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THE FIRST BOOi

Of IHG

KINGS

BE-n'ED BY

lOFESSORJ.R.LUMBY

mNERAL EDITOR

\ S,PEROVmE, D.D.

IAN OF PETERBO- : : I

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THE FIRST BOOK

OF THE

K I XGS.

Jlontion: C J CLAY and SONS,
CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS WAREHOUSE,

AVE MARIA LANE.

CambtiTigf: DEIGHTON, BELL AND CO.

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General Editor:— J. J. S. PEROWNE, D.D.,
Bishop of Worcester.

THE FIRST BOOK

OF THE

KINGS,

JV/TII MAPS INTRODUCTION AND NOTES

THE REV. J. RAWSON LUMBY, D.D.

KORRISIAN PROFESSOR OF DIVINITY.

EDITED FOR THE SVXDICS OF THE UNIVERSITY PRESS.

CAMBRIDGE :

AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS.

1890

Cambrittge :

PRINTED BY C. J. CLAY, M.A. AND SONS;
AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS.

PREFACE
BY THE GENERAL EDITOR.

The General Editor of The Cambridge Bible for
Schools thinks it right to say that he does not hold
himself responsible either for the interpretation of
particular passages which the Editors of the several
Books have adopted, or for any opinion on points of
doctrine that they may have expressed. In the New
Testament more especially questions arise of the
deepest theological import, on which the ablest and
most conscientious interpreters have differed and
always will differ. His aim has been in all such
cases to leave each Contributor to the unfettered
exercise of his own judgment, only taking care that
mere controversy should as far as possible be avoided.
He has contented himself chiefly with a careful
revision of the notes, with pointing out omissions, with

I. KINGS b

vi PREFACE.

suggesting occasionally a reconsideration of some
question, or a fuller treatment of difficult passages,
and the like.

Beyond this he has not attempted to interfere,
feeling it better that each Commentary should have
its own individual character, and being convinced
that freshness and variety of treatment are more
than a compensation for any lack of uniformity in
the Series.

CONTENTS.

PAGES

I. Introduction.

i. Title and Divisions, Date, Author, Canonicity

and Sources of the Books of Kings ix — xv

ii. Hebrew Text and Versions xv — xviii

iii. Summary of the contents of the Books of Kings xix — xxx

iv. Historical survey of the Books of Kings xxx — xlii

V. Character of the Books of Kings, and their
relation to the other books of the Old
Testament xliii — xlviii

II. Chronological Table xlix — Hi

III. Text and Notes i — 242

IV. Index 243 — 248

Maps : —

The Holy Land to face Title

Jerusalem to face p. 66

The Dominions of Solomon to face p. 109

* The Text adopted in this Edition is that of Dr Scrivener's
Cambridge Paragraph Bible. A few variations from the ordi-
nary Text, chiefly in the spelling of certain words, and in the
use of italics, will be noticed. For the principles adopted by
Dr Scrivener as regards the printing of the Text see his Intro-
duction to the Paragraph Bible, published by the Cambridge
University Press.

INTRODUCTION.

i. Title and Divisions, Date, Author, Canonicity
AND Sources of the Books of Kings.

(a) What we name i and 2 Kings was anciently only one
book, called by the Jews 'the Book of Kings.' It was broken
into two parts by the Greek translators of the Septuagint, who
did the same by the book of Samuel and the book of Chronicles,
which also at first were both single books. The division be-
tween I and 2 Kings is made in the middle of the short reign
of Ahaziah, king of Israel, a severance which would never have
been 'made by the compiler. Having made two parts out of
Samuel, and two out of the Kings, the Greek translators
named the four portions thus formed, the first, second, third and
fourth books of the kingdoms, or, of the kings. The Latin
versions followed the divisions, but not the names, of the Greek.
The two portions of Samuel, they called i and 2 Samuel, and
our books i and 2 Kings. Jerome though he knew that each
of these pairs was but one book, did not attempt to change
titles which had been so long accepted^ And the whole of the
Western Church has followed the Vulgate.

The Jews did not for many centuries adopt the division
which had thus become current among Christians. They were
led to do so at last for readiness of reference in the frequently
recurring controversies between the Christians and themselves.
The earliest adoption by the Jews of the Christian chapters in

* On this see Jerome's preface to the Books of Samuel and Kings

INTRODUCTION.

the Old Testament has generally been attributed to Rabbi Isaac
Nathan, who began a Concordance in 1437. But in the Cam-
bridge University Library there is a Hebrew MS.^ of at least a
century earlier date, in which the Christian divisions are marked
all the way through. Into printed Hebrew Bibles they were
introduced by Daniel Bomberg in 15 18.

{b) To the date of the compilation of the Book of Kings we
are guided by the latest events that are mentioned in it. The
last chapter (2 Kings xxv.) concludes with the 37th year of
Jehoiachin's captivity, when Evil-Merodach released him from
prison. This happened B.C. 562. But this last chapter and a
few verses 18 — 20 of chapter xxiv. are identical with chapter lii.
of the prophecy of Jererriah. There however the closing words
of chapter li. * Thus far are the words of Jeremiah' plainly shew
that what follows was added by one who thought it no integral part
of the prophecy, but added it to complete the historical notices
found in other parts of that book, and added it most likely from
this book of Kings. We may therefore conclude that this book
was compiled after B.C. 562. But the compiler has no word, even
of hope, to record concerning the final deliverance of the nation
from captivity. That deliverance commenced with the decree of
Cyrus, B.C. 536, though the final migrations did not take place
till the days of Nehemiah nearly a century later, B.C. 445. Had
he known of any movement in the direction of a return, the
compiler of Kings would surely have made mention of it. He
is cheered, apparently, at the close of his work, by the clemency
shewn to Jehoiachin. He would hardly have passed over any
agitation for the national redemption without a word of notice.
The book was therefore finished before B.C. 536, and its date
lies between that year and B.C. 561.

{c) Who the compiler was we have no means of deciding.
The Jewish tradition^ ascribes it to Jeremiah. But this is
exceedingly improbable. The closing events recorded took
place in Babylon. But at the overthrow of Jerusalem, Jeremiah

^ No. 13. 5"e Catalogue of Heb. MSS. by Dr Schiller-Szinessy,
p. 17.

2 T. B. Baba Bathra 15 a.

INTRODUCTION. xi

was carried by the anti-Babylonian faction into Egypt (Jer.
xliii. 6, 7) and after his arrival there we know not what befel
him. His outspoken prediction, however, of evils to come on
Egypt and on those who sought shelter there was not hkely to
go unpunished by the Jews who had brought him with them.
Jewish writings 1 speak of his escape to Babylon. But the
statement is merely an opinion in support of the current tra-
dition. Nothing whatever is known of his fate, and there is
no ground whatever, beyond tradition, for supposing him to have
been the compiler of the Kings.

{d) In the Hebrew Bible the book stands as part of the
division called by the Jews 'the Earlier Prophets.' From the
Jews it was received into the Christian Canon, and there has
never been any question about its acceptance.

{e) The compiler specifies three sources from which his nar-
rative is drawn :

(i) The Book of the acts of Solomon (i Kings xi. 41) as
the authority for Solomon's reign.

(2) The Book of the Chronicles of the kings of Judah, men-
tionedy^/^^« times : for the acts of Rehoboam (i Kings
xiv. 29) ; of Abijam (xv. 7) ; of Asa (xv. 23) ; of Jeho-
shaphat (xxii. 45) ; of Joram (2 Kings viii. 23) ; of Joash
(xii. 19); of Amaziah (xiv. 18); of Azariah (xv. 6); of
Jotham (xv. 36) ; of Ahaz (xvi. 19); of Hezekiah (xx. 20);
of Manasseh (xxi. 17); of Amon (xxi. 25); of Josiah
(xxiii. 28) and of Jehoiakim (xxiv. 5).

(3) The Book of the Chronicles of the kings of Israel,
quoted seventeen times : in the history of Jeroboam, the
son of Nebat (i Kings xiv. 19); of Nadab (xv, 31); of
Baasha (xvi. 5) ; of Elah (xvi. 14) ; of Zimri (xvi. 20) ; of
Omri (xvi. 27); of Ahab (xxii. 39); of Ahaziah (2 Kings
i. 18); of Jehu (x. 34); of Jehoahaz (xiiL 8); of Joash
(xiii. 12); of Jeroboam II. (xiv. 28); of Zachariah (xv. 11);
of Shallum (xv. 15) ; of Menahem (xv. 21); of Pekahiah
(xv. 26); and of Pekah (xv. 31).

* Seder Olam Rabba 20,

xii INTRODUCTION.

We have but to turn to the Books of Chronicles to find out
the character of the writings to which these three general titles
are given. The Chronicler adheres so closely to the language
of Kings throughout the history of Solomon, that a comparison
at once convinces us that he drew his narrative from the same
documents as the earlier compiler. But he (2 Chron. ix. 29)
describes his authorities as 'the Book' (R. V. history) 'of Nathan
the prophet, the prophecy of Ahijah the Shilonite, and the
visions of Iddo the seer.'

We find here the key to the origin and character of all the
three sources of information accessible to the compiler of Kings.
'The Book of the acts of Solomon' comprised three works
written by prophets contemporary with Solomon, and which,
embracing the whole period of his reign, were naturally soon
gathered into one treatise, and called by one collective nrime.
The prophetic spirit and the religious drift of all we read in
the history is thus accounted for. In the notes it has been
remarked that the whole purpose of the narrative is to picture
Solomon's Hfe a success, and the building of the Temple as
acceptable, in so far only as the one was led in the fear of
Jehovah, and the other stood as a token of obedience to the
divine will ; and that when Solomon's decline began, it is God
who is represented as raising up the adversaries against him. A
record of such a character is the composition of no mere
historiographer, but bears on the face of it the imprint of pro-
phetic hands.

When we turn to the second authority which the compiler
quotes, 'the Book of the Chronicles of the Kings of Judah'
and compare with it the works cited by the Chronicler, the
same conclusion is arrived at. 'The Book' (R.V. histories) 'of
Shemaiah the prophet and Iddo the seer' are quoted by him
(2 Chron. xii. 15) as containing the events of the reign of
Rehoboam, and his narrative, drawn from thence, is practically
identical with the record in Kings. The same may be said
concerning Abijam's reign, for which the Chronicler refers
(2 Chron. xiii. ^1) to 'the story' (R.V. commentary; 'of the
prophet Iddo.' The authority which he gives for Jehoshaphat's

INTRODUCTION. xiii

reign (2 Chron. xx. 34) is ' the Book' (R. V. histor>') ' of Jehu,
the son of Hanani.' And after this reference a sentence follows,
translated in R. V. thus : 'which is inserted in the Book of the
kings of IsraeP.' This is precisely the explanation to which all the
evidence tends. The prophets wrote their several books, and as
time went on they were take7i up, and included in the large
collection which at last acquired the title 'the Book of the
Chronicles of the kings of Israel (or Judah).' We find it noticed
further (2 Chron. xxvi. 22) that Isaiah the prophet the son of
Amoz was the writer of the history of Azariah (Uzziah), and also
(2 Chron. xxxii. 32) of the acts and good deeds of Hezekiah.
But here again it is stated expressly that 'the vision of Isaiah'
is included in 'the Book of the kings of Judah and Israel.'
Once more concerning Hezekiah's son, Manasseh, the Chronicler
tells us that his acts are to be found partly ' in the Book of
the kings of Israel' (2 Chron. xxxiii. 18) and in the following
verse, that other things concerning him are written ' in the
history of Hozai' as the R. V. renders, but the LXX., which
the A. V. follows, translated ' among the sayings of the seers.'

With regard to the other kings, whose history is recorded in
Chronicles, the writer is content with referring to 'the Book of
the kings of Judah and Israel,' as he does (2 Chron. xvi. 11)
for Asa, and (2 Chron. xxv. 28) for Amaziah, and (2 Chron.
xxviii. 26) for Ahaz ; or, with the names of the kingdoms in re-
verse order, to 'the Book of the kings of Israel and Judah,' as
(2 Chron. xxvii. 7) for Jotham, (2 Chron. xxxv. 27) for Josiah, and
(2 Chron. xxxvi. 8) for Jehoiakim. In one case, that of Joash,
(2 Chron. xxiv. 27) he merely calls his authority ' the story'
(R. V. commentary) 'of the book of the kings.' The three
modes of reference last mentioned seem to indicate that before
the Chronicler undertook his work, the process of combination
had gone on so far as to convert all these separate ' com-
mentaries,' * histories,' 'visions,' and 'stories' into one compre-

^ The A. V. gave for this clause ' who is mentioned in the Book of
the kings of Israel,' but on the margin was added the literal rendering of
the Hebrew ' was made to ascend,' which when applied to the book
and not to the person intimates what is now expressed in R. V.

xiv INTRODUCTION.

hensive work which could be cited indifferently as 'the Book of
the kings of Judah and Israel,' or, 'of Israel and Judah,' or
simply as ' the Book of the kings.'

Of the kings of Israel, except in one or two places where
their acts are interwoven with, and affect the history of, the
kingdom of Judah, the Chronicler makes no mention. We may
safely conclude, however, from the way in which he so often
speaks of the 'Book of the kings of Israel and Judah,' that he
had before him their annals also, though it was foreign to his
purpose to record much of them. And the whole history of
both kingdoms had been put together on the same plan, and out
of like materials, these materials being the writings of the
prophets who flourished during the several reigns. We need
not then be surprised co find large sections of 'the Book of
kings' devoted to the lives of the great prophets Elijah and
Elisha, and to the history of Micaiah's appearance before Ahab.
The writings of the prophets were not exhausted by the history
of the two kingdoms, and no theme would more commend
itself to the prophetic scribe than the mighty works of those
two champions, who stood forth, at a time when the house of
Ahab had led Israel into heathen idolatry, to make known
in Israel's darkest days, by action and speech, that Jehovah
had still 'a prophet in Israel.'

It will be seen, then, that the 'Book of Kings' must consist
in great part of the writings of those who were contemporary
with the events of which they wrote, and that we cannot treat
the book as a work of the date when the Compiler lived. And
being gathered in the main from prophetic histories, there will
naturally be a similarity of motive pervading the whole. To the
Compiler we may ascribe those portions which compose the
framework of each particular reign, i.e. the accounts of the ac-
cession and parentage^, and of the death and characier of the

* It is precisely in these portions that the chronological difficulties
present themselves. Some of the smaller inconsistences (cf. i Kings
viii. 25 with ix. 27^ may have arisen because the Compiler n.ade use ot
several authorities, in which the numbers were not quite in accord, but
which, from the Jewish mode of reckoning in such matters, would not

INTRODUCTION. xv

several kings, in which there is exhibited hardly any variation
of form ; but the date of all which is not of this character must
be judged of from internal evidence. The uniform setting of the
whole work is important to be noticed as it is a proof of the
unity of the composition. To its present form the work has
been brought all by the same hand.

ii. Hebrew Text and Versions.

It is much to be deplored that we possess no MSS. of the
Hebrew Bible of a date earlier than the loth century of the
Christian era. Thus more than a thousand years intervene
between the close of the Old Testament Canon and the writing
of our oldest copy. It would be marvellous if during so long
a period the fallibility of scribes had not, here and there, suf-
fered mistakes to find their way into the text. But the con-
ditions under which it was transmitted were undoubtedly very
favourable to its correct preservation. During many centuries
the consonants only were written down, the knowledge of the
vowels,- that were to be read with them, being preserved by
tradition^. This caused correct reading to be a large part of a
Jew's education, and to insure the retention of the proper
vowels, it was permitted to any one in the synagogue to interrupt
the reader if he introduced a change. Thus the whole people
were mad'^ conservators of the sacred text.

It was only when the Jewish nation became dispersed, and
the safeguards, which had been sufficient and available among
a small and united people, were found to be inoperative, that
the Jewish scribes, who were the guardians of the correct tra-
dition {Massorah, as it was called), began to add vowel signs to
the consonants, that the people in their dispersion might all pre-

appear conflicting. More serious discrepancies (cf. 2 Kings xv. 30 with
33) must be attributed to later hands. We cannot suppose that the
two verses just referred to were allowed to stand as they now do by the
original Compiler of the book.
^ See note on 2 Kinirs xviii. 10.

xvi INTRODUCTION.

serve the sacred words as they had been handed do\vn for gene-
rations. We cannot fix the date when the vowel points were
added, but the work was certainly not completed before the
death of Jerome, A.D. 420 ; and probably not for a century or two
later. This form of the text is the same in all our Hebrew MSS.,
and as it exhibits the traditional reading, it is often spoken of
as the Massoretic (i.e. traditional) text. When once such an
authoritative text was put forth, none would be more anxious
than the Jews themselves to destroy all copies of a different kind.
Hence comes, in part at least, the absence of very early MSS.

The way in which the vowel points were introduced appears
to have been somewhat of this kind. It was a gradual process.
At the commencement •^ome copy of the consonantal text was
selected as the standard, perhaps because it was beautifully
written. To this standard all future copies were made to conform.
The vowels were probably first attached to the books of the Law,
and to those portions of the Prophets, which, like the Law, were
read in the public services. In process of time the system of
vocalization was extended to every part of the text. But it was
found that in the standard text adopted there were many places
where the consonants written down were not those which
tradition required to be read. That the consonants of the
accepted text might not on this account be modified, the
Massoretes adopted the plan of putting, in such places, the
consonants of traditional reading on the margin. These mar-
ginal notes they marked by a word {Keri) signifying Read thus,
and in contradistinction the standard text is termed the Kethib^
i.e. written. For an instance see notes on 2 Kings xiv. 13.

The absence of any early MSS. gives their value to the
ancient versions. They were made at a time anterior to the
fixing of the Massoretic text, and therefore help us t; judge of
the correctness of the Hebrew which has been presei /ed to us.
Three of these are deserving of special mention.

(i) The Septuagint. This is a Greek version made in
Alexandria at various, times during the third and second
centuries befor'^ Christ. It owes its name to an iii-founded
tradition that it was made by 72 {Septuagmta = 'jo, the nearest

INTRODUCTION. xvii

round number) persons sent to Alexandria from Jerusalem
at the request of Ptolemy Philadelphus. A comparison of the
various parts shews that it was neither made all at one time,
nor all by the same translators ; but some time before the
birth of Christ in consequence of the wide prevalence of the
Greek language this version had largely taken the place of the
Hebrew text. From it by far the largest part of the quotations
in the New Testament are made : it was used by such writers
as Philo and Josephus, by the Greek Fathers, and from it were
made the various Latin translations which existed before the
Vulgate. There exists, as will be seen from the notes, two
principal recensions of the Septuagint, one preserved in the
Alexandrine MS., which is in the British Museum, and another
at the Vatican. The former of these has been largely brought
into harmony with the present Hebrew text, and from this cause
its value for critical purposes is not so great. The Vatican MS.
varies considerably by additions and omissions, and also in
arrangement, from the Massoretic text and seems here and
there to represent a somewhat different Hebrew. In the books
of Kings the help which we derive from the Septuagint is not
so great as in some other books (e.g. Samuel) but it will be
seen from the notes that certain alterations in the Hebrew text
are suggested by it, a few of which for example, in the account
of the building of the Temple, are clearly necessary to be
made. One long addition has been specially described in the
notes (see p. 145) but it deals with a matter which does not
concern the correct reading of the text. The history also of
which it treats, refers much more to what happened in the
days of David than of Solomon, so that all but a very few
words in it seem to be out of place where it is inserted.

(2) The Targuni^ (or interpretation) ascribed to Jonathan
Ben-Uzziel. This is a Chaldee paraphrase reduced to writing
about the fourth century after Christ. For correction of the
text it is not so valuable as for the traditional interpretations

^ Targitm is from the same root from which dragoman y=2iD. inter-
preter, is derived.

xviii INTRODUCTION.

which it preserves. It was for a long period forbidden to put
Targums into writing, and a story is told that when, as Herod's
temple was in building, a written Targum on the book of Job
was shewn, an outcry was made that it should be buried beneath
the foundation-stones that it might not come into any one's
possession. But Targums exist on nearly the whole of the
Bible, though many are of very late date, and only one, that
named of Onkelos, on the Pentateuch, is of earlier time than the
Targum of Jonathan on the Prophets.

(3) The Vulgate. This name^ is now given to the Latin
version of the Bible made by Jerome of which the Old Testa-
ment portion was translated not from the Septuagint bu^ directly
from the Hebrew. A'ler preparing, at the request of Pope
Damasus, a revision of the Latin version of the New Testa-
ment, Jerome took up his residence, from A.D. 387 till his death
in A.D. 420, at Bethlehem. There he studied the Hebrew Scrip-
tures, with the guidance of the best Jewish scholars then living
in the Holy Land and produced at various times a new Latin
translation. Of this Samuel and Kings first appeared 2. Hence
the version which he made is a very precious guide on points
of traditional interpretation, and it is also very important as
evidence that since Jerome's day the original Text has suffered
no alteration worth noticing. We can see from his renderings
that the vowel points now inserted were not always the same
as were accepted by Jerome's teachers, but in the matter of
consonants his Hebrew was substantially just the same as ours.

* Vulgata versio, was used before Jerome's time, and by Jerome
himself, for the current Latin Version in use. It is a rendering of the
Greek 7? Koivr] ?k5o<tis which was a name given to the current text of the
Septuagint. But after Jerome's Version took the place of all others in
the Western Church the name Vulgate was confined to it.

2 The preface which Jerome wrote for these books is generally
known as the Prologus Galeatus, and gives a full and interesting
account of the Hebrew Canon, with the arrangement of the books, and
die reasons for such arrangement.

INTRODUCTION. xix

iii. Summary of the contents of the Book (i. and

II. Kings).

A. Closing days of the life of David, (i. i — ii. ii.)

i. Contest for the succession.

{a) Adonijah in David's sickness usurps the kingdom, i Kings
i. I — lo.

(b) Appeal of Bathsheba and Nathan, i. ii — 27.

(r) Solomon is anointed, as the succession is in dispute, i- 28 — 41.
{d) Alarm of the usurper and his adherents, i. 42 — 53.

Evil is still raised up out of David's house; the sword shall never
depart. (2 Sam. xii. 10, 11.)

ii. David's dying charge,
{a) To Solomon himself, ii. i — 4.
{b) Concerning Joab, Barzillai, and Shimei. ii. 5 — 9.

The spirit of his charge is of the Law, not of the Gospel. ' Of Thy
goodness slay mine enemies.' (Ps. cxliii. 12.)

B. King Solomon in all Ms glory, (ii. 12 — x. 29.)

i. Removal of his adversaries.

(a) Adonijah asking Abishag to wife is put to death, ii. 12 — 25.
{b) Abiathar is thrust out of the priesthood, ii. 26, 27.
(^) Joab is slain at the altar, ii. 28 — 35.
{d) Shimei transgresses and is not spared, ii. 36 — 46.
* The wrath of a king is as messengers of death.' (Prov. xvi. 14.)
Thus, in the spirit of his age, did Solomon shew himself a man.

ii. His piety and wisdom.

(a) Gibeon the great high place, no Temple or royal house yet

built, iii. I — 4.

(b) Solomon's dream, and his prayer for wisdom, iii. 5 — 15.

harlots, iii. 16 — 28.
He that ruleth over men must be just, ruling in the fear of God.
(« Sam. xxiii. 3.)

xxii INTRODUCTION.

unto Thee.' (Ps. Ixviii. 29.) Mark how it is in conjunction with the
king's worship, according to God's law, that this prosperity is showered
upon him.

C. Solomon is turned away from the Lord, and his prosperity is
broken, (xi. i — 43.)

God's face is set against Solomon.

{a) The anger of God against Solomon, whose heart the strange
wives turned away. xi. i — 13.

{b) God raises up one adversary, Hadad the Edomite. xi. 14 — 22.

{c) A second adversary, Rezon the son of Eliada. xi. 23 — 25.

{d) A third out of Israel, Jeroboam the son of Nebat. x'. 26 — 28.

(e) Ahijah's prophecy and promise to Jeroboam, xi. 29—39.

{/) Solomon would have killed Jeroboam, xi. 40.

(g) Death of Solomon, xi. 41 — 43.
'The Lord shall stir up jealousy like a man of war. They shall be
turned back, they shall be greatly ashamed, that say to the molten
images. Ye are our Gods.' (Is. xlii. 13 — 17.)

D. The divided kingdoms, Israel and Judah. (i Kings xii. i^
2 Kings xviii. 12.)

i. Prelude to the separation.

{a) Petition made to Rehoboam at Shechem. xii. i — 5.
(^) He follov/s evil counsel, xii. 6 — 15.

[c) Revolt of Israel. Jeroboam chosen for king. xii. 16 — 20.
{d) Rehoboam forbidden to fight against IsraeL xii. 21 — 24.
God's hand is manifest in the whole story. *God is the judge, He
putteth down one and lifteth up another.' (Ps. Ixxv. 7.)

ii. ISRAEL. The son of Nebat who made Israel to sin.

(a) Jeroboam's policy ; the golden calves, the feast devised of his

own heart, xii. 25 — 33.
{b) A man of God from Judah to Israel. His message, xiii.

I — 10.
{c) His disobedience and its punishment, xiii. 11 — 32.
{d) Jeroboam persists in his evil way. xiii. 33, 34.
{e) Sends to Ahijah concerning the sickness of his son. xiv. i — 6.

INTRODUCTION. xxiii

(/) The prophet's message. The truth thereof confirmed by its

partial fulfilment, xiv. 7 — 18.
(g) Death of Jeroboam, xiv. 19, 20.

Commandments spumed bring their punishment. 'To obey is better
than sacrifice. Rebellion is as the sin of witchcraft, and stubbornness
is as iniquity and idolatry.' (i Sam. xv. 22, 23.)

iii. yUDAH. The lamp preserved for David's sake.

(a) Evil in Judah under Rehoboam. xiv. 21 — 24.

{b) Shishak plunders the Temple and the king's house, xiv.

25—28.
{c) Death of Rehoboam. xiv. 29 — 31.
{d) Abijam walks in the sins of his father, xv. i — 8.
(<r) Asa's heart perfect with the Lord. xv. 9 — 15.
(/) Growing weak in trust he makes a league with Benhadad. xv.

16 — 22.
{g) Asa's death, xv. 23 — 24.

The spoiled Temple is a fit emblem of the falling away of David's
line. God dehghts in the material house only when true worship is
paid in it.

iv. ISRAEL. The way ofyeroboam. The kings.

{a) Nadab is slain by Baasha. xv. 25 — 31.

{b) Baasha king. xv. 32 — 34.

(r) The word of the Lord unto Baasha by the mouth of Jehu.

xvi. I — 7.
[d) Elah, son of Baasha, slain by Zimri. xvi. 8 — 14.
(<?) Zimri's seven days' reign, and traitor's end. xvi. 15 — 20.
(/) Omri, after a conflict, obtains the throne and builds Samaria.

xvi. 21 — 28.
{g) Ahab exceeds the wickedness of all who went before him.

xvi. 29—34.

'Through the wrath of the Lord the land is darkened... no man shall
spare his brother. ' (Is. ix. 19.) Yet note in Israel the *pride and
stoutness of heart, ' which the prophet rebukes, as shewn in their grand
projects of building. (Is. ix. 10.) 'For the transgression of a land
many are the princes thereof.' (Prov. xxviii. 2.)

C 2

xxiv INTRODUCTION.

V. Elijah. The prophet in Israel.
(a) The famine foretold. Elijah hides at Cherith and in Sarepta.

xvii. I — 16.
(3) The widow's son dies and is restored, xvii. 17 — 24,
{c) Elijah in the presence of Ahab. xviii. i — 16.
{d) The challenge. God against Baal, xviii. 17 — 29.
(^) The Lord He is God. Baal's priests are slain, xviii. 30 — 40.
{J) Promise of rain, xviii. 41 — 46.
{g) Flight of Elijah to Horeb. xix. i — 8.
(h) God's revelations to him there, xix. 9 — 18.
(i) The calling of Elisha. xix. 19 — 21.

The bravest of God's heroes, yet broken in heart at last. H;^ longed
to do so much, but learnt r'. length how God works. *I, the Lord, will
hasten it in his time.' (Is. Ix. 22.)

vi. Syrian invasion of Israel,
(a) Arrogant claims of Benhadad. xx. i — 12.
(3) Victory promised and given to Ahab, xx. 13 — 21.
(f) A new attack defeated in like manner, xx. 22 — 30.
{d) Benhadad as cringeing as before he was haughty, xx. 31 — 34.
{e) Ahab weakly spares the man whom God had doomed, xx.
35—43.
Jehovah, longsufifering, does not cast off his rebellious people, nor let
them fall into any hands, but those of his special instruments. ' I am
the Lord, I change not; therefore ye sons of Jacob are not consumed.'
(Malachi iii. 6.)

vii. Naboth is stoned and is dead.
(a) Naboth the Jezreelite refuses to part with his vineyard.

xxi. I — 4.
(3) Jezebel compasses the death of Naboth. xxi. 5 — 16.
(^) Ahab taking possession hears God's doom from Elijah, xxi.

17—24.
(^) Some signs of repentance gain Ahab a respite, xxi. 25 — 29.

The evil examples on the throne have their fruit in other places. ' If
a ruler hearken to lies, all his servants are wicked. ' (Prov. xxix. 1 2.)

viii. yudah and Israel in alliance.
(a) Jehoshaphat goes witii Ahab to Ramoth-gilead. xxii. r — 28.

INTRODUCTION. xxv

{d) Ahab's ignoble end, according to the word of Elijah, xxii.
29—40.

(d) Ahaziah follows Ahab, on his throne and in his sins. xxii.

51 — 2 Kings i. 18.

(e) Elijah taken away. His spirit rests on Elisha. 11. i — 18.
(/) Elisha heals the waters at Jericho, and curses the youths at

Beth-el. 11. 19 — 25.
{g) Israel and Judah war against Edom. 111. i — 27.
Note the evil influence of this alliance on Jehoshaphat. He asks for a
prophet of the Lord, in the first expedition at the outset, but then he
neglects his words ; to the second war he goes, and only thinks of the
Lord's prophet, when he is in deep peril. Joined with Ahab in policy,
he is made his equal in penalty. *In his son's days' God brought evil
upon his house.

ix. Elisha. ' He did wonders in his life.^

{a) Elisha multiplieth the widow's oiL iv. i — 7.

{b) He promises a son to the Shunammite, and restores him to life

again, iv. 8 — 37.
(r) He heals the pottage at Gilgal, and satisfies a hundred men

with twenty loaves, iv. 38 — 44.
{d) Naaman is healed. Gehazi becomes leprous, v. i — 27.
(<?) Elisha causeth an axe-head to swim, vi. i — 7.
(/) He revealeth the plans of the Syrian king, and smites the

Syrian troops with blindness, vi. 8 — 23.
(^) Siege of Samaria. In the famine Elisha foretells a sudden

plenty, which cometh to pass. vi. 24 — vii. 20.
(/z) The Shunammite's land restored for Elisha's sake. vlii. i — 6.
(i) Elisha foretells Ben-hadad's death, and Hazael's cruelty, viii.

7—15.
Elijah at his death appeared to have achieved but little, yet Jehovah's
•seven thousand in Israel, all the knees which had not bowed unto
I'aal' (i Kings xix. 18) were found in many places, and gave some hope
to the labours of Elisha. But as a whole, 'Ephraim was joined to
idols.' (Hosea iv. 17.)

X. Fruits of the alliance between yudah and Israel,
{a) Jehoram king of Judah walks in the ways of the house of
Ahab. viii. 16 — 24.

xxvi INTRODUCTION.

{l>) Ahaziah, his son by Athaliah the daughter of Ahab, follows
the same path. viii. 25 — 27.

{(/) Jehu anointed at Ramoth Gilead. ix. i — 14.

{e) Jehu slays both the kings, and Jezebel also. ix. 15—37.
The law had spoken in vain to Jehoshaphat, and now the penalty is
strictly carried out. 'Thou shalt not make marriages with them: thy
daughter thou shalt not give unto his son, nor his daughter shalt thou
take unto thy son. For they will turn away thy son from following Me,
that they may serve other gods : so will the anger of the Lord be
kindled against you and destroy thee suddenly.' (Deut. vii. 3 — 4.)

xi. ISRAEL, yehii on the throne.

{a) Ahab's sons put to death, x. i — 1 1.

{b) Jehu's zeal against the Baalites. x. 12 — 28.

(r) The zeal stops short in its course, x. 29 — 31.

(</) Israel begins to be cut short. Death of Jehu. x. 32—36.
'My zeal for the Lord' was Jehu's boast. He forgot that he was only
the scourge of God. 'For he saith, By the strength of my hand I have
done it, and by my wisdom, for I am prudent.' (Is. x. 13.)

xii. yUDAH. Athaliah and Joash.

{a) Athaliah murders all the royal family except Joash. xi. i — 3.

(b) Jchoiada plans to kill her and set Joash on the throne.

xi. 4 — 21.
(r) Joash restores the dilapidated temple, xii. i — 16.
{d) Hazael's expedition against Jerusalem bought off. xii. 17 — 18.
{e) Joash is murdered by his servants, xii. 19- 21.
• A man that is laden with the blood of any person shall flee unto
the pit; let no man stay him.' (Prov. xxviii. 17 R.V.)

xiii. ISRAEL. The house of Jehu.

{a) Jehoahaz reigns ill, and is delivered into the hands of the

Syrians, xiii. i — 3.
{b) A saviour promised on his repentance, xiii. 4 — 9.

(d) Elisha on nis death bed visited by Jehoash. xiii. 14 — 19.

(e) Death of Elisha. Victories of Jehoash over Syria, xiii.

20—25.

INTRODUCTION. xxvii

' The Lord hath sent you all his servants the prophets, rising early
and sending them ; but ye have not hearkened, nor inclined your ear
to hear.* (Jer. xxv. 4.)

xiv. yUDAH. Amaziah meddling to his hurt.

(a) Amaziah reigns, and takes vengeance on his father's murderers.

xiv. I — 6.
{b) He conquers the Edomites. xiv. 7.
[c) His proud challenge to Jehoash and his defeat at Beth-

shemesh. xiv. 8 — 16.
(</) He is driven from Jerusalem by a conspiracy, and slain at

Lachish. xiv. 17 — 20.
(^) Azariah's accession, xiv. 21 — 22.
The moderation of Amaziah was praiseworthy at first and in accord
with God's law, but vanity led him astray. *A man's pride shall bring
him low.* (Prov. xxix. 23.)

XV. ISRAEL. Third and fourth generations of Jehiis house.

{a) Jeroboam II. follows in the ways of Jeroboam I. xiv.

23, 24.
{b) God has pity upon Israel, xiv. 25 — 27.
(r) Wars and victories of Jeroboam, xiv. 28.
{d) Zechariah, Jeroboam's son, succeeds, xiv. 29.
(^) Azariah reigns in Judah and is smitten with leprosy, xv.

1—7-
(/) Zechariah slain by Shallum brings Jehu's house to an end.

XV. 8 — 12.
The zeal of Jehu's descendants was even less than his own. Yet
God seemed waiting to the very end to enlarge His promise, to increase
His grace. But 'their iniquities have turned away these things, and
their sins have withholden good things from them.' (Jer. v. 25.)

xvi. ISRAEL and JUDAH. TJie Syro-Ephraimite war.

(a) Shallum, king of Israel, slain by Menahem. xv. 13 — 15.
{b) Menahem becomes a vassal of Assyria, xv. 16 — 22.
{c) Pekahiah, king of Israel, slain by Pekah. xv. 23 — 26.
{d) Pekah's kingdom attacked by Tiglath-pileser : Pekah slain by
Hoshea. xv. 27 — 31.

xxviii INTRODUCTION.

(r) Jotham, king of Judah. Pekah and Rezin, king of Samaria,

plot against him. xv. 32 — 38.
{/) Syro-Ephraimite war against Ahaz, who purchases the aid of

Tiglath-pileser. xvi. 1 — 9.
{g) Ahaz is entangled with Syrian idolatry. His death, xvi.
10 — 20.
Sorely needed was the prophet's message. 'Violence and spoil is
heard in her; before me continually is grief and wounds. Be thou
instructed, O Jerusalem, lest My soul depart from thee; lest I make thee
desolate, a land not inhabited.' (Jer. vi. 7 — 8.)

xvii. ISRAEL. Last days of the ten tribes.

{a) Hoshea attacked and taken prisoner by Shalmaneser. xvii.

1—4.
{b) The people carried captive for their many sins. xvii. 5—23.
(f) Samaria colonized by the Assyrians, xvii. 24.
[d) The colonists learn something of the worship of Jehovah.

xvii. 25 — 28.
(<?) But they worship still their own idols also. xvii. 29 — 41.
(_/) Ilezekiah, king of Judah. Second notice of the captivity of

Israel, xviii. i — 12.
' If they will not obey, I will utterly pluck up and destroy that
nation ' (Jer. xii. 17). As a people the ten tribes appear no more.

E. The two tribes. (2 Kings xviii. 13 — xxv. 30.)

i. Hezekiah.

[a) Sennacherib, king of Assyria, invades Judaea, and is bought

off for a brief period, xviii. 13 — 16.
(3) Defiant message of the Assyrian, xviii. 17--37.
(r) Hezekiah sends his ministers to Isaiah the prophet, xix.

1—7-
[d) A second message of defiance, xix. 8 — [3.
(<f) Hezekiah's prayer, xix. 14 — 19.
(J) The answer of Jehovah by his prophet, xix. 20 — 34.
(£) Assyrian overthrow, xix. 35 — 37.
(A) Hezekiah's sickness and recovery, xx. i — 11.
(i) His ostentation and the rebuke thereof, xx. 12 — 19.
(^) Death of Hezekiah. xx. 20, 21.
Hezekiah, a marvel of God's grace. 'A clean thing out of an un-
clean.' (Jobxiv. 4.) Who but God doeth this?

INTRODUCTION. xxix

ii. Miinasseh and Anion.

{a) Manasseh reigns and undoes all that Hezekiah had done.

xxi. I — lo.
(b) The doom of the land is sealed because of his sin. xxi.

II— 18.
(f) Amon follows in his father's steps, xxi. 19 — 22.
{d) He is slain by a conspiracy of his servants. xxL 23 — 26.

Manasseh's repentance avails for himself, but not for the nation he
has led so far astray. Yet ' God looketh upon men, and if any say, I
have sinned, and perverted that Avhich is right and it profited me not ;
He will deliver his soul from going into the pit, and his life shall see
the light. Lo, all these things worketh God oftentimes with man.'
(Job xxxiii. 27 — 29.)

But again of the perverse ' He striketh them as wicked men in the
open sight of others; because they turned back from Him, and would
not consider any of His ways.' (Job xxxiv. 25 — 27.)

iii. Josiah.

(a) Josiah succeeding repairs the temple, xxii. r — 7.

{U) Finding of the book of the Law and the effect thereof, xxii.

8— II.
{c) Huldah the prophetess consulted. Her answer, xxii. 12 — co.
{d) Josiah destroys idolatry out of the land and defiles the altar

at Beth-el. xxiii. i — 20.
((f) jCeeps a solemn passover, and banishes superstitious rites.

xxiii. 21 — 28.
{/) He is wounded at Megiddo and dies, xxiii. 29, 30.

* The remembrance of Josiah is like the composition of the perfume
that is made by the art of the apothecary: it is sweet as honey in all
mouths and as music at a banquet of wine.' (Eccles. xlix. i.)

iv. The falling away. * The Lord could not pardon.^

{a) Jehoahaz succeeds and is made prisoner by the Eg>'ptians.
xxxiii. 31—33.

(b) Jehoiakim set up by the Egyptians, xxiii. 34 — 37.

punished, xxiv. i — 7.

XXX INTRODUCTION.

{(i) Jehoiachin's brief reign. Thebeginningof the Captivity, xxiv.

8—16.
(e) Zedekiah reigns and rebels against Babylon, xxiv. 17 — 20.
(/) Siege and capture of Jerusalem, and of her last king. xxv.

1—8.
{^0 Burning of the city and deportation of spoil and captives.

xxv. 9 — 21.
{/i) Gedaliah the governor of the residue being slain by Ishmael

the people flee to Egypt, xxv. 22 — 26.
{i) Kindly treatment of Jehoiachin by Evil-merodach. xxv.

27—30.

And so was brought to pass what Jeremiah had foretold, and en-
forced by an example con.tantly present before those to whom the
prophet's message was all in vain (Jer. vii. 12 — 16) * Go ye now unto
my place which was in Shiloh...and see what I did to it for the wicked-
ness of my people Israel. And now because ye have done all these
works... therefore will I do unto this house which is called by My name,
wherein ye trust, and unto the place which I gave to you and to your
fathers as I have done to Shiloh... Therefore pray not thou for this
people, neither lift up cry nor prayer for them, neither make interces-
sion to Me : for I will not hear thee.'

iv. Historical Survey of the Book of Kings.

With the exception of two reigns, this book embraces the
whole regal period of Israelite history. The reign of Saul, the
first king, had been almost an utter failure, that of David in
many points was a signal success. The work ot the compiler of
Kings commences at David's deathbed, but he opens his history
without introduction, clearly designing it to be a contin'iation of
the books of Samuel. Solomon was anointed and enthroned
before the death of his father because of an attempt, that was
made by another brother, to seize the succession for himself, in
defiance of a promise (i Kings i. 13) which David had given to
Bathsheba that Solomon should reign after him. The new king
had not been lon^ crowned before he received the dying charge
of his father, and when the fierce measures against certain
individuals, which David counselled, had been carried into

INTRODUCTION. xxxi

effect, Solomon became, as his name implies (i Chron. xxii. 9) a
man of peace. In strong contrast to the warlike times of David,
is the recital of Hadad's apparently unopposed return to the
throne of Edom, and of the establishment of Rezon as king in
Damascus (i Kings xi.).

Yet though he engaged but little in war, Solomon introduced
in many ways a new and splendid era for his people. In litera-
ture and science he was instructed beyond the most learned men
of the time; in commerce he established relations not only with
Tyre, and the Hittite and Syrian kingdoms close at hand, but
with Arabia, Egypt and perhaps with India through his fleet
on the Red Sea. while ships of his were also sailing along with
those of Phcenicia to the various countries on the Mediterranean.
In art he called to his aid the best architectural skill which Tyre
and Sidon could supply, while the internal organization of the
land was made in its character as complete as possible to supply
the magnificence and luxury of a court the fame of which drew
the queen of distant Sheba to Jerusalem, where she found the
reality to overpass every report that had been made to her con-
cerning it. Hence we need not be surprised that among his
wives Solomon numbered, beside the daughter of Pharaoh,
princesses from all the nations round about ; nor is it to be
wondered at, when they beheld the lavish expenditure which had
been bestowed on the temple, that they asked and obtained from
the king that some, if not with equal, magnificence should
be exhibited in honour of the divinities of the lands from
whence they had come. Solomon was rich and manifestly
fond of state. So there arose outside the city on the hill, after-
wards known in consequence as the Mount of Offence, temples
to Ashtoreth, whose worship his Zidonian artizans may have
made well known to Israel, as well as to those other gods whom
the writer of Kings terms 'the abominations' of Moab and of
Ammon.

To meet the outlay needed for his buildings, and for
the costly service of his court Solomon made heavy exactions
from his people both in money and in forced labour. Hence
his reign though glorious had been burdensome. Yet for

xxxii INTRODUCTION.

David's son, a monarch of such wide extended fame, burdens
were for a long time patiently endured, but when Solomon's son
succeeded his father a cry went up from the whole land 'Make
our heavy burdens lighter.' Rehoboam was headstrong and,
following foolish advice, spake not of relaxation but of greater
severity, and in consequence of his words ten out of the twelve
tribes fell away from David's house, and made them a king
of their own. Jeroboam, the son of Nebat, the man whom
they set up, was one who had been employed by Solomon
to superintend the taskwork of his forced labourers. He seems
to have sympathised with the murmurs which that service
evoked and in some way or other to have sided with those
who desired to be delivered from it. He also was encouraged
by one of the prophets (i Kings xi. 31) to take part with
those who were the adversaries of Solomon. Hence before
Solomon's death Jeroboam had been forced to flee into
Egypt, but he appears to have returned about the time of
that event, and to have been welcomed and accepted by
the revolting tribes as their fittest leader. A separate kingdom
was estabhshed with its capital at Shechem, and the new
king, that his people might not be won over to Rehoboam
by going up to Jerusalem to worship in the temple, instituted
two shrines in his own dominions, where he set up golden
calves and persuaded the people to accept them as symbols
of the Jehovah who had brought them out of Egypt. For this
he is constantly branded by the writer of Kings as 'the son
of Nebat who made Israel to sin.'

Rehoboam failed to win back his revolted subjects, but
Jeroboam's action, in fortifying Penuel on the other side of
the Jordan, seems to shew that he did not feel altogether secure
on his throne, and would prepare for himself a stronghold in
the mountainous region of Gilead. The reign of Rehoboam was
in other respects not prosperous. The king of Egypt, Shishak,
invaded the land (i Kings xiv. 25), and plundered the temple
of much of its v. :.ijth, while Jeroboam with the forces of the
northern kingdom harassed Judah exceedingly (i Kings xiv. 30).
These attacks were successfully repelled by Abijam (2 Chron.

INTRODUCTION. xxxiii

xiii. 19), Rehoboam's son, while Asa his gi-andson so strengthened
his army as to be able to resist not only the northern power but
also an invasion of the Ethiopians, who appear to have medi-
tated an invasion of Judah similar to that of Shishak in the
previous generation (2 Chron. xiv. 12).

Meanwhile in Israel Nadab, the son of Jeroboam, had
turned his arms against the Philistines (i Kings xv. 27), but in
the course of the war was slain by one of his own people,
Baasha ; who also made himself king, and did to death all that
belonged to Jeroboam. This fate had been proclaimed before-
hand by the mouth of the same prophet (Ahijah) who had en-
couraged the founder of the new kingdom in his first revolt
against Solomon. Kings in Israel succeeded one another
with great rapidity, the throne being nearly always reached,
as in Baasha's case, through the blood of a predecessor.
In the reign of Omri, the sixth king, however, the power and
influence of the ten tribes increased, and so great a mark
did this sovereign make in the affairs of the neighbouring
nations that in the Assyrian records the kingdom of Israel
is continually spoken of as ' the house of Omri.' Omri
built him a new capital, which he named Samaria, a name
which ultimately came to be applied to the whole kingdom.
From the Moabite stone we learn about the conflicts between
him and his neighbour Mesha, the king of Moab, and the
victory seems for a while to have been on the side of Israel,
though the conquests of Omri and his son Ahab were all re-
taken by Moab in the days of Ahaziah, Ahab's son and suc-
cessor. We find, too, that Omri was not always victorious
against the Syrians, as after one defeat (i Kings xx. 34) the
Syrian monarch made streets for himself in the new-built city
of Samaria.

