first 

t Ranks fourth among other communities with respect to the number of gangs. 

1920. Population of Canalport (compiled from United States Census 
tract figures for 1920): 

Number 

Total population 78, 755 

Native white of native parents n ,464 

Native white of foreign parents 32 ,075 

Native white of mixed parents 5 , 598 

Foreign-born white 28, 252 

Native-born colored 962 

Other colored 404 

The major foreign-born groups were represented as follows in the 1920 
census figures. . 

Number 

Polish 6,789 

Lithuanian 5>57 

Italians 4, 397 

Germans 2,827 

Irish 2,267 

A study of these statistics raises many questions which only 
further research in the area can answer. 

1 This period is lumped because of the scarcity of data. As more material was 
collected it was divided into appropriate stages. 



TYPE STUDY NO. 1 217 

In making this digest of existing material, spaces were left 
between each date so that additional material could be added as 
it was secured in the field. This insured an up-to-the-minute sum- 
mary. The task was to fill out this skeleton into a realistic picture 
of life in Canalport as it had evolved. The remainder of the out- 
line for Type Study No. I suggests the kind of material that is 
sought. The summary puts the investigator into touch with all 
the concrete facts that bear upon each particular phase of his 
study as he undertakes it. 



MAP I 




LOCATION OF CANALPORT IN THE CITY 

Based on Chart 2, The City, by R. E. Park and E. W. Burgess. Concentric 
circles indicate conceptually the areas of city growth. 



INTERPRETATION OF MAPS* (BASED ON ASSIGNMENT 3: 
DETERMINATION OF ECOLOGICAL AREAS; AND ASSIGN- 
MENT 4: DETERMINATION OF SOCIAL AREAS: CULTURAL, 
POLITICAL, MARGINAL) 

MAP I. LOCATION OF CANALPORT 

Canalport is located on the south branch of the river, 5 miles from its 
mouth, and 3 miles southwest of the heart of the city. Professor E. W. Bur- 
gess has applied his conceptual scheme of the growth of a city to Chicago," 
and the result shows the local community of Canalport located in the third 
zone of workingmen's homes, just on the edge of the second zone of transition. 

This conceptual scheme of concentric circles of city growth depicts what 
normally occurs in the development of a modern city. The central business 
district is located at the heart of the city, adjacent to the center of transpor- 
tation. Surrounding it is a zone of transition a zone of small manufacturing 
concerns, wholesale houses, and hotels and rooming-houses for transients. 
As the city grows, the area of the central business district expands, in turn 
forcing outward the second zone (the area in transition) until it invades the 
third zone (the district of wotkingmen's homes). Thus, like a pebble thrown 
into the water, a new factor introduced at the center of the city may set in 
motion an ever widening circle of changes, causing each successive zone of 
the city to penetrate into the one which lies just beyond. 

When the conceptual scheme of city growth was applied to Chicago, it 
was found that Canalport was situated within the zone of workingmen's 
homes, but that the zone of transition had already encroached upon its 
northeastern corner. Subsequent field investigation has shown that this 
northeastern section is undergoing rapid deterioration as a residential area. 
Old dwellings erected in the nineties are being razed, and the land is being 
covered with factories. 

The river forming the north and east boundaries of Canalport and the 
trunk railroad lines extending along its eastern and western borders have 
caused a variation from the conceptual scheme of city growth, with the re- 
sult that the second zone of transition has been projected in narrow elonga- 
tions extending along these main arteries of transportation. 

1 Data gained from subsequent case studies are drawn upon in making the 
interpretation of the maps. 

* Park and Burgess, The City, pp. 50-52 and Chart II, p. 55. 



MAP II 




CANALPORT IN 1857 
Adapted from Davis 7 Map of 1857 



MAP Et. CANALPORT IN 1857 

Canalport was on the upgrade as a river port in the late fifties. The town 
developed at the junction of the canal and the river, on low, swampy land 
which had to be drained and raised before it was suitable for human habita- 
tion. The south branch of the river had been the most navigable channel 
from pioneer days, and the infant industries which sprang up along it spread 
southward with the opening of the canal. 

A Road, which had been constructed to make possible the building 

of the canal, connected the young city with the rapidly growing hinterland 

to the west and south. Farmers drove their cattle down A Road from a 

distance of several hundred miles to the packing houses of Canalport, and 

truck gardeners used the same thoroughfare. So important was A Road 

in these early days that the original town of Canalport was platted at right 
angles to it. 

The small settlement had farm lands on its outskirts, and its people lived 
a semirural life, finding work now in the fields, and now in the industrial plants 
or in river transportation. Open stretches of land isolated it from other settle- 
ments and accentuated its community consciousness. 



MAP Ml 



IEODD 
EDDQ 







LEGEND 



OTHER SYMBOLS 



ZZZ Thoroughfare 



ECOLOGICAL MAP OF CANALPORT, 1928 

Plotted on Social Research Base Map. Business centers plotted from Hart's 
Land Values, 1928. Types of dwellings plotted from the City Building Map. 



MAP III. ECOLOGICAL MAP OF CANALPORT, 1928 

A map of Canalport's physical environment at the present time presents 
a very different picture from the one of Canalport in the fifties. The com- 
munity has spread to the south and east, and a wide network of railroad 
tracks and industry flanks it on all sides, marking it off much like an ancient 
walled city. With the transition from river to railroad transportation the 
center of industry has shifted to the southern border, where the belt of fac- 
tories and railroads is over 2 miles wide. The old stone quarry is still in opera- 
tion, but the character of the other industries has changed. Canalport has 
been politically, economically, and socially incorporated into the city, and 
the open stretches of farm land and prairie have disappeared. 

A Avenue is no longer the principal thoroughfare, though as a diago- 
nal road-it still has considerable traffic and there is agitation on foot to widen 

and repave it. The section line streets, T and H , which extend 

throughout the city, have become the outstanding thoroughfares. A new 

business center has developed at the intersection of H and T streets 

which is the principal center for all Canalport. A still newer and somewhat 

smaller center has developed at the intersection of W and H streets; 

and as the population continues to move southward, it may be predicted that 
this center will become the dominant one. 

T and H streets divide Canalport into four subecological areas, 

each with its own small local business center, but all dependent on the domi- 
nant business district at T and H streets. 

The dwellings of Canalport are still predominantly cottages. A few small 
tenements, however, have been constructed, principally in the northeastern 
section, where the neighborhood has deteriorated, and a few new duplexes 
have been built in the southeastern section, which has been the last part of 
Canalport to develop. Some vacant property still remains. 

A comparison of the map of 1857 with that of the present time shows 
many changes which must be explained. 



MAP IV 




LEGEND 



J!4S HAP SYMBOLS 

Rail ro Ad fro pert y 
l/*Ju*tri*l Ar+m. 
Thorough f*r* 



OTHER -SYMBOL-S 



NATIONALITY DISTRIBUTION IN CANALPORT, 1928 

Plotted on Social Research Base Map. Residences and nationalities plotted 
from records of City Charity Association. 



MAP IV. NATIONALITY DISTRIBUTION IN CANALPORT, 1928 

The residences of cases of poverty during one year as shown by the rec- 
ords of the local charity society were plotted and closed curves drawn about 
the dots to indicate concentrations of the different nationalities. Five distinct 
areas were found: an Italian, an Irish, a German, a Lithuanian, and a Polish. 
Old Canalport stands out as a cosmopolitan section, with a remnant of its old 
Irish settlement still intact on the southeastern side, a remnant of its old 
German settlement on the southwestern side, and an extension of the Polish 
settlement into the heart of the area. 

Poles predominate in Canalport at the present time, and there is a tend- 
ency for them to penetrate into the Lithuanian area to the east. With the 
exception of the Polish group, the nationalities seem to be confined within 
the subecological areas depicted on Map III. 

The map really shows the distribution of poverty cases of each nationality, 
but inasmuch as Canalport is almost entirely occupied by families of the same 
lower economic classes, families who live so closely to the margin that any one 
of them is likely to become a charity case at some time, this poverty distri- 
bution should be fairly representative of the location of the different national- 
ities in the community. 



MAP V 



DDE 
DDE 
DDE 




3A3E MAP SYMBOLS 



LECEHD 

OTHER 

HO Hop tStflfantnt Q| 



CAer*/ 3oc/*fr 



Lithuanian 



DISTRIBUTION AND NATIONALITY OF MEMBERS OF Two CANALPORT 
ORGANIZATIONS, 1928 

Plotted on Social Research Base Map. Residences and nationality of mem- 
bers obtained from 1928 membership files of the organizations. 



MAP V. DISTRIBUTION AND NATIONALITY or MEMBERS or Two 
CANALPORT ORGANIZATIONS, 1928 

The residences of the members of two organizations, the Hope Settle- 
ment and the Lithuanian Choral Society, are plotted to discover the natural 
areas within which the two organizations function. The nationalities of the 
members are also plotted. 

Hope Settlement is principally an organization of the cosmopolitan 
neighborhood of Canalport, though it also draws a few members from the 
new, relatively unorganized Italian neighborhood to the east and a few from 

the Polish neighborhood south of T Street. Since the Polish population 

is moving southward, there is a possibility that some of these people became 
members of the settlement when they lived in the cosmopolitan neighbor- 
hood and continued their membership after their change of residence. 

The natural sphere of influence of the settlement indicates that it is quite 
definitely a neighborhood rather than a community-wide organization 
an indication of a local political grouping that corresponds to the ecological 
subdivisions shown on Map III. The map also suggests that the settlement is 
adapting itself to the changing conditions within its neighborhood, reaching 
members of the various cultural groups that make up the population. 

The Lithuanian Choral Society stands out in contrast to the settlement. 
Its members belong entirely to one cultural group, and the locality which it 
serves is confined to the habitat of this group. Over one-third of the members 
of the choral society were found to live outside of the borders of Canalport 
in two new Lithuanian settlements, one about 3 miles to the south, and the 
other a corresponding distance to the west. Since all of the members of the 
society participate actively in its programs, this discovery suggests that the 
old cultural center still maintains its dominance and that people who have 
moved to the new settlement continue to be bound to it by very genuine ties. 



228 APPENDIXES 

BASED ON ASSIGNMENT 5: THE NATURAL HISTORY 
OF EACH SOCIAL AREA 

The next two documents contain interviews with old residents. 

DOCUMENT No. i* 

Open files 

Early History of Canalport 
R. Brown 

Informant: A man of Irish parentage whose family moved to Canalport in 
1854, and who was born in 1858. Interviewed August, 1926. 

My parents were among the oldest settlers in this region. In 1854 they 
moved their family and household goods to the village of Canalport, near 
the river. At that time the Pottawatomie Indians were camped along the 
western bank, and this side of the river was lined with brick yards, packing 
plants, and lumber yards. Large open prairies spread out in all directions 
inviting more people into the new settlement. The place hummed with in- 
dustry, and river boats with their cargoes of limestone and lumber from 
Michigan fed the hungry kilns and sawmills. 

Father soon found employment, and so decided to make this locality 
his new home. Many other pioneers, mostly hard-working Irish immigrants, 
like my own folks, or husky Germans, came to find work in the yards, and the 
little town grew rapidly. Almost all these laboring men had large families 
of eight or ten children, so they made the most of their opportunities and 
lived happily together. As the young people grew up they intermarried with 
the neighbors and remained here in Canalport as permanent settlers. 

During the packing season, which was only through the cooler months, 
most of the men were employed at the old Hancock's, Law's, or Brown's 
plants. At this time there were no packing houses on Grove street, nor any 
union stockyard. In order to do business stock men had to go to this or that 
stockyard, and they found it very inconvenient. These early industries used 
wood for fuel because there was no coal. Cord wood sold for $2.50 per cord, 
which helped to eke out the small wages. During the packing season families 
could buy a whole basketful of choice meats for fifty cents at the plants. 

Laborers received $1.50 a day; butchers got $2.50; and skilled workers 
were paid $5.00 a day. Sometimes the families had to live for several months 
without work, but they managed to get along. When employment was 

1 This document and document No. 3 which follows are part of a series of 
eighteen documents dealing with the early history of Canalport, covering the period 
from 1848 to 1915. 



TYPE STUDY NO. 1 229 

scarce they went into debt for food, fuel, and clothing, but after the season 
began again they paid back every cent. I tell you those were good old times. 
Those folks were honest and took pride in paying their debts. 

The rapid growth of the packing industry led to the need for many water- 
tight barrels, so the cooper trade became a thriving business. Mr. Shannessy, 
one of my father's friends, was a pioneer in this line. He opened up a cooper 
shop and turned the rough lumber into barrels at a rapid rate. Another im- 
portant trade was that of wagon-maker. Most of the travel in those days 
was by wagon, so the farmers came to the old Eberhart wagon works for sup- 
plies. 

