Fifty years' observations of men and events, civil and military

S OBSERVATION

AND EVENTS

THE LIBRARY

OF

THE UNIVERSITY
OF CALIFORNIA

DAVIS

FIFTY YEARS' OBSERVATION

OF

MEN AND EVENTS

CIVIL AND MILITARY

BY

E. D. KEYES

BVT. BRIGADIER-GENERAL U. S. ARMY ;
LATE MAJOR-GENERAL U. S. VOLUNTEERS, COMMANDING THE FOURTH CORPS

NEW YORK

CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS

1885

LIBRARY

UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA
DAVIS

.;.- '. .. / <-><..

CONTENTS.

CHAPTER L

for writing tkfe book.— My fast TOW of Scott
—Appointment to Ids staff.— Impressions on Scott doriag mr first
senrket— My first dinner with Kim.— Hb advice— Description of
Scott— Anecdo^— His mling passion ambition.— Hfe opinions of
various pttbtic ineo.— Washington CStr about i$*x-Genentl con-
dWwtof theco»naT»t th^uafcc.— MUitaxj science and its prqfRS&

CHAPTER II.

Scott as a man of galhntiy *»* *** J*53*1 ^ * feanay.— Scott in t&e
Mckty of Wfes»— Hb ^enecal dteneanor.— Fond of swx*l vtatingr. —
Hi$ cv>nT<*satk«u--Anec<fotes. — Hi$ fore of attention.— Views of
ovm vaniase.— Opinion of nanugein thearay.

CHAPTER IIL

Scott as a xfebur, and a wan of it*iwg,~ H» edncat»Mu— Rk stwfies
of t&w.— PttMk «en of ni$ tune.— H«$ londae^ lor
of

CHAPTER

— life vraai* dtxfcais* of

- ««*

tf dMMS*kanwd&~Fondness fcr cinss and wfcfct,

CHAPTER V.

•v Contents.

CHAPTER VI. pAGB

Scott as aChristian.-HiS dislike for religious controversy. -Expres-
bnof religious belief.-His manner of worship. -Comparison of
emLit preachers in French and English.-Strength of ^Scotf . con- ^
victions

CHAPTER VII.

Puritanism. -Its nature, its benefits, and its dangers. -A study of
Puritanism.-Its origin.-The first Puritans. -Result of Puritan
instruction.-Puritans and Catholics in the conversion of the heathen
—Puritan beliefs concerning private judgment.— Character o
present government derived from Puritanism 3

CHAPTER VIII.

The evils of foreign immigration.-Scott opposed to foreign immi-
gration.-My study of his opinions.-Overcrowded population in
Europe.-Anecdotes.-Future of immigration in the Unite
Foresight of Scott on this question

CHAPTER IX.

A review of the autobiography of General Scott-Scott's character as
exhibited in the book. -His comments on e vents. -Bur r s trial.—
Wilkinson.-War with England. -The quarrel with J-^7^
dotes of Jackson.-Van Buren's Administration.-Troubles m Can-
ada.-Anecdotesof a journey with Scott-Scott in ^e South.-The
Cherokees.-Scott as a politician.-His opmionS.-Benton.- * ^
autobiography on the Mexican War

CHAPTER X.

Reminiscences of events and characters from the time of my first ser-
vice with Scott till I rejoined his staff as confidential Military Secre-
tary.-Mycaptaincy.-Farewell dinner from Scott. -Life in Wash-
LgL,-Ordered to Florida. -W. T. Shern^n.-Fort Lauderdale.
-George H. Thomas. - Lieutenant Wyse, and other officers. -
Service in Florida.-In New Orleans. -General Gaines. -Compari
son of Scott and Gaines. -Ordered to Fort Moultrie.-The voyage.
-Purchase of a slave.-The officers at Fort Moultrie.-Quarrel with
Bragg.— Anecdotes of other officers

Contents*

CHAPTER XI.

PAGE

From my appointment to duty at West Point as Chief of Department
of Artillery and Cavalry.— The West Point board.— Nominations
for the post.— My nomination by Lee.— The Military Academy and
its merits.— Influence of Colonel Thayer.— His successors.— Dela-
field, Cullum, and others.— The class of 1846.— McClellan, Foster,
Reno, Couch, Sturgis, Stoneman, Palmer. — Thomas J. Jackson,
Maxey, Pickett— Derby ("John Phoenix ").— Classes of '47 and '48.
—Miss Scott l88

CHAPTER XII.

Generals Lee and Grant.— The military career of Lee.— His personal
appearance.— My last sight of him.— Scott on Lee.— Foreign opinions
of Lee.— Comparison of Lee and Grant.— First sight of Grant.—
Grant in 1880.— His early career.— His civil life.— His re-entry into
the army.— Actions at Forts Henry and Donaldson.— Trouble with
Halleck.— The army in Tennessee under Grant.— Comparison with
ancient and modern generals. — E. B. Was hburne.— Sherman's recog
nition of Grant.— Grant in the Wilderness.— Grant the ablest Amer
ican General 204

CHAPTER XIII.

My journey to San Francisco. —Life in California. — The voyage via
Cape Horn. — Delay at Panama. — Anecdotes of the journey. — San
Francisco in 1849. — The discovery of gold. — San Francisco in early
days. — Fellow officers. — Expedition to the San Joaquin Indians. —
Treaty with them. — Great fire in San Francisco. — California admitted
to the Union. — The Vigilance Committee 223

CHAPTER XIV.

Indian campaigns on the Pacific Coast. — Expedition to Fort Vancouver.
— Indian Fighting. — Return to San Francisco. — Steptoe's disaster in
Washington Territory. — General Clark's move. — At the Dalles. —
The march to Walla Walla. — Cceur d'Alene. — More Indian Fight
ing. — Colonel Wright. — Harney 250

CHAPTER XV.

Return to San Francisco from the Indian War. — Description of society
and individuals. — Condition of California. — The Parrotts, McAllis
ters, Thorntons, Lakes, Donohues, McKinstrys, Gwins, Bowies, and
others. — The Bar of San Francisco. — Leading lawyers 290

vi Contents.

CHAPTER XVI.

PAGE

General Scott's visit to the Pacific Coast. — His conduct and character in
old age. — His appearance. — Judge Ogden Hoffman. — My appoint
ment as Military Secretary. — Scott's growing fondness for money. —
His inactivity. — My own state upon resuming service with him. —
Some general opinions. — Scott's feeling as to sectional politics —
Return to Washington. — Various social events. — Visit of the Prince
of Wales. — Affairs in the beginning of 1860 315

CHAPTER XVII.

Events of 1860 and '61.-— State of the Union and of parties in the
autumn of 1860. — Buchanan's Cabinet. — Election of Lincoln. —
Scott's suggestion of names for Lincoln's Cabinet.— Various social
events in Washington. — General Cameron. — The first demands from
the South. — Hayne's mission. — Petigrew. — Seward's speech. —
Scott's views on the situation. — Stanton's appointment to office. —
First troops ordered to Washington. — Reports from various parts of
the country. — Threats against Lincoln. — Scott's depression 337

CHAPTER XVIII.

Major Anderson and Forts Moultrie and Sumter. — Description of
Anderson. — Anecdotes. — Anderson ordered to relieve Gardner. — His
vigilance. — His masterly movement from Moultrie to Sumter. — The
question of reinforcement. — Expedition of the " Star of the West."
— She is fired upon. — First shots from Sumter. — Beginning of civil
war 367

CHAPTER XIX.

Reinforcements of Fort Pickens. — Captain Vogdes. — Gen. Scott on the
situation of Fort Pickens. — Interview between Lincoln and Scott. —
My interview with the President and Mr. Seward. — The expedition
ordered.— Lincoln's letter of authority.— Gen. Butler. — Close of my
secretaryship. — Service under Morgan of New York 375

CHAPTER XX.

Arrival of Lincoln at Washington. — Caricatures. — Threatening letters.
— Dinner with Stanton. — The retiring President. — The inauguration
of Lincoln. — Visit to New York. — Scott's letter to Texas. — Anec
dotes of Lincoln. — Farewell speeches of Benjamin and Davis 410

Contents. vii

CHAPTER XXI.

PAGE

The War of the Rebellion. —State of affairs at its outbreak .—Letter to
the President. — Bull Run.— The Peninsula. — Letter to Senator
Harris. — Fair Oaks. — Testimony concerning the battle. — The field
revisited.— Conversation with President Lincoln.— Letter from Sec
retary Chase 429

APPENDIX I.

A letter from Col. C. C. Suydam 491

APPENDIX II
Battle of Fair Oaks.-Report of Brig.-Gen. E. D. Keyes, 4th Corps . . 500

FIFTY YEARS' OBSERVATION

OF

MEN AND EVENTS.

CHAPTER I.

INTRODUCTION.

Occasion for writing this book. — My first view of Scott. — Appointment to
his staff. — Impressions on Scott during my first service. — My first dinner
with him. — His advice. — Description of Scott. — Anecdotes. — His ruling
passion ambition. — His opinions of various public men. — Washington
City about 1840. — General condition of the country at that time. —
Military science and its progress.

IN the month of August, 1881, my attention was called
to a controversy, then going on in the newspapers,
the occasion for which was an article from the pen of
the Hon. Jeremiah S. Black, who was Attorney -General
during the administration of Mr. Buchanan.

Mr. Black asserted that the failure to reinforce Fort
Sumter, Charleston Harbor, was due to the delays and
reluctance of Lieutenant-General Winfield Scott, who
was, at the time, the commanding general of the Army.

The statement of Mr. Black was regarded by many as

2 Fifty Years' Observation

an undeserved accusation, and without foundation in
truth.

My former intimate associations with the general, and
my friendly feeling toward him and his alleged accuser,
gave me an especial interest in the controversy, and I
commenced a letter to Mr. Black, with a purpose to re
late such facts and circumstances as I remembered in re
gard to the question in dispute. The subject was so sug
gestive that I soon found my narrative would transcend
the limits of an epistle, and I determined to write my
reminiscences of General Scott, and of other distinguished
persons and events with which I had been associated.

The first time I ever saw General Scott was in the year
1831, when he was the President of the Board of Visitors
at the West Point Military Academy, and I was a cadet
under examination. I was called to the blackboard and
required to work out the barometric formula as in Fran-
cceur's Mechanics. I remember the time with perfect
distinctness, as there was in the course a problem relat
ing to the precession of the equinoxes, that I had not
been able to review, and I feared it would be given to me
and that I should fail, or " 'fess," as the cadets would
say. The announcement of my task made me happy,
and I had time to observe the general without pre-occu-
pation. He was much taller than any other member of
the Board, but not very stout. His complexion was
light, his eyes large, clear, and blue, and it appeared
to me that his face was marked with more lines than I
observed at a later date. His whole appearance was that
of a convalescent nearly restored to good health. As I
proceeded with my demonstration, I noticed that he
looked at me as though he was my teacher, and I ex
pected he would question me, but he did not, and as he
gave the same attention to all the others in the class, I

First Impressions of Scott. 3

could boast of no special distinction. I did not speak to
the general during the three or four weeks he remained
on the Point, and when I went to report to him as act
ing aide-de-camp, on the 2Qth day of October, 1833, he
did not recognize me.

I owed my selection for the Staff to the influence of my
very dear friend, Lieutenant Hugh W. Mercer, who was
the second aide. He was the son of General Mercer, of
the Revolutionary Army, and a gentleman of the purest
type. He was a model of elegance and grace, and his
talents were of a superior order.

General Scott esteemed Mercer so highly as to take me
into his military family upon his sole recommendation.

I arrived at the office in Lispenard Street, New York, at

II o'clock in the morning, and was then first introduced
to my future chief. He received me with a coldness that
chilled the marrow in my bones. Looking up from his
writing, he asked me how long I had been out of the
Military Academy ? I replied sixteen months.

Then turning to Mercer he remarked : " How happened
it that General Jones allowed this young officer to leave
his regiment so soon ? "

Nothing more was said. The general wafted his eye
over me in a way that was not encouraging and resumed
his writing, while I withdrew to a desk in the rear office,
there to await the bidding of my superiors.

From my seat I could always see and hear the old
chief, and I was not slow to learn that his temperament
was irritable, and that he was easily bored. I was told
that the young officer who was my predecessor brought
himself into disfavor and lost his place because he would
every morning question the general about his health, how
he slept, how his family were, etc.

I concluded, therefore, to ask no questions, and only to

4 Fifty Years' Observation.

speak to him when he addressed me, which was seldom.,
as I received my orders mostly through the Assistant Ad
jutant-General.

I took good care to be punctual, and as the mail ar
rived at 10 o'clock A.M., that was the hour I was expected
to be at my post, and 1 made it a point invariably to be
entering the door while the clock of Saint John's Church
was striking ten. I finished everything I had to do
neatly, and with despatch, and in that way I gained ap
proval and secured to myself the reward that follows un-
officious usefulness.

It was often required of me to go to the general for
orders, and to show him papers, but he never said any
thing that denoted the slightest personal interest in me
till I had been with him four months.

One day at the end of that time, after finishing his
writing, he turned in his chair and said, " Mr. Keyes, I
wish you to come and dine with me at four o'clock this
afternoon." I accepted his invitation, which I considered
an order, and at the appointed hour found myself at his
house, No. 5 Bond Street, which at that time was one of
the most fashionable streets in the city.

Lieutenant William C. De Hart, who was first aide-de
camp and assistant adjutant-general, and I were the only
guests, and the dinner, though simple, was good. Al
though I took little part in the conversation at that
dinner, I gained without design a strong point with my
host. Wishing for the salt, which stood nearer to De
Hart than to me, but nearer to the general than to either
of us, I said, " Mr. De Hart, will you please pass me the
salt?" He did so, and I helped myself. Then the
general turned and said, " Young gentleman, you showed
tact in asking Mr. De Hart for the salt instead of me, as
he is more nearly your own age," and his eye rested upon

Funeral of Lafayette. 5

me with a bland expression that was cheering, and ever
afterwards when I went to him for orders he would look
up at me.

Nevertheless I was so much awed in the presence of
my chief that I seldom said a word to him except in reply
to his questions, until after the funeral ceremonies of La
Fayette, which were celebrated in New York in the
month of July, 1834. During the night preceding that
solemn event it rained, and the cobble pavements were
covered with mud and were very slippery.

A dozen or more officers of the army, headed by
Generals Scott and Brady, joined in the procession, and
marched on foot six or seven miles in the blazing sun of
one of the hottest days known. Near the end of the
route, the column halted, and. the officers closed around
the two generals. Remarks were made about the heat,
the mud, the length and slowness of the march, and
several complained of exhaustion. Old General Brady
said, " Mr. Keyes, you don't appear to be tired." " No,"
interrupted Dr. Mower, " the blood meanders calmly in the
veins of this youth." Those simple remarks, and the
friendly attention of those two venerable men — General
Brady appeared very old, and was a captain in 1792 — won
my heart, and to this day I feel an affection for their
memory. It was nearly dark when the ceremony ended
at the City Hall, and General Scott called a carriage,
took me in with him, and drove slowly to Bond Street.

During the whole passage he was giving me advice.
" You are now," said he, " beginning life— you are green
and ignorant of society and of yourself. You appear to be
industrious and studious enough to fit yourself for high
exploits in your profession, and your next object should
be to make yourself a perfect man of the world. To do
that, you must carefully observe well-bred men, like Mr.

6 Fifty Years Observation.

Charles King, Lieutenant Mercer and others. You musi
also learn to converse and to express your thoughts ir
proper language, like Mr. Ogden Hoffman and Dr
Hawkes. You must make acquaintances among the besl
people, and take care always to be respectful to old per
sons and to the ladies ! "

No young man was ever more surprised and astonished
than I was while I listened to the foregoing homily. It was
a manifestation of interest in me that he had never shown
before. The impression it made upon me can only be
understood by knowing how I then felt, and how the
speaker appeared to me.

^The value of my opinion of the hero of my work will be
better estimated if I give my observations upon him
when I was untutored as well as when experience and
time had qualified my judgment. I must therefore de
scribe myself as I was, and him as he seemed at the time
I first joined his staff.

My mother was a puritan of the severest type, but my
father was not a puritan ; consequently there was a possi
bility of my being something else. My father had a strong
will and my mother was the climax of virtue, although
her disposition was saddened by the views she entertained
of religion and accountability.

She read the works of Petrarch, Zimmerman's book on
solitude, Young's Night Thoughts, and every species of
dismal sentimental literature. During all my youth it
appeared to me that my mother spent her evenings
poring over the five folio volumes of Scott's Commen
taries on the Bible. She sought a reason for her faith,
which was of the darkest, coldest shade of Presbyterian-
ism. My grandmother, from whom my mother derived
her peculiar cast of mind, was endowed with the most
extraordinary memory I ever witnessed in a woman. It

Description of Scott. 7

appears to me that she could recite all the poetry ever
conceived by human brains to express every emotion of
sorrow that can arise from discontent, life-long despond
ency, and despair. Even Madame de Stae'l, who surprised
the world by the genius with which she depicted the
various forms of anguish that oppress the human breast,
could not drape this vale of tears in more sombre weeds
than could my grandmother Corey.

As I had a supreme affection and reverence for my
mother and grandmother, I could not fail to participate
in a large degree in the anxiety and doubts with which
their lives were environed. I had scruples which not
even the military training and new associations at West
Point had removed, and the general's advice to me to be
come a perfect man of the world sounded like a lesson in
deviltry. But for the darkness that concealed the ex
pression of my face, he would have seen that I did not
fully accept his teachings ; nevertheless, they have been
verified by time, and I have repeated them to my sons.

At the period referred to General Scott was a little past
the middle life, but still in the perfection of his bodily
and mental powers. He was six feet four and a quarter
inches tall, erect as an Indian chief, with an eye of won
derful force and expression. His features were regular,
his nose nearly straight, although a slight curve added
essentially to the air of command which is peculiar to the
masters of slaves, whether they be white or black. His
martial bearing was enhanced by the remembrance of
past exploits, by constant adulation, by self-content, and
many feasts. Instead of estimating his prominent traits
at a less value because I saw him every day, I valued
them more highly, so that I must have pleased him better
by what I thought than what I did. I listened to his
voice with attention, and accepted his counsels with the

8 Fifty Years' Observation.

docility of Kaled when he stood in the presence of Omar
the Prudent.

As soon as I became planted in his favor, I took care
that my growing should not be retarded by negligence.
I set myself to study the expression of his face and his
habits, when influenced by various emotions, and I was
not slow to learn that to know when to stop speaking
was a capital point. Often would I break away in the
middle of a sentence and be out of his sight in a second.
When I went to his private office or his room, which it
was my duty to do often, if I saw his face did not invite
discourse or company, I would turn and be gone before
he could open his mouth.

Until I knew General Scott's true character, and when
I pictured him from report, I concluded he was a great
soldier and a very vain man. When I became better ac
quainted with him, I discovered new proofs of his excel
lent soldiership, and my opinion of his vanity was essen
tially modified. Old Captain Jock Munro of the artillery
defined him truly when he said : " The jinral thinks well
of himself and is fond of a compliment, but he is willing
to give a compliment now and then in exchange. He is
not like some men we know, who want all the compli
ments to themselves and never give any." He mentioned
the names of two army officers, which I omit.

The general was often extravagantly ironical and exag
gerated in his expressions on many subjects, vanity in
cluded. One evening when I returned from a dinner
party, he asked me what I had to eat. Among other things
I mentioned veal. "Veal!" said he; "did you ever know
a gentleman to eat veal ? " The next day I dined with
him, and he gave me veal and no other meat.

There can be no doubt that the general was vain of
many things, and especially so of his person. For that

Scott s Vanity. 9

there was good reason, since I was often sickened by hear
ing persons of all degrees remind him of his stature and
symmetry, but he was never offended. He referred to it
himself on all occasions, and sometimes under strange cir
cumstances, as in the following example which I heard
him relate several times. It was, I think, in the year 1830
— the general was always minutely particular in naming
the exact date of every event he described — when travel
ling in the northern part of Ohio, he stopped at a coun
try store where they sold liquor by the glass. He had on
a common travelling cap and a plain overcoat that con
cealed his buttons. The landlord having stepped out, he
went behind the counter upon which the glasses stood, to
a desk, and was busy writing a note, when a farmer came
in and called out, " Give me a glass of rum toddy." The
general straightened up, and turning full upon the man,
he exclaimed : " Did you ever know a man six feet four
and a quarter inches tall to sell rum toddy ? "

He told me that when he received his first commission
in the army, which was that of captain, he immediately
ordered a new suit of uniform — sword, sash, cap — every
thing complete, and had it carried into the largest room
in the house, in the diagonal corners of which he placed
two looking-glasses. Then he cleared away all the furni
ture, let in as much light as possible, put on his new uni
form, and strutted back and forth between the mirrors
for two hours. " But," said he, " if any man had seen me,
I should have proceeded at once to put him to death."

He never forgot any allusion or reference to any defi
ciency or fault in his person, dress, or carnage. Colonels
Bankhead, Lindsay, and Eustis used to relate that, when
Scott was a young man, he had a healthy, active appear,
ance, but owing to his extraordinary height he looked
thin, and that he only weighed impounds. The general

IO Fifty Years Observation.

himself more than once recalled to me the impression
made upon others by his youthful figure. He told me
that a man who envied him circulated a story, that before
visiting his lady-love he would have his coat padded, and
put on false calves! Forty years had not subdued his
wrath when he exclaimed, " The idea of me with false
calves!'*

As my narrative proceeds, I shall have occasion to re
late other incidents to show the pride and satisfaction
with which he regarded his own person.

He was equally content with the excellence of his
mental qualifications, as the following incident will prove:
One day I was reading to him a newspaper article in
praise of Henry Clay. The writer described the distin
guished Kentuckian as a man of commanding presence,
with a lofty forehead and a large, loose mouth. He re
ferred also to several other renowned orators — Burke,
Mirabeau, and Patrick Henry — whose mouths were of ex
traordinary size, and he concluded his article with the re
mark, " All great men have large mouths." " All great
men have large mouths ! " exclaimed the general ; " why,
my mouth is not above three-fourths the size it should be
for my bulk ! "

The foregoing citations clearly indicate that General
Scott had a good opinion of himself, and it is certain that
most people thought him excessively vain. Neverthe
less, after my long service and intimacy with him, he did
not leave on my mind the impression of the mean, selfish
vanity in all things which characterized two or three other
men with whose domination I have been cursed. On the
contrary, his vivid fancy and animated utterances in re
gard to himself seemed but responsive to the good quali
ties he had recognized in others. A vast number of men
and women had secured his friendship by their respect

Scott's Ambition. n

and kindness towards him, and he found great pleasure
in describing their virtues to me. He would unfold the
wisdom of the old, the valor of the young, the gentleness
of matrons, the tenderness of maidens of various ages,
the bounties of some and the prudence of others, with
such a genial flow of words that I listened to him with
delight. But I confess I often wondered why I had not
met more characters like those he described to me !

The chief ruling passion of the general was ambition
and its uniform attendant, jealousy. In matters of rivalry
he was easily vexed, and when the thing pursued was of
great distinction, he seemed to go out of his own skin
into that of an angry porcupine with every quill standing
fiercely on end. Wild Medea could not rage as he would
against all men who obstructed the way to the prize he
coveted. He would pour out his venom against his rivals
in terms which showed him skilled in the jargon of ob
loquy; and after two or three years in his company, if I
had credited his descriptions of the superior officers of
the Northern armies in the War of 1812, I must have
concluded that not one of them was above mediocrity and
that several were far below.

He had also many things to say in disparagement of
every aspirant to the Presidency who competed with him.
He thought Harrison was equally insignificant, and weak
in person and mind, and could never find fit words to de
scribe his loathing for Franklin Pierce, who he believed
was the meanest creature that ever aspired to be Presi
dent !

One day when he, Mr. Joseph Blunt and I were dining
together at the Union Club, New York, the general
swooped upon Daniel Webster. Blunt, amazed at his
violence, dropped his knife and fork, looked up and
sought to expostulate, but to no purpose. Scott kept on

12 Fifty Years Observation.

till he had made the great expounder as bad as Belial
and in the same line, and Belial, as Milton informs us,
was

" The dissolutest spirit that fell,
The sensualest, and after Asmodai,
The fleshliest incubus . . ."

The antics of military and political jealousy, like the
follies of love, are beyond the scope of prose, and if we
could uncover the hearts of all rising generals and poli
ticians, we should find them about equally black, and
quite as fully charged with hatred against their rivals as
that of my angry, outspoken chief.

On a former occasion, and before they came into direct
competition for the Presidency, I often heard General
Scott speak in terms of admiration of Mr. Webster's ex
traordinary abilities. I was with the two gentlemen on a
journey from New York to Philadelphia shortly after Mr.
Webster returned from England in the autumn of 1839.
They were wedged together in the same seat, and I sat
in front of them. Both the great men were in a cheerful
mood, and Mr. Webster did nearly all the talking, while
the general listened attentively, thus paying to him an un
usual compliment. Mr. Webster's conversation was more
interesting to me than one of his speeches in the
Senate. He had much to say about the Duke of Wel
lington, Lords Brougham, Palmerston and other distin
guished Britons; I was astonished at what he said of
the Duke of Wellington, whom he thought the ablest
man he met in England. He spoke of Wellington's
orders and despatches, many of which he had read, and
he commented on their force and clearness. He also
praised the elegance of the Iron Duke's manners and the
graces of his conversation, and there can be little doubt
that his judgment of Wellington was correct. No order

We&ster's Memories of England. 13

the Duke ever wrote contained a superfluous word, 01
could by possibility have been misunderstood. If he had
framed laws, and he would never have framed one on a
subject he did not fully understand, they would have been
equally clear, and no lawyer, however astute, could have
driven through them with his coach and four. A statute ^
drawn by a legal gentleman to regulate business he does
not comprehend is usually a nest of law-suits. Mr.
Webster's remarks upon Lord Brougham's character,
writings, and speeches were not so flattering — he found
many flaws, and his general opinion of the Scotchman was
disparaging, as compared with Wellington. He consid-
dered Palmerston a very able statesman, and purely Eng
lish in character. Mr. Webster discoursed at length upon
English agriculture, and described his visit to Mr. Cook's
model farm, of which he gave many interesting particulars.
He had much to say concerning English railroads and
their management, which were at that time in all respects .
vastly superior to those in America. I remember he said
that from London to Liverpool signal men with flags were
placed in sight of one another throughout the entire line ! I
recollect the very words he used to describe our railroads
in America. " They are made," said he, " of two stringers of
scantling notched into ties that often get loose in the ground.
Upon the stringers two straps of iron the width and thick
ness of wagon tires are nailed. These straps of iron fre
quently get detached at the ends, which turn up like
snakes' heads and pierce the floors of the cars." (Such a
thing actually occurred in a car in which General Scott
was seated on his way from Elizabeth to New York.)
" Then," said he, " the wheels slip on the iron straps, in
winter especially, so much that no dependence can be
placed upon the time of arrival, and many people think it
is not certain that railroads will be a success."

14 Fifty Years Observation.

The above was literally true in the year 1840. At that
time the locomotive was a small, weak machine, that was
employed to drag a few pinched, coach-like cars at a
speed of about ten miles an hour. On slightly ascend
ing grades the wheels would often whirl and race
while the train stood still. Now the locomotive is per
fected, and endowed with such power as to be able to
carry along over the face of the earth and across conti
nents a train of palatial cars a quarter of a mile long at a
speed of from forty to sixty miles an hour. Then the
directors and stockholders of railroads constituted the
meekest and most sorrowful class of our citizens. They
were pallid, meagre, supplicating men ; but now they are
a distinct class, to which all the world makes obeisance,
and they have become ruddy, surfeit-swelled, and dicta
torial.

The facilities of intercommunication introduced by
steam, and the enormous developments of wealth result
ing from it, have produced an absolute revolution in the
objects of respect and veneration of our people. Elo
quence and learning, duty, wit, birth, and manners are no
longer regarded, and all who possess those graces are
eager to pay court and servility to the biggest fortunes.
Gold is the only god, and his prophet is the man who pos
sesses most of it. This state of things is verified by all
who boast of an experience of thirty-five years.

At the time I left the Military Academy, and long be
fore, and down to near 1850, there were living and in ac
tivity three illustrious statesmen, all Senators, whose
names were heard every day all over the Union. The
order in which they were mentioned was in accord with
the estimation in which they were held in the different
sections. In the East and North it was Webster, Clay,
and Calhoun. In the West it was Clay, Calhoun, and

The Country About 1840. 15

Webster ; and in the South it was Calhoun, Clay, and
Webster. The consideration in which those men were
held — and they were all poor — was not only an evidence
of their genius, but it was a proof of the dignity of
thought and an example of the prevailing public opinion.
During the same period there lived two military men,
Winfield Scott and Andrew Jackson, whose opinions were
undisputed in all questions relating to war. There were
also many authors and men of science who enjoyed re
spect, and only one who possessed a mystic and unap*
proachable renown for being rich, and that was John
Jacob Astor. Mr. Astor was not personally ostentatious,
but towards the end of his life he entertained at his table
many literary and scientific men. He was always enter
prising and industrious, and he built for use and not for
show. I shall have more to say of Messrs. Webster, Clay,
Calhoun, and Jackson in the succeeding chapters, this
one being devoted to outlines and general characteristics
which I will fill up and develop hereafter.

To understand the character and extent of the revolu
tion effected by steam and electricity in the last forty-
five years, we must consider the condition of society in
America from the time the first railroad was in operation,
in 1830, the first friction match was used, about 1837, and
the first telegraphic message was sent, in 1844. 1° l838
Samuel Swartwout, being Collector of Customs for the
Port of New York, was found to be defaulter to the
amount of $1,200,000. That discovery produced a shock
in every corner of the United States greater than would
be caused to-day if that city, with all its people and
structures, were to be engulfed by an earthquake.

The building of the Astor House shortly before that
date was a greater surprise and more talked about than
any other edifice that has been subsequently erected

1 6 Fifty Years' Observation.

in America. In 1838 a man with a clear annual income
of $6,000 or $8,000 was considered rich, and there were
not then five private two-horse carriages in the city of
New York the owner's names of which I did not know ;
and I was personally acquainted with a majority of them.

The city of Washington was a dirty, shabby village,
and to go there from New York required two days. The
arts of cooking and keeping a hotel were in their dawn,
and the headings in the newspapers from time to time
announced thirty days, and now and then sixty days, lat
er news from Europe. The country between Utica and
Buffalo was mostly covered with forests, and in travelling
through it in a stage-coach in the spring of 1838 I saw
many deer. In the autumn I was ordered to St. Louis, and
the journey from New York occupied twenty-eight days.
The last 350 miles I was carried in an open farm wagon
over a part of Indiana and the whole of Illinois. The
boastful city of Chicago was scarcely known, and in that
very year a letter was addressed as follows : " Mr. Seth
Fisher, Chicago — near Alton — Illinois." Alton was a
small settlement on the Mississippi, above its junction
with the Missouri.

The art of land and maritime warfare and the means
of assault and defence had been at a standstill 200
years, and in many particulars, over 300 years. The
model of the twelve bronze cannon, made during the
reign of Charles V. of Spain, and called the Twelve
Apostles, was considered good in 1840. Vauban's fortifi
cations, 200 years old, had scarcely been changed, and the
flint lock was still employed. The use of gunpowder
had increased the facilities of slaughter so suddenly as
to produce a kind of lethargic contentment in the human
mind, and the genius of inventions to kill remained in re
pose hundreds of years. It was finally awakened about

Progress in the last Forty Years. 17

the year 1845 by Captain Minie of the French army,
who invented the Minie ball and rifle in about the year
1846. His invention has been succeeded by that of many
new and fearfully destructive explosives, and the com
plete change of model in artillery and small arms tending
vastly to increase their range. The Parrott gun, which is
made by swedging a jacket of wrought upon a tube of
cast iron, is the invention of a West Pointer a few years
later. That weapon played an important part in the Re
bellion, and it kills at an immense distance.

In theology, law, surgery, therapeutics, chemistry, and
engineering there has been wonderful activity. Christi
anity continues to rear her temples, and the conceited
creatures who boast their skepticism and infidelity are not
increasing in numbers, but it would seem that the in
tricacies and subterfuges of the law are multiplying.
Surgery has advanced immensely and therapeutics show
amelioration. On the whole, the present material con
dition of mankind may be considered satisfactory. Re
ligion, surgery, chemistry and engineering are prosperous,
and if a man is now more to be pitied when he falls into
the clutches of the law and his property is coveted by
sharpers, he is safer when he trusts himself with a doctor.

Artists have greatly increased in numbers, and in the
opinion of some of them their works are approaching the
excellence of the past. It is clear to me, nevertheless,
that no man has lived within the last 100 years who has
originated a form of beauty, whether linear, superficial or
solid, that had not already been equalled and often ex
celled. Eloquence and art have long been exhausted de
velopments, and of music I am not a judge. It is under
going change and it may be improving.

My reminiscences have noted all the changes above de
scribed, but in the essential qualities of the human heart I

1 8 Fifty Years' Observation.

have found no change. Everywhere the young man thinks
his own love is the most beautiful being that lives. The
ambitious man esteems himself as best fitted for the office
to which he aspires, and hates his rivals, and if he fails he
curses the world's ingratitude and lack of appreciation.
Several men are at all times living who imagine the world
cannot do without them, and no person thinks his service
overpaid by the praise or money bestowed upon him.
Finally, pride, conceit, or snobbery usually attend all sud
den exaltations to wealth or power, while envy, slander, and
hypocrisy never sleep. If the record of my past obser
vations fails to make good all these assertions, it will be
because I lack the capacity of an able chronicler.

CHAPTER II.

Scott as a man of gallantry and the head of a family. — Scott in the society
of ladies. — His general demeanor. — Fond of social visiting. — His conver
sation. — Anecdotes. — His love of attention. — Views of married life. —
His own marriage. — Opinion of marriage in the army.

IT would be impossible to convey a full knowledge
of General Scott's character without describing his re
lations with the opposite sex. My observations of his
conduct in the society of ladies are perhaps rendered
more distinct by a certain marked contrariety in our
natures. He always declared himself to be a gallant
gentleman, and such, in a dubious sense, he was. It is
true he never omitted to speak kindly to women, and
when he was in their society he addressed them with a
sort of tenderness which only appeared strange to me by
its eternal sameness. From all I could learn from his
conversation and conduct, he never had a desultory love
affair in his whole life, and he never allowed himself
to be swayed or diverted from his purpose by a woman,
and no one ever gained the slightest hold upon him.
These facts appear strange when we reflect that he
possessed in an unusual degree the qualities which uni
versally attract them, such as courage, manly bearing,
martial exploits, and contempt for money. His indiffer
ence enabled him to escape the evils which unprincipled
females so often inflict upon our sex ; at the same time he
lost the benefits which attend the companionship and
counsels of the better sort, for no man can be prosperous

2O Fifty Years' Observation.

and happy who is not governed by a good woman, nor fail
to be wretched if led by a bad one.

During the two-and-a-half years in which he was occu
pied with the troubles on the Canadian Frontier, the re
moval of the Cherokee Indians, and the settlement of
the Northeastern Boundary, we were in continual move
ment. General Scott was then so popular that in all the
cities and towns from Maine to Georgia, and from Boston
to Detroit, his presence was greeted by immense crowds,
and he was frequently beset by women, who clustered
around him like summer flies. As I always kept near
him, I was equally surprised and amused to notice the
sameness of his salutations and responses to all who ad
dressed him. Among those who approached I saw every
variety of female yet enumerated. Thin-lipped, sharp-
nosed vixens, loud-talking viragos, stately matrons, senti
mental damsels, joyous maidens, faded and dejected spin
sters, prancing widows, fussy house-wives, willing dames
and scandal-mongers would all leave his presence content
with having been gently spoken to by the great general.

General Scott was fond of social visiting and of sitting
in conversation with small assemblies of his intimate
friends. He would join in the discussion of all subjects
of family and domestic interest with such feeling and can
dor as would gain the sympathy of his auditors. Some
times, however, he would indulge in a license with young
ladies that would appall me. I have seen him, while yet
in his prime, call to him the most debonaire maiden pres
ent, spread her palm upon his, examine her hand with
leisure scrutiny, and then bestow a kiss upon her forehead !
He would do all this with such an innocent pudency, and
such an air of patriarchal gravity, that there was no more
suggestion of dalliance in his actions than in the benedic
tion of a saint.

Scott's Behavior to Women. 21

In all societies of either sex, or mixed, General Scott's
conversation was universally free from the slightest tinge
of lasciviousness, and he would invariably rebuke all allu
sions to that subject. I never knew him to engross an
opportunity to be alone with a woman, nor with one ex
ception, which I will give further on, did I hear him re
late an adventure with one, which might not have been
described in the society of the most fastidious ladies. I
never gave him cause to rebuke me for any grossness of
conversation, although I sometimes caused him to look
serious when I read to him, or made a quotation, from
books or poems that were not of his liking. When, in so
ciety, he saw me too attentive to women whose allures
did not please him, he would afterwards give me a lect
ure or an admonition, which I considered unmerited,
since nearly all the ladies I consorted with were fit for
vestals. Such was my reputation among mothers, that I
was constantly trusted to travel and be alone with young
ladies, and if all the dead could be restored to testify with
the living to the truth I should stand acquitted of the
slightest betrayal of my trust.

Occasionally I was heedless in my conversations in gen
eral society, as the following example will show by the
details of it, which I will faithfully recite. At one time
when we arrived at a large Northern town, the inhabi
tants offered a ball to the general, which he accepted. He
attended the ball and remained till its close, contrary to
his usual habit. It happened that among the guests there
was an intimate friend of mine, who was accompanied by
his wife, to whom he had been married only a few months,
and to whom he introduced me. The bride was radiant
with health and beauty, and her countenance sparkled
with intelligence and spirit. I confess to an instant ad
miration, which I proceeded to exemplify by a warmth of

22 Fifty Years1 Observation.

manner and a persistence of attentions that soon brought
upon me the gaze of my chief, which I heeded not. I
danced with her and I waltzed with hen Then we pro
menaded and danced together again. In one of our cir
cuits around the room our way was through a narrow pas
sage between two rows of chairs occupied by wall flowers,
and we were obliged to press together in a way that
shocked the general. When the ball was over I joined
my superior and walked with him to his chamber. He
was not in a good humor, said nothing, and all I said was,
" I'm sorry the ball is breaking up so soon." The moment
the door was closed, he exclaimed, " Who was that woman
you were with all the evening ?" I told her name, and,
after some remarks that were not flattering to her, he
proceeded to lecture me. He had observed us walking
arm in arm through the narrow passage, and declared that
my conduct was indecent. This last word agitated me,
and in a hasty attempt to justify myself I committed a
serious fault. I told him that as we approached the nar
row passage, I said to the lady, " We must pass this defile
single, or pack close." " Will that annoy you ? " said she.
"What did you say to her? " interrupted the general sud
denly. " I said no ! with effusion." My reply was not
relished by the old chief, although it was in keeping with
the hilarity with which I was still surcharged. He was be
ginning to show anger, and having no other means of de
fence I resorted, as was my custom on frequent occasions,
to a quotation. Looking up at him smiling, I said,
" General !

" ' Your own precedent passions will inform you
What levity's in youth . . .'"

Then his countenance relaxed, and he said : " Young

gentleman, you'd better go to bed " — and to bed I went.

History records that some of the most intrepid warriors

Anecdotes of Scott. 23

have been not only bashful, but actually afraid in the
presence of ladies. Charles the Xllth of Sweden was
one example, and I think Marshal Ney was another.

General Scott once told me a story of himself to show
that he was more scared by a broomstick in the hands of
a woman than he could have been by a sabre in the
hands of a Turk !

" It was during my college vacation," said he, " and I
was at home near Petersburg. One day I started on a
long walk through the country, and after a tramp of sev
eral miles I arrived at a farm-house, where I stopped to
get a glass of milk. There was no one present but the
farmer's wife, who was a stout, buxom woman, and I fell
into conversation with her. In a short time the devil put
it into my head to take manual liberties with her ; but at
my first motion she sprang away, seized a broom, and
came at me with a fury such as only an earnest female
can display. The door being open I shot through — she
pursuing and abusing me — cleared a high fence, and ran
with all speed across the fields till I got clear of the sound
of her voice ; and that, sir," said he, " is the only advent
ure of the kind that I ever undertook."

On another occasion he was horribly frightened by an
actress. We were stopping at the Astor House, on our
return from the North. The general occupied a room on
the second floor, and in the corresponding room of the
third story there lodged a young tragedy queen whose

name was Josephine , and who was more famous for

her personal than for her histrionic accomplishments. She
was six feet three inches tall, her complexion was a light
clear brunette, and her eyes were large and lustrous. Her
form was symmetrical, though a trifle full, and her
womanly proportions were redundant. Altogether she
was a wonderful girl to behold. Miss Josephine; who

24 Fifty Years' Observation.

was probably in a brown study or thinking of her r6le, mis
took her loft, and with her head down opened the door, and
actually stood for a moment within the room, and in the
presence of Major-General Winfield Scott! When she
saw him sitting in his wrapper strapping his razor, she
exclaimed " Oh ! " and left. I met her as she went away
near the stairway, and noticed no signs of agitation in
her, but when I entered the general's room his face was the
picture of terror. " Did you see that woman? " " Yes,"
said I. " Well," said he, " she's been in my room ! " and
he added harsh expressions which I omit.

He seemed seriously alarmed lest his reputation should
be compromised, and he was scarcely satisfied until he
was assured that the actress opened his door thinking it
was her own.

In matters of the heart it was not easy for me to com
prehend my chief, whose conduct seldom conformed with
its dictates as observed in others. It is usually recog
nized that young men derive more happiness from loving
than in being loved. In advanced life when time has
torpified the faculties, and when the dark shadow of old
age has fallen upon him, the old man knows no happi
ness that is comparable with that of being loved by a
woman. He will even part with his gold to gain affec
tion. Most men of sixty have passed through the change
above described, but General Scott, so far as I could ob
serve, or had learned, remained always stationary, and he
was equally ignorant of either extreme. What he desired
was attention, and that he craved incessantly. He was
quite as fond of old as of young women, whether single
or married. If he had a preference, it was for old maids,
whose hair was well silvered, as the following incident
will show :

When he was over seventy, and we lived at Wormley's

A Defence of Old Maids. 2$

in Washington, we usually walked to the office at about
ten o'clock in the morning. As we were moving along in
silence through the square in front of the White House,

we met Miss , to whom we bowed, and whom we both

knew and esteemed as one of the ornaments of her sex.
After passing her a few steps, I said in a soliloquizing
tone, " I suppose the most calamitous condition of a
woman is to be an old maid." We were then in the
shade of a clump of bushes, and the general had my arm,
which he pulled violently and stopped. " I am shocked,"
said he, " at your cruel, senseless speech. You never
could make a more wanton assertion, or one that is less
deserved. Instead of it being a calamity it is often a
blessing, and those you call old maids are generally the
best of their sex." He continued in that strain at least
ten minutes, and gave me not a moment to defend my
self, and he did not wish to hear me. I must therefore
defend myself now, for I can say with all sincerity that
in the main I agree with him. My long experience has
brought me to the conviction that, in the proportion of
numbers, I have found more amiable, lovable, and de
serving women among old maids than among married
women of equal ages. Many accomplished women re
main single by reason of self-sacrifice to family and friends.

I could cite numerous anecdotes to prove that his re
gard for women was not dependent upon youth, beauty,
or wit, but upon alacrity of attentions. This history of a
visit, which I will relate as proof, will not only establish
my position, but it will also show the wonderful influence
of an energetic female, and prove a warning to mothers.

While we were stopping a week on the northern fron
tier, many farmers of the neighborhood came with their
wives and daughters to pay their respects and to see
the general. Among them was a Mrs. B and her

26 Fifty Years* Observation.

husband. I say Mrs. B , for it was she who did all the

talking, and she invited the general and me to tea at her
house on the evening of the following day. She said
she would send John with the carnage to bring us out.
The distance being five miles, it was getting dark when
we arrived. It was easy to see, however, that we were
visiting a well-to-do farmer, that the buildings were spa
cious and the grounds in beautiful order. Mrs. B

was on the steps to receive us, and her husband was stand
ing within the door. She seized the general's hand and
welcomed him with excessive gladness. The lady was of
the sanguine bilious temperament, which denotes force —
tall, rather spare in person, her face long, nose the same
and high and thin with a slight cant to the left, eyes dark and
firmly set, teeth good. She wore a white muslin cap ruffled
all around and tied under the chin. She had on also a
white apron, and her dress and all her surroundings denoted
the extreme of neatness and order. In age she appeared
about forty-five, and a stranger to every sort of malady.
On entering the house we were conducted to a large
parlor, which contained several pieces of furniture that ap
proached elegance, and in various places could be seen
articles of ladies' handiwork. A row of high-backed chairs
stood against the wall on three sides of the room, in one
corner of which was a small round table. Several family
pictures adorned the walls, and that of the man of the
house reminded me of a portrait I had once seen of the
late Job Caudle. At the end of a few minutes we were

taken into the dining-room, where we found Mr. B and

two full-grown girls. "These are my * darters,' " said

Mrs. B to the general, and then she asked him to take

the seat on her right. The table was covered with a vast
variety of good things — broiled chicken, oysters, beef
steaks, hot and cold bread, butter, cream, and many kinds

77ie Loquacious Mrs. B. 27

of cakes and preserves, besides tea and coffee. Mrs. B 's

loquacity was astonishing, and the ingenuity with which
she varied her compliments and her solicitations to the
general to make him eat of everything on the table was
wonderful. He did eat more cakes and preserves than I
ever saw him eat before, and to satisfy his hostess he
tasted all the sweets which the lady said she had " put up"

with her own hands. Mr. B , the girls and I scarcely

said a word, and for myself I was content to listen to
the principal personages, who seemed mutually pleased
with one another.

At the end of an hour we returned to the parlor. Mrs.
B stopped at the little round table and asked the ge
neral to sit near her. The girls passed across the room
and placed themselves side by side in chairs against the
wall. I had the courage to draw out another chair and
wheel it into such a position that by turning my face to

the right I could see Mrs. B and to the left the

" darters." Mr. B took a seat by himself. The girls

were so ruddy and healthful that, notwithstanding their
silence at the tea-table, I supposed I should easily get
them to talk ; but in this I was sadly mistaken. I began
by asking them questions about themselves and their
home, but they answered by monosyllables. Then I spoke
of myself, my travels and adventures, which awakened no
interest. Then I referred to churches, theatres, plays, and
sports, and schools, but all in vain. Finally I discussed
novels and quoted poetry, and of all I hit upon there was
only one thing that either of them knew, and that was a
stanza from one of Watts's hymns.

Being absolutely discouraged, I sat musing in silence on
the power of that woman who was entertaining my chief.

The unceasing pressure of her will had arrested the men
tal developments of her offspring, and she had henpecked

28 Fifty Years Observation.

her husband to a nonentity. Her children were probably
not deficient in natural capacity, but their aspirations and
individuality had been alike repressed and blasted. Fond,
selfish mothers often overwhelm their daughters with
such pernicious watchings, and instead of studying their
bent by fostering the guardian virtues and allowing the
swelling buds of youth to expand in beautiful flowers,
they hedge them in with frigid cautions, which are as fatal
to loveliness as the sting of the worm that kills the tender
shrub

" Ere it can spread its sweet leaves to the air,"
Or dedicate its beauty to the sun."

At about 9 o'clock my uneasiness was relieved by the

general, who rose to depart. Mrs. B followed him

into the hall and continued her prattle. She threatened
to inflict upon him a long front-door discussion, which is
one of the greatest of all social pests, but he forced his
way out. If my worst enemy could establish that I had
ever in mixed company been found within a house at the
end of one minute after I had signified that " I must go,"
my courage should fail and I would confront the social
world- no longer. Once in the carriage I found that the
general, instead of being in a sulk, as I expected, was in
a glee. He praised the tea-table and the house and its
mistress, who he thought was a first-class manager, upon
which I remarked : "And what haste she made to enter
tain you." At this the general laughed heartily and said :
" But where was the good man of the house ? did you
see him after tea ? " " Yes," said I, " he came into the
parlor and sat down."

" I didn't observe him — when did he go out ? "
" Ah, that is more than I can tell ; but I am equally sure
that he came into the parlor, and that he was not there
when we left."

Scotfs Views of Marriage. 29

The foregoing account of our visit is strictly true as re
gards its essential facts, but I have condensed the conver
sations, interwoven a few moral reflections, and added
certain flourishes of my own with a view to give effect to
the most striking example of high-principled petticoat
government that I have known.

General Scott's character as a man of gallantry could
not be justly estimated without knowing his views of
married life. At about the age of 30 he was wedded to
a young Virginia lady, who was widely celebrated for her
beauty and wit. When I came to know her and to enjoy
the benefits of her society she was in the full maturity
of her faculties, and although it has chanced to me to en
joy the acquaintance of many of the grandest and most
gifted dames of all the Christian nations of the world, I
remember none who, in breeding and accomplishments,
were the superior of Mrs. Scott. Her husband always re
ferred to her with pride and affection, but as he and she
were each the centre of attraction to great numbers of
people, they were often separated. As old age approached,
Mrs. Scott, although she was by nature strong and en
during, declined in health, and as she found herself better
in Europe than in America, she passed the closing years
of her life abroad, where she died. The animadversions
upon their frequent separation were always much exag
gerated. I shall never forget Mrs. Scott's kindness to
me, nor her numerous acts of social beneficence and
charity, which I often witnessed.

Many of General Scott's frequent references to matri
mony were doubtless sportive, but no one could be
habitually near him and not conclude that in his opinion
marriage is not promotive of human happiness. He often
quoted Dr. Johnson's expression, " It cannot be denied
that there is in the world much connubial infelicity." In

3O Fifty Years' Observation.

Johnson's writings we find other sentences of the same
import, but it is certain that he loved his own ugly wife,
and that he is the author of the following maxim, which
offsets his innumerable slurs upon the institution which he
so strongly commends: "Marriage is the best state of
man in general, and every man is a worse man in propor
tion as he is unfit for the married state."

At one time we had before us an engraving to represent
Dr. Johnson reading Goldsmith's manuscript of the Vicar
of Wakefield. Johnson holds the writing close to his
eyes ; Goldsmith sits near in his dressing gown and looks
anxious, while his landlady stands in the doorway, which
she fills full. I said to the general: " Goldy looks anxious,
for he knows if the doctor don't approve his book, so
that he can sell it and pay his board bill, that he will be
turned out of doors." " No, sir," said the general, "his
landlady has threatened that if he don't pay his board
he must marry her. His anxiety is not to pay, but
to escape the fangs of matrimony." He repeated : " Yes,
sir, he must pay his board bill or be clutched in the
fangs of matrimony."

I could always amuse my chief by quotations to show
the unhappiness and disappointments of matrimony.
Shakespeare says :

" War is no discord to the unquiet house,
And the detested wife."

But the great bard has reference to a bad wife, which is a
fearful infliction.

I once restored him to good humor by quoting from
Burton's " Anatomy of Melancholy." It was at a time
when he was aspiring to the Presidential nomination.
One of his opposing candidates was rich, but his wife was
old, peevish, and sickly. The general, after summing up

Marriage in the Army. 31

his rival's qualifications in his usual style of depreciation
in such cases, added : " And yet this man can get money
and is very rich ; the public turn their eyes up at him."

At this point I interjected my quotation. " General,"
said I, " if you would envy Euphorion his big fortune,
you must be willing to take his old wife with it." The
fitness of my allusion dispelled his irritation, and he
laughed and changed the subject.

The marriage of young officers of the army, which was
probably more frequent than it is now, was the subject of
his constant animadversion. He thought there should be
a law to restrain and regulate the marriage of officers of
the army and navy, as there is in France and some other
countries. In France a dotation for the bride is pre
scribed and is held by the government, the interest only
being paid to her during her life.

The temerity of young graduates from the Military
Academy was often a subject of amazement to old offi
cers. It was not unusual to see a second lieutenant, four
months after graduating, start off for Council Bluffs,
Laramie, or Fort Towson, or Fort Leavenworth, any one
of which at that time was nearly as inaccessible as is the
source of the Amazon, carrying with him two large brass-
bound trunks, and a wife bigger and sometimes older
than himself.

As the whole income of the pair was only $62.50 per
month, the bride in her far-away home was obliged to do
her own housework. General Scott often told me that
he had many times seen the wives of officers stationed at
these remote posts at the washtub, with their sleeves
rolled up. Some of these strange combinations produced
large families of children, which fact convinces us that, if
Heaven were not merciful, there would be more paupers
than there are in the world.

32 Fifty Years' Observation.

Notwithstanding his flings at marriage, the general
took a special interest in the engagements of his young
friends. When I first proposed and was accepted, he
was the first person to whom I disclosed that most fortu
nate event of my life. On the day following we were
alone in the office, and I said :

" General, I have some news to tell you."

" What is it ? " said he.

" I'm engaged to be married ! "

" Engaged to be married," said he, holding up both his
hands. "To whom?"

" To Miss Caroline M. Clarke."

" Who is Miss Caroline M. Clarke, and where is she
from?"

" She is the youngest daughter of a retired lawyer of
New York, and she lives in Brooklyn." Then I added a
florid description of my intended, which caused my chief
to smile. He wished to know how I became acquainted
with Miss Clarke. I told him it was by accident, and as
follows :

I was living far up Broadway, and had a parlor and bed
room in the third story of a house which is still standing.
In the same house resided with her mother a young, accom
plished girl,who was the cousin of an Episcopal clergyman's
daughter of New York, who was also the cousin of Miss
Clarke. The three young ladies found themselves to
gether in the parlor below mine, at 9 o'clock in the even
ing, dressed for a party, and accompanied by a single
beau. The mother of the resident came up to my room,
and requested me to come down u and see a beautiful
sight." I descended in haste, was introduced to Miss
Clarke, and was captivated on the instant. Her aunt
suggested that I should join the company and go with
them. I consented, dressed in a hurry, handed Miss Clarke

Scott and the Phrenologist. 33

to her carriage, and at the ball, which was full of beauty,
I devoted my exclusive attentions to her. Those atten
tions led to my marriage with her.

I begged the general not to speak of what I had told
him, but instead of promising me not to do so, he con
tinued to talk with me in a jocular strain till I left. I
went directly to my lodgings, remained there about ten
minutes, and then I proceeded to make a call at the house
of Mr. Charles King, in Bleecker Street. When I rang at
the door it was not a minute over an hour since I had left
my chief, and he was the only one in the city, as I sup
posed, who knew my secret. What was then my dismay
on entering to be met with the noisy salutations of four
or five ladies, who called out together : " So you are en
gaged to be married, Mr. Keyes ! When is the wedding
to come off? Is she good-looking? " etc., etc.

They refused to tell me how they knew I was engaged,
and it was a considerable time before I learned. It turned
out that the general left the office shortly after I did, and
by chance he met Mrs. King, who was on her way home,
told her I was engaged to be married, and she arrived
only fifteen minutes in advance of me.

Before summing up his claims as a man of gallantry, I
will relate an incident which provoked in me an exclama
tory quotation that came near bringing upon me a rebuke
for coarseness. I escaped the rebuke, but gave occasion
for a remarkable declaration from the general. While
the English Professor Coombe was in America, he en
joyed great repute as a craniologist. One day the gen
eral went without me, and had his head examined. On
his return he gave me the card on which his bumps were
classified. Nearly all the numbers were high, and when
I saw the highest mark for the sexual instinct, I exclaimed,
" Why, General, he has marked you maximum for amative-
2*

34 Fifty Years1 Observation.

ness ! I suppose you never felt the stings and motions of
the sense.'* Half of my exclamation was out before I
looked up and saw a cloud on his brow. It did not break,
however, and the general, who was standing, raised his
hand, and with an air and attitude of profound solemnity
said : " The professor did not mistake me, but I have al
ways curbed my mutinous appetites. Since my wedding
day I never violated my marriage vow, nor did I ever give
a human being cause to imagine that I desired to violate
it. I pledge my soul, my honor and my life that all I
now say is strictly true." Without his grand asseveration,
I should have conceded to General Scott the entire
credit of an absolute purity of life and conversation; and
we may conclude with certainty that he never had an
intrigue, and that against the dribbling darts of love he
preserved a complete bosom.

Before announcing my own judgment of the general's
claims to gallantry, I submitted some of the proofs I have
given above to one of my lady acquaintances. The per
son selected for reference is rich in the guarded treasures
of womanhood, balanced in judgment, in form and man
ners most attractive, and deeply skilled in the alchemy of
the heart. She delivered her opinion in such gracious
language and lucid illustrations, as would have won me
from a false conclusion, but which, as she coincided with
mine, deserves to be accepted as conclusive. She declared
that a gentleman of such a position and with the oppor
tunities for observation enjoyed by General Scott, and
who had never acknowledged the empire of a single
woman to usurp his will, to cheer his spirit and to rule
his conduct, could not be considered a man of gallantry ;
and such is my decision.

The lack of those qualities which entitle a man to be
called gallant caused General Scott to prefer the society

Scott's Lack of Gallantry. 35

of his own to that of the opposite sex — consequently he
missed the highest grade of social enjoyment, which can
only be found in the company of enlightened, high-bred
ladies. I doubt if he ever comprehended the meaning, or
felt the ecstatic delight of those feminine euphonies which
proclaim the touch of hearts, such as — " Did you miss
me ? "— " Did you think of me ? "— " You don't mean it ! "
and other similar pearls of speech, which to a man of true
gallantry constitute the spice of life.

CHAPTER III.

Scott as a scholar, and a man of reading. — His education. — His studies of
law. — Public men of his time. — His fondness for philology. — Knowledge
of French. — Criticisms upon various authors. — Mathematics. — Scott's
favorite quotations. — His association with learned men.

AS I intend to pass in view all the characteristics of
General Scott's career, and to illustrate it by
speeches and events anterior to his old age, and without
a chronological order, I will now describe him as a scholar
and man of reading.

He was well educated, although he did not complete
his college course, and he preserved throughout his life
the habit of a constant and general reader. He studied
common, civil, statute and military law, and gave great
attention to international law, and was familiar with the
works of all its standard writers. While he was engaged
in pacifying the Canadian troubles, and settling the North
eastern and Northwestern boundaries, I enjoyed all
the frequent discussions between him and many other
eminent men, among the principal of whom were Presi
dent Van Buren, Mr. Webster, Mr. Poinsett, Mr. Preston,
Governor Marcy, Mr. John C. Spencer, Mr. John J. Crit-
tenden, Mr. John Van Buren, son of the President, Mr.
Gouverneur Kemble, Governor Edward Everett, Mr.
Harrison Gray Otis, Mr. Jeremiah Mason, Mr. Ogden
Hoffman, Mr. Charles King, Governor Fairfield, Senator
Evans, Sir John Caldwell, on the part of Sir John Harvey,
and many others.

Orators of* the Time. 37

What floods of light those mighty minds poured upon
their subject ! Webster, Otis, and Mason I only heard
twice each. The first seemed like Juggernaut rolling on
to crush everything. The last two were like giants in de
cline : the light they shed resembled the slant rays of the
setting sun — warm, but void of scintillation. Spencer's
arguments were forcible, at the same time subtle as com
ing from a nature that was essentially cold and as sombre
as the caverns of the deep. Marcy was among the most
powerful, but he was homely in speech, and, notwith
standing his ability and learning in law and statesman
ship, he was not genial to me, and there were certain
traits of the politician in him that I did not like. Presi
dent Van Buren was both polished and able in an uncom
mon degree, and when he discussed our relations with the
Indians, and with England, although he was the Chief
Magistrate, he showed less dogmatism than many others
who had no authority whatever. Preston, Hoffman, King
and Everett dressed their redundant explanations in a
flowery diction, and gained audience by their charms of
voice and manner. In Mr. Preston I saw in perfection
the slaveholder's grace of movement and frankness of in
tercourse. Hoffman was negligent in dress and careless
in manners, but in the sonorous sweetness of his voice
and the amplification of his arguments he stood un
rivalled. Everett and King were stately in appearance,
and elegantly precise in manner. Everett's voice was
good, and, notwithstanding his ready fluency of speech, I
never heard him utter a sentence that needed correction
for the press. Both these men were polished scholars.
Crittenden, whose vocalization was superb, was remark
able for the skill with which he could marshal his illus
trations, a skill which gained him repute as the most able
debater in Congress. He, too, was seldom neatly dressed,

38 Fifty Years' Observation.

and he chewed tobacco and spat constantly. It would
have been well for Mr. Crittenden if he had played the
man of fashion a few years in his youth. It would cer
tainly have improved his personal appearance and habits
of spitting, but it might have deprived him of his com
mon sense. The school of fashion is beneficial to an ora
tor who - aspires also to be a gentleman, but if he re
mains in it too long, and is a slave to it he will waste him
self and die young, or live in discontent. Sir John Cald-
well, who came to see General Scott as the representative
of Sir John Harvey, who was the lieutenant-governor of
New Brunswick, had much to say upon the subject of in
ternational law. He was clever enough, but stolid in
manner and appearance. Generally non-concurrent, he
displayed to perfection the traditional British oppug-
nancy. Scott, although he was not habituated to public
discussions, was the peer of the most able of them all in
knowledge of his subject. The effect of all these learned
disputes upon me was to excite admiration for the inge
nuity of the speakers. I was, however, convinced that in
ternational law, if it is an admirable subject for debate
among diplomatists, is but of small moment to the na
tion which has power to protect its own frontiers from in
vasion, and spirited enough to give an easy feeling to its
merchants and to its own citizens abroad.

The general had an excessive fondness for philology, and
it was his study to find the exact meaning of words and
their correct pronunciation. Johnson and Walker were his
standard authorities, and one day when he went to place
his daughter at a boarding-school, seeing Webster's
Dictionary lying on the table, he retired before the lady
came in, and placed his daughter at another establish
ment. I was subject to his instruction fifteen years and
more, and whenever he heard me mispronounce a word

Scott on French Literature. 39

he would correct me wherever we might be. Many times
did he call out and repeat the word, giving its correct
pronunciation, although at a dinner party and ten files
from me. While we were travelling at the North and so
journing at hotels with Governor M , he thought I

was becoming negligent, and he corrected me with annoy
ing frequency. I took an opportunity when the governor
was absent and said : " General, you can't teach me faster
than I can learn ; suppose you give a few lessons to

Governor M ." " Ah ! " said he, "that's an unweeded

garden ; life's too short to clear it." I agreed with my
instructor in most cases, but in regard to a few words I
was refractory. He insisted on cowcumber, and said it
must be dark, or die ; but I continued to say cucumber
and clerk. He undertook to weed out many of my
peculiar forms of expression, and all the windy epithets of
my colloquial discourses, but I resisted. If I had com
plied, I should have missed his peculiar attractions, and
might have become as didactic and uninteresting as a
guide-board.

The general was in France directly after the battle of
Waterloo, and remained there nearly a year. He had not
learned to speak the language of that country in his boy
hood, but he could read it fluently, and from books and
observation he acquired an extended knowledge of
France, its people, and their literature. He was familiar
with many French works on military science, as well as
memoirs, chronicles, histories, etc. He translated for our
army the French system of Infantry Tactics, and was
profoundly learned in the campaigns of Turenne, Conde,
Saxe, Frederick the Great, by Jomini, Napoleon, and
others. I frequently heard him make general compari
sons between the English and French writers of the past
centuries. He placed Addison and Johnson above all

40 Fifty Years' Observation.

Frenchmen as essayists, but he thought the letters of
Geuz de Balzac and Blaize Pascal superior to any in the
English language. The writers of French memoirs, for
which he had a special fondness, he placed above all
others. He admired some of the writings of Voltaire,
especially his histories and romances. He seldom spoke
of French theology or poetry, which he did not under
stand. It appears to me that no American or English
man can find pleasure in French poetry. I have never
met one who confessed a fondness for more than a few
lines of it. Voltaire thought that Racine's "Athalie " was
the greatest effort of the human mind. I have tried four
times to read Athalie, but never succeeded in finishing it.
During the last ten years I have been intimately associ
ated with one of the most gifted and accomplished
Frenchmen that lives. When we are together he sympa
thizes with me for not knowing Racine, and I regard
him with sorrow because he cannot comprehend Shake
speare. Some of the sprightly and refined French novels
attracted the general, as did Gil Bias in a moderate de
gree, but such stuff as is found in the " Chronique de
1'ceil de bceuf," and in the works of Paul de Kock and
his successors, disgusted him, as they ought to disgust
every healthy mind.

Among English standard writers, General Scott was
always at home. I held in equal esteem many of his
favorite authors, especially Addison, Shakespeare, Milton,
Johnson, and Goldsmith. Dryden, whom he so much
admired, never strongly attracted me. His favorite Eng
lish historians were Hume and Gibbon. Of the writers of
fiction and romance, he often referred to Fielding, Gold
smith, Walter Scott, Cooper, Irving, and occasionally to
Bulwer. To the current fashionable novels and all the
stories of love he paid no attention whatsoever. He es-

The Newspapers. 41

teemed Adam Smith and Locke, and agreed with Hobbes
that war is the natural state of man. He had no faith in
peace societies and congresses, and spoke of them with
contempt as composed of fanatics and visionaries. The
works of infidel writers he disregarded. He read the
English and American periodicals habitually, and studied
the newspapers with the diligence of a politician. It
astonished me to see him read through those long arti
cles in the old Richmond Whig and Richmond Enquirer,
written by doctrinaires of the Southern school ; but he
could not read the shorter articles of Northern doctrinaires
in the journals of the Puritan stripe, which at that time I
could read. Now I can read neither, and think the one class
as remote from good government and good policy as the
other. I could not see in the prevailing ideas of those old
Richmond papers any coherence with his present opinions,
and I concluded his fondness for them was the result of
early associations and local partiality. He certainly was
not a Secessionist.

When Carlyle's works first appeared in America it
chanced that I obtained a collection of articles written by
him, and in accordance with my custom I let every one
near me know by many quotations what I had been read
ing. The general appeared ignorant of all my references,
and at the end of forty-eight hours he broke out impa
tiently : " Who is the man Carlyle that you are boring
me about? " I replied : " He is a Scotchman who fancies
he is going to make a noise in the world." The next
evening, after the general had retired, having occasion to
ask him a question, I went to his room, and found him
in bed reading Carlyle's " Miscellany." At that time I
was discursive in my reading, but this is the first instance
I remember of getting the start of the general in the dis
covery of an English author of merit. He was curiously

42 Fifty Years Observation.

learned in title-pages and prefaces, but he seldom read
through the books, especially works of fiction, or pure
science other than military.

He often expressed his regret to me that he had not
given greater attention in his youth to the study of
mathematics. Once when he had succeeded in solving a
difficult arithmetical problem, I said to him that if he
had devoted himself to high analysis he would have
gained excellence, but he would have dwarfed his ability
to move men on the field of battle, and he would also have
missed the plaudits of his countrymen which had been
so freely lavished upon him. I, myself, at one time was
enamoured with mathematical studies. When I discovered
how the calculus enabled me to pry into the mechanism
of the starry sphere, to follow the heavenly bodies in their
orbits, to estimate their influence one upon the other,
and to find how the Sovereign Architect has balanced the
forces of the universe, I was awed into an admiration
which tended to divert me from human sympathies, and
in that it was unpropitious. It may frequently be re
marked of the devotees to analytical investigations that
they are obdurate and unsocial in disposition, and narrow
and conceited in their ideas of general beneficence. This
seems paradoxical, since astronomy, if studied with intel
ligence, ought to make men religious. General Scott,
though not given to controversy, was fond of eloquent
speeches, especially those of Southern statesmen. It was
also an agreeable pastime with him to discuss and com
pare the merits and peculiarities of various authors. Mil
ton's works often engaged his comments, and in looking
back I remember that I fully agreed with what he said of
that writer, his prose, his poetry, and his policy.

Now, when I reflect that General Scott's ethical system
was that of Paley and Shakespeare, I am not able to

Dryden. — Milton. 43

understand how he so generally approved Milton, who in
most things was unquestionably a fanatic. Milton's views
of human government are such as attract the applause of
confiding young men, and of the idealogists of all ages ;
but men who have studied human nature and the history
of nations deeply, with the aid of experience in affairs,
wih disapprove him in everything except his style and
his imagination. In style he is excellent, and in imagi
nation he is without a peer among the writers of ancient
and modern times.

The general found attractions in Dryden's poetry,
which he knew I could not share beyond a limited de
gree. From time to time he would recite passages and
ask me if I liked them. On one occasion I answered,
" Yes." " Then/' said he, " why don't you like Dryden? "

" I am not able to give a reason, but I can give an ex
ample. If I had a sweetheart that I only loved when I
was with her, that," said I, " would be an example."

" Ugh ! " exclaimed he, as a sign that he disapproved
my taste as well as my manner of showing it.

He seldom made long quotations from any author.
The longest as well as the most frequent of all his quota
tions was from Milton's Comus :

41 Mortals, that would follow me,
Love virtue : she alone is free.
She can teach ye how to climb
Higher than the starry chime,
Or if virtue feeble were,
Heaven itself would stoop to her."

He invariably omitted the four words I have italicized,
and the fondness with which he dwelt on those lines is an
additional proof that in his nature there was a tincture of
fanaticism. It is not correct to say, " Mortals love vir
tue," since we know that the majority of mortals are, have

44 Fifty Years' Observation.

been, and will be wicked. Another quotation was often
on his tongue when he felt that he was neglected by the
government, or by the world, as he frequently did. It is
strange that all men and all women who receive the most
attention complain most of neglect. Returning from a
feast, I have heard him recite the following distich :

" True as the dial to the sun
Although it be not shined upon."

For the last line he always substituted the words

" Though not shone upon."

Short quotations and many ideas from Shakespeare
interlarded and enlivened his daily conversation, and a
mind like his could not fail to profit by the teachings of
the most gifted men of all our race. I owe him a debt
of gratitude for having first turned my attention sharply
upon that king of poets, as he did in the following
manner.

One Sunday, as we were walking home from Saint
Thomas' Church, in New York, he said to me : " Doctor
Hawks made a mistake in his quotation from Shakes
peare, this morning." The quotation was the following,
and I had not heard it before :

" * * * the time of life is short !
To spend that shortness basely were too long
If life did ride upon a dial's point,
Still ending with the arrival of an hour."

I made no note of the mistake, but those lines coming
from the eloquent lips of Dr. Hawks, and the suggestion
of my chief, inflamed me with a desire to study their au
thor, whose ability to express all the emotions of our nat
ure in every possible condition of human life has placed
him at the head of uninspired men. The general had
studied the works of the mighty bard so deeply that his

Scott's Heroes. 45

language came to his lips as it were spontaneously, and
thus he was able to impart to his discourse an additional
interest, although its subjects were often trifles.

In his younger days the general had read Plutarch's
Lives so attentively that their influence upon his charac
ter and conduct was always apparent. His body's action
he modelled upon Coriolanus, but the spirit that fasci
nated him most was that of the mighty Julius. Like
the first he could never bend low enough in politics to
gain the applause of the mob, but like the second he
sought always to be first in power and renown. He
claimed a certain near relationship in virtue to the Catos,
but there was nothing in his nature which tended to sui
cide. He thought he would be able to struggle in neg
lect and adversity, like Scipio Africanus or Sertorius, but
he found little to admire in old Marius, whom he likened
to a savage, ungrateful beast, as he was.

He was excessively fond of comparing his own qualities
of greatness with those of other distinguished men of
modern as well as ancient times. He compared himself
most frequently with the great military commanders of
the world's history, and three times, on various occasions,
did I hear General Scott say, while he was yet in his
vigor, that he thought himself " next to Washington with
many lengths between." Once he said " with many links
perhaps between." In this he was partially mistaken, as
it was only in conscientiousness and patriotism that the
two men resembled each other. Scott, before old age
came upon him, observed the precept — " Spend as you
go," while V/ashington, always till his death, was exceed
ingly watchful of his pecuniary interests. If he had been
a New England man he would have been accused of nar
rowness and jobbery. Washington's patriotism, aristo
cratic bearing, and constancy secured to him the confi-

46 Fifty Years Observation.

dence of his poor suffering countrymen, but he lacked
enthusiasm. He could never have inflamed the courage
of his soldiers, nor animated them on the march and in
battle, while the presence of Scott sufficed to lift the tired
soldier from his feet, and to hurl cowards against the
enemy. There was never any facetiousness in the con
versation nor levity in the conduct of Washington, and if
Stuart's portrait of him is true to nature he must have
been heavy to look upon, and dull as a companion. Scott
thought it an accomplishment to be able to trifle ele
gantly, and he often indulged in extravagant speeches and
colloquial exaggerations, all of which he could dismiss
upon the slightest call to duty, and assume, on the in
stant, a dignity and severity equal to that of the Father
of his country — without his gloom. It seems superfluous,
however, to compare the genius of any man with that of
Washington, since around his head the prescriptive ap
proval of his countrymen has gathered a halo through
which no imperfection could be seen. Washington's
strategy, if it was his, which caused the convergence of
the forces on Yorktown, in 1781, would entitle him to
rank with the greatest strategists of modern times. Scott,
who never enjoyed a similar opportunity, cannot be com
pared in that respect, but otherwise as a tactician he was
unquestionably superior.

Metaphysical subjects had no special attraction for
General Scott, but he enjoyed his conversations with men
of learning, like Mr. John Quincy Adams, Rev. Wm.
Ellery Channing, Dr. Hawks, and Mr. Charles King, upon
subjects of " high morality," as he called it. While we
were in Boston, at a dinner given him by that venerable
merchant prince, Thomas H. Perkins, he was placed next
to Dr. Channing. My seat at the table was too distant
to enable me to understand them, but I observed that the

Dr. Channing. 47

general was an attentive listener. They presented a sin
gular contrast — a giant warrior listening with deference
to a puny preacher, whose frail body excited compassion.
His learning and eloquence, which were ennobled by a
spirit of benevolence, secured to Dr. Channing a profound
respect even from those men who could not agree with his
theology and his restrictive code of morals. Returning
from the dinner the general told me the subject of their
conversation was the Grecian Philosophy, and he fancied
he had been spending the evening with Anaxagoras. It
was on the same occasion that he compared two great
cities by saying: "New York in comparison with Boston
is a barbarian city !"

CHAPTER IV.

Scott's habits, pleasures, and diversions. — His prompt discharge of duty.—
His servant. — Anecdotes of David. — His gardening and care of domestic
animals. — Fondness for chess and whist.

SCOTT'S mental, physical, and moral nature con
spired to form in him a habit of promptness and
constancy in the discharge of all his duties. He foresaw
the requirements of his professional and pecuniary en
gagements, and attended to them fully. Until the duty
to be done and the task in hand were executed and com
pletely finished, he would allow himself neither rest nor
pleasure night or day, in sickness or in health.

He required to be waited upon, to be observed, and to
be attended without intermission, and his body servant
was to be always within call. He occasionally excused
himself for this last necessity from the fact that his left
arm was partially disabled by a terrible wound he received
at Lundy's Lane. He had many wants, however, that
had no essential connection with his shoulder-joint. He
chewed tobacco, and his tobacco must be kept at a
certain moisture, be brought to 'him and taken away. He
often needed a glass of water, and while he suffered from
a renal affection the water must be dashed with a tea-
spoonful of gin. After his return from Mexico, where the
water disagreed with him, he found relief from mint julep,
which must be very weak, as he had no inclination for
strong drinks.

It would be impossible to complete the picture of his

Scotfs Servant David. 49

daily life without describing his body servant, and espe
cially the one who was with him many years, and went
with him on all the journeys along the Northern frontiers,
at the removal of the Cherokee Indians, and elsewhere.
His name was David. David was as black as Spanish ink,
five feet six inches tall, strongly built, visage purely
Ethiopian, capacity ordinary, education much neglected.
The maxim, " like master, like man," was not extensively
applicable in this case, though it applied in part. David
was so straight that a plumb line falling from the back of
his head would drop clear of his body to the ground.
David had full charge of his master's personal effects,
which he stowed according to a system of his own. I
thought David was always in sight, but he was not, for at
least twice a week I would hear the general exclaim in an
angry voice, " Damn you, David ! you hide everything I've
got, and then you hide yourself."

There was a comical streak in David's character which
he exhibited in various ways. One day while we had our
headquarters at the American Hotel in Buffalo we occu
pied the largest parlor on the second floor as an office,
and having business at the Falls we left in the morning to
be gone all day. I told David to remain and watch the
office, and to have a good fire burning at our return. It
happened that, after an absence of two hours, I returned
for a paper. Opening the door suddenly, I saw David
rigged out in General Scott's full-dress uniform, marching
up and down the room in the presence of another nigger.
The superb cocked hat and plume was prevented from
falling down like an extinguisher by the abundance of
wool on the back of his head, which gave the chapeau a
cant forward. The huge gold epaulettes, ornamented
with silver stars, the gilt buttons and gold embroidery,
the splendid sabre with massive sword-knot, the coat-tails
4

$o Fifty Years Observation.

and sabre dragging a yard behind on the floor, the pants,
with two-inch wide gold stripes down the sides, which
were held up by David's nigger heel, and the gold spurs
strapped upon his nigger shoe, suggested a strange com
parison. The uniform was so familiar to me, and having
so often seen it on the most martial figure of modern
times, it appeared as though my chief had been consumed
by an internal fire, burnt out, collapsed, blackened, and
left standing before me. David appealed tome in piteous
terms not to tell t\\zjineral, and I never did tell him.

David sometimes served as an exponent of comparison
for his master. On the eve of our departure from Buffalo,
I told him to pack up and have everything ready, as we
must be off early in the morning for Detroit. " Detroit !
Detroit ! where's dat ? " said he. Not long afterwards the
general compared a certain other general's knowledge of
grammar to David's knowledge of geography.

David's Ethiopian nature was sorely tried in our long
winter journeys, one of which was from the Astor House
in New York to Detroit, in sleighs all the way except from
Albany to Utica, where there was a railroad. My young
blood was nearly congealed when we arrived at Cleve
land, with the thermometer at 10° below zero. David
was torpid, his eyes bloodshot, and his skin as dry as
husks; but the general, who was enveloped in a huge
blanket, showed no signs of suffering or impatience. In
fact, he seldom complained of the hardships of travel,
which in those days tried the endurance of most men.
During the year 1838 we were together on the road in
stage-coaches or sleighs fifty-four whole nights, and he
showed no uneasiness except at delays, which always an
noyed him. No necessity or incident of duty seemed to
trouble him, and in its performance Job himself could not
have been more patient.

Anecdotes of David. 51

If David wilted in the winter blasts of the North, the
blazing summer sun of the Cherokee country restored
him completely. His wool recovered from its dry, dead
appearance to look like clusters of live snakes, and
blacker. Signs of mischief showed themselves in him
also. He took to drink, and one evening when his master
called him to inquire about his wash clothes, David came
in staggering, just able to stand and no more, and his
visage was unusually greasy and shining.

" Damn you, David, you are drunk ! " said the general.

" No, sur ! I ishn't drunk ! " And this is the nearest
approach to insolence I ever discovered in him, for David
thought the "jineral" was the greatest of living men.

David was negligent in some things, especially about
the house in Elizabeth, where his master, he and the
cook, who was also a Virginia negro, lived together in the
absence of Mrs. Scott and the children. The cook and
David could never agree, and each charged the other with
whatever the master found amiss. A lively discord arose
one day when Captain Gait of the artillery and I dined
with the general. The table was spread where we sat, in
a room adjoining the kitchen, and the general intermed
dled in the preparations. Several dishes had been broken
and others had been put away unwashed. Every neglect
was disputed, but the question of the napkins was by
far the most serious. Only two could be found, and
there were three convives.

A furious storm arose. The master asserted that no
longer ago than the last week there had been 13 — 15 —
yes, 17 napkins in use, and what had become of them?
The jargon of the darkies was not conclusive, but the
burden of responsibility was against David, because he
was the dining-room waiter. Then the general ex
claimed : " David ! David ! What have you done with

52 Fifty Years Observation.

those 15 napkins?" Notwithstanding the scoldings and
recriminations, I paid little attention to them, and con
tinued reading a newspaper till I was called to the table.

After dinner Captain Gait and I went to pay a call on
the Kings, who then lived in Elizabeth. Gait had been
an aide to the general, and was a man of genuine humor.
His sympathetic, flexible voice, high breeding, and good
temper made him a favorite with all the Kings, and
wherever he went he had an attentive audience to his
stories and relations. His description of what occurred
at the dinner was simply inimitable. The company was
seized with a fit of laughter that was almost irrepressible.
He introduced into his voice a whine that would have
made the fortune of a comedian, when he imitated the
general's despairing exclamation, " David ! David !
Where are all those napkins ? What have you done,
David, with those 15 napkins?"

David himself had certain negro intonations of voice
which no white man could reproduce. Once on a journey
he left the general's cocked hat behind at Utica, and it
was wanted at Buffalo. Before his master called for the
hat, David had informed me he had forgotten it. I told
him he must prepare for a terrible scolding. The only
reply he made to my warning was : " The jineral he
scolds me every day — he — he — he — eyah ! " He got a
fearful setting down, beginning with the words — " Damn
you ! why didn't you leave yourself ? "

The general found pleasure in gardening, and in the
care of domestic animals of all kinds, as well as of the
birds that visited his enclosures. One summer, after the
Canadian troubles were over, the general occupied his
house in Elizabeth and I boarded not far off. As soon as
the office work was finished we would go together and
work in his garden. It was large and well planted with

Moralizing upon the Pig. 53

flowers, various shrubs, and vegetables, which we culti
vated with our own hands. At the remote extremity of
the garden was a spacious pen, in which two shoats were
confined. Every clear day the general and I would visit
the pen, carrying roots and succulent weeds, and remain
to see the pigs feed. While so engaged we discussed the
nature of the hog, as well as all the subjects and similes in
which he figures, and the enclosure where he is confined.
The hog was once the receptacle of devils, and all
mankind regard him as the filthiest of beasts, and still his
flesh is prized as an article of food by all the Christian
nations. He and his habitations have been the theme of
the poet, the Christian and moralist, and the historian
Shakespeare displays the power of contrast when he ex
claims :

"What a god 's gold

That he is worship'd in a baser temple
Than where swine feed."

Our Lord in the parable of the Prodigal Son has held
up as a warning to heedless youth a sad example of the
effects of filial impiety and riotous living, by bringing a
wayward child of affluence to care for this unclean animal
and to feed on husks. The moralist may deduce a profit
able lesson from the contrast offered by the hog in his
untamed condition, by comparing the independent bold
ness of the wild boar, that tests the prowess of noble
hunters, and when vanquished his head is honored as a
trophy at the banquet that follows ; while the domestic
hog is content to eat and sleep, and when he is scratched
with a chip he lies down, grunts, and is happy. Finally,
the historian has exemplified the extremest sweep of am
bition by tracing the career of Pizarro from his youth as
a swineherd till in his manhood he became the conqueror
and Viceroy of Peru.

54 Fifty Years' Observation.

On an occasion when the general was in a moralizing
frame of mind, which was quite usual with him, he pointed
to one of the shoats and said : " That pig is happy though
he feeds on weeds which he picks up from the dirt."
" Yes," said I, " and we are happy because we expect by
and by to eat the pig."

In front of the house were some shade trees in which
several singing birds had made their nests, and where
they remained to roost. As we were working in the gar
den one afternoon, the general was trimming a quince
tree with a large hooked pruning-knife, while I was dig
ging at some distance from him. He had on a wide-
brimmed straw hat, and long-waisted knit jacket of a
brownish color. Suddenly I saw him advancing with im
mense strides towards the street in front. The house
concealed from me the object which attracted him, and I
had only time to arrive at the corner to see a boy with a
shot-gun gazing up into a tree. The youngster was so
intent that he did not observe our approach till the gen
eral, who had arrived within twenty paces of him, holding
high the knife, called out in a voice which might have
been heard by a whole division of soldiers : " Young man !
are you going to shoot my birds?" The boy was scared
nearly to death, and for a moment lost the power of mo
tion ; but he quickly recovered and took to his heels. I
ran to the gate and watched him till he passed Brittain's
house, still pulling foot as if chased by a mad bull. The
terror inspired in that boy was not owing to the general's
equipments, for he had on an old brown dressing jacket
and a battered straw hat, but his air was terrific. The
scene recalled to me the story of old Marius and theCim-
brian ruffian who was sent to his prison to assassinate him
while he was naked and unarmed ; but with a countenance
more dreadful than ever, he exclaimed : " Barbare ! Ose*

General Scott at Chess. 5f

tu tuer Marius!" Such men are born to command in
war.

The general was fond of the game of chess, at which he
was fairly skilful. I often played with him, and I think
my game stood to his as about two to five ; nevertheless,
he beat me as often as four times in five. Whenever by
chance or skill I gained a threatening position, he became
irritable, and if I did not move quickly he would angrily
ejaculate : " Have you moved ? " One day we were
playing in the parlor of the hotel at West Point, and Mr.
Ogden Hoffman was looking on. In the process of that
game, which I won, my chief was uncommonly tart. I
took my time, and while I was considering a critical po
sition, he reached out his hand and took up a periodical
and opened it to an article on geology. " Do you think,"
said he to Mr. Hoffman, " that I shall be able to master
this subject before the young gentleman gets ready to
move ? " After we had separated Mr. Hoffman came to
console me for what I might think was rudeness on the
part of my chief. "What did the general say?" said I,
" being absorbed by my game and determined to beat
him, I paid no attention to his remarks, but if there had
been a hostile tone in his voice, I should have detected it
at once. That's the general's manner when he is impa
tient, and it never hurts me."

If the general beat me easily, it was not so with his
brother-in-law, Mayo, whose game was much the strong
est of the three. The two brothers-in-law agreed remark
ably well, considering that they differed essentially in
most particulars. Mayo was an uncompromising Demo
crat, and the general was a Whig. Mayo was odd and
slovenly in his dress, my chief was in the fashion and
neat. Mayo squinted awfully, but he was a gentleman
and a scholar, and he would stuff his ordinary conversa-

56 Fifty Years' Observation.

tion with more Latin quotations than any man I knew.
He came frequently to play chess, and was able to beat
us both if he chose to do so. Occasionally the general
won a party, and that encouraged him to conclude that
those he lost were accidents. One day their game was
close, and they prolonged it over an hour. In the midst
of it the general left his chair to spit in the fire — he then
had the habit of chewing tobacco. Finally the game
ended in favor of Mr. Mayo, and the general arose from
his chair and took three or four turns up and down the
room in silence. Then he came near me, lifted up his
spectacles and said : " Young gentleman ! do you know
why I lost that game ? " " No, sir," said I. " It was be
cause I got up to spit."

The chief diversion of General Scott, and the one to
which he was most attached, was the game of whist. The
idea that without a knowledge of the game of whist a
man's old age must necessarily be unhappy is said to
have originated with Talleyrand. The old Frenchman's
smart saying was the simple expression of the opinion of
vast numbers of people of all nations, that whist and
other games with cards are the most efficient promoters
of cheerfulness in old age. Whist, although it is the most
genteel of all games, is the one that most frequently gives
rise to altercations and disputes. All confirmed whist
players end every game with a wrangle, and General
Scott was not easily pleased with his partner. Occasion
ally, to make up the complement I was called on to take
a hand. I disliked the game and acknowledged that I
played badly, but the general declared that I couldn't
play at all, and when he had me for a partner he was
obliged to play against three. I thought no one could
please him, for he even quarrelled with dummy. It is a
mistake to suppose that a confirmed whist player is satis-

Scott as a Whist-player. 57

fied with gaining the stake. On one occasion I was in
vited to take part in a game, and for that purpose was
introduced to a polished old gentleman who was to be my
partner. I excused my want of knowledge of whist, but
the old gentleman in the blandest tones insisted on my
being his partner, and assured me that my ignorance of
the finesse of the game would make no difference. The
stake was to be $5, which was more than I ever played
for before or since. I and my partner won the first
game, but my blunders, which he gently rebuked, had
cleared away the bland expression of his countenance.
We also won the second game, and then the old man was
almost rude in the manner in which he recalled my wrong
plays. Finally, we gained the third party and pocketed
$15 each, but the old man's passion broke loose, and
throwing down his cards he declared that he could stand
such stupidity no longer, and left the table.

The range of General Scott's amusements was compa
ratively restricted. Apart from the enjoyment he derived
from ambition, fame, and reading, all his principal pleas
ures were embraced in the following list : Conversation —
the table, including wine — the games of whist and chess.

He was entertained by aristocratic associations, by
travel, fine horses, and his own personal appearance. Un
til the conclusion of the Mexican war, tobacco was a
necessity with him ; subsequently he wholly renounced
the use of tobacco in all its forms.

It is supposed that old men love their sycophants, and
young men love their mistresses ; but towards all who
demonstrated admiration for him he was at all times
throughout his life kindly disposed. In regard to love
for the gentler sex, I never suspected that in him at any
time of his life.

For balls and dancing parties, hunting-, fishing, operas and
3*

58 Fifty Years' Observation.

plays, he had little inclination, although his position
made it necessary for him to attend them frequently. I
seldom heard him speak of operas or theatrical entertain
ments, hunting, fishing, racing, and he appeared indiffer
ent to all such diversions. He disliked solitude, was
cheered with the company of intimate friends, and gener
ally I regarded him as a happy man.

CHAPTER V.

Scott as a gastronomer. — His liking for the table. — Some of his tastes. —
His hospitality. — Kemble — Sam Ward.

T NOW proceed to describe General Scott as a gas-
-*- tronomer. He derived from his ancestors the in
estimable heritage of a healthy and long-enduring
stomach. Aside from moral obligations and ambitious
pursuits, he found a continuous source of enjoyment in
the pleasures of the table throughout a period of sixty
years of his life. He regarded a knowledge of the culi
nary processes as a necessary accomplishment for a
gentleman and a soldier, and he placed cooking in the
front rank of the useful arts.

While yet a very young man he had the good fortune
to attract the notice of an old French gentleman who had
fled from Saint Domingo at the revolt of the negroes
towards the end of the last century, and with the remnant
of his former large fortune had come to the neighbor
hood of Petersburg, Virginia, and established himself in a
small cottage. In that humble abode the dining-room
and kitchen were separated by a partition that extended
only five feet above the floor. As monsieur was too poor
to afford a waiter or cook, he did the duty of both him
self, and young Scott, while seated in the dining-room,
waiting for the repast to be served, could see the old
gentleman's head bobbing up and down attending to his
stew-pans. After placing the dishes upon the table, the
Frenchman would remove his apron, put on a rusty dress

60 Fifty Years Observation.

coat, and dispense the hospitality of his house with the
grace and dignity of a prince. " It was there," said the
general, "that I received my first and best lessons in cook
ing, and in conduct at the head of a table."

Many men, illustrious for their wisdom and high
positions, have extolled the delights of prandial enjoy
ments, and there appears to be a period in the lives of the
healthiest and best of mortals in which the pleasures of
the table prevail over all others. The man who, after the
toils and vexations of the day, is able to seat himself at a
good dinner, with wine in abundance, will find his heart
rejoiced. If the cook is skilful, amiable discourses will
enliven the feast from which envy is banished, sweet
dreams will succeed it, and happiness and concord will be
the final result.

Among the omissions of my former days there are few
which I more regret than my neglect to keep continuous
notes of conversations with my chief and others in his
company, upon all subjects, and especially the one under
examination. I know of no flesh of beasts, or edible
fishes, or fowl, or herb, or root, or grain, the preparation
of which for food was not many times the subject of con
versation. If I could enrich my history with all I learned
from the general and his associates upon that subject, I
should be the author of a valuable system of nourish,
ment, and a benefactor of mankind. As it is, I must con
tent myself with reminiscences, disjointed in time, lacking
in order, and destitute of agreeable concatenation.

At the time Mr. Cozzens kept the old American Hotel
in Broadway, corner of Barclay Street, New York, I was
in the habit of going there to dine at the ladies' ordi
nary. It was at that table that I ate the best bread I
had ever seen, and until about the year 1837 the bread
in America was as vile as it is now in the best hotels in

Virginia Hams. 6l

London. The general told me he had originally taught
Mr. Cozzens how to make the bread that I praised so
highly. He said that at his first visit to the Point, after
Cozzens opened his hotel there, he found the bread de
testable, and not fit for dogs to eat. He volunteered to
go to the bakehouse, and instruct the baker, which he did
shortly before leaving. The following summer, upon his
return to West Point, Mr. Cozzens exultingly called his
attention to the bread. " This is less bad than it was,"
said the general, " for the bread you have now is fit for
the kennel." He went again to the" bakehouse and suc
ceeded in having his ideas put in practice, and the result
was the bread I have found so good.

Another prolific subject of conversation with the gen
eral was the preparation of the flesh of swine for the
table. Like all Southern men, my chief was fond of Vir
ginia hams. They were quite thin compared with those
of the Northern States, and kept longer in the smoke
house, in which the fire was renewed every wet day
throughout the summer. The Southern hams owe their
pleasant flavor to the fact that their hogs are given ex
tensive range, and fed on mast, or Indian corn. The
flesh of no quadruped is more delicate than that of
the wild boar, and that of his domestic congenitor gains
in proportion as he is made to get his living in a similar
way. In the cooking of the hams the general omitted no
care. He insisted on their being simmered until they
could be cut with a spoon, and he would have them
brought to the table with the skin on. Every winter the
general would have sent to him from Norfolk or Peters
burg a barrel full of hams, packed in ashes, and none
others were used in his family.

The times at which food should be eaten after with
drawal from heat had engaged his study, and he con-

62 Fifty Years' Observation.

eluded, after long contemplation, that bread should not
be eaten till it had been out of the oven at least twenty-
four hours. He condemned bread which is too white, be
cause it is less healthful than that with a tinge of yellow
which is found in flour that has not been too finely
bolted. He had considered the various methods of ap
plying heat and seasoning, and he never allowed a pepper
box in his kitchen, on account of the stolidity of cooks,
who apply that condiment in such excess as to confound
all other flavors. He had pursued his examinations with
such nice discrimination as to discover the changes which
meats undergo after being removed from the fire up to
the point of highest excellence, which stops short of what
is termed haut gout.

After the shoats referred to in a former chapter had
been killed, and the various parts cured, he had one of
the pickled shoulders boiled, and I was at supper alone
with him at his house in Elizabeth when it was first
brought upon the table. With a perversity of selfishness
innate in sinful man, I acknowledged the satisfaction I
felt in the spoil of the quadruped that had interested me
in life, and I told the general the shoulder was delicious.
"Young gentleman," said he, "you will like it much
better after it has been kept a while in a cool place/'
Then marking off on the shoulder with his knife the
amount we should probably consume successively at every
supper, he added ; " In seven days we shall come to this
point, and then it will be ripe and at its best."

The general had an unvarying fondness for fish, and
generally at breakfast, and always at dinner, he had them
served to him. It seemed to be his ambition to know
the names of all the edible fishes that swim near the ocean
shores of Europe, and all the coasts of America, and in
the lakes, ponds, and running streams. For convenience

Fondness for Fish. 63

he designated crabs, lobsters, oysters, mussels, terrapins,
shrimps, prawns, clams, turtles, and skates as fishes. Of
the finny tribe there were two in ordinary use which he
disliked for food. Once when we were at a restaurant
dining alone they had no fish but porgies. He declined
them, saying : " Damn your porgies ; who eats porgies ? "
I never remember to have seen him eat an eel, but he fre
quently referred to that fish in connection with his efforts
to sleep, by saying he had " caught, or was about to
catch, the eel by the tail."

Whenever I discovered anything new about fish, or the
method of cooking them, I made haste to inform my
chief. The first time I met the late Professor Agassiz
was at West Point shortly after his arrival in America. I
spent the evening in his company at the house of Profes
sor Bailey. The conversation turned on the fishes which
are peculiar to America. I told him I thought the con
tents of a seine drawn on the coast of South Carolina, or
Florida, would interest him. Among others, I named the
gar fish. The professor sprang from his chair, took hold
of my hand, and exclaimed : " Have you seen a live gar
fish?" "Many of them," said I. "Well," said he, "I
never saw a gar fish alive, but I hope to see one soon, as
he is of the oldest fish family alive in the ocean ; his origin
is antediluvian." When I repeated all this to the general
he was not aware of its ancient origin, but he knew that
gar broth is the meanest porridge that's made.

Occasionally, without being aware of it, the general
manifested sectionalism in his choice of food of various
kinds. He cared little for tea, and nothing for pies, and
he disliked what he called " white-faced puddings." For
breakfast he liked hominy and milk whenever it could be
had. He thought the Connecticut River shad inferior to
those of some of the Southern streams, which is unques-

64 Fifty Years' Observation.

tionably a mistake, the Connecticut River shad being de
cidedly the best in the world. He esteemed the white
fish of Lake Superior, the cod fish, black fish, mackerel,
salmon and sea bass of the North, as highly as the hog
fish, the pompano, the king fish, the sheephead, and rock
fish of the Southern waters. He told me the white fish
of Lakes Superior and Huron were far better than those
of the lower lakes. He described to me the manner of
eating those fishes. They were to be cooked done and
immediately rolled up, one after another, in a napkin,
doubled and heated almost to scorching. Then they were
to be served and eaten immediately, unrolling the napkin
as the fish were wanted. Thus prepared, I understood
him to say that when hungry he could eat through an ex
tensive series.

An essential and daily portion of the general's diet con
sisted of the flesh of various species of the feathered race.
First in excellence and above all volant animals stood the
canvas-back duck of the Chesapeake Bay, in its season ;
then in order woodcock, the English snipe, turkeys, and
domestic fowls, especially poulards and capons. He con
sumed more of them than of beef, mutton, veal, pork and
bacon. But of all the denizens of air, earth and water, the
one he best loved to eat was the terrapin of the Mary
land waters. This animal is called by some a reptile, and
he is amphibious. At the time to which I refer there
were not three cooks in America, and none in the other
parts of the earth, whom he would acknowledge to be able
to cook the terrapin properly. On one occasion, in Wash
ington, while dining with a company of eight, all lovers
of good cheer, I offered to bet a dinner of the best, for
the company, that if we should invite the general to dine
with us at any time v/ithin a month, and have terrapin pre
pared by his favorite cook, that he would during the din-

Terrapin. 65

ner say and do the following things in manner following:
He would, while leaning his left elbow on the table, having
some of the terrapin on his fork, held raised about six
inches above his plate, exclaim : u This is the best food
vouchsafed by Providence to man ! " and then carry
it immediately to his mouth. The other thing he would
do, or I would lose the wager, was, that leaning on the
table in manner aforesaid he would pour wine from one
glass into another. No man took my bet.

Whenever a nice dish of terrapin was set before my
chief, his countenance glowed with satisfaction, and his
tongue gave utterance to eloquent discourses. " This
little, ugly, black-legged animal," said he, " that carries
his house with him, is obliged to seek his living in the
swamps and solitary coves, among the rushes, and to
burrow in mud ; and yet he is sought after with painful
diligence, and the dish prepared from his flesh is honored
at the feasts of the rich and the brave." The above
speech, which I report faithfully, is in the style of the
Anatomy of Melancholy, where Burton compares a poor
Christian to a hen that lives all her life on a dunghill, and
at last is served up at her lord's table ; " while the falcon
is fed on capons, carried on his master's arm, and when
he dies he is thrown on a compost heap and there he rots"

While General Scott resided in Paris, after the fall of
the great Napoleon, he was in the habit of dining by
turns at the three restaurants which were then in highest
repute in that city of gourmets, Ve'ry's, Les trois frtres
Proven^catix, and the Rocher de la Cancale. The general's
means and position enabled him to pursue his inquiries
to advantage. He could practise at the restaurants re
ferred to ; at the same time he could study Brillat Sav-
arin and other standard authors, and collect the traditions
of Vattel and other illustrious cooks. The loyalty of his

66 Fifty Years' Observation.

disposition and the fidelity of his stomach secured him
against all spurious methods of practice and every illusion
of theory. He was never dazzled nor influenced by
fashion or the devices of conceit to abandon a position
to which he had been led by natural laws, and through
out his life he preserved the simplicity of his tastes and
the discriminating delicacy of his palate, as the following
instances prove.