The SOP of Omri seems to have gone beyond his father in
his desire to adorn the land with magnificent buildings. He
was the Solomon, of the northern kingdom, both in his archi-
tectural tastes and in his connexion with Phoenicia. He had
for wife a daughter of the king of Zidon ; hence he could attract
to his country workmen of the greatest skill of that period, and

xxxiv INTRODUCTION.

we can picture to ourselves how gorgeous the fabrics must have
been that are alluded to by the historian as ' the ivory house
which he made and the many cities that he built.' By the wish
of Jezebel his wife he reared up a grand temple to Baal, and
at her instigation became a fervent devotee of the Phoenician
divinities, so that it is said of him ' there was none like unto
Ahab which did sell himself to work wickedness.'

The Syrians were to him most troublesome neighbours.
Twice did Benhadad come against Samaria, and though he was
repelled there, we find the Syrian forces in possession of Ramoth-
gilead at the close of Ahab's reign. But the largest part of the
history during the reign of Ahab is devoted to the work of the
prophet Elijah. Into '.he midst of the excessive wickedness
God sends the most wondrous of His prophets. He comes 'ipon
the scene most abruptly, and in the name of Jehovah an-
nounces 'there shall not be dew nor rain but according to
my word.' Every part of Elijah's life bears out the de-
scription of the writer of Ecclesiasticus (xlviii. i). He was *as
fire and his word burned like a lamp.' By a demonstration of
the vanity of Baal-worship and of the truth of his own mission,
he on one occasion for the moment carried the people with
him and made them his agents in the slaughter of the idolatrous
priesthood. But the evil appeared even then too deep-rooted
for remedy, and the sentence of Jehovah was given, *him
that dieth of Ahab in the city the dogs shall eat, and him
that dieth in the field shall the fowls of the air eat.' 'The dogs
shall eat Jezebel by the wall of Jezreel.' A sentence most
terrible, but carried out to the very letter.

Ahab came to his death in the battle of Ramoth-gilead. Re-
solved to recover that city from the Syrians, he inviied Jeho-
shaphat, who had succeeded his father Asa as king of judah, to
go with him to the war, for there was now peace and alliance be-
tween the two kingdoms. Jehoshaphat consented in most liberal
wise, but the whole undertaking was disastrous. The troops of
Israel and Juda^ fled like shepherdless sheep, and Anab was
wounded so fatally that he died the same day. He left many
children, but his immediate successor was crippled by a fall,

INTRODUCTION. xxxv

and in his brief two years' reign Moab regained its freedom, nor
could any effort be made to drive the Syrians from the trans-
jordanic portion of Israel.

It is not unlikely that the magnificence of the house of Ahab
proved attractive to Jehoshaphat, and probably the connexion
of Ahab with the Phoenician power made his alliance one to be
courted by the smaller kingdom. So it came to pass that a son
of Jehoshaphat took to wife a daughter of Ahab, and Israel and
Judah were completely at one. When therefore Jehoram,
another son of Ahab, followed his brother on the throne of
Israel, there was once more an alliance for war purposes be-
tween the two monarchs. Jehoram would fain subdue the
revolted Moabites, and the king of Judah accompanies the son,
as he had before accompanied the father, to battle, and likewise
compels the Edomite monarch, who was at this time a vassal of
Judah, to give the troops a passage through his country, and to
contribute his help against Moab. The expedition, during
which Elisha foretold a sudden supply of water to the thirsty
. army, was in the end attended with no success.

The northern enemy of Israel, the Syrians, must have been
withheld in some way from their inroads upon Israel at the
period when Jehoram found himself able to collect his troops
and march southward against Moab, but the time of peace did
not last long. We hear first of irregular bands of marauders
sent by Syria to scour the country, whose plans however were
thwarted now and again by information given to the Israelite
king by the prophet Elisha. But at last Benhadad gathered
his hosts together and investing Samaria reduced the popu-
lation to the verge of starvation, so that the most revolting
means were resorted to for maintaining life. The siege was
however abandoned. A panic seized the Syrian troops, and
when the Israelites heard of it and ventured forth they found
the enemy's camp deserted and spoil of all kinds left in con-
fusion. So plenty took the place of hunger. The Syrian king
Benhadad, no long time after, was murdered as he lay on his
sick bed by Hazael, one of his officers, who made himself king
of Syria, and in the future wrought much evil upon Israel. We

xxxvi INTRODUCTION,

know that already in Jehoram's reign the assaults of Hazaelhad
commenced, for the army of Israel was holding Ramoth-gilead
against him when the judgement pronounced a generation before
upon the house of Ahab received its complete fulfilment.

At the death of Elijah Ahab's family were still reigning, and
to the outward view not much had been accomplished by the
prophet's life. But the fruit of his work made itself felt in the
days of Elisha. Schools of the prophets were multiplied, the
seven thousand, of whom God spake (i Kings xix. i8) who had
not bowed the knee to BaaJ, were made manifest in many places,
and Elijah's words were remembered by some who appeared
little likely to have borne them in mind. When the prophet
foretold the doom of Ahab as he stood in the portion of the newly
murdered Naboth, there was in the retinue of the king one Jehu
the son of Nimshi, an officer of the Israelite army, who after
Ahab's death came to be in chief command while Jehoram was
holding Ramoth-gilead. Jehoram had gone from Ramoth to
Jezreel because of a wound he had received, and in his absence
Elisha despatched one of the ?ons of the prophets to give to
Jehu a divine commission for the execution of utter destruction
on the house of his master. Jehu had treasured up the saying
of Elijah, and both he and his comrades were no unwilling
instruments to carry out the sentence. Riding at once to Jez-
reel, they not only put to death Jehoram, but also Ahaziah,
Jehoshaphat's son, the king of Judah who had come to visit his
kinsman the king of Israel. Jehoram's dead body was left in
Naboth's vineyard, while from a window in j ezreel, Jezebel was
thrown down and trampled to death under the feet of Jehu's
horses. By some questionable strokes of policy he succeeded in
destroying all the children of Ahab, and in cutting rff at one
blow all who were given up to the worship of Baal. The Phoe-
nician rites were abolished in Israel and never appeared again.

The name of Jehu is found in the Assyrian inscriptions more
than once, and it is a sign of the great influence of the previous
dynasty, that a'" Samaria for a long time was known to the
Assyrians as the 'house of Omri,' so Jehu figures as 'the son of
Omri.' It is not clear what Jehu's relations with Assyria were,

INTRODUCTION. xxxvii

but we gather from the Scripture stoiy (2 Kings x. 32) that they
were not of such a nature as to help him to ward off the hosts
of his nearer neighbours the Syrians. 'Hazael smote them in
all the coasts of Israel' and from the prophecy of Amos (i. and
ii.) we see that Moab and Ammon were in league with S}Tia, so
that Jehu was beset on every side. Nor was the case of his
successor any better (2 Kings xiii. 3). *The Lord delivered
Israel into the hand of Hazael, and into the hand of Benhadad
the son of Hazael, all their days/ and the army of Jehoahaz was
reduced at this time to the most insignificant dimensions (2
Kings xiii. 7). But the closing days of this king and the reign
of his son and successor were of such a character as to gain the
favour of God and the approval of His prophet, for Elisha on
his death bed was visited by Jehoash, and promised him a suc-
cession of victories over his enemies. Encouraged no doubt by
the prophet's words the king took up arms, and was able to
drive the Syrian hosts out of the lands on the west of the
Jordan, while in the days of Jeroboam II., the son and successor
of Jehoash, the eastern districts of Gilead and Bashan were
also recovered, and the dominion of Israel extended 'from the
entering in of Hamath unto the sea of the Arabah,' a result
which we are told had been foreseen and spoken of by the
prophet Jonah, who flourished in these times.

But the whole nation was corrupt, and the luxury introduced
by these conquests increased the evil. The picture of the hfe in
Samaria at this period is painted for us by the prophet Amos,
and as we read the description of the wanton excesses and
sensual self-indulgence we are in no wonder that judgement
came quickly upon the whole land. God was preparing his rod,
the Assyrian, and even before the external blows fell, internal
violence was working out the ruin of the nation. Zechariah, the
son of Jeroboam II., was murdered after a short reign, and thus
the four generations promised to Jehu's dynasty were brought
to a violent end. The murderer Shallum was himself slain within
a month, and the reign of his successor, Menahem, marked
the annals of Israel with atrocities unknown before. It was
in his day that the Assyrian power first came against the

I. KINGS d

xxxviii INTRODUCTION.

land. Pul, the king of Assyria, who must previously have
reduced the power of Syria, which lay between, drew near to
attack Israel (2 Kings xv. 19), and Menahem compounded for
the possession of his crown by becoming the vassal of Assyria,
and by the payment of an enormous tribute which he exacted
from the people of the land, and the amount of which de-
monstrates the wealthy condition of Israel even in this age of
disorder and misrule. Pekahiah succeeded his father, but two
years only passed away, before he was dethroned and slain by
Pekah one of his captains. In the reign of this king we begin
to discern clearly how the dominion of Assyria was spreading,
and bringing into subjection all the neighbouring kingdoms.

Turning back to notice the kingdom of Judah, we find that
when Ahaziah was slain by Jehu, Athaliah the queen, the
daughter of Ahab, put all the seed royal to death, with the
exception of one infant boy, who escaped and was kept in
safety under the protection of the high priest. After a reign of
six years, vengeance fell upon the bloodstained queen, and the
seven years old child, Joash, wa> put upon the throne of David,
and held his seat for forty years. But, like the northern king-
dom, Judah was constantly feeling tho pressure of Syrian in-
roads. The armies of Damascus came in the days of Joash,
and overran the country of the Philistines, capturing the eity
of Gath (2 Kings xii. 17). Jerusalem lay temptingly near at
hand, and Hazael set his face to go up thither, but the treasures
of the temple and the king's house were drawn upon once more,
the enemy retired, and we hear of no further tioubles from war
in this long reign, though for some reason his own people con-
spired against Joash, and did not let him die a natural death.
Amaziah, the son of Joash, must also have been free from in-
roads on the north, for he was able, after punishing the mur-
derers of his father, to lead his army southward and win great
victories over the Edomites. Elated thereby, he sent a foolish
challenge to Jehoash of Israel, and refusing good counsel, en-
gaged in war ^^ lih him, and was defeated in a battle at Beth-
shemesh, and the future of his life is not very clearly set forth
in the Bible narrative. We read how the king of Israel brake

INTRODUCTION. xxxix

down the northern walls of Jerusalem, and brought the king of
Judah as a captive into his own capital, but whether he was put
again on the throne, or his son was made regent during the
rest of the father's lifetime, is a question which is involved in
some obscurity.

But in spite of these losses to Israel, his son Azariah
(Uzziah) must have been able to continue his father's con-
quests in Idumaea, for we find him restoring Elath (2 Kings
xiv. 22), and thus opening once more the door of commerce to
Judah by the way of the Red Sea, so that at this period Judah
and Israel alike must have advanced to a high degree of material
prosperity. Yet towards the end of his life king Azariah was
smitten with leprosy for going into the temple and usurping the
priest's duty of offering incense at the altar. The reign of his
son Jotham was the time when an alliance was formed between
Israel and Syria to crush the house of David and to put a
creature of their own upon the throne of Judah, but Jotham
was dead before these plans could be carried out. It is in the
history of this Syro-Ephraimite war that Isaiah's prophetic
ministry comes most markedly before us, and in connexion with
which was uttered that wondrous prophecy of the Virgin-born
son (Is. vii. 14), of which only the fulness of time beheld the
complete fulfilment. The influence of the prophet was not
however strong enough with king Ahaz to persuade him to trust
wholly in Jehovah. Help was sought from Tiglath Pileser, and
Israel's kmg became the tributar)' of Ass>Tia. Damascus was
taken and overthrown, and her king put to death, while as their
manner was the conquerors carried away the Syrian population
and settled them in a distant land. Pekah must have speedily
ceased to harass Judah, probably deterred by the fate which
had befallen his northern ally at the hands of the Assyrian
king. Yet his death was not unbloody, for ' Hoshea the son
of Elah smote him and slew him and reigned in his stead.' In
the days of Pekah, Assyria had captured a large number of
the cities in the tribe of Naphthah, in the north of Israel. It
may be that Hoshea discovered that if he could bring about
Pekah's death, he would have the Assyrians on his side and be

xl INTRODUCTION.

made king of Israel. For so it came to pass, but the alliance
was only a short one if it were made. Tiglath Pileser was suc-
ceeded by Shalmaneser, and in a very short time the Israelite
monarch, who should have been faithful to those who appear to
have set him on the throne, was found to be intriguing with
Egypt, and for this offence there was no pardon. The capital
city was besieged and taken by Assyria after three years, during
which time Shalmaneser died and was followed by Sargon. The
inhabitants of the ten tribes were deported, while strange people
from other lands were put in their place that the country might
not be untenanted. Thus was brought about the end of the
northern kingdom and the people of the ten tribes, with the
exception of a few who returned with the captivity of Judah in
the time of Cyrus, were lost from henceforth, in their intermix-
ture with the nations whither they were carried away.

We have now to follow the history of Judah alone, from the
sixth year of Hezekiah, the son of Ahaz. This king instituted
great religious reforms at the outset of his reign, but was sorely
troubled by the inroads of Assyria. Greed of conquest was
leading the arm.ies of Nineveh nearer and nearer to the confines
of Egypt, and urging them to absorb into their dominion all the
countries which lay in the midst. Sennacherib had succeeded
Sargon, and he came with his forces against the country of the
Philistines, and while engaged in the siege of Lachish sent
threats to Hezekiah that Jerusalem should next be assailed.
The king of Judah bought, as he thought, a respite at a large
price. But in spite of the tribute, from some reason or other,
Sennacherib felt that Jerusalem was too strong a position to be
left unsubdued in his rear while he marched toward Egypt.
Hence his ambassadors came again with insulting bi-isphemies
against the God of Judah, and taunting boasts a.rainst the
feebleness of Hezekiah. But for His own sake and for His
servant David's sake Jerusalem was at this time delivered. A
spirit of panic came over the Assyrians, and a great part of
their army was destroyed by a pestilence. Sennacherib in con-
sequence withdrew, and soon after was slain by two of his own
sons.

INTRODUCTION. xli

At this time we begin to hear of that Chaldaean power,
which in the end prevailed against Assyria, and was the agent
in the final overthrow of Jerusalem. Babylon was beginning to
rise against Nineveh, and, as we may conclude, with a wish to
get help in such a struggle, the Chaldean ruler turned his
thoughts to Judah. The envoys of Berodach-baladan — for he
was at this time king of Babylon — came professedly to con-
gratulate Hezekiah on his recovery from a severe disease, but
really to sound him in reference to a war in common against the
armies of Nineveh. Hezekiah was disposed to listen to their
proposals, and made a great display of all his treasures and
his military resources. For this, God's anger was pronounced
against him by Isaiah, and he was told that the days should
come when all his descendants and all that he possessed should
be made a booty by these very Babylonians before whom he
had been thus ostentatious. A portion of this prophecy was
literally fulfilled in the next reign, for Manasseh the son of
Hezekiah was taken prisoner and carried away to Babylon
(2 Chron. xxxiii. 11), and thus began the first stage of Judah's
subjection. Manasseh is handed down to us as an unprece-
dently wicked monarch, and Amon his son followed in his
steps.

Under Jcsiah there was a time of much reformation
and a hope of better days. He did more than any previous
king to bring about purity of religious worship, and destroyed
the magnificent temples which Solomon had erected on the
Mount of Offence and which hitherto had been spared, pro-
bably because they stood far outside the city and were structures
of much architectural beauty. Josiah was manifestly under the
protection of Assyria, for when the king of Egypt, Pharaoh-
necoh, had come by sea to Palestine, and was about to begin
his march against the Assyrians, Josiah went northward in
pursuit of him and was slain in a battle at Megiddo. This
Egyptian expedition was for a brief time successful, but soon
all that had belonged to Egypt down to the very confines of
their own land fell into the hands of the Babylonians (2 Kings
xxiv. 7). In the place of Josiah, the people of Judah set up his

xlii INTRODUCTION.

son Jehoahaz. He was however allowed only a three months'
reign, for Pharaoh made him prisoner and put his brother
Jehoiakim into his place, no doubt making him swear sub-
jection to Egypt, and imposing as large a tribute as he could
exact.

Judah became now an object of attack by Babylon, and
Nebuchadnezzar sent not only some Chaldasans to ravage the
land but incited all the neighbouring tribes to join in the
attack on the ally of Egypt. Jehoiakim reigned eleven years in
this turmoil, his son and successor Jehoiachin but three
months. For Egypt was now utterly broken, and the new king
judged it to be his best policy to go forth and submit and make
peace with Nebuchadnezzar if he might. His fate was a pro-
tracted captivity in Babylon, and along with him were carried
away many of the distinguished people of the land, and among
them went the prophet Ezekiel. A third son of Josiah, Zedekiah,
was placed on the throne of Judah as Nebuchadnezzar's vassal,
but after a time thought himself strong enough to rebel. This
provoked the final blow. The Chaldaeans besieged and took
the city, burned the temple and all the chief buildings, and
carried all but the poorest of the people into captivity. Over
this remnant they placed a governor Gedaliah, but he was soon
assassinated, thereupon the people fled away into Egypt in
terror of what the Babylonians would do as vengeance for the
murder of their officer. It was by these fugitives that Jeremiah
was taken down to Egypt, and the after-fate • 'f that prophet is
wholly unknown.

One final word the writer of Kings records, an omen perhaps
he thought it of a coming relief for the whole captive nation. In
the thirty-seventh year of Jehoiachin's captivity a nen' king of
Babylon, Evil-merodach, came to t]ie throne, and lifted up the
long imprisoned king of Judah, and raised him to a place cf
honour among the vassals whom he kept around him.

INTRODUCTION. xliii

V. Character of the Book of Kings and its Rela-
tion TO OTHER books OF THE OLD TESTAMENT.

The Book of Kings was clearly meant to be a continuation
of the Books of Samuel. The writer alludes continually in the
life of Solomon to the promises which had been made by God
to David and which are mentioned in the second of those
books. A son was to succeed David whose kingdom should
be established of the Lord, who should build a house for the
name of Jehovah, to whom God would be a father, and from
whom the mercy of the Lord should not depart (2 Sam. vii.).
To shew that this prophecy was fulfilled is the object of the
Compiler of the Book of Kings, and whatever does not conduce
thereto is passed over with but little notice. There elapsed,
no doubt, a considerable time between the plague in Jerusalem,
with which the Books of Samuel conclude, and the feeble age
of David described in the opening paragraph of this Book.
But to give historical events in their full and complete order is
no part of our writer^s aim. We can see this from every por-
tion of his work. He opens his narrative with so much, and
no more, of the story of David's closing life as serves to intro-
duce the accession of Solomon, while to the history of that
monarch, in whom the promises made to David had so con-
spicuous a fulfilment, he devotes about one quarter of his whole
work. Solomon's glory and prosperity are set forth in the
early chapters, and he is exhibited as the king whom God had
set up over Israel to do judgement and justice. While he
walked in this way it was well with him ; but on his decline
therefrom, chastisements divinely sent came heavy upon him
and upon his son. Yet God would preserve a lamp unto
David, and over and over again we are reminded that this pro-
mise was not forgotten (i Kings xi. 36; xv. 4; 2 Kings viii. igX

After the revolt of the ten tribes, and when a forbidden form
of worship had been adopted in the northern kingdom, the
history follows Israel in her long line of wicked princes till sin
has brought destruction, while the fortunes of David's housr

xliv INTRODUCTION.

are traced in such wise as to keep prominently before us the
ever- preserved succession ; and in the closing sentences of the
Book we are told of one of the royal line still remaining, to
whom, though he is still a prisoner in Babylon, mercy and
kindness is shewn by the successor of that monarch who had
led him away captive. * What God hath promised to the house
of David He has thus fulfilled' is the theme of the Book, and
except where political and military affairs illustrate his subject
the Compiler concerns himself very little with them. From a
comparison with the Chronicles, we find that he has omitted
whole sections of such history which lay ready to his hand.

Besides this exposition of the fulfilment of God's promises
to David, the writer introduces very few other subjects with
any detail, save the histories of Elijah and Elisha. These syn-
chronise with the darkest period of the history of the ten tribes,
when Baal-worship had been superadded to the worship of the
calves, and they seem to be specially dealt on that it may be
made manifest how great was God's long-suffering to Israel,
and that His promise to Jeroboam, made in as large terms as
that to David (i Kings xi. 38), was only rendered void by a
determined persistence in evil doing.

The Book of Kings, then, is not a history properly so called,
but a selection from the historical documents of the nation
made with a definite purpose. That the Compiler makes his
extracts most faithfully we have many indications, notably that
frequently-occurring phrase, ' unto this day.' a phrase true
enough when the original documents from which our Compiler
drew were written, but altogether inexact in B.C. 562, and only
preserved because of the entire faithfulness to his copy of him
who made the extracts. And the indications of such faithful-
ness are of the utmost importance when we come to estimate
other characteristics of the Book.

The most important question of this kind which arises con-
cerns the relation of the Book of Kings to the Pentateuch. In
seeking to give an answer to such a question we have to remark
how thoroughly, in nearly every chapter, the thread and tissue
of the narrative is interwoven with the thoughts and phraseology

INTRODUCTION. xlv

of the Books of Moses. Such a chapter as that which contains
Solomon's dedication prayer is largely expressed in the words of
Numbers, Leviticus and Deuteronomy. Had that chapter stood
alone it might have been ascribed to some later writer familiar
with the language of the Mosaic books, and if those books or a
large portion of them were of late composition, the dedication
prayer might also be set down as of late date. But it is not
one single chapter which reechoes the Mosaic diction, re-
semblances of a like kind exist throughout in considerable
abundance. And it is hard to believe that the Compiler of
Kings, taking in hand documents which existed long before
his day, some as far back as the time of Solomon himself,
changed their whole character by introducing language, which,
according to some, was not existent before the days of king
Josiah. The work is not of such a patchwork character.

We cannot read the long address of David to Solomon to
'be strong and keep the charge of the Lord, and to walk in his
ways, &c.' (i Kings ii. 2, 3), or Solomon's injunction concerning
Joab's death ' that it should take away the innocent blood '
(ii. 31), or the same king's description of his people, 'one which
God had chosen, a great people that cannot be numbered nor
counted for multitude' (iii. 8), without feeling that the thoughts
and language of Numbers, Leviticus, and Deuteronomy were
very familiar to writers of these chapters, chapters which are
due in all probability in their substance not to the Compiler of
the Books of Kings, but to Nathan the seer, Ahijah the Shilonite
and Iddo the seer, quoted (2 Chron. ix. 29) as the several
authorities for the records of Solomon's reign.

Again in such a history as that of the trial and execution of
Naboth, the whole narrative carries us back to the laws, manners
and customs which have their rise in the Books of Moses. So
too do the frequent phrases which occur of such a kind as that
'the eyes and heart of God shall be perpetually upon His
house' ; that offending Israel 'shall be a proverb and a byword
among all people, so that men shall say, Why hath the Lord
done thus unto this land'; that Israel shall not intermarry with
the heathen, 'Ye shall not go in to them, neither shall they come

xlvi INTRODUCTION.

in to you for surely they will turn away your hearts after their
gods.' Again that proverbial phrase occurring several times
over 'him that is shut up and left in Israel' has its source in
Deuteronomy (xxxii. 36), whence also comes the phrase 'to
provoke the Lord God of Israel to anger with their vanities.^
Allusions to the feast of the new moon (2 Kings iv. 23) ; to the
meal offerings in the temple (2 Kings iii. 20) ; to the money of
the guilt offerings and of the sin offerings as something which
by the law belonged to the priests (2 Kings xii. 16), all bring to
mind the words of Exodus, Leviticus and Numbers, where these
regulations are recorded. So too with the recital of the idolatrous
practices of Ahaz (2 Kings xvi.). It is entirely couched in the
expressions which are fwund in the book of Deuteronomy, while
that solemn enumeration (2 Kings xvii.) of those offences for
which the northern kingdom was destroyed abounds with the
phrases which are to be met with in Exodus, Leviticus and
Deuteronomy. If the faithfulness of the Compiler is to be
accepted as equally displayed throughout his whole work, and
there is no reason why it should not be, the records from which
he drew had been written by those to whom the language found
in our present Books of Moses was abundantly familiar. That
such a position may be accepted it is not necessary to suppose
that those Books existed exactly as we have them, in the days
of David and Solomon, Jehoshaphat and Hezekiah, but that
there did exist something very analogous thereto, som.ething
which the redactors after the Captivity without difficulty cast
into the present form.

These considerations are of much importance when we come
to enquire concerning the character of that Book c^ the Law
which we are told was found by Hilkiah in the house of the
Lord while the restoration of the temple was in progress in
the reign of Josiah. That the book which was found was simply
the Book of Deuteronomy, an opinion held by many, is a view
which appears somewhat untenable. It is spoken of as 'the
Book of the Law' or 'this Book of the covenant,' a phrase used
always to designate the Books of Moses as a whole, but not a
portion of them or any single book by itself. Deuteronomy

INTRODUCTION. xlvii

was included in what was found, for the threats which are
written in that book are expressly cited as making a deep
impression upon the mind of Josiah, but Exodus must also
have been included, for nowhere else are there found those
complete and precise directions for the passover, which Josiah
must have had before him when he arranged for its celebration
in all its primitive order.

Josiah expressed no surprise when he was told that 'the Book
of the Law' had been found, and the language of Huldah, when
she was applied to, is that of one who was quite conscious of the
existence of such a book. The name may have been applied
at different times in the history of Israel to a collection varying
in bulk, and perhaps in some portions of its form, but it was
the name which was applied from the first to the laws of the
people as a whole, and not to a single portion. There had
existed long before Josiah's day something which had passed
under the name of 'the Law of the Lord.' Its directions
were given to the people by the priests, and we need not
assume that the number of copies which existed was very
great.' But copies did exist or Huldah would not have spoken
as she did, and it is an evidence that Hilkiah's book was not
an invention of the priestly body in Josiah's day, that no voice
is raised to dispute what is read from it, no word is uttered
that points to it as something hitherto unknown. In the days
of Hezekiah there cannot fail to have existed a copy to which
that reforming king could refer, though his passover-celebration
seems to have been less complete than that of Josiah, and it is
likely that the men of Hezekiah (Prov. xxv, i) who gathered the
Proverbs of Solomon were also employed in making copies of
the Law as it then existed. But in the evil days which followed
Hezekiah's reign, there was inducement enough offered for
those who had a knowledge of such a book to cast it away,
and the temple and its services were so far abolished or neg-
lected as to account very naturally for the disappearance of a
copy which had been laid up in the house of the Lord. Josiah
may never have heard more than the directions which the
priests gave concerning the worship of Jehovah in the temple.

xlviii INTRODUCTION.

and an exact recital of the words of the covenant of God with
Israel may have been entirely strange to him. What Hilkiah
brought to him was an authoritative record of what hitherto he
had received as tradition. The tradition had been incomplete.
When the king learns the Law in greater fulness, he trembles
with dread lest the curses therein denounced should fall upon
him and his land because of inadequacy of the service which
they had been rendering.

'The Book of the Law,' or 'the Book of the Covenant' was
an ancient name and not an invention of Josiah's time. The
contents of that which was so called need not be supposed to
have been always the -^ame, but to have been increased in
amount by the ordinances which developed from the most
primitive code. What was discovered at this time was a copy
of that which passed by the name 'Book of the Law' in the
days of Hezekiah or even later, and the abundance of the
quotations from the Books of Moses, and the great likeness to
the language of those Books in the phraseology of our present
Book of Kings, are evidence as good as can be desired of the
existence of what we now know as Exodus, Leviticus, Numbers
and Deuteronomy, in some form or otiier all through the times
of the kingdom.

CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE.

Solomon king over the whole nation, 1015 — 975.

- r/3

JUDAH

B.C.

975

ISRAEL

Xtehoboaxn

Jeroboam

Jeroboam, builds Penuel(i Kings

xii. 25)

Sh ishak plunders Je ritsa lent

(i Kings xiv. 25 — 26)

Abij am (18th year of Jeroboam)
1 Kings XV. I ; 2 Chron. xiii. i

957

Asa (20th year of Jeroboam)
I Kings XV. 9

955

954

N'adab(2nd year of Asa) i Kings
XV. 25

953

Baasba (3rd year of As.i) i
Kings XV. 28

IVnr with Zerah the Ethiopian

(2 Chron. xiv. 9)

IVar against Jndah (2 Chron.
xvi. i)

Asa's alliance with BenhadadI,

(i Kings XV. 18)

930

Elall (26th year of Asa) i Kings
xvi. 8_

929

xvi. 10

929

Omri

War between Omri and Tibni
4years^{i Kings xvi. 21)

925

Asa) 1 Kings xvi. 23
Victories over tlie Moabites.
Omri builds Samaria (i Kings

xvi. 24)
Samaria invaded by the Syrians

(i Kings XX. 34)

918

Ahab (38th year of Asa) i Kings

xvi. 29
Ahab tnarries Jezebel, princess

o/Zidon (i Kings xvi. 31)

iys.

I The duration of this war, about 4 years, must be included in the 13 years of Omri's reign
(1 Kings xvi. 23'. Otherwise Ahab's accession could not be in the 38th year of Asa.

CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE.

ai V

JUDAH

B. c.

ISRAEL

5 u>

(2>*

Jehoshaphat (4th year of A-
hab) I Kings xxii. 41

914

Benhadad II. attacks Samaria
twice and is defeated (i Kings
XX. 29)

Battle at Ramoth-Gilead. AJtab
slain (i Kings xxii. 37)

Philixtines and Arabians tribu-

89S

Ahaziall (17th year of Jeho-

tary to Jttdak (2 Chron. xvii.

shaphat) i Kings xxii. 51

11)

Moab regains its lost territory"^

897

Jeboram (iSths year of Jeho-

shaphat) 2 Kings iii. i
War against Alesha king 0/

Moab (2 Kings iii. 4 — 27 J

Joram (5th year of Jehoram)

2 Kings viii. 6
Revolt of Edoin and Libnah

(2 Kings viii. 22)
yudah ravaged by Philistines

and Arabians {2 Chron. xxi. 17)

893

Aliaziall^ (12th year of Je-
horam) 2 Kings viii. 25

885

Defence of Ramoth-Gilead (2
Kings ix 14)

Almziah slain by Jehu

884
884

yekoram slain by Jehu ^

Atbaliall (2 Kings xi. 3)

Jehu (2 Kings X. 36)

Tlie temple desecrated (2 Chron.

xxiv. 7)

Joash (7th year of Jehu)2 Kings
xi. 4; xii. I

878

Israel smitten by Syria (2 Kings

X. 32)
JeboabaZ (23rd year of Joash)

856

,7«

2 Kings xiii. i

Hazael threatens Jerusalem (2

Kings xii. 17)

Continued oppression of the Sy-
rians (2 Kings xiii. 22)

842

Jelioasll (37th year of Joash)
2 Kings xiiL ic

2 This appears to be the time to which the conquests recorded on the Moabite stone are to be
referred. The places had been won by Israel in the reig^i of Omri.

3 There are 3 statements concerning the commencement of the reign of Jehoram king of Israel.
He is said (2 Kings i. 17) to have begun to reign in the second year of Jorani, king •;" Judah; then
(2 Kings viii. 16) in the fifth year before Joram; and thirdly, as noted above in the fable, in the
18th year of Jehoshaphat. On the attempts to bring these 3 dates into accord, sef the notes on
the several verses.

4 In 2 Kings ix. 29, the date is given as the nth year of Jehoram. But such a variation may be
accounted for by the Jewish mode of reckoning regnal years.

5 The period embrHced between the accession of Jeroboam and the death of Jehoram is
91 years (975—884). That the totals of years ascribed to the kings amounts to a larger number than
this is due to the counting of one and the same year as the final year of one reign and the initi.il
year of the next. These totals are 95 for Judah and 98 for Israel. The total for Israel is greater
than that for Judah because of the greater number of the accessions and the consequently greater
number of the double reckonings. But if the three reigns reckoned as 2 years e . :h in Israel,
be counted, as they really -.s ere, tor only one year each, the totals on both sides become the same.

6 From the 23rd year of Joash to the 37th year makes the reign of Jehoahaz to be Uttle
more than 14 years. While the length of tne reign of Jehoash, from the 37th year of Joash to
the 15th of Amaziah, would be somewhat mere than 16 years. If we take the excess in one case to
supplement the defect in the other the total time will be not far from correct.

CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE.

JUDAH

Amaziall? (2nd year of Je-
hoash) 2 Kings xiv. i

Edom smitten by Judah (2 Kings

xiv. 7)
Defeat of Amaziah at Beth-

shetnesh (2 Kings xiv. 13)

Azariall9 (27th [?] year of Jero-
boam) 2 Kings XV. I — 2

841

Azariak towards tJie close of his
reign is a leper

Jotlxam (2nd year of Pekah)

2 Kings XV. 32, 33
AbaZ (17th year of Pekah) 2

Kings xvi. i

Ahaz 'eeks help from Assyria
(2 Kings xvL 7)

ISRAEL

25 ^

826

Sit

773

772
772

761

759
758
742

730

Death of Elisha (2 Kings xiii.

Some territory recovered frovi
Syria (2 Kings xiii. 23)

Jeroboam H. (15th year of
Amaziah) 2 Kings xiv. 23

feroboam recovers Datnasciis
and Hatnath (2 Kings xiv. 25)

ZecliaTiall (38th year of Aza-
riahl 2 Kings xv. 8

Shallum (39th year of Azariah)
2 Kings xv. 13

MenaEem (39th year of Aza-
riah) 2 Kings XV. 17

Pttl, king of Assyria, comes
against Israel

Menalietn becomes vassal of
Assyria (2 Kings xv. 19)

Pekabiall (50th year of Aza-
riah) 2 Kings XV. 23

Fekall (52nd year of Azariah)
2 Kings XV. 27

Pekah and Rezin kin^ of Da-
mascus attack Jerusalem

Pekah's kingdom attacked by

Tigla thpileser
Hosnea (12th year of Ahaz) 2

Kings xvni. i
Shalmaneser attacks Israel
Hoshea treats with So king of

Egypt
Second attack of SJialmaneser

7 A naziah lived 15 years after the death of Tehoash (2 Kings xiv. 17).

8 between the 15th year of Amaziah who reigned 29 years and the 38th of Azanah mtist
be a period of about 52 or 53 years. Either the 41 years of text is wrong, or there was some
interregnum of 11 or 12 years. r i v k

9 There is some error in this date. For Amaziah began to reign in the 2nd year ofienoasn.
Jehoash reigned 16 years. ' So he lived about 14 years contemporary with Amaziah. The latter
lived IS years after the death of Jehoash. Thus his whole reign was 29 years No'' "» V»^
15th year of Amaziah began Jeroboam II. to reign. Hence Amaziah must have died, and Azanan
succeeded in the 14th or 15th year of Jeroboam. „:^__

10 From the 52nd year of Azariah to the 12th year of Ahaz we have 28 years at least for the reigns
of Jotham and part of Ahaz. The reign of Pekah must therefore have been longer than 20 years 11
Hoshea immediatel/ succeeded him. That there is some error in connexion with the aatcs 01
Pekah and Jotham is apparent from 2 Kings xv. 30—32.

lii

CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE.

bprt

Pi ^^

JUDAH

Hezekiah (3rd year of Hoshea)

2 Kings xviii. i
Reformation of Hezekiah (2

Kings xviii. 4)

Samaria taken in tJie 6tA year

of king Hezekiah
Senfiacherib invades Judah
Destniction of the A ssyrian army
HezekiaKs sickfiess
Babylonian embassy to Jerusalem.
IMEanassell (2 Kings xxi. i)
Manasseh carried captire to

Babylon (2 Chron. xxxiii. 11)
Amon (2 Kings xxi. 19)
Josiall (2 Kings xxii. i)
Resto7ation of the tetn/>le
Finding of t lie book of the Law
Abolition of all idolatry
Great celebration of the Passover
Pharaoh-tiecoh comes against

Assyria
fosiah slain at Megiddo
JeboaliaZ (2 Kings xxiii. 31)
P/iaraoh-necoh carries Jehoahaz

captive (2 Kings xxiii. 33)
Jelxoiakim (2 Kings xxiii. 36)
fehoiakint tributary to Egypt

(2 Kings xxiii. 35)
Afterwards tributary to Assyria

(2 Kings xxiv. i)
fudah attacked by Chaldaans,

Syrians, Ji/oabites and A>n-

inonites

Jehoiacbin (2 Kings xxiv. 8)
Egyptians driven back by tJie

Babylonians (2 Kings xxiv. 7)
JeJioiachin taken captive to

Babylon (2 Kings xxiv. 12)
Zedekiah (2 Kings xxiv. 18)
ferusaleni besieged by Nebu-
chadnezzar (2 Kings xxv. i)
Capture and destruction of fe-

ritsalem
Gedaliah appointed governor

(2 Kings xxv. 22)
The residue of the Jews flee

unto Egypt (2 Kings xxv. 26)
fehoiachin kindly treated by

Evil-Merodach

726

721

697

642
640

609

598

598
589

587

562

ISRAEL

Sargon succeeds SJialmatieser
Samaria taken (6th year of
Hezekiah) 2 Kings xviii. 10

II The period from the ii.;cession of Jehu to the captivity of the 10 tribes embraces 163 ye^rs.
The total of the regnal years of the kin^s of Judah amounts to 165. a diiTerence easily intfounced
by the counting the same year twice over at the end of a reign and the beginning of another. But
the regnal years assigned to the kings ol Israel are little more than 143. Tnus itis clesir that about
20 years must be added, and this accords witii the necessity seen above of giving 12 years more
between Jeroborim II. and Zechariah, and 8 years more between Pekah and iToshe i.

THE

FIRST BOOK OF THE KINGS,

COMMONLY CALLED,

THE Third book of the kings.

ow king David was old a7id stricken in years ; and 1
they covered him with clothes, but he gat no heat.

Ch. I. 1 — 4. David's Feeble Age. (Not in Chronicles.)

1. Noiv\ The Hebrew has only the conjunction usually rendered
And. This sentence is not to be regarded as the commencement of a
new history, but a continuation of what has been told in 2 Samuel.
In Hebrew MSS. i and 2 Kings form but one book, as do also i and 2
•Samuel, and i and 2 Chronicles. The division was first made in the
LXX. which Jerome followed, and it was introduced in the printed
Hebrew Bibles by Daniel Bomberg. The LXX. however treats these
books as so closely connected with Samuel that the four books are all
named alike {^a.(ii.\dwv a. /3. 7. 5.). They are so catalogued also in
Origen's list of the Canonical Books (Euseb. H. E. vi. 25), and in
Jerome's Prologiis Galeatiis. But we shall have occasion to point out
some matters (e.g. the worship on the high places) which were viewed
in a different light by the compiler of these later books from that in
which they are regarded in the books of Samuel.

The two books fall naturally into three sections, (i) The reign of
Solomon, i Kings i. — xi. (2) The history of two kingdoms after their
separation, till the overthrow of the northern kingdom, i Kings xii. —
2 Kings xvii. (3) The history of the kingdom of Judah from the
Assyrian to the Babylonish Captivity, 1 Kings xviii. — xxv.

king David was old] The circumstances recorded in this passage
must have happened when the feeble king had taken to his bed. By
comparing 2 Sam. v. 4, 5, with i Kings ii. 1 1, we arrive very nearly at
the age given by Josephus {Atif. vii. 15. 2) who says David was seventy
years old when he died.

stricken in years'] Rendered literally on the margin 'entered into
days.'

they covered him with clothes] i.e. With bed-clothes; just as in i Sam.
xix. 13 where A.V. has 'with a cloth.' The word is however most
frequently used of garments for wear.

I. KINGS I

2 I. KINGS, I. [vv. 2—4.

2 Wherefore his servants said unto him, Let there be sought
for my lord the king a young virgin : and let her stand
before the king, and let her cherish him, and let her lie in

3 thy bosom, that my lord the king may get heat. So they
sought for a fair damsel throughout all the coasts of Israel,
and found Abishag a Shunammite, and brought her to the

4 king. And the damsel was very fair, and cherished the
king, and ministered to him : but the king knew her not.

2. his servants] The word, though primarily applied to those who
were occupied in servile work, had come by this time to be used regu-
larly of those who were about a royal person, and in such a position as
to venture on giving him counsel. Josephus {Atit. VII. 15. 3) says they
were the king's physicians. (Cf. Gen. 1. 2.)

Let there be sought] Literr.ily ' Let them seek.' This kind of varia-
tion is frequent in the A.V. for the sake of the English; as also the
personal form of a sentence, put where the Hebrew verb is impersonal.
Thus the last clause in verse i is literally ' and it grew not warm to
him.' As such literal renderings are very often noticed on the margin,
no special mention will hereafter be made of them.

a young virgin] This device, whereby it was thought to communi-
cate vital heat from a young frame to an old one, was adopted by the
advice of physicians long after David's time. See Bacon, Hist. Vitcs et
Mortis, Medicamina ad longaevitatem IX. 25.

atid let her stand before the king] Thi<; phrase is used of those who
serve or minister to another. Thus Deut. i. 38, Joshua the minister of
Moses is said to ' stand before him.' It seems clear from the language
of Solomon (i Kings ii. 22) that Abishag was to be counted as one of
the wives of David. Polygamy was not at this time confined to kings
like David and Solomon, but was practised by other Israelites, as is
shewn by the history of Elkanah (i Sam. i. 2).

3. a fair darnsel] Such as might be fitted to be one of the royal
wives. A similar direction is given when Vashti has been deposed, and
a new queen is to be sought for Ahasuerus (Esther ii. .').

all the coasts] In the English of the Bible this word has no neces-
sarj' reference to sea-board land, as it has in our modern use, but often
signifies, as here, borders, territories.

Abishag a Sh2inatn?7iite] The Hebrew has ^ the Shunammite ', as
though she either was already, or from subsequent events became, well
known. She was a native of Shunem, a city belonging to the tribe of
Issachar and lying to the north of Jezreel and of Mt Gilboa (see Josh,
xi.x. 18; I Sam. xxviii. 4). The Syriac and Arabic read Sulaniite (cf.
Cant. vi. 13).

4. cherished the king] Being always at hand to perform, as his
nurse, such duties a": the weak condition of king David needed.

kne7u her not] These words seem added to explain how it came to
pass that Adonijah afterward:- could ask her for his wife, (i Kings
ii. 17.)

w. 5—7.] I. KINGS, I. 3

Then Adonijah the son of Haggith exalted himself, say- 5
ing, I will be king: and he prepared him chariots and horse-
men, and fifty men to run before him. And his father had 6
not displeased him at any time in saying, Why hast thou done
so? and he also was a very goodly ma?i; and his mother
bare him after Absalom. And he conferred with Joab the 7
son of Zeruiah, and with Abiathar the priest: and they

6 — 10. Adonijah attempts to make himself king.
(Not in Chronicles.)

5. Adonijah^ the son of Haggith^ He seems now to have been the
eldest of David's living sons. See the list of them 2 Sam. iii. 1 — 5.
Amnon and Absalom we know were dead, and of the second son,
Chileab (called Daniel i Chron. iii. i), we have no notice in Scripture,
so that he seems to have died young. Adonijah stands fourth in the
list; of his mother's parentage or connexion no mention is made.

chaHots and horsemen &c.] Compare the similar conduct of Absa-
lom (2 Sam. XV. i) at the time of his conspiracy against his father.
The words refer not to the preparation of an armament for war, but to
a kingly retinue which should attend him wherever he went. The
runners were a body-guard, and the word is applied (i Kings xiv. 27)
to those guards who kept the door of the king's house. See note there.
By such a step Adonijah let his intention be known and found out who
were likely to be on his side.

6. had not displeased hi??i at any time] Had never administered a re-
buke whatever wrong act he might have done. We may almost judge that
Absalom was in like manner a spoilt child, brought under no correction.

a very goodly man] A fine and commanding figure was no small
recommendation for an aspirant to a throne. Compare the account of
Saul's personal appearance (i Sam. ix. 2).

and his mother bare him after Absalom] The Hebrew has * and she
bare him <3tc.,' the italics his ?nother being added in A.V. to mark that
the verb in the original is feminine. The same device is adopted in
Num. xxvi. 59. But the English of the A.V. in the present passage
might be taken to mean that Absalom and Adonijah were both sons
of Haggith, whereas Absalom's mother (2 Sam. iii. 3) was Maacah,
daughter of Talmai, king of Geshur. It is better to render and he was
bom, thus avoiding any ambiguity.

7. yoab the son of ZerniaK] Zeruiah was David's sister, and Joab
the eldest of her three sons, and a man of much authority and influence
during David's reign. He became captain of the host (as we should
say, commander in chief) after the conquest of Jebus (i Chron. xi. 6),
and served David faithfully in the main until this time. But he held
David's secret in the matter of Uriah, and accordingly defied him, when
it suited his purpose. His gi-eatest offence against the king was the
slaughter of Absalom, whom he killed in defiance of David's order.
(2 Sam. xviii. 14.)

Abiathar the priest] This was the son of that Ahimelech who, with

I 2

4 I. KINGS, I. [vv. 8, 9.

8 following Adonijah helped hi7n. But Zadok the priest,
and Benaiah the son of Jehoiada, and Nathan the prophet,
and Shimei, and Rei, and the mighty men which belonged to

9 David, were not with Adonijah. And Adonijah slew sheep

all his family except Abiathar, was put to death by Saul, when Doeg
the Edomite informed him that the shewbread from the tabernacle at
Nob had been given to David (1 Sam. xxi., xxii.). Abiathar then
escaped to David and had remained with him through all his troubles
until this time, when, it may be through jealousy of Zadok, he sided
with Adonijah against Solomon.

they following Adonijah helped him] Lit. 'They helped after Adoni-
jah.' Joab had his own thoughts about the orders which David might
leave at his death, and Abiathar his jealousy, and both no doubt felt
that by their conduct, if it were successful, they were making Adonijah
for evermore their debtor.