About 1866* the railroad companies decided to buy a tract for a union 
stockyard, thus providing a central place of business for stock men. After 
building the new yards, business increased rapidly and the packers built fine 

homes in the city. In 1870, P and A came from Milwaukee, gave 

land to squatters, and built up a big business. 

When I was little, A Avenue was the principal business district 

because it was the old state road. There were no paved streets nor sidewalks, 
just muddy roads. My mother used to put on her boots, carry a market bas- 
ket on her arm, and trudge through the sticky mud to buy her groceries in the 
city, 3^ miles away. 

As a child I attended the Canalport public school, a two-story frame 
building which was replaced by the new school in 1868. During the Civil 
War we boys saw the soldiers enlist. In 1868-69 the men took up baseball. 
The first professional ball game was played at Arnold Park, near the stock- 
yards. The place is now used as a horse market. This city and Cincinnati 
were rivals for the packing industry, so the Red Stockings from Cincinnati 

were jealous. P P and Tim F went east and arranged for the 

game. We won our first game in '69. There were no cars, so the people drove 
in wagons and carriages. The admission was one dollar. After that we boys 
played regular baseball instead of "Three Old Cat." 

I remember three wars. We lived at H and the Lift Bridge just after 

the Civil War. When the North won a battle, all the people around there 
gathered up the old grease barrels and made a big bonfire near the saloon at 

the corner of H . That was all open prairie then. We boys had a big 

parade. 

At that time there were no newspapers, so when we wanted to hear the 
news we walked to Noel's general store on the corner of A and H . A 

1 Correct date is 1865. It is common to find errors of a year in dates of this 
kind. Some people give the year when a project was first planned, others the year 
when construction began, and others the year when it was put into use. The yards 
were opened in 1865; first real business was done there in 1866. R. B. 



APPENDIXES 

reader stood on the northwest corner and read out loud from the Chicago 
Times. Noel's store stands there yet. 

The "bob tail" cars were first used here. Then the grip car came, and the 
electric about 1890. The people were opposed to the trolley. Busses ran 
first to 22d Avenue and Canal. The street was paved in 1876 but the prop- 
erty owners opposed it on account of the cost. Later, all the streets were 
raised eight feet. 

Now all the old industries are gone. If you go over to Lime Street Mr. 

F can tell you a lot more. His family used to run the kilns; they've had 

charge of the quarries ever since they were opened in 1841. 

Data for confidential key. The informant is Mr. John Kelly, 2916 Canal 
Street. He is easily approached, everyone in the community seems to know 
him, and he has evidently taken an active part in the Irish life of Canalport. 
He is tolerant, however, in his attitude toward the other nationalities. His 
memory is accurate. Could be approached at any time, as he has retired 
from business and has plenty of leisure. 

The following comment concerning the interview was taken 
from the investigator's diary: 

August 15. Made my first interview. I secured Mr. Kelly's name from 
Mr. R (a man who had done settlement work in the community). I ap- 
proached Mr. Kelly as a friend of Mr. R's, telling him Mr. R had said "he 
knows all about Canalport." Mr. K was cordial, and an explanation of my 
mission, together with a few questions, "How long have you been in Canal- 
port?" launched him on his story. Additional questions were asked from 
time to time as to dates and exact locations. 

DOCUMENT No. 3 

Open files 
Early History of Canalport 

Informant: A woman of Irish parentage born in Canalport in 1856. Inter- 
viewed August, 1926 (three interviews). 

I was raised in Canalport. We lived over there where the gas plant is 
now. Father worked the pumping station where they used to pump the 
water from the Illinois-Michigan Canal to feed the river boats. There was 
a big wheel to take up the water, millions of gallons. The boats brought grain 
from Ottawa; coal, wood, and sometimes a boatload of watermelons from the 
South. I was born where the gas house stands, and remember the three tugs 
that hauled the grain boats to town. Their names were "Constitution," 
"Brothers," and "Success." They made three trips a day. 

The river was so shallow that we could almost wade across. We drank 



TYPE STUDY NO. 1 231 

the river water at that time. Just after the Civil War the Indians lived in 
Peter's Grove. They used to hoe potatoes and cabbage for father. We had a 
fishing seine 50 feet by 150, so caught a good many fish at a time, enough to 
fill a couple of wash tubs. There were all kinds of fish bass, pike, pickerel, 
perch, and suckers. We could fish in the lake too, way past the jail. Some- 
times we went out in a boat and picked up wood. 

All the boats were sailing boats in those days. There were locks in the 
canal, and mules towed the boats four or five miles. They came from the big 
line at Lockport. A man went ahead in the towpath looking for muskrat 
holes. There was one man for every eight miles. Everybody had barns for 
the mules. There was a ferry for a bridge. We could walk across Fuller Street 
through water. The Hancock packing house was at i8th Street and the 

bridge. All this land was cabbage gardens from L to the river. We used 

to sell the cabbage to the people on the boats. 

All the other side of A Avenue was filled by packing houses. First 

there were no railroads, so the cattle were driven on foot along the old Santa 
Fe trail. They always had a big steer for leader. The packing season was 
mighty busy. Sometimes the steers used to jump out of the windows into the 
river. Then we got a rope and went after them. All the offal was dumped 
into the river, because they only sold the four quarters. The boys always 
fought for the hearts and livers; they sold those for pin money. There was no 
refrigeration, so the meat was cured on shelves and covered with layers of 
ice. We called that the chill room. Mr. Peter used to cut the river ice for the 
meats. One man sawed the ice, another made it keep in the track with pikes, 
and horses pulled it into the ice house. There was no government inspector 

then, nor medical aid. When we wanted a doctor we had to go to H 

Street. 

For fun we had boat racing in log canoes, skating to the Heights and 
back, sometimes skating to the lake. There were no boats on the river in 
winter; tugs broke the ice in early spring. There were dances in the homes 
to the tunes of "Lady Washington" and "Money Musk." Jo, the butcher, 

had his "ham house," as we used to call it, on the northwest corner of B 

and A . It was a big square building, and we used one part for dances. 

They had a violin, harp, and piano those days, and we danced square dances. 
My, we had heaps of fun too. 

We didn't dress in silks like the girls do nowadays, but wore our little 
calico dresses. When it was cold, we put on clothes, wore our hoods, knitted 
stockings, and capes. My father used to say, when he saw a piece of silk, 
that it would ruin us. Those were good old times; we were all just like sisters 
and brothers. It isn't like that now. We had fairs at the church too. For a 
long time there were just Irish and German, but a few French drifted in 



232 APPENDIXES 

later. They didn't stay long. I don't know why they left. Most of them went 
to Burton. 

We didn't hear the news very often. Now and then we got a letter at 
the church. The priest called the names at the altar. There was a big scram- 
ble for mail sometimes. The first mass ever said in Canalport was in the Scan- 
Ion home at Canal and Pitney. That was before any church was built here. 
I was christened in St. Patrick's in 1856. 

When I was little there were two boat yards, one on each side of the 
bridge. There were two old-fashioned wells down by the river that turned 
with a windlass. We carried the water home in barrels. Every boat had a 
family living on it. The captains on the boats were very friendly to us kids. 

In the spring the Des Plaines river backed up so all the cellars were 
flooded. We could go by boat to school. When the ice was breaking up men 
had to keep it way back with pike boats. Sometimes we tied the houses to 
trees to keep them from floating away. John O'Neil and his family lived on 

higher ground on B , so we used to go there when the water was high. 

The chairs and table floated around in the house. We used to put up a flag 
when danger was past. 

This part of town was full of trees: willow, maple, butternut, and crab 
apple. There are no trees now because the gas kills them. Peter's store was 
the nearest one, and we could walk on a chain of boats to get groceries. 

Confidential key. Mrs. Patrick O'Hara, 2022 Bridge Street. Has a vivid 
recollection of Canalport in the early days. Her whole life has centered in 
this one community of the city and she has a keen interest in it. Mr. G (per- 
son interviewed in Document 2) referred to her as "the colleen of the port 
days." Undoubtedly a very full account could be obtained from her of the 
changes which the neighborhood has undergone. (Lists of names Mrs. O'Hara 
gave for future interviews are added.) 

In a similar manner the earliest residents of each of the 
various nationality groups in Canalport were visited to secure 
the account. Since the various neighborhoods have been built by 
nationalities, each new group settling on the open prairie on the 
fringe of the older settlers, this approach insures a well-rounded 
picture of the community. Of late years newer movements of 
population have spread over those distinct areas, but the nuclei 
of the old neighborhoods still remain. 



TYPE STUDY NO. 1 233 

CASE ANALYSIS BASED ON ASSIGNMENT 8: DOCUMENTA- 
TION, ANALYSIS, AND INTERPRETATION OF DATA 

In this analysis the student treated the pioneer period of 
Canalport as a case, placing especial emphasis upon life in the 
permanent settlement. Other students studied other cultural 
groupings in Canalport. The analysis is no more complete than 
the data collected warrant. It was followed by a sociological inter- 
pretation which is not included in this excerpt. 

PIONEER PERIOD OF CANALPORT, 1848-71 
I. RELATIONSHIP TO OTHER TERRITORIAL GROUPS 

A. FORCES MAKING FOR ISOLATION 

1. From city. Stretches of open prairie; muddy roads that were little 
more than trails. Though the city, then little more than a town, was only 
four miles distant, trips to it were infrequent. Travel was by wagon, horse- 
back, or on foot. 

2. From adjacent areas. The river on two sides, with few bridges, and 
the open country separated Canalport from patches of settlement in the 
vicinity. 

3. From other sections. Poor facilities for travel and other means of 
communication cut the community off, especially in the long winter season 
during which the canal could not be used. 

B. FORCES MAKING FOR INTEGRATION 

1. With the city. The city was the nearest retail center where many of 
the needed purchases could be made. The city was a larger center and people 
went "to get news of what was going on." Some produce was taken into the 
city for sale. People from the city came to Canalport to embark on boats and 
to transact business, to buy and sell cargoes, etc. Minority groups of Swedes 
and Germans, especially, frequented larger settlements of their countrymen 
on the north side of the town, five miles away. 

2. With adjacent communities. Industries of Canalport attracted men 
into the area for employment. Canalport's small shopping center was used 
by other communities less developed. Its institutions, churches, and saloons 
were used in the same way. 

3. With the hinterland. Farmers drove their cattle in along the canal 
road from the western and southern part of the state. The agricultural prod- 
ucts of the Mississippi River region were brought on boats to Canalport. 



234 APPENDIXES 

Manufactured products brought in from the eastern part of the country. 
Canalport was a point of exchange between the east and west so that people 
engaged in transportation came in from both directions. 

II. LIFE WITHIN THE AREA 

Three distinct sections were evident in the early community of Canal- 
port: 

1. The small transient dock and river area with rooming-houses, sa- 
loons, a few disorderly houses, and later a few small hotels. 

2. The permanent settlement back from the river where the old com- 
munity of Canalport still remains. 

3. The straggling farms to the south and west. People living on these 
considered themselves a part of Canalport. 

It is with this second section, the permanent settlement, that the analy- 
ses deal, especially. 

A. ECONOMIC FORCES MOLDING THE LIFE OF THE COMMUNITY 

1. Seasonal industries. Packing and its subsidiary industries carried on 
during the cooler months of spring and fall; farming, dock work, work on the 
river, in the brickyards, and in stone quarries was also seasonal. 

2. Industries were new and unstabilized. Employment was irregular; 
pay varied considerably for same work; keen competition for jobs and fre- 
quent competition between the same people. 

3. Little specialization. Men did first one job and then another, what- 
ever they could find. A few steady jobs, like that at pumping station, but 
even men so employed did other jobs on the side. 

4. Families worked as an economic unit. Men did heavy work in fields, 
women and children weeded and cultivated. Families exchanged work with 
each other as families. Whole family would turn out to help another getting 
settled in new home or bringing in a harvest. 

5. Each family engaged in both agricultural and industrial pursuits. 
Had own garden, pasture, cow, chickens, etc. 

B. THE POPULATION 

1. Largely Irish immigrants accustomed to the village and agricultural 
life of their homeland. Irish cultural patterns dominated the early life (par- 
ish church, square dances, wakes, etc.). 

2. Many related families and friends from the same village in the Old 
Country. 

3. Sprinkling of Germans, Yankees, Swedish, and French-Canadians. 

4. Average family large, and often had one or more relatives, usually 
male, as boarders. 



TYPE STUDY NO. 1 235 

5. Several boarding-houses of single men. 

6. Steadily increasing population. Usually newcomer arrived during 
spring or early summer. 

C. FAMILY LIFE 

1. Large families. 

2. Many occupations in which all members of the family did some phase 
of the work. 

3. Constant changing of the family schedule of living as it adapted it- 
self to different seasonal industries. 

4. Friendships on a family basis. "Our family was friendly with the 

McC family, and we helped each other in getting in crops before a 

rain." 