It was his frequent custom at hotel tables to call for
a raw onion, which, when it was brought to him by the
waiter, he would hold down his hand to receive. He
would then slice it and mingle it with his salad or other
dishes, according to his taste. He was also fond of the
Swedish turnip, which must not be too much nor too
little cooked. Once, at Cleveland, on our return from
the Northwest, he found the turnips to his liking, and
having one on his plate, he turned to me while patting
the turnip with his fork, and said : " Young gentleman !
we are now in a civilized community." To minds not
fully fraught with the importance of the subject, the
foregoing examples may appear to savor of vulgarity of
taste, but to me they are compatible with the extremest
finesse of observation which was characteristic in him
throughout his life.

The general did not like solitary meals, and rather than
dine alone he preferred to pay for the dinner of a pleasant
companion. If the cooking was good he was uniformly
cheerful, and would tell stories and anecdotes during the
repast. One day, when he and I were dining together at
the Union Club, he remarked that the table-knives in
France were pointed, and only used to cut viands. He
related an anecdote about the tragic use of a table-knife
by an accomplished individual. While he was in Paris,
dining at the Rocher de la Cancale, he often noticed com-

Dinners Given to Scott. 67

ing in, or seated at table, the most strikingly elegant and
handsome man he had ever seen. It was a French chev
alier d'industrie, who, while he was secretly plotting
against the government, was openly acting the part of its
warm supporter. One morning, the chevalier called on
General d'Espinasse, who was Governor of Paris, while he
was at breakfast. He came to ask a favor and to urge
haste. The governor replied : " There is no need of haste,
monsieur, we have your papers." " Mes papiers ! " ex
claimed the chevalier ; at the same instant seizing a knife
from the table he plunged it into his heart and fell dead.
General Scott, at the conclusion of his story, looked at
me attentively and added : " A man must be better look
ing than you or I, to get his living by his wits."

My remarks this far upon General Scott's gastronomic
accomplishments have been designedly analytical; a com
parison with others will afford something of a synthetical
view of the subject. Definite comparisons, however, are
not easy in cases like this, since at the times when his
popularity was at its flood there was not a city in the
Union that he visited in which the best dinner givers did
not vie with one another to prepare for him their most
sumptuous feasts. I was almost always invited with
him, and could witness the alacrity with which he was
served and the admiration excited by his presence. At
nearly all those grand dinners, it usually happened that
some extraordinary or surprising attraction presented it
self to draw away the attention from the excellence of
the viands and the skill of the cook. Sometimes mere
tricious ornaments, or vast displays of wealth in furniture,
would confuse the thoughts, and at other times, when he
was surrounded by gifted men and elegant women, all
eager to catch the tones of his voice, the general's exalta
tion was not propitious to serious study. My own atten-

68 Fifty Years' Observation.

tion to grosser objects was also diverted by the presence
of the favorites of fortune, male and female, with whom I
was confronted — distinguished men, matrons blazing
with gems, fair damsels, whose luminous eyes, when by
chance they fell on me, would daze my mind and fill my
imagination with sensuous illusions. Subject as I was to
such joyous surroundings, the fluctuations of my fancy
deprived me of the power to render a sober judgment of
the conduct of others, and my neglect to note the events
to which I was a witness must be charged, like other omis
sions, to the levity of my youth.

To enable me to give a better understanding of Gen
eral Scott's merits as a gastronomer, and the elegant sim
plicity of his taste, it affords me pleasure to escape the
pomp and flare of fashion, and to make comparison
with an old friend and his hospitality, the memory of
which I cherish as one of the great benefits of my life. I
allude to the late Hon. Gouverneur Kemble, of Cold
Springs, New York. He was a man who, during a period
of fifty years, was known and loved for his good deeds and
amiable qualities, and for spreading every week a table
around which were assembled the choicest company of
men I have known socially, and among whom it was my
good fortune to be numbered during a period of nearly
five years that I occupied the head of a department at
the Military Academy. I say company of men, because
being a bachelor he seldom invited women. It was re
ported of Mr. Kemble that, when in early manhood he
saw his affianced lowered into her grave, his breast was
so lacerated that it never healed. The niche in his
heart where his idol had stood was never to be filled
again; and having lost by death the greatest felicity
a man can enjoy on earth, which is to be loved by the
woman he esteems, he sought an inferior happiness, by

Mr. Kernble and His Guests. 69

making glad the men who could appreciate his hospital
ity. At Mr. Kemble's table General Scott was often
seen, and there from time to time we met ex-President
Van Buren ; Mr. Paulding, author, and ex-Secretary of
the Navy; Mr. Bancroft, the historian, Mr. Washington
Irving, Mr. Poinsett, Secretary of War, Mr. Preston, Mr.
John Van Buren, Colonel Thayer, General Totten, Mr.
Parrott and Robert E. Lee, and the principal heads of de
partment of the Military Academy, many foreigners of
distinction from various countries, and numerous other
men who were distinguished in governments and for
their learning and good breeding.

My chief had often told me of Mr. Kemble's dinners be
fore I had been honored by an invitation to his table.
He said they were composed of many small dishes, be
sides fat turkeys and domestic fowls, and that the only
objection to them was the danger of eating too much.
The wines were good, especially the port and the sherry,
which was his favorite. Champagne wine he did not
favor, and he only gave one glass unless it was especially
called for. He disliked cigars also, but he would pass
his gold snuff-box around the table at the end of the
dinner.

At Mr. Kemble's entertainments the discussions em
braced every subject that claims the attention of civilized
man — the policy of governments ; the habitudes engen
dered by climate, race, and occupation ; the laws and
rites of various nations and ages ; sculpture, painting, ar
chitecture, and all the vast domain of science, history,
politics, parties, civil and military biographies, poetry,
and manners. The subjects of religion and matrimony
were seldom debated, and such was the urbanity of the
guests that every one was allowed, without interruption,
to state his own opinions.

7O Fifty Years' Observation.

From the time I was ordered to California I continued
to correspond with Mr. Kemble, and my last letter from
him was received while I was in Europe. It was written
to describe a dinner of thirty-two covers which he gave to
celebrate his eighty-seventh birthday. The chirography
was firm and elegant, covered four large pages, and the
letter contained the following remarkable passage : " And
now having done my duty to my friends, to society, and I
trust to my God, I am ready to depart." There was for
me in those words a pathos deeper and more affecting
than could have been uttered by Fenelon or St. Pierre.

A little more than two years after the letter was writ
ten, when he had entered upon his ninetieth year, the
angel of death descended upon his hospitable abode and
served on him the last summons, which he with worthy
submission obeyed about 1875. Thus ended a life which
was made glorious by innumerable acts of beneficence
and an unvarying integrity.

The two illustrious citizens, Scott and Kemble, whose
characters I have so fully portrayed, will be better under
stood if I pass to another level and present one of a dif
ferent mould. In my search for a fit comparative, espe
cially in the matter of gastronomy, my selection has fallen
upon Mr. Samuel Ward, whose unctuous presence clings
to my memory after the lapse of many years that we have
been separated.

Samuel Ward is a man *

41 That apprehends no further than this world,
And squares his life according . . ."

I was quite young when I first saw him at a small pri
vate party at the house of Mr. Lynch, in New York. He
was singing a Russian song in the Russian language, and
accompanying himself on the piano with great clatter. I

* Written before the recent news of his death.

Mr. Samuel Ward. 71

met him several times in similar gatherings, but did not
seek his acquaintance. I was content to study his ap
pearance, which was strikingly at variance with that of
ordinary young New Yorkers who were the sons of opu
lent fathers. I admired in his compact form and stat
ure of medium height, his vivacity of speech, and spon
taneous activity, the proofs that his vital enginery was
perfect. There was also in his countenance an openness
and candor which denoted nurture and that his youth had
been blameless. It was the opinion of J. J. Rousseau
(though he himself was a base infidel and debauched dem
agogue) that those young men who preserve their inno
cence till their twenty-first or twenty-second year are the
most attractive and engaging of mankind, and such did
Samuel Ward appear before fair fortune turned her back
on him.

I formed his personal acquaintance at the time the gold
fever broke out, and a few years later I became intimate
with him in California. At that time my bark was rocked
by the gentle gales of fortune, while his was aground. To
study men in various conditions is the sole method by
which they can be known, and when I commenced the
survey of his character I quickly discovered that Samuel
was deficient in some of the rules of prudence, but that
in the variety of his accomplishments he was unexampled.
To denote the scope and instances of his versatility is a task
for which I am unequal, and when I reflect on all he has done

"... 'tis wonder that enwraps me."

For a while when his fortunes were at their lowest ebb,
Samuel was misanthropic, and spoke of going to live in
Alaska. His thoughts were probably turned upon that
icy country by reading his favorite poet, Campbell, who
refers to

" The wolf's long howl on Analaska's shore."

72 Fifty Years Observation.

If he had carried out his purpose the germ of his re
nown might have been frozen and killed, or that wolf
might have devoured him, and we should never have heard
of Sam as the u king of the lobby and the prince of good
fellows." He did not go to Alaska, however, but he left
San Francisco, as I supposed to hide himself in

" The mountains and the barbarous caves "

of California. He was not long absent, but long enough
to enrich his vocabulary with the dialects of several tribes
of wild Indians, while he added little to his fortunes and
nothing to his accomplishments.

Having thus within the period of a few years been
forced by the blasts of an adverse fortune to abandon the
haunts of luxury, and compelled to subsist on the coarse
stubs and meagre repasts of poverty, he appears to have
formed the plan of his future life upon the supposition
that pleasure and happiness are convertible terms, and
that mankind are generally gullible. Some natural affec
tions remained in him, as he is fond of caressing babies,
and always finds something tender to say to aged and de
jected females. Whatever has been his scheme or pur
pose, the principal auxiliary to gain it has been a dinner,
and as the organizer of dinners and the presiding genius of
feasts he is everywhere known. To consider him chiefly
as a gastronomer is my design and excuse for this digres
sion from the subject of this memoir.

When he returned to San Francisco from his short so
journ among the savages, he went to live with Hall
McAllister, who is his relative. Hall is of a hospitable
disposition, and has long shone from the summit of the
California Bar. One day, wishing to give a dinner to a
party of his friends, he commissioned Sam to prepare it,
allowing him carte blanche. Hall went early to his office,

Ward as a Dinner-giver. 73

and at his return towards night he found several me
chanics at work in his kitchen building a new range, hav
ing already removed the old one. Sam was supervising the
workmen, who were employed at $10, $12 and $16 a day,
and the one who was to foot the bills had not been con
sulted. In due course of time the dinner was ready, and the
guests assembled to the number of eighteen or twenty, of
which I was one. Looking around upon the company, I
discovered a uniformity in their countenances, which arose
from an expression of compliant benevolence such as men
acquire who habitually eat good dinners and drink good
wine at the expense of other men.

Sam's air denoted perplexity and doubt, which was ac
counted for by the fact that he had engaged a cook who
was refractory to his orders ; but in the end he triumphed.
The dinner proved a perfect success, and in the midst of
it there came upon the table a dish superladen with orna
ments, the name of which no one could tell. Sam was
appealed to for information, but instead of responding at
once, he proceeded to examine it with the solemnity of an
autopsy. When he had finished he said : " Gentlemen,
the name of this dish, the basis of which is beef, is not
found in any of the catalogues, but it is composed in the
fashion of Bechemelle." Now, although I ate many a
feast, and drank many a flagon with Mr. Ward, the above
detailed allusion will suffice to show that Sam's motives
are always mysterious, that his conduct is attended with
surprises, that he often dignifies trifles, and sometimes
employs large phrases to convey small ideas. What
ordinary mortals call a spit is, with him, a wand ; his
stew-pans are alembics, his carving-knife is a bistoury, and
his fork is a trident. At the feast, whether given by him
self or others, he is always blandly cheerful and sympa
thizing, and when he holds up a glass of old wine to the
4

74 Fifty Years' Observation.

light and looks through it, the glow of his countenance
makes all others look dismal by the comparison. With
such endowments as I have ascribed to him, joined to
the ability to turn night into day, it might have been
easily foreseen that when Mr. Ward transferred his
presence to Washington, he would become " the king of
the lobby " and gain repute as " the prince of good fel
lows."

As Mr. Ward has been proclaimed by the newspapers,
and by the ephemera of society, the model gastronomer
of the country, it is fit that I should examine his title to
that distinction and subject it to every test of excel
lence. In the forms and ceremonies of feasts he is no
toriously learned, and he possesses a smattering knowl
edge of the chemical changes which the raw material of
nourishment undergoes in its preparation for the table.
Such knowledge may be acquired by ordinary men, but
before a claim can be entertained to be the peer of such
illustrious names as Scott and Kemble (at whose tables I
never met Mr. Ward), we must examine further. We
must scan his motives, the tendency and effect of his ex
ample, and the character of his followers. Can a man's
motives be laudable who gives dinners to men who have
claims against the Government, and who promote him to
be " king of the lobby " ? Can the effect and example
of entertainments be commendable when, instead of in
spiring a disposition to virtuous deeds they incline a man
to commit more sin ? And, finally, is a man a good pa
triot among whose adherents we find so many scurvy
politicians, blatant demagogues, worldly theologians, in
triguing courtiers, trencher friends, revellers, and time
serving minute-jacks ? I think otherwise.

Few persons ever held him to an account for his sins,
or undertook to ascertain his depth. It struck me, how-

Ward's Character. 75

ever, that he was lacking in that which gives complete
ness to genius and permanence to enterprise. He was
fond of excitements that are near and notorious, and if
he hid himself it was for effect. He loved poetry the
charm of which is cheerful in sound, like that of Camp
bell and Longfellow, but Shakespeare was to him, as far
as I could observe, incomprehensible. He lived a stranger
to the inspired prophets, and was unmoved by the won
ders of creation.

CHAPTER VI.

Scott as a Christian. — His dislike for religious controversy. — Expression of
religious belief. — His manner of worship. — Comparison of eminent
preachers in French and English. — Strength of Scott's convictions.

" Let never day nor night unhallowed pass,
But still remember what the Lord hath done."

THAT which most ennobles humanity is a belief in the
Christian religion, compared with which the grand
est earthly prize is an unsubstantial trifle. The man who
clearly recognizes the truth of revelation is permitted to
know by intuition more of the works of the Almighty
than the greatest scientist can learn of the properties of
matter in all its forms, combinations, and changes. The
field which the Christian explores is illimitable in extent,
and filled with charms that continue till his death, which
the good deplore.

The path of the infidel worldling is narrow and
crooked, and ends in confusion and misery. The pleas
ures he pursues are bubbles that break at every acci
dent, and after his death we remember nothing of him
but his follies.

It is my purpose to describe General Scott as a Chris
tian, in the broadest sense of the term, and not as a sec
tarian. He seemed always averse to religious contro
versy and to estimate its futility as strongly as did the
author of the following stanza :

" Who travels in religious jars,

Truth mixed with error, shades with rays,
Like Whiston wanting pyx or stars,
In ocean wide, or sinks or strays."

Chaplain Warner. 77

The first time I ever heard General Scott speak of re
ligion was something more than a year after I joined
him. It was during a long conversation he then had
with the Reverend Thomas Warner, who was at the time
chaplain and professor of ethics and belles-lettres in the
Military Academy.

The general was fond of conversing with that gifted
clergyman, for whom I entertained a great admiration. I
trust, therefore, that a concise account of him will not be
out of place here.

Mr. Warner was a man of genius, and in person he so
strongly resembled General Jackson as to be sometimes
mistaken for that old hero. Tall, spare, and erect in car
riage, his Roman profile and full-thatched, iron-gray head
and handsome face were lighted up by a pair of deep
blue eyes that changed their expression with every emo
tion of his soul. Though a clergyman, he was passionate,
ambitious, and more haughty than beseems a follower of
the meek Redeemer. He was also morbid, and in his
moments of depression he would lament the hardness of
his youthful lot, which entailed upon him the loss of
early instruction. He would also speak in a tone of bitter
ness of having married a woman whom he supposed to be
rich, to discover, when too late, that " she had not a cent ! "

I learned more from Professor Warner in the section
room than from any other teacher, and I sat four years
under his preaching. I afterwards heard the celebrated
Dr. Hawks about the same length of time. I could never
decide which of the two could read the Episcopal Ser
vice better, or was more eloquent in the pulpit, each
being superior to any other divine I had listened to.
The polish of Mr. Warner's language and the music of
his rich tenor voice attracted General Scott, who was
pleased to converse with him.

78 Fifty Years' Observation.

In the year 1835 the inhabitants of West Point were
shocked by the death of Cadet Carter, who was
killed accidentally while fencing with one of his most in
timate friends. The button of his opponent's foil came
off, and the bare point of the weapon passed through
young Carter's eye to his brain, inflicting a wound from
which he died in a few days. Hearing of the accident
Chaplain Warner, without first seeking permission from
the superintendent, hastened to the hospital to administer
consolation to the dying youth, and for this disregard for
the regulations the reverend gentleman was placed in ar
rest. He was afterwards released, and he came down to
the headquarters of the Eastern Division in New York
to discharge his fancied griefs into the ear of General
Scott. I was present at the interview, and can never for
get how fiercely the fire of resentment can burn in the
breast of a Christian pastor.

I had witnessed the anger of Mr. Warner on many
occasions while I was a cadet. One Sunday morning he
came to the chapel following the cadets. It was evident
from the expression of his face and the nervous move
ments of his hands that he was out of humor, and when
he observed that one cadet did not rise with all the
others, as prescribed by the ritual, he leaned over his
desk, pointed sharply at the seated youngster, and ex
claimed : " I'll thank you to rise ! " The color left his
face, and his voice and eyes displayed the extreme of
anger. After holding the young cadet under his wild
gaze a whole minute, he resumed his erect position, and
proceeded with the service. His anger continued, and in
his sermon he evidently strayed from his notes to attack
sin and the indifference of sinners, with unusual vehe
mence.

The displeasure shown on the above occasion was as a

Chaplain Warner. 79

flash, compared with the torrent of vengeful eloquence he
poured out to General Scott. He pictured his obligation
as a minister of the gospel to fly to the bedside of the
dying boy, and declared that no human regulation could
prevail with him against such a sacred duty. He attacked
the superintendent, and upbraided the surgeons for in-
competency, saying that with proper treatment the youth
might have been saved. General Scott listened to his
visitor with patient attention, and did not even comment
on the chaplain's mistaken views of military orders and
regulations, but was so much excited by his fervor that he
began to comment on certain grievances of his own, and
in the course of his remarks the general uttered several
oaths, taking God's name in vain. For such rudeness and
impropriety he quickly corrected himself, and apologized
to Mr. Warner. His excuse was that he had contracted
the vile habit of profanity in his youth, and although he
had constantly striven to correct himself it would some
times break out in moments of great excitement. " But
for this bad habit," continued the general, " I have for
several years considered myself a good Christian."

Mr. Warner left the office apparently content with his
reception, and in a short time his connection with the
Military Academy was severed. Subsequently he became
the domestic chaplain of Colonel Herman Thorn, who
was maintaining in Paris such a state as often to cloud
the grandeur of King Louis Philippe and his court. The
gorgeous household of Colonel Thorn was enhanced by
the splendid presence and gracious voice of Mr. Warner ;
but harmony between two such incongruous characters
could not long subsist, and they soon separated. The
sermons which he had composed and preached in the
fashionable establishment Mr. Warner afterwards exhibit
ed as " Good seed sown among thorns." Finally, his

8o Fifty Years' Observation.

purse and credit being exhausted, he was lodged in the
Clichy Prison of Paris. He was there at the time Lieu
tenant Halleck (afterwards General Halleck) while on a
visit to the French capital, called to pay his respects.
Mr. Warner came forward with a smile to greet him, and
said : " I was sick and in prison, and ye visited me."

The sad example of Mr. Warner is worth preserving.
He was a firm believer in Christianity, and a man of pure
morals, as well as a refined genius. His presence when
not excited was uncommonly striking and dignified, and
but for his impatience and ungovernable temper he would
have achieved the highest honors of the church to which
he belonged.

The declaration of General Scott that he considered
himself a good Christian was not belied at any time by
my observation of his conduct. The manifestations of
his piety were in accord with his general character. He
was not of the abject, despondent class of Christians
whose feebleness inclines them to be always leaning on
the Lord, nor timid like the Publican, who in terror cried
for mercy from a remote corner of the Temple ; but he
modelled after the Centurion, who boasted of his high
commands and whose robust faith was approved by our
Saviour. He often read the Bible on Sundays, and when
I approached he would say, " I am searching the Scrip
tures." He was an habitual attendant at the Episcopal
Church, and his deportment during the service was char
acteristic.

Let us follow him into the sanctuary through the high
est arched gate where he has passed. When at home
he generally carried a splendid gold-headed cane, which
was a present, and as strong as the staff of Jacob.
This cane he took with him to church, and on being
seated in his pew he would superpose his two hands, the

Scott's Religion. 8 1

one above the other, on this cane, bend forward, and offer
a silent prayer. His length of limb made it difficult for
him to kneel, and I never saw his knee touch the earth in
adoration, nor did I ever hear him pray audibly. In
church, throughout the service, he always rose at the
proper time and stood bolt upright. His responses were
uttered in a full voice, and with such distinctness as to be
heard far around. The dignity with which he rose, and
the grace with which he resumed his seat, were wonder
fully conspicuous.

Prejudiced and uncharitable persons might infer from
the foregoing description that General Scott's religion was
Pharisaical. It was, however, quite the contrary. The
typical Pharisee of Scripture was unsocial, sour, and
devoted to self. General Scott was cheerful, grateful,
and his abundant benevolence was the offspring of a
generous nature. His Creator had been bountiful to him
in the bestowal of physical health and strength, and a
sturdy moral sense. His playfulness, his occasional out
bursts of temper, his adjurations and a few venial sins,
were the natural result of a redundant energy. When he
entered the temple of the Lord, and stood erect before
the Altar, his motive was to show that he had not
neglected the talents confided to him. He did not affect
the outward shows of asceticism, but his frequent ejacu
lation was, " Rend your hearts and not your garments."

He considered the sanctions of Holy Writ essential to
a lofty character, and he was an habitual reader of the
Bible. The prayers and sublime liturgies of the Catholic
Church, many of which are found in the Episcopal Prayer
Book, never failed to attract and interest him. Other re
ligious books he seldom perused, and although he was an
attentive hearer of sermons, he read not many of such as
are in print. So far as I could observe, he was ignorant of
4*

82 Fifty Years1 Observation.

the sacred literature of France, notwithstanding his resi
dence in that country. The Spanish tongue displays the
majesty of heavenly truth, that of France reveals its love
liness. Nowhere is the shrine of the Redeemer and His
blessed Mother adorned with more appropriate emblems
of piety, nor can there be conceived a form of worship
more devout in its supplications, or submissive in its
tenderness and trust, than that we see and hear in the
French cathedrals. The number of eminent preachers is
not great, although there has been, and there still remains
a number of pulpit orators of surprising brilliancy. It is
doubtful if there has been found among English-speaking
ecclesiastics one who could match the fervent beauty and
power of Bossuet, Massillon, or Bourdaloue of the past, or
of Lacordaire, Vallet and a few others of the present
century.

After a careful survey of his character, there can be no
question that General Scott's religious faith was deep and
strong, and proof against the assaults of sceptics and in
fidels. His morality was founded on religion and unvary
ing integrity. An excess of ambition and jealousy of
rivals, of which he seemed unconscious, were but the
attendants of his lofty aspirations, and for these we are
permitted to hope the Divine Master has pardoned him.

CHAPTER VII.

Puritanism. — Its nature, its benefits, and its dangers. — A study of Puritan
ism. — Its origin. — The first Puritans. — Result of Puritan instruction. —
Puritans and Catholics in the conversion of the heathen. — Puritan beliefs
concerning private judgment. — Character of our present government
derived from Puritanism.

THE opportunities that I have enjoyed to study Pu
ritanism have been such as to impress its charac
teristics strongly upon my mind. When, as a green boy,
I entered the Military Academy, I was full of the vague
apprehensions and the fearful sense of accountability that
are infused in the minds of all Puritan children. There I
commenced the battle of life with youths from every State
in the Union, the majority of whom were ignorant of the
nature of Puritanism, which I had supposed was universal
and infallible.

At the end of two years of hard study and seclusion, I
went home on furlough, and was asked by my brother
what I had learned at West Point. I replied that I had
learned a great deal of mathematics, a little French, and
military tactics. I also told him that, if the Southern
boys with whom I associated were right, all I knew be
fore going to the Military Academy was one wrong way
to do a few things.

Before going to West Point, I had never been in an
Episcopal or a Roman Catholic church, and all I knew of
the plan of salvation was derived from Presbyterians,
Congregationalists, Methodists and Baptists — all of whom
I class together as Puritans in their relations to political

84 Fifty Years' Observation.

and civil life. I had also read many sermons of those
sects, and a few of their books.

The first time I attended the chapel of the Academy
and saw the dignified person of Mr. Warner, invested in
his Episcopal robes, heard him read the Litany and all
the prayers from a book, I was profoundly impressed with
the strange contrast before me to the forms of worship to
which I had been accustomed. When I saw the congre
gation stand up to sing, and kneel down to pray, I asked
myself, why is this ? From that day and hour I began in
voluntarily to study Puritanism and to reflect upon its
origin. The more I observed the more I was confused,
and I am not yet certain that I can define it clearly, or to
tell precisely how it originated. Nevertheless, I have con
vinced myself that it is characterized by many negations,
and that it has been the cause of wonderful modifica
tions in the civilized religious governments of men ; and
notwithstanding it may appear presumptuous in me to
attack so mighty a subject, I am going to describe
Puritanism, its benefits and its dangers, as they appear
to me.

If we can imagine an original community of human
beings all in as perfect health of body and mind as the
race admits, and all ignorant of the strifes, diseases, suc
cesses and miscarriages that in the future would come to
agitate their spirits and modify their character, and if we
suppose that a superior intelligence had observed our p^o-
gcnitors in such a condition of pristine purity, and fore
told the possible changes their descendants might under
go, what would have been the conclusion ? It would have
been easy to foresee that violence, lust, pride, avarice, in
justice, ambition, poverty, hypocrisy, wrath, tyranny, ig
norance, servility, and superstition would largely prevail ;

Puritanism. 85

and that there would also be found benevolence, fortitude,
self-abnegation, chastity, sobriety, liberality, justice, frank
ness, piety, and forgiveness, but there was nothing to in
dicate that a Puritan would ever be possible. It remained
after many generations and until folly, crime, ignorance,
submission to wrong, sorrow, tyranny and superstition
had wrought their effects, embittered existence, corrupted
the healthful currents of life, made men desperate and
reckless by exactions and hopeless suffering, that a class
of men could be generated who would thrust aside and
reject all hitherto existing customs, manners, usages,
modes of thought, forms of rule and worship, and treat
as worthless and beneath contempt every insignia of
sacerdotal, civil and military rank, all the devices of
heraldry, and every token of inequality among men. In
addition to all that, it was necessary to suppress or
subdue the pleasures of sense, destroy all the forms of
beauty which had hitherto been engraved on stone and
traced on canvas, or wrought on gems, metals, wood and
tissues, and to forbid their renewal ; to add to the list of
sins dancing, music, plays, sports, fashions, hilarity, and
every diversion that nature craves ; and finally to incul
cate in children an idea that all the thoughts, exemptions,
immunities and privileges of the magistrates, of courts,
camps and church are wrong, and force them to believe
that to hate kings, lords, and the pope is a supreme duty,
and that there was no beauty but the beauty of Puritan
holiness. Finally, that future salvation could only follow
an overworked, joyless life of unbroken sadness. When we
contemplate the folly, injustice, presumption, and cruelty
of human domination in the ages that are past, we are in
no way surprised that such a race of desperate men should
have arisen. That they could gain proselytes, however,
when they proclaimed open war on all the pleasures and

86 Fifty Years' Observation.

diversions of youth, all the worldly ends and aims of man
hood, and all the earthly prizes of ambition, surprises us
beyond expression. Yet all that was accomplished,
and Puritanism became the mightiest power of all the
world.

The original Puritans were destitute of arms, equip
ments, and generals. They had no baggage but the
Bible, a slate, and spelling-book, and for music they sub
stituted dolorous hymns and canticles recited in nasal
tones. The bounties they offered for recruits were hard
work and meagre fare 312 days in the year, long written
sermons to hold up the horrors of Catholicism and im
penitence, and extempore prayers 52 days, and one day
for thanksgiving. Their numbers increased slowly in the
Old World, and the scorn of the aristocrats threatened
them with annihilation, until the choicest spirits among
them gathered together and went across the ocean to
plant a colony in New England. It was a far-off, cold,
rocky outpost, where every man, woman, and child was
obliged to work or starve, and it was there they organized
the relentless war they afterwards waged against all the
strongholds of tyranny, privilege, and ignorance. They
advanced upon the old civilizations, and never abandoned
a position they had once gained. They could not be
frightened, because they were bound by a terrible dogma,
which cannot be described, and which they called " prin
ciple," and is superior to fear ; nor could they be bought
by kings and priests, because they had nothing the Puri
tans valued to offer them. The hopelessness of the task
served only to add to the dogged energy of the workers,
and what the democracy of Greece, and all the rebellious
assemblages from Mons Sacra to the battle of Jemappes
wholly failed to accomplish, was finally established by the
unfaltering obstinacy of the Puritans. Tyrants were cowed,

Dangers of Puritanism. 87

and as a consequence the people now legislate for them
selves, without molestation or constraint.

The results of Puritan instruction and example have
been to set free the human genius and to unshackle its
energies. The whole earth has been surveyed, the secrets
of chemistry and magnetism unveiled, the mechanic powers
vastly developed, comforts and plenty immensely multi
plied, universal suffrage and education established with
us, and both demanded in all the other civilized nations
of the world. Such are the benefits and effects which
must be imputed to Puritanism, and now it is proper to
state the dangers to which it apparently tends, and the
evils that may hereafter arise from it.

Originally one of the chief elements of Puritanism was
religion of a peculiar character, which was evidenced by
an austere sanctity, a lack of ornament, and a fierce icono-
clasm. The characters and habits of thought were so
inculcated in its youthful votaries, that a man might lose
his religion and not cease, apparently, to be a Puritan.
Moreover, at the breaking off from the old primitive church
which had preserved the rites and traditions of Christi
anity, although lewd and corrupt men were found among
its ministers, the Puritans had indulged in many spite
ful negations which were repugnant to reason, and set
an example of discontent and rebellion against laudable
things. Hence the multiplication of sects, and the in
crease of scepticism, which, as it frequently lapses into in
fidelity, threatens the whole fabric with destruction and
the loss of the greatest benefit and solace to man, which
is the Church of Christ.

There was another defect in Puritanism, which appears
like an instinct when acting upon savage and heathen
races of men. The Puritans in all cases in which they
have undertaken to evangelize the barbarians have failed,

88 Fifty Years' Observation.

because they have required them first to become Puritans,
which was an impossibility. Wherever the Puritan mis
sionaries have appeared in contact with them, the abo
rigines of this continent have withered and disappeared
like the green herbage upon which a cloud of locusts
has settled. I asked our representative at the Sandwich
Islands, General McCook, what they had taught the
Kanakas. " They have taught them discontent," said
he ; " and every one of them that is old enough knows
how to read and write, and the race is disappearing with
fearful rapidity."

In contrast let us observe the Catholics among the
heathen, and especially what the Jesuit fathers have ac
complished, and how they proceeded. Once in Rome I
enjoyed the honor of a long conversation with the Gen
eral of the Jesuits, and had several interviews with his
gifted secretary, Father Armilini, S. J. They showed me
the spot in the cell where we conversed where St. Ignatius
Loyola wrote the constitution of their society, where he
took his meals, where he slept, where he prayed, and
where he died. They told me that in all his writings and
instructions to his followers he inculcated the necessity
of first studying the characters of the people to whom
they ministered. They were required to acquaint them
selves clearly with the impulses, modes of thought, and
all the peculiarities of the heathen, and of all unbelievers
of every nation and sect, and then to lead them out of
their errors into the Catholic Church. In that manner
they succeeded in civilizing, converting, and preserving
many savage tribes, and arresting infidelity.

On the Pacific coast of our own country the benefi
cence of their labors was apparent in the well-being of
many Indians, but when the breath of our countrymen
fell upon them they perished almost immediately. The

Dangers of Puritanism. 89

labors of the Puritans are most effective among those who
prize comfort and " progress." If St. Ignatius had taught
his followers to study mechanics, and to preach thrift and
convenience, there would have been no Puritans.

There is another 'dangerous tendency in Puritanism,
which arises from the unabridged, unregulated right of
private judgment in matters of religion, and from the ab
solute universality and equality of the suffrage which it
inculcates. The two operating together, besides the en
couragement they give to infidelity, operate to produce
political and social equality, which if it could be estab
lished would, in the opinion of Dr. Johnson, destroy all
happiness but physical happiness. Absolute, universal,
and equal suffrage cannot prove beneficent in the end,
unless the majority of mankind are good. If they are so,
then we must conclude that the wise men of Greece, the
inspired writers and prophets of old, and the experience
of the best men of all ages and all countries have been
erroneous. It is true that many of the old Puritans were
made so arrogant by their austerities that they called in
question the wisdom of the Creator in making man as he
is, and they have endeavored to change his essential dis
position, but thus far they have not wholly succeeded.
Absolute equality of suffrage was never admitted on a
large scale until we in the United States adopted it since
the war of the Rebellion. Wherever it has approached
nearest to equality in fully populated countries it has in
variably terminated in disaster. Its deluded advocates
in our country have been encouraged by the facility of
gaining subsistence from our vast fertile territory. As
soon as the public domain is disposed of, and the price
of all lands enhanced, there will be no more room for
easy expansion, and the agrarian spirit will make head
against property, which is the fundamental basis of all

90 Fifty Years Observation.

human society. Children are now born who will live to
see the suffrage abridged, or to witness the spilling of
more blood on account of exactions, principally through
taxation, peculation, and legal plunder, than was shed on
account of negro slavery.

The character and policy of our Government, as it is
now administered, and the prevailing system of education,
are the result of Puritanism. Our wealth, prosperity, and
power excite the envy of the world, and yet, uncon
sciously to most people, we are sowing the seeds of de
struction. Our system of common schools, as they are
conducted, inculcates in the minds of the youth of both
sexes the idea that the right of indigent children to a
luxurious education at the expense of others is a perfect
right, for which no acknowledgment of respect or grati
tude is due from them. The teachers are mostly of the
same conviction, and the result is a diminution of respect
for age and duty to parents, aversion to necessary subor
dination, an agrarian idea of property, and a general con
tempt for manual labor. This state of things can be en
dured without any very obvious disturbance, so long as
we can command foreign " help " to do our drudgery,
while cheap land is to be had, and until overcrowding of
population begins to multiply its foul brood of evils. If
the present rate of increase continues, that state of things
will be established within the next fifty years. After
that the shrinking process will commence, — the foot of the
grown man must be diminished to fit the shoe of the
child, and the irremediable horrors of an over-dense popu
lation will be apparent to all persons except such as de
rive their happiness from the misfortunes and sufferings
of their fellow-beings.

In this chapter it has been my purpose to give an idea
of the origin and essential qualities of Puritanism, as well

Puritan Theories. 91

as its effects upon governments, civilization and manners.
The theory of the Puritans seems to be subject to many
disputes and rapid changes. It appears to me that it is
less characterized by the religious element than by politi
cal equality, or freedom, as it is called. Upon that sub
ject it would be needless for me to enlarge.

No one can fail to observe the immense stream of util
ity that has its origin in Puritanism, and we see that many
of our most able, honest, and enterprising citizens are of
Puritan descent, but they have lost the grimness of
their forefathers.

The Puritan theories of benevolence are too sentimental
for me. I confess that I am not willing to contribute
to teach every indigent child contempt for any kind of
necessary labor, nor to play on grand pianos at the pub
lic expense. I would not allow all the idle, vicious,
penniless vagabonds to vote, especially the aliens, but
I would give every child, however destitute, an oppor
tunity to learn to read, write, and cipher, and every
one, rich and poor, should be admitted upon equal con
ditions to pursue every calling in life to gain his bread,
and every able-bodied needy person should work or starve.

CHAPTER VIII.

The evils of foreign immigration. — Scott opposed to foreign immigration.
— My study of his opinions. — Overcrowded population in Europe. —
Anecdotes. — Future of immigration in the United States.— Foresight
of Scott on this question.

SCOTT was evidently opposed to giving
V_J encouragement to foreign immigration, and he
thought our future well-being as a nation would be best
promoted by native increase of population. I infer that
he would have denied the suffrage to foreign-born
men, and that he had given some attention to the evils
incident to too many people to the square mile while
he was in Europe. When I was with him, I was ig
norant of those evils, and they had not, until quite re
cently, begun to be apparent in our country. I have
since made myself familiar with them to an extent that
would require a volume to explain. I will give a few
examples.

The vast majority of Americans who travel in Europe
have no eyes for the dark caverns of misery, and no
care but for luxury ; and the doings of the favorites of
fortune and fashion shape all their conclusions. For
tunately for me, before I visited Europe my opportu
nities had enabled me to observe all the devices of fash
ion, which are similar throughout the world. The
manners of such as feel secure and easy, and the man
ners of those who seek to enter the charmed circle by
reason of newly-gotten gold, are so various as to defy

Overcrowded Pop illation. 9 3

description. This latter class of Americans is quite nu
merous in Europe, and the vigor with which they display
their wealth and court notoriety, although I was often
amused and agreeably entertained by them at rare in
tervals, had fewer attractions for me than many other
things.

I employed my time in studying the monuments of ages
that are past, and to learn from them the history of igno
rance, cruelty, oppression, folly, and suffering, as well as
the proofs of labor, ingenuity, fortitude, affection, and
piety, to which the human race has been subject. Above
all else was I interested to learn the effect of overcrowd
ing of population upon the poor, and upon all those un
fortunate persons who have miscarried in their designs,
or who were born to the heritage of misery.

In Paris with my family I occupied one of ten apart
ments in a large house ; each of the apartments had an
average of eight rooms, including a kitchen for each.
The concierge and his wife lived on the ground floor,
and occupied a space of eight feet by twenty feet for re
ception or business room, kitchen, and bedroom, upon
which the sun never shone, and which received light from
one barred window. The concierge and his wife were
intelligent and respectable, and one of them was obliged
to be present throughout every day and night of the year.
They must attend to the door, to receive and transmit
messages and parcels for ten families, and to keep in per
fect order the stairway and elevator in a building six
stories high, for all of which the proprietor paid them $25
per month without board. In the course of time the
wife of the concierge gave birth to a son. Two days
after the birth the landlord made his appearance and noti
fied the mother that she might retain her child till he was
eight days old, and then she must send him away, which

94 Fifty Years Observation.

she did. The landlord also notified the parents that if
they had another child they could not remain in his house.
The French people could see nothing strange or un
usual in the landlord's conduct, and the concierge said
he must submit, as hundreds of couples would be very
glad to get his place on any conditions.

Within a year past the vast body of government em
ployees in Paris, finding the pittance allowed them in
sufficient for their subsistence, now that provisions are
nearly twice as dear as they are in San Francisco, vent
ured to draw up a petition for an increase of wages.
The petition, after representing the hardships of the
signers, asked for relief in terms of respect which ap
peared to me humiliating. No notice but insult was
given to the appeal, and several members of the Govern
ment regarded the petition as seditious, and thought all
the signers should be discharged ; and this under French
Republican rule !

In Provence, which is in the southeastern portion of
France, the three principal sources of wealth that the in
habitants relied on for subsistence have been nearly cut
off within the last twenty years, viz.: Madder for dyes
has been displaced by a chemical ; olive trees, which have
decayed in vast numbers, and vines, which have been
nearly destroyed by the phylloxera. I asked an intelli
gent farmer how the poor people (and nearly all are poor)
lived. His reply was that their principal food was beans.

In Switzerland, especially in the Maritime Alps, the
hardships are more obvious than in any portion of
France. The steep sides of the mountains are terraced
with infinite labor, and when the rain washes away the
soil it is carried up again in baskets by men, women, and
children. Sometimes the drought destroys or cuts short
the harvest, and then terrible suffering ensues. In the

Conditions in Europe. 95

most favorable seasons a comfortable subsistence can only
be secured by the incessant toil of both sexes from in
fancy to old age.

Italy presents in many places still more startling scenes
of misery than France or Switzerland. Hereditary lack of
proper nourishment has resulted in dreadful diseases, for
which there is no possible remedy but a better supply of
food. Before I went to Italy I was told that " laziness,"
which many prejudiced persons suppose to be an invariable
incident of " Popery," was the cause of the poverty I wit
nessed. The falseness of that supposition is demonstrated
by the eagerness with which our people seek for Catholic
Belgian, French, Swiss, Italian, and Portuguese gardeners.
The care, diligence and skill of one of those will double
the product of an equal area of ground over the waste
and neglect of one of our native-bred laborers. Instead
of *• laziness " being apparent in the husbandry around
Milan, Florence, Bologna, and Naples, I found the lands
labored, caressed, and coaxed to yield as abundant har
vests as in any part of the world. In Naples I was told
that many laborers considered themselves rich if they had
six cents per day to subsist on — viz., two cents for wine,
two cents for maccaroni, one cent for vegetables, and one
cent for tobacco. A robust young laborer of Antwerp
told me there were many men in Belgium as good as him
self who only tasted meat once a year. There are dens
of filth and squalor in all the large cities of Europe which
I never cared to inspect, but within a month I have seen
an official report of the condition of the poor in Paris,
which states that the city now contains over 46,000 indi
gent families (menages), but the families average a fraction
less than three in each. It is well known that in France
the growth of population is checked by immoral prac
tices. Unthinking observers usually impute those prac-

g6 Fifty Years Observation.

tices to other than their true cause. I once asked a
French woman, who was the manager of a large hotel,
why she had only one child. " Because," said she, " I
can't afford to have more ! "

In England they are now speculating on the best
method of arresting the increase of population. One of
the means practised is to ship great numbers of paupers
and vicious persons to America at the public expense.
The same is done and has long been practised on an ex
tensive scale in the continental countries of Europe, es
pecially in Switzerland, Italy, and Germany. Enforced
emigration is necessary from those regions where the soil
has been more. or less exhausted, and where the animal
forces of men,, women, and children, horses, mules, oxen,
cows, donkeys, and dogs, are taxed, often to excess, to
gain a bare subsistence that our poorest people would
scorn. In those countries there is not half as many idlers
proportionately as we find in all parts of the United
States.

Those examples ought to influence the patriot and man
of foresight among us to withhold all encouragement to
foreign immigration. The first step should be to repeal
all naturalization laws, and only to constitute one voting
citizen at a time from an alien by an act of Congress.
Our Consul at Zurich, Switzerland, Mr. Byers, has inves
tigated the evils I am speaking of, and he is strongly in
favor of regulating emigration, with a view to diminish it.
That is made the more necessary by the average increase
in the length of human life, which is due chiefly to ma
chinery and easy transportation. Forty years ago the
labor of travelling and moving goods on land and by sea
and of cultivating the soil was so great as to exhaust our
people prematurely and to shorten life.

I have not visited many of the pagan countries, but

Scott on Foreign Immigration. 97

every one ought to be aware of the indescribable horrors
of overcrowding of population in India, China, and Japan.
With our present rate of increase of population, the
United States will, at the end of 125 years, contain a
greater number of inhabitants to the square mile than
either of those countries. A hundred years in the dura
tion of a well-governed State ought to be considered as
one year in the life of a man, and the time will very
shortly arrive when the curses of all good citizens will fall
thick upon the names of those silly enthusiasts and sordid
grovellers who now exert themselves to promote emigra
tion from any country in the world.

The foresight of General Scott could not be more strik
ingly exemplified than by the fact that, when all our do
main from the immediate borders of the Mississippi River
to the Pacific Ocean was an uncultivated wilderness and
the haunt of savages and wild beasts, he clearly foresaw
the evils that would arise from a too rapid increase of
foreigners among us, and gave a note of warning against
it.

It is proper that I should analyze the kind of govern
ment to which in his heart, it appeared to me, General
Scott aspired. My conclusions are the results of the
boundless confidence he reposed in me, and are not
wholly derived from his writings, nor his speeches, when
he sought the Presidency. It would be idle for him, or
any other man, to hope to be Chief Magistrate of the
United States who could not heartily pay his court to the
Irish and Germans. Not because the votes of those two
nationalities tend to secure good laws and good execu
tion of them, but because of their clannishness, and the
imperiousness with which their numbers and wealth en
able them to sway legislation and to modify our customs.
His awkwardness as a stump speaker was in part due to
5

98 Fifty Years' Observation.

the fact that, being in the canvass, he was obliged to act
a part that was foreign to *his convictions in many par
ticulars.

General Scott would never have sought the counsel nor
suffered the dictation of the alien element in our midst to
frame the government of his choice ; otherwise his plans
were as broad as the limits of his country. He would
have scanned the theories and weighed the maxims of
sobriety and industry of the Puritans. He would have
given heed to the martial spirit and social graces of the
holders of slaves, though he would have gladly discarded
their peculiar institution. He had learned from the Jews
how commendable it is in children to love and honor
their parents. He reverenced religion, but would have
inculcated tolerance and absolute freedom of conscience.
He was learned in scripture ; he had imbibed the spirit
of civil prudence from Shakespeare, the lessons of history
and the essential attributes of man, and he was convinced
that certain degrees, not lapsing in tyranny, but founded
in merit, experience, talent, services, and age, are neces
sary to give stability and dignity to human governments.

The degrees he would have encouraged are such only
as spring from innate or well-earned superiority, and such
gifts and services as are employed for the benefit of
society, in whatever rank they are found. Often did he
call my attention to laboring men in his employ, and
would say: " Young gentleman, that man you see work
ing in his shirt-sleeves does his duty faithfully, and you
are bound to respect him as though he were clothed in
scarlet."

No man could have been more careful than he to re
spect the feelings and to guard the rights of all persons
who toil in the inferior, or rather in the least conspicuous,
fields of industry. On the other hand, he rejected all

Scott's Ideal Government. 99

propositions coming from idlers and dissolute people, as
well as from enthusiasts and dreaming humanitarians,
who go about to correct abuses and remedy evils which
they have not investigated.

The essential quality of the government to which Gen
eral Scott aspired was healthfulness in all its elements.
He could not imagine the possibility that bad seed could
produce a good harvest, or that a sickly tree could pro
duce wholesome fruit. Neither did he think it reason
able to encourage or to permit large bodies of aliens wl:o,
in the contests of the Old World, have been degraded L»y
reason of their physical, mental, and moral weaknesses
and their crimes, to come among us, to exercise the suf
frage, to make laws, and to corrupt our youth with
vicious examples. Hence his intense repugnance to the
race of extreme humanitarians. It has been said that
whole nations from time to time become insane, and that
fact is sufficiently established by many enactments and
usages of past ages. But was there ever a period in the
history of mankind in which insanity was more apparent,
or more to be deplored, than we find it in many of our
learned citizens and highest functionaries, who strive to
bring within our borders the oppressed and downtrodden
of the whole world, and to constitute them, politically,
the equals of our best citizens. Such false philanthro
pists are the architects of ruin. They always build the
monuments of human folly so high that they tumble
down before the crowning statue can be put up. What
is called liberty with us is fast turning to license and
communism.

CHAPTER IX.

A REVIEW OF THE AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF GENERAL SCOTT.

Scott's character as exhibited in the book. — His comments on events.—*
Burr's trial. — Wilkinson. — War with England. — The quarrel with Jack
son. — Anecdotes of Jackson. — Van Buren's Administration. — Troubles
in Canada. — Anecdotes of a journey with Scott. — Scott in the South. —
The Cherokees. — Scott as a politician. — His opinions. — Benton. — The
autobiography on the Mexican War.

AT the time the autobiography of General Scott
issued from the press I was away, and for several
years succeeding my whole attention was given to my
private affairs. The comments of the critics were not in
all cases flattering to his work, and as it happened that
his book never came into my hands, my omission to read
what he had written was entirely accidental, and fortunate,
as it served to verify the impressions of his character
which long personal intercourse with him had left in my
memory.

To me it is not surprising that a person should under
value General Scott, if he only knows him from his auto
biography. When the general attempts to describe his
own good qualities he frequently appears like a boaster,
and the petulance of his irritable disposition finds vent in
many pages. I intend to trace the filaments of his true
character through his writings, and to disentangle them,
as far as I am able, from the cankers that gathered upon
them in the gloom of his declining years.

The general's comments on the trial of Aaron Burr for
treason are concise and pleasant to read. A hundred
times did I hear him speak of that trial, at which he was

Scott's Autobiography. 101

present, and it always appeared to me that he disliked
Jefferson as much as he did Burr. He never failed to ex
press his hostility to any man who dabbled with the unity
of these States, but he was seldom as emphatic in his de
nunciations as he is in his book, in which he exclaims :
" It is a striking fact that three of our Vice-Presidents —
Aaron Burr, J. C. Calhoun, and J. C. Breckinridge — be
came, each in his day, a leader in treason."

During the trial of Burr, and soon after he had been ad
mitted to the bar, Scott was, as he declares, first seized
with a desire to become a soldier, and there was not in
him the making of a first-class lawyer. He might have
been a respectable counsellor, but as a pleader before a
jury he would have failed. In the whole domain of
history that I have searched I have found no proof that a
great general could be, or could have been, a great jury
lawyer.

The character of mind essential to a successful jury
lawyer must be such that he can conform, pliantly and
without seeming effort, to every cause, and advocate
either side with equal sincerity and zeal. He must be elo
quent alike for judge and jury, and able to know human
nature at a glance in all its customary and accidental con
ditions, and quick to address the proper argument neces
sary to convert to his own purpose all whom he seeks to
convince or control. He must have groans always at com
mand, and be as ready to shed tears as Leonarda in the
robbers' cave. Finally he must know when he has con
vinced the court and jury, and when to quit and sit
down. It is the privilege of the great advocate, such as
I have described, to release the assassin, and let the mur
derer go unpunished — to acquit the thief, and justify the
betrayer of trusts — to give credit to perjurers and
slanderers, and to enable confederate villains to pillage
industrious and to cloud the names of innocent men.

IO2 Fifty Years' Observation.

Scott's military career commenced as captain of light
artillery, and on the 3d of May, 1808, which is the date
of his first commission. His comments upon the state of
the army at that time display a spirit of fairness, and he
records the names and merits of officers uninfluenced by
the pique and jealousies that subsequently warped his
judgment of some of them. Referring to the officers com
missioned at about the same time with himself, he thrusts
at President Jefferson, whom he accuses of contempt for
the military character consequent upon his hostility to
those men who achieved our independence. Not only
were Jefferson's appointments to the army generally bad,
but those commissioned by Jackson, Polk, and Pierce
were of a similar character. Such was the opinion of
General Scott, who, it must be understood, was hostile to
the four Presidents above named. At the same time,
much to his honor, Scott pays a compliment to the West
Point Academy, the benefits of which, although he did
not enjoy them, he estimated throughout the whole of
his life as highly as any one of its graduates.

It was in the year 1809 when, after a leave of absence
and visit to the North, Captain Scott rejoined his com
pany, that his natural repugnance to rivals and such as
stood in his way becomes apparent. Scott had expressed
his belief that the Department Commander, Wilkinson,
under whom he served, was a confederate in Burr's trea
son. Wilkinson and Scott could not have lived or acted
together in harmony under any possible conditions.
Each thought the other vain and weak, and Scott's sug
gestion, which was subsequently, as he states, verified —
that Wilkinson was a traitor — was for that reason the
more distasteful to the latter. It verifies the French
maxim, " There is nothing but the truth that always
offends," and it gave rise to an intensely malignant feud.
Wilkinson charged Scott with having gambled away the

Horace Greeley. 103

money he had received to pay his soldiers, and the accu
sation is recorded in Wilkinson's Memoirs. General
Scott never detailed the whole affair to me, but he ex
plained it fully in his autobiography, and he gives the
finding of the court-martial which tried him, and in which
these words appear : " The court have no hesitation in
acquitting the accused [Scott] of all fraudulent intentions
in detaining the pay of his men."

There was nothing unusual in Captain Scott's conduct.
He probably was negligent or forgetful of a small item,
but his accounts had not been settled, and the charge
against him was, as I judge, a simple ebullition of per
sonal spite. Nevertheless something remained of it to
be employed against him subsequently by his political
opponents. I remember that in the first canvass of
General Scott for the Presidency, Horace Greeley came
to me in the cars one day and asked me to explain
Wilkinson's charge against Scott for using his soldiers'
money. I was not then able to detail all the facts, but I
told Mr. Greeley that the charge was slanderous, and that
it arose from a transaction usual in the army, and which
was the result of forgetfulness or slight error in accounts.

I had never before seen Mr. Greeley, who was then
beginning to attract notice as the editor of the New York
Tribune. At that time he was about thirty-five years old,
round-faced and healthful, with blue eyes and very light
hair. The restless eagerness of his interrogations denoted
the character he afterwards established, which enabled
him to change his convictions or ruling texts and hobbies
as suddenly as a bird in a cage hops from one perch to
another. Mr. Greeley was a man of good intentions, but
he made the grand mistake of killing himself with over
work, in order to leave the world better than he found it,
and to be President.

IO4 Fifty Years' Observation.

Having been falsely accused by General Wilkinson and
suspected by his enemies of having appropriated to his
own use the money due to his men, it is proper that I
should give my own solemn opinion of General Scott's
integrity.

During many years I was intimate with his minutest
pecuniary and business transactions, as I have been with
a vast number of others, and among them all not one has
appeared to me to be a more perfect model of honesty
than Winfield Scott. It was impossible for him to cheat ;
he was so unsuspiciously honest that he was often duped
by rogues. My old friend, the glorious Gouverneur
Kemble, while he was at the head of West Point
Foundry, often manufactured guns, shot and shells for
the United States. At one time Mr. Kemble received in
his office a man who brought from General Scott a letter
of introduction, which contained fulsome praise of the
individual's good character and fitness to have a contract.
As soon as Mr. Kemble finished reading the letter the
bearer, in the most unblushing manner, submitted a plan
by which they could cheat the Government. All this I
had from Mr. Kemble's own lips, and he agreed with me
that General Scott was incapable of dishonesty.

The manner in which Scott describes the part he took
in the war with England, of 1812, displays to perfec
tion his aspirations and his ardent ambition. He seems
indifferent to fatigue and seeks the post of danger on
all occasions. His jealousy of prerogative never forsakes
him, and he refuses to join the expedition against
Queenstown which had already been organized with
Lieutenant-Colonel Van Rensellaer in command, because
his own commission of the same grade was the older.
Lieutenant-Colonel Fenwick had waived rank, but Scott
declined, and he only consented to cross and assume the
command after Van Rensellaer had been wounded and

Scott on Armstrong. 105

disabled. He fought desperately, but was overwhelmed by
numbers and taken prisoner.

Scott, having been paroled and afterward exchanged,
resumed his military duties in January, 1813. His
references to the operations of the army on the north
ern frontier during the year make us acquainted with
a succession of disasters that were due to unskilful
combinations and incompetent commanders. He pays
a tribute of respect to Major-General Dearborn, on
whose staff he served for a while as chief, and to the
Secretary of War, Armstrong. When he announces the
instalment of the new commanding officer, General Wil
kinson, September 4, 1813, his unsubdued rancor breaks
forth in a note of which the following is a transcript:
" The selection of this unprincipled imbecile was not
the blunder of Secretary Armstrong. Wilkinson, whose
orders were dated March 10, 1813, contrived not to
reach Fort George till the 4th of September!"

For how many of the blunders and miscarriages of the
year 1813 General Wilkinson was responsible, it is need
less for me to inquire. It is evident that Scott regarded
him as the chief offender, and hence the bitter vindictive-
ness of his criticisms — a vindictiveness which in this
instance is excusable. General Scott was a perfectly
honest man in money matters; and when Wilkinson
assailed his integrity he committed an offence greater
than murder, and Scott had a right to avenge himself by
every measure, even by weapons drawn from the arsenals
of hell !

For Mr. Van Buren, who was emerging to notice in
1813, notwithstanding his politics and friendship for Gen
eral Jackson, Scott always retained a friendly feeling.
While the former was President of the United States I
was often present when the two gentlemen met to discuss
the troubles of the Canadian frontier and the removal of

106 Fifty Years' Observation.

the Cherokee Indians. Mr. Van Buren appeared to be
thoroughly acquainted with the subject in discussion, and
the ease as well as the suavity of his manners were re
markable.

In describing the campaign of 1814, Scott, now a
brigadier-general in the army, displays all his enthusiasm.
A spirit of fairness pervades his narrative generally in
regard to the majority of his associates, although the
friends of his commanding-general, Brown, found fault
with Scott for arrogating to himself the lion's share of
merit for the victories of Chippewa and Lundy's Lane,
both of which he always, in his subsequent conversations
with me, claimed as his own.

At the battle of Lundy's Lane, or Niagara, as the Eng
lish historians more properly name it, which was fought
mostly after dark on the 28th of July, 1814, both sides
claimed the victory. Both commanders, Brown and
Riall, were wounded, and the latter was taken prisoner ;
and it was there that Scott himself, at the moment when
he supposed the victory was ours, was struck down by a
musket ball through the left shoulder joint, and carried
from the field unconscious from loss of blood and agony.
It was that terrible wound, the solicitude and attentions
which it secured to the sufferer from many persons of dis
tinction, his gallant achievements, his youth, his ardent
ambition, his martial stature, his confidence in himself,
his Southern birth, all conspiring, that made a hero of
Winfield Scott. His commanding officer, General Brown,
was likewise disabled on that same field, and in that
desperate night's conflict Ripley, Jesup, O'Neil, Hind-
man, Brady, Porter, and Leavenworth displayed their
valor and devotion ; and there Miller, by the personal
order of General Brown, led the brilliant charge up the
hill, captured the British battery, and routed the enemy.

Politics in 1860. 107

Few more gallant achievements grace the annals of war
than that of Miller, and yet his fame, like that of nearly
all the brave men I have mentioned, was of short duration.

The history of that year was discussed at Augusta in
the spring of 1839, at tne time he was there to settle the
Northeastern boundary. One of Governor Fairfield's
associates shocked the general with two astounding
questions. "What was the date of the battle of Chip-
pewa? " Scott answered in the blandest terms, " It was
July 5th, 1814." Directly afterward he turned to me
and said, "There is fame for you." The next question
was, " General Scott, will you please tell me what State
you were born in ? " "I was born in the State of Vir
ginia." " Ah ! " said the down-Easter, " I always thought
you were a native of Connecticut." The general made
no further remark, but in the evening, after his visitors had
left, he found mistakes in what I had done during the
day, and told me my dancing all night stupefied my
faculties.

It was one of the peculiarities of General Scott to
attach immense importance to all the actions in which he
took part, however trivial they might be. He had the
art of magnifying his own exploits and of keeping him
self in view, notwithstanding he had many stereotyped
phrases that denoted humility.

General Scott thought it strange that a man should
inquire the date of a battle twenty-five years after it was
fought, in which the whole combined numbers engaged
on both sides Was considerably less than ten thousand
men. Since our civil war, and after the public mind be
came surfeited with big battles, heroes and carnage, and
military rank was vulgarized by a flood of high commis
sions, a superior officer, who has commanded more men,
and been more under fire than the general was in his

io8 Fifty Years' Observation.

whole life, would not be the least surprised if asked by an
old friend, ten years after the war, a question like the
following: "Where were you during the Rebellion?"

Scott's wound completely disabled him till the war was
over. The suffering he endured on his journey to Phila
delphia, where he says he arrived " flattered and feeble,"
was as great as humanity could bear. The mischief done
to the shoulder-joint could not have been repaired even
with the affectionate skill and care that awaited him, if the
patient had not been young and healthful. Fortunately
he had always been a stranger to those baleful dens where
young men void of understanding repair to interfuse their
blood with ineradicable poisons ; and the fair conduct of
his early manhood had charged the purple current of his
veins with a balm more healing to his wound than
all the lotions of a thousand Galens and the admiring
smiles of friends. As soon as his convalescence was well
advanced he sailed for Europe. The space occupied in
his book by the account of his doings and enjoyments dur
ing the year he was absent from America is short. His
written narrative seems like a pointless story, compared
with the florid anecdotes of persons and descriptions of
things he saw while he was abroad, and to which I so often
listened when we were alone together.

The general gives at some length the history of his
quarrel with General Jackson, and he refers to Parton's
Life of Jackson, and to his own life by Mansfield, for
further particulars. His own references to the hero of
New Orleans are frequent in his autobiography, and in
his conversations with me Scott spoke of Jackson on
numerous occasions, never to praise, and seldom to cen
sure with severity. He entertained no personal asso
ciations with President Jackson, nor with any member of
his Cabinet except Mr. Van Buren. He often referred to

Anecdotes of Jackson. 109

Mr. Woodbury as " the great Levi," and to Mr. Kendall
as " the great Amos/' with neither of whom did he ever
exchange a word. All his anecdotes of " Old Hickory "
related mostly to the ferocity of his character, which
the world recognized when he was excited.

From Jackson's admirers I heard many anecdotes con
cerning him which General Scott omits. From Mr. Bailey
Peyton, recently deceased, at the age of over eighty
years, and who was long the friend and associate of the
occupant of the Hermitage, I learned that General Jack
son was a good neighbor, a good husband, a true friend,
and an honest man. From an old officer of the army who
was in the staff of General Jackson in his Creek campaign,
I was told that he was a stern disciplinarian, but always
just and mindful of the good service of officers and men,
and towards the sick and wounded he was very tender.
He required every man under him to do his full duty, and
once, as they were marching along, an officer who was on
foot at the head of the column turned aside to avoid
the water which the men had to pass through. The
general rode instantly forward, ordered the officer back to
his place, and then cursed him violently in the presence
of the troops. At another time complaint was made
that an army surgeon was shamefully neglecting a sick-
soldier. Jackson summoned the doctor to go with him
to the tent of the sufferer, whom he questioned. Find
ing that the case had been exaggerated, and that his
own favorite pill had been given to the patient, he
went away appeased. At another time at Nashville,
while he was a young man and member of a club, his
associates undertook to give a supper, and leave him out
on account of his imperious conduct. Jackson took no
notice of the slight till near the end of the feast, when he
opened the door of the hall, and stood armed a minute to

no Fifty Years1 Observation.

observe the company. He then bounded upon one end
of the table, walked to the other end, shuffling off every
thing with his feet, jumped down, walked quietly to
the door, faced about, bowed, and left without having
uttered a word.

Dr. Heiskell of the army, an early friend of mine, was,
before he joined the service, the domestic physician of
General Jackson, and lived at the Hermitage. He was
there at the time the old hero was first elected President,
and he attended Mrs. Jackson in her last illness, and
was present when she died. During the final agony
the general remained upright at the foot of the bed.
The mind fails to conceive the impressiveness of the
scene, and if I could recall the action and the words
of my friend when he described it, I should chill the blood
of the reader. There, silent and erect like a statue,
stood that tall, unconquered old man, his white hair
bristling upon his majestic head, his lips firmly closed, his
face pale, his eyes gleaming with suppressed rage, and
while the death-struggle continued he did not move.
When all was over, he said, " They've killed her ! " and
then for five minutes longer he continued mute, and
looked upon the victim of slander as she lay dead
before him. If Salvator Rosa had been alive and a
witness in that chamber, he might have indued the linea
ments of despair and vengeance with a fiercer expression
than any he has left on canvas.

While he was young, and before he was accepted by the
world as an extraordinary personage, Jackson was a great
swaggerer, and would show temper at the most trifling
inattentions towards himself. Later in life his man
ners became easy, and his appearance was that of
a venerable nobleman of a kindly disposition. Senator
Evans, of Maine, told me that he was present at the

Characteristics of Jackson. Ill

White House in Washington, at the time La Fayette
was there in 1824, the guest of the nation, and great
numbers of people from ail parts of the country came to
see the French marquis ; but no sooner had they dis
covered that the hero of New Orleans was seated tran
quilly in the room than they left the Frenchman to go
and stare at General Jackson.

His force of will enabled him to put down nullification,
to extort from the government of Louis Philippe an in
demnity of $5,000,000, and to crush Nicholas Biddle and
the United States Bank, of which he was the head. No
sooner had he become President than he dismissed all
the Federal office-holders who had opposed his election,
and filled their places with his own partisans, giving the
preference to such as had been most defamed by his po
litical opponents. When his Cabinet Ministers showed
contumacy in regard to Mrs. Eaton, he said to Colonel
Bomford, who was chief of the Ordnance Department,
" By the Eternal, if they don't submit, I'll sweep every
man of them ! " Soon after he had executed his threat,
he said to Bomford, " Didn't I tell you I'd sweep *em."

The old Southern politicians told me he was a great
reader of newspapers, and that he calculated political
chances with singular astuteness. He seldom forgave a
man who offended him, and what it was that reconciled
him to Colonel Benton, who one night attacked him with
a bowie-knife, I could never learn. He knew how to dis
semble, and many of his outbursts of passion were
feigned, and when it was his purpose to persuade his
words were gentle and his smile as sweet as the vernal
breezes.

As a lawyer, judge, general, politician, president and
a private citizen, he was equally fearless, and when op-

112 Fifty Years Observation.

posed audacious in the extremest degree. When not
opposed, he was amiable and sympathetic, and in the
ordinary business of life he was ruled by prudence, com
mon sense, and justice. He was born to command, and
his military genius was of the first order. If it had been
put to the test in a great war, he would have taken rank
with the most renowned commanders of the world. The
possessor of the qualities I have described could not fail
to be the idol of the people, who never held him respon
sible for his evil deeds, nor their results. In retirement
he was revered, and when old age had subdued him he
was regarded as a saint, and his fellow-citizens visited the
Hermitage as they would visit a shrine.

It is obvious that in a personal contest with General
Jackson almost any man living would have been worsted.
The first serious quarrel between him and General Scott
originated in the following incident :

Jackson was a Major-General in the regular army, in
the year 1817, and in command of the Division of the
South, with his headquarters at Nashville, Tennessee.
An officer of topographical engineers, who was on duty
at some point on the Ohio River, I think, but within the
jurisdiction of Jackson, received an order direct from the
acting Secretary of War, Graham, to leave the Depart
ment of the South, and report for duty elsewhere. Ac
cording to Army Regulations, and the custom of service,
the order should have been forwarded through the Divi
sion Commander. The violation of that custom in the
army is frequent with some men, but in ninety-nine cases
in a hundred it arises from a desire to insult and degrade
the officer who is thus ignored, and its non-observance
indicates a mean, malignant spirit in the violater. I am
not aware that General Scott ever overslaughed an officer

" Old Hickory s" Wrath. 113

in that way, except in cases of absolute necessity, and
then the orders were simultaneously forwarded to the
superior and subordinate. In the case in question, the
acting Secretary of War may have been ignorant of cus
tom, and probably his only motive in sending the order
direct to the engineer was to avoid the loss of time by
the journey to Nashville.

With " Old Hickory " no excuse could justify or palli
ate a disregard of his prerogative. As soon as he learned
the facts, he issued an order and sent it to every post in
his Division, forbidding all officers to leave his command
without orders from him. He added wrathful expressions
peculiar to himself, which I am unable to repeat, as the
order is not within my reach.

General Scott often told me it was at the end of a din
ner party in New York, and in a conversation with Gov
ernor De Witt Clinton, as the two sat together on a sofa,
that they discussed Jackson's order, which he, Scott,
characterized as "mutinous" The remark was overheard
by a politician of an inferior grade — " a sort of familiar"
as the general called him — by whom it was reported in a
letter, or newspaper, sent anonymously to Jackson.

The latter enclosed a slip from the newspaper, and in
the simplest language he asked if the charge it contained
was true. Scott instead of answering the question cate
gorically, wrote an evasive answer, which was in the nat
ure of a homily. It aroused the wrath of the old lion
of the Hermitage, and in his reply he poured upon its
author a stream of vituperation the like of which is not
to be found in any book. The name of the writer of the
letters of Jimius has been sought in vain by the English-
speaking world for a whole century, and yet the severest
of those letters was moderate compared with the one in

114 Fifty Years' Observation.

question. In it Jackson maps out the extremes of his
own character. He apologizes for his delay in answering
Scott's letter by stating, in the commencement, that he
had been absent in Knoxville, where he had gone to close
the eyes of a friend. It was needful in him to display
the tenderness of his heart by telling how he had sat by
his dying friend, whose home was far from his own ; that
duty done, he proceeds to mangle his enemy. A wild
boar that had disemboweled a fawn never tore the vitals
of his prey with a more heedless cruelty and lack of sen
timent than that displayed by Jackson as he tossed the
character and flung into sight all the weaknesses and
vanities of his assailant.

The autobiographer would have us to infer that the
wrong done by " this ingenious miscreant from vicari
ous hostility and love of mischief," was aggravated by
the suppression, in his anonymous communication, of
" Scott's praises of Jackson." In this my old chief is
guilty of a compound blunder, — first, in thinking that
*' Old Hickory " would resent the charge of " mutinous
conduct" less, because it was qualified by any kind of
compliment, and second, in supposing that he was capa
ble of anything but faint praise to a rival. The simple
truth is that Scott regarded himself as the most able
general of American history, and the grossest stupidity
could have detected self-appreciation in him, whenever
he spoke approvingly of any other commander. The re
membrance of his controversy with Jackson haunted
Scott till the day of his death. His lost ground in the
beginning which he could never regain.

In my reference to those two illustrious generals, I
have thrown off all reserve, because my design is to give
my full impressions of both; of Jackson, from the report

Death of General Brown. 115

of his associates, and of Scott from my own intimate ac
quaintance with him. There was an outspoken frankness
in those two men which enabled the observer to judge
their natures correctly. In one respect they were similar,
and they resembled all other distinguished military men
in this particular. Each of them disliked every other
man who had the actual or seeming power to endanger
his own laurels. If we could uncover the hearts of con
querors we should disclose in them all, with rare excep
tions, the same bubbling cauldron of jealousy, hate, and
contempt for their rivals.

After his return from Europe in 1816, Scott employed
a portion of his time writing for the magazines, on the
subjects of temperance and morals, and in the study of
military laws, regulations, and infantry tactics. His pur
suits were interrupted early in the year 1828, by the
death of the general-in-chief of the army, Jacob Brown,
who commanded at Chippewa and Lundy's Lane, where
Scott proved himself a hero.

Upon the death of Brown, three officers, all major-
generals by brevet, aspired to his place. Gaines stood
highest, and he had succeeded in having his name on the
army register placed above that of Scott, who ranked
him a month as major-general by brevet. Macomb was
chief engineer, and his rank had been cut down at the re
duction of the army in 1821 to that of a colonel, but he
still held his commission of brevet major general, which
was junior to the other two. Macomb's selection, by
President Adams, to be the successor of Brown was due,
as the autobiographer would have us believe, to the in
trigues of certain ladies whose names he gives, Mrs.
Mason, Mrs. Rush, and Mrs. J. Q. Adams. The offic-
iousness of those dames was, without doubt, very active
in the matter, but with such a man as John Quincy
Adams it was " Beaucoup de bruit et peu de besogne" He

n6 Fifty Years' Observation.

was not a man to be swayed by women, and if he had
conformed to the usual rule of promotion he would
have made Gaines the commanding general; but he
selected Macomb, and he violated no law or usage by
his choice.

Scott went astray in his over-estimate of the value of
brevet rank, and his argument failed to convince even
those officers of the army whose interests resembled his
own. I was in a position subsequently to have been
worried if his reasonings had been just. During eight
years, while I was captain and commanded a company of
artillery, my first lieutenant, George P. Andrews, was a
major by brevet. He was twice breveted for gallant
conduct in the Mexican war, but he never pestered me
with any claim of precedence, nor did he assert a right
to be advanced before me to the lineal rank of major ; on
the contrary, our relations were then and have remained
till this day entirely friendly.

In the year 1832, the South Carolinians passed an ordi
nance of nullification. President Jackson met it with his
famous exclamation, "The Union must and shall be pre
served ! " He called Scott into consultation, ordered him
South, and gave him carte blanche in respect to the troops.
Scott executed his mission with energy and tact, at the
same time that he displayed the strength of his Union
sentiments. Congress having passed the Compromise act
the South Carolinians rescinded their nullification ordi
nance, and Scott returned to Washington to receive the
congratulations of Mr. Van Buren and other friends,
President Jackson himself " deigning a few terms of
measured praise."

During the troubles referred to Mr. Lewis Cass was
Secretary of War, but I am unable to find in the autobi
ography that he, or any other Northern man, had a hand
in the putting down of nullification. The Southerners

Scott and Jackson. 117

evoked the evil spirit of disunion, and it was for them to
exorcise it. Scott alludes to several South Carolinians
and Virginians in loving terms, and his letter to William
C. Preston, who had joined the nullifiers, had the charm
of an Eastern tale.

I was present in Charleston and heard Mr. Preston's
funeral oration upon the death of the Hon. Hugh S.
Legare", in 1843. His polished manners, his voice and
action enabled him to recite the history, and to give a
wonderful relief to the character of that accomplished
statesman. At another time I heard Mr. Preston speak
in the Senate of the United States. It was upon the
Florida War, and he followed Mr. Benton. Old Bullion's
arguments were like the strokes of a sledge-hammer, but
Preston's discourse, though it sounded like sweet music,
had but little recognizable coherence with his sub
ject.

I find a paragraph in the autobiography, commencing
page 259, which is so strikingly characteristic that I make
no excuse for transcribing it entire. The dinner alluded
to was the only occasion on which the two eager men
ever broke bread together.

" Scott being on a short visit to Washington, had the
honor to be invited to dine with President Jackson, and
was further complimented by being assigned to conduct
an agreeable lady, to him a stranger, to the table, where
he was desired to place her between the President and
himself. Towards the end of the sitting General Jackson
said to the fair lady, in a tone of labored pleasantry — that
is, with ill-disguised bitterness : 1 1 see you are pleased
with the attentions of your neighbor. Do you know that
he has condemned all the measures of my administra
tion ? '

" Mrs. was perfectly shocked. Scott promptly

replied : ' Mr. President, you are in part mistaken. I

Fifty Years Observation.

thought well of your proclamation against nullifiers, and
yesterday I was equally pleased with your special message
on the French indemnity question which I heard
read.'

" ' That is candid,' retorted the President. ' He thinks
well of two, but two of my measures ! ' The lady evi
dently regarded Scott, like the old general, as a bad sub
ject of the realm. The most unsuspicious nature might
plainly see that the bolt was forged and would in due
time be launched."

The above paragraph shows that the two fighting-cocks
were ready to bristle up the moment they came in sight
of one another.

The Florida War, which commenced in December,
1835, and ended towards the close of 1842, was an affair
that tried the skill of generals and the endurance of men
more severely than the Revolutionary War. The com
manders, every one of whom may be said to have failed,
were, in order, Clinch, Gaines, Scott, Jessup, Taylor,
Armistead and Worth, of the regular army, and, for an
interval, Governor Call, of Florida. As a rule, each in
succession, on assuming the command, let fly a poisoned
arrow at his predecessor. Scott refers to the one before
him in the following terms : " Clinch liberated the be
leaguered Gaines," and after stating that the latter had
made a treaty with the Indians, which allowed them to
remain in the country under certain specified conditions,
he adds : " This the superannuated general preposterously
called dictating a peace to the Indians, and went off
swiftly to New Orleans."

From Florida Scott was ordered to the Creek country
to compel the Indians to move west of the Mississippi.
General Jessup, being there in advance, disapproved the
delay proposed by Scott for co-operation, and in a pique

Scott and Jackson. 119

he wrote his famous letter to Francis P. Blair, editor of
the Globe, " denouncing," as the autobiographer says,
" Scott's dilatoriness against the Creeks, and likening it
to his want of energy in the Florida War."

The letter contained a request to Blair to show it to
the President, which was done accordingly. General
Jackson insisted on retaining the letter, which he en
dorsed, and ordered it placed on file in the War Office.
The transaction elicits from the autobiographer the fol
lowing commentary :

" The letter was laid before the President, who, too
happy that the moment had at length arrived to launch
the bolt so long held in readiness, ordered, 1st — Jessup
be placed in command, and Scott before a court. But before
meeting the Thunderer full face to face, it will be best to
follow up the interminable Florida War."

The remarks which follow are immaterial to this
history.

The candid mind, after a careful consideration of all
the facts and circumstances attending the origin of the
tripartite conflict, will conclude that Jessup was censur
able for having criticised his commanding officer in a
private letter to Mr. Blair, which he designed for the
President, and that the latter was hasty and tyrannical in
ordering General Scott before a military court upon the
indefinite accusation of a subordinate.

The next step taken by President Jackson had no
appearance of tyranny or unfairness. The members of
the Court of Inquiry were Generals Macomb, Atkinson
and Brady. Macomb was a gentleman incapable of
malice and without prejudice against the accused, while
Atkinson and Brady were the friends and special favor-
ties of General Scott. Arraigned before such a tribunal
upon charges which had no real foundation, his honorable

I2O Fifty Years Observation.

acquittal was the necessary result. The trial enhanced
the reputation of Scott before the general public, al
though his speech in defence was a subject of merriment
with many persons. Its opening words, as given by the
autobiographer, differ essentially from those that lodged
in my memory from having heard them often repeated
during several years after the trial. I recall those open
ing words, as follows :

" When, for some imaginary offence, the Doge of Genoa
was torn from his government by Louis XIV. and ordered
to appear before him at Versailles, he was asked by that
haughty monarch : 'What amidst the splendors that sur
rounded him surprised him the most ? ' * To find myself
here/ replied the intrepid Lascaro."

Several years later, Surgeon Henderson, when arraigned
before a court martial on charges which he was unable to
recognize, began his defence by saying : " Gentlemen, I
don't think that the Doge of Genoa and General Scott
both together were as much surprised to find themselves
where they were as I am to find myself before this court
martial."

In the month of January, 1843, General Scott wrote,
and published in the National Intelligencer, a review of
certain essays by a Kentuckian upon the subject of
Martial Law. The essays and the review had for their
special purpose the condemnation of the declaration of
martial law at New Orleans in 1815, by General Jackson.
Scott's article was the result of extensive research and a
true labor of love, in which the hero of New Orleans fared
badly. The name of that terrible man appears to have
exercised an irresistible fascination upon our autobiog
rapher ; he hovers around it continually — but the time
was at hand when the fire at the Hermitage was to go out,
and on the 8th of January, 1845, that human volcano be-

Jackson's Death. 121

came extinct. The news of the event arrived at West
Point at the moment a class was under examination be
fore a board of visitors, of which General Scott was the
president. Upon its announcement the general arose, and
spoke as follows:

44 Major Delafield, superintendent, I suspend the fur
ther labors of the examination till to-morrow in honor
of an event interesting to all Americans. A great
man has fallen among us. Andrew Jackson, after
filling the world with his fame, and covering his
country with glory, departed this life on the 8th instant.
It is not for any authority inferior to the President to
prescribe the special honors to be paid to the illustrious
dead by the military posts and troops of the United
States. No doubt orders on the subject will soon arrive
from Washington."

Our autobiographer having advanced his chronology to
bury his old oppressor, returns to notice the administra
tion of Mr. Van Buren, which commenced March 4, 1837.
The acquaintance of the two gentlemen began when
they were both young men and soon ripened into
friendship. Scott says in his book: " He believes he was
the first to suggest that, with his advantageous stand
point, it would be easy for the rising New Yorker to
make himself President of the United States." In his
conversations with me, the general many times asserted
that he was the first to awaken hope in Mr. Van
Buren to be President, and that he told him the only
possible means to attain his object was to court the
South.

Mr. Van Buren displayed entire confidence in Scott's
ability, and when the troubles at the North threatened
war with England, he was given unlimited authority to
act as pacificator.
6

122 Fifty Years' Observation.

Those troubles at the North grew out of the politi
cal agitations in Canada in the year 1837. A strong
party of radicals opposed to monarchical government
sought the independence of that country, and found
many sympathizers on our side of the line. Two-hun
dred thousand men along our border, from Maine to
Michigan, bound themselves by secret oaths to assist
the Canadian patriots. The first armed body from our
side collected at Navy Island, above the Niagara Falls,
under the command of a Colonel Van Rensellaer. They
engaged a small steamer called " The Caroline,'* to ply
as a ferry-boat between the island and Schlosser, where
the boat was made fast to the wharf on the evening of
December 29. During the night an armed party stole
across from the Canadian shore, seized " The Caroline,"
killed one man at least, and wounded several others, set
fire to the vessel, and cut her adrift over the falls. The
dead body was carried up to Buffalo, and around it the
people of the city and neighboring country gathered
with frenzied haste to cry for war and vengeance.

The whole frontier was in a blaze, but, strange as it
may appear at this day, the news of the outrage did not
reach Washington till the 4th of January. It came to
the executive mansion while a large party, including Mr.
Clay and General Scott, were assembling there for a state
dinner. The President entered the room after all his
guests had arrived, saluted them with the same com
posure of manner which was usual with him, and then he
whispered in the ear of General Scott : " Blood has been
shed ! You must go with all speed to the Canadian
frontier. The Secretary of War (Poinsett) is engaged in
writing you instructions." General Scott started for
Buffalo early the next morning, and arrived late on the
7th of January. He was without a staff officer, as he had

Scott at Biiffalo. 123

left me to collect certain documents and books from the
office in Elizabeth, and with orders to follow him with
out delay. I lost no time, and reached Buffalo twenty-
four hours after him, having for companions from Albany
Generals Wool and Worth.

The commotion at Buffalo was like that of actual war.
Our people would regard nothing but the invasion of
their soil and the murder of an innocent citizen, while
the British authorities were equally incensed at the hos
tile intrusion of lawless men from the States upon their
domain and jurisdiction. Fortunately Scott was recog
nized by many men who remembered his gallant bear
ing in the same neighborhood during the last war with
England. With them he conversed singly, and he made
speeches to the crowds in the streets and hotels at the
same time he communicated his pacific intentions to the
authorities in Canada. In that way he calmed the
angry passions of all parties, and prevented an actual
collision of arms. His personal presence for over four
weeks was restricted to the frontiers from Buffalo to
the falls. During the same time, several regiments and
New York militia, in addition to a small body of regu
lars, were enrolled, and an incessant correspondence
with officers at a distance, with citizens and applicants
for service, and with the War Department, was sus
tained. The general took no time for rest except about
six hours in twenty-four for sleep, and, as I was his
only staff officer, he kept me at work sixteen hours
every day, allowing short intervals for meals, and giving
me time, as he would kindly say, to drink two or three
glasses of sherry at dinner. He took one advantage of
me, for he would mix a glass of toddy before going to
bed, for which I would sometimes avenge myself, when I

124 Fifty Years' Observation.

felt weary, by pouring out one or two extra glasses of
sherry at dinner.

The general's successful efforts at Buffalo put him in a
good humor, and we left to move along the frontier. He
refers in his book to his travels by night and to the cold.
It was always his custom to start in an extra coach after
dark, and keep on till the end of his journey. Our prog
ress was often very slow, but he could easily sleep while
jolted on the road, more easily than I could, although he
thought otherwise. I am certain that I was often awake at
early dawn and indulged my curiosity by watching him and
his black servant David while they slept. He had the
look of a tawny old lion slumbering quietly, but David's
black visage would twitch as if he was uneasy. David
was like a branch that had been wrenched from a tropi
cal tree and carried up to the frozen zone — he was out
of place. On one of those winter journeys the general
showed me a mark of approval which I have never for-
gotten. It was early in the morning, after we had been
three successive nights in a stage-coach, as we were
moving slowly through the deep snow, that I saw him re
gard me with compassion. My face was probably sor
rowful to behold at that moment, for the general took
out from his pocket a handful of parched corn and
dropped five or six grains into my hand, one after an
other, keeping his eye fixed on mine with an expression
of affection like that of a mother watching her suffering
child. There was no feigning in that gaze, and its be
nignity has remained fixed on my memory always.

After visiting the Northern frontiers of Vermont, where
the excitement had ceased to be alarming, the general
concluded, about the middle of February, to return to
New York. On arriving in that city we parted, he to go
to the Astor House and I to my own home, which was in

Mr. James Monroe. 125

Brooklyn. At the hotel he found letters from Mr. Poin-
sett, to inform him that news of a fresh outbreak on the
Niagara frontier had come down from Buffalo, and direct
ing him to return there immediately. The general forth
with despatched a note to me to rejoin him at once, as he
intended to start for the North at 9 o'clock that same
night. Fortunately for me the ice on the East River
had closed in, and the passage of the messenger was inter
cepted, and our departure was thus delayed till 7 o'clock
P. M. of the following day.

Mr. James Monroe, an old aide de camp, and one of the
general's stanchest friends, was boarding at the Astor
House with his family. We all sat together at a side
table for dinner, and Mr. Charles King was with us. My
chief at that time was troubled with gravel in the kid
neys, and could take no stimulating beverage except
Manzanillo sherry and Holland gin. Mr. Monroe had a
full cellar and he placed upon the table a bottle of his
best Manzanillo, which the general tasted and rejected
with violence. He declared it to be Madeira, and that it
was poison to him. Mr. Monroe was complaisant, and
brought up other bottles to the number of six or eight ;
all were cast aside like the first. Scott declared that a
single glass from any one of those bottles would kill him
before morning, and so he was content with a glass of gin
and water.

At precisely 7 o'clock P. M. we took leave of our
delightful company to arrange ourselves in the big
covered four-horse sleigh, that stood at the Astor House
front door, full of straw. David was stowed with us, and
when all were in place the driver cracked his whip, and
we trotted away in the direction of the North Pole.
The road was well beaten the first thirty miles, and then
the snow slackened our pace, so that it was 2 o'clock in

126 Fifty Years Observation.

the morning when we arrived at a tavern opposite West
Point, where we were to change horses. Being in an
extra coach we were detained half an hour to harness a
fresh team, and we all got out of the sleigh and went into
the tavern, where a bright wood fire was burning. While
waiting I overheard a conversation between the landlord
and a man who came in, which attracted my attention.
" Have you been in Mr. M.'s room ? " " Yes," said the
man. "Is he quiet?" " He's asleep, sir." The name
was that of a young gentleman whom I had missed from
New York a considerable time, but its initial was not M.
He was insane, and in the keeping of our landlord, who
with his assistant watched him day and night.

The young alient referred to belonged to one of the
old families of New York, and a little more than three
years before had, on arriving at his majority, been placed
in possession of $300,000, which at that time was the
equivalent of a million now. To celebrate the event he
gave a dinner at Delmonico's, to which I was invited, not
because I was intimate with M., for I only knew him
slightly, but because we had a common intimate friend,
whom I will call X., and who was the active man or
adjutant of M. in the arrangements of the feast, which
was in Delmonico's grandest style.

The company numbered eighteen, of which only two
were over thirty years of age. Of all the others, sixteen
of us, not one had seen his twenty-fifth birth-day. As I
glanced up and down the table, I fancied I had never
seen an equal number of handsome, manly, young men,
in a single group. There was not a feeble countenance
among them ; joy sparkled in every eye, and gladness
was in the tone of every voice. No histories were related
but the histories of the day and passing events, but there
was boasting enough of personal exploits and of the vari-

Homily on the Dinner. 127

ous devices they were beginning to practise to waste their
youth and redundant strength, and to let go by unem
ployed the splendid opportunities they had inherited.
The evening wore on ; the consumption of food and
the spilth of wine were enormous. At about 9 o'clock,

M had filled himself over-full, shrunk down in his

arm-chair, and was fast asleep; some were noisy, and
others were dull and drooping in lips and eyelids. The
coffee had been served, and they were beginning to call
for whiskey, punch, rum, and gin, and such like infernal
fluids, and the room was already full of the smoke of
tobacco. As the hour of ten approached, I started to
glide away, as was always my custom on such occasions,

without leave-taking. X saw me move, and sprang

to intercept me, declaring that I should not go, but when
I said, in a serious voice, that I had been charged by my
chief to prepare despatches of vast importance for the
early morning's mail, I was permitted to depart.

The facts of that dinner are like a homily, and the his
tory of its assistants as startling as a sermon of Massillon.
They were nearly all young men of fortune, and as well
equipped as I for length of days, devoted to fashionable
popularity, heaping upon the mad sports of the day those
wild orgies of the night that sow cramps in the muscles
and aches in the bones, permitting General Alcohol to
establish posts and places of arms in their vitals, to draw
off the balm of hope from their hearts and inject them
full of gall ; to pinch up the avenues of sleep in the brain,
and drive them with vertiginous rapidity to early deaths,
which nearly every one of them found. How many halted
at the mad-house in their speedy transit I am not in
formed ; but it is certain that, fifteen years ago, my hand
some friend Ch and I were all that remained.

128 Fifty Years' Observation.

During these patriotic troubles, large bodies of British
troops were sent over, and at one time there were
present in Canada as many as twenty thousand. Among
them were several regiments of Household troops, in
cluding that of which the Duke of Wellington was the
titular colonel, and also the 93d Highlanders. When
ever there was a lull in the excitement, the English
officers would come over to visit those of our army,
with whom they fraternized. They were a vigorous
set of young men, all accustomed to high life and to
an elegant society in which effeminacy was not pop
ular. No man in our army pleased them more than
Prince John Magruder, who was then in his prime.
Prince John's endurance lasted many years. In the early
days of California, I invited him to dine with me at the
Presidio of San Francisco. At 10 o'clock, I left the table
and went to bed as usual. The next morning at 8 o'clock,
when I came in to breakfast, I found the Prince and Lieu
tenant L sitting at the table. " Prince," said I, "you

and L are early this morning." — " I don't know

whether we are early or late," said he ; " we haven't left
the dinner-table yet." L was the most taciturn indi
vidual of our mess, and I suspect he had been asleep at
least seven out of the fourteen hours they had remained
at the table, but the Prince kept on talking.

Among the English officers who visited us toward the

last was Lieutenant R , of Wellington's regiment.

He was as elegant and beautiful a youth as could be
found in the two hemispheres, and from him I learned
that grumbling is not confined to officers of the American
army. One day he entertained me an hour abusing his
colonel. His discourse in form and substance was about
as follows :

" The Duke is a selfish old man, you know. He'd send

Scott Returns to Washington. 129

his regiment to the devil if he could be comfortable him
self. There's no use our being over here, but here we've
been nearly a whole year. Last winter I was stationed
at Quebec, and that is the vilest place in the world. I'd
like to have the old fellow over there and make him go
the rounds at midnight in January — that would bring
him to his senses. The Duke's in his dotage, you know,
but he holds on, and he will hold on till death. He had
the regiment out at the coronation, and he commanded
the whole column, but he scarcely looked at us. The old
fellow's neck was so weak that he couldn't hold his head
up, so he wore a tall stiff leather stock to rest his chin on.
He looked like an old mummy dressed up. The Queen
appeared angry with him, and sent for him to come to her
carriage. He waited a while, and then went up sulking.
When her Majesty spoke to him he did not look towards
her. He's no manners, you know," and much more in
the same strain.

As soon as the ice broke up on the rivers the Canadian
Patriots ceased operations, and in the month of April,
1838, Scott was called to Washington to receive instruc
tions concerning the removal of the Cherokee Indians to
the west of the Mississippi River. Mr. Van Buren mani
fested his approval of General Scott's recent services at
the North by many polite attentions, and by signing his
instructions with his own hand, the Secretary of War,
Poinsett, being dangerously ill. While waiting a few
days for those instructions General Macomb gave a large
dinner-party to my chief, at which I was present. Directly
after dinner the two generals, Mr. Forsyth and another
gentleman — I think it was Senator Preston — retired to a
small room for a game of whist, and I sat by to look on.
One game had been played and another was in progress,
when a messenger came hurriedly into the room and ex-

130 Fifty Years' Observation.

claimed : " General Macomb, I am sent to tell you that
Mr. Poinsett is dying ; the death-rattle is in his throat !"

Mr. Forsyth had drawn out a card and held it in his
hand while the messenger was speaking. The four great
men exchanged glances in silence and looked serious for
a few seconds, and then Mr. Forsyth played and the
game went on. It happened, however, that Mr. Poinsett
recovered, notwithstanding his breathing was mistaken
for the rdle of death. After his restoration he explained
the matter by saying that the phlegm in his throat caused
the ominous rattle ; and feeling from his excessive weak-
ness that the effort to cough would kill him, he waited to
recover a little more strength, and in that way he saved
his life.

Mr. Poinsett was a polished gentleman of uncommon
intelligence, and his genial disposition made him many
friends in all parts of the Union. He was a South Caro
linian, but during the nullification troubles he took a firm
stand in opposition at Charleston and bravely supported
the Federal Constitution and laws.

On our passage through South Carolina and Georgia
the general was received and entertained with that frank
hospitality, which appeared somewhat peculiar when con
trasted with the formal entertainments of the North.
The Southerners seemed bound together by stronger
social ties, and they possessed a certain ease and grace of
manner which was enhanced by their natural eloquence.
They were more clearly self-appreciating and more
chivalrous in their ideas than the denizens of large cities
at the North. The vast majority of South Carolinians
regarded that arch-sophist, John C. Calhoun, as a prophet
and leader more infallible than Moses. He possessed an
astute intellect, and his teachings were enforced by a
purity of life which was partly due to his natural repug-

The Cherokee Indians. 131

nance to every kind of dissipation and excess. Such
men are often dangerous, and he was able to tangle the
ideas of his neighbors into a knot that had finally to be
cut with the sword of the civil war.

As we approached that portion of the Cherokee coun
try lying near Georgia the complaints of the settlers
against the Indians increased. They coveted the fair
land of the aborigines, and put forward a thousand pre
texts to justify their expulsion. Scott was there with
orders to send them away, and in the execution of his
task he was animated by a merciful spirit, and he dis
played a wonderful discretion. He always spoke kindly
to the Indians, to whom he explained his instructions,
and when he arrived at Calhoun, in the southeastern
corner of Tennessee, he assembled a body of fifty
or sixty chiefs and head men, to whom he read his
orders and made an address. The council lasted over
two hours, and gave me time to note the conduct of those
red men while they listened to the mandates of banish
ment. They were a solid set of men to look upon, and
the repose and dignity of their appearance could not
have been excelled by an equal number of our race. The
chiefs said little, but the air of resignation and sadness
which pervaded the assemblage impressed us more forci
bly than words.

The lands of the Cherokees embraced the contiguous
corners of the States of Georgia, Alabama, Tennessee,
and North Carolina. The general, attended by his per
sonal staff and a small escort of soldiers, visited the vari
ous settlements to supervise the removal and to see that
the rights of the Indians were protected. The most in
teresting excursion we made was during the last days of
May and the first days of June, to Fort Butler, in North
Carolina. There we were entertained by the gentleman

*32 Fifty Year? Observation.

from whom the fort was named, and from him we derived
much useful information. Mr. Butler's daughter had re
cently married Surgeon C. M. Hitchcock of the army,
and the newly married couple were in our company, Dr.
Hitchcock being attached to our staff. The lady enliv
ened us with her wit and surprised us by the grace with
which she sat and the skill with which she managed her
spirited horse. The weather was superb, all the buds of
spring were expanding, and the landscape was variegated
with hills and valleys and running streams. In many
places the sun warmed a fertile soil which returned for
little culture an abundant harvest of grains and fruits
and herbage for man and beast. Comfortable houses
and gardens were frequently in view, and many domes
tic animals were browsing in sight. The trees were
festooned with vines, and the hillsides and portions of
the plains were enmeshed in floral beauty. It was a
scene of enchantment, in which God's bounty to man
was everywhere apparent.

The natives of that fair domain were attached to
their homes, and their ancestors had possessed it long
before the pale face of the European had been seen on
the Western Continent. The disposition of the Chero-
kees was in accord with the outward shows I have de
scribed, and was more romantic than in any other sav
ages I have known. The voices of the maidens were
musical, and the names of their rivers, mountains and
abodes had the charm of poetical numbers.

At the end of our last long day's ride, I had my
couch placed in a tent that stood near the bank of
the Hiwassee, and there, for a while, I resigned myself to
such reflections and reverie as my surroundings sug
gested. The night was calm and warm, and the sounds
that saluted my ears were such as are made by the in-

In the Lands of the Cherokees. 133

numerable insects that spread their wings, or hinge their
shards in darkness. With them were mingled the rip
pling of soft waters, and those lulling murmurs or chaf-
ings of the elements, for which philologers have found
no name, and which we detect so often in the warm
climates, and especially within the tropics, where alone
the sweetest harmonies of nature may be heard.

The benign influences to which I was subject inclined
me to compassion. I revolved in my mind the enterprise
in progress, which was to uproot and transport to a dis
tant and wholly dissimilar territory an entire community
of human beings whose sensibilities in many respects
were more acute than my own. They cling around the
graves of their progenitors with a superstitious fondness.
They regarded the clear fountains and beautiful streams
on whose banks they had sported in childhood as objects
of adoration, and the echoes of their mountains and dells
were as grateful to them as angels' voices.

They never showed their grief in noisy demonstrations,
nor by tears, but it could be seen with chilling effect in
the lines of sadness which despair had engraven on the
faces of nearly all of them. For a moment I regarded
myself as a trespasser, as one of a gang of robbers, and
in my effort to justify my position the spectre of Avarice
arose upon my imagination. His ministers have been
the principal actors in all our Indian dramas, and the
thought of the endless jargon by which they seek to jus
tify their plundering outrages oppressed me, and I found
relief in slumber.

The warm weather and the healthy mountain air of the
country had relieved him of his renal pains, and the gen
eral was in excellent spirits. Now and then he would
allow himself to be vexed, and on one occasion, as I
thought, without sufficient cause. A captain of artillery,

134 Fifty Years Observation.

on duty with us, who was of New England birth and
character, an accomplished officer and a good man, ap
plied for a leave of absence to visit his wife, who was dan
gerously ill at the North. The general refused the leave,
and wrote a letter to the applicant which appeared to me
wantonly unjust and insulting. The officer in question
had commented, like many others, upon the cruelty of the
Government towards the Cherokees, and which it is possi
ble he imputed to Southern politicians and land-grabbers.
A reflection upon his native section, of any sort, would
invariably irritate my chief, and in this instance he re
garded it as an intolerable assumption of superior moral
ity on the part of a New England man, and hence his
severity.

He handed me the letter with instructions to have it
copied and despatched immediately, but I contrived to
leave it among unfinished business till I returned from an
afternoon's ride. We went out as usual alone, and in
stead of talking of my own horse, Narses, as I often did,'
I admired his and his riding. I told him he reminded
me of an equestrian likeness of Charles XII. of Sweden,
which I had once seen, and that I did not believe that
hardy king could have ridden longer without tiring. My
chief being content with himself and me, I said, " Gen
eral, don't you think the letter you wrote to Captain

was rather severe ? " " You think so, do you ? " was the
abrupt reply he made, and we rode along in silence with
out another word. After getting in he called me and
inquired if the letter had gone. I answered in the
negative and gave it back to him. He read the letter
over carefully, tore it into small pieces, and wrote an
other which was vastly less severe than the first, although
he still refused the leave of absence. I never related this
transaction to the officer, nor to any member of his

Worth and Floyd. 135

family, but I took the captain's part, because I thought
it wrong that he should be lashed for having the habi
tudes of his birthplace.