8. Biil Zadok the p7'iest\ He was the son of Ahitub, and descended
from Eleazar, the son of Aaron. He joined David after the death of
Saul, and there were thus two priests, perhaps one being highpriest and
the other second priest, through the whole of David's reign. Zadok's
duties appear (i Chron. xvi. 39) to have been at the Tabernacle in Gibeon,
and Abiathar had charge of the ark in Jerusalem. But in consequence
of the events described in this chapter Abiathar was thrust out of his
office and banished to Anathoth, and Zadok became the sole highpriest.

Benaiah the son of Jehoiada] This man, though of the tribe of Levi,
became captain of David's body-guard of Cherethites and Pelethites
(see below on verse 38), and was made, when Joab was dead, commander
in chief of Solomon's army.

Nathan the prophet] He was prominent in David's reign, gi^^ng the
king advice concerning the building of the Temple, bringing God's
rebuke after David's adultery and the message of forgiveness when he
had repented. He appears also in connexion with the birth of Solo-
mon and now as the adviser and helper of Bath-sheba. After Solomon
was proclaimed king we hear no more of Nathan.

and Shiinei] There is a person so called mentioiu d afterwards as
one of the twelve officers who provided victuals for king Solomon and
his household. But whether that be the Shimei here mentioned there
is no means of deciding. It was conjectured by Ewald that it was
another way of writing the name of Shimeah, David's brother.

and Rei\ Rei is not mentioned elsewhere, and there is notning to
guide us to any opinion concerning his identity. Several conjectures
have been made, but none that deserves much attention.

the ynighty men which belonged to David] Of these champions a list
is given 2 Sam. xxiii. 8 — 39, with which may be compared i Chron.
xi. 10 — 47-

9. Adonijah slew &c.] The verb is that which is constantly used
for sacrificing. And here there was no doubt intended to be a cer-
tain solemnity connected with the feast held in honour of Adonijah's
proclamation. Beside its use in this chapter, where it is rendered ' to

vv. 10—13.] I. KINGS, I. 5

and oxen and fat cattle by the stone of Zoheleth, which is by
En-rogel, and called all his brethren the king's sons, and all
the men of Judah the king's servants : but Nathan the pro- 10
phet, and Benaiah, and the mighty men, and Solomon his
brother, he called not.

Wherefore Nathan spake unto Bath-sheba the mother of n
Solomon, saying, Hast thou not heard that Adonijah the
son of Haggith doth reign, and David our lord knoweth if
not? Now therefore come, let me, I pray thee, give thee 12
counsel, that thou mayest save thine own Hfe, and the life
of thy son Solomon. Go and get thee in unto king David, 13

slay' in verses 19 and 25, the verb is only so translated in i Kings xix. .
■21 of Elisha's slaughter of his oxen, and 2 Kings xxiii. 20 of Josiah's
slaughter of the priests of the high places, both which acts partook of
the nature of a solemn sacrifice.

by the stone of Zoheleth, which is by En-rogel] The name En-rogel
signifies the 'fountain of the fuller,' a name probably given to it from
the use to which the water was applied. They washed by stamping on
the clothes with \hQ foot (Heb. regel). From the other places where
it is mentioned (Josh. xv. 7; xviii. 16; 2 Sam. xvii. 17) it is clear that
En-rogel lay on the south-east of Jerusalem, and formed one of the land-
marks between the tribes of Judah and Benjamin, Attempts have been
made to identify it with the 'fountain of Job (or Joab),' which is situate
at the junction of the valleys of Kedron and Hinnom; while others
are in favour of the 'fountain of the Virgin,' as it is now called, from
whence comes the water to the pool of Siloam. It is in favour of the
latter, that women still resort to it as a place for washing clothes.
Of the 'stone of Zoheleth' we have no notice but in this passage.

10. Solomon his byother] Doubtless Adonijah was well acquainted
with Da^^d's intention that Solomon should be his successor. But
in those early times in most countries but especially in the East the right
of hereditary succession was not thought of, the reigning monarch
selecting for his successor that member of his family who was most in
favour or who seemed most fit to rule. Moreover, in this case, Solomon
was not the son of the first wife.

called] i. e. invited to be present at the feast which he was about to make.

11 — 14. Nathan's counsel to Bath-sheba. (Not in Chronicles.)

11. Bath-sheba] She who had before been the wife of Uriah the
Hittite. Nathan's zeal for Solomon's cause may be well understood,
because it was by his message (2 Sam. xii. 25) that Solomon was
specially called the ' beloved of the Lord.'

doth reign] As though the work were already completed and Ado-
nijah already assured of the throne.

12. save thine ozun life, and the life of thy son Solomon] Because
it has ever been the policy of an Oriental usurper, as soon as ever he

6 I. KINGS, I. [vv. 14—18.

and say unto him, Didst not thou, my lord O king, swear
unto thine handmaid, saying, Assuredly Solomon thy son
shall reign after me, and he shall sit upon my throne? why

14 then doth Adonijah reign? Behold, while thou yet talkest
there with the king, I also will come in after thee, and con-

15 firm thy words. And Bath-sheba went in unto the king into
the chamber: and the king was very old; and Abishag the

16 Shunammite ministered unto the king. And Bath-sheba
bowed, and did obeisance unto the king. And the king

17 said, What wouldest thou? And she said unto him. My lord,
thou swarest by the Lord thy God unto thine handmaid,
saying, Assuredly Solomon thy son shall reign after me, and

18 he shall sit upon my throne. And now behold, Adonijah

had power enough, to put out of the way those who were likely to
oppose him, and so make his throne more secure.

13. Didst not thou .. .swear taito thi7ie handmaid\ She uses terms
of great humihty, even though she be pleading the king's former solemn
promise. We have no record of the oath to which Bath-sheba alludes,
but we may be sure that the king had imparted to her the promise
which God had made to him that Solomon should be his successor in
the kingdom.

The Hebrew particle ""S, which is here and in verse 30 translated
'assuredly', seems often not intended for anything more than a mark
of quotation. Like the Greek ort, when it stands before a direct quo-
tation, it should be left in most cases untranslated. In i Kings xi. 22
it is rendered 'but', which would be better omitted.

shall j-eign after me, and he shall sit upon my ihrone'\ The fuller
phrase seems intended to imply that Solomon should be in all respects
the equal of his father. The pronoun *he' is emphatically expressed in
the original as also in verses 24, 30 and 35. In each case the force is
' he and no other.'

14. and confirfn thy words'] Lit. ' fill up' thy words. This Nathan
could most fitly do because he knew of the expressions of God's \\\\\
which had been communicated unto David. Thus he could dwell more
fully than Bath-sheba on the king's previous intentions, and knowing
better than she what was going on around Adonijah could assure
David that it was no imaginary alarm.

15 — 21. Bath-sheba before King David. (Not in Chronicles. )

15. afid the king was very old] This sentence is in explanation why
Bath-sheba went into the bedchamber of the king. David was too feeble
to go forth, and those who would see him must come there for au faience.

16. bowed and did obeisance] After the fashion of Orientals in the
presence of a monarch.

17. and he shall sit] The pronoun in the original is emphatically
expressed.

vv. 19-24.] I. KINGS, I. 7

reigneth; and now, my lord the king, thou knowest zVnot:
and he hath slain oxen and fat cattle and sheep in abun- 19
dance, and hath called all the sons of the king, and Abiathar
the priest, and Joab the captain of the host: but Solomon
thy servant hath he not called. And thou, my lord O king, 20
the eyes of all Israel are upon thee, that thou shouldest tell
them who shall sit on the throne of my lord the king after
him. Otherwise it shall come to pass, when my lord the 21
king shall sleep with his fathers, that I and my son Solomon
shall be counted offenders. And lo, while she yet talked 22
with the king, Nathan the prophet also came in. And they 23
told the king, saying, Behold Nathan the prophet. And
when he was come in before the king, he bowed himself
before the king with his face to the ground. And Nathan 24
said, IMy lord O king, hast thou said, Adonijah shall reign

18. Adonijah reignct]i\ i.e. Is being set up for king, and will be
accepted, unless some word from David go forth to prevent it. With
the commander-in-chief, and the highpriest Abiathar on his side
Adonijah's following might well seem powerful.

and flow, 7?iy lord the king, thoic knowest it 7iof\ The Hebrew
• words for thou T\T\\^ and now nni/ vary only in one letter, and in
sound are very much alike. Hence it has come to pass that in this
verse and verse 20 there is a confusion ; and here in some copies thoti
is put instead of norv: 'and thou, my lord... knowest it not.'

20. And thoti, my lord, iScc] Here the variation is the other way,
and iioro} is read for thoii. Both these changes seem to render the
sentences more emphatic, especially as in this verse the queen is
coming to the close of her argument and wishes to move David to
take action in the matter at once.

21. counted offenders] The Heb. word is literally ' sinners. ' Bath-
sheba does not go so far as Nathan, and say that the lives of herself
and her son are in peril, but leaves the king to think what the lot of
those offenders would be whom Adonijah knew to have aspired to
the throne.

22 — 27. Nathan confirms the statements of Bath-sheba.
(Not in Chronicles.)

22. Nathan the prophet also came in] Apparently at first into an
outer room, whence he was announced to king David, and Bath-sheba
went out before his coming into the bedchamber. She was clearly not
present during Nathan's address to the king. See vers. 28.

24. hast thou said] There is nothing "in the Hebrew to mark the
question. It must have been indicated by the tone. It would come
with much force from Nathan, as he knew all the circumstances of
God's promise that Solomon should be king after David. He shews
by his language in verse 27 that any change in the plans for the sue-

8 I. KINGS, I. [vv. 25—30.

25 after me, and he shall sit upon my throne? For he is gone
down this day, and hath slain oxen and fat cattle and sheep
in abundance, and hath called all the king's sons, and the
captains of the host, and Abiathar the priest; and behold,
they eat and drink before him, and say, God save king

26 Adonijah. But me, even me thy servant, and Zadok the
priest, and Benaiah the son of Jehoiada, and thy servant

27 Solomon, hath he not called. Is this thing done by my
lord the king, and thou hast not shewed it unto thy servant,
who should sit on the throne of my lord the king after him?

28 Then king David answered and said. Call me Bath-sheba.
And she came into the king's presence, and stood before

29 the king. And the king sware, and said. As the Lord

30 liveth, that hath redeemed my soul out of all distress, even

cession should not have been made without his knowledge. After tte
divine messages which had been sent to the king through Nathan, the
prophet's relation to David was different from that of other subjects.

25. For he is gone down] The site of the fountain, near which
Adonijah's banquet was made, was in the valley below Jerusalem.

Goit save king Adonijah] The Heb. is ' Let king Adonijah live '
i.e. live long and happily; and similarly in all cases where A. V. has
*God save, &c.'

27. she-wed it unto thy setfant] There is a various reading, *thy ser-
vants,' but the A. V. gives the better sense. There was a special reason
why Nathan should know of all that was done in respect of the suc-
cession, which did not apply to the rest of David's court.

28 — 40. David causes Solomon to be proclaimed and
ANOINTED KING. (Not in Chronicles.)

28. Call me Bath-sheba] The queen had not been present during
Nathan's interview, and no doubt both she and the prophet desired to
appear as much as possible independent of each other li their tidings.

29. And the king sware] i.e. Solemnly renewed the oath which he
had before (see ver. 1 3) made unto Bath-sheba.

As the Lord liveth] The expression is equivalent to 'As surely as
the Lord liveth,' though in the Hebrew there is no word for as. God
is frequently spoken of as 'the living God' and the idea in this form of
asseveration seems to be this, ' the Lord is living, of that there is no
doubt, and as certainly shall that come to pass which is prefaced by
this solemn assertion.'

that hath redeevied, &c.] David employs exactly the same words (in
Hebrew) in 2 Sam. iv. 9, previous to the punishment of Baanah and
Rechab for the murder of Ishbosheth. And it is not without reason
that he thinks of the termination of his distresses in connexion with
Solomon, for the birth of that son marked the time when he became
at peace not only with men but with God.

w. 31-34.] I. KINGS, I. 9

as I sware unto thee by the Lord God of Israel, saying,
Assuredly Solomon thy son shall reign after me, and he
shall sit upon my throne in my stead; even so will I cer-
tainly do this day. Then Bath-sheba bowed with her face 31
to the earth, and did reverence to the king, and said, Let
my lord king David live for ever.

And king David said, Call me Zadok the priest, and 32
Nathan the prophet, and Benaiah the son of Jehoiada. And
they came before the king. The king also said unto them, 33
Take with you the servants of your lord, and cause Solomon
my son to ride upon mine own mule, and bring him down
to Gihon : and let Zadok the priest and Nathan the prophet 34
anoint him there king over Israel: and blow ye with the

30. the Lord God of Israel] R.V. ' the Lord, the God of Israel,' as
demanded by the Hebrew construction, here and elsewhere.

31. Let my lord king David live for ever] On this common Oriental
hyperbole, compare Dan. ii. 4, iii. 9, v. 10, &c. It was the common
Eastern formula. Bath-sheba implied thereby that in her zeal for Solo-
mon's succession there was no desire for David's death but only that
the promise made to her concerning Solomon should not be broken.

32. Zadok the priest] ^^^lo must anoint king Solomon, and it is
probably with this thought that David names him first,

and Nathan the prophet] Who had gone aside when Bath-sheba was
called.

33. Take tuith you the servants of your lo)-d] Judging from a
similar order given by David (2 Sam. xx. 6, 7) these words imply a
considerable body of armed men. For there it is said that the servants
comprised Joab's men, and the Cherethites and the Pelethites and all
the mighty men. Where Joab was of the other side it was needful to
be prepare .i for fighting.

icpon mine ozun mule] To ride in the chariot or on the beast which
carried the king was a mark of special distinction. So Pharaoh (Gen.
xli. 43) made Joseph ' ride in the second chariot which he had.' In
like manner Jehonadab was taken (2 Kings x. 16) into Jehu's chariot,
and Haman named as a special mark of honour that a man should be
set on ' the horse that the king rideth upon' (Esther vi. 8).

bring him down to Gihon] From the direction here given this place
must have been in the lower ground near Jerusalem. This agrees with
the mention made of it in 2 Chron. xxxiii. 14, where it is said to be in
the valley, by which word is probably meant the torrent bed of the
brook Kedron, so that Gihon would be in the Valley of Jehoshaphat on
the east of Jerusalem. Both parties chose a place where there was
water (see v. 9) for the anointing. Does this indicate that there was
some purification connected with the act ? At a later period there
was an ' upper' and ' lower' pool at Gihon (2 Chron. xxxii. 30).

34. anoint him there] The anointing was the most solemn portion of

to i. KINGS, I. [vv. 35—37.

35 trumpet, and say, God save king Solomon. Then ye shall
come up after him, that he may come and sit upon my
throne ; for he shall be king in my stead : and I have ap-

36 pointed him to be ruler over Israel and over Judah. And
Benaiah the son of Jehoiada answered the king, and said,

37 Amen : the Lord God of my lord the king say so too. As
the Lord hath been with my lord the king, even so be he

the ceremonies connected with the installation of a new king. We only
read of its being done on some very marked occasions. Thus Saul, the
first king, was anointed (1 Sam. x. i), and David, the king of God's own
choice (i Sam. xvi. 13) ; also when God orders the prophet Elijah to make
provision for a new succession in Israel, Jehu is to be anointed (r Kings
xix. 16), which was done when the proper time came (2 Kings ix. 3, 6);
so Joash after his preservatim was anointed by Jehoiada (2 Chron. xxiii.
11). But though unmentioned it may have been performed in other
cases. For 'anointing' is mentioned even in Jotham's parable (Jud. ix."8),
where the trees will choose them a king. The ceremony is intended to
symbolize the outpouring of gifts from above upon the new monarch.

blovj ye ivith the tru7npet\ Thus did Jehu's companions after his
anointing (2 Kings ix. 13); neither anointing nor the blowing of the
trumpets has been mentioned in connexion with Adonijah's faction.
No doubt they ^^-ished to gain strength before making such a public
display of what they were doing.

35. cojne up after him'\ That is, as his supporters and body-guard,
just as in verse 7 above, the conspirators 'helped after Adonijah.' Cf.
also below, verse 40.

to be ruler over Israel\ A better rendering is 'prince*. The title
was that given by God specially to those who should lead His people.
Thus Saul is first so called (i Sam. ix. 16. A.V. 'captain' as in
I Sam. X. i. In 2 Chron. xi. 22 A.V. has 'ruler,' R.V. 'prince'),
then David (i Sam. xxv. 30, A.V. 'leader'). It is used also of Hezekiah
(2 Kings XX. 5), and in Daniel (ix. 25) of Him who was to be greater
than all these, 'Messiah the Prince.''

36. and said, Amenl Expressing as usual a prayer 'So let it be';
but at the same time expressing concurrence with all the king had said
and a determination to carry his orders into effect. Thus 'he word
implies also ' So it shall be.' But there is immediately subjoined 'the
Lord God of my lord the king say so too,' implying that though David
might plan and his servants labour for this end it would not be brought
about except with God's will. The sentence may be compared with
Jeremiah (xxviii. 6), where the words are 'The prophet Jeremiah said,
Amen: the Lord do so'; a reading which one or two MSS give here,
but no doubt only as a gloss."

the Lord God of ..uy lord] R.V. 'the Lord, the God of my lord.'
See above on verse 30.

37. so be he] i.e. 'So let him be.' The Massoretic note corrects
into ' so shall he be,' which makes nonsense of the verse.

w. 38,39-] I. KINGS, I. ii

with Solomon, and make his throne greater than the throne
of my lord king David. So Zadok the priest, and Nathan 38
the prophet, and Benaiah the son of Jehoiada, and the
Cherethites, and the Pelethites, went down, and caused
Solomon to ride upon king David's mule, and brought him
to Gihon. And Zadok the priest took a horn of oil out of 39
the tabernacle, and anointed Solomon. And they blew the

make his throne greater than the throfie of my lord^ No doubt David's
faithful servants knew of the large promises which God had made
to Solomon already, and that the heart of the king was gladdened at
the thought of the future glory of his son (i Chron. xvii. Ii — 27). They
had therefore no fear of David's anger when they used words such as
these. That Solomon's kingdom and grandeur did surpass Da\'id's
may be seen from the narratives in i Kings x. and 2 Chron. ix.

38. the Cherethites and the Pelethites'] The former of these names is
found I Sam. xxx. 14 as the name of a people to the south of the
Philistines. Hence it has been held by some that the second name,
Pelethites, must also be of the same character, and that probably it is
connected with the word 'Philistine.' It seems not impossible that
David from his early residence in the country of the Philistines may
have attached a body of men to him from among those peoples and
constituted them his first body-guard (Josephus calls them awixarocpv-
Xa/ces), which while retaining their old title would after the king's ac-
cession be recniited from any of his most trusty supporters. We need
not suppose therefore that though called by the old name they were
largely composed of aliens. The older interpretations, connecting the
words with Hebrew verbs, have been 'executioners and runners'; and
the Targum interprets them as 'archers and slingers' and in one place
as 'nobles and common soldiers.' They are clearly to be identified with
'the mighty men' mentioned in verse 8 as not being yriih. Adonijah.

39. a ham of oil] The Hebrew has the horji. The 'holy anointing
oil' was no doubt preserved for occasions like this, and for the anoint-
ing of the priests. Zadok having the care of the tabernacle at Gibeon
(i Chron. xvi. 39) would have this under his charge. And as Gibeon
was 'the great high place' (iii. 4), all that was most sacred would be
kept there.

Old of the tabernacle] The word here rendered 'tabernacle' is not
the same as that so rendered in the passage from i Chron. just quoted,
and it is advisable to make a distinction between them. The word in
this verse is that usually translated, when it does not refer to the sacred
dwellingplace of God's glory, by the English 'tent' (Gen. ix. 21 &c.)
and it would be well so to render here. In no other passage in Scrip-
ture does the word occur of the Divine dwelling-place without some
qualifying expression added to it. It is 'the tabernacle of the congre-
gation,' 'the tabernacle of witness,' 'the tabernacle of the Lord.' In
all these cases 'Tent' might well be substituted. This word refers to
the external covering of black goats' hair, while the other word implies

12 I. KINGS, I. [vv. 40—42.

trumpet; and all the people said, God save king Solomon.

40 And all the people came up after him, and the people piped
with pipes, and rejoiced with great joy, so that the earth
rent with the sound of them.

41 And Adonijah and all the guests that were with him heard
it as they had made an end of eating. And when Joab
heard the sound of the trumpet, he said. Wherefore is this

42 noise of the city being in an uproar? And while he yet
spake, behold, Jonathan the son of Abiathar the priest

the interior, the very dwellingplace of God, and for this 'Tabernacle'
might be specially retained.

all the people said] Solomon's anointing was made a public ceremo-
nial, news of what was to be done would go forth during the time that
a messenger went to Gibeor for the sacred oil, and thus there seems to
have been present not only those whom David had commissioned but a
large body of the people of Jerusalem.

40. piped with pipes'] The LXX. adopting some slight alteration of
the Hebrew, renders 'danced in dances.' And Josephus speaks of the
people {Antiq. vii. 14, 5) as 'dancing and playing on pipes'; thus shewing
a desire to combine both readings. That the Israelites were likely to have
pipes on such an occasion seems probable from i Sam. x. 5, where they
are enumerated among the instruments used by the company of prophets.

rent with the sound] The Hebrew text implies ' cleaving asunder '
and must, if correct, be taken as hyperbolic: that it is correct seems
clear from the LXX. which has 'was broken asunder' {eppayri), though
a slight change in the letters of the Hebrew (reading V\>T\ for yp2)
would give the meaning which the Vulgate has, 'insonuit,' i.e. re-
sounded. Josephus appears thus to have understood the phrase, what-
ever reading he had, for he writes 'from the multitude of the instru-
ments all the earth and the air resounded.'

41 — 53. Alarm and submission of Adonijah.
(Not in Chronicles.)

41. as they had made an end of eating] Such a banquet would
naturally last a good while ; and if we suppose Nathan to have heard
of it as the festivity began, or he even may have known as they left
Jerusalem, there will be seen to be time enough for all that is described
as done by the supporters of Solomon. For they had no b mquet to
prepare and eat, but only the religious ceremonial to discharge which
marked their master's chosen son for king.

Joab heard] Any preparation against opposition to their action
would properly be left to the commander-in-chief, and so he is alert
to mark any signs of a commotion. Josephus represents the inter-
ruption as coming before the meal was finished.

42. Jonathan the so7t of Abiathar] They had left in the city some
who should bring them word of any stir which their doings might
cause. Jonathan had discharged the same office of watchman and news-

w. 43—47.] I. KINGS, I. 13

came: and Adonijah said unto him, Come in; for thou art a
valiant man, and bringest good tidings. And Jonathan 43
answered and said to Adonijah, Verily our lord king David
hath made Solomon king. And the king hath sent with 44
him Zadok the priest, and Nathan the prophet, and Benaiah
the son of Jehoiada, and the Cherethites, and the Pelethites,
and they have caused him to ride upon the king's mule:
and Zadok the priest and Nathan the prophet have anointed 43
him king in Gihon : and they are come up from thence
rejoicing, so that the city rang again. This is the noise that
ye have heard. And also Solomon sitteth on the throne of 46
the kingdom. And moreover the king's servants came to 47
bless our lord king David, saying, God make the name of
Solomon better than thy name, and make his throne greater
than thy throne. And the king bowed himself upon the bed.

bringer at the time of Absalom's revolt. See 2 Sam. xv. 27 and xvii.
17. But then he was to brhig word to David.

a valiant maii\ Perhaps rather, a worthy man. The same word,
which is often translated by * valour,' 'wealth,' 'might,' is also used of
any special excellence. Thus Proverbs xii. 4, xxxi. 10 it is used in
the description of 'the virtuous woman'; also in this chapter, verse
52, we have the word translated worthy ; and in i Chron. ix. 13 it is
used of those who were 'very able men ' for the work of the service of
the house of the Lord. In the present case it was not so much a man
of valour as of discretion who was needed in the messenger.

and bringest good tidings'] The expression is somewhat redundant
in the Hebrew, and might be rendered ' bringest good tidings of good'.
The same words are thus translated Is. Hi. 7.

43. Verily our lord, &c.] The adverb implies some such sense
as 'Nay bul'. Jonathan wishes to say 'It is not as you hoped, but
on the contrary Solomon is proclaimed and anointed.' Comp. Gen.
xvii. 19, where the word is rendered in A. V. 'indeed,' but the sense
is 'Nay but Sarah thy wife shall bear thee a son,' instead of Ishmael
being made the hope of thy family.

46. Solojnon sitteth on the throne] Jonathan had seen the complete
ceremony of installation, for on their return from Gihon the aged
king had commanded that Solomon should shew himself seated in
state on the royal throne.

47. the king's servants'] i.e. The general public of Jerusalem who
gathered themselves to offer congratulations to David on the commence-
ment of the reign of his son. That a son should begin to reign during
his father's lifetime was no uncommon occurrence in the East.

the king bowed himself upon the bed] The verb is that commonly
used of an act of worship, and the language of the next verse shews
that David's bowing was of this nature. He prayed that the good
wishes he had just heard might be fulfilled, and thanked God for what

14 I. KINGS, I. [vv. 48—52.

48 And also thus said the king, Blessed be the Lord God of
Israel, which hath given one to sit on my throne this day,

49 mine eyes even seeing it. And all the guests that were with
Adonijah were afraid, and rose up, and went every man his
way.

so And Adonijah feared because of Solomon, and arose, and

51 went, and caught hold on the horns of the altar. And it
was told Solomon, saying, Behold, Adonijah feareth king
Solomon: for lo, he hath caught hold on the horns of the
altar, saying. Let king Solomon swear unto me to day that

52 he will not slay his servant with the sword. And Solomon
said, If he will shew himself a worthy man, there shall not

had already happened. The action and intention is similar to that of
Jacob described Gen. xlvii. 31.

48. the Lord God'] See on verse 30.

given one to sit] Of course he means 'one of my own family and the
one whom I specially wished.' The LXX. adds here the words 'of
my seed' and a like addition is made in some of the other versions.
There can however be no misunderstanding of the king's meaning
without any such supplement. The king's thankfulness was not for
ait occupier, but for the particular person now put on the throne.

The report brought by Jonathan (vv. 43 — 48) seems like the language
of one who had been a spectator of what he relates. If this were so,
we must assume king David to have been carried from his bedchamber
into some reception-room where he could listen, as he lay, to the
congratulations mentioned in verse 47. The adding on of one par-
ticular after another, with the repetition of the same conjunction Di1 =
atid also, is exactly after the style of a messenger in great haste.

50. caught hold on the horns of the altar] In his terror Adonijah
takes sanctuary, apparently at the altar which had been erected when
the ark was brought to Mt. Zion. That an altar was set up there is
clear from 2 Sam. vi. 17, 18, where we have an account of the burnt
offerings and peace offerings presented there. As this sanctuary was
specially under the care of Abiathar, it was natural that Adonijah
should go there. It may have been by Abiathai 's advice.

The horns of the altar are described Exod. xxvii. 3 seqq. They were
wooden projections overlaid with brass. On the occasion of d sacrifice
the priest with his finger was to smear them with the blood of the victim
(Exod. xxix. 12), and this ceremonial was a sign of atonement (Exod.
XXX. 10). Thus the spot to which Adonijah fled was of special sanctity.

51. I^t king Solomon su<ear unto me to day] The word translated to
day signifies rather 'first of all,' i.e. before I will venture to come away
from my place of safety. The same word is found twice in the narra-
tive of the sale of Esau's birthright. Gen. x.xv. 31, 33. When Esau
has asked for pottage, Jacob says " Sell me first of all (A.V. this day)
thy birthright" and afterwards "Swear to me first of all."

w. 53; I, 2.] I. KINGS, I. II. 15

a hair of him fall to the earth : but if wickedness shall be
found in him, he shall die. So king Solomon sent, and 53
they brought him down from the altar. And he came and
bowed himself to king Solomon: and Solomon said unto
him. Go to thine house.

Now the days of David drew nigh that he should die; and 2
he charged Solomon his son, saying, I go the way of all the ^
earth: be thou strong therefore, and shew thyself a man;

52. not a hair of him fall to the earthy The expression is common
and proverbial to express that no harm of any kind shall befall. Cf.
I Sam. xiv. 45; 2 Sam. xiv. 11.

if ziAckedness shall be found in him'\ Josephus g^ves the sense : ' If
he shall again be caught with any new plots.'

53. and they brought him doivn from the altar'] The expression
refers perhaps to the steps on which Adonijah must have gone up to
cling to the sides of the altar, or it may be to the elevation of the whole
situation as the altar stood before the ark on Mt. Zion.

bo^ved himself] The same word as in 47 is used of David's religious
reverence. So Adonijah did homage to Solomon as his lord; and by
pardoning the chief offender the new king shewed the rest of Ado-
nijah's adherents that they need not despair of forgiveness. Thus he
would be most likely to change them from foes to friends.

Ch. II. 1 — 11. David's last charge to Solomon, and his
DEATH. (Not in Chronicles.)

1. Nozo the days of David drew nigh that he should die] According
to the narrative of Josephus [Antig. vii. 14, 7) all the events recorded
in 1 Chron. xxviii. and xxix. took place in the interval between the
first anointing of Solomon and the death of David. There is nothing
in those chapters beyond what an aged man might do, especially if he
had a brief period of better health, and i Chron. xxix. 22 makes spe-
cial mention of Solomon's second anointing which, like the first, pre-
ceded the death of his father.

2. I go the way of all the earth] i.e. Of all who live on the earth, viz.
to the grave. The same expression is used by Joshua (xxiii. 14), and,
though the Hebrew noun is not the same, we may compare Job xvi. 22
' I shall go the way whence I shall not return.'

be thou strong therefore] Compare the oft-repeated injunction to
Joshua, Deut. xxxi. 7, 23 ; Josh. i. 6, 7 &c. The circumstances are not
very dissimilar. Moses, soon to be taken away, was giving his charge
to his successor (Deut. xxxi. 23), as David to Solomon, and the lan-
guage is identical. Cf, also i Chron. xxii. 13.

shew thyself a man] The age of Solomon at the death of his father
cannot be exactly known. He must have been considerably younger
than Adonijah, who was the fourth of those six sons bom to David
before the conquest of Jerusalem (2 Sam. iii. 4). And he may have

i6 I. KINGS, II. [w. 3—5.

3 and keep the charge of the Lord thy God, to walk in his
ways, to keep his statutes, a7id his commandments, and his
judgements, and his testimonies, as it is written in the law of
Moses, that thou mayest prosper ift all that thou doest, and

4 whithersoever thou turnest thyself: that the Lord may con-
tinue his word which he spake concerning me, saying, If thy
children take heed to their way, to walk before me in truth
with all their heart and with all their soul, there shall not

5 fail thee (said he) a man on the throne of Israel. Moreover

been so young that his father's words mean, ' though a youth in years,
yet prove yourself a man in prudence and wisdom.' This is somewhat
supported by Solomon's language about himself (i Kings iii. 7), 'I am
but a little child. ' But it may also be understood as a general exhorta-
tion to exhibit the courage which would be necessary, since a party had
been formed in the kingdon for the support of another claimant to the
throne.

3. keep the charge of the Lord'\ The word rendered 'charge' here
has no connexion with the verb used in verse i, but is the customary
expression in the Book of Numbers for the care and oversight of the
Tabernacle and other things committed to the Levites. (See Num. i. 53,
iii. 7, 8 &c.) It is used also of other sacred offices and the duties
attached thereto. Thus is imported into the word a solemn significa-
tion, though in etymology it is connected with the word which pre-
cedes it, rendered 'keep'.

to keep his statutes^ and his co7nmandments, and his judgeinaits'\
These words appear to refer to the three poitions of the divine law, the
ceremonial, the moral, and the judicial ordinances revealed by God in
the Mosaic code; while testimonies may be interpreted of those evi-
dences of Gods will towards man which are made clear by His deal-
ings with bygone generations. Thus God in His word bears witness to
Himself.

as it is writtefi iji the laiv of Afoses] The allusion is to Deut. xvii.
18 — 20, where the king, in time to come, is bidden to keep a copy of
the Law, and to study it, that so his days may be prolonged.

4. that the Lord may contijine his tuord^ The verb is most commonly
rendered 'establish' and may be so translated here. Cf. i Sam. i. 23
where the same phrase occurs. The sense is of confirming and ratifying
what has previously been promised. David is here looking forward to
the generations that shall come after him, which fact the r^, V. has
endeavoured to make clear by the rendering 'continue'. The word, or
promise, alluded to is found 1 Sam. vii. 25 — 29.

saying. If thy children take heed to their way] In the passage just
mentioned where the promise is recorded there are none of these
conditions specified ; but we are sure that God's promise was not an
unconditional one, . nd in his Psalms (cxxxii. 12) David has expressly
made mention of the condition in words very similar to this verse.

there shall not fail thee {said he) a man on the throne of Israel] The

V. 5] I. KINGS, II. 17

thou knowest also what Joab the son of Zeruiah did to me,
and what he did to the two captains of the hosts of Israel,
unto Abner the son of Ner, and unto Amasa the son of
J ether, whom he slew, and shed the blood of war in peace,

Heb. is literally 'there shall not be cut off unto thee a man from upon
the throne of Israel'; and the same phrase occurs afterwards ch. viii. 25,
ix. 5, and in other parts of the Bible. The sense is 'there never shall
be wanting some one of thy race to sit on the throne.' The promise
was made to David's line, and was fulfilled ; for as long as the kingdom
of Judah existed the family of David were kings.

There is no word in the Hebrew for the parenthetic 'said he,' but
the clause is preceded by the word usually rendered ' sajnng, ' which
seems to have been introduced by some scribe from the earlier part of
the verse. The LXX. translates the Hebrew literally (i.e. repeating
Xe'7a;f) ; the Vulgate notices neither the ' sajing' nor 'said he'.

5. luhat yoab the son of Zeruiah did to me\ This one of the sons of
Zeruiah had been all through his reign too strong for his uncle. See
2 Sam. iii. 39 : and for the rough remonstrances of Joab with David, cf.
2 Sam. xix. 5 — 7. The slaughter of Absalom, though neither mentioned
here by David, nor afterwards by Solomon, when Joab is put to death,
must have been constantly present to their minds.

unto Abner the son of Ner"] Xer being brother of Kish (i Chron.
ix. 36), the father of Saul, we can understand how Abner became a
man of much importance in the court of Saul, under whom he v.as
commander-in-chief. After the death of Saul it was Abner who pro-
claimed Ishbosheth and supported him against David, until some
quarrel arising Abner made overtures to David which were favourably
received. During the earlier events of the war between Ishbosheth's
supporters and those of David, Abner to save his own life had slain
Asahel, Joab's younger brother. To avenge this death and probably
also from jealousy, lest Abner coming into David's service should
become more influential than himself, Joab calling Abner aside as he
was departing from the court, in conjunction with Abishai his brother
treacherously slew him. Owing to Abner's early course of action
David might have been suspected of conniving at his murder. The ex-
posure to such a suspicion no doubt aggravated the king's sorrow.
David's lament over Abner's death is found 2 Sam. iii. 33, 34. He
never forgave the murder, though he was imable during liis lifetime
to take vengeance on the perpetrator.

unto Amasa the son of y ether'] Amasa was a son of David's sister
Abigail, and the name of her husband is elsewhere (2 Sam. xvii. 25)
written 'Ithra.' Amasa took the side of Absalom when that prince
rebelled against his father, but David forgave this, when Absalom had
been slain by Joab, and appointed Amasa commander-in-chief in Joab's
place (2 Sam. xix. 13). Afterwards, under the pretence of saluting
Amasa, Joab gave him a fatal wound with a sword which he held
hidden in his left hand (2 Sam. xx. 10).

the blood of war in peac'cl For both these murders were committed

I. KI.NGS 2

i8 I. KINGS, II. [vv. 6— 8.

and put the blood of war upon his girdle that %vas about

6 his loins, and in his shoes that were on his feet. Do there-
fore according to thy wisdom, and let not his hoar head go

7 down to the grave in peace. But shew kindness unto the
sons of Barzillai the Gileadite, and let them be of those that
eat at thy table: for so they came to me when I fled because

8 of Absalom thy brother. And behold, thou hast with thee
Shimei the son of Gera, a Benjamite of Bahurim, which

Avhen the opportunity had been gained under the guise of friend-
ship.

his girdle... his shoes'] Both these portions of his dress must have
been covered with the blood spurting and flowing from wounds inflicted
at such close quarters.

6. Do therefore according to thy wisdom] Compare verse 9. The
wisdom to which David ir both cases alludes is a politic method of
bringing these men to do something for which they might be put. to
death. Such men were specially dangerous in the court of a young
king.

his hoar head] Most likely Joab was already an old man not much
yoimger than David himself. This may account for some of the free-
dom of his speech to the king.

go down to the grave in peace] The advice is put in a more direct
form in verse 9, concerning Shimei, ' Bring his hoar head down to the
grave with blood.' .

The Hebrew construction (the jussive after \s> not "PN) seems to
imply a suggestion rather than a direct com n. and. ' I recommend you
not to let,' &c.

7. sons of Barzillai the Gileadite] The deserving conduct of Bar-
zillai, during David's flight from Absalom, is narrated 2 Sam. xix. 31
seqq. The Chimham there mentioned was probably a son of Bar-
zillai, though we are not expressly told so. No other son is anywhere
spoken of, but we find that Barzillai had daughters (Ezra ii. 61; Neh.
vii. 63) and he probably was father of a large family. Barzillai, at his
advanced age, would not come alone to conduct David over Jordan,
and though he only commends one person to the king's attention there
may have been several sons in his retinue.

of those that eat at thy table] A common mode in Eastern countries
of shewing regard. Thus Mephiboshelh, Jonathan's son, was pro-
vided for at David's table (2 Sam. ix. 7, 10, 11), and such treatment
put the recipient in a position like that of the king's sons.

for so they came to me] i.e. With kind acts and generous supplies
of food when I was in great need. Let their reward be of a similar
nature.

8. thou hast Tvith thee Shifnei] Shimei was not at present living
in Jerusalem (see vi,rse 36), but that his conduct might be more
closely watched Solomon compelled him to come and dwell in
the city.

vv. 9— 11.] I. KINGS, II. t9

cursed me with a grievous curse in the day when I went to
Mahanaira: but he came down to meet me at Jordan, and I
sware to him by the Lord, saying, I will not put thee to
death with the sword. Now therefore hold him not guilt- 9
less: for thou art a wise man, and knowest what thou
oughtest to do unto him; but his hoar head bring thou down
to the grave with blood. So David slept with his fathers, 10
and was buried in the city of David. And the days that u

Bahurint] Besides its connexion with the story of Shimei, this
place is mentioned (2 Sam. xvii. 18) as the spot where Jonathan and
Ahimaaz were concealed in the well, or cistern, to avoid the pursuit of
Absalom's servants; and in the account of Phaltiel's separation from
Michal when she was sent back to David (2 Sam. iii. 16) by Ishbosheth.
It must have been situate near the road from Jerusalem to the fords of
the Jordan, but it is not mentioned in Joshua, nor has its situation been
identified.

Mahanaiin'\ was on the east of Jordan, and was so named by Jacob
(Gen. xxxii. 2) because he there saw the host (Mahaneh) of God.
Abner made his head-quarters there while he was supporting Ish-
bosheth against David (2 Sam. ii. 8). Its strong position and fortifi-
cation, which are specially dwelt on by Josephus [Ant. vii. 9, 8)
no doubt led Abner to choose it, as did David likewise in his flight
before Absalom.

came -down to meet me] Shimei makes a merit of being among the
first to give the king welcome on his return (2 Sam. xix. 20). And
though Abishai urged that he should straightway be put to death, David
refused to have the day of his restoration stained by the blood of
any man.

9. hold him not guiltless] i.e. Be sure not to let him go unpunished.
Find out some good reason for vengeance to be taken on him. We
are not to wonder at these injunctions of David, which were not un-
natural, both for the satisfaction of his own feelings and for providing
for the security of Solomon's throne. Joab was a dangerous man
to be left alive, and Shimei, with Oriental fickleness, would curse
Solomon as readily as he had cursed David, should a reverse of fortune
come upon him. Nor are we to look for New Testament virtues in
even the best men of the older covenant. The Christian thinks it
nobler to forgive, following the lessons of his master, but what David
saw of Chris*: was in the less clear vision of faith, and neither he nor
his people are to be expected to rise in any great degree towards the
nobility of Christian forgiveness. Yet David was very generous toward
Saul. He seems to have become less forgiving in his old age, though
doubtless he was thinking chiefly of Solomon's safety.

10. in the city of David] The place is defined (2 Sam. v. 7) as
'the stronghold of Zion.' We are told {Aboth de-Rabbi Nathan i. 35)
that ' no graves are made in Jerusalem, except the tombs of the house
of David, and of Huldah the prophetess, which have been there from

20 I. KINGS, II. [vv. 12— 16.

David reigned over Israel were forty years : seven years
reigned he in Hebron, and thirty and three years reigned he
in Jerusalem.
X2 Then sat Solomon upon the throne of David his father;

13 and his kingdom was established greatly. And Adonijah
the son of Haggith came to Bath-sheba the mother of Solo-
mon. And she said, Comest thou peaceably? And he

14 said, Peaceably. He said moreover, I have somewhat to

15 say unto thee. And she said. Say on. And he said, Thou
knowest that the kingdom was mine, and that all Israel set
their faces on me, that / should reign : howbeit the kingdom
is turned about, and is become my brother's: for it was his

i6 from the Lord. And now I ask one petition of thee, deny

the days of the first prophets.' Josephus [Ant. vii. 15. 3) gives an
account of the wealth that Solomon deposited in his father's grave, and
states that the tomb was afterwards opened and some of this wealth
carried away, first by Hyrcanus the high priest, when he was besieged
by Antiochus, and a second time by Herod the Great. But the chambers
in which the treasure was buried could be reached without disturbing
the royal burying- place.

11. seven years 7-eigncd he in Hchro}{\ According to 1 Sam. v. 5
the time was seven years and six months. The Old Testament writers
often in this way omit pieces of a year, and speak only of the full
years. Of. i Chron. xxix. 27.

13—25. Adonijah asks for Ahishag to wife and is tut to
DEATH BY SoLOMON. (Not in Chronicles.)

13. Cotncst thou peaceably'] There was the same sort of alarm in
Bath-sheba's mind as was in those of the people of Bethlehem when
Samuel came to visit Jesse before David was anointed (i Sam. xvi. 4),
when the elders of the to\vn trembled. She expected no good from any
scheme of Adonijah's, and her question refers more to the national wel-
fare than to her personal concerns.

15. Thou knowest that the kingdom was mine'] He means that as
the eldest living son of David, he could rightly claim it. Thu ■ he in a
way apologizes for his previous attempt to secure the succession to
himself.

set their faces on me] They looked forward to my accession and
were resolved on bringing it about. Comp. Jer. xlii. 17 'the men that
set their faces to go down into Egypt... shall die.' Adonijah would thus
also make it appear that the voice and goodwill of the people had been
on his side.

for it 7c>as his frooi the Lord] He professes his resignation to what
has happened, and ascribes it to the Divine will that he may the better
cloak his desires and intention?. Perhaps 'it became his from the

w. 17—20.] I. KINGS, II. 2r

me not. And she said unto him, Say on. And he said, 17
Speak, I pray thee, unto Solomon the king, (for he will not
say thee nay,) that he give me Abishag the Shunamraite to
wife. And Bath-sheba said, Well; I will speak for thee unto iS
the king. Bath-sheba therefore went unto king Solomon, to ly
speak unto him for Adonijah. And the king rose up to
meet her, and bowed himself unto her, and sat down on his
throne, and caused a seat to be set for the king's mother;
and she sat on his right hand. Then she said, I desire one ao

Lord' would give the force of his words better. It is to be noted how,
as if in friendship, he speaks of Solomon as his brother.

16. deny me noi\ The Hebrew is 'turn not away my face,' and
implies that a person whose suit is refused is turned away in dis-
giace. The same expression is rendered ' to say not nay ' in verses 1 7
and 20. Adonijah's argument was to this effect : * You know I have
lost a great deal, surely you will not refuse me this slight request.'

17. that he give me Abishag] It is highly probable that the con-
struction which Solomon put upon Adonijah's request was the true one,
for in the East the widows of the late king become the wives of his
successor, and to marry, or seek to marry, such a widow is equivalent to
putting forward a claim to the throne. Cf. God's message to David
(2 Sam.xii. 8) ' I gave thee... thy master's wives into thy bosom, 'and also
the ih-reatening in the verses which follow that passage. See too i Kings
XX. 7; 2 Kings xxiv. 15. Peter Martyr in his comment on this verse
gives, as an illustration of the proud aspirations which are sometimes
fostered by marriage with a royal widow, the case of Admiral Seymour,
who married Catharine Parr, the widow of Heniy VIIL, and straight-
way after his marriage began to plot rebellion.

18. / will speak for thee] Bath-sheba does not seem to have sus-
pected AJonijaii's design, and this simplicity of hers he perhaps hoped
to trade upon, and thought that his petition, coming to Solomon through
her, might appear less dangerous. That she should consent to ask
the king was not unnatural. ' The damsel was very fair ' (i. 4) and
Adonijah 'a very goodly man' (i.6), and such a marriage might appear
to her not unfitting.

19. caused a seat to be set for the king's mother] For * seat ' we
should have throne. The word is the same as that which occurs
earlier in the verse for Solomon's own 'throne.' In Eastern nations
the queen-mother was a very important personage and treated with the
same sort of reverence as the king. Th's we may see in the case of
Maachah (i Kings xv. 13) who held authoriiy and was called queen, even
during the reign of her grandson Asa. Compare also the influential
position of Athaliah, which enabled her to destroy nearly all the seed-
royal (2 Kings xi. i).

and she sat on his right hand] This being the place of greatest
honour, cf. Ps. xlv. 9.

22 I. KINGS, II. [vv. 21—25.

small petition of thee ; I pray thee, say me not nay. And the
king said unto her, Ask on, my mother : for I will not say

21 thee nay. And she said, Let Abishag the Shunammite be

22 given to Adonijah thy brother to wife. And king Solomon
answered and said unto his mother, And why dost thou ask
Abishag the Shunammite for Adonijah ? ask for him the
kingdom also; for he is mine elder brother; even for him,
and for Abiathar the priest, and for Joab the son of Zeruiah.