5. Constant struggle to eke out a living and make ends meet. Little sur- 
plus. Meager and unvaried diet. 

D. CENTERS OF COMMUNITY LIFE 

1. The churches. The Irish parish church functioned much as it did in 
the Irish villages. Priest the recognized leader dealing with many problems, 
entering intimately into the life of the people, yet occupying a position of 
authority. Church performed many functions, as for instance dispensing 
mail from the altar. A parochial school was soon founded in connection with 
it. (Not as clear a picture is given of the early Protestant and German church 
though there are indications that they, too, were centers for their respective 
followings.) 

2. The few community stores. At the general store "a reader read aloud 
the newspaper." (This custom probably rose out of the fact that many of 
the people were illiterate, as well as out of the fact that newspapers were 
scarce.) 

3. The two wells upon which everyone depended for his supply of water. 

4. A "ham house" which was used for occasional dances and celebra- 
tions. 

5. The saloons frequented by men of the community as well as by 
transients. This was another institution that had an enlarged function. 
Letters were written here for people who could not write their own, news 
brought in and discussed, time killed while men were waiting to go on the 
job, etc. "A kind of a club house." 

E. RECREATION 

Recreation was "home made." No commercialized recreation, and peo- 
ple created their own. Forms of recreation described are: skating, log 
canoeing, square dancing in the homes, and an occasional dance in the "ham 



236 APPENDIXES 

house," covered-wagon rides into the country, three cat and later baseball 
games, and picnics. During the Civil War, for instance, bonfires were built 
to celebrate northern victories. 

F. SOCIAL ORGANIZATION 

1. Many and frequently repeated social contacts. The same people met 
in work, recreation, church life. 

2. Kinship ties and Old World friendships strengthened bonds in many 
instances. 

3. People rely upon one another in times of emergencies for services 
which are now performed by specialized groups: nurses, doctors, building 
contractors, store deliveries, etc. 

4. Rendering of service to a neighbor a moral obligation. 

5. Unregulated competition for jobs was on a personal, frequently re- 
peated basis, and often resulted in clashes. 

6. Conflicts, usually culminating in fist fights arising out of endeavor 
to uphold what were considered personal rights: squatters' rights, titles to 
land, rights to pasture animals, right to a particular job, etc. Tendency for 
each man to settle his own grievances directly and immediately. 



APPENDIX B 

EXCERPTS FROM TYPE STUDY NO. 2: THE CASE 
STUDY OF AN INTEREST GROUP 

The material given here is taken from the study of a boys' 
gang in Canalport, the community discussed in Appendix A. 
Three series of records are suggested in the outlines for the study 
of an interest group : (i) the investigator's diary of his experiences 
in conducting the study, (2) a diary or running record of his 
observations of the behavior of the group and his contacts with 
the members, and (3) documents of special studies emphasizing 
various phases of association. In the particular case study the 
first two types of records were combined, the investigator placing 
his comments on his methods in parentheses at the close of each 
diary entry. 

A few excerpts are presented from each of these records, to- 
gether with some of the discussion contained in the student's 
analysis and sociological interpretation of the materials. 



238 APPENDIXES 

BASED ON ASSIGNMENT 1: DIARY OF GROUP ACTIVITIES 

EXCERPTS FROM DIARY OF THE INVESTIGATOR 

January 15. Want to study a group of adolescent boys, especially in 
their leisure-time activities. I think I'll try to get a group at Lincoln Square 
(one of the small recreation parks of the city), since Worth, the director, is a 
fraternity brother of mine and I know he is well acquainted with the boys 
that come there. 

January 16. Discussed possible groups with Worth and am predisposed 
toward the Rangers, an athletic club verging on a gang that has seven or 
eight members. (Think I'll hang around the park awhile and see if I can't get 
acquainted with them informally. Would rather make a natural glide into 
their circle and be accepted more or less as one of them; let them know I am 
acquainted with Worth, but cast my lot with them. Worth says it's basket- 
ball with them just now, and I may get my chance as substitute or referee.) 

January 17. Visited the Square. It is in an industrial section near to 
the heart of the city. I had been in the neighborhood once before, two sum- 
mers ago, but it's much more depressing and drab-looking at this time of the 
year. Railroads and factories completely wall the square mile of residential 
property in which the park is located, and the land is fairly well covered with 
monotonous rows of drab cottages. Dirty streets and alleys are covered with 
splotches of sooty snow and the atmosphere is heavy and grey with smoke 
clouds. This, together with the din of engines, street cars, trucks, and never 
silent machinery make this indeed a different world from the campus. Will 
do more browsing about the neighborhood in daytime. 

Watched a ball game of the Midgets and saw a number of the Rangers 
around the dressing rooms. They are easily recognized by their cardinal uni- 
forms with "RANGERS" across the front in white letters. They mingle 
mostly with their own bunch, shouting an occasional word of advice to the 
younger set of players, advice which usually consisted of the one word "razz- 
berrics." Didn't talk with any of the Rangers directly, but conversed with a 
Lithuanian boy and asked him what sort of fellows the Rangers were. He was 
most laudatory in his comments. Heard frequent references to the Rangers 
during the evening, and they were all of a commendatory nature. 1 They are 
evidently worshiped because of their athletic prowess and set the pattern for 
the younger groups. 

Stopped in the office and got the data cards of the group. Eight boys are 
registered, and they certainly are a mixed lot; all were born in this city, but 
two are of Polish parentage, two of Bohemian parentage, two have German 

1 This statement would be more valuable if it gave concretely the remarks 
which were made. EDITOR'S NOTE. 



TYPE STUDY NO. 2 239 

fathers and Irish mothers, one is of American parentage, and one of Irish 
parentage. (I feel encouraged with the prospects of meeting the boys. 
They're sans smirks and living basket-ball; my chance of getting into touch 
with them seems via this interest.) 

January 19. Plotted the residences of the Rangers on the map and went 
over the collection of data on this community in the Social Research Labora- 
tory. I have summarized this material and it has opened a number of ques- 
tions. 

January 20. Made my first contact with a Ranger this evening. It was 
with J. M., commonly called "Chickie" by his pals. Worth had told me that 
he was the leader, the key to the group, and I have been on the lookout for a 
chance to strike up with him. It came this evening. 

Was much surprised at first to hear that he was leader of the group, for 
he has a withered arm and cannot take part in athletics. But as I watched 
the group tonight his leadership was readily noticed. He is manager of the 
team and they all accept and rely upon his decisions. It is he who says who 
will play and who gives suggestions about the game. He is official timekeeper 
for the Rangers. Between halves "Rus" called Chickie several times until he 
caught his eye. Chickie shook his head and Rus went immediately to the 
dressing-room. That shake meant he was not to play second quarter, and 
Rus accepted it as a matter of course, 

Between the halves Chickie is on the floor with the rest of the boys, 
making short baskets, discussing the game, and giving advice. He is quiet 
and orderly in his manner, but efficient. He almost inevitably speaks of "the 
gang" or "the team," creating the impression that he is always thinking of 
the group as a whole, and that its interests, rather than that of individual 
members, are the center of attention. If a fellow is hurt, however, he is relied 
upon, always the first to get to him, and again his knowledge of what to do 
is respected. It is interesting to note the relationship between Chickie and 
"Crabs," the captain of the team, and seemingly the "hard guy" of the fra- 
ternity. He is the best basketeer and is popular with the sidelines as well as 
his pals. But it is Chickie who makes the contacts between his team and the 
outsiders. He and Chickie seem to understand one another's place in the 
group and don't interfere in their lines of authority. (This will be one of the 
most interesting relationships of the group to study in detail.) 

I stayed as close as I could to Chickie during the game, and made a few 
comments on the play which carried with them veiled suggestions. Chickie 
was quick to see the points, nodded his head in approval, and gave me one or 
two long appraising glances, showing his attention had been caught. By the 
end of the first half he had learned that I was in school, that I was enthusiastic 
about basket-ball, and that I had played forward on several teams. At the 



240 APPENDIXES 

end of the half the invitation came: "Com'on, meet the boys," and Chickie 
introduced me to the players as "My friend." 1 (I was glad to have the ap- 
proach to the group sponsored by him.) My first meeting with the boys was 
brief, however. Chickie remarked, "Want you to meet 'Chill.' He's study- 
ing too; goin' to be a priest. He'll probably be heading home soon now. Al- 
ways got some studying to do." These remarks were made with a tone of 
pride and tolerant attitude toward someone who was evidently different 
from the others. "Chill" was found on the sidelines, and I was introduced 
with the remark, "He studies too." (Evidently Chill's coat tails are to be 
another road to the group.) 

The diary then proceeds with a description of the conversa- 
tion with Chill. 

There was a sizable crowd watching the game this evening and it was 
interesting to hear the reverential cries, "There's a Ranger," or "Here come 
the Rangers," as they came running onto the floor for the line-up. They are 
marked men in their own bailiwick. 

The Rangers had an easy team this evening and made a cleanup, but I 
noticed that they looked glum and seemed to have something on their minds. 
I found out from their conversation in the dressing-room what it was. They 
are mixed weights, and the athletic instructor has tried to split them into 
teams according to their weights. There is universal rebellion. 2 "We gotta 
stick together" is a frequently repeated strain. 

"Dutch" volunteered, "He's got it in for the Rangers because we wouldn't 
take part in his circus parade."* Two of the boys are well under the 125- 
pound class and are being taken to heavier games than the instructor feels 
they can stand physically. And two of the boys are beginning to top the 125- 
pound weight. "Fritz and I're going to pull in our belts and cut down" 
was the promise that Rus, the other heavyweight, reassuringly gave his 
comrades. The fine athletic ability of Dutch, the "baby" Ranger, covers his 
deficiency in size, and I have marveled at the ease and success with which he 
protects himself on the floor. Mike, though slightly larger than Dutch, is not 
as good a player and suffers more from being pitted against larger boys. 

1 In a report made by a director of recreation of an outside institution who 
interviewed "Chickie" formally in the office of the Square, he is reported as "Shy, 
fumbled his cap, and had little to say." This illustrates the effect of the social 
situation on behavior. EDITOR'S NOTE. 

3 An apt illustration of how a social fact like group solidarity often escapes 
from weights and measurements. 

a A competitive exhibition held annually in which the city parks are supposed 
to participate. 



TYPE STUDY NO. 2 241 

But he takes his drubbings unflinching, with an attitude of "What's a drub- 
bing as against being allowed to play as a Ranger?" I've noticed Chickie 
will substitute one lightweight for the other if he notices the first up is getting 
too spent. 

Snooks was not here to speak for himself. I gathered from the conver- 
sation that he is the member who has just moved four miles south to Fair- 
wood, a residential suburb, because his family "got ritzy." He's out on "an- 
other heavy date" tonight, referred to with a tinge of pride and satisfaction. 
"He'll be here when we need him for the Rocks, a hard-boiled outfit that we 
gotta scrap next week." I asked if they had gang fights, and Chickie answered, 
"The Rangers are athletes; they don't have time to waste in gang fights." 

January 23 and 24. Have seen the Rangers in action twice in scrub 
games, and have been interested especially in watching their leader. 

January 26. Dropped in for a short time tonight at a square dance open 
to all the neighborhood and attended mostly by members of the different 
clubs and classes. I joined the Rangers, who were seated in a group at the 
south end of the auditorium. To my greeting, "Not dancing?" there came 
many nudgings and banterings. "Ask Mike about his North Side dates." 
Mike is the Apollo of the bunch, and he smiled wisely, apparently pleased 
with this retort. Chickie remarked, "Only dance with my sister; she's teach- 
ing tonight and couldn't come." Dutch was cutting his usual capers, imitat- 
ing some of the dancers and wearing a hat at every conceivable angle while 
he made gargoyles from beneath it. The boys always seem to be laughing 
about something when they loaf around. Evidently girls have not interfered 
with the Rangers' athletic interest as yet. 

Chill left early to study, and I accompanied him with the same excuse. 
He was carrying a history of the Reformation, Hamlet, and some Greek note- 
books. 

January 27. Much bustle at the Square tonight. The Rangers, escorted 
by a group of about eighteen hero-worshipers who toted their traveling bags 
and trappings, left for James Park three miles to the north to do battle with 
the Rocks, a "hard-as-nails-Jews" team. Everyone was on tiptoe. 