The autobiographer, in concluding his notice of the re
moval of the Cherokee Indians, gives the names of twelve
officers " who well supported him in the labor of necessity
executed, it is felt, in mercy." My name is found among
the twelve, but certain other names are omitted of officers
who were active in the same service. At the head of the
omitted names I should place those of Worth and Floyd.
Of Worth, who was our chief of staff, I shall speak more
at length further on. General Floyd commanded the
Georgia Volunteers on duty with us. He was a charac
teristic type of Southern chivalry, at all times quick to
resent insults, and ready to defend his rights. I found
him in social intercourse one of the most amiable of men*
I often rode out with him while we remained at New
Echota, and it was pleasant to see his horsemanship, his
erect carriage, and beautiful sabre. It was said he
possessed an armory of weapons of various patterns and
strange device, at his plantation in the low country. At
the time I left my chief in July to go North, he and Gen
eral Floyd appeared in perfect harmony, but something
must have occurred afterwards to interrupt it. The roll
of honor in the closing paragraph of the first volume of
the autobiography, and its omission of the names of
Worth and Floyd, produced in me a feeling of sincere
regret. When I read it I felt a desire to close the book
to go and visit the graves of those two knightly soldiers.

During my separation from General Scott consequent
to my promotion to be Assistant Adjutant-General and
assignment as chief of staff to General Gaines, I con
tinued my correspondence with my former chief, who
urged me repeatedly to return to him as aide de camp,

136 Fifty Years' Observation.

and I finally consented to do so. I sacrificed actual
rank to gratify my desire to enjoy the society of New
York and Washington, and to be, for a limited time, long
er with my old commander. My last letter, which con
veyed my decision to resume my position as aide de
camp, enabled me to discover, at a later date, what
subtlety is burrowed in the human heart.

In a well-studied sentence I conveyed the idea that
one of the reasons for my determination was to oblige
my General ! I retained no copy of that letter, and to
recall its wording now that my imagination has been
withered in a long and varied experience of the world's
chicanery, and after my once redundant diction has been
constricted to the narrow measures of utility and vulgar
commerce, would be impossible. My meaning was en
veloped in a cloud of glozing words in which I endeavored
to conceal the shadowy image of sacrifice on my part with
a view to gratify my former benefactor. I was not cer
tain that he would discover the microscopic thread I had
shot into the woof of my epistle, but he did discover it, as
I was informed several months afterwards by an associate
aide de camp. Lieutenant, afterwards Colonel, Bradford
R. Alden was my informant, and he was a favorite asso
ciate of mine in the staff, and one of the best men I have
ever known. He possessed toward me a friendly candor
like that of Melchior de la Bonda, who gave such good
counsel to Master Gil Bias on his entry into the service
of the Archbishop of Grenada.

Conversing one day about me, the general alluded to
my letter, which he handed to Alden to read. He waved
the paper up and down when he passed it over, as if to
catch an uncertain reflection. " Examine that letter care
fully," said he, " and you will discover that the young
gentleman considers he is making a sacrifice by joining

The Northern Frontier Again. 137

my staff. The letter clearly bears that interpretation."
Alden told me the general was offended, and he warned
me to be on my guard. I followed my friend's
advice, and preserved the secret which enabled me
on more than one subsequent occasion to under
stand the general's conduct towards me, which other
wise would have been obscure. In a reasonably short
time his irritation subsided, and my indiscretion was ap
parently forgotten.

When I rejoined my old chief in the winter of 1838-39
the agitations on the Canadian frontier had been re
newed, and another excursion to the North, as far as
Detroit, was the consequence. That was followed by a
journey to Augusta, Maine, early in the spring of 1839.
A dispute concerning the boundary line dividing the
State of Maine and New Brunswick had grown so warm
as to threaten war with England. It had no connection
with the Canadian patriot disturbances, which had a
fanatical origin, while this affair at the Northeast re
ferred to the integrity of the national territory, and ap
pealed to genuine patriotism. The President and his
Cabinet, as well as Congress, apprehended war with Great
Britain, which would only be avoided honorably by the
most skilful negotiations. General Scott was selected to
conduct those negotiations, and given full power and dis
cretion. In conferring this delicate and important trust,
Mr. Van Buren d^played in his manner not only an abso
lute confidence, but also a cordial friendship which I sup
posed my chief fully reciprocated. It was, therefore, with
the extremest surprise that I read for the first time, and
quite recently, in the book of the autobiographer, that his
friendly relations with Mr. Van Buren had remained sus
pended until after the election of General Harrison to the
Presidency in 1840. That confession is, therefore, a dis-

138 Fifty Years' Observation.

covery to me, and thus far it is the only one I have found
in his history of himself. The reconciliation concurring
with Harrison's election to the Presidency, an event
which removed Mr. Van Buren from the field of compe
tition, and consigned the most philosophic and graceful
of all our chief magistrates to a life of contemplative re
tirement, makes it manifest that with Scott rivalry was
the principal cause of the previous discord.

Never did General Scott display more signal ability and
tact than in his negotiations to settle the Northeastern
boundary. He, being a Whig, was obliged to conciliate
the Democrats, then in power in Maine, and the British
Lion's mane was bristling at the armed intrusion of the
" Yankees " upon the Aroostook lands, which he regarded
as his own. Fortunately, the Lieutenant-Governor of
New Brunswick, General Sir John Harvey, was the
English diplomat, and he and Scott had contracted an
enduring friendship while fighting on opposite sides in the
war of 1812. They both exerted themselves to calm ex
citement in Maine and New Brunswick, and they suc
ceeded in having the soldiers withdrawn from the disputed
territory, and the matter referred to their respective
governments, and a final adjustment soon followed.

The general's uniform success on the Canadian frontiers
and in Maine had new burnished his glories, and he was
the happiest of men. On our return from Augusta, and
during our delay of a week at Boston, he conversed fre
quently with the eloquent Unitarian preacher, William
Ellery Channing, who was almost a dwarf in person, and
very weak and sickly in appearance. I was struck with
the strange contrast as they sat together, and with the
unusual attention with which the giant warrior watched
the lips of the puny moralist. The general was charmed
with Dr. Channing, and after a two hours' conference with

Scott's Candidacy. 139

him he declared to me that he fancied he had been con
versing with a Grecian sage.

The man of arms appears also to have captivated the
peaceful theologian, for in the succeeding autumn Dr.
Channing wrote a lecture on War, in which he devoted
two paragraphs " to the honor of the autobiographer's
peace labors." The last paragraph concluded in the
following words : " There is so much noble generosity of
character about Scott, independent of his skill and bravery
as a soldier, that his life has really been one of romantic
beauty and interest ! "

General Scott had long secretly cherished the hope
that he would one day become President of the United
States. His success as a pacificator of the troubles
on the Canadian frontier, his admirable conduct in
the removal of the Cherokee Indians, his diplomatic
triumph in the settlement of the Northeastern boun
dary, all tended to satisfy him that he had won the
confidence of his fellow-citizens, and that in considera
tion of his great military services, his ability and patriot
ism, they would cheerfully bestow upon him the highest
distinction in their power.

The Whig convention which met at Harrisburg in
the year 1839 discussed the names of three candidates,
Clay, Scott and Harrison. Scott watched its proceed
ings with the eagerness of a falcon, and his disappoint
ment at not being nominated was correspondingly in
tense.

It was a signal good fortune to Scott that he was left
out and enabled subsequently to pursue his military
career in Mexico, and to enjoy in his old age the afflu
ence which his country cheerfully bestowed for his great
services, instead of penury, which must certainly have
fallen to his lot as ex-President.

140 Fifty Years' Observation.

It was different with Mr. Clay, whose failure deserves
a tear from every one who can sympathize with the dis
appointment of the most attractive orator, statesman,
and patriot that is known to our history. When I first
heard Mr. Clay speak he was old, and his person and
voice betrayed the havoc of time. Enough remained,
however, to testify to the wonderful endowments of his
prime. His son Henry was three years in the Military
Academy with me, and we belonged to the same debating
society. His fresh voice reminded aged persons of his
father's, though they declared it far less sweet and
powerful, and he had neither the genius nor the com
manding presence of his sire ; nevertheless, when the
young man spoke I always wished him to continue, for
his intonation never tired. When the matchless voice of
the great statesman, Henry Clay, was silenced by death,
the grief of his surviving friends was like the unwordable
sorrow that oppresses the heart when memory turns back
to recall the joys that can return no more.

Before presenting my own opinion of General Scott as
a politician, I will give that of President Lincoln, as I re
ceived it in 1861.

I was sent by my chief to the President with a message
that referred to a military subject and led to a discussion.
Finding Mr. Lincoln's observations were beginning to
tangle my arguments, I said : " That is the opinion of
General Scott, and you know, Mr. President, that he is a
very able military man." "Well," said the President,
" if he is as able a military man as he is unable as a poli
tician, I give up." This was said with an expression of
the eye, which he turned on me, that was peculiar to
him, and which signified a great deal. The astounding
force of Mr. Lincoln's observation was not at all dimin
ished by the fact that I had long suspected that my chief

Scott as a Statesman. 141

lacked something which is necessary to make a successful
politician.

In some respects General Scott resembled that class of
people whom the great Napoleon designated as ideal-
ologlstSy by which he referred to all such men and women
who derived their convictions from reverie, cogitation, or
meditation without regard to facts or experience. Na
poleon's designation also embraced, or implied, all men
and women who regard human nature as perfectable by
simple indulgent treatment, by persuasion, and chiefly by
cramming with book-learning, without inculcating re
spect, discipline, and love of manual labor with it; and
also all such as think it just to tax the industrious, provi
dent, and self-denying, out of all their earnings to sup
port and give place to those who have the misfortune to
be idle, drunken, debauched, and shiftless, and those who
make constant excuses for and pay court to assassins,
thieves, and murderers. It was only the first branch of
Napoleon's definition that had the least application to
General Scott, and with none of the others had he the
slightest affinity.

The political ideas which he entertained seemed to be
in some respects nourished by sources within himself,
and he never came near enough to the lower strata of
voters to be able to sympathize with their affections* and
motives. Mr. Lincoln and General Jackson, the two
Presidents who differed the most essentially in disposi
tion, each found his way to the hearts of the people, but
by different roads. General Jackson had neither pardon
nor pity for his enemies, and Mr. Lincoln loved all man
kind. General Scott was between the two, and hated
only his rivals and those who belittled him, while his love
for the balance of his fellow-beings was far greater than
he had credit for. When he undertook to please the

142 Fifty Year 3 Observation.

people he offered them toys, which they rejected. In
his stump speeches his jokes and arguments were not
recognizable by his audiences, consequently he lost votes
and was stifled in his own effusions.

As a statesman, especially in that department of states
manship which exerts itself to uphold the dignity of a
nation in its internal and external relations, General Scott
was better fitted. Neither the exercise of official vigil
ance and power nor the complexity of negotiations ever
fatigued him, nor was his watchfulness ever at fault. In
discussing international questions with the representa
tives of foreign powers, and especially in defining the
terms of settlement of the Northeastern boundary with
Sir John Harvey, and Sir John Caldwell, his deputy,
Scott displayed an amount of information and finesse as
a diplomatist which was surprising. He also exhibited
high-bred courtesy in his discussions, which were in
marked contrast with his dogmatic impatience on some
other occasions.

In order to define General Scott's merits as a patriot it
is not enough to say that he was passionately devoted to
his country and to the Union of the States, and that he
was willing to bestow his talents and to sacrifice his life
to render that country glorious, but we must pry into the
secrets of his heart and try and ascertain the kind of
government he thought the best. It was during the year
1847 or 1848, in a conversation he had, in my presence,
with a confidential friend since deceased, upon the sub
ject of universal suffrage, that I heard the following re
mark from General Scott : " I was," said he, " recently
discussing this same subject of universal suffrage and a
democratic republic, with a highly distinguished North
ern personage, who surprised me by saying that a man
who was not a Republican up to thirty years of age
was a rascal, but if after thirty he was a Republican he

Scott and Immigration. 143

was a fool." Many circumstances and casual obser
vations on other occasions convinced me that General
Scott was not by any means in favor of making the
suffrage absolutely equal and universal as it is with us
now. It is proper that I should add, however, that on no
occasion did I ever hear him say or do anything that
tended in the slightest degree to raise the suspicion that
he was in favor of a monarchical government for the
United States. On the contrary, I am certain he was not
in favor of such a form for his own country. Neverthe
less, he was entirely indifferent to the choice of govern
ments adopted in other parts of the world.

At another time, when he was canvassing for the Presi
dency, it appeared that he was called on to explain a re
mark which had been imputed to him that savored of
Know-Nothingism. I was not present when the enquiring
politician asked for an explanation, but the general him
self afterwards enlightened me. He told me he was at
one time in Philadelphia during a riot raised by foreign
ers, a majority of whom were Irish. Shocked by the brutal
insolence of the rioters, while walking with a friend, he
exclaimed : " It would be better if the native-born citizens
would find some means to repress this kind of turbulence,
etc., etc." Although I never heard him avow more
distinct Know-Nothing sentiments, yet I never heard him
utter a word to indicate that he was willing our fair land
should become, or should continue to be, "the refuge
of the oppressed of all nations." Such a fanatical
euphemism as that would not befit the manly lips of a
true patriot like General Winfield Scott. All right
minded Americans would gladly make that sickening
apothegm obsolete, and no longer consent to have our
country used as a cesspool and spitbox for the whole
earth.

There is another strong negative proof that General

144 Fifty Years Observation.

Scott desired that Americans should rule America. It is
the attitude that he maintained in regard to the hordes of
itinerant patriots, ambulatory philanthropists, and blatant
disturbers of the world's peace, that from time to time
wing their flight from other lands and settle like unclean
fowls upon our shores, or who exhaust their howling at
home. I never heard from him a word of approval of, or
interest in, Kossuth, Garibaldi, Mazzini, Blanqui, Victor
Hugo, the German Lasalle, nor any one of the innumer
able, never-ending chronic flood of Irish patriots and agi
tators. He had no liking for those native-born Ameri
cans whose rarefied intellects and feeble reasoning
powers led them to sympathize with the strange creatures
I have just referred to, nor was he in unison with the so-
called " reformers " of any country. In nine cases in ten
a " reformer " is a conceited individual, destitute of ex
perience, who, when he thinks his follies are not suffi
ciently appreciated, strives to introduce a new order of
things, and to make himself notorious. Genuine re
formers are, as a rule, men of rare ability, who are seem
ingly unconscious of their powers. They labor unosten
tatiously to achieve their aims, and when their benefi
cent work is accomplished, they often live and die in
obscurity.

The most difficult task yet undertaken by man has
been to frame a government under which every man
shall have an equal vote. The demands of the populace
and the concessions of their leaders soon fritter away and
destroy all that is respectable, noble, just, or prudent, and
then, after a period of spoliation and anarchy, the
country passes to the domination of a tyrant. Such has
been the fate of all democratic republics hitherto known,
and such is destined to be the fate of ours, unless corrup
tion can be stayed and the best native-born citizens ad
vanced to its controlling offices.

Scotfs Opinions of Officers. 145

In the year 1846, the war with Mexico commenced.
It is foreign to my purpose to repeat the arguments
for and against the invasion of that country, it being
certain that it originated with the slaveholders, who
designed thereby to extend the area of their favorite
institution.

That war produced two successful candidates for the
Presidency, Taylor and Pierce, and it awakened the as
pirations of General Scott and several others for the
same office. It irritated and disappointed many men
who had assisted in the field, as well as a still greater
number v/ho had opposed it. I was not a partisan on
either side, and when my application to be relieved
from duty at the Military Academy and ordered to join
my regiment was conditionally denied, I felt no regret.
It would have been quite different if I had foreseen that
we should acquire at the peace which succeeded the
glorious State of California.

In treating of General Scott's connection with the
Mexican war I am entering upon the most difficult task
I have yet encountered in my reminiscences of the time.
He forgets that he had been allowed to gather rich
harvests of fame under the Democratic administration
of Mr. Van Buren, and that now the same party, to
which he was loudly opposed, was holding out to him
the opportunity to win new laurels in a foreign field. Be
fore drawing his sword, with fangs out he swoops upon
the President, who was his commander, swashes him in
his ink-pot, and then holds him up thus :

" Mr. Tyler, like many of his successors, was weaker in
office than Mr. Polk, whose little strength lay in the most
odious elements of the human character — cunning and
hypocrisy. It is true that these qualities when discov
ered become positive weaknesses, but they often triumph
7

146 Fifty Years Observation.

over wisdom and virtue before discovery. It may be
added that a man of meaner presence is not often seen. He
was, however, virtually the nominee of General Jackson."

This bolt was aimed at three heads, every one of
which he hated. The autobiographer next proceeds to
discuss General Taylor and his staff officer, Bliss, who
was assigned by Scott " to complement the qualities and
supply the defects of his chief." He magnifies the preju
dices of Taylor, scales his virtues, and clearly proves a
strange discordancy between Old Zack's barbecue speech
while he was being feasted after the war, and his dis
patches and letters which preceded the battle of Buena
Vista. Finally he salutes the " neophyte statesman" as he
calls Taylor, at the edge of the grave, with the following
mixed compliment:

" He had no vice but prejudice, many friends, and left
behind him not an enemy in the world, not even the
autobiographer, whom in the blindness of his great weak
ness he, after being named for the Presidency, had seri
ously wronged."

Bliss he praises without stint or qualification, and de
servedly, since the army did not contain a more amiable,
gifted, and accomplished gentleman. Bliss was cut down
by death before he had reached the meridian of his days.

Prior to his leaving Washington, and after it had been
decided to order him to Mexico, General Scott was
treated by Mr. Polk with a cordiality that won his
esteem. His warrant of command from Mr. Marcy,
Secretary of War, was an elegant document, brimful of
confidence, and the general went on his way content.
But at the moment he was about to embark at New
Orleans he was told by Mr. Hodge that President Polk
had asked for the grade of Lieutenant-General, which was
to be given to Senator Benton, who was to be placed over

Webster's Characteristics. 147

Scott. The latter discredited the report, which, when it
was proved to be true, drew from him the following
blast :

"A grosser abuse of human confidence is nowhere
recorded/'

Whether it was Mr. Polk or the Democratic party that
suggested Colonel Benton as the head of the army in
Mexico is uncertain, but the announcement surprised al
most everybody, and will, I trust, excuse a more ex
tended description of the recipient of such an honor
than I have already given.

The first time I saw Colonel Benton was the first time I
ever entered the Chamber of the United States Senate, in
the spring of 1838, and I have no hesitation in asserting
that the Senate was then more distinguished by the
talents, personal appearance, and dignity of its members
than it has ever been since. There were five among them,
every one of whom was the equal, and several of whom
were the superiors, of any Senator who has succeeded
them. Those five were Webster, Clay, Calhoun, Benton,
and Silas Wright. Even if those five had been with
drawn and the remainder increased in numbers by average
men to the present complement, that Senate would have
been the equal of any one during the last twenty years,
for it would still have possessed John Davis of Mas
sachusetts, James Buchanan of Pennsylvania, Mr. Bayard of
Delaware, and Felix Grundy of Tennessee, and other able
men. Of the first five named, Webster and Benton were
the greatest, made so by native talents and profound
study ; next came Silas Wright, for judgment and common
sense ; then followed Clay with his brightness, vast obser
vation, oratory and gallant bearing, and finally lurking
there was John C. Calhoun with his abstractions and
cavernous research. Miss Martineau said Calhoun looked

148 Fifty Years Observation.

like a man who had never been young. To me he looked
like a priest that ministered at hidden altars, and as one
who practises mysterious rites. He was of no sort of
benefit to the world.

Although Mr. Webster, in appearance and reasoning
powers, was the Hercules of the Senate, and although in
the opinion of Hall McAllister he was the only man in
the country able at all times, and on all subjects, to make
a sensible impromptu speech, he had one disadvantage
as a leader when compared with Senator Benton. Huge
and solemn as were his eyeballs, vast and capacious as
was his skull, massive as were his shoulders, and sonorous
as was his voice, there was yet occasionally something
deprecating in his manners and apologetic in his dis
course. These deficiencies for championship were due to
the influence of Puritanism, which had done its work upon
him in his youth.

Puritan public opinion is the most inexorable force that
has been generated by the community of men. It forbids
its subjects to learn the arts of command, which are re
garded as the attributes of tyrants, it permeates and sub
dues to its behests the most stubborn dispositions, and it
had chiselled its hard lines ineffacably upon the character
of Daniel Webster. It had infused into his nature a vague
sense of fear and accountability that sometimes made him
timid when there was no danger, and weakened the force
of his blow lest he should too much bruise the offender.
It was impossible that such a man should become a suc
cessful political leader ; and relying upon the gratitude of
the Republic to reward his great services rendered,
missing the Presidency, and shocked by the ingratitude
and want of appreciation of his fellow-citizens, he pined
to death, instead of raging to death, which would have
been more heroic.

A Talk with Benton. 149

What would have been the renown of Mr. Webster if
his nurture had been chivalric, can only be conjectured,
but, in my opinion, it would have been like a legend to
link himself with our history, to descend through in
numerable generations.

Mr. Benton, though inferior in mental depth to Mr.
Webster, had been fashioned in his boyhood in a less
rigid school of morals. His native dominating qualities
had been developed and expanded to their utmost, and
consequently there was a repose and assurance in his
manners which nothing could disturb. His healthy, erect,
and commanding person seemed a fitting socket for his
resolute will. V/henever I visited the Senate Chamber
my eyes were often fixed on him, and if, when leaving, a
friend had called out to say, " Senator Benton is rising to
speak," I should have returned to hear him against a
greater urgency of business than for any other speaker.
Time, which has verified the wisdom of his policy, has also
justified the admiration I felt for the august Missourian
patriot and statesman.

I might relate several anecdotes of Mr. Benton, but
one must suffice. In New York I had been accustomed
to a paper currency and thought it the best. In Cali
fornia I changed my views and became a convert to Mr.
Benton's hard-money doctrines. Being about to return
East after a long sojourn in San Francisco, Mr. Page, the
head of the banking firm of Page & Bacon, requested
me to see Mr. Benton and tell him how admirably his
theory was working in practice. I accordingly made my
way to his house in Washington, and found the Senator
alone in a room writing on a table without a cover. The
walls were bare and the furniture of the plainest descrip
tion. The apartment, however, contained a man who
was insensible to moral and physical fear, and he inte-

150 Fifty Years' Observation.

rested me more than would all the beautiful objects ever
designed by Benvenuto Cellini, or gathered together by
the Baron Davillier. My reception, though it was stately,
did not prevent me from broaching the subject of my
visit with a flippancy which would have offended the
great personage if it had not been in such a flattering
strain as would have mollified the traits of a behemoth.
I described the joyousness of old Mr. Page in his bank
with heaps of gold in sight, watching the business of
a mart where paper money was excluded and short
credits exacted. I told him of my own conversion from
having been such a young devotee to paper and long
credits, that when I read of his and General Jackson's
war on the United States Bank, and the bills of all
banks, I should have been glad to see both their heads
chopped off ! I told him how I had sworn in my own
heart never to take another bank-note, and that the
thought of one, reeking and enslimed with the sweat and
filth of the many begrimed hands through which it had
passed, disgusted me. Then I went on to confess how,
after an absence of nearly four years, I landed in New
York, hired a hack for two dollars to carry me home, and
how finally the hackman, being without coin, took my
five-dollar gold piece and returned to me a three-dollar
note, which I received !

At this point Old Bullion's countenance underwent a
sudden change, and with an air and voice that would
have suited a Caliph of Bagdad he rebuked me. " Young
man," said he, "you were wrong to take the three-dollar
note — you had no right to barter your principles. The
paper you received was probably without intrinsic value.
Such notes pass from hand to hand like other counters of
gamblers, and are not intended to be redeemed. They
enrich knaves, sir, and rob the industrious. Better return

A Burst of Ill-temper. 151

to your California teachings." A little more in the same
strain, and I left, feeling as though I had been tossed by a
bull.

If the stupendous individuality I have described had
been commissioned as lieutenant-general, a rank then
unknown to our service, and sent to place himself at the
head of the army in Mexico, and give orders to such
battle-scarred veterans as Scott, Wool, Taylor, and Worth,
it would have been a shocking injustice. Fortunately for
them the plan failed, and Mr. Benton was left to pursue
his civil career and to write his " Thirty Years in the
Senate."

The autobiographer's twenty-eighth chapter opens with
an exposition of ill-temper, which it would have been
better for the fame of his book if he had omitted. His
spite, though not wholly without cause, is so condensed
and sweeping, and so replete with injustice towards
certain men whose names I respect, that I make no excuse
for reproducing it in his own words as follows :

" Successful as was every prediction, plan, siege, battle,
and skirmish of mine in the Mexican war, I have here
paused many weeks to overcome the repugnance I feel to
an entrance on the narrative of the campaign it was my
fortune — I had almost said misfortune — to conduct with
half means, beginning at Vera Cruz, March 9, and termi
nating in the capital of the country, September 14, 1847,
six months and five days. This feeling is occasioned by
the lively recollection of: i. The perfidy of Mr. Polk;
2. The senseless and ungrateful clamor of Taylor, which,
like his other prejudices, abode with him to the end ; 3. The
machinations of an ex aide-de-camp, who owed his public
status mainly to my helping hand ; a vain man of weak
principles, and most inordinate ambition. The change
commenced on hearing that I had fallen under the ban at

152 Fifty Years' Observation.

Washington ; 4. The machinations of a Tennessee major-
general, the special friend and partisan of Mr. Polk, an
anomaly — without the least malignity in his nature —
amiable, and possessed of some acuteness, but the only
person I have ever known who was wholly indifferent in
the choice between truth and falsehood, honesty and dis
honesty ; — ever as ready to attain an end by the one as
the other, and habitually boastful of acts of cleverness at
the total sacrifice of moral character. Procuring the nomi
nation of Mr. Polk for the Presidency, he justly considered
his greatest triumph in that way. These conspirators —
for they were soon coalesced, were joined by like charac
ters — the first in time and malignity, a smart captain of
artillery, whom they got breveted, on brevet, more for
the smoke of his guns than their shots, and to whom Mr.
Polk, near the end of his term, gave the substantial re
ward of colonel and inspector-general, an office that
happened to fall vacant just then. ' The ox knoweth his
owner, and the ass his master's crib.' And alas, poor
human nature ! Even the brave Colonel Riley, the hero
of Contreras (for which he was made brigadier after
wards), got the brevet of major-general, and the command
in California, by yielding to some weakness (see his testi
mony in the Pillow investigation). These appointments
proved an estate to Riley. The certainty of such fat
benefits freely promised by the conspiration called into
activity the sordid passions of other bribeworthy officers.
Hence the party of MISCREANTS became quite respect
able in numbers after the conquest. Those were not the
only disgusts. The master outrage soon followed.

"The offences of the two anonymous generals becom
ing a little too prononct, I arrested them both, and asked
that a court might be ordered for their trial. A court was
ordered, I was relieved in the command, and the wronged

Worth and Duncan. 153

and the wrong-doers, with stern impartiality, placed be
fore the tribunal ! ! If I had lost the campaign it would
have been difficult to heap upon me greater vexations and
mortifications."

In that portion of my reminiscences of General Scott
which were written before I had read the autobiography,
the reader will have observed my remark, that in matters
of rivalry my chief would instantly go out of his own skin
into that of an angry porcupine with every quill standing
fiercely on end. The foregoing extracts make it evident
that the fretful porcupine does not serve for a proper
simile, and another beast of a less discriminating and
more volting ferocity must be substituted. Nothing I
ever saw in General Scott's conduct, or heard in his dis
course, disclosed such a degree of rancor and selfishness
as he himself has published to the world, and I am unwill
ing to admit that he has reported himself correctly. His
arrest before his subordinates had been tried was an act
of stupid cruelty to a successful commander, and the
memory of that and many other vexations soured his
mind to such a degree as to cloud his judgment, and lead
him to denounce several of our most meritorious officers
as " miscreants, sordid and bribeworthy"

A defence of the two Presidents, Polk and Taylor, by
me would be superfluous, and in regard to the Tennessee
major-general, Gideon J. Pillow, I never saw him, and
never heard a man speak of him who was not his declared
enemy ; consequently I know nothing of General Pillow.
The ex aide-de-camp referred to, General William J.
Worth, I knew as intimately as I could know a man who
was old enough to be my father. He was the command
ant of the corps while I was a cadet, and it was he, above
all other men, who impressed upon it the martial character
it has since always borne. He was one of the autobio-
7*

154 Fifty Dears' Observation.

grapher's most energetic assistants during the Canadian
patriot troubles, and in the removal of the Cherokees,
where, by Scott's selection, he was chief of staff.
Throughout a period of more than thirty years, and up to
the commencement of the Mexican war, the two officers
had been surprisingly intimate, for Worth's compliments
to the general were always fulsome, and when the former
returned from his command against the Seminole Indians
in Florida, the latter received him with caressing fondness.

Many officers thought that Worth had more ability to
inspire his soldiers than Scott himself. Alden told me
he was at Palo Alto when Worth came in from a rccon-
noissance after sunset, and at his approach Alden fancied
he " saw a son of Mars riding in darkness." The fables
must be searched to find an officer with a more sparkling
eye and a more gallant bearing, or one who was more pro
digal of himself where the clang of arms was loudest. Yet
when this magnificent officer discovered a passage around
Lake Chalco and reported it to General Scott, he was met
with a rebuke, and a declaration that the passage had al
ready been discovered by another. Then it was that the
virus of rivalry entered the heart of the autobiographer and
wrought upon his sense as suddenly as the juice of the
cursed hebenon curdled the blood of the Royal .Dane.

The " smart captain of artillery, whom they (the con
spirators), got breveted, on brevet, more for the smoke
of his guns than their shots," was James Duncan. I
knew him while we were two years together in the
Military Academy, though not of the same class, and I
knew him as an officer. His manners were quiet, and he
was not especially popular with the cadets, among whom
personal beauty is as much prized as among girls, and
James was not handsome, but his perseverance and un
swerving good conduct secured him respect. After

Vera Cruz. 155

graduating he continued his devotion to duty and study
till he was acknowledged by his brother officers to be one
of the most accomplished artillerists in the service. In
the valley of Mexico the good order of Duncan's Battery
and the spirit and effect with which he handled it in bat
tle were so remarkable that when he was made inspector-
general his promotion was generally conceded to have
been well earned. What Duncan's offence against Gen
eral Scott was I am not aware, and no obligation towards
my former chief requires me to search for it, when I
consider his reckless and unjustifiable assault upon the
characters of two such noble public servants as were my
friends Worth and Duncan, who did most deserving ser
vice for their country and died prematurely at their posts
of duty.

The siege of Vera Cruz was conducted with such skill
and success as to allow no room for censure. Scott's
plan to capture the city by regular approach, rather than
by assault, avoiding the guns of the castle of San Juan
de Ulloa, was approved by his chosen advisers, and its
execution committed to the supervision of Colonel, after
wards General, Joseph G. Totten, chief engineer of the
United States Army, and a man of extraordinary merit.
The capitulation, which followed quickly on the 27th
March, 1847, was an enormous advantage. The siege
had not cost the lives of many of our people, but among
the killed were Captains John R. Vinton and William Al-
burtis, upon whom the autobiographer bestows unusual
compliments. Vinton was a first- class officer, and his
death was a serious loss to the army. Nevertheless he
had suffered many an official slight for being a Northern
man, or I am not a competent witness in any case.

Notwithstanding the brilliant achievement at Vera
Cruz, and the admirable conduct of the campaign that

156 Fifty Years' Observation.

succeeded, all of which the public had abundantly
acknowledged, the autobiographer, after an interval of
nearly fifteen years, proceeds in his notice of that siege
to expose in strange relief the prevailing weakness of his
character. " Although," he writes, " I know our country
men will hardly acknowledge a victory unaccompanied
by a long butcher's bill [report of killed and wounded], I
am strongly inclined — policy concurring with humanity —
to forego their loud applause and aves vehement, and
take the city with the least possible loss of life. In this
determination I know, as Dogberry says truly of himself,
I write me down an ass.' "

The above is in the text, and one would suppose it the
climax of ill-humor, but it is followed by a note which
must be quoted entire to show with what labored in
genuity he has piled one folly upon another.

Behold the note !

" When the victory of Buena Vista reached Major-
General Brooke, a noble old soldier commanding at New
Orleans, and a friend of Major-General Taylor, he rushed
with the report in hand through the streets to the ex
change and threw the whole city into a frenzy of joy. By
and by came the news that the Stars and Stripes waved
over Vera Cruz and its castle, and Brooke, also a friend
of mine, was again eager to spread the report. Some
body in the crowd early called out : * How many men
has Scott lost ? ' Brooke was delighted to reply : ' Less
than a hundred ! ' * That won't do/ was promptly re
joined. l Taylor always loses thousands. He is the man
for my money ! ' Only a few faint cheers were heard for
Vera Cruz. The long butcher's bill was wanted. When
I received friend Brooke's letter giving the details, I own
that my poor human nature was piqued for a moment,
and I said, ' Never mind, Taylor is a Louisianian. We

North and South In the Mexican War. 157

shall in due time hear the voice of the Middle, the North
ern, and the Eastern States ; they will estimate victories
on different principles/ But I was mistaken. The key
note raised in New Orleans was taken up all over the
land.- Mortifications are profitable to sufferers, and I
record mine to teach aspirants to fame to cultivate
humility ; for blessed is the man who expects little and
can gracefully submit to less."

I doubt if General Scott's worst enemy could have
alleged anything more disparaging to his nature than the
above extracts from his own pen, and yet to me they
count for little, since I know how much he was given to
exaggerations when he was in an irritable state of mind,
which was often. All men of all ages who have aspired
to exclusive fame have been oppressed by the honors
paid to rivals in the same line. Haman, when he saw
Mordecai sitting in the king's gate, erected a gallows
upon which he intended his rival should swing, but upon
which he himself finally swung. Scott shows his freedom
from hypocrisy when he confesses how much he was
piqued "by the " loud applause and aves vehement," paid
to Taylor rather than to himself. But it is evident he
would not have strangled " Old Zack " if he had had
the power, since he makes his pique the subject of an
admonition to humility.

It is not my purpose to attempt a history of the war
with Mexico, but a few remarks upon it, I trust, will be
excused.

The small armies with which General Scott forced his
way to the City of Mexico and conquered it, and that
with which General Taylor beat Santa Anna at Buena
Vista, were as well officered as any that ever took the
field in modern times, and were most ably commanded.
Without such advantages it would have been impossible

158 Fifty Years' Observation.

for them to overcome the stupendous obstacles that
opposed them. As an American I should have exulted
in their prowess had I not been depressed with a feeling
of degradation when I saw that all the chiefs in highest
command, as well as all the heroes of minor exploits, were
Southern men. When I read the history of that war, the
names of Scott, Taylor, Twiggs, Harney, Quitman, Per-
sifer F. Smith, W. O. Butler, Pillow, Mclntosh, Garland,
Lawson, Vandorne, Jefferson Davis, R. E. Lee, Beaure-
gard, Ringgold, Humphrey Marshall, Bragg, Huger, G.
W. Smith, and Andrews, are seen scattered thick and
they are heard afar.

On the other hand the names of the Northern officers
of equal merit, but without patronage, such as Wool,
N. S. Clarke, Worth, Totten, Pierce, Cadwalader, Patter
son, Hitchcock, Dimmick, De Hart, Sumner, Vinton,
Burnett, Thorn, Thomas W. Sherman, Kendrick, J. J.
Stevens, Kirkham, Tower, Robert Allen, Grant, Rey
nolds, McClellan, and others, are seen but seldom, and
when anecdotes are told of the various campaigns by the
prattlers of both sections, the accredited hero is always a
Southerner !

The reports of General Scott of the operations of his
army before the City of Mexico place fully before the
reader the difficulty of the situation. They also demon
strate the ability of its commander, the excellence of his
assistants and their enterprising bravery, which is shown
by an almost, if not entirely, unequalled proportionate
loss in battles and sieges of commissioned officers. These
reports also display an extraordinary spirit of fairness, and
I confess to the pleasure I felt in reading them to find
that the author had dismissed all his antipathies, and had
labored to bestow praise where credit was due. He gives
conspicuous prominence to the valor of Worth, and

Qualified Compliments. 159

enables us to see that martial figure in his desperate
attack on Molino del Rey, in the assaults upon Chapulte-
pec and the gate of Cosme. In connection with the first
exploit the general uses the significant words : " Major-
General Worth, in whose commendations of the gallant
officers and men — living and dead — I fully concur," etc.
Of Major-General Pillow, who was up with the first attack
on Chapultepec, he says : " That gallant leader was struck
down by an agonizing wound." Many other officers and
non-commissioned officers are complimented with a
heartiness that leaves nothing to be desired.

Nevertheless in brooding for years over the events of
the war, the autobiographer indulges in retrospective
comments which not only show that he repented of his
laudable impulses, but that he was willing to expose in
full view the darkest caverns of his own soul. I had
intended, in my reminiscences, to allow only such a faint
glimpse of that cavern as was necessary to an under
standing of certain instances of his conduct. If, however,
my design had been vengeance, I should have shrunk from
the use of such weapons as he has lavishly employed
against himself, and of which the following note is an
example :

" Litera scripta manet. In this edition of my reports
of battles, etc., I, of course, expunge none of the praises
therein bestowed upon certain divisions and brigade com
manders, but as a caution to future generals-in-chief, I
must say, I soon had abundant reason to know that I had,
in haste, too confidently relied upon the partial statements
of several of those commanders respecting their individ
ual skill and the merits of a few of their favorite subor
dinates. I except from this remark Generals Quitman,
Shields, P. F. Smith, N. S. Clarke, Riley and Cad-
walader."

160 Fifty Years' Observation.

This simoom of a note was intended to nip the laurels
of Generals Twiggs, Worth, W. O. Butler, Pillow, Pierce,
and Gushing among the chiefs, and Duncan, Ripley,
Hooker, and others, among the favorite subordinates.
The observations I have made upon this writer, and upon
several other old men, and old women, tend to the conclu
sion that wrath, envy, and discontent promote longevity.

Innumerable surprises, both real and imaginative,
awaited the invaders of Mexico under Scott. They
followed in the track of Cortez, like him to encounter
hosts of enemies whose defence of their country was as
sisted by nature and strengthened by art. Volcanic
eruptions had strewn the valley with jagged pedregal,
rocky heights, deep chasms, lakes, and marshes, over
which many bridges and causeways led to the city, which
was protected by wet ditches, ramparts, gates, and towers.
The bridges and causeways had been broken, and behind
all these natural obstructions on the plain and in the
forts, which crowned the heights, the enemy awaited with
triple numbers the approach of our small band of heroes,
every man of whom the Mexicans confidently expected
to destroy.

The head of Scott's column came in sight of the capi
tal and the vast surrounding valley of Mexico on the loth
of August, 1847, arjd it was then for the first time that
the hostile standard of the United States could be seen
fluttering in sight from the halls of the Montezumas.
The gallant young cavalry officer, Alfred Gibbs, in a
letter exhausted his admirable descriptive powers to give
an idea of the unspeakable beauty and variety of the
landscape, and the enthusiasm it produced in all ranks
upon our army. That army knew without instruction
that the task before it had but one condition — it was to
conquer or to die !

The Inauguration. 161

But neither the activity nor the eloquence of Santa
Anna were of any avail against the aggressive combina
tions of Scott, whose rare foresight had surprised his
troops at every step and won their confidence. He ap
peared to divine every movement of the enemy as
though he had been in their ranks, and he struck where
his blow was least expected. After a series of assaults
and battles following in quick succession at a terrible cost
in blood, despair and confusion seized upon the Mexi
cans, and on the I4th September they surrendered their
city.

The submission was quickly followed by the triumphal
entry of the army into the capital, Scott riding at the
head of the cavalry. The bands saluted his passage with
all our patriotic strains, and the whole army filled the air
with shouts of gladness and joy, in which many Mexicans
joined. After so many dangers passed and battles won,
it might be supposed that the surviving actors would be
bound together by ties of lasting friendship, and that
every vexation would be forgotten. But who has ex
plored all the dark chambers of the human heart At
the very time of the triumph the demon of jealousy was
abroad, and its echoes had scarcely ceased when a terri
ble discord arose among the chiefs and their supporters,
and hatreds were engendered which death could not end,
since they survive in the succeeding generations. Who
among the discordants was most guilty of destroying the
peace I have no means of judging; and having sought to
be impartial in my comments upon the merits of all, I
may take leave of the Mexican War and of the glorious
realm of the Aztecs.

CHAPTER X.

Reminiscences of events and characters from the time of my first service
with Scott till I rejoined his staff as confidential Military Secretary. — My
captaincy. — Farewell dinner from Scott. — Life in Washington. — Ordered
to Florida. — W. T. Sherman. — Fort Lauderdale. — George H. Thomas. —
Lieutenant Wyse, and other officers. — Service in Florida. — In New Or
leans. — General Gaines. — Comparison of Scott and Gaines. — Ordered to
Fort Moultrie. — The voyage. — Purchase of a slave. — The officers at Fort
Moultrie. — Quarrel with Bragg. — Anecdotes of other officers.

ON the 3<Dth day of November, 1841, Captain Schriver,
Assistant Adjutant-General, came into my room in
the War Office, and saluted me as Captain of the Third
Regiment of Artillery. A superior officer had died the
night before and I was promoted to be captain, and ceased
to be the aide-de-camp of General Scott, as the law at that
time required him to select his aides from the lieutenants
of the army. I had served in his staff eight years, less a
few months while I was an Assistant Adjutant-General in
the general staff, and I was attached to my chief by ties
of affection and gratitude.

In the following evening, before parting, he invited me
to his room, where he had brought in a supper of can
vas-back ducks, champagne, etc. Our good cheer was
not more enlivening than was the remembrance of the
past. I had always accepted his advice and instruction
with spontaneous docility. I was in the morning of life,
and in me no element or blossom of youth had been
staled by excesses nor saddened by treachery and disap
pointment. In that glorious time a thousand things

Ordered to Florida. 163

could make me joyous, and when at three o'clock in the
morning the general took me by the hand to bid me fare
well, his unspeakably expressive eye beamed on me like a
heavenly messenger — and thus I took leave of my bene
factor to brave the storms of my future life.

My orders were to join my company in Florida, and
after one day with my family, then temporarily sojourn
ing in Elizabeth, I sailed for that Indian-infested prison
house of the army. My life in Washington had been one
of luxurious enjoyment, with a show of work that made
me feel respectable. I had all the diversions my nature
craved — dancing, dinners, and music, and a wide ac
quaintance with men and women of the choicest society.

To show the strong contrast to which officers of the
army are subject, I will give my experience in the six
weeks succeeding my departure from Washington. With
in ten days I was put on shore at Fort Laud erd ale, on the
Atlantic coast, near the southern extremity of Florida.

On the way down from St. Augustine the steamer
called to deliver supplies for a fort, at which Lieutenant
(now General) William T. Sherman was stationed. His
post was several miles inland, but he came down and
brought two fat turtles and some fine oysters as a present
for our captain. I had not met Sherman before, though
we belonged to the same regiment. At that time he was
thin and spare, but healthy, cheerful, loquacious, active,
and communicative to an extraordinary degree. Further
on I shall have more to say of this officer. He gave me
a good idea of the country, and described the difficulties
of campaigning in the swamps and jungles, where the
Seminole Indians had so long evaded pursuit. I passed
on, and was soon enabled to verify all he had told me.

It was about seven o'clock in the morning when I went
on shore at Fort Lauderdale, if that could be called a

164 Fifty Years Observation.

fort which consisted of a cluster of cane-built huts and a
few Indian wigwams. I was shown my quarters, or a
thatched hut of one room. The floor was of unplaned
boards laid on the sand. There was nothing in the room
but an old champagne basket which stood in a corner.
On lifting the lid of the basket I saw many hundreds of
enormous cockroaches resting in a clump of wet straw.
My entire baggage consisted in the contents of a moder
ate-sized trunk, two blankets, an air pillow, and my
sword — with these I commenced housekeeping.

Being called to breakfast, I went into another thatched
hut, and sat down on a block of wood at a table com
posed of two unplaned planks which rested upon stakes
driven into the sand. A complement of tin plates,
pewter spoons, rusty knives, and two-pronged forks, con
stituted the table setting. The breakfast was brought in,
and it consisted in muddy coffee, without milk, brown
sugar, hard bread, tough buckwheat cakes, and semi-fluid
rancid butter, held in a cracked teacup. The murky heat
of the morning had taken away my appetite, and when I
viewed the food before me, I groaned and thought of the
rich soups and juicy meats on which I had fed in Wash
ington.

Colonel (then Major) Thomas Childs was in command,
and he allowed me two days to arrange myself before go
ing on duty. I strolled about the post the first day, talked
with the few officers remaining in the garrison, and visited
the lodges of some sixty Seminole Indians who had volun
tarily surrendered. Among them were two young chiefs
and three girls that seemed to me to be more elegantly
shaped and graceful in motion than any human beings I
had ever seen. When I entered the wigwam they all
stood up, and to the few questions I put them, through
an interpreter, they returned answers with an ease and

Fort Lauderdale. 165

politeness which could scarcely be excelled. The old
negro interpreter told me that these savages before they
surrendered had never seen a white man. After an in
terview with a party of wild Indian chiefs like these, Laf
ayette declared that their deportment was as polished as
that of the old nobility of France.

My first dinner at Fort Lauderdale differed from my
first breakfast by the substitution of bean soup and salt
pork for buckwheat cakes, and commissary whiskey for
muddy coffee. I was cautioned against plain river water,
which was full of danger, but I took it only because it
was less nauseous than the whiskey. After dinner I re
tired to my hut, blew up my air pillow, and lay down on
my blankets to muse on my change of condition and to
sleep if I could.

On the east lay the ocean, and it was pleasant to hear
the splash of the waves, net more than two hundred feet
from me. On the west, at an equal distance, ran a small
stream called the Indian River. Beyond the river an
almost impenetrable jungle of tropical growth spread out.
It was the abode of serpents, alligators, frogs, foxes, owls,
wildcats, and other noisy creatures, whose moans, yelps,
and hootings joined with the hum and buzz of the innu
merable winged and sharded insects that filled the whole
surrounding atmosphere. There was no cessation nor in
terlude in the horrid though varied concert. The hum of
mosquitoes was continuous, the barking of foxes and
hooting of owls was nearly so, while the piercing scream
and hoarse croak of birds of the night, hitherto unknown
to me, were interjected at short intervals to make the hel
lish fugue complete. The strange noises were not wholly
disagreeable, but the army of fleas that invaded my couch
kept me awake, and I thought of happier times.

Two days after my arrival at Fort Lauderdale a scout-

1 66 Fifty Years' Observation.

ing party returned in canoes from the interior. On going
to the landing, I saw stepping on shore from a boat a
young lieutenant whose name was George H. Thomas.
He was afterward Major-General, and he died at San
Francisco on the 28th of March, 1870, while in command
of the Department of the Pacific. As he served nearly
two years under me as my subaltern, I will describe him
according to the impression he left upon me after a long
and varied intimacy.

At the time above referred to Thomas was twenty-six
years old. His height was exactly six feet, his form per
fectly symmetrical, inclining to plumpness; his com
plexion was blonde, eyes deep blue and large. The shape
and carriage of his head and the expression of his hand
some face corresponded with my idea of a patrician of
ancient Rome. He was a Virginian by birth, and at the
time he entered the Military Academy he was twenty
years of age, or four years beyond the average of cadets
at the time of admission.

Of all the hundreds of Southern men with whom
I have been intimate, he and Robert E. Lee were the
fairest in their judgment of Northern men. In this con
clusion I make no exception.

Thomas possessed an even temperament, and was never
violently demonstrative. He was equally calm when he
went in and when he came out of the battle. He was
seldom much in advance of the appointed time in his ar
rival at the post of duty, and I never knew him to be
late, or to appear impatient or in a hurry. All his move
ments were deliberate, and his self-possession was
supreme, without being arrogant, and he received and
gave orders with equal serenity. From the first we were
companions, and my confidence in him was at once com.
plete. He did his duty and kept all his appointments

George H. Thomas. 167

precisely, and a long acquaintance with him invariably led
to respect and affection. His deportment was dignified,
and in the presence of strangers and casual acquaintances
he was reserved. Nevertheless he was social, and he pos
sessed a subtle humor always ready to show itself in
similes and illustrations of character which I could exem
plify by numerous anecdotes if I were writing his history.
He was an accomplished officer, and although his turn of
mind inclined him more to science than literature, his
reading was extensive and varied. The qualities which
exalted him most above his fellows were judgment, im
partiality, and integrity, in all which he had few equals
and in the last no superior. After the Rebellion, when
he arrived in San Francisco to assume command of the
Division of the Pacific, I met him, and was shocked to ob
serve the effect which war and change of climate had
wrought in his countenance. White lines bordered his
lips and his eyes had lost their wonted fires ; and although
a mortal malady had entrenched itself in his vitals, he
made no complaint, but applied himself with his custom
ary strictness to duty. He was at my house to attend
the wedding of my daughter Caroline, and in my conver
sation with him on that occasion I said : " Thomas, I no
tice no change in our social relations now, and when in
Florida, New Orleans, and Charleston I used to order you
to go and drill the company." " There is none, and why
should there be ? " Three days after that conversation I
saw him in his coffin, and such was the noble repose of
his face that I might have supposed he was asleep.

There is a moral in the life and services of General
George H. Thomas which merits consideration. He was
strictly conscientious, he loved Virginia, which was his
birthplace, and the bias of his affections was towards the
South. He was also warmly attached to the Union, and

1 68 Fifty Years' Observation.

he espoused its cause in the War of the Rebellion. His
wife was a noble Northern woman, and his deference for
her was great ; and it is my opinion that it was her influ
ence, more than any other consideration, that determined
him to cast his fortunes with us. Had he followed his
own inclinations, he would have joined the Confederates,
and fought against the North with the same ability and
valor that he displayed in our cause. His part once
chosen, he stood like a tower for the North, arid he has
been rewarded with a monument and a lasting fame.

Yet this great man's crowning success may be said to
have been accidental. Not long before the battle of
Nashville, which gave permanence to his renown, he was
accused of dilatoriness and inefficiency. The disadvan
tageous reports were credited, and General-in-Chief of
the army Halleck issued an order, and had it printed, re
lieving Thomas and directing General Schofield to assume
command of his army. For some reason unknov/n to me
the order was not sent, and Thomas fought his battle,
which was successful. If the order had been carried into
effect, Schofield might have gained the victory, but the
name of Thomas and all his merits would have vanished
at once in oblivion. I delight to dwell on the memory
of my departed friend, and will give specimens of his
humor, which made him so pleasant as a companion.

At the time of my arrival at Fort Lauderdale I had
been long absent from my regiment, and had never served
with it except as a file-closer, consequently I came at
once to the command of a company with all the igno
rance of a novice. My first lieutenant, Wyse, was a good
soldier, but he had the habit of praising his own military
character, with which he was content. He was a great
talker and excessively dogmatic in his opinions. At a
later date, in New Orleans, he came in from the opera, in

Anecdotes of Thomas. 160

the middle of the night, and declared to me that the
American people knew nothing about music ! Thomas,
who appreciated my situation and knew the character of
my first lieutenant, who had charge of the company be
fore my arrival, told me that if I asked Wyse to teach me
anything about my duty he would always boast of having
been obliged to instruct me. Taking the hint, with pen
in hand I went through every law, regulation, order, and
document relating to the command of a company of ar
tillery, and at the end of a week I required no teaching
from Mr. Wyse.

At another time I required something from the Quar
termaster, Lieutenant Schover. I told Thomas that I
had been three times to his office, which was a tent, and
had not found him. " You will not find him in his tent,"
said Thomas, " but if you place yourself near the trail
that passes between those two palmetto trees (the
tops of which we could see from where we sat) he will
pass you within twenty minutes." I went immediately
to the place indicated, and sure enough Schover came
along at the end of ten minutes !

He told me also how to find another officer, who
chewed tobacco and spat incessantly. We were at a
Southern post in summer. The officer in question would
sit reading and spitting ; by turning his head to the right
he could spit in the fireplace, and to the left out of the
window — each being several yards from his chair.
" Now," said Thomas, " you may come in at the window
and follow up the line of tobacco juice on the floor, or
you may descend the chimney and trace from that, and
at the intersection of the two lines you will discover
B ."

My experience in Florida was short, but it sufficed to
show me why the war lasted so long, and why so many

8

170 Fifty Years' Observation.

distinguished officers failed in its conduct. The thickets in
which the Indians could conceal themselves were almost
impenetrable to our soldiers. They could subsist on shell
fish, roots, and berries, and do without fires, the smoke of
which would have betrayed them. In all the battles and
skirmishes, it is probable that five times as many of our
officers and men were killed as of the enemy. A friend
of mine who was in the battle of Ochechobee, in which
several of our officers were slain, and which lasted a
whole day, told me he did not see an Indian, and that
very few of our people saw one, so skilfully were they
able to hide themselves.

The Florida war commenced on the 24th day of De
cember, 1835, at which date Major Dade's whole com
mand of 102 were massacred, with the exception of one
man, near Tampa Bay. It ended in about twelve years —
not by our success in conflicts, but by the treason of the
Indians themselves, and by the act of General Jessup, who
prevailed on Osceola and about 80 of his braves to come
in under a flag of truce and treat for peace. The terms
submitted were not accepted by the red men, and Jessup
detained the whole party as prisoners of war. Osceola
was a splendid chief, but he could not bear captivity, and
at the end of a few months he died of a broken heart.

Fortunately for me, the term of service of my company
in Florida expired in January, 1842, and I was ordered
to New Orleans, via Tampa Bay.

General Worth, who was in command, had his head
quarters at that place, and he received me with the ut
most cordiality. I was at death's door from the effect of
drinking the water of the everglades without whiskey.
The volunteer doctor who had attended me declared that I
could not recover, and if I had continued the remedies he
prescribed his prophecy would have been verified. The

General Gaines.

171

chief of the medical staff at headquarters was Surgeon
Harney, brother to the famous General William Harney.
He saw me, and compounded a potion which I took in
the evening during a lucid interval (for I was half the time
out of my head with the delirium of fever), and the next
morning I was well. I sailed with my company for New
Orleans, and assumed command of the barracks below
that city early in February, 1842.

Major-General Edmund Pendleton Gaines was in com
mand of the Western Department, with headquarters in
the city of New Orleans. When I called to pay my re
spects to him, he surprised me by a cordial greeting,
which was the reverse of what I had anticipated. He
went so far as to offer to take me on an extensive tour of
inspection with him, which I was obliged to decline. Be
tween him and my former chief, Scott, there was a feud
as fierce as ever raged between military commanders.

Three years previous, while I was aide to the latter, I
was promoted to the rank of captain and assistant adju
tant-general, and ordered to report to General Gaines at
St. Louis as chief of his military staff. He refused to re
ceive me, and declared that he would as soon take a wife
at the dictation of other men as to take his chief of staff.
He had no confidence in my former friends, nor in the men
who had sent me to him. We had three interviews. The
first was short and angry on his part, although he de
clared that he had heard nothing objectionable to me.
He intended to have Captain McCall for his chief of staff,
or he would get along with his present assistants. Our
two following interviews were friendly, and lasted over an
hour each. Half the time was devoted to the explana
tion of a system of railroads which he had devised, and
the plan of which he showed me. He had traced nearly
all the trunk lines, as they now exist, east of the Missis-

172 Fifty Years' Observation.

sippi and many on the west of that river. His system
was distinguished by more roads terminating at Mem
phis, Tennessee, than at St. Louis and Chicago together.
The other half the time was mostly spent in abusing my
former chief. As I had never heard the name of Gaines
mentioned in the presence of Scott that it did not pro-
voke an expression of contempt, I was willing to listen
to what the accused could say.

The scorn on both sides appeared about equal, but
Scott vastly excelled in sententious vilification — such as
" Gaines is only fit to be a dry nurse in a lying-in hospi
tal." " Superannuated old martinet." " Imbecile com
mander," etc., etc. Referring to Gaines's efforts to ap
pear learned in the French language, he told me he once
observed him wrestling with the phrase, " Je ne sais
quoi," and he thought he was describing a " Genesee
squaw."

Gaines's manner of speaking of his enemy was earnest
and solemn. He belittled him as much as he could, and
said Scott's character was chiefly composed of puerilities,
and that he was a vain pretender. There was a lurid air
of satisfaction in the old gentleman's face when he said,
" In our quarrel about rank, I established the superiority
of mine, and had my name placed above that of Scott on
the Army Register."

My opinion of General Gaines was necessarily confused
before we met. After seeing and hearing him, I con
cluded that he was equally as vain as General Scott, but
that his vanity displayed itself in a different way. He
boasted continually of his abstemiousness and hardihood,
that he never used an umbrella, that when he was ailing
he cured himself without the aid of drugs, that he could
tire young men in walking, etc., etc. His habits were
apparent in. his looks. He was tall, thin, and his face

Ordered to Charleston. 173

was covered with fine wrinkles. His eye was sparkling
and clear, and his hair, which was snow-white, stood so
thick that his scalp could nowhere be seen. His whole
appearance was strikingly similar to that of many old
Frenchmen of high rank that I have since seen, and his
manners had an equal polish.

These two men were good citizens and excellent offi
cers, but their rivalry had been a source of worry to both
during forty years. Notwithstanding I had so often wit
nessed their sweltered venom and contumelious asper
sions, they never influenced my judgment of the merits
of either. The same ebullitions are invariably disclosed
by intimacy with men who contend for the same prize,
and they affect me no more than the steam that rises from
a heated cauldron.

As I had formed pleasant social relations in New Or
leans, it was with regret that I received orders, in the
month of June, to transfer my company by sea to Fort
Moultrie, Charleston Harbor. We sailed the 1st of July,
and, after lying becalmed 16 days in the Gulf of Mexico,
we landed the 26th in Charleston and proceeded to Sulli
van's Island. The heat was so oppressive on the voyage
that we kept in our berths or in the cabin during the day,
and walked the deck at night. One morning at about
two o'clock, while I was in the forepart of the ship look
ing out, I fancied I saw a mountain ahead. I found the
mate, and told him I had seen something which might be
land. He jumped forward and shrieked out, " Helm hard
a-port ! " The vessel sheered around without striking, and
it appeared we were less than two cables' length from the
island of Cuba.

Under the old regime, to such as enjoyed their con
fidence, the hospitality of the South Carolinians was
supremely attractive. My initiation to it was due to an

i/4 Fifty Years' Observation.

event, the relation of which recalls a condition of things
now forever past.

One day, when my wife found it difficult to hire a cook,
I went up to Charleston and bought a female slave. As
she stood upon a block I bid her off. Then I went to
a desk and received a bill of sale, " For one wench, aged
23 years, price $350." Having paid forthe wench, I told
her to get her trunk and come with me. She had neither
trunk nor parcel, and was alone. All she possessed she
had on, which was a hickory shirt and a linsey-woolsey
gown ; and yet she was cheerful, and we found her a good
servant. I had already experienced the pride of owner
ship in its various gradations, as the proprietor of a dog,
a horse, and a bit of land ; but it was only when I could
call a human being my property that I enjoyed the self-
importance of a real capitalist. No sooner was my pur
chase known, than I was admitted to the society of
Charleston with a stamp of merit above my value. I
visited the plantations in winter, and in the warm season
many families established themselves on Sullivan's Island.
In their companionship I recognized the truth of what
Prince Murat said of the Charleston society. After he
had seen nearly all the courts of Europe he found
by comparison that the men of South Carolina were
the most aristocratic, and the women the most grace
ful.

The peculiar charm of the South Carolinians was de
rived from an unusual coalition of races. The blood of
the Huguenots had mixed with that of the Cava
liers of England. In Canada and Louisiana it is
different. There the two nationalities remain distinct,
for the French in habits and association are the most
insular of all the Christian communities. The Legrees,
the De Saussures, the Porchers, the d'lons, the Rhetts, the

South Carolina Society. 175

Izzards, the Petigrews, the Rutledges, the Prestons, the
Butlers, the Pinckneys, the Pringles, the Haynes, the
Northrops, the Harveys, and the Calhouns all joined in
social amity, and among them were brave men of the
highest refinement and almost incomparable eloquence.
The women exalted the noble accomplishments of the
men by many enchanting qualities. In form they were
unrivalled, and the beauty of their hands and feet sur
passed the proofs of my observation in all my journeys.
In such a society I should have been a groveller if I had
not secured a voucher of eternal credit, which I found in
the friendship of a young lady to whom I was introduced,
while walking on the beach of Sullivan's Island. This
beautiful lady was endowed with rarest gifts ; and in her
person and character all the attributes which enabled
her sisters of the sunny land, where she inherited life,
to ensorcillize and enslave the ruder sex, cohered. At
the time to which I refer, I was bound by the holy vows
of matrimony to a woman of transcendent worth, and
thus being hedged in, I addressed no discourse to the
fore-named maiden which it would have distressed her
mother to witness. The many succeeding years in which
it was my happy fortune to enjoy her friendship served
always to enhance my estimate of the female character ;
and so deep were the impressions left in my memory by
her various excellence, that I fancy death will have no
power to erase them, and that, should my sins be for
given, I shall be permitted to meet her again in the realms
beyond the stars.

I could relate numerous other incidents and circum
stances that tended to establish my attachment to the
South Carolinians and to make me forget their follies and
regret their misfortunes. I had a son born on Sulli
van's Island, whose early promise and final success have

176 Fifty Years' Observation.

cheered me, and I was associated there on duty with a
group of young officers a larger proportion of whose
names was destined to be distinguished than could have
been found among an equal number elsewhere. I will
designate them by the ranks they finally achieved.

There were General W. T. Sherman, now commanding
the United States army ; Lieutenant-General Braxton
Bragg, late Confederate States army ; Major-General
George H. Thomas, who was so highly renowned ; Major-
General John F. Reynolds, Major-General Thomas W.
Sherman, Major-General S. Van Vleit, General E. D.
Keyes ; General A. C. Myers, late Quartermaster-General
Confederate States army; Colonel Henry B. Judd,
Colonel Jasper Stewart, Lieutenants Churchill, Field,
Ayers, and Austin. All the above-named officers served
together above a year, with the exception of Reynolds,
who was with us a shorter time.

The commanding officer at first was Brigadier-General
W. K. Armistead, who about the year 1820 surveyed the
sand-spit at the mouth of Hampton Roads, and traced
the ground plan of the great Fortress Monroe. The
second commanding officer was Brigadier-General Will
iam Gates, who was one of the earliest graduates of the
West Point Military Academy. Captain (afterwards
Colonel) Martin Burke was always second in command,
and he alone was not a graduate of the Military Acad
emy.

The fate of many of those public servants illustrates
the famous line of Gray,

" The paths of glory lead but to the grave."

Bragg fell dead in Texas from heart disease. George
H. Thomas died suddenly in San Francisco from fatty
degeneration of the heart contracted from hard service in

W. T. Sherman. 177

unwholesome climates. Reynolds was killed at Gettys
burg. T. W. Sherman lost a leg at Port Hudson.
Churchill died of cholera while on duty at Point Isabel,
Texas. Ayers was killed at Molino del Rey, Mexico, and
Field was swept overboard, with several other officers
and men, from the steamer San Francisco while en route
with the Third Regiment of Artillery from New York to
San Francisco. Martin Burke lived the full term of
human life, and died within this year (1882) at the nomi
nal age of 8 1, though he must have been not less than 91
years old.

Let us glance back through the vista of years and
events and contemplate the characteristics of some of the
officers I have named. W. T. Sherman, with whom my
cordial relations have never known abatement, was ambi
tious without asperity, and surprisingly active and always
attentive to duty. In one respect he has since undergone
an anomalous change, for then his style of speaking and
writing was plain and succinct; now it is ornate and so
expansive as to embrace nearly the whole range of human
thought. From time to time he undertook to reform my
speech, and he would often criticise my conduct, which I
prove as follows :

I had an ill-favored yellow pup named Carlo that would
follow me to the parade ground from where I lived out
side the fort. Wishing to be rid of the beast, I called
my company clerk and said : " Waterbury, conduct this
quadruped to my dwelling." Sherman thought my style
too pompous. I asked him what he would have said. He
replied : " I would have said : ' Waterbury, take this dog
down to my house.' ' As to my conduct : I had in my
company a stunted, crooked, cross-grained soldier, whose
name was Jim Hill. Hill spent above half the time in
the guard-house, and on parade his head was always seen

178 Fifty Years' Observation.

protruding six or eight inches in front of the line, and all
my efforts to straighten the wretch had been futile.
Sherman questioned my skill as a drill master, and one
day I asked him to drill my company and try his hand on
the scalawag. He consented, and I went out to look on.
Hill's visage wore an unusually perverse aspect that
morning, and I was encouraged. Sherman began upon
him at once with reproofs and adjurations, to which the
fellow paid no heed. At last, his patience being ex
hausted, Sherman, with angry haste, proceeded to the
rear of the company, and having first with a tremendous
thrust sunk his sword into the sand nearly to the hilt, he
took hold of Jim's shoulders with his knee against
his back, and tried his utmost to rectify the individual in
question. Hill's strength was enormous, and instead of
yielding he strove in a contrary direction, and absolute
ly gained two inches in crookedness, which he retained
till the drill was ended. Sherman's face acknowledged
defeat. I was calm.

Of Bragg I will not say much. He was equally as am
bitious as W. T. Sherman, but being of a saturnine dis
position and morbid temperament, his ambition was of
the vitriolic kind. He could see nothing bad in the South
and little good in the North, although he was disposed to
smile on his satellites and sycophants whencesoever they
came. He was intelligent, and the exact performance of
all his military duties added force fo his pernicious influ
ence. As I was not disposed to concede to his intolerant
sectionalism, nor to be influenced by his dictatorial utter
ances, our social relations could not long remain harmo
nious. At last, upon a matter of discipline which arose
between me and Lieutenant Churchill, whose cause
Bragg espoused against his own theories, and in opposi
tion to the advice of Captain Martin Burke, Bragg and I

Thomas and Other Officers. 179

quarrelled and ceased forever afterwards to speak with
one another.

This book is not to define my enemies, and I leave
Bragg to those who regard him with more favor than
I do.

The character of General George H. Thomas I have
already drawn. In the fiery throng to which I allude he
was always calm. His nature was not only absolutely
just, but it was also highly sympathetic and genial, and
neither malice nor envy could question his motives. The
happiest illusions of my youth and the most joyous en
counters of my life have left no more benignant traces in
my memory than my associations with George H. Thomas
while I was his direct commanding officer.

Van Vleit and Reynolds only remained with us two or
three months, but they were always our intimate asso
ciates. The former was a man of the world, and after
wards stood high in the Quartermaster's Department;
and the latter was one of our most gallant officers, and he
was as amiable as he was brave. The next in the list was
a man of marked peculiarities, and of him I will speak
more at length.

Major-General Thomas W. Sherman was a native of
Rhode Island, and the traits of his character denoted a
descent from Roger Williams. He was dyspeptic and fear
less, and he would revolve his New England ideas regard
less of his company. While serving in Florida he man
aged to make himself unpopular, and when the order
came to me at New Orleans assigning him to my com
pany of artillery he was personally unknown to me. My
messmates volunteered to inform me that I should find in
him a hard case for a " sub." I questioned them in re
gard to his characteristics, and concluded from the replies
that Sherman was hated because he was faithful to the

i8o Fifty Years' Observation.

place of his birth. Two days later an orderly came in
while we were at the dinner table to say that Sherman
was at the gate and desired to see me. I dropped my
knife and fork and ran with outstretched hands to greet
him. I fetched him to the table, called for okra soup
and an extra glass, and while he ate and drank I exerted
myself to convince him that I was delighted with the
prospect of having him and George H. Thomas for my
subalterns at the same time. He only came for a call,
and was to join me at Charleston. I went with him to
the carriage that was waiting at the gate, and when I
bade him good-bye a looker-on would have supposed two
dear friends were parting.

Sherman joined me at Fort Moultrie shortly after my
arrival there with my company, and entered upon his
duties. Myers had beforehand vouchsafed his opinions
of my sub., and advised me not to commit myself too
far with such a refractory individual. Time wore on, and
Sherman, as soon as he discovered that my opinion of him
had not been forestalled, became communicative, and I
found him a man of great intelligence and sterling merit.
Myers, who lived outside the Fort by himself, by one of
those slippery turns to which men are subject, dismissed
his prejudice against Sherman, invited him to mess at his
table, and the two former repugnants fed and glozed to
gether in loving fraternity.

Colonel Judd was a man of humor and something of a
martinet. The company he commanded in the absence
of its captain was always in perfect order. He was fond
of long discussions, and often complained that his audi
tors did not understand him. When not arguing he
would sometimes sing the song of the " Pizen sarpi-ent"
Judd was popular with the officers and greatly beloved by
his men, in spite of his severe discipline. He was very

Lieuts. Field, Churchill, and Ayers. 181

useful in the civil war, though not much in the field, owing
to the delicacy of his health. He married a charming
South Carolina lady, by whom he had no children, and al
though he and she are uncommonly loquacious, it ap
peared to me, when I saw them at Nice, about the year
1873, that they were quite content and happy with one
another.

Lieutenant Field was called " the Parson" on account
of the plainness and sobriety of his appearance ; but the
parson, when angry, would swear. He was tall and lank
as a dried bean-pod, and at the age of twenty-three years
was almost entirely bald. He played the lady's man, and
spent money to dress fine, but to what effect I did not en
quire. He never gave offence, and when he was drowned
it was agreed in the regiment that a handsomer man might
have been less regretted.

Lieutenants Churchill and Ayers, both of whom were
untimely cut off by death, were among the most promis
ing officers of our garrison. Churchill, in form and mar
tial port, was perhaps the most strikingly handsome youth
amongst us. He was also brilliant and accomplished in
mind, but he had a defect not unusual with handsome
men, and even girls, which was self-consciousness. At
New Orleans, and for a while after we came to Charles
ton, I was warmly attached to Churchill, and we were
jocularly intimate. When he fell under Bragg's influence,
he and I for a while separated. At the time we were
happy together, he went one day to call on the young
lady of whom I have already spoken in admiring terms,
and from her he suffered a harsh rebuke. Knowing my
friendship for her he came to tell me what had happened
to him, and to warn me of the dangers to which I might
unconsciously expose myself. Churchill had beautiful
hands, and he was careful to wear conspicuous sleeve

1 82 Fifty Years' Observation.

buttons, and he would look at his hands and their fit
tings while apparently regarding another object.

" I went," said he, " to call on Miss , and after

talking with her a while, I took hold of that long ribbon
with which she confined her hair, and while I examined
its texture, I continued to talk to her a minute or two
without looking up. When I did look up I fancied I
saw two balls of fire coming from her eyes against my
head. I was confounded, and got away as soon as I
could." He advised me to be careful, and asked me
what I thought of her conduct towards him. I replied
that I admired her spirit and was astonished at his
temerity. "Your telling me what you did," said I, "has
covered me all over with goose-flesh. If I had sought
the notice of a flax wench, I would have proceeded with
more respect than you showed to that nonpareil of
maidens. When you take hold of any portion of a lady's
dress before you have convinced her that you admire
everything she wears, you commit a breach of gallantry
for which I can imagine neither justification nor remedy."

There was one other officer (and he was the only one
at Fort Moultrie who was not a West Pointer) with whom
my associations were so friendly that I feel disposed to
describe his peculiar traits of character at some length.
The name of the officer to whom I refer was Captain,
afterwards Colonel, Martin Burke, who deceased April
24, in the year 1882. The New York Graphic noticed
his death, with details of his history, and gave his portrait,
which I could easily recognize after an absence of many
years. Nominally, when he died, his age was 81, but
actually I doubt if it was less than 90. The senior officers,
when I joined the army, spoke of Burke as an " oldish
man " at the date of his first commission, which was
1820. It was reported that before entering the service he

Captain Martin Burke. 183

had failed in or become weary of some kind of business
or trade, when by good fortune he gained a commission
of second lieutenant in the artillery. General Scott,
when he sought to enforce discipline in sport or serious
ness, seldom failed to cite the name of Martin Burke as a
supreme exemplar of obedience. " If," said he, "I were
to order Captain Burke to bring me the head of the
President of the United States, he would proceed to exe
cute the order with as much unconcern as he would send
a drunken soldier to the guard-house." The order of his
commanding officer had the effect to clear the mind of
Captain Martin Burke of all fears and apprehensions, and
if directed by his chief to lead a forlorn hope, or to kill a
citizen, not a nerve of his body would have moved. On
the other hand his dread of civil tribunals and the man
dates of courts overwhelmed him. Once when he was
summoned as a witness in a simple cause which affected
him not, he would fain have fled the jurisdiction. When
outside the chain of sentinels he always had a scared look,
and he regarded a camp or fort as a refuge of sweet re
pose and security. I never learned what incident or cir
cumstance of his early career it was that filled his whole
nature with such a terror and repugnance to the tyranny,
injustice, corruption, bickering, lying, cheating, swindling,
slandering, obduracy, cruelty, cunning, deceit, perjury,
indecency, quackery, litigation, snobbishness and other
nameless deviltries of civil society, but certain it is that
nothing short of an order from his commanding officer, or
other supreme necessity ever kept him away from the
sound of a drum over-night.

I apprehend that Captain Burke's early education had
been neglected. I never saw him reading any other books
than tactics, Army Regulations, and a work on chess,
though he may have read others unknown to me. He

1 84 Fifty Years Observation.

could never learn correctly the tactics actually in vogue,
for the reason that he at first studied some antique
system, probably that of Baron Steuben, and the
knowledge thus acquired he always afterwards jumbled
with the succeeding prescribed commands. Orthography
occupied his attention, though he sometimes took pains
to be wrong in his spelling. Being second in command at
the post, he was the President of the Council of Admin
istration, which convened at muster days every two
months to regulate sutler's accounts and other matters.
At one council when I was a member, the record, being
complete, was signed as usual, " Martin Burke, Captain
3d Artillery, President of Council," and deposited at
headquarters. The following morning I chanced to
notice Captain Burke sitting on a bench, and that he
glanced frequently at the door of the adjutant's office.
After a while Adjutant Austin left and passed out of the
fort. Burke then entered the office furtively, and after
five minutes withdrew to his own quarters. As I fancied
he had thought of some change he wished to make in the
Record of the Council, I went in, and upon examination
found that he had added another / to the last word of his
title, so as to make it read: "Martin Burke, Captain $d
Artillery, President of Councill."

Whenever the captain heard an expression or idea that
struck his fancy forcibly, it was his invariable habit to
repeat it to himself afterwards. He and I were at lunch
in a Charleston restaurant, and seeing the standard plate of
smelts on the table, I said, " He was a brave man who first
ate these monsters of the deep." Burke left before me, and
having to turn a corner and come near the window where I
sat, I heard him mumbling to himself, " monsters of the deep,
monsters of the deep." At another time after Generals
Scott and Wool had paid us official visits, some of the

Burke9 s Walk. 185

officers remarked upon the fondness of those gentlemen
for display and adulation. I turned to Burke and said,
"Those men live on fame, but we in this fort are obliged
to content ourselves with pork and beans." When we
had all separated, I could hear him at a distance say, " live
on fame," " live on fame," "pork and beans," "pork and
beans." Thus it was that meditation supplied the famous
captain with an inexhaustible source of happiness, which
preserved his body and mind in health and contentment.

Curiosity will be awakened by what I have related above
of this worthy man and faithful public servant, to know
how he looked and what was the fashion of his dress.

Nature had furnished Martin Burke with a capacious
chest and well-shaped limbs. He had contracted the
habit of bending forward at the hips, though his back was
straight and broad, and yet his head drooped a trifle, es
pecially when he walked alone on the ramparts, as he did
almost every day, dressed in a calico morning gown that
flopped over his hands as he clasped them behind him.
The length of his walk was thirty paces, and at one end,
at about every third turn, he would raise his head and
look out upon the Atlantic Ocean. At the other end he
would fret his brow and gaze inland, upon the region
where Poe places the scene of the Gold Bug. No man
ever divined the subject of the captain's cogitations
during these diurnal promenades. His complexion was
brownish, his face full, nose ordinary, forehead high and
pyramidal. His mouth was of the medium size, but as it
showed no lips it appeared much like a slit in a curved
surface with the corners tending downward. From them,
when Martin was excited, rills of tobacco juice could be
seen to flow, often copiously. As his vital organs were
strong and healthy, his voice was clear and amazingly
sonorous. The following commands, all obsolete, he would

1 86 Fifty Years Observation.

vociferate in clarion tones: " Form column of attack !"
instead of double column on centre. " Draw ramrod !" in
stead of draw rammer. " Load by twelve commands ! "
instead of load in twelve times. When the change from
flint to percussion locks was accomplished, and Scott's
tactics had been superseded, Burke's diction on the drill
ground became still more confused. Still the earnest old
soldier maintained his confidence, delivered his cullings
from many systems of tactics in a voice which for dis
tinctness, melody, and force was not surpassed in the
whole army.

His dress when on duty was prescribed by the regula
tions, but still there crept in certain peculiarities of the
wearer. The material and pattern of his shoes never
varied during all the years I knew him, and were unlike
any others. He also had a drab vest with bright buttons
and standing collar that he wore at home and abroad, and
which seemed of perpetual duration. To a buttonhole
of that vest a thong of buckskin was fastened to hold a
large, plump silver watch, that marked the exact time of
tattoo, reveille, and all the daily calls. Martin went to bed
directly after tattoo, except when he was officer of the
day, and he was always up and out at reveille.

Upon those rare occasions when Captain Burke left his
post to go to Charleston for supplies, he doffed his regu
lation coat and pants and replaced them with a suit of
satinet. Where that satinet dress-coat with short trun
cated tails and horizontal pocket-openings was fabricated,
no mortal could tell or imagine. He retained the drab
vest with standing collar, and when he approached the
shore he would open the big leather hat-box that he
always carried, take out and put upon his head a tall,
right cylindrical, black silk hat with a narrow rim, and re
place it in the box with his forage cap. Thus equipped,

Pleasant Years at Charleston. 187

Martin would make his rounds in the city and return to
the boat a few minutes before the time of leaving. He
never had any intercourse with citizens that I could see,
except to purchase what he needed, and although his
dress and figure attracted much notice, there was an air
of determination in his face and of force about him
which protected him from insult. He was prompt in the
discharge of his duties, and absolutely free from vice.
Let all those who would comprehend the most perfect
specimen of a garrison officer that has lived in the nine
teenth century attend to the history herein given of the
late Colonel Martin Burke of the United States army.

To sum up the reasons that contributed to attach me to
Charleston and the people of South Carolina, I find I en
joyed during the two years from July, 1842, till June,
1844, while I was stationed at Fort Moultrie, all the essen
tial elements of human happiness.

I had health, youth, congenial company, emulation, re
sentments that proved my temper, connubial felicity, the
exultation of early offspring, the hospitality of a proud
aristocracy, the society of incomparably graceful women,
the enlivenment of platonic love, the councils of noble
men, and all the emotions that warm the human heart.

Notwithstanding all the above-named attractions, to
gether with such phantoms of hope as would sometimes
visit my imagination, which has always been as arid of
future benefits as an Arabian desert of verdure, I had
time to reflect on the tendency of the prejudices of the
Carolinians against the North, and I foresaw that slavery,
as it fostered those prejudices, would ere long terminate
in civil war.

CHAPTER XI.

From my appointment to duty at West Point as Chief of Department of
Artillery and Cavalry. — The West Point board. — Nominations for the
post. — My nomination by Lee. — The Military Academy and its merits. —
Influence of Colonel Thayer. — His successors. — Delafield, Cullum, and
others. — The class of 1846. — McClellan, Foster, Reno, Couch, Sturgis
Stoneman, Palmer. — Thomas J. Jackson, Maxey, Pickett. — Derby
("John Phoenix ")•— Classes of '47 and '48.— Miss Scott.

HAVING been appointed a member of the Board of
Visitors to the Military Academy, I left Charleston
with my family and arrived at West Point early in June,
1844. The Board was composed wholly of officers of the
army, among whom were Major-General Winfield Scott,
President ; Brigadier-General William J. Worth, Captain
(afterwards General) Robert E. Lee, of the Engineer
Corps, and others. My seat happened to be next that of
Lee, and as I had been previously intimate with him, we
had an opportunity every day for three weeks that the
examination lasted to interchange our views. We dis
cussed the topics of the day, and all subjects relating to
the Union and the dangers that threatened it. I gave
full expression to my ardent Northern sentiments, and he
treated them with a candor and fairness altogether un
usual with his fellow Southerners. What surprised me
most was that immediately afterwards he placed me
under obligations to him which I can never forget.

The Department of Artillery and Cavalry, over which
Captain Miner Knowlton had presided and lost his
health, was vacant, and there were three candidates for
his succession. General Scott nominated Captain Robert

Appointment to Duty at West Point. 189

Anderson, who was afterwards made famous at Fort
Sumter ; Colonel Delafield, who was the Superintendent,
nominated Lieutenant Irwin McDowell, now Major-Gen
eral, and I was nominated by Captain Robert E. Lee,
without suggestion or knowledge on my own part. In
the beginning General Scott told me he should support
Captain Anderson, but after a few days he informed me
that he had conversed with the Academic Board and
that they preferred me. " Now, young gentleman," said
he, " I am for you." Backed by the names of Scott and
Lee, I was, as a matter of course, successful. I held the
place nearly five years, and found it profitable to myself
and advantageous to my family.

The benefit received was clearly due to Lee, and the
manner of its bestowal added many-fold to its value in
my estimation. He did not ostentatiously stoop from his
high estate to elevate a suppliant and give him a con
spicuous position, nor did he afterwards claim to have
made me.

On the other hand, when I thanked him for his service
in my behalf, he made me feel that I owed him nothing.
Such a favor, so graciously bestowed, produced in me a
sense of gratitude that nothing could change ; and
although I subsequently met General Lee on several
fields of battle, and did my best to kill him and his fol
lowers, yet every pulsation of my heart has been of kind
ness for him and his, and will be till the end of my life.

Under the influence of that feeling, but with a firm re
solve to adhere strictly to the truth, I shall give my im
pressions of him, which will be found in another chapter.

Upon rejoining the Military Academy as an officer, it
seemed to me when I saw the battalion marching on the
plain, that its appearance had undergone no change. I
could only discover by a near approach that the counte-

19° Fifty Years' Observation.

nances of the cadets were strange to me. As I was to
teach ballistics, etc., I thought it prudent to read over
the entire course of mathematics, which I had wholly
neglected.

While I was a cadet it was supposed that our seniors of
a few years could graduate if they knew the "rule of
three." I found the same idea still prevailing, but when
I came to read Church's Calculus and other mathemati
cal text-books, I found everything had been simplified
and made so easy that all I had to do was to cram. If
the same simplifying process continues, the cadets of
the present day must be able to answer a host of easy
questions, but they are no longer subject to the strong
tests of mental perspicacity that were applied in my day.

The Military Academy has already had numerous
enemies, but in my opinion it is an invaluable institution
in many respects. It constitutes the only society of
human beings that I have known in which the standing
of an individual is dependent wholly upon his own merits
so far as they can be ascertained without extraneous in
fluence. The son of the poorest and most obscure man,
being admitted as a cadet, has an equal chance to gain
the honors of his class with the son of the most powerful
and the richest man in the country. All must submit to
the same discipline, wear the same clothes, eat at the
same table, come and go upon the same conditions. Birth,
avarice, fashion and connections are without effect to
determine promotion or punishment ; consequently the
Military Academy is a model republic in all things saving
respect to constituted authority and obedience to orders,
without which an army is impossible.

Although a military school had been established at
West Point about the year 1801, it was not till 1817,
when Colonel Sylvanus Thayer became the Super-

Superintendent Thayer. 191

intendent, that it assumed the character it has since
borne. Thayer was an accomplished man, and nature
had endowed him with the requisites to found a system
and give it permanence. He established a Roman dis
cipline, and introduced the system of mathematical and
military studies which were then in vogue in France,
where he had studied. His personal appearance was
majestic, and his punctuality unfailing. Every morning
at half-past seven o'clock he was in his office neat and
prim, epaulettes and ruffled shirt,— a glory long since
departed — ready to receive the applications and com
plaints of cadets. His decisions once quickly made were
final, and no cadet was ever known to repeat an effort to
change them. Besides my admiration for General
Thayer, he secured my gratitude by telling me, after I had
graduated, that I should be one of the first of my class he
should apply for to return as an instructor, advising me
at the same time to go and serve a while with my regi
ment. I thanked him for his kindness, but at the end of
eighteen months, when I was applied for as a teacher of
mathematics, I declined, as I had no use for more equations.
It was never, to my knowledge, asserted that Superin
tendent Thayer was partial in the bestowal of punish
ments or rewards, but once during the administration of
General Jackson several cadets who had been discharged
for violating the regulations, or for incompetency in study,
were reinstated by that stupendous old hero, with orders to
Colonel Thayer to moderate the discipline. Superintendent
Thayer, who considered himself grossly snubbed, applied
to be relieved, left the Point, and no persuasion could
afterwards induce him to return there. He was placed on
duty in the harbor of Boston, where he built a fort which
stands as a model, in the fashion of the time, of defensive
structures.

192 Fifty Years' Observation.

At his new post he became less social than formerly
contracted his personal expenses almost to penury, which
enabled him to save the greater portion of his pay. With
the assistance and advice of a friend of great financial
ability his savings grew to a fortune of over $300,000, the
largest part of which he left to establish an institution of
learning. His habits were regular and simple, especially
in his old age, but his appetite was always good, and at
his dinner, as General Scott informed me, he was satisfied
with three pounds of anything. General Thayer was a
most valuable public servant, able and laborious, and
never disposed to hilarity. He died a bachelor at the
age of 88. He was called the father of the Military
Academy, a title that no officer ever disputed, and a statue
has recently been erected at West Point that will recall to
the cadets the features of their illustrious benefactor.

Among the officers of engineers who succeeded Colonel
Thayer were many able men, Richard Delafield, Robert
E. Lee, and George W. Cullum being of the number.
Delafield, who was then a major and afterwards a general,
was Superintendent when I arrived, and from him I re
ceived my department, from which he withheld the com
mand of a company of soldiers that had been subject to
the orders of my predecessor. Upon the refusal of the
Superintendent to give me the company, I appealed to the
Chief Engineer. To him I addressed several letters, in
one of which I accused Major Delafield in direct terms of
being influenced against me by personal considerations,
which I suspected because my appointment had been in
opposition to his recommendation. I was finally over
ruled, but instead of my respect for my immediate
superior being diminished it was -greatly increased, be
cause I became assured by observation that he was the
chief at the Point, and that he was not directed by

Colonel Thayer's Successors. 193

favorites in the Academic Board. At the end of a year
another officer succeeded as Superintendent, whose will,
compared with that of Delafield, was as a rush to an oak.
The new incumbent, governed by counsellors, and the un
certainty as to who originated the orders given to me, was
a constant source of annoyance and discomfort.

Major Delafield had not the genius of Thayer to origi
nate a system, but in economical ingenuity and taste he
vastly excelled all others. Delafield embellished the
Point with roads and structures of various uses, and he
had the credit of doing more with a dollar than any other
man in the army. His supervision was felt throughout
all the departments of the academy ; not by the sneaking
methods peculiar to many commanders, but in such a
way as enabled him to judge fairly the services of his
subordinates. As a commanding officer he was always
just and fearless, and for that reason I admired him as
much as any one I ever served under. In the year 1860,
while I was the military secretary of Lieutenant-General
Scott, Colonel Delafield, being again on duty as Superin
tendent, invited me to take charge of the department of
artillery and cavalry a second time, but I declined, and
Major George H. Thomas, afterwards general, was ap
pointed.

Of the administrations of Lee and Cullum at West
Point my knowledge is not sufficiently specific to enable
me to speak intelligently. Lee's character I will portray
to the best of my ability in another chapter, and Cullum's
history is too extensive and varied for my work. His per
sonal character I could not depict in a manner satisfac
tory to myself, because I never tugged with him in the
same service, nor clashed with him in any conflict. From
him and his admirable wife I have received civilities, and
I hold them both in great respect. No consideration,
9

194 Fifty Years' Observation.

however, that is entirely personal to myself, could so
strongly move me to refer to him, as does the service he
has rendered to our common Alma Mater. He has col
lected and published in books the names of all the grad
uates of the Military Academy, and given the prominent
events in the histories of a vast majority of them. His
tedious labors have been performed with a perseverance
and accuracy, as well as a freedom from prejudice, that
entitle him to the gratitude of his compeers. His col
lection is not only interesting to all whom it directly
concerns, but it is an essential benefit to the whole coun
try to find in a compendious form the proofs of the value
of the Military Academy. That institution accomplishes
all that finite means can perform in an equal space of
time, to increase a man's value in war and his integrity
in peace ; and among those whose faithful and efficient
devotion to it entitle them to honor, I place the name of
George W. McCullum second only to that of Sylvanus
Thayer.

In my time applications for cadets' warrants were made
directly to the Secretary of War. Now they are obtained
through the members of Congress of the districts in which
the applicants reside. Under the former system the corps of
cadets contained a large number of youths whose fathers
were conspicuous for talents, wealth, and position. At
present few such, comparatively, are enrolled. Represen
tatives are constantly boasting that their candidates are
poor boys, and their rule appears to be to exclude the
well-to-do from the academy. Such a rule is vicious in
the extreme, unless it can be shown that a boy will be
come efficient because his father was a failure. There
should be no such rule, since it would be unjust to exclude
the poor, and impolitic to deny the sons of the rich and
powerful. A body of officers who have in charge the de-

West Point Characters. 195

fences of the country, and who may be called on to pro
tect its frontiers and defend its honor, ought certainly to
embrace representatives of the country's most prominent
families.

To keep within the limit prescribed for my work, I am
obliged to forego the satisfaction I should feel in record
ing my remembrance of many worthy officers with whom
I was associated at West Point. I refer to a few whose
qualities were extraordinary, or peculiar, and to such as
did me service for which I am bound to be grateful.

There was one instructor of mathematics, who was long
the terror of all new cadets. His name was Edward C.
Ross, but for some reason, unknown to me, he was called
« Old Ruben." " Old Ruben " had a habit of arranging
surds in such a knotty combination as seemed to defy so
lution, and he would require his pupils to disentangle
them. While chalking the surds on the blackboard, " Old
Ruben " would from time to time pause, throw back his
left leg and bend the knee, and then draw back his right
shoulder, with his hand behind him, depress his chin and
look at his work, and then at his class, every member of
which would sit in consternation expecting to be called
up. We regarded him as a direct descendant of Dio-
phantus, that cursed old Egyptian who invented the hor
rors that Old Ruben cherished. I had not been a week
at the Point when he was pointed out to me by an old
cadet, who frightened me with the prospect of being called
on at no distant day to attack a clump of surds and be
demolished. When I afterwards met Old Ruben as a
captain of artillery, I found him a quiet gentleman, but I
could never divest myself of the idea that his nature was
diabolic.

Every genus of creature embraces many varieties, and
so it is with mathematicians. When the Omnipotent

196 Fifty Years' Observation.

created " all things for man's delightful use," he made
Albert E. Church to teach cadets algebra, geometry,
trignometry, conic sections, and calculus, and to find out
all that candidates for admission know of vulgar and deci
mal fractions. My first recitation in algebra was to Mr.
Church. He gave me a problem which I wrote on the
blackboard, but, not feeling certain of its accuracy, I re
turned to my seat to verify it from the book. " What
are you doing, Mr. Keyes?"said he. I replied that I
was verifying the accuracy of my statement. " I called
you up to ascertain if you knew the problem," said he,
" and not to hear you read it ; so you may rub out what
you have written and I will give you another." I did not
require a second similar admonition, and took care after
wards to know my problems without reference to the text.
Church was appointed professor at an early age, and after
an uninterrupted service of nearly forty years he died sud
denly at West Point, March 3<Dth, 1878. I doutt if he
left in the world a superior in his special branch of knowl
edge, or one who did his duty with greater patience and
conscientiousness. His reputation as an author of mathe
matical text-books was also great, and his integrity as a
man was of the highest order. I do not remember to have
heard Professor Church charged with injustice in a single
instance, and no pupil could have found cause for such a
charge. He would have been better known if he had been
more demonstrative and more intriguing, but he could
not have been more esteemed by those who knew him
well. To his superior merit as a teacher and an author,
he added the inestimable gift of fidelity to friendship.
My experience of the kisses and kicks of that uncertain
damsel Fortune has enabled me to mark her influence upon
the countenances of men. Church held the jade in con
tempt, and the friend he had once adopted was ever after

The Class of 1846. 197

sure of him. When my bark was assailed by tempests of
lies and seemed about to founder, he turned on me a
look that sustained me, till poverty, disgrace, and death
began to fang my traducers, and until my bark was fanned
again by prosperous gales.

During my service at West Point my opportunities
enabled me to observe the qualities and to estimate the
promise of a great number of cadets, of whom several
afterwards became known to the public. Subsequent suc
cess has not in all cases corresponded with class standing,
nor could that be expected, since the number of a cadet
in his class is chiefly determined by the acquisitions in
the exact sciences, of which the foundation is mathematics.
Macaulay, who had known a vast number of the distin
guished men of his time, declared that the greatness of
every man was in nearly the exact proportion with his
memory, while at the Military Academy a great memory
is often regarded as the evidence of a moderate intellect,
which is a local mistake. I suspect that talent and mem
ory go together, and that genius is often independent
of the latter.

McClellan was of the class of 1846, and a pleasanter
pupil was never called to the blackboard. I shall have
occasion to refer to him hereafter.

Foster, Reno, Couch, Sturgis, Stoneman, Palmer, Gor
don, Davis, and Russell, all of whom held commissions as
major-generals or brigadier-generals in the Union army
during the Rebellion, were of the same class ; also Thomas
J. Jackson, Samuel B. Maxey and George E. Pickett, who
became famous among the Confederates. The class was
full of merit, but my space will not admit detailed allu
sions to more than a few individuals. Our historians
should do justice to the Northern officers, and there is no
good reason why we should deny merit to those who

;g8 Fifty Years' Observation.

fought against us. General Lee designated Stonewall
Jackson as his right arm, and the loss of that officer could
no more be replaced than could that of the great South
ern chief himself. As a cadet, I observed no unusual sign
or indication of genius in Jackson. He was seventeenth
in a class of fifty-nine. His conduct was good, his appear
ance manly, and his demeanor quiet. He never sought to
attract notice, and the same disposition appears to have
attended him in his ascent to the pinnacle of distinction,
for he always allowed fame to follow in the wake of his
exploits. The conduct of Jackson's campaign in 1862
between Harper's Ferry and Richmond justifies any meas
ure of praise. He was the Laudon of the Confederate
army.

George Derby, known afterwards as " Squibob " and
" Phcenix," was of the class of 1846. He was a caricatur
ist of no mean order and a humorist, in both of which
capacities he took delight in exposing weaknesses, follies,
and indelicacies. There was a regulation at the academy
which forbade the disfiguring of text-books. Derby, in
disregard of that regulation, transformed all the pictures
of bones and fossils of the antediluvian periods into
strange monsters. His text-book on geology was seized
and placed before the Academic Board, where it caused
such irresistible laughter that it was decided not to in
terview nor punish the delinquent.

At one time in the Section Room, while I was examin
ing my class upon the force of explosives, Derby inquired
of me, with great soberness, what would be the effect of
confining a single grain of gunpowder in the centre of
the earth and setting fire to it. I replied, with equal grav
ity, that I was not able to answer his question, but that
I would make requisition on the ordnance sergeant for a
grain of powder, and authorize him to try the experiment.

John Phoenix (Squibob). 199

Men like "Squibob" are generally irreverent, and he
was not an exception. During the Indian wars of 1856-
'57, and '58 in Washington Territory, the savages captured
a Catholic priest and led him away into bondage.
" Squibob " illustrated the event by representing a priest
in full canonicals, with a big half-naked Indian walking on
each side of him. They carried a crook and crozier, with
a tooth-brush attached to one and a comb to the other.
The letters I. H. S. were conspicuous upon the chasuble
of the priest, and upon close inspection could be read the
words, " I Hate Siwashes."

The frequent changes of the uniform of the army have
often been absurd, inconvenient, and costly. Many of
the changes are as idiotic and uncalled-for as the recent
alterations of coins; and what change could be less sensi
ble than the abandonment of the old nickel five-cent
piece for the new one, which is often mistaken for a quar
ter-dollar, or a $5 piece, when gilt ?

At one time when the War Department, or rather Ad
jutant-General R. Jones, determined to adopt a new uni
form, " Squibob " sent to him a description, with draw
ings, of a uniform, which he said possessed several pe
culiar advantages, one of which was a hook on the seat
of the soldier's pants. The company officers were to
carry a long pole with a similar hook at the end. When
the column was to change direction the officers would
place their poles in the hooks, so that the platoons would
" wheel as even as a gate." In case a soldier attempted
to run away, the officer would spring forward, catch him
by the hook, and hold him fast. Poor riders in the cav
alry could be held in the saddle by another hook fixed
upon the cantle ; and in case of a deficiency of wagons,
the soldiers could carry their camp kettles suspended
from the hooks. All the changes suggested by " Squi-

2OO Fifty Years' Observation.

bob " were illustrated by drawings that were inimitably
ludicrous, but his propositions were discarded.

A new uniform was adopted which was so different
from the old that for a considerable length of time it
gave full scope to " Squibob's " genius as a caricaturist.
One of his drawings represented Paradise, in the form of
a convent and enclosed garden. A section of the build
ing was cut off so as to expose to view a choir of ten or
twelve officers who had been killed in the Mexican War,
or who had died within a few years.

There were Generals Taylor, Worth, and Brooke,
Colonels Cross and Ringgold, Captain Vinton, and others.
All the likenesses were exact, and the departed officers
had on the old uniform, and were chanting a hymn with
devout earnestness. Below, standing within the gate
way, was Saint Peter, whose face had a hard, rectilinear ex
pression. The Saint had on the dress of a monk, but in
stead of a cowl he wore a rim cap, the top of which was a
square flat slab, with tassels hanging from the corners. A
young officer who had been killed in the war, fully
dressed and equipped according to the new regulations, is
approaching to enter the gate, but Saint Peter stops him,
saying : " Young man, you can't come in here with that
uniform on ! "

"Squibob's " written compositions were as fantastic as
his pictures, and there was nothing he could not turn to
ridicule. He was intimate with Surgeon C. M. Hitch
cock, superior medical officer in San Francisco, and on one
occasion, seeing the doctor's horse hitched at his door^he
mounted him and rode out to the Presidio. Hitchcock
was furiously angry, and wrote a letter to upbraid him.
" Squibob " replied in a long letter, in which he excused
himself and deprecated "the wrath of the physician,"
in a way that furnished laughter for a week at the mess.

The Class of 1847. 201

Derby published a book entitled " John Phoenix," with
a portrait of the author. His account of himself and his
oddities omitted many of his best sayings and doings, and
made him appear of much less importance than he was in
reality, for he was an able and accomplished engineer.

Of the class of 1847 I have kept in view the names of
several of its members, among them my friend, Colonel
Julian McAllister, of the Ordnance Department, in which
he is always conspicuous. Those who rose to be Briga
dier or Major-Generals during the Civil War were O. B.
Wilcox, J. B. Fry, H. G. Gibson, John Gibbon, Ambrose
E. Burnside, R. B. Ayers, Thomas H. Neill, and Eg
bert L. Viele, who since the war has had employment in
the civil service of New York City. Ambrose P. Hill
joined the Confederate army, rose to high rank, became
famous, and was killed near Petersburg, Va., April 2, 1865.