23 Then king Solomon sware by the Lord, saying, God do so
to me, and more also, if Adonijah have not spoken this

24 word against his own life. Now therefore, as the Lord
liveth, which hath established me, and set me on the throne
of David my father, and who hath made me a house, as he

25 promised, Adonijah shall be put to death this day. And

20. I desire one small petition of tJiee] These words seem to confirm
what has been said above, that Bath-sheba had not realised the grave
import of her request.

I -will not say thee nay'\ i.e. If it be possible for me to grant it. The
condition, though unexpressed, is of necessity understood.

22. and for Abiathar the priest, and for Joab the sun of Zeruiah^
These two having aided Adonijah in his attempt on the throne, would
naturally have been his chief ministers and advisers had he succeeded.
So Solomon includes them with him, and thus Bath-sheba may see
whither the design of Adonijah is tending.

The Vulgate renders the clause ' even for him ' (literally and for him)
in a different sense, ' et habet Abiathar, &c.' making the words imply
that Adonijah is already equipped with advisers for the kingdom at
which he is aiming.

The LXX. has ' And he has Abiathar and Joab the son of Zeruiah,
the chief captain as his friend' (eratpos). The last word of the Hebrew
text is n'llV. It would seem as though the LXX. had read after this
inyi or lyi, =his friend, which is not very unlike the final letters of
the present Hebrew. Whether there was some word there which has
fallen out or the version is the result of a misreading we cannot be sure.
There is, without doubt, some awkwardness in the text a^, it now
stands.

23. God do so to me, and more also] This is a very idiomatic
rendering for the Hebrew, M'hich is literally ' Thus shall God do to me,
and thus shall He add.' The expression occurs again in xix. 2, xx. 10,
and in 2 Kings vi. 31 as well as several times in the books of Samuel,
and in Ruth i. 17.

24. who hath vioile vie a hotise\ * House' here is used in the sense
of 'possessions,' ' property.' So (Esther viii. i) the 'house' of Haman,
i.e. his wealth and property, is given to queen Esther. The LXX. renders
in that place by oca. vnrjpxf^v 'A/idv.

w. 26, 27.] 1. KINGS, II. 23

king Solomon sent by the hand of Benaiah the son of
Jehoiada; and he fell upon him that he died.

And unto Abiathar the priest said the king, Get thee to 26
Anathoth, unto thine own fields; for thou art worthy of
death : but I will not at this time put thee to death, because
thou barest the ark of the Lord God before David ray father,
and because thou hast been afflicted in all wherezV/ my
father was afflicted. So Solomon thrust out Abiathar from 27
being priest unto the Lord; that he might fulfil the word of
the Lord, which he spake concerning the house of Eli in
Shiloh.

25. by the hand of Benaiah'] To Benaiah was committed not the
oversight, but the execution of the sentence. In like manner he puts
to death Joab (ver. 34) and Shimei (ver. 46). Solomon was absolute
as a monarch, and the command was executed as promptly as it was
given. The LXX, fills out the sentence thus, koL airedauev'Aooji'ias iv

26 — 27. Punishment of Abiathar. (Not in Chronicles.)

26. Get thee to Anathoth] This city was in the tribe of Benjamin,
and has been identified by Robinson with Andta at the distance of
i^ h&urs N.N.E. of Jerusalem. It is mentioned as a priest's city with
suburbs in Josh. xxi. 18; i Chron. vi. 60, and Jeremiah was sprung
from 'the priests that were in Anathoth' (Jer. i. i). Here Abiathar
must have had some ground, and to this Solomon banished him. We
find that the cousin of Jeremiah, Hanameel, possessed land at Ana-
thoth, which Jeremiah purchased (Jer. xxxiL 6 — 12).

worthy of death'\ Hebrew, a man of death, deserving it. So in xx.
42 'a man whom I appointed to utter destruction ' is literally 'the man
of my doom,' i.e. whom I had doomed.

thou barest the ark of the Lord ] Abiathar was with David in his flight
before Absalom (2 Sam. xv. 24 — 29) when the ark of God was carried
away from Jerusalem, and he and Zadok bore it back again according
to David's orders.

hast been afflicted] Abiathar fled from Nob and came to David
when he was pursued by Saul (i Sam. xxii. 20), and also remained with
him in the dangerous days which followed. See 1 Sam. xxiii. 8 — 9.

27. So Solomon thrust oict Abiathar] The verb is the same which
is used (Gen. iii. 24) of the driving out of Adam from Paradise.

fulfil the word of the Lord] The allusion is to i Sam. ii. 31 — 35,
where it is foretold to Eli that his family, to which Abiathar belonged,
should be deprived of the priest's office, and that a faithful priest
should be raised up in their stead. The order of descent from Eli was
Eli — Phinehas— Ahitub — Ahimelech— Abiathar. These were of the
family of Ithamar. Zadok was of the family of Eleazar (i Ciiron.

24 I. KINGS, II. [vv. 28— 30.

28 Then tidings came to Joab: for Joab had turned after
Adonijah, though he turned not after Absalom. And Joab
fled unto the tabernacle of the Lord, and caught hold on

29 the horns of the altar. And it was told king Solomon that
Joab was fled unto the tabernacle of the Lord; and behold,
he is by the altar. Then Solomon sent Benaiah the son of

30 Jehoiada, saying, Go, fall upon him. And Benaiah came to
the tabernacle of the Lord, and said unto him, Thus saith
the king. Come forth. And he said. Nay: but I will die
here. And Benaiah brought the king word again, saying,

vi. 8). This is the first passage in the O.T. where the phrase * to
fulfil the word of the Lord' appears.

28—35. Flight of Joab and his death. Benaiah succeeds
HIM AS CAPTAIN OF THE HOST. (Not in Chronicles.)

28. The7i tidings came to yoad] The Hebrew says 'And the
tidings came to Joab ', i. e. of Abiathar's banishment, and he felt that
his own turn was soon to come.

turned after'\ i.e. Took the side of. It was Joab, who being en
David's side, slew Absalom (2 Sam. xviii. 14). This crime, though never
brought forward, no doubt instigated David to advise, and Solomon to
provide that Joab should be taken out of the way. All the ancient
versions except the Chaldee, have here ' For Joab had turned after
Adonijah, and had not turned after Solomon.'

the tabernacle of the Lord'\ The word here, as elsewhere, is the ordi-
nary word for a tent, and if thus translated gives to the English reader
a better notion of what the structure was.

horns of the altar'] See above on i. 50. Joab fled for sanctuary to
the same place and in the same fashion as Adonijah had done.

29. he is by the altar] The LXX. has 'he has taken hold of the
horns of the altar', after which that version adds ' And Solomon the
king sent to Joab, saying. What has happened to thee that thou hast
fled to the altar? And Joab said, Because I was afraid of thee, and fled
unto the Lord.' These words seem merely an expansion of the narra-
tive, and we need not suppose that they represent a lost clau-e of the
Hebrew.

30. Come forth] Benaiah would prefer, if it may be, to execute the
sentence upon Joab elsewhere than within the precincts of the taber-
nacle.

/ will die here] Joab is conscious of Benaiah's errand, but perhaps
hopes still to escape death if he remain at the altar.

brought the king '^vord again] It seems from this that Solomon had
thought it would be possible to bring Joal) away from the altar. When
this could not be done Benaiah feels that he may return for further
orders.

w. 31—34.] I. KINGS, II. 25

Thus said Joab, and thus he answered me. And the king 31
said unto him, Do as he hath said, and fall upon him, and
bury him; that thou mayest take away the innocent blood,
which Joab shed, from me, and from the house of my father.
And the Lord shall return his blood upon his own head, 32
who fell upon two men more righteous and better than he,
and slew them with the sword, my father David not know-
ing thereof^ to wit, Abner the son of Xer, captain of the host
of Israel, and Amasa the son of Jether, captain of the host
of Judah. Their blood shall therefore return upon the head 33
of Joab, and upon the head of his seed for ever: but upon
David, and upon his seed, and upon his house, and upon
his throne, shall there be peace for ever from the Lord.
So Benaiah the son of Jehoiada went up, and fell upon him, 34

31. and bury hij?i] The LXX. adds these words to the king's
previous order in verse 29. Joab was Solomon's cousin, and so
though it was a political necessity to put him to death, the king would
not care to add further dishonour to the dead body.

the innocent bloody i.e. The causeless bloodshed of innocent people of
which Joab had been guilty, and which, until it was avenged, would
lie at the door of David and his descendants.

32. his blood\ i.e. The blood which he hath shed.

my father David not knoiuitig\\\t.\to['\ The verb is a finite tense
and not a participle, and the clause may therefore be rendered ' and my
father D. knew it not.'

Abner'\ See notes on verse 5 above. In that verse both Abner and
Amasa are called captains of the host of Israel, while here the latter is
distinguished as captain of the host of Judah. That the division in the
people was well marked long before the revolt of the ten tribes against
Rehoboam may be seen from the strife which took place about David's
return after the death of Absalom (2 Sam. xix. 41 — 43). Also when
Joab numbered the people (2 Sam. xxiv. 9) the census of the two hosts
was given in separately.

33. and upon the head of his seed for ever'\ Solomon has in mind
here the words of his father at the time of Abner's murder (2 Sam. iii.
29). David's prayer then was "let the blood rest on the head of Joab
and on all his father's house."

shall there be peace for ez>er] The law of Moses ordained that the
shedder of innocent blood should not go unpunished (Deut. xix. 13),

and it is said 'Thine eye shall not pity him that it may go well

with thee.' Hence there was hope of peace after ihe murderer was
punished.

34. 7vent up] i.e. To the Tent of the Lord, which probably stood on
a higher part of Mt. Zion than did Solomon's own house.

26 I. KINGS, II. [vv. 35—38.

and slew him : and he was buried in his own house in the

35 wilderness. And the king put Benaiah the son of Jehoiada
in his room over the host: and Zadok the priest did the
king put in the room of Abiathar.

36 And the king sent and called for Shimei, and said
unto him, Build thee a house in Jerusalem, and dwell

37 there, and go not forth thence any whither. For it shall
be, that on the day thou goest out, and passest over the
brook Kidron, thou shalt know for certain that thou
shalt surely die: thy blood shall be upon thine own

38 head. And Shimei said unto the king, The saying is good ;

buried in his own house] i.e. In the ground around his home. He
appears to have had a horr i far out in the open country.

in the wilderuess'\ Probably that district known as the wilderness of
Judah. Wilderness, or desert, gives however an insufficient idea of the
kind of country that is meant. It was land under no regular cultiva-
tion, but yet to which cattle might be driven for pasturage. So in the
narrative of the feeding of the Five Thousand where St Matthew (xiv. 15)
speaks of 'a desert place,' St John (vi. 10) says 'now there was much
grass in the place.'

35. put in the room of Afnathj^'] The LXX. amplifies and says
that Zadok was now appointed ets lepea irpurou, to be the first priest.
Hitherto he seems to have had his post at Gibeon. There wao not a
great interval between the deposition of Abiathar and the building of the
Temple, after which event the worship at Gibeon would cease. In the
interval some deputy would fill Zadok's place there.

In the LXX. there is found a long additional passage here, con-
cerning Solomon's wisdom, his marriage with Pharaoh's daughter, his
oflferings and sacrifices, and his buildings. Then follows almost in
the words of the earlier part of this chapter (vv. 8, 9) David's charge
concerning Shimei. The whole insertion seems confused and pur-
poseless.

36 — 46. Shimei meets with his deserts. (Not in Chronicles.)

36. sent and called for SJii??ie{] Solomon sent for him to Jerusalem
from Bahurim (see verse 8). Keeping him under close watch, he could
hardly fail to find him tripping.

37. passest over the brook Kidron"] This brook, being between Jeru-
salem and the Mount of Olives, on that side of Jerusalem where
Shimei would go if he wanted to return to Bahurim.. Solomon takes
the distance in this direction as a measure of bounds within which he
must keep himself on every side. For in going afterwards t'^ Gath he
of course did not ciuss the brook Kidron.

thou shalt know] The Hebrew often uses a future for an imperative.
Here it is better to render 'Know for certain' &c. It is so rendered in
verse 42.

w. 39— 44-] I. KINGS, II. 27

as my lord the king hath said, so will thy servant do. And
Shimei dwelt in Jerusalem many days. And it came to 39
pass at the end of three years, that two of the servants of
Shimei ran away unto Achish son of Maachah king of Gath.
And they told Shimei, saying, Behold, thy ser\-ants be in Gath.
And Shimei arose, and saddled his ass, and went to Gath 40
to Achish to seek his servants: and Shimei went, and
brought his servants from Gath. And it was told Solomon 41
that Shimei had gone from Jerusalem to Gath, and was
come again. And the king sent and called for Shimei, and 42
said unto him. Did I not make thee to swear by the Lord,
and protested unto thee, saying. Know for a certain, on the
day thou goest out, and walkest abroad any whither, that
thou shalt surely die? and thou saidst unto me, The word
that I have heard is good. Why then hast thou not kept 43
the oath of the Lord, and the commandment that I have
charged thee with? The king said moreover to Shimei, 44
Thou knowest all the wickedness which thine heart is privy

38. many days] The LXX. has rpia err], three years, a reading
evidently drawn from the next verse.

39. tivo of the servants of Shimei] Shimei appears to have been
a man of wealth, both from this circumstance, and from his ability to
establish himself in Jerusalem as soon as Solomon commanded him.
The servants may have been Philistines.

Achish son of Maachah king of Gath] The Achish to whom David
fled on two occasions (i Sam. xxi. 10; xxvii. 2) is called the son of
Maoch, which may be only another form of Maachah. But the time
which elap«ed between David's flight and the death of Shimei makes it
doubtful whether the same man was king still. The same royal names
were so frequently carried on in alternate generations that the similar-
ity need not surprise us. So Hannibal was the son of Hamilcar, and
Hamilcar the son of a former HannibaL

they told Shimei] i.e. Some persons who had come to know of the
whereabouts of the ser\-ants.

42. Did I not juake tJiee to swear by the Lord] There is no men-
tion of an oath in the previous part of the narrative (ver. 37), but the
solemnity of the charge was probably so enforced. The LXX, making
both portions of the story to correspond, inserts in verse 37 'and the
king made him to swear in that day.'

The word that I have heard] ' The saying &c.' as in verse 38. The
same Hebrew will thus have the same English.

43. the oath of the Lord] i.e. Which was sworn unto the Lord.

44. Thou knowest] The Hebrew inserts the pronoun emphatically.
It was needless for Solomon to recall the wrong with which Shimei's
own conscience would upbraid him.

28 I. KINGS, II. [vv. 45, 46.

to, that thou didst to David my father: therefore the Lord

45 shall return thy wickedness upon thine own head; and king
Solomon shall be blessed, and the throne of David shall be

46 established before the Lord for ever. So the king com-
manded Benaiah the son of Jehoiada; which went out, and
fell upon him, that he died. And the kingdom was esta-
bUshed in the hand of Solomon.

the Lord shall return] The Hebrew says 'the Lord hath returned.'
The punishment is so sure that the king speaks of it as already inflicted.
He is but the Lord's agent, and the doom of Shimei is counted as
executed. This appears the best way of understanding the grammar,
as there is no preceding verb from which this should derive the signi-
fication of an imperfect.

45. Solomon shall be bl'ssed'\ See above on verse 33.

the throne of David shall be established] According to God's pro-
mise (2 Sam. vii. 13 — 16). Solomon regards the punishments which
he has inflicted and is about to inflict, as a fulfilment of the conditions
under which the promise was made. His action is the upholding of
righteousness in the kingdom.

46. which went out\ Literally 'and he went out,' which reads
rather better than the A.V.

in the hand of Solomon'] The conspirators who might have been
dangerous were all removed, and now, though still but a youth, Solo-
mon had gained complete hold of the reins of government. Cf. 2
Chron. i. i, where it is said that he ' was strengthened in his kingdom,
and the Lord his God was with him.'

The Vulgate joins on the last clause of this verse to the first verse of
the next chapter; which seems to be a most natural connexion.

In the Chronicles no mention is made either of David's dying
injunctions to his son, nor of their execution. The compiler of that
book appears designedly to have omitted all notice of the troubles
under which David suffered, and so it does not fa)' within his plan to
speak of the punishment of his adversaries. The religious zeal of
Solomon, his wealth and wisdom, his abundant offerings and the
building of the Temple were themes better suited to the time when the
Chronicler compiled his narrative, and such matter therefore makes up
the most part of his book.

Ch. III. 1—4. Solomon marries Pharaoh's daughter. Sa-
crifices STII.L OFFERED ON THE HIGH PLACES. SOLOMON'S SA-
CRIFICE AT GiBEON. {2 Chron. i. 3.)

At the beginning of this Chapter the LXX. inserts a long passage
which has nothinjr to correspond to it in the Hebrew. It speaks of
Solomon's wisdom, the number of the people, the presents of those
who were tributary to Solomon, the pro\isions for his table, the names
of his chief ministers, and contains a notice of his horses and chariots.
Some portions of this passage are drawn from Chapter iv. and some

w. 1,2.] I. KINGS, III. 29

And Solomon made affinity with Pharaoh king of Egypt, 3
and took Pharaoh's daughter, and brought her into the city
of David, until he had made an end of building his own
house, and the house of the Lord, and the wall of Jerusa-
lem round about. Only the people sacrificed in high places, 2

from 2 Chron. ix. 25, 26. The verses of Chapter iv. which are intro-
duced here are omitted by the LXX. in that place. See notes there.

1. Pharaoh king of Egypt] This is the first notice since the Exo-
dus of any connexion of Israel with Egypt. It is impossible to decide
with certainty which Pharaoh it was whose daughter Solomon took to
wife. The 22nd Eg}-ptian djmasty commenced with Sheshonk I. (the
Shishak of the Bible), about B.C. 990. This monarch did much to
advance the Egyptian power, which under the previous Tanite sove-
reigns of the 2 1 St dynasty had sunk very low. We shall find Shishak
(i Kings xi. 40) receiving Jeroboam when he fled from Solomon. The
wife of Solomon must therefore have been a daughter of a king in the
previous dynasty, the kings of which would be likely to welcome an
alliance with so powerful a monarch. The last of these was Psu-
sennes II, but as he is said by Manetho to have reigned only fourteen
years, it seems more probable that the princess whom Solomon mar-
ried was the daughter of Psinaces who preceded Psusennes. Pharaoh
is used in the Bible as the royal title of the Eg}ptian kings, and not as
the proper name of any single person.

This .wife of Solomon probably embraced Judaism, as we find no
reproach against him for this marriage, nor is any Eg}'ptian deity men-
tioned among those for whom Solomon at a later time built high places
(1 Kings xi. i — 8) when strange women turned away his heart after
other gods.

into the city of David] This was the eastern portion of the hill of
Zion on which the temple was afterwards built Solomon considered
this too sacred a place for his own dwelling, because thither the ark of
the Lord had come (2 Chron. viii. 11).

his own house] This was outside the city of David, and from
I Kings vii. 8 we can see that the house for Pharaoh's daughter was
close to the king's own house, and built after the same fashion and of
like grandeur. The time which Solomon took about building his own
house was thirteen years (cf. vii. i), during this period the Egyptian
wife continued to dwell in the city of David. The marriage song of
the 45th Psalm is referred by the oldest interpreters to this marriage of
Solomon with Pharaoh's daughter.

2. Only the people sacrificed] The first word here seems to force us
to connect this verse with the last clause of the previous chapter. The
kingdom was established and all was well in temporal matters, but there
was still a part of the Divine appointment not duly observed. There
were high places in considerable numbers on which the people offered
sacrifices. It was ordained (Deut. xii. 13, 14) that this should not be
so. "Offer not thy burnt offerings in every place that thou seest, but

30 I. KINGS, III. [vv. 3,4.

because there was no house built unto the name of the

3 Lord, until those days. And Solomon loved the Lord,
Avalking in the statutes of David his father: only he sacrificed

4 and burnt incense in high places. And the king went to
Gibeon to sacrifice there; for that was the great high place:

in the place which the Lord shall choose in one of thy tribes.' But
as yet this one place had not been fixed. So the previous ordinance of
Exodus (xx. 24) intended for an unsettled time was still adhered to.
God had there said ' In all places where I record my name I will come
unto thee and I will bless thee.' An altar of earth was to be erected,
and burnt offerings and peace offerings brought thither. This early
ordinance was doubtless meant to be superseded as soon as possible
after the settlement in Canaan, but events happened which delayed the
choice of one place for all offerings, and so we find that God accepts the
sacrifice of Gideon at Ophrah (Judges vi. 23), of Manoah atZorah (Judges
xiii. 19), while Samuel (i ''^am. ix. 12) offers sacrifice at the high place
in the land of Zuph, and many other instances of the worship in the
high places are to be found in the books of Samuel, and there is no
expression anywhere of God's disapproval. As soon as we enter on
the books of the Kings we find that the writer has another standpoint,
and counts it an evil that the high places still remain. Hence the lan-
guage of this verse.

sacrificed^ It is not possible to express the exact force in good Eng-
lish of the participle used both here and in the next verse. It implies
the continuance of this custom, both with king and people, of wor-
shipping on the high places. The Hebrew requires both here and in
the following verse ' in the high places.' They were well-known seats
of worship.

tinto the name of the Lord] The phrase in the Pentateuch is that
God 'chooses to place His name' where He desires to be worshipped.
Cf. Deut. xii. 11 ; xiv. 23; xvi. 2, 6, ri ; Szc. Hence 'Name' came to
be synonymous with 'worship'; nomen gained the sense of numen.

3. "Walking in the statutes of David his father'\ These are the ob-
sen'ances which David had enjoined in ii. 3. There they are called
'the charge of the Lord,' and are here named '^f David,' because
David had been diligent in their observance. So in 2 Kings xvii. 8,
*the statutes of the heathen' means that idolatrous worship which the
heathen nations practised.

4. to Gibeon'] The Hivite city which was assigned by Joshua to the
tribe of Benjamin (Josh, xviii. 21 — 25). It is most kno\*n in early
times for the cunning device of its inhabitants to secure a treaty with
Joshua and the Israelites (Josh, ix.), and in later history because it was
the place where the tabernacle of the congregation and the brazen
altar of burnt-offering were set up until the completion of Solomon's
temple. Whether this position was chosen as a high place by the
Israelites or whL.her it had been a place used for worship by the
Hivites beforetime there is nothing to indicate.

the great high place'] tiobably because the tabernacle was there.

vv. 5—8.] I. KINGS, III. 31

a thousand burnt offerings did Solomon offer up on that
altar.

In Gibeon the Lord appeared to Solomon in a dream by s
night: and God said, Ask what I shall give thee. And So- 6
lomon said, Thou hast shewed unto thy servant David my
father great mercy, according as he walked before thee in
truth, and in righteousness, and in uprightness of heart with
thee; and thou hast kept for him this great kindness, that
thou hast given him a son to sit on his throne, as // is this
day. And now, O Lord my God, thou hast made thy ser- 7
vant king instead of David my father : and I a??i but a little
child : I know not how to go oxit or come in. And thy ser- 8

This was likely to make it more famous than its neighbours at Ramah
or Mizpeh.

a thousand burnt offerings'] In the Chronicles {2 Chron. i. 2, 3) we
are told a little more about this sacrifice. The king had consulted all
the people, and the great officers, and went up in a solemn procession
with all the congregation. This accounts for the abundance of the
offerings. After this occasion we hear no more of sacrifices at Gibeon.

5—15. God appears to vSolomon in a dream at Gibeon.
(2 Chron. i. 7 — 13.)

, 5. In Gibeon'] The narrative which follows shews that God accepted
the sacrifice of the king, though from want of a proper temple, it was
offered 'on the high place.

in a dream] The frequent way in which God is said to have made
known His will. Thus the angel of God spake unto Jacob in a dream
(Gen. xxxi. 11), and Joseph speaks of Pharaoh's dream (Gen. xli. 25)
as sent from God. Hence it came to pass that men expected divine
guidance through this channel. So Saul (i Sam. xxviii. 6, 15) when he
had inquired of the Lord, was distressed because he was not answered
either by dreams, or by Urim, or by prophets. It is to be noted that it is
Jehovah (the Lord) that appears, but Elohim (God) who speaks to
Solomon.

6. great mercy] As the word is the same as that rendered kind-
ness in the latter half of the verse it is better to render it so here. The
first kindness was during David's life, the further kindness was in giving
him a successor.

7. / am but a little child] This is a form of expression meant to
indicate want of experience, but cannot be pressed literally. What
Solomon's age may have been we have very imperfect data for judging.
The ordinary chronology puts the murder of Uriah about twenty years
before David's death. If this be correct Solomon might be at this time
17 or 18 years old. Bunsen [Bibelwerk) says 22.

to go out or come in] This expression of going out and coming in is
frequent in one form or another for the manner of leading one's life,

32 I. KINGS, III. [vv. 9— 13.

vant is in the midst of thy people which thou hast chosen,
a great people, that cannot be numbered nor counted
9 for multitude. Give therefore thy servant an understand-
ing heart to judge thy people, that / may discern between
good and bad: for who is able to judge this thy so great a

10 people? And the speech pleased the Lord, that Solomon

11 had asked this thing. And God said unto him, Because
thou hast asked this thing, and hast not asked for thyself
long life ; neither hast asked riches for thyself, nor hast
asked the life of thine enemies; but hast asked for thy-

12 self understanding to discern judgment; behold, I have done
according to thy word : lo^ I have given thee a wise and an
understanding heart; so that there was none like thee before

13 the^, neither after thee shall any arise like unto thee. And
I have also given thee f/iat which thou hast not asked, both
riches, and honour: so that there shall not be any among

and engaging in one's proper duties. So Joshua uses it (xiv. ir) of his
fitness for the leadership of Israel. Moses (Deut. xxxi. 2) when he is
speaking of his growing age, says he can no more go out and come in.

8. a great people, &c.] The language is that of inexperience, which
exaggerates the extent of duties and cares which it has not yet encoun-
tered, and which come upon it all at once.

9. an inidcrstanding heart\ This is explained (2 Chron. i. 10) by
'wisdom and knowledge.' The participle rendered 'understanding' is
literally 'hearing,' and the LXX. has paraphrased the clause thus: 'a
heart to hear and judge thy people in righteousness.' But the hearing
of the heart must refer to the following of the Divine guidance and
promptings from within. That this was Solomon's meaning seems cer-
tain, from the end of this verse 'Who is able to judge this thy so great
people?' unless (that is) he have thy constant leading, and attend
thereto?

The word rendered 'great' in this verse is different from that so
translated in verse 8. Here the literal sense is 'hccvy,' and the refer-
ence is to the great burden of care which the king must take upon
himself.

11. to discern Judgement] Literally, 'to hear judgement.' The word
is the same as in verse 9, where see note.

12. according to thy ivords\ The Hebrew is singular, and there
seems no gain in the English plural.

so that there was none] It is more agreeable to the English idiom in
this sense to render 'there hath been none.' In the matter of tenses
the English and Hebrew are not at all conterminous, and choice must
at times be made on the ground of English usage simply.

13. so that there shall not be] The Hebrew is precisely the same as
in the previous verse. Render therefore 'so that there hath not been.'

the kings like unto thee all thy days. And if thou wilt walk 14
in my ways, to keep my statutes and my commandments,
as thy father David did walk, then I will lengthen thy days.
And Solomon awoke; and behold, // was a dream. And 15
he came to Jerusalem, and stood before the ark of the cove-
nant of the Lord, and offered up burnt offerings, and offered
peace offerings, and made a feast to all his servants.

Then came there two women, that were harlots, unto the 16

The translation of the A.V. is no doubt due to the words with which
the verse closes 'all thy days.' But these words may be very well
understood, if we suppose them to refer to the duration of Solomon's
prosperity. 'There hath been none so prosperous as thou shalt be for
all thy days.' The LXX. renders 'there hath not been a man like thee
among kings,' and omits 'all thy days.'

14. as thy father David did walk'\ We are not to draw from words
like these an approval by God of all David's life, but only that his heart
was right towards God for the most part, and his repentance sincere for
the sins into which he fell.

I ivill lengthen thy days] Not only shall the king's life be made
prosperous, but God will add to his days if he be observant of His laws.

15. behold it was a dream] So of Pharaoh (Gen. xli. 7). This ex-
pression does not imply, as at first sight might be supposed, that the
vision was something illusoiy and not to be trusted to. On the con-
trary, the dream was one of the recognized modes whereby men ex-
pected to receive knowledge of the divine will. (See above on verse 5.)
Hence in this case, Solomon goes to Jerusalem and offers there a
solemn sacrifice; while Pharaoh deemed his dream of so much concern,
that 'his spirit was troubled' until he could find some one to interpret it.

before the ark of the covenant of the Lord] Which David had brought
and set up on Mt Zion in the city of David. See 2 Sam. vi. 12; i
Chron. xv. i; xvi. i.

The king's burnt offerings, peace offerings, and the feast to his ser-
vants wfo tokens of his faith in, and joy over, the promises which had
been made to him in his dream.

The LXX. by way of comment says 'he stood before the altar which
was before the ark of the covenant of the Lord on Zion.' In the
Chronicles (2 Chron. i. 13) there is no mention of this second sacrifice
on Zion. Probably the compiler deemed the splendid ceremonial and
sacrifices at Gibeon, before the tabernacle of the congregation, to be so
much the most important as to render the service on Zion not needful
to be recorded.

16 — 28. Solomon's judgement between the two harlots,
AND THE effect PRODUCED THEREBY. (Not in Chronicles.)

16. Tk€n came, &c.] We need not, any more than with rbre in the
New Test., consider 'then' as indicating immediate succession in
order of time upon what has gone before.

I. KINGS 3

34 I- KINGS, 111. [vv. 16—22.

17 king, and stood before him. And the one woman said, O
my lord, I and this woman dwell in one house; and I was

18 delivered of a child with her in the house. And it came to
pass the third day after that I was delivered, that this woman
was delivered also: and we were together; there was no
stranger with us in the house, save we two in the house.

19 And this woman's child died in the night; because she over-

20 laid it. And she rose at midnight, and took my son from
beside me, while thine handmaid slept, and laid it in her

21 bosom, and laid her dead child in my bosom. And when I
rose in the morning to give my child suck, behold, it was
dead : but when I had considered it in the morning, behold,

22 it was not my son, which I did bear. And the other woman

harlots\ TheChaldee para^-hrase explains in the sense of TravSoAcevrptcu,
but Josephus calls them {Ant. viii. 2, 2) eralpai tov piov.

and stood before hi?fi] The Eastern monarchs sat often to give judge-
ment at the gate of the city and so were accessible to all applicants.
So sat the elders of the city by the Mosaic ordinance (Deut. xxi. 19).
Compare also Ruth iv. 11; 2 Sam. xix. 8; Prov. xxii. 22, in which last
instance, the words 'in the gate' mean 'when he is before the tribunal,
where his cause is heard.'

17. I was delivered of a child with her] In the narrative of Josephus
the two children are said to have been bom at the same hour of the
same day. The LXX. renders 'we were delivered of children in the
house,' making 'with her' equivalent to 'I as well as she.'

18. there was no strang-er -with us] Thus the mother of the dead
child was able to persist in her false story. The word of one was as
good as that of the other.

19. overlaid it] And so smothered it, while both mother and child
were asleep.

20. and laid it in her bosom] It is not easy to account for the action
of this woman. We need not however suppose her *o have been pos-
sessed of very fine feelings, as indeed her after-behaviour shews. But
it is somewhat more than unnatural to adopt such a scheme as this
described here at a moment's notice. It may be that she was chiefly
moved by anxiety to preserve her own health, which would be im-
perilled through the sudden loss of the babe which she wai. meant to
nurse.

21. behold it was dead] i.e. I had a dead child in my bosom which
I supposed to be mine.

^ / had considered] The form of the verb implies a careful examina-
tion, a looking over and over, and noticing such marks on the child's
body as none but its mother would.

in the morninf\ When the daylight was sufficient for me to examine
the child carefully.

vv. 23—27.] I. KINGS, III. 35

said, Nay; but the living is my son, and the dead is thy
son. And this said, No; but the dead is thy son, and the
living is my son. Thus they spake before the king. Then 23
said the king, The one saith, This is my son that liveth, and
thy son is the dead: and the other saith. Nay; but thy son
is the dead, and my son is the living. And the king said, 24
Bring me a sword. And they brought a sword before the
king. And the king said, Divide the living child in two, and 25
give half to the one, and half to the other. Then spake the 26
woman w^hose the living child was unto the king, for her
bowels yerned upon her son, and she said, O my lord, give
her the living child, and in no wise slay it. But the other
said. Let it be neither mine nor thine, but divide //. Then 27
the king answered and said, Give her the living child, and

24. Bring me a sioord] As the verb is not the same as that which
in the next clause is rendered ' brought ', it may be well to use different
English. Read 'Fetch me a sword.'

25. Divide the living child'\ According to Josephus, the order of
the king was that both the living ^nd the dead child should be divided
and half of either be given to each mother. But this was not in
Solomon's thought. He was not wishing to make a fair division
of the two children, but, by threatening the living one, to bring to
light the maternal feeling and so to find out to which of them it really
belonged.

26.' her bozvels yerned'\ It was believed that some of the viscera
were the seat of the emotions. Hence this expression is very common
both in the Old and New Testament for the keenest and strongest feeling.
The verb yern, cognate with the German adverb ^^r« = ' eagerly ',
•gladly', implies intense desire. The literal sense of the Hebrew verb is
'to grow excessively warm.' We speak of the heart burning within
any one.

in no wise slay it\ The mother's love comes out. She could be
content if it only lived and she might see it, though W were called the
child of another.

divide it\ In this word she addresses those who stand ready to exe-
cute the king's sentence, 'divide (ye) it.'

27. Give her the living child] Not referring to the woman who had
last spoken as the sequence of the clauses might lead us to expect.
The king no doubt pointed to the mother who was desirous at all cost
to keep th^ child alive.

The late Dr Bernard had a most ingenious explanation of the con-
struction of this passage. The king, he said, was pondering the words
of the two women. At last he broke forth in the language of the mother
who had said ' Give her the living child and in no wise slay it.' And
to that sentence, taken as representative of the person who had spoken
it, he adds his own decision, ' She is the mother thereof.'

36 I. KINGS, III. IV. [vv. 28; 1,2.

B in no wise slay it: she is the mother thereof. And all

Israel heard of the judgement which the king had judged;

and they feared the king : for they saw that the wisdom of

God was in him, to do judgement.

4 So king Solomon was king over all Israel. And these

' were the princes which he had; Azariah the son of Zadok

28. they feared the king] As having a power beyond what they had
seen in any other to detect wrong, and to find out truth and falsehood,
and so to make certain the punishment of evildoers. There was no
escape from such a judge.

th2 ivisdof?i of God] i.e. Wisdom which God had given, and which
made the king skilful in trying the very thoughts of those who came
before him. A superhuman discernment had taken up its home
within him.

Ch. IV. 1 — 20. Lists of Solomon's officers.
(Not in Chronicles.)

1. over all Israel] The whole land yielded him willing obedience,
the people were contented and happy (see below, verse 20) and the
enemies of the king were removed.

2. Azariah the son of Zadok the priest] The two last words are to
be referred to Azariah and not to Zadok. The Vat. LXX. omits the
title, but the Alex, text has 6 lepei^j. On the contrary the Vulgate
renders *Sadoc Sacerdotis.^ The Zadok here named is the son of
Ahitub (i Chron. vi. 8), and Azariah was really his grandson, the
order being Zadok — Ahimaaz— Azariah. The use of ' son ' thus loosely
for grandson is not uncommon in the Old Test. Thus (Gen. xxix. 5)
Laban is called the son of Nahor. He was really the son of Bethuel.
Similarly (Ezra v. i) Zachariah the prophet is called the son of Iddo,
though Barachiah was his father and Iddo his grandfather.

The words 'the priest' have caused much discussion, and on the
margin of the A.V. 'chief officer' is given as an alternative meaning.
That the word may have another sense seems plain from 2 Sam. viii. 18.
In that passage the same word is used of David's sons, and is rendered
'chief rulers' or 'princes' in A.V. The R.V. translates 'priests' in
the text, with 'chief ministers' in the margin. We can hardly how-
ever think that David's sons were priests. But in the verse before us
Azariah belongs to the priestly family, as much as Zadok and Abia-
thar who are called 'priests' (the same Hebrew word) in vt.se 4.
Where there is no such connexion with the p; lestly line, Zabud the son
of Nathan, in verse 5, is styled 'principal officer'; the R.V. is con-
sistent and renders 'priest' there too, but puts 'chief minister' as an
alternative.

It is probably on account of the difficulty of so many persons being
called by the title usually rendered 'priest' that the LXX. omits tlie
title both after Azariah's name, and after Zabud's, calling the latter

w. 3—6.] I. KINGS, IV. 37

the priest, Elihoreph and Ahiah, the sons of Shisha, scribes; 3
Jehoshaphat the son of Ahilud, the recorder. And Benaiah 4
the son of Jehoiada was over the host : and Zadok and Abi-
athar were the priests : and Azariah the son of Nathan was 3
over the officers: and Zabud the son of Nathan icas prin-
cipal officer, and the king's friend : and Ahishar was over 6

merely eraTpoi tov /SacrtX^ws. It seems clear however from the instance
of David's sons that the title had a sense in which it could be applied
to others than those of the priestly line.

3. S/iis/ia] This name appears as Shavsha (i Chron. xviii. 16) and
as Sheva (2 Sam. xx. 25). A comparison of those verses with 2 Sam.
viii. 17, shews that the person meant was also called Seraiah, from
which word the other forms are probably copyists' corruptions. Se-
raiah's office had descended to his sons, as was so often the case among
the Jews. With the growth of the kingdom since David's time the
duties of the royal scribe, or secretary, would have been much in-
creased ; we can therefore understand that two persons were needed for
the office instead of one.

Jehoshaphat] He had held the same office in the days of Da\-id.
See 2 Sam. viii. 16; xx. ■24. The duties of the recorder, or remem-
brancer, were to keep records of such events as were important in the
history of the country. Such annals have afforded, no doubt, a good
deal of the matter for Kings and Chronicles. Such was the 'book of
records of the Chronicles' (Esther vi. i) in which Mordecai's service
was registered, and from which it was read out to Ahasuerus.

4. 'aver the host] Benaiah had been put into Joab's office. See
ii. 34.

Zadok and Abiathar were the pnests] The Hebrew says only ' were
priests.' Aliiathar was still called priest, we may presume, after his
banishment to Anathoth. The existence of two chief places for wor-
ship and sacrifice, the one at Gibeon, where the tabernacle was, and
the other, where the ark was kept, on Mt Zion, had made it necessary
that there should be more than one principal priest. Hence Abiathar
and Zadok were in office together, and now that Abiathar was
deposed, Azariah had come in as a second priest.

5. the officers] The word signifies such persons as had the over-
sight of any work. Thus the same word is used for the victualling^
officers in verse 7; it is again used in v. r6 for the persons at the heatl
of the preparation for the temple-building, and in ix. 23 of those who
bare rule over the people that wrought in such works as the building of
cities which Is there described.

principal officer] The Hebrew word is cohen, usually =' priest,' but
see on verse 2.

the king's friend] This means a chief and intimate counsellor. It
is applied to Hushai (2 Sam. xv. 37; xvi. 16) and from the relation
in which Hushai stood to David we may see what is implied in the
title.

38 I. KINGS, IV. [w. 7— 9.

the household : and Adoniram the son of Abda was over the

7 tribute. And Solomon had twelve officers over all Israel,
which provided victuals for the king and his household:

8 each man his month in a year made provision. And these

9 are their names: The son of Hur, in mount Ephraim: the
son of Dekar, in Maka^, and in Shaalbim, and Beth-she-

6. After the mention of Ahishar, the LXX. (_Vat.) adds koX 'EXtA/c 0
olKouofJios /cat 'E\td/3 vlbs 'Za.<p eirl rrjs Trarpids.

Adoniram] He is mentioned again v. 14 ; and the name is found
in a contracted form Adoroju (2 Sam. xx. 24; i Kings xiL 18)
and Hadoram (2 Chron. x. 18). He was stoned to death by the
Israelites to whom Rehoboam sent him, as a collector of tribute, after
the revolt of the ten tribes to Jeroboam.

over the tribute] [R. V. levy.] This is the forced labour, in \\hich
fomi the service of tributaries was often exacted. The same word is
also used (v. 13) of the men who did this forced labour. There it is
rendered 'levy,' in A. V. It is the German Fj-ohndienst^ French corvee'.

7. twelve officers] The stations of these men were in different
parts of the countr}', and each for his month had to gather from
the district assigned to him contributions in kind for the royal
household.

8. The son of Htir] Better Ben-Hur. So the Vulgate and simi-
larly in verses 9, lo, 11, 13. The name is a patronj-mic, and five out
of these twelve officers are thus designated by their fathers' names
rather than by their own. Perhaps at the time the father in er.ch
case was more distinguished than the son. The place of commissariat-
officer is one which might well be given to a younger man of some
well-known family. Two of the men were Solomon's sons-in-law.

in jnoiint Ephrairn] 'Mount' conveys a mistaken idea of the rich
country of Ephraim. It was a hilly but very fertile region which
stretched northwards from the tribe of Benjamin until the land sinks
into the plain ot Jezreel. It is separated from the Jordan valley by a
plain on the east, and by another plain on the west 'rom the Medi-
terranean sea. It would be more suitably called Viili country than
mountain.

9. the son of Dekar] Read Ben-Deker, according to the Hebrew
pointing. The name Deker is found nowhere else.

in Makaz] The name does not occur again, and we can only con-
jecture the whereabouts of the place from the other names with which
it is joined. Shaalbim, the town next mertioned, was in the tribe of
Dan (Judges i. 35); Bethshemesh, was at the northern boundary ot
Judah, and was one of the 'suburb cities' allotted to the priests (Josh,
xxi. 16); of Elon-beth-hanan nothing more is known. The Vulgate,
following some Hebrew MSS. reads ' Elon and Bethhanan,' makirg two
towns out of the name. It is clear however that Ben-Deker's district
lay in Dan and on the borders of Judah.

w. lo— 12.] I. KINGS, IV. 39

mesh, and Elon-beth-hanan : the son of Hesed, in Aruboth; to
to him /^r/^/^^^ Sochoh, and all the land of Hepher: the n
son of Abinadab, in all the region of Dor; which had Ta-
phath the daughter of Solomon to ^^ife: Baana the son of 12
Ahilud; to him pertained Taanach and Megiddo, and all

10. the son of Hesed\ Read Ben-Hesed. Of Hesed we have no

further notice. . j a^-v.

in Aruboth] The Hebrew points require us to spell the word Arut-
both. Tudgincr from the names which follow, Anibboth was a town or
district in the low country lying between the mountamous portion of
Tudah and the Mediterranean. There was Sochoh (more correctly
Socoh) a place noticed Josh. xv. 35, and also as being near the encamp-
ment of the Philistines in Goliath's time (1 Sam. xvu. i). A king ot
Hepher is mentioned Josh. xii. 17, to whom probably this land of
Hepher pertained. The other names in the list in Joshua are ot
towns in this district to which we know Socoh belonged. _

11 the son of Abinadab] Read Ben-Abinadab. Abinadab was a
very common Jewish name. We have no further mention of this man.
in all the region of Dor] Hebrew Naphath Dor. Dor was an ancient
city of the Canaanites, lying on the sea-coast under the side of Mount
Carmel. It was in the tribe of Manasseh. It is first mentioned, and
its king, in Josh. xi. I, 2; xii. 23- From the cognates of Aaphath,\.he
word should imply elevation. Hence the R. V. renders 'the Height of
Dor,' and its vicinity to the mountain gives support to that rendering.
Being close to the north of the fertile plam of Sharon the country
about- Dor was doubtless well suited for supplying Solomon s household.
Taphath the daughter of SolojHon] Only mentioned here.
12. Baana the son of Ahilud] Probably the brother of Jehoshaphat
the recorder mentioned in verse 3. , . , , . .v ^ r

Taanach and Megiddo] These places are both inland to the east ot
Dor, Me^ddo being a little north of Taanach which hes in the valley
of Esdraelon. Cf. Judg. v. 19 'Taanach by the waters of Megiddo.^
Beth-sheen is still further east nearer to the Jordan, and Z^^rtana>i
is no doubt Zarethan or Zarthan (Joshua iii. 16), which must have
been close to the Jordan. Abel-meholah is south from Beth -shean
in the Jordan valley. The name Jokneam should be, on the authority
both of Hebrew, Septuagint and Vulgate, written Jokmeam. Ihis
place is mentioned i Chron. vi. 68, but in the parallel passage Joshua
xxi. 22 Kibzaim is given instead. In both passages the place is assigned
as one of the Levitical cities in the tribe of Ephraim, which would suit
entirely with the text of the present verse, as it would then be m the
same district as Zarthan and Abel-meholah, whereas Jokneam \ies\o
the north of the ridge of Carmel, not far from the coast ot the Mediter-
ranean. The scribe's confusion between Jokmeam WJ^\>' and Kibzaun
D^Vnp is not difficult to understand on looking at the forms in Hebrew.
Instead of the italics to him pertained at the beginning of this ver^e, it
is simpler to substitute In, which stands in all the previous verses.

40 I. KINGS, IV. [v. 13.

Beth-shean, which is by Zartanah beneath Jezreel, from Beth-
shean to Abel-meholah, eve?i unto the place that is beyond
13 Jokneam: the son of Geber, in Ramoth-gilead; to \ivix\ per-
tained the towns of Jair the son of Manasseh, which are in
Gilead; to him also pertai7ied the region of Argob, which is
in Bashan, threescore great cities with walls and brasen bars:

beneath yezreet\ implies that the place or district so described lay in
the plain country stretching south of Jezreel. That city was built on a
small height and looked south over the plain of Esdraelon.