The crowd was gathered but there was a delay in departure. One of the 
Midgets (another younger club) explained to me, "It's bad luck to pay your 
fare to a game. If you do you'll lose, sure. Chuck (one of the Midgets) has 
been sent out to collect transfers for the crowd." After ten minutes' wait 
"Chuck" appeared with a handful of slips. 

We boarded the car, Chuck passed the bogus transfers, and received new 
ones in exchange. We had ridden hardly a block when the conductor came 
into the car asking for the fellow who had given him the ancient transfers. 
Immediately all of the boys became interested in the wall advertisements and 



242 APPENDIXES 

stared blankly at the conductor when he questioned them directly. He 
couldn't find the culprit, for Chuck, as soon as he had received the good 
transfers, hustled to the front of the car, jumped off, and beat it hot-foot for 
the next car line intersection four blocks away, where it had been agreed he 
would again join us. We waited for him at the corner, the boys waving their 
goodbyes and thanks to the conductor who had been so good to them. 

Chill and Rus, two of the heavier weights, were unable to come with the 
team, and their absence was commented upon with regrets because it was felt 
that the Rangers had a tough night ahead of them. Dutch and Mike were 
especially elated, for the absence of their brethren insured their getting a 
fling at the "toughs." 

We arrived at the park just about ten minutes before the game was 
scheduled, and in a jiffy the Rangers were into their uniforms and on the 
floor spreading their stuff. The Rocks began living up to their reputation 
almost from the outset, and our five, not be to outdone, retaliated. The game 
got rougher and rougher. The half ended 1 5 to 1 2 in the Rocks' favor, with both 
teams aroused to white heat. It was found that Mike had sustained a broken 
finger, but had concealed it and played pluckily on. He was removed almost 
in tears and Dutch was substituted for him. 

The second half opened with a snap. The boys' faces were distorted with 
glaring devilish looks of hatred that I had never before seen on them. Just 
before the end of the third quarter the explosion came. Dutch was socked by 
a Jew, and Snooks, who remarked afterward that he "couldn't stand by and 
see one of the gang in trouble," took a fling at the Rock. In a twinkling the 
floor was in an uproar. Almost simultaneously every Ranger made for Rock, 
and vice versa; the whistle blew and blew, and Chickie took a flying leap into 
the fray. His sheer weight was an important factor, and he and the captain 
of the other team managed to quell the fury. It was finally agreed that Dutch 
and the offender would fight it out back of the field house after the game, and 
that the teams would play out the contest. The rest of the encounter was 
played with a smouldering wrath, but with no more outbreaks. It was 
knocked down to the Rangers by one point with a free throw made just before 
the whistle blew. Our rooters went wild. I was interested in noting that the 
backers of the Rocks had displayed the same attitude toward the Rangers as 
our crowd had toward the Rocks. I don't believe the Rocks are any harder 
an outfit than the Rangers, but each one had a reputation in the other camp 
for being tough, and each team was prepared to meet the other one on that 
level. Also, each team was challenged in the presence of its followers and 
wanted to increase its prestige by "wiping up that tough lot." 

After the game there was a rush for the appointed battle ground where 
Dutch and Scoots were to settle it." The Rangers were so elated by their 



TYPE STUDY NO. 2 243 

victory that there was talk of a general gang fight, but this was temporarily 
lost sight of in the interest in Dutch's task; he was three or four inches 
shorter than his opponent. The fight got nicely under way and the boys 
clinched. Chickie sprang to separate them and the park policeman charged 
in, breaking up the fight and dispersing the crowd. News of the proposed 
battle had evidently reached the park director and he had ordered it stopped. 

The boys felt they should celebrate somehow, so at Dutch's suggestion 
they stopped at the intersection for hot tamales, and I left them there. There 
was a lot of talk about revenge and the wipeout, but I don't think they are 
really looking for a continuance of the scrap. The sense of what they ought 
to do in a situation like this seems to be back of the talk. There are things 
that are expected of a gang. 

January 29. Stopped by for Dutch and we went to the exhibit of the 
model aeroplane club which was on at the Square. As usual, the Rangers 
were in a huddle and there was talk of a gang fight in the air. Rus had met a 
Rock and been challenged to battle. The Rock had suggested that they 
"Com'on and meet them," but the Rangers "didn't want'a risk a spill in the 
Rocks' territory. There might be skulduggery." Chill, especially, spoke in 
vaguely restraining terms that suggested to me his consciousness of his priest- 
ly r61e, but I feel sure that if the fight does take place he will not be among the 
missing. Dutch had added a new coin to his collection and had brought all 
thirteen along to show the boys. He has been collecting six years. Conversa- 
tion soon turned to the next week's game, one in the championship series with 
the Cardinals, "a clean bunch," and the gang fight was forgotten for the time 
being. (The bravado and hard talk seemed to increase when remarks were 
directed to me, or in my direction; this made me realize that I still have some 
distance to go in getting into the group.) 

The complete diary extends over three months, giving more 
observations of the behavior of the Rangers and accounts of the 
further penetration of the investigator into their group life. In 
this study he was taking the part of what Lindeman calls the 
"participant observer/' 1 but with the emphasis upon observer. In 
some instances studies are made of groups in which the observer 
is an active member and the organization is really one of his 
own social groups. In that case, where participant and observer 
receive equal emphasis, the investigator is more in the heart of 
the group, but the objective attitude of the observer is pro- 

1 Edward C. Lindeman, Social Discovery, chap, viii, "Observation and the 
Participant Observer." 



244 APPENDIXES 

portionately harder to maintain. In the diary just presented the 
investigator quite evidently carried over his experiences in other 
athletic organizations and boys' groups, and these enabled him 
to participate in some of the Rangers' activities by sympathetic 
understanding before he was really admitted to them. It would 
be valuable to have three investigators reporting on the same 
group: an observer, a participant observer, and a participant 
observer, and compare their results. 



TYPE STUDY NO. 2 245 

BASED ON SPECIAL STUDIES OF THE GROUP ASSIGN- 
MENT 2: HISTORY OF THE GROUP 

This is one of the special studies made of the group. The 
series included a study of each of the members, studies of leader- 
ship, of group conflicts, of social control, and of the relationships 
of this group to the community. 

HISTORY OF THE RANGERS 

Source: This material has been compiled from casual conversations with 

the members of the group and with people employed at the Square. 

Prepared February 17, 1927. 

The Ranger Athletic Club was organized three years ago. One can hard- 
ly say it was organized, in the usual sense of the term, for there is no formal 
organization, no charter or by-laws, elections, initiations, or passwords. It 
originated with five members, boys who had grown up in the neighborhood, 
had played around the Square "as long as they could remember," and had 
been recognized as a gang for a number of years. There was an older club 
known as the Rangers, and these boys had hung around on the fringes of 
their activities. Chickie proposed that they form themselves into the "Ran- 
ger Juniors,'' for "we got tired of being referred to as the gang," and he no 
doubt used what he knew about the older group as a model for the new or- 
ganization. Soon after, the older group drifted away from the Square, and 
with their disappearance the new group dropped the "Junior" from their title. 

The club meetings are held in one of the rooms at the field house every 
Monday evening, but the boys are around together at the park every night. 

Chickie is manager, president, secretary, or whatever other officer the 
club ever needs. There are no dues, and there has been no change in the offi- 
cers since the club started. 

The original members still belong, and this year three new ones were 
admitted. All of these had won distinction medals, ribbons, and badges 
in athletic contests at the Square, in swimming, track, indoor baseball, and 
the zoo-yard dash. Two of the boys were spotted as good athletic material 
by the Rangers and were invited to join. The prospective priest was en- 
gineered into the organization by Crabs, strangely enough, for Crabs is the 
only non-Catholic in the group. Chill and he were old friends, and, as Crabs 
put it, "He's a good gang man, but the Buckeyes were running too wild for 
him; he's going to be a priest, you know; so we took him in." Chill has a sil- 
ver badge for the ico-yard dash, which he refers to reminiscently. This fact 
and his occasional plays with the team enables him to keep his place in the 
chief interest of the group though his studies make it impossible for him to 



246 APPENDIXES 

spend more than the week-ends with them. The attitude in the group is 
that he is "set apart," and they take his absences as a matter of course even 
when they lower their chance of winning, and sometimes cause the loss of a 
game. 

Though the three newcomers have been in the club about only five or 
six months they are so well incorporated that I would not have known they 
were new had I not learned it by questioning. Dutch, another of the trio, is 
the youngest of the group, and the clown. He is always cutting up and is at 
the bottom of most of the jokes and fun. In this way he has evidently created 
his place in the group. Fritz, the third neophyte, seems to have slipped into 
the crowd unobtrusively. He plays a good game, doesn't talk much, and fol- 
lows the group in whatever it does. He told me he had been a member of 
another gang, but they got to hanging around a poolroom and did petty 
stealing, so he quit them, "before I got to be a bum, too." 

There is no formal initiation into the club. When they have agreed by 
verbal discussion to ask a man to join, the one who has proposed him invites 
him, and if he accepts he is ipso facto a member. "We had thought of doing 
something to the last man, but we never figured out what it would be." 

Snooks is the only one who has moved out of the neighborhood, and he 
comes back for "big nights." I have a feeling that he is drifting away from 
the group, though the boys deny it whenever I mention the possibility. Two 
former members have been "dropped" by the club: an Italian boy "because 
he was a poor athelete," and an Irish boy "because he got to thinking he was 
too good for us." 

The club plays basket-ball, football, and baseball. It is getting to be a 
tradition that they enter only those sports that require a team, where they 
can play as a group. Crabs, who is a star track performer, has refused re- 
peatedly to go out for track because it is not an activity which the group will 
carry on ; he is a real club man. 

One of the outstanding events in the history of the Rangers was a two 
weeks' camping trip in Michigan on the farm of Crabs' grandmother. That 
was made the first summer after the club was organized, and the ex- 
perience was probably an important force in welding the group to- 
gether. It must have been a red-letter occasion in the lives of boys raised in 
this industrial section. The tale of that two weeks has been told over and 
over again until it has become a legend which even the new members can re- 
peat with practically the same words and gestures. The boys are talking of 
another trip this summer, and it seems as though they will be able to work it. 
Dutch's chief ambition seems to be to "go camping with the Rangers." 

This story of the camping trip is but one evidence of the closeness of the 
group. They are so constantly with one another that they talk alike and 



TYPE STUDY NO. 2 247 

think as one. It seems to be a common opinion around the Square, for in- 
stance, that any one of the members can answer for the group. If a question 
is raised by any of the park employees and they can get hold of one of the 
Rangers, his answer stands for that of the group ; for each member is an active 
member and is informed as to all that concerns the club. 

The group has gotten into the habit of managing its own affairs, and re- 
sents interference or discipline from the athletic department. They acquired 
this under the regime of the previous athletic instructor of the park, and they 
don't want to fall in line with changes which the new instructor is suggesting: 
the proposal, for instance, that they do some calisthenics, instead of spending 
all their time playing ball, has met with flat refusal. A suggestion that the 
team be split according to weights has resulted in the same way. 

The club does not seem to have established feuds with any of the other 
gangs, though it does have occasional fights growing out of athletic contests, 
such as the one I witnessed. The boys seem to have many groups sized up, 
to know their reputation, and to know what to expect when they come into 
contact with them. If a chance for a scrap arises, or if they are challenged 
by a more bellicose gang, they jump into the fray and enjoy it as fully as 
anyone, but when it is over, that's that. 

It is interesting to note that this group has persisted over three years of 
rather crucial change in the boys' lives. When they first formed they were 
fourteen or fifteen; now their ages range from sixteen to nineteen. With one 
exception the original five have left school and gone to work, have made out- 
side contacts with a wider world. But this has not broken into their club life. 
That is still the center of their world, a thing to be hurried back to as soon as 
the day's work is over. 

Comment. This history is necessarily sketchy, as in order to build up 
my relationships with the members of the group i cannot be caught asking 
too many questions. The information has been gleaned bit by bit as an ap- 
propriate situation gave an opportunity for an appropriate off-hand question. 
Undoubtedly I shall be able to gather more detail in future conversations. 
This sketch does not, however, give a general picture of outstanding events 
in the history of the group. The boys live in the present; the past seems most 
evident in their thorough understanding of one another and their concerted 
action as a group. Their language is limited, and they express themselves in 
present actions rather than in reminiscences of the past. 



248 APPENDIXES 

BASED ON ASSIGNMENT 9: DOCUMENTATION, ANALYSIS, 
AND INTERPRETATION OF DATA 

The student's analysis and sociological interpretation of the 
material in his diary and special studies of the Rangers is re- 
produced here. It is unfortunate that all of the data from which 
the analysis and interpretation are drawn could not also have 
been presented. 