At the time of graduating, I applied to the Superin
tendent to allow me to detain McAllister, Burnside, and
Hill as assistants in artillery during the encampment. I
applied for those young gentlemen for no other reason
but that I considered them best fitted to aid me in the
instruction of the new cadets. My superior disapproved
of Burnside and Hill, and I was obliged to substitute
other names. I am unable to guess the motives that
caused the rejection of those two officers, both of whom
had the gift of personal popularity joined with ambition,
which enabled them in all the situations of life to pass
for their full value. I was obliged to reverse my judg
ment of most things to be in accord with the officers who
rejected them.

James B. Fry, an excellent officer and man, was the
chief of staff of General McDowell at the first battle of
Bull Run, and since that he has gained distinction in the
Adjutant-General's Department.

2O2 Fifty Years Observation.

H. G. Gibson was my subaltern lieutenant about nine
years, and our friendly associations have undergone no va
riations. He is an accomplished officer and a gentleman,
and a good speaker. I know of no man except Cullum
who is more intimately and correctly acquainted with the
history of the army during the last thirty-six years than
H. G. Gibson.

The class of 1848 has not been so much illustrated by
the achievements of its members as many other classes,
although several good names are among them. William
P. Trowbridge is the Professor of the Engineering School
of Mines of New York City, and General Tidball and
Colonel Dodge are in the staff of General Sherman, the
commanding General of the army. R. S. Williamson and
Nathaniel Michler were accomplished officers, and several
joined the lost cause, and with their history I am not so
well acquainted.

General Scott passed a portion of every summer at the
Point, except that of 1847, when he was absent in Mexico.
There I saw nearly as much of him as when I belonged to
his military staff. His family came also to the Point, and
one summer Mrs. Scott and three of her daughters spent
several weeks at my house.

It was a custom of the old masters of sacred art to
adorn their portraits of the Blessed Virgin with imaginary
cherubs. They hunted through the world for beautiful
forms, and exhausted the power of invention to endow
the faces of mortals with the expression of angels. I
have studied the pictures of Raphael, Guido, and Murillo
with delight, but never did I behold the likeness of a
child more lovely in shape and countenance than Miss
Adelaide Camille Scott, as she appeared in the early
morning of her life.

As soon as the war with Mexico commenced (in 1846)

The Mexican War. 203

I applied for duty in the field, but my request was denied.
I confess that I felt in no way distressed at being left un
disturbed in my comfortable quarters. The war was re
garded by many good Northern men as an affair of the
slaveholders, and it is certain that its conduct was entire
ly sectional. All the glory of its victories, and the lion's
share of its promotions and rewards, inured to the profit
of Southern officers. The wounds and contusions, shat
tered constitutions, and deaths were freely shared by
those from the North. The acquisition of the goodly ter
ritory which now constitutes Arizona and the State of
California, though an incident of the Mexican War, was a
sordid purchase for the gross sum of $15,000,000. The
intention of the purchasers was to devote it to slavery,
but in that they failed. It is a land of endless resources,
where free labor, skilfully bestowed, is better rewarded
than in any other portion of the United States. After
having compared its attractions many times with those of
the most favored regions of the earth, I was made more
content and happy at my last return to it than ever be
fore. As my space will not admit of a long chapter on
California, I must content myself with a short one, and
such allusions to it as occasion may hereafter provoke.

CHAPTER XII.

Generals Lee and Grant. — The military career of Lee. — His personal ap
pearance. — My last sight of him. — Scott on Lee. — Foreign opinions of
Lee. — Comparison of Lee and Grant. — First sight of Grant. — Grant in
1880. — His early career. — His civil life. — His re-entry into the army. —
Actions at Forts Henry and Donaldson. — Trouble with Halleck. — The
army in Tennessee under Grant. — Comparison with ancient and modern
generals.— E. B. Washburne. — Sherman's recognition of Grant. — Grant
in the Wilderness. — Grant the ablest American General.

THE whole civilized world has reviewed the career of
General Lee. The qualities of his mind and dispo
sition have been recognized and extolled, and his fate has
excited the tenderest sympathy in millions of hearts. A
character like that of Robert E. Lee could not possibly
be found in any human society in which the laws and pub
lic opinion do not sanction and approve of marked dis
tinctions of rank among its members.

Lee's family was of the highest, and his cradle was
rocked by a slave. His sense of superiority and fitness
to command, being infused at his birth, were never
questioned. From infancy to three-score he. knew no
physical malady, and the admirable symmetry of his per
son and the manly beauty of his countenance were the
aids to his virtues which secured to him tolerance,
affection, and respect from all with whom he mingled.
He passed the four years of his cadetship without a single
mark of demerit, and during my long acquaintance with
him I never heard him accused of an act of meanness,
tyranny, or neglect of duty. His nature was genial and

General Lee. 205

sociable, and he would join freely in all the sports and
amusements proper to his age. He was exempt from
every form and degree of snobbery, which is a detestable
quality that appears most often among people whose
theories of government presume an absolute equality. He
was a favorite with the ladies, but he never allowed them
to waste his time, to warp his judgment, or to interrupt
his duty. To whatever station he was ordered, however
secluded or unhealthy it might be, he would go to it with
cheerfulness. Every kind of duty seemed a pleasure to
him, and he never intrigued for promotion or reward.
Nevertheless, no man could stand in his presence and not
recognize his capacity and acknowledge his moral force.
His orders, conveyed in mild language, were instantly
obeyed, and his motives were universally approved. In
all the time in which I observed his conduct I was true to
my own antecedents. I was a Northern man, and no word
dropped from my lips or was shed from my pen that did
not testify to my origin and proper allegiance. I will not
deny that the presence of Lee, and the multiform graces
that clustered around him, oftentimes oppressed me,
though I never envied him, and I doubt if he ever excited
envy in any man. All his accomplishments and alluring
virtues appeared natural in him, and he was free from the
anxiety, distrust, and awkwardness that attend a sense of
inferiority, unfriendly discipline, and censure.

The last time I saw Lee was in the spring of 1861. He
had just arrived in Washington from Texas, where he had
been second in command to General Twiggs, who sur
rendered to the Secessionists. Coming to pay his respects
to the commanding general of the army, he entered my
room and inquired if Lieutenant-General Scott was dis
engaged. I stepped quickly forward, seized his hand-
greeted him warmly, and said : " Lee, it is reported that

206 Fifty Years' Observation.

you concurred in Twiggs* surrender in Texas; how's
that?" Without replying to my question he assumed an
air of great seriousness, and calmly said : " I am here to
pay my respects to General Scott ; will you be kind
enough, Colonel, to show me to his office ?" I opened the
general's door, Lee passed in, and the two Virginians re
mained alone together nearly three hours.

It was usually the custom of General Scott, after having
had a private interview with an important person, to re
late to me what had been said. On this occasion he told
me not a word, and he made no reference to the subject
of his conversation with Colonel Lee. His manner that
day, when we dined alone, was painfully solemn. He had
an almost idolatrous fancy for Lee, whose military genius
he estimated far above that of any other officer of the
army. On one occasion, after the Mexican War, General
Scott, speaking to me of Lee, remarked that, if hostilities
should break out between our country and England, it
would be cheap for the United States to insure Lee's life
for $5,000,000 a year!

It has frequently been surmised that Scott at one time
offered to retire from service and give Lee the command
of the Federal army. In my mind there is not a shadow
of a doubt that he did so during the conference above re
ferred to. Without question he employed his utmost
powers to convince Lee that it was his duty to comply
with his suggestion. The two gentlemen, although their
opinions were usually harmonious, probably disagreed in
regard to the state of things then existing. Scott could
have had no idea that Lee was going to lead an army of
Northern men to fight against the South. On the con
trary, he desired to see him at the head of a Union force
sufficiently powerful to keep the peace and to prevent
civil war, which they equally abhorred. Both those men

Comparison of Lee and Grant. 207

were born in Virginia, and both loved the Union, and
neither of them could bear the thought of unsheathing
his sword against his native State. The younger man
considered war inevitable, the older indulged hopes that
it might be avoided. Lee being in full vigor of mind, and
conscientiously bound to comply with the decision of his
native State, departed to join the seceders, while Scott,
weighed down with years and infirmities, and trusting that
hostilities might be avoided or confined to a few skir
mishes, remained with the North.

It is not my intention to enter into the minute details
of General Lee's military operations, to show my esti
mate of him as a strategist and commander of armies.
Several foreign officers with whom I discussed his military
character thought him superior to any leader in the
Federal service, and I understood that on one occasion
General Wolseley, of the British army, declared Lee to be
not only the superior of all the American generals, but
that he was the equal of any one of ancient or modern
times. In arriving at that conclusion, the distinguished
English officer took into consideration the smallness of
Lee's resources in men, the material of war, means of
transportation, etc. He did not, however, consider that
nearly all the officers, as well as a large portion of the
rank and file of the Confederate armies, were as much in
terested in the success of the Rebellion as he himself was.
They bore their hardships and deprivations without com
plaint and with the constancy of martyrs. Without such
devotion Lee must have laid down his arms long before
he did. In view, therefore, of all the circumstances of his
case, I can only concede to him the second rank as a
general, Ulysses S. Grant standing in the first.

Lee's greatness as a chief was not alone on the field of
battle, for he foresaw clearly the difficulties of the mighty

2o8 Reminiscences of General Scott.

task before him, to which the majority of his associates
were made blind by conceit and senseless prejudice. When
one of them boasted of their superior bravery, and that
one Southerner was a match for five Yankees, he rebuked
him with a serious reply. He told him that the Northern
men were a resolute race, abounding in resources of every
kind, and that to beat them would not only require the
whole strength of the South and an able leader, but also
an abundant good fortune. He also saw the difficulty of
feeding the Confederate troops after access to the Nor
thern stores was cut off. He and a few other prudent
men would have taken steps to provide for a future sup
ply of breadstuffs and meat, but the President of the
Confederacy was too frantic in his contempt for the Nor
thern people to pay attention to such suggestions.

During my experience in the field, especially against In
dians (for in the war of the Rebellion our soldiers were
always well and sometimes over-fed and pampered) a
part of the ration would from time to time be unavoid
ably wanting, or damaged by heat and transport. On all
such occasions the discontent of the soldiers was apparent
and obtrusive. Once during the war on Puget Sound,
several mules of a pack train, bringing supplies to my camp
in the interior, were swept away by a mountain torrent
they were obliged to cross. They were laden with coffee
and sugar, and the loss of those luxuries came near pro
ducing a mutiny. What, therefore, must have been the
secret of Lee's influence, which enabled him to keep an
army together, month after month, and could make them
fight valiantly when the soldiers had nothing but raw
corn to eat ? Who can estimate his labors and anxiety
when, striving to avoid starvation, he was obliged to find
a way to provide war materials, and to transport over
worn-out railroads and muddy paths through the woods ?

Lee's Character. 209

By what charm did he sustain the spirits of his followers
in winter when they were in need of shoes and blankets ?
How did he animate his sentinels to watch his lines in
the midnight sleet and rain when their coats were thread
bare ? Yet all those things he accomplished with unfal
tering courage. He witnessed the closing, one after
another, of every opening on the coast through which
foreign supplies could reach him ; saw his own ranks
thinned by disease and lack of recruits, while the million
of armed Union soldiers were penetrating every part of
the Southern Territory ; and it was only when all possi
bility of further resistance was at an end that he surren
dered. After the surrender there was scarcely a vestige of
military strength remaining in the whole South — every
thing had been consumed in the struggle, the duration
and intensity of which were due almost wholly to the
genius and energy of this one man.

It is possible that General Lee made a mistake in cross
ing the Potomac in 1863 to fight the battle of Gettysburg.
Perhaps he had not sufficiently weighed the loss he had
sustained by the death of Stonewall Jackson, who was
killed at Chancellorsville May 10, 1863, less than two
months before. If that hero had been alive the battle
in all likelihood would have commenced earlier and been
won by Lee. In such case Washington would have
quickly fallen, and the Union would have been split.
Heaven mercifully saved us from that calamity.

The inherent nobleness of Lee's character was made
manifest after he had been vanquished in war and retired
to the walks of civil life. The Southern people never re
proached him, so far as I could learn, and their blessings
attended him till his death, which occurred Oct. 12, 1870,
in the 65th year of his age. He was offered positions of
trust with large compensation and little labor, and was

2IO Fifty Years' Observation.

invited to pass the remainder of his life in luxury by a
titled Englishman, but he declined all inducements to
ease: He accepted the presidency of the Washington
College, which, since his death, is called " Washington and
Lee University," and gave all his remaining strength to
its pupils.

I can discover no sufficient reason to impugn the mo
tives of General Lee in joining the Confederate ranks.
His State believed in the right of secession, which was
repugnant to my understanding, and with it he undertook
a revolution, which, although it was unsuccessful, was
concurred in by a larger proportion of the virtue, intelli
gence, and patriotism of the whole Southern community,
than was any other revolution of ancient or modern
times. The right to hold slaves was recognized and re
served when the Union was formed, and when the slave
holders imagined that right was invaded by the North
they rebelled and made war, which, fortunately for them
as well as for us, ended in their defeat. War was the
only means to get rid of the curse of slavery, and it is
idle to clamor about the motives of either party to it. It
is therefore proper that the world should credit General
Robert E. Lee with genius and purity of intention, jus
tice and an unsoiled life. Such were his cardinal virtues,
and in the variety of his manly accomplishments, and the
graces of his manners and person, he excelled every indi
vidual with whom I have had the good fortune to be ac
quainted.

Grant and Lee, the conqueror and conquered, having
been the commanding generals-in-chief of all the forces
of their respective sections, met together after many
bloody conflicts to close the civil war. Their names will
therefore descend to posterity as its principal champions.
The account I have given of Lee suggests a comparison

General Grant. 211

with Grant, the notice of whose varied history, I must, for
want of space, condense to a summary of his distinguish
ing characteristics and such incidents as will best serve to
elucidate a comparison of their qualities.

In describing General Grant's character and military
achievements, I am not actuated by personal friendship.
I never served with or directly under him, have no reason
to suppose he ever asked an opinion of me but of one
man, and that one my enemy ; and it was only on three
occasions that I ever exchanged a word with him. The
first time I saw him was in the month of March, 1864,
when he was about to assume command of the Army of
the Potomac.

Being at the Continental Hotel, Philadelphia, and seat
ed at a table in the dining-room with General Sackett, I
saw General Grant at another table conversing with a
man who showed great anxiety to engage his attention,
which Grant seemed not disposed to give him. In a
short time he left the stranger, and came over to join
Sackett and me, saying as he sat down : " I can't stand
that fellow any longer." We conversed pleasantly on
various subjects, and when I offered to fill a glass with
champagne for him, the general placed his hand over the
glass, saying : " If I begin to drink, I must keep on drink
ing." After that half-hour's interview, I did not see Gen
eral Grant again till he came to San Francisco in 1880,
returning from his trip around the world.

The interval of eighteen years had wrought a surpris
ing change in his person and manners. At my first inter
view, he was meagre in appearance and thoughtful in
manner, but success and the world's adulation appeared
to have expanded his body and imparted dignity to his
presence. I enjoyed a few minutes' conversation with
him at Senator Sharon's grand reception, and on a day

212 Fifty Years' Observation.

before he left San Francisco, when it was given out that
he would not see company, I sent up my card, and was
admitted to his rooms in the Palace Hotel. On that oc
casion two officers were present, and also three ladies,
who were calling on Mrs. Grant, with whom I had a
pleasant conversation. The general himself was quite
civil, and I was beginning to feel complimented, when he
remarked with a smile that when my card came up he
mistook it for that of another person ! That speech de
prived my reception of the grace of exclusiveness, and re
stored my mind to the equilibrium of impartiality. I can,
therefore, discuss the merits of Grant and his great an
tagonist without bias in favor of the former.

In comparing the two chiefs, the early advantages of
Lee over Grant must be regarded. The former, by birth
and breeding among slaves, was an aristocrat, and he was
regarded by the masters as the one of themselves who was
best fitted to be their leader. On the other hand, Grant's
origin, manners, and personal appearance, though highly
respectable, were not such as could gain him special
notice of any kind.

Lee graduated at the Military Academy in 1829,
second in a class of forty-six. Grant graduated in 1843,
twenty-first in a class of thirty-nine. The difference of
class standing was not a prognostic of much value, but
Lee's martial appearance, invariable good conduct, and
Southern nativity secured to him the office of adjutant
of the corps of cadets, which enabled him to practise the
art of command in his youth. But Grant kept the place
of a private soldier, and at no time while a cadet did he
exercise any official influence with his fellow-students.

After graduating, Lee's positions in the army were at
all times advantageous. During the Mexican War he was
attached to the staff of General Scott, enjoyed the full

Granfs Early Career. 213

confidence of his chief, and was enabled to profit by a
knowledge of all plans and councils, and he received more
compliments in orders than any of his brother officers in
the field. Grant was at the same time a lieutenant of in
fantry, and he was once noticed for bravery by General
Scott. At other times during the eleven years of service
in the army he was stationed at various frontier posts be
tween the Mississippi River and the Pacific Ocean. The
monotony of garrison life oppressed him severely, and he
fell under the tyranny of strong drink, and finally quit
the service in 1854.

His occupations in civil life during the next five years
after he gave up his commission were various, and he was
reduced to many shifts and hardships to gain a liveli
hood for himself and family. But poverty was equally as
powerless to depress the native vigor of his mind as was
his addiction to drink to make him reckless. His pride
had not degenerated, and he had overcome a tyrannous
habit, which I regard as one of his most difficult con
quests.

Thus seasoned in the hard school of penury and
neglect, he re-entered the army in 1861 as Colonel of the
Twenty-first Regiment of Illinois Volunteers. Many
young men in the ranks of that regiment were averse to
subordination, but their new colonel, as he remarked, soon
" took the nonsense out of them by long marches and
hard drilling," and when they crossed the Ohio River to
begin war Grant's regiment was noticed for its good disci
pline and efficiency.

The Colonel being promoted to the rank of Brigadier-
General, met the enemy at Fort Hemy, and early in Feb
ruary, 1862, at the head of almost 15,000 men, a number
which was afterwards increased, he advanced upon and
captured Fort Donelson. The assailants of the fort were

214 Fifty Years Observation.

inferior in numbers to the defenders, who were com
manded by a triumvirate of generals — Floyd, former Sec
retary of War under Buchanan ; Gideon J. Pillow, who
figured in Mexico under Scott ; and Simon Buckner,
a West Pointer, and man of ability and pluck. The two
former escaped during the night of February I4th, and
Buckner surrendered unconditionally on the morning of
the 1 6th.

Grant's difficulties at the siege of Fort Donelson,
owing to the rawness of his troops and the rigor of the
season, were great ; but in addition to them he was op
pressed with a fearful burden of another character, which
was the inveterate partiality of the department com
mander, Halleck, for C. F. Smith, who was second in
rank, and who led the principal assaulting column. Hal-
leek complimented Smith, who was a Brigadier, for the
victory, recommended him for promotion, and ignored
Grant entirely. The Government had the sagacity, how
ever, to divine the truth, and Grant was promptly com
missioned a Major-General.

It is possible that Grant's stupendous success, which
was magnified throughout the country, may have over
excited him, and caused him to omit making customary
reports to headquarters. At all events, General Halleck
accused him of neglect, superseded him in his command
by General C. F. Smith, and finally, upon some pretence,
placed Grant in arrest.

General H. W. Halleck was a man of talents and a
patriot, but often a slave to prejudice. He know nothing
about Grant's character, and he wished to know nothing
good ; but Smith was his favorite. Every one liked C. F.
Smith, whose shape was that of an Apollo, and whose
disposition in peace was that of a lamb, but in battle he
was as fierce as a lion of the Jordan. When at the head

Grant 's Patience. 215

of his column he gained a footing within Fort Donelson,
his appearance as he strode along the ramparts was in
comparably majestic. Smith was a friend of mine, and I
lamented his untimely death, which occurred in the month
of April, 1862, about two months after his gallant exploit
at Fort Donelson.

Grant, having been released from arrest and restored
to command, moved forward, and fought the battle of
Shiloh. The commander opposed to Grant in that battle
was Albert Sidney Johnson, a native of Kentucky and a
graduate of the Military Academy. President Jefferson
Davis regarded him as the ablest of the Confederate gen
erals, and at that time many Northern officers, I among
them, agreed with him in opinion. Now I rank him after
Lee and "Stonewall " Jackson, and the equal of Joseph
E. Johnston. General A. S. Johnson was killed in the
battle of Shiloh, and a portion of Grant's army was
thrown into confusion, and he himself shoved back, but not
chased back. The timely arrival of reinforcements under
Don Carlos Buell enabled the Federal army to recover
from its check, and the enemy retreated.

Shortly after the battle of Shiloh, General Halleck took
the field in person, supplanting Grant, who remained
second in command. During the succeeding two months,
although Grant remained with the army in nominal com
mand of a portion and of a district of Tennessee, Halleck
quite ignored him, sent orders direct to his subordinates,
moved detachments of his troops without his knowledge,
and on one occasion when Grant proffered advice, or rather
an opinion, he was snubbed by a hint that when his ad
vice was needed it would be asked for.

Under the same unbearable provocations, Washington
and Jackson would have rebelled, and the latter would
have shot somebody ; but all the resentment shown by

216 Fifty Years Observation.

Grant that I know is reported in Sherman's book: "I
can't stand this any longer, and I'm going away." Sher
man advised him to be patient and remain. He did so,
but was looked upon as an officer in disgrace, and had no
more influence at headquarters than a lame mule.

Halleck continued to fortify against a retreating enemy,
gained nothing, so far as I have discovered, but disad
vantages, until the month of July, and being convinced
that to command an army in the field was not his
vocation, he recommended Colonel Robert Allen as his
successor, and departed for Washington to assume the
command of the whole army, vice General George B.
McClellan. Allen declined the command, and Grant was
restored to it.

The operations of the Army of the Tennessee under its
new leader were full of vigor, and in the month of May,
1863, Grant crossed the Mississippi below Vicksburg, and
placed himself between Pemberton, who commanded in
that city, and Joseph E. Johnston, who was at the head
of an army in the interior. From the moment I became
acquainted with the nature of that movement, I have con
sidered Grant as one of the great captains of history. The
story of nearly every one of them embraces a similar in
cident. Alexander of Macedon crossed the Indus to
capture old Porus ; Scipio went over the Mediterranean to
fight and vanquish Hannibal. Caesar, already as great as
any man in the world, crossed the Rubicon and became
the greatest. Tamerlane passed the Sehon on the ice to
die of fatigue. Turenne crossed the Rhine to drive back
Monticuculi and to be killed. Napoleon fought his way
over the Adige to enter the Temple of Fame, and at a
later date, when success had turned his head, he ventured
to the northern side of the Boristhenes to see the lustre of
his star pale in the smoke of burning Moscow.

Grant's Final Triumph. 217

It would be foreign to my purpose to follow the details
of General Grant's movements and strategy after July
23d, 1864, when Vicksburg capitulated. His operations
were on a vast scale, and on all occasions he displayed a
wonderful military sagacity, especially in the neighbor
hood of Chattanooga, where, by a brilliant movement, he
released the army from a perilous situation. He over
came the prejudice of General Halleck, to whose praise it
must be said that after the battle of Chickamauga he de
ferred to his subordinate's judgment without discussion.

At this juncture, Grant's capacity being recognized and
his influence established, it seems fit that I should mention
a circumstance of extraordinary significance and highly
honorable to another man. During all his early struggles
in the war to do his duty and to make himself known,
Grant had at Washington a faithful and devoted friend,
who foresaw his worth without trial, and who stood
by him at a time when ignorance, envy, and detraction
assailed and threatened to destroy him. Considering the
credence which was so generally given by the Govern
ment to slanders, and the facility offered to men without
scruple to climb to distinction upon the destruction of
their betters, it has often occurred to me that without the
active and stubborn support of Mr. E. B. Washburne,
Grant's aspirations would have been nipped in the bud,
his name forgotten, and his glorious deeds lost to his
country. Mr. Washburne's constancy and fidelity to
Grant characterized his nature, in which there is nothing
false. He was a most useful and efficient member of
Congress, dutiful and just in all his various official posi
tions. While he was minister to France I saw much of
him during several years. His dignity was the resuli; of
intelligence and common sense, and the conduct of no
other man in that station has been approved by a greater

218 Fifty Years' Observation.

number of sensible men and women than his. It was the
country's loss, more than his own, that Mr. Washburne
was not made President of the United States.

The law creating Scott Lieutenant-General having
lapsed with him, a bill to renew it was introduced by Mr.
Washburne and passed. Grant was promoted to that grade
and received his commission early in March, 1864, and on
the 8th of that month he arrived in Washington to assume
the command of all the Union troops which were then en
rolled, to the number of nearly 600,000 men.

On that occasion Sherman wrote a letter of congratu
lation to the new Lieutenant-General, in which he
ascribes to him an intuitive knowledge of strategy and
the science of war. The letter was magnanimous on the
part of Sherman, who followed next to Grant in the
Federal army in renown and martial prowess, and who, it
is known, is not deficient in self-appreciation. If General
Sherman's letter was sincere, and I am constrained to be
lieve it was, it belies all the histories of competitive military
ambition that I have studied.

Lieutenant-General Grant, after a survey of his vast
field of operations and his mighty power, adopted one
of the numerous maxims of the great Napoleon, and di
rected that every one of the department commanders
should, on the same day and upon an agreed signal, move
upon a vital point of the enemy. He himself in personal
command of the army of the Potomac, which was nearly
120,000 strong, crossed the Rapidan early in the morning
of May 4, 1864, and advanced into "the Wilderness " to
meet General R. E. Lee, who was his only worthy adver
sary.

The country between the Rapidan and Richmond is
generally low and flat, sparsely inhabited, and mostly
covered with forests. Earth roads and wood paths inter-

Grant in 1864. 219

sect the forest in all directions, and render the manoeuvres
of an army extremely difficult and make it liable to lose its
way without guides. Lee had the advantage of numerous
defensive works, previously constructed, a knowledge of
the roads and paths, and superior facilities for gaining
information.

I shall not undertake in this book to detail any part of
the bloody tragedy which was presented on the field I
have described in the summer of 1864. The first act was
between 200,000 combatants, the majority of whom were
young and middle-aged men of the most valuable classes
of population, North and South, and all inured to war.
The commanders of both armies, without a dissenting
voice, enjoyed the full confidence of their respective
countrymen and soldiers. As fast as battles and disease
thinned their ranks, the vacancies were filled, and the
battalions of the North much more than filled, with re
cruits.

Grant, the Federal chief, maintained a pressure upon
Lee's defences which knew no intermission. As a rule,
he would neutralize the force of his enemy's strongly for
tified points by attacking those that were weaker ; but
lest his adversary should infer that he was influenced by
fear, he assailed the almost impregnable position at Cold
Harbor, at a cost to himself of 7,000 men at least, while
he inflicted but trifling loss upon the Confederates. Grant
has been charged with an unnecessary sacrifice of life on
that occasion, but he must have considered his situation
such as to justify his conduct. It was a maxim with the
great Napoleon, that such rashness is sometimes neces
sary for the safety, as well as the honor, of an army. The
sustained vigor and timely boldness of General Grant con
stitute an important factor in the problem I am studying
in regard to his supremacy.

220 Fifty Years' Observation.

General Lee, from the nature of things, was constrained
to imitate the example of the Roman Fabius against Han
nibal, and of Marshal Daun against Frederick the Great.
He was defending interior lines against superior num
bers, and being wofully deficient in transportation it would
have been madness for him to sally out beyond the sup
port of his ramparts. Some of his critics, however, have
fancied that from over-caution, on two or three occasions,
he failed to see opportunities offered him by Grant to
break through his lines and harass the invader much more
than he did. It is barely possible that such censure may
have been deserved. General Lee was overworked and
so dreadfully oppressed by his responsibilities that from
time to time nature claimed its right to repose, and occa
sionally he may have fallen into that state which I call
the syncope of the mind, a state in which energy refuses to
respond to external impressions, however obvious they
may be. Where is the man of action who has never ex
perienced such a state, and seen passing by and beyond
recovery precious opportunities and golden prizes, which
in his ordinary condition he would have easily appro
priated? But, whatever may have been the faults of
General Lee, it is certain that he increased the death-rate
in the Federal army to a degree that ought to satisfy the
most ferocious lover of slaughter.

The series of manoeuvres, battles, actions, and changes
of position in the Wilderness, and until Lee was driven
behind the defences of Richmond, and afterwards till the
Southern Confederacy heaved its last groan, have no
parallels on the continent of America. They rank with
those displays of martial genius of ancient and modern
times, which have been the study of military men in all
ages, and the wonder of the world. They remind us of
the struggles of Sylla when the Samnite Tellesenes gave

Grant and Lee Compared. 221

him the slip and placed the eternal city in such jeopardy
that Sylla appealed to his gods to save him and Rome ; of
the contests in Greece between Pompey and Caesar be
fore the battle of Pharsalia, when Pompey's sycophants
felt such confidence that they lampooned the mighty Julius
and called him " a vendor of cities ;" and more than all,
perhaps, they give an idea of the war of the allies upon
Napoleon in France after the campaign in Russia, when
that great commander's genius shone most brightly, fight
ing against fearful odds but to fail.

Ours was an intestine conflict, and the glory of the
actors loses a portion of its lustre when we reflect that in
the opinion of some men, if good counsels had prevailed,
it might have been avoided, and the thousands of brave
men whose fraternal blood seethed and impasted the
soil from Petersburg to Richmond might have been
spared.

In determining the relative merits of Grant and Lee, I
have been careful to consider all the qualities and circum
stances peculiar to each, and not only the exploits of the
two generals, but also their dispositions and tempera
ments. The fact that the former finally conquered the
latter is not by any means conclusive. If I were to see a
man take up a gun weighing a thousand pounds, place it
upon his shoulder, and walk away with it, I should know
without further investigation that he possessed extraor
dinary physical strength ; but the gain or loss of a single
battle would not prove a man to be a good or a poor gen
eral. Hannibal, Turenne, Frederick, and Napoleon all
lost battles, and yet they are cited among the greatest
captains of all time.

Wellington never quite lost a battle, but he was seri
ously checked, and in this respect Grant resembles the
Englishman. At the approach of Lee or Sherman, his

222 Fifty Years' Observation.

army would shout more enthusiastically than for Grant,
but when the latter came up during the fight the lines be
came more steady, and the soldier would adjust his aim
with greater accuracy than before.

Sherman showed wonderful vigor and sagacity when he
pushed Johnston from Chattanooga to Atlanta, but Grant
would drive his chariot through passes that Sherman would
not venture to approach. There was an abatement in Lee's
audacity during the twenty-four hours preceding the
battle of Gettysburg, otherwise he would have won it and
gained the Southern cause ; but nowhere can I discover
debility in Grant's movements or assaults.

Grant could hold his enemy as in a vice, with a ruth-
lessness like that of Tamerlane or the Duke of Alva, and
when he had accomplished everything he left upon the
mind of his observer an impression that he possessed a
reserve of force that had not been called into play. I am
constrained, therefore, to assign to Ulysses S. Grant the
highest rank as a military commander of all that have
been born on the continent of America.

CHAPTER XIII.

My journey to San Francisco. — Life In California. — The voyage via Cape
Horn. — Delay at Panama. — Anecdotes of the journey. — San Francisco in
1849. — The discovery of gold. — San Francisco in early days. — Fellow offi
cers. — Expedition to the San Joaquin Indians. — Treaty with them. —
Great fire in San Francisco. — California admitted to the Union. — The
Vigilance Committee.

war with Mexico having been concluded by the
Treaty of Guadaloupe Hidalgo, in the month of
May, 1848, I was relieved from duty at West Point, and
ordered to proceed with my company, " M " of the Third
Regiment of Artillery, to California. Fortunately forme,
there was a delay in the arrival of my successor, and I
was allowed to defer my departure until after my com
pany, under the command of my friend, Major George
P. Andrews, had sailed via Cape Horn.

The reports of gold discoveries reached New York
early in the autumn of 1848. At first they were not gen
erally credited, but they gained confidence so rapidly
that when I embarked for Chagres on the 1st of Febru
ary following, the little steamer Falcon was crowded
almost to suffocation. Among that first detachment of
gold-seekers there was a greater number of educated
men than were found with any one that succeeded. The
steamer that was despatched from New York to receive
the Falcon's passengers at Panama, broke down, and we
were detained thirty days on the Isthmus, the climate of
which had been represented to be pestilential. It proved
to be such to a considerable number of our people, but to
me it was healthful.

224 Fifty Years Observation.

There was no railroad at that time, and we were
obliged to cross from Chagres in boats to Gorgona, and
thence to Panama on the backs of mules. We spent two
and a half days upon the river, which is so crooked that
in the course of two hours the sun shone alternately upon
the prow and stern of our boats. That was my first tropi
cal journey inland, and it was then I saw the flowery re
gion in all its beauty and luxuriance, of which those who
travel now by rail can form no conception. Upon the
banks of the stream in many places were trees of vast
height, whose tops were covered with roses, and their sides
hung with vines that stretched from one to another like
verdant curtains. Here and there, strewn with profusion,
were floral tints of every hue, that gave to those waving
screens a beauty that mocks the glory of all the tapestries
of Italian pencils and Flemish looms.

On our way from Gorgona we stopped about midway
for the night. Lieutenant May and I spread our blankets
under an old shed that stood on a bare hill of moderate
height. At three o'clock in the morning May called me
out to look at the great Southern Cross, which I had not
seen before. The night was clear, and while I gazed at
the vast azure fields of the austral heavens, dotted with
stars of first magnitude, the cool air, laden with perfumes,
refreshed my senses, and I was unconscious that the hu
man heart is the abode of such disturbing passions as
avarice, wrath, and envy.

At Panama I enjoyed Spanish cooking and agreeable
associations. I had the companionship of the naval and
military commissioners sent out by our Government to
select sites for docks, lighthouses, and forts : Captains
Goldsborough and Van Brunt, and Lieutenants Blunt,
May, Blair, Hammenly, Elliott, and Doctor A. J. Bowie,
of the Navy ; Colonel Smith and Lieutenant D. Lead*

Voyage to California. 225

better, and Major R. P. Hammond and Doctor Turner, of
the Army. Besides those there were several civilians in
our circle, the most prominent of whom were : Mr. John
W. Geary, the first American Postmaster at San Francisco
and afterwards Governor of Pennsylvania; Messrs.
Frederick Billings, John Benson, Rev. Mr Mines, and
Rev. Albert Williams, Archibald, Peachy, Ruth, Sibley,
Laffan, Havens, and others. I formed many lasting
attachments among those gentlemen, all of whom are
dead with the exception of Williams, Billings, Bowie,
Benson and myself.

On the morning of March 12, the Oregon, Captain Pier-
son, was sighted coming up the Bay of Panama. Thirty-six
hours afterwards that vessel was steaming for California,
so crammed with passengers that there was no room in any
part for exercise. We called at Acapulco and San Bias,
Mexico, and at San Diego and Monterey, California. We
reached the offing of the latter at midnight, and I went in
the boat with the captain to deliver the mail. As I
stepped upon the wharf I was saluted in friendly tones by
Lieutenants Halleck and Burton. They gave us valuable
information, and told us the ship of war Ohio, under
command of Commodore Thomas ap Catesby Jones, was
in the Harbor of San Francisco, anchored off Saucelito.
We entered the Golden Gate on the morning of April I,
1849, and I went on shore. The first persons I met were
Lieutenant W. T. Sherman and Captain Joseph L.
Folsom, who was quartermaster. Sherman saluted me
as warmly as a brother. Folsom was less cordial, but he
loaned me a wheelbarrow, by means of which I trans
ported my trunks to the old Russian storehouse, where I
slept the first two nights on the floor, with a bit of wood
for a pillow.

At the time I landed there was a scattering village or

10*

226 Fifty Years' Observation.

pueblo, containing seven or eight hundred inhabitants,
which was called by the natives Yerba Buena, and by the
Americans San Francisco. There was not a street that
was marked by houses aligned upon it, but a survey had
been made and pegs driven to show where they were to
be. The ground was covered with brush and sand hills,
and broken at the north and west by rocky heights. The
site was not promising for a large city, but subsequent
labor, assisted by art, has modified it to such an extent
that it now seems both convenient and pleasant to look
upon.

The fame of gold discoveries had reached all the sea-
ports of the world, and numerous ships and steamers
came in rilled with immigrants, and laden with merchan
dise of every description. In the course of the summer
there were anchored in the harbor several hundred square-
rigged vessels, the crews of which had deserted and gone
to the mines. Many kinds of goods were tenfold in ex
cess of the requirements of the people, especially wines,
liquors, tobacco, and framed houses. I purchased the
finest red wines of France for $4 a case that would have
sold in New York for $20. At the same time, one dozen
fresh eggs sold for $12, and a cooked potato in an eating-
house or tent cost $i, and the wages of unskilled labor
was $16 a day.

At first nearly all the new-comers lived in tents, and the
scarcity of permanent shelter induced many persons to
order framed houses, which, at the end of eight months,
arrived in such numbers that they were given away to
those who would take them from the ships. I ordered
one from my friend Kemble, and when the bill and plan

of it arrived in November, an acquaintance named G

begged me to sell it to him. At first I refused, but when
he convinced me that it was much better fitted for his lot

California in i849'-5o. 227

of ground than mine, I consented to sell the house to
him at his own price, which was its cost and freight and
$1,200 profit to me. As soon as he received the bill of
lading and transfer, he said to me : " I'll not sell this
bargain for less than $1,000." The house arrived in
March, 1850, at which time he could have had another of
equal value for the cost of bringing it from the ship to the

shore. G thought I should return the $1,200, but I

declined, and lost his friendship. Seven years after
wards he made an affidavit in " my lawsuit " concerning
the value of real estate in San Francisco, in which I
thought I discovered in his estimates and suppositions
that he remembered the trade for the house.

The first brick building that was constructed on Mont
gomery Street, which for many years was the most im
portant thoroughfare of the city of San Francisco, was built
by Mr. William D. M. Howard, in 1851. He employed two
surveyors to mark the west side of the street, and their
lines were about one yard apart. Mr. Howard, supposing
I was a man of science, applied to me to make another
survey, which I accomplished after three days' labor. I
ran lines on neighboring streets, guided by the pegs, and
made measurements, by which I determined a line that
fell about midway between the other two, of which I was
ignorant. My line is the present western boundary of
Montgomery Street.

All the men who lived in California in the year 1849
arrogate to themselves a special glory. Necessity con
founded all social distinctions, and civility of intercourse
was secured by the use and display of a pistol by nearly
everybody. Drunkenness was common, and assassina
tions not unfrequent. Otherwise dishonesty was far less
apparent than it has been since. The custom house was
in an old adobe building on the Plaza, and when I went

228 Fifty Years' Observation.

there, as I often did, I saw men sitting on sacks of Mexi
can dollars that were piled three feet high along the wall.
There were several rice tierces full of the same coin stored
under a shed on California Street.

My company of artillery arrived about the end of April
and on the first day of May, 1849, I was assigned to the
command of the post of San Francisco by General Persifor
F. Smith, who was the commander of the department and
the successor of Colonel Mason. With the exception of
a short interval, in which Colonel Merchant was my supe
rior, I continued the actual or nominal commander till
1858, when I was promoted to be major of artillery vice
Taylor deceased. During the whole period of over nine
years I was twice absent on leave, about twelve months
in all, and two years in the field, campaigning against In
dians. I do not count short absences on court-martial
and other temporary duty.

Major Andrews, assisted by Lieutenants H. G. Gibson
and William G. Gill, brought me a company of 86 men,
all fine-looking and in good discipline. We began hav
ing dress parades, and doing garrison duty strictly ac
cording to army regulations. Within a week, however,
the soldiers commenced to desert, and in a short time our
numbers were reduced by two-thirds. One night the
whole guard, including the corporal, went off, and I de
spatched Major Andrews in pursuit of the fugitives. He
overtook them some fifteen miles on the road to San Jose",
shot a couple, but brought back only one wounded sol
dier, as all his escort joined the deserters.

The garrison being too much reduced for proper mili
tary service, the officers were allowed by General Smith
to do something to increase their pay, which was not at
all proportionate to the cost of living at that time and
place. By good fortune I was now at a juncture in which

Building a Wharf. 229

I was to reap the benefit of the foresight which I had
exercised at West Point. In the months of October and
November, 1848, after I received my orders to proceed to
the Pacific Coast, Lieutenant B. L. Alexander, of the
Engineer Corps, was then engaged surveying the Point,
and I went out to assist him. I not only made myself
practically expert in running lines and adjusting the
theodolite, but I looked into a book on civil engineering.
Thus prepared I was ready to compete for $500, which
was offered for the best plan for a wharf, which a com
pany of capitalists proposed to construct on what is now
Commercial Street. I was allowed but three days for
study and preparation, but by almost continuous labor,
night and day, I was ready in time and appeared at the
meeting of the directors with an immense drawing and
voluminous specifications for a wharf. Two or three other
plans were put in, one of which was decidedly preferable
to mine ; but its author was a quiet person, and I, at that
time of my life, was noisy. My design being approved
and adopted, I was appointed superintending engineer of
the work.

The chief difficulty was to obtain lumber for the wharf.
I canvassed the town, but failed to find a man who would
agree to furnish it. Then I crossed the Bay to Contra
Costa and went on foot to the top of the hills, where
stood a beautiful and extensive grove of red-wood trees,
not one of which now remains. Mr. John Benson was
with me, and in going and returning we had great diffi,
culty to 'avoid the wild cattle that covered the hills and
plains, which are now occupied by the charming city of
Oakland. Not succeeding in Contra Costa, I visited
Corta Medera and Reed's Rancho on the north of the
bay. At the latter I fell in with a discharged soldier of
Stevenson's regiment, who contracted to furnish a hun-

230 Fifty Years Observation.

drccl piles, to be delivered at the landing in San Fran
cisco, for one dollar the running foot. I reported my
contract to the directors, and they scouted at it, as they
knew the contractor to be a shiftless fellow. One of them
said he should feel happy if he could be certain that he
could live till Maple brought the first pile. He was the
only man who would agree to furnish the material, and
he disappointed us all by bringing fifty good piles, and I
obtained others, as well as the necessary square timber,
from Santa Cruz.

On the fifth day of July, 1849, ^e ^rst P^e was driven
that ever stood in the harbor of San Francisco. That was
also the date of the first encroachment by any real im
provement upon the area which now embraces nearly all
of the wholesale establishments in the city. The tide
then came over Montgomery Street at Jackson, and near
it at the starting-point of the wharf. To-day there are
solid ground and Belgian pavements at the east end of
Sacramento Street, eighteen hundred feet to the eastward
of Montgomery. In the summer of 1849 tns intervening
space was the anchorage of a fleet of ships, many of them
one thousand tons burthen or more. To fill up so much
of the sea, mountains of sand and rocks were required.
The sand hill that occupied the site of the Occidental
Hotel was higher than that magnificent five-story struct
ure, and an almost equally spacious bulk of rocks has
been blasted from Telegraph Hill and dumped in.

I have given the foregoing details to show the enor
mous amount of labor that was bestowed by the first
American settlers of the city of San Francisco. Those
who laid its foundation are nearly all dead, or if alive are
seldom seen. Something that they strewed is gathered
every day by their successors, who remember them not.
The history of the first board of directors of the Central

San Francisco in Early Days. 231

Wharf Company will serve as an example of the muta
tion of fortune. They were seven in number, and they
were all strong, healthy men, and they seemed prosper
ous — three of them being the richest men in the city.
Their names were William D. M. Howard, Joseph L. Fol-
som, Samuel Brannan, Charles Gillespie, William Davis,
Mr. Cross, of the firm of Cross, Hobson & Co., and Will
iam Hooper.

Mr. Howard died early of consumption, but left a fort
une, and his grandson now enjoys a portion of it, and is
a prominent and worthy citizen. Folsom deceased in
1855, leaving a vast estate in land, but so encumbered
that his heirs received nothing. Brannan, who had the
largest income of any man in the city in 1853, is now the
possessor of nothing in California so far as I know. Gil
lespie and Davis were rich and enterprising. They built
more than the times required, and in consequence of the
depression of values and the fires in 1851 and '52 they
lost and sacrificed property which is now worth millions,
but they did not lose their courage. Mr. Hooper, the
least wealthy of the seven directors, was an excessively
conscientious man, He deceased in 1866, leaving a mod
erate competency to his family.

The confusion of Spanish and American laws and cus
toms, and the mingling of all the nations of the earth,
which were largely represented by sanguine adventurers,
fugitives from justice, and other reckless characters, gave
rise to much disorder.

A lawless band, calling themselves " Hounds" collected
in San Francisco in 1849, an<^ bade defiance to the au
thorities. The " Hounds" were summarily put down with
out legal process. Again, in 1851, the dangerous classes
became so audacious that a Vigilance Committee was or
ganized, and several depredators sentenced to death.

232 Fifty Years Observation.

Among the condemned were two that had been rescued
by the Sheriff, or Alguazil, and confined in the Broadway
jail. One Sunday afternoon, in the month of July, while
the Rev. Albert Williams was holding divine service in the
prison, two solid young men entered and joined in the de
votions. A hymn was given out, and the prisoners stood
up in a circle to sing. The strangers, who were members
of the Vigilance Committee, managed to place themselves
respectively at the sides of the two criminals, and with
pealing voices they joined in the chant. At the begin
ning of the third verse the two suddenly dropped their
books, each clutched his man, and rushed through the
open door to a hack that stood in the street, thrust them
in, and took seats by their sides as guards. The coach
man drove furiously to the stores that then stood on Bat
tery Street, between California and Pine, and delivered
his load to the committee.

I happened to be walking on Stockton Street when the
carriage passed me, and I followed with all speed. When
I arrived, although the distance was not above a quarter
of a mile, the two men were hanging dead from the pro
jecting ridge-poles of two adjacent stores. Several other
men were executed, but the vicious elements were too
numerous to be wholly subdued, and the orderly citizens
continued to be disturbed by many outrages.

In consequence of the depredations of the Indians
in the San Joaquin Valley, a commission was sent
out from Washington to treat with them. Messrs.
McKee, Woozencroft, and Barbour were the commission
ers, and a body of 200 infantry soldiers was collected, of
which I was the commander, to attend them. My secret
orders from General Hitchcock, the commander of the
department, were to obey the instructions of the commis
sioners so long as they could conduct their negotiations

Abstinence from Tobacco. 233

peacefully and prevail with the Indians to live on reser
vations. In case of failure on their part to accomplish
that purpose without force, I was to assume control and
make war. No difficulty was encountered until we came
to the camp on the Chowchilla River. At that point,
Major Savage, who had been among the " Monos," re-,
turned with a report that a portion of that tribe refused
to come in. Thereupon the commissioners requested me
to go out and bring them by force. I then exhibited my
secret orders, and told the commissioners that before mov
ing against the enemy my duty was to conduct them to
a place of safety in the rear. They reconsidered their
request, and in a few days the refractory " redskins" were
induced to surrender and come in. From that time for
ward no similar difficulty was encountered.

While we were encamped on the south bank of the San
Joaquin, I remarked to Mr. John McKee, who was the
secretary of the commission, that the old pipe I was
smoking gave me a heart-burn. He said his pipe
troubled him in the same way, and offered to bet $100
that he would abstain from the use of tobacco in every
form longer than I. I took the bet, and afterwards, at
his suggestion, agreed to limit its duration to the time we
should serve together on the commission.

Scarce had a week elapsed when orders came from
Washington to divide the commission. The elder McKee
and his son and Dr. Woozencroft were to go north, and
I, with Barbour and the military escort, were to continue
and go south. When the commission separated, I rode
down to the crossing of the river, and as we entered the
old scow I noticed that McKee had a pipe in his hat
band. On reaching the opposite bank, he stepped ashore
and exclaimed : " The bet is ended ! " Then he rubbed
a match on the gunwale of the boat, lighted his pipe, and

234 Fifty Years Observation.

from that time till now I have seldom seen him that he
was not smoking. I continued to abstain, and have
never returned to my old habit in any one of its varia
tions. I was obliged to practise great self-denial for a
long time, but at the end of seven years I ceased to think
of tobacco. It is not difficult to interchange the habit of
smoking, chewing, and snuffing, but the customary use of
the weed cannot be wholly renounced until after an absti
nence of at least seven years. A less time serves only to
whet the appetite for a greater indulgence.

It was in the spring of the year 1851, and the San
Joaquin Valley was in an absolute state of nature. From
Stockton to the Tejon Pass, a distance of 300 miles, no
evidence of occupation by white men was seen, save that
in a few spots there were ashes and charcoal to show
where a cottage had recently stood. Four miles from
Stockton I saw a band of several hundred elk, and the
motion of their antlers as the animals ran away was worth
a journey across the continent to witness. Large troops
of wild horses, many deer, antelope, and coyotes were
constantly in view, and upon each day's march the land
scape presented a striking change of attractions in the
flowers that overspread the ground. They alternated in
color : one day the flowers were red, the next white, then
blue and yellow. The atmosphere was clear and whole
some, and our animals in fine condition. In our wagons
we carried an abundant supply of wines, hams, buffalo
tongues and condiments, and a herd of fat steers supplied
us with plenty of fresh beef. Our hunters brought in
venison, antelope, and birds, and everything conspired
with youth and health to make me happier than I have
ever felt in the haunts of fashion and envy.

I had in my camp an excellent man named Vinconhaler
for guide. We called him " Captain Haler." He had

" Captain Haler? 235

crossed the continent twice with Colonel Fremont, to
whom he must have rendered important assistance. His
ability to " find paths " appeared to me almost miraculous.
One day while our camp was on the San Joaquin, where
it issues from the hills, a party of us went down the river
some twenty miles to hunt elk and antelope. I had a
large horse of moderate speed that I had led to the hunt
ing ground. Seeing a band of elk, I exchanged my mule
for the horse, and gave chase. I pursued them several
miles, but could get no nearer than about 200 yards.
After discharging six shots from my pistol, and only
slightly wounding two of the animals, I reined up and
dismounted to tighten the saddle-girth. The moment I
seized the strap, my horse sprang from me, and ran off with
a far greater speed than I had been able to get from him.
I looked around, but was unable to see on all the wide
plain a single one of my companions. It was getting late
in the afternoon, and I was at least twenty-five miles
from camp, on foot, and alone. A dark cloud that
threatened rain and thunder was rising in the west, and
I was hungry under such circumstances, with the almost
certain prospect of spending the night among the wild
beasts of the field. I was anything but cheerful. I fol
lowed my treacherous horse with my eye till he became
fearfully small to the view, when another speck starting
out from the edge of the horizon moved to intercept him.
It was " Captain Haler," who rode a fleet animal, and
found no difficulty in catching mine. He came directly
back to where I was, and I asked him how he had found
me so soon, as it was not possible to see me on the ground
so far off. " I followed the trail of your horse," said he,
" and that was all I needed ; but it would be safer for you
not to quit the bridle the next time you dismount to
tighten your saddle-girth." The result of our hunt was

236 Fifty Years Observation.

one antelope and a ravenous appetite when we returned
to camp at midnight.

All the browsing wild animals afforded us pleasure, but
the rattlesnakes that were so plentiful in the Tulare
Valley and Tejon Pass sometimes caused us apprehension.
One day the soldiers killed eleven of those venomous
beasts, and saw ten times as many more as they dis
appeared in the squirrel holes. At mid-day rest on our
march over the Tejon Mountains, a half-dozen of us offi
cers spread our blankets in the shade of an oak tree.
Some were napping, but Lieutenant Gibson was awake
and resting on his elbow. In that position he saw gliding
out from a squirrel hole that was half covered by his
blanket an enormous rattlesnake. He remained quiet
till the reptile had crawled away a few feet ; then he sprang
up, seized a club, and despatched him.

While we were encamped on King's River, the soldiers
captured a water snake, and brought him in confined in
the cleft of a long pole that held him near the tail. Many
years before I had read in the " New York Mirror " a
series of articles to prove that snakes never hiss, and con
sequently that all the poetical allusions to " hissing ser
pents " were false. I took a long stick and worried the
water moccasin, and when he became spiteful he made a
noise exactly like that made by a goose with goslings
when the boys and girls approach her, and now I am con
vinced that snakes hiss.

The last treaty with the Indians was made at French's
deserted rancho, at the entrance of Tejon Pass. Several
hundred were there assembled, and among them were many
good-looking, healthy bucks and squaws. Two young girls,
the daughters of a chief, were admired for their graceful
shapes and the unrivalled beauty of their teeth. All the
aborigines who were unused to civilization had sound

Indian War Dances. 237

teeth, but the dentists say that as soon as they adopt our
custom of eating, their teeth begin to decay rapidly.
The diet of the San Joaquin and Tulare Indians consist
ed of acorns, grass seeds, with such fish and game as they
could catch. Their delicacies were dried grasshoppers
and a conserve of ants. This last was highly prized. I
was told that it had a delightful spicy flavor that re
mained long on the palate.

I have seen the peace and war dances and heard the
songs and chants of some ten or twelve tribes of Indians
from Florida to Puget Sound, and they all differ in most
respects, but are alike in some. Generally they danced
around a fire, and the squaws sat near it clacking
dry sticks, or rattling pebbles or beans in a gourd, while
they intoned wild and gloomy ditties. In the war dance,
the braves distort their painted faces in a way to give the
fiercest aspect. The one who succeeded best in the camp
on King's River was an old fellow who laughed with his
mouth, and at the same time, with a horrible scowl on his
brow, he darted vengeance from his eyes. At the gath
ering near the four creeks there were about 1,400
Indians, and among them the Chief Pasqual. His incan
tations in a war-dance surpassed anything of the kind I
ever saw before or since. He was naked from the waist
upwards, and the position of his body and arms, and the
expression of his face in some of his attitudes, might have
served as a model for a statue of Moloch. On one occa
sion I held a conversation with a chief, which tended to
prove the unity of the human family. He had uncom
mon intelligence, and could speak Spanish, which he had
learned at a mission where he was born, and from which
he had fled to the mountains many years before. He
wished to know all about San Francisco and the white
people who were flocking to it. When I told him there

238 Fifty Years' Observation.

were 20,000 men and scarcely any women, he looked
astonished, and repeated my words, " Veinte mil hombres
y casi ningunas mujeres ! " " Si," said I. Then after
musing a while he looked up at me smiling, and said :
" En poco tiempo habrd bastantes." (In a little while
there'll be plenty.)

At the Indian camp on the San Joaquin an old Mono
squaw agreed to give us her son for a waiter-boy. Ac
cordingly, the day following she brought in a youth of 12
years of age who was as naked as a fishworm. We dressed
him, and kept him about the mess till he grew to be a man.
We called him Sam, and he was an untutored savage in the
broadest sense of that term. He had never seen a house
and only one white man before he was brought to our camp.
I set myself to watch the development of Sam's moral
nature, and to observe the characters which the lessons of
civilization inscribed most easily upon a blank human
mind. The boy left his father and mother, his tribe, and
his country to join us, without the slightest apparent emo
tion or regret. Frequently at subsequent times I spoke
to him of his parents, but could never prevail on him to
express a wish to see either one of them, or to relate to
me a single incident of his childhood. The gloomy
penury of his own early years, compared with what he
saw of the happiness of children of our race, made him
averse to recall it to mind.

We made no efforts to teach him letters, but he learned
enough of the Spanish and English languages to under
stand what was said to him, with as much facility as the
brightest of our youth. Generally, the boy appeared to
be deficient in curiosity, saving that writing seemed to
him the most wonderful of all mysteries. As soon as he
had learned the names of the different officers, they
would write such messages as they wished to send by him

" Sam" 239

on slips of paper. Those slips of paper he would turn often
in his hands, and when he received the book, paper, or
other thing sent for, he would break out into a loud ex
clamation of surprise. Laughter was not usual with him,
nor is it ever much practised by savages. It is peculiar
to civilized beings, and is largely indulged in by hypo
crites. I have known all the races of mankind except
ing the Laplanders, the Hottentots, the Caffres, the
Patagonians, and original Australians. I have found
that in all the world the Americans laugh and smile the
most.

Sam's giggling was not bestowed as we bestow it,
sometimes to give pleasure to others, but only to express
his own. I never knew him to laugh heartily and to con
tinue laughing in spite of himself but once. An officer
had mounted a vicious mule, and the moment he was in
the saddle the mule began to kick and buck in a most
fearful manner, and finally succeeded in dashing the offi
cer to the ground with such violence that I feared he was
killed. All the while Sam looked on at a distance, laughed
as if he would split, and when the officer struck the ground
his joy was without bounds, and he yelled and hopped
about like a jumping-jack.

In his ability to find his way to any point of the wildest
country that he had once visited, and in recognizing men
and animals that he had ever seen before, Sam was pre
eminent above all other human beings I have known.

On one occasion I went with a party of officers to a
clambake on the shore of the ocean. In a space of six or
seven miles there was only one passage down the steep,
high bank to the sea, and to that we were conducted by
a white guide, while Sam, apparently half-asleep, trudged
along behind. A year later I started with the same par
ty for the same spot. Arriving at a place about five

240 Fifty Years1 Observation*

miles off the high ridge extending along the shore, we
halted to determine the ridge where we should find the
pass. We all agreed on the same point, and started off
towards it. There was no road over the intervening
country, but it was crossed in every direction by trails
made by cattle and wild animals. After going a mile
or so, I accidentally fell to the rear and joined
Sam. He said: " Captain, this is not the way. It's
down there, " pointing to a place three miles to the
right. I called a halt, and we all again examined the
heights, and concluded we were not mistaken and so
pushed on. Sam made no objection, and his face wore
its unchangeable resemblance to a bronze casting. We
proceeded three miles further, and found out our mistake
after an hour's search. We could not make a short cut
owing to the broken ground, and were obliged to retrace
our steps to the point of our first consultation. When we
arrived there, having wasted three hours, it was too late,
and we returned home hungry, and missed our clambake.
During my life, I have known a thousand enterprises to
miscarry because haughty men would not take counsel
from inferiors.

While in camp on King's River a beautiful stallion was
stolen from us. The animal was as fat and sleek as a
seal, and was often ridden by my servant O'Brien. Two
years later I was standing on the sidewalk in Dupont
Street, and Sam was with me. At that moment a man
rode rapidly down Clay Street on a poor, long-haired,
rough-looking horse, and was not in our sight above two
seconds. Sam cried out : " O'Brien horse ! " We followed
the horseman on a run, and kept him in view till he
turned into a stable on Kearney Street, and there I recog
nized the stolen horse from a brand on his flank, which
was on the side opposite to us when Sam saw him. No

Los Angeles. 241

white man in the world could have recognized our beauti
ful stallion of 1851 in this ill-conditioned beast of 1853 as
Sam did.

As Sam advanced in years, he began to adopt the vices
of civilization. He hated work and loved whiskey, and
ere long he became a drunkard, and I then lost sight of
him.

We arrived in Los Angeles about the middle of June,
and pitched our camp above the town, which was then an
irregular cluster of adobe buildings, most of which were
one-story high. There were a few gardens and vine
yards, but no made streets, and the surrounding country
was nearly all unenclosed and devoted to the pasturage of
horses and horned cattle. Now it is a large city of brick
and stone, and the country in spring, especially the valley
of the San Gabriel, covered as it is with vines, orange,
lemon, olive, and other fruit-bearing trees, resembles an
earthly paradise. In May, 1881, Senator Randolph, of
New Jersey, passed through that valley, and afterwards
told me its beauty was beyond description. He had been
describing half of its charms in a letter to his wife, and
she, without doubt, would accuse him of an effort to imi
tate the style of Baron Munchausen.

I remained about ten days at Los Angeles, and had an
opportunity to observe its citizens. Old Don Louis
Vigne invited me to breakfast, and gave me some excel
lent sherry wine of his own making. In the evening I
attended a fandango, and I saw the ton of the Pueblo.
Among the native California seftoritas were a half-dozen
who in any country would have passed for beauties. I
engaged one of them in conversation, and she with
tongue, eye, hand, and sway of body, distanced all my
former acquaintances in expressing the seductive emo
tions. In the midst of her wavy prattle, she suddenly

242 Fifty Years' Observation.

broke off, took from the bosom of her dress a couple of
cigarettes, and offered me one, which I declined. Then
she rubbed a match on the sole of her shoe, lighted hers,
and blew the smoke from her nose. After a while she
rose, lifted a large, white wash-basin pitcher which was
full of water, drank from it, and passed the pitcher to me,
and I replaced it on the window-sill. Finding that this
seftorita could work up the minutest fugitive idea into a
long discourse, I left her and continued my observation
of others. At midnight I returned to my camp, musing
as I rode upon what constitutes fashion.

There being no further need of a military escort,
Colonel Barbour, in a note complimentary to the troops,
dispensed with my further service with him. We em
barked at San Pedro for San Francisco, and on our way
up the coast stopped off Monterey late in the evening. A
San Francisco newspaper was brought on board at that
point in which a map was blackened to show the ravages
of the fire of June, 1851.

In that fire and in the conflagration of the month of
May preceding, every building I owned in that city was
consumed, and there was no insurance. Consequently,
when. I arrived, instead of a rent-roll of nearly $1,000 per
month, I had $37, and no more.

The ground remained, and I still possessed a few thou
sand dollars in money. Those rebukes of fortune not being
due to treachery, nor breaches of trust, so far as the flames
were concerned, caused me no loss of sleep by night, but
they made me heavy by day for a whole month. At the
end of that time, while I was walking alone on California
Street, despondency left me in a moment. At the end of
a year my income was nearly restored.

The smoke of the recent fires had scarcely ceased to
ascend (they had destroyed almost the entire business

Admission of California. 243

portion of the city), nevertheless many new wooden
buildings were almost completed at my return. The
losses did not appear to have abated the enterprise of
the people, but their effect, and the uncertainty in regard
to the productiveness of the soil, was to reduce the
market value of real estate in some instances to one-tenth
of what it had been in the month of December, 1849. It
remained low till about the middle of the year 1853, when
it rose with a bound.

For more than a year preceding many good citizens, as
well as all the office-seeking politicians — a class which has
ever been superabundant in California — desired its erec
tion into a State. The matter was long debated in Con
gress with unparalleled bitterness. The slaveholders
sought to enshroud the whole territory which had been
acquired from Mexico in their peculiar institution, but
they failed to succeed. Then they undertook to secure
the portion lying south of 30° 30' north latitude, and
being again defeated, they opposed the admission of
California into the Union as a State.

In the course of the long delay, my friend, Mr. Albert
Priest, who was a Prussian and a large land-owner in Sac
ramento, visited Washington to represent the unsettled
state of things on the Pacific coast and to urge speedy
Congressional action. He was of a social disposition,
boasted that he had been aide-de-camp to old Field Mar
shal Blucher, and all his gestures were military. I met
him shortly after his return, and said to him : " Mr.
Priest, what did you tell the authorities in Washington ? "
" I tell dem, ven you don't give us laws you shall make
us in a state of siege ! " This energetic appeal of the
honest ex-aide-de-camp of old Blucher was probably as
effective as would have been a petition a yard long.

The State was finally admitted into the Union on the

244 Fifty Years* Observation.

7th day of September, 1850, and when the news arrived
in San Francisco it was followed with extraordinary re
joicings. A ball was given in the building now standing
at the corner of Kearney and Commercial streets. It
was attended by a crowd of well-dressed male citizens
and many officers of the navy and army, but the number
of ladies was comparatively small indeed. At that time
there was not one woman to fifty men in the city. There
were a few accomplished ladies of excellent character —
Mrs. C. V. Gillespie, Mines, Vermehr, Fourgeaud,
Hooper, and a few others whose names I do not recall.
There were also a number of respectable Mexican, Ger
man, and French ladies, with whom I was not acquaint
ed. Also several handsome actresses and other females,
a portion of whom were questionable, but all classes were
represented at the ball. Every man present had a robust
appearance, for at that early period puny men had not
ventured to come to the Pacific coast, and gray-haired
persons were seldom met. The dancing continued
through the night, and at about two o'clock in the morn
ing there arose a scene of drunkenness which was as bad,
or even worse, than I had witnessed in any Atlantic city.
I saw a naval officer, in full uniform, tumble headlong
down stairs. Being plump in figure and full of drink, he
fell like a rubber ball, and was not seriously injured.
Since that time the habit of drunkenness, which is not
encouraged by the climate of California, has gradually
subsided in good society, and now an intoxicated person
is rarely seen in an assemblage of ladies and gentlemen.
The first constitution of the new State was a purely
Democratic-Republican charter, and it excluded negro
slavery. The first Senators chosen were William M.
Gwin and John C. Fremont, and the first Representatives
to Congress were Gilbert and Wright. It had been an-

California Elections. 245

ticipated by people of a sanguine disposition that the
abrogation of the mixed American, Spanish, and military
system of laws and customs under which the people had
groaned would immediately give place to good order and
prosperity under the new constitution. That happy state
of things did not follow at once, but corruption, venality,
and violence continued to prevail, as the following inci
dent will prove.

A young protege" of mine, to whom I was much at
tached, and whose name was S. L. Merchant, lived with
the officers of my post. One of his associates wished to
elect a certain municipal candidate, and urged S. L. to
vote for him ; and the two young gentlemen actually de
posited their ballots at the Presidio Precinct hustings.
S. L., not feeling quite certain that he had a right to
vote in that Precinct, expressed his uneasiness to me
in the evening. As I had been at the polls and seen
that "Yankee Sullivan," who was the most ruffianly
pugilist of his time, was exercising the office of judge of
elections, I advised my young friend not to disturb him
self until he saw the returns. They were all published
in the " Alta California " newspaper of the following
morning, but the name of the candidate for whom S. L.,
his friend, and eight or ten other electors voted, did not
appear in the list for the Presidio Precinct. " Yankee
Sullivan" disapproved of that candidate, and destroyed
all the votes that had been cast for him. Similar
methods of election, by which votes were multiplied or
subtracted according to the behests of demagogues, con
tinued till many offices were rilled with unworthy men.
Even the judges, all of whom were elective, in frequent
instances were foul in morals, deficient in legal training,
and their decisions were unjust. Thus the beneficence of
the laws was countervailed, and the people were afflicted

246 Fifty Years' Observation.

with a judiciary unworthy of confidence, and that is the
most biting curse that can befall a community under any
form of government

The year 1853 was the most productive of all in Cali
fornia gold. It was chiefly washed from the Placers, as
few gold-bearing ledges had been discovered, and the
methods of extracting it from rock were defective. A
wild prosperity prevailed during the last half of that year,
and the bricklayers and carpenters, who had worked for
$10 a day, struck successfully for $12. No reason could
be assigned for the prosperity of 1853 except the rich
ness of the placers. The capacity of the soil for the
growth of wheat and other grains was neither known nor
considered. Viticulture was at a discount, and old mer
chants declared that good wine could not be made from
California grapes. Nothing was thought of other fruits
as a source of profit, and it was anticipated by some that
all prosperity in the State. would be at an end when gold-
mining should cease to be remunerative.

The appearance of the country in the dry season was
certainly unpromising. Many portions of it were peopled
with hares, snakes, horned toads, worthless squirrels,
gophers, and numerous other rodents that burrowed
everywhere in the ground and dwelt in desolate places.

Colonel Barbour, the Indian Commissioner of 1851, a
native of the blue-grass region of Kentucky, after travel
ling leisurely from Stockton to Los Angeles, declared
that the best land he saw was not fit to raise black-eyed
peas, and that the beautiful flowers we had seen in the
San Joaquin Valley were all sterile blossoms. I had a
conversation with General (then Lieutenant) W. S. Sher
man, who in 1853 was a banker in San Francisco, of
which the following is the substance. I asked him why
he had not bought some of the fifty vara lots (square

Land in California. 247

pieces 137^ by 137^4 feet) in San Francisco before the
gold was discovered, as he might have had them for $15
a lot. " Because/' said he, "they were not worth $15
before the gold was found." I remarked that the great
New York merchants, Rowland and Aspinwall, had
thought well enough of the country without the gold
mines to build three steamers to ply between Panama and
San Francisco, and to carry the mails ten years for a
small subsidy. " Well," said Sherman, " if the mines had
not been discovered, their enterprise would have failed,
and they would have been obliged to carry back all the
people they brought here for nothing, or they would have
starved." Then I asked him why he did not purchase
land, now that the mines were so flourishing. " I don't
purchase," said he, " because they are higher now than
they ever will be in the future. The mines will become
exhausted, and in forty years the country will be a desert
again ! "

The great Daniel Webster took a similar view of Cali
fornia, and in one of his speeches he declared that it was
the poorest country in the world. The two distinguished
gentleman were deceived by lack of practical knowledge
of their subject. My faith in the agricultural wealth of
the country arose from observing the abundant products
of the soil that looked barren, while riding about
my post. I permitted a man to fence in a piece of
ground to the west of the Presidio, and to cultivate it as
a garden, on shares, for the garrison. His fence enclosed
a portion of the sand-hill, and upon that he sowed tur
nips, and watered the sand to prevent its being blown
away. I saw grown upon that white sand, which con
tained a natural mixture of marl, a turnip that was twelve
inches in diameter. Another man enclosed a patch of
moist, sandy land near Washerwoman's Bay, and took

248 Fifty Years' Observation.

from it five large crops of turnips, lettuce, and radishes in
one year. Those examples convinced me that, with a
sufficient supply of water, California could be made as
fertile as Egypt and as lovely in flowers as the Valley of
Cashmere.

After the year 1853 the production of gold fell off an
nually, and as there was not enough of commerce, manu
factures, and agriculture to make good the deficiency, the
general prosperity of all California declined so much that
in the years 1857 and 1858 there was avast shrinkage in
the value of real estate.

In all periods of commercial depression and general
scarceness the vicious classes multiply their infractions,
and become more audacious in their attacks on the prop
erty and rights of others. In 1856 crimes and assassina
tions had so increased in frequency through the corrup
tion of courts and the tricks of blackmail lawyers — cog
nate pests which the infernal powers are permitted still to
retain on earth — that the orderly people of San Francisco
rose almost in mass to suppress the evils for which there
was no remedy in ordinary forms, and to expel or put to
death the vulgar criminals and the office-holding scoun
drels. The immediate cause of the uprising was the kill
ing of James King of William, by a man named Casey.
King of William was the editor and originator of the
" Evening Bulletin," and he had exposed some of Casey's
doings in his journal of the morning, and on the evening
of the same day Casey met the editor on Montgomery
Street and shot him dead.

Mr. King of William had been a banker, and was in
duced to change his occupation partly by the stagnation
of business in San Francisco, but chiefly by his taste for
journalism. He was a handsome, healthy man, in the
prime of life, uncommonly active in body and mind., ex-

The Vigilance Committee. 249

emplary in morals, and charitable in disposition. His
sudden taking off by a base assassin was the drop that
caused the stew of corruption to overflow. His death
created a profound grief. It furnished a justifiable pre
text for vengeance upon his slayer, who was hanged by
the Vigilance Committee, which was embodied to the
number of many thousands. The people afterward con
tributed a fund of $25,000 for the support of his widow.
The committee embraced a judicial organization of its
own, the business of which was to ascertain without delay
and by common-sense methods if the accused was guilty
of the palpable crimes of murder, robbery, arson, or theft,
and if he was, to punish him at once. Against impalp
able offences and defalcations, the wickedness of which
often tends to greater harm than the former, their de
cisions were equally speedy and effective. Some of the
judges who had toyed with evil-doers, and expected tol
erance, while wearing a figurative mantle called the er
mine, were so terrified that they fled before they were
formally charged. The committee maintained its opera
tions several months, and so effectively did they cleanse
the municipal and judicial departments that for several
years succeeding San Francisco was one of the most or
derly cities in the American Union.

In the year 1857 the taxes, which had been excessive
previously,were moderate, but they did not long remain so,
since the agencies by which shiftless and idle vagabonds
and those that trade in politics employ to extract the
fruits of industry from the producers, are living forces
against which an eternal warfare must always be waged.

It was not my privilege to take any direct part in the
glorious operations of the Vigilance Committee of 1856,
as I was all the time of its continuance absent in Wash
ington Territory fighting Indians.

CHAPTER XIV.

'Indian campaigns on the Pacific Coast.— Expedition to Fort Vancouver. —
Indian Fighting.— Return to San Francisco. — Steptoe's disaster in Wash
ington Territory. — General Clark's move. — At the Dalles. — The march to
Walla Walla.— Cceur d'Alene.— More Indian Fighting.— Colonel Wright.
— Harney.

EGARDING the outbreak of the Indians in the
JL\. Puget Sound district of Washington Territory,
which occurred in 1855, and the war which followed, I
shall confine my remarks to a limited space. The hostili
ty of the tribes was so general in all the Territory, and
their devastations so cruel in many places, that General
John E. Wool, who commanded the Department of the
Pacific, thought it requisite to repair in person to Fort
Vancouver. My company, " M," Third Regiment of Ar
tillery, embarked with him on board the steamer Cali
fornia, Captain William E. Ball, and proceeded north
ward, early in November, 1855. We arrived off the
mouth of the Columbia River in the afternoon,
and although a fierce wind had covered the whole bar
from shore to shore and for several miles up and down
with a white foam, it was decided to cross at once. There
happened to be a pilot on board, and he and the captain
stood together on the bridge. The head of steam was in
creased to secure steerage-way in the billows, and we
moved up against a strong ebb tide at a fair rate of
speed till we reached about midway in the passage, when
a flue collapsed, drove all the burning coals from under
one of the boilers, and set fire to the ship, which immedi-

Fire on Shipboard. 251

atejy lost headway so much that she ceased for a moment
to obey her rudder. The pilot lost courage, exclaimed,
" She's a goner ! " and started down from the bridge.
Captain Ball instantly resumed command, called out to
the firemen to feed the remaining fires with lard and tal
low, and after a few seconds the ship began to move for
ward, and at the end of an hour we were anchored off
Astoria.

When the steamer lost headway the lead showed a
draught of water almost exactly corresponding with that
of the vessel, but fortunately she did not ground. If she
had struck, not a soul on board could by possibility have
been saved. Some of the soldiers, as they saw the pilot
quitting his post, came to me in terror, and asked
what they should do. I replied, " Take hold of that hose
and let us put out that fire in the hold." I carried the
end of the hose down the steps as far as I could breathe,
the men pumped, and in a short time the flames were ex
tinguished. General Wool was perfectly calm, as were the
other officers, but it is certain none of us ever escaped a
greater danger than on that occasion, and such was the
opinion of the eight or ten shipmasters who were among
the passengers. Captain Ball's intrepidity was the admi
ration of every man on board the ship.

From the Columbia River, 'General Wool ordered me
to proceed in another transport to Steilacoom and assume
command of the Puget Sound Bistrict. I arrived there
on the 24th day of November, 1855, and found a con
dition of wild alarm. Many families had been massacred,
and the surviving settlers were all collected in the small
towns. There were only two skeleton companies of
regular infantry and a few companies of volunteers in the
district, and they were widely scattered. Lieutenant
Slaughter, with one company, guarded a stockade at the

252 Fifty Years' Observation.

north of the Puyallup, and I arranged an interview with
him with the aid of a friendly Indian. I went out twenty
miles from Fort Steilacoom, and conversed with him
across the river, which was so deep and rapid that my
volunteer messenger, after delivering my note to Slaugh
ter, lost his horse in returning, but saved himself.
Slaughter assured me that he was safe from attack in his
strong block-house, with plenty of supplies, and that,
owing to the high state of the water in the streams and
the smallness of my force in men and animals, it would
be folly to invade the Indian country before the arrival
of reinforcements, and the subsidence of the streams.
Recommending caution and vigilance on his part, I re
turned to my post.

Four days later, to wit, on the 4th of December,
Lieutenant Slaughter was killed by a party of Indians,
headed by the famous Klicitat Chief, Kanaskat. As
William A. Slaughter was a graduate of the West Point
Military Academy of the class of 1848, and a pupil of
mine, I will transcribe the circumstances of his death
from my journal.

"December*], 1855. — At about 4.30 to-day, news was
brought that Lieutenant Slaughter, 4th Infantry, had
been shot by the Indians. On the 3d instant he left his
camp at Morrison's, near the Puyallup, with fifty-four
soldiers. He had with him Lieutenant James E. Harri
son of the marine corps, and Dr. Taylor of the navy. On
the afternoon of the 4th they arrived at a deserted farm
on Brannan's Prairie, which is two miles from the fork of
White and Green rivers, where there is a post com
manded by Captain Hewett of the volunteers. Hewett
came up to see Slaughter, and to tell him he had been
scouting over the neighborhood all day, and that he
found no signs of Indians. As Slaughter, who had come^

Death of Lieut. Slaughter. 253

from another direction, discovered none, they considered
themselves safe, and they allowed fires to be built and
kept burning long after dark. In this they made a fatal
mistake, as among hostile savages there is no safety ex
cept by keeping dark and well guarded. This I had
learned from my service in Florida, and that in a cam
paign against Indians, the front is all around, and the
rear nowhere.

" The men were busy cooking their suppers, and the offi
cers, Slaughter, Hewett, Harrison, and Taylor, were con
versing in a small log hut, which stood near the fence at
the edge of the prairie. All this while a band of red
skins, directed by Kanaskat, were creeping up and ar
ranging themselves in a thicket of brush and tall grass
that stood a hundred yards distant. The sentinel had
noticed the rustling of the grass, and heard what he sup
posed was the grunting of hogs, and as the settlers had
often left their animals at their farms, he paid no atten
tion to those noises. At a little past seven o'clock, the
Indians fired a volley, aimed mostly at the hut. One
bullet passed between the logs and directly through
Slaughter's heart. He fell over and expired in a minute.
His only words were : ' Take care of yourselves, I am
dying!' Two corporals were killed outright, and four
private soldiers wounded, one of whom died the following
day. After a single volley the Indians withdrew."

Among the Indian chiefs of the Puget Sound district
were five whose names were on every tongue. These were
Pat Kanim, Kanaskat, Kitsap, Quimelt, and Leschi. Pat
Kanim remained friendly, although he confessed to me
that he had two turn turns (hearts), one of which inclined
him to fight the Bostons (whites), and the other to keep
the peace because he thought them too strong! The
other four were hostile, and Kanaskat, above the others.

254 Fifty Years' Observation.

was the most deadly foe to our race. This chief was en-
gaged in nearly all the murders that brought on the con
flict. He was not only noted for the ingenious devices of
torture that he would practise on his victims, but for the
ferocious pertinacity with which he began and continued
the war. He boasted that he could prolong it five years,
and that no bullet could kill him.

Cutmouth John and other messengers who came to me
from the hostile camp all gave the same account of
Kanaskat. He would have nothing to say about peace,
but would sit apart in obstinate sulkiness. Kanaskat's rep
utation extended beyond the mountains, and Ohwi sent his
son Qualchein and another young brave from the Yackima
country to learn from him the art of fighting in the night
time. He was a model Indian patriot, hardy and enter
prising, perfect in feral stealth, and vengeance was his
ruling quality. He hated all the white settlers, and
rather than they should possess his country he preferred
to perish. It chanced that I laid the plan which resulted
in the death of Kanaskat, as will appear from the follow
ing account which I wrote in my journal the day it oc
curred.

I transcribe all the facts as then recorded :

Colonel Silas Casey, of the gth Infantry, having arrived
with reinforcements of men and animals, a force under
his command left Fort Steilacoom on the 26th of February
1846, to operate against the Indians. We crossed the
Puyallup at a point eighteen miles distant to a post com
manded by Captain Maurice Malony. Here we remained
till the morning of the 28th, and then marched eight
miles up the right bank to Lemmon's Prairie, and pitched
our tents.

Lemmon's Prairie is small, and at that time it was
bordered with a fringe of trees and bushes on the side of

At Lemmorfs Prairie. 255

the river, from which it is distant about half a mile. On
the opposite side was a wooded steep hill, at the base of
which was a narrow stream spanned by a bridge of logs.
From thence a wood road wound up the hill into the
country of the hostiles.

Being second in command, I was detailed officer of the
day, and became responsible for the safety of the camp.
After guard mounting, I took with me the non-commis
sioned officers, and with them made the entire circuit of
the camp, keeping within and near the fringe of trees
and brush all the way around. On the river side I ordered
single sentinels to be posted, but on the slope of the hill
I found two points from which an enemy might fire upon
the tents. At the first I ordered three guards to be posted,
of which one sentinel would stand in a spot which I indi
cated, and the other two would lie down near by. Then
proceeding along 150 yards, I came to the trail leading up
the hill, and selected another post for three men as at the
first. From this the sentinel could look up the road 100
yards to where it made an angle to the left. After that,
I continued my circuit to a spot where I obtained a view
up the road beyond the elbow. It was in a small open
space, near a large tree from the shadow of which an
Indian could watch the officers coming out of their tents
at break of day, fire on them, and retreat in safety. I
therefore ordered Sergeant Newton of my company, who
was the chief non-commissioned officer of the guard, to
establish the picket here instead of at the crossing of the
trail. The sergeant differed so strongly in opinion from
me that he ventured to remonstrate, but I over-ruled
him, and told him that the place where we stood was de
cidedly the best of all, and that good men must occupy it.
I gave minute directions for the sentinel to stand near
the trunk of the tree, and watch the road up the hill

256 Fifty Years' Observation.

above the turn, for if the Indians came they must cer
tainly come that way.

Having completed the circuit of the camp, and made
myself acquainted with every possible approach to it, I
returned and made another inspection of the guard. Ob
serving that Private Kehl, of Company D, of the Qth
Infantry, had a determined countenance, I selected him
for one of the important picket guards. Then I addressed
the men as follows : (I will copy here the exact words of
my journal) "You must take care to-night not to make a
false alarm. I am the officer of the day, and should con
sider myself disgraced by a false alarm. Be sure that you
fire at nothing but an Indian, and be sure also if you do
fire that you get him."

Private Kehl, with his two companions, went to the
post assigned them, and in the morning, soon after five
o'clock, Kehl was standing sentinel under the tree. It
was before daybreak, but the cooks had already lighted
their fires, and the watchful soldier saw a gleam of light
reflected from the barrel of a rifle a hundred yards up the
trail beyond the bend. Then in a few minutes he saw
five Indians in single file creeping stealthily down the
hill. The one in front was waving his right hand back
ward to caution the four who followed him. Kehl stood
motionless till the leader came nearly abreast of him ;
then with deliberate aim he fired, and the great chief
Kanaskat fell. At the report of his shot, I ran out to the
bridge, where I heard Sergeant Newton forty yards be
yond cry out, " We've got an Indian ! " He and another
man were dragging him along by the heels. The savage
had been shot through the spine, and his legs were para
lyzed, but the strength of his arms and voice was not
affected. He made motions to draw a knife. I ordered
two soldiers to hold him, and it required all their strength

Death of Kanaskat. 257

to do so. As they dragged him across the bridge, I
followed, and he continued to call out in a language I did
not understand. Some one came up who recognized
the wounded Indian, and exclaimed, " Kanaskat ! "
" Nawitka ! " said he with tremendous energy, his voice
rising to a scream — " Kanaskat — Tyee — Mamelouse nica —
nica mamelouse Bostons " — yes, Kanaskat — chief — Kill me,
I kill Bostons. He added, " My heart is wicked towards the
whites, and always will be, and you had better kill me."
Then he began to call out in his native language, not a
word of which could any of us understand. I ordered two
soldiers to stop his mouth, but they were unable to do so.
He appeared to be yelling for his comrades, and two
other shots were fired from the pickets on the hill, when
Corporal O'Shaughnessy, who was standing by, placed
the muzzle of his rifle close to the chieftain's temple, blew
a hole through his head, and scattered the brains about.

During all the frantic imprecations of the prostrate
savage, I was standing only two yards from his feet, look
ing at his face. I have seen men in rage, and women in
despair, and maniacs, but never before did I gaze on a
human countenance in which hate and blasted hope were
so horribly depicted, as in that of Kanaskat. It seemed
to me, while I was regarding the fierce contortions and
burning gaze of the dying chief, that I was in the presence
of a defiant demon whose fitting habitation was the most
fulgent cavern of Hell.

After death the countenance of Kanaskat wore the ex
pression nafural to it in life, saving that the infernal fires
that glowed from the depth of his eyeballs had gone out
with the vital spark. There was a diabolical fascination
in the massive jaw, 'fixed scowl, and bronzed skin of the
monster's visage, that drew me to cross the field several
times to gaze on it where he lay, face up and eyes wide

258 Fifty Years' Observation.

open. I even dismounted from my horse, when ready to
march, and wandered apart to look on him once more.
It seemed that every moment of his life had deposited a
particle of matter to form a perfect image of vengeance.
There was no line that pity or tenderness, or holy medi
tation had ever traced upon it. It presented a scene of
absolute moral desolation more awful than the Dead Sea
or the crater of Etna.

Regarding the carcass of the dead chief as that of an
unclean animal that men hunt for the love of havoc, we
left it in the field unburied, and went on our way to fight
his people.

Leaving Lemmon's Prairie on the morning of March I,
we advanced into the enemy's country, and at mid-day
we were met by two messengers, a white man and an
Indian, sent by Lieutenant A. V. Kautz of the Qth In
fantry, to inform us that he, with his company, was held
at bay on the right bank of White River by a large body
of Indians. Kautz's men were intrenched within a huge
pile of dead timber and trees that had collected on the
edge of the stream. Colonel Casey immediately detached
me with fifty-four soldiers to go to his relief. I took the
Indian boy, who was only fifteen years old, for guide.
We pushed forward with all possible speed a distance of
eighj or nine miles, but instead of leading me to the ford,
the young rascal conducted us to a point half a mile
below, where the contracted torrent was absolutely im
passable. I called the boy to me and told him to show
me the crossing, or I would shoot him on the spot. He
replied, 4t Nica cumtux" (I know), and led the way
through the woods to a place where the river spread out
to three times its width below. I ordered the soldiers to
fasten their cartridge-boxes about their shoulders, and
then we dashed in and passed over without accident, al-

White River. 259

though the water, which was ice-cold, came up to the
armpits of the short men, and ran like a mill-race.

Between the water's edge and the bluff on the opposite
side of the river was a grass-covered slope about two
hundred yards wide. The bluff or bank was not high, and
it was so thickly covered with trees and brush that not an
enemy could be seen. I deployed my men as skirmishers,
and Kautz, who had left the wood-pile, did the same,
and I ordered the whole to charge. The Indians fired a
volley, enough to kill every one of us, but they aimed
too high, and only one man was struck, and that was
Lieutenant Kautz. A rifle-ball passed through his leg,
but I was not aware that he had been wounded until the
battle was over. After one discharge, the Indians ran,
and we pursued them through the woods half a mile, at
double quick time, to the base of a steep hill, on the brow
of which they made a stand, and, with derisive epithets,
dared us to come on. The slope of the hill for a
distance of 200 yards was bare, and at the top were
many large standing and fallen trees, which afforded
cover to the enemy and gave him a great advantage.
Lieutenant David B. McKibbin of Kautz's Company, Qth
Infantry, was in line with the front rank, and when half
way up the slope the savages arose with a whoop and
opened fire. Several soldiers fell, but McKibbin's gal
lantry encouraged the others, and not one flinched. I
was at the moment just coming up the slope of the hill,
and we all pressed forward, and in a short time our
victory was complete. Our number engaged was 100,
and we lost two killed and eight wounded. The smallness
of our loss was probably due to the bravery of the men,
who rushed upon the Indians, disconcerting them, and
fifty of their shots went over our heads for every one that
took effect.

260 Fifty Years1 Observation.

The death of their most warlike chief, and the decisive
victory we achieved on the first of March, dismayed the
redskins, and thereafter all their energies were exerted to
avoid a battle with the regulars, although they fought
afterwards with the volunteers. We hunted and pursued
them almost without intermission night or day for two
months, over hills and dales, through swamps and
thickets. It rained more than half the time, and the in
fluence of Mount Regnier and its vast, eternal covering
of snow upon the temperature made the nights exces
sively cold. Such was our liability to surprise, that we
were obliged to be ready to fight at all times, and there
was not an hour of darkness during the active operations
that I could not have stood outside my tent equipped at
the end of one minute from the first sound of alarm.
The hardships of that campaign, in which the pluck and
endurance of Kautz, Sukely, Mendell, and several others
were so severely tested, caused me afterwards to regard
the seven days' fight before Richmond as a comparative
recreation. I was the second in rank to Colonel Silas
Casey, who had had much experience on the frontiers.
My position was one which, in the army, frequently pro
vokes grumbling and censoriousness, but I found no fault
with his arrangements, and thought he displayed decided
ability in the conduct of his campaign. A year later I
had a conversation in San Francisco with Colonel Casey
as he was embarking for Washington. He then stated to
me that tile-victory of March 1st, 1856, in which I com
manded, saved the Government not less than $5,000,000.
He also said on the same occasion that the plan I laid re
sulted in the killing of the Chief Kanaskat. He promised
to use his influence to have me breveted, and he ex
pected a brevet for himself, which he certainly deserved.
In those days, however, when Mr. Jefferson Davis was

Surgeon Sukely. 261

Secretary of War, the exploits of Northern officers were
not much regarded, and neither of us received the slight
est notice.

In my plan to kill Kanaskat I suspended two regula
tions — one that required a single sentinel to walk his
post, and thus to enable a skulking savage to see and
avoid him, and another which prescribed the relief of
the sentinels at intervals of one or two hours by a de
tachment of the guard making its rounds for that pur
pose or to see if they are awake. I posted three men in
a single spot where they were all concealed under trees
and behind logs or stones, with orders for one to stand
still and watch, and from time to time to awaken the man
who was to take his place.

The above-described plan originated with me, so far as
I know. Its originality with me is conceded by General
A. V. Kautz, of the United States Infantry, and Colonel
George H. Mendell, of the Engineer Corps, both of
whom were most efficient actors with me in the cam
paign of 1856, and are men of unimpeachable integrity.
After writing my account of our operations, I received
letters from those two officers corroborative of my de
scriptions.

Surgeon George Sukeley, whom I have already men
tioned, was with us on nearly all our scouting expedi
tions. He was a man of genius and devoted to science.
His activity of body and mind was extraordinary, and he
was equally admired by the army, the citizens, and the
friendly Indians. He collected and forwarded to the
Smithsonian Institute a vast number of beasts, birds,
fishes, reptiles, and insects peculiar to the country we
were in ; likewise many bones, jaws, and skulls of dead
Indians. He also sent the head of an enormous wolf,
which one of the sentinels shot while on post at Muckle-

262 Fifty Years' Observation.

shoot Prairie. He had in his employ an old squaw who
was able to tell him the Indian names of every quad
ruped, snake, worm, bug, insect, fish, creeping, swimming,
flying, or burrowing animal that he found, and many that
he did not find, but which she discovered and brought to
him. If Cuvier or Agassiz had known of the existence of
that squaw they would have gone half round the world
to consult her, for she was an unexampled genius and a
veritable she Aristotle.

We had another gentleman, Mr. George Gibbs, who
was in civil government employ and who was a member
of the officers' mess at Steilacoom, and who is worthy of
mention for the reason that he possessed many accom
plishments and amiable qualities. Gibbs devoted much
time to the dialects of the aborigines, and became a mas
ter of the Chinook jargon. All unwritten languages are
difficult to learn, but he was able to speak them so well
that he astonished the Indians themselves. The Chinook
dialect is made up of the distorted and truncated words
and phrases of the Russian, English, French, and native
languages. It was remarked that Gibbs could speak
Chinook better than any other man, white or red. He
came down to San Francisco, and one morning put on the
dress and headgear which he had worn among the sav
ages. In that rig he entered a fashionable shop to make
purchases. He inquired for various articles, but none of
the shopmen could comprehend him. They sent out for
linguists of various nations and tribes, of which there
were many in the city, but not one could speak Chinook.
Gibbs wore a long beard and a serious countenance, and
appeared anxious to make himself understood. Finally,
after babbling his jargon for half an hour, he walked
away, leaving the wondering crowd to conjecture his na-
^ionality.

General Ord. 263

The Indian war in the Puget Sound district being at an
end, I was ordered by Colonel Casey in the month of Oc
tober, 1856, to return to my post, the delightful Presidio
of San Francisco. The year succeeding was too barren
of incident to require especial notice.

In the month of May, 1858, I was a member of a court-
martial convened at Fort Miller, on the San Joaquin
River. Captain E. O. C. Ord was the commanding offi
cer, and his family were with him at his post. They en
tertained the members of the court-martial bountifully,
and the loving harmony of that household was delightful
to observe. Ord was cheerful and domestic in his habits,
and his accomplished wife told me that her life had been
joyous. Little did she foresee what the future had in
store for her gallant husband, or what sorrow for herself.
General Ord, although a Virginian by birth, illustrated his
name in the Northern armies during our civil war. If
we except General Crook, for a shorter time he probably
did as much constant hard service as any other officer in
the army. After forty years of active duty he was re
tired, went to Mexico, where he exercised important
civil functions, and married one of his daughters to a gen
eral of that country. Being still in vigorous health and
prosperous, he left Vera Cruz in the month of August,
1883, for a trip to Cuba, and while on board the ship was
taken down v/ith yellow fever and died.

It was on the very site of Fort Miller, in the same
month of May seven years before, that I saw assembled
above 1, 200 aborigines, natives of the adjacent plains and
mountains, many of whom had never seen a white man
till they came to treat with us. I was then impressed
with the appearance of several chiefs, and remembered the
general aspect of all. Especially was I struck with the
activity of the young Indians of both sexes while they

264 Fifty Years' Observation.

amused themselves with football and other rough sports.
As all those Indians had been assigned to a reservation
of which Fort Miller was a central point, I inquired for
several individuals whom I remembered. I was told that
they were nearly all dead, victims to drunkenness, and
that of the whole number I then saw in such full activity
not above fifty remained. I took pains to see the wretch
ed survivors, and was shocked with the spectacle of deg
radation and self-abandonment they presented.

To show the care bestowed upon its copper-colored
wards by our Government when it collected them upon
reservations, I might relate many incidents that I have
learned by observation and credible report, but shall
limit myself to one. The commissioners, McKee,Woozen-
croft, and Barbour, made generous provisions for the
denizens of the San Joaquin Valley. The reservations
were extensive, and the Indians were to be supplied with
agricultural implements, seeds, work animals, blacksmiths,
schools, and many other useful things, the most essential
to them being beef cattle. About ten years subse
quent to the treaties made by those commissioners, a
herdsman who had been employed by contractors to fur
nish beeves to these Indians on their reservations de
clared to me, as a solemn truth, that he had delivered and
had receipted for one and the same old Toruno (stag)
twenty-seven times. The weight of that beast was en
tered in the accounts and paid for at figures varying from
1,000 to 1, 100 pounds. That old stag was an energetic quad
ruped, and would break loose invariably the night after
he was receipted for, and return to the corral to which he
was habituated, and where he was always well cared for.
If I were to write a treatise on the relations between theo
retic and practical benevolence, I should select for my sub
ject the Indian policy of the United States Government.

Steptoe's Disaster. 265

Towards the end of May, 1858, news was received in
San Francisco of Colonel Steptoe's disaster at the north
of Snake River, Washington Territory. The Colonel had
been detached from Walla Walla with 1 59 men to capt
ure cattle thieves, and while on his march towards Fort
Colville he was attacked by a thousand or more Spokans,
Pelouses, Cceur d'Alenes, and Yackimas, and obliged to
retreat. His small band defended themselves from morn
ing till night, and Captain H. P. Taylor, Lieutenant Will
iam Gaston, and several of the rank and file were killed.
The balance had the good fortune to get away in the
darkness, and at ten o'clock on the morning of the i/th,
after a ride of 75 miles, they reached a place of safety at
the south of the river. Considering the fatigue of a
whole day's fighting with the Indians, the flight of 75
miles during the succeeding night, without the loss of a
man that started, was an evidence of endurance that has
few examples in history.

General N. 3. Clark, the commander of the Department
of the Pacific, lost no time in sending northward all the
available troops in California. I arrived at the Dalles
with two companies on the 2 1st of June, and on the 24 th
was joined by two other companies, the four being under
my orders and all encamped together. From the 25th of
June till the 7th of July I lost no time in preparing my
force to fight the Indians. I had numerous targets the
height of a man set up at various distances on even and
uneven ground, and for several hours every day, Sundays
not excepted, I caused the soldiers, individually and col
lectively, to fire at those targets. In every case they
were required to estimate the distance, which was after
wards told, and required to adjust their aim accordingly.
The effect of that drilling was wonderful, and I estimated
it as giving a quadruple value to my numbers. I told the
12

266 Fifty Years' Observation.

men that our operations would probably be in an open
prairie country, and that their muskets being of a longer
range than those sold by the Hudson Bay Company to
the enemy, they could aim at an Indian as securely as at
a plank.

The march of 177 miles from the Dalles to Walla
Walla was fatiguing, as the weather was excessively hot,
and in places the ground was so difficult that it occupied
twelve days. Colonel George H. Wright of the Ninth In-
fantry was assigned to the command of the expedition,
and it required time to organize and send forward his
little army to the point on the south side of the Snake
River which he selected to cross to the country of the
hostiles. It was at the mouth of a little stream called the
Tucanon, and in obedience to orders, as soon as I ar
rived there in the advance I caused a small fort to be con
structed, which was left in charge of Brevet Major F. O.
Wyse, with one company of artillery.

I had never before served under the orders of
Colonel Wright, but from a slight personal acquaintance
with him and many favorable reports I had conceived
great respect for his military capacity. I was glad, there
fore, to be his lieutenant, and to receive from him the
command of a battalion of six companies of artillery
serving as infantry. Major William N. Grier commanded
the dragoons, about 200 in number; Lieutenant White,
the mountain howitzer company ; Captain Winder, a
company of riflemen, and Lieutenant Dent, brother-in-
law to General Grant, a company of infantry. Lieutenant
John Mullan had under his orders 33 friendly Nez Perces
Indians, who were to act as guides, scouts, and inter
preters. Mullan was also the topographical engineer of
the expedition, and he was well acquainted with the
country we were to operate in. Captain R. W. Kirkham

Indian Fighting. 267

was quartermaster and commissary. Surgeon J. F. Ham
mond, brother to Senator Hammond of South Carolina
and author of the expression " mudsills," was the chief
of the medical staff, Lieutenant P. A. Owen acting
adjutant-general, and Lieutenant L. Kipp, Third Artil
lery, adjutant of my battalion.

All the detachments, numbering about 900 men, having
arrived, we crossed the river on the 25th and 26th days of
August— the men, baggage, provisions for 40 days, and
ammunition in boats, of which there was a great scarcity,
and about 700 mules and horses swimming the rapid
stream, with Indians alongside the leaders to keep them
headed towards the opposite shore. That was a singular
and amusing sight. It was a stupendous task to pack
400 mules the next morning, but Kirkham's arrangements
were so effective that it was accomplished at five o'clock,
at which hour we left the river to find the enemy.

Numerous reports and stories had reached us that the
Indians were exulting in their victory over Steptoe, and
they were confident that not a man of us who crossed the
Snake River would return alive. On the 3<Dth of August
they first showed themselves in small scouting parties,
and the next day they appeared in considerable numbers,
skirting our line of march for several hours, but keeping
out of gunshot. They were apparently luring us on to a
favorable spot they had previously selected to attack and
destroy us.

Towards the end of our march, on the 3ist of August,
Colonel Wright and his escort having preceded me about
half a mile and encamped, the Indians set fire to the
grass, and under cover of the smoke, approached and
fired upon the rear guard. We had kept the pack train
well closed, and upon hearing the first shots I ordered the
three companies of Winder, Ihrie, and Hardie and Dent

268 Fifty Years' Observation.

to deploy at double-quick time as skirmishers across the
rear and along the two sides of the column, while the
front was well protected by Captain Ord. Within five
minutes from the first command the whole train and every
thing else was enclosed in a rectangle of armed men, and
the attack repulsed. The promptness of the manoeuvre
was admirable, and showed the benefit of discipline and
previous instruction.