13. the son of Geber] Better, Ben-Geber. The name 'Geber'
occurs again in verse 19, but whether the same person is m.eant by it
there is nothing to shew. It is only found in these two places.

in Ramoth-gilead] We now come to the mountainous district on
the eastern side of the Jordan, in which were settled the tribes of
Reuben, Gad, and half of Manasseh.

the towns of Jair] As the H ^brew word (hawoth) rendered ' towns' is
found only in this connexion it is better to treat it as a part of the pro-
per name and render Hawoth- Jair. About these 'towns' there is some
difficulty. They are first mentioned (Num. xxxii. 41) as 'small tov/ns'
in Gilead, and occupied by Jair the son of Manasseh. They are men-
tioned again (Deut. iii. 14) and said (Josh. xiii. 30) to be in Bashan and
to be 60 in number, whereas in i Chron. ii. 23 they are counted as 60
only with the addition of certain other places. In this chapter the
question is, are the Hawoth- Jair included in the region of Argob or
not? As there is no conjunction, between the two clauses, it seems most
natural to take the latter as a fuller definition of the former. ' To him
belonged Hawoth- Jair, even the region of A -gob &c. ' This has the
advantage of coupling with Havvoth-Jair the number 60 which plays
such a part in the other passages quoted above.

In Judges x. 4 where the Havvoth-Jair are again mentioned, though
they are connected with the history of the judge who was so called, yet
there is nothing to indicate that the naming of the cities was due to him.
As Jair the son of Manasseh first occupied these places, it is likely that
his name would become a common one. The sons of Jair the judge
held but half the number of the towns, but that is no evidence that the
other thirty were then non-existent or that they were not also included
in the name Havvoth-Jair, but in the hands of difterent governors.

in Gilead] Gilead is the name of that mountainous district, east of
the Jordan, which had on the north the country of Bashan and en the
south Moab and Amnion. Its chief towns were Ramoth-gilerd and
Jabesh-gilead. Sometimes also Jaazer is counted as belonging to it.

Argob] The district which in later times was called Trachonitis.
(See Deut. iii. 4.)

Bashan] The country which lay immediately north of Gilead, and
stretched northwards to Mount Hermon.

great cities with 'WiJls and brasen bars] The cities of this district
are so described Deut. iii. 5, and there still are found in this neighbour-

w. 14—20.] I. KINGS, IV. 41

Ahinadab the son of Iddo had Mahanaim : Ahimaaz was in J*
Naphtali; he also took Basmath the daughter of Solomon to
wife: Baanah the son of Hushai was in Asher and in Aloth: 16
Jehoshaphat the son of Paruah, in Issachar: Shimei the son {^
of Elah, in Benjamin : Geber the son of Uri was in the 19
country of Gilead, in the country of Sihon king of the Amo-
rites, and of Og king of Bashan; and he was the only officer
which ivas in the land. Judah and Israel were many, as the 20

hood ruins of walled cities (see Bunsen's Bibeliverk in loc). As the
armaments and modes of warfare were of a much more primitive
character than in later times, we need not picture to ourselves from this
description fortifications such as would now deserve the name.

14. had Mahanaiml The Hebrew is, as noted in the margin of
A. v., 'to Mahanaim.' The change of construction is as though some
verb = 'was appointed' had been in the mind of the writer for this one
verse out of the list.

15. Ahifnaaz] As no father's name is mentioned we may perhaps
conclude that the well-known son of Zadok the priest is meant, who
comes into historic notice at the time when David was fleeing before
Absalom (2 Sam. xv. 27). His close connexion with the royal family
would be likely to secure for him, if he sought it, a daughter of the
king as his wife.

16. Baanah'\ The Hebrew orthography is the same as in verse
12. So read Baana. Here another son of his father's friend is cared
for by Solomon. Hushai, father of Baana, was devoted to David's cause
in the rebellion of Absalom (2 Sam. xv. 32) and it speaks well for
Solomon that this devotion is not forgotten.

and in Aloth'\ We meet nowhere else with the name Aloth. The
LXX. read BaaXa-^, which the Vulg. follows in Baloth. Hence the
R. V. has giver and Bealoth taking the initial D not as a preposition
= z«, but as part of the proper name. The name does occur (Josh. xv.
24) but there it is of a place in the south of Judah. There may how-
ever have ueen another town or district so named elsewhere. The tribe
of Asher, near to which this place must have been, lay on the sea-board,
southward from Phoenicia, while Xaphtali was to the east, and some-
what north, of it, above what in later times was the sea of Galilee.

17. in Issachar] The tribe of Zebulon came to the south of Naphtali,
and south of this was Issachar. Jezreel and Gilboa were in this tribe.

18. Elah] The usual manner of transliteration requires Ela, like
Baana in 16.

19. in the country of Gilead] Geber had the oversight of that part
of Gilead which lay south of the district assigned to Ben-Geber (verse
13). This comprised all the kingdom of Sihon and part of the kingdom
of Og (Deut. chh. ii. iii.), and was a very extensive province, but on
account of its rugged character was probably thinly populated. The
extent of it may account for the notice which follows that Geber
was the only officer, though the country was so large.

42 I. KINGS, IV. [w. 21,22.

sand which is by the sea in multitude, eating and drinking,
and making merry.

And Solomon reigned over all kingdoms from the river
unto the land of the Philibtines, and unto the border of
Egypt : they brought presents, and served Solomon all the
days of his life. And Solomon's provision for one day was
thirty measures of fine flour, and threescore measures of

20. eating and drinking, and niakijig merry\ Words added to the
description of the increased population to mark the great prosperity of
the land. There was abundance everywhere, and none to make them
afraid. Cf. below, verse 25.

21—28. Extent of Solomon's Kingdom, the provision for his
TABLE, HIS STUD. (Not in Chronicles.)

21. This verse in the Hebrew is the beginning of Chapter V., which
has therefore 32 verses instear' of 18 as in the English division. The
LXX. and the Vulgate divide as in the A.V., but the former has a
different order of the verses, putting after verse 19, the other verses as
follows 27, 28, 22, 23, 24, 29, 30, 31, 32, 33, 34. Of verses 20, 21 and
25, 26 the LXX. has no notice, and adds a passage after 34, on which
see note there.

over all kingdofns] The country was governed by a number of
petty kings who all owned Solomon as their lord superior.
fro?}i the r/ver] i.e. The River /a;- excellence, viz. the Euphrates.

unto the land of the Phili3tines\ There is no word for 'unto' in the
sentence. It would seem best therefore to repeat the previous preposi-
tion, and render ^ over the land of the Philistiiies.' The first section of
the verse will thus embrace the kingdoms to the north and east of
Israel and Judah, the second those to the south and west. It should be
mentioned that in 2 Chron. ix. 26 the preposition ' unto' is expressed in
the Hebrew. The Vulgate here, in consequence of the absence of any
preposition, translates 'a flumine terrie Pliilistiim.'

they brought present s\ The noun is singular, and comprehends all that
sort of offerings which tributaries rendered to their chief lord, but to
which the more euphemious narrfe of 'gift' or 'present' was assigned.
Cp. for the character of these gifts 2 Sam. viii. 2, 6, where they are
described as tribute from nations who became servants to king David;
and in 2 Kings xvii. 4, we learn that they were presented year by year,
and the failure in such service was ground enough for suspicion of con-
spiracy and for commencing war against the defaulter.

22. mLasures\ The Hebrew word is cor. It is of the same capacity
as the homer, and is used both as a liquid and a dry measure (see i
Kings v. 11). It contained 10 ephahs in dry, and 10 baths in liquid
measure. According to the Rabbins the cor contained nearly 45 gal-
lons, but Josephus gives a different value and makes it to be equal to
nearly 87 gallons, /vccordiug to one estimate Solomon's dependants
consumed about 1350 gallons of fine flour per day, according to the

vv. 23—26.] I. KINGS, IV. 43

meal, ten fat oxen, and twenty oxen out of the pastures, and 23
an hundred sheep, beside harts, and roebucks, and fallow-
deer, and fatted fowl. For he had dominion over all the 24
region on this side the river, from Tiphsah even to Azzah,
over all the kings on this side the river: and he had peace
on all sides round about him. And Judah and Israel dwelt 25
safely, every man under his vine and under his fig tree, from
Dan even to Beer-sheba, all the days of Solomon. And 26
Solomon had forty thousand stalls of horses for his chariots,

other about 2510 gallons, and twice as much meal. Bunsen {Bibelwerk)
reckons 28000 lbs. of baked bread and concludes that the number of
persons provided for was 15000.

23. roebucks] The Hebrew word (""^V) is rendered dopKas by the
LXX. i.e. a gazelle. It is akin to the proper name Tabitha, i.e. Aop\-ds
(Acts ix. 36). The rendering rocbtick is better suited to the description
of the next kind of anim-als mentioned and which A. V. translatesya/Z^ra;
deer.

fatted fowl] The word rendered 'fowl,' is found only in this passage.
The Chaldee paraphrase, as well as the Syriac and the Vulgate interpret
it thus, so that we have full support from Jewish tradition. Kimchi
thinks common fowls are meant. Gesenius, connecting the word with
a root signifying /«;'^, thinks geese or swans may be intended.

24. on this side the river] The side intended is of course here quite
plain. It is the country west of the Euphrates towards Palestine. But the
same Hebrew came to be used by those who were dwelling east of the
Euphrates (cp. Ezra iv. 16; vi. 6; vii. 21, 25; viii. 36; Neh. ii. 7) when
they spake of Palestine. So Cisalpina was used of Gaul south of the
Alps, not only by those living there, but by those who lived on the
other side of the Alpine range.

Tiphsah] i.e. Thapsacus on the west side of the river Euphrates.
It was here that Cyrus crossed the river in the expedition of the Ten
Thousand.

to Azzah] i.e. Gaza, one of the five famous cities of the Philistines
toward the south of the Holy Land.

and he had peace on all sides] According to the promise implied in
his name. See i Chron. xxii. 9 'His name shall be Solomon and I will
gwe peace (shalom) and quietness unto Israel in his days.'

25. Judah and Israel] Clearly marked off from one another,
though no separation had yet taken place.

under his vine ajid tinder his Jig tree] A sort of proverbial descrip-
tion of a state of peace and prosperity. Cp. Micah iv. 4. On the con-
trary, for a scene of desolation we have (Joel i. 12) 'the vine is dried,
and the fig tree languisheth. ' Cp. also Hab. iii. 17.

26. horses for his chariots] This is one of the passages which make
clear the meaning of the Hebrew sus, a horse to go in a chariot, and
parash, a saddle-horse. In 2 Chron. ix. 25 the number of stalls is 4000
instead of 40000 as here.

44 I. KINGS, IV. [vv. 27—31.

27 and twelve thousand horsemen. And those officers pro-
vided victual for king Solomon, and for all that came unto
king Solomon's table, every man i7i his month: they lacked

2S nothing. Barley also and straw for the horses and drome-
daries brought they unto the place where the officers were,
every man according to his charge.

29 And God gave Solomon wisdom and understanding ex-
ceeding much, and largeness of heart, a^e7i as the sand that

30 is on the sea shore. And Solomon's wisdom excelled the
wisdom of all the children of the east country, and all the

31 wisdom of Egypt. For he was wiser than all men; than
Ethan the Ezrahite, and Heman, and Chalcol, and Darda,

27. A7td those officers] Referring to the twelve enumerated in
verses 8 — 19. There is a decree of awkwardness in the way in which
the fresh mention of them is mtroduced, and this no doubt led to the
transposition in the LXX. which has been noticed above.

they lacked nothing] Rather, 'they let nothing be missing.' The
notion of the verb is that of inspecting troops, and marking, and at once
correcting, deficiencies.

28. U7ito the place where the officers luere] As shewn by the italics
of A. V. there is no word in the original for ' the officers.' The verb
moreover is in the singular. It is better therefore to render with the
margin of R. V. 'where he (i.e. the kmg) was' or 'where it should be.'

29—34. The WISDOM AND FAME OF Solomon. (Not in Chronicles. )

29. largeness of heart] By this is meant a comprehensive powerful
mind capable of grasping the knowledge of many and difficult subjects;
poetry, philosophy, natural history in its various branches; he was
master of them all.

as the sand that is on the sea shore] The proverbial expression for
greatness of every kind. See above verse 20.

30. the children of the east country] i.e. The Chaldceins and Arabians
who from early times were noted for their astrological investigations and
for their wisdom. Job is spoken of as among these children of the east
(Job i. 3) and the character of their wisdom and scientific learning may
be gathered in some degree from the speeches of his friends. Pytha-
goras is said to have visited Arabia and derived from thence some of
the precepts of his philosophy. From the same quarter came ' he wise
men' unto Bethlehem when Christ was born (Matt. ii. i).

iiiisdom of Egypt] We read of 'the wise men and sorcerers' of Pha-
raoh as early as Exod. vii. rr, and 'the wise men of Egypt' are men-
tioned (Gen. xli. 8) in the history of Joseph, and the tradition of
Egyptian wisdom is noticed in Stephen's speech (Acts vii. 12).

31. Ethan the Ezrahite^ and Hetnan] Ethan and Heman are among
the names of the singers (i ('Inon. xv. 19) appointed by David when

w. 32, 33-] I- KINGS, IV. 45

the sons of Mahol : and his fame was in all nations round
about. And he spake three thousand proverbs : and his 32
songs were a thousand and five. And he spake of trees, 33

the ark was brought up to the city of David, but there is no possibility
of deciding whether those are the men alluded to here. In £ Chronicles
(xv. 17) Ethan is called the son of Kushaiah, and the son of Kishi
(i Chron. vi. 44), and Heman is, in the latter chapter (verse 33), called
the son of Joel. See the next note.

Chalcol} The better orthography is Calcol which A.V. gives for the
same name in i Chron. ii. 6. In that passage we find (with a slight
modification of the last) the four names of this verse all mentioned as
sons of Zerah, the son of Judah. These would therefore be great-
grandsons of Jacob. The difference between the name Darda niT and
Dara m (of i Chron. ii 6) may be due only to a slip of the transcriber.
But no tradition has survived which tells of the special wisdom of this
family, nor can we connect the name Mahol, as the father of some
of them at least is here called, with Zcrah. But the occurrence of the
four names together in one family inclines to the opinion that these men
were the men spoken of here. Their fame, even if not at first great,
may have grown so during the time between Judah and Solomon.

in all 7iations\ We know that it had reached the queen of Sheba.
See chap. x.

32. three thousand proverb s\ Of which some are contained in the
book of Proverbs to which his name is given, but these are not all his,
nor would all that are attributed to him there approach the number in

the text. The proverb (?CD) of the Hebrews was, as we see from
those pr-eserved, more of the character of a parable, or wise compar-
ison, than what we commonly call by that name.

his songs] No doubt some of these were preserved, though not
included in the Canon of Scripture, and their character is perhaps
impressed upon the Song, which is called of Solomon, that has come
down to us. The LXX. makes the number of the songs to be 5000 ;
Josephus agrees with the Hebrew text. We need not suppose that
these songs were of a sacred character. Psalms Ixxii. and cxxvii. are (if
we be consistent in translating the preposition) ascribed to Solomon
in their titles, but the titles are of small authority, and in the latter case
the LXX. omits the ascription to Solomon. Ewald thinks the second
Psalm may be one of Solomon's composition. Dean Perowne, thinking
it probable that Solomon made a collection of his father's poetry for the
service of the Temple, attributes the first Psalm to him. The senten-
tious and somewhat proverbial character of the language gives support
to this opinion.

33. And he spake] i.e. He gave descriptions of the whole vegetable
world, and discussed the virtues of the various plants. For it has been
always of their medicinal properties that the earliest works on plants
have treated. They were the remedies for all diseases, and a know-
ledge of ' simples,' as they were called in England in old times, was
counted for the highest wisdom.

46 I. KINGS, IV. V. [vv. 34; i.

from the cedar tree that is in Lebanon even unto the hyssop
that springeth out of the wall: he spake also of beasts, and

34 of fowl, and of creeping things, and of fishes. And there
came of all people to hear the wisdom of Solomon, from all
kings of the earth, which had heard of his wisdom.

5 And Hiram king of Tyre sent his servants unto Solomon;

the cedai-l The tree of greatest glory in Palestine is named as one
extreme of the vegetable world, and the hyssop on the wall as
the other.

of beasts'] Similarly, under the names of beasts, fowls, creeping
things and fishes, the whole animal world is specified after, the division
of those times. The same classes are mentioned in the account of the
creation. Josephus {Ant. viii. 2, 5) enlarges on the simple narrative
of the text, telling how the king's knowledge of the peculiarities of
these various creatures was of the most thorough character. He then
goes on to tell that he was erdowed with power against demons, and
could cure men who were possessed with evil spirits. He is also said
to have left forms of incantation and exorcism, of which, Josephus says,
some knowledge had come down to his own time, and he gives a story
of a Jew who wrought such a cure as he describes in the presence of
the emperor Vespasian.

34. ff'0})i all kings of the earth] It is most likely that what is
meant is that embassies were sent from various kingdoms. The visit
of the queen of Sheba (chap, x.) is preserved to us probably as one of
the more distant visits, and made, as could not often be the case, by
the monarch in person.

Here the LXX. ( Vat.) adds some words which partly repeat iii. 1
'And Solomon took to him the daughter of Pharaoh to wife, and
brought her into the city of David until he had finished the house of
the Lord, and his own house and the wall of Jerusalem.' After this
follows from ix. 16 'Then Pharaoh king of Egypt went up and took
Gazer, and set fire to it, and the Canaanite that dwelt in Mergab.
And Pharaoh gave them as presents to his daughter, Solomon's wife.
And Solomon built up Gazer.' At ix. 16 the Vatican text omits the
words inserted here. It seems as though a change oi order had been
made that the wedding presents (aTroo-ToXds) might be mentioned at an
earlier part of the narrative.

Ch. V. 1 — 12. Preparations of timber and stone for Solo-
mon's TEMPLE. League between Solomon and Hir.am king
OF Tyre. (2 Chron. ii. 3 — 16.)

1. Hiram king of Tyre] The name of this king is spelt Hirom
below in verses 10 and 18, and in 1 Chron. ii. 3 Htiram. From the
words of the latter narrative we should conclude that it was the same
king who had ruled in Tyre in the days of David, to whom he is said
to have sent timber lor the building of his own house. Cp. 2 Sam. v.
II. But the events alluded to in Samuel were as it seems in the early

vv. 2, 3.] 1. KINGS, V. 47

for he had heard that they had anointed him king in the
room of his father: for Hiram was ever a lover of David.
And Solomon sent to Hiram, saying, Thou knowest how
that David my father could not build a house unto the name
of the Lord his God for the wars which were about him on

part of David's reign in Jerusalem, that is, between 30 and 40 years
before the preparations spoken of in the present verse. It may therefore
be that two kings in succession bore the same name, and this view is
confirmed by 2 Chron. ii. 13.

sent his servants unto Solomon^ Seemingly with a message of congra-
tulation on his accession. Josephus {Ant. viii. 2, ^) says so. 'He
saluted and congratulated him on his present prosperity.' The S\'riac
has a clause to the same effect. The LXX. ver}' strangely says 'he
sent his servants to anoint (xp'crat) Solomon in the room of Da\'id.'
Hiram was no doubt the greatest independent prince near the land of
Israel, but there is no trace of any authority of the Tyrian kings over
Israel.

Hiram ivas ever a lover of David'\ (Cf. 2 Sam. v. 11.) If this be
not the same person as the Hiram in David's reign, Hiram must be
taken here merely as a synonym for the king of Tyre, just as Pharaoh
is often for the king of Eg}'pt.

2. Solomo7i sent to Hirauil Josephus {I.e.) says that the message
was by letter, as was also Hiram's answer. That Hiram wrote his reply
is mentioned 2 Chron. ii. 11. Josephus also states that copies of these
two letters still remained not only preserved in the Jewish records, but
also among the Tyrians so that anybody wishing to test his statements
might, if he wished, refer to them.

3. Thou knowest] David's preparations must have been well known
throughout the Phoenician kingdom, and so to Hiram even though he
was not himself king. Cf. i Chron. xxii. 4 where we are told that the
Zidonians and they of Tyre brought much cedar wood to David. The
reason why David himself did not begin to build the temple may also
have been knowTi to the northern king.

could not build a house] He was forbidden to do this by the word of
the Lord (cf. i Chron. xxii. 8; xxviii. 3) because he had shed blood
abundantly and made great wars.

unto the name of the Lord] See above on iii. 2.

for the wars which were about him] The concord in this clause is
not strictly grammatical, the noun rendered ' wars ' being singular while
the verb which follows is plural. It has therefore been proposed to
render 'because of the war wherewith they (i.e. his enemies) surrounded
him.' It seems better however to consider the singular noun as equiva-
lent to a Y>^\xx3.\ = enemies. And thus the rendering of the A. V. gives
the correct sense. Another solution proposed has been to consider the
words 'men of as fallen out before 'war,' thus making the sense 'be-
cause of the men of war who encompassed him.' But such emendation
of the text has no support in the versions.

48 I. KINGS, V. [vv. 4—6.

every side, until the Lord put them under the soles of his

4 feet. But now the Lord my God hath given me rest on
every side, so that there is neither adversary nor evil occur-

5 rent. And behold, I purpose to build a house unto the
name of the Lord my God, as the Lord spake unto David
my father, saying, Thy son, whom I will set upon thy throne

6 in thy room, he shall build a house unto my name. Now
therefore command thou that they hew me cedar trees out
of Lebanon; and my servants shall be with thy servants:

ptit them under the soles of his feet"] A phrase not uncommon to
denote entire conquest. Cf. Ps. viii. 6; i Cor. xv. 27; Eph. i. 22.

4. rest on every side] Cf. above iv. 24.

evil occurrent] ' Occurrent ' is the old English form of the noun for
which we now use 'occurrence.' Cf. Bacon Henry VII. {Pitt Press
Series) p. 68. *He paid the king large tribute of his gratitude in dili-
gent advertisement of the occurrents of Italy.' Probably the A.V.
rendering is due to the Vulgate, which has occursus malus.

5. I purpose] The verb in the original is that usually rendered 'to
say.' It is similarly used 2 Sam. xxi. 16. * Pie //^^w^-^/ to have slain
David.' It means 'he said he would.'

to build a house]. It should be noticed that between the narrative
in Kings and Chronicles there is a marked difference here. The former
says nothing about the preparations which David had made for building
the Temple, but makes the preparation commence under Solomon. In
Chronicles David is represented as making great preparations before his
death. Cf. i Chron. xxix. 6 — 9; 2 Chron. ii 3 — 7 and with i Kings
vi. 2 compare 2 Chron. iii. 3.

as the Lord spake] Cf. 2 Sam. vii. 12, 13. In that passage no men.
tion is made of the reason why David was not permitted to build.

6. Now therefore co7}imatid thou] Solomon's request is much ex-
panded in 2 Chron. ii. 3 — 10, where he asks for a cunning workman in
gold and other metals, and in purple, crimson and blue, and .skilled in
carving or engraving. He desires also much other w< >od beside cedar,
Of the Sidonian purple we have frequent notices in Classical authors,
it is 'the grain of Sarra worn by Kings and heroes old,' as Milton
sings of it. Par. Lost Xi. 242. Cf. Verg. y£«. IV. 137 'Sidoniam
picto chlamydem circumdata limbo.' Homer tells us of the great skill
of Sidonian workmen : the embroidered robes of Andromache and the
bowl given by Achilles as a prize at the games in honour of Patroclus
were of Sidonian workmanship. (Hom. //. vi. 290 ; xxiii. 743, 744.)

cedar-trees out of Lebanon] We see from Hiram's answer in verse 8
where 'timber of fir' is added to the 'timber of cedar' that we have here
only an abstract of Solomon's request, and the fuller form in Chronicles
has probably been drawn frorti an original authority.

hire for thy serva/^.j] The hire takes the lorm of a supply of corn
and oil of which the kingdom of Solomon was very productive.

w. 7—9.] I. KINGS, V. 49

and unto thee will I give hire for thy servants according to
all that thou shalt appoint: for thou knowest that there is
not among us any that can skill to hew timber like unto the
Sidonians. And it came to pass, when Hiram heard the 7
words of Solomon, that he rejoiced greatly, and said, Bless-
ed be the Lord this day, which hath given unto David a
wise son over this great people. And Hiram sent to Solo- 8
mon, saying, I have considered the things which thou sentest
to mQfor: and I will do all thy desire concerning timber of
cedar, and concerning timber of fir. My servants shall 9
bring the?n down from Lebanon unto the sea: and I will

can skill] This somewhat antiquated word is found also 2 Chron. ii.
7, 8;xxxiv. 12. It means 'to know the best way of doing anything.'
Cf. Holland Pliny xviii. 10. 'Without beans they cannot skill how
to dress anything for their daily food.'

7. he rejoiced greatly] For the alliance thus offered to him was that
of the mightiest prince of all those round about.

Blessed be the Lord] Hiram here uses the name of Jehovah in such
wise as to shew that he acknowledged him as a true god, but probably
only in the sense of being the national god of Israel, as Melcarth was
of the Zidpnians. Cf the queen of Sheba's words of the same kind in
X. 9. In the words of Hiram as given in 2 Chron. i. 12, Jehovah is
said to be the Maker of heaven and earth. If this were really Hiram's
language he must have identified Jehovah with his own supreme
divinity. Of course it was no difficulty for a heathen to add the name
of another divinity to his list of gods. Melchizedek (Gen. xiv. 19)
speaks of 'God Most High, possessor of heaven and earth'; and
though not a heathen, he was outside the chosen race.

8. and Hiram sent to Solomon] The Chronicler says he answered
in writing.

/ have considered the things which than sentest to me for] More lite-
rally (see R.V.): 'I have lieard the message wliicli thou sentest to
me.' We need not with this literal rendering suppose Solomon's to
have been a verbal request.

There is also no need to insert the conjunction before the next clause
(as in A. v.), Render, as in R.V., 'I will do.'

concertiing timber of Jir] Josephus says ' cypress' and from the uses
to which the wood is put, that seems the more probable rendering.
Beside being employed in the Temple building, the tree C'1"13 [b'rosh) is
used in shipbuilding (Ez. xxvii. 5), for spear shafts (Nah. ii, 4), and for
musical instruments (2 Sam. vi. 5). It was a tall tree on which storks
built their nests.

The LXX. has TreiJ/cti'os = pine wood, the Vulgate ligna abiegna, to
which, no doubt, the 'firwood' of A.V. is due.

9. from Lebanon unto the sea] Providing for the shortest land passage
down the side of the mountain and to the coast of the Mediterranean.

I. KINGS A

50 I. KINGS, V. [v. lo, II

convey them by sea in flotes unto the place that thou shall
appoint me, and will cause them to be discharged there, and
thou shalt receive thein: and thou shalt accomplish my de-

10 sire, in giving food for my housqhold. So Hiram gave
Solomon cedar trees and fir trees accordi7ig to all his desire.

11 And Solomon gave Hiram twenty thousand measures of

Probably Sidon itself would be as convenient a place as any to which
to bring the timber down. We learn from Josephus (c. Apion I. i8)
that Hiram was quite experienced in this work. On his accession he
had done much for the adornment of Tyre, especially in its sacred
buildings and it is said of him vK-riv ^vXwv dweXdwv iKoxpep dwb rod
Xeyofj.€vov opovs Al^ovov, Keopiva ^vXa ei's rds twv lepCiv areyas, Kade\ivv
T€ TO. apxcua iepa Kaivovs {sic) uTKodopiTjae.

m flotes] There is no preposition in the original. The idea probably
would be more nearly expres'^ed by ^as flotes. ' R.V. I will malre them
into rafts to go by sea. The flotes would be made of the trees fastened
side by side, and formed into long raftlike structures, somewhat like those
which may be seen often on the Rhine, sent down from Switzerland.
Such flotes would keep close to the shore and be anchored at night.
In this way they might easily be brought along the coasts of Phoenicia
and the Holy Land.

u7ito the place] The Chronicler (2 Chron. ii. 16) makes mention
of the name, Joppa. This would be the most convenient port for Jeru-
salem, and at that point the wood was to be delivered to Solomon's
officers. The compiler of the Kings of course knew where the timber
had been delivered, but as it was not recorded in his authority he made
no mention of it.

thou shalt appoint] The woi"d is not the same as that so rendered in
verse 6. The literal sense is 'to send' but ii is often used of 'sending a
message' ^\'ithQut the addition of any object. Thus in xxi. 11, 'They
did as Jezebel had sent unto them.' Cf. 2 Kings xvi. 11.

thou shalt acco7)iplish my desire] Josephus explains why a supply of
such provisions as Solomon proposed to give would be most acceptable
to the Tyrian monarch, making him say in his letter, ottws 5^ koX ait
irapdaxv^ r/M'*' dvTi tovtu)v ctltou, ov did to vrjcrov oiKfiv deofieOa, (f>p6vTi'
aov. 'ihe Tyrians were a maritime people, living on an island near a
mountainous shore, and so with no chance of getting food supplies from
their own land.

10. cedar trees atidjir trees] The words are exactly the same as in
verse 8, so we had better read here ' timber of cedar &c.' On ' fir ' see
above.

11. And Solomon gave Hiram] The supply mentioned by the Chro-
nicler (2 Chron. ii. 10) is more than what is here stated. There the
payment is 20,000 measures of beaten wheat, 20,000 measures of barley,
20,000 baths of wine and 20,000 baths of oil. Josephus mentions wheat,
wine and oil, but ..lys nothing about barley. There appears to be some
clerical error in respect of the oil in this verse. The twenty measures

w. 12—15.] I. KINGS, V. 51

wheat for food to his household, and twenty measures of
pure oil : thus gave Solomon to Hiram year by year. And 12
the Lord gave Solomon wisdom, as he promised him : and
there was peace between Hiram and Solomon; and they
two made a league together.

And king Solomon raised a levy out of all Israel; and the 13
levy was thirty thousand men. And he sent them to Leba- m
non, ten thousand a month by courses : a month they were
in Lebanon, a7td two months at home: and Adoniram was
over the levy. And Solomon had threescore and ten thou- 15

(here cor) would only be equal to 200 baths, -whicli seems a small
quantity compared with the amount of wheat.

pure oil] Literally 'beaten.' It is the word used for describing the
specially pure oil provided for the ever burning lamp in the tabernacle
(Exod. xxvii. 20). It was made by pounding the olives in a mortar,
and letting such oil as was thus extracted trickle out. The coarser oil
was obtained by the use of the oilpress.

year by year] i.e. During the period in which the work was carried on.

12. they two made a league] The friendship was a close one, as may
be seen from ix. 13, where Hiram calls Solomon 'my brother.' It is
probable that this alliance between Tyre and the successors of Solomon
continued, even when the kingdoms of Israel and Judah were separated.
Jezebel, Ahab's wife, was a daughter of the Tyrian king Ethbaal.

13—18. Solomon's levy of forced labourers for the work on
Lebanon. (2 Chron. ii. i — 2 and 17 — 18.)

13. a lezy] The men selected had to give their labour. Such compul-
sory service has been a not unusual demand of Oriental monarchs. If
we take the census of the people as it is given in 2 Sam. xxiv. 9 we find
that the .^cooc labourers required for this work were rather more than
2 per cent, of the numbers given in by Joab to David. Of course this levy
only lasted so long as the work on Lebanon was in hand. The levj' of
bondservn,e m.entioned in ix. 21 was of a different kind. The strangers
there spoken of were made perpetually to do forced labour. Josephus
considers the present levy to have been no hardship. He says that
Solomon dirovov t7]v ipyacriav KarearTjcre. And probably the object for
which the work was done would lend some enthusiasm to the labourers.
Samuel (i Sam. viii. 16) had given the people warning that their kings
would make such demands upon their service.

14. by courses] The word is that which is used of 'changes' of
raiment. These men came and went away by 'turns.'

Adoniran.] See iv. 6. Josephus gives to this man the name ^Adupa-
H0% ; he does not give a list to correspond with that in iv. 2 — 6.

15. threescore and ten thousatid that bare burdens] The Chronicler
(2 Chron. ii. 17) points out that these 70.000 were of the strangers that
dwelt in the land of Israel. These the king compelled to do the harder

52 I. KINGS, V. [w. i6, 17.

sand that bare burdens, and fourscore thousand hewers in

16 the mountains ; besides the chief of Solomon's officers
which were over the work, three thousand and three hun-
dred, which ruled over the people that wrought in the work.

17 And the king commanded, and they brought great stones,
costly stones, and hewed stones, to lay the foundation of the

and more menial work, and the whole number of these non- Israelites
was called out for work. Their number is stated in Chronicles to have
been 153,600; of these 70,000 were bearers of burdens, 80,000 hewers
in the mountains and the other 3600 (see Chronicles /. c.) were overseers
to set the people a-work.

16. three thousand and three hundred'\ This number differs by 300
from that given in the Chronicles. If the total of the census of the
strangers there given be correct, then we ought to read 3600 as the
number of the overseers. The LXX. has rpeh xtXtaSej Kal e^nKoaioi,
and adds that they were employed for 3 years in preparing the stones
and the wood.

The stone work was most probably given to the levy of strangers and
the work of cutting and dressing timber to the 10,000 Israelites who
came month and month about. The word rendered 'hewers' in verse 15
is so regularly used of workers in stone, that the LXX. nearly always
renders the verb by Xaroixecj and its participle by Xarofioi (stone cutters).

ivhich ruled over the people^ The root-sense of the verb, which is 'to
trample on,' or 'break down,' gi\ies the idea that the ruling was after
the fashion of taskmasters.

17. they brought'] The verb is used most frequently of pulling up tent
pegs when removing a tent. And it is hardly found with the mere sense
of 'bringing' or 'bearing.' Therefore in this passage and in Eccl. x. 9,
the R. V, has given it (with the authority of the Targum) the meaning
'to hew out.' In the latter passage this rendering is certainly more
appropriate and in harmony with the parallel clause, 'Whoso heweth
out stones shall be hurt therewith, and he that cleaveth wood is endan-
gered thereby.' Here too, the sense 'they hewed out great stones' fits
the passage extremely well.

costly stones] The adjective is not unfrequently u-ed of gems which
are of great price ; as, of the precious stones in the crown of the Am-
monite king (2 Sam. xiii. 30). But in the present case the costly nature
was due to the care and pains which had been taken in selecting and
working these foundation stones. This seems to be the sen>e in such
passages as Isaiah xxviii. 16, where the worth consists in the stability
and tried nature of the stone spoken of.

and hewed stones] As wiD be seen from the A. V. there is no con-
junction expressed in the original. The rendering however which is
given leads the reader to suppose that there stands another adjective in
the Hebrew like those rendered 'great' and 'costly.' This is not so,
and moreover the order of the words makes it clear that the \\ords ren-
dered 'hewed stones' should follow 'to lay the foundation of the house.'

w. i8; I.] I. KINGS, V. VI. 53

house. And Solomon's builders and Hiram's builders did 18
hew thejH^ and the stonesquarers : so they prepared timber
and stones to build the house.

And it came to pass in the four hundred and eightieth 6
year after the children of Israel were come out of the land

Hence the R. V. has to lay the foundation of the house with wrought
stone.

18. and the stonesqiiarers\ The text of A.V. is due to the Targum,
which translates by 'masons'. But the margin of A. V. suggests that
the word is not a common but a proper noun and gives 'Giblites' as in
Ezek. xxvii. 9. This is certainly a much more natural combination,
than to class along with the men of Solomon and the men of Hiram,
the stone squarers as of a diflferent order. In Ezekiel the men of Gebal
are spoken of as skilled in caulking ships, and they were not improbably
able handicraftsmen in other branches. Josephus gives us no help. He
speaks merely of 'workmen whom Hiram sent.' But the Vulgate reads
'Giblii' as a proper name and in many MSS. Biblii or Byblii. In the
Vatican LXX. the verse is left out, but the Alexandrine gives koX ol
Bi^Xioi. Now Gebal was a Phoenician city not far from the sea coast,
to the north of Berytus {Beyroiit). The Greeks called it Byblos,but the
name is found also spelt Bt'^Xos (Zosim. i. 58; Ezek. xx\'ii. 9. LXX.).
Thus the LXX. supports the proper name, which, to keep clear that it
means the people of Gebal, we ought to write 'the Gehalites.' This
has been adopted by R.V.

Ch. yi. 1 — 10. Commencement and dimensions of Solomon's
Temple. (2 Chron. iii. i — 2.)

1. in the four hundred and eightieth year, &c.] It is impossible to
discover how this date is arrived at, or to make it fit in with other
statements of the Old and New Testament. The LXX. has 'the four
hundred and fortieth year', and Josephus 'the five hundred and ninety
second.' If we put together the numbers which we find in the Old
Testament record, we have 40 years between the Exodus and the death
of Moses, 40 years peace after Othniel, 80 after Ehud; Jabin's oppres-
sion lasted 20 years, there were 40 years of peace after Barak, 40 in
Gideon's time: Tolajudged the land 23 years, Jair22, Jephthah 6, Ibzan
7, Elon 10, Abdon 8 : the servitude to the Philistines lasted 40 years,
and Samson judged 20 years. After this we have as dates Eli 40 years,
Samuel 20 (i Sam. vii. 2) at least, David 40, Solomon 4. These make
a total of 500. But we cannot be sure that some of these judgeships
were not contemporary with or overlapping one another, while there is
no time specified for the duration of Joshua's leadership, and for the
events between his death and the judgeship of Othniel, nor yet again for
the reign of Saul. So that it is utterly hopeless to settle any chrono-
logy under such circumstances. Moreover the frequent occurrence of
the round number 40 gives the impression that no attempt has been
made to fix accurate dates for any of the periods mentioned. Then in

54 I. KINGS, VI. [v. 2.

of Egypt, in the fourth year of Solomon's reign over Israel, in
the month Zif, which is the second month, that he began to
build the house of the Lord. And the house which king
Solomon built for the Lord, the length thereof was three-
score cubits, and the breadth thereof twenty cubits, and the

Judges xi. 26 we read that from the conquest of Gilead down to the
time of Jephthah was 300 years. Taking the other dates in sequence
this would make the period in the text consist of 529 years without
counting the length of Saul's reign. Once more (Acts xiii. 20) accord-
ing to the Text. Rec. there elapsed, between the partition of the land
under Joshua and the days of Samuel, a period of 450 years. Adding
to this the other numbers and 40 years for the reign of Saul, according
to the chronology which St Paul used, we reach a total of 554.
But we have no data whereby to confirm or contradict any of these
totals.

It is most likely that the 440 years of the LXX. was arrived at by
adding together the years assigned to the several judges and omitting
the other events, the oppression of Jabin, and of the Philistines. This
makes a total 296 years, which with 40 years for the sojourn in the
desert, and 104 between Eli and the 4th year of Solomon brings the
total to 440.

Origen on John ii. 20 quotes from this verse and omits the words which
refer to the time between the Exodus and the building of the Temple.
Yet as these words are represented in the LXX. but would have given
no point to Origen's comment, it appears more probable that he omitted
them on purpose, than that, since his day, these words have been added
to the Massoretic text.

hi the fourth year of Solomon'' s reigii] This accounts for the mention
in the LXX., at the end of the last chapter, that they spent three years
in preparing the stone and timber.

in the month ZiJ~\ This name for the month is found only here and
in verse 37 below. So that it appears not to have been the usual one.
The word means 'brightness', 'splendour', and the Targum explains it of
*the bloom of flowers' at the time. It is said to have been between the
new moon of May and that of June, though some place it a month
earlier. A later name, lyar, for the second month is found in the
Targum on 2 Chron. xxx. 2, and Josephus [Ant. viii. 3. i) gives it as
*Idp here.

he began to buiW] This is a translation required by the sense. The
Hebrew says simply 'he built.' In 2 Chron. iii. i, the Hebrew is ex-
pressly 'he began to build.' Hence the rendering here.

2. the length thereof wolS threescore ctibits\ In dimension the Temple
was twice the size of the Tabernacle. The latter was 30 cubits long, 10
cubits wide and 15 cubits high in the holy place. See Fergusson's
Temples of the yews, p. i6.- Mr Fergusson, speaking of the length of
the cubit says, 'wc find that a cubit of 18 English inches meeis all the
difficulties of the case with as much accuracy as can be obtained.' "We
see then that the Temple, exclusive of the rooms by which it was sur-

vv. 3—5.] I. KINGS, VL 55

height thereof thirty cubits. And the porch before the 3
temple of the house, twenty cubits in'as the length thereof,
according to the breadth of the house ; and ten cubits was
the breadth thereof before the house. And for the house 4
he made windows of narrow lights. And against the wall of 5

rounded, was but a very small building, 90 feet long, 30 feet broad, and
45 feet high in its loftiest portion, and the Tabernacle only half that
size. Neither building was meant to contain the worshippers. The
priests went in, while the multitude remained outside (cf. Lukei. 9, 10).

An interesting paper on Solomon's Temple, by Mr E. C. Robins,
F. S.A., will be found in ' The Builder ' of Jan. 9 and 16, 1886.

It appears from verse 27 below, where the wings of the cherubim
touch each other and also touch the walls of the most holy place, that
the measures mentioned in this account of the Temple are measures of
the interior, and that allowance must be made for the thickness of the
outside walls in any calculation of the size of the building.

3. the porcJi] This extended along the whole face of the building,
and projected forward 10 cubits, thus making the whole length of the
structure 70 cubits or 105 feet, without allowing for the thickness of
outside or party walls. The height of this porch is said (2 Chron. iii.
4) to have been T20 cubits. This height = 180 ft. is out of proportion
to the other dimensions, and Mr Robins suggests that, after his
manner, the Chronicler has added together the 4 dimensions in height
of the 4 sides of the porch, and that the true height was 30 cubits.
That the Chronicler does put down his numbers in this strange fashion
is shewn from 2 Chron. iii. 11, where he first writes 'the wings of the
cherubim were twenty cubits long.' He afterwards explains that he
means each of the 4 wings was 5 cubits long, but left alone the first
statement would be misleading. In the same manner the pillars which
in I Kings vii. 15 ; Jer. Iii. 17 are said to be each 18 cubits high, are
described in 2 Chron. iii. 15 as 'two pillars of thirty and five cubits
high '. Where it is suggested that the two heights given in Kings are
added toeether.

the temple of the hoicse'] This means the holy place. Cf. below verse
17, where it is called 'the temple before the oracle.' The 'oracle' is
the special name for the most holy place.

4. windows of narro^v lights] It is not easy to explain the nature of
these windows from the words used to describe them. They were ap-
parently windows made by overlaid woodwork, either in the fashion of
sloping louvre boards or fashioned like latticework crosswise. Then the
last word indicates that they were closed in some way or other. Hence
the margins of the A.V. 'windows broad within and mxxow zuithoitt^
or 'skewed a«^ closed.' The former of these margins the R.V. has
preserved, but gives in the text windows of fixed latticework, taking
the word 'closed', to imply the permanent nature of the woodwork in
the apertures. These windows were in the wall, above the roof of the
chambers which are described in the next verse, and must have been of
the nature of the clerestory windows which overlook the aisles of a

56 I. KINGS, VI. [v. 6.

the house he built chambers round about, agai?ist the walls
of the house round about, both of the temple and of the
6 oracle : and he made chambers round about : the nether-
most chamber was five cubits broad, and the middle was six
cubits broad, and the third was seven cubits broad: for
without in the wall of the house he made narrowed rests

church. There could have been only very little light from them, but the

building was lighted artificially.

5. And against the ivall of the house he built chambers'\ The A.V.
points out by its margin that the word here translated 'chambers' is not
the same as that so rendered in the latter part of the verse. P"or the
former it gives 'floors' as an alternative, for the latter 'ribs.' The first
seems to embrace the whole structure and the latter to describe single
rows of the same. What Solomon erected was three stories (as given
by R. V.) of small chambers running all round two sides and one end of
the Temple. The floors of ♦hese were supported on the stone work of
the main building in the way described in the next verse, but were not
let into the Temple-building. That wall was intact. The R.V. give-he
built stories round about. Of this enxdronment of chambers the
Chronicler makes no mention.

both of the te?nple and of the oracle] i.e. Of the holy place and of the
most holy place. The whole erection was enclosed on three sides in a
casework of chambers.

a}id he made chambe7's round about] The R.V. has side chambers.
This word seems to refer to the several floors one above another which
formed this casework of chambers. There were three stories, each five
cubits high. The Scripture record does not tell us into how many
chambers each floor was divided. Josephus says there were thirty in
all, he also states that they were reached by going through one to
another, Kal ras elaodovs avroh bC aW-qXojv KarecrKevacrev.

6, The nethermost chamber (R.V. story) wasyf^v ciibits broad] This
is the space between the wall of the Temple and the outer wall of the
enclosing structure. The wall of the Temple must have been very
thick at the bottom, for at the height of five cubits a ledge was made of
one cubit wide on which to rest the floor work of the middle chambers.
Then after five cubits more, a similar ledge received the floor-beams of
the third stor)% and then at the height of 15 cubits came a third ledge,
or rebatement, on which the beams of the roof of the uppermost story
were to be supported. The wall of the Temple (i.e. the h .-ly place)
then rose 15 cubits more, and in this space were the windows. If we
allow two cubits for the thickness of this upper part of the wall, the
foot of the Temple wall must have been five cubits thick. Each story of
the side chambers was one cubit more in width than the one below it.

for withoiit in the wall of the house he made narro7.vcd rests round
about] R.V. for on the outside he made rebatements in the wall of
the house. 'Reb^itements' is taken from the margin of the A.V., and
is the technical word for these shoulders in the wall of the Temple on
which the floors and roof of each story were to rest with one end, while

vv. 7, 8.] I. KINGS, VI. 57

round about, that the beams should not be fastened in the
walls of the house. And the house, when it was in building, 7
was built of stone made ready before it was brought thither:
so that there was neither hammer nor axe nor any tool of
iron heard in the house, while it was in building. The door s
for the middle chamber was in the right side of the house:

the other end was built into the outer wall of this encircling frame of
chambers.

that the beams should not be fastened^ R.V. should not have hold.
The Temple building was more sacred than these chambers, which
were meant for the use, or habitation of the priests. Hence there
must be no breach made in the wall of either the holy place or of the
most holy place. We read of ' a chamber' attached to the Temple (the
Hebrew word is not the same as is used here) in the account of
Tobiah (Nehem. xiii. 5). The use of it had been for storing the meat-
offerings, frankincense, the sacred vessels and the tithes-in-kind which
were given to the Levites. We have 'chambers' in the house of the
Lord also noticed in Jerem. xxxvi. 10, 20. These seem to have been
used as dwelling-rooms.