I. CASE ANALYSIS 

Community situation: Factors in the community situation that contribute 
to the existence and characteristics of the Ranger Athletic Club. 

1. Gang life is traditional in Canalport. There have been "famous" and 
notorious gangs in the community for the past fifty years, their exploits and 
reputations have been part of the folklore of the neighborhood for the past 
fifty years. Everyone knows about them. 

2. Gang life is essential for a boy to participate in the life of the commu- 
nity. Joining a gang partakes of the same spirit as joining a fraternity on a 
campus where every man belongs. Not to be selected as a member is to be 
left out of the activities of the community. 

3. Canalport is a relatively stable, permanent community. Children 
grow up together, know one another intimately year after year, and have a 
natural basis for gang associations. 

4. The families of the community are practically all of the same eco- 
nomic status lower middle class. Low rents and nearness to industries which 
require unskilled labor have resulted in the segregation of a homogeneous 
economic class in this particular community. This is part of the extent to 
which division of labor can be carried in a great city; it can extend itself into 
the territorial group also. 

5. Mobility in leisure-time activities is relatively low. The homes are 
humble; few families have automobiles, and little money left over for leisure- 
time pursuits. Boys are forced to find these near their own doorsteps. 

6. Isolation and conflict have made the boys of the community conscious 
of being "Canalporters." The boundaries of Canalport are definitely marked 
by belts of railroad tracks and industry on three sides and the river on the 
other. For years there have been conflicts between gangs in Canalport and 
those on the other side of these barriers. Being a Canalporter forms an under- 
lying link between all the boys of the different gangs in this area. This is the 
strongest evidence of community-wide consciousness that I found in Canal- 
port. 



TYPE STUDY NO. 2 249 

7. Gang life in Canalport shows evidence of the melting-pot. Previously 
there were distinct gangs of Polish, Irish, Germans, Lithuanians, and Bohe- 
mians. The older generation still have organizations benefit societies, 
lodges, building-and-loan associations organized along nationality lines. 
There are many gangs of young boys, however, like the Rangers, composed 
of boys of all nationalities, that indicate the extent to which interpenetration 
has taken place among these different nationalities. 

8. Athletic clubs are the popular type of gang among Canalportcrs to- 
day. "Athletic Club" tacked on adds dignity to the organization. The title 
is often deceiving, for the athletic club may actually take many different 
forms. It may be a club whose interest is centered in athletics, like the Ran- 
gers; it may be organized for dances and social affairs only; it may be a polit- 
ical gang; it may be a criminal gang; or it may be any combination of these. 

Immediate situation: Factors in their immediate social environment which 
contribute to the existence and present characteristics of the Ranger 
Athletic Club. 

1. The residences of all the members (with the exception of one who has 
just moved away) are in the cosmopolitan neighborhood of Canalport, a 
neighborhood stituated toward the center of the community, on the fringes 
of neighborhoods that are distinctly Irish, German, Lithuanian, and Polish. 
Straggling families from those centers have spread into this neighborhood, 
and the population is a mixture. 

2. The boys have all lived within three blocks of one another, and six 
of them still live within that range. 

3. Five of the boys belong to the same parish church. 

4. All of the boys but one have "hung around the Square ever since I can 
remember." They have been in and out of the various gymnasium and 
sport classes, and this has undoubtedly contributed to defining their inter- 
ests in this way. 

5. Five of them have had experiences in other kinds of gangs, gangs 
which gambled, did petty thieving, or hung around a poolroom, and they 
have consciously broken with that pattern of behavior and have chosen a 
gang in which the emphasis is upon athletics 

6. At the present time the Rangers are the senior athletic organization 
of the Square, and arc "hero-worshiped" by a number of the younger groups. 
These younger groups expect certain behavior from the Rangers, and they in 
turn btrivc to live up to these expectations. This fact is illustrated in the 
spirit in which their first big social affair, a dance, was undertaken, and in 
their attitude in the fight with the Rocks. 

7. The director of the Square and most of the old attendants and workers 



APPENDIXES 

recognize the Rangers as a group which must be dealt with as a social unit. 
A new instructor attempted to deal with them by scale weight. There was 
friction until his eyes were opened to the dominating group factor and he 
reversed his tactics. As a result he secured co-operation on the point of more 
calisthenics. 

8. Six of the boys are employed and two are in school, but for seven of 
them the club activities are the ones in which their interests center at the 
present time. Whether this is true throughout the year or only during the 
winter months I do not know. 

9. Through their athletic contests the boys come into contact with other 
gangs. Their gang fights seem to grow out of these contests, as in the case of 
the one with the Rocks, but even in this instance, though a continuation of 
the light was agitated for some time, it did not occur. They seem too occu- 
pied with their practice and weekly contests to participate in feuds. 

10. The group's behavior varies with the reputation and the behavior of 
the other groups with which they come into contact. This was most plainly 
shown in two consecutive contests in which they first met the Rocks, who 
they thought were "tough" and whom they approached with expectations of 
trouble, and the game of the following week in which they encountered the 
Cardinals, a group that had a reputation for "clean play." The Rangers had 
more at stake in the last contest, part of the championship finals, but they 
played in their best style, and took their beating with a few alibis as to the 
reasons why the other team succeeded. 

The group: The most outstanding characteristics of the Rangers that were 
discovered in the case study. 

1. It is an informal group, with practically no administrative machinery. 

2. The group exists in the almost daily facc-to-face associations of the 
members which have extended over a number of years. 

3. The boys display a similarity in speech, ideas, and action that seems 
to have its basis in the constant frank association in which they "rag things 
over," each one spontaneously expressing what he thinks until an agreement, 
real not formal, is thus finally unconsciously arrived at. 

4. Their mode of behavior as an athletic group seems to have become so 
habitual, so well defined, that it is difficult to see in it the processes by 
which agreement is reached. They have already built up their common ideals 
and patterns of action. Each one has his definite place, his definite function, 
and the organization runs smoothly. 

5. Their mode of behavior as a social group was a new experience, how- 
ever, and there were outbursts of friction before the plans for the dance were 
finally formulated and mutually accepted. Even then Snooks was not satis- 



TYPE STUDY NO. 2 251 

fied with the cuts in the expenses and consequent elaborateness of details 
which Chickic insisted on and finally carried. Mike and Snooks were un- 
doubtedly the most active participants in this social undertaking, but 
Chickie's leadership, established through three years of concentration on 
athletics, held in the new situation. It is not difficult to predict, however, 
that if this social venture is repeated a number of times a habitual mode of 
group action will be gradually established in which Snooks and Mike will 
build up a leadership. 

6. Conflict within the group is evidently avoided by the ousting of mem- 
bers who do not fit into it. One was dropped because he was a poor athlete 
and the other because "he thought he was too good for us." 

7. The uniforms are their one insignia, and they take great pride in 
them. They showed me photos of their uniforms of previous years in order 
that I might see the superiority of these. 

8. Most of the boys have created special roles for themselves which bring 
them a certain amount of attention and commendation from other members 
of the group: Chickie as manager and president; Crabs as captain and 
dispenser of a summer outing; Chill as prospective priest and student; 
Dutch as the baby of the group, and the clown; Snooks as the social climber, 
who still stays within the pale of the group; Mike as the "handsome guy" 
and "ladies' man"; Rus for his stick-to-it-iveness and reliability; and Fritz, 
"thespeechless," who is an outstanding athlete. These roleshave been defined 
in the activities of the group in sports, and new roles began to emerge 
when a social affair was undertaken. The case of Snooks illustrates how the 
expectations of the group, based on the reputation which an individual ac- 
quires in it, tends to accentuate the behavior of the individual in certain 
directions and more clearly define his role. 

II. SOCIOLOGICAL INTERPRETATION 1 

Community background. Canalport is a real community that exists 
especially in the attitudes and influences the behavior of the boys of the area. 
Physical barriers define and isolate it from surrounding areas. Years of con- 
flict with boys without the barriers have made those within conscious of 
the fact that they are Canalporters. The mobility rate of the area is low: (i) 

1 This is an example of practice research in which the student endeavors to 
apply the concepts and theories formulated by others and presented in textbooks to 
the concrete data which he has collected. Concepts and theories are listed and then 
used as the tools for interpretation. All concepts used are underlined. This inter- 
pretation differs, of course, from that of an experienced investigator who is attempt- 
ing to discover new sociological interpretations; the latter would entail a more 
detailed study of each process. 



252 APPENDIXES 

families live in it year after year and this results in continued and intimate 
social contacts that form the basis of gang associations; and (2) most of the 
leisure-time activities of the boys are confined to their home area. Econom- 
ically the community is homogeneous, representing a segregation within the 
city, based on the division of labor. From the standpoint of nationality it is 
heterogeneous, but the extent to which assimilation has taken place is demon- 
strated in the existence of these gangs of mixed nationality in which the boys 
of widely different home cultures think and act as one. Gang life is traditional 
and gang exploits arc a part of the folklore. Athletic clubs of many different 
patterns of behavior exist. 

Immediate situation. The boys of the group live in the same immediate 
neighborhood, therefore the club and interest group have a definite territorial 
basis. The fact that this particular neighborhood is a cosmopolitan one has 
resulted in a mixed group, and influences the process of assimilation. Mem- 
bership in the same church is another factor in this direction. The Square 
has been frequented by the boys for years and has defined their interest in 
athletics. It has been a force for social control, affording a common meeting 
place for the boys and setting the precedents for molding club life into its 
present pattern of behavior. As senior athletic organization, the group oc- 
cupies a position of prestige, and its immediate following of hero-worshipers 
exert social pressure by their expectations and further define the behavior of 
the group. The solidarity of the group is generally recognized around the 
Square, and the effort of one instructor to disorganize it met with rebellion. 
The boys have other contacts, especially through their work and schools, but 
these seem of secondary importance to those of the gang. It is in this group 
that they seem to find satisfaction for their fundamental wishes. Their con- 
tacts with other gangs seem to be of two types: rivalry, regulated by the codes 
of athletic contests, and conflicts, regulated by the traditional patterns of gang 
warfare current in the community. 

Group life. The club is an informal, elementary form of social organi- 
zation in which the processes which go on can be readily observed. It is a pri- 
mary group in which the contacts among the members are made on face-to- 
facc, intimate, and almost daily associations. Group consensus seems to be 
arrived at through spontaneous free-for-all discussions of everything that 
concerns the group. Things "ragged out" in this way in the past have be- 
come group habits or customs which even a gesture is sufficient to initiate, be- 
cause of the social meaning which it has acquired. A nod of the head, for 
instance, is sufficient to call a man off the floor. The solidarity of the group is 
consciously recognized both by its members and by most of the people in the 
immediate social environment. The failure to recognize this solidarity re- 
sults in an increased and open avowal of it. The codes and mores universally 



TYPE STUDY NO. 2 253 

set up in this country in athletic procedure influence the membership of the 
group in situations which they regard as athletic contests, and result in 
accommodations. But in a situation which they regard as local gang warfare 
they seem to be governed by their conceptions of what is expected in gang 
warfare. Their uniforms are a collective representation or symbol which quickly 
identifies them on the sidelines. A folk-way, based on superstition, is their 
manner of riding to games without paying for their fares. Within the group 
each member has his definite role and status which has been evolved out of 
their group life and is reinforced and more sharply defined by the conscious 
recognition of it both by the group and by each one of the members. 



APPENDIX C 
CASE STUDY OF AN IMMIGRANT GROUP 

An initial statement of a student with respect to an immigrant 
community with which he is associated and three case studies of 
members of this community are presented as illustrations of parts 
of the study of an accommodation group. The colony selected 
for study lies within Canalport, the community discussed also in 
Appendix A and Appendix B. 

Some changes have had to be made in these case studies of 
individuals in order to conceal identity, and certain material has 
had to be taken out. But in general the essence of the original 
document has been maintained. 



255 



256 APPENDIXES 



STUDENT'S CASE INTERPRETATION 1 

(a) People have a categorical conception of a group which is foreign to 
them ; they have a general attitude toward the group as a whole, and treat 
each member of it as a member of the class, not as an individual. This is 
because they have had few primary, intimate, face-to-facc contacts with in- 
dividuals in the group, and have gained their knowledge of it indirectly. 
There is, however, considerable stratification and variation among individuals 
belonging to any group. 

(/;) This pattern of leadership was transplanted from the Old World and 
maintained during the early days on this soil while the Lithuanians were be- 
ginning to make their adjustments to American life. Gradually, however, a 
new leadership is emerging, local politicians, real estate and other business 
men who have made the adjustment to American life are leaders in bridging 
the gap between the Lithuanian colony and the rest of the city. These men 
still get their backing within the Lithuanian colony, are still regarded as 
Lithuanians by the American group, but their culture is a mixture of the old 
and new. Their life-histories would throw light on the processes of assimila- 
tion and accommodation. 