The battle of the Four Lakes was fought on the 1st of
September, 1858. It was not Colonel Wright's intention
to attack that day, but to rest the men and animals in the
beautiful camp established the evening before. His de
termination was changed, however, by the appearance in
the morning of a considerable body of the enemy on a
neighboring hill, and the report of our Nez Perces scouts
of many more beyond. The Colonel having arranged his
plan, the whole force, with the exception of a guard to
protect the camp and pack-train, marched about a mile
to the foot of the eminence, from whence Gregg's dra
goons, Ord's company, and Mullan with his scouts were
ordered up to dislodge the hostiles, which was quickly
done. Then our commander ascended with his staff, fol
lowed by me and my battalion and the artillery. When
we reached the summit we halted a few minutes to view
an animated spectacle. We could see the four lakes and
the gullies and patches of woods bordering the water, and
a vast plain stretching away to the front and left. The
natural scenery was interesting, but its effect was wonder
fully heightened by the thousand or more savage warriors
who were riding furiously hither and thither over the
plain or issuing from the woods and valleys. The bar
barous host was armed with Hudson Bay muskets, spears,
bows and arrows, and apparently they were subject to no
order or command. The brilliant morning sun, which il-

Indian Fighting. 269

luminated the purest air of the continent, enabled me to
distinguish through my field-glass the individual savages,
their horses, their trappings, and equipments. Both men
and animals were smeared and striped with gaudy pig
ments and bedecked with the feathers and plumes of
birds of prey. The skins of bears, wolves, and the buffalo
served generally for saddles, and the whole display was
enhanced by the frantic gestures and yells of the war
riors, who brandished their weapons in defiance.

Colonel Wright indicated to me my point of attack,
and I descended to the plain, where I ordered several
companies to deploy as skirmishers and to advance firing.
Our first discharge seemed to surprise the Indians, and
those nearest scampered off, but some would turn back
and fire upon us. After clearing the broken ground, we
made way for Grier to pass on the right. He ordered his
men to charge, and they started off handsomely, but his
horses had been marching without a day's rest for nearly
a month, and they scarcely gained on the hardy Indian
ponies, which were all fresh. Lieutenant Gregg, who was
a splendid sabreur, overtook one of the flying rascals, and
with a blow of his blade split his skull in two. I pursued
and fought the enemy nearly three hours, and upon
reaching a hill over which the savages had disappeared I
was obliged to halt the advance to allow a considerable
number of the soldiers who were fatigued and overheated
to come up. On reaching the crest of the hill I could see
not more than ten or fifteen Indians, the main body hav
ing fled to the woods beyond. While I was halted the
recall was sounded, and I returned to camp after an
absence of about four hours. The plain was scattered
with Indian muskets, bows, arrows, blankets, skins and
trinkets which had been abandoned by the warriors in
their flight, but they had carried off their killed and

270 Fifty Years' Observation.

wounded, according to custom. We could not ascertain
from observation during the fight the exact loss of the
enemy, but we were certain that a considerable number
were slain, and from subsequent enquiry and information,
we concluded that not less than sixty Indians were killed
and wounded. Of my battalion not a man was hit. As
I had anticipated, our long-ranged arms, discipline, and
careful previous instruction secured our safety, and en
abled us to thin the number of the savages until their
panic-flight took them beyond our reach. The impor
tance of the victory of the Four Lakes was not the less for
having been bloodless for us, and it stimulated the
soldiers greatly.

The men and animals needed rest ; we remained in
camp at the Four Lakes until six o'clock on the morning
of September 5, when we resumed our advance. At first
we saw no Indians, but at the end of an hour they began
to show themselves, and to move along parallel with our
line of march over the rough ground, beyond which was
the great Spokan Plain. We had advanced far within
the prairie, when, all at once, we saw the savages setting
fire to the tall dry grass with which the plain was covered
nearly all around us. A strong wind was blowing in our
faces, and the flames were shooting high and constantly
extending. Our situation was sufficiently alarming when
we discovered, a few hundred yards to the front and left, a
patch of bare rock and scant herbage. Upon that we
collected our animals in haste, and the drivers put out
the fire on the short stubble, which gave room and saved
us from a stampede. Meanwhile the enemy had opened
fire upon us, and our men passed through where the
flames were least, Grier and his dragoons leading, and
commenced the battle of Spokan Plains. That battle
ended fourteen miles from where it began, and the field

Battle of Spokan Plains. 271

upon which it was fought embraced hills and ravines,
woods, rocks, and bare level ground. I kept one, and oc
casionally two, companies in close order, and the others
deployed, so that my line of battle was often above a
mile long. The woods and openings alternated in long
strips, and riding at full speed to and fro, along the rear,
enabled me to see the Indians when they passed across
those openings, as they did frequently in both directions.
As soon as I saw them making to the right or the left, I
ordered forward reinforcements to meet them wherever
they opened fire. The activity and spirit displayed by
the officers of my battalion left nothing to be desired.
They certainly did their best and did well. It is not
easy to discriminate, and I name them as they occur to my
memory — Captains E. O. C. Ord and J. A. Hardie,
Lieutenants H. G. Gibson, R. P. Tyler, J. L. White, G. F.
B. Dandy, M. R. Morgan, Ihrie, D. R. Ransom, and my
adjutant, Lawrence Kipp. There were probably 1,000 In
dian warriors opposed to us, and among them were some of
the Pend d'Oreilles and the famous Yackima chief, Kam-
miakin. He was severely wounded by a splinter torn
from a tree that was struck by one of White's howitzer
shells. On our side not a man was killed, and only one
wounded. The loss of the enemy was considerable, but
it could not be ascertained, on account of their invari
able habit of carrying away their killed and wounded.
The country fought over was without water, and
when we reached the Spokan River, and pitched our
camp, twenty-five miles distant from the former, the
whole command, men and animals, were nearly ex
hausted. It was estimated that I had ridden eighty
miles on the same pony of incredible endurance. I kept
my saddle till my tent was pitched ; then I dismounted,
took a glass of wine, gave orders not to disturb me, and

272 Fifty Years' Observation.

lay down on my back to rest. For half an hour I did not
move a muscle, and felt the whole time that if I did move
one I should die. At the end of an hour I was restored,
and no one had noticed my debility. Never before, or
since, was I so nearly finished by the toil of war.

September 8. — Instead of crossing the Spokan River
we kept up along the south bank over an extensive
grassy plain. As we advanced we saw a great cloud of
dust rising up far ahead. Then we discovered what we
mistook for a patch of brown, bare earth on the side of
the mountain, but by close watching we saw it move. It
was a band of cattle. After marching eight miles fur
ther, the train was halted and left in charge of Ord's and
Gibson's companies of artillery and a company of dra
goons. Gregg's, with the balance of my command, I
pushed forward, following Colonel Wright and staff,
Grier's three companies of dragoons, and the Nez Perces
guides. I marched my foot-soldiers eighteen miles at
quick time, without a halt, to the top of a range of hills.
From their summit we discovered, far across a beautiful
lake and plain, many moving specks, which were horses.
Grier had overtaken and captured them without opposi
tion. The band consisted of about 1,000 horses, mares,
and colts, which were the property of a Tyee whose name
was Tilcohitz ; and he was a great thief and rascal.

At first Colonel Wright and others were not disposed to
kill the horses, thinking them too valuable. I told him I
should not sleep so long as they remained alive, as I re
garded them the main dependence and most prized of all
the possessions of the Indians, who would find a way to
stampede them. Finally the Colonel organized a board
of officers, of which I was president, to determine what
should be done with the horses. The board decided to
allow the officers and the quartermaster to select a cer-

Proposals for Peace. 273

tain number, and the friendly Indians were to choose one
or two each, and in this way about 200 were disposed of
for the present. For the others a high enclosure was
constructed, the poor animals driven in, and the work of
shooting commenced. The soldiers soon learned that by
planting a bullet just behind the ears the animal would
drop dead at once. In two days the number shot by
actual tally was 690, and the expenditure of cartridges
about twice as many. It was a cruel sight to see so many
noble beasts shot down. They were all sleek, glossy, and
fat, and as I love a horse, I fancied I saw in their beauti
ful faces an appeal for mercy. Towards the last the
soldiers appeared to exult in their bloody task ; and such
is the ferocious character of men.

While the work of destruction was going on I saw an
Indian approaching our camp, carrying in his hand a long
pole from which a strip of white cloth was flying, and in
the cleft end of the pole was a letter. The letter was
from Father Joset, S. J., of the Cceur d'Alene mission,
written to inform Colonel Wright that in consequence of
our victories the hostiles were completely cast down, and
that they wished him to be their intercessor for peace.
The father added in his communication that the friend-
lies were delighted at our victories, as they had been
threatened with punishment by the hostiles for not fight
ing.

On the nth of September we crossed the Spokan, and
ours was the first civilized army that ever passed that
stream. Our first march beyond was through a rich agri
cultural country, where we found many rude huts and
numerous stacks of wheat. The dragoons all fed their
horses with wheat, and each carried away one or two
sheaves. The large balance we burned, so that desola
tion marked our tracks. We encamped on the edge of

274 Fifty Years' Observation.

the beautiful Cceur d'Alene Lake, and after a tedious
march over a narrow trail through the mountain forest
we arrived, on the I3th, at the mission of the same
name.

The next day I visited the mission, which was estab
lished in 1846. The church was built of logs, spacious,
but unfinished. Everything within and around had a rustic
appearance. Father Joset, Father Minitree, and two lay
brothers were there. In this savage, out-of-the-way place
they were obliged to live and labor with the aborigines.
In the evening I supped with the fathers. They had
plenty of excellent beef, vegetables, and milk, but the
table and its service were as plain as possible.

In Father Joset I found a cultivated gentleman in the
prime of life, fit to adorn the most polished society in
the world. I was unable to restrain my expressions of
astonishment when he informed me that he had passed
the last fourteen years in the wilderness with the savages.
I asked him if he had no longings for a better life and
society. " No," said he, " I am content and happy where
I am. In your profession an outward obedience to orders
is all that is required of you, but in the society to which
I belong obedience must be internal, and cheerful, and
ready. I am happy, and have no desire to exchange
situations with any person."

Twice every day while I remained at the mission I had
conversations with Father Joset, which increased my
admiration for his character and my estimation of his
self-denial. He instructed me how his Church had pre
served the traditions and dogmas of Christianity, and
sustained the purity of the faith, and it was primarily
due to his influence that I enrolled myself, at a subse
quent date, in the Roman Catholic Church. By his
explanations and revelations Father Joset revealed to

The Treaty. 275

my mind vistas through which the light from Calvary
shone more pure and brilliant than ever before.

The hostiles, who, in the beginning were so confident
and audacious, finding themselves absolutely powerless
to resist us in the field, changed their policy and became
the most humble supplicants for peace. Large numbers
came to the mission every day, and on the i/th of Sep
tember a council was held at which ninety-five chiefs and
head men were present, besides numerous squaws and
pappooses. The terms of the treaty were not harsh, and
old chief Polotkin was so much pleased that he assured
Colonel Wright that all his people would cheerfully sub
mit, which they subsequently did.

Vincent, the principal chief of the Cceur d'Alenes,
and Polotkin, the head of the Pelouses, both signed the
treaty and kept their promises.

While at the mission Colonel Wright invited me to
read all his letters, orders and reports. His orders I
knew, as they had all been published to the command. I
made a careful examination of every document written
by the colonel during the campaign, and found in them
continual proofs of justice, impartiality, and the absence
of prejudice. It seemed to afford him especial satisfac
tion to set forth the merits of his subordinates, and he
omitted no subject worthy of praise, saving his own
activity and fitness for command.

All fears of further collisions being at an end, we left
the Cceur d'Alene Mission September 18, on our return
march. To avoid the narrow trail through the forest,
we crossed the Cceur d'Alene River below the lake and
also the St. Joseph's. In crossing those deep, clear
streams we had the assistance of many Indians with
their birch-bark canoes. The white birch grows to an
immense size in that northern country — sometimes four

276 Fifty Years Observation.

feet in diameter and a hundred feet high. The bark is
tough, and peels off without breaking, so that a canoe
can be made of a single strip. An angular piece is cut
out of each end of the sheet of bark, which is brought up,
sewed together at the extremes, and the seams smeared
with pitch. In that way a boat is made in a short time,
but as they are round on the bottom, and without a keel,
they are easily capsized.

On the 22d of September we arrived and pitched our
camp on the banks of the Nedwall, a small stream,
tributary to the Spokan River. Here a treaty was made
and signed by chiefs of the Spokans, Calespools and
Pelouses. The treaties, among other things, required
the surrender of Indian murderers and thieves, and
several, eight I think, were surrendered and hanged in
this camp. One day six were hanged in two batches.
The following is a copy of one of Colonel Wright's
laconic orders :

" The three Indians confined last will be executed within an hour.
" Signed, G. WRIGHT,

" Colonel gth Infantry Com'ing."

It was my habit during the campaign to record the
dates of all important movements and transactions, and
occasionally I wrote descriptions of events and men in
my journal. What follows herein was written in great
part directly after the facts occurred :

"In the afternoon of September 22, near night, I
observed an old man of medium stature and robust
frame, dressed like an American, approaching our camp
on horseback. The old man's name was Owhi, brother-
in-law to the famous Yackima chief Kammiakin, and
father of a young brave named Qualchein, and he came
in to make peace, as he said. Old Owhi has a mild

Owhi and his Son. 277

expression of countenance, which is assumed, since he
has proved himself a double-faced man. He deceived
Colonel Wright in his Yackima campaign of 1856, by
promising to bring in all his people, and by failing to do
so, or to try to do so. After telling Owhi to send for his
son Qualchein, he directed the guard to confine the aged
chief in irons. At this order the old man's countenance
fell completely. He wiped the big drops of sweat from
his forehead, dropped his hat, took out his prayer-book,
and began to turn the leaves. His skin assumed an ashy
pallor, he trembled, and altogether his appearance indi
cated the profoundest grief and despair.

"September 24.— At about 12 o'clock to-day, as I
was standing in front of Colonel Wright's tent, I saw
issuing out of a canon about two hundred yards from me
two Indian braves and a handsome squaw. The three
rode abreast, and following close behind rode a little
hunchback whom I had before seen in our camps. The
three principal personages were all gayly dressed, and
presented a most dashing air. They all had on a great
deal of scarlet, and the squaw sported two ornamental
scarfs, passing from the right shoulder under the left
arm. She also carried, resting across, in front of her
saddle, a long spear, the staff of which was completely
wound with various colored beads, and from the ends of
which hung two long round pendants of beaver skins.
The two braves carried rifles, and one of them had an
ornamented tomahawk. I pulled aside the flap of the
tent, remarking, as I did so : ' Colonel, we have distin
guished strangers here.' " The colonel came out, and
after a few minutes' conversation recognized Qualchein,
who is the son of Owhi, and one of the most desperate
murderers and villains on this coast. He had not met
the messenger sent out for him, but came in of his own

278 Fifty Years' Observation.

accord, or perhaps he had been induced to come by the
reports of the imp of a hunchback, who looked happy
when his party entered our camp.

Having dismounted, Qualchein stood leaning on his
rifle talking with Colonel Wright, who stood in front of
him, while I was on the right and a few paces in the rear.
His bold appearance induced me to watch him closely.
The colonel mentioned Owhi's name, at which Qualchein
started suddenly and exclaimed, " Car ? " (where).
Colonel Wright answered calmly, " Owhi mittite yawa "
(Owhi is over there). A section of the guard came up,
and Qualchein, seeing the hopelessness of his situation,
drooped instantly. His eyes watered, and he appeared
stupefied, while he repeated several times the words,
" Owhi mittite yawa" He was ordered to go with the
guard, but he stood still, apparently lost in revery. The
soldiers pushed him along to the guard tent and ironed
him heavily. Within one hour from his entry into our
camp he was hanged by order of Colonel Wright.

Qualchein was a scion of a line of chieftains ; his com
plexion was not so dark as that of the vulgar Indian, and
he was a perfect mould of form. His chest was broad
and deep, and his extremities small and well shaped. He
had the strength of a Hercules, and it required six men
to tie his hands and feet, so violent were his strug
gles, notwithstanding he had an unhealed wound in his
side.

In all the battles and forays in Washington Territory,
Qualchein was one of the leading spirits, and owing to his
youth and hatred of the whites, and his bloody deeds, his
influence was probably greater than that of his father,
and equal to that of his uncle, the famous Kammiakin.
In the action of March I, 1856, in which I commanded,
on White River, Puget Sound district, Qualchein was

The Return. 279

present with fifty Yackima warriors, of whom he lost
seven. He went over the mountains, as he said, " to learn
to fight at night." During his life he enjoyed the repu
tation of bravery and enterprise, but at last, when the
rope was around his neck, he begged for mercy in tones
that were abject. He promised Captain Dent, who was
charged with his execution, horses and icters (things) of
all kinds, if he would spare his life. Many persons who
witnessed his conduct charged him with cowardice and
poltroonery, but for myself I took a different view of it.
As soon as his hands and feet were bound and the prepa
rations for his death concluded, resistance was out of the
question, and love of life was the sole motive of his con
duct. He was still young, not over twenty-five years of
age, and his physical constitution was apparently perfect
— that, and his renown as a prince and warrior, gave* to
his life a charm and value which he was unwilling to sur
render.

On the 26th of September we left the spot, which I
called the Camp of Death, on the Nedwall or Lato, and
on the 1st day of October we crossed the Snake River on
our return. The weather had been, during the last few
days of September, cold, rainy, and excessively trying to
us all, with our scant supply of clothing. Forewarned of
our approach, Major Wyse had ready for all the officers a
supper, which we devoured with ravenous appetites. The
improvised table groaned under the weight of bunch-grass
fed beef (the best in the world), prairie chickens and
vegetables. The men were also well supplied with the
same good cheer. For us, the major had the foresight
to have on hand a basket of champagne, which dis
appeared down our thirsty throats like water in the
sand.

I am now going to transcribe a leaf from my journal

280 Fifty Years' Observation.

which relates to the aged Yackima chief, Owhi, his power
of dissimulation, and his death.

At the advent in Eden of our first parents, Satan in the
guise of an angelic page having deceived Uriel, the regent
of the sun, and learned from him the way to earth, flew
thither, and alighted without the garden. Then at one
immense leap, overleaping all bounds, he dropped
sheer within, and, like a cormorant, perched upon a tree —
thence he proceeded to corrupt our mother Eve. Ever
since, and from that time, hypocrites have been numerous
among all nations, clans and tribes of men.

" False face must hide what the false heart doth know."

Before setting out on the march of October 3, I com
mitted Owhi, the Indian prisoner, to the charge of |Lieu-
tenant M. R. Morgan and his guard of foot-soldiers. The
old man appeared reconciled to his fate, and on several
occasions he expressed satisfaction at being secure in our
protection. We kept him under strict watch, otherwise
we treated him with kindness. I often visited him, and
it interested me to mark the effects of time (he was
seventy years old), bereavement and captivity upon a
savage prince, who, in his prime, must have possessed
extraordinary physical and mental vigor. I never saw
him smile, and frequently deep sadness would mantle his
countenance and impart to it an air of dignity. Without
doubt he felt sharp pangs, for he had lost all his power,
had witnessed the ignominious death of his son, who ex
celled all his tribe in strength and savage prowess, and
now, bereft of hope, he seemed resigned to whatever
might be in store for him.

He was mounted upon his own horse, and we had
taken the precaution to secure him by a chain and strap
attached to his ankles and passing under the saddle-girth.

Death of Owhi. 281

In this way he rode in silence at the side of Lieutenant
Morgan till they came to a rivulet that is a branch of the
Tucanon. At the crossing, the stream spread out to
the width of seventy-five yards, and about an equal
distance above a log spanned it to serve as bridge for
footmen. While the soldiers proceeded to pass on the
log, Morgan led the Indian's horse across the ford, and
dropped the reins when he reached the opposite bank. At
the same instant Owhi struck his own horse with violence
and made off. Morgan drew his pistol and pursued, firing
as he rode. One ball took effect upon the fugitive's horse,
which slackened his pace, and enabled the lieutenant to
come up abreast. Then, quick as thought, the old man
struck Morgan's horse on the head with his whip handle,
the size of a wagon spoke, and gave a rough blow with the
lash upon the rider's face. At this moment several
dragoons approached, and commenced to fire upon
Owhi, who was quickly riddled with balls and brought to
earth.

When the firing commenced I was a third of a mile
away, and suspecting the cause, I rode rapidly in its di
rection, and met the cavalrymen bringing the dying chief
on his own horse, lying across like the carcass of a dead
wolf, while his brains were oozing from the bullet-holes
in his head.

Surgeon Hammond ordered the old man to be stripped.
Two shots had passed through his leg, one into his breast,
and one had penetrated under his right cheek-bone, and
diagonally up and out near the top of his head, and had
destroyed consciousness. The dying chief looked like a
gasping bull-dog, and I stood by to see his broad chest
heave. He lingered two hours and then expired.

The death scene of this aged Yackima chief present
ed a strange contrast to that of the Clicitat Tyee, Kanas-

282 Fifty Years' Observation.

kat, whose last moments I have already described. The
countenance of old Owhi in his last hours was gloomy,
not terrible ; but when I recall to mind the dying strug
gle of Kanaskat I still recoil with horror, after the lapse
of seven and twenty years, for I fancied that devils were
glaring at me through his eyes, and that his voice was a
blast from hell.

On the 5th of October, 1858, we arrived at Walla Walla,
and our campaign was at an end. Inspector-General
Mansfield being there, after a searching examination,
found occasion to compliment us generally. Notwith
standing our long march, the men presented a healthy
appearance, which was due in a great measure to the fact
that they had lived without whiskey during the last two
months or more.

While at Walla Walla we enjoyed the hospitality of the
officers stationed there, Steptoe, Dent, and others, and
one day there was a feast spread in a large hospital tent,
to which several of the Nez Perces chiefs, our allies, were
invited. Chief Moses appeared with a sword and scarlet
sash and an artillery colonel's dress-coat with large gold
epaulettes. Whiskey having been plentifully served, he
became brave and loquacious fora time, and then he re
lapsed, and finally became stupefied, and sank in silence
upon his bench, half lying on the table. The feast being
over I went away, but an hour later I returned by the
tent, and saw old Moses stretched flat on the floor, his
feet in the shade, his face in the sun, dead drunk, and
asleep.

I doubt if in the history of our country there has ever
been an Indian campaign in which so much was accom
plished at an equal cost. The good result was due to
three causes : The proper instruction of the soldiers at
the commencement, the excellence of the quartermaster's

Surgeon Hammond. 283

department, and the admirable fitness of our commander,
Colonel George Wright.

Our quartermaster was Captain (now General) Ralph
W. Kirkham, and he fully satisfied all the requirements
of his office. Never did a man more completely escape
notice by the perfection of his work than did General
Kirkham in the campaign of 1858.

The medical department was presided over by Surgeon
J. F. Hammond, who stood high in his profession, but his
temperament was impressionable to an uncommon de
gree. As a surgeon he had little to do — no bones to set
nor wounds to dress. To show what false reports a man's
senses may often make, I will relate in this connection an
anecdote. One morning, towards the end of September,
when I turned out there was a thick fog, and I was
chilled and uncomfortable, and the air seemed to pene
trate to the marrow of my bones. While I was feeling
the worst, after starting, Surgeon Hammond joined me,
his face radiant with unusual smiles, and he cried out :
" Keyes, did you ever know such a glorious climate as
this ? It's perfect joy to live. I never felt so well in all
my life." Then without waiting for a reply he galloped
away out of my sight. I did not observe him again till
near sunset, when we were in camp. In the meantime
the. atmosphere had undergone a complete change. The
air was mild and smoky. I felt perfectly happy, and was
forecasting the pleasures of San Francisco, when Ham
mond approached me again, beating his sides, his visage
as gloomy as night. Coming near, he exclaimed :
" Keyes, who ever knew such an accursed climate as this?
Fire and thumping won't keep me warm. I've a mind to
commit suicide." He did not wait to be consoled, but
walked away, uttering maledictions against the weather.

Lieutenant John Mullan, of the Ninth Infantry, the

284 Fifty Years' Observation.

topographical engineer of the expedition, had in his for-
mer surveys made himself familiar with the country. In
addition to his experience, he possessed uncommon mental
and physical activity ; he knew all the trails and fords,
and in the crossing of streams which were not fordable
his ingenuity was so remarkable that I dubbed him
" Duke of Bridgewater."

It would be ungrateful in me to omit special notice of
the company officers of my battalion. Ord, H. G. Gib
son, Dandy, Flemming, Ransome, Morgan, and R. O. Ty
ler were conspicuous for their activity. Gibson (now
General) was my subaltern lieutenant about eight years,
and was always conscientious in the discharge of his
duties. He was better posted in the laws and regula
tions of the army, and in the history of individual offi
cers, than any man I have known. The readiness with
which he could answer questions and cite authority
saved me much labor, but tended to make me sluggish.

Lieutenant Lawrence Kip, Third Artillery, son of the
Episcopal Bishop of California, performed his duty as my
adjutant efficiently, and at the close of the campaign he
wrote and published its history in a small book, which
was reviewed in one of the English periodicals. On a re-
perusal of Kip's work after finishing my own account, I
find an exact correspondence of dates and few inaccura
cies. The most that he said of Qualchein he borrowed
from and credited to me.

The commander of our expedition, Colonel George
Wright, a native of Vermont and a graduate of the Mili
tary Academy of the class of 1822, was every inch a
soldier and a gentleman. In the year 1838 I heard
Colonel Worth say of Wright, who was then a major,
that he was entitled by his soldierly qualities to be ad
vanced two grades. General Dandy, who was four times

Wright's Discipline. 285

breveted for gallant conduct during the Rebellion, and
who was my subaltern in 1858, considered Wright the
best commanding officer he had served under. My posi
tion of second in command was one the difficulties of
which have always been recognized by military men.
The chief sometimes dislikes or envies his junior, and the
latter fancies or discovers faults that he, if in command,
would have avoided. From the commencement to the
end of the campaign my relations with Colonel Wright
were confidential and cordial, and if I were to give ex
pression to my admiration and respect for that gallant
soldier and gentleman, I fear my style would appear more
flowery than the rules of rhetoric prescribe for a narrative
of facts. The discipline he enforced was extremely rigid
and severe. After crossing into the hostile country, re
veille was at three o'clock A. M., and the hour of march
generally five o'clock. One morning something delayed
me, not above three minutes, but that was long enough
to make it necessary for me to answer a brisk demand,
through a staff officer, to explain why my column did not
move at the time appointed. The rebuke was proper, al
though my delay was caused by no fault of my own, and
at no time did I suspect for a moment that Colonel
Wright would censure me unjustly or withhold praise
that I deserved. Nothing in his conduct indicated that
an acknowledgment of my deserts would dwarf his fame,
and his order after the battle of the Spokan plains was
profuse in the praise of the conduct of others, while it was
silent in regard to his own. The passage in that order
which related to me was in the following words :

" Captain E. D. Keyes, Third Artillery, commanding
battalion, was energetic and gallant throughout. Al
though the troops extended over a mile, yet the captain
was always in the right place in the right time."

286 Fifty Years' Observation.

I will relate a circumstance to show the estimate placed
by the War Department upon the strength of the enemy
opposed to Colonel Wright.

While at the Cceur d'Alene mission we learned that the
Sixth Regiment of Infantry was on its way overland to
Washington Territory. An order was addressed to Brig
adier-General Albert Sidney Johnson, the same gentle
man who, on the outbreak of the civil war, went South
and was in command of the Confederate army at the
battle of Shiloh, where he was killed. The following
paragraph appeared in that order :

" If the commander in Utah should obtain information to cause him to be
lieve it unsafe for the regiment to direct its march upon Walla Walla, he will
order it by such other route as he may deem best. "

It appears that General Johnson did receive informa
tion that caused him to apprehend danger to the regi
ment in the direction of Walla Walla, and he accordingly
instructed its commander to proceed to Benicia, Cali
fornia, where in regard to expense and time of trans
port it was further from Walla Walla than at Salt Lake.
For that reason I feared the Sixth Regiment would be de
tained in the harbor of San Francisco and I should be
left in Oregon or Washington Territory.

In anticipation of such an arrangement, I addressed an
application to General Clark to order me back to my old
post, the Presidio. Colonel Wright endorsed my applica
tion as follows :

" The rank and long service of Captain Keyes, and particularly his zeal,
perseverance, and gallantry during the present campaign, will, I trust, com
mend his application to the favorable consideration of the commander of the
department.

" (Signed) G. WRIGHT."

As soon as the report of Colonel Wright's operations
and the result of the campaign were received at the head-

General Harney. 287

quarters of the army, then in New York City, Lieutenant-
General Scott issued an order, dated November loth,
1858, which was highly complimentary to General
Clarke, commanding the Department of the Pacific, to
Colonel Wright, and a large number of his subordinates,
whose names are given. From John B. Floyd, who was
then Secretary of War, no line or word of praise or satis
faction was received. Instead of acknowledging the
merits of Clarke and Wright and breveting them, as they
deserved, his treatment of both those officers was con
temptuous. He reduced the command of the former by
cutting off the northern portion, which embraced Oregon
and Washington Territories, and erecting it into a new de
partment, to the command of which he assigned the cele
brated Brevet Major-General William S. Harney, who ar
rived at Fort Vancouver on the 24th day of October, 1858.
I had a few days prior to that date arrived at the
same post, with orders to proceed with my company to
San Francisco.

I lost no time in paying my respects to the new com
mander, whom I had not seen before. He received me
with ordinary politeness — in other words, he was not rude
to me, though he was sufficiently taciturn. I had heard a
great deal of General Harney, and of his extraordinary
physical accomplishments and his prowess as an Indian
fighter. I saw before me a man six feet two or three
inches in height, faultless in proportion, complexion
bordering on the sandy, head small, eyes and counte
nance ordinary. I felt at once that I was in the
presence of a typical Southerner, and the coldness of his
salutation inclined me to credit the reports or accusations
I had heard that his official conduct towards Northern
officers was often harsh. Captain Pleasonton, assistant
adjutant-general, was present with his chief, and I asked

-288 Fifty Years Observation.

him if there was any military news. The general inter
posed abruptly, saying: " None of the troops are to leave
for San Francisco. I suppose that is what you want to
know ? " I answered, " Yes, sir," without betraying any
sort of emotion, although this hasty announcement of his
decision was most unwelcome to me. I had heard that it
was Harney's intention to renew the campaign against the
Indians that Wright had so completely crushed, and the
general reiterated that intention during my first interview
with him. I considered his remarks as disparaging to all
the officers engaged in the recent expedition, and espe
cially to its commander. The Harney clique spoke inde-
rision of our battles, in which not a man was hit, and their
prejudices inclined them to withhold all credit from
Wright and his associates, a great majority of whom were
Northern men.

On going out from General Harney's office I met
Surgeon Barnes, who was afterwards surgeon-general of
the army, and one of the attending surgeons of President
Garfield. He invited me to mess with him, and I gladly
accepted his invitation, and took my meals with him
while I remained at the post.

At that period Barnes possessed a sound body and
a genial disposition ; at the same time he was quite
studious and methodical in his habits. He was so full of
anecdotes of distinguished persons, and so generally
fertile in discourse that I began to reconcile myself to
the discomforts of Fort Vancouver, when on the morning
of November 24 the steamer Cortez arrived from San
Francisco, bringing news of the death of Colonel Frank
Taylor and my consequent promotion to be major of the
First Regiment of Artillery. Being no longer a company
officer, General Harney gave me an order to repair to
San Francisco and there await the official announcement

General Harney. 289

of my promotion. The order was obliging to me, and it
greatly modified my unfavorable impression of General
Harney in regard to myself, but considering him as a
prominent member of the sectional party to which I was
so strongly opposed, I would not relinquish my vicarious
resentment, which I cherished as a sacred duty.
13

CHAPTER XV.

Return to San Francisco from the Indian War. — Description of society and
individuals. — Condition of California. — The Parrotts, McAllisters, Thorn
tons, Lakes, Donohues, McKinstrys, Gwins, Bowies, and others. — The
Bar of San Francisco. — Leading lawyers.

ETURNING to San Francisco after an absence of
-TV less than six months, the city appeared to be in a
condition of uncertainty and depression. During the
past summer the Frazier River excitement had drawn
away a vast number of people, who had found the reported
gold discoveries a myth, and were returning much poorer
than they left.

The future of California was then more discouraging
than at any time since 1848. The product from the
placer mines was diminishing rapidly, while agriculture
and viticulture were not encouraging. The mineral
wealth of Nevada was yet undiscovered to any profitable
extent, and many of my associates feared that Califor
nia was in a decline. Nevertheless my confidence was
unshaken, and in the month of December, 1858, I made
a purchase of real estate on Montgomery Street, which
has proved the most profitable investment I ever made.

I maintained extensive social relations in San Fran
cisco, the society of which has always been cosmopolitan
to an unusual extent, although it has been shaped by the
Southern element. On the 1st of January, 1859, * made
seventy calls, and omitted twenty-three that were on my
list for want of time to pay them.

The San Francisco Sea-wall. 291

Extracts from my journal :

"January 11, 1859. — To-day I was introduced to Mr.
James, who was Mr. Anson Burlingame's second in his
proposed duel with Mr. Brooks, of South Carolina, who
was the assailant of Senator Sumner. Mr. James told
me several circumstances connected with that affair, of
which I was previously ignorant. He informed me that
Brooks was a strong, healthy man, six feet two and a half
inches tall, and a good match in strength for Sumner.
He told me also that Brooks was not satisfied with him
self, and the manner of getting out of the quarrel, and
that during a slight indisposition he took a mixture of
salt and water, as he supposed, prepared by himself, and
died soon after."

" February 8, 1859. — To-day and yesterday I have been
engaged getting up a bill for a bulkhead, or sea wall, in
the harbor of San Francisco, in opposition to that pre
sented by Judge Levi Parsons. The plan arranged by
the gentlemen who consulted me did not meet my
approval, because it was proposed to construct it too far
out and to enclose too much ground to be gobbled by
speculators, and my limit was inserted in the bill." I
foresaw that a sea wall was necessary, although at that
time the majority of the people were opposed to it.
Both bills failed, and all those who advocated them were
charged with selfish motives. At a date several years
subsequent a plan was adopted, and a sea wall is now in
process of construction and well advanced upon nearly
the identical line proposed by me, which was a modifica
tion of that of J. P. Manro. In the Assembly the
advocates of the bill I had approved ascribed to me
astonishing talents and services, while those who sup
ported the Parsons project discovered strange deficien
cies.

292 Fifty Years' Observation.

For Judge Parsons I entertained a friendly feeling, for
the reason that he was a companionable man, and also be
cause in my first lawsuit he non-suited the plaintiff. My
experience in that suit is valuable, as showing how justice
or injustice is often meted out by juries.

Being in charge of the Government reserves in San
Francisco, I was directed by General Riley, then Military
Governor of the Territory, to lease them. Accordingly I
did lease the Rincon Point reserve to the late Theodore
Shillaber, with a promise to remove the squatters, whose
tents covered the whole of it. I visited the Point several
times, and notified the occupants that they must leave or
I should, on a certain day, remove them by force. My
verbal instructions were unheeded, and on the morning of
February ist, 1850, I issued ball cartridges to my entire
disposable force of about fifty men and two officers,
Lieutenants Landrum and Gibson, and took up my line
of march for Rincon Point, four miles distant from the
Presidio. As we wound over the sand-hills it was ob
served that the sky was perfectly clear, and that the sun
shone with unusual brightness. It was one of those
charming days which surprise the stranger who visits our
shores in the clear intervals of the rainy season. I direct
ed the soldiers to be silent, and to pay no attention to
anything but the orders of their officers. Arrived at the
border of the reserve, I halted my men, and passing
across the line called on all the squatters to vacate. They
crowded about me, and all, with one single exception,
submitted. The exception was a " Sydney Duck," as he
was called, whose name was White. He refused to go,
and dared me to touch his property, which was somewhat
extensive, as he kept a hardware store in one tent and
lived in irregular combination in another adjoining. I
wasted no words upon the Sydney Duck, but marched my

" The Sydney Duck:' 293

soldiers close to his premises, ordered six robust fellows
to stack their arms and carry beyond the line and de
posit with care the tents and all they contained. It was
done with despatch, and saving my orders, which were
few, not a word was uttered by any man in my command.
As soon as the ground was cleared, I directed the
workers to take their arms and resume their places in the
ranks. Then I gathered the full force of my lungs, and in
a voice which a man told me " could have been heard two
miles off," I shouted, " Shoulder arms ! — By the right
flank, right face — Forward march!" The ranks were
closed, and we moved away in silence along what is now
First Street, leaving a crowd of not less than 7,000 men,
who had assembled to witness our achievement. There
was a man in the multitude who had been in the " battle
of San Pascual." He afterwards said to me : " That
battle was nothing to that clearing out of squatters."

I was in full-dress uniform, and marching in front of
my men, when I arrived at the junction of Market and
Montgomery streets, where I was met by an Alguazil
(Sheriff), who served on me a summons to appear without
delay before Judge Almon of the Court of First Instance.

I went direct to that court, where Mr. Calhoun Ben-
ham, on the part of the Sydney Duck, opened the cause
in a fiery discourse upon my armed encroachment upon
civil rights. He deprecated the exercise of military tyran
ny and usurpation in a strain of eloquence which touched
the sublime. Mr. Peachy assumed my defence, and ex
plained the circumstances and orders under which I had
acted, whereupon the judge released me and I returned
to my post.

As I had forcibly ejected, or caused to be ejected,
many other intruders upon the public grounds, I fancied
I should not be troubled again by the Sydney Duck ; but I

294 Fifty Years' Observation.

was mistaken. He consulted several lawyers, and found
one or more who advised him to bring a civil suit against
me for $6,000 damages. Notwithstanding his neighbors
on the hill were disturbed almost every night by the
drunken orgies in White's tent, and shocked by the
screams of his woman, whom he frequently beat and
thrust out into the cold, he found many sympathizers
among the squatters, who would gladly have seen me
mulcted for the tyrannous proceedings of which I was
accused.

The preliminaries caused me great trouble and ex
pense ; but, being a novice in litigation, I felt no appre
hension in regard to the result. I was so simple as to
suppose that the plaintiff sought compensation only for
the damages done him by my forcible ejectment of him
self and his goods. He complained of nothing more in
the several conversations I subsequently had with him.
But his lawyer informed him that he had suffered a hor
rible outrage, of which he was wholly unconscious at the
time it occurred. The outrage arose from the following
circumstance : As I before remarked, the weather was
delightful on the morning of February 1st, and it con
tinued so without any sign of atmospheric disturbance,
until nearly all White's effects had been removed. Then,
with an astonishing suddenness, a solitary cloud came
driving athwart the sky, and when it came over our heads
it discharged big drops of rain while all around was sun
shine. The rain continued not above two minutes and
caused a general shout of merriment among the crowd,
and the effect was cheerfulness, as the air seemed more
balmy than before.

At the trial, which came on before Judge Levi Parsons,
some of the plaintiff's willing witnesses described that
merry dripping from the fugitive cloud as a serious storm

Some Legal Eloquence. 295

of rain. In the speech of his attorney it was magnified
to a howling tempest, and me, the most placable of men,
he held up to the jury as a ferocious despot. I fancy I
see him yet, his hands clenched, his lips drawn taut, his
eyes wildly rolling, when he paused a full minute, as if to
master his passion and to choose the most fitting words
to impart it. Then he lifted up his voice and entered
upon the climax of his declamation. " Gentlemen of the
jury," said he, in caressing tones, " you have heard the
evidence in this cause, and it would be an insult to your
understanding to suppose you are not fully impressed
with the gravity of the wrong done my unoffending cli
ent by a man who seems insensible to the rights of an
innocent citizen, and whose heart has been 'changed to
stone by the practice of tyranny. Yet, notwithstanding
the enormity of his trespass, we might find some extenu
ating circumstances in his conduct, had he not himself
foreclosed every claim to your compassion by the studied
cruelty of his procedure. Instead of choosing a day and
hour for the exercise of his nefarious authority, when the
sky was clear and the air was warm, he held his armed
hirelings in hand till the elements were at war. He
watched the sky with malignant scrutiny, and when the
angry clouds began to discharge their floods, he drove
out, at the point of the bayonet, my honest client and
his gentle, delicate spouse, and exposed them to the
drenching rain and the rude winter blast. For such an
act of causeless vengeance, these modest people here be
fore you [the Sydney Duck and his woman were both in
the court] have only asked the imposition of a fine of
$6,000, when the whole fortune of the sullen military ty
rant would be an inadequate amende."

Alter a few additional remarks, complimentary to the
jurors upon their dignified character, sturdy indepen-

2g6 Fifty Years1 Observation.

dence, and love of justice, the eloquent pleader sat down
and mopped the sweat from his forehead.

Judge Parsons ordered the clerk of the court to enter a
non-suit, and that ended my first lawsuit.

A few days after the trial, I met one of the jurors
whom I knew, and asked him what would have been
the verdict, if my case had been submitted. He re
plied that he should have given the plaintiff the full sum
demanded, not because I had done anything wrong in
itself, and he allowed that my orders fully justified the
removal of the squatters ; " but," said he, " you had no
right to turn them out in such a cold storm of rain — I
thought that indicated an oppressive disposition in you,
and I was willing to see you punished for it ! ! ! "

A feeling of gratitude inspires me to name the families
and persons in California whose society has cheered me
most during my long sojourn in that State. The Parrotts
and the McAllisters stand first in duration and constancy
of friendship. Mr. John Parrott is several times a mill-
ionnaire. He came to San Francisco from Mexico in 1850,
bringing what was then considered a large fortune, which
he has increased to its present magnitude by enterprise
and foresight as a banker, merchant, and agriculturist.
He was the first American to establish an elegant home
in California, which, under the admirable supervision of
his wife, has been the scene of a luxurious hospitality
during the last twenty-five years. Mrs. Parrott's un
stinted bounties to the poor, and to every deserving ob
ject, entitle her to the leadership of Christian charity on
the Pacific Coast. Her husband is worthy of honor for
the timely and efficient services rendered by him to se
cure the Territory of California to the United States.
The two are alike remarkable for virtues which are the
rarest in the world. They never turn their backs upon

Prominent Californians. 29}

an old friend who has been overtaken by poverty, and
they never mistake rudeness for gentility. Mr. Parrott
at one time was regarded the richest man in the State,
but his deportment underwent no change, and being now
advanced in years and oppressed by weakness, he is re
ferred to as a man whose head has not been turned by
the possession of an immense fortune acquired by him
self. Numerous other families have received me with
uniform cordiality ; among them I can only mention
those whose intimacy I have enjoyed the longest — the
Thorntons, Floyds, Lakes, Babcocks, Lincolns, Lows,
Donohues, Tevises, Hogans, Sillems, McKinstrys, Otises,
Gwins, Hagers, Bowies, Loughboroughs, Zanes, and others.

I have known a great number of the prominent men of
California, but the majority of my intimate associates
have been of the legal profession. In estimating their
merits and demerits it is proper that I should first define
my own qualifications to judge them fairly.

During the last nine years my purpose has been to
ascertain the distinctive qualities of men who succeed at
the bar, with a view to instruct one of my younger sons,
who, at the age of eleven years, elected to prepare him
self for the legal profession.

One of my older sons, Dr. E. L. Keyes, of New
York, at the same age determined to be a physician
and surgeon. With a view to bend his mind in the
right direction, I observed the lives and studied the
histories of the great men whose example I desired
him to pattern after. My own father, who was a mem
ber of the same profession, possessed a genius not in
ferior to that of my son, but his advantages and field
for practice were vastly less. I determined, therefore,
that the best opportunities the world afforded my son
should have. In their search I discovered, to my aston-
13*

298 Fifty Years Observation.

ishment, that the surgeons and therapeutists, in spite
of their bickerings and backbiting, were far more uniform
in disposition and genius than the lawyers. One reason
for their similarity probably arises from the fact that the
medical body is almost destitute of political significance,
while the legal men constitute an estate, and they wield
a mighty power in the land.

Considering my younger son, and with a view to give
clearness to my descriptions and force to my precepts, I
found it necessary to study jurisprudence under three
heads, which I designate the grand, or heroic, the sedate,
and the emotional. It was under the accursed classifica
tion of emotional jurisprudence that two flippant adepts
once placed my name and fortune in fearful jeopardy.

Strange as it may seem, I discovered all the three best
exponents of the designations given above in France.
They were, in order, Berryer, Marie" and Lachaud. To
Berryer I have heard old Frenchmen ascribe the attri
butes of a demigod. The grandeur of his person, the
majesty of his countenance, and the indescribable melody
and strength of his voice awed alike the court and jury
to compliance with his arguments. Aside from all mere
tricious advantages, Berryer was one of the profoundest
jurists of his time.

Then Marie", whose success in nearly every cause, and
his large fees, inspired my informant Alphonse Karr, the
celebrated writer, to go many times to hear him plead.
Marie's person was small and insignificant, his voice pip
ing, and his general appearance homely. Yet in spite of so
many apparent drawbacks he had the art of shaping and
stating with wonderful clearness and method everything
that favored his client ; at the same time he could confuse
the statements and dwarf the facts of opposing counsel to
such an extent that the verdict was usually declared for him

Lachaud. 299

Lastly, the celebrated Lachaud, who was called Vami
des ptcheurs, the friend of the sinners. Five years ago I
heard him plead, and last year he died. He was of an
amiable disposition, but his genius he must have derived
from Satan.

In France there is a hideous variety of crime, surpass
ing all that can be learned among native Americans.
The habitual reader of the Gazette des Tribuneaux
discovers that human depravity is without limit, and that
the vengeance excited by cupidity, jealousy, and malice
displays itself in horrors which are inconceivable to the
writers of fiction. In such a state of things Lachaud
found constant employment. During forty years the
throwers of vitriol, the mutilators, the assassins, parri
cides, robbers, thieves, and murderers looked to him to
confuse the courts and get them free, or to secure circon-
stances attcnuantes, one of which ends he seldom failed to
gain. In a certain cause I heard him plead. I use the
word plead, because I am referring to a speech in a law
court by a Frenchman. Judge Hoffman objects to the
word plead, and says I should say argue. He ought to
understand that I make no reference to an argument,
but to the harangue of the greatest master of emotional
jurisprudence of modern times.

A young man of good family was accused of way
laying in a solitary place, murdering and robbing an old
respectable citizen. The proofs were conclusive of the
facts, which were acknowledged by the accused and his
family. With a view to extenuation, Lachaud was sent
for, and he came down to Nice to conduct the defence.
Through the kind offices of my young friend, D'Arson, I
secured a seat in the court-room, which was packed almost
to suffocation. Two infantry soldiers with muskets
guarded each door, and others stood on the right and left

3OO Fifty Years' Observation.

of the murderer. M. Lachaud, who was a trifle taller
than the average of his countrymen — rather stout, lightish
in complexion, and round-faced — had already commenced
speaking when I entered. For a while he spoke in a
moderately animated tone of things of small importance.
Then his voice subsided into a lulling tone, and during
three full minutes he detailed the movements of the aged
victim — how he got into his carriage, how his wife, his son
and daughter got in after him, how the vehicle moved
over hill and dale till it entered a lonely forest, etc., etc.
His words seemed to glide from his mouth in a con
tinuous stream, while he stood upright and motionless as
a statue with his arms at his sides. The tones of his voice
were clear and low, and so monotonous as to pro
duce a sleepy, listless look in his auditors, when all
at once his right hand shot up to its utmost stretch as if
moved by a shock of electricity — at the same time in a
voice sharp enough to cleave the walls, he screeched,
" Quelle heure est-il ? " It appeared to me that every per
son in the hall jumped, or bounced, a foot high. Then,
after a pause of a half minute, he answered himself:
" Onze heures " — another pause — " Onze heures du soir."
After another pause of equal duration, he assumed an air
and voice of freezing solemnity, and said : " a cette meme
heure ce jeune homme la (pointing at the prisoner) a donne" e
le coup mortel au vieillard." The jury and audience were
with him, and the scene before us was as terrible as the
vision of Ezekiel. From that point he called up the
murdered man and laid bare all the offences of his life. The
youthful felon he treated with fatherly tenderness, ascribed
to him many virtues, and magnified the provocations he
had received to such a degree as to almost exculpate him.
The effect of the speech, which was nothing but sound
and gesture, resulted in a short imprisonment, when the

The San Francisco Bar. 301

crime of the young villain deserved the guillotine. It is
to be hoped the time is not far distant when such buf
foonery in courts will be dispensed with in the determi
nation of the guilt or innocence of men accused of crimes.

In England and America I do not find in the profession
of the law men who so distinctly typify the three classi
fications of jurisprudence as the Frenchmen I have re
ferred to. Thurlow of England and Daniel Webster in
America stand next to Berryer, with a wide interval be
tween. Sugden of England and Charles O'Conor in
America compare with Marie', leaving out of view the un
approachable hypocrisy of the Gaul. Erskine at the
English bar, and James T. Brady of New York, were the
champions of emotional jurisprudence of the Anglo-Saxon
training, but far inferior to Lachaud of the Latin race,
whom I consider /tors concours beyond comparison.

The bar of San Francisco is and has been well peopled
with able lawyers. Subjects for litigation on the Pacific
Coast have always, since the close of the Mexican war,
been abundant, and some unsettled titles and many dis
cordant nationalities promote strife, so that confusion
still thrives.

The law firm of Halleck, Peachy & Billings was one of
the first formed in San Francisco, and it held together
longest. Its members were as incongruous and dissimilar
in disposition, manners, and habit, as any three men I
have known. Halleck was thrifty and persevering, but
his distinctive characteristics were obduracy and laboru
ousness. I was less intimate with him than with the
other two, for he was more inclined to be my enemy than
friend. Peachy was a Virginian, aristocratic in deport
ment, magisterial in manners, and fairly learned in the
law. He gained a fortune and afterwards lost it by un
fortunate investments. Billings, the business man of the

3O2 Fifty Years' Observation.

concern, was active, ambitious, cheerful, and always lavish
in his chanties. The permanence of the association of
those three men was simply a conjunctive disjunctive
continuance, and when the partnership dissolved no
strong ties were severed.

Among the lawyers of San Francisco of an early date
was Edward D. Baker, who removed to Oregon a few
years before the civil war, and was elected to the United
States Senate from that State. When the war broke out
he was commissioned a brigadier-general, and fell at Ball's
Bluff. I was intimate with him, and when we met in the
street or elsewhere he was usually disposed to discuss
various subjects with me, or to talk of national questions
upon which we agreed. When Judge Hoffman joined us,
as he often did, Baker would take a cigar from the judge's
vest-pocket, where several were always exposed to the
clutch of his numerous fuming acquaintances, light it by
the one that Hoffman was smoking, and continue the
discussion. On one occasion Baker told me he was sur
prised that so many Northern men expressed regret
that they were not Southerners. " For my part," said he,
" if I had been born in New England I should have been
proud of it." Baker's moral and physical courage was so
great as almost to entitle him to be called intrepid, and
yet in social life he was the easiest and most amiable of
men. He possessed the gift of eloquence to an extra
ordinary degree, and his perceptions were quick.

The occasional advantages he gained at the bar and in
the Senate were due, in a measure, to the readiness and
brilliancy of his speech. I sat next him at one of the
New England dinners in San Francisco. Knowing that
he would be called on to address the company, I asked
him if he had prepared a speech. " No," said he, " I
shall think on what I am going to say when I rise from

E. D. Baker. 303

my chair." Then he told anecdotes of his ability to refer
to any subject suggested to him, and said I might suggest
something if they should call him up. I waited till he
was starting to rise, and whispered: "Tell us how Han
nibal descended from the Alps into Italy." His address
was one of his best and quite long. It was delivered
without apparent effort, appropriate to the occasion, and
towards the end he described Hannibal's passage of the
Alps with elegant exactness, and so artfully was it inter
woven in the subject before the meeting that it seemed a
necessary part of his discourse. This uncommon readi
ness rendered him remiss in study and averse to patient
investigation, without which no man can become great
except for dash and earnestness, which were also charac
teristics of Senator Baker.

He was a warm personal friend and admirer of Brod-
erick, and attended him till he died, after the wound he
received in his duel with Judge Terry. After Broderick's
death the remains were brought in a coffin to the Plaza,
and there, upon a high platform, Baker stood to pro
nounce his funeral oration. His first words rang out
over the vast assemblage, and secured profound atten
tion : " Fellow-citizens ! — A Senator lies dead before
you !"

His whole discourse was fearless and impressive. He
portrayed in vivid colors the life and services of the de
ceased statesman, described his ascent from a youth of
poverty, and the opposition which he encountered at
every step till he gained distinction and became a Sena
tor. He commented with much ability and severity upon
the folly and futility of Northern men fighting duels with
Southerners. In the free States public opinion pro
scribed duelling, while it was encouraged and counte
nanced by the slaveholders, who, by their practice with

304 ''Fifty Years* Observation.

pistols, secured a great advantage over their Northern
antagonists. Baker, who was not a native-born citizen of
the United States, was able to judge the subject without
prejudice, and he might have proved from the history of
war that a soldier is not braver or better for being a
duellist, nor worse for refusing a challenge.

Of the living members of the California bench and bar,
I am on terms of social intimacy with a large number, but
I can only venture to describe the distinguishing traits of
a few that I have known longest and best.

The present Chief Justice of the State, Morrison, owes
his position, in addition to his knowledge of law, to his
aptness in classification, and to his superior conscien
tiousness. Unfortunately he is now in poor health.

Justice Morrison's immediate predecessor, Wallace, is a
man of sanguine temperament, fairly self-appreciative,
commanding in person, and in character and disposition a
fine specimen of the manly race among whom he was
born. I know more of his natural ability and general ac
complishments than of his genius and acquirements as a
jurist and advocate, for which he is distinguished. He
possesses the rare faculty of being able to collect from all
his reading and observation every poetical and romantic
idea, as well as those that are ludicrous. All this he does
with as little apparent effort as the magnet thrust into the
sand withdraws all the ferruginous particles, and thus he
is enabled to strew the monotony of life with the gems
of thought and the illusions of fancy.

The majority of people, when they refer to the heads of
the California bar, speak of Hall McAllister, Joseph Hoge,
and Samuel Wilson. For thirty years I have been f riend-
ly with those prominent gentlemen, and cordially intimate
with die first two, and I will give my impression of them,
beginning with the ia«d- named.

Hall McAllister. 3°5

Mr. Wilson, while still a very young practitioner,
attracted attention in Illinois in a cause wherein the
court designated him to defend a criminal, which he did
in a masterly manner. He is a small, compactly built
man, with a bright, dark eye, which indicates the physical
and mental activity for which he is distinguished. His
knowledge of law, persistent industry, fruitfulness in
expedients, have enabled him to win as many important
causes as any man hi California, The qualities named
above, with which Mr. Wilson is endowed to an extra
ordinary degree, entitle him to rank with men of the
highest order of talent, but being somewhat deficient in
imagination, he falls a trifle short of genius, or my judg
ment of him is at fault.

Mr. Joseph Hoge was Wilson's law partner in Illinois,
where he showed signs of great promise. In the Supreme
Court, when an intricate cause is to be argued, Mr.
Hoge can present his side with a clearness and brevity
unequalled by any of his colleagues. His eye, and his
power to use it, denote genius, and his voice is the best
of all. He has always mingled in politics to an extent
that has occasionally interrupted his studies ; and he was
terribly chagrined at one time when he failed to receive
the nomination for United States Senator. He is erect
in person, hardy, nimble hi motion, tasteful in dress,
wears cravats of many tints, and rings and pins of rare
devices. When he is in luck the presence of Joseph
Hoge makes me joyous.

Of Hall McAllister, I must speak at greater length
than of the others, I knew him and his family at the
East before the Mexican War. His father, M. H.
McAllister, was prominent in Georgia, and later was the
United States Circuit Judge in California. Hall was
born in Georgia, but is essentially a Northern man.

306 Fifty Years' Observation.

Among his paternal ancestors was the Great English
historian, Edward Gibbon, author of the " Decline and
Fall of the Roman Empire," and from him he inherits
fatness and a turn for investigation. His energy he
derives from his mother, who was a woman of the first
order, and of great strength of mind. McAllister's
breadth of nature, genial disposition, grasp of intellect,
and power of application were foreshadowed in his boy
hood. He has surveyed the whole of human nature,
takes men as they are, never allows himself to be soured
or seriously depressed by misfortunes, can sympathize
with his clients (in appearance at least), is void of ego
tism and envy, appreciative, and, consequently, he pos
sesses the qualities that have drawn me to him like a
load-stone. He, and one other very great lawyer, that I
knew when I was a young man, were the only two who
could look upon the system of law as intelligent non-
professional men look upon it. He, like all laymen of
large experience, believes that the practice of law hardens
most men and renders them insensible to the torments of
litigation. I don't think that McAllister goes quite as
far as the famous French author, Alphonse Karr, who
declared that " Tavocat (lawyer) after ten years at his
trade, no longer retains any distinction between right and
wrong, truth and falsehood, justice and injustice — all that
is to be pleaded !" Hall McAllister differs from Karr in
other respects, for he believes an attorney ought to listen
to his client, whom he encourages to look up witnesses
that can strengthen all points. Hall also asserts that all
lawyers become lazy and indifferent unless their clients
stir them up. When I told Karr, during the course of
my second lawsuit, that I was often irritated with my
attorneys, for the reason that when I undertook to explain
the facts of my case to them, they invariably showed

Hall McAllister. 307

signs of impatience — "Without doubt they were im
patient," said he, " for a knowledge of the facts would
have embarrassed them."

Although Hall McAllister believes, and has so ex
pressed himself to me, that a lawsuit is a drama in which
the ablest actor wins, yet like my other illustrious exam
ples, he has never suggested that the system of law and
practice can be essentially improved. That adds new
proof to me that the abuses of no human organization
can ever be corrected by those who profit by them.
External pressure may at some future period shorten
statutes of limitation, make them positive, and, thus dis
regarding the effect of extreme negligence, prescribe
higher qualifications for jurors, and enforce their attend
ance ; require the previous training of the higher judges
in the inferior courts ; limit precedents to the decisions
of the most august tribunals ; secure to all men the right
when charged with fraud, to a speedy trial, near the place
where the alleged fraud was enacted ; and, finally, to make
it far more difficult than it is now for scoundrels to rob and
impoverish honest men through the intervention of a law
suit. There are men of a Utopian turn of mind who indulge
in hopes that the time may come when the facilities afforded
by present statutes to administrators, executors, and trus
tees to rob the estates of the dead, and to consume and
pillage the heritage of orphans and widows, shall be
abridged, but the tendency of the times is in opposition
to all such chimerical anticipations. The judges oppose
definiteness in statutes, and when they are precise they
are declared unconstitutional. Some new abstraction is
discovered to annul all limitations and the great privilege
of freemen to sue and to be sued can never be infringed.

Mr. McAllister is fully aware of the evils above re
ferred to, and the obvious necessity of many changes in

308 Fifty Years' Observation.

the laws and their administrations. If the full powers of
his catholic mind could be turned upon the subject, he
could suggest many improvements. He is, however, too
much occupied with his cases and other engagements to
think of undertaking to reform the stupendous chaos of
law and jurisprudence, which is yearly becoming more
complex.

His excellence is not confined to any specialty of his
profession, but it extends to many. He is able as a
counsellor for one reason, among others, that by convic
tion he considers litigation an evil. I don't think he has
a superior before a jury, and in the presence of a full
bench Hoge alone equals him in clearness and elegance
of statement. No man prepares his cases better than he,
and notwithstanding the conceit, roguery, and heartless
selfishness exhibited by many of his clients, and the baf
fling assurance of willing witnesses and perjurers, and the
shuffling obstructiveness of those who are unwilling, the
stupidity and prejudice of juries, as well as the theories
and wayward ignorance of an occasional judge, he is never
thrown from his balance, and appears never to be dis
couraged or made angry. He takes time to amuse him
self, is often sportive and gallant, and on many occasions
in elegant society he embarrasses me by the levity of his
discourse.

I have witnessed his conduct with a friendly disposition
for thirty years, but have permitted every instance of his
character and life that could reveal itself to an intimate
observer to impress itself with due effect upon my judg
ment, and the conclusion to which I have been led is that
Hall McAllister has been for many years past, and is now,
the head of the California Bar.

There are many other lawyers in California whose
genius and qualifications would, in the absence of the

W. H. L. Barnes. 309

three whom I have described, enable them worthily to
supply their places, but I can only refer in short sentences
to a few that I have known best.

William H. L. Barnes interests me because I knew his
parents, and have been long friendly with him. His father
was graduated from the West Point Military Academy,
high in the class, with General Robert E. Lee, and his
mother was a woman of rare excellence. Barnes has rea
son to be proud of his ancestry, and he possesses versa
tility, brilliancy and gallantry past description. If he
were less endowed with those gifts, his learning, sense
and judgment would, by many unimaginative people, be
gauged at a higher value.

Barnes is employed in a great variety of important
actions, but he is especially sought by those whose con
nubial felicity has been wrecked, or is in a state of dis
organization.

There is another category of causes in which his ser
vices are generally considered essential — to wit, all such
cases as arise under those transcendental statutes that
are designed to punish and hold in check the specious
youths and curious seniors who invade or menace femi
nine purity, but which, in effect, encourage the designs
of unscrupulous women to disturb the peace and pillage
the goods of careless men, and to destroy sociability be
tween the sexes.

The most surprising of all legal contests originate in
the vagaries of true or simulated love. Its manifestations
are inexplicable by any process of reasoning or narrative
of facts, and they can only be inferred from comparisons.
A lover's eye sees an ugly grub that suddenly changes
to a butterfly. The butterfly spreads its mealy wings and
hovers in a bower of roses. The susceptible swain pur
sues, and in the paths of dalliance resigns himself to the

3io Fifty Years' Observation.

tyranny of sense. Heedless of time and consequence, he
inhales the perfume of flowers and dots his passage with
scented billets and love-tokens, till all at once the phan
tasmagoria vanishes, the butterfly resumes again the form
of a grub, and the idol of yesterday is the oppression of
to-day.

To adjust such a history to some form of reason, to
unravel the tangled meshes in which the parties are in
volved, to discover the guilt and to fix it upon the one
opposed to him, is a task that Mr. Barnes often assumes.
His masterly skill has given him renown, but it has also
damaged his respect for his species. One day when he
was returning weary and disgusted from the court, where
he had spent the day wrangling with a factious attorney,
I asked him if his investigations caused him to think bet
ter or worse of mankind. " Worse every day," said he,
and I suppose the same effect is invariably produced by
all attempts to make men and women virtuous by statute.
In spite of many vexations, Mr. Barnes has his consola
tions, for his fees are large, and in addition to a knowl
edge gained of all recognizable forms of wickedness, the
vast scope of his practice affords him opportunities to ex
plore the nebulae of sin.

There is one law firm in San Francisco which attracts
me by reason of the compensating dispositions of its
members. It is that of Thornton & Garber. The former
is the nephew of the great Kentucky senator, John J.
Crittenden, and he is full of energy, and so hopeful that
he anticipates success in all his enterprises. Defeat in an
action never fails to inspire him with confidence to renew
the contest. Nothing daunts him, and he sometimes
asks of the Court rulings as strange as would be a request
to change the orbit of a planet. Most men who should
attempt to imitate Mr. Thornton in this respect would

Thornton and Garber. 311

give offence, but he is so pleasant and polished in his
manners that he offends no one. His aged mother, nde
Crittenden, is as remarkable for talent and genius as was
her celebrated brother, and many of his relations of both
sexes are distinguished for their talents.

Garber is the antipode of his associate, and misgivings
attend him even in cases in which all the facts and
equities are on his side. His briefs are prepared in the
murky atmosphere of distrust, but when they see the
light no eye can discover defects in them. His citations
of law and precedent are universally to the point, and
that circumstance indicates a positive judgment which is
incompatible with doubt. His hesitancy is therefore due
to his wonderful imagination, which enables him to analyze
the subtile complications of the law. If he halts in his
investigations it is only to determine the fitness and co
herence of nice distinctions with his subject. It is ap
parent to me that Mr. Garber's ability entitles him, with
out presumption, to aspire to the head of the bar.

There are, and have been, lawyers in California whose
chief employment is to search for flaws in titles and con
tracts with a view to a suit and contingent fees. One
man whom I knew, and whose talents are recognized, de
fended his course by asserting that wrong and injustice
should be pursued and exposed wherever they may be
found concealed. This idea, pushed to extreme, as it
always is, often becomes the source of infinite vexations,
and causes much greater loss than the thing that's missed.
A calm-visaged attorney tells a widow woman that she has
lost a hare, and she can employ him to recover it. He
demands a small sum for his disbursements, but the
hounds with which he hunts must be fed at great expense,
and before the hare is caught the widow's cow has starved
to death.

312 Fifty Years* Observation.

The late John B. Felton was considered in some re
spects the most remarkable man at the California bar. He
was an innate gentleman, a polished classical scholar, and
a wit. He had a kind of genius that was without a parallel,
but in sound knowledge of jurisprudence he had many
superiors. His immense influence arose from his power
to delve beneath all canonical, civil, common, statute,
commercial, military and municipal law, to avoid stare
deciseSy and to evade deodand, and it is certain that if a
born citizen, or a citizen that is not born, />., a corpo
ration, had, with a club, beaten an innocent man's brains
out, he would have shown that the club had been trans
ferred to innocent hands, become a vested right, and was
no longer subject to confiscation. His peculiar genius en
abled him to cast a fierce light upon relations, facts, and
duties that are not apparent to ordinary minds, and his
facile eloquence was so seductive that he could convince
the Court or a jury that a man might do what he pleased
with himself, his talents and his possessions, or that he
could do nothing, as his cause required. He was equally
potent to obscure a good title as to mend a bad one,
and for that reason he was feared and respected by all
parties. He gained enormous contingent fees, as well as
such as were specific, and was habitually paid large re
tainers to remain quiet. Such subsidies, without service,
contributed to an occasional sluggishness and a careless
ness with his own interests, which, since his death, has
given much trouble to his amiable widow. Mr. Felton had
many friends, and his premature death was much la
mented.

I am on terms of friendship with many other judges and
lawyers of whom I could relate anecdotes if my space
would permit, but I must confine my notice of them to a
single page.

The California Bench. 313

Judge Ogden Hoffman, of the United States District
Court, to whom I have made frequent allusions, has been
on the Bench about thirty years, and at the time of his
appointment he was the youngest of all the Federal
judges. Many of his opinions have been famous, especi
ally those rendered in land cases, and the title to the
Alirmden quicksilver mine. He is a polished scholar, and
his brightness has been at all times admired. He is elo
quent, genial, and well bred by inheritance, and my
friendly intimacy of over thirty years with him has never
known the slightest interruption. Together we have dis
cussed every topic and subject with which I am
acquainted. On most of them he is sufficiently lucid, but
his theology I have never been able to grasp. I have
clutched at it, but have it not.

With Judge McKinstry, of the California Supreme
Court, and his family, I am also on terms of cordial social
intercourse. He is a distinguished gentleman, and is
honored in his position. His wife and daughter are orna
ments to society, his sons are promising, and few families
in California are more attractive.

Judge John S. Hageris now retired from the profession
of the law. While he was on the Bench, a legal friend of
mine remarked to me that Judge Hager was a man of
learning, a gentleman, and incorruptible. Mrs. Hager,
ne'e Lucas, is of French descent, and reminds me of
several grande dames I saw in Normandy. Her manners,
intelligence, and force of will make her quite conspicuous,
and her wealth enables her to be charmingly hospitable.

Judge Cope is another of the profession in California,
who to elegance of manners adds legal ability of a high
order and an incorruptible character. I hold him and
his family in high esteem. His worthy partner, James T.
Boyd, has long been among my most intimate and
14

3!4 Fifty Years' Observation.

cherished friends, and there are many more whose
society I find pleasant and instructive, especially Evans,
Mastick, Harrison, Reardon, Judge Wright, Lough-
borough, John T. Doyle, who is the most accomplished
scholar at the Bar; Judge Thornton and many more.
Among my lay acquaintances no man stands higher than
John Benson. He has many attractions, and so have W.
F. Babcock, Eugene L. Sullivan, and William Moor.

It was my design also to refer to the most prominent
merchants, bankers, mechanics, viniculturists, pomologists,
and agriculturists of my acquaintance, with a view to
give an idea of the material progress of the State of Cali
fornia. By a short reference to this subject, I should be
in danger of making invidious distinctions, and a full his
tory would require a separate volume. The activity and
the enterprise that have been displayed in the last thirty
years could only be fully understood by such as remem
ber the barren appearance and meagre productions of
1850, to contrast them with the abundance now enjoyed.
The transformations are like miracles, and incline us to
credit the fable of the Hesperian gardens —

"Which one day bloomed, and fruitful were the next."

CHAPTER XVI.

General Scott's visit to the Pacific Coast. — His conduct and character in old
age. — His appearance. — Judge Ogden Hoffman. — My appointment as
Military Secretary. — Scott's growing fondness for money. — His inactivi
ty. — My own state upon resuming service with him. — Some general opin
ions. — Scott's feeling as to sectional politics — Return to Washington. —
Various social events. — Visit of the Prince of Wales. — Affairs in the be
ginning of 1860.

" In life's last scene what prodigies surprise,
Fears of the brave and follies of the wise. "

HAVING been on duty on the Pacific Coast, I did not
see General Scott during the five years next preced
ing the month of October, 1859, when he landed at San
Francisco on his way to Puget Sound. He was under
orders to investigate the disputed boundary between the
British possessions and our territory which then vexed
the councils of England and America. Returning, he
stopped a few days in San Francisco, where he received
me with his usual cordiality. The exhilaration of
the voyage, the success of his mission, and the enthusias
tic reception he had everywhere met, revived his spirits,
and except that his bulk had greatly increased at the ex
pense of his bodily activity, the signs of old age were
not very apparent, although he was then 74 years old.
He was pleased with the country, spoke hopefully of its
prospects, and was astonished to find so many luxuries and
comforts in a city only ten years old. He said he had
found more good fishes in Puget Sound and its tributaries
than anywhere else in the world. He thought the silver

3*6 Fifty Years Observation.

salmon and some of the trout of those waters were sur
passingly excellent. I dined with him at the old Oriental
Hotel, which was then the best in the city. The general ate
and drank with a good appetite, told many anecdotes of his
past experience, related his observations during his long
voyage, and all his guests retired full of admiration for
the old hero.

The morning following the dinner I called again. I
was at the time on leave of absence, with orders to report
for duty at Fortress Monroe, Va. My leave having near
ly expired, the general told me I must sail in the same
ship with him. My affairs in San Francisco needed my
attention a while longer, and I ventured to ask him to ex
tend my leave, which he consented to do with a slight
show of reluctance, and shortly afterwards he embarked
for New York.

I left in the steamer of December 1st, and arrived in
New York on the morning of the 24th. Judge Ogden
Hoffman, of the United States District Court, was in the
ship with me, and we occupied berths in the same state
room. The judge challenged me to an effort of memory
on the passage to Panama. We undertook to recite
Gray's Elegy in a Country Churchyard, which I had never
learned by heart, and the judge said he had not. We met
at about eleven o'clock every morning, and I managed,
after painful efforts, to recite with tolerable accuracy two
stanzas, but the judge would tell off two, and sometimes
three, with a readiness that astonished me. All my
efforts enabled me to master less than half the poem, but
Hoffman went through the whole, and at the conclusion
he walked away with the air of a fighting-cock after a
victory. I was ignorant of Hoffman's process, till at the
end of two months after our arrival in New York he told
me he had found a book in the ship's barber's shop contain-

Return to Scotfs Staff. 317

ing the Elegy, which he placed open before him and studied
while the barber arranged his hair and cut his beard.

The father of Judge Hoffman was long the intimate
friend and associate of General Scott, at whose house the
son in his youthful days was a most welcome visitor. It
was, therefore, alike the inclination and duty of the judge
and myself to honor him with our first respects. Accord
ingly we found our way to the general's residence on
Twelfth Street the evening of the day we landed. Hav
ing sent up our cards, we were ushered into a large parlor,
where the general was seated alone in a spacious arm
chair. Notwithstanding the room seemed to me oppres
sively warm, he had on over his thick winter clothing a
large, knit, woollen afghan. He did not rise from his
chair, but he gave to each of us in succession both his
hands, and greeted us in terms of warmest regard. While
I stood in the presence of the venerable patriot my
memory flashed upon the past, to reveal a thousand ad
vantages and pleasures which I owed to him. At the end
of half an hour, as we rose to depart, the general said to
me : " After you have seen your children and friends,
come to my office, and I shall, in a few days, have some
thing to say which will interest you."

In obedience to his suggestion, on the morning of the
third day after my arrival I reported at the army head
quarters, which were then in New York, and was as kind
ly received as before in his private office, where he was
alone. He then told me that the law which bestowed
upon him the rank of lieutenant-general in the army al
lowed him a military secretary, with the rank of lieuten
ant-colonel. " I have never filled the place," said he,
" but I have offered it to Colonel Robert E. Lee, who is
now on duty in Texas, and who is a full colonel. My ex
pectation is that Colonel Lee will decline my invitation,

318 fifty Years' Observation.

because its acceptance would place him on duty in a
grade below his actual rank. If he does decline, young
gentleman, I shall offer the place to you."

Events followed quickly, as the General had foretold.
Colonel Lee declined for the exact reasons specified ; at
the same time he was lavish in thanks and terms of ad
miration for his old chief. I was therefore installed as
the Confidential Military Secretary of the Lieutenant-
General, commanding the United States Army, on the
1st day of January, 1860, and from that time forward till
the 2d day of April, 1861, was in daily attendance upon
him. Knowing his admiration for Colonel Lee, and that
he had so many worthy officers to choose from, I con
sidered his selection of me as an extraordinary compli
ment.

After General Scott had offered the secretaryship to
Colonel Lee, and while the offer was still pending, Lieu
tenant Lay, A.D.C., remarked to him, " What will they
say, General, if all the staff are Southerners?" They
would have all been Southerners if Lee had accepted.
The General replied : u If the Southern rascals will have
so much merit, how can we fail to advance them ! " This
recognition of the swelling and obtrusive merits of men
of his own kith, denoted, among many other signs, that he
was growing old and returning to his first loves. His
vanity had assumed new and varied aspects. " At my
time of life," he would often remark, "a man requires
compliments." Instead of boasting that he was six feet
four and a quarter inches tall, he would display in his
rooms his bust in marble as well as portraits of himself at
various ages, and it occurred to me that he was pleased
that I should admire them. He would from time to time
refer to the great historical commanders, and match his
own exploits with theirs. He would narrate the good

New Traits of Scott. 3X9

qualities of his earlier associates, and assign almost un
imaginable virtues to many Southern men, making them
much better than the men I have known in any part of
my life ; at the same time he would make his enemies
appear blacker, more perfidious and ungrateful, than the
wretches who have pestered me, with, say, seven or eight
exceptions. He seemed more anxious than he formerly
was to call attention to the elegancies of his style of
writing, although it appeared to me his style had not im
proved. He always had the habit of speaking of his
bodily infirmities, want of sleep, want of time to take
necessary food, and this habit had increased. Neverthe
less, he would say to an inquirer that he was in vulgar
health, and more than once, when he was taking a foot
bath, he would call my attention to his bared limbs, and
say, " Most men at my age are covered all over with
bunches, but you see my flesh is fair." He had many
new subjects on which he intended to write at some fu
ture time, such as his plan to improve the health and
good looks of men, to make them temperate, the best
method to get rid of pauperism, slavery, etc. I was once
speaking to him of a book I had read, giving conversa
tions with the inmates of a mad-house. He told me he
had often had it in his head to write on the same subject,
the nature of which will be better understood when I
relate my subsequent experience.

In 1862 and 1863 I had the charge and supervision
within m)' lines of the Insane Asylum at Williamsburg,
Va. I made it a point to converse frequently with the
inmates. One learned and dignified man was about to
discover a perpetual motion, which would be completed
at my next visit. He had constructed a strange-looking
machine to illustrate, as he said, " the forces evolved by
the unstable equilibrium of two bodies acting in parallel

32° Fifty Years' Observation.

lines." He would have talked me crazy, if I had waited
till he had completed his explanations. I also listened
to several women, whose reason had given way to relig
ious mania, and others who had become discouraged in
their efforts to make the world as good as themselves. If
my sympathies were touched by the fantasies and vaga
ries of the sufferers who were shut up in confinement, I
was amazed when I went to Washington and heard the
humanitarians who flocked to that resort to unfold their
schemes to banish war, crime, and roguery, to annul the
passions of youth and the greed of avarice, and make all
men wise, candid, and happy. When conversing with 6ne
of these last, I would look around to see if I was not in
the asylum, and, not finding myself there, I concluded the
lunatic with whom I conversed had escaped. The drift
of General Scott's conversation coincided remotely with
the foregoing remarks.

The number of the General's stones had diminished, and
such as he retained he often repeated, but I never gave
him to understand that I had heard them before. The ma
jority of his numerous maxims had lost their martial type
and assumed a character of thrift and prudence. His affec
tions, which had formerly been wholly absorbed by glory
and personal distinction, were now turning with a longing
gaze upon gold, upon yellow, precious, glittering gold !

Towards the end of every month I would see him
adjust his spectacles, and make rows and files of figures
on bits of paper. His bank-book was before him con
taining checks and other papers, and after examining
everything over and over, he would drive to the bank in
his one-horse coup£ and make his deposits. His other
qualities had been modified by time, but this passion of
avarice was apparently new in him, and he excused it by
saying, " At my time of life I need all the comforts." But

Dinners with Scott. 321

why should he excuse himself for a passion that so uni
versally gains possession of men, not more by reason of
their advancing years, than from their past experience?
His weakened health and declining influence, especially
at the South, tended to sadness, and every day he could
see around him evidences of the all-pervading power of
wealth, and how with baneful stealth when massed in
syndicates, or combined in corporations, it suborns and
bends to its purposes all the most able men and women
of the country. Its influence, like pestilence in the hov
ering air, permeates our halls of legislation, the bench
and bar, and even the sanctuary. With gold I can hire
a pagan idolater to profane his gods ! It was therefore
not his present parsimony that surprised me, but the con
trast it offered to his former practices.

The time was when he would frequently count the
money in his purse, and sometimes rinding seven, ten, or
fifteen dollars more than he expected, he would say: " I
am seven or ten dollars richer than I thought I was
(which was very strange for a prodigal like him) ; let's go
to the club, or to Delmonico's, and dine." So off we
would go, and he would, as a rule, order soup, fish
(sometimes salmon, though I liked codfish or bass better),
tete de veau en tortue, apple fritters — for the two last
named dishes he had an unvarying fondness — sherry and
champagne. Once at the table, with these good things
before me, and he the paymaster, my voice was attuned
to his. Vulgar complimentary platitudes, that can be
bought in the market and would be dear at a penny a
gross, I never dealt in. Some remark of his would send
my imagination in search of an apt quotation, or some
other form of expression, to nurse the idea he had started,
and he would soon begin to glow with self-content. Then,
while words flowed from my mouth like water from a
14*

322 Fifty Years Observation.

spout, he would keep my glass full, and I would, while
the bottles lasted, continue to pour streams of good wine
down my throat.

While I confess to my former extraordinary fondness
for rich soups and juicy meats, and my appreciation of
the vivifying influence of dry wines, I often realfzed how
extensively I indulged in those luxuries at the expense of
others. I once dined out by invitation in the city of
New York twenty-one days in succession. Notwithstand
ing I proclaimed myself a poor officer of the army, living
on his meagre pay, my conscience was occasionally smit
ten with qualms, and I would soothe myself with the
hope that I should some time be rich and able to pay my
debts of hospitality. That hope was a vague and fruit
less impulsion of gratitude, and the death or insensibility
to enjoyments of most of those who entertained me has
rendered its accomplishment impossible. As I have con
tinued my survey of the conduct of society I have learned
that a man is not often invited to a feast when his com
pany is not wanted. It may be I possessed certain
attractions not recognizable by myself, and it is certain
that I never employed a complimentary expression to
wards General Scott (and seldom to any one else) that I
ever heard addressed to him by another. The^ occa
sion gave birth to my compliments, and therefore I
imitated none, and none could imitate me. Thus it is
that my remorse for neglected requitals has gradually
diminished, and I shall reserve much of my repentance
and many of my orisons for sins of a graver complexion.

Another striking contrast to his former self, and a
dreadful token of age, was his bodily inactivity. He
moved slowly and with pain, and it distressed him to
ascend three or four steps. Consequently his office, bed
room, dining and sitting-room must all be on the ground

Scott and the Barcelona. 323

floor. His bulk was immense, but the expression of his
eye and countenance had lost its fire. Seeing him thus,
I naturally recalled his appearance when I joined him in
my youth, and for several years afterwards.

The most imposing show he ever made was during the
Canadian Patriot troubles a month or more after the
" Caroline affair." The Barcelona was to be taken up
from Black Rock to Buffalo, and it had been rumored
that the British commander was going to fire on her as
she passed a battery he had established on the left bank
of the Niagara River. Having heard the rumor, the
general dressed himself in full uniform and repaired to a
point on the shore which was directly opposite the Eng
lish guns. There, by chance, he found an old oak that
had been blown down. The tree was but slightly in
clined, and was lying almost parallel with the stream, and
the bright sun enabled us to see clearly the English
soldiers on the opposite shore. As the vessel approached
the general clambered upon the old oak, the trunk of
which was six or eight feet in diameter and bare of limbs
thirty or forty feet from the upturned roots. He appeared
taller than before, and as he strode to and fro on his high
wooden walk, his cocked hat looked higher, and his
plumes spread wider than ever. Seizing the moment
when the prow of the Barcelona was directly opposite us,
he faced the foe and drew his sword, jerking it from its
scabbard and flinging its point skyward, as he would
flaunt the moon. Then bringing his weapon to a carry,
he scowled upon Canada! holding his vast height up-
stretched to its extremest altitude. Never did knight of
chivalry, though but fabled, present a shape more heroic.
He glistened with burnished steel and gold, and was as
gorgeous to look upon as a king of Sara. Though he was
not fired upon, he frequently referred to this defiant man-

324 Fifty Years' Observation.

ifestation, and it seemed to me that it was several hours
after he came down from that old tree before his fiery
scintillations and bristling flurry had wholly subsided.

The changes which age and political agitations had
wrought in General Scott after I ceased to be his aide-de
camp until I rejoined him as secretary were probably less
than I had undergone in my disposition and views of
life, by reason of my varied experience. While I was
first with him I was wholly influenced by my training at
the Military Academy, and a blind admiration for his
personal character. His theories of morality and honor
embraced no reference to trade and barter ; and when I
engaged in business in California I was disposed to
trust everybody, and to think it impossible that an inti
mate friend could cheat me. As a consequence, I found
myself swindled right and left out of nearly all my gains,
and while I supposed it impossible that any man could
distrust my integrity, I found myself duped and involved
in legal strife. When all this had taken place, I sudden
ly wakened to the conclusion that a man who would gain
money or fame must depend chiefly upon his own sagac
ity and courage. From that hour, having first looked in
the glass and sworn at the silly visage I saw reflected, I
began to thrive, and in a short time I achieved pecuniary
independence, which is more soothing to the nerves than
all the anodynes of the pharmacopoeia.

Other striking changes in my character had been pro
duced by the continuous sectional strife which disturbed
the country and finally ended in civil war. Among the
champions of the Northern cause there were hundreds of
abler men than I, but none more noisy and outspoken
on all occasions. Polemic and humanitarian problems I
neglected absolutely, and limited my exertions in efforts
to induce Northern representatives to assert their rights

My Health. 325

to proportionate civil and military commands and honors.
By so doing, I was in advance of the times, and all my
exertions served but one purpose, which was to season
me for a scapegoat, at the same time that they cooled the
old affections of General Scott.

As I have described the physical condition of my chief
when I joined him as secretary, it is but just that I should
tell what was my own at the same date. A winter cam
paign against the Puget Sound Indians had done far
more than all the hardships and gayeties of my former
life to strain my constitution, and for a time I feared I
must take my chance with the physic-taking, sour-visaged
race of valetudinarians. A short trial with doctors in
creased my fears and maladies, and induced me to throw
all their drugs to the dogs, and assume the care of my
self. In that way I shortly regained my health, and at
the time referred to I was unconscious of any bodily
weakness or ailment. The general always accused me of
an immense sleeping power. In one respect he was cor
rect, for it was my invariable habit, when not dis
turbed, to take only one nap in the twenty-four hours,
which I could depend on to last, every day in the year,
eight hours at least. He, like many other men, often
boasted that he could do with much less. It was my
opinion and computation, however, that his several diur
nal naps were equal in duration to my one. I have been
thus specific in describing the changes which time and ex
perience had wrought in my chief and me while I had
been separated from his military family. He was living
in the past, and for the present he was absorbed by fears
of civil war and attention to his bodily weakness and
pains. For myself, while I was in a condition to enjoy
the present with infinite zest, I lived more in the future
than ever before. I had no dread of the approaching

326 Fifty Years* Observation.

civil war, which I had been brought to conclude was the
only possible solution of the vexed question of slavery.

The French Socialist, Paul Louis Courier, in his spleen
against human society, occasionally emitted brilliant
sparks. He declared that mankind are by nature canailliere,
and that, if there were but three men in the world, the
second would lift his hat to the first and say, monseigneur,
and the two would combine to make the third work for
them. The truth of this remark I have often verified in
all the societies and throngs of men wherever I have jour
neyed over the face of the earth. Our race is all em
braced in four grand divisions, which are typified by mas
ter and slave, sycophant and hermit ; for those who refuse
to be classified must consent to dwell alone. From the
organization of our Government the master and slave
were at the South, the sycophant at the North, and the
hermit by himself. The sycophant frequently shoots
madly from his sphere and becomes a tyrannous master.
I am not by nature either sycophant or tyrant, and I had
become weary of being obliged to simulate the former to
avoid being a hermit, and as a natural consequence I lis
tened to the thunders of sectional discord as they grew
louder with far more pleasure than pain.

My admiration and gratitude for my benefactor had not
lost their fervor, but it was impossible that I could every
day witness the ravages that time had wrought upon the
mind and body of the hero of my youthful fancy and not
find my admiration giving way to sympathy, and some
times to pity. Amidst the general decay, two affections
in him remained in undiminished and apparently in
creased prominence — his attachment to the Union and his
love for his native South. For myself, I cared not to pre
serve the Union (although its value I regarded as ines
timable) under the old conditions, and if my early train-

Politics in 1860. 327

ing, to love the place of my birth, had been defective,
pride enabled me to supply the deficiency, and whenever
his Southern sectionalism showed itself, my Northern bias
became at once spontaneously apparent. The conditions
of our association had, therefore, undergone a radical
change, and I was not slow to observe a decline in his
affection for me, although he insisted on my being near
him more constantly than ever before. But the vigor of
Omar had departed and Keled had lost his docility — and
while the envenomed national feud was developing a
bloody issue, irritations accumulated, and finally termi
nated in a temporary estrangement between him and me.

From January to May, 1860, the general's headquarters
being in New York City, he received numerous visitors,
and the almost unvarying subject of conversation was
" the state of the Union." The strife of the two great
political parties was raging in fury in anticipation of the
Presidential election, which was to take place the next
autumn. Speculations were rife as to who would be the
chosen candidate. General Scott, although he had long
since apparently renounced his political aspirations, was
tormented with many letters. On the iQth of April, he
showed me one which he had just received from a gentle
man in Iowa City, Iowa, to say that if he (the general)
would send the writer funds, he would attend the Chi
cago convention and procure his nomination for the
Presidency. The man professed great admiration for
General Scott, who treated his letter with contemptuous
silence. My chief was beset daily by beggars, who came
for themselves and others to lay siege to his purse. His
kindness of manner to these mendicants encouraged im
posture, and he often gave money to the undeserving.

In the month of April the Democratic convention was
sitting in Charleston. The composition of that body of

328 Fifty Years' Observation.

politicians was as various and incongruous as the in
gredients of the witches' caldron. Northern men, or some
of them, began there to find themselves out of place. Mr.
Benjamin Butler was a member, and probably he found
in the debates reasons for a future change of base.

About the same time I received a letter from an army
associate, who was a Southerner and a State sovereignty
man, which covered sixteen large pages. The letter was
intended to convince me of the futility of all attempts on
the part of the North to coerce the slave States. The
writer attempted to prove from history that a country
like the South, which he called Pastoral, had never been
conquered. He cited Parthia, Arabia, Switzerland, and
America ; but all his citations and reasonings appeared
equally inconsequential to me. The general was in the
office with me, and asked who it was that sent me such a
stupendous document, and what it contained. I told him
the name of my correspondent, and that I was only able
to say it was a huge vehicle of words that conveyed little.
"It is," said I, ;<like employing a six-mule wagon to
transport one tallow candle." I added — "Thinks the
North can never subdue the South." At this the gen
eral's face clouded, and he made a snappish remark
which I have forgotten. I could never criticise the South,
or anything in the South, before General Scott that he did
not manifest a certain degree of displeasure. Nearly all
Southerners resembled him in this respect. Once, while
we were journeying from Charleston to the Cherokee
country, I frequently called his attention to the skeleton
hogs I saw near the road. On the coast — "poor as a
sand-hill hog " is a current saying. Farther up the coun
try the hogs are as thin as hounds, and can run as fast,
and jump further. I told the general I had seen a hog
turn while in the air and jet through a rail-fence flat-ways,

A Dinner at the President's. 329

and that in the Cherokee country the hogs lived on rattle
snakes, which made them so fierce. More than a year
after our journey he referred to my savage comments on
Southern hogs.

I find by my journal that I was in Washington with
General Scott from May I to May 19, 1860, and that
we lived at Wormley's, where we had our private table.
In his company I attended a series of splendid dinner
parties. At President Buchanan's the company was com
posed of sixteen gentlemen and sixteen ladies. At that
dinner I had a lady on one side and Senator Zach Chand
ler on the other side. The Senator was full of war and
blood, though he lowered his voice to a whisper in
speaking to me, saying : " Before the rebels get to Wash
ington they will have to kill Western men enough to
cover up the dome of the Capitol with their dead
bodies." At Mr. Corcoran's there were twenty-one per
sons, among whom were four foreign ministers, also Sena
tor and Mrs. Slidell. Mr. Corcoran introduced me to
Mrs. Slidell, who was a French Creole of New Orleans, of
wondrous beauty and grace. While I conversed with her
I thought more of lutes and bowers than of guns and
drums and camps. At Lord Lyons's dinner the company
numbered twenty-two. At Baron Stoeckl's there were
only eight guests, and I was there without General Scott.
At Colonel Freeman's there were twenty persons.
At Senator Douglas's dinner, where the guests were
numerous, several judges of the Supreme Court were
present, and I sat next Judge Wayne. The judge re
ferred, with a considerable degree of regret, to his son
Henry, a West Pointer, a friend of mine and a young
man of merit, who had decided to trust his fortunes with
the seceders. Senator Douglas's dinner was followed by
a general reception at which many ladies appeared.

33O Fifty Years Observation.

There and in other assemblages I formed the acquaint
ance of numerous charming women, young and old,
among whom were Miss Lane and Miss Buchanan, nieces
of the President ; Miss McAllester, of Philadelphia, who
was staying with Miss Lane at the White House ; the
Misses Magruder, the Misses Slidell, the Misses Lorings,
Miss Kinney, Miss Campbell, Miss Johnson, daughter of
Hon. Reverdy Johnson; Miss Turnbull, Miss Dixon,
daughter of Senator Dixon ; Mrs. Bass, a tall, handsome
widow from Mississippi ; the Misses Carroll, Miss Philips,
and many more from the South and from the North. I
found great delight with the Southern damsels, and even
with some of the matrons, notwithstanding the incandes
cence of their treason. Although I now consider myself
far enough along in years to be out of danger, it is my
solemn opinion that beautiful women ought to be consid
ered as contraband of war, and captured wherever found,
and detained till after the fight under the guard of old
persons of their own sex. Mrs. Greenough, who was re
puted to be the most persuasive woman that was ever
known in Washington, after expatiating on the injustice
of the North, tried to persuade me not to take part in the
war. Among her other arguments, she dwelt upon the
sickliness of the Southern coasts in summer ; but she
showed her woman's weakness by prescribing to me reme
dies against the deadly miasms. I reported the tempta
tions to which I was exposed to a patriotic Northern lady,
who, if she lacked some of the peculiar accomplishments
of Mrs. G., was more beautiful, and equally eloquent
on this particular question. The latter encouraged me to
hasten to the conflict, and told me that nothing but a
bullet could kill me. Although I was never in the least
danger of being diverted from my purpose, yet I well re
member how often I was lured to the brink of the preci-

A Tour of Inspection. 331

pice, and I am convinced that under the slave regime few
men could have boasted of their ability to withstand the
blandishments of Southern ladies. It would have been
idle to deny that in society they were the most attract
ive women in the world. The extinction of slavery has
dimmed their brightness.

Late in the summer of 1860, the General invited the
Kemble brothers, Gouverneur and William, to accompany
us on a tour of inspection to the North. We went as far
as Plattsburg, where we stopped at " Fouquet's." That
famous caterer did his best to surfeit us with fish and
game and other luxuries. I took a long walk outside the
town and across the fields with Mr. Gouverneur Kemble,
who was then seventy-four years old, and in good health,
saving his rigidity. Coming to a board fence, where there
was no gate, we were obliged to climb it or to make a
long circuit. As the boards were parallel with the ground,
and six inches apart, I thought it quite easy to get over,
but Mr. Kemble found the undertaking next to an im
possibility, and I was obliged to assist him. His figure
was always, since I had known him, bent forward, but he
was sound, and had still in him fifteen years of life, and
yet it was all he could do to get his foot over that top
board.

On our trip we delayed two days at Saratoga Springs,
where we found several prominent gentlemen from New
Orleans and other parts of the South. They all agreed
in sentiment in regard to the aggressive conduct of the
North, and in their views it was only requisite to accede
to all the demands of the South, elect a fire-eater Presi
dent, and be content. I listened to all the conversations,
but learned nothing new and was silent.

On the nth of October, 1860, the Prince of Wales ar
rived in New York, and WSLS welcomed by the citizens,

332 Fifty Years Observation.

who packed the streets from the landing to the Fifth
Avenue Hotel, where he alighted after dark. The fol
lowing evening he attended the ball given him at the
Academy of Music. I went with the General, and we
entered with the Prince and his suite. The managers of
the fete, the most prominent and officious of whom was
Mr. Peter Cooper, had selected a list of dancing partners
for his Royal Highness, which I understood he refused
to go through with. After dancing with a certain num
ber of elderly dames, he broke loose and went among the
bevy of young beauties to select for himself. In the
midst of the gayety the temporary floor over the pit gave
way and sank down with its heavy load of low-necked
dowagers, glowing maidens, grizzled officials, and eager
beaux, but none of them were bruised. By good luck
there were carpenters and plenty of lumber in the build
ing, and the floor was quickly restored, and the entertain
ment kept up till nearly daylight.

General Scott had received orders from Washington to
receive the Prince, and on the i6th of October we went up
to West Point to join Colonel Delafield, Superintendent,
who had also been instructed to receive him with all the
honors of the post.

While at the Point, I conversed with the Duke of New
castle, Lord Saint Germains, General Bruce and Lord
Lyons, of the Prince's suite. His Royal Highness, whom
I stood near for half an hour, was then nineteen years
old, of light complexion, rather under the medium height,
well shaped, eyes large and color clear blue, nose promi
nent, mouth ordinary, chin slightly retreating, forehead
ordinary, health and constitution good. His general ap
pearance was that of a polished young gentleman of good
abilities. He joined in the sports of the young officers,
riding, bowling, ten pins, etc. In the game they bowled

Colonel Hardee. 333

for a dollar, and the Prince one day won three gold dol
lars, one from Saxton, and one from Clitz, and, I think,
one from Palmer. He strung the gold dollars upon his
watch-guard, and was very proud of them.

As an acknowledgment of the civilities paid to his
Royal Highness, the British Minister, Lord Lyons, ad
dressed a letter to the General, to say the Prince felt con
cerned lest the General's attention to him may have caused
the indisposition he complained of. The Prince was grat
ified at having been able to see so much of the General,
and hoped he would be able to visit England, etc.

After returning from West Point to New York, an in
cident occurred which showed the extent to which sec
tionalism was raging in the army. I find the account of
it in my journal of October 23d, as follows :

" To-day, Colonel W. J. Hardee, of the Regiment

of Dragoons, called at the office in reference to an invi-

o

tation from Governor Letcher, of Virginia, to attend
an encampment of Volunteer Cavalry near Richmond
next month. By direction of General Scott, I had, the
day previous, enclosed to Colonel Hardee a copy of the
Governor's invitation, with a note from myself, which
contained the following words : * As you [Colonel Har
dee] have been authorized to delay joining your post
until the 1st of February next, you are, of course, at
liberty to accept, or to decline, Governor Letcher's invi
tation to attend the encampment of cavalry, as you may
think proper."

As I had addressed my note to West Point, it had not
reached Colonel Hardee, and when I showed him the
copy in the presence of the general, the colonel said
snappishly, " I am snubbed ! " This remark produced
violent agitation, which partly subsided when Colonel
Hardee disclaimed any disrespect towards the general

334 Fifty Years Observation.

Colonel Hardee then referred to Major Anderson and
Lieutenant Sinclair having been ordered to Fort Wood
to instruct a regiment of New York volunteers, and he
was not satisfied when he was told that matter originated
in Washington. General Scott further remarked that he
had not at any time given orders to officers to attend en
campments of volunteers and militia, though he had en
couraged them to do so when he had been able.

Colonel Hardee left the office evidently dissatisfied, and
with the belief that General Scott was biased in favor of
the North. Hardee was one of those officers who
nourished in the army the most advanced Southern ideas.
He looked forward with fond hope to the independence
of the South, and when afterwards the fortune of war
began to turn against her, his grief was beyond expres
sion.

October 29, 1860. — This is the date of a paper on the
state and prospects of the Union, by General Scott, en
titled " Views" and addressed to the President of the
United States. I give below a synopsis of the contents
of the paper, to show how ignorant the general really was
of the fierce animosities that were raging at the South
and in the North, and for which there was no possible
remedy but war. The general was occupied eight or ten
days in the composition of his " Views" and every morn
ing he discussed them with, or rather he harangued me
about them, as I disagreed with him in all his statements
and conclusions. I was in favor of Lincoln for President,
and I felt as confident that war would soon come as that
the sun would rise on the morrow.

In his paper the general balances the assumed right of
secession by an interior State with the superior right of
re-establishing the continuity of territory afterwards. In
the event of the dissolution of the great Republic, he sup-

Scott on the Eve of War. 335

poses there would be formed out of the fragments several
new confederacies — probably four. He sketches their
imaginary boundaries, and names their capitals, reason
ing from natural lines, the laws of trade, contiguity of
territory, and the necessities of defence. The general
thinks there is an indifference to slave labor in Western
Virginia, Kentucky, Tennessee, and Missouri, and that
they would by moral force alone be induced to coalesce
with Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, and other free States. He
proves that the right to carry slaves to the Territories is a
barren right, and appeals to the people of the South to be
content with things as they are, rather than to change
without reflection. He enforces his appeals with several apt
quotations from Shakespeare, Paley, and other authors.