7. stone 77iade ready before it was brought thither] The R.V. ren-
ders made ready at the quarry with a margin on the last three words
* when it was brought away.' The final Hebrew word VDO on which

the various reading is given is from the root of the verb rendered
doubly in v. 17 'to hew' or 'to bring away.' The best authorities
incline to make it a noun signifying 'the place of hewing,' 'the stone-
quarry.' The LXX. gives Xi^ots oLKporo/iois, which implies that the
stones were made of their necessary shape at the quarry. The idea of
this preparation at a distance, so that there might be as little noise as
possible while the building was in progress, was probably derived
from the command (Ex. xx. 25; Deut. xx\Tii. 5) that no iron tool
should be used in the erection of the altar. This pre\'ious exact
preparat'on must have made the transport a matter of serious care.

On the Jewish fables about the wonn 'Shamir' by which Solomon
caused the stones to be cut, see Buxtorf, Lex. Chald. p. 2455 s-v. T'J^C^.

8. The door for the middle cha77iber\ R.V. middle side -chambers.
The LXX. and Targum here give ' lowest' instead of 'middle;' doubt-
less because otherwise there is no mode of access to the lower side-
chambers specified. The manner of reaching the middle story is
sufficiently indicated in the next clause. On the contrary' the compiler
of Kings may have considered that there was no need to mention any
entrance to the lower row of chambers. That would be a matter of
course, and there may have been more than one, but the place and
way of reaching the other two flights of rooms did need notice. There
may also have been some access from the lowest side chambers into
the Temple, if these chambers were used for storing the sacred oil and
other provisions for the service.

in the right side of the house] The word rendered 'side' is literally

58 I. KINGS, VI. [vv. 9— II.

and they went up with winding stairs into the middle cJiam-

9 der, and out of the middle into the third. So he built the
house, and finished it; and covered the house with beams

10 and boards of cedar. And f/ien he built chambers against
all the house, five cubits high : and they rested on the house
with timber of cedar.

" And the word of the Lord came to Solomon, saying,

shoulder, and may indicate that part of the building nearest the porch,
which would be considered the face of the Temple.

9. So he built the housed i.e. The Temple building. The next verse
speaks of the enclosing framework of chamb.ers. What was now
finished was the portion for divine service.

and covered the house'] i.e. Made the loof for it. On this roof,
see Fergusson, Temples of the Jews, pp. 19 seqq., where the author
shews that the covering of the Tabernacle was made with a ridge and
sloped to both sides, and that the cedar beams and boards (R.V.
planks; spoken of in this verse were to imitate, as nearly as could be
done in wood, the Tabernacle roof. Mr Fergusson has suggested (p. ■28)
that there were most probably pillars inside the Temple to support the
beams of the roof. ' No cedar beams that were available could be
laid across an opening 30 feet free without sagging to an unpleasant
extent.'

10. A7id then he built chambers against all the house, five cubits
high] Better with R.V. 'And he built the stories against all the
house, eacli five cubits high.' We ought perhaps to make some
allowance for the thickness of floors and roofs. So that the whole
height to which this three-storied stnicture rose may have been much
more than 15 cubits, if five cubits were the inside height of each range
of rooms. Mr Fergusson (p. 27) says ' It hardly admits of dispute that
with the requisite thickness of their roofs they make up the 20 or 21
cubits which are necessary to bring up their roofs to the level of that of
the Holy of Holies.'

they rested on the house] i.e. On the shoulders or rebatements men-
tioned in verse 6. The other ends of these cedar beams were embedded
in the outside wall of the encasing story-work.

11 — 13. God's promise to Solomon and to the people of
Israel. (Not in Chronicles.)

11. And the word of the Lord came] The LXX. {Vat.) omits these
three verses, as if intending to bring the whole narrative of the building
into closer connexion.

We are not told by what means this divine communication was
made, whether in a vision, or through Nathan the prophet, as the
original message caniC to David (2 Sam. vii. 4). It is a message in the
genuine prophetic spirit. The Temple has no value of its own, except
so far as it is the sign and witness of obedience to Jeliovah.

w. 12—16.] I. KINGS, VI. 59

Co7icertiing this house which thou art in building, if thou 12
wilt walk in my statutes, and execute my judgements, and
keep all my commandments to walk in them; then will I
perform my word with thee, which I spake unto David thy
father: and I will dwell among the children of Israel, and 13
will not forsake my people Israel.

So Solomon built the house, and finished it. And he
built the walls of the house within with boards of cedar,
both the floor of the house, and the walls of the cieling: and
he covered them on the inside with wood, and covered the
floor of the house with planks of fir. And he built twenty 16

12. which thou art in building] It is clear from this that the
message came before the completion of the house, and that this is the
proper place for its mention, from whatever source the compiler drew it.

/ lijill perform my word] R.V. 'I will establish.' See above on ii. 4.
■which I spake tuito David] See -2 Sam. vii. 12 — 17.

13. and I ivill dwell a?uong the children of Israel] This is an ex-
pansion of the promise made to David. The same words are used
(Exod. xxix. 45) in connexion with the furnishing and completion of the
tabernacle. As God's presence in both Tabernacle and Temple was to
point on to the Incarnation, the fitness of the phrase on both occasions
is manifest.

and will not forsake my people Israel] The threat that God would
do soi if Israel were disobedient, is found Deut. xxxi. 17.

14 — 22. Particulars of the interior fittings of the holy

PLACE, AND of THE MOST HOLY PLACE. (2 Chron. iii. 5 —9.)

14. So Solomon built the house] This verse resumes the narrative of
verse 9.

15. And he built] The Hebrew uses the same word for the erection
of the stone structure and for the work described in this verse, which
was to fit the house with a wainscot of cedar.

both the floor of the house, a7id the walls of the cieling] More literally,
and better, with R.V., 'from the floor of the house unto the walls of
the cieling.' The expression means from top to bottom, but 'the walls
of the cieling' is a singular description of that portion of the wall which
touches the cieling. The difference between the Hebrew word for
'walls' niTp and for 'beams' Jimp is so slight that we can hardly
help accept'ng the reading of the LXX. in the next verse, and appa-
rently here too, of 'beams.'

and he covered them] It is better to omit the conjunction for which,
as A.V. indicates, there is no Hebrew, and join with the previous
clause, 'from the floor of the house to the walls (beams?) of the cieling
he covered them &c.'

Thus the whole sidt-s, roof and floors on the inside were of wood.

16. And he built twenty cubits on the sides of the house] This ren-

6o I. KINGS, VI. [w. 17, 18.

cubits on the sides of the house, both the floor and the walls

with boards of cedar: he even built them for it within, even

n for the oracle, eve?i for the most \\o\y place. And the house,

t8 that is, the temple before it, was forty cubits lo?ig. And the

cedar of the house within was carved with knops and open

dering does not make very clear what is intended. The word translated
'sides' is often used for the innermost part of anything, as of a cave (i
Sam. xxiv. 3), and of the recesses of a forest, as Lebanon (Is. xxxvii.
24). So here it signifies the innermost part of the Temple building as
you looked from the porch, i.e. toward the farthest wall of the most
holy place. The sense then becomes more manifest. He built at
twenty cubits from this extreme end something with boards of cedar.
Thus he made a separation of the most holy place, which was twenty
cubits long, from the holy place. The R.V. gives this more clearly:
' He built twenty cubits on the hinder part of the house' with boards of
cedar from the floor unto the walls ('beams' LXX.), i.e. these twenty
cubits were thus shut off and made into a separate room (cf. 2 Chron.
iii. 8). There was a doorway for access in this cedarwood parti ti>n
(see verse 31), and before this probably were put the 'chains of gold'
spoken of in verse ii. From 2 Chron. iii. 14 it seems that there was a
vail in front of the whole of this woodwork, though no mention of it is
made here.

It is very difficult to come to a clear idea about the room here pro-
vided. It seems certain that it was enclosed on three sides by the
chambers built round about, so that there could have been no windows
in it, nor any mode of escape for the smoke of the incense, except by
openings under the eaves. It appears not to have been as high as the
roof of the 'holy place'. We must remember that it was to be
entered by one person only, and that but once a year.

he even built ihtvafor itwit/iifi] i.e. He prepared this space of twenty
cubits in the innermost part of the house, to be a separate room.

even/or the oracle'] The Hebrew says merely 'for an oracle.' This
name for the most holy place is taken from the Vulgate 'oraculum.'
The LXX. merely transliterates the Hebrew 8a^ip. The word is con-
nected with the verb '\21 (davar), usually rendered ' to .s, eak,' and hence
the notion of 'oracle' as the place where God revealed Himself. So
Aquila and Symmachus rendered it sometimes by xpT^MaTtor^pioj', and
Jerome gives XaKTjrqpiov as an explanation. But the root, or its Arabic
cognate, has a sense from which the meaning ' hinder portion ' might
come. Hence some consider the name merely as signifying the inner-
most part of the Temple building.

the most holy place] Described in the same words in the account
of the Tabernacle (Exod. xxvi. 33, 34; Num. iv. 4, 19).

17. And the house] Here signifying the holy place, which was in
front of the oracle. The word which in this verse is rendered 'before
it' is an adjective, r."^d this form is found only here. It qualities the
noun 'Temple,' and signifies 'that which is in front,' viz. of the oracle.

18. And the cedar of the house within] Better more literally, with

vv. 19—21.] I. KINGS, VI. 61

flowers: all 7vas cedar; there was no stone seen. And the ^9
oracle he prepared in the house within, to set there the ark
of the covenant of the Lord. And the oracle in the fore- 20
part was twenty cubits in length, and twenty cubits in
breadth, and twenty cubits in the height thereof: and he
overlaid it with pure gold; and so covered the altar which
was ^ cedar. So Solomon overlaid the house within with 21

R.V. *And there was cedar upon the house within.' He is now
describing the wainscot of the holy place.

carved with knops\ There is a feminine form of the word here ren-
dered 'knops,' which in 2 Kings iv. 39 is used of 'wild gourds.' Hence
'gourds' is put on the margin of A.V. and R.V. The ornaments were
in relief, and were perhaps somewhat of that shape. The Targum
describes them as 'egg-shaped.' The Vat. LXX. (not A/ex.) omits the
verse altogether.

19. And the oracle, &c.] Read, 'And he prepared an oracle.'

to set there the ark of the covenajit of the Lord'\ Which was at present
in the city of David. See iii. 15 note.

20. the oracle in the fore-parti The two words thus rendered would,
if they stood alone, be rendered 'before the oracle.' In this verse, how-
ever, this cannot be the meaning. But in standing before such a room
as is here described, it is in front of you, and you see the interior. In
this way ' before the oracle ' may be taken to indicate what is seen when
you stand there. Hence we may arrive at the sense in the R.V. 'within
the oracle was a space &c.' It is difficult to assign any meaning to the
A.V.y and it may be that some error has crept into the text.

Some have preferred to render literally thus, 'And before the oracle —
twenty cubits was it in length, and twenty cubits in breadth, and twenty
cubits in the height thereof, and he overlaid it with pure gold — he over-
laid also the altar with cedar.' But the accents of the Hebrew do not
favour such a parenthetic clause, and the last sentence is very awkward.

The LXX. ( Vat.) omits at the beginning of the verse 'before the
oracle,' then takes the next sentences as a specification of the size of the
oracle, and makes an addition to the last clause thus, 'and he made
an altar before the oracle and overlaid it with gold,' making no mention
of the cedar at all. Most probably this represents the correct text.

and so covered the altar which was of cedar^ We cannot, in the face of
the preceding clause, translate otherwise than and he covered an altar
with cedar. The construction in the two cases is identical. But then
arises a difficulty. The altar in question was the altar of incense in the
holy place. This stood in front of the vail which separated the most
holy place (see Exod. xl. 5, 26), and in Ezek. xli. 22 it is called
'the altar of wood ' (cf. Exod. xxx. i — 6). From the description in
the verse before us there must have been some substance underneath
the wood. The LXX. {Alex.) solves the difficulty by reading 'and he
made' for 'and he covered,' i.e. t^'V^l for P^Vl, xai eizoi-nae dvcriaarripioii
K^dpov.

62 I. KINGS, VI. [vv. 22, 23.

pure gold : and he made a partition by the chains of gold

22 before the oracle; and he overlaid it with gold. And the
whole house he overlaid with gold, until he had finished all
the house: also the whole altar that was by the oracle he
overlaid with gold.

23 And within the oracle he made two cherubims of olive

21. luith pure gold'\ The adjective, or rather participle, as it is in
Hebrew, signifies 'closed,' 'shut up.' The traditional rendering is that
of the text, supported by the Chaldee, the Vulgate and Kimchi ; but it is
not clear how the sense comes, unless we may take it, as the notes of
the Synod of Dort, that what \\2& precious was usually kept close. The
amount of gold employed is given in 2 Chron. iii. 8 as six hundred
talents.

and he made a partition by the chains of gold'\ Render with R.V.
and lie drew across chains of gold. The words literally signify 'he
caused to pass over with chains,' i.e. he made with chains of gold some-
thing that went across either the whole of the dividing wall or over the
doorway which was made therein. From 2 Chron. iii. 5, 16 it seems
as if chains had been used for ornamentation on other parts of the walls
and pillars. The LXX. [Alex.) renders 'he drew a curtain across by
means of chains of gold.'

and he overlaid it with gold'\ Now that a more literal sense has been
given to the previous clause, and the word 'partition' got rid of, there
is nothing for the 'it' in this sentence to refer to. As the clause stands,
the word must refer to the oracle. Thus in the beginning of the verse
'the house within' will refer to the holy place, and this last clause to
the most holy place. This is further emphasized by the words \\hich
immediately follow in 22. 'And the whole iiouse he overlaid.'

22. the whole altar that was by the oracle'] The preposition is not
significant of position, but of possession. Read 'the whole altar that
belonged to the oracle.' The priest who offered incense continually on
this altar in the holy place could not enter the most holy place, but the
altar on which the offering was made, though standing without, was
looked upon as a part of the more sacred portion of the building, and
placed close to the dividing wall.

23 — 30. Of the Cherubim within the oracle.
(2 Chron. iii. 10 — 12.)

23. And within the oracle he made two cherubims] As the Hebrew
word is already in the plural form, write cherubim. These cherubim
were winged figures intended to represent some holy and heavenly form.
They are first mentioned in Gen. iii. 24, where some have thought
that ' the flame of a sword ' spoken of in connexion with them implies
that the cherubim were armed with this weapon. But this is not
certainly to be deduced from the words. In 2 Chron. iii. 13 they are
said to stand upon 'heir feet, while the descriptions in Ezekiel (chapp.
i. and x.) make them to have four faces. (Cf. also Exod. xxv. 18 — 22).

vv. 24— 3I-] I. KINGS, VI. 63

tree, each ten cubits high. And five cubits 7C'as the one 24
wing of the cherub, and five cubits the other wing of the
cherub : from the uttermost part of the one wing unto the
uttermost part of the other 7c'ere ten cubits. And the other 25
cherub zuas ten cubits : both the cherubims -K'ere of one
measure and one size. The height of the one cherub was 26
ten cubits, and so was it of the other cherub. And he set 27
the cherubims within the inner house: and they stretched
forth the wings of the cherubims, so that the vang of the
one touched the one wall, and the wing of the other cherub
touched the other wall; and their wings touched one another
in the midst of the house. And he overlaid the cherubims 28
with gold. And he carved all the walls of the house round 29
about with carved figures of cherubims and palm trees and
open flowers, within and without. And the floor of the 3^
house he overlaid with gold, within and without.

And for the entering of the oracle he made doors of olive 31
tree : the lintel and side posts were a fifth part of the wall.

Their chief office in Scripture is to be a chariot for Jehovah (Ps. xviii.
ii>, and for this reason they were set up in the most holy place, where
the divdne presence M'as to manifest itself. Hence of God it is
frequently said 'who dwelleth' or 'sitteth upon the cherubim.'

25. one size\ Rather 'one form.' The size is implied in the previous
word. -

27. And they stretched forth the wings of the cherubims^ Which is
the frequent Hebrew form of expressing the dierubim stretclied fortli
their wings. So R.V. On the way in which these cherubim were
placed see below on ■viii. 6. It would seem as if in Solomon's Temple
the cherubim did not face one another, as they are expressly said to
have done in the Mosaic tabernacle (Exod. xxv. 20).

29. zcj-L'kin and withouf^ Both here and in the next verse these words
can only refer to the inner and outer rooms, the most holy place and the
holy place.

31 — 36. The doors for the oracle and for the Temple.
The building of the inner court. (Xot in Chronicles.)

31. the lintel and side posts'^ There is no conjunction between these
words, and the former seems from other places in O. T. to apply to the
whole framework in which the doors were fixed, the latter is used
regularly of the part to which the hinges were attached. The idea meant
to be conveyed here is of the whole structure of the doorway, the frame-
work with its posts.

were a fifth part of the wall] The expansion indicated by the italics
of A. V. is no doubt correct both here and in verse 33. As the partition

64 I. KINGS, VI. [vv. 32—35.

32 The two doors also were of olive tree; and he carved upon
them carvings of cherubims and palm trees and open flowers,
and overlaid them with gold, and spread gold upon the che-

33 rubims, and upon the palm trees. So also made he for the
door of the temple posts of olive tree, a fourth part of the

34 wall. And the two doors were of fir tree : the two leaves of
the one door were folding, and the two leaves of the other

35 door were folding. And he carved thereon cherubims and
palm trees and open flowers: and covered the?n with gold

wall of the oracle was 20 cubits in height and the same in breadth the
opening filled by the framework of the doorway would be 4 cubits high
by 4 cubits broad.

32. The two doors also were] As there is nothing to make the noun
here definite, it is better to understand the verb 'he made.' Render
*so he made two doors of olive-wood.'

afid spread gold] Better, and made necessary by the text, 'and lie
spread the gold.' Here a different process is described. The walls and
floors were covered w'lihjlat plates of gold nailed on (see 2 Chron. iii. 9),
but to cover the carved work the gold must be beaten to fit. The verb
employed here gives the idea of pressure exerted to force the metal into
the needful shapes.

33. for the door of t^ie te7nple'\ The word translated 'door' is the
same which is rendered entering in verse 31. (So R. V.) The entering
here meant is that from the porch into the holy place.

posts of olive tree] The word is that used for side-posts in 31. There
is no mention here of the whole framework. But following the de'^crip-
tion given above we may assume that the dimensions of this doorway
were also the same in height as in width.

a fourth part of the wall] The Hebrew has here a preposition before
the numeral. Render 'out of a fourth part of the wall.' The meaning
is that the aperture was a fourth part of the wall in width, and the same
measure in height. That would be five cubits each way, larger by one
cubit than the doorway from the holy place into the most holy. Such a
space was cut out ^the wall for the doors.

34. and the two doors were of fir tree] As in 32 the expression is not
definite. It is therefore simpler to put a light punctuation at the end of
verse 33 and render 'and two doors of fir wood.'

the two leaves of the one door WQxe folding] That is, could be doubled
back upon one another. The doors were in 4 sections, of wliich two
folded together against the wall on one side, and two on t^e other.
Thus one quarter of the door could be opened, if no more space were
needed, and the labour of pushing back the folded parts would be less
than if they were all in one piece.

35. and covered them with gold fitted upon the carved work] Here
we have a definite statement of what was done, and the same is no doubt
meant in verse 32. The first verb is that which has been rendered
overlaid all through the narrative. So consistency requires the same

w. 36— 38.] I. KINGS, VI. 65

fitted upon the carved work. And he built the inner court 36
with three rows of hewed stone, and a row of cedar beams.

In the fourth year was the foundation of the house of the 37
Lord laid, in the month Zif : and in the eleventh year, in 38
the month Bui, which is the eighth month, was the house

rendering here. In 2 Chron. iii. 6 we read that precious stones, as well
as gold, were used for adorning the walls.

upon the carved work^ This is not a word connected with that so
frequently used for 'carving' in these verses. So the R.V. has given
graven work to mark the variation. There is no doubt that the figures
on the doors were cut in the wood and in English ' graven- work ' refers
generally to metal. But see Isaiah xlv. ao; Deut. vii. 5, vAi^xt graven
images appear to have been of wood, and destructible by burning. The
description here given appears to mean that the embossed and carved
portions of the woodwork were covered with gold, but not the whole
surface of the doors.

36. Aiid he built the inner cotirt] This inner court is that which in
Jer. xxxvi. 10 is called 'the higher court' and must be that intended
(2 Chron. iv. 9) by the 'court of the priests' in contradistinction to 'the
great court,' which must have enclosed the inner one. There is some
doubt as to how the description in this verse is to be understood. It
seems clear from the passage in Jeremiah that the inner was on a higher
level than the outer court. Some have thought that this elevation was
made by three layers of stone and then a wooden planking put over all.
But to do this for the whole enclosure would have been very laborious
work and seemingly for no purpose. It seems better to take it that the
elevation was artificially made, and then to understand the three rows of
hewn stone, covered by one row of cedar wood at the top, to have made
a sort of sunk fence all round the inner court. The people standing in
the outer court would need to see what the priests were doing. This
they would all be able to do if the wall of stone and cedar work were
very little, if at all, higher than the level of the inner court.

37 — 38. Completion of Solomon's Temple. (Not in Chronicles.)

37. In the fourth year"] i.e. Of king Solomon's reign. See verse i.
The LXX. (both Vat. and Alex.) omits these two verses, adding at the
end of 36 Kol i^Kodofxrjcre rb KaTaireTaa/xa ttJs avXrjs too aiXafi tov otnov tov
Kara irpocruirov tov t/aov.

38. in the month Bul'\ This month is only mentioned here. The
name is derived from the same root as niabbul=i\i& deluge, and intimates
that the chaiacter of the month was rainy. The later name of the month
was Marchesvan. It was between the new moon of November and
December, and this being the eighth month, while Zif was the second,
it is seen that the exact time occupied by the building of the Temple
was seven years and a half. Probably the preparation of wood and
stone in Lebanon is not included in this time, but was made during the
four years of Solomon's reign which preceded the building.

I. KINGS C

66 I. KINGS, VI. VII. [vv. 1—3.

finished throughout all the parts thereof, and according to
all the fashion of it. So was he seven years in building it.

But Solomon was building his own house thirteen years,
and he finished all his house. He built also the house of
the forest of Lebanon; the length thereof was an hundred
cubits, and the breadth thereof fifty cubits, and the height
thereof thirty cubits, upon four rows of cedar pillars, with
cedar beams upon the pillars. And it was covered wth
cedar above upon the beams, that lay on forty five pillars,

Ch. VII. 1 — 12. The building of Solomon's own house, the

HOUSE OF THE FOREST OF LEBANON, AND THE HOUSE FOR

Pharaoh's daughter. (Not in Chronicles.)

1. hii own house] This includes all the buildings described in
^'v. I — 12. The LXX. transfers all this section i — 12 to the end of the
chapter. In Chronicles, though Solomon's own house is alluded to
(2 Chron. vii. 11 ; viii. i), there is no description of it.

thii-teen yea7-s\ The longer time occupied by this building, in com-
parison with the seven years and a half spent on the Temple, is ac-
counted for by the greater extent of this latter work. The Temple was
comparatively a small edifice, and for it years of preparation had pre-
ceded the actual work of the building.

and he finished\ i.e. At the end of twenty years and rather more.
See ix. 10.

2. He built also'] Better, For he built, as R.V. The verses that
follow are not describing an addition to the work mentioned in verse i,
but only explaining the various parts thereof.

the house of the forest of Lebanon] This building which is mentioned
again in x. 17 and 2 Chron. ix. 16 appears, from those passages, to have
been Solomon's armoury. The multitude of pillars, which was the
marked feature of the lower floor, made it admirably suited for the
hanging of shields and targets. Its name was probably given because
the wood of its pillars came from Lebanon, and when these were
in position they looked like the trunks of forest trees.

tipon fo'ur rows of cedar pillars] The number of the pillars is not
given, but they must have been both very numerous and very substan-
tial to support the three tiers of building which stood above them. It
appears that the house had an external wall, and then rows of cedar
pillars, four deep, stood round about, within the enclosure, to support
the cedar beams which made the first floor of the chambers that ran
along the sides. The cedar beams were no doubt let into the external
wall as well as supported on the pillars.

3. Audit was covered with cedar above upon the beams] The word
here rendered 'beams' is the same which has been rendered 'side-
chambers' in vi. 5. In two descriptions which are so closely related as
that chapter and this, it is difticult to suppose that the word has a differ-
ent sense in the two places. And we have here an account of a series

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w. 4— 6.] I. KINGS, VII. (i^

fifteen in a row. And there were windows in three rows, and 4
light was against light in three ranks. And all the doors 5
and posts were square, with the windows: and light was
against light i7t three ranks. And he made a porch of pil- 6
lars; the length thereof 7i>as fifty cubits, and the breadth
thereof thirty cubits : and the porch was before them : and

of side-chambers which ran all round the inside walls of this house of
the forest of Lebanon, as the others did round the outside wall of the
Temple. Taking the word as= 'side-chambers,' the text says that they
were supported upon the pillars already mentioned in verse 2, and then
adds that these chambers were forty-five in number, fifteen in a row.
This seems to mean that the whole three tiers of rooms numbered forty-
five, each of the three stories being divided into fifteen chambers. If
we suppose that the chambers were only on three sides like those sur-
rounding the Temple, then six on each side and three at each end would
exactly make up the number, and would suit with the dimensions of the
house, which was twice as long as it was broad. The whole verse then
may be translated 'And it was covered with cedar above, over the forty
and five side-chambers, which were upon the pillars, fifteen in a row,'

4. And there were wifidows in three 7'mvs] This is not the usual
word for 'windows,' but is that which in vi. 4 describes the sloping
woodwork, or lattice, used in the windows of the Temple. From its
use in the two descriptions it may be supposed to indicate the like
work here as there, and so 'windows' is no inappropriate rendering,
as it can be understood from the former passage. The R.V. gives
prospects to avoid the commoner word, and puts 'beams' in the
margin. 'Window-spaces' would perhaps give the best idea of what
appears to be meant, v.'hich is some wooden framework fitted into those
walls which looked into the interior court.

and light was against light in three ranks] This means that the
windows in every one of the three stories were exactly over each other.
There is a very slight difference in the Hebrew of the final clause of the
next verse, but the sense is exactly the same.

5. And all the doors and posts A\'ere square, with the wi/idows'] It is
not easy to say how the last word of the Hebrew should be rendered.
It is akin to that rendered 'windows ' by the A.V. in verse 4. Hence a
like meaning has been assigned to it here. But there is nothing in tlie
original to represent 'with the.' The R.V. used prospects in the pre-
vious verse, and so gives here were square in prospects, adding in the
margin 'were made square with beams.' Taking these 'beams' to
signify, as before, the ' framework ' of the door\vays, the sense would be
' were set Sfiuare in the framework,' i.e. of the doorways.

6. And he made a (R.V. the) porch of pillars] This would seem to
have been a separate building not connected with the house of the
forest. In the same manner the porch for the throne in the next verse
was unconnected with any other building. What was the purpose of
the porch 01" pillars is not stated.

and the porch was before them] It is better to make this clause

68 I. KINGS, VII. [vv. 7, 8.

7 the other pillars and the thick beam were before them. Then
he made a porch for the throne where he might judge, even
the porch of judgement : and it was covered with cedar from

8 one side of the floor to the other. And his house where he
dwelt had another court within the porch, which was of the
like work. Solomon made also a house for Pharaoh's
daughter, whom he had taken to wife, like unto this porch.

dependent on the first verb. Thus *he made the porch of pillars... and
a porch before them,' i.e. before the pillars.

and the o\\\q.v pillars and the thick beam were before them'\ The word
translated 'thick beam' seems most likely to have been a threshold or
step work by which the porch was entered. The twice repeated 'before
them ' must refer to the same thing, viz. to the pillars of the first named
porch, of which they formed the striking feature. So the sense of the verse
would be 'he made the porch of pillars and in front of them also another
porch with its pillars and a staircase or set of steps to approach it by.'

7. Then he made a porch for the throne'\ Better (with R. V.) 'And
he made the porch of the throne.' As the pillars were the distinction
of the former porch, so was the throne of this. On kings sitting in
public to hear causes and give judgment, cf. i Kings xxii. lo; Ps. cxxii. 5.

and it was covered tuith cedar f'om one side of the floor to the other"]
Literally 'from floor to floor.' What is meant is that this was not an
unenclosed porch like 'the porch of pillars' mentioned previously, but
that it was enclosed with cedar wood walls all round from the floor to
the ceiling. If tliis can be the sense of the word 'floor' in the second
case, we must suppose the roof of the porch to be regarded as the Hoor
of some upper room above it. But the wo.d 'floor' VP''\\> is not very
unlike Jimp 'beams' and so some have suspected the scrilse of having
written the former instead of the latter in the second place. Tliis would
make all easy, but the other explanation is quite possible, and is accepted
by Gesenius, though De Wette translates as in A.V.

8. And his house where he divelt had another court within the porch,
which was of the like work] It is better to leave out the italics of A.V.
and translate 'And his house "where he might dwell, the other court
"Within the porch, was of the like work.' The description has apparently
been carrying us, from the front of the house of the forest, regularly
more and more inward. Now we are brought to a court behind the
previously mentioned porch, and in this court stood the kirg's o\ra
dwelling house. It is noteworthy how little description is giveu to this
or to the house for Pharaoh's daughter. This probably come^ to pass
because the public were never admitted to ihese quarters.

Pharaoh's daughter'] Cf. iii. i. The house for her probably joined
the king's residence. Josephus {Ant. viii. 5. 2) tells us that it was
united with the porch of the throne, but his description is so vague that
little reliance can be placed on it, and little help derived from it. The
women's apartments, as usual in the East, were removed as far from
public view as possible.

vv. 9— 12.] I. KINGS, VII. 69

All these were <?/ costly stones, according to the measures of 9
hewed stones, sawed with saws, within and without, even
from the foundation unto the coping, and so on the outside
toward the great court. And the foundation was of costly 10
stones, even great stones, stones of ten cubits, and stones of
eight cubits. And above were costly stones, after the "
measures of hewed stones, and cedars. And the great court "
round about was with three rows of hewed stones, and a
row of cedar beams, both for the inner court of the house of
the Lord, and for the porch of the house.

9. All these\ Le. The whole of the buildings described in the previous
verses.

according to the measures of heiued stones'\ Better not to be taken as
in construction, but with R.V. even hewn stones according to measure.
The word is literally 'according to measures, ' and this the R. V. explains
on the margin as 'after divers measures.' But this is what is meant by
their text.

withiyi and -cvitkouf] Though the inside face of the walls was to be
covered with cedar, and so put out of sight, the same care was taken
with the dressing of that part of the stone work, as with all that was to
remain uncovered.

toward the great courti Better, unto. \Miat appears to be meant in
the verse is a strong expression of the excellency of the stone work.
This is said to have been of the same character from the base to the
coping of all the walls, and then is added, that it was the same from
the front part of the buildings to the back. The front part, which was
the house of the forest, is not mentioned, but it said that the good work
extended unto the great court, which lay farthest back of all the
buildings.

10. And the foundationl Even that work which was to be buried
out of sight was of the same quality.

ten cubits .. .eight cubits'] Probably we have here the greatest dimension,
the length. We are left to imagine the breadth and thickness which
would be proportional in stones of 15 feet and 12 feet long.

11. An-d above] i.e. The courses which lay upon the foundations.
after the measures of hewed stones] Render (as in 9) hewn stone ac-
cording to measure.

and cedars] The noun is singular. It refers not to any beams that
formed part of the wall, but to the cedar facings with which the interior
stone work in many places was covered. R. V. cedar-wood.

12. And the great court round about] The words are the same as
in vi. 36. The great court was the hindmost part of all the palace
grounds, and was apparently higher than the level of the front part.
The way in which it was enclosed was by a low wall (sunk fence) as was
done for the inner-court of the Temple.

both for the ijiner court of the house of the Lord] The conjunction
with which this sentence begins is the usual copulative. But the sense

70 I. KINGS, VII. [vv. 13—15.

J3 And king Solomon sent and fet Hiram out of Tyre. He
was a widow's son of the tribe of Naphtali, and his father
was a man of Tyre, a worker in brass : and he was filled
ivith wisdom, and understanding, and cunning to work all
works in brass. And he came to king Solomon, and wrought

15 all his work. For he cast two pillars ^ brass, of eighteen cubits

should be 'like as the inner court, &c.' (Cf. vi. 34.) ITence some
have conjectured "2 = 03, instead of '\=a7id or both. The R.V. has
given the true sense in the text 'like as the inner court of the house
of the Lord, and the porch of the house,' and has put the literal trans-
lation on the margin. There is no great difficulty in gathering the
former sense from the latter. We have only to take the construction
to be 'and thus was it done for the inner court &c....and for.'

the porch of the house] Probably the porch intended is that spoken
of in vi. 3. 'The house' without any defining words can only be taken
of the Temple ; so that we cannot understand any porch in Solomon's
own house.

13—22. Hiram aTyrian worker in brass casts the pillars
Jachin and Boaz. (2 Chron. ii. 14; iii. 15 — 17.)

13. smt and fet] 'Fet' is the old English past tense of the verb
'fetch,' and occurs several times in the version of 161 1 (e.g. Gen. xviii. 7)
but the more modern form has been introduced into our Bibles since
I 750.

Hiram out of Tyre] The name of this workman is spelt Huram in
1 Chron. iv. ir. He was highly esteemed by the Tyrian king who in
1 Chron. ii. 13 calls him 'Huram my father,' and in a later verse (2
Chron. iv. 16) it is said 'the vessels thereof did Huram his father
make for king Solomon.' So that he became as much treasured by the
one king as by the other. For the expression cp. Gen. xlv. 8 where
Joseph speaks of himself as a father to Pharaoh.

14. He 'was a icidoio's son] The Hebrew says the son of a widow
woman and there is no reason why the literal expression should be
relegated to the margin, as in A. V.

of the tribe of Naphtali] In 2 Chron. ii. 14 he is called 'the son of a
woman of the daughters of Dan.' The two may be reconciled if we
suppose the woman to have belonged to Dan, and her first husband to
have ])een of the tribe of Naphtali.

a worker in brass] This had been the trade of the fa -her, which his
son followed and in which he gained such distinction. There seems to
have been a fitness in the circumstance that Hiram, by birth half an
Israelite, should be employed on the work of Solomon's temple.

and he was filled with wisdom] Compare the similar language used
(Exod. xxxi. 3, xxxvi. i) about Bezaleel and Aholiab. Only m that
place there is added to the qualifications 'the spirit of God.' .

13. of eighteen cubits high apiece] The Hebrew says ' eighteen cubits

vv. i6, 17.] I. KINGS, VII. 71

high apiece : and a line of twelve cubits did compass either
of them about And he made two chapiters ^t/" molten brass, 16
to set upon the tops of the pillars : the height of the one
chapiter was five cubits, and the height of the other chapiter
was five cubits : and nets of checker work, and ^\Teaths of 17
chain work, for the chapiters which were upon the top of

was the height of one pillar.' There can be very little doubt that this
should be followed by ' and eighteen cubits was the height of the other
pillar.' But the similarity of the words has caused the scribe to over-
look them. And there is a like defect in the other half of this verse.
For instead of 'did compass either of them about' the original gives
'did compass the second pillar.' The whole of the latter passage was
no doubt 'a line of twelve cubits did compass about the one pillar, and
a line of twelve cubits the second pillar.' The A. V. gives the sense,
and in a better fashion than by introducing italics to represent the
missing words. The full form in similar phrases occurs immediately in
verses 16 and 17, and then in 18 there is an omission of one-half the
description, just as has happened here.

The first portion of these pillars was 18 cubits= 27 feet high by 12 cubits
= 18 feet in circumference. This of itself would make a pillar of dis-
proportionate dimensions, but on the top there were placed chapiters
(capitals) of 5 cubits = 7^ feet high. Thus the whole height would be 23
cubits or 34I feet. It is said (2 Chron. iii. 15) that the pillars were 35
cubits high. In that case we should have to suppose them raised on bases
of 12 cubits, which is out of all proportion. The metal work may have
had some stone base to rest on, but that would never have been 18 feet
high. It is more reasonable to suppose that the numbers, marked in
Hebrew letters, have been misread by the Chronicler. See however
the note on vi. 3 above, with reference to these dimensions.

These pillars were broken up and carried away along with other
metal at the time of the Babylonian invasion, see 2 Kings xxv. 13; Jer.
Iii. 17, in which latter passage the heights of the pillar and its capital are
exactly as here, and in the former there is only a variation in the dimen-
sion of the capital, not of the pillar.

17. and 7iets of cJiecker work^ The two nouns are from the same
root, and indicate some kind of interlaced metalwork with which the
bellying parts of the capitals were overlaid. This, Mith the chains next
mentioned, and the two rows of pomegranates (ver. 18) formed the
ornamentation of the lower portion of the capitals for one cubit of their
breadth.

As the conjunction 'And' has nothing to represent it in the Hebrew
it is better to render, 'Tliere -were nets &c.' The LXX. in this verse
begins 'And he made two nets (S:c....even a net for the one chapiter
and a net for the other chapiter.' Thus the 'seven' of the A.V. disap-
pears and 'net' is substituted. There is a good deal of similarity be-
tween Hi/ 2tJ' = seven, and n22w' = a net, so that there may have been a
confusion, ond certainly below in verse 41 mention is made oi two net-
works, not seven.

72 I. KINGS, VII. [vv. 18—20.

the pillars ; seven for the one chapiter, and seven for the

18 other chapiter. And he made the pillars, and two rows
round about upon the one network, to cover the chapiters
that were upon the top, with pomegranates ; and so did he

19 for the other chapiter. (And the chapiters that we7-e upon
the top of the pillars were of lily work in the porch, four

20 cubits). And the chapiters upon the two pillars had poine-
granates also above, over against the belly which was by

18. ti/^ojt the top, with pomegranates] The Hebrew text means
' upon the top of the pomegranates.' But some authorities give ' upon
the top of the pillars,' which has been adopted by the R. V. The first
words of the verse must however surely be wrong. 'And he made the
pillars' is utterly out of place here. It had been noticed before; and
the present verse is a description of the capitals. What appears to have
happened is this. The words for 'pillars' and 'pomegranates' have
changed places. The LXX gives no help. But assuming this inter-
change of words we may render (nearly with R.V.) 'So he made the
pomegranates, and there were two rows about upon the one network,
to cover the chapiters that were upon the top of the pillars; and so
made he for the other chapiter.' The words 'to cover... pillars' ex-
plaining the purpose of the work, come in a little awkwardly, but a
sense is made out of what before was incomprehensible.

19. and the chapiters that were upon the top of the pillars] This verse
refers to the four cubits of lily work, which was higher than the bellying
portion of the capital, and formed the topmost part of the ornament.

were cf lily work in the porch] The R.V. transposes in the porch
were of lily work, thus marking clearly that .he pillars were within the
porch. The language of 2 Chron. iii. 17 has induced some to think
that they were outside, in the court. The words there are 'he reared
up the pillars before the temple,' but the word rendered 'temple' is
that which is constantly used (see below, verse 21) for the holy place,
and the porch was in front of that. So that though standing within the
porch the pillars would still be 'before the temple.'

20. And the chapiters upon the two pillars had pomegranates also
above] The italics are without justification. The R.V. gives the sense;
'And there were chapiters also above upon the two pillars.' What is
now being described is that portion of the capital which was below the
lily work. But the writer uses 'chapiter' for the part, as well as for the
whole capital,

over against the belly which was by the network] R.V. clos^ by the
belly which was beside the network.' The prepositions make the diffi-
culty here. The first has something of the idea of 'all along' and
describes the way in which the pomegranates went close up to the
bellying portion of the capital. Probably the two rows ran round the
pillar, one just above, the other just below the enlarged part. Then the
network appears to I.ave been over the belly. The preposition intimates
that if you could have looked from the woodwork, the metal nets and

vv. 21, 22.] I. KINGS, VII. TZ

the network : and the pomegranates were two hundred in
rows round about upon the other chapiter. And he set up 2x
the pillars in the porch of the temple : and he set up the
right pillar, and called the name thereof Jachin : and he set
up the left pillar, and called the name thereof Boaz. And 22
upon the top of the pillars was lily work : so was the work
of the pillars finished.

chains were just in front of you. So that in the 'beside' of the R.V.
we must understand the notion of overlying.

two hitndrcd, in rows] As we have taken verse t8 the rows were
two for each capital, so that 100 pomegranates were in each row.
Apparently in 1 Chron. iii. 16 the number specified is only for one single
row. In the parallel passage of Jeremiah (Iii. 23) this appears more
clearly. For the pomegranates are said to have been arranged one at
each of the four cardinal points and the other 96 used to complete the
circuit. This can only be a description of a single row.

round about ttpon the other chapiter'] Here there is the same sort of
omission, be it intentional or not, as in verse 15. What is meant, we
should express by 'round about (upon the one chapiter as) upon the
other chapiter.'

21. A7id he set up the pillars in the porcK\ The preposition is not
the same as in verse 19. Render here 'at the porch.'

yachin...Boaz\ These words are evidently gi%-en as proper names,
and the LXX. transliterates them here, but translates them in the
parallel passage of 2 Chronicles (iii. 1 7) by Karopdwai^ and to'x'-'s. Both
words -are significant. The first is a verb (see job xxvii. 17) signifying
*he will prepare, or, establish,' the second='in him is strength.' If
they be interpreted they are both to be referred to God. Some have
wished by a slight alteration of the Hebrew points in the latter word to
combine the two into one sentence meaning 'he will establish by
strength.' But it is not likely that a sentence would be thus spHt up to
make two names.

22. upo>t the top of the pillars] The lily work is mentioned again
because it was the topmost part of the ornament, and the pillars have
been described from the bottom upwards. Hence it was fit to speak of
it here, where it is said the work of the pillars was finished.

We have already seen that it is not probable that these pillars stood
out in the open space of the court, but on either side within the porch
which was before the holy place. Their dimensions give the impression
that they were only for ornament, and did not bear up any part of the
structure. The height of the porch is not mentioned in i Kings \\. 3.
Therefore we might presume that it was the height of the rest of the
building of the holy place, viz. 30 cubits. Even for such a porch these
pillars of 33 cubits could hardly have been intended as supports. But in
2 Chronicles (iii. 4) the porch is said to have been 120 cubits high, and
so in Josephus [Ant. VIII. 3, 2), for which height pillars like those here
described are quite out of proportion. Moreover, none of Hiram's work

74 I- KINGS, VII. [vv. 23— 26.

23 And he made a molten sea, ten cubits from the one brim
to the other : it was round all about, and his height was
five cubits : and a line of thirty cubits did compass it round

24 about. And under the brim of it round about there were
knops compassing it, ten in a cubit, compassing the sea
round about : the knops ivere cast in two rows, when it was

25 cast. It stood upon twelve oxen, three looking toward the
north, and three looking toward the west, and three looking
toward the south, and three looking toward the east : and
the sea was set above upon them, and all their hinder parts

26 were inward. And it was a handbreadth thick, and the
brim thereof was wrought like the brim of a cup, with flowers
of lilies : it contained two thousand baths.

seems to have been intended for the temple-building, but only for its
decoration and furniture. It seems best therefore to consider these
pillars as significant ornaments of the Temple porch. See also on this
matter the note on vi. 3 above.

23—26. The Molten Sea which Hiram made.
(2 Chron. iv. 2 — 5.)

23. And he made a (R.V. the) molten sed\ The definite article is
expressed in the original, and the vessel itself was unique. It is called
a *sea' because of its great capacity (see Josephus Ant. viii. 3, 5). The
Hebrew word is not confined in use to the ocean, but is applied to the
Kile (Is. xviii. 2), and to the Euphrates (Is. xxvii. i). So locus is used
by Vergil {jGeo7'g. iv. 173) for a blacksmith's trough. See also xviii.
32, note.

ten cubits fro}7i one brim to the other, &c.] The R.V. tries to be more
literal, but with the same sense. Ten cubits from brim to brim,
round in compass.

a lifie of thirty cubits'] This would in round numbers be the size of
the circumference, with ten cubits as diameter.

24. knops] The word is that which occurs in vi. 18, and the knops
were probably of a gourd-shape. See note there. The description in 2
Chronicles (iv. 3) says that oxot and not knops were the ornaments.

ten in a cubit] This would make the number of knops to be 300.
But the R.V. renders for ten cubits. And so the words are rendered
in vi. 26. But the A. V. must give the true sense. Otherwise why is it
said that the sea was eiicompassed by these knops?

iuhe7i it was cast] i.e. They were of the same piece with the whole rim,
and not attached afterwards like some of the ornaments of the pillars.

25. the sea was set above upon them] i.e. The bottom rested on the
backs of the oxen. Thus the height from the ground to the rim would
be five cubits, and the height of the oxen besides. Nothing is said of
such a thing, but it is not unlikely that the water was drawn out through
the mouths of the oxen.

26. an ha7idbreadth thick] i.e. The metal of which it was made.

vv. 27—29.] I. KINGS, VII. 75

And he made ten bases of brass ; four cubits was the 27
length of one base, and four cubits the breadth thereof, and
three cubits the height of it. And the work of the bases 23
ivas on this manner: they had borders, and the borders
zvere between the ledges : and on the borders that were 29

^\\}!x flcnvers of Ulies\ Rather (as R.V.) 'like the flower of a lily.'
This is to indicate that the brim bent outward and not that lily-flowers
were all round it.

it contained tivo thotisand baths\ In ^ Chron. iv. 5 it is said 'three
thousand baths.' Perhaps the smaller quantity was about what was
usually kept in supply, the larger what it could contain if it were quite
full.

The 'bath' was the largest Hebrew liquid measure, but it is not easy
to discover what its size was. According to Josephus it held rather
more than 8 gallons. Other data make it about half that size. A vessel
that could contain 16.000 gallons must have been very enormous to be
made in one casting. And the dimensions given, viz. a diameter of 10
cubits iy a depth of 5 cubits if the cubit = 18 inches would not hold so
much, unless the sides were bowed outward very considerably so as to
make the diameter much greater in the inside than at the top. But the
description of Josephus makes it to be hemispherical, so that the dia-
meter would be largest at the top. A vessel of this shape however
could not be made to rest on the backs of twelve oxen without a good
deal of contrivance, while with a cylindrical vessel there is no difficulty.
Now a cylinder of the dimensions given in verse 23, taking the cubit =
18 inches, would contain nearly 8260 gallons. It seems therefore that
the Hebrew 'bath' should be taken as a measure of rather more than
4 gallons. The figures which Josephus gives are so frequently exag-
gerated, very often doubled, that it need not trouble us if they appear
so in this case. The difference between Chronicles and Kings above
mentioned may be due to the misreading of a letter in the Hebrew form
of notation.