(c) With their eyes fixated on the problems of the Old World, the 
radical leaders have proved themselves conservative forces in many ways. 
They have, with few exceptions, paid little attention to the problems of the 
new life, and spend their time in a mental world of foreign culture. Probably 
some of their eccentricities may be traceable to this isolation from the current 
life and their absentee relationship to a life with which they no longer have 
first-hand contact. 



(d) People's religious loyalties seem to change slowly. Habits, tradi- 
tions, customs, early associations, unrational and emotional "pulls" can be 
carried over in the church when in many other phases of life radical changes 
are necessary. 



1 This represents another technique of case analysis. Students find it a clear, 
fat lie way of handling data. In the Judge Baker foundation Studies extensive use 
is made of this parallel system. 



TYPE STUDY NO. 3 257 

BASED ON ASSIGNMENT 3: FIRST IMPRESSIONS 
OF THE AREA 1 

DESCRIPTION OF THE COLONY 

Most people in the city think of this section as a place where people of 
the same type live all Lithuanians. But to one who really knows it, great 
variations are apparent. The people are really all Lithuanians, but there arc 
professional people, laborers, business men, skilled mechanics, artists, musi- 
cians, nationalists, church people, and socialists. It is a mixture that almost 
makes the neighborhood a small town in itself (see a, "Student's Case Inter- 
pretation"). 

What we think of as the Lithuanian neighborhood is contiguous to the 

manufacturing district, in an area bounded by , though of course the 

boundaries are not rigid and many families live without them. It is frequent- 
ly stated that there are one-hundred thousand Lithuanians in the city, and 
that one-third of these live in Canalport. 

The dynamic forces in the community are the leaders of the three groups, 
the socialists, the clericals, and the nationalists. Lithuania has always been a 
peasant nation, and the priests and intellectuals have fought over the direc- 
tion of affairs for many years. They are still the powers to be recognized in 
this colony in the new world (see 6, "Student's Case Interpretation"). 

The socialists are the most extreme group, and they contain a wide 
variety of radicals. For the most part their leaders were exiled, or practically 
exiled for their participation in Lithuanian uprisings against Russia, and they 
continued their interest over here, printing tracts, pamphlets, etc., to send 
into Lithuania, helping to finance new uprisings, affording homes for political 
refugees, and in general doing whatever they could to further their cause. 
They change their "isms" every once in a while and seem to have the habit of 
always standing on the opposite side of any established order. They are bit- 
terly opposed to the clergy, whom they consider their arch-enemies (see c, 
"Student's Case Interpretation"). 

The clerical group, headed by the priests, still maintains considerable 
influence, especially over the average person. They have built up the largest 
Lithuanian parish in this country, and their handsome new church edifice 
is one of the largest buildings in the community (see rf, "Student's Case Inter- 
pretation"). 

1 This illustrates an alternative study substituted for the "First Impressions" 
(P- 137) by a student who is already familiar with the colony to be studied. This 
particular document was prepared by a Lithuanian student who had lived in the 
colony a number of years and who is still in close contact with the life of the area 



258 APPENDIXES 

(e) The policy of the nationalists is manifestly one of accommodation, 
They desire the hyphenated American, the man who retains many of the 
essential cultural traits of his native land. They center their attention es- 
pecially upon the second and third generation, children reared in this coun- 
try, because these constitute the group which is rapidly becoming assimilated 
and losing the cultural heritage of its parents. 



(/) The agitator's r61e may become so fixed that it is habitual. A nega- 
tivistic attitude toward the social order may become so much a habit that it 
is an end in itself. As in this case, there is no longer an immediate issue (see 
case 7 also). 



(g) Two types of conflicts are illustrated here: (i) the conflicts among 
factions within the same nationality, (2) the conflicts between people of two 
nationalities. The first type of conflict is among people who are close together, 
who speak the same language, have the same customs, share in the same tra- 
ditions, and are conscious of belonging to the same nationality group. Their 
conflicts are bitter, but there is always an underlying sense of security, a 
feeling that nothing can break them asunder and that they will go on disputing 
continually. This leads to organized conflict, to the planning of attacks and 
counter-attacks and to rationalizations. The second type of contact is be- 
tween two groups who are distinct in many ways but have been next-door 
neighbors for years, have had numerous contacts, have suffered under a com- 
mon enemy, and have had frequent disputes. The conflict is more categorical, 
the social distance between the groups being greater than in the first case, and 
there is less discussion and more emotional, unrationalized expression of the 
discord. 

The attitude of the child categorically labeling the worst deed he could 
think of as being performed by the conflict group is of a kind with stories of 
atrocities always current during a war. It also illustrates a social heritage 
unreflectively taken over by the child. 

All these conclusions are suggested tentatively from the rather 
meager data presented here. More specific studies are necessary 
to establish them with more certainty and exactitude. 



TYPE STUDY NO. 3 259 

The nationalist group mediates, and sometimes cuts across, the other 
two. Its members are interested in keeping alive Lithuanian customs, folk- 
lore, music, dances, and language in this country, though they also want 
the Lithuanians to learn the American tongue and to adapt themselves to 
American ways. They give concerts, plays, and dances for the benefit of 
Lithuanian war orphans, the establishment of schools in Lithuania, and for 
other relief purposes. It is this group that has raised most of the funds that 
have been sent across the water. Many of them have been clericals and 
socialists in turn, and their connection with the nationalist group is a recoil 
from the others (see e, "Student's Case Interpretation"). 

Each group publishes its own newspaper, using it to set forth its opinions 
and launch its attacks on the others; there are long-drawn-out controversies 
in which they answer each other back and forth over some issue. Each group 
has its own forum where discussions and lectures are held. My father says 
that these people have gotten so into the habit of fighting for causes, of get- 
ting out propaganda, that they will always find something to fight for. I 
remember seeing a group of socialists carry the body of one of their deceased 
comrades to the door of the church and hold mock rites over it, and the con- 
troversies sometimes go beyond the verbal bantage (see/, "Student's Case 
Interpretation"). 

The old hard feeling between the Poles and the Lithuanians has been 
especially noticeable lately because of the Vilna controversy and because of 
the fact that the Poles in the neighborhood to the east of the Lithuanians 
have been spreading westward, crowding in upon the Lithuanians. The 
antagonism between the Poles and Lithuanians has been played upon so 
long by politicians that it seems to be ingrained in the mass of people. Two 

illustrations will show what I mean. I was in the C (a community house) 

the other day and saw a little Lithuanian boy looking at a book and mutter- 
ing and gesticulating angrily to himself. He was looking at a colored picture 
of the Crucifixion and saying, "Dirty Pollacks, dirty Pollacks; hanging 
God." I was told by one of the people connected with the institution that 
for a time both nationality groups used the place, and then the Lithuanians 
began to come in greater numbers. Polish women began to shake their fists 
as they passed the house, shouting, "Lugans, Lugans, Lugans," their derisive 
name for the Lithuanians. This type of feeling is quite widespread between 
the two groups (see #, "Student's Case-Interpretation"). 

The Lithuanians still preserve some of their native customs, and even 
where families have become Americanized in many ways they usually revert 
to them in connection with celebrations. One can still find families who 
spread clean hay over the table on Christmas Eve (though now they cover the 
hay with a cloth), eat fish and vegetables with no meat or milk, and invite in 
less fortunate people as their guests. Some of the old peasant dishes are 
revived at that time and seem a delicacy, though if they constituted part of 
the everyday diet, as they did in the Old Country, they would lose that 



260 APPENDIXES 

glamor. One still sees funerals wending their way to the church with friends 
carrying the casket and mourners walking beside. An old woman sometimes 
accompanies the procession, crying forth the good deeds of the deceased. 
This procession is a revival of the old life when the church was usually located 
at one end of the village and the burying-ground at the other. 

Lithuanians began coming into this neighborhood in large numbers about 
twenty years ago. One used to see them coming in on wagons with their 
trunks behind them, the women with their peasant blouses, cow-skin coats, 
and fur caps. Now they come in one or two at a time, dressed in the current 
fashion, and are " taxied " to the homes of their friends. 

My father arrived before there were many Lithuanians in the city, and 
he became adjusted to the American life more quickly as a result. We have 
lived away from the colony for years, but we still have many friends in it 
whom we visit frequently. 

The student's position is that of a detached observer who yet 
has intimate contacts with the group. As a member of the second 
generation he is not vitally touched by many of the issues that 
concern the older generation born in the homeland. 



TYPE STUDY NO. 3 261 

BASED ON ASSIGNMENT 6: LIFE-HISTORIES 
OF IMMIGRANTS 

DOCUMENT 7 

Confidential files 

Lithuanian colony, Canalport 

Socialist 

This case study is made of a man with whom I am slightly acquainted. 
The data was obtained from (i) casual conversation^ with the man, (2) listen- 
ing to him at forum meetings, and (3) comments which other people have 
made concerning him. Documented May, 1927. 

Mr. A is one of the leaders of the socialist group, educated, and a brilliant 
writer and speaker. He is one of the mobt bitterly hated enemies of the cleri- 
cal party because of his satire and ridicule. 

I gained the story of his coming to America from conversations with him: 

I was a member of the student group of revolutionists at the University of 

and took part in the uprisings of 1905 and igoO. 1 was sent out into the 

country before the revolution was called to distribute literature and arouse the 
peasants to take a stand for their rights I tacked tracts on the trees and held secret 
meetings, sometimes by candle light in the densest part of the woods, and sometimes 
in underground dugs We failed in the revolution and I was sentenced to Siberia. 
I escaped through the winter snows of Germany into France. At Paris I met more 
of my comrades and we set to work at once, for though we were interested in 
Lithuania, our cause is univeisal But the French government became suspicious, 
and when we got word that we were to be arrested we fled to England. I was there 

for two years when the Lithuanian sent me money to come to America, 

as they needed me in the light over here [fere we could work unhampered and we 
printed many tracts and pamphlets and flooded Lithuania with them. 

For a long time after his arrival Mr. A refused to learn English, and at 
the present time he speaks it only brokenly. Commenting upon this, he said: 
"The fools, don't they know that in a hundred years or so there will be a 
different language in this country which an American of today will not be 
able to understand, a language made up of all the different speeches? Why 
should all that is different be crushed out of the foreigners of the country?" 

He has expressed himself several times with regard to the present trend 
of Socialism in the community. "The Socialists have lost their ideals for the 
dollar. In the old country they were idealists. When they first come here 
they are socialists; when they take out their first papers they become Demo- 
crats; and by the time they have their second papers they are sure to be Re- 
publicans. There is not much thrill now in being a Socialist. People's opin- 
ions have changed and are charged with a certain freedom of thought. There 



262 APPENDIXES 

was more thrill in the early days in this country when conditions were so 
bad for us, and there was even more thrill back in Russia." 

Mr. A's name has been connected with a recent difficulty in the colony. 
He has been accused of receiving more than his share of funds in a given enter- 
prise. "He's become materialistic with success and has forgotten his Socialist 
principles," was the statement made by another leading member of the party. 

DOCUMENT 12 

Confidential files 

Canalport Lithuanian neighborhood 
Nationalist 

Mr. K is an old friend of our family, and my information concerning him 
has come through many contacts. 

Upon his graduation from high school at the age of seventeen, Mr. K 
left Lithuania for America. The Z boys had come back from the New Coun- 
try on a trip and had spoken eloquently of the opportunities over here. So 
Mr. K decided to come. He was on his way, via England, when his meager 
fund was stolen, so he had to remain in that country two years in order to get 
enough to complete his journey. "I didn't like England. There were so few 
of my countrymen there, and it was so hard to mix in or feel that you be- 
longed." 

Upon his arrival in the city he got a night job shoveling coal and at- 
tended a technical school in the daytime. While nearing his degree there 
he became interested in a profession, and his better command of language 
and his versatility made it possible for him to put himself through a profes- 
sional school with ease after he finished his technical course. 

Since about 1910 he has taken an active part in the revival of Lithuanian 
music and dances. Since Lithuania is primarily a peasant nation, she has had 
practically no literature of her own, and Mr. K has assisted in translating 
several of the classics of English literature into his native tongue. He was 
closely associated with Mr. X, who has done more than anyone else to revive 
Lithuanian culture and who has returned to Lithuania to an important 
government post. 

The nationalist leaders have started many singing societies in the colony 
and support several girls whom they have sent back to Lithuania to collect 
folk music. 