He imagines the excitement grows out of the prospect
of Lincoln's election to the Presidency, thinks Lincoln,
whom he is not certain of having seen, will not be aggres
sive towards the South, and avows his own partiality for
the Bell and Everett ticket. Gives counsel, and says the
country has a right to expect moderation and firmness in
the Executive for the next twelve months, dwells upon
the benefits of moderation, and thinks that at the end of
a year the danger will have passed without bloodshed ! ! !
Recommends freedom of exports, and the collection of all
duties to pay debts and invalid pensions, etc. Describes
the absence and feebleness of the garrisons of Southern
forts, and recommends that they should be so strength
ened as to prevent coups de main, and concludes by avow
ing his solicitude for the Union.

No man can consider the views entertained by General
Scott in the autumn of 1860, and compare them with
actual subsequent events, and not be amazed at the dis
crepancy. Although he had lived nearly the whole time
since the war of 1812 in New York and Philadelphia, he

Fifty Years' Observation.

remained wholly unconscious of the mighty revolution
which was going on in the Northern sentiment, and he
ascribed the first mutterings of the dreadful tempest of
war which was soon to drench the land with fraternal
blood to the irritation caused by the election of Mr.
Lincoln to the Presidency. What he mistook for a
cutaneous pustule was the plague.

CHAPTER XVII.

Events of 1860 and '61. — State of the Union and of parties in the autumn
of 1860. — Buchanan's Cabinet. — Election of Lincoln. — Scott's sugges
tion of names for Lincoln's Cabinet. — Various social events in Washing
ton. — General Cameron. — The first demands from the South. — Hayne's
mission. — Petigrew. — Seward's speech. — Scott's views on the situation. —
Stanton's appointment to office. — First troops ordered to Washington. —
Reports from various parts of the country. — Threats against Lincoln. —
Scott's" depression.

THE journal I kept in the winter of 1 860-61 enables
me to trace the mad political current down to the
time when I separated from my venerable chief. The
short notes made at the time will assist me to recall to
mind the events that were passing, and now that passion
has subsided, the reader will be enabled to judge if my
own conduct was reprehensible, or if I was the object of
injustice.

To such persons as are too young to remember the
state of feeling throughout the United Spates during the
autumn of 1860, all attempts to convey an adequate im
pression of it would be vain. A majority of the South
erners desired to separate from the North and to set up
a confederacy of their own. A majority of the Northern
people dreaded disunion, and were willing to concede
much to avoid it. There was, however, at the North, a
stubborn minority that hated negro slavery, and were
determined to destroy it at whatever cost. There was
also a class of reflecting Northern men not yet moulded
into form as a political element, who had witnessed the
15

33$ Fifty V ears' Observation.

arrogant assumptions of the South, and the confidence
with which they claimed all the chief offices and com
mands in the Federal Government, the army and navy,
by right of innate superiority, and who being impressed
with the consequent necessary debasement of the North
ern character from such a state of things, could see no
other remedy but war, and war they desired. To this
last class I belonged, and hence the nonchalance with
which I recorded my impressions.

I find the following entry in my journal :

" October 30, 1860.

" In this morning's New York Times it is stated that
President Buchanan's Cabinet is a unit on the subject of
allowing the States to secede peaceably, if they determine
to secede, and not to interpose force."

No history of the present age should omit the names
of the individuals, or their functions, that composed the
assemblage whose resolve is heralded to the world in
the above simple announcement. They were as fol
lows :

Lewis Cass, of Michigan, Secretary of State.

Howell Cobb, of Georgia, Secretary of the Treasury.

John B. Floyd, of Virginia, Secretary of War.

Isaac Toucey, of Connecticut, Secretary of the Navy.

Jacob R. Thompson, of Mississippi, Secretary of the
Interior.

Horatio King, of Maine, Postmaster-General.

J. S. Black, of Pennsylvania, Attorney-General.

Those men were the chosen counsellors of the Chief
Magistrate of this mighty nation, and when they assem
bled in synod unbenign to gloze upon the value of the
Union, they concluded it was not worth contending for.
Their decision being wholly incompatible with reason,

Buchanan's Cabinet. 339

we must seek its cause among the accidents to which
humanity is exposed.

All men are aware that judgment is often the thrall of
ecstacy or prejudice, or it may be so obscured in the haze
of reverie as to lose its choice between wisdom and folly.
It may be wholly suspended for a while, and in the hiatus
of his thoughts a man may commit acts of depravity, or
allow opportunities to pass that will sadden his declining
years. All this may occur to an individual and occasion
no surprise ; but we are amazed to find that the seven
selected advisers of the President were every one of them
afflicted with a dreadful syncope at the same moment, or
else they would have retained a discrimination between
the inestimable blessings that cluster around the Union
of these States and the legion of plagues that would
attend their rupture. The illustrious De Tocqueville
declares that in the whole world there is not so advan
tageous a residence for man as the valley of the Missis
sippi, and yet he surveyed it in a condition of barbarism,
but in its unity, and knew not half its value. Now that
our boundaries are vastly extended, and so many new
sources of wealth and happiness disclosed, the dullest
understanding can feel the madness of a disunion of the
States and a division of the Mississippi Valley. We may
therefore absolve the Cabinet ministers of Mr. Buchanan
of treasonable intent, while we impute to them a simul
taneous occultation of reason.

I could never admit the propriety of listening to any
of the arguments of the seceders, since I regarded the
duty to preserve the Union as an axiom. General Scott
touched upon the absurdity of the assumed right of seces
sion, when he referred to the withdrawal of an interior
State like Tennessee or Kentucky. That absurdity would
be better shown by supposing the tier of States which

34° Fifty Years' Observation.

extends one above another, from Mexico to the British
possessions, should set up for themselves and inter
dict land commerce between the Pacific and Atlantic
States.

There can be no doubt of the desirability of defining
more explicitly in the Constitution of the United States
the limits of Federal and State jurisdictions. It appears
to me that all laws relating to money, saving the interest
on money, which should be left to free competition,
should be uniform throughout the whole country. The
same may be said of the laws of marriage and divorce, of
insolvency, defamation, and many other things. But the
States should be allowed to make their own police regula
tions and to frame such laws as are requisite to meet the
exigencies of climate, special employments, productions,
etc., etc. Above all things should the citizen who is
charged with a trespass, or a wrong, the establishment of
which would affect his character, be allowed a trial in the
community where the trespass is alleged to have been
committed. At present a man who is charged with
stealing a lump of ice in Alaska, in January, may be tried
at Fort Yuma in July by a judge and jury who had never
left Yuma.

My lawsuit in New York, in which it was required to
make " a judge of strong prejudices " and a very common
place set of jurymen comprehend the state of things as
they existed in California from 1849 to l853> anc* before
Alcalde titles had been settled, is a fitter comparison than
the ice case, although, perhaps, less easily understood.

From my journal :

"November 7, 1860.

" The die is cast ! Yesterday the election of President
took place, and resulted in the choice of Abraham Lincoln
of Illinois, by an overwhelming majority in all the free

Lincoln s Cabinet. 341

States heard from except New Jersey. That little State
it is thought may have gone Fusion, as they call it.

" November g.

"The above is all true. New Jersey stands alone,
among all the free States this side the Rocky Mountains,
with the South, and notwithstanding the certainty of
Lincoln's election, I feel the most lively anxiety to learn
avhat Oregon and California have done."

At the time referred to, Joe Lane, as he was familiarly
called, in Oregon, and Dr. William M. Gwin, of California,
both seceders of the most refractory sort, enjoyed each in
his own State enormous influence. When the returns
came in it was found that California and Oregon had both
gone for Lincoln, to the great joy and surprise of every
lover of the Union.

" November 12.

"To-day General Scott writes to the Hon. John J.
Crittenden, United States Senator from Kentucky, in
answer to a letter to him from that gentleman. The two
letters relate to the dangers to which this Union is now
exposed, and are filled with patriotic sentiments. Mr.
Crittenden referred to the subject of strengthening the
Southern forts, which General Scott suggested in his
Views of October 29. In General Scott's reply to Mr.
Crittenden, he speaks of the probability that Mr. Lincoln
will bring into his Cabinet some of the following names,
viz. : Crittenden, Bell, Rives, Stephens, Everett, and
Bates. General Scott inclines to a belief in the propriety
of Mr. Lincoln's publishing his programme of policy, so
as to quiet the South, and seems to fear that his silence
on this matter would prove hurtful. He thinks, however,
that the new President's Inaugural will be conservative
and moderate," etc.

All the above names, which General Scott suggested as

342 Fifty Years Observation.

eligible to places in the Cabinet, except that of Everett,
were Southern men, and Bell and Everett were the opposi
tion candidates for President and Vice-President. It
would have been a singular breach of custom if Mr.
Lincoln had invited those two gentlemen to a place
among his confidential advisers. Mr. Bates was made
Attorney-General, and he was a man of respectable
ability, but without strong convictions, so far as I was
able to discover, in regard to the great national quarrel.

From my journal :

" NEW YORK, Dec. 3, 1860.

"To-day commences the last session of the twenty-sixth
Congress. Party spirit never raged with so much
virulence as at this time. Many political doctors and
quacks are busy with nostrums and bandages to strengthen
and bind up the Union, but the patient is getting worse
under their treatment."

Many people with whom I conversed were so de
spondent at the prospect of a rupture of the Union
that in a letter to my agent in San Francisco, dated
December 10, 1860, 1 said : " It is now generally conceded
that this Union is about to slide. Let us stand fast on
the Pacific. If we break off, France, with the permission
of England, will gobble up California in a month." For
my own part I was not downcast, but rather exultant at
the prospect that, whatever might be the fate of the
Union, the North would shortly enter on the experiment
of governing itself.

The following extracts from my journal are full of in
terest :

' December 20, 1860.

" Arrived in Washington, and in the evening attended
a party at Senator Dixon's. Senator Dixon is a Connect
icut Republican, and is of the sort of Northern men

Affairs at the end of 1 860. 343

whom the South so easily frighten, and by whose tacit
co-operation they have heretofore so rudely controlled
the North. I found occasion during the evening to pour
my spirit into several intelligent ears, and to counsel
firmness and unity of action on the part of the North.
Mr. Dixon remarked that he did not think there was
virtue enough left to preserve the country."

"WASHINGTON, December 21, 1860.

" Saw many people, and among them Mr. Clingman, of
the Senate, and Mr. John Sherman, of the House. Mr.
Sherman, to whom I introduced myself, and with whom
I conversed an hour and a half, is an able, fair, and dis
passionate exponent of Northern sentiments and inter-
ests. Speaking of the threats of some of the Southerners
to make Washington the seat of government of a South
ern Confederacy, he said, that ' sooner than it should be
so, a million Northern lives would be sacrificed in defend
ing it.' He remarked, also, that at the present time
many respectable Northern men from Ohio were detained
in Louisiana, where they had gone to sell their produce,
for the reason that they had voted for Lincoln ! Mr.
Sherman also informed me that the Austrian Consul at
Charleston had, in his official capacity, assured the au
thorities of South Carolina that in case of secession
Austria would acknowledge her independence. This in
formation concerning the Charleston Consul came through
the Austrian Consul-General at New York, to Chevalier
Hulseman, the Austrian Minister at Washington. Hulse-
man immediately rebuked the offending Consul, and
caused him to be suspended from his functions for hav
ing acted without authority."

The Chevalier Hulseman was of a sociable disposition,
and well informed on general subjects. I agreed with

344 Fifty Years' Observation.

him, as a rule, but when he said to me, '* There are many
good cooks in Holland," I doubted.

" WASHINGTON, December 23, 1860.

" Last evening I was at a dinner party, given by Mr.
Speaker Pennington. The company was composed of
our host, his wife and two daughters, and son, Lieu
tenant -General Scott, Senators Crittenden, Trumbull,
Chandler, and Dixon, Representatives Winter Davis and
Charles Francis Adams, and myself. I was the only man
at the table whose name is not now prominently before
the public. All, with the exception of General Scott and
Senator Crittenden, were out and out Republicans.

" The conversation turned on the state of the Union,
and all the persons with whom I conversed gave little hope
of any important concessions on the part of the North.
Mr. Dixon appeared uneasy and uncertain. Mr. Adams
was calm and said but little. Senator Chandler, as usual,
was defiant, and declared that the slightest violence in
Washington done to any Republican would bring down
from the Northwest 500,000 armed men, and that they
were fond of righting. General Scott was in excellent
spirits, said many things in support of the Union, and
which tended to harmonize discordant elements."

"WASHINGTON, December 24, 1860.

" The General and I dined at home, and had with us
United States Senator John J. Crittenden, of Ken
tucky."

I find I neglected to record the conversations at this
dinner, which were highly interesting, but I left a space
in my book for the record, as the eloquence of Mr. Crit
tenden was impressive. I recall the appearance of bitter
ness and disgust with which the Kentucky senator re
ferred to certain members of Congress, who continually

Mr. Crittenden. 345

harped upon what they called "PRINCIPLE/' when the
Union was in danger! Mr. Crittenden thought slavery
might be gotten rid of gradually, and gave arguments in
support of the resolutions which he introduced on the
subject. General Scott agreed with him, and gave addi
tional reasons for his opinion. In such company, on such
a subject, I could not give free vent to my sentiments,
although I admired the two illustrious men in whose
presence I found myself. My thoughts were turned on
Southern domination, which had so long oppressed me,
and against that I desired to fight ; otherwise I agreed in
many particulars with them both, as my ideas of govern
ment had wholly ceased to be sentimental. I have no
clear perception of what the advanced Northern politi
cians mean by the words principle, liberty, freedom, and
such like, which appear to leap spontaneously from their
outstretched throats, and to mean nothing good. I am
a friend of principle, liberty, and freedom, but the vaunt
ing orators and humanitarians generally attach a meaning
to those words that tends to evil, to impossible equality,
to communism, which is barbarism without romance.

Mr. Crittenden was one of the friends of General
Scott, with whom he was always socially intimate, and
whom he greatly admired. I do not remember any other
man whose opinions the General referred to and quoted
more frequently, and his influence was acknowledged by
all who knew him.

Mr. Crittenden was a typical Kentucky gentleman, un
affected in manner, brave, honest, outspoken, and abound
ing in common sense. He was neither handsome in his
person, nor specially graceful in his movements, and yet
no man more than he grew upon acquaintance. His son
George was a classmate and friend of mine at West Point,
and for that reason the father probably noticed me more
15*

346 Fifty Years Observation.

than he otherwise would. Among the distinguished ora
tors and debaters in Congress to whom I have at various
periods of my life listened, Mr. Crittenden was, on the
whole, the most generally attractive. He seemed never
to lack knowledge of the subject under discussion, his
statement of facts was always clear, his diction wonder
fully appropriate, and his voice as near perfection as could
be desired. When he stood up in the Senate to speak,
it was at once evident to the beholder that he had never
been frightened or cowed. Such men as have in youth
been made afraid of too many gloomy dogmas, or been
too heavily charged with mysterious accountability of a
dark and dismal character, can never in after-life appear
brave, unless they seem to defy some person or some
thing. At the North, fear or apprehension of undefined
evil has destroyed the efficiency of vast numbers of the
noblest of men, and their fate should demonstrate the
value of true courage, which was one of the essential
elements of strength in the character of this illustrious
citizen.

" Mr. Crittenden was an able legislator and finished
statesman, and from his early manhood till the end of his
life he was, with short intervals, always in office. He
was Governor of Kentucky, Representative and Senator
in Congress, United States Attorney-General, and Secre
tary of State. He was faithful to every trust, and his
integrity was unquestioned in all his employments. His
associates recognized in him a perfect gentleman, though
he lived without ostentation, and died poor."

" WASHINGTON, December 25^.

" Dined at Captain Cadwatader Ringgold's. At this
dinner, besides General Scott, I met Senator and Mrs.
Crittenden, Mrs. Bass from Mississippi, Mr. G. W. Hughes

Dinner at Winter D avis' s. 347

and wife, Colonel and Mrs. Lay, of the Army. I was the
only Northern man present, and was careful not to ex
press any very decided Northern sentiments, since the
dinner was good and I the guest of a friendly host. The
vein of conversation was entirely Southern, except when
General Scott related anecdotes.

" The advance of time demonstrates and confirms what
I learned many years ago — that there is an absolute in
compatibility of ideas between the North and the South.
The two sections may possibly moderate their antip
athies, but I am certain they will never, while negro
slavery lasts, conquer their prejudices or assimilate their
affections. We are not a homogeneous people, and never
can be such while slavery and freedom are associated
under the same government, and neither section can
judge the other fairly. To live together at all each
should allow to the other its pro rata of honors, offices
and benefits, and leave the question of merit to rest in
abeyance."

" WASHINGTON, December 26.

" Dined with the Honorable Winter Davis, of the
House of Representatives. At his table I met again Mr.
Speaker Pennington, Mr. Gant, of Saint Louis, Mr. and
Mrs. Pendleton, of the House of Representatives, Mr.
Bradley and Captain Humphries, of the Army, also two
naval officers, Porter (now Admiral), and another whose
name I missed.

" For once politics was not the topic of conversation.
We spoke of the resources of the country and such other
subjects as usually engage the attention of men of expe
rience and education. Among other matters we discussed
the Thirty Years War in Germany, the character of Gus-
tavus Adolphus of Sweden, and of Wallenstein, to whom
he was opposed. It happened that I had shortly before

348 Fifty Years' Observation.

finished a careful reading of ' Schiller's History,' and was
thus enabled to shine like a pedant. I sat near Mr. Gant,
and found him a companionable gentleman and full of

information."

" WASHINGTON, Jantiary 3, 1861.

" General Simon Cameron, United States Senator from
Pennsylvania, dined with General Scott and me to-day.
Senator Cameron told the general that he had been on a
visit to Mr. Lincoln, from whom he brought a message to
the effect that he intended to preserve the Union, and
would confide to General Scott the means of saving it.
The same message .was imparted to the general last
evening by Senator Baker, of Oregon. Considerable talk
ensued upon the subject of Mr. Buchanan, whom the
Pennsylvania Senator declared he had made and after
wards quarrelled with him."

I first became acquainted with Mr. Cameron at Saint
Louis, in the autumn of 1838. He was then Indian Com
missioner, and on his way to the Winnebago country.
At that time his activity was astonishing, and all his
movements indicated a determination to become rich and
famous. From 1838 nearly twenty-three years elapsed
before I enjoyed another opportunity to converse with
him. During that long interval he had become wealthy
and famous, and so great was his political influence that
I frequently heard it remarked that he owned his State,
or, in the expressive language of General Scott, that " he
carried Pennsylvania in his breeches pocket." My sur
prise may be judged when, on the renewal of my social
relations with Mr. Cameron, in the spring of 1861, I
found him in the full fruition of his early hopes and
without a sign of arrogance in his deportment. On the
contrary, his manners and speech were gentle, and he
would listen to the addresses of his former associates

General Cameron. 349

with as much patience as before. In this respect I have
only known one man who fully resembled him. I omit
the name of that man, for fear of giving offence to some
of the vast number of men and women that I have seen
emerge from meekness and poverty to wealth and power.
They all, but one, put me in mind, in various degrees, of

a man in California named H , who " struck a lead "

and became a millionaire in a day. As I had an interest
in an adjoining mine, the title to which was in dispute, I

asked an up-country man to consult Mr. H , who

probably knew all the facts. " I consult Mr. H ,"

said he. " Why, I should have to get up to a third-story
window to speak to him ! "

Mr. Cameron said that at one time, for several years,
his health had been poor, and that he derived benefit
from the daily moderate use of champagne wine. Upon
that hint I motioned David to uncork a bottle of that
propitious fluid. Mr. Cameron gave us much informa
tion about the politics of Pennsylvania.

" WASHINGTON, January 5.

" The Hon. Gouverneur Kemble arrived from New York
in company with Governor Fish and Mr. Aspinwall."

Mr. Kemble joined our mess and remained with us two

weeks.

" WASHINGTON, January 6.

" Governor Fish and Mr. Aspinwall dined with us to
day. They are both prominent citizens of New York
and strong supporters of the Union. Governor Fish
remarked that there were many persons at the South
who were secessionists per se, and, therefore, it would be
superfluous to make concessions to them. The govern
or's patriotism is strongly tinctured with common sense,
and everything in him — judgment, thoughts, conversa-

35O Fifty Years Observation.

tion, heart and character — is sound and well balanced.
The original framers of our Federal Constitution had in
view the production of men like Governor Fish."

" WASHINGTON, January 7.

" Dined this evening with the Baron de Stoeckl, Prus
sian Ambassador, and his elegant wife. The guests were
General Scott, Mr. Kemble, Mr. W. H. Aspinwall, ex-
Governor Fish, Mr. Corcoran and his son-in-law, Eustis
of Louisiana, and myself. The courtesies of this dinner
were remarkable. I witnessed no violent outbursts of
sectionalism while at the table. After dinner I fell into
conversation with Mr. Eustis, whose father was a native
of Massachusetts. The son, who was born in Mississippi,
being a new-hatched slaveholder, proclaimed his attach
ment to the South with an enthusiasm becoming a
convert."

"WASHINGTON, January 9.

" Dined at Judge Campbell's. At the table were
many attractive young ladies. I enjoyed myself greatly ;
danced with Miss Campbell, and conversed a long time
with Miss Philips. I alone was from the North ; all the
others were Southerners — elegant, fascinating, beautiful,
but traitorous."

General Scott dined the same evening at Mr. Cor-
coran's. He met at the table Senators Toombs and
Benjamin, and several other secessionists whose names
he withheld from me, and I sorely regret that I neglected
to search them out. The general told me he had never
witnessed such violent outbursts of passion as were ex
hibited by the two Senators from Mississippi and Georgia.
" They cursed the Union as it is, and as it has been, and
they cursed its founders. They abused the President

Mrs. Slide II. 351

and other high functionaries. They also abused Major
Anderson, and behaved in their discourse like madmen."

The abuse of Mr. Buchanan by two such enthusiastic
rebels tended to confirm my opinion that he was not
always their willing tool.

" January 9.

" To-day Colonel Harvey Brown of the regular army ar
rived to take command of the companies that have been
ordered here for the protection of the Capitol. I con
versed with this devoted old soldier and staunch patriot,
and we agreed that as the North is at this time strong
and prosperous, it is as well that the conflict should
begin now as at a later date. We both agreed that it was
all well enough with the South so long as they could
command the North, but now that the power was about
to pass from their hands they were off."

{ WASHINGTON, January 13.

" Dined to-day at Mr. Corcoran's. In the company
were General Scott, Mr. Badger, of North Carolina; Mr.
Fay, of Boston ; Mr. Mosely, of Buffalo ; Mr. Alexander
Duncan and Mr. Watts Sherman, of New York; also
Senator Slid ell and wife, of Louisiana. I had been in
troduced to the Senator's wife before, and conversed with
her half an hour. Mrs. Slidell has the beauty and grace
of a high-born native of Paris, and she speaks English
with an accent. It occurred to me that she would have
appeared more spirittielle if she had spoken the language
of her ancestors, though I found her broken English vast
ly engaging. Nevertheless, as I was walking home from
the party, I reflected that no blandishments could mod
erate my desire for war."

"WASHINGTON, Jan uary 14.

" The South Carolinians have sent Mr. J. W. Hayne

Fifty Years' Observation.

to demand the surrender of Fort Sumter. There is a
mighty exultation in the Charleston papers over the ex
pulsion of the ' Star of the West' from their harbor.

"General Scott has received a letter from Mr. Peti-
grew, of Charleston. The letter is filled with sentiments
worthy of its author. Mr. Petigrew does not concur in
any of the schemes of the South Carolina madmen. He
thinks it will not be possible to reclaim any of the seceded
States."

Mr. Petigrew was one of the few South Carolinians
who was from the beginning radically opposed to seces
sion. He was the acknowledged head of the bar in his
own State, a man of large observation, excellent judg
ment, and the possessor of a subtle and penetrating
genius. The sophistries of Mr. Calhoun had no influence
with him, and he clearly foresaw the ruin which civil war
would bring upon the South. While stationed at Fort
Moultrie I enjoyed the hospitality of Mr. Petigrew and
his family. His daughter, Mrs. Carson, inherited the pa
triotic spirit of her father, with much of his genius, and
the hardships of penury, brought upon her by the war,
she has sustained with heroic dignity.

(January 14 — continued.")

"This morning, while General Scott was writing the
last words of an article to be appended to another paper
which he had written in New York under date of October
29th, 1860, Governor Seward of the Senate entered his
office. In General Scott's * Views' it was stated dis
tinctly that no idea was entertained by him of invading a
seceded State.

"Governor Seward, in his speech in the Senate last Sat
urday (the 1 2th inst.), stated to the effect that the Union
was not worth preserving at the expense of civil war ! "

Scott's "Views" and Correspondence. 353

I have transferred the above entry made in my journal
on the fourteenth day of January, 1861, without change.
It shows the state of mind at that date of two of the
most prominent Union patriots of the country. They
both cherished the Union, but lacked resolution to fight
for it —

" Letting ' I dare not' wait upon ' I would/
Like the poor cat i' the adage."

(January 14 — continued.}

" To-day I urged General Scott to order down from
Fort Vancouver, Washington Territory, to the posts near
San Francisco, two companies of artillery, and to place
one company in the fort at the entrance of the harbor. I
know the danger of leaving a strongly armed fort without
any guard whatsoever to the mercy of such desperadoes
as are among the Federal officers in that city."

" WASHINGTON, January 15.

<4 General Scott corrected the proofs of his ' Views ' for
the Intelligencer.

" The general receives a vast number of letters on all
imaginable subjects. Some of the writers propose to
raise regiments. Some offer to fight for him, as they
hear he has had a difficulty with Senator Toombs. Some
offer their own military services, some ask for money, and
some glorify him. I read them all, and many I answer.
These letters, in various respects, constitute a better
study of belligerent and laudatory human nature than any
book I ever read. Some of the letters threatened him
with assassination.

" I am getting fatigued with overwork, feasting, and
gayety. The incessant calls on me during the day allow
no time for rest, and the numerous feasts and parties ab
sorb my evenings and keep me out late. The general

354 Fifty Years' Observation.

sometimes detains me in conversation till after midnight,
which, he says, is his favorite time for conversation. Oc
casionally he sends for me after I have retired to come
over and listen to something that interests him. At such
times I generally find him in bed with a book in his hand,
which he puts aside to talk with me, or hear me talk. If
I remain silent too long he snappishly remarks : ' Have
you nothing to say?' When I feel fatigued and non-
compliant in all he says, he soon grows weary and places
his hand on his forehead, at which signal I vanish. It is
not the toughness of my constitution so much as the
force of my convictions that sustains me under such vari
ous pressure upon my nervous system."

Willie Van Buren, the son of my distinguished friend,
Dr. William H. Van Buren, of New York City, having
written to request me to obtain for him the autographs of
General Scott, Senator Crittenden, and Mr. Winter Davis
of the House, I wrote in reply a note of which the follow
ing is a copy:

WASHINGTON, January 16, 1861.
MASTER WILLIAM VAN BUREN :

We have been informed by Colonel Keyes that you desire our auto
graphs because you think we are devoted to the Union. The reason given
for your request betokens a laudable sentiment, and we comply with it
cheerfully for that condition, and because we learn that you are a youth of
excellent conduct and a diligent student, and we remain,
Very truly yours,

[Signed] WINFIELD SCOTT,

JOHN J. CRITTENDEN,
H. WINTER DAVIS.

Willie Van Buren was a youth of much promise. He
was erect, healthful, and bright in appearance; and so
amiable in disposition and engaging in his manners that
he was a favorite with his companions and the idol of his

Extracts from my Diary. 355

parents. His untimely death, which occurred a few
months after he received the note, had a crushing effect
upon his father and mother. The former built his hopes
upon his only son, who he anticipated would worthily
succeed him in his profession. My son, Edward L.
Keyes, who was of the same age with Willie, and his con
stant associate, had the rare good fortune to take the
place in the father's heart, which a cruel fate had made
vacant, to the fullest extent that nature permits. Drs.
Van Buren and Keyes during fifteen years were insepara
ble in duty and affection, till death closed the magnificent
career of the elder partner on Easter day, 1883.

" WASHINGTON, January 18.

" In the New York Evening Post of the i/th inst. is a
quotation from a Haytien paper, in which, after referring
to Mr. Lincoln's election, and its effects upon the black
race, the writer winds up with the following sentence:
* We plainly say then that we have greater faith in the
follies of the South than in the wisdom of the North.' "

" /an ttary 19.

"To-day General Scott changed his quarters from
Wormley's to Cruchett's, at the corner of Sixth and D
streets. The change was made for convenience, not for
discontent with Wormley. In the Sixth Street house, the
general's bedroom is spacious, and adjoins the dining-
room. I took lodgings in the house of Mrs. Harris,
directly across the way."

"January 20.

" Yesterday I wrote a letter to General A. S. Johnson,
commanding the department of the Pacific, directing him
to transfer two companies from Fort Vancouver, Wash
ington Territory, and place them in the forts which defend
San Francisco.

356 Fifty Years' Observation.

"To-day Lieutenant Duane, of the Engineer Corps,
with the company of sappers and miners, arrived in
Washington from West Point. Lieutenant Saunders
arrives also from Pensacola, to which place he had been
sent with despatches for Commodore Armstrong. He
was taken prisoner by the people of Pensacola before he
had delivered his letters, but would not surrender them
except to the commodore, who himself was a prisoner.
The commodore's men had been set at liberty on parol,
not to serve against Florida at any future time / The
lieutenant was also set at liberty upon his promise not to
communicate with the forts near Pensacola, and under
the written safeguard of Colonel William Chase, Saunders
was allowed to depart."

Colonel Chase was a graduate of the Military Academy,
and for many years an officer of the corps of engineers.
He was a native of Massachusetts, and married to a
Southern lady of fortune. The chivalry had subdued
him to their policy long before the rebellion, and when the
war began he joined the seceders. At first he appeared
to have influence in their councils, which apparently de
clined suddenly, and I heard of him no more.

The entries in my journal, which I am reproducing in
this book, although they frequently refer to trifles, will
suffice not only to show the state of society at the federal
capital, but they also exhibit the irresolute conduct of the
Government towards the seceders. An excess of labor
and gayety, conspiring with the unsatisfactory policy of
Mr. Buchanan's administration, kept me in a state of irri
tation, which may have caused me for the first time in my
life to brave my powerful chief. The following is an
exact account of my conduct on the evening of January
21, 1861, which I wrote on the morning after it occurred :

Extracts from my Diary. 357

" Captain Barry and Lieutenant Duane of the Army
dined with us. While we were at the table, Colonel Stone
came in and brought intelligence of the contemplated
attack on Harper's Ferry Armory. The news came
through Colonel Van Ness, of the pay department. In
relating it Colonel Stone spoke of Captain Magruder, of
the Army, who has been drilling men in Maryland, and it
was thought probable that Magruder was disaffected.
From what was said to me in the hall by Lieutenant
Duane as he and Barry were leaving, and from the report
of Colonel Stone, I derided the conclusion that Magruder
was working with the enemies of this Union. Returning
to the dining-room under that impression, I said with some
excitement, ' General, you must, or you ought to take
that young man in hand/ or words to that effect. General
Scott thought that my manner and words evinced a dis
position to dictate to him, and he became at once exces
sively angry. I was excited also, and said I was a patriot,
and when so many people were treacherous I would not
measure my words against traitors. I disclaimed the idea
of dictating to my superior officer, but in matters of
patriotism I must have my own way of speaking. The al
tercation was hot ; we both stood up, and I supposed it
would end my connection with General Scott as a mem
ber of his staff. However, we finally cooled off, and I re
tired to my lodgings without excitement or ill feeling."

" General Scott reminded me of my habit of late of
speaking to him in a dictatorial manner, and that he had
long had an affection for me. I intend to do my duty to
all men and to the country, but it is not a part of my duty
to feel or to know in this contingency fear for any man."

*' WASHINGTON, January 22.
"To-day a Georgian named Moulton came to offer

358 Fifty Years Observation.

General Scott the service of his boats in the cause of
the Union. He said the men of property in Georgia
were generally in favor of the Union, but they were
overawed and kept down by the Secessionists."

" Mr. Benjamin Stanton, Chairman of the House Com
mittee on Military Affairs, came to the office to consult
General Scott about a bill to raise volunteers for local
defence of the capital, etc. He referred to Mr. Henry
Winter Davis, who said that volunteers for the defence of
the capital should be drawn from Maryland. Mr. Stanton
thinks Virginia will secede."

" The United States steamer Brooklyn, with Captain
Vogdes's company of artillery, sailed for Pensacola to
day."

"WASHINGTON, January 25.

" During many days past rumors of the existence of an
organization to seize the Capitol and the public archives
have been more frequent than usual. I have not the
shadow of a doubt that such an organization does, in fact,
exist. President Buchanan seems loath to order troops
here, because he fears a display of troops would cause
irritation ! This temporization may yet be fatal to the
Union."

The pressure upon the President at the time referred
to above appeared to distress him sorely. The organizers
of the rebellion claimed to have promoted him to the
office he held, and they were not satisfied with anything
less than an abject submission on his part to their dicta
tion. He had already conceded enough to destroy all
power of resistance. One day he came into General
Scott's private office while I was present, and, dropping
heavily into a chair, he exclaimed : " The office of Presi
dent of the United States is not fit for a gentleman to

General Lyon. 359

hold !" Unfortunately the general was at the moment
dictating an order that required instant attention, and I
left his office and heard no more of the object of Mr.
Buchanan's visit from either of the persons concerned.

" The rumors of schemes and plans to seize the Capitol
continue to arrive from all quarters. Colonel Titus, of
Kansas notoriety, is here, and in communication with the
secessionists. It is rumored that the Mayor of the city
of Washington is in communication and in accord with
them also."

' ' WASHINGTON, Jamiary 29.

"Adjutant-General Thomas writes to Colonel Scott
directing him to have a company organized from the best
instructed recruits and in readiness to march at a mo
ment's notice, with two, or preferably three, officers.
Colonel Thomas also directs that Captain Elzy's com
pany shall be filled up immediately and ordered to
Washington.

" Orders are issued to-day for Captain E. Lyon with
his company to proceed and garrison the Saint Louis
Arsenal. This order was issued upon the earnest solici
tation of Mr. Montgomery Blair, who recommended Lyon
highly."

Lyon was a man whose appearance made a false report
of his qualities. He was plain in person, vand his counte
nance was not expressive. Nevertheless he possessed de
cided ability, and his temperament was of the most
ardent. A native of Connecticut, he avowed his Northern
sentiments in all situations with a fearlessness which had
few examples in the army under the old regime. As a
consequence, he was held in disfavor by the ruling func
tionaries, and his popularity among his brother-officers
never foreshadov/ed his future exploits. He exemplified

360 Fifty Years' Observation.

his valor on the field, where he fell fighting for the Union,
and thus secured to his memory such posthumous re
nown as men like him can hope only to inherit from
death.

4 ' WASHINGTON, January 29.

" To-day General Scott wrote to Governor Hicks of
Maryland to say he had endeavored to prevail on the
President to order ten or twelve companies of Maryland
volunteers to defend the Capitol. With them, and say
seven companies of regulars and 200 marines, he thinks
he will be able to guard the Capitol against any violation
of the peace."

I do not think anything was done in compliance with
the above suggestion of General Scott.

" WASHINGTON, January 29.

" Was introduced to-day to General Mather, Adjutant-
General of the State of Illinois. I conversed with him
upon the miserable condition of the Northern States to
resist and overcome the rebellion of the South. Illinois
is, according to General Mather's account, almost without
arms, and up to 1856 no record appears to have been
kept of the arms distributed to that State by the general
Government.

" In St. Louis he says the arsenal is in the greatest
danger. The Governor (Jackson) has placed all the arms
received from the general Government in the hands of
men who, like himself, are violent seceders.

" I spoke with General Mather of the necessary qualifi
cations of a Secretary of War for the new administration.
General Mather told me that Mr. Lincoln desired the
sense of the officers of the Army as to whom he should
place in the War Office. I replied that none but a dis
creet Northern man who had firmness and perseverance

On the Eve of the War. 36*

would answer. That all military authority was now in
the hands of the South as fully as in the civil depart
ments, and that a man capable of reversing that order of
things was required. The North must have power and
patronage in the full proportion of its numbers, and noth
ing short of that would answer.

" Letters threatening General Scott's life are received
from Mississippi to-day.

" Prince John Magruder's battery arrives in Baltimore
to-day. The subject of ordering him and his company to
Washington was mooted. To intrust Prince John Magru
der with the safety of the Capitol would have been like
placing a wolf to guard the sheep-fold. Reports are cur
rent in this city of conspiracies to prevent the inaugura
tion of Mr. Lincoln. It is just possible that no attempt
on the Capitol will be made. Rumors enough have come
in to put men in office on their guard. All neglects,
therefore, to protect the public archives are treasonable
crimes. I feel depressed at the apparent apathy of the
President, whose conduct is not such as Northern men
have a right to demand from the Executive of the United
States.

" General Scott is summoned to appear before a Con
gressional Committee of five, which is appointed to inves
tigate the conspiracy to seize the Capitol.

" It has this day been decided to call all the United
States Artillery out of Texas.

" The general instructs me to write to Colonel Duryee
of New York to describe his epaulettes, and to tell the
Colonel of the perils of the Capitol."

" WASHINGTON, January 31.

" Judge Parrott of Cold Springs was at the office to
day ; also a committee, of which Messrs. Peter Cooper
16

362 Fifty Years' Observation.

and Royal Phelps of New York are members. These
men will endeavor to compromise our national difficul
ties.

" Last night I attended an elegant dinner party at Mr.
Vinton's. Among the guests were General Scott, Mr.
and Mrs. Charles Francis Adams, of Massachusetts, M.
Hulseman, the Austrian Minister, Baron Austen Saken,
of Prussia, also the Belgian Minister, Mr. Moseley, and
others. Mr. Vinton's daughter, now Mrs. Dahlgren,
did the honors with much taste and spirit. After the
dinner I attended a party at Judge Campbell's. There I
met many remarkable young ladies, as usual at the Camp
bell's and elsewhere. The most conspicuous for beauty,
grace, and treason were the two Misses Slidell, the two
Misses Magrucler, Miss Philips, and the daughter of our
host. The sectional rancor of these damsels was admin
istered to me, tempered with soothing conditions. They
promised that in case I should be wounded and captured
they would bring me comforts in my prison. They even
went so far as to assure me that, after the war was over
and the Confederacy established, they would invite me
to their houses. Some of the matured Southern dames
and dowagers appeared to hate the portion of earth
where I was born, unconditionally ; consequently I do
not trouble myself to record their names, nor to remem
ber what they said. But of the others whose charming
condescension enlivened me, some I know to be pros
perous, and I trust they all are."

" WASHINGTON, February i.

"The rumors of perils to the capital thicken. Mr.
Thomas Corwin visited the general and remained alone
with him in consultation a long time. I know not the
subject of their discussion, further than that a letter to
the general from New York, concerning the plans of the

The Eve of the War. 363

rebels, made allusion to Mr. Corwin, whose name the
general was requested not to divulge.

" Mr. Winthrop, of Massachusetts, came to the office,
and I was introduced to him for the first time. Colonel
E. V. Sumner, of the Army, also called, and I began my
acquaintance with that good old soldier. Both those
gentlemen said they had heard much of me as a North
ern man.

" Mr. W. Swan writes from Nashville, Tennessee, under
date of January 20, that the rebels will prevent the in
auguration of Mr. Lincoln. The writer thinks a large
force is necessary in Washington."

" WASHINGTON, February 2.

"Last night I attended a brilliant party at the house
of the Hon. Reverdy Johnson. A glance at the assem
blage showed that the majority of the guests were South
ern. There were among them, however, a considerable
number of persons from the North. I conversed with
Mrs. C. F. Adams, Mrs. Douglas, Mrs. Wayne, Mrs.
Dixon, and many others.

" It is said that the rebels are arriving in squads and
taking up their abode in and in the neighborhood of
Washington, so as to be able to assemble in the city in
vast numbers as soon as the signal is given.

" While the rebels are organizing and arming, the
people of the North, with their customed fatuity in
matters of command and government, are moralizing.

" Last night the West Point Battery of Artillery
arrived in Washington. This morning as I saw it passing
along Pennsylvania Avenue I felt a glow of satisfaction
that I had not experienced before in many days."

"WASHINGTON, February 7.

" Captain Elzy, of the Second Regiment of U. S.
Artillery, who surrendered the Augusta Arsenal to the

Fifty Years' Observation.

Georgians, arrived in Washington with his company this
morning.

" Wrote long letter yesterday to W. A. Burleigh, Esq.*,
of Harrisburg, Penn., giving him advice for the organ
ization, arming and equipping of 70,000 men, the ex
penses, etc.

"Cost of rifled musket, complete $13-93

Cost of equipments for do 4.92

Cost of rifle, complete 17-43

• Cost of accoutrements for, complete. . . 4.52

"Last night a telegram from Little Rock, Arkansas,
sent by Captain Totten, Second Artillery, announced
that a lawless assemblage threatened to capture the
arsenal."

"WASHINGTON, February 10.

" Yesterday Mr. William H. Aspinwall dined with me,
and ex-Governor Robinson, of Virginia, dined with Gen
eral Scott. The four constituted an agreeable party.
The conversation was general on various subjects."

"WASHINGTON, Febrtiary n

" Last night I attended a large dinner party given by
Surgeon-General Lawson, of the Army. About thirty
persons were present, and I observed that when all the
seats at the table were filled five gentlemen remained
standing. After a delay of about half an hour, a small
table was improvised, and the work of eating and drink
ing commenced."

" WASHINGTON, February 13.

"The counting of the votes for President passed
quietly, and many think the precautionary measures
were superfluous.

" Dined at Mr. H. Winter Davis's, in I Street. It was
a social party with ladies, and uncommonly agreeable.

Extracts from my Diary. 365

General Scott, who had dined elsewhere, called for me,
and carried me home at ten o'clock P.M."

"WASHINGTON, February 15.

" Attended a party last night, given by Mrs. Charles
Francis Adams. I was introduced to Mrs. Lawrence
(nte Chapman), of Boston, and found her agreeable. She
is a beautiful woman, with elegant person and manners.
I was also introduced to Miss Crowninshield, who is to
marry young Mr. Adams."

"WASHINGTON, February 17.

" Attended party last night at Captain Manydier's.
Found several beautiful young ladies there, and among
them some were musical. The majority were seces
sionists."

" February -&•

11 During the last two days I have been despondent
about the Union. Factions are springing up in the ranks
of the Republicans. At the same time the Rebels, who
are in session, at Charleston and Montgomery, are as au
dacious in their efforts to overthrow the Government and
set up a Southern Confederacy as ever. Our Northern
people are so much accustomed to private judgment in all
matters that they will not serve under a leader. In this
respect they resemble the Poles of former days. I feel
as old John Sobieski felt when the insane division of his
countrymen led him to foretell the downfall of Poland.

" Last night General Scott appeared depressed also.
He analyzed the difficulties, and called on me for specu
lations as to the course Mr. Lincoln would probably
pursue. I did speculate glibly, without giving any special
opinion as to Mr. Lincoln's course, but I showered re
proaches upon the North for its supineness and upon the
South for its violence."

Fifty Years' Observation.

" WASHINGTON, February 21.

"Captain Meigs has arrived here from Fort Jefferson,
Tortugas, and came to the office this morning to report to
General Scott."

"February 22.

" Orders were given yesterday for a grand review of all
the troops in Washington to-day, but the orders were
countermanded this morning by the President. Mr. Sec
retary Holt wrote the order of countermand, which was
delivered to General Scott while he was at breakfast. I
ran to circulate it with all haste, but at one o'clock P. M.
Mr. Holt came to the general's office to request him to
have the review. The general told him that it was not
practicable, as all the troops were dispersed, and it would
be impossible to reassemble them before night. This
circumstance shows the supervision to which Mr. Bu
chanan's minutest actions were subjected. It should serve
as a warning to all succeeding Chief Magistrates of this
mighty nation, that when they have accepted its guar
dianship they are bound to repel the officiousness of all
men that speak or move to destroy or disintegrate it."

CHAPTER XVIII.

Major Anderson and Forts Moultrie and Sumter. — Description of Ander
son. — Anecdotes. — Anderson ordered to relieve Gardner. — His vigilance.
— His masterly movement from Moultrie to Sumter. — The question of
reinforcement. — Expedition of the "Star of the West." — She is fired
upon. — First shots from Sumter. — Beginning of civil war.

rj iHE agitations preceding our civil war were more vio-
-*- lent in the State of South Carolina than in any other
portion of the country, and the defences of the harbor of
Charleston, especially Forts Moultrie and Sumter, be
came a subject of lively interest.

Before quoting from my journal what I wrote in refer
ence to the change of commanders in Charleston harbor,
which was made in the month of November, 1860, I will
sketch the character of Major Anderson, who was made
famous by that change. We belonged to the same regi
ment of artillery, and served together in General Scott's
personal staff about four years.

Robert Anderson was born in Kentucky. Both his
parents were, I think, natives of Virginia, and descended
from good families. I did not become acquainted with
him till he had been fourteen or fifteen years in the army,
and I had been commissioned about half as long a time.
Of all my acquaintances among men, Anderson had the
fewest vices of any one of them. In fact, I doubt if he
had any quality which the world ordinarily denominates a
vice. Certainly he had none which are embraced under
the sweeping phrase, "Wine, women, and play," and

368 Fifty Years' Observation.

which, according to Gil Bias, are those that usually ruin
men. In all things he was rigorously temperate and
moderate, and he was as honest and conscientious as it is
possible for a man to be. He was a pattern of order and
method, and worked out his plans slowly. He always
had a reason for what he did, and generally he pro
claimed his reasons, and his frankness sometimes rubbed
me centre poll. This was accounted for by the strong di
vergence of temperament between him and me. His ar
guments seldom modified my convictions, and I would
often run after sports and feasts, while he remained plod
ding in the office. His minute punctuality in all the
duties, habits, and relations of life sometimes annoyed
me, but did not diminish my respect for him, since I felt
certain his decisions were never intended to be unjust.
Generally, while we served together in the staff, I was the
only Northern man attached to it. Our chief, Pegram,
and Shaw were all Southerners. Pegram and I were as
much in accord as though we had been rocked together
in the same cradle, and Shaw, who was a Tennessean and
a volunteer, and I were seemingly more fond of one an
other because we were born so far apart.

In person Anderson was well-built, and a trifle less
than five feet eight inches tall. His shoulders were slop
ing, and the tailor found it easy to fit him with a coat.
His face was rather long, his forehead high and narrow,
and the expression of his hazel eyes was such that they
could always be seen when his face was in sight. His
hair was dark and straight, and was cropped close, and
his beard clean shaved. He was popular among citizens,
to whom his salutations were cordial, and with whom he
maintained extensive friendly relations,

The foregoing description does not indicate a poetical
temperament, which was not one of the endowments of

Anecdotes of Major Anderson. * 369

\

Major Anderson, though he occasionally dabbled in verse.

A curious incident occurred m Augusta, Maine, while
we were there to settle the northeastern boundary. The
staff was then quite brilliant, as it was composed of An
derson, Joe Johnson, since the distinguished Confederate
commander ; George Talcott, who was one of the hand
somest men in the army; William Palmer, an accom
plished member of the engineer corps, and myself.
United States Senator Williams and his wife lived in Au
gusta, and we had met them in Washington, where Mrs.
Williams was known for her great beauty and accom
plishments. One day Anderson, Talcott, and I started
out to call on Mrs. Williams, who lived half a mile from
our hotel. On the way to her house Anderson and Tal
cott occupied themselves in saying over a stanza of
poetry which one of them had discovered, and which I
had never seen. They finally satisfied themselves they
had the poetry correct, and they commented on its
beauty without referring to me, but I had full possession
of it before we reached the door. We were cordially re
ceived by Mrs. Williams, who had two agreeable young
ladies with her. The conversation was pleasant and soon
became general upon a fitting subject, when I assumed
an air of suave composure and discharged the stanza
upon the waked attention of the whole six ! I studied
the proper emphasis of every syllable, and in my delivery
I vwafted my eyes from our hostess to my companions,
upoB whose faces amazement sat. They said nothing,
but the ladies admired the poetry and asked where I
found itu I told them I had picked it up in my travels,
and was glad it pleased them. After coming out Ander-
.son and Talcott assailed me with reproaches for my auda
cious the& -with stich violence that I apprehended a fight
or a foot r&c.e,, <t>Bt 1 escaped both, and when I related the

Fifty Years' Observation.

incident to the general and the other members of the
staff they made merry over it for several days.

Major Anderson was so little aware of his Southern
partialities that he frequently offended me without know
ing it. Almost invariably, when a Northern officer was
named for any kind of distinction, he would shake his
head and make a disparaging remark. At the same time
his moderation and candid manner would add to my dis
sent and irritate me beyond expression. The effect of
that irritation was probably operating upon me when I
made the following entry in my journal :

"NEW YORK, October 15, 1860.

"To-day Major Robert Anderson came to General
Scott's office. He has been to Washington, and is to be
ordered to Charleston, S. C., to relieve Colonel Gardner,
who is, in the same order, instructed to proceed forthwith
to Fort Brown, Texas. The Secretary of War directed
Major Anderson to report to General Scott for instruc
tions. The general gives the Secretary's order as his in
structions, and I see he will not venture anything more
specific. General Scott, however, suggested to Major
Anderson the propriety of examining into the state of
things in Charleston Harbor, and then to make a report.

" I can say, if hatred and contempt for the people of
the North and East, and especially the latter, and a
boundless partiality for the South, are qualifications for a
successor in command to Colonel Gardner, few better
than Major Anderson can be found among my acquaint
ances in the army. As to Colonel John L. Gardner of
Massachusetts, if he has been avowing secession senti
ments, as it is reported, he is a doughface, and deserves
neither compassion nor pity."

Major Anderson proceeded without delay to Charles-

Major Anderson. 371

ton, relieved Colonel Gardner, and took quarters at Fort
Moultrie, Sullivan's Island. There he found a small
garrison of about sixty regular soldiers and seven officers,
among whom were Captain Abner Doubleday and Sur
geon Crawford, two men of pronounced Northern cast of
mind, strong Union sentiments, and the former decidedly
incongruous in disposition with his commanding officer.

Anderson from the first seems to have been active and
vigilant, and did all in his power to strengthen his posi
tion, which was exposed nearly all around to attacks from
land batteries. It soon became evident that Fort Moul
trie was untenable, and the major, with masterly secrecy,
prepared to abandon it. He executed his purpose on the
night of December 26, 1860, by an exploit which of itself
was brilliant, and which made him the subject of conver
sation all over the continent. I record my impressions of
it in my journal as follows :

" WASHINGTON, December 27, 1880.

" To-day the news from Charleston is that Major An
derson, commanding Fort Moultrie, abandoned that post
last night and repaired with all his force, except four
soldiers, to Fort Sumter, which is one mile and thirty
yards from Fort Moultrie, and across the ships' channel.
He had spiked all the guns and burned the gun-carriages
before leaving.

" Fort Sumter is built on an irregular pentagon, in the
bay, of which the longest side is between three hundred
and four hundred yards. The cisterns in that fort are of
the capacity of about 3,500 gallons, and with provisions,
arms, and ammunition in abundance, he can hold out
a considerable time against the strength of South
Carolina.

" I regard the movement of Anderson as one of the
greatest merit. It brings the question of secession to a

372 Fifty Years' Observation.

focus. If the commissioners from South Carolina, Messrs.
Orr, Adams and Barnwell, demand the surrender of the
forts, the question may be settled at once, as to whether
the government of Mr. Buchanan is in league with the
secessionists or not."

At the time I wrote the above I was not aware that a
portion of the structure of Fort Sumter was inflammable,
as in fact it was to a considerable extent, nor was I aware
that the supply of rations was quite small.

The subject of reinforcing Major Anderson became at
once a source of immense confusion. The majority of
the Cabinet was unquestionably opposed to it, but I
infer that Mr. Buchanan was not as backward in the
matter as many supposed, from the following record in
my journal which I made at the time :

" January I, 1861.

"On the 3 ist ultimo, the Secretary of War, John B.
Floyd, resigned his portfolio in a letter glorifying himself
and insulting the President of the United States.

" Mr. Holt, of Kentucky, Postmaster-General, is to do
the duty of Secretary of War, ad interim. Mr. Holt and
General Scott will act together in harmony, and Major
Anderson will be supported in Fort Sumter, and efforts
will be made to prevent the forts falling into the hands
of the seceders. General Scott has continued to appeal
without ceasing to the President to protect the public
property of the Union.*'

"January 8.

" Some days ago secret orders were given to reinforce
Major Anderson from the recruits at Governor's Island.
Colonel Thomas went to New York to execute the order.
He was so cautious that two hundred recruits were put
on board the ' Star of the West ' by means of a steam

The " Star of the West " Fired on. 373

tug which conveyed them through the Narrows, trans
ferred them to the 'Star of the West,' and then put out
to sea to be gone two or three days. The ' Star of the
West ' got under headway Saturday, January 5, ostensibly
for New Orleans, and it was not till yesterday that the
matter appeared in the newspapers. The public mind is
now, consequently, in a most feverish condition. If the
seceders of South Carolina fire on the ' Star of the West,'
either from Fort Moultrie or from Morris Island, I trust
it may cause unity of sentiment at the North, and that
the war may commence in earnest."

"January IO.

" Rumors reach Washington in the newspapers, and
last night by wire, that the South Carolinians have been
firing on the ' Star of the West.' It is reported that the
ship did not get into the harbor to reinforce Major
Anderson, and that several shots struck her from the
batteries on Morris and Sullivan's Island. Thus the
drama advances !"

The above rumors proved true. Two shots struck the
" Star of the West," but no person on board was hit.

"WASHINGTON, January 16, 1861.

" To-day Mr. Gourdin from Charleston (a member of
the South Carolina Convention), was in the office. He
gave a list of the grievances of South Carolina, and he
seemed convinced that the Charlestonians are right in
the main, but, like other men under strong excitement,
they sometimes would do foolish things and things to be
regretted. I told him it would cause great and universal
hostility at the North if they longer cut off the necessary
comforts for Major Anderson and his garrison in Fort
Sumter.
. " After the futile attempt of the « Star of the West ' to

374 Fifty Years' Observation.

land reinforcements and supplies, Anderson and his little
band 'of heroes were left to encounter the hardships and
discomforts of a siege. On the other hand, the vaunting
seceders continued their destructive preparations with
unmolested vigor. All things being ready, an aged Con
federate patriot named Ruffin, a native of Virginia,
claimed the right of a debutant in the national tragedy,
and it was he who, on April 12, 1861, discharged the first
shot at Fort Sumter, which, being set on fire, forced the
garrison shortly to surrender. The noise of the gun that
Ruffm set off was soon known to the entire civilized
world. The shock stimulated and united the hearts of
Northern men, and was the practical beginning of the
civil war in America."

Among the apothegms of Holy Writ there are few
which upon probation leave in the memory a more frigid
impression than this: " Pride goeth before a fall." The
South Carolinians learned in after-times the truth of this,
since they were the proudest people I have known, and
their fall has been the most signal.

" How nations sink by darling schemes opprest,
When vengeance listens to the fool's request."

CHAPTER XIX.

Reinforcement of Fort Pickens.— Captain Vogdes.— Gen. Scott on the
situation of Fort Pickens. —Interview between Lincoln and Scott. — My
interview with the President and Mr. Seward. — The expedition ordered.
— Lincoln's letter of authority. — Gen. Butler. — Close of my secretary
ship. — Service under Morgan of New York.

ON the 25th of March, the subject of Fort Pickens
was brought into notice as follows : On that day
a correspondence between Lieutenant A. J. Slemmer of
the United States Army, commanding Fort Pickens,
Pensacola Harbor, and Major-General Braxton Bragg,
commanding the forces of the Confederate States at
Pensacola, was read by the President and Cabinet. It
appears by the correspondence that it was the impression
of both Slemmer and Bragg, that the armistice previously
agreed on in Washington required notice of its discon
tinuance, and that while it lasts the United States can
not, without a breach of faith, land Captain Vogdes'
company from the ship-of-war " Brooklyn," nor do any
other act to reinforce or strengthen Fort Pickens.

It now appears that Bragg, under the real or feigned
belief that Slemmer had, during the armistice, raised a
battery across Santa Rosa Island, has been at work forti
fying the opposite shore of the channel. Slemmer denies
that he has erected a battery on the island as accused.

The history of the armistice above referred to strikingly
illustrates the respect paid by the United States Gov
ernment to the men who were laboring openly to destroy
it. It appears that about the 2Qth day of January, 1861,

Fifty Years' Observation.

a telegram from Mr. Mallory was received by Messrs.
Slidell, Hunter, and Bigler, and laid before the President
of the United States. The purpose of that telegram was
to avoid a hostile collision at Fort Pickens, and to give
the assurance of Colonel Chase that no assault would be
made by the Confederates.

Thereupon the Secretaries, Holt and Toucey, of the
War and Navy departments, did, on the 2Qth of January
aforesaid, address a joint note to the naval commanders
near Pensacola, and to Lieutenant Slemmer at Fort
Pickens, forbidding Captain Vogdes to land his company
unless the fort should be attacked. The right to land pro
visions and ammunition was reserved, and communication
with the United States Government must be kept open
and free.

Mr. Holt asserted that the sole motive of the joint
letter was to avoid "irritation" during the Peace Con
vention, which commenced its session at Washington,
February 4, 1861.

General Scott remarked that he never saw the joint
letter of the two secretaries until the 2$th of March,
though he was informed by Mr. Holt of its substance at
about the time it was written. Mr. Holt declared that
there was no obligation implied or expressed to prevent
the landing of Vogdes and his company of artillery. On
the contrary, he thought our Government was at full
liberty to land the troops without giving any kind of
notice to the Confederate forces.

Notwithstanding the armistice, Captain Vogdes went
on shore with his company, and assumed command of the
fort. He was astonished at its meagre armament, and its
poverty in everything requisite for a defence, and with
out loss of time he made requisitions to supply all de
ficiencies.

General Vogdes. 377

As Captain, now General, Vogdes was often referred to
in connection with the subject under consideration, it is
proper that I should say a word of an old friend from
whom the tide of life has long separated me. While I
was his neighbor at West Point, Vogdes was assistant
professor, and remarkable for three things. He was
among the leading mathematicians, one of the most skil
ful chess players at the Point, and the best-read man in
the military history and campaigns of the great Napoleon
of the whole army. His disposition was amiable, albeit a
trifle irritable, while certain oddities of voice and manner
and other eccentricities tended to detract from his de
served reputation. While he commanded at Fort
Pickens, a body of rebels stole across to the island in the
night to alarm or capture the fort. Vogdes, at the head
of a party of his troops, sallied out to repel the marauders,
among whom was a West Point associate, who recog
nized his shrill voice. Guided by that, which continued
to direct them, a few of the assailants found it not diffi
cult to gather around the captain, to seize his person, and
carry him away into captivity. Even in the depth of
his prison-house, Vogdes' strategical faculties remained
bright, and he made some happy suggestions for the con
duct of the war on the Potomac.

Subjects connected with Fort Pickens had been con
stantly discussed, and I find in my journal of March 29
the following entry :

" Last night General Scott went to dine with the
President. I came in at 5 P.M., and found him talking
with Senator Sumner of Massachusetts. The subject
under discussion was Fort Pickens. I had while in New
York, some ten or fifteen days before, written to General
Scott, to set forth the difficulty of landing ordnance
stores on the beach for Fort Pickens. I also added, that

378 Fifty Years' Observation.

if the fort needed all that Captain Vogdes had made re
quisitions for, it must be in a bad way. I thought the
matter serious, and that General Scott's attention should
be called to it especially. On my return from New York,
I suggested that, in consideration of the difficulty of re
inforcing Fort Pickens, it would be better to give it and
Fort Sumter up together, as an act of grace. Those two
forts may be considered as having been given up by Bu
chanan's administration.

" Before dinner the General received from President
Lincoln a note, asking him to come at once to the execu
tive mansion. On setting out, the General whispered to
me, that Mr. Lamon had informed him (Mr. Lamon
had been down to Charleston with a letter from General
Scott, with the sanction of Mr. Lincoln) that Governor
Pickens wished to come back into the Union. The
General also remarked that he supposed Mr. Lincoln
wished to converse with him about Forts Sumter and
Pickens, and he seemed to expect the President would be
willing to give up both.

" This morning the General appeared to be troubled.
He told me that the long conversation he had with Mr.
Lamon about the forts, and which he supposed Lamon
reported to the President, had apparently not been re
ported. The President said Anderson had played us false,
and he seemed to indicate a want of consistency in Gen
eral Scott's own views concerning Fort Pickens. The
President went so far as to say that his administration
would be broken up unless a more decided policy was
adopted, and if General Scott could not carry out his
views, some other person might. This last alternative
was dimly shadowed forth in Mr. Lincoln's conver
sation, and it seems to have disturbed General Scott
greatly/;

Fort Pic kens. 379

"WASHINGTON, Easier-Day, March 31, 1861.

" Last night and this morning General Scott was en
gaged in writing a short chronological history of Forts
Sumter and Pickens. Doubtless he was inclined to do
so by the President's conversation with him, and by the
conviction that, knowing the progress the secessionists
have made in closing in Fort Sumter, and in fortifying
the whole western side of the Harbor of Pensacola with
strong batteries, the two forts must soon be captured, or
given up. Moreover the general feels nettled at the
idea of having been considered tardy in making prepara
tions to reinforce Fort Pickens, which President Lincoln
told me he had given orders on the tyh of March to be done.

" In consequence of the above, the general conversed
at length with me, and he appeared glad that I agreed
with him as to the policy of surrendering the forts, or
rather of withdrawing the garrisons from them. I sug
gested that it should be done, and that a paper should be
drawn up by an able writer, that would give an air of
grace to the concession."

The foregoing proves the sad truth in regard to myself,
that I had in despair surrendered my own opinions. I,
however, retain the consolation that as I knew the abso
lute weakness of the forts and the strength of the
rebels, the forts must soon be surrendered or capt
ured. I conscientiously refrained from all allusions
to the Navy, because I could not arrive at any clear
understanding of the designs of Secretary Welles in re
gard to his co-operation. That there was no energetic
co-operation on his part, although the assistance of armed
ships was absolutely required, is strikingly apparent.
During the whole time which intervened from Ander
son's movement to Fort Sumter till his final evacuation,

380 Fifty Years Observation.

I witnessed no disposition to employ force to protect
the Southern forts in any of the directing agents of the
Federal Government, except President Lincoln and Mr.
Seward his Secretary of State.

At breakfast on Easter morning, the General encour
aged me to talk. I spoke at length, and went into mi
nute details of the manner of landing heavy guns, gun-
carriages and ammunition on the sand beach of Santa
Rosa Island, and getting them into the fort. I told him
it would be futile to attempt the reinforcement weak-
handed. During my explanations I was astonished at
the expression of the General's face. He did not once
interrupt me, though I continued speaking not less than
half an hour. A portion of the time, however, his
thoughts appeared to wander from my discourse. As
soon as I had finished speaking he wheeled in his chair,
reached out his hand and took, from a pile of rolled-up
maps and plans, a long roll, and handed it to me. It
was a map of the Harbor of Pensacola and its surround
ings, which I did not know was in the room. "Take
this map," said he, " to Mr. Seward, and repeat to him
exactly what you have just said to me about the difficulty
of reinforcing Fort Pickens."

As I had entirely abandoned all hope and expectation
that any serious effort was to be made to relieve the
post, I regarded my errand as one of the merest form.
So, placing the roll under my left arm, I passed down
Sixth Street to the Avenue and strolled along towards
the Treasury Building.

My pace was slower than usual, as I anticipated I had
time to talk ten minutes with Governor Seward, and
then be early at St. Matthew's Church, where I intended
to go. I was stopped by an acquaintance, who enquired
what that long roll contained. I told him it related to

Plan to Reinforce Fort Pic kens. 381

unfinished business, and I was going to leave it with
Governor Seward.

Arriving at Mr. Seward's house on F Street, I was ad
mitted, and found the astute Secretary standing in the
middle of his parlor alone. After a respectful salutation,
I said :

" Mr. Seward, I am here by direction of General Scott,
to explain to you the difficulties of reinforcing Fort
Pickens."

" I don't care about the difficulties," said he. "Where's
Captain Meigs ? "

" I suppose he's at his house, sir."

"Please find him and bring him here.''

" I'll call and bring him on my return from church."

"Never mind church to-day; I wish to see him and
you here together without delay."

Notwithstanding I had been long subject to obey mili
tary commands implicitly, a rebellious thought arose in
my mind, when I received from Secretary Seward such
clean-cut orders. Nevertheless I reflected that he could
speak from the ambush of original power, and concluded
to obey him with alacrity, and within ten minutes Meigs
and I stood together before him.

Without preliminary remarks Mr. Seward said : " I
wish you two gentlemen to make a plan to reinforce
Fort Pickens, see General Scott, and bring your plan
to the Executive Mansion at 3 o'clock this after
noon."

Accordingly we hastened to the office of the Engineers,
and the negro custodian allowed us to enter without
obstruction. Meigs, being familiar with all the deposi
tories, went directly to that which contained the maps
and plans of the Pensacola Harbor and the fort. Having
spread them out upon the large tables, we commenced

382 Fifty Years' Observation.

work, each in his own way, and continued our labors
nearly four hours with scarcely a word from either one of
us. We made out lists of everything a bare fort would
require; calculated the weight and bulk of the various
pieces and packages, the tonnage needed, and the num
ber of troops of the different arms required to place the
fort in a state of siege. Meigs made out sailing direc
tions partly, and a requisition for machines to sweeten
sea water. We finished our plans almost simultaneously,
and started at once for the White House. On arriving
at the door, I found by my watch that it lacked only five
minutes to 3 o'clock, and that it was impossible for
me to go to Sixth Street, see General Scott, and report
at the White House at the appointed hour. Neverthe
less I concluded to go in and lay the case before my
superiors.

We found the President and Secretary of State waiting
to receive us in the Executive Mansion. Mr. Lincoln
was sitting behind the table near the end ; his right leg,
from the knee to foot, which was not small, rested on the
table, his left leg on a chair, and his hands were clasped
over his head. Those positions were changed frequently
during the conference, and I never saw a man who could
scatter his limbs more than he. We sat down, and the
places occupied by the four persons were about the
corners of a square of eight feet sides.

"Gentlemen, are you ready to report?" said Mr.
Seward.

" I am ready," said I, " but I have not had time to see
General Scott, who is entirely ignorant of what I have
been doing. As I am his military secretary, he will be
angry if I don't let him know."

" I'm not General Scott's military secretary, and I am
ready to report," was the remark of Meigs.

The Plan. 383

Mr. Lincoln then said : " There's no time to lose. Let
us hear your reports, gentlemen."

Meigs read first, and his plan was as new to me as to
the other auditors. Then I read mine, and there was
nothing especially discordant in the two. Meigs went
more into the details of engineering, and I into those of
artillery, which was my specialty. When we spoke of
scarps, counterscarps, terreplains, barbettes, trench cava
liers, etc., Mr. Seward interrupted, saying :

" Your excellency and I don't understand all those
technical military terms."

" That's so," said Mr. Lincoln ; " but we understand
that the rare rank goes right behind the front ! " and then
he brought both feet to the floor and clasped his hands
between his knees.

As soon as the readings were at an end, not a sugges
tion of an amendment or addition having been made by
either of the august personages to whom we had ad
dressed ourselves, the President said : " Gentlemen, see
General Scott, and carry your plans into execution with
out delay."

It was already close upon six o'clock, which was our
dinner-hour, and I made haste to return home. I found
General Scott seated alone at the table, and saw in his
countenance such a mixture of anger and anxiety as I
had never witnessed before.

" Where have you been all day?" said he.

Then I described to him in the fewest words possible
how Mr. Seward had declined to listen to my explana
tions; how he had directed me and Captain Meigs to
make a plan to reinforce Fort Pickens ; how he had told
me to see General Scott and come to the Executive
Mansion at 3 o'clock P.M. How I had been detained
till it was too late to see him before that hour, and how

384 Fifty Years' Observation.

Mr. Lincoln had told me " to read my plan without first
seeing you !"

11 Did he tell you that ? " said the general.

"He did, sir!" said I, and then there was a pause of
at least five minutes.

It was easy for me to perceive that my chief was strug
gling to restrain a tremendous emotion. He no doubt
felt, as he looked, like a haughty dictator who had been
over-ruled. The majesty of his mien, which in times
past was so threatening when thwarted in his preroga
tive, was not now apparent. In its stead I noted in his
countenance that gloomy sadness, which antedates but
little the culmination of honors and the lapse of power.

The spectacle before me demanded a deferential
silence on my part, which I neglected to guard. To the
excitability of my temperament was due a gross breach
of decorum, of which, at the time, I was unconscious.
Gladness sparkled in my eyes, and the tones of my voice
were joyous. The dogs of War were to be let slip, and
I a factor ! Moreover all my faculties had been in vio
lent exercise during ten hours without refreshment of
any kind. There was not a mouthful of victuals, nor a
drop of drink in the War Office, nor in the executive
mansion, for us. Consequently I brought to the table the
appetite of a Siberian wolf in winter, and the thirst of a
Bedouin returned from a foray in the scorched sand of
Arabia. The dinner was good and the wines choice. I
indulged my voracity, while the general sat musing, and
between every three or four turns of my knife and fork I
poured off a bumper, throwing my head back to imbibe
the last drop. What happened after dinner I cannot re
member. It is certain that I was full of bread and
well charged with distempering draughts, though I was
not by any means drunk. I sought my bed early, and

Despatch to Col. Brown. 385

after a long sleep I arose refreshed for the hard work
of the following day.

Early on the morning of April i, Meigs and I
commenced our preparatory work in the various mili
tary bureaus at Washington. We needed time to select
officers, troops and material required, and to ascertain
where they were. Colonel Harvey Brown of the Artil
lery was selected to command the expedition, and we
drew up the following letter of instructions to him, the
authorship of the letter being about equally the work of
Meigs and me ; except the words " if necessary for de
fence," which were inserted by Mr. Seward, to whom I
submitted the letter. General Scott, before whom I
afterwards laid it, attached his signature without remark
or comment.

HEADQUARTERS OF THE ARMY, )

WASHINGTON, April i, 1861. )

Brev,et Colonel Harvey Brown, United States Army, Washington, D. C.

SIR :.— You have been designated to take command of an expedition to
reinforce and to hold Fort Pickens in the Harbor of Pensacola.

You will proceed with the least possible delay to that place, and you will
assume command of all the land forces of the United States within the
limits of the State of Florida. .

You will proceed to New York, where steam transportation for four com
panies will be engaged, and putting on board such supplies as you can ship
without delay, proceed at once to your destination.

The engineer company of sappers and miners, Brevet Major Hunt's
Company M, 2d Artillery, Captain John's Company C, 3d Infantry,
Captain Clitz's Company E, 3d Infantry, 'will embark with you in the first
steamer. Other troops and full supplies will be sent after you, as soon as
possible.

Captain Meigs will accompany you as engineer, and will remain with you
until you are established in Fort Pickens, when he will return to resume
his duties in this city.

The other members of your staff will be : Assistant Surgeon John Camp
bell, Med. Staff ; Captain Rufus Ingalls, Assistant Quartermaster ; Captain
Henry F. Clark, Commissary of Subsistence, and 1st Lieutenant George
F. Balch, Ordnance Officer.
17

386 Fifty Years' Observation.

The object and destination of this expedition will be communicated to no
person to whom it is not already known.

The naval officers in the Gulf will be instructed to co-operate with you,
and to afford every facility in their power for the accomplishment of the
object of the expedition, which is the security of Fort Pickens against all
attacks, foreign and domestic.

Should a shot be fired at you, you will defend yourself and your expe
dition at whatever hazard, and, if needful for defence, inflict upon the
assailant all the damage in your power, within the range of your guns.

Lieutenant-Colonel Keyes, Military Secretary, will be authorized to
give all necessary orders and to call upon the staff departments for
every requisite material and for transportation, and other steamers will fol
low that upon which you embark, to carry reinforcements, supplies and pro
visions for Fort Pickens for six months.

Captain Barry's battery will follow as soon as a vessel can be fitted for
its transportation. Two or three foot companies will embark the same
time with the battery.

All the companies will be filled up to the maximum standard. Those to
embark first from recruits in the harbor of New York. The other com
panies will be filled, if practicable, with instructed soldiers.

You will make Fort Jefferson your main depot and base of operations.
You will be careful not too much to reduce the means of the fortresses on the
Florida Reef, as they are deemed of greater importance than even Fort
Pickens. [We regarded them as constituting the key to the Gulf of
Mexico.]

The naval officers in the Gulf will be instructed to co-operate with you in
every way in order to ensure the safety of Fort Pickens, Fort Jefferson, and
Fort Taylor.

You will freely communicate with them to this end, and will exhibit to
them the authority of the President herewith.

With great confidence in your judgment, zeal, and intelligence, etc.

[Signed] WINFIELD SCOTT.

The paragraph directing Colonel Brown to defend
himself in case he should be fired upon was written by
me, and when Mr. Seward insisted on the insertion of the
words, " if needful for defence'' I speculated on his
motives and the character of his mind, which could
suggest a benefit from such a diplomatic caution in my
military composition. In writing the directions I antici-

Ordered to New York.

pated the possibility that a rebel or piratical cruiser
might cross his track, and in case a shot or shell should
come hissing through the air from a craft bearing an un
recognized flag, he was instructed to return it, and
to damage his assailant to the utmost of his strength. I
have known officers who were so scrupulous about orders
that, seeing such a phrase, they would, after the shot was
fired, call a council of war to determine its meaning, and
thus give time to the rover on the sea to cripple and
capture the ship.

As I desired before leaving Washington to have in my
possession such a warrant of authority as would secure to
me instantaneous obedience of all the staff and other
officers in and about New York, I wrote the following
order, and carried it to General Scott for his signature.
He took the order and held it in his hand, looking at it
two or three minutes. Then he returned it to me,
saying, " You had better get the President to sign that
order." I then changed the heading, carried it to the
White House, and Mr. Lincoln signed it without a
moment's hesitation.

The order was as follows :

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, )
1 86 1. \

Lieutenant-Colonel E. D. Keyes, United States Army, Military Secretary :

You will proceed forthwith to the city of New York to carry out the in
structions which you have received here. All requisitions made upon
officers of the staff by your authority, and all orders given by you to any
officer of the Army in my name, will be instantly obeyed.

[Signed] ABRAHAM LINCOLN.

Having ascertained the stations and depositions of all
the troops and materials we should require, and armed
with the President's mandate, which is few in words but
spacious in effect, Captain Meigs, Lieutenant Porter (now

Fifty Years' Observation.

admiral of the Navy), and I left Washington in the even
ing train of April 3, for New York. It was past midnight
when we embarked in the ferry-boat at Philadelphia to
cross the Delaware. As the boat was about to cast off, I
heard a group of men talking about us. One of them
said "There's General Scott's secretary; what's up?"
Spies were so thick in those days that I assumed an air
of indifference, and said, " Meigs, I'm not going to travel
all night ; please look out for my trunk, and I'll come on
in the morning train, if I don't oversleep myself." The
next morning I took the route via Amboy, and while
going up to New York from that city I prepared orders
for ordnance and recruiting officers, quartermaster and
commissary, and Meigs being on hand at the quarter
master's office when I arrived, a buzz of activity was
started immediately in the city.

Having issued orders, some in the name of Lieutenant-
General Scott and some in the name of the President of
the United States, and made requisitions upon the
quartermaster, commissary, ordnance, and recruiting
officers, the medical purveyor, and certain engineer
officers, I went out to inspect such ships and vessels as
were required. I agreed at once to the charter of the
steamers " Atlantic " and the " Illinois," and later I en
gaged the " Philadelphia," and others through Colonel D.
D. Tompkins, assistant quartermaster-general in charge
at New York.

The amount of war material of every sort and subsis
tence of all kinds for, say, 750 men for six months, with
forage for horses, and the various medical and quarter
master's stores, including fuel, would require the storage
of not less than 12,000 tons. The stevedores were awk
ward in handling some of the heavy ordnance, the gun
carriages and ammunition, and I was obliged to give fre-

Loading the "Atlantic"

quent personal attention to them. Fortunately, I knew,
and had at my tongue's end, the dimensions and weight
of every gun, howitzer, and mortar in the service, as well
as their carriages, and the same of every weapon, shot,
shell, and box of cartridges and fuses. Consequently I
could aid in the proper placement of those things.

The number of notes, letters, and orders to be written
was surprising, and the men who came to offer ships and
various kinds of service were a constant interruption to
us. We were obliged to cut short every interview, and
decline all idle talk, and by the incessant labor of Meigs
and myself we had the large steamer, the " Atlantic,"
loaded and ready to sail at 12 o'clock M., on the 6th day of
April. Thereupon Captain Meigs addressed the follow
ing letter to the Secretary of State, whom we both re
garded as the chief patron and originator of our enter
prise :

UNITED STATES TRANSPORT

STEAMER " ATLANTIC,'
2% P.M., 6th. April, 1861.

Hon. W. H. Seivard, Secretary of State .

DEAR SIR : — By great exertions within less than six days from the time
the subject was broached in the office of the President, a war steamer sails
from this port, and the " Atlantic," built under contract to be at the service
of the United States in case of war, will follow this afternoon with five
hundred troops, of which one company is sappers and miners, and a
mounted battery. The " Illinois " will follow on Monday with the stores
which the " Atlantic " could not hold.

While the throwing a few men into Fort Pickens may seem a small mat
ter, the opening of a campaign is a great one. Unless this movement is
supported by ample supplies and followed up by the navy, it will be a
failure.

This is the beginning of a war which every statesman and soldier has
foreseen since the passage of the South Carolina ordinance of secession.
You will find the army and navy clogged at the head with men, excellent
men — patriots, who were soldiers and sailors forty years ago, but who now
keep active men out of their places, in which they could serve the country.

•I

86iJ

3QO Fifty Years' Observation.

If you call out volunteers you have no general to command. The genius,
born, not made, is yet to be found, who is to govern this great army which
is to save the country, if saved it can be.

Colonel Keyes has shown intelligence, zeal, activity, and I look for a
high future for him.

England took six months to get a soldier to the Crimea. We were from
May to September in getting General Taylor to Monterey. Let us be sup
ported. We go to serve our country, and our country should not neglect us
or leave us to be strangled in tape, however red.

I remain, etc.,

[Signed] M. C. MEIGS.

The above letter was the frank expression of the
thoughts of the writer at its date. Afterwards, and
recently, when younger men, " excellent men, patriots,"
looked with longing eyes upon the office of Quarter
master-General of the Army, which he held, they served
up the ingredients of that letter as their chief argument
for his displacement, and they succeeded in putting him
on the retired list, although his mind is still bright, and
his capacity undiminished.

At the time Captain Meigs wrote his letter to Secre
tary Seward he was young, vigorous, handsome, clever,
laborious, and, when he chose to be, seductive. When I
saw him last, which was a year before his retirement from
active service, it appeared to me that time had tallied
the years upon him lightly, and I noticed no signs of
mental decay. But his place being wanted, he was ousted.

The habit indulged in by young officers of the army of
depreciating the capacity of their seniors, is not peculiar
to any one in particular, but it is general. There is a
certain age at which the majority of officers become unfit
for duty in the field, but it is not universal, and in many
cases it can only be determined individually. Dr. John
son said a man might hate his king and not love his
country, and it is equally evident that a man may be

Age of Military Leaders. 391

young and not a good commander. It is also certain
that some old men are good generals. Caesar was past
fifty when he crossed the Rubicon to display, at a later
date, the most wonderful prodigies of his genius in the
field against Pompey, Pharnaces, Mutius Scipio, and his
old lieutenant, Labienus. Genseric shone in war when
much older. In more modern times the Venetian Dan-
dolo commanded with distinction the expedition against
Constantinople when he was ninety-two years old.
Turenne, who was the first general of his age, was
killed in 1675, while in command of the French army,
at the age of sixty-four years, and his opponent, Monti-
culi, was still older. Wurmser, at eighty years, gained
the respect of Napoleon for his defence of Mantua, and
Radetski, another Austrian, gained the battle of Novara,
at the age of eighty- two. Finally, the examples of
King William and his lieutenant, Von Moltke, show that
septuagenarians are sometimes fit for duty in the field.
Fitness does not depend upon years, but upon genius
and strength and preparation.

The "Atlantic," with Colonel Brown and Captain
Meigs on board, left New York for Pensacola on the 6th
of April, P.M. Captain Grey was master of the ship, and
I addressed to him the following laconic note :

NEW YORK, April 6, 1861.
Captain A. A. Grey, Steamship Atlantic:

SIR. — The expedition, of which you are a part, is under the command of
Colonel Harvey Brown. You will therefore implicitly obey his orders.
I am, sir, respectfully, your obedient servant,

By authority [signed] E. D. KEYES,

Lieutenant-Colonel United States Army.

The absence of Captain Meigs was a serious loss to me,
as only about one-fourth the amount of stores to be for-
warded was on board the "Atlantic." Although the

392 Fifty Years' Observation.

" Illinois " was nearly loaded, I had after the " Illinois"
to load the " Philadelphia " and three sail-vessels, which
were to be filled partly with the heaviest cannon and
gun-carriages, which were so difficult to handle. I was
obliged to examine numerous invoices and documents to
ascertain what had been shipped and what more was
needed, and to avoid mistakes. I was obliged to take
measures to guard my secret, and I had for only clerk
and amanuensis my young son, E. L. Keyes, to whom I
took care not to mention the destination of the expedi
tion, and I was not sure whether he had discovered it
or not. I am certain, however, that Colonel Brown and
Captain Meigs arrived off Santa Rosa Island unex
pectedly to Bragg, and made success certain.

During the few days I worked with Captain Meigs,
preparing for a great advantage, which was the security
of Pensacola and its surroundings, I was struck with the
ease with which he grasped his subject and the facility
of his execution, and I was willing to concede that, what
ever might be the merit of our joint labors, the measure
of praise which was due to me should for him be filled
to abundant overflowing.

Now that I am no longer spurred by ambition, nor
troubled with official intrigues and jealousies, it amuses
me to contemplate the off-hand style of my letters,
orders, and other communications, of which I proceed to
give additional specimens. One of my reasons for ad
dressing Mr. Seward, instead of my chief, was, that I
fancied a letter to him would be less liable to be tam
pered with.

NEW YORK, April 7, 1861.
Hon. W. H. Seward, Secretary of State.

DEAR SIR .' — Captain Meigs received a telegram to stop a certain vessel.
Fortunately it came too late, and its execution would have struck our enter
prise between the horns.

Letter to Seward. 393

Coming on I told Porter, of the Navy, that the placing of one or two ves-
Bels in a certain place in time, would make the game certain — without, the
loss will be certain.

I found some difficulty in chartering the ships. Insurance companies
wished to know where they were going. I wrote on a slip of paper — " To
go into any port between Passamaquoddy Bay and Brazos, or any port in the
West Indies where a sloop of war could float." This, and the light battery
put Wall Street in a mist.

******

Meigs has head and pluck, and Brown has zeal of the true stamp. When
they begin to work look out for the capital, Forts Me Henry and Monroe,
the arsenals at Washington and St. Louis, navy yards, armory, &c. To
know where troops are to be had at a moment's notice to defend them will
be a sine qua non.

The "Atlantic" is off with Meigs and Brown, well laden. All this
Sunday and all night a large gang of men will be loading the "Illinois,"
and she, I trust, will be on her way when the sun goes down. Then I must
take a day to look through my and Meigs' memoranda to know what has
been done, and what we expect to do. We could not employ clerks lest our
purpose should get wind. I am not very expert with the pen, and Meigs
writes so illegibly that what he commits to paper I call fixed facts.

When every preparation for defence is made two bull-heads should be
placed in command of Forts Taylor and Jefferson, and Meigs, who can
grasp the whole subject, ought not to be far from the capital.
I am sir, very respectfully,

Your obedient servant,

E. D. KEYES,
Lieutenant-Colonel U. S. Army, Military Secretary.

P. S. — I have not time to write to any one but you to-day.

The vessel referred to in the first paragraph of the
"above letter was the sloop of war " Powhatan " which it
appeared the Secretary of the Navy desired for another
purpose than ours. At the moment the telegram was re
ceived to detain the ship, I knew she had not passed the
Narrows, and might have been stopped. The dispatch
was not to me, and as I thought it almost indispensable
that the vessel should go to Pensacola I said nothing and
did nothing in the matter.
17*

394 Fifty Years Observation.

My second letter to the Secretary of State was the fol
lowing :

NEW YORK, April 10, 1861.
Hon. W. H. Seivard, Secretary of Stale.

SIR : — Lieutenant Rodgers of the Navy [afterward Admiral Rodgers] has
reported. He has gathered some information at the navy yard for me.
Nothing can be ready for sea soon except the " Perry" ic-gun brig. The
formidable steam frigates, the "Wabash" and the 4< Roanoke," can be
got ready in three and six weeks, so we must rest content with what we
have in the Gulf and on the way there.

I had the good luck to get on board the " Illinois" one battery (Hunt's)
of Napoleon guns, with ammunition and implements complete, and another
battery (I suppose of Dahlgren guns) from the navy yard, with plenty
of ammunition. In the " Atlantic " some shells were sent, with plenty of
primers and fuses, cartridge bags, and such things as could be handled
quickly.

The two ships took better than six weeks' forage for the horses and four
months' complete rations for, say 720 men ; about that number will be there,
as I sent 75 recruits to fill up, etc. I am straining every nerve to get for
ward such ordnance and stores as I know will be needed. Enough have
gone to strike the first blow and to hold for a while against all they (the
secessionists) can do, provided the naval vessels can place themselves. I
shall charter another steamer to-morrow and secure the right to tow sail ves
sels which are now loading with such things as cannot be got on board the
steamers. If large demonstrations are made there it will be necessary to in
crease our force to the war standard, which is 1,250 men. In view of the
present complexion of affairs, a naval and military depot at Fort Jefferson,
Tortugas, is a thing of immediate and absolute necessity. That depot
should contain everything. I guard my secret against all. Our opposers
lack means of transportation, mechanical skill and capital. To distract
their attention and cloud it with mystery is the best course.

The Union sentiment, or the conviction that the Government ought to be
sustained, is growing among all parties. As soon as the first blow is struck
the capital will be in real danger.

Curiosity to know what I am about has increased so much that I address
this letter to you instead of General Scott. I am kaown to be his secretary,
and my letters might be tampered with. Please show this to the general if
it is worth showing.

I remain with high respect, etc.,

[Signed] E. D. KEYES,

Lieutenant-Colonel V. S. Army.

Our Instructions.

395

The directions contained in the following letter were
drawn up by Captain Meigs while we were engaged to
gether forming our plans :

NEW YORK, April, 1861.
Lieutenant-Colonel //. S. Brooks,

Commanding on board Steamship " Illinois"

SIR : — You, and the captain of the " Illinois " through you, will be gov
erned by the following orders, which are to be opened at sea below Cape
Hatteras :

{As before directed, you will have discharged your pilot
in deep water and have passed Cape Hatteras twenty
miles to the eastward.

No. 3.

No. 4,

No. 5.

• Cross the Gulf at right angles ; steer then for Mata-
milles Bank ; coast along the edge to lat. 25° 36'; thence
make Carysford Light, and follow the usual course to Key
West.

f Land the District Attorney Boynton at Key West.
J Have no communication with the shore or boats except
I to ask for orders at the Fort, but proceed with all speed

[to sea.

( Report yourself for orders to Colonel Brown, off Fort
\ Pickens,

No. 6.

No. 7.

Should anything prevent a literal compliance with the
above directions, you will follow them as nearly as possi
ble, having in view their main purpose, which is, that you
should report to Colonel Brown, off Fort Pickens, without
delay.

f Communicate these orders to no person whatsoever, ex
cept to the captain of the steamer, and it is supposed it will
, . . \ not be necessary that he should know more than that he is
to steer for Key West ; until after passing that point, com-
[ municate no more than is actually required.

By command of Lieutenant-General Scott,

[Signed] E. D. KEYES,
Lieutenant-Colonel U. S. Army, Military Secretary.

396 Fifty Years' Observation.

Lieutenant-Commander Rodgers having procured much
important information from me, our relations terminated
with the following note :

NEW YORK, April 13, 1861.

SIR : — Having given me the assistance and information required, to my
entire satisfaction, you are now at liberty to return to Washington, in con
formity with the instructions of the Secretary of War, which you received
on the 8th instant.

I have the honor to be, etc. ,

. [Signed] E. D. KEYES,
Lieutenant-Colonel U. S. Army, Military Secretary.

Commander John Rodgers, U. S. Navy, New York.

Having received no instructions from my chief to write
to him, I omitted to do so, for fear my letters would be
tampered with. My first letter to him was the following:

NEW YORK, April 13, 1861.
Lieutenant-General W. Scott,

Commander of U. S. Army, Washington, D. C.

SIR : — The steamer " Philadelphia " has been chartered and is partly
loaded. The work is suspended to-day by the rain, as most of the cargo
would be ruined by wet storage. This steamer will carry a siege battery of
ten pieces, with everything necessary to use it, also ammunition, imple
ments, and other necessaries for the fort. It will also take the balance of
a six months' supply of provisions and a considerable amount of forage and
lumber.

If the first blow shall have been struck everybody will be safe and com
fortable until the heavy armament arrives, and then the place will be im
pregnable against the present means of the seceders.

One schooner is loaded with the heavy pieces, and two others will be
necessary. To place them on shore without the assistance of a wharf is the
great puzzle . I will do what I can here to solve it.

Commander Rodgers, sent here to co-operate with me, has given me all
the information I desired of him. The day he reported he remarked that
he was a border-State man. To-day his expressions are strongly in favor of
the Government against all opposers. It may be the noise at Charleston
has brought him, as it has brought many others, to a just conclusion. I
trust it has, as he appears to be an officer of merit.

The " Philadelphia " has accommodations for a company of men if it is

Letters to Scott and Seward. 397

needful to send another company South. The vessel is old, however, and
not so safe as I should have desired for troops.

Commander Rodgers leaves for Washington this evening. By the middle
of next week I shall have accomplished the business for which I came here,
and then I shall leave unless otherwise directed

The vigorous measures of the Government are giving immense encour
agement, and the traitors at the North will soon be obliged to take cover.
I wrote last to the Secretary of State the loth instant.
I am, general, with perfect respect,

Your most obedient servant,

E. D. KEYES,
Lieutenant-Colonel U. S. Army, Military Secretary.

I have not the least doubt that the above letter pro
duced a very disagreeable effect upon General Scott,
although not intended by me. I must have appeared too
positive to him, and the word " traitor" in connection
with the sectional turmoil which then existed, had an
unmusical sound to all men of Southern birth.

My next letter was to Mr. Seward.

NEW YORK, April 14, 1861.
Hon. W. H. Seward, Secretary of State.

SIR : — The surrender of Fort Sumter, which is the conclusion of a series
of bad things, leaves several ships at liberty, and I know not their destina
tion. My secret is not out. Some conjecture Saint Domingo, others Texas
and Mexico. Fort Pickens and Fort Jefferson are also among the guesses.

I had intended to leave for Washington next Thursday, but now the
enterprise will take larger proportions. If it is intended to make all
arrangements for a state of war I ought to remain longer. I know what is
necessary, and yesterday I wrote to the general what I had done. Shall I
wait here to get news of the first \Aovf from our own people?

I have suspended work to-day and spent the time bewailing the fall of
Fort Sumter and the loss of much labor. Of course the storm has dis
persed the ships, and they cannot be heard from in less than a week, and I
have the credit of having worked hard for defeat.

I am, etc.,

E. D. KEYES,
Lieutenant- Colonel U. S. Army, Military Secretary.

P.S. — Since writing the above, I have seen Mr. Aspinwall, who says the

398 Fifty Years' Observation.

11 Baltic" will be here on Wednesday evening, and that she is chartered by
the month. Shall I load her here for the South? May she not be in Nor
folk ? There is an agency here for the Armstrong guns, and in six weeks
we could have some here. Captain Kingsbury, of the Ordnance Office, is a
perfectly competent and reliable officer in his department. He is something
of a genius.

A Mr. J. Dow Williamson has just left me. Says he was in Pensacola
on the 8th instant. Says also, the batteries to the right and left of Fort
Burancas are mounted with wooden guns, and that Bragg is concentrating his
forces in the live oak groves across the Bay, to the east of the town, and is
building rafts upon which to cross to Santa Rosa Island.

If Vogdes' company has landed, I think they may hold out, and I have
shipped the exact battery for that point which defends the landing on the
island. I have heard, but not trusted, this man.

I should like to go on with the "Baltic," for if Brown, Meigs, and myself
are Fort Sumterized, it ought to, and I trust will, kill us all.

I hope to finish loading the " Philadelphia " to-morrow night. I could
not store ordnance supplies and forage in the rain on Saturday, and I would
not work on Sunday, as it would have betrayed my secret. The " Baltic "
ought to take more troops.

Respectfully, etc.,

E. D. KEYES,
Lieutenant-Colonel U.S. Army, Military Secretary.

The style and jumble of the foregoing letter perpetu
ates the feeling of rage and despair which possessed me
when I heard that Fort Sumter had fallen. The fall it
self was less than the cowardice and imbecility at Wash
ington which preceded it, and was nothing compared
with the suffering and blood which were subsequently re
quired to regain the fort and place. It cost the life of
Chatfield, whose valor I witnessed at the first battle of
Bull Run, when we charged up the hill side by side in
the line of file-closers. His courage shone with equal
brightness in the last fatal act of his life, when he was
killed in an assault. He was one who fought calmly and
with no succeding display of vanity. If he hoped for
recognition, no one knew or knows it.

Mr. Seward wrote me a note in reply to the above

Letter to Col. Townsend. 399

letter, which I do not find among my papers. Mr.
Cameron disliked his officiousness in this matter, and for
that reason Mr. Seward requested me to address my
future communications to the War Department.

In my letter of instruction to Captain Kitteridge com
manding the " Philadelphia," I observed the following
paragraph :

Should you find yourself in danger of capture by the seceders, you will
do all in your power to escape, and rather than allow your ship to fall into
their hands, you will set fire to her, take to your boats, and report that she is
loaded with gunpowder.

My next letter was to Colonel Townsend, Adjutant-
General :

NEW YORK, Aptil 18, 1861.
Colonel E. D. Tovmsend, Assistant Adjutant-General, Washington, JD.C.

COLONEL: — The "Philadelphia" is now about loaded. A little more
lumber, the mules, beef cattle, and 150 barrels of powder and some imple
ments are all that remain to go on board.

We have had three rainy days, and it would not do to wet the forage.
The handling of the siege train and the stowing were necessarily very slow.

I have sent down launches from the Navy Yard. I examined there the
means and appliances which our people will have at hand to land the heavy
ordnance, and obtained from a naval officer written instructions and dia
grams to show the manner of using them. The three steam vessels carried
twenty-four cannon with their carriages, with all necessary appliances, and
upward of six months' provisions for the men, and about three months'
forage, with an abundance of shelter and clothing. I must examine all in
voices to see what has gone. General Scott will understand the immense
labor I have had to perform, and I trust you will let him know how uneasy
I feel at being here, while he has such burdens on his shoulders.

If you think the general would prefer I should join him before completing
the business here, let me know by telegraph, and I will set out Saturday
morning. If not, I shall start Monday morning.

I am, sir, etc.,

E. D. KEYES,
Lieutenant-Colonel U.S. Army, Military Secretary.

I receive no answer to the above letter, and no letter
from General Scott. The silence was ominous, and indi-

400 Fifty Years' Observation.

cated that I was laying up in store some kind of disap
proval*

On the 1 8th of April I wrote to Colonel Harvey
Brown, the commander of the expedition. The greater
portion of the letter consists in statements already
given, and which I omit. The conclusion of the letter
was as follows :

We worked so harmoniously together here that I will speak freely to
you. The war has commenced in earnest. Fort Sumter, after being girt
without opposition by batteries, and insulted during four months, has
fallen of course.

Fort Pickens has been long menaced and insulted under an armistice
which has only bound our people, and perhaps will be in the hands of
the enemy when you arrive. The time for moralizing it appears to me
has passed, and I trust you will consider that to stick a spade in the
sand is to begin the fight, and that you will rain a shower of iron upon
the rebellious workers who menace you.

I remain, etc.,

E. D. KEYES,
Lieutenant-Colonel U. S. Army, Military Secretary.

From my letter to Captain Meigs of April 19, 1861,
I omit the details contained in the first portion. The
other parts contained prophecies that were subse
quently verified to the letter. I wrote as follows :

The war will soon commence in earnest. 75,ooo troops have been called
for by the President, and more will be needed. Virginia has seceded,
and North Carolina, Tennessee and Arkansas will immediately follow.
Maryland may remain, as the white laborers menace the lovers of slaves.
Missouri is doubtful. Perhaps there will be a fight there, but all the
other slave States will go as a unit, except that Western Virginia may
hang back. -

*******

In such a state of things it is all important that you should be here, and
if you can make a little capital where you are, hasten on. I will enhance
your exploits and capacity, and when you return, I trust we may work to*
gether for the common cause and for one another.

One thing I trust you and Colonel Brown will not lose sight of for a
moment. That is, the necessity of having true men in charge of the Southern

Return to Washington. 401

or Gulf forts. A heavy hand should fall at once upon all such as sympa
thize with the rebels.

If we had had vigorous minds at the head of affairs six months ago the
serpent might have been crushed in the shell. Even now I must venture on
one sad prediction. It is this — at least one hundred tons of blood must be
drawn from Northern veins, before Northern men will cease to heed the
admonitions and to stand in awe of Southerners, and before they will cease
to abide by the Constitution and laws which are not, and seldom have been,
a bar to them.

It would be as unwise for us to act as to forbear the act, upon the sup
position that the rebels have any feeling for us but scorn, as it would be to
suppose the tiger in the jungle has pity.

The seceders having stolen nearly all the best arms and learned the use
of them, while we have been moralizing, I anticipate frightful havoc among
our Northern levies. The North, however, is [nearly] a unit [?] and if
necessary, 500,000 men will be forthcoming. Two Massachusetts regi
ments have passed on, and they are thirsting for vengeance. No horror
will surprise me, though I will do nothing that is not warranted by civilized
warfare.

Many of our people, I know, would like to imitate in the South the con
duct of Hyder AH in the Carnatic.

Callum has been appointed A. D. C. to General Scott, and for that
reason I stay here to finish.

In haste, your friend,

E. D. KEYES,
Lieutenant-Colonel U. S. Army.

On receiving news of the arrival of Brown and Meigs
at Fort Pickens in time to secure it, and to surprise
Bragg, I prepared to return to Washington. Mean
time, that city being threatened by the rebels, I was
invited by General Sanford, of the New York State
Militia, to go with volunteers from that State, over
whom he gave me authority, as did Governor Sprague
of Rhode Island over a regiment from his State.

The transports "Baltic," " R. R. Cuyler," "Coatza-
coalcos," and " Columbia," having on board the 6th,
1 2th and 7 1st regiments of New York Volunteers, and
the first Rhode Island Regiment under Colonel Burn-

4O2 Fifty Years' Observation.

side, convoyed by the " Harriet Lane," left New York
April 21, 1 86 1, to rendezvous at Hampton Roads. I
embarked in the "Baltic" with Colonel Daniel Butter-
field's regiment. We arrived and anchored off Fort
Monroe at 4 P.M., April 22. Colonel Dimmick, the com
mander, came on board and gave me a detailed list of
the things needed to place the fort in a condition fit
for defence. The present armament, as that brave and
patriotic old soldier described it, was -wretchedly dilapi
dated, and I lost not a moment in writing a full state
ment of the information derived from him to General
Scott. It was desirable to proceed to Washington via
the Potomac River, but the captains of the largest ships
decided that stream was too shallow, and I ordered the
convoy to proceed to Annapolis, where it arrived and
anchored on the morning of the 23d. As soon as prepa
rations could be made for the march, I ordered the troops
to advance for the capital, and renounced my authority
over them.