27—39. Of the ten bases, and the layers upon them.
(2 Chron. iv. 6.)

27. ten lases of hrass\ These were stands for the ten lavers men-
tioned below. See verse 38.

28. they had borders] From the description in the next verse, the
word, which in its literal sense would apply to any surrounding or
enclosure, must mean the side of the base, on which the figures men-
tioned in 29 were carved or cast. So that the pajiels of the R.V.
(marg. ) would be the most correct rendering. And so in verses 31, 32,
35 and 36.

between the ledges'] These seem to have been the perpendicular
shafts, at the four comers of each base, which would be raised so as to
form two sides of the framework enclosing the panels. A more strictly
literal rendering of the final words would be 'even borders between the
ledges.'

76 I. KINGS, VII. [vv. 30, 31.

between the ledges were lions, oxen, and chenibims : and
upon the ledges there was a base above : and beneath the
lions and oxen were certain additions made of thin work.

30 And every base had four brasen wheels, and plates of brass:
and the four corners thereof had undersetters : under the
laver were undersetters molten, at the side of every addition.

31 And the mouth of it within the chapiter and above was a
cubit : but the mouth thereof was round after the work of

29. and upon the ledges there was a base above"] The word here ren-
dered 'base' differs from that in the two previous verses and so the
R.V. has rendered a pedestal. It seems to denote some projection
upward from the four shafts at the corners to act as a support for the
lavers when they were put in position.

certain additiojis made of thin wor^] These words signify rather
'festoons, work that hung dovn.' So R.V. wreaths of hanging work.

30. and p/ates of brass] For 'plates' read axles.

and the four corners thereof had undersetters] The last word is that
usually rendered 'shoulders,' (see R.V. margin), and the word translated
'comers' means rather (i) a footstep, (2) a foot. It is used Exod. xxv.
12 for the corners (R.V. feet) of the ark, into which rings were to be
fixed for the staves to pass through when it was carried about. This
seems the more suitable rendering here also and it is a different word
that is rendered 'corners' in verse 34. The sense would then be 'the
four feet thereof had shoulder pieces' i.e. attached to them. The pur-
pose of these shoulders appears to have been for the axles to pass
through on which the wheels were fixed. The next clause would then
run 'underneath the laver were the shoulders molten.' But because of
that expression some have thought that the 'shoulder pieces' rose up-
ward from the top of the four feet, and were meant as stays on which
the laver should rest.

at the side of every addition"] The last word is the same which in the
previous verse has been rendered 'wreaths.' And here that sense must
also be given to it. Literally, 'at the side of each one (were) wreaths'
or more idiomatically, (as R.V.) with wreaths at the =.ide of eacli.

31. And the mozith of it] Here the pronoun must, I think, be referred,
as in 'corners (feet) thereof of verse 30, to the base. The bases appear
to have had a circular orifice in the top, which is here called the mouth.
This opening was, as it seems, surmounted and surrounded by a capital,
which itself had an opening to receive the lowest part of the laver.
Ti. J height of the capital above the level surface of the top of the base
appears not to be specified unless the half cubit of verse 35 be taken to
refer to the capital. One cubit was the diameter of the orifice in the
top of the base.

bnt the mouth thereof] Better, 'And' &c. The pronoun here by a
difference of gendei in the original is shewn to refer to a different noun.
This can only be the 'chapiter.' That superstructure widened out to-

vv. 32-34] I. KINGS, VII. ^-j

the base, a cubit and a half: and also upon the mouth of it
were gravings with their borders, foursquare, not round.
And under the borders were four wheels ; and the axletrees 32
of the wheels were joined to the base : and the height of a
wheel was a cubit and half a cubit. And the work of the 33
wheels ivas like the work of a chariot wheel : their axletrees,
and their naves, and their felloes, and their spokes, were all
molten. And there were four undersetters to the four 34

wards the top, and the round opening in top of it, to receive the bottom
of the laver, is what is meant by the second 'mouth.'

after the work of the base'] Better, as the word is the same which was
so rendered in verse 29, after the work of a pedestal. It was in this
way that the chapiter served as a support to the laver. This chapiter
had graved work all round about its upper edge, which may be fitly
called ' mouth ' as it was meant to receive the laver.

-with their borders, foursquare, not rotind] Better, And their borders
were foursquare, not round. It is better to render as literally as pos-
sible for it is very doubtful whether these words have reference at all
to the chapiter. They seem to be a recurrence to the description of
those borders (or panels) spoken of in verses 28 and 29. In that case
the pronoun 'their' in this clause would refer to the bases. This is the
more probable because the 'borders' of the next verse are certainly
those panels on the sides of the bases.

32. And under the borders [panels] were four wheels] Better, 'the
four wlieels.' They were so fixed that they might not hide by their
upper part any portion of the ornamental panels.

and the axletrees of the wheels were joined to the base] More literally,
were in the base. That is they formed a portion of the casting. The
Hebrew word nere is different from that rendered 'axles' in verse 30.
This word is literally 'hands' and no doubt signifies some kind of
'holder' or support by which the wheels were kept in place. If the
'shoulders' of verse 30 also belong to the wheels they must have been
made doubly secure.

33. their axletrees] Literally, 'hands' as in the previous verse.
their naves] By etymolog)' the original word must refer to some

curved part of the wheel. It seems better therefore to render, with
R.V., felloes here, and transfer the word 'naves' to translate the last
of the four nouns, which by its derivation signifies 'that to which all
the parts converge.' The third of the Hebrew words is akin to that
which in Exod. xxvii. 10, 11 is used for the 'pillars' or 'poles' which
supported the hangings of the tabernacle. Hence here most likely
*the spokes' of the wheels.

34. And iYi&xQ vf-QXQ four tindersetters to, 8^c.] Literally, 'shoulders
at &c.' The mention of these 'shoulder-pieces' again immediately after
the wheel seems, if we may rely on the correct order of the text, to
shew that they belonged to the wheel-work.

78 I. KINGS, VII. [vv. 35— 39.

corners of one base : a7id the undersetters were of the very

35 base itself. And in the top of the base was there a round
compass of half a cubit high : and on the top of the base
the ledges thereof and the borders thereof were of the same.

36 For on the plates of the ledges thereof, and on the borders
thereof, he graved cherubims, lions, and palm trees, accord-
ing to the proportion of every one, and additions round

37 about. After this inan?ier he made the ten bases : all of

38 them had one casting, one measure, afid one size. Then
made he ten lavers of brass : one laver contained forty-
baths : a?id every laver was four cubits : and upon every

39 one of the ten bases one laver. And he put five bases on
the right side of the house, and five on the left side of the
house : and he set the sea on the right side of the house
eastward over against th ^ south.

of one base] That is, of each one.

of the very base itself] The 'very' is surplusage. Literally, it is
'from (i.e. of) the base were its shoulders,' i.e. they were of one piece
with it.

35. the ledges thereof] Literally, 'the hands thereof.' Probably
some kind of prop or holder is intended. R.V. gives stays, both here
and in the next verse.

36. according to the proportion of every one, and additions round
about] The word rendered 'proportion' means rather any 'bare space.'
Hence the sense is that the graving was ?uch as the space admitted.
So, and to harmonize the final words with the previous verse, we
should render ' according to the space in every one, and with wreaths
round about.'

37. ofie size] Better, 'one form.' See on vi. 25.

38. Then made he] It is only the simple copulative And.

39. And he put] The verb is the same which later on in the verse
is translated set. It is better to adhere to the same rendering in the
same verse. It would also be more in accordance vsith the Hebrew to
translate 'And he set the bases, five on the right side {Heb. shoulder)
of the house &c.'

eastward over against {better, towards) the south] The building looked
north and south, so the sides would be east and west. The sea then
stood at the south corner of the east side.

There is much uncertainty about the meaning of parts of the language
in this description of the bases. They appear however to have been
large box-shaped structures, set on four wheels. The wheels did not
come up higher than the bottom of the box, and so needed shoulders
and stays in which the axles might run and by which they might be
kept in position. Above the box, which had a large hole in the top,
rose a sort of capital on which was fixed the laver. The sides of the
box and the capital as well as the stays were covered with figures. The

vv. 40— 45-] I- KINGS, VII. 79

And Hiram made the lavers, and the shovels, and the 40
basons. So Hiram made an end of doing all the work that
he made king Solomon _;^r the house of the Lord : the two 41
pillars, and the two bowls of the chapiters that were on the
top of the two pillars ; and the two networks, to cover the
two bowls of the chapiters which were upon the top of the
pillars; and four hundred pomegranates for the two net- 42
works, eve?i two rows of pomegranates for one network, to
cover the two bowls of the chapiters that were upon the
pillars ; and the ten bases, and ten lavers on the bases ; and 43
one sea, and twelve oxen under the sea ; and the pots, and 45
the shovels, and the basons : and all these vessels, which

purpose of these lavers as we are told 2 Chron, iv. 6, was for washing
such things as were offered for the burnt offering. This was most likely
the reason why they were needed of some considerable height and so
were supported on the box-shaped bases. The laver would be of
necessity as high as the altar of burnt offering, to the side of which it
must have been brought at the time of any offering. That the altar
stood higher than the level of the court seems evident from viii. 22,
where Solomon is described as standing before it in the sight of ail the
people.

40 — 51. Summary of Hiram's work. Completion of the
Temple. {2 Chron. iv. 11 — 22; v. i.)

40. ' And Hiravi made the /avers] Many ancient authorities (see R.V.
marg.) read pots instead of 'lavers,' and this is given in 2 Chron. iv.
II. The difference is so slight between mi '3 = lavers, and mTD =
pots, that we need not be surprised at the variation in different MSS.

that he made king Solomon] R.V. reads, with the same sense, 'that
lie wrought for king Solomon.' Perhaps it reads a little more easily.
In some mss. and Versions the reading is 'that king Solomon made,'
just as in verse 51 below, where the same phrase is used of the whole
work.

41. and the two bowls of the chapiters that 7uere on the top of the two
pillars] The numeral in the original belongs to 'bowls' and therefore
should not be in italics in the first place, but should be omitted in the
second.

42. and four hmidred pomegranates] The original is definite. Read,
'and the four hundred.' The italic 'even' can be omitted without
detriment to che sense.

43. and cen lavers] The Hebrew has, 'and the ten lavers,' and this
definiteness is natural in such an enumeration. So in the next verse we
should have 'the one sea and the twelve oxen.'

45. a7id all these vessels] Better, at the close of the list, 'even all
these.' The Heb. text has consonants which would be rendered 'the
vessels of the Tent' i.e. the tabernacle. But this is corrected by a

8o I. KINGS, VII. [vv. 46—48.

Hiram made to king Solomon for the house of the Lord,

46 were of bright brass. In the plain of Jordan did the king
cast them, in the clay ground between Succoth and Zarthan.

47 And Solomon left all the vessels ufiweig/ied, because they
were exceeding many : neither was the weight of the brass

4^ found out. And Solomon made all the vessels that per-
tained unto the house of the Lord : the altar of gold, and

marginal reading to 'these vessels,' which is most certainly the true
text. The variation comes about by the transposition of two consonants
^HN for n'pX.

made to king Solofuoji] In modem English we should say 'for,' in
spite of the following 'for' coming so close. But the R.V. has changed
the phrase 'for the house of the Lord' both here and in verse 40 into
in the house of the Lord. There is no preposition at all in the
Hebrew, but the noun appears to be the accusative of place. So that
the change of the R.V. is not without justification. The same con-
struction is translated 'in the house of the Lord' 2 Kings xi. 3, 15, and
elsewhere.

bright drass] The R.V. gives furnished brass. The original word
is a participle and not an adjective.

46. in the clay grouud'\ As the margin of A.V. explains, the literal
rendering is 'in the thickness of the ground.' The Hebrews had a
paucity of adjectives and were obliged to express in such wise what v/e
mean by ' stiff ground ' and which is excellently rendered by the English
version.

between Succoth atid Zarthati\ The last word should be written Zare-
than. See Josh. iii. 16. That both Succoih and Zarethan were in the
circle, or district, of Jordan we can see both from that passage and this,
but their precise position is unknown. Succoth was allotted to the tribe
of Gad (Josh. xiii. 27) which seems to prove that it was on the east side
of the Jordan, so Zarethan from their connexion in this verse was pro-
bably on that side too. In 2 Chron. iv. 17 Zaredathah is the name
given instead of Zarethan, and that name has been thought by some to
be a modified form of Zeredah (i Kings xi. 26) the birthplace of
Jeroboam son of Nebat. According to the Septuaguit additions to the
story of Jeroboam (i Kings xii. 24, 25) Zeredah was a strong place in
Mt. Ephraim, but of this we cannot be sure. It Avould however in that
case be on the west of Jordan, and it seems a singular manner of speech
to describe the foundries of Hiram as between a place on ihe east of
the Jordan and another on the west.

47. neither was the weight of the bra- s found ont^ The R.V. gives
'could not be found out.' The verb, which signifies literally 'to inves-
tigate,' 'to search out,' seems employed to indicate that no attempt was
made to discover it.

48. that pertained unto the house of the Lorcf] The con'^truction is
like that in verse 45. Hence R.V. has 'that were in the house of the
Lord.'

w. 49— 5I-] I- KINGS, VII. 8i

the table of gold, whereupon the shewbread n'as^ and the 49
candlesticks of pure gold, five on the right side, and five on
the left, before the oracle, with the flowers, and the lamps,
and the tongs of gold, and the bowls, and the snuffers, and 50
the basons, and the spoons, and the censers of pure gold ;
and the hinges ^gold, both for the doors of the inner house,
the most holy place^ and for the doors of the house, to zuit,
of the temple. So was ended all the work that king Solomon 51
made^^r the house of the Lord. And Solomon brought in
the t/ii?igs which Da\id his father had dedicated; ei'e?i the
silver, and the gold, and the vessels, did he put among the
treasures of the house of the Lord.

the altar of gold'\ R.V. the golden altar, i.e. the altar of incense
made of cedar wood and overlaid with gold.

49. pure goldl See on vi. 21.

50. and the bowls'\ This is the word which is usually rendered
'basons.' See 2 Sam. xvii. 28, &c. A different word is translated
'bowl' elsewhere, see Judg. vi. 38. As 'basons' occurs later on in the
verse, the R.V. has changed 'bowls' hereto 'cups,' a rendering given
for this word sometimes on the margin of A. V.

and the censers] This Hebrew word is frequently rendered 'censer,'
but as in Exod. xxvii. 3, xxxviii. 3 and other places, where it relates to
the altar furniture and fittings, the plural is rendered 'fire pans,' the R.V.
has introduced that rendering here. Cf. also 2 Kings xxv. 15 and Jer.
lii. 19. In the latter part of this verse the R.V. preserves the order of
the Hebrew, and gives a little more explicitness, by remo%'ing 'of gold'
after 'hinges' to the end of the verse. With the description here given
should be compared the account of the vessels of the Mosaic tabernacle.
Exod. xxv. — XXX.

51. So was ended, &c.] The changes of order and words in this
verse made by R.V. {viz. Thus all the work that king Solomon wrought
in the house of the Lord was finished.) are such as to bring as nearly
as possible this passage and 2 Chron. v. i into accord. Where the
Hebrew words are the same there seems a gain in representing them
in such a recital as the present by the same translation. On 'in the
house of the Lord,' cf. above on verse 45.

among the treasures] R.V. 'in the treasuiies.' The word is used
rather of the place than of the things kept in it. Thus Joel i. 1 7, it is
rendered ' gamers,' and in i Chron. xxvii. 25 'storehouses,' and two
verses later in the same chapter 'cellars' for wine. It is noteworthy
that in Kings nothing is said of the treasures amassed by David, while
in Chronicles (i Chron. xxix. i — 8) they are dwelt on at some length.

I. KINGS

82 I. KINGS, VIII. [vv. 1—3.

8 Then Solomon assembled the elders of Israel, and all the
heads of the tribes, the chief of the fathers of the children
of Israel, unto king Solomon in Jerusalem, that they might
bring up the ark of the covenant of the Lord out of the

2 city of David, which is Zion. And all the men of Israel
assembled themselves unto king Solomon at the feast in the

3 month Ethanim, which is the seventh month. And all the

Ch. VIII. 1—11. Dedication of the Temple. Bringing up of

THE ARK AND THE HOLY VESSELS. ThE GLORY OF THE LORD

FILLS THE HOUSE. {^ Chron. V. 2 — 14.)

1. Then Solomon assembled the elders of Israel] The LXX. ( Vat.)
prefaces this chapter with the words ' And it came to pass when Solo-
mon had finished building the house of the Lord and his own house
after twenty years,' then &c. These words are from the commencement
of chap. ix. where they al o recur in the LXX., and the precise time
'twenty years' is found mentioned i Kings ix. 10; 2 Chron. viii. i.
But that the Temple remained undedicated through all the yean- that
Solomon's house was building is nowhere told us, and is very impro-
bable.

Josephus {Ant. viii. 4. i) says the king summoned the assembly by a
formal document (ypd-ipas).

the chief of the fathers'] Better \vith margin of A. V. and text of R.V.
the princes of the fathers' houses. The persons meant are those who
are called Ex. vi. I4 'heads of their fathers" houses. In that passage
the word for 'houses' is expressed, as it is in many other places (cf.
especially Numb. i. 16, 18, 20, &c., ii. 2). But the abbreviated form,
as here, came into common use (see Num. xxxvi. i ; Josh. xix. 51, xxi.
I, &c.). The rendering of the full phrase should in these cases be sup-
plied, 'houses' being printed in italics.

that they might bring tip the ark] Whatever may have been the
relative heights of the Temple mount and of Zion, in a religious sense
the former would be esteemed the more exalted, and so ' to bring up ' and
'to go up' thither would be the natural modes of expression. Cf. Is.
xxxviii. 22. Besides they would have to descend iirst from Zion and
then to ascend Moriah. On the religious importance and exaltation of
Zion cf. Ps. xlviii. 15 seqq.

the city of David which is Zion] See above on iii. i.

2. at the feast in the month Ethanit?t which is the seventh month]
Josephus tells us that the feast of tabernacles fell at this tir^e, and that
that festival and the dedication services were combined into one great
feast. We know from Lev. xxiii. 34, that the feast of tabernacles com-
menced on the fifteenth day of the seventh month and was held for
seven days. The month Ethanim, which name only occurs here, is
described as the seventh month. The name, which is connected with a
word used for running water, is thought to signify 'the rainy month.'
Josephus calls it Qiapl, which was the month between the new moons

V. 4.] I- KINGS, VIII. 83

elders of Israel came, and the priests took up the ark. And 4
they brought up the ark of the Lord, and the tabernacle of
the congregation, and all the holy vessels that were in the
tabernacle, even those did the priests and the Levites bring

of October and Xovember. If heavy rains were common at the time it
was an unfortunate date for the feast of tabernacles. The ' early rains '
spoken of in Scripture were the rains of autumn, and fell at the end of
October or beginning of Xovember, but came on very gradually. The
' latter rains ' were those of spring, mostly in March. If the feast took
place towards the middle of October it would close before the rains
began to fall.

Supposing the Temple to have been dedicated as soon as possible
after its completion, this festival must have been held in the twelfth
year of Solomon's reign. For in vi. 37 we are told that the actual
building was finished in the eighth month of the eleventh year. The
seventh month, named for the dedication, must have been in the year
following.

3. all the elders] The other representative persons mentioned in
verse i are all no doubt to be included in this phrase.

the priests took up the ark] This duty was usually performed by the
Levites (cf. Numb. ii. 31), but on very solemn occasions the priests
undertook it (see Josh. iii. 6, \i. 6). At this time it was necessary that
they should do so, for the ark was to be brought into the most holy
place, whither the Levites (Numb. iv. 20) were forbidden to enter.
Nioreover, the final conveyance of the ark to its special seat was a duty
to call for the most sacred of God's ministers. It is worth while to
compare with this passage the statement in 2 Chron. v. 4. There it is
said 'and the Levites took up the ark,' and the narrative then con-
tinues, stating that the Levites 'brought up' the ark, i.e. carried it
during the transfer, but before its introduction into the Temple, the
phrase changes and we read ' the priests brought in the ark of the
covenant into his place.'

4. and the tabernacle of the congregation] Better, as in other places,
the Tent of meeting. This consecrated tent, which had up to this time
stood in Gibeon, was now taken down, and the curtains and poles of
which it consisted seem to have been brought to the Temple to be pre-
served. There was probably room enough for their bestowal in the
'side chambers' which enclosed the Temple on three sides. Others
have suggested a chamber above the most holy place. We have nothing
to guide us to a conclusion either in history or tradition. A tradition
which points to the preservation of the Tent is found 2 Mace. ii. 4.

those did '.he priests and the Levites bring tip] In the parallel passage
in St» Chron. v. 5, the conjunction 'and' is omitted and special attention
is called to Deut. xvii. 18, where, and in subsequent places of the same
book 'the priests the Levites' are spoken of. It is noteworthy that
Josephus speaks only of the Levites, until the ark is to be brought within
the most holy place. Then, he says, all the rest withdrew and the priests
carried it to its resting-place. He also describes the procession, and how

.84 I. KINGS, VIII. [n

5 up. And king Solomon, and all the congregation of Israel,
that were assembled unto him, were with him before the
ark, sacrificing sheep and oxen, that could not be told nor

6 numbered for multitude. And the priests brought in the
ark of the covenant of the Lord unto his place, into the
oracle of the house, to the most holy place, even under the

7 wings of the cherubims. For the cherubims spread forth
theii- two wings over the place of the ark, and the cherubims

8 covered the ark and the staves thereof above. And they
drew out the staves, that the ends of the staves were seen

the road was drenched with libations and with the blood of many
sacrifices, while the abundant burning of incense filled all the air with
fragrance so that people at a great distance could note that God was, as
men would judge, changing His abode and coming to dwell in the
house which had been new)/ built and dedicated to Him. The LXX.
{Vat.) omits nearly the whole of verses i and 3, and also a portion of
ver. 4.

5. were with hifji before the ark] This must refer to the time when
the great procession had reached the Temple court. At that spot the
ark was set down, and king and people joined in a solemn sacrifice,
before the priests bore the ark into the most holy place.

6. even under the xuings of the cherubims] The outspread wings of
the cherubim extended across the whole width of the oracle (vi. 27)
and their wings touched one another in the middle of the house. Be-
neath these wings that touched, the ark was set down. As it was only
a cubit and a half high (Exod, xxv. 10), anJ the figures of the cherubim
were 10 cubits high (vi. 23) it is probable that some base or stand was
provided, so that the ark might be raised a little from the giound,
though this is not stated. Josephus tells us that the joined wings
overshadowed the ark, covering it as though it were under a tent or a
dome.

7. covered the ark and the staves thereof above] The ark appears to
have been placed lengthwse, (the length was two cubits and a half,)
beneath the wings of the cherubim. Thus the sta.es also would lie
along in the rings and so be overshadowed by the wings.

8. And they drexu out the staves] The verb either means transitively
_*to make long' or intransitively 'to be long,' and the better rendering
is 'the staves were long.' We are nowhere told how long the staves
were made, but no doubt they were of considerable length that there
might be no danger of the bearers touching the sacred cofter. Philipp-
son {die Israelitische Bihel) says the old staves v>'ere ten cubits long,
but that for this occasion, according to some Jewish commentators,
new staves and longer ones had been made that more priests might
take a share in the carrying. To join on easily to the following clause
we must render the staves were so long.

that the ends of the staves were seen out in the holy place] Instead of

V. 9-] I- KINGS, VIII. 85

out in the holy place before the oracle, and they were not
seen without : and there they are unto this day. There was 0
nothing in the ark save the two tables of stone, which Moses
put there at Horeb, when the Lord made a covetiajit with

*out in' the Hebrew has from, and the sense is that, somehow or
other, the heads of the staves were to be seen by persons looking from
the holy place towards the oracle. It is noteworthy that in 2 Chron.
V. 9 it is said ' the staves were seen/;w// the ark.'

and [R.V. better, but] they were not seen zi'ithatit'\ That is to say,
when any one went towards the porch and stood at the entrance of the
holy place, the heads of the staves were no longer visible. The whole
description must refer to occasions when the entrance into the holy of
holies was open, but why it is inserted it is hard to say, for it appears
to explain nothing, and to be of itself somewhat inexplicable. The ark
was not seen at all, but one standing near the division between the
holy place and the most holy might at such a time see the ends of the
staves, though if he were as far away as the length of the holy place, he
could not see them. The phrase in 2 Chron. v. 9 would then signify
that they were seen as they projected from the ark.

and there they are tcnto this day] To have allowed these words to
remain bespeaks a singularly close copyist. They appear also in the
parallel passage in 2 Chronicles (v. 9). They were no doubt written
first when the Temple was still standing, but could not have been true
either for the compiler of the Kings or of Chronicles. They are
omifted by the LXX.

9. There was nothing- in the ark save the two tables of stone] We
read In Heb. ix. 4 that in the ark of the covenant ' was the golden pot
that had manna, and Aaron's rod that budded ' as well as the tables of
the covenant, and we may be sure that the writer there speaks accord-
ing to tradition. The Old Testament narrative (Exod. xvi. 34) says
that the pot of manna was laid up 'before the testimony' and the same
expression is used (Numb. xvii. 10) concerning Aaron's rod. This
does not define whether they were put inside or on the outside of the
ark. But it is most probable that during the time when the ark was
moved from place to place they were kept inside it, but as soon as it
was placed within the Temple they were removed. For the tables of
stone were alone intended to be stored in the ark, being 'the testimony
(Ex. XXV. 16) which God had given to Israel.' The other things
would still be ' before the testimony' if they were placed outside.

when the Lord made a covenant] There is no word for 'covenant' in
the Hebrew, but the verb is the technical term used in this sense,
meaning literally 'to cut' in allusion to the sacrifices which usually
accompanied covenant-making. No doubt by this time the verb alone
had come to have the sense of * making a covenant.' So the italics of
the A. V. are rather misleading. The same verb without any noun
following is found in this sense i Sam. xi. 2 ; xx. 16, and in other
places. The verse is a little expanded but not changed in sense in
the LXX.

86 I. KINGS, VIII. [vv. 10—14.

the children of Israel, when they came out of the land of

10 Egypt. And it came to pass, when the priests were come
out of the holy place^ that the cloud filled the house of the

11 Lord, so that the priests could not stand to minister be-
cause of the cloud : for the glory of the Lord had filled the
house of the Lord.

12 Then spake Solomon, The Lord said that //^ would dwell

13 in the thick darkness. 1 have surely built thee a house to

14 dwell in, a settled place for thee to abide in for ever. And

Josephus adds here an account of the other furniture of the Temple,
with the position which it occupied, and adds, what no doubt he had
seen in his own time, that the brazen altar stood before the shrine,
straight opposite the outer door, so that when that was thrown open
the altar was visible, and the priestly acts and the completion of the
sacrifice could all be seen. This is, in a way, a comment on verse 8.
The people outside could see through all the length of the holy place,
but only one coming near to the partition, could, when the door into
the most holy was open, notice the extended heads of the staves.

10. the cloud filled the house of the Lord^ The cloud was the veil
which hid the glory of the Lord. The article denotes that it was
something well known and perhaps permanent. Cf. Exod. xl. 34, 35
where it is said 'the cloud covered the tent of meeting and the glory of
the Lord filled the tabernacle, and Moses was not able to enter into
the tent of meeting because the cload abode thereon.' This was the
token that God had taken up His abode there, and thus a standing
lesson was before the eyes of the people concerning the fact of the
Incarnation. Josephus says of this cloua that ' it produced in the
minds of all the notion and thought that God had come down into the
Temple, and was gladly tabernacling therein.' It was indeed the
Shechinah, the dwellingplace of God.

11. could not stand to jnifiistef-] i.e. At the altar of incense which
stood within the holy place. God's presence was diffused through
every part of the edifice, thus claiming the whole as set apart to Him.

12 — 21. Solomon's opening blessing. (2 Chron. vi. i— n.)

12. 77/1? Lord said that he zcould dwell in the thick darkness']
Better, as in 2 Chron. vi. i, * The Lord hatli said, &c.' The king's
words are called forth by what he sees: the house enveloped in a
thick cloud such that none could remain within nor en.er. The
allusion is to Lev. xvi. 2, where God Siiys ' I will appear in the cloud
upon the mercy seat.' Cf. Ps. xcvii. 2, ' Clouds and darkness are
round about Him.' So too God speaks of coming to Moses 'in a thick
cloud,' Exod. xix. 9; xx. 21.

13. / have stirHy built thee a house to dwell /«] R. V. ' a house of
habitation,' which is more literal, but not a more elegant rendering.
The king sees that God has deigned to accept the house that has been

vv. 15, 16.] I. KINGS, VIII. 87

the king turned his face about, and blessed all the congrega-
tion of Israel : (and all the congregation of Israel stood ;)
and he said, Blessed be the Lord God of Israel, which spake
with his mouth unto David my father, and hath with his
hand fulfilled //, saying. Since the day that I brought forth
my people Israel out of Egypt, I chose no city out of all
the tribes of Israel to build a house, that my name might
be therein ; but I chose David to be over my people Israel.

built, and his desire that God may always dwell there fashions the
language which he uses. It is to be noted that in this dedication the
priests play but a secondary part. Zadok is not once named. Solomon
presides, speaks, prays. The LXX. ( Vat.) omits these two verses
altogether, but gives a modification and enlargement of them at verse
53 below. See note there. Josephus describes the opening of Solomon's
address to God as ' words which the king considered fit to be addressed
to the divine Being, and which it was right for him to speak.'

14. And the king turned kis face adout] He had spt)ken at first
looking towards the Temple, and beholding the cloud which told that
God was there.

and blessed all tke cangregatum] The words which follow ( 1 5 — 1 1 )
are not words of benediction on the people, but thanksgiving to God.
We must suppose the language of blessing to have been like the
blessing which follows later on in the chapter (57 — 61) where the
king does ask for guidance and help for Israel.

15. the Lord God of Israel] R.V, ' The Lord, the God of Israel.'
This- change, which should be constantly made, will not be further
noticed. See chap. i. 30.

which spake with his month U7ito David 7ny father] The allusion
is to the words of 1 Sam. vii. 5 — 7, where God by the prophet
Nathan forbids David to build Him a house. The prophet is regarded
so entirely as the mouthpiece of Jehovah, that Solomon can use
words like these both here, and in ver. 24, 'Thou spakest also with
thy mouth.'

16. that my name might be therein] The expression in the Pen-
tateuch is constant about the place which is dedicated to the worship of
God: 'God records His name there' (Exod. xx. 24); 'God chooses
it to put His name there' (Deut. xii. 5); 'God chooses it to cause
His name to dwell there' (Deut. xii. 11). In Exodus xx. 24 the phrase
is 'in all places,' because by that code it was contemplated that the
place set apart for worship would be changed from time to time, and
before the one permanent place was fixed upon, there would be many
places where God was worshipped. Deuteronomy represents the ideal
to be aimed at when the people were established in Canaan.

but I chose Daznd] This is expanded in 1 Chron. vi. 6 so as to
include both the place and the person. 'But I have chosen Jerusalem
that my name might be there; and have chosen David to be over
piy people Israel.' The LXX. also has the same clause. The language

88 I. KINGS, VIII. [vv. 17—22.

17 And it was in the heart of David my father to build a house

18 for the name of the Lord God of Israel. And the Lord
said unto David my father, Whereas it was in thine heart to
build a house unto my name, thou didst well that it was in

19 thine heart. Nevertheless thou shalt not build the house ;
but thy son that shall come forth out of thy loins, he shall

20 build the house unto my name. And the Lord hath per-
formed his word that he spake, and I am risen up in the
room of David my father, and sit on the throne of Israel, as
the Lord promised, and have built a house for the name of

21 the Lord God of Israel. And I have set there a place for
the ark, wherein is the covenant of the Lord, which he
made with our fathers, when he brought them out of the
land of Egypt.

22 And Solomon stood before the altar of the Lord in the

of this verse in Kings seems almost to imply some opposition (or differ-
ence in the way of choice) between the material structure and the person.

17. And it was in the heart, &c. The conjunction is better ren-
dered in 2 Chron. vi. 7, 'Now it was in the heart.' The two should be
alike.

19. thou shalt not build the house] It was not necessary for Solo-
mon to add the reasons given in i Chron. xxii. 8, 'Thou hast shed
blood abundantly and hast made great wars.'

21. the ark, zuherein is the cavcnani of the Lord] It has just been
said (ver. 9) that only the two tables of stone were in the ark. They
must then be meant by 'the covenant of the Lord,' and this is borne
out by such passages as Deut. iv. 23, xxix. 25, where the covenant
alluded to forms a part of the ten commandments. But 'the book of
the covenant' (Exod. xxiv. 7) appears to have included all the laws
contained in Exod. xx. — xxiii.

22 — 53. Solomon's PRAYER. (2 Chron. \a. 12— 42.)

22. And Solo7non stood before the altar of the Lord] This was the
altar of burnt offerings which stood in the Temple court. In 2 Chron.
vi. 13 we have an explanation which is omitted here, "For Solomon
had made a brazen scaffold of five cubits long, and five cubits broad,
and three cubits high, and had set it in the midst of the court, and upon
it he stood and kneeled down before all the congregation of Israel."
(See note on verse 54.)

Josephus gives as the opening of this prayer a passage utterly foreign
to the character of Solomon's words. "It is not possible for men by
what they do to give God thanks for the benefits they have received.
For the divinity is in need of nothing and is above all such requital,
r.ut with that whrrein we are made by Thee, O Lord, superior to other
living creatures, with that we are bound to bless Thy majesty and to

vv. 23— 27.] I. KINGS, VIII. 89

presence of all the congregation of Israel, and spread forth
his hands toivard heaven : and he said, 23

Lord God of Israel, there is no God like thee, in heaven
above, or on earth beneath, who keepest covenant and
mercy with thy servants that walk before thee with all their
heart : who hast kept with thy servant David my father that 24
thou promisedst him : thou spakest also with thy mouth,
and hast fulfilled it with thine hand, as // is this day. There- 25
fore now, Lord God of Israel, keep with thy servant David
my father that thou promisedst him, saying, There shall not
fail thee a man in my sight to sit on the throne of Israel ;
so that thy children take heed to their way, that they walk
before me as thou hast walked before me. And now, O 26
God of Israel, let thy word, I pray thee, be verified, which
thou spakest unto thy servant David my father.

But will God indeed dwell on the earth ? behold, the 27
heaven and heaven of heavens cannot contain thee; how

give thanks for what Thou hast wrought for my house, and for the people
of the Hebrews. For with wliat is it more fitting that we should sup-
plicate Thee, whether Thou be angry or continuest gracious, than with
the voice which we derive from the air and know to be sent hack
through the same medium?"

23. who keepest covenant and ineycy\ The phrase is found in Deut.
vii. 9, 12. In God's intent, the covenant and the mercy were the same
thing. It was transgression on man's part which called forth any other
character in the covenant.

ivith thy servajits] The LXX. has the singular, thus restricting the
allusion in verses 23 — 26 entirely to David and his family. The Hebrew
by the plural represents the spirit of the phrase in Deuteronomy, and
the supplication becomes an appeal to God that He will remember
towards David's race the promise which at first was made to all Israel.
See Chap, ii, 4 and 2 vSam. vii. 12, &c.

25. so that thy children take heed] In modern English 'so that ' = 'if
only,' 'provided that,' is not common, but was so when the A.V. was
made. Cf. Shakespeare, Ail's Weil, ii. 4. 20, "5<7 that you had her
wrinkles, and I her money, I would she did as you say." See also
Richard II. iii. 4. 102. The R.V. has the modern 'if only' and the
LXX. represents the sense by Tr\i)v eav.

27. will God in very deed dwell on the earth?] The LXX. adds
•with men.'

the heaven and heaven of heavens] The expression is found in Deut.
X. 14; Ps. Ixvii. 36, cxiii. 16, and is used to express the widest compass
of heaven.

this house -which I have binldcd] The LXX. adds 'for Thy name.'

9C I. KINGS, VIII. [vv. 28— 32.

28 much less this house that I have builded ? Yet have thou
respect unto the prayer of thy servant, and to his supplica-
tion, O Lord my God, to hearken unto the cry and to the

29 prayer, which thy servant prayeth before thee to day : that
thine eyes may be open toward this house night and day,
even toward the place of which thou hast said. My name
shall be there : that tJioii mayest hearken unto the prayer

30 which thy servant shall make towards this place. And
hearken thou to the supplication of thy servant, and of thy
people Israel, when they shall pray towards this place : and
hear thou in heaven thy dwelling place : and when thou
hearest, forgive.

31 If any man trespass against his neighbour, and an oath
be laid upon him to cause him to swear, and the opth come

3^ before thine altar in ♦his house : then hear thou i7i heaven,
and do, and judge thy servants, condemning the wicked,

28. Yet have thou respect'] Literally the Hebrew is "Yet thou wilt
have respect." The tense is chosen to intimate the assurance in the
mind of the king that the prayers made will be answered.

29. even toward the place of 70 hie h thou hast said, My name shall be
there] These words refer back to verse 16, and appear to imply all that
is contained in the expansion there alluded to from 2 Chron. vi. 6 that
God had chosen Jerusalem as the place for His temple. 'My name'
indicates God's revelation of Himself witl; all His attributes.

totoards this place] For the king was not in the Temple but looking
towards it, as would be the case with all future worshippers except the
priests who were allowed to enter into the building. Hence it came to
pass that in foreign lands the Israelite turned his face in the direction of
Jerusalem. Cf. Dan. vi. 10; Jonah ii. 4; Ps. v. 7.

31. If a7iy man trespass] Here Solomon enters on a series of specific
petitions, the first of which is concerning any case of trespass, in which
he implores that God would uphold the sanctity of an oath. The sense
of 'trespass' in this verse must be='be supposed to have trespassed.'
The person presumed to have offended is to be challenged to take an
oath, and to God is left the punishment of the guilty and the acquittal
of the innocent. Cf. Exod. xxii. 7 — 11.

and the oath come] It is better to take both words as verbs and
supply a copulative. Render "and lie come and swear."

32. then hear thon in heaven] As the truth in such a case as is
supposed can be known to God alone, He is prayed to act the part
assigned to judges in the Law (cf. Deut. xxv. i) and to make known in
His o%\Ti way which persons take the oath justly, and which unjustly.
The close imitation of the language of Deuteronomy deserves to be
noticed.

w. 33—37.] I. KINGS, VIII. 91

to bring his way upon his head ; and justifying the righteous,
to give him according to his righteousness.

When thy people Israel be smitten down before the enemy, 33
because they have sinned against thee, and shall turn again
to thee, and confess thy name, and pray, and make supplica-
tion unto thee in this house : then hear thou iji heaven, and 34
forgive the sin of thy people Israel, and bring them again
unto the land which thou gavest unto their fathers.

When heaven is shut up, and there is no rain, because 35
they have sinned against thee ; if they pray towards this
place, and confess thy name, and turn from their sin, when
thou afflictest them : then hear thou i?i heaven, and forgive 3°
the sin of thy servants, and of thy people Israel, that thou
teach them the good way wherein they should walk, and
give rain upon thy land, which thou hast given to thy people
for an inheritance.

If there be in the land famine, if there be pestilence, 37

33. When thy people Israel be sf nit ten down before the enemy\ Such
an event is contemplated in the language of Leviticus (xxvi. 17) and
Deuteronomy (xxviii. 25) as well as the restoration and delivery of the
people on their repentance (see Lev. xxvi. 40 — 42).

because they have smned against thee'\ From what follows it seems as
if idolatry, to which the people were so prone, were noted as the special
sin. "They have turned away from God, and so are to turn to Him
again. The penalty constantly threatened for sei^ving strange gods was
that they should be made to serve strangers in a land which was not
theirs. Cf. Deut. xxviii. 47 seqq.

35. When heaven is shut up] The king next intreats against a plague
of drought. This also had been proclaimed in the Pentateuch as one
of God's methods of discipline and punishment. So Deut. xi. 17 the
people are warned to beware of sin lest the Lord shut up the heaven
that there be no rain; and in Deuteronomy (xxviii. 23) and Leviticus
(xxvi. 19) the striking phrase is used 'I will make your heaven as iron,
and your earth as brass.'

36. forgive the sin of thy servants and of thy people Israel] Probably
Solomon means by 'servants' the kings who should hereafter reign
over Israel. The LXX. evidently thought this, for there we only have
'thy servant' meaning the king at the time being.

that thoti teach them] The rendering should rather be 'when thou
teachest them,' as at the close of the previous verse. The forgiveness is
to come, when the lesson of chastisement has been given and learnt.

37. If there be m the land famine] In this verse the king gathers
together various judgements which God had threatened on His people if
they sinned. For famine cf. Lev. xxvi. 20; Deut. xi. 17: for blasting
and mildew, Deut. xxviii. 22; for locust, Deut. xxviii. 38. The parti-

92 I. KINGS, VIII. [vv. 38— 41.

blasting, mildew, locust, or if there be caterpillar ; if their
enemy besiege them in the land of their cities ; whatsoever

38 plague, whatsoever sickness there be ; what prayer and sup-
plication soever be made by any man, or by all thy people
Israel, which shall know every man the plague of his own

39 heart, and spread forth his hands towards this house : then
hear thou iii heaven thy dwelling place, and forgive, and
do, and give to every man according to his ways, whose
heart thou knowest ; (for thou, even thou only, knowest the

40 hearts of all the children of men ;) that they may fear thee
all the days that they live in the land which thou gavest
unto our fathers.

41 Moreover concerning a stranger, that is not of thy people

cular insect rendered 'caterpillar' in this verse is not mentioned in the
Pentateuch, but we knov. from Joel ii. 25, that some other kind, or
stage of development, of locust is meant by it. In Deut. xxviii, 42 we
have mention of an insect, also rendered 'locust,' which las a diiTerent
name in the original from that spoken of in verse 38 of the same chapter.
The siege by an enemy is threatened in Deut. xxviii. 52..

in the land of their cities] The Hebrew word translated 'cities'
usually signifies 'gates,' and it is so rendered Deut. xxviii. 52 'He
shall besiege thee in all thy gates.' But in 'gates' the 'cities,' which
alone possessed them, are implied. The LXX. and other versions have
'in one of their cities.' The Vulg. has 'gates.'

38. which shall know every man the plagite of his own heart] i.e.
The special infliction which is sent to him for his own correction, and
for the relief of which he only can fitly pray.

39. whose heart thou knoivest] This is the other aspect. God will
know whether the discipline have wrought its effect, whether the heart
have been plagued in such wise as to bring about repentance.

4.0. that they in ay fear thee] i.e. Being instructed and warned by
God's judgements may cease to offend and in consequence need no more
correction. Cf. Ps. cxxx. 4. 'There is forgiveness with thee, that thou
mayest be feared.'

41. Moi'eover concerning a stranger'] Consideration for the stranger
was a marked feature of the Jewish legislation. Cf. Exod. xxii. 21,
xxiii. 9, 12, &c. So he is not to be exckuled from spiritu.?! privileges.
Josephus makes Solomon enlarge on this characteristic thus : "And I
do not ask from Thee this help for the Hebrews alone when they
offend ; but even if any come from the ends of the earth, or from any
land whatever and wish in this place to make petition unto Thee,
hearken and grant their request. For thus it will be known to all men
that Thou hast wished this house to be built for Thee by us, and that
we are not unnatural nor hostile to strangers, but gladly desire that
Thy help and the advantage of Thy blessings should be shared by all."
The last sentence tells of the opinion, which in the days of Josephus

vv. 42— 46.] I. KINGS, VIII. 93

Israel, but cometh out of a far countr}' for thy name's sake ;
(for they shall hear of thy great name, and of thy strong 42
hand, and of thy stretched out arm ;) when he shall come
and pray towards this house ; hear thou in heaven thy 43
dwelling place, and do according to all that the stranger
calleth to thee for : that all people of the earth may know
thy name, to fear thee, as do thy people Israel ; and that
they may know that this house, which I have builded, is
called by thy name.

If thy people go out to battle against their enemy, 44
whithersoever thou shalt send them, and shall pray unto
the Lord toward the city which thou hast chosen, and
toward the house that I have built for thy name : then hear 45
thou in heaven their prayer and their supplication, and
maintain their cause. If they sin against thee, (for there is 46

prevailed among the heathen, that the Jews were haters of the rest of
mankind. For this sentiment cf. Juvenal Xiv. 103, 104. Tac. Hist.

V.5.

for thy jiamis sake] i.e. Having heard of Thy wondrous works per-
formed for Israel.

42. of thy strong hand, and of thy stretched out arni\ A constant
phrase in Deuteronomy to express God's power, see Deut. iii. 24, iv. 34,
V. 15, (Sec. The greater part of verse 41 and the whole of 42 are omitted
in the iXX. ( Vat.).

■when he shall come and pray towards this hoiise\ For the earlier
proWsion whereby the stranger might be admitted to share in the wor-
ship of Israel, see Numb. xv. 14. The rule was "as ye do, so shall he
do."

43. thcU this house... is called by thy name] The literal rendering
of the Hebrew 'that thy name is called upon this house,' though not so
good English, brings out more of the true notion of the words viz., that
God has taken up His abode there, and that there men may approach
very near unto Him.

44. If thy people go out to battle\ The case here is of a war under-
taken by God's direction, and therefore in a righteous cause. Under
such circumstances the people may trust in Him for support.

shall pray unto the Lord tozuard the city] Not only the Jews but
other people were wont to turn their faces toward some sacred spot
when praying in a distant land, as Daniel did in Babylon (Dan. vi. 10).
Thus the Mohammedans turn towards Mecca, and the early Christians
inherited from the Jews the custom of turning to the east when they
prayed. Cf. Tert. Apol. 16.

46. If they sin against thee] With the language of these verses
concerning the delivery of Israel into the hand of their enemies for
their sins, the chapters of Leviticus (xxvi.) and Deuteronomy (xxviii.)