Just after the war Mr. K returned to his country for a visit. Since then 
it has been his ambition to "make his pile" and then return to Lithuania to 
live. "I want to spend my days in peace and happiness, to enjoy culture in a 
land where it and beauty are emphasized instead of the almighty dollar." 
His professional work keeps him in the colony and he has little opportunity 



TYPE STUDY NO. 3 263 

to mix with his equals; he is shut off from the corresponding group in Ameri- 
can society, and he finds few people interested in the things he likes. In 
Lithuania it is different ; there he is free to come and go in the cultured group. 
I think that explains his attitude and his wish to go back to the Old Country 
to live. 

DOCUMENT 14 

Confidential file 

Canalport 

Lithuanians 

Source: Written by a student who was raised in the Lithuanian community 
of Canalport. 

An immigrant child faces many problems, the existence of which the 
American is never conscious. My own experiences, I know, have been less 
severe than those which many of my friends have gone through, but still they 
have left their mark. 

My parents brought me to America when I was eight years old. We came 
directly to this city, where several distant relatives and a number of home 
friends had come before us. My family settled just on the outskirts of the 
colony in Canalport, and, alas for me, the two blocks away meant that I had 
to attend a school where there were no other Lithuanian children. 

I was large and awkward for my age, wore clothes that must have seemed 
outlandish to the other children, spoke practically no English, and was put 
into a class with smaller and younger children. They ridiculed me and 
called me "Dino." The teacher was no better than the children. She had no 
patience with my blunders, and joined in the laughter of the children. It was 
torture. I begged my parents to take me out of school or to move over into 
the colony where I could be with children of my own nationality. But they 
were anxious to have me become "Americanized," and thought that the 
chance to be with Americans was a help. 

As I look back upon it now I can see that this school experience did a 
great deal toward making me stay always a Lithuanian. I considered my 
home more and more of a refuge to return to as quickly as possible from the 
taunting of the children, and the contrast between their cruel treatment of 
me and the kindness and sympathy of my parents made me stand up for my 
own nationality. Their ridicule did not make me ashamed of the fact 
that my parents and I were immigrants, and I have not changed my 
attitude. 

During the time I spent at home I did a great deal of reading, and more 
and more I got used to being alone and shunning the other children. When- 
ever I sat down at home my mother would place a book in my hands; she 



264 APPENDIXES 

wanted me to be a scholar. She had a better education than my father, ar^d 
has always been hungry for more. When she finished the common school 
in Lithuania she won first prize in the government examinations and was 
awarded tuition and part of her expenses in a girls' school in a towr close 
by. Her parents were too poor to send her, and she was needed for work on 
the farm. The prize she won, a book, is always on our parlor table, almost a 
family altar, a symbol of my mother's hopes, to be realized in me. 

When I go to the library downtown to study mother likes to go with me. 
She just sits and watches. She is always eager to go because she likes the 
feel of so many books around her. The first time I asked her to come with me 
she went for her shawl. I felt embarrassed and explained that people did not 
wear shawls to the library. She understood quickly and waited until the next 
day, when she came with an American hat, the first she had purchased. That 
is the way I always explain American ways to my people; I never make fun 
of them, and they always try to change to please me. All through my high- 
school days, and now that I am in college, my mother makes these occasional 
trips to the library with me. 

I have never been in a real American home, and the few friends I do 
have belong to my own nationality. Yet I am almost a double personality. 
When at school 1 speak the American language and try to be as nearly like 
the others as possible. I am not always dressed as well as I would like to be, 
but my parents are giving me all they can afford, and I never let them know 
how I feel. At home I am an entirely different person. I speak Lithuanian 
entirely, use respectful addresses toward my parents, and obey them as a son 
should. It is always a pleasure to be at home. In the homes of many of our 
Lithuanian friends the children sass their parents and act superior to them, 
so there is constant fighting; but in our home it is always peaceful. We three 
understand each other so well, and treatment of my parents is based on a 
genuine respect for them. 

My father and mother rely on me for many things. "You know the ways 
of America; you look out for this," is frequently spoken as they ask me to 
take care of some business matter. I have done this for years. I always tell 
them what courses I am going to take at the University. They listen and al- 
ways say, "You know best: we trust you to decide." 

I tremble and am scared when I think of how much they rely on me. I 
am the only one in our group of Lithuanian friends who is being sent to col- 
lege. The other families have all advised against it and tell my parents that 
they are wasting money and that I am wasting my time. It is mother who 
usually answers them, saying that I will make good, wait and see. They all 
think a lot of the professions and of someone with learning, but it is money 
that is the test of success with them. To a certain extent this is also true of 



TYPE STUDY NO. 3 265 

my parents; they think that an educated person will be a success financially. 
It seems to me, though, that I would make more money in business. 

At school I am handicapped in competition with American students. 
They have so much background in their homes, and most of them have had so 
many more opportunities than I have. They know how to fit in in a way I 
do not. I feel this difference keenly. And yet so much more seems to be ex- 
pected of me than is expected of these students 1 have never won a prize, 
like my mother, but she still has faith in me. I suppose I shall hang out my 
shingle among my own people and find my solution there. 



APPENDIX D 
FORMS AND SPECIAL OUTLINES 

If a social research laboratory is established and numerous 
studies of a community are being made it \vill be found useful to 
keep control files in which information that is constantly needed 
is briefly summarized and made easily accessible. The larger the 
laboratory, the greater the number of studies being conducted, 
and the longer the period covered, the more numerous and the 
more intricate these forms will have to be. A few of the more 
simple forms used in the Chicago studies are presented here, in- 
asmuch as we have frequent requests concerning them. 

Special outlines are constantly needed to supplement the 
Type Studies and gain more data about some important phase of 
a group which is being studied. Three of the outlines are included 
to indicate this kind of material. 



267 



268 APPENDIXES 

FORM I 



Name Date 

Address _: Class 

Phone Instructor- 
Permanent Address 



Previous courses in sociology and where taken _ 



Number of courses in each of the following Psychology Biology History 

Political Science Political Economy Social Service Philosophy 

Major interest 

Other interests 

For what occupation are you pieparing . 

Employment (indicate whether paid or volunteer work) 

Present 



PastL 



What languages other than English do you read fluently 
What languages other than English do you speak fluently 



4. Have you had experience in map making, drafting, interviewing, statistical 
work 

5. In what communities have you lived? (give name, size, and type) 

With what communities in this vicinity are you acquainted, and what phases of 
the community life do you know best? 

What groups would you be most interested in studying? 

Study selected Completed Grade File 

Comments of supervisor: 

Consultant: Subjects 

Contacts with laboratory. 

Personal record of the investigator This is filled out by the student and gives 
the instructor a basis for the conference with him in which the decision is made as 
to his research project. It is then kept as a permanent record and is especially 
\ aluable if the student continues his connection with the laboratory as a consultant. 



FORMS AND SPECIAL OUTLINES 269 

FORM II 

CLASSIFICATION : General Recreation IV 

MAP SHOWING : Dance Halls and Cabarets 

SOURC'K OF DATA: License Bureau City Hall 

PERIOD COVERED- Jan. i, 1923 Dec 31, 1924. 

BASE USED Zoning 22 PLOTTED BY: Smith, J., and Lewis, W. February, 1024. 

TECHNIQUE OF PLOTTING: Black dots dance halls, red cabarets Size indicated 
by size of dot: 1-299; 300-499; 500-999, 1,000-1,499; 1,500 and over. Number 
of the case indicated. 

SUMMARY OF INDICATIONS OF DATA: (i) Shows same general trend of decentraliza- 
tion as motion picture map, but distance of decentralization action is greater, 
on an average (2) All dance halls and cabarets located near movie, but all 
outlying movies do not have dance halls and cabarets adjacent; movie a more 
popular institution. (3) The two nearest and largest dance halls have been built 
farthest from center of city. 

SUGGESTIONS: (DATE OF NEXT STUDY, SOURCES, TECHNIQUES, BASE, ETC.): 
New maps by five-year periods are desirable. 
Plot on map showing satellite business centers. 

Nationality and type of patronage might also be indicated in studies of indi- 
vidual dance halls. 

REVISED 19 COPIED March, 1927; photostated, 1927. 

If many maps are being made it is desirable to have a file index in which more 
data concerning each map may be kept than is contained on the map legend. These 
cards may also be supplemented by a document which gives a full discussion and 
interpretation The person who makes a map knows surprisingly more about it 
than anyone else, and much of permanent value is lost unless these records are 
made by him. 



270 



APPENDIXES 




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FORMS AND SPECIAL OUTLINES 



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272 APPENDIXES 

SPECIAL OUTLINES 

I. GRADE SCHOOL ESSAYS 

Where the co-operation of school teachers in the upper grades can be 
obtained it is possible to secure important facts concerning a territorial group 
or an immigrant group by having children write compositions dealing with 
their personal experiences. The instructions given the children should be 
simple, adapted to the particular grades in which they are to be used, and 
may be fitted into a course in English or in civics or social science. The spon- 
taneous expressions which children give often mirror the current attitudes oi 
their social group, revealing its mores, folkways, and values. 

The following topics outlined appropriated for children have been used 
successfully as themes: 

1. Places I have lived, and what I liked and disliked about them. 

2. What occupation I am going to follow, and why. (A statement of the 
occupations of the members of the family, and the development of the child's 
interest in this one, should be included.) 

3. What I did on Saturday and Sunday. 

4. The story of my life. 

5. A list of terms may be given and the children asked to write para- 
graphs telling what they know about each one: prohibition, bootleggers, 
elections, a given foreign or racial group, labor unions, etc. 

Where such themes and questions have been made use of in the Chicagc 
studies the papers and answers to the children vary significantly with each 
area, giving much insight into its inner life. 

II. STUDY OF A BUSINESS CENTER 1 

A more minute study of a business area generally brings returns. For, 
as pointed out by Dr. E. H. Shideler, 2 different social areas have different 
types of business centers, and each type is an index of a particular kind oi 
social life and social organization. Studies of the various business centers 
within a governmental unit may be compared in order to throw more light 
upon each of the social areas within it. 

1. Make a map of the business center, extending two or three blocks in 
each direction, showing the location of each store and labeling its usage, 
Where a building is more than one story high, plot each story, showing its 
use. Also indicate vacant land, or vacant floors in buildings. 

2. Take a traffic count of pedestrians passing a given corner at certain 

1 A special outline to supplement that presented on pp. 61-62. 
3 Shideier, E. H., "The Business Centre as an Institution," Journal of Applied 
Sociology, Vol. 9, No. 4. 



FORMS AND SPECIAL OUTLINES 273 

selected times (3:00-4:00 on Saturday afternoon; Saturday evening, 7:30- 
8:30; and on the corresponding hours during a week day afternoon and 
evening) . 

3. While the traffic count is being taken, observations on the following 
points should also be made: (a) Weather conditions, (b) Type of persons 
passing the corner: age; sex; What are they doing, loitering? How are they 
dressed? Language spoken? (c) Describe street incidents which occurred. 
Did pedestrians greet one another in passing? 

4. Follow the crossing streets through for a mile in each direction and 
note the changes which occur in each successive block. 

5. Compare data with similar studies of other centers and interpret the 
results. 

III. LOCAL COMMUNITY NEWSPAPERS 

Local community newspapers are the source of much data, and a file of 
clippings is a useful supplement to the central body of material concerning an 
area. The following uses have been made of the news sheets: 

T. Clip and classify items. Two copies of each issue are necessary, so 
that material on each side of the sheet may be used. Each clipping should be 
dated, and if there is more than one local paper the source should also be 
recorded. Clippings should be classified, and the following headings have 
been found of service: (a) Organizations (with subheadings under this for 
specific organizations), (b) Community leaders, and business and profes- 
sional men. The file of organizations and community leaders will form a 
social directory, (c) Human interest stories; personals and "newsy" events. 
(d) Historical sketches, (e) Proposed local improvements. A series of items 
concerning any one local improvement and reporting the moves made to 
secure it, the attempts to build up public opinion, and the controversies over 
it, may give a vivid picture of how a community gets something done. (/) 
Local politics. This varies, of course, more political news being published 
around election time, (g) Social pathology. Cases of crime, delinquency, 
truancy, poverty, etc. 

2. Make maps showing the circulation area of paper, rooming-house dis- 
tricts (by plotting rooms advertised for rent), organization centers, etc. If 
the paper has been in existence for some time, similar maps can be made for 
different periods. A chart can also be made to show changes in the volume of 
circulation. 

3. The number of inches of columns given to different types of material 
can be measured in a sampling of the papers and averaged: column inches 
given over to personal items, organizations, nation-wide and world news, 
local advertising, outside advertising, local community projects, political 
news, syndicate filler, and so on. This statistical data can be compared with 



274 APPENDIXES 

(i) similar measurements from newspapers of other communities, (2) similar 
measurements of this newspaper at earlier periods. From this study it should 
be possible to derive (i) types of newspapers and (2) to correlate type of 
newspaper with type of social organization in the area. 