General Benjamin F. Butler was in command at An
napolis, and to him on landing I offered my services. I
had never met that gentleman before, and although he
was at the time a prominent politician, I had not felt
interest enough in him to watch his proceedings. He
invited me to his mess, and after being in constant com
munication with him six days I saw plainly that he pos
sessed phenomenal activity and persistence of brain
power, and that he considered himself fit to be the leader
in all the pursuits, callings, professions and occupation
of men whether he had studied them or not. At this
time I am not inclined to work out and condense upon a
single page a formula which would embrace all the traits
of his character, all his labors, aspirations, schemes and
achievements, but I will give an anecdote of another man

General Butler. 403

which will set off in part the disposition of General But
ler.

Several years before the war I met in the cars, going
from New York to Washington, a New Jersey man who had
invented a salt-boiling apparatus which he thought would
prove efficient and economical. The man told me he
had applied for a patent, and that he was on his way to
see Senator Benton, who at that time was making
speeches upon the subject of salt, its domestic and in
dustrial uses, its value as a fertilizer, etc., etc.

It may be remarked, in addition to what I have already
said of him, that of all the men I ever saw sitting in the
upper house of Congress not one so completely filled my
idea of a Roman Senator as Thomas Hart Benton. I
admired the ponderous majesty of his presence, and list
ened with admiration to his surcharged arguments, none
of which were derived from Mrs. Grundy nor from Caleb
Quotem.

The inventor, who was a man of faint complexion and
feeble tissues, armed with a proper introduction, found
himself confronted with the august Missouri Senator.
He was permitted simply to say he had invented a salt
boiling apparatus, and then Mr. Benton commenced a
dissertation upon salt, beginning with Lot's wife and
coming down to the present time. He spoke nearly an
hour, and concluded with a " Good-morning, sir ! " that
frightened the Jerseyman, who left without a word
about his invention.

The above anecdote illustrates one phase of General
Butler's character only. Unlike the senator, the general
would have heard a description of the invention, pro
vided that neither his interest, his vanity, nor his am
bition was concerned in it.

I must add a word more about General Butler, although

404 Fifty Years' Observation.

I have greater reason to hate than to like him. At
heart he would have fame, in default of which he is
content with notoriety at the expense of abuse and
slander. Weighed in the balance his virtues turn the
scale against his faults, one of which his accusers call
obstinacy. I think it should be called perverseness,
which is locomotive obstinacy. He showed masterly
vigor and judgment in anticipation of the capture of
New Orleans, and his subsequent labors as governor of
that city in its police and assaignissment, as well as in the
proper treatment of the rebels, male and female, entitle
him to be called a model city governor and to as much
praise as any man occupying his position could have
gained.

General Scott had sent several messengers, some of
whom were intercepted, but one who came through
brought me a letter the contents of which I did not an
ticipate, and of which the following is a copy:

WASHINGTON, April 19, 1861.

SIR : — Considering that you recently left me on a mission without my
suggestion or special consent, and considering that in our late official con
nection I several times found it necessary to suppress acts of rudeness on
your part, and considering that, after the high functions you have recently
executed, I should find it still more difficult to restrain your temper, I
think it necessary to terminate our official connection without further corre
spondence or irritation.

I enclose a letter this moment received from his excellency the Governor
of New York, together with my reply, which you can either use or return to
me as you may think proper.

Wishing you and yours all happiness,

I remain with much respect,
Yours,

[Signed] WINFIELD SCOTT.

Lieutenant-Colonel JS. D. Keyes, U. S. Army.

The duty I had recently performed in New York, where
there was no commander present to supervise me, was so

End of My Secretaryship. 405

agreeable that I did not much regret the loss of my sec
retaryship, which had during the past winter not only re
quired from me a perpetual attention and unremitted
labor, but it also subjected me sometimes to the whims
and caprices of a superior. Moreover in the sectional
strife which then raged with such savage bitterness, my
Northern sentiments, which I did not think it right to
conceal, could not fail on frequent occasions to wound
the susceptibilities of my chief. And although he had
treated me with uniform kindness, and only one alterca
tion had marred the harmony of our association, it was
evident to me that its warmth was subsiding. Neverthe
less, the duty I had so successfully performed, and which
resulted in depriving the rebels of a port and navy yard
of vast importance to them, I imagined entitled me to
a respectful recognition from my superiors.

Although I intended to accept service with Governor
Morgan, I thought it my duty to report in person to the
President and Mr. Seward, from whom I had received my
instructions. They were in earnest and thanked me
warmly for what I had done. I was also cordially received
by Mr. Cameron, Secretary of War, and Mr. Chase, Sec
retary of the Treasury, who invited me to breakfast, and
by Professor Bache and many others. When I called on
General Scott he declined to receive me, and I left his
antechamber without showing anger to Colonel Town-
send, who brought me the repellant message.

I was ignorant at the time of the opinion entertained
by Townsend of the cause of General Scott's refusal to see
me, and only learned it about three years ago from
Townsend's own lips. He had for twenty years cherished
the idea that I had gone away without notice from
General Scott to place myself in correspondence with the
President and Mr. Seward to reinforce Fort Pickens. I

406 Fifty Years' Observation.

have already related how I told the President that I was
General Scott's secretary, and that he would be offended
if I did not first notify him of what I was doing. Where
upon Mr. Lincoln ordered me to read my propositions,
which I did, and then without a moment's delay I re
ported fully to my chief all that had happened. The
President had a perfect right to give me the order, which
was in no way improper ; I was absolutely bound to obey
the President, and if I had refused his dignity would have
enforced him to dismiss me from the army on the spot.
General Scott denied himself to Meigs also on his return.

General Cullum, who succeeded to my place on the
staff, entertained a similar opinion, and was equally mis
taken with Colonel Townsend. It was General Scott's
wounded vanity which swayed his feelings towards Meigs
and me, and colored the impressions he communicated to
his attendants. If I had been guilty of the slightest treach
ery or disrespect to my chief, they would have been justi
fied in condemning me, and the mistake they both made
has caused in me no feeling of resentment for either one
of them ; on the contrary, my strong friendship for both
remains unchanged.

Townsend, during the whole war of the rebellion, and for
fifteen years after its close, held the important office of
Adjutant of the Army. He performed his vast labors with
ability, without spite or prejudice, and is one of the most
conscientious and amiable of men.

My irritation against my former chief continued several
years, but it gradually subsided, and was finally ex
tinguished by an incident which I will relate in its proper
place. I often spoke of his tyrannical conduct towards
Northern officers, and referred to his having quarrelled
with Worth and Temple, who had formerly served on his
staff. They were both Northern men, and had no superi-

Governor Morgan. 407

ors in the army for gallantry and accomplishments. I was
unable to discover a more tenable reason for his quarrel
with either of those meritorious officers than with me. In
a conversation with Assistant Adjutant- General Baird,
shortly after my discharge, he one day said to me, " All
General Scott's sentiments are Southern, and towards
Northern officers he has always been a most oppressive
tyrant." It is true the general's birth and breeding made
him necessarily partial to officers of Southern birth, and
he was wholly unconscious of his frequent harsh de
meanor towards those from the North. He would have
considered it a gross insult to have accused him of official
tyranny of any kind. I always felt far less hurt by his
partiality for his own section than by the uniform indiffer
ence and neglect of Northern functionaries in regard to
all natives of the North who were in the army and navy.
Nearly every benefit I ever enjoyed in the service I owed
to a Southern man.

The application from Governor Morgan of New York
was for an officer to assist him in organizing the \olun-
teers of his State for the approaching civil war. I was
glad to find myself selected for a task of such distinction,
and on the 2d day of May, 1861, I reported for duty to
the governor at Albany. After twenty days I left him
with the satisfaction that I had gained the approval of a
most worthy and patriotic gentleman. At the close of
our relations, Governor Morgan addressed to me the fol
lowing note. I had notified the governor that I had
finished the business for which I joined.

STATE OF NEW YORK, EXECUTIVE DEPARTMENT, )
ALBANY, May 22, 1861. )

COLONEL : — While heartily regretting, for reasons personal to myself,
the necessity which severs our official relations, I cannot but congratulate
the military authorities in securing the talent and experience possessed by
yourself to the public service.

In terminating formally, as it becomes my duty under the circumstances,

4°S Fifty Years Observation.

and as I hereby do, the connection established by General Scott's orders on
the igth April, allow me to express my thanks for the invaluable services
you have rendered me and the State in the organization and despatch of the
quotas of troops forwarded by this State on the requisition of the General
Government. I am very respectfully yours,

[Signed] E. D. MORGAN.
Colonel E. Z>. Keyes, U. S. Army

The luxury of serving under a commander who did not
feel himself degraded when I told him what I had learned
in the army was so exquisite that I craved no additional
reward for what I had done for Governor Morgan. I
thought my services over-estimated, as they consisted
chiefly in giving him the details of the organization of
companies and regiments, the care of arms, ammunition
and accoutrements, the selection and police of camps,
the necessity of vigilance and impartiality on the part of
officers, and of prompt obedience to orders by every one,
etc., etc. I took special pains to show the necessity of
guarding against the tricks of contractors and their in
numerable devices to cheat the Government and wrong
the soldier. On a certain day I was called to inspect a
lot of specimen shoes. I think there were five. One of
the shoes presented such a nice substantial appearance
that it secured favor from the other inspectors, and my
opinion was asked. Before deciding I had the shoe cut
entirely open longitudinally. The sole was found to be
welted all around, and a slip of wood beneath a shaving
of leather gave it solidity. Such a shoe at the end of one
day's march over the muddy roads of Virginia would
have gone to pieces, and the patriotic foot of a volunteer
would have touched mother earth. The sordid contractor
who presented that shoe deserved to be shut up in prison
and kept there until the end of the war. It is not im
probable, however, that he is now playing the snob in a
palace. His audacious attempt at robbery, as the times
go, promised success and a gross fortune.

Chester A. Arthur. — J. Meredith Read. 409

It was never my good luck to labor with a more agree
able company than when I was in the staff of Governor
Morgan, of New York. He was a genuine patriot and a
man of the kind that constitutes the true riches of a
State. It was composed of Mr. Chester A. Arthur, who
is now President, Mr. J. Meredith Read, since succes
sively Consul-General in France and United States Min
ister to Greece, and Massena R. Patrick, a graduate of the
Military Academy, and at present Superintendent of the
Soldiers' Home in Ohio.

Mr. Arthur was remarkable for method and neatness.
Like his chief, he showed no signs of egotism, and seemed
intent only to execute his tasks promptly and well. Mr.
Read, with whom in Europe I have since maintained
correspondence and social intimacy, was also a diligent
worker, but in his demeanor worldly ambition was ap
parent. He is of high birth, and his coat of arms is seen
upon his note-paper. I heard an Englishman ask the
question : " What does the Prince of Wales find in that
American, to be always with him or writing to him ? "
Read remained in Paris throughout the siege of 1871
and collected an immense mass of details concerning it.
He also recorded his observations upon Greece, which
are highly interesting. On several occasions I heard
learned Frenchmen speak admiringly of Read's ability
and industry as well as in praise of his social qualities.
Notwithstanding Read is aristocratic and fanciful, he
is not snobbish, and among my most cherished friends I
regard him as one of the most amiable and the least selfish.
When I was last in Paris Read arrived there as I was on
the point of leaving. I asked him if he was alone. " No,"
said he, " I came with the King of Greece."

Patrick was a most worthy man, and I he genius of
utility.

18

CHAPTER XX.

Arrival of Lincoln at Washington. — Caricatures. — Threatening letters. —
Dinner with Stan ton. — The retiring President. — The inauguration of
Lincoln.— Visit to New York.— Scott's letter to Texas.— Anecdotes of
Lincoln. — Farewell speeches of Benjamin and Davis.

"WASHINGTON, February 22, 1861.

MR. ABRAHAM LINCOLN, the President-elect of
the United States, arrived in Washington this
morning before daybreak. He disguised himself and
stole a march on those who anticipated his coming in the
afternoon."

The second day after his arrival a caricature appeared
representing " Old Abe," crouched in a large safe, of which
the door was open. At his feet lay a maul, and an axe
stood by his side. His meagreness and length of limb
were exaggerated, but the likeness of his face and person
was unmistakable. Such was the manner of his ingress to
the capital, and the symbolized appearance of one of the
mightiest figures of modern history.

"WASHINGTON, February 25.

" Numerous letters arriving in the daily mails contain
threats to assassinate General Scott. He assumes an in
difference to the threats, but he shows the letters to great
numbers of people, and wonders at their calmness. Last
night he exhibited some of the letters at Mr. Crittenden's
rooms in the National Hotel, and this morning when
alone with me he commented on the imperturbability of

Secretary Stanton. 411

his auditors. He ended by saying he could see the sel
fishness of mankind in everything. I told him I thought
mankind sympathized as much with him as with any man
of my acquaintance. The general sent word for me last
night and a week ago to come down to Mr. Crittenden's
quarters and walk home with him. I trust the assassins
will not pass their rapiers through me."

"February 26.

" Last night Mr. Stanton, the Attorney-General, dined
with me. He is a man of vast attainments as a lawyer,
with an extraordinary capacity for labor.

" He is a Union man, though he is one of President
Buchanan's Cabinet."

Upon a more matured and intimate acquaintance with
Mr. Stanton, after he became Secretary of War, under
Mr. Lincoln, I found no cause to change my first impres
sions of his talents and industry. I discovered, also, that
he was subject to violent impulses, and that occasionally
he would decide upon insufficient evidence and some
times with gross injustice.

One trifling incident will show my meaning : While I
was in command of an extensive section of the defences
of Washington city, I gave orders to Colonel Birney, of
the Pennsylvania Volunteers, to proceed with his regi
ment and occupy a redoubt which had recently been
erected. Three hours later, a messenger from Mr. Stan-
ton arrived at my headquarters with a note, ordering me
in precise terms to remove the soldiers instantly from the

house and grounds of Mr. , who, I was informed,

was a violent Secessionist. My horse being at the door,
I lost not a moment, and on my arrival at the house indi
cated I found it and its inclosure vacant. I kept on, and
upon consultation with Colonel Birney, he informed me that
while on the march a soldier fainted in the ranks, and as

412 Fifty Years Observation.

it was raining hard he was carried in and laid on the
porch of a vacant house that stood near, and left with a
couple of soldiers till an ambulance could be sent for to
take him to the hospital. The fainting man was not upon
the premises above half an hour, but he was seen by the
rebel, who considered his house defiled by the touch of
a defender of the Union, and he represented the intru
sion to Mr. Stanton as a violent trespass and outrage.

Mr. Stanton was accused of many hasty decisions, one
of which resulted, in my case, in a monstrous injustice.
He punished me ruinously, upon a report, without inves
tigation, and to this day I am ignorant of the fault he
imputed to me. I have always considered that I was a
scapegoat. The blows he let fall on me set loose a
hideous brood of misfortunes, which would have killed
me if they had not stunned me and benumbed my faculties.

" To-day, Mr. Hannibal Hamlin, Vice-President elect,
came with a number of other gentlemen, mostly from the
State of Maine, to pay their respects to General Scott.
Frequently during the winter the general was the recipient
of similar marks of respect and confidence. On one oc
casion an incident occurred which was attended with a
curious excitement. Mr. Weir, the professor of drawing
at the Military Academy, being on a visit to Washington,
I invited him to dine with us. I told Cruchett in the
morning that General Scott and I loved Mr. Weir, and
desired to give him a good dinner, and he promised to
do his best. As it happened, both the general and my
self had recently laid in a stock of wines of various
brands, and we had out specimens of every kind. Cruchett
had also clustered upon a vacant corner of the table
numerous jugs, flasks, decanters and black bottles con
taining Eau de vie, Kirchwasser, Curagoa, Maraschino,

Scott and His Visitors. 413

Chartreuse, old Bourbon and other like tokens of depraved
taste and lax morality. All these indicated that we were
the slaves of drink and devotees to gluttonous delights.
When our feast was well advanced, and while we sat
tasting and comparing the wines from our numerous
glasses, a thundering knock at the door and a loud ring
ing at the bell announced the arrival of an important
company, and the clatter of many feet was heard. ' My
God ! ' exclaimed the general, ' these bottles ! I am
a disgraced man ! bring me a pistol and let me blow
my brains out ! Keep them back, David ! ' It was a
desperate emergency. I said to our guest, * Let us clear
the table ! ' So, gathering up as many bottles and glasses
as I could hold, I rushed into the general's bedroom,
which adjoined, hid them behind the bed, and returned
for more again and again. Weir helped with all his might,
while David delayed entrance by clanking the chain at
tached to the door and shoving the bolts, as if he were
opening a cage of wild beasts. In this way we had time
to clear the table of everything excepting one pint claret
bottle that was half full, a few plates, crusts of bread and
ribs of lamb cleanly picked, and when the first man of the nu
merous delegation from one of the western States entered
the room, he saw nothing that he might not expect to
see in a city during the last days of a siege. While this
preparation was being made by Mr. Weir and me, the
general quickly subsided from clamor to silence, from
agitation to quiet, his face cleared up, and he posed for
audience. I verily believe that old Father Abraham
when he fetched the centenarian worshipper of the sun
into his tent to give him wise instruction and hospitable
entertainment, could not have presented a more majestic
picture of calmness and dignity than did my venerable
chief on this occasion.

Fifty Years Observation.

11 The delegates came in and arranged themselves com
pactly around him, like penitents who gather near a holy
shrine. The foreman, in a few broken sentences, pro
claimed his admiration for the aged hero, and begged his
counsel for guidance through the perils that harassed the
country. In reply the general acknowledged the honor
done him, and then he proceeded in that low, soft voice
which characterized his conversations on important sub
jects, to describe the national troubles and their causes.
He inculcated good temper, caution and firmness, and
gave hopes that the agitations might cease without blood
shed, which he greatly deprecated. He found fault with
no one, and all he said encouraged good feeling and har
mony. The impression made upon his hearers was pro
found, and I saw tears running down the cheeks of sev
eral sturdy men. Some of them were manifestly aston
ished to hear a voice so soft and gentle issuing from such
a giant of war and renown. They all shook hands with
him as he sat in his large arm-chair, from which he had
not risen, and they left apparently fully satisfied with
their visit."

" WASHINGTON, March 2.

" To-day the officers of the Army, or a majority of
them, in a body, paid their respects to Mr. James
Buchanan, the retiring President of the United States.
Mr. Buchanan made a short complimentary address and
took an affectionate leave. Not a word of compliment
or consolation was said to him. Like all his predecessors
in office from the North, he retires covered with obloquy,
without honor, and without praise. He conceded to the
South far more than he ought, but he failed in the last
days of his administration to concede everything, and
hence the neglect with which he is treated by all par
ties.

The Inauguration. 415

" From the executive mansion the body of officers pro
ceeded to visit Mr. Holt, the Secretary of War. Gen
eral Scott made a complimentary address to him, to
which he returned a graceful response. I did not dis
agree particularly with anything that was said, but I
felt melancholy to be obliged to hear all the compli
ments paid and received by Southern men. I had been
so drugged with that custom that I could no longer toler
ate it."

" WASHINGTON, March 6.

"The inauguration of Mr. Lincoln passed quietly. The
military forces and police had been judiciously posted,
and I noticed no signs of disturbance. General Scott
drove in his coup£ to the side of the hill on the
north of the capital, and remained in it during the
ceremony. I was on horseback in plain clothes, and
from time to time rode out to make observations and
return to report to my chief, who escaped observation.
There was an immense assemblage, and Mr. Lincoln's
deportment was admirable.

" The inaugural ball was a decided success. It was the
first assemblage of the kind I had ever attended in
which the great majority of leading personages of both
sexes were not Southerners. The coup £<zil was en
couraging.

" While I was standing at a distance looking at the Presi
dent and his party, I observed Mr. Lincoln talking. He
made a remark that must have amused himself, for he
laughed loudly, and at the same time he joined his hands
on Lord Lyons' shoulder and bore down heavily. Mr.
Lincoln's acquaintance with the British Minister was of a
week's date, and had ripened quickly to intimacy. I
trust the reader will not infer from the above remarks
that I thought lightly of the President. On the contrary

41 6 Fifty Years' Observation.

I felt respect for him the first time I heard his voice, and
every successive interview increased it.

Among the numerous delegations that called about
this time to pay their respects to General Scott there was
a rough-looking farmer from Illinois who said he was the
man who, in former years, hired Mr. Lincoln to maul
rails. I entertain no doubt that Abraham Lincoln would
have been a great man even if he had never split rails,
although many men called him " the rail splitter."

" WASHINGTON, March 8.

" This day, after a long discussion between General
Scott, Professor Bache, the head of the Coast Survey,
General Totten, chief engineer of the Army, Captain Ward
and myself, it was determined not to be expedient nor
justifiable to attempt the relief or reinforcement of Fort
Sumter with any means at hand and within the time req
uisite to save the garrison from starvation."

The above conclusion was rendered inevitable by the
scattering of the forces of the Army and Navy under
Buchanan's administration.

"WASHINGTON, March 9.

" General Scott instructs me to proceed to New York
city and despatch steamers to Texas to bring away the
Federal troops."

" NEW YORK, March 10.

" Dined with my charming friends Dr. and Mrs. Van
Buren. The feeling of home which I experience on my
return to this city fills me with delight. My New York
friends I am certain are the best people in the world."

" NEW YORK, March 12.

" Dined at Mr. Delano's. Had the seat of honor.
Mrs. Delano is the daughter of Mr. Wm. B. Astor. The

Dinners in New York. 417

hospitality of this dinner was elegant without the least
sign of affectation."

" March 13.

" Dined at Mr. John Jacob Astor's, Jr. His father
was present and evinced much interest to know my opin
ion about the prospect of war. Mrs. Astor's goodness of
heart would have made her conspicuous in poverty, but
in her affluence it tells with prodigious effect."

"Mart A 14.

" Dined at William H. Aspinwall's and had the seat
of honor. Messrs. Renwick, John Aspinwall, Gouver-
neur Kemble and five ladies were guests. At that time
Mr. W. H. Aspinwall was a model in appearance of
manly beauty and vigor. He was an active supporter of
the Northern cause, and a merchant of great enterprise.
It was he who projected the first line of steamers from
Panama to San Francisco before the discovery of gold."

" NEW YORK, March 15.

" Dined at the Union Club. Conversed with Dr. William
Gwin, ex-Senator from California. He remarked that Gen
eral Scott had written a paper in reference to coercing the
seceded States, and that Mr. Seward read that paper to Mr.
Lincoln on the day of the inauguration. The paper, accord
ing to Dr. Gwin, stated how many men it would cost, and
that a good young general could accomplish it. Dr. Gwin
further added that in his paper General Scott regretted
that he was not forty years younger, that he might do it."

The above paragraph is all I find in my journal in refer
ence to the paper referred to by Dr. Gwin. General
Scott I know wrote a paper on the subject of preserving
the Union, but if it contained a proposition on his part to
fight the South I have forgotten it. On numerous occa
sions he expressed to me his regret that he was not
younger, say of the age of Hoche or Marceau, and at the
18*

Fifty Years Observation.

head of a well-disciplined army of 40,000 or 50,000 men,
with which he could keep the peace.

General Scott was fond of referring to Hoche and
Marceau, and it was apparent to me that he imagined a
strong likeness of himself in those two gallant young
Frenchmen. Hoche was so full of daring that the great
Napoleon confessed that he would have feared him as a
rival but for the fact that Hoche was too fond of money
and pleasure. Marceau had an unusual ability to reform
his broken battalions under fire, and to restore the bat
tle when it swayed against him. Death cut off both
those heroes before the age of 30 years. The present
government of France is taking measures to perpetuate
their renown, by placing their equestrian statues with
those of Kleber and Desaix at the four entrances of one
of the great public buildings in Paris. I saw the models
at my last visit to France, and was struck with the resem
blance of Marceau's figure to that of the late General
Custer of our army.

"NEW YORK, March 16.

" Dined at Doctor Mott's. He is the most distinguished
American surgeon living. The party was thirty in num
ber, and agreeable. The venerable doctor explored his
cellars, and brought forth five bottles of Madeira wine,
the least ancient of which had been thirty-five years in
his bins. Messrs. Gerard and Libbey, both intimate
friends of Dr. Mott, General Scott and I were present.
Mr. Gerard was a celebrated lawyer and a conservative
Democrat in politics. He was an orator, and on one oc
casion, in the spring of 1861, he addressed a vast assem,
blage in the Cooper Institute Hall to prove that there
would be no civil war. At the table he repeated some of
his arguments ; then turning, he called to me — I was far
from him : * Colonel, what is your opinion — will there be

Scoffs Letter upon Texas. 419

war or will there be peace?' ' There will be war ! ' said
I. About a year afterwards as I was coming down the
stairs of the Academy of Music, he left his ladies, and
approached me, saying, ' General, you were right ; there is
war.' I noticed that many clever men declared there
would be no war, and for the simple reason that they had
never been called on to feel the cause of the war."

"WASHINGTON, March 20.

"Last night the grand letter from General Scott to
the commanding officer in Texas, looking to the retention
of that State in the Union, which had been the subject of
numerous discussions, was despatched to its destination
by Lieutenant Collins of the army. Prior to the despatch
I carried the letter to Mr. Seward, and went with him to
visit Mr. Simon Cameron, Secretary of War. In a con
versation with me in the morning, and again at the meet
ing with Mr. Seward, General Cameron told me he would
not agree to the plan without the previous approval of
Mr. Lincoln in writing. Mr. Seward said to me, while we
were alone together, that he did not wish the President's
name signed to any paper in the matter. When I sug
gested that some words should be inserted in the paper
to show that it was in co-operation with Governor
Houston, he (Mr. Seward) exclaimed: 'It may as well
begin here as anywhere ! '

" WASHINGTON, March 22.

"Yesterday General Scott wrote a postscript to the
above-named letter to the commanding officer in Texas,
and submitted it to a discussion with General Cameron,
Secretary of War, and Mr. Seward, Secretary of State.
The postscriptum, which was approved by those gentle
men, contained in substance a direction to the command
ing officer there to co-operate with Governor Houston, or

420 Fifty Years' Observation.

other executive head of affairs in Texas, acting in de
fence of the Federal Government, provided such head
was in command of a respectable force up in arms to
maintain that government.

" After finishing with Texas, Mr. Cameron having left,
and only General Scott, Mr. Seward, and I being present,
Mr. Seward remarked in strict confidence that he had re
ceived information from a high source, that General
Albert Sidney Johnson, commanding the Department of
the Pacific, was unfaithful to the Union. Senator Nesmith
of Oregon was Mr. Seward's informant. My opinion of
Mr. Johnson was asked. I had known and respected him
as an honorable gentleman, believed him to be a Demo
crat, but could not say whether he was a Secessionist or
not.

" After a long discussion it was determined to send me
to the Pacific coast to investigate matters there. It was
decided that I should carry orders in my pocket, to be
used at my own discretion, to send General Johnson to
Washington, and to devolve his command on Colonel
George Wright. The suggestion to send me to San
Francisco came from Mr. Seward, and was acceded to by
my chief with a reluctance that was quite apparent. At
the conclusion, General Scott exclaimed, 'What shall I
do ? I can work, I suppose ! ' As I was anxious to go
out and have an opportunity to look after my interests,
the unsatisfactory tone of his remark made me apprehen
sive that I, should not be gratified. I was not in the least
surprised, therefore, when on the following morning the
general wrote an order for Colonel E. V. Sumner to pro
ceed without delay to San Francisco, and assume com
mand of the Department of the Pacific. The order was
approved by the Cabinet in secret session — Colonel
Sumner embarked by stealth, and on his arrival in San

President Lincoln. 421

Francisco he went direct from the boat to General John
son's headquarters, exhibited his orders, assumed com
mand, and directed his predecessor to repair without delay
to Washington."

It is possible that General Scott may have had more
reasons than one for his reluctance to have me leave him
on the mission proposed by the Secretary of State. I
had studied to lighten his labors as much as I could, and
to keep him informed of the current topics of the day.
He might have detailed one, or if necessary two, officers
to assist him in his office, but in regard to companionship
I had one advantage over all others. I had studied his
humors for fifteen years, and knew how to avoid giving him
offence in every thing except sectional disputes and matters
tending to civil war. In reference to them I was heedless,
and on many occasions I must have irritated him like
a blister. When my gaze annoyed him I looked at some
thing else, and never asked him to repeat a verbal order
or word upon any subject whatsoever. He knew my par
tiality for that noble old soldier, Colonel George Wright,
and would have been dull indeed if he had not foreseen
that for me the noise of my heels on the stones would be
all the proof I should need to justify the removal of
General Johnson, and advance Wright to the command
of the Department of the Pacific, and this was probably
his main reason for detaining me in Washington.

In the line of my duty as military secretary to Gen
eral Scott I had frequent interviews with the President,
the Secretary of State Seward, and with Cameron and
Stanton, secretaries of war. If ever there was a diamond
in the rough, or good fruit enclosed in shabby husk, it
was Abraham Lincoln. A correspondent of the New
York Herald, after his nomination for President, described
the nominee as " tall, gaunt, and as ugly, awkward and

422 Fifty Years Observation.

shuffling in his gait as Horace Greeley." A stranger on
seeing Mr. Lincoln would have concurred in that de
scription, and would have found in his unreserved con
versations with all approachers a strain of indescrib
able jocular freedom. I doubt if any man or woman
could have had an interview of five minutes' duration
with " Old Abe," as he was called, upon any subject
without hearing him relate an anecdote to illustrate it,
and many of his anecdotes were as broad and smutty
as language can convey. Religion itself was in the
category of his illustrations, as the following story told
by him will prove.

A certain Judge Campbell of Illinois had in his cir
cuit the town of Springfield, for which he entertained
a profound dislike. One day when he adjourned his
court, a demure individual approached and asked of
the judge the favor of holding divine service in his
court room on the ensuing Sabbath morning. The re
quest being granted, a conversation followed, in which
Mr. Campbell begged to know the denomination of
Christians to which the applicant belonged. " I am an
Adventist," said he, " and my discourse on the approach
ing Lord's day will be the second coming of Christ."
"I beg pardon," said the judge, "your labor would be
thrown away in this town. In the first place I don't
think Christ was ever in Springfield, but if he was you
may be sure he'll never come there again."

I do not intend, by the above allusions to Mr. Lincoln's
peculiarities, to forestall my opinion of his merits. My
first impression of his character was erroneous, and it re
quired much observation and close study to enable me to
penetrate the homely environments of his nature, and
disclose the lustre of his genius, his candor, integrity
and boundless benevolence. His story-telling enabled

President Lincoln. 423

him to discharge the fulness of his mind and sometimes
to hint at his conclusions without giving offence. As
he understood human nature in all its variety of exhi
bitions he acquired an unlimited scope of illustrations.
His goodness of heart and freedom from suspicion
sometimes made it difficult to detect treachery, self-
interest, envy, rivalry, and malice, and consequently,
during the first years of his administration, he gave a
too ready ear to the advice of unscrupulous men and
allowed unworthy and incompetent officers to be ad
vanced, while their betters were disregarded. Poltroon
ery, covetousness, dishonesty and obscenity he discovered
quickly, and his frankness naturally led him to expose
them in the fittest words and similes. It would be as
unreasonable and unjust to infer vulgarity and obscenity
in the character of Mr. Lincoln, from the freedom of his
speech, as it would be to question the genius and deli
cacy of Shakespeare because he has introduced in the
same play, " Measure for Measure," two such characters as
the incomparable Isabella and the disgusting Mistress
Overdone, — the one possessing all the loveliness and
virtue that man imagines in a woman — the other one of
the same sex who condenses in two lines all the vilest
depravities of human nature.

Judging the entire character of President Lincoln's
mind and heart, and viewing the conduct of his whole
private and public life, I am convinced that in genius he
was the equal, and in unselfish benevolence he was the
superior, of all the men who have hitherto occupied the
chair of Chief Magistrate of the United States. That a
man so great and good should have been wantonly slain
by an actor whose declamation on the stage he had come
to witness, would be incredible if history had not taught
that the wisest and most humane rulers of ancient and

424 Fifty Years' Observation.

modern times were the most exposed to the assaults of
murderers. Caesar, William of Orange, and Henry IV.
of France were assassinated, but Nero, Ivan the Terrible
of Russia, and Henry VIII. of England, were permitted
to die in their beds.

In regard to Mr. William H. Seward, Secretary of
State under Lincoln, although he was my professed
friend, I find greater difficulty in defining his character
satisfactorily to myself. It is certain that he was a
man of more than ordinary talents, laborious and full
of ambition in civil life, but not inclined to martial
exploits. He abounded in words, both spoken and
written, but his reasoning was not conclusive because
his judgment was not positive. He was convinced that
there was an irrepressible conflict between freedom and
slavery, but he failed to foresee clearly the necessary
termination of that conflict in civil war. He made a
speech in Wall Street, in the autumn of 1860, to prove
that all the disputes between the North and the South
would be amicably settled in sixty days, and recom
mended the merchants to continue their commerce.
After the civil war commenced he said it could have been
avoided if his advice had been followed. He filled many
offices, the most important of which were those of Gov
ernor of New York, United States Senator and Secretary
of State. He was faithful in all his trusts, but he did not
equal in genius the greatest men of his time. After my
return from New York on the i8th of March, I observed
that he had lost all hope of a national reconciliation, and
he originated the idea of reinforcing Fort Pickens and
pursued it with an unqualified zeal. His disposition had
become entirely belligerent, and his conduct thereafter in
his office of Secretary of State was such as entitled him
to rank with the noblest patriots.

Debates in the Senate. 425

As to General Scott, it appeared to me, and many en
tries in my journal testify to the fact, that he had become
much less anxious to strengthen the Southern forts than
formerly. He was oppressed with maladies of age, and
his debility had increased. It being Lent we often dined
alone. The general ate and drank with a tolerable appe
tite, but the moment the repast was finished he would
call David (I gave the name David to all his body ser
vants after the great sable David of the Canadian fron
tier), to wheel his spacious arm-chair around, and put his
feet up; then he would say, " A dull man would -be the
death of me now," and I would survey his countenance
and determine whether to leave or to talk upon some
subject that would not annoy him.

Occasionally, during the winter, the general requested
me to go to the Senate Chamber and listen to the debates.
On my return I would relate to him what I had heard
and seen. My memory being good, I was able to repeat
the swelling periods of the Senatorial magnates and save
him the trouble of reading. As I was almost equally
vexed with both factions, I slashed them both in my criti
cisms, and in that way I made myself more interesting to
my chief. When I heard Mr. Sumner and others pro
claim the superiority of the North in jurists, men of
science, historians, orators, merchants, mechanics, philan
thropists, schools and general intelligence, I felt disposed
to stone them. Every speech of the Northern Senators
had something deprecatory in it, and that at a time when
all the powers of the Government were in the hands of
Southern men. If I had been a member of that august
body of law-makers, my only speech would have been :
" The North demands its equal proportionate share of
authority, offices and honors of the Government, or war! "
Notwithstanding my hostility of sentiment, I admired

426 Fifty Years' Observation.

the graceful dignity and splendid elocution of the South
ern Senators, as well as the candid selfishness with which
they told how long and grievously they had groaned
under the oppressive exactions of the North.

I was present and heard the farewell speeches of Sena
tors Jefferson Davis of Mississippi and Benjamin of Louis
iana. Of the former it is unnecessary for me to say much.
As a rule there was a mannerism in all his public dis
courses by which he endeavored to appear in loving har
mony with his audience, although he was obstinate and
selfish by nature, and his heart was as cold as a stone.

While he was Secretary of War he was partial and
capricious in the exercise of his authority, and showed
hostility to Generals Scott and Wool. He would seldom
comply with a suggestion made to him by another, but
would say, " Quite the contrary, sir! "

I don't know how I can better exemplify Mr. Davis's
disposition, than by repeating a story which General
Scott often told, late in life, to illustrate the word contrary.

Down in North Carolina there once lived an old Scotch
farmer whose son was named Jock. One day an obtru
sive old sow, whose time had come, was missing. The
farmer and his son went up the stream to hunt for her.
Far up they found her in the bushes with many little
grunters near. Having started them homeward, the old
man said, " Jock, you cross over and look along down,
for she's a contrary old bitch, and I wouldn't wonder if
she pigged a little on both sides the creek ! "

It is understood that Mr. Davis wrangled more or less
with his own people during the war. He is determined
to have his way of thinking till he dies.

In regard to Mr. Benjamin, he appeared to me to be
essentially different from Mr. Davis. Notwithstanding his
incomparable abilities, and that he with great reluctance

Debates in the Senate. 427

became a Secessionist, he never excited animosity in me
or any other Northern man so far as I am aware. When
I listened to his last speech in the Senate, I was trans
ported out of myself. Such verbal harmony I had never
heard before. There was neither violence in his action
nor anger in his tones, but a pathos that lulled my senses
like an opiate that disturbs the domain of reason and
fills the mind with delightful illusions. I was conscious
that it was Senator Benjamin who spoke, and that his
themes were mighty wrongs and desperate remedies, but
his words I could not recite, nor can I yet recall them;
but memory restores the illusive pleasure they left, which
is not unlike the impression I retain of my youthful days,
when the voices of my loves — since mute — enchanted me
in bowers and shady walks.

One day I was in the Senate Chamber, when the chair
men of an unusual number of committees reported. The
heads of the committees on Foreign Affairs, Finance,
Ways and Means, Commerce, Judiciary, Military and
Naval Affairs, Post-Offices and Post-Roads, were all
Southern-born men, and they also had places on other
committees. As the speakers rose in succession to report,
my strength seemed to be giving way, and when I re
turned home, shortly before dinner, I feigned more de
bility than I felt. Going into the dining-room where the
general was sitting alone, I dropped upon the sofa as
though I was exhausted. The general exclaimed, "What's
the matter? Are you ill!"

" Not ill of any distemper, but of debasement, and a
sense of inferiority," said I.

" What's happened ? I don't understand you."

" I have been to the Senate, and have heard the chair
men of the great committees report, and all of them were
Southerners. Only one Northern man spoke, and he

428 Fifty Years' Observation.

was chairman of the Committee on Public Grounds and
Buildings. It is his duty, I suppose, to stand at the gate
uncovered and make obeisance when his masters pass on
their way to the Capitol."

General Scott said nothing in reply, but he reached
out and handed me the small pamphlet containing the
names of all the members of both houses of Congress.
" Young gentleman," said he, " look at that list and tell
me if you find better names for chairmen than those that
distress you so much?" He said more, but I have for
gotten his exact words. They gave me the impression,
however, that none of the Northern senators were fit to
be the heads of the principal committees. Thereupon I
discharged all signs of life from eye, lip and limb, slunk
into a corner of the sofa, and in a mournful voice ejacu
lated : " Now I'm dying, and I wish to die, for my race
is degraded; none of my breed is fit to be the head of a
committee of Congress." The General made light of my
sadness, and I, having been long accustomed to similar
debasing spectacles, soon turned my thoughts upon more
agreeable subjects.

CHAPTER XXI.

The War of the Rebellion. —State of Affairs at its Outbreak.— Letter to the
President. — Bull Run. — The Peninsula. — Letter to Senator Harris. —
Fair Oaks.— Testimony concerning the Battle.— The Field Revisited.
—Conversation with President Lincoln— Letter from Secretary Chase.

IN this concluding chapter of my book there will not be
found a consecutive history of any part of the War
of the Rebellion, but it will contain facts and document
ary evidence in relation to the service of troops I com
manded which have not been heretofore reported. It
will also embrace references to my own conduct and to
other officers, and to histories of the conflicts in which I
was engaged.

At the outbreak of the Rebellion Northern officers en
joyed about the same standing in the Federal Army as
the Sepoys enjoy in the English East Indian military
service. In civil life " Northern men with Southern
principles" had the best opportunities for advancement,
and among all the governing classes a man suspected of
being an abolitionist was deemed unworthy to walk in
any of the paths of honor.

The state of things then existing in the army is set
forth in the following letter which I addressed to Mr.
Lincoln, the President-elect :

NEW YORK, November 26, 1860.
Hon. Abraham Lincoln , President-elect.

DEAR SIR : — I am an officer of the army of more than twenty-five years'
standing, and I am going to present certain facts in relation to the service
which you may deem worthy of being considered in the selection of your
Secretary of War.

43O Fifty Years Observation.

At this time all the departments into which the United States and Terri
tories are divided are commanded by officers of Southern birth, saving only the
Department of the East, which embraces the country east of the Mississippi
River, where but a small number of troops are stationed. The great bulk of
the army is in the Departments of the Pacific, Utah, the West, New Mexico
and Texas, and the applications, conduct and prospects of all Northern offi
cers must pass under the revision of Southern men before they reach the
commanding general or the Secretary of War, who are both Southern
men.

The Surgeon-General and Quartermaster-General, the chief of the
Topographical Bureau, the Chiefs of Commissary and Ordnance Bureaux,
are all Southerners. During the past twelve years Messrs. Conrad, Davis
and Floyd, all Southern men, and of extreme Southern views, have been
charged with the patronage of the War Department, and they have taxed
that patronage to the utmost to build up and fit for command the young
officers of Southern birth, while those from the North have been treated
with neglect and contempt.

In 1855 four new regiments were added to the army, and of the sixteen
field officers then appointed from the officers already iu commission, eleven
were of Southern and five of Northern birth. The selections made for pro
motion were made ostensibly on the ground of merit, but the judges them
selves were from the South, and when Southern men shall admit Northern
men as equal to themselves in any respect, the Millennium will have arrived,
and war will have ceased.

As I have no personal interests to serve, and no grudge against any
Southern individual, and as I acknowledge that nearly all the favors I have
received since I entered the service I owe to the kindness of Southern offi
cers, it may be asked why I write this letter. I write to ask that you will
appoint a Secretary of War, a Northern man, who, like Wade or Sherman,
or one who understands the principles of dominations, will proceed to build
up Northern officers and place them in commands proportionate with the
population of the North, or, if the present policy of giving all authority,
command, grace and dignity to the Southern officers is to be continued, the
young men from the North ought to be notified in advance, so that when
they enter the army they must never aspire to any but subordinate positions.

How is this apparent superiority, as exemplified in the army, brought
about ? If we examine the Cadets' Registers it will be seen that Northern
talent predominates at the military academies. There the standing in the
classes is determined by daily examinations, and the knowledge of facts is
demonstrated in the presence of all, so that partiality and favoritism have
no room to operate. But as soon as the cadets are put in commission it is
found that all the Southern officers coalesce to assist one another, and that

Beginning of the War. 431

all their civil functionaries are on the watch to advance their friends. On
the other hand, Northern officers being wholly overlooked by Northern
functionaries, are divided among themselves, and of those who have spirit
and capacity some turn doughfaces, and others, the victims of disgust and
blasted hopes, die early, or fall into premature decay of body and mind.

In the city of Washington no one can fail to see with what an arrogant
assumption of superiority Southern men demean themselves. In the army
Southern domination is more apparent and pernicious than elsewhere.

One of the chief benefits of a military peace establishment being to ascer.
tain who is fit to command, nearly the whole fruit of the twenty and odd
millions spent yearly on the army goes to foster the martial capabilities of
the South. That fact, but more still the insolent superiority and propensity
to domination inherent in Southerners, have at last waked in the North a
spirit of vengeance, a spirit which will never subside until the patronage,
commands and honors of the Government are justly and fairly distributed.
I am, Sir, with perfect respect,

Your obedient servant,

E. D. KEYES.

The election of Mr. Lincoln made civil war inevitable,
but its magnitude was not foreseen by many. The vet
eran General John E. Wool estimated the situation
properly when he declared that an army of 200,000 men
should be placed at once in the field to take Richmond
and hold it. Wool's opinions were ridiculed as the mut-
terings of a dotard, and General W. T. Sherman, who
called for an equal force in Kentucky, was pronounced
crazy. The advocates of half measures prevailed, and a
call was made for 75,000 volunteers. Congress voted an
increase of the regular army, and of the new regiments of
infantry to be added I was appointed colonel of the nth
and despatched to Boston to recruit it. My recruiting
was scarcely begun when I was ordered, upon the requisi
tion of General Irvin McDowell, to return to the capital
and take command of a brigade in his army, at Ar
lington.

My brigade was composed of four regiments of volun
teers, the 2d Maine, the 1st, 2d, and 3d Connecticut.

432 Fifty Years Observation.

When I assumed command early in July, 1861, there was
not a man under my orders whom I had ever seen be
fore. The intelligence of officers and men enabled them
to learn their duties quickly, and at the end of two
weeks, when we took up the line of march for Manassas,
I could manoeuvre my brigade without difficulty.

On the evening of July 21, I was encamped on the
slope of the hill at Centreville. General McDowell called
a council of war, and the movements for the next day
were discussed. The plan of the intended battle, from
all I could learn of the field and the position of the en
emy, was a good one. I noticed no want of confidence
in our commander, and but for the rawness of a large ma
jority of the volunteers a victory might have been antici
pated.

The division of Brigadier-General Daniel Tyler was
composed of the brigades of Schenck, Wm. T. Sherman
and my own.

General Tyler was a graduate of the Military Acad
emy, and, though past sixty years of age, his activity and
fitness for command were not impaired, while in the army
he had been distinguished for his knowledge of his pro
fession and employed on various important duties. He
was a man of high character.

My orders required me to march at 2 o'clock in the
morning of July 21, and precisely at that hour I moved
out of the field where we had bivouacked into the road.
As General Hunter's column was passing I found mine
obstructed by his men, and after thirty minutes I re
ceived orders from General Tyler to place my brigade on
the side of the road and allow Hunter's and Heintzel-
man's divisions to pass. The road was so narrow that,
being anxious about the long delay, I sent a staff officer
to ask permission to get forward as best I could. The

Bull Run. 433

aide returned with orders from General McDowell to re
main where I was. When the road was clear I pressed
forward and overtook Sherman's brigade at the crossing
of Bull Run above the bridge. Some of his compa
nies were doubled up at the ford, and I was obliged to
halt my column not less than five minutes to allow
them to straighten out before my leading files entered
the stream.

After crossing I kept my men well closed, and on
reaching the top of the hill 1 formed line, facing the
enemy, and proceeded to the attack simultaneously with
General Sherman.

The above specific description of my movements I
think excusable, for the reason that I have frequently
seen it stated that the loss of the Battle of Bull Run
was due to the delay of Keyes' brigade ! Senator
Chandler, in one of his speeches, cited my delay as one
of the probable causes of defeat, and when I wrote to
ask his authority for such an assertion, he replied :
" They said so ! " As neither General McDowell, nor his
able and observant chief of staff, General Jas. B. Fry,
General Tyler, nor any officer or man of my brigade,
ever hinted that I was tardy in getting into the fight,
I took no further notice of the groundless slander.

The service of my brigade in the battle of Bull Run is
described in my report of it, which is found in the 2d vol
ume, page 15, Rebellion Record. I had the enemy con
stantly in front of me, and renewed my assaults several
times. I was on the extreme left, and about twenty
minutes before the panic on the right commenced I
found myself in a critical situation. A strong body of
Rebel infantry was in front of me, and on the left was a
battery of artillery that opened fire and sent its shots rico-
chetting along parallel to my line, and about two hun-
19

434 Fifty Years' Observation.

dred yards in rear. To get away from that exposure I
faced my line to the right and moved rapidly around the
base of a hill, a distance of about 300 yards. That move
ment was scarcely accomplished when Lieutenant Em
ory Upton (afterwards General) came to me with orders
from General McDowell to retire, as the right wing had
been routed. The beginning of the rout, or panic, was
indicated by a sudden lull in the firing, which produced
an ominous effect in my mind.

As I retired, with ranks closed, towards the point
where I was to descend to the crossing of Bull Run, I
saw on the heights to the left a long line of Rebel infan
try looking down upon us in what appeared to be a state
of uncertainty. They did not fire upon us, although we
were within range, and I joined the retreating mass a
short distance in rear of General McDowell and his staff.
I allowed all my brigade, which was in perfect order,
to file past me into the woods, and then I followed to
the ford without any molestation from the enemy.

After crossing the stream there was not a sign of
military organization to be seen, but there was very
little noise. The retreating current tended towards the
main road, which I joined at a point about half a mile
from the bridge. The road, and both sides of it, were
crowded with men, horses, cannon, baggage-wagons, and
ambulances.

My aide, Lieutenant Gordon, was riding by my side,
and shortly after we got into the main road the Rebel
cavalry came thundering upon the retreating mass from
the opposite side. Then a scene of confusion ensued
which beggars description. Cavalry horses without rid
ers, artillery horses disengaged from the guns with
traces flying, wrecked baggage-wagons, and pieces of ar
tillery drawn by six horses without drivers, flying at their

After Bull Run. 435

utmost speed and whacking against other vehicles, sol
diers scattered everywhere, running, some without arms
or caps. ,1 saw men throw down their muskets with a
gesture as violent as they would throw off a venomous
reptile. The rush produced a noise like a hurricane at
sea. Gordon was made prisoner at my side.

After crossing Cub Run the hurly-burly subsided in a
great degree. I kept on at a moderate pace, met Captain
Meigs and exchanged a few words with him, and a little
further along I was addressed by Bonn Piatt, who was try.
ing to collect men to stay the retreat. I tarried not with
him, but pursued my way to my bivouac of the preceding
night, where I found all the survivors of my three Con
necticut regiments collected together. Col. Jameson, 2d
Maine, on his arrival at Centreville, in advance of me, had
been directed by General Tyler, or General McDowell, to
proceed to Alexandria. In a little while orders came to
me from General Tyler to return to our former camp near
Falls Church. The ranks were formed, and after a tedious
night's march we reached our destination after daylight
the 22d July, and found all our tents standing.

Having been 27 continuous hours in the saddle, with
occasional short intervals in which I kept the reins in my
hand, I felt weary. After giving orders that no man
should leave camp, I lay down for an hour's rest, which
restored me to freshness. While I was lying down Col
onel (afterwards General) W. T. Sherman came alone into
my tent. His countenance was that of a disappointed
man. After resting in silence twenty minutes, he arose
and departed. I am not certain whether Sherman had
troops or company with him or not.

Captain Hodge, the Brigade Quartermaster, was a man
of extraordinary energy. I dispatched him to Washing
ton to bring out teams to carry in the tents and other

436 Fifty Years Observation.

public property. He had great difficulty to prevail on
the drivers to venture out, but finally succeeded in bring
ing over a small number, which was gradually increased
to about forty wagons, and he procured twelve long plat
form cars from Alexandria. We sent in and saved from
the enemy not less than 175 six-mule wagon loads of
tents and camp equipage belonging to my brigade, the
Ohio brigade, and others (comprising about 9,000 men),
which but for us the rebels would have captured. We
left nothing, and in the afternoon of Tuesday, at the head
of my three Connecticut regiments of volunteers, every
man with his musket, I marched from the railroad to Fort
Corcoran on the Potomac, where we arrived at 5 o'clock
P.M., or about fifty hours after crossing Bull Run in re
treat. The last three miles of our march from the rail
road was over ground as desolate in appearance as the
land of Idumea.

The energy displayed by Col. Terry — since, and now, a
major-general in the regular army — Colonels Chatfield
and Burnham, their officers and men, and Captain Hodge,
Brigade Quartermaster, deserves to be recorded. Very
little notice has ever, to my knowledge, been taken of our
delay in the retreat, but it was reported to me that " they
said" I had deserted to the rebels!

Major-General Terry being alive, and in high standing
in and out of the army, and others of my brigade can
testify to the truth, or falsehood, of the foregoing narra
tive, and if any portion of it is exaggerated they will not
fail, I trust, to correct it.

General Tyler was active throughout the day riding
from one of his brigades to the other, and he was long
enough with me to know all my doings. The following
extract from his report expresses his opinion of my
brigade of soldiers :

General Wadswortfa 437

On closing this report it gives me great pleasure to express my admira
tion of the manner in which Colonel Keyes handled his brigade ; completely
covering it by every possible accident of the ground while changing his posi
tion, and leading it bravely and skilfully to the attack at the right moment,
to which the brigade responded in every instance in a manner highly credit
able to itself and satisfactory to its commanding officers. At no time during
the conflict was this brigade disorganized, and it was the last off the field in
good order.

Gen. Beauregard in his book states that the small loss
in Keyes' brigade (10 per cent.) was due to the skill with
which it was handled by its commander.

Shortly after the battle of Bull Run, I was promoted
to the rank of brigadier-general, and took command of
another brigade at Arlington, under General McDowell.
There I was associated on duty with Brigadier-General
James Wadsworth of New York, a man of great worth
and exalted patriotism. One day he said to me : " If my
father was alive now, and would not devote his mind,
body, and estate to this cause, I could not respect him."
He told me he was an abolitionist.

The first time I relieved Wadsworth as general officer
of the day, he was going to lead me directly across a large
open field at one side of which was a thick wood in pos
session of the enemy, to one of our posts. I represented
to him the folly of exposing ourselves at short range to
the rebel sharpshooters, as we were in full uniform, and
there was no necessity for doing so. Accordingly we
made a detour. General Wadsworth was subsequently
killed in battle. No better patriot fell in the war.

After General McClellan took command of the Army
of the Potomac, I was advanced to the head of the divi
sion which Don Carlos Buell had left to go West, and had
charge of a section of the defences of Washington city.

The subject of army corps was discussed, and I gave
my opinion in favor of such an organization, which was

438 Fifty Years' Observation.

announced by General McClellan in orders, and I was
assigned to the command of the 4th corps, Army of the
Potomac, Generals McDowell, Sumner, and Heintzelman
being respectively assigned to the 1st, 2d, and 3d corps.
J understand that General McClellan was not in favor
of the appointment of any one of the four above named.
It may have been rumor in regard to others, but I am
certain he was opposed to me. I was, therefore, conscious
that, in addition to the responsibilities of an important
command, I was about to enter upon a campaign laden
with disfavor at headquarters. For that reason I was the
more cautious to avoid all acts and words of insubordi
nation, and determined to obey the orders of General
McClellan with the same zeal that I obeyed the glorious
Colonel George Wright in his Indian campaign of 1858.

The discussions concerning the line of operations
against the rebels were protracted and warm. President
Lincoln took part, and the clearness of his perception on
this subject, as on most others, was apparent. The ele
ments of ferocity and selfishness, which are not unusual
with first-class military chiefs, were wholly foreign to Mr.
Lincoln's nature. Nevertheless, there was not one of his
most trusted warlike counsellors in the beginning of the
war that equalled him in military sagacity. His supreme
benevolence caused him many times to surrender good
positions for bad ones.

The line by Fort Monroe and the Isthmus was my first
choice, and for that I voted after I had sent and gone to
the Navy Department, and received assurance upon two
points — 1st, that the rebel ironclad Merrimac had been
neutralized by the illustrious hero, John L. Worden, and
2d, that the navy would be able to co-operate effectively
to secure to us the free passage of the James and York
rivers, and especially the latter.

The New Army. 439

General McClellan was at first in favor of the line by
Urbana, but he was not strongly opposed to the line by
Fort Monroe, which was his alternate choice, and to that
point his army was transported.

That body of about 120,000 men, which landed at Fort
Monroe in March, 1862, lacked some of the qualifications
of an army. The material was good enough to form a
Spartan Phalanx, or Caesar's favorite legion, and Gen
eral McClellan had shown superior ability in organi
zation ; but there were many new levies with little or no
instruction, and the majority, from want of experience,
were deficient in esprit de corps and the necessity of
passive obedience. The want of training of the volun
teers, however, was not greater than the incongruity of the
officers of the regular army who held the superior com
mands.

That incongruity is easily explained. During forty
years before the rebellion it was an axiom with the War
Department that no officer was fit to command an army
who was not of Southern birth. My loud dissent from
that assumed axiom was considered a sure indication of
folly and in competency. I refer to myself simply as an
exponent of a state of things that naturally grew out of
the institution of slavery.

When the Southerners retired from the army the
Northern functionaries, in their discordancy and dejec
tion, cast about for another class of men fit for com
mands. As the military sentiment was not in repute at
the North, the public mind turned upon men of science
and politicians. The Engineer Corps was the principal
depot of science in the army, and the politicians were
obtrusively near.

The Engineer Corps is recruited from the heads and
upper files of classes at the Military Academy, and the

440 Fifty Years' Observation.

exaltation of superiority in scholarship while a cadet is
not modified or lessened after graduating, but is increased
by exclusive employment and association as officers. The
engineers are worthy of all respect for their talents, in
tegrity, and devotion to duty ; but they appear always
to overlook and disregard the necessity of service with
troops of the line as a preparation for command in the
field. The grumbling old line officer goes to duty and
observes precedence often against the bias of his judg
ment. Not so the engineer officer, who has acquired the
habit of independent action and placed science above
a knowledge of human nature in the management of
soldiers.

In the beginning of the war the engineers were nearly
everywhere in the direction. Those first in command
offered a strange variety of administration due to their
native dispositions. They were able and active, but
those who disapproved them voiced their criticisms in
strains like the following : Halleck was stub and twist ;
Fremont was vanity incarnate; Rosecrans was polemi
cal—but it is not possible to encase McClellan in a single
phrase that will show him fully. I must therefore drift
a little into his character, and sink a winze here and there
to find the value of his metal.

At West Point I had McClellan under instruction in
artillery and cavalry, and was struck with the facility
with which he learned his lessons and his strong attach
ments to friends — qualities for which he has always been
remarkable. I knew how proud he was of being in the
Engineer Corps, but I did not forecast his love of popular
applause, which, though apparent, was occasionally over
stated, as it was one day by old Count Gurowski, the
snarling ex-Polish nobleman and translator in the De
partment of State.

General McClellan. 441

It was after a review in the outskirts of Washington,
when McClellan returned late in the afternoon followed
by a train of generals, adjutants, aides, orderlies, senators
and other civil functionaries, and a rabble of idlers that
would have been crowded on ten acres of ground. Noth
ing was lacking that denotes

" Supremacy and all the large effects
That troop

Among them was old Gurowski, who wore a wide-
brimmed hat and a gray overcoat. I was quite intimate
with the count, who had taught me several new epithets
of censure and terms of dissent. After a while the old
Pole came sidling up to me. His lowering countenance
showed that the glittering pomp of war had no power to
cheer him. He found fault with everything ; said he had
lived many years in Washington and had noticed how
quickly the heads of popular favorites were turned, but
no head was ever turned so quickly as that one yonder —
pointing to McClellan.

Such denunciations as the above, which were frequent,
ought not to weigh in our estimate of the character under
discussion, since if there has been, or is now on earth, a
man whose head could not be turned by the show and
adulation of which General McClellan was then the sub
ject, I have not known him. Unfortunately for him, how
ever, the host of his admirers embraced all the " Northern
men with Southern principles/' and nearly all the " cop
per-heads," to wit : all those who thought the war un
justifiable, like Vallandigham, S. L. M. Barlow and
August Belmont, and many other prominent Northern
men.

The disembarkation on the Isthmus was not complete
when General McClellan issued his orders for the three
19*

442 Fifty Years' Observation.

corps, mine being on the James River side, to move on
the first day to points indicated. Before reaching these
points the whole army was brought to a halt by a rebel
line of defensive works stretching across from Yorktovvn
to the James River near Warwick Court House.

The head of my column arrived at that point in a
drenching rain ; all the streams and low places were full
of water which the enemy had used to the best advantage
to obstruct us. I visited the same place in May, 1884,
and I was unable to imagine how human ingenuity
could have collected so much water as I saw there in
1862.

During ten days, after reaching Warwick Court House,
the ground was so soft and miry in places that the rations
for the soldiers at many points of the line had to be car
ried on the backs of men.

The following is the letter which I wrote to my friend,
Senator Ira Harris. As General McClellan embodied the
entire letter in his report I make no excuse for inserting
it here.

HEADQUARTERS, 4TH CORPS,
WARWICK COURT HOUSE,
VIRGINIA, April 7, 1862.

MY DEAR SENATOR : — The plan of campaign on this line was made with
the distinct understanding that four army corps should be employed, and
that the navy should cooperate in the taking of Yorktown ; and also (as I
understood it) support us on our left by moving gunboats up James River.

To-day I have learned that the first corps, which by the President's
order was to embrace four divisions, and one division (Blenker's) of the
second corps, have been withdrawn altogether from this line of operations
and from the Army of the Potomac. At the same time, as I am informed,
the navy has not the means to attack Yorktown, and is afraid to send gun
boats up James River for fear of the Merrimac.

The above plan of campaign was adopted unanimously by Major-General
McDowell and Brigadier-Generals Sumner, Heintzelman and Keyes, and
was concurred in by Major-General McClellan, who first proposed Urbana
as our base.

"t

)2. )

Letter to Senator Harris. 443

This army being reduced by 45,000 troops, some of them among the best
in the service, and without the support of the navy, the plan to which we
are reduced bears scarce any resemblance to the one I voted for.

I command the James River column, and I left my camp near Newport
News the morning of the 4th inst. I only succeeded in getting my artillery
ashore the afternoon of the day before, and one of my divisions had not all
arrived in camp the day I left, and for the want of transportation has not yet
joined me. So you will observe that not a day was lost in the advance, and
in fact we marched so quickly and so rapidly that many of our animals were
twenty-four and forty-eight hours without a ration of forage. But notwith
standing the rapidity of our advance, we were stopped by a line of defence
nine or ten miles long, strongly fortified by breastworks erected nearly the
whole distance behind a stream or succession of ponds, nowhere fordable,
one terminus being Yorktown and the other ending in the James River,
which is commanded by the enemy's gunboats. Yorktown is fortified all
around with bastioned works, and on the water side it and Gloucester are so
strong that the navy is afraid to attack them.

The approaches on one side are generally through low, swampy and
thickly wooded ground, over roads which we are obliged to repair or to
make before we can get forward our carriages. The enemy is in great force,
and is constantly receiving reinforcements from the two rivers. The line in
front of us is, therefore, one of the strongest ever opposed to an invading
force in any country.

You will then ask why I advocated such a line for our operations? My
reasons are few, but I think good.

With proper assistance from the navy we could take Yorktown, and
then, with gunboats on both rivers, we could beat any force opposed to us
on Warwick River, because the shot and shell from the gunboats would
nearly overlap across the Peninsula, so that if the enemy should retreat —
and retreat he must — he would have a long way to go without rail or steam
transportation, and every soul of his army must fall into our hands, or be
destroyed.

Another reason for my supporting the new base and plan was that this
line, it was expected, would furnish water transportation nearly to Rich
mond.

Now, supposing we succeed in breaking through the line in front of us,
what can we do next ? The roads are very bad, and, if the enemy retains
command of James River, and we do not first reduce Yorktown, it would be
impossible for us to subsist this army three marches beyond where it is now.
As the roads are at present, it is with the utmost difficulty that we can sub
sist it in the position it now occupies.

You will see, therefore, that the force originally intended for the capture

Fifty Years' Observation.

of Richmond should be all sent forward. If I thought the four army corps
necessary, when I supposed the navy would co-operate, and when I judged
of the obstacles to be encountered by what I learned from maps and the
opinions of officers stationed at Fort Monroe, and from all other sources,
how much more should I think the full complement of troops requisite, now
that the navy cannot co-operate, and now that the strength of the enemy's
lines and the number of his guns and men prove to be almost immeasurably
greater than I had been led to expect ! The line in front of us, in the
opinion of all military men here who are at all competent to judge, is one of
the strongest in the world, and the force of the enemy capable of being
increased beyond the numbers we now have to oppose to him. Inde
pendently of the strength of the lines in front of us, and of the force of the
enemy behind them, we cannot advance until we get command of either
York River or James River. The efficient co-operation of the navy is,
therefore, absolutely essential, and so I considered it when I voted to change
our base from the Potomac to Fort Monroe.

An iron-clad boat must attack Yorklown, and if several strong gunboats
could be sent up James River also, our success will be certain and complete,
and the rebellion will soon be put down.

On the other hand, we must butt against the enemy's works with artillery,
and a great waste of time, life, and material.

If we break through and advance, both our flanks will be assailed from
two great watercourses in the hands of the enemy ; our supplies would give
out, and the enemy, equal if not superior in numbers, would, with the
other advantages, beat and destroy this army.

The greatest master of the art of war has said " that if you would invade
a country successfully you must have one line of operation, and one army,
under one general." But what is our condition? The State of Virginia is
made to constitute the command , in part or wholly, of some six generals,
viz : Fremont, Banks, McDowell, Wool, Burnside, and McClellan, besides
the scrap over the Chesapeake in the care of Dix.

The great battle of the war is to come off here. If we win it, the rebel
lion will be crushed — if we lose it, the consequences will be more horrible
than I care to tell. The plan of campaign I voted for, if carried out wilh
the means proposed, will certainly succeed. If any part of the means pro
posed are withheld or diverted, I deem it due to myself to say that our suc
cess will be uncertain.

It is no doubt agreeable to the commander of the first corps to have a
separate department, and as this letter advocates his return to General Mc-
Clellan's command, it is proper to state that I am not at all influenced by
personal regard, or dislike, to any of my seniors in rank. If I were to
credit all the opinions which have been poured into my ears, I must believe

McClelland Report. 445

that, in regard to my present fine command, I owe much to General Mc
Dowell and nothing to General McClellan. But I have disregarded all such
officiousness, and 1 have since last July to the present day supported General
McClellan, and obeyed all his orders with as hearty a good-will as though
he had been my brother or the friend to whom I owe most. I shall continue
to do so until the last, and so long as he is my commander. He left Wash
ington with the understanding that he was to execute a definite plan of cam
paign with certain prescribed means. The plan was good and the means
sufficient, and without modification the enterprise was certain of success.
But with the reduction of force and means the plan is entirely changed, and
is now a bad plan, with means insufficient for certain success.

Please show this letter to the President, and I should like also that Mr.
Stanton should see its contents. Do me the honor to write to me as soon
as you can, and believe me, with perfect respect,

Your most obedient servant,

E. D. KEYES,
Brigadier-General commanding ^th Army Corps.

Senator Harris wrote me some time afterwards that he
had given one of my letters to President Lincoln, and
this was the one. It finally came into the hands of Gen
eral McClellan, who embodied the whole letter in his re
port—page 555.

General McClellan also quoted in his report a long
paragraph from my testimony before the Congressional
Committee on the conduct of the war, and he associates
my opinions with those of my friend and correspondent,
Major-General J. G. Barnard, his chief engineer, who, it
should be known, was entitled to be called illustrious for
his genius in science and his virtues as a man.

When, after the campaign was ended, I had read Gen
eral McClellan 's report and saw myself quoted in a man
ner so flattering my astonishment was inexpressible. I
was in New York, where I met Col. Key, A. D. C. and
judge-advocate with the Army of the Potomac. I asked
him how it happened that his chief had so copiously em
ployed my opinions to strengthen his decisions. " Be-

446 Fifty Years' Observation.

cause," said he, " your opinions were so correct and so
well expressed that he could not avoid it ! "

The reason for my astonishment was that from the
time I landed at Fort Monroe till after I crossed White
Oak swamp on the 2Qth of June, leading the way in the
change of base to the James River, General McClellan
never once asked my advice or opinion in regard to any
battle or movement, nor did he once call me into council
with the other corps commanders. I was several times
told that they were called into council and I was left out.

While the army was detained before Yorktown, an un
fortunate attack was made on Lee's Mill from a point with
in my line which was guarded by General W. F. Smith, one
of my division commanders. On the i6th April, the day of
the attack, I visited Smith's headquarters and found him
and General McClellan alone together in consultation. I
remained in their presence about five minutes, and, my
opinion not being asked, I withdrew from the position.
Shortly afterward the assault was made, which caused a
heavy loss on our side in killed and wounded, and no
benefit whatsoever.

If my opinion had been asked by the General-in-Chief
it would have been given decidedly in opposition. My
opinion was fixed that the proper method to break
through that line with our large force was by a simul
taneous pressure and menace along the whole line, and
serious assaults upon points previously indicated. That
was the proper way, but my judgment was not sought ;
and I absolutely deny all responsibility for the attack of
April i6th, 1862.

It would appear, however, that my name was associated
in the affair. General Webb, when writing his book on
the war in the summer of iSSi, questions me in a note
about the attack on Lee's Mill. He also indicated a

Lees Mill.

447

supposition that I had been ordered by General McClellan
to attack it and had disobeyed the order. I was dis
mayed, for I did not retain in memory the slightest inci
dent that could suggest such a supposition. The subject
perplexed me often, and it was only made clear in July,
1884, when, in turning the leaves of McClellan's Report
in the Astor Library, I discovered the following (p. 553) :

The nature of that position (Lee's Mill) in relation to the Warwick not
being at that time understood, I instructed General Keyes to attack and

carry this position upon coming in front of it When General

Keyes approached Lee's Mill, his left flank was exposed to a sharp artillery
fire from the further bank of the Warwick, and upon reaching the vicinity
of the mill he found it altogether stronger than was expected, unapproach
able by reason of the Warwick River, and incapable of being carried by
assault.

The above reference to Lee's Mill had no connection
with the attack of April i6th, but it was ample ground
for a slanderous charge of disobedience of orders and in-
competency against me.

The slander had reached a friend of mine to whom I
wrote a letter from Yorktown, concerning a young volun
teer. My letter also referred to my being left on the
Isthmus, and to certain experiences in the recent cam
paign. The officer to whom I wrote was a man of talents,
in full sympathy with me regarding the war, and he
afterward commanded a corps. I give here the closing
paragraph of his letter, which is sombre in tone and full of
heat. The letter from which I quote is dated October
23, 1862 :

I have had command of a division at and since the battle of South

Mountain, but it devolved on me from 's sickness and 's wound. I

do not expect to retain it, for it is well known I dislike the stand-still policy

of and . As soon as they find a decent pretext I suppose they

will throw me overboard. It did not need your letter to convince me that

448 Fifty Years Observation.

you would receive nothing but injustice from those men. They attempted to
throw the catastrophe of Lee's Mill upon your shoulders. Perhaps they think
it is useful to retain a few of us in the army as scapegoats for their own
blundering and incapacity."

I am entirely ignorant of the names of the persons who
" attempted to throw the catastrophe of Lee's Mill upon
your (my) shoulders," but I here solemnly assert that
whosoever did say I had anything to do with that attack
made a specific and unqualified mistake.

The rebels having retired from Yorktown our army
pursued, and on the 4th day of May fought the battle of
Williamsburg, which it is not my purpose to describe
minutely.

When the head of my column arrived near the field of
battle after sunset on the evening of the 3d, it was
stopped by other troops and their carriages that blocked
the road completely. I got forward with one staff officer,
and found General Sumnerin a house, where I slept on the
floor of a small room, in which was the Prince of Joinville
with six or seven other persons. Early the next morning
General Sumner, who had the chief command, said he
should intrust me with the attack on the right. There
was a considerable delay in giving the order, due, prob
ably, to ignorance of the topography of the country and
the position of the enemy. The moment he gave me the
order I proceeded to select Hancock's brigade, and went
with it a considerable distance to the right and ordered
him to attack, which he did in gallant style.

As soon as I saw Hancock well at work, I returned to
get forward and send into action other portions of my
corps. That was a task of difficult performance, owing
to the woods and the narrowness of the communications
in which the different columns were mingled.

There was some hard fighting below Williamsburg,

General Hancock.

449

but not much beauty in the battle. General McClellan
in a despatch to Mrs. McClellan announces his admiration
for the conduct of Hancock, who was one o( his favorites.
Couch, Peck and others of my corps did excellent ser
vice.

While he was in my corps, Hancock's activity, gal
lantry, cheerfulness and freedom from spite and insub
ordination attracted me strongly. After he was trans
ferred I was not near enough to him to note how great
success and adulation in and after the war had affected
his nature, and I know not his humor now that he has
been jolted on the rough ways of politics, and warped
and stretched upon a Democratic platform, but it would
be impossible to corrupt Hancock.

The army halted several days at Williamsburg, and I
was quartered in the house of a prominent rebel who had
abandoned it to fight against the Union. General Mc
Clellan had issued an order against marauding, and under
cover of that order the Provost-Marshal General of the
army found occasion to administer to me a most humili
ating experience.

The rebel owner of the house had left behind several
bottles of wine and brandy. I took for myself one bot
tle of wine and drank it with my friends, and I gave a
bottle of the brandy to Colonel John J. Astor, A.D.C. to
General McClellan. At the suggestion of my chief Sur
geon Brown and Colonel Suydam, I took several bottles
and carried them along for the use of the sick. The
liquor was safe with me, for I did not drink brandy, and
not one drop of the brandy seized ever touched my lips.

On arriving at Roper's Church, two marches from Wil
liamsburg, I received peremptory orders to report in
person to the Provost-Marshal General of the army. By
him I was questioned concerning the liquor and directed

45O Fifty Years' Observation.

to return it in charge of a staff officer to the place from
which it was taken. I suppressed all signs of anger, and
directed Lieutenant Chetwood, A.D.C., to execute the
order without delay.

The Provost- Marshal General to whom I, a corps com
mander, was ordered to report in person, was my junior
in rank, and the opinions he entertained in regard to the
war and its causes were doubtless as little in sympathy
with my own as those of any man in either army. I am
greatly mistaken if he did not feel happy in the oppor
tunity to insult me grossly in the line of duty.

As I have before remarked, it is not my purpose to
write a complete history of any part of the war of the
rebellion, but to draw attention to actions in which I
took part.

The battle of Fair Oaks was one of the most san
guinary of the war, and considering the isolation of
the combatants due to an unexpected rise of the Chicka-
hominy, the Union cause was in greater danger on the
3 1st of May, 1862, than at the date of any other battle
except Gettysburg. It was called by the Confederates the
battle of Seven Pines, and that is its proper designation,
because there the principal fighting v/as done and the
greatest losses on both sides sustained.

In all the numerous histories that I have seen not one
contains a tolerably fair account of the battle of Fair
Oaks. In none of the reports of the chiefs engaged on
our side except mine are the positions of the brigades of
my corps at the beginning of the action stated. Without
a clear knowledge of those positions, a hundred persons
might read all the reports and all arrive at wrong and dif
ferent conclusions.

My corps was on the right bank of the Chickahominy,
and considerably in advance on the 3ist of May, 1862,

Fair Oaks. 451

which was the first day of what is called the battle of
Fair Oaks. To that first day alone this description ap
plies.

To comprehend the battle let it be understood that the
place called Seven Pines is at the junction of the Wil-
liamsburg and Nine Mile roads. At that point the reader
must fancy himself placed. Looking thence up the Wil-
liamsburg road towards Richmond, he will have Casey's
redout half a mile from him, on the left of that road and
near to it. Casey's division of three brigades of infantry,
and certain artillery under Colonel Bailey, forms the first
line which extends to the right across to the railroad,
which is about a mile off, and to the left to the White
Oak swamp, which was, owing to heavy rains, less than
a mile distant. Most of Bailey's artillery was in and near
the redout, the horses outside. Palmer's brigade is on
the left, Wessel's brigade in the centre, and Naglee's
brigade on the right of Casey's line, with two regiments
across the railroad. In front of Casey's line, at an aver
age distance of a long musket range, were woods and
thickets that concealed the enemy, whose approach was
down the Williamsburg road and through other openings
in the woods.

The Nine Mile road starting from Seven Pines to the
right slants a little forward to Fair Oaks station, which is
one mile distant. To the rear of that road on the right
and left of the Williamsburg road Couch's division of
three brigades of infantry and West's artillery forms the
second line, which was somewhat nearer to Casey's line
on the right than on the left where the distance apart
was over half a mile. Peck's brigade forms the left of
Couch's line, and is all on the left of the Williamsburg
road. Devens's brigade is in the centre of Abercrombie's
brigade, is on the right of Couch's line, and has two

45 2 Fifty Years' Observation.

regiments across the railroad, where Brady's battery is
also stationed. The White Oak swamps, the Williams-
burg road and railroad are nearly parallel. When Heint-
zelman came up at about 4 P. M. with two brigades of
his corps, they went in under General Kearny on the
left of the Williamsburg road ; and when Sumner got
into action at about 5 P. M., he was on the right of the
railroad, and did not, I think, cross it on the 3 1st.

Below Seven Pines I held a reserve of several regiments
of Couch's division, which I dispatched successively to
strengthen Casey's line at points where I saw they were
most needed.

I stated in my report that the country was mostly
wooded and greatly intersected with marshes, and such
was the truth on the day of the battle, and the deep mud
is mentioned in some of the reports. It was otherwise in
May, 1884, when I found all the ground dry and hard.

The position my corps occupied was not of my
selection, but was chosen by the engineers and ap
proved by General McClellan, who had not visited it
in person to my knowledge. The left of my lines was
well protected by the White Oak swamps, but the right
was on ground so favorable to the approach of the enemy,
and so far from the Chickahommy, that, if Johnston had
attacked there an hour or two earlier than he did, I
could have made but a feeble defence comparatively,
and every man of us would have been killed, captured,
or driven into the swamps or river before assistance
could have reached us. I supposed the attack would
come from the right even before the sudden overflow
of the Chickahommy. I made many reports to head
quarters of my situation during the thirty-six hours
immediately preceding the battle, and was constantly
expecting an attack.

Fair Oaks. 453

My report is a far better history of the conflict than I
could write now, and to its truth in every essential
particular I can take oath. I was not positive in stating
the exact time at which General Heintzelman arrived
on the field with reinforcements, nor that at which the
last line of battle was formed by General Heintzelman
and me. General McClellan's report states that it was
near 5 o'clock P. M. when Heintzelman arrived, but I am
convinced that he came up the Williamsburg road, and
that when I rode over and spoke with him it was not
five minutes before or after 4 o'clock. Jameson's brigade
was approaching, and Heintzelman asked me where they
were most needed, and I pointed up and to the left
of the road, and in that direction Jameson's column
passed, while we stood together and got into action
fifteen or twenty minutes past 4. The last line was
formed after sunset, that is, after 7 o'clock P. M., and it
was as late as 7.30 when the battle ended.

General Heintzelman ranked me and had been placed
in the general command of all the forces on the right
bank of the Chickahominy. During the three last hours
of the battle, from his arrival on the field, when Casey
and his whole line had been overwhelmed with superior
numbers and hurled to the rear, we often met and
consulted together. He gave me no order, nor did he
in the least interfere with my command of my own
people, though in the confusion the men of his corps got
mixed with mine, and we both gave directions wherever
we happened to be. We both had all we could do,
because all the enemy's forces had got into action, while
a very great number of our men had deserted the ranks
and left us with a fearful minority against the enemy.

The bravery and activity of General Heintzelman were
conspicuous throughout, and when a clerk carried my

454 Fifty Years Observation.

report to him without my signature, it was sent back with
the following note :

Brig.-Gen*l E. D. Keyes, Commanding %th Corps.

DEAR GENERAL : — You have omitted to sign your report. Will you
please sign and return it by the orderly ? General Heintzelman has ex
pressed himself as much pleased with your report, and is astonished at the
accuracy with which you have detailed the events of the day.

Yours respectfully,
[Signed] C. WcKEEVER, Chief of Staff.

The general's own report of the battle repeats his
compliments to mine, to the correctness of which there
cannot possibly be adduced more direct and positive
proof. Many other officers assured me of its truth and
fairness, and no man has ever to my knowledge accused
me of error or unfairness. General Devens, afterwards
Attorney-General of the United States, whose bravery
and good conduct in the battle were conspicuous, wrote
me that instead of retiring from the field on being
wounded near me, he only withdrew a short distance to
have his wound bandaged, and then he went into action
again. I stated what I saw, and I did.net happen to
observe him when returned into action.

Directly after the battle, instead of an inconsiderable
number of enemies who sought to damage me for my
strong Northern Republican sentiments, and gather my
reputation from slanderous tongues, I found that many
persons who had no special reason to dislike me sought
to misrepresent my conduct or ignore me. Slanders
were widely circulated and credited ; one was that I had
been superseded in the command of the 4th Corps by
General Heintzelman.

Under the sting of that and other foul slanders and
insinuations, I addressed a note to headquarters, but did
not retain a copy. It brought the following response :

General Marcy's Letter. 455

i

NEW BRIDGE, June 4, 1862.

DEAR KEYES : — In reply to your letter received this morning, I can say
to you that instead of there being any unfavorable impression on the mind of
General McClellan, regarding your action on the field of battle of the 3ist
ultimo, he has informed me that from what he has learned you conducted
yourself with great gallantry. He has spoken in terms of censure of the
general conduct of the division commanded by General Casey, which has
been wanting in that excellent discipline that has characterized the other
divisions of the army, but he does not by any means hold you responsible for
this.

This division was for the most part composed of new regiments, and of
course so much could not be expected as from others, yet he has not a doubt
but parts of this division may have behaved well.

The general has no other desire but to do justice to all, and you may rely
upon it that he will not do you the least injustice.

His health has not been good, and he is overwhelmed with important
business, but he will take the first opportunity to make a report of the 3ist
and ist, which will, I think, be perfectly satisfactory to you.

Very sincerely your friend,

[Signed] R. B. MARCY.

P. S. — General Heintzelman was placed in command of your corps in
order to have one general command the entire line. In the same way
Sumner was placed in command of the whole. This was done without
intent to cast any reflection on you, and I am surprised that you should
have so regarded it.

[Signed] R. B. M.

The postscript to General Marcy's letter is very impor
tant. The Chickahominy ran between the two wings of
the army, and it was in a military point of view quite
proper to designate in orders the ranking officer on the
right bank as the commanding general of the whole. In
the same way my orders to command the Fourth Corps
made me the commander of its divisions and brigades.
But the order given to General Heintzelman in this in
stance has been generally employed with apparent malig
nity to my prejudice. It is certain, however, that I com
manded the Fourth Army Corps on the 3ist May, and no

456 Fifty Years' Observation.

officer in the battle of Fair Oaks was less interfered
with in the exercise of his proper functions than I
was.

Another false impression has gained a footing. Many
persons have been made to believe that there were two
fights on the 3 ist May — one fought by Casey's line and one
by that of Couch. An officer of rank stated to me that
such an inference might originate in my own report,
which stated that " after I had sent reinforcements to
sustain Casey's line until the numbers were so much re
duced in the second line that no more could be spared,"
I then proceeded to describe " the operations of the sec
ond line, which received my uninterrupted supervision."
It would be as incorrect to say there were two battles on
the 3 ist as to say that every division and brigade had a
fight of its own.

The veteran Casey in his report makes a statement
which favored the mistake. He says he received no re
inforcements in his first line. Now it is probable that
none of the regiments I sent to support Casey's line act
ually got quite up to his redoubt, but the 5$th New York,
the 23d and 6ist Pennsylvania, the 7th Massachusetts,
and others under Couch and Abercrombie supported him
valiantly. This is shown by my report and the reports
of Couch, Peck, Abercrombie, and several colonels.

Until Casey's line was broken, and I confess he held it
with masterly conduct and bravery, I acted the part of a
corps commander by watching operations at a certain
distance, though I was not a minute out of the range of
the enemy's shot and shells. As soon as Casey's men
were obliged to give ground to vastly superior numbers,
and the'contest looked desperate, I drew nigh the com
batants. I was often in the line of file closers, and some
times at the head of columns and batteries, leading them

Fair Oaks. 457

to new positions. I conducted the loth Massachusetts
seven or eight hundred yards to a new position at the
moment when I thought a rout was most imminent.
See Byron Porter's report — see also reports of Colonel
Adams and of West, Chief of Artillery, and Miller and
Peck. West and Miller state in their reports that I
placed the artillery in position and continued to direct
the firings throughout the action.

Owing to mud, water, and thickets, the advance of the
enemy was in places obstructed. The passages through
which they could approach I took care to guard, and the
supports I had sent to Casey were able to make resistance
continuous. The enemy had no spaces without defenders
to trot over and gain confidence.

Perhaps the most fortunate order I gave during the
day was to General Couch early in the action to go with
two regiments to support the right. He thought he
should have had more than two regiments, and I agreed
with him, but if I had sent another regiment, I should
have been certainly crushed at Seven Pines before dark.
In my despatch to General Heintzelman in the beginning
of the battle I requested him to send a brigade up the
railroad. He ordered Burney's brigade up that way, but
General Kearny stopped him, and only a small part of
Burney's command got into action late in the day. Couch
therefore found himself in a desperate strait ; he was
thrust across the railroad, and the enemy cut off his con
nection, and but for the opportune arrival at 5 P.M. of
General E. V. Sumner, who came from the opposite bank
of the Chickahominy over an unfinished bridge, the loose
planks of which were beginning to float, Couch must have
been destroyed, and the rebels would have rolled up the
right of our line. Couch's conduct was admirable, and
when Sumner joined him the strength of our side in that
20

45 8 Fifty Years' Observation.

quarter was sufficient and proportionately much greater
than at Seven Pines.

The difficulties of our task on that bloody day may be
more easily understood by what General Joseph E. John
ston, the Confederate chief, says in his report of the
battle — See Vol. 5, p. 96, Rebellion Record.

After describing the rush by which Casey's line was
carried, he continues as follows :

The operation was repeated with the same gallantry and success, as our
troops pursued their victorious career through the enemy's successive camps
and entrenchments. At each new position they encountered fresh troops
belonging to it, and reinforcements brought up from the rear. Thus they
had to repel repeated efforts to retake works which they had carried.

It is true we met the enemy and assailed him wherever
he showed himself, and General Johnston supposed the
various new lines of battle formed under fire were with
fresh troops. In that he was mistaken, as all my remain
ing force as well as that brought up by Heintzelman were
actually engaged soon after Casey's line gave way. Those
movements and the terrible fighting from half-past four
till half-past seven o'clock have scarcely been noticed by
former historians. They have skipped over them like
hares, and omitted all mention of the chiefs of corps in
command who directed them.

The formation by me of successive lines of battle under
fire, as described in my report, though no one has denied
the fact, has not, to my knowledge, been recorded in any
history. The Count de Villarceau, the one of my aides
who (his English being imperfect) was near me longest,
wrote and sent off without my dictation or knowledge an
article which was published in the Courrier des Etats-Unis
of June 21, 1862.

The Count describes the dispositions made by me to
prevent surprise, and says I mounted my horse soon after

Fair Oaks. 459

the first report of the enemy's cannon, referring to the
signal guns fired a little before eleven o'clock, while I was
speaking to the captured aide-de-camp of General John
ston. He then refers to the charge of the 55th Regiment,
New York Volunteers, composed wholly of Frenchmen,
and describes fully in his own way what I did to resist
the advance of the enemy, and concluded as follows :

It is thus that he (Keyes) established in the open fields, which offered no
natural defence, four consecutive lines of battle. In the fourth line he dis
mounted and mixed with the soldiers, etc.

My report describes the ending of the battle minutely
and refers in no flattering terms to the officers and men
who left the ranks and field without orders. It cannot
be denied that there were recreants from all the regi
ments. General I. N. Palmer, whose brigade was as much
exposed as any, after stating that he lost about one-third
of his men, accounts for his casualties of all kinds in the
following swelling sentences :

This is sufficient to induce me to think that while the men did not, per
haps, act like veteran troops, they did as well as could be expected. For
the disasters of the day those who placed a small force of the rawest troops
in the army in a position where they would of necessity bear the brunt of
any attack on the left must bear the blame. I take none to myself.

General Casey speaks highly of the conduct of his
brigadiers, Naglee, Wessels and Palmer.

In connection with my report of the battle of Fair
Oaks, I have stated that no man had accused me of un
fairness. For a convincing reason I was made to believe
that a son of General Casey thought I had been unjust
to his father. To dispose of such a supposition, by
whomsoever it may be entertained, I here produce the
copy of a letter, the original of which is in my pos
session :

460 Fifty Years Observation.

WASHINGTON, August 25, 1862.

DEAR GENERAL: — You will probably remember that while I was at Poplar
Ridge you informed me that you had recommended me for a brevet. Inas
much as it has not come to the knowledge of the President, you would con
fer a great favor by informing me what disposition you made of the recom
mendation, and by enclosing me a copy. It is a sad thought to me, General,
that my brothers in arms are unwilling to do me that justice which the enemy
are constantly making known. I have felt gratified that you have been dis
posed to do justice in your report.

Of all the generals that have commanded divisions in the Army of the
Potomac, I have been made an exception. I am resting under severe
injustice.

If you can say anything to the President in my favor respecting this mat
ter, and will enclose it to me, it shall be remembered. They may have killed
me, but I am not buried yet. I find that I have friends left.

I have been placed on the duty of receiving and reorganizing new troops,

and am busily employed.

Believe me, truly yours,

[Signed] SILAS CASEY, Brig. Gen. Bt.
Maj-Gen. E. Z). Keyes, Commanding %th Corps,
Yorkto-wn, or Ft. Monroe, Va.

Having failed to discover in any of the printed histories
of the Peninsular campaign an account of the services of
the 4th corps that was not imperfect, garbled, unfair, or
shockingly prejudiced, I addressed a letter to my former
chief of staff, Colonel C. C. Suydam, dated December 24,
1877, from which I extract the following:

We owe it to the brave men with whom we fought in the Army of the
Potomac to establish the truth in regard to their service. To that end let
us appeal to the testimony of actual participants, and reject all imaginative
speculations. How often does the zeal of partisans, the fashion of a name
or the blindness of sectional prejudice determine the deserts of a whole army
of men ! Too much of this may be seen in the books already published,
whereon many worthy names have been ignored, and others blazoned beyond
their merits.

From you I expect a transcript of many transcripts from your field books,
and an account of things known to you, as the chief of my staff, and of
which the public are now ignorant.

My letter having been circulated brought many replies.,

Surgeon Hamilton's Testimony. 461

some of which were of considerable length. I regarded
those of Surgeon Hamilton and Colonel Suydam as the
most valuable, for the reason that they had the best op
portunities for observation. Colonel Suydam, though not
an educated military man, had a special aptness for his
duties as a staff officer, and he was vigilant and hardy. I
received him as a stranger upon the sole recommendation
of Mr. Charles King, late of New York, a noble gentleman,
long my friend, whose heart was dedicated to the cause.

Surgeon Frank Hamilton, whose works on military
surgery are standard, came a stranger to me from General
Franklin's division. He was with me four months, and
messed with me. Dr. Hamilton acted awhile as Medical
Inspector of the Army of the Potomac, and enjoyed
ample opportunities for observation and comparison.
Since he left the army he has written extensively, and
one of his works he dedicated to me. He was a consult
ing surgeon with those who attended President Garfield
after he was shot by the assassin Guiteau. His probity
of character is as remarkable as his skill in his profession,
and as his ambition did not clash with mine, I cite his
testimony with perfect confidence.

Surgeon Hamilton drew a plan in his note-book of the
field and stations of the troops, and the defences that had
been hastily constructed before the battle, and from
entries made at the time he sent me copious extracts,
which I will draw upon to illustrate my narrative as
required.

After referring to my vigilance and endurance, etc.,
he continues :

On the 2gth of May General Keyes said before myself and his aides,
when we were lying at Seven Pines in a position of great exposure: "Our
position is certain to tempt the enemy to attack us, and they will do so as
soon as it is fairly understood, and I have so represented it to the com-

462 Fifty Years Observation.

manding general repeatedly." He was all that day busy looking after the
position of his troops.

On the 3Oth General Keyes repeated a similar remark.

On the morning of the 3ist young Washington, the aide of General
Johnston, was brought to our headquarters as a prisoner. General Keyes,
having sent him to the commanding general, immediately ordered his horse,
saying, " I'm going to the front."

Captain Oswald Jackson, one of my aides, went with
us and has testified in writing to the same fact and time.
Hamilton continues :

I said to General Keyes, " If you anticipate a battle I had better go to
the front with you. " We rode to the Nine- Mile road, and turning to the
right soon passed General Abercrombie's headquarters. General Abercrombie
was in front of his tent when General Keyes said to him, " You had better
get your men in position, for I think we are going to be attacked." General
Abercrombie replied: " Can I have time to get something to eat?" " No,
you had better do it at once."

When we reached Fair Oaks station, General Keyes called for the colonel
of a Pennsylvania regiment and told him to put his men in position and
prepare for an attack. I then left him and rode further to the right to look
after a building for a temporary hospital.

Dr. Hamilton states further that after about one hour
and a half he " heard heavy firing of small arms, indicat
ing the commencement of the engagement." He states
also that " he attended General Abercrombie professionally
previous to his death, and they compared notes and
agreed that what I [Hamilton] stated about the General
[Keyes] was substantially correct."

The foregoing direct evidence of Hamilton, Abercrom
bie, Jackson and Villarceau, with the corroborating testi
mony of Generals Couch, Peck, and others in support of
my own assertion of the same facts, I trust will satisfy
those who may hereafter write of the battle of Fair Oaks,
that I was not surprised, nor tardy in the fight.

I shall have occasion to make further references to
Surgeon Hamilton's notes.

Army Jealousies. 463

The fact is well established that on the 3ist of May,
1862, my corps was attacked by, and obliged to contend
alone three hours and more, and till the end with only
two of Heintzelman's brigades at Seven Pines, against the
grand divisions of A. P. Hill, Longstreet, G. W. Smith,
and Huger. There I witnessed the heaviest responsibility
and hardest task of my life. I executed it better than I
hoped, and was satisfied. Furthermore I gained con
firmation to my belief that no man can know who his
meanest enemies are until he finds an opportunity to do
his best. In attestation of this position I give the follow
ing letter unabridged :

[PRIVATE. ]

CINCINNATI, Ohio,/«/>/ 10, 1862.
Major- General Keyes.

SIR : — Allow me to congratulate you on having partial justice done you
and your heroic valor and skill in battle recognized and rewarded by the
Administration.

I told you all would yet be right. I knew that Secretary Chase would
stand by you, when he once understood thoroughly your merits. To make
him fully acquainted with them I did all and more than I promised you I
would do. The letter I wrote from your headquarters was copied by
Chase's secretary (he informs me), and taken before the Cabinet. / met and
refuted charges of in competency contained in a letter from a person on the
staff of one of your brother corps commanders, made against you and sent to
Secretary Chase ; but of this fact say nothing until I see you, and I will tell
you what a jealous set of men you have in the "Army of the Potomac."

Count Villarceau's account of the ' ' Battle of Seven Pines " I had trans
lated by a translator in the Interior Department and made good use of it.

I am here with Miss Chase (who was very grateful for your compliments)
and am engaged in fixing up some of the Governor's [Chase's] private busi
ness ; shall not return to Washington for two weeks yet. If you have time
amid your labors will you please send me some of your autographs on the
inclosed cards to Columbus, Ohio; there are several of the leading citizens'
families there who would like greatly to have one to put with your cartes de
visite in their photographic albums. With great respect,

Your friend and obedient servant,
[Signed] D WIGHT BANNISTER, P. Mr., U.S.A.

464 Fifty Years' Observation.

On the ist of August, Secretary of the Treasury
Chase wrote me a long letter, in which he referred to
various interesting subjects relating to the President, the
war, and himself, in such a confidential strain that the en
tire contents of the letter would, I fear, excite controversy.
I therefore reproduce but one of its paragraphs, which
refers directly to my enemies and me. The letter was
written after I had been breveted a Brigadier-General in
the regular army.

At length your merits have been properly recognized by the President
and the Senate ; though you are doubtless aware that there have not been
wanting those who would have deprived you of this recognition had it been
in their power.

Besides the letters of the Paymaster, Governor Chase
and Senator Harris, I received many others from approv
ing friends, among which were several from ladies — Mrs.
Carson, daughter of Mr. Pettigrew, of Charleston, S. C.,
the great Union patriot, wrote me one which I prized
greatly. Nearly all the communications, written and
verbal, that reached me disclosed the activity of my
enemies of the baser sort. Their confusion could only be
imagined by letting a full beam of light into a dungeon
filled with bats, owls, toads, snakes, roaches and other
reptiles. I took no pains to learn their names.

My notice of the battle of Fair Oaks would not be
complete without a detail of some of the apparent causes
for the numerous incomplete, erroneous and prejudiced
histories of it. The reports of the chiefs engaged in it
were published in 1875, in Volume V., " Military Reports
of the Rebellion." Before 1875 access to all the best
sources of information was not easy, and writers generally
gave credit to false or prejudiced reports, and to slan
derers who never lag.

After several unsuccessful attempts to cull from an

The Count de Paris History. 465

immense mass and arrange documents with intelligent
coherence, the task was assigned to Col. Thomas Scott.
He is the genius of classification, and if I blunder in my
citations he will be best able to detect me. He knows
more of what was done in the war than the actors them
selves. It has often happened that an officer who was
clogged in his own conceits, and strayed from his record,
has come to Scott's office to demand correction of what
he declares is a gross slander, but to find it a true extract
from his own report.

To show how an honest author may be deceived, I will
invite attention to the errors in the description of the bat
tle of Fair Oaks in the Count of Paris' history of the Civil
War in America— see Volume II. I select this example
for two reasons — first, because I have a profound respect
for the Count, to whom I am indebted for various civilities
in France, and second, because I have heard his history
referred to as the best that has been written of our Civil
War. The excellent qualities of the Count of Paris would
entitle him to great distinction if he were of an humble
instead of a royal, lineage. He is strikingly correct in his
descriptions of other events with which I was familiar ;
but his mistakes in regard to the battle of Fair Oaks are
so numerous and essential, that they could only have
arisen from his reliance upon incompetent authority. The
integrity and fairness of his intentions towards me I never
thought of questioning.

It was remarked in the army that the Orleans Princes,
J. J. Astor, Wright, Cutting, Haven, Wadsworth and
other sons of affluence were distinguished for subordina
tion to military rank, and for the cheerfulness with which
they sustained the hardships of war.

The following extracts are from the Count's history :

The first works of the Federals, yet unfinished, simple abatis or epaule-

466 Fifty Years' Observation.

ments, the profile of which could not protect the men, were occupied by
Naglee's brigade. This resisted energetically, and the division artillery di
rected by an old officer of Regulars, Colonel Bailey, made great ravages in
the ranks of the assailants. . . . The other two brigades of Casey hastened
to the support of Naglee, and in spite of great losses they held good against
the Confederates, whose numbers increased unceasingly.

The above extract conveys an impression absolutely
foreign from the truth, in the most essential particulars.

Those first unfinished works of ours (that is, the chief
and the greatest number of artificial defences), where
Bailey was killed, were on the right and left of the Wil-
liamsburg road, the redoubt being on the left of that road,
and fully a mile from the railroad, astride which, on
Casey's extreme right, Naglee's brigade was posted at the
beginning of the action. The supports of the redoubt
were Wessel's and Palmer's brigades, and those brigades,
being hotly engaged almost from the beginning of the
action, could not and did not go to the assistance of that
of Naglee.

WASHINGTON, D. C., August 4, 1884.

DEAR GENERAL KEYES : — I am in receipt of your letter of the 2gth ult.
In regard to the statement made by the Count of Paris, in his history of the
battle of Fair Oaks, that " the first works of the Federals were occupied by
Naglee's brigade," I can only state that Naglee's brigade was one of those
comprising Casey's division. When in position at Seven Pines, and when
the engagement commenced, I had the left with the 3d Brigade, Wessels the
centre with the 2d, and Naglee the right with the 1st. I have never heard
before of either of these brigades as occupying the " first works " on the
day of the battles of Seven Pines and Fair Oaks.

In reply to your interrogatory, " Did you or any portion of your brigade
go to the support of Naglee's brigade ? " I will state I do not recollect of
ever receiving any order on that day to go to the support of Naglee or of
sending any portion of my brigade to his support.