4. The editor of the paper should be interviewed to secure information 
as to his policies, his conception of the function of his paper, his relationship 
to organizations and leaders in the community, and his attitudes on com- 
munity questions. 

The co-operation of the editor is an asset to any research laboratory, and 
from time to time students may publish articles reporting some of their re- 
search findings. A few old settlers' stories (published, of course, with the 
consent of the informant) will lead other old residents to volunteer their serv- 
ice and arouse the community's interest in its past. 

A query column, asking for dates, names, or other specific facts which 
investigators are unable to discover may be made a fruitful source for 
information. 

5. The newspaper material should be critically evaluated: Is the writing 
sensational? Accurate? Are some columns more representative of the com- 
munity life than others? What personal biases of the editor and reporters have 
to be taken into consideration in using newspaper items as data? 



INDEXES 



INDEX OF NAMES 



Abbott, Edith, 133 
Allen, E. W., 18 
Anderson, Nels, 73 
Aronovici, Carol, 50 

Barnes, Harry Elmer, 33, 65, 70, 82, 92, 

in, 113, 116, 119, 122, 140 
Bogardus, Emory S., 18, 32, 70, 122, 179, 

191 

Brinton, Willard Cope, 191 
Brown, Warren B., 105 
Brunhes, Jean, 65 
Burgess, E. W., 18, 2:, 32, 56, 65, 70, 82, 

92, in, 113, 116, IIQ, 122, 140, 147, 

152 

Case, Clarence M., 65, 70, 82, 92, IIQ, 

122, 140, 146 
Cavan, Ruth, 182 
Chaddock, Robert E., 33 
Chapin, Stuart F , 18, 33 
Cooley, Charles H., 32, 37, 105 

Darwin, Charles, 8 

Davis, Jerome, 65, 70, 82, 02, in, 113, 
116, 119, 122, 140 

Ellwood, Charles, 18 
Elmer, Manuel C., 33, 56 

Fairchild, H. P., 133 
Fling, Fred Morrow, 199 

Galpin, C. J., 56, 65, 67 
Gehlke, C. E., 33 
George, Dorothy M., 24 
George, Rev. H. D., 33 
Giddings, Franklin H., 18, 32, 33, 49, 
184 

Hall, E. H., 192 

Hart, Hornell, 70, 116, 119, 140, 146 

Hayes, Edward C., 65 

Healy, William, 33 



Hertzler, J. O., 33 
Hobson, E. W., 18 
House, Floyd N., 18 

Jevons, W. Stanley, 18, 167, 207 

Kolb, J. H., 105 
Kreuger, E. T., 146 

Langlois, Charles V., 25, 197 
Lindeman, Edward C., 18, 33, 104, 167 

McLaughlin, Isabella C., 33 
Malthus, T. R , 8 
Melvin, Bruce L., 18 
Miller, Herbert A., 133 
Mowrer, E. R., 18, 33, 182 
Mukerjee, Radhakamal, 65 
Mvrick, Helen L., 179, 199 

Ogburn, William F., 33 

Park, Robert E , 56, 65, 74, 82, 92, 106, 
in, 113, 116, IIQ, 122, 133, 140, 147, 
152 

Pearson, Karl, 167 

Pettit, Walter W., 56 

Ravitch, Jessie, 152 
Ripley, W. Z., 191 
Ritchie, A. A., 18 
Ross, Edward A., 133 

Sanderson, Dwight, 56 
Seignobos, Charles, 25, 197 
Shaw, Clifford R., 33 
Sheffield, Ada E., 179, 199 
Simmel, Georg, 117 
Steiner, Jessie, 56 

Teggert, Frederick J., 33 
Thomas, Franklin, 33 
Thomas, W. I., 133, 134 



277 



278 INDEX OF NAMES 

Thrasher, Frederic, 70, 105 Wissler, Clark, 70 

Weatherly, Ulysses G, 105 Wolf > A '> l8 > > 2 7 

Webb, Sidney and Beatrice, 179 Young, Erie Fiske, 191 

Westaway, F. W., 18, 192, 207 Yule, G. Ulny, 33 

Williams, James M., 56 Znaniecke, Florian, 133 



INDEX OF SUBJECTS 



Accommodation: process of, 131-32, 
146-52; of immigrant group, 129-51; 
illustration of, 258 

Analysis (case): objectives of, 11-14; 
of territorial group, 99; of interest 
group, 127-28; of immigrant group, 
151 ; general discussion of, 200-204; il- 
lustrations of , 233-36, 248-51 

Analysis chart: of territorial group, 99- 
100; of immigrant group, 151; dis- 
cussion of, 202-3 

Assimilation: process of, 131-32, 142, 
146, 152; illustration of, 249, 252 

Attitudes: as sociological data, 36-37, 
98, 114, 141, 170, 251; see also Data, 
criticism of 

Base map, 65, 187-88; illustration of, 

222 

Basic assumptions, 34.- 37 
Business center: map of, 27, 222-23; 

special outline for study of, 222-23 

Case-study method: general discussion 
of, 19-22; techniques of, Part III, 
22-23, 26, 28; compared with other 
methods, 30-31, 35; bibliography of, 
32-33 

Cases: characteristics of, 7, 21, 201; 
specimen case, 21, 203; negative case, 
15, 22, 163, 205; marginal case, 22, 
163 

Centers of community: 61-62, 67, 97, 
100; illustration of, 235-36; special 
study of business center, 272-73 

Chronological digest, 85; illustration of, 
214-17, 253 

Classification: common-sense, 4, 12, 13; 
objectives of scientific, 11-12; kinds 
of, 12-14; techniques of, 203-4 
Collective representations, 123, 141 
Communication, 41, 65-66, 168-69 
Community, 41, 49, 52, 70, 97, 125-26, 

251 
Comparison, 22, 204 



Concept, 14-15, 35* 251 

Conflicts, 83, 109, 119-21, 132, 141, 146; 

illustrations of, 236, 248, 258 
Constellations, n, 13-14, 35, 202 
Control, social, 122-24; informal, 122- 

23, formal, 123-24; illustration of, 252 
Correlations, n, 13-14, 2*0, 30; maps 

showing, 187-88 
Cultural area, 53, 55; determination of, 

70-75; verification of, 93, 98 
Customs, 83, 96, 139, 143, 252 

Data: subjective, 8-10, 13, 37, 168-69; 
see also Attitudes; objective, 9, 170; 
criticism of, 165-66, 196-98; collec- 
tion of, see observations and inter- 
view; documentation of, 192-99 

Diary: of interest group, 103, 106-7; 
characteristics of, 180; as sociological 
data, 182; of research worker, 182-84; 
illustration of, 238-44 

Directory, social, 93-94 

Documentation: of student data, 99, 
127, 151; general discussion of, 192- 
99; face sheets, 194; bibliography of, 
199 

Documents: historical, 23-25; socio- 
logical, 25; see Documentation; il- 
lustrations of, 228-32, 261-65 

Ecological area: determination of, 64- 
69; relationship to social area, 78-79, 
99-100; illustration of, 211, 222-23 

Ecological distribution: 28, 53, 64; 
maps of, 185-87; of members of inter- 
est group, in; for illustration of, 
224-25 

Enumeration, 26-27 

Essays: grade school, 272 

Experiment, 8, 17 

Exploration, 6. 8, 22 45, 169-70, 19,$ 
196, 201 



Face sheet, 192 
Fashions, 96 



270 



280 



INDEX OF SUBJECTS 



First impressions: of governmental 
area, 60-64; of immigrant group, 
137-38; illustrations of, 257-60 

Folkways, 142, 152 

Governmental area: compared with so- 
cial area, 53-54, 70, collection of data 
on, 57-59; first impressions of, 60-63; 
natural history of, 88-90 

Hinterland, 89, 233 

Historical method, 22, 26; sociological 
use of, 23; comparison with other 
methods, 30-32; bibliography of, 33 

History: and sociology, 23-26, 82, con- 
temporary, 24-25, 91, of social area, 
82-87; of governmental area, 88-8g; 
of interest group, 108-10, 245-47; of 
immigrant group, 135-36, 138, map, 
220- 21 

Hypotheses, 6, 7, 16, 35, 42, 51, 100, 153 
162 

Immigrant group, 41-42; characteristics 
of, 129-32; outlines foi study of, r2c>- 
55; bibliography of, 133; illustration 
of, 255-66 

Indices, 10, 67, 68, 186 

Institutions, 83, 142, 74; see also Cen- 
ters and organizations 

Interest group, 41-42; characteristics 
of, 102; outlines for study of, 106-28, 
bibliography of, 105; illustration of, 
237-54 

Interpretation: of social-area, TOO; of 
interest group, 127-28, of immigrant 
group, 151-52, general discussion of, 
11-14, 205-6; illustration of, 251-53, 
256-58 

Interstitial area, see Marginal area 

Interview: technique of, 168-79; with 
old residents, 86-87; criticism of, 25, 
197; social research, 168-79; a & social 
situation, 170; gestures and the, 171- 
72; initial contact of, 172-73; com- 
pletion of, 176-77, record of, 179, 196, 
bibliography of, 179; illustrations of, 
228-32; blank for, 270-71 

Introspection: 8, 163-64; see also Data, 
subjective 

Isolation, 91-^94, 142, 233, 248, 251 

Laboratory social research, 42 
Land values: map of, 64 



Leadership. 83, 97, 109; of a group, 116- 
J 7> 143; illustration of, 251, 256 

Life-history, 115, 136; of immigrant, 
146-50; illustrations of, 261-65 

Maps: technique of, 185-91; ecological 
64-70 (topographical, 65; physical 
structure, 65; building, 66-74, 222- 
23, zoning, 67; business center, 67, 
222-23; l ai *d values, 68, 74, 222 23; 
rent, 75), illustrations of, 218, 222- 
23; of cultural area, 71-74 (national- 
ity, 71-73, 224-25; racial, 73; resi- 
dence, occupation, religions, institu- 
tions, architecture, 73-75); of politi- 
cal area, 75-77, of marginal area, 77- 
78; interpretation of, 68, 190-91, 
bibliography of, 191; form for record- 
ing, 269 

Nationality, see immigrant group 

Natural areas, 25, 53-54, 57, 64; illus- 
tration of, 234, see alw Social area, 
ecological area, cultural area, political 
area, marginal area 

Neighborhood, 41, 52, 70, see also Nat- 
ural area 

Newspapers, 58, 136, 145, special out- 
line for study of, 273-74 

Observation: common-sense, 3, 4, 6, 36; 
technique of, 161-65, personal equa- 
tion and, 162-64; as a record, 164-65; 
criticism of, 165, bibliography of, 167 

Organisations, 95, 100, 141; ecology of, 
in, 226-27; see Interest group 

Participant observer, 104,. 106-7, 243-44 

Personality, 37, 113-15 

Physical environment, 60-61; 64-67; 

map of, 220, 222 
Political area, 54-55; determination of, 

70, 75-77 
Problem, 5-7; listing of, 51, 101, 128, 

153; statement of, 194-95 

Records, 36, 55, 59; see Documents and 

documentation 
Rituals, 109 

Science: aim of, 3-4; procedures of, 5- 
16, theories, 14-16, concepts of, 14- 
15; laws of, 14, 1 6, 35; variations in 
methods of, 30-31 

Scientific method, 4, 8, 17-18, 119 



INDEX OF SUBJECTS 



281 



Social area: natural history of, 82-87; 

contemporary study of, 91-93; we 

Natural area, cultural area, political 

area, marginal area 
Social distance, n 
Sociological research: objectives of, 3- 

18; methods of, 19-32, bibliography 

of, 1 8 
Sociology: denned, 34 35, and other 

sciences, 17-18, 20, 51; and history, 

23-26 

Solidarity: of group, 124, 252 

Statistical method, 6, 26-30, and other 
methods, 30 -31 ; bibliography of, 33 

Statistics, IO-IT; of governmental area, 
88- 89; of immigrants, 135; techniques 
of, 159, maps and, 185-86, of eco- 
logical area, 216 



Status, 123 

Survey: sociological, 47; social, 48-50, 
general plan of, 55 

Techniques, 9, 32, 43, 45; general dis- 
cussion of, 158 60; standardization 
of, 159-60; statement of, 195; see 
Part III 

Territorial group: outlines for study of, 
57-99; bibliography of, 56, illustra- 
tion of study of, 211-36 
Traditions, 83, 109, 123, 139, 144, 256 
Transportation, 66, 83, 89 
Trends, 26, 28, 85; maps of, 188-89 
Type studies scope and use of, 41-46; 
objectives of , 45-46, use of outlines of, 
43-45 



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