In reply to your question, " Did any movement made by you in the bat
tle of Fair Oaks have any reference to Naglee's brigade ? " I will state I
made on that occasion no movement having any reference to his brigade.

In reply to your question, " Did you have anything to do with General
Naglee or his orders or his brigade in the battle of Fair Oaks of May 31,

The Count de Paris' History. 467

1862 ? " I reply that I was the senior brigade commander in Casey's division
on that day, and as General Casey was present I had nothing to do with
General Naglee or his orders.

I think, General, that the Count gets things a little mixed in some parts
of his history of this battle, and that the information on which some of his
statements are based was not always reliable.

I remain, General, very truly yours,
[Signed] I. N. PALMER.

General E. D. Keyes.

From the letter of August 8, 1884, written to me by
Brig. H. W. Wessels, commanding Casey's centre brigade,
I extract the following — he repeats my question :

QUESTION. — Did you have anything to do with General Naglee, or his
orders or his brigade in the battle of Fair Oaks ?

ANSWER. — No.

QUESTION. — Did any movement made by you in the battle of Fair Oaks
have any reference to Naglee's brigade ?

ANSWER. — No.

The following is another extract from the Count of
Paris' history:

Bailey is killed upon the cannon which he has just spiked, and seven
pieces remain in the hands of the assailants. It is just 3 o'clock, precisely.
At this moment Peck's brigade of Couch's division arrived from Seven Pines
led by Keyes, who had been notified a little late of the gravity of the com
bat.

It often occurs that the most envenomed slanders are
mingled with beneficent truths, and the above extract is
an apt example. It is true the gallant Bailey was killed,
and the guns in the little fort fell into the hands of the
enemy because all the horses had been killed on the out
side of it. But the charge that it was 3 o'clock P.M., at
which precise moment I appeared on the field with Peck's
brigade, in obedience to a tardy notification that a great
battle was raging, is an unqualified falsehood. I never
suspected the existence of this foul charge till the month

468 Fifty Years' Observation.

of September, 1880. Eighteen years and upwards had
passed, and I had never known, or suspected, that I had
been accused of being late at the battle of Fair Oaks.

The simple facts of the case are as follows : I had not
been off the field where the battle was fought for thirty-
six hours, as my tent was close up with Couch's line and
within full view and hearing of Casey's redoubt and the
centre of his line. On the morning of the battle, that is,
of the 3 1st of May, 1862, in anticipation of an attack, I
gave orders to General Couch to advance Peck's brigade,
(that is, Peck received the order at 1 1 o'clock A.M !)
and then directly afterwards I mounted my horse at pre
cisely 1 1 o'clock A.M., and proceeded to examine my lines
from the Williamsburg road to Fair Oaks station,
Surgeon Frank Hamilton, chief of my medical staff, and
Captain Oswald Jackson, aide de camp, accompanying me,
I went as far as the railroad. On my way over / met
Colonel Bailey at a considerable distance from his guns,
stopped him, told him that there was going to be a fight, and
ordered him to proceed quickly and prepare his batteries. I
also stopped to converse with, and give orders to, General
Abercrombie to prepare for an immediate attack. I gave
other orders, but made no changes of position, because
none appeared necessary. Neither during the battle, nor
since, have I had reason to regret or find fault with the
orders I gave or the movements made by the troops of
my corps. It appears strange that none of those who
sought to destroy me have ever resorted to direct charges
of misconduct, but they have been content to misrepre
sent or ignore me and allow my name to fade in silence.
My examinations continued about an hour, and I had
some time to spare after I had taken up a most favor
able position to observe the whole field, which was about
midway between Casey's and Couch's lines, from whence

The Count de Paris History. 469

I saw the columns of the enemy issuing from the woods at
about 12:30 M. Surgeon Hamilton, as I before remarked,
took notes of the above-described reconnoissance at the
time it was made, and to his testimony I refer in support
of my present statements, and those contained in my
report of the battle.

Referring to alleged delays on our side as well as on the
side of the enemy, the Prince says: "Notwithstanding
their surprise, the Federals had lost a little less time."

In regard to the above charge, I assert that if I had
known with certainty that the attack would be made at
the moment it was made, I could not have been better
prepared than I was, and General Casey emphatically
denied that he was surprised.

I am constrained to transcribe another passage from
the history of the royal Prince which refers to the con
duct of brave men, yet its conclusions, being founded
upon wrong premises and gross errors, are monstrously
unjust :

The Government, always animated by a secret jealousy against General
McClellan, seldom communicated to the public the news it received from
him ; but after a battle like this silence was impossible, and it caused the
first dispatch from the commander-in-chief (McClellan) to be printed. Un
fortunately the latter, deceived by the report of Heintzelman, cast unjust
blame upon Casey's division. This dispatch was corrected in Washington,
but in a manner to aggravate the pernicious effect of the error it contained.
The unmerited censure was allowed to remain, while the praise which
McClellan awarded to Sumner was suppressed. The general-in-chief soon
re-established the truth, and it was known that the army had been saved by
the tenacity of Naglee and Bailey, by the order that Kearny had communi
cated to the brigades of Jameson and Berry, and finally by the indomitable
energy of the aged Sumner.

It must be borne in mind that General McClellan was
ill in bed on the opposite side of the Chickahominy on
the 3 1st of May, and he was therefore obliged to judge

470 Fifty Years' Observation.

by reports of the conduct of officers engaged. He never
consulted me, and I was told that he was much confused
by the various statements made to him by individuals.

I am ignorant of the circumstances which led to the
conclusion that the army was saved in the way and by the
officers above referred to, but the justice of that conclu
sion I deny emphatically. Leaving myself apart and my
name to be placed where, after a careful examination of
all reports in which my name occurs, it properly belongs,
I can with confidence assert that it would have been
more in accordance with equity and truth to say the army
was saved by Casey, Couch and Heintzelman, instead of
Naglee, Kearny and Sumner. My personal predilections
have nothing to do with this decision.

General E. V. Sumner was one of the best instructed
line officers in the army. His bravery was beyond dis
pute, and his untiring energy was never more remarkable
than when he crossed the Chickahominy and came into
action to assist Couch, who was across the railroad, and
Abercrombie at 5 P. M. on the 3ist. After the junction
of those officers they were comparatively stronger to cope
with the enemy in front of them than Heintzelman and
I were at Seven Pines, where, as the Count of Paris cor
rectly says, the most of the fighting was done on that
day.

In regard to Philip Kearny, I had been his intimate
associate and correspondent for more than twenty years
before the war. His bravery and dash were proverbial,
and never questioned by any one. He was rich by in
heritance, profuse in his generosity, and polite in society.
His occasional rashness in the pursuit of fame, and his
lack of reserve when opposed or thwarted in his ambi
tion, were also well understood. He lost an arm in the
Mexican War, and was killed in the War of the Rebellion.

General Kearny. 471

It seems superfluous, therefore, to impute to General
Kearny an exploit which the truth could in any manner
qualify. The Count refers to his entry into the battle as
follows :

At half-past 3 o'clock Kearny, who knew no obstacles, as soon as he
heard the sounds of cannon arrived from Seven Pines with two brigades
(Berry's and Jameson's), and his opportune presence re-established for a
moment the combat.

It is true that Kearny came up and got into action
fifteen or twenty minutes after 4 o'clock P.M., but he
came in obedience to the orders of his corps commander.
He was opposed by greatly superior numbers, and in a
short time his force and all around him were repulsed
and scattered. He remained longer on the field, but he
did not at any time cross the Williamsburg road, where
so much heavy fighting was done during the last two
hours of the battle, nor was he near that road when
Heintzelman and I formed the last line of battle across it
and repulsed the enemy.

The credit given to Kearny by the Count for " know
ing no obstacles as soon as he heard the sounds of can
non," is essentially qualified in this instance by what
Surgeon Hamilton wrote in his note-book at the time,
and there was not a man in the army more truthful than
he.

The doctor says that while he was on his way to Sav
age's Station to establish a general field hospital, he
" met General Kearny, who was standing, unmounted,
not far from his headquarters, and who inquired : ' Doc
tor, have you just come from the front?' 'Yes, sir,' I
replied. ' How is it going ? ' said the general. ' We are
pressed very hard,' I replied, ' but I think we are holding
our own.' To which the general answered quickly : * Why

472 Fifty Years' Observation.

^don't General Keyes send for me ? I have been waiting
an hour.' '

In the report of General Birney, to which I invite
especial attention, he speaks at length of orders given him
by General Kearny, who was his division commander.
Kearny appeared to think from the number of runaways
that a rout in front was imminent, and he stopped Bir-
ney's advance up the railroad. I confess the sight of such
a crowd of recreants was alarming, and enough to prevent
the knightly Kearny from obeying " the first sounds of
cannon." If the truth could be told I have no doubt that
among the dastards who deserted their fellows in the fight
there are many who are now living who are the most ex
pensive pensioners and greatest boasters living. When
Colonel Suydam, my chief of staff, left me and Heintzel-
man to carry orders to Birney, we were still in the fight
and over a mile away. The words " to the rear," used by
Birney, might be understood to mean that we were in a
place of personal safety.

I now proceed to give my attention to Brigadier Gen
eral Henry M. Naglee, upon whom the Count of Paris
has bestowed extraordinary praise, and upon whom he
seems to rely extensively. In justice to my own corps,
and in my own self-defence, I must pour upon that gen
tleman, his works and disposition, sufficient light to
enable the reader to understand him fully. In addition
to what I have already quoted from the Count's books,
that author in a note at the end of his second or third
volume cites Naglee's report to establish the positions of
Peck's and Deven's brigades, although they belonged to
Couch's division ! Also, upon the same authority of
Naglee's report, the author states that the rest of Keyes'
corps lost possession of Seven Pines. These facts and
references should be kept in mind while reading what

General Naglee's Report. 473

follows. It must also be remembered that General Casey
and I both made honorable mention of Naglee, and it
was more than once hinted to me that he received his
full meed of praise, and even more, in proportion, than
was given to other officers.

I forwarded my report of the battle before I received
that of Naglee. He only remained a short time with his
brigade, and I did not require a report from him of the
operations of the other brigades, the divisions or the
corps, nor of his own conduct while in my sight.

In reading his report, one might suppose that Naglee,
not Casey, commanded the divisions. It might even be
inferred that he was the chief of the 4th Corps, although
I fail to discover in his florid composition any designation
of such an organization, or any mention of my name,
although I gave him many verbal orders on the field while
I employed him as a staff-officer.

The following commentary was enclosed and forwarded
to Headquarters with Naglee's report — See No. 98, Mili
tary Reports of the Rebellion, page 294:

HEADQUARTERS, 4th CORPS, >
Near SEVEN PINES, June 20, 1862. \

SIR : — I have the honor to enclose the report of Brigadier General H. M.
Naglee, who commanded the First Brigade of Casey's Division in the battle
of May 31. His brigade was composed of the $2d and iO4th Pennsyl
vania, the nth Maine, and the 56th and looth New York Volunteers.

General Naglee's report did not arrive in time to be forwarded with my
report of the battle. The paper he has now furnished contains matter
which will lead to angry controversies, and ought not, in my opinion, to ap
pear in its present form among the reports of the battle.

The objections to General Naglee's report are the following :

1st. It refers to the movements of the 4th Corps, or part of it, for several
days prior to and in the battle, and it is not his province to refer to them in
his report of the battle further than to give the position of the troops of his
own brigade.

2d. General Naglee states that he gave orders to other troops beside his

474 Fifty Years Observation.

own brigade without giving the authority for so doing. To allow such a
practice to subordinate commanders without stating reasons to justify it
would have a most disorganizing tendency.

3d. General Naglee has referred to a line of battle formed in rear of, and
near to, the Nine-Mile road in a manner which seems to convey the impres
sion that the line there formed was about the termination of the battle. It
is certain, however, that two other distinct lines of battle stoutly resisted
the enemy after the one above referred to. As General Naglee does not
refer to his being near the first of the last two lines, and as I did not see
him there, I infer he was not present. In the last line of battle formed dur
ing the day, and which line stayed the advance of the enemy, I know Gen
eral Naglee was not present.

4th. General Naglee's report conveys the idea, I think, that one division,
cr one brigade, of the 4th corps did nearly all the fighting on the 3ist, and
that the other divisions did very little fighting.

5th. Having mentioned General Naglee favorably in my report of the
battle, I respectfully request that the paper now forwarded from him as his
report may be returned to me as objectionable for the reasons above stated.
I will then require Biigadier General Naglee to report the operations of his
own brigade during the battle of May 31. At the same time I would
intimate to him that if he desires to describe the operations of the 4th
corps, or of General Casey's division, or the conduct of individuals not
under his command, or his own conduct generally, there will be no ob
jection to his doing so in a separate paper.

I have the honor to be, sir, your most obedient servant,

E. D. KEYES,

Brig. Gen. Comd'g, $th Corps.
To Brigadier General S. Williams, Adjt. Gen., Army of the Potomac.

True copy from original iu the official reports of the Peninsular Campaign.

[Signed] SCOTT, U. S. A.

February 14, 1881.

In the above commentary I express a doubt of the
presence of General Naglee in the line of battle which
\vas next the last that was formed. That doubt was in
creased to a conviction by what he told me afterwards,
lie said he was over at a Anderson's saw-mill, where he
saw General Kearny and another general officer. That
saw-mill is the one referred to by General Jameson of
Kearny's division. The mill is one mile to the left and

General Naglee. 475

rear of Seven Pines towards White Oak swamp, and two
miles from Naglee's first position in the battle. At that
time the road to it was crooked, muddy and difficult, and
probably not another man but General Naglee of Casey's
first brigade was within a mile and a half of that mill
during the day.

After being at the mill Naglee certainly returned to the
Williamsburg road, where I saw him under the following
well-remembered circumstances.

After I had placed the loth Massachusetts in the gap
of the last line of battle but one, as mentioned in my re
port, I remained near it enveloped in smoke. The rebels
pressed and enfiladed the left of that line so hard, 150
yards from me, that it gave way — the infantry ran, and
the artillery limbered up and drove furiously away. See
ing the last piece where the Williamsburg road entered
the woods, rode with all speed to rally the fugitives. At
least a half-mile from the line I had left, I saw General
Naglee in the road walking his horse towards Bottom's
bridge. He told me he was entirely exhausted, and I
allowed him to continue. He crossed the Chickahominy
and passed the night on the opposite side of that stream.

I succeeded, with the assistance of my staff, in turning
back a large number, with whom and others who had
stood fast I formed another, and the last, line of battle
on the left in the twilight, while General Heintzelman
formed it on the right, and that line repulsed the enemy
and ended the fight of the 3 1st, at Seven Pines. General
Naglee was certainly not near that line, and I estimate
that he quit the field one hour before I left it. I need
say no more concerning Naglee's remarks upon the posi
tions of Peck, Couch and Devens, nor of that stupendous
phrase which terminates one of the paragraphs of his
report in the following words : " and when at dark the

Fifty Years' Observation.

enemy swept all before him, we were the last to leave
the field ! "

In regard to the movement of the 55th New York,
General Peck, to whose brigade that regiment of gallant
Frenchmen belonged, has the following : " At I o'clock
P.M. (it should have been 2 o'clock) General Keyes,
commanding 4th corps, detached the 55th N. Y. Volun
teers under Lieut.-Col. Thourot from my command, and
led it into position himself." I did detach that regiment
because I saw it was needed by General Casey, not at
Naglee's suggestion, and rode at its head three or four
hundred yards, and while it filed to the left into the Wil-
liamsburg road I ordered Naglee to go on with it to save
the guns, etc. See Lieut-Col. Thourot's report.

Naglee refers, in his report, to the 55th as follows:
" At half-past 3 P.M. I rode to the rear and I led up
the 55th N. Y., Lieutenant-Colonel Thourot." Peck says
the time was I, Thourot says 1:30, Naglee 3:30. It was,
in fact, about 2 o'clock P.M., certainly not later than 2.

The gallant Bailey is unfortunately not alive to thank
General Naglee for his congratulations and directions on
the field. Bailey was a noble soldier. The last time I
saw him was one hour before the battle commenced, when
he was on his way to Fair Oaks station. I told him to
return and prepare his batteries for action.

For my part I am unable to consider General Naglee's
report of the battle of Fair Oaks as a reliable document
for its history. General D. N. Couch's report is essentially
important. The credit given to Naglee's report, and to
its author, by the Count of Paris, if by chance they met,
justifies me in speaking further of Naglee and of his pecu
liar traits as an officer, his bravery and energy being con
sidered by me unquestionable.

In all armies there is a class of men who are at variance

The Field Revisited. 477

with their commanding officer. Of that class, so far as my
reading and military experience extends, Henry M. Naglee
is entitled to stand head. He came to my corps from
General Hooker's division, and at his first interview with
me he discharged a tirade of maledictions against that
officer, which made so slight an impression that, if Hooker
had rifled me of my fondest hopes, it would not have
occurred to me to allege a word that Naglee had said
against him by way of revenge or justification.

I am not certain that Naglee was ever under the com
mand of General Sumner, but the following circumstance
induces me to suppose he had been subject to that old
hero's orders. Not long after the battle of Fair Oaks,
several members of Congress came down to the camps.
Naglee, being informed of their approach, went down the
road and intercepted them. He told me afterwards that he
found an opportunity to tell them what had been done,
and he trusted he had told them enough to prevent old
Sumner from getting a brevet ! Such is the epic poetry
of war. Wonder what he said about a brevet for me ?

In the month of May, 1884, I was invited by the sur
vivors of the 6ist Pennsylvania Volunteers to accompany
them and visit the field of Fair Oaks on its twenty-
second anniversary. That brave regiment lost one-third of
its number, including its colonel, Rippey, and all its other
field and staff officers, and all the captains were killed
or disabled down to the 8th captain, Orr, who assumed
command on the field. It was full of heroes, and I gladly
accepted the cordial invitation of its survivors, which
contained in its reference to me the following words :
" Our Corps Commander, to whom is due all the honor
of the victory, orders and so-called history notwithstand-
ing."

On the field I found some difficulty in recognizing its

478 Fifty Years' Observation.

features. The trees had been cut down in some places,
and had grown up in others, and all the mud and stand
ing water had given place to dry, hard ground. An old
settler, who was one of General Johnston's guides before
and in the battle, assisted me in finding where the rifle
pits, abatis and epaulements had been, and after I had
pointed out the position of the last lines of battle I
called on him and he showed the same positions that I
had given. Going over to our right beyond the railroad,
I had the help of a man who was in the fight there to
study Couch's position when he was cut off, and where
Sumner came to extricate him. Looking around upon
the favorable approaches there I felt terrified to think of
the danger my troops were in twenty-two years ago, and
I was ready to exclaim, Why did not Johnston attack us
there ? As it was, if I had known then all I know now, I
would have said and done exactly the same, in the posi
tion to which my corps was assigned.

Subsequent to the termination of the Peninsular cam
paign General Naglee was under my command at York-
town, from whence he was detached and placed on duty
at Newbern, N. C.

Our separation gave rise to the following correspond
ence, in which the writers, in terms succinct, record their
mutual military repugnance :

HEADQUARTERS NAGLF.E'S DIVISION, i
NEWBERN, June 12, 1863. j"

GENERAL : — I am most happy to advise you that I have been transferred
with my brigade into the Department of North Carolina.

It may be equally agreeable and satisfactory to you, as it certainly is to
myself, to be assured that the separation will be a permanent one.

H. M. NAGLEE.
To Maj.-Gen. Erasmus D, Keyes, Commanding, <SrV., <SrV.

General Naglee s Vineyard. 479

HEADQUARTERS, 4th CORPS, \
YORKTOWN, June 25, 1863. f

GENERAL :— Your letter of the i$th instant has been received.
The happiness you express in your announcement of a permanent separa
tion from me is, I assure you, most cordially reciprocated. I will add, with
the risk of being thought to exaggerate, that I do not believe anyone of your
previous commanding officers was made more happy at parting with you
than I was.

Very respectfully, etc.,

[Signed] E. D. KEYES.

Brig. II. M. Naglee, U. S. Volunteers.

The scope of this work allows, and my own feelings
suggest, an allusion to General Naglee after we had both
withdrawn from the strife of war and put off our armor
to don the habiliments of peace and utility.

Naglee dwells in San Jose, California, where he owns a
vineyard and a vast establishment. When he comes to
San Francisco we meet and talk in a friendly vein of our
affairs, which can in no way ever clash. He, or one of
his agents, put into my hand a small pamphlet which de
scribes the virtues of his vinicultural products. It is ac
knowledged that the brandy he distils is the best that is
made, and it has been adopted for the use of our army
hospitals. While I read Naglee's description of his prod
ucts, I was enlivened by the lucid clearness and beauty
of his style, and I arose from its perusal persuaded that
all who desire long life and exemption from every known
malady will be gratified if they drink freely of Naglee's
Brandy.

But he will have his own way. He owned a large
ranche as tenant in common with my friend McDermott,
who is a man of positive convictions. Mac often amused
me relating his disputes with Naglee, till one day he told
him they had divided their interest. Then I said to him :
" In all the business you have had for sp many years with .

480 Fifty Years Observation.

Naglee about that ranche, did he ever agree with a sug
gestion you made to him ? "
" Never."

" Thus he spake, and speaking sighed."

The part taken by my corps and me in the change of
base to the James River, and my service as commander
of the rear guard after the battle of Malvern Hill, are de
scribed in my report ; see page 560, Military Reports of
the Rebellion.

I received my orders from General McClellan at I
o'clock A. M., June 28, to place the great bulk of my
corps across White Oak Swamp before daylight of that
morning. When I arrived at the swamp at the head of
my column the new bridge was not suffiicently complete
to allow the passage of a wheel vehicle. I passed over
soon after sunrise and called up a farmer who was a resi
dent of the place, and required him to describe to me,
under fine of death, all the roads and paths leading to the
James River, as well as those leading to and from Rich
mond. He was intelligent, and gave so clear a descrip
tion that I ordered the first brigades of infantry and the
artillery that came over the bridge to advance about four
miles to a point near the junction of the Quaker road to
the James, and the road to Richmond. Peck and Couch,
division commanders, and Palmer's and Wessel's brigades
were the first to arrive, and I refer to my report for fur
ther particulars and the names of officers and companies
who distinguished themselves in repelling a spirited as
sault of rebel cavalry on the morning of the 29th, which
resulted in a loss to the enemy of about eighty and no
damage to us.

I was close at hand when the assault was made, and
while the dismounted prisoners were passing within our

The Change of Base. 481

line General McClellan came up accompanied by the
Prince of Joinville. The general seemed pleased with
everything he saw, and the tone of confidence and ap
proval in which he addressed me was in absolute contrast
with his previous salutations to me during the cam
paign.

My corps being in the advance I received orders on the
afternoon of the same day to move my whole force to the
James River by the line of my own choice, to secure Tur
key bridge, etc.

The Quaker road was the one in use, and there was
another old abandoned road below it, running nearly
parallel and distant from one to two miles. No wheel
vehicle had passed over the old road in the last five years,
and it was in many places concealed by vines and bushes
and much encumbered with fallen trees. Before I had
any reason to suppose I should be called on to use that
road it had been brought to my attention by Captain
Keenan, of Colonel D. McGregg's 8th Pennsylvania
Cavalry, but the particular knowledge which decided me
to pass over it I derived from the farmer above re
ferred to.

The Count of Paris correctly describes the uncertainty
at headquarters until it was learned, as he remarks, that
" Keyes had, by chance, discovered" the old road in ques
tion. The discovery was almost of inestimable advan
tage, and over it I made my labored way by the light of
lanterns for the choppers and workers, and at sunrise on
the 3<Dth I posted a strong force to hold Turkey bridge.
The Count says there passed in safety over that old road
400 carriages, 500 ambulances, 350 field-pieces, 50 siege
guns, and 2,500 head of beeves. If they had all been
crowded upon the Quaker road the embarrassment to the
army might have been fatal.

21

482 Fifty Years' Observation.

The following is from the notes kept by Dr. Hamilton :

He [Keyes] kept his scouts always on the alert, and soon made himself
acquainted with all the roads to the James River. This knowledge
possessed probably by no other officer of his rank to the same extent, proved
of inestimable value to us on our retreat, which was led by General Keyes's
column. All the way across the same untiring vigilance was noticeable,
and I was unable to discover when the General ate or slept.

The doctor has more to say in regard to my endurance
when he fell asleep from weariness, while I went two
miles further to post the guard at Turkey bridge.

After posting the guard at Turkey bridge, I went on
board the war steamer lying off the landing, and break
fasted with Captain John Rodgers. At his table I met,
for the first time, the accomplished Lieutenant Samuel R.
Franklin, now commodore in charge of the observatory in
Washington. From that time till now, Franklin has
ranked high among my most esteemed friends.

I ate and slept as much as was necessary to keep me
fresh, and no march, battle, task, or vigil of the campaign
produced on me a feeling of exhaustion. At the end of
the seven days' fights I was less fatigued than I felt on
arriving at the unfinished bridge over the swamp. At
that moment my nervous depression was great, lest the
enemy should appear on the opposite bank.

At the battle of Malvern Hill I detached Couch's
division, and sent it above Turkey bridge, and had
directly under my own eye Peck's brigade of infantry,
two regiments of cavalry, and thirty-five pieces of artillery.
Here my observation enables me to correct the erroneous
impressions entertained subsequently by some persons
concerning General McClellan's going on a gunboat.

Twice during the day General McClellan came to me
to direct a change in my line. His second visit was late
in the afternoon, and he came to me from the direction

The Retreat. 483

of Turkey bridge. He described minutely how the
action was progressing, and apprehended that the enemy
would probably get around and attack me through the
road I had come in upon. I hastened to make the
changes required, and the general left me, saying he
was going on board the gunboat to instruct navy officers
where to direct their shots.

After the battle of Malvern Hill, which was fought
July I, the army retreated to Harrison's Landing.

On the evening of the first I received my orders to
command the rear guard. I spent nearly the whole night
in making arrangements to destroy Turkey bridge, send
ing two of my aides, Jackson and Gibson, to attend to it.
Ordered Captain Clark, 8th Illinois Cavalry, with twenty-
five expert axe-men, to chop the largest trees along the
road below nearly through, so that within fifteen minutes
after the tail of the column passed the bridge was
destroyed without blowing up, and the road through the
jungle blocked beyond the possible passage of wheels or
cavalry, for twenty-four hours, and made difficult for
infantry.

A strong line of battle facing to the rear, composed of
Wessel's brigade of infantry, Miller's and McCarthy's
battery, was formed on the hill overlooking Haxall'svast
farm. I placed it under the immediate charge of General
Peck, — Naglee, with his brigade, and more of West's
artillery were further on. Farneworth, 8th Illinois
Cavalry, was drawn up in line, and as much of all the force
as possible was concealed from the view of the enemy.
Cavalry scouts were kept out in all directions, and the
greatest possible assistance was rendered me during the
day by Gregg's 8th Pennsylvania and Farneworth's 8th
Illinois Cavalry. Gregg was a splendid cavalry leader of
the Regular Army, whose daring and good service I had

484 Fifty Years' Observation*

often witnessed, and Farneworth was a natural born
hussar. No man at the head of a regiment of horse could
have done more effective duty than he.

Naglee had, at his own request, and with my consent,
felled numerous trees across a road passing between the
river and the main highway, and that I was obliged to
reopen, and an immense number of carriages passed over
it that could not have escaped otherwise, as, with all our
exertions to double and treble the line of vehicles, we
had not quite five minutes to spare before the enemy
came upon us from the woods at the edge of the large
wheat field near our intended camp.

During the day I received the following letter from
General McClellan's chief of staff :

GENERAL : I have ordered back all the cavalry that can be raised here
(Harrison's Landing). It is of the utmost importance that we should save
all our artillery, and as many of our wagons as possible ; and the com
manding general feels the utmost confidence that you will do all that can
be done to accomplish this. Permit me to say that if you bring in everything
you will accomplish a most signal and meritorious exploit, which the com
manding general will not fail to represent in its proper light to the Depart
ment.

Very respectfully,

[Signed] R. T. MARCY,

Chief of Staff.

The despatch from Headquarters sending Averill's
and Farneworth's cavalry to my assistance authorized us,
in case of the impossibility of getting up all the wagons,
to destroy them, and drive the horses forward. General
McClellan came out half a mile to meet me, and was
greatly pleased with the entire success of the operations
of the rear guard.

The following day, not being satisfied with the position
of the line established by the engineers for me to guard,

The Retreat. 485

I requested the general to inspect it with me. He did
so, and approved another line further out of my selection.
His agreement with me, and his manner on this occa
sion, caused me to think I had at last won his confi
dence.

In some of the accounts that I have seen of the retreat
to Harrison's Landing my name is not mentioned. In
some the command of the rear guard is assigned to, or
assumed by, other officers. To establish the truth I have
cited reliable documents, the most conclusive of which is
the following from General McClellan's report :

The greater portion of the transportation of the army having been start
ed for Harrison's Landing during the night of the soth of June and the ist
of July, the order for the movement of the troops was at once issued upon
the final repulse of the enemy at Malvern Hill.

The orders prescribed a movement by the left and rear, General Keyes1
corps to cover the manoeuvre. It was not carried out in detail as regards
the divisions on the left, the roads being somewhat blocked by the rear of
our trains. Porter and Couch were not able to move out as early as had been
anticipated, and Porter found it necessary to place a rear guard between his
command and the enemy. Colonel Averell, of the 3d Pennsylvania Cav
alry, was entrusted with the delicate duty. He had under his command his
own regiment and Lieutenant-Colonel Buchanan's brigade of regular
infantry and one battery. By a judicious use of the materials at his com
mand, he deceived the enemy so as to cover the withdrawal of the left wing
without being attacked, remaining himself on the previous day's battle-field
until about seven o'clock of the 2d of July. Meantime General Keyes,
having received his orders, commenced vigorous preparations for covering
the movements of the entire army, and protecting the trains. It being
evident that the immense number of wagons and artillery pertaining to the
army could not move with celerity along a single road, General Keyes took
advantage of every accident of the ground to open new avenues, and to
facilitate the movement. He made preparations for obstructing the roads
after the army had passed so as to prevent any rapid pursuit, destroying
effectually Turkey bridge, on the main road, and rendering other roads and
approaches temporarily impassable by felling trees across them. He kept
the trains well closed up, and directed the march so that the troops could
move on each side of the road, not obstructing the passage, but being in
good position to repel an attack from any quarter. His dispositions were so

486 Fifty Years Observation.

so successful that, to use his own words : " I do not think that more vehicles
or more public property were abandoned on the march from Turkey bridge
than would have been left, in the same state of the roads, if the army had
been moving toward the enemy, instead of away from him," and when it is
understood that the carriages and teams of the army, stretched out in one
line, would extend not far from forty miles, the energy and caution neces
sary for their safe withdrawal from the presence of an enemy vastly superior
in numbers will be appreciated.

Great credit must be awarded to General Keyes for the skill and energy
which characterized his performance of the important and delicate duties
entrusted to his charge.

Shortly after the army reached Harrison's Landing
President Lincoln and certain members of his Cabinet
came down to visit us. I went to pay my respects, and
before leaving the vicinity of his lodging, he came out
and asked me to walk with him. As we were starting an
officer of the Quartermaster's Department approached
and reported to me that one of the wagons for which he
was accountable broke down on the retreat and the rebels
had captured it. " Did you get a receipt for the wagon ?"
said the President. The officer replied in the negative
and left. Mr. Lincoln then related a story concerning
two ruffians who lived in Sangamon County, Illinois.
The story described a receipt and the strange manner of
getting it by one of the ruffians. I had never heard from
the President a more astounding illustration, nor one
that was more laughable. Instantly after telling it he
said: "What's to be done with this army?" His ques
tion was so abrupt that I replied :

" Take it back to Washington."

" What are your reasons ? "

In answer to that serious interrogatory, I spoke at
length.

I said : " Mr. President, this army is in retreat, and it is
reasonable to suppose its spirit is not improved, but it is

A Talk With the President. 487

certain the rebels feel great exultation at having chased
us into these limits. If we could not take Richmond be
fore coming here, what hope is there of taking it with this
same army after such an acknowledgment of defeat as
you see before you ? It would be folly, in my opinion,
to advance again without strong reinforcements, and be
fore such reinforcements could reach us the malaria of
the James would damage this army twenty per cent." I
then referred to the largeness of the sick list, and the ef
fects I had noticed of the malaria of the swamps of the
Chickahominy, etc. I told him, also, that on account of
the sickliness of the season and place it would be better
to transport the army to Washington for a while, and
then bring it back again if this line should be approved.
If we remain here much longer, I added, " the rebels
may strengthen the defences of Richmond, and despatch
an army to occupy Washington before us."

I do not know to what extent my statements influenced
the President, and at the time of making them I was ig
norant of the plans and intentions of General McClellan.
I afterward learned that his opinions were in direct op
position to mine, and as he was overruled, and the army
ordered North, it is reasonable to suppose the general
was irritated against me. I committed no offence by
giving my opinions to our common superior who required
them, but I was left behind at Yorktown with a broken
portion of my corps, to my inexpressible disappointment
and disgust. I remained there a year guarding an exten
sive line on both sides of York River ; sent out frequent
expeditions to harass the enemy, one under Kilpatrick,
and one to destroy a foundry near Catlet's Station, under
Major Carroll Tevis, who on that occasion distinguished
himself in a brilliant manner ; was in temporary com
mand of the department when the rebels came down to

488 Fifty Years' Observation.

attack Suffolk and Williamsburg simultaneously ; visited
and consulted with General Peck, who bravely defended
Suffolk. Took a subordinate part in another expedition
which failed. The want of time and space is my excuse
for not entering into particulars concerning my last year's
service on the Peninsula. At its beginning my constitution
was so perfect that I had no suspicion of any physical dis
ease or weakness, but before many months the emanations
from the swamps about Yorktown began to report them
selves in my liver, which was then so much disordered
that it has troubled me ever since. Whether it was the
free expression of my opinion to the President, at which
General McClellan had no rfght to be offended, or his
dislike, or the dislike and slanders of other men, I know
not, but there must have been some cause for my aban
donment, which was as fatal to my aspirations and useful
ness in the army as a dismissal would have been.

I have not given my impressions at length in this book
of General McClellan's capacity to command armies, for
the reason that he held me at times in what I considered
unmerited disfavor, the remembrance of which might
sway my judgment. If I were to estimate his qualifica
tions only from his conduct during the change of base to
the James River, I should assign to him a distinguished
rank among military leaders.

Strong efforts were made by many of my friends to
have the balance of my corps and me brought up from
Yorktown. Among them were Mr. Secretary Chase and
General James Wadsworth, with the latter of whom I had
served several months. My enemies pleaded against me
in my absence, and would have done so if I had the
genius of Napoleon, for I was considered no better than
an abolitionist.

Mr. Chase wrote me the following note:

Secretary Chase's Letter. 489

September I, 1862.

MY DEAR GEN'L : — I lost no time, after becoming informed of your
views, in urging an order to bring up the balance of your corps, and I under
stood yesterday that such an order was issued.

The clique is not so strong as formerly. The eyes of the whole coun
try are upon the conduct of its chief.

Yours truly,

[Signed] S. P. CHASE.

Maj.-Gen. Keyes.
21*

APPENDIX I.

THE following is from Colonel C. C. Suydam, who was
my Chief of Staff :

Having had the pleasure and honor of serving on the staff of General
Keyes during a portion of the time he commanded the division which covered
the rear of Washington from the autumn of 1861 to the spring of 1862, and
during the whole sixteen months he was in command of the Fourth Corps of
the Army of the Potomac, it has seemed to me it might be of interest to the
future historian of the war of the Rebellion to indulge in a few reflections
and reminiscences of some of the events in the careers of my former compan
ions in arms. As indicated in General Keyes' letter to me of December 24,
1877, I am in possession of many memoranda of events, and my recollection
of others, not noted at the time, is still very fresh. Certainly such personal
reminiscences, coupled with the official reports of operations, cannot but aid
the future writer in compiling a true record. I cannot but feel that in the
writing of the day justice has not been done to the services rendered to the
cause of the Union by General Keyes and the troops who were so fortunate
as to have him for their commander.

It was in November 1861, that I reported to General Keyes for duty as aide-
de-camp ; and very early in my career on his staff I learned to appreciate his
worth as a man and soldier. To a constitution of iron, and an untiring in
dustry, a thorough acquaintance — gained through long training — with all the
duties appertaining to his profession, and a finished ability in the perform
ance of those duties, he added, in a marked degree, an intense earnestness
and honesty of purpose. To him the war meant something more than the
mere gaining of battles, something far higher and nobler than the personal
rewards of success. His whole heart was in the cause of suppressing the
Rebellion and maintaining the dignity of the Government, and he was out
spoken in expressing his convictions. These traits of character, and this
strong Northern feeling — as it was then called — were so well known that,
while in the Executive Mansion he was esteemed and trusted and honored,
the controlling authorities of the army during the first two and a half years

492 Appendix I.

of the war never gave him the credit to which his services entitled him.
Trusted by Mr. Lincoln though he was, many of the President's military ad
visers at the time, who did not yet — and some of whom never did — wage the war
with the earnestness which subsequent events showed to be absolutely neces
sary to save the life of the nation, failed to appreciate the whole-souled de
termination which General Keyes threw into all his efforts. They had not
yet learned that a Rebel to the constituted authorities meant an open enemy,
to be treated as such as though attacking beneath the protection of a foreign
flag. Those were the times when the war was conducted, on the part of the
so-called Federal leaders — so to speak — with gloves ; when the people of the
country passed through were not to be despoiled of their possessions, when
their lands were not to be devastated, when their growing crops were not
to be molested, but were to be protected and permitted to come to full
fruition that they might be garnered and preserved to fill the commissariat
of the Southern armies ; when favoritism and adulation of favorites readily
took the place of earnest zeal for the common cause, regardless of individual
choice ; when the fate of the nation was willingly left hanging undecided in
the balance rather than an unpopular commander should gain a victory. And
it needed the bitter experience of many a defeat to teach our leaders that
peace could be conquered and the nation saved only by applying the most
destructive rules of war, and the sharp admonition of a court martial to re
mind the officers of the army of the Potomac that it was their first duty to
obey orders, and to render a whole-hearted support to superior authority,
whether they admired that authority or did not.

In organizing and drilling the untrained troops that came to Washington
to do service for the country I believe General Keyes did not have a superior.
He felt the necessity of thorough preparation in all the departments to meet
the life and death struggle which he knew was certain to come ; he did not
believe in any 30 or 60 days' campaign as sufficient to crush the life out of
the Rebellion ; fully aware of the fighting qualities of the men of the
South, and appreciating their fierce and earnest — if mistaken — determination
to seize the reins of government and administer it to their own liking, he
knew that only the utmost completeness in all details would enable us to wage
an equal fight. And so, while the army lay about Washington, he suffered
no moment to pass without improving the condition of his division, and
causing both officers and men to be well instructed in the duties which
they would be called upon to perform after taking the field. Drills and
inspections were frequent, and all the minutiae of camp, and march, and bat
tle-life were so constantly repeated, that when in the spring of 1862 the
division took the field under General Couch — who succeeded General Keyes
on his promotion to the command of the Fourth Corps — it gave so good an
account of itself that it speedily took rank as one of the most reliable divi-

Appendix L 493

sions of the army, a proud eminence which it retained to the end of the
war. With his staff the General was equally exacting ; with two exceptions
we were all from civil life, with little or no knowledge of military matters,
and to the instruction and advice we received from our chief those of us who
were without previous experience owe whatever success we achieved. I had
entered the army from my lawyer's desk, utterly ignorant of anything apper
taining to the service, and after three months' diligent application had tolerably
well familiarized myself with the duties of a first lieutenant of cavalry ; the
afternoon of the day after I reported for duty the General remarked to his
three aides-de-camp, "Young gentlemen, to-morrow morning I drill the

division. Mr. , you will accompany General Couch; Mr. , you will

accompany General Peck; Mr. , you will accompany General Graham,

and you will all see that my orders are properly executed." We did not pass
the evening together, and a subsequent comparison of notes showed that each
of us had betaken himself to the privacy of his own quarters and consumed
much midnight oil in mastering the intricacies of " grand tactics " as set forth
in the last volume of Hardee. Owing to the clearness of the General's voice,
the already rapid progress of the troops, and the superior qualities of the brig
ade commanders named, we aides had really very little to do, but we were
enlightened as to what was to be expected of us, and it was not very long be
fore we were pretty well versed in the requirements of " tactics" and " army
regulations.'

It is a well-known fact that President Lincoln's designation of officers to
command the four corps, into which the Army of the Potoma.c was divided
in the spring of 1862, did not meet with the entire approval of the general
commanding, and that efforts were made to change some of those designa
tions after they were made ; those efforts, however, were not successful, and
General Keyes assumed command of the Fourth Corps, composed of his
own division — in fine condition, and then commanded by General Couch.
" Baldy " Smith's division, a splendid body of men, who in the subsequent
events of the war made a record second to none ; and Casey's division, this
latter composed of the regiments most recently arrived at the capital, but
who gave an account of themselves which was recognized by the Southern
generals, if not by some of our own. There was no time to consolidate the
command and to harmonize its component parts ; the officers and men of
the regiments of the different divisions had no opportunity to meet and be
come acquainted with each other, and, although the corps existed as a desig
nated body of men, no time was given to make of it a compact whole before
taking the field ; with the rest of the army the troops were hurried to the
Peninsula as rapidly as transportation could be furnished, and they first as
sembled as a corps in camp at Newport News. Soon after that active
campaigning began, the field life of the soldier set in, the time for organiz-

494 Appendix L

ing and drilling had passed, but the General set to work with his inborn
zeal and earnestness to do full service in the position to which he had been
appointed by the President. And he was ably assisted by his subordinate
officers and the privates of the command. Example, whether for good or
evil, is infectious, and in this instance the whole corps willingly followed
the lead of their chief in doing their utmost in the service to which they had
voluntarily devoted their lives and their honors. In the operations opposite
the enemy's strong works on the left of the Yorktown line, the General was
ever vigilant and thorough. No great amount of fighting was done ; but so
close a hold upon the enemy's lines was established, and so incessant a
watchfulness of his movements was had, that when, on that warm Sunday
in May, 1862, the evacuation of Yorktown by Magruder was reported, the
corps, ever ready for such, or any, emergency, were speedily set in motion
in pursuit with their commander at their head. Coming up to their rear
guard at Williamsburg, the willing troops did noble service, and the Gen
eral gave marked evidence of his decision and activity ; intuitively he seemed
to take in the requirements of the occasion, and the quickness with which he
executed a movement when its necessity became apparent was something
remarkable ; to that rapid perception and speedy execution was in large
measure due the solid support given by Peck's brigade of Couch's division to
the roughly handled troops of Hooker, and the brilliant success achieved by
Hancock's brigade which he led and placed in position, after which he
brought up the remainder of the corps and placed them in the fight.

After the battle of "Williamsburg the army proceeded up the Peninsula in
as rapid pursuit of the retreating enemy as was permitted by the wretched
condition of the roads, and by the necessity of establishing a firm base of
supplies for future movements. While en route above Williamsburg,
Smith's division was detached from the corps and reported to General
Franklin, forming with his division and under his command the Provisional
Army Corps. We regretted losing Smith. He and his mefti could and did
always give good account of themselves ; but I think no one questioned the
good judgment of General McClellan in reducing the component parts of
the Infantry Army Corps to two divisions, the organization which I believe
was retained to the close of the war in the Army of the Potomac. Franklin
was an able officer.

One incident that occurred in this march up the Peninsula filled with in
dignation the hearts of General Keyes and his staff. While resting in the
city of Williamsburg for a few days succeeding the battle, we selected for
our headquarters the house of a prominent citizen who had fled on the ap
proach of our troops, leaving a negro man-servant in charge. I think it was
I, in person, who informed the General that I had learned from the negro
servant that there were some bottles of brandy in the house we occupied,

Appendix I. . 495

and suggested to him that, in this emergency, there would be.no impropriety
in appropriating some of the brandy to be used in case of need. Surgeon
Brown, the medical director, recommended it strongly. And so, with the
General's permission, I ordered a few bottles of brandy to be taken from the
cellar and put in the General's wagon, where it was to remain under Surgeon
Brown's orders. At the end of the second day's march from Williamsburg
the General was summoned to report in person to the Provost Marshal, An
drew Porter, charged with having violated orders in having despoiled the
citizen of Williamsburg, taking away his brandy and appropriating it to
his use. Notwithstanding the facts were explained as I have given them,
notwithstanding the further fact that Dr. Brown represented in writing that
the brandy was required in the unhealthy region through which we were
then marching, General Keyes was ordered to send back the brandy under
the escort of an aide-de-camp and to restore it to the place whence it had
been taken. This order was obeyed, and those bottles, together with all
others containing liquor, or wine, or their contents, soon thereafter found
their way into the canteens or haversacks of the troops which occupied the
city after the main army had gone forward. I do not know whether the
movements of all the corps commanders were so closely watched, but I felt
at the time, a feeling which is in no sense diminished by the lapse of years,
that it was a studied indignity put upon General Keyes by the half -loyal
clique who formed a considerable part of General McClellan's staff, and a
signal instance of the careful guard kept over the property of the common
enemy even to the possible detriment of our own officers and men.

At New Kent Court-house, while the bulk of the army kept on up to White
House and thence outward towards Richmond on the east, to General Keyes,
with his corps, now composed of the divisions of Couch and Casey, and
accompanied by Gregg's Eighth Pennsylvania cavalry, was assigned the
advance by the left towards where the main road and the railroad cross the
Chickahominy at and near Bottom's Bridge. This advance was most admi
rably conducted ; the enemy were driven back steadily, and on May 23 the
Chickahominy was crossed and positions taken up on its right bank. The
Chickahominy is not navigable above Bottom's Bridge, where in the dry
season ft is an insignificant, sluggish stream. In times of freshets and heavy
rains it suddenly overflows its banks to the width of half a mile and is not
fordable. Meanwhile the base of supplies had been established at White
House. The railroad thence to the front was strongly covered and guarded
by the infantry and by Stoneman with the cavalry and the corps of
Sumner. Franklin and Porter were taking up positions to the right along
the left bank of the Chickahominy, with Heintzelman in reserve. And thus
it was that this treacherous stream — with the spring freshets then due — was
straddled by the army. The 4th Corps continued its advance towards Rich-

496 Appendix L

mond, and on the 25th day of May Heintzelman's corps also crossed at
Bottom's Bridge, and took up positions on the extreme left and rear at White
Oak swamp with Hooker's division, while Kearny's division was advanced
to supporting distance of Keyes. These two corps were the only troops on
the right bank of the stream when the battle of Fair Oaks began on the 3ist
of May, and at that time the only means of communicating with the troops
on the left bank was by way of Bottom's Bridge, a distance of ten or twelve
miles. There were no practicable fords, and although considerable work had
been done in constructing bridges none had been completed during the
eight days between the crossing of the corps on the 23d and the engage
ment of the 3 ist. Meanwhile General Keyes, thoroughly aware of the ex
posed position of his troops, failed not to adopt every means in his power to
prepare for the attack which to him seemed imminent. The position he
selected for his corps was not the one where the battle of the 3ist was
fought ; that position he felt to be too far advanced under the conditions of his
great separation from the main body of the army, and he so represented to
the general of the army ; but his advice was not considered, and, under the
immediate directions of the engineer department the corps was placed in
position on the 2gth of May with its left resting on the White Oak
swamp, which formed a fair cover to that flank, and its right covering Fair
Oak station ; this flank was in air, the country between it and the Chick-
ahominy being covered merely by a picket line ; the centre on the Williams-
burg road was close to the enemy's lines. Yet, notwithstanding this un
favorable condition of affairs, the general bent his best energies as a true
soldier to prepare for the storm which he felt positive was before long to
break upon him. Constantly vigilant, he discovered in his direct front the
presence of the enemy in great force, and his constantly reiterated reports to
army headquarters should have given ample warning of the attack which he
knew to be imminent. How anxious were the night watches and the daily
expectations in those corps headquarters at " Seven Pines" ! But his advice
was all unheeded and disregarded ; as one of McClellan's staff officers said
to me, " Keyes thinks the enemy are in his front ; but they are not — they are
off to the right up at Meadow Bridge." Certainly it seems a just criticism
that General McClellan never expected a serious attack upon his left wing ;
else why should he have pushed it so far in advance, and so far removed
from the support of the main army ?

The official reports on both sides are so full of the preparations for the
battle of Fair Oaks and of the events of the battle itself, that I shall not
attempt to improve upon them. So far as the Fourth Corps is concerned no one
could write so full and clear an account as General Keyes himself has done ;
his record is a manual of completeness of detail, and is a monument to his
fair treatment of all concerned. Many of the officers engaged remarked its

Appendix I. 497

accuracy to me. When the first sounds of battle came from the enemy's
lines General Keyes was thoroughly prepared for the attack and gave all
necessary orders to meet it. He anticipated the first onslaught on the right
at Fair Oaks Station, the quarter where his experience taught him it would
naturally be made ; and, appreciating the vast importance of retaining his hold at
this point so long as possible, if help from across the stream should be needed,
he strengthened that position by sending there General Couch with a portion
of his proved troops to support the first line. He had already sent to request
reinforcements there, and subsequently got General Heintzelman to advance
Birney's brigade towards the same point by the railroad. And though, from
the fact that General Johnston did not strike the right heavily until late in the
day, but concentrated his attack upon the left and centre and drove the lines
past Couch's left, that officer with the troops immediately under his com
mand was cut off from the remainder of the corps and was unable to render
assistance to it when so hard pressed, yet his being where he was enabled
him to render immeasurable service when Sedgwick's division came up in the
afternoon. His presence checked the advance of Smith's rebel division,
and, strengthened by his six regiments, Sumner was enabled to retain firm
hold upon Fair Oaks and thus to turn defeat into victory. Who can tell
what would have been the result if Couch had not been where he was, but
had taken part in the earlier work of the day ? In this, as in every other dis
position of his forces on that eventful day, General Keyes showed the results
of a complete and ready judgment ; his efforts to stay the enemy's onward
approach were well-nigh superhuman ; he handled his troops with perfect
coolness and clear-headedness under the most trying circumstances ; he
seemed to be ubiquitous, perceiving with unerring judgment the point of
each fresh attack and placing troops in position to meet each, so that the
capacity of his comparatively small force to contest the field inch by inch
was vastly increased ; and when at the closing hours of that hard day's work
the last unbroken line was formed to stop the further advance of the baffled
foe, he was on foot among his brave men to cheer and sustain them in that
their final and successful effort. Truly the battle was well fought against
desperate odds, both of position and numbers — and, notwithstanding the
slanders given to the world at the time, the men of the Fourth Corps
acquitted themselves as heroes. Their general gave them all credit for their
noble efforts ; and they appreciated that for their success they were in
large measure indebted to his foresight, judgment, and activity.

After Fair Oaks the duties of the corps were comparatively light ; it needed
recuperation after the terrible exhaustion it had experienced. But on the
early morning of June 28 it took the advance of the army in the change
of base to the James River. In this movement despatch and secrecy were
of the utmost moment, for after his victory of Games' Mill Jackson would

498 Appendix L

come thundering on our rear, and Lee would crowd down on us from the
direction of Richmond. With admirable judgment the general, after cross
ing White Oak swamp, advanced the corps to a position which opened the
way to a successful completion of the movement of the army contemplated
by General McClellan. And here occurred an incident which is so thoroughly
illustrative of the intense earnestness of the Southern character during the
war that I think it worth recording. The official reports state how Rebel
cavalry regiment, commanded by a major, made an unexpected and a futile
attack upon our lines, and how in the attack the major received his death-
wound. The whole affair occurred within a very short distance of the
general and his staff ; and when we advanced over the road down
which the regiment had charged I saw the major lying by the roadside,
desperately wounded, and with the pallor of approaching death upon his
brow. I rode to him, dismounted, and proffered him aid, but he rejected
iny offers with maledictions. He wore near his heart, suspended by blue
ribbon, a portrait of a lady, which he had managed to have in his hand,
and on which he was gazing with fond looks. This seemed to him to be his
only desire in the few moments he had to live, and I presume my intended
kindly interference was an obtrusion. So I could do nothing but sadly re
mount my horse and ride away, reflecting upon the horrors of war which
made such things possible Here, too, the general gave signal evidence of
the worth of his services. In moving so vast a body of men, with all their
impedimenta, it was of the utmost consequence to discover the roads lead
ing to the James River. One main road down towards Turkey Bridge was
known, but it was left to General Keyes to discover another road over which
troops could march. By questioning a farmer who had long resided in the
country, and threatening him with instant death if he failed to tell the truth,
he learned that there was an old abandoned road through the woods in al
most a straight line to the James ; this road, through long disuse, had be
come much choked with fallen trees, but the axes of the pioneers removed
these obstructions ; the road was made practicable by the light of lanterns ;
and thus the whole corps was enabled to pass over it and hasten to the
James River and seize the positions which made possible the success of
Malvern Hill. It is certain that no map, nor any other indication of this old
road, was received by General Keyes from any of the engineers, report to the
contrary notwithstanding.

After Malvern it is well known that the army fell back to Harri
son's Landing to recuperate. In that movement, to General Keyes, with
Peck's division of his corps and a mixed command of cavalry and ar
tillery, was committed the duty of covering the rear and of saving if possible
the immense transportation of the army. How well he performed that duty
General McClellan has expressed in his reports, but there are many details

Appendix I. 499

of the service which have not been made public. Suffice it to say that never
was more zeal or earnestness shown by any one ; advantage was taken of
everything that would in the least degree contribute to a successful carry
ing out of his orders ; no effort that thought could suggest was neglected,
and he had the proud satisfaction of receiving from his army commander a
full recognition of the services of himself and the troops under his com
mand. It became my duty on the 2d day of July to ride within the entrench
ments at Harrison's Landing and to report to General McClellan from
General Keyes that the whole of the transportation of the army was saved,
and to receive from him for my chief a message thanking him for the ser
vice he had rendered. And yet in the subsequent movements of the Army
of the Potomac General Keyes' claims were ignored, his corps was disinte
grated ; Couch's division was taken north to participate in the grand con
flicts that ensued ; Casey's division— now Peck's — was sent to Suffolk. The
general was left at Yorktown with a mixed command for a time ; and in
the summer of 1863 the old Fourth Corps was abolished, and the general
deprived of a command in the field, which was never afterwards accorded
to him. And yet, among the many general officers who had commands
during the war, I know of no one who was more fit to command troops ; no
one who so whole-heartedly threw himself into the cause which all pretended
to be serving ; no one who could give a better account of himself —no one
who did give a better account of himself — in the performance of any duty
to which he was called.

APPENDIX II.

THE BATTLE OF FAIR OAKS.
Report of Brigadier -General E. D. Keyes, $th Corps.

HEADQUARTERS 4TH CORPS, June 13, 1862.

SIR : The following is my report of the operations of the 4th Corps in the
battle of the 3 1st of May and 1st of June :

The 4th Corps being in the advance crossed the Chickahominy at Bot
tom's Bridge the 23d of May, and encamped two miles beyond. Two days
later I received orders to advance on the Williamsburg road and take up
and fortify the nearest strong position to a fork of roads called the " Seven
Pines." The camp I selected, and which was the next day approved by
Major General McClellan, stretches across the Williamsburg road between
Bottom's Bridge and the Seven Pines, and is distant about a mile from the
latter. I caused that camp to be fortified with rifle-pits and breastworks
extending to the left about one thousand yards, and terminating in a crotchet
to the rear. Similar works about three hundred yards farther in advance
were constructed on the right, extending toward the Richmond and West
Point Railroad.

Having been ordered by General McClellan to hold the Seven Pines
strongly, I designed to throw forward to that neighborhood two brigades of
Casey's division, and to establish my picket-line considerably in advance
and far to the right. The lines described above are those where the main
body of the troops engaged near the Seven Pines spent the night of the 3ist
after the battle. Examinations having been made by several engineers, I
was ordered on the 28th of May to advance Casey's division to a point indi
cated by a large wood-pile and two houses, about three- fourths of a mile
beyond the Seven Pines (but which in fact is only half a mile), and to estab
lish Couch's division at the Seven Pines. Accordingly Casey's division
bivouacked on the right and left of Williamsburg road and wood-pile, and
Couch established his division at the Seven Pines and along the Nine- mile
road. Both divisions set to work with the few intrenching tools at hand to
slash the forests and to dig a few rifle-pits. Casey erected a small pent-

Appendix IL 501

angular redoubt, and placed within it six pieces of artillery. The country is
mostly wooded and greatly intersected with marshes. The Nine-mile road
branching to the right from the Seven Pines slants forward, and at a distance
of a mile crosses the railroad at Fair Oaks. A mile beyond it reaches an
open field, where the enemy was seen in line of battle on the 2gth and soth
days of May.

Casey's pickets were only about one thousand yards in advance of his
line of battle, and I decided, after a personal inspection with him, that they '
could go no farther, as they were stopped by the enemy in force on the
opposite side of an opening at that point. I pushed forward the pickets on
the railroad a trifle, and they had been extended by General Naglee to the
open field, where the enemy was seen in line of battle, and from thence to
the right bank of the Chickahominy. After a thorough examination of my
whole position I discovered that on the 3Oth of May the enemy were, in
greater or less force, closed upon the whole circumference of a semicircle
described from my headquarters near Seven Pines, with a radius of two
miles.

A considerable space about the fork of the road at Seven Pines was open,
cultivated ground, and there was a clear space a short distance in front of
Casey's redoubt at the wood-pile. Between the two openings we found a
curtain of trees, which were cut down to form an abatis. That line of
abatis was continued on a curve to the right and rear and across the Nine-
mile road.

When the battle commenced Casey's division was in front of the abatis ;
Naglee's brigade on the right, having two regiments beyond the railroad ;
Palmer's brigade on the left, and Wessell's brigade in the centre. Couch's
division was on the right and left of the Williamsburg road, near the forks,
and along the Nine-mile road. Peck's brigade was on the left, Devens'
brigade in the centre, and Abercrombie's on the right, having two regiments
and Brady's battery across the railroad, near Fair Oaks, thus forming two
lines of battle.

Through all the night of the soth of May there r/as raging a storm the
like of which I cannot remember. Torrents of rain drenched the earth, the
thunderbolts rolled and fell without intermission, and the heavens flashed
with a perpetual blaze of lightning. From their beds of mud and the pelt-
ings of this storm the 4th Corps rose to fight the battle of the 3ist of May,
1862.

At about 10 o'clock A.M. it was announced to me that an aide-de-camp
of Major-General J. E. Johnston, Confederate States Army, had been capt
ured by our pickets on the edge of the field referred to above, beyond Fair
Oaks Station. While speaking with the young gentleman, at the moment
of sending him away, a couple of shots fired in front of Casey's headquarters

5O2 Appendix IT.

produced in him a very evident emotion. I was perplexed, because having
seen the enemy in force on the right when the aide was captured I supposed
his chief must be there. Furthermore the country was more open in that
direction and the road in front of Casey's position was bad for artillery. I
concluded, therefore, in spite of the shots, that if attacked that day the
attack would come from the right. Having sent orders for the troops to be
under arms precisely at II o'clock A.M. I mounted my horse and rode along
the Nine-mile road to Fair Oaks Station. On my way I met Colonel Bailey,
chief of artillery of Casey's division, and directed him to proceed and pre
pare his artillery for action.

Finding nothing unusual at Fair Oaks, I gave some orders to the troops
there, and returned quickly to Seven Pines. The firing was becoming
brisk, but there was yet no certainty of a great attack. As a precaution to
support Casey's left flank, I ordered General Couch to advance Peck's bri
gade in that direction. This was promptly done, and the 93 d Pennsylvania,
Colonel McCarter, was advanced considerably beyond the balance of that
brigade.

About I2| P.M. it became suddenly apparent that the attack was real
and in great force. All my corps was under arms and in position. I sent
immediately to General Heintzelman for reinforcements, and requested
him to order one brigade up the railroad. My messenger was unaccount
ably delayed, and my dispatch appears not to have reached its destina
tion till much later than it should have done. General Heintzelman arrived
on the field at about 4 P.M., and the two brigades of his corps, Berry's
and Jameson's, of Kearny's division, which took part in the battle of the
3ist, arrived successively, but the exact times of their arrival in the pres
ence of the enemy I am unable to fix with certainty ; and in this report I
am not always able to fix times with exactness, but they are nearly exact.

Casey's division, holding the front line, was first seriously attacked at
about 12.30 P.M. The iO3d Pennsylvania Volunteers, sent forward to sup
port the pickets, broke shortly and retreated, joined by a great many sick.
The numbers as they passed down the road as stragglers conveyed an
exaggerated idea of surprise and defeat. There was no surprise, how
ever. All the effective men of that division were under arms, and all the
batteries were in position, with their horses harnessed (except some belong
ing to the guns in the redoubt) and ready to fight as soon as the enemy's
forces came into view. Their numbers were vastly disproportionate to the
mighty host which assailed them in front and on both flanks.

As remarked above, the picket line being only about one thousand yards
in advance of the line of battle, and the country covered with forests, the
Confederates, arriving fresh and confident, formed their lines and masses
under the shelter of the woods, and burst upon us with great suddenness, and

Appendix II. 503

had not our regiments been under arms they would have swept through
our lines and routed us completely. As it was, however, Casey's division
held its line of battle for more than three hours, and the execution done
upon the enemy was shown by the number of rebel dead left upon the field
after the enemy had held possession of that part of it for upward of
twenty-four hours. During that time it is understood all the means of
transport available in Richmond were employed to carry away their dead
and wounded. The enemy advancing, as they frequently did, in masses,
received the shot and shell of our artillery like veterans, closing up the
gaps and moving steadily on to the assault. From my position, in the front
of the second line, I could see all the movements of the enemy, but was
not always able to discover his numbers, which were more or less concealed
by the trees, nor could I accurately define the movements of our regiments
and batteries.

For the details of the conflict with Casey's line I must refer to his report,
and to the reports of Brigadier-Generals Naglee, Palmer, and Wessells,
whose activity I had many opportunities to witness. When applied to for
them, I sent reinforcements to sustain Casey's line until the numbers were
so much reduced in the second line that no more could be spared. I then
refused, though applied to for further aid.

I shall now proceed to describe the operations of the second line, which
received my uninterrupted supervision, composed principally of Couch's
division, second line. As the pressure on Casey's division became greater,
he applied to me for reinforcements. I continued to send them as long as
I had troops to spare. Colonel McCarter, with the 93d Pennsylvania, Peck's
brigade, engaged the enemy on the left, and maintained his ground above
two hours, until overwhelming numbers forced him to retire, which he did
in good order.

At about 2 o'clock P.M. I ordered the 55th New York (Colonel De Tro-
briand, absent, sick), now in command of Lieutenant-Colonel Thorout, to
"save the guns," meaning some of Casey's. The regiment moved up the
Williamsburg road at double-quick, conducted by General Naglee, where it
beat off the enemy on the point of seizing some guns, and held its position
more than an hour. At the end of that time, its ammunition being exhausted,
it fell back through the abatis, and after receiving more cartridges the regi
ment again did good service. It lost in the battle nearly one-fourth of its
numbers, killed and wounded. At a little past 2 o'clock I ordered Neill's
23d and Rippey's 6ist Pennsylvania regiments to move to the support of
Casey's right. Neill attacked the enemy twice with great gallantry. In the
first attack the enemy were driven back. In the second attack, and under
the immediate command of General Couch, these two regiments assailed a
vastly superior force of the enemy, and fought with extraordinary bravery,

504 Appendix IL

though compelled at last to retire. They brought in thirty-five prisoners.
Both regiments were badly cut up. Colonel Rippey, of the 6ist, and his
adjutant were killed. The lieutenant-colonel and major were wounded
and are missing. The casualties in the 6ist amount to two hundred and
sixty-three, and are heavier than in any other regiment in Couch's division.
After this attack the 23d took part in the hard fighting which closed the day
near the Seven Pines. The 6ist withdrew in detachments, some of which
came again into action near my headquarters.

Almost immediately after ordering the 23d and 6ist to support the right,
and as soon as they could be reached, I sent the 7th Massachusetts, Colonel
Russell, and the 62d New York, Colonel Riker, to reinforce them. The
overpowering advance of the enemy obliged those regiments to proceed to
Fair Oaks, where they fought under the immediate orders of Generals Couch
and Abercrombie. There they joined the 1st U. S. Chasseurs, Colonel
Cochrane, previously ordered to that point, and the 3ist Pennsylvania, Col
Williams, on duty there when the action commenced. The losses in the
62d were not so great as in some of the other regiments ; its conduct was
good, and its colonel, Lafayette Riker, whose signal bravery was remarked,
met a glorious death while attacking the enemy at the head of his regiment.
The ist U. S. Chasseurs, Colonel Cochrane, fought bravely. By that regi
ment our enemy's standard-bearer was shot down and the battle-flags of the
22d North Carolina Regiment captured.

For further particulars of the conduct of the 62d New York and the 1st
U. S. Chasseurs, as well as for the account of those two excellent regiments,
the 7th Massachusetts and 3ist Pennsylvania, Colonels Russell and Wil
liams, I refer to the reports of Generals Couch and Abercrombie. Those
regiments, as well as Brady's battery, 1st Pennsylvania Artillery (which is
highly praised), were hid from my personal observation during most of the
action. They acted in concert with the 2d Corps, by the opportune arrival
of which at Fair Oaks in the afternoon, under the brave General E. V.
Sumner, the Confederates were brought to a sudden stand in that quarter.
They were also present in the action of the following day near Fair Oaks,
where, under the same commander, the victory, which had been hardly con
tested the day before, was fully completed by our troops.

At the time when the enemy was concentrating troops from the right,
left and front upon the redoubt and other works in the front of Casey's head
quarters and near the Williamsburg road, the danger became imminent
that he would overcome the resistance there and advance down the road
and through the abatis. In anticipation of such an attempt I called
Flood's and McCarthy's batteries of Couch's division to form in and on the
right and left of the junction of the Williamsburg and Nine-mile roads,
placed infantry in all the rifle-pits on the right and left, pushing some up

Appendix II. 505

also to the abatis, and collecting a large number of stragglers posted them
in the woods on the left. Scarcely had these dispositions been completed
when the enemy directly in. front, driven by the attack of a portion of
Kearny's division on their right, and by our fire upon their front, moved
off to join the masses which were pressing upon my right.

To make head against the enemy approaching in that direction it was
^ound necessary to effect an almost perpendicular change of front of the
troops on the right of the Williamsburg road. By the energetic assistance
of Generals Devens and Neglee, Colonel Adams, 1st Long Island, and
Captains Walsh and Quackenbush, of the 36th New York, whose efforts I
particularly noticed, I was enabled to form a line along the edge of the
woods, which stretched nearly down to the swamp, about eight hundred
yards from the fork, and along and near to the Nine-mile road. I threw
back the right crotchetwise, and on its left Captain Miller, 1st Pennsyl
vania Artillery, Couch's division, trained his guns so as to contest the ad
vance of the enemy.

I directed General Naglee to ride along the line, to encourage the men
and keep them at work. This line long resisted the progress of the enemy
with the greatest firmness and gallantry, but by pressing it very closely
with overwhelming numbers, probably ten to one, they were enabled finally
to force it to fall back so far upon the left and centre as to form a new
line in rear. Shortly after this attack I saw General Devens leave the
field wounded. There was then no general officer left in sight belonging
to Couch's division. Seeing the torrent of enemies continually advancing
I hastened across to the left beyond the fork to bring forward reinforce
ments. Brigadier-General Peck, at the head of the iO2d and Q3d Penn
sylvania regiments, Colonels Rowley and McCarter, was ordered, with the
concurrence of General Heintzelman, to advance across the open space and
attack the enemy, now coming forward in great numbers. Those regiments
passed through a shower of balls, and formed in a line having an oblique
direction to the Nine-mile road. They held their ground for more than
half an hour, doing great execution. Peck's and McCarter's horses were
shot under them. After contending against enormous odds those two regi
ments were forced to give way, Peck and the iO2d crossing the Williams-
burg road to the wood, and McCarter and the bulk of the Q3d passing to
the right, where they took post in the last line of battle, formed mostly after
6 o'clock P. M. During the time last noticed Miller's battery, having taken
up a new position, did first-rate service.

As soon as Peck had moved forward I hastened to the roth Massachusetts,
Colonel Briggs, which regiment I had myself once before moved, now in
the rifle-pits on the left of the Williamsburg road, and ordered them to
follow me across the field. Colonel Briggs led them on in gallant style,

506 Appendix II.

moving quickly over an open space of seven or eight hundred yards, under
a scorching fire, and forming his men with perfect regularity towards the
right of the line last above referred to. The position thus occupied was a
most favorable one, being in a wood, without much undergrowth, where the
ground sloped somewhat abruptly to the rear. This line was stronger on
the right than on the left. Had the loth Massachusetts been two minutes
later they would have been too late to occupy that fine position, and it would
have been impossible to have formed the next and last line of the battle of
the 3ist, which stemmed the tide of defeat and turned it toward victory — a
victory which was then begun by the 4th Corps and two brigades of Kearny's
division of the 3d Corps, and consummated the next day by Sumner and
others.

And seeing the loth Massachusetts and the adjoining line well at work
under a murderous fire I observed that that portion of the line, one hundred
and fifty yards to my left, was crumbling away, some falling and others
retiring. I perceived also that the artillery had withdrawn, and that large
bodies of broken troops were leaving the centre and moving down the Wil-
liamsburg road to the rear. Assisted by Captain Suydam, my assistant
adjutant-general, Captain Villarceau, and Lieutenants Jackson and Smith,
of my staff, I tried in vain to check the retreating current.

Passing through to the opening of our intrenched camps of the 28th
ultimo I found General Heintzelman and other officers engaged in rallying
the men, and in a very short time a large number were induced to face about.
These were pushed forward and joined to others better organized in the
woods, and a line was formed stretching across the road in a perpendicular
direction. General Heintzelman requested me to advance the line on the left
of the road, which I did, until it came within some sixty or seventy yards of
the opening in which the battle had been confined for more than two hours,
against a vastly superior force. Some of the loth Massachusetts, now under
the command of Captain Miller ; the 93d Pennsylvania, under Colonel
McCarter, of Peck's brigade ; the 23d Pennsylvania, Colonel Neill, of Aber-
crombie's brigade ; a portion of the 36th New York, Colonel Innis ; a por
tion of the 55th New York, and the 1st Long Island, Colonel Adams ;
together with fragments of other regiments of Couch's division, still con
tended on the right of this line, while a number of troops that I did not
recognize occupied the space between me and them.

As the ground was miry and encumbered with fallen trees I dismounted
and mingled with the troops. The first I questioned belonged to Kearny's
division, Berry's brigade, Heintzelman's corps ; the next to the 56th New
York, now under command of its lieutenant-colonel, and the third be
longed to the iO4th Pennsylvania, of Casey's division. I took out my
glass to examine a steady, compact line of troops about sixty- five yards in

Appendix II. 507

advance, the extent of which, towards our right, I could not discover. The
line in front was so quiet that I thought they might possibly be our own
troops. The vapors from the swamps, the leaves and the fading light
(for it was then after 6 o'clock) rendered it uncertain who they were, so I
directed the men to get their aim, but to reserve their fire until I could go
up to the left and examine — at the same time saying that they must hold that
line or the battle would be lost. They replied with a firm determination to
stand their ground.

I had just time to put up my glass and move ten paces towards the left
of the line where my horse stood, but while I was in the act of mounting as
fierce a fire of musketry was opened as any I had heard during the day.
The fire from our side was so deadly that the heavy masses of the enemy com
ing in on the right, which before had been held back for nearly two hours
(that being about the time consumed in passing over less than a thousand
yards) by about a third part of Couch's division, were now arrested. The
last line, formed of portions of Couch's and Casey's divisions and a portion
of Kearny's division, checked the advance of the enemy and finally re
pulsed him, and this was the beginning of the victory which on the follow
ing day was so gloriously completed.

During the action, and particularly during the two hours immediately
preceding the final successful stand made by the infantry, the three Penn
sylvania batteries, under Major Robert M. West (Flood's, McCarthy's,
and Miller's), in Couch's division, performed most efficient service. The
conduct of Miller's battery was admirable. Having a central position in
the forepart of the action it threw shells over the heads of our own troops,
which fell and burst with unusual precision among the enemy's masses,
as did also those of the other two batteries ; and later in the day, when
the enemy was rushing in upon our right, Miller threw his case and canister
among them, doing frightful execution. The death of several officers of
high rank and the disability and wounds of others have delayed this report.

It has been my design to state nothing as a fact which could not be sub
stantiated. Many things escaped notice by reason of the forests, which con
cealed our own movements as well as the movements of the enemy. From
this cause some of the reports of subordinate commanders are not suffi
ciently full. In some cases it is apparent that these subordinate com
manders were not always in the best positions to observe, and this will account
for the circumstance that I have mentioned some facts derived from per
sonal observation not found in the reports of my subordinates. The reports
of division and brigade commanders I trust will be published with this im
mediately. I ask their publication as an act of simple justice to the 4th
Corps, against which many groundless aspersions and incorrect statements
have been circulated in the newspapers since the battle. These reports are

508 Appendix II.

made by men who observed the conflict while under fire, and if they are
not in the main true the truth will never be known.

In the battle of the 3ist of May the casualties on our side (a list of
which is enclosed) were heavy, amounting to something like twenty-five per
cent, in killed and wounded of the number actually engaged, which did not
amount to more than 1 2,000, the 4th Corps at that date having been much
weakened by detachments and other causes. Nearly all who were struck
were hit while facing the enemy.

The Confederates outnumbered us, during a great part of the conflict, at
least four to one, and they were fresh drilled troops, led on and cheered by
their best generals and the President of their Republic. They are right
when they assert that the Yankees stubbornly contested every foot of
ground. Of the nine generals of the 4th Corps who were present on the
field, all, with one exception, were wounded or his horse was hit in the
battle. A large proportion of all the field officers in the action were
killed, wounded, or their horses were struck. These facts denote the fierce
ness of the contest and the gallantry of a large majority of the officers.
Many officers have been named and commended in this report and in reports
of division, brigade, and other commanders, and I will not here recapitu
late further than that I received great assistance from the members of my
staff, whose conduct was excellent, though they were necessarily often
separated from me.

To the energy and skill of Surgeon F. H. Hamilton, the chief of his depart
ment in the 4th Corps, and the assistance he received from his subordinate
surgeons, the wounded and sick are indebted 'for all the relief and comfort
which it was possible to afford them.

I should be glad if the name of every individual who kept his place in
the long struggle could be known.* All those deserve praise and reward.

* There is no incident of the war which I keep in remembrance with so much de
light as the closing scene of the battle of the 3ist of May, 1862.

In the advancing twilight of that long, bloody day, while I walked in the last line
that had been so terribly thinned by deaths, disability, and desertions, I strode with
the elite of the brave. The mad surges and tempest of the battle had winnowed out
the unworthy. The cowards had fled ; the recreants had slunk to the rear ; those feeble
creatures who could be exhausted by an eight or ten hours' struggle, had limped to
their repose. All the braggarts, and such as quit the fray early to proclaim their own
exploits, and to smear with calumny their associates, had departed. In "their stead
were gathered from all the brigades a band of heroes who coalesced by a natural at
traction to achieve a victory and save the Union. I know not how it is that clustered
jewels enhance the lustre of one another, but so it was with the men around me. They
were all begrimed with mud and sweat, and their visages were

" As black as Vulcan's with the smoke of war,"

and still they were beautiful. Carnal fear had never debased them, and in their pres
ence I felt a charm which I shall remember till death.

Appendix II. 509

On the other hand the men who left the ranks and the field, and especially
the officers who went away without orders, should be known and held up to
scorn. In all the retreating groups I discovered officers, and sometimes the
officers were farthest in the rear. What hope can we have of the safety of
the country when even a few military officers turn their backs upon the
enemy without orders ? Such officers should be discharged and disgraced,
and brave men advanced to their places. The task of reformation is not
easy, because much true manliness has been suffocated in deluding theories,
and the improvement will not be complete until valor is more esteemed, nor
until we adopt as a maxim that to decorate a coward with shoulder-straps is
to pave the road to a nation's ruin.
Respectfully submitted.

E. D. KEYES,

Brig.-Gen.t Comdg. ^th Corps.
Brigadier-General S. WILLIAMS,

Adjt.-Gen. Army of Potomac,

INDEX.

Abercrombie, General, 462, 468.
Adams, Charles Francis, 344.
Adams, John Quincy, 46, 115.
Adams, Mrs. John Quincy, 115.
Agassiz, Professor, 63.
Alburtis, Captain William, 155.
Alden, Bradford R., 136.
Alexander, Lieut. B. L., 229.
Allen, Col. Robert, 216.
Anderson, Captain Robert, iSS, 367,

373-

Andrews, Gen. Geo. P., 116, 223.
Andrews, Major, 228.
Annilini, Father, 88.
Armistead, General W. K., 176.
Armstrong, Secretary, 105.
Arthur. Chester A., 409.
Aspinwall, W. H., 349, 350.
Astor, John Jacob, 15.
Atkinson, General, 119.
Austin, Lieut., 176.
Ayers, Lieut., 176, 177, 181.

Bailey, Prof., 63.

Baker, Edward D., 302, 303.

Bancroft, George, 69.

Bankhead, Col., 9.

Bannister, Dwight, 463.

Barnard, Gen. J. G., 445.

Barnes, Surgeon-General, 288.

Barnes, William H. L., 309, 310.

Bayard, Thomas F., 147.

Benson, John, 229.

Benton, Thomas H., ill, 117, 146-

151, 403.

Biddle, Nicholas, in.
Birney, General, 472.
Black, Jeremiah S., I, 2, 338.
Blair, Francis P., 119.
Blunt, Joseph, n.
Bomford, Col., in.

Boyd, James T., 313.

Brady, General, 5, 119.

Brady, James T., 301.

Bragg> General Braxton, 176-181,

375-

Breckinridge, John C. , 101.
Brooke, Maj. -General, 156.
Brougham, Lord, 12, 13.
Brown, General, 106.
Brown, Col. Harvey, 351, 385, 400.
Brown, Jacob, 115.
Bruce, General, 332.
Buchanan, Jas., I, 329, 414.
Buchanan, J. C., 147.
Buckner, Simon, 214.
Buell, Don Carlos, 215.
Burke, Edmund, 10.
Burke, Col. Martin, 176, 177, 182-

187.

Burlingame, Anson, 291.
Burnside, A. E., 201.
Burr, Aaron, 100, 102.
Butler, Benjamin F., 328, 402, 403.
Byers, Mr., 96.

Caldwell, Sir John, 36, 38, 142.
Calhoun, John C., 14, 15, 101, 130,

147-

Cameron, Simon, 348, 349, 419.
Carlyle, Thomas, 41.
Carter, Cadet, 78.
Casey, Col. Silas, 254, 260, 451, 456, ,

460.

Cass, Lewis, 116, 338.
Chandler, Zach., 329, 344.
Channing, Rev. Wm. Ellery, 46, 47,

138, 139-

Charles V., of Spain, 16.
Charles XII. of Sweden, 23, 134.
Chase, Salmon P., 464, 488, 489.
Chase, Col. William, 356.

512

Index.

Childs, Thomas, 164.

Church, Albert E., 196.

Churchill, Lieut., 176, 177, 181.

Clark, General N. S., 265.

Clarke, Caroline M., 32.

Clay, Henry, 10, 14, 15, 122, 138,

140, 147.

Clinton, De Witt, 113.
Cobb, Howell, 338.
Coombe, Professor, 33.
Cope, Judge, 313,
Corey, Mrs., 7-
Corwin, Thomas, 362.
Couch, General D. N., 457, 476.
Courier, Paul Louis, 327.
Cozzens, Mr., 60, 61.
Crittenden, John J., 36-38, 341-346.
Cullum, George W., 192-194, 202.

Dade, Major, 170.

Dandy, General, 284.

David, 49-52, 125.

Davis, Jefferson, 215, 260, 426.

Davis, John, 147.

Dearborn, Maj.-Gen., 105.

Delafield, Colonel, 121, 189, 192,

193-

Dent, Lieutenant, 266, 279.
Derby, George, 198, 201.
D'Espinasse, General, 67.
Devens, General, 454.
Dixon, Senator, 342.
Dodge, Colonel, 202.
Doubleday, General Abner, 371.
Douglass, Stephen A., 329.
Duane, Lieutenant, 356, 357.
"Duck, Sydney," 292, 295.
Duncan, James, 154, 155.

Eaton, Mrs., in.
Eustis, Colonel, 9.
Evans, Senator, 36.
Everett, Edward, 36, 37.

Fairfield, Governor, 36, 107.
Felton, John B., 312.
Fenwick, Lieut. -Col., 104.
Field, Lieutenant, 176, 177, 181.
Fish, Hamilton, 349.
Floyd, John B., 135, 287, 338, 372.
Folsom, Joseph L., 225.
Forsyth, Mr., 129, 130.
Franklin, Samuel R., 482.

Fremont, John C., 244, 440
Fry, James B., 201.

Gaines, General E. P., 115, 116, 135,

171, 173-

Gait, Captain, 51, 52.

Gardner, Col. John L., 370.

Gates, Gen. William, 176.

Gibbs, Alfred, 160.

Gibbs, George, 262.

Gibson, Lieut. H. G., 202, 228, 236.

Gill, Lieut. W. G., 228.

Goldsmith, Oliver, 30.

Graham, Secretary, 112.

Grant, General U.S., 207-222.

Grant, Mrs. U. S., 212.

Greeley, Horace, 103.

Greenough, Mrs., 330.

Gregg, Lieut., 269.

Grier, William N., 266.

Grundy, Felix, 147.

Gurowski, Count, 440, 441.

Gwin, Dr. William M., 244, 341, 417.

Hager, John S., 313.

" Haler, Captain," 234, 235.

Halleck, General H. W., 80, 168,

214-217, 440.
Hamilton, Dr. Frank, 461, 462, 471,

482.

Hamlin, Hannibal, 412.
Hammond, J. F., 267, 283.
Hancock, Gen. W. S., 448, 449.
Hardee, Col. W. J., 333, 334-
Harney, Surgeon, 171.
Harney, Maj.-Gen. W. S., 287-289.
Harris, Senator Ira, 442, 445.
Harrison, Lieut. James E., 252, 253.
Harrison, Wm. Henry, II, 137-139.
Hart, Lieut. W. C. De, 4.
Harvey, Sir John, 36, 38, 138, 142.
Hawkes, Dr., 6, 44, 46, 77.
Heintzelman, General, 453.
Heiskell, Dr., no.
Henderson, Surgeon, 120.
Henry, Patrick, 10.
Hewett, Captain, 252, 253.
Hill, Jim, 177, 178.
Hitchcock, Surgeon C. M., 132, 200,

232.

Hodge, Captain, 435.
Hodge, Joseph, 304, 305.

Index.

Hoffman, Ogden, 6, 36, 37, 55, 313,

316, 317-

Holt, Secretary, 376, 415.
Hooker, Gen. Joseph, 477.
Howard, W. D. M., 227.

Irving, Washington, 69.

Jackson Andrew, 15, 77, 102, 105,
108-122, 141, 146, 150, 191.

Jackson, General Stonewall, 198,
209, 215.

Jefferson, Thomas, 101, 102.

Jessup, General, 118.

Johnson, Dr. Samuel, 29, 30, 38, 89.

Johnson, Albert Sidney, 215, 286,
355,420, 421.

Johnston, Joseph E., 215, 216, 222,

458, 459-

Jones, General, 3.
Jones, George R., 199.
Joset, Father, 273, 274.
Judd, Col. Henry B., 176, 180.

Kanaskat, 257-261.

Kautz, Lieut. A. V., 258-261.

Kearny, Philip, 470-472.

Kemble, Gouverneur, 36, 68-70, 104,

331, 349.

Keyes, Dr. E. L., 297, 355.
King, Charles, 6, 33, 36, 46, 125,

461.

King, Charles, Mrs., 33.
King, Horatio, 338.
Kipp, Lieut. L., 267, 284.
Kirkham, General R. W., 266, 283.
Knowlton, Capt. Miner, 188.

Lachaud, M., 299, 3O1-

La Fayette, HI.

Lamon, Mr., 378.

Lane, Harriet, 330.

Lane, Joe, 341.

Lee, Robert E., 69, 166, 188, 189,

192, 198, 204-221, 317, 3i8.
Legree, Hugh, 5, 117.
Lincoln, Abraham, 140, 141, 334~

341, 378-387, 4IO-438, 486.
Lindsay, Col., 9.
Longfellow, Henry W., 75-
Lyon, Captain E., 359.
Lyons, Lord, 332, 333.

Macomb, General, 115-119, 129,

130.

Magruder, Prince John, 128.
Maloney, Capt. Maurice, 254.
Manro, J. P., 291.
Marcy, General R. B., 455.
Marcy, William L., 36, 37, 147.
Martineau, Harriet, 147.
Mason, Colonel, 228.
Mason, Jeremiah, 36, 37.
Mason, Mrs., 115.
Mather, General, 360.
May, Lieutenant, 224.
Mayo, 55-

McAllister, Hall, 72, 148, 305-308.
McAllister, Julian, 201.
McCall, Captain, 171.
McClellan, Gen. George B., 197-216,

438-453, 409» 480-488.
McCook, General, 88.
McDowell, General Irwin, 189, 431-

433-

McKee, John, 233.
McKibbin, Lieut. David B., 259.
McKinstry, Judge, 313.
Meigs, Capt. M. C., 389-392.
Mendell, Col. Geo. H., 261.
Mercer, Lieut. Hugh W., 3, 6.
Merchant, S. L., 245.
Michler, Nathaniel, 202.
Minie, Captain, 17.
Mirabeau, 10.
Monroe, James, 125.
Morgan, E. D., 407, 408.
Morgan, Lieut. M. R-, 280, 281.
Moses, Chief, 282.
Mower, Dr., 5.

Mullan, Lieut. John, 266, 283.
Munro, Captain Jock, 8.
Myers, Gen. A. C., 176, 180.

Naglee, Gen. Henry M., 472-479.
Napoleon, 65.
Newcastle, Duke of, 332.

O'Conor, Charles, 301.
Ord, Capt. E. O. C., 263, 268.
Otis, Harrison Gray, 36, 37.
Owen, Lieut. P. A., 267.
Owhi, 280-283.

Palmer, Gen. I. N., 459, 467.
Palmerston, Lord, 12.

Index.

Paris, Comte de, 465, 467, 481.

Parrott, Mr., 69, 296.

Parsons, Levi, 291, 294.

Patrick, M. R., 409.

Paulding, Mr., 69.

Peck, General, 476.

Peyton, Bailey, 109.

Piatt, Don, 435.

Pierce, Franklin, u, 103, 145.

Pillow, Gideon J., 153, 159, 214.

Poinselt, Mr., 36, 69, 122, 125-130.

Polk, James K., 102, 145-153.

Preston, William C., 36, 37, 69, 117,

129.
Priest, Albert, 243.

Qualchein, 276-278.

Randolph, Senator, 241.
Read, J. Meredith, 409.
Reynolds, Maj.-Gen. John F., 176-

179.

Riall, General, 106.
Riley, Colonel, 152.
Riley, General, 292.
Rosecrans, General W. S., 440.
Ross, Edward C., 195.
Rousseau, J. J., 71.
Rush, Mrs., 115.

Sackett, General, 211.

Saint Germans, Lord, 332.

Savage, Major, 233.

Seward, William H., 352, 380-383,
419-424.

Schover, Lieut., 169.

Scott, Adelaide Canaille, 202.

Scott, Gen. Winfield, I, 2, 7, 8, 10,
13, 15, 19-24, 31, 34, 38, 46, 48,
59. 65, 77, 92, 98, loo, 107, 120,
129, 137, 139, 158, 162, 183, 188,
202, 206, 218, 318, 324, 327, 332,
334. 339» 341, 361, 378, 383, 384.
404-410, 419-425-

Scott, Mrs. General, 29, 51.

Sherman, John, 343.

Sherman, Maj.-Gen. Thos. W., 176-
180.

Sherman, William T., 163, 176, 177,
216, 218, 225, 246, 431, 435.

Shriver, Captain, 162.

Slaughter, William A., 251-253.

Slemmer, Lieut. A. J., 376.
Slidell, Senator, 329.
Slidell, Mrs., 329.
Smith, General C. F., 214.
Smith, General Persifer F., 228.
Smith, General W. F., 446.
Spencer, John C., 36, 37.
Stanton, Edwin M., 411, 412.
Stewart, Col. Jasper, 176.
Sukely, Surgeon George, 261.
Sumner, General E. V., 448, 457,

470.

Suydam, Col. C. C., 460, 491.
Swartwout, Samuel, 15.

Taylor, Dr., 252,253.

Taylor, Col. Frank, 288.

Taylor, Zachary, 145-157.

Terry, General O. H., 436.

Tevis, Major Carroll, 487.

Thayer, Col. Sylvanus, 69, 190-192.

Thomas, George II., 166-169, 176-

180, 193.

Thompson, Jacob" R., 338.
Thorn, Col. Herman, 79.
Thourot, Lieut. -Col., 476.
Tidball, General, 202.
Totten, General Joseph G., 69, 155.
Toucey, Isaac, 338.
Trowbridge, William P., 202.
Twiggs, General, 205.
Tyler, General Daniel, 432-436.

Upton, General Emory, 434.

Van Buren, John, 36, 69, 116.

Van Buren, Martin, 36, 37, 69, 105-

108, I2T, 129, 137, 138, 145.
Van Buren, Dr. W. H., 354.
Van Buren, Willie, 355.
Van Rensselaer, Lieut-Col., 104, 122.
Van Vliet, Maj. -General S., 176, 179.
Vinton, Captain John R., 155.
Vogdes, General, 375, 377-

Wadsworth, General James, 437.
Wales, Prince of, 331-334.
Ward, Samuel, 70-74.
Warner, Rev. Thos., 77-84.
Washburne, E. B., 217.
Washington, George, 45.

Index.

515

Webb, General, 446.

Webster, Daniel, 11-15, 36, 37, 147-

149, 247.

Wellington, Duke of, 12, 13, 128.
Wessels, H. W., 467.
White, Lieutenant, 266.
Wilkinson, Commander, 102-105.
Williams, Rev. Albert, 232.
Williams, Roger, 179.
Williamson, R. S., 202.
Wilson, Samuel, 304, 305.

Winder, Captain, 266.

Wolseley, General Garnet, 207.

Woodbury, Levi, 109.

Wool, General John E., 123, 184,

250, 251, 431.
Worth, General, 123, 135, 153-159,

170, 188.
Wright, Col. Geo. H., 266-287,

420, 421.

Wright, Silas, 147.
Wyse, Lieutenant, 168, 169.

MESSRS. CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS

publish, under the general title of

THE CAMPAIGNS OF THE CIVIL WAR,

A Series of volumes, contributed by a number of leading
actors in and students of the great conflict of 1861-65, with
a view to bringing together, for the first time, a full and
authoritative military history of the suppression of the
Rebellion.

The final and exhaustive form of this great narrative, in which every
doubt shall be settled and every detail covered, may be a possibility
only of the future. But it is a matter for surprise that twenty years
after the beginning of the Rebellion, and when a whole generation
has grown up needing such knowledge, there is no authority which is
at the same time of the highest rank, intelligible and trustworthy, and
to which a reader can turn for any general view of the field.

The many reports, regimental histories, memoirs, and other materi
als of value for special passages, require, for their intelligent reading,
an ability to combine and proportion them which the ordinary reader
does not possess. There have been no attempts at general histories
which have supplied this satisfactorily to any large part of the public.
Undoubtedly there has been no such narrative as would be especially
welcome to men of the new generation, and would be valued by a very
great class of readers ; — and there has seemed to be great danger that
the time would be allowed to pass when it would be possible to give
to such a work the vividness and accuracy that come from personal
recollection. These facts led to the conception of the present work.

From every department of the Government, from the officers of the
army, and from a great number of custodians of records and special infor
mation everywhere, both authors and publishers have received every aid
that could be asked in this undertaking ; and in announcing the issue of
the work the publishers take this occasion to convey the thanks which
the authors have had individual opportunities to express elsewhere.

The volumes are duodecimos of about 250 pages each,
illustrated by maps and plans prepared under the direction
of the authors.

The price of each volume is $1.00.

The following volumes are now ready :

I.— The OutbreaJc of Rebellion. By JOHN G. NICOLAY,
Esq., Private Secretary to President Lincoln ; late Consul-
General to France, etc.

A preliminary volume, describing the opening of the war, and covering th»
period from the election of Lincoln to the end of the first battle of Bull Run.

//. — From Fort Henry to Corinth. By the Hon. M.
F. FORCE, Justice of the Superior Court, Cincinnatti; late
Brigadier-General and Bvt. Maj. Gen'l, U.S.V., commanding
First Division, I7th Corps: in 1862, Lieut. Colonel of the
2Oth Ohio, commanding the regiment at Shiloh ; Treasurer of
the Society of the Army of the Tennessee.

The narrative of events in the West from the Summer of 1861 to May, 1863;
tovering the capture of Fts. Henry and Donelson, the Battle of Shiloh, etc., etc.

I. II. — The Peninsula. By ALEXANDER S. WEBB, LL.D.,
President of the College of the City of New York : Assistant
Chief of Artillery, Army of the Potomac, 1861-62 ; Inspector
General Fifth Army Corps; General commanding 2d Div.,
2d Corps; Major General Assigned, and Chief of Staff, Army
of the Potomac.

The history of McClellan's Peninsula Campaign, from his appointment to th«
?nd of the Seven Days' Fight.

4V.— The Army under Pope. By JOHN C. ROPES, Esq.,
of the Military Historical Society of Massachusetts, the Massa
chusetts Historical Society, etc.

From the appointment of Pope to command the Army of Virginia, to the appoint
ment of McClellan to the general command in September, 1862

V.—The Antietam and Fredericksbura. By FRANCIS
WINTHROP PALFREY, Bvt. Brigadier Gen'l, U.S.V., and form
erly Colonel 2Oth Mass. Infantry ; Lieut. Col. of the 2Oth
Massachusetts at the Battle of the Antietam; Member of
the Military Historical Society of Massachusetts, of the Massa
chusetts Historical Society, etc.

From the appointment of McClellan to the general command, September, i862,"ta
the end of the battle of Fredericksburg.

VI.— Chancellor sville and Gettysburg. By ABNER
DOUBLEDAY, Bvt. Maj. Gen'l, U.S.A., and Maj. Gen'l,
U.S.V. ; commanding the First Corps at Gettysburg, etc.

From the appointment of Hooker, through the campaigns of Chancellorsville and
Gettysburg, to the retreat of Lee after the latter battle.

VII.— The Armn of the Cumberland. By HENRY M.
CIST, Brevet Brig. Gen'l U.S.V. ; A.A.G. on the staff of
Major Gen'l Rosecrans, and afterwards on that of Major Gen'l
Thomas ; Corresponding Secretary of the Society of the Army
of the Cumberland.

From the formation of the Army of the Cumberland to the end of the battles al
Chattanooga, November, 1863.

VIII. — The Mississippi. By FRANCIS VINTON GREENE,
Lieut, of Engineers, U. S. Army ; late Military Attache to the
U. S. Legation in St. Petersburg ; Author of " The Russian
Army and its Campaigns in Turkey in 1877-78," and of
44 Army Life in Russia."

An account of the operations — especially at Vicksburg and Port Hudson — by
which the Mississippi River and its shores were restored to the control of the Union.

IX. — Atlanta. By the Hon. JACOB D. Cox, Ex- Governor of
Ohio ; late Secretary of the Interior of the United States ;
Major General U. S.V., commanding Twenty- third Corps
during the campaigns of Atlanta and the Carolinas, etc., etc.

From Sherman's first advance into Georgia in May, 1864, to the beginning of
the March to the Sea.

X.—Tfie March to the Sea— Franklin and Nashville.

By the Hon. JACOB D. Cox.

From the beginning of the March to the Sea to the surrender of Johnston-
including also the operations of Thomas in Tennessee.

XI.— The Shenandoah Valley in 1864. The Cam
paign of Sheridan. By GEORGE E. POND, Esq., Asso
ciate Editor of the Army and Navy Journal.

XII.— The Virginia Campaign of >(>4 and >65. TJte
Army of the Potomac and Ihe Army of the
James. By ANDREW A. HUMPHREYS, Brigadier General
and Bvt. Major General, U. S. A. ; late Chief of Engineers;
Chief of Staff, Army of the Potomac, 1863-64; commanding
Second Corps, i86/|.-'65, etc., etc.

Statistical Record of the Armies of the United
States. By FREDERICK PHISTERER, late Captain U. S. A.

This Record includes the figures of the quotas and men actually furnished by
all States ; a list of all organizations mustered into the U. S. service; the strength
of the army at various periods ; its organization in armies, corps, etc.; the divisions
of the country into departments, etc.; chronological list of all engagements, with the
losses in each ; tabulated statements of all losses in the war, with the causes of
death, etc.; full lists of all general officers, and an immense amount of other valuable
statistical matter relating to the War.

The complete Set, thirteen volumes, in a bcx. Price, $12.50
Single volumes, ...... i.co

*** The above books for sale by all booksellers, or will be sent^ fast-paid,
•upon receipt of j>rice, by

CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS, PUBLISHERS,

743 AND 745 BROADWAY, NEW YORK.

NOW COMPLETE.

In three volumes, 22mo, with Maps and Plans.

THE

Navy in the Civil War

^pHE WORK OF THE NAVY in the suppression of the Rebellion was
-*• certainly not less remarkable than that of the Army. The same
forces which developed from our volunteers some of the finest bodies of
soldiers in military history, were shown quite as wonderfully in the creation
of a Navy, which was to cope for the first time with the problems of modern
warfare.

The facts that the Civil War was the first great conflict in which steam
was the motive power of ships ; that it was marked by the introduction of
the ironclad ; and that it saw, for the first time, the attempt to blockade
such a vast length of hostile coast — will make it an epoch for the techinal
student everywhere.

But while the Army has been fortunate in the number and character of
those who have contributed to its written history, the Navy has been com
paratively without annalists. During a recent course of publications on
the military operations of the war, the publishers were in constant receipt
of letters pointing out this fact, and expressing the wish that a complete
naval history of the four years might be written by competent hands. An
effort made in this direction resulted in the cordial adoption and carrying
out of plans by which Messrs. CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS are
enabled to announce the completion of a work of the highest authority and
interest, giving the whole narrative of Naval Operations from 1861 to 1865.

I. THE BLOCKADE AND THE CRUISERS.— By Pro
fessor J. RUSSELL SOLEY, U. S. Navy.

II. THE ATLANTIC COAST.— By Rear-Admiral DANIEL
AMMEN, U. S. Navy.

III. THE GULF AND INLAND WATERS. — By Commander

A. T. MAHAN, U. S. Navy.

Uniform with "The Campaigns of the Civil War," with maps
and diagrams prepared under the direction of the Authors.

Price per Volume, SJ.OQ.

CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS, Publishers,

743 & 745 Broadway, New York.

RETURN TO the circulation desk of any
University of California Library

or to the

NORTHERN REGIONAL LIBRARY FACILITY
Bldg. 400, Richmond Field Station
University of California
Richmond, CA 94804-4698

ALL BOOKS MAY BE RECALLED AFTER 7 DAYS

• 2-month loans may be renewed by calling
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books to NRLF

• Renewals and recharges may be made 4
days prior to due date.

DUE AS STAMPED BELOW

HAY ~ 5 19S9

12,000(11/95)

1U36U1

Keyes, E.D.

Fifty years f observa
tions of men and events

Call Number:

E181

E)8|

143641

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