94 I- KINGS, VIII. [vv. 47— 52.

no man that sinneth not,) and thou be angry with them,
and deUver them to the enemy, so that they carry them

47 away captives unto the land of the enemy, far or near ; yet
if they shall bethink themselves in the land whither they
were carried captives, and repent, and make supplication
unto thee in the land of them that carried them captives,
saying. We have sinned, and have done perversely, we have

43 committed wickedness ; and so return unto thee with all
their heart, and with all their soul, in the land of their
enemies, which led them away captive, and pray unto thee
toward their land, which thou gavest unto their fathers, the
city which thou hast chosen, and the house which I have

49 built for thy name : then hear thou their prayer and their
supplication in heaven thy dwelling place, and maintain

5D their cause, and forgive thy people that have sinned against
thee, and all their transgressions wherein they have trans-
gressed against thee, and give them compassion before them
who carried them captive, that they may have compassion

5t on them: for they be thy people, and thine inheritance,
which thou broughtest forth out of Egypt, from the midst

52 of the furnace of iron : that thine eyes may be open unto
the supplication of thy servant, and unto the supplication of
thy people Israel, to hearken unto them in all that they call

already frequently quoted should be compared. Though the verbal
resemblance is less than in some other parts of this prayer, the idea and
spirit of the language is exactly the same.

49. and jfiaiiitain their cause] The words are the same as in verse
45, but the idea is a little different. There the 'cause' was a righteous
war undertaken at God's direction; here the phrase implies that God
shall do His people right by delivering them from their oppressors. For
though God may use the heathen as His instrument:- He does not always
approve of the conduct they exhibit. On this cf. Isaiah x. 5 — 16. The
literal meaning of the Hebrew is 'do them right' or 'work out their
right.'

50. give them compassioti] So God stirred up the heart of Cyrus to
permit Israel to return from Babylon (Ezra i. 1).

51. frotfi the midst of the fiumace 0/ iron] The bondage of Egypt is
so called, Deut. iv. 20. The idea is of the intense heat needed to melt
iron in a furnace, and that with this the suffering of Israel might be
compared. Cf. Is. xlviii. 10; Jer. xi. 14.

52. ifi all that they tall for unto thee"} The Hebrew is literally
*In all their cr}:r.g unto thee,' which R. V. represents more nearly by
Whensoever they cry unto thee.

vv. 53, 54.] I. KINGS, VIII. 95

for unto thee. For thou didst separate them from among 53
all the people of the earth, to be thine inheritance, as thou
spakest by the hand of Moses thy servant, when thou
broughtest our fathers out of Egypt, O Lord God.

And it was so, that when Solomon had made an end of 54
praying all this prayer and supplication unto the Lord, he
arose from before the altar of the Lord, from kneeling on

53. As thou spakest by the hand of Mosts'\ The reference is to
Exod. xix. 5, 6, where God promises that Israel shall be to Him 'a
peculiar treasure. ' ' By the hand of is a not uncommon Hebrew
phrase for 'by' (see below verse 56), and it is so represented in A. V.
Thus Is. XX. 2, 'the Lord spake by Isaiah,' the original has 'by the
hand of.' So in Malachi i. i ' by Malachi ' is ' by the hand of Malachi.'
At this point there occurs in 2 Chron. (vi. 40 — 42) a large addition
thus : ' Now, my God, let, I beseech thee, thine eyes be open, and let
thine ears be attent unto the prayer that is made in this place. Now
therefore arise, O Lord God, into thy resting place, thou and the ark
of thy strength : let thy priests, O Lord God, be clothed w\\\\ salvation,
and let thy saints rejoice in goodness. O Lord God, turn not away
the face of thine anointed : remember the mercies of David thy ser-
vant.' These words may have belonged to the original document and
be fhe groundwork of Ps. cxxxii., or the Chronicler may have given a
free variation and borrowed from the Psalm.

In the LXX. there is also an addition of a different kind after verse
53. It purports to be something which was written ev /St^SXty r^s t^Si)?,
'in the book of song' and is made up of allusions to verses 12 and 13 of
this chapter, and, as it stands, is not very intelligible. The translation
would be ' The sun he made known in heaven, the Lord hath said that
he will dwell in darkness. Build my house, a comely house for thyself
to dwell in. Behold, is it not written in the book of song?' Prof.
Robertson Smith has discussed this passage in the notes (pp. 403, 404)
to his * Old Testament in the Jewish Church,' and by certain, not very
startling corrections, he gives a restored version thus:

Jehovah created the sun in the heavens,

But he hath determined to dwell in darkness.

Build my house, an house of habitation for me,

A place to dwell in eternally.

Behold is it not written in the book of Jashar?

64 — 61. Solomon's closing benediction. (Not in Chronicles.)

64. he arose from before the altar] In verse 2 2 we are only told that
Solomon stood before the altar. It appears from this verse that the
addition in 2 Chron. vi. 13, where we read that he first stood and then
kneeled down before the people, gives the correct idea of what took
place. Josephus tells us that at the close of the prayer the king cast
himself upon the ground and continued worshipping a long time, after
which he arose and offered sacrifices.

95 I. KINGS, VIII. [vv. 55—61.

55 his knees with his hands spread up to heaven. And he
stood, and blessed all the congregation of Israel with a loud

56 voice, saying, Blessed be the Lord, that hath given rest
unto his people Israel, according to all that he promised :
there hath not failed one word of all his good promise,

57 which he promised by the hand of Moses his servant. The
Lord our God be with us, as he was with our fathers : let

58 him not leave us, nor forsake us : that he may incline our
hearts unto him, to walk in all his ways, and to keep his
commandments, and his statutes, and his judgements, which

59 he commanded our fathers. And let these my words,
wherewith I have made supplication before the Lord, be
nigh unto the Lord our God day and night, that he maintain
the cause of his servant, and the cause of his people Israel

60 at all times, as the matter shall require : that all the people
of the earth may know that the Lord is God, a?id that there

61 is none else. Let your heart therefore be perfect with" the
Lord our God, to walk in his statutes, and to keep his com-
mandments, as at this day.

56. that hath given rest unto his people'] For Solomon's reign was
to be specially a time of peace (cf. i Kings ii. 33), and it was only in
a time of profound tranquillity that the great works of the Temple and
the king's house could have been carried out. This no doubt was the
idea of the LXX., who make this verse commence 'Blessed be the
Lord to-day.'

58. that he Diay incline otir hearts unto him] Which will not
happen if He leave or forsake His people.

59. be nigh unto the Lord our God day and night] That He may
have them always in remembrance.

as the matter shall require] The Hebrew is ' the thing of a day in
its day' and the R. V. gives 'as every day shall require,' which brings
it a little closer to the original, but with no different sense from A.V.

60. that all the people of the earth may k)ioi.v\ This was always
the view of the pious Israelite that God's glory might be known
among ail nations. Cf. Josh. iv. 24 ; i Sam. xvii. 46. There is
nothing in 2 Chronicles of the verses 54 — 61, but preceding the
account of the sacrifices we are told (2 Chron. vii. i — 3) that fire
came down from heaven (which Josephus also speaks of P^ this point
of the narrative) and consumed the biirnt-offering and the sacrifice,
that the gloiy of God filled the house so that the priests could not enter,
and that at the sight thereof all the people worshipped and praised the
Lord. After this the narrative continues in parallelism with i Kings.

61. perfect] i.e. 'Entirely surrendered' [shdliim). So in Arabic
wAzw = religion i.o entire submission; moslem, the religious man as
entirely devoted.

w. 62— 64] I. KINGS, VIII. 97

And the king, and all Israel vnth. him, otiered sacrifice ea
before the Lord. And Solomon offered a sacrifice of peace 63
offerings, which he offered unto the Lord, Vxo and twenty
thousand oxen, and an hundred and twenty thousand sheep.
So the king and all the children of Israel dedicated the
house of the Lord. The same day did the king hallow the 64
middle of the court that zcuzs before the house of the Lord:
for there he offered burnt ofterings, and meat offerings, and
the fat of the peace offerings : because the brasen altar that
was before the Lord was too Httle to receive the burnt
offerings, and meat offerings, and the fat of the peace offer-

62 — 66. The great sacrifice and festival. (2 Chron. vii. 4 — 11.)

63. And Solomon offered a sacrifice of peace offerings\ It is ordered
in the Law (Lev. vii. 15) that the greatest part of such peace offerings
shall be eaten at the time of the offering. The fat and certain internal
portions of the victim are to be consumed in the fire on the altar, but
all else is to go for food. This explains in part the enormous number
of animals mentioned in this verse. Not only among the Jews, but
among all ancient nations, sacrifices were feasts, sometimes on a very
large scale. Homer supplies abundant instances. The dedication of
the Temple was an event for which all who could come were sure to
assemble, and for the support of such an enormous crowd for fourteen
days (cf. 2 Chron. vii. 8, 9) the supply here mentioned need not be
thought excessive. Great multitudes can assemble in Eastern climates,
where -the shelter of a roof at night is not a necessity, wvCa. less pre-
paration, except for actual food, than is required in western lands.
Josephus says ' ' all the Hebrews feasted with their ^^^ves and children,
moreover also the king celebrated the feast which is called the feast of
Tabernacles grandly and magnificently before the Temple, feasting
together with all the people."

tivo and t^venty thousand oxei{\ Contrary to his custom Josephus
gives her: a smaller number than that in the Heltrew text. He says
twelve thousand oxen, but keeps the same number, one hundred and
twenty thousand, for the sheep. Though it be said that the king
offered this large sacrifice, we need not suppose that any great part of the
offering was performed by him personally or in his presence. The next
verse shows that provision was made for offering sacrifices in other places
than on the brazen altar, viz. on temporary altars set up for the occasion.

64. meat offerings^ These consisted (see Lev. ii. 4 — 7) of fine
flour with oil and incense. In modem English the sense of ' meat ' has
become so restricted to flesh, that the R.V., to give a nearer idea of
the true nature of the offering, has changed the word to meal- offering,
though this does not quite adequately convey the meaning. In
2 Chron. vii. 6 we read that the Levites accompanied these sacrifices
with music, on instruments which David had made for religious services,
and the priests blew the trumpets before them.

r, KINGS 7

98 i. KINGS, VIII. IX. [vv. 66; i.

65 ings. And at that time Solomon held a feast, and all
Israel with him, a great congregation, from the entering in
of Hamath unto the river of Egypt, before the Lord our

66 God, seven days and seven days, even fourteen days. On
the eighth day he sent the people away : and they blessed
the king, and went unto their tents joyful and glad of heart
for all the goodness that the Lord had done for David his
servant, and for Israel his people.

9 And it came to pass, when Solomon had finished the

65. Solomon held a feast\ Better 'the feast.' The special feast of
Tabernacles (cf. verse 2), a very fitting occasion for the great multi-
tude to make themselves an encampment in the open country around.

The part played by Solomon in all this dedication ceremony shews us
that the ordinances of the Pentateuch had not yet come into observance.
Israel had not advanced beyond the traditional religion contained in the
'book of the covenant'. But the failure of the nation herein cannot of
itself be held to establish the non-existence of the Levitical law.

from the entey-ing in of Hamath tinto the river of Egypt'\ Within
these limits the whole land of Palestine was embraced. Hamath on
the north was situated in the valley of the Orontes, and. for a long time
was the chief city of the northern part of Syria. On the south the
river of Egypt {nahal Mizraitii) is identified for us in the LXX. (Is.
xxvii. 12) by being translated d TroTa/mbs ewj 'FivoKopovpcov. Rhinoco-
roura(i.e. Rhinocolura) is the modem £lArish, and so the nahal Mizraim
was probably Wady el Arish, a desert stream on the border of Egypt.

before the Lord our God'\ The last two words have the ap;~.earance
of an editorial addition. They would .'lardly appear in the original
narrative.

seven days and seven days\ As explained in 2 Chron. ^^i. 9 the
dedication of the altar lasted seven days, and the feast (of Tabernacles
proper) other seven days. This double observance accounts for the
form of words here used.

66. On the eighth day] i.e. Of the feast of Tabernacles, which had
been preceded on this occasion by the feast of Dedication. Therefore
this was the fifteenth day of the whole ceremony. It is defined in
2 Chron. vii. 10 as 'the three and twentieth day of the seventh month.'

and they blessed the king\ Josephus explains thus : * they went away
thanking the king for his forethought about them, and for the conduct
which he had exhibited towards them, and praying God io give them
Solomon as their king for a long time to comiC.'

atid went taito their tents] The expression is a survival from those
times when the home was a tent. Cf. 2 Sam. xviii. 17, xix. 8.

Ch. IX. 1 — 9. God's second appearance unto Solomon.
(2 Chron. vii. 11 — 22.)

1. when Solomon had finished] We read (i Kings vi. 38) that
Solomon was .seven years in building the Temple, and in vii. i that he

w. 2—4.] I. KINGS, IX. 99

building of the house of the Lord, and the king's house,
and all Solomon's desire which he was pleased to do, that
the Lord appeared to Solomon the second time, as he had
appeared unto him at Gibeon. And the Lord said unto
him, I have heard thy prayer and thy supplication, that
thou hast made before me : I have hallowed this house,
which thou hast built, to put my name there for ever ; and
mine eyes and mine heart shall be there perpetually. And

was thirteen years building his own house. We find also below (in
verse 10) that these periods were not reckoned concurrently, but that the
whole period was twenty years. Hence arises a difficulty with regard
to this second appearance of God to the king. From the words of
God's message " I have heard thy prayer &c." (verse 3) it is plain that
this second vision was an answer to the dedication prayer. Was then
the dedication of the Temple, though the structure was completed in
seven years, delayed until all the rest of Solomon's works were ended ?
Or was the answer of God delayed through the thirteen years that
elapsed between the finishing of the Temple and the finishing of the
king's house? We can hardly accept the latter supposition as possible.
It appears far more likely that the dedication was delayed. And this
may have been necessary because of the amount of time which Hiram
would need for casting the metal-work, the greater part of which was
for things that were unconnected with the actual Temple-building. This
work from its nature could be undertaken only by persons specially
skilled, of whom the number would be limited, and in consequence
of this the work might be spread over a long time.

all Solomon's desire] The noun implies something by which special
store was set, a special fancy. It seems to indicate that the king had
gone to much nicety in his building schemes. The LXX. gives trpay-
fiareia, perhaps in the sense of 'careful carrying out of any plan'. In
2 Chron. vii. 11, it is said 'he prosperously effected all that came
into his lieart to make.'

2. the Lord appeared to Solomon the second ti?ne'] In 2 Chron. we
are told that this was 'by night,' therefore in a vision. Josephus says
' a vision appearing to the king in his sleep shewed him that God had
hearkened to his prayer. '

at Gibeon'] Cf. on iii. 5 above.

3. / have heard thy prayer] This could not have been the form of
God's message, if thirteen years had passed away since the dedication.
God's way is rather that spoken of by Isaiah Ixv. 24 ' While they are
yet speakir.g I will hear,' The LXX. adds after the first clause of this
verse ' I have done for thee according to all thy prayer.'

to put my name there for ever] The place which God had chosen
was now made known ; and God's purposes change not.

mine eyes and mine heart shall be there] As in the former vision at
Gibeon, God had given more than Solomon asked, so it is here. The

7—2

lOo I. KINGS, IX. [vv. 5—7.

if thou wilt walk before me, as David thy father walked, in
integrity of heart, and in uprightness, to do according to
all that I have commanded thee, and wilt keep my statutes

5 and my judgments : then I will establish the throne of thy
kingdom upon Israel for ever, as I promised to David thy
father, saying. There shall not fail thee a man upon the

6 throne of Israel. But if you shall at all turn from following
me, you or your children, and will not keep my command-
ments and my statutes which I have set before you, but go

7 and serve other gods, and worship them : then will I cut off
Israel out of the land which I have given them ; and this
house, which I have hallowed for my name, will I cast out
of my sight ; and Israel shall be a proverb and a byword

prayer was that God's eyes might be open toward the house, '.he pro-
mise is that His heart shaP be there perpetually.

This verse is largely expanded in 2 Chron. vii. 12 seqq. thus: *I
have heard thy prayer and have chosen this place to myself for an
house of sacrifice. If I shut up heaven that there be no rain, or if I
command the locusts to devour the land, or if I send pestilence among
my people ; if my people which are called by my name shall humble
themselves and pray and seek my face and turn from their wicked
ways, then will I hear from heaven, and will forgive their sin, and
will heal their land. Now mine eyes shall be open and mine ears
attent unto the prayer that is made in this place. For now I have
chosen and sanctified this house that my name may be there for ever.'
This addition appears to be the work of .i later writer who wished to
express by it, that God's answer was as large as the king's prayer.

4. / have commanded thee'] The LXX. reads ' I commanded him,'
making the clause refer to David.

6. But ifyoH shall at all iii?-n from following me] The insertion of
*at air here is an attempt to give some force to the Hebrew construc-
tion. It is a peculiarity of that language to use the infinitive of a verb
followed by a finite tense to give emphasis to an expression. But un-
doubtedly 'at air weakens the sense here. God's warning is against
litter apostasy, going and serving other gods. Hence there is more
force in R.V. If ye shall turn away from following me.

and my statutes] There is no conjunction between the two nouns
here, but there is in the parallel place in 2 Chronicles and n the ver-
sions it is represented. So small a letter as 1 could easily drop out.

which I have set before you] The I. XX. has 'which Moses gave
1 )efore you. '

7. then will I cut off] We have once more a passage very parallel
to Deut. iv. 26, xxviii. 37, 45, 63, where 'an astonishment, a proverb
and a by- word' occurs, as'here.

this house... will I cast out of my sight] It is not here declared what
shall be the consequence of God's disregard but the idea of destruction

w. 8—12.] I. KINGS, IX. loi

among all people : and at this house, which is high, every 8
one that passeth by it shall be astonished, and shall hiss ;
and they shall say. Why hath the Lord done thus unto this
land, and to this house ? And they shall answer. Because 9
they forsook the Lord their God, who brought forth their
fathers out of the land of Egypt, and have taken hold upon
other gods, and have worshipped them, and served them :
therefore hath the Lord brought upon them all this evil.

And it came to pass at the end of twenty years, when 10
Solomon had built the two houses, the house of the Lord,
and the king's house, {tiow Hiram the king of Tyre had "
furnished Solomon with cedar trees and fir trees, and with
gold, according to all his desire,) that then king Solomon
gave Hiram twenty cities in the land of Galilee. And "

must have been present to him who heard of God's face being turned
away. It is just the opposite of what the king had prayed for, that
God's eyes should be always open towards the Temple.

8. And at tJiis house which is high^ The connexion of these words
is very difficult. The Hebrew text, standing alone, must be rendered
'And this house shall be high.' But in 1 Chron. the relative is ex-
pressed, and there can be little doubt that the text here is somehow
faulty. The passage in 1 Chron. (vii. 21) reads 'And this house which
is high shall be an astonishment.' To come as near to this sense as
possible, while introducing no relative, R.V. gives ' And thougli this
bouse toe high.' Yet that rendering is somewhat doubtful. The text of
the'LXX. shows that they had our Hebrew before them: koX 6 ohos
ovTOS ^arai 6 vxf/rfKos, was 6 dtaTropevofxevos k.t.X.

9. out of the land of Egypt\ The LXX. adds 'out of the house of
bondage.'

The two verses 8, 9 are remarkably parallel to the language of
Deuteronomy xxix. 21 — 26.

10 — 14. Solomon's gift to Hiram king of Tyre.
(Not in Chronicles.)

10. at the end of twenty years'\ See vi. 38 and vii. i.

11. now Hiravi the king... had fo-nished, &c.] We read of the
supply of timber in v. 10, but the gold mentioned here does not appear
in the earlier narrative. From verse 14 below we learn that the amount
was 'six score talents.' Taking the value of a talent of gold at ^6000
this sum would be worth ;i^720,ooo. Josephus {^Afit. Viii. 5, 3) says
Hiram had contributed much gold and still more silver.

Solomon gave Hiram twenty cities in the land of Galilee^ These
would most likely be in the extreme northern border of Galilee and so
not remote trom Hiram's frontier. But they would be inland cities and
no doubt, to a maritime people like the Tyrians, some territory along llie
seaboard would have been more acceptable. Josephus specially notes

102 I. KINGS, IX. [vv. 13—15.

Hiram came out from Tyre to see the cities which Solomon

«3 had given him ; and they pleased him not. And he said,

What cities are these which thou hast given me, my brother?

14 And he called them the land of Cabul unto this day. And
Hiram sent to the king sixscore talents of gold.

15 And this is the reason of the levy which king Solomon
raised; for to build the house of the Lord, and his own

that the cities were not far from Tyre. The region in which they were
situate was that called (Is. viii. 23) 'Galilee of the nations' to indicate
that the inhabitants were yet in heathendom. This might be a reason
why Solomon chose them for his present to the Tyrian king.

12. came out from Tyre] The LXX. adds 'and went into Galilee.'

13. What cities are these zvhich thou hast given jue?] No doubt
spoken with a tone of reproach and disappointment. The language of
Josephus is 'he said to Solomon that he did not want the cities.' They
are just alluded to in Chronicles (2 Chron. viii. 2) as 'the cities which
Huram restored to Solomon.'

jfiy brother] This form of address between persons of royal rank has
been always common. Cf. i Kings xx. 32, 33; i Mace. x. 18, xi. -jo;
1 Mace. xi. 22. It need not necessarily imply friendly feeling.

And he called them] Or the Hebrew m.ay mean 'and one called them'
which was a common form to signify 'they were called.' We need not
therefore of necessity impute the contemptuous name to Hiram. Jose-
phus gives Trpoar]^opevdT](jav.

the land of Cabul] This appellation was given to indicate, what is
stated in the text, that they were unsatisfactory. But it is not easy to
know whence the name comes. There is a town so called in Joshua (xix.
27) which was situated in the tribe of Asher. This tribe was in North
Galilee but there would be no significance in the name, if it were already
that of one of the twenty cities given to Hiram. The LXX. appears

to have taken 7113 [Cabul) to be the same as "PIU igebul) for they render
the name "OpLov, a boundary. Josephus transliterates by Xaj3a\u)v, and
adds that this word in Phoenician means ' not pleasing, ' an interpreta-
tion, as it seems, which he evolved from the context. Some of the
Hebrew commentators have connected the name wiili a verb which in
Aramaic signifies *to bind,' and have explained that the district was
sandy or muddy, and that the feet were always deep sunk in the mire.
A later derivation has taken the word to mean 'worth nothing,' as if

from ^=as, and 7>)2=72 = nothiftg. There are many other attempts
at explanation but none that can be pronounced satisfactory.

15 — 25. Of the levy which king Solomon raised.
(2 Chron. viii. 4 — 11.)

16. the reason of the levy] On the nature and amount of this com-
pulsory service see notes on chap. v. 13 seqq. The present passage
explains the whole purpose for which it was enforced.

V. i6.] I. KINGS, IX. 103

house, and Millo, and the wall of Jerusalem, and Hazor,
and Megiddo, and Gezer. For Pharaoh king of Egypt had 16
gone up, and taken Gezer, and burnt it with fire, and slain

and Millo] This word is always found in the original with the definite
article 'the Millo' (2 Sam. v. 9; i Kings xi. 27; 2 Chron. xi. 8, xxxii.
5). Wherever it occurs it is in connexion with the walls or fortifications
of Jerusalem. In 2 Chron. xxxii. 5 it is stated to be in the city of Da\-id.
Now the most common rendering of the word in the LXX. is 7) avpa =
'the citadel,' a word which is constantly used in the Books of the Mac-
cabees for the fortress on Mount Zion. It seems probable therefore
that 'the Millo' was some specially important, and hence strongly
fortified, portion of the oldest walls where they approached most closely
to Zion. From 2 Sam. v. 9 we should conclude that the fortress was
already existing before David conquered Jerusalem, and the name itself
may have been given by the Jebusites.

and Hazor] A strong city, south of Kedesh-Naphtali in the north of
Palestine. When the Israelites entered Canaan it was in the possession
of king Jabin, but was taken and burnt by Joshua. Standing on a
lofty position it was a post of much importance for the defence of the
kingdom on the north. For this reason no doubt Solomon fortified it,
but it must have already been rebuilt since its destruction by Joshua,
for we read of it in Judges iv. 2, 17 as the city of another Jabin,
whose commander in chief was Sisera, slain by Jael.

Megiddo] This city (Josh. xii. 21) lay on the south side of the plain
of Esdraelon, between ^It. Tabor and the modem bay of St Jean d'Acre,
and must have been important as a protection against inroads from
the northern highlands and from the direction of Phoenicia, commanding,
as it would, the great road from the sea to the plain of the Jordan.
Megiddo lay within the tribe of Issachar, but was allotted to Manasseh
(Josh. xvii. 1 1 ; I Chron. vii. 29). The city was famous for the over-
throw of Sisera, but most especially as the place where king Josiah
was slain in the war against Pharaoh-Necho (2 Kings xxiii. 29).

Gezer] The position of this ancient city has not been identified, and
it is not clear that there were not two places of the same name. One
Gezer ic mentioned (Josh. x. 33) in connexion with Lachish and Eglon
and other places in the south part of Canaan, but a Gezer is also spoken
of as in the land assigned to the children of Joseph (Josh. x\-i. 3), that is,
the tribe of Ephraim, and as being not far from Beth-horon. If these
two be references to the same place the king of Gezer came a long
distance to help the king of Lachish. It seems more likely that they
were distinct towns. The Gezer in Ephraim did however remain in the
possession of the Canaanites (see Joshua xvi. 10), and so the king of
Egypt may have come against it (as we read in the next verse) without
being at war with Israel. Yet the fortification by Solomon of a place
to protect his dominions on the south makes it perhaps a little more
probable that some place nearer Eglon and Lachish is meant in the
present passage, for there Canaanites might also be dwelling.

16. For Pharaoh king of Egypt] See above on iii. i.

and taken Gezer] This incursion was probably before Solomo had

I04 I. KINGS, IX. [vv. 17—19.

the Canaanites that dwelt in the city, and given it for a

17 present unto his daughter, Solomon's wife. And Solomon

18 built Gezer, and Beth-horon the nether, and Baalath, and

19 Tadmor in the wilderness, in the land, and all the cities of

taken the king's daughter to wife, though Josephus {Ant. viii. 6, l)
says 'he gave it to his daughter who had been married to Solomon.'
Philippson {die Israelitische Bibel) suggests that Solomon wishing to be
rid of these Canaanites asked his father-in-law to undertake their exter-
mination.

ajid given it for a present'] By 'present ' here is meant * a wedding-por-
tion.' The noun implies 'a gift on sending away' and the verb is found
Josh. xii. 9, where Ibzan the judge is said to have 'sent abroad' (i.e.
apparently, portioned out in marriage) his thirty daughters and to have
taken in thirty others from abroad as wives for his sons. Though it
appears to have been the more usual custom in the East for a husband
to make presents to his wife's family, yet we find that Caleb (Judges i.
15) gave lands with his daugliter wlien she was married to Othniel.

17. and Beth-hoj'on the nether] This was one of two towns named
respectively 'upper 'and 'nether' Beth-horon which lay between Gibson
and Azekah, the one at the top of the ascent, the other in the valley
westward. The latter, which is the place here mentioned, was im-
portant as forming a barrier against foes from the direction of Philistia
and Egypt, and for this reason no doubt it was fortified by Solomon.
In earlier history the place is famous for Joshua's victory (Josh, x.) over
the five kings of the Amorites, and later for the overthrow of the
Syrian forces by Judas Maccabaeus (i Mace. iii.).

18. atid Baalath] This place is mentioned (Josh. xix. 44) among the
places which fell to the tribe of Dan, and must therefore have been on the
border of the country of the Philistines, and for that reason we may pre-
sume that it was included among the places which Solomon strengthened.

and Tadmor in the wilderness, in the land] Here the Hebrew text
reads Tamar, and Tadmor is only given on the margin (Keri). The
R. V. adopts the reading of the text, probably because of the words ' in
the land.' All the places mentioned here lie in Palestine, and we know
from Ezekiel (xlvii. 19, xlviii. 28) that there was a city Tamar on the south
border of the Holy Land, which was towards the wil-ierness. It seems
therefore most likely, as this place is spoken of as 'in the land,' that Tamar
should be here preferred, and the position assigned to it in Ezekiel is
that of a place which it would be most important to fortify. The
marginal reading Tadmor is no doubt due to the mention of Tadmor
among the cities which Solomon built in 2 Chron. viii. 4. But there
Tadmor is mentioned in connexion with Hamath-Zobah and the con-
quest of the northern part of the land. This reading may be correct
in Chronicles, for with Solomon's ambition to extend his dominion and
foster commerce, Tadmor in the wilderness (afterwards so famous as
Palmyra) would be a place much to be coveted as a step on the road
to Babylon. Tad!"nnr grew famous, and Tamar was well-nigh for-
gotten, hence we can see how the former name (not mentioned any-

V. 19.] I. KINGS, IX. 105

store that Solomon had, and cities for his chariots, and
cities for his horsemen, and that which Solomon desired to
build in Jerusalem, and in Lebanon, and in all the land of

where but in Chronicles) should be substituted on the margin in the verse
before us. It may well be that Solomon occupied both places, but there
is no warrant for importing the name Tadmor into Kings, especially
as the place here mentioned is spoken of as being 'in the land.'

Josephus is very minute in his account of this city, which he
(as was to be expected) says was Tadmor {Ant. viii. 6, 1), ' Having
invaded the desert that lies above Syria, and acquired it, he founded
there a very great city, two days' journey from upper Syria, and one
from the Euphrates, and its distance from the great city of Babylon
was six days. And the reason why he built this city so distant from
the inhabited parts of Syria was that nowhere in the land lower down
was there water, but that there alone were found fountains and wells.
So having built the city and surrounded it with very strong walls, he
named it Thadamora, and it is still so called by the Syrians, but the
Greeks name it Palmyra.'

19. and all the cities of store\ In 2 Chron. viii. 4 the expression is
Btore-cities, which reads better here, and is clearer in sense. These
places would be provided so that surplus produce which could be pre-
served, as corn, oil, wine, &c. might be stored in times of plenty to be
ready when need should require. We read that Hezekiah made some
similar provision (2 Chron. xxxii. 28).

and cities for his chariots^ ajid cities for his horsemeri\ Special
places must have been needed for these, when we consider the great
number of them (see below x. 26). In i Chron. iv. 31 there is a place
calle'd 'town-of-chariots' Beth-tnarcaboth, and another 'court-of-horses'
Hazar-susim. The injunction of Deut. xvii. 16 against the multipli-
cation of horses by the king was apparently forgotten or disregarded.
But the absence of any allusion to the command has been made by
some an argument for the later date of Deuteronomy.

and that which Solomon desired to build'\ The force of the literal
rendering on the margin of A. V. ' the desire of Solomon which he
desired to build ' is better brought out in the text of R. V. 'that which
Solomon desired to build for Ms pleasure.' The noun is the same
as in verse i of this chapter, and the writer here is evidently dis-
tinguishing these later-named works from the former. The first in
the list were either fortifications, or strongholds, or store-cities, but the
others are for the king's own pleasure and enjoyment. (Cf. on the
whole subject, Eccles. ii. 4 — 8.)

a?id in Lebanon^ The place of all others to which for relaxation the
king would retire. The scorching heat of the lower plains could there
be escaped, while the fragrance of the vegetation made a residence
there most enjoyable. The writer of Solomon's Song paints for us
the loveliness of the spot, 'a fountain of gardens, a well of living waters
and streams from Lebanon' (iv. 15), and ngain, 'his countenance is as
Lebanon, excellent as the cedars' (v. 15), and ' the smell of thy garments

io6 I. KINGS, IX. [vv. 20—22.

20 his dominion. A?id all the people that were left of the
Amorites, Hittites, Perizzites, Hivites, and Jebusites, which

21 were not of the children of Israel, their children that were
left after them in the land, whom the children of Israel also
were not able utterly to destroy, upon those did Solomon

22 levy a tribute of bondservice unto this day. But of the
children of Israel did Solomon make no bondman : but
they were men of war, and his servants, and his princes,

is like the smell of Lebanon ' (iv. 11). But it has been supposed by some
that Lebanon is mentioned here as being an important military post.

20. which were not of the children of Israel] This clause is added
because the people of Canaan had become much mixed up among the
Israelite population, being still allowed to live in some cities from which
at first it had been found impossible to dislodge them (see above, verse
16). But a distinction was made between these people and the people of
Israel, now that Solomon '.vas powerful enough to enforce it, in the
kind of service they must render and the tribute they must bear. It
may be that the five nations here mentioned were most largely repre-
sented in the surviving population, and that the other two out of the
seven nations of Canaan had by this time been more nearly exterminated.

21. whom the children of Israel also were not able utterly to destroy]
There is no word to represent ' also ' in the original, nor does the
English sentence require it. The utter destruction spoken of here is
that which had been decreed upon them by God's judgement, and
which Israel was to be the agent in executing.

upon those did Solomon levy a tribute of bo7idservice\ The Hebrew
noun DD here rendered ' tribute ' is applied in a concrete sense to the
' renderers of the tribute.' The verb also here is literally ' he caused to
go up.' As the narrative in this verse is dealing entirely with the
persons it is better to render (as R.V.) of these did Solomon raise a
levy of bondservants. Theirs was slave service, such as is alluded to
in Joshua xvi. 10.

unto this day] A faithful copying by the compiler of the Books of
Kings from some earlier record which lay before him, and which
noted the continuation of this forced service for s 'me time after the
reign of Solomon.

22. Btit of the children of Israel did Solomon make no bondman]
This must be read in the light of chap. v. 13. There we are told of
Solomon's lev}' upon all Israel. But the 30,000 men there spoken of
had duty forced on them only for a month at a time. Ten thousand
served for one month, and were two months at home before their turn
for service came round again. Moreover, when the work for which
they were enrolled came to an end they were free. It may also be that
in the course of 10 years Solomon changed his system, especially if he
saw that his people were beginning to find his yoke heavy. But the
Canaanite levy wuo continuous 'unto this day.'

his servants'] i.e. His officers. The position of the word between

vv. 23—25.] I. KINGS, IX. 107

and his captains, and rulers of his chariots, and his horse-
men. These zvere the chief of the officers that were over 23
Solomon's work, five hundred and fifty, which bare rule
over the people that wTOught in the work. But Pharaoh's 24
daughter came up out of the city of David unto her house
which SoloJJwn had built for her : then did he build Millo.
And three times in a year did Solomon offer burnt offerings 25
and peace offerings upon the altar which he built unto the
Lord, and he burnt incense upon the altar that was before
the Lord. So he finished the house.

*men of war' and 'princes' shews that the service here spoken of was
a service of dignity. They were such ' servants ' as are spoken of in
1 Sam. viii. 7 "And David took the shields of gold that were on the
servants of Hadadezer. '

23. These were the chief of the officers'] Better, with R. V. the cMef
officers. This is a select class out of the whole number of such
officers. A greater number, 3300, is spoken of in chap. v. 16, and it
may be that while the works in Lebanon, and at the Temple and the
king's house, were in progress, the larger number of chief officers was
engaged in the supervision ; but afterwards, for the ordinary fortifica-
tion and pleasaunce-building, the smaller number was found sufficient.
In 2 Chron. viii, 11, two hundred and fifty is given as the number of
these officials. Kennicott explains this variation by the reading of one
letter for another in the Hebrew system of indicating numbers by the
letters of the alphabet.

24. But Pharaoh's daughter came tif\ On her residence in the city
of Da'vid, see in iii. i.

Millo] See above, verse 15.

25. three times in a year did Solovioft offer] Most likely this means
at the three great feasts, the Passover, Pentecost and Tabernacles.
This may be understood in the sense 'qui facit per alium, facit per se'.
But some have contended that Solomon himself performed these priestly
acts and that consequently the privileges of the Levitical caste were of
later origm.

and he burnt incense upon the altar that was before the Lord] The
marginal note of A.V. 'upon it' for 'upon the altar' shews where the
difficulty in this verse is. The R.V. prefers, instead of 'upon it' to
render 'with it,' i.e. therewith, and this is supported by the Hebrew
punctuation. The translation then becomes ' And he burnt incense
therewith, up07i the altar that was before the Lord,' the italics being
added to complete the sense. But the text can hardly be correct to
need such m addition.

So he finished the house] It is clear from the language of this verse
that the account was not brought into its present form on the comple-
tion of the work,, but at some later time, when Solomon's offerings at
the great feasts had grown into a custom. The verses 15 — 25 are
omitted by the LXX {Vat.).

Tripoiuj ^i Xy. i- ^ -

GREAT SEA

'£hB entering uiuf IpoTTuivi^ J^ »*w — ~

Zidoru / J^ /' . / w DanjL as cus
Tvre p'^^vyjf* tfcrmpn

LI E E IT EKHA^EAN 1 -Oar />>.s ^ 'a E 1.

Saanirui°o"s /»_> — -<~

G'PJ^'e''^

SCiXjnifJ- r.RG.S

w. I, 2.] I. KINGS, X. 109

gold, four hundred and twenty talents, and brought it to
king Solomon,

And when the queen of Sheba heard of the fame of 10
Solomon concerning the name of the Lord, she came to
prove him with hard questions. And she came to Jerusalem a

ever says it was in India {Ant. viii. 6. 4), and that a more modem
name is Xpvcri] yrj.

four Jnuidred and twenty talents\ The sum seems enormous,
;({^2, 250,000. What could a country like Palestine furnish in exchange?
Perhaps the sum represents the total of many expeditions. The paral-
lel passage in 2 Chron. (viii. 18) says 'four hundred and fifty talents,'
Josephus 'about four hundred.' The LXX. [Vat) gives 'one hundred
and twenty talents.' The expedition appears to have been all for
Solomon's benefit, as we hear nothing of any share of the adventure
given to the Tyrian king.

Ch. X. 1 — 13. The Queen of Sheba's visit to King Solomon.
(2 Chron. ix. i — 12.)

1. Nozo when the queen of Sheba heard\ The 'Sheba', of which the
queen is here mentioned, was that part of Arabia spoken of in the note
on the last verse of the preceding chapter. It embraced the greater
part of Arabia Felix. Josephus and many Jewish writers represent her as
the queen of Egypt and Ethiopia, making N3C^ {Sheba) the same as N2D
{Scba), and this tradition is firmly rooted among the Abyssinians (i.e.
Ethiopians), but there is no ground at all for identifying Sheba with the
Ethiopian kingdom of Seba. Moreover the presents which the queen
brought with her bespeak the land from which she came. They are
Arabian, certainly not African.

concerning- the name of the Lord'\ From the expressions so frequent
in chap. viii. about 'a house built for the 7ia??ie of the Lord God of
Israel"' (see verses 17, 18, 19, 20, 29, 35, 43, 44, 48) we may be sure
that wherever the grand building was mentioned, there would be heard
something about the name of Him to whose honour it was built. In
like marner, at an earlier date, the people of Israel were known among
other nations 'because of the name of the Lord. ' See Josh. ix. 9, where
the Gibeonites say 'we have heard the fame of Him, and all that He did
in Eg}'pt.' Through caravans travelling hither and thither there can
be little doubt that knowledge of Solomon's works was widely spread,
and communication Avith the Sabseans was a matter of no great difficulty.
In the parallel passage (2 Chron. ix. i) there is nothing said about 'the
name of the Lord'; the LXX. has 'she had heard the name of Solomon
and the name of the Lord.'

Some interpreters take the expression 'concerning the name of the
Lord ' to signify that the wisdom which Solomon had was derived from
the Lord, and this made him famous. Some countenance is given to this
opinion by the questions wherewith the queen essayed to test his wisdom,
but it does not so well connect itself with ' the name. '

she came to prove him with hard questions] Josephus {Ant. viii. 6. 5)

no I. KINGS, X. [w. 3— 5.

with a very great train, with camels that bare spices, and
very much gold, and precious stones : and when she was
come to Solomon, she communed with him of all that was

3 in her heart. And Solomon told her all her questions :
there was not any thing hid from the king, which he told

4 her not. And when the queen of Sheba had seen all

5 Solomon's wisdom, and the house that he had built, and
the meat of his table, and the sitting of his servants, and
the attendance of his ministers, and their apparel, and his

says 'she could not trust to hearsay, for the report might have been
built upon false judgement, and might change, as it depended solely upon
the persons who brought it.' The 'proving with hard questions' recalls
the story of Samson's riddle (Judges xiv. 12). The giving of such
riddles was not an uncommon pastime among the ancients, and we have
specimens among the Greeks, who called them 7p?0oi. Cf. Aristoph.
Vesp. 20, and especially Athenaeus x. 69 — 78, where the author gives
an account of the various kinds of riddles, and later in chap. 83 gives
specimens of them. The Arabs were specially given to this kind of
amusement, and we find ir Josephus [Atit. viii. 5. 3) an account of
a contest of wit of this nature between Hiram and Solomon, and he
reports, on the authority of Dios, that a reason for Hiram's large pay-
ments to Solomon was that he had been beaten in the encounter and
unable to solve the riddles propounded. The queen of Sheba came
prepared with a series of such difficulties. Josephus says she came
Xucrai TO diropov Trjs dtavolas berjdelcra, which would indicate more than
mere subtle questions among the inquiries which she made. It does
not follow, however, that her difficulties were of a religious character,
though this has been inferred from 2vlatth. xii. 42.

2. spkes] For which Arabia has abvays been famous.

3. there was not any thing hid from th:' king, zuhich he told her nof]
i.e. Nothing was too deep for him in all she asked, he discovered the
correct answer and gave it to her.

4. the house that he had biiili\ This refers to his own palace, as is
evident from the domestic details which immediately follow.

5. the sitting of his servants] Here 'servants' signifies the officers
and distinguished persons who were privileged to sit at the king's table,
and were ranged according to rank and in large numbers at the royal
banquets.

the attendance of his ministers] This refers most probably to those
persons who stood to serve the guests. The Hebrew word rendered
'attendance' is literally 'standing.' See A.V. marg.

and his ascent by which he went up unto the house of the Lord] This
passage is rendered by the light of the parallel place in 2 Cliron. ix. 4.
There the word irivyi does mean 'and his ascent', but here the text
gives in^yi, which should be rendered 'and his burnt offering.' So that
the margin of the R.V. (which is also accepted by Luther, Coverdale

w. 6— 8.] I. KINGS, X. Ill

cupbearers, and his ascent by which he went up tmto the
house of the Lord ; there was no more spirit in her. And 6
she said to the king, It was a true report that I heard in
mine own land of thy acts and of thy wisdom. Howbeit I ^
beheved not the words, until I came, and mine eyes had
seen it : and behold, the half was not told me : thy wisdom
and prosperity exceedeth the fame which I heard. Happy s
are thy men, happy are these thy servants, which stand con-

and the Geneva Bible) is correct for this verse, * and his burnt offering
which he offered in the house of the Lord.' If she had been present at
a great sacrifice in the Temple it would doubtless have impressed her
much. But it is possible that the scribe in one of these verses made
a small error, and that they ought both to be the same. In that case
we must decide whether it is more probable that after a list such as has
gone before, about meat, servants, attendants, cupbearers, &c., there
would follow some mention of a part of the building, a covered way or
staircase by which the Temple could be reached from the king's palace,
or a description of a solemn act of religious worship. Most people will
be inclined to agree that the A.V. and R.V. have exercised a correct
judgement in disregarding the text here, and interpreting by the light of
the verse in 2 Chrcn. The R.V. has however added the rendering of
the Massoretic text on the margin, which had not been done in A.V.

The LXX. here gives 'the burnt offering,' rr\v oXoKavTwcnv, but its
rendering in 2 Chron. ix. 4 is the same rd oXoKavrw/uLaTa, where cer-
tainly the present Hebrew text should be translated 'his ascent.' Ap-
parently the Greek translators regarded the verse before us as the
true reading.

t/iere was no more spirit in /ler] Apparently the queen had come
with some hope that she might get the better of Solomon, either in
her display of queenly splendour, or in the questions which she pro-
pounded. What she found was so far in excess of what she had
expected, that all thought of compaiison of herself with Solomon's
state was gone, and she was lost in admiration. For the expression
cf. Josh. v. T.

6. of thy acts] The word may mean 'sayings,' as is represented
on the margins of A. V. and R. V. But as she had seen all the king's
state, as well as listened to his answers, it seems better to refer this
word to the buildings and other splendour; for the admiration of the
king's "wasdom is expressed in the next words.

7. tAjf wisdom and prosperity exceedeth the fame] This is a good
idiomatic representation of the Hebrew, which is hterally 'thou hast
added wisdom and goodness to the fame &c.' The 'goodness' here
spoken of includes all matetial prosperity. Cf. Job ii. 10, where the
same word stands in the original, 'Shall we receive good (i.e. such
prosperity as Job had previously enjoyed) at the hand of God and shall
we not receive evil?' See also Ps. civ. 28.

8. Happy are thy nun] The LXX. reads here /xaKapiai al yvvcuKis

112 I. KINGS, X. [vv. 9— II.

9 tinually before thee, and that hear thy wisdom. Blessed be
the Lord thy God, which deUghted in thee, to set thee on
the throne of Israel : because the Lord loved Israel for
ever, therefore made he thee king, to do judgment and

10 justice. And she gave the king an hundred and twenty
talents of gold, and of spices very great store, and precious
stones : there came no more such abundance of spices as
these which the queen of Sheba gave to king Solomon.

11 And the navy also of Hiram, that brought gold from Ophir,
brought in from Ophir great plenty of almug trees, and

aov, having read 'T'C^J *thy wives' instead of "l"'E^Ji^ 'thy men.' The
Syriac and Arabic versions have the same variation.

9. Blessed be the Lord thy God] We need not suppose from the
use of this language that the queen had become a convert to Judaism,
any more than that Hiram was so from the words put into his mouth
above in chap. v. 7. It c uld not matter, in the mind of the heathen
queen, whether she included one divinity more or less in the number
of those she honoured. To her, Jehovah was for Israel what her own
divinity was for her own people, the national god to whom the
prosperity of the king and liis subjects had been a special care.

to set thee on the throne of Israel] In 2 Chron. ix. 8 the sentence
runs *to set thee on His throne, to be king for the Lord thy God.'
This turn of the sentence hamionizes entirely with the tone of the
Chronicler, who views everywhere the king as Jehovah's representative
and vicegerent.

The LXX. expands the closing words of the verse, but not iu such
wise as to change the sense.

10. Aftd she gave the king an hioidred and tzventy talents of gold'\
Large presents of this nature are still the rule among Oriental princes
when they visit one another. Josephus however, contrary to his wont,
has a less sum here, making the gift only 'twenty talents' {Ant. viii.
6, 6). According to our text, the queen's present was the same as
that which Hiram gave (see above ix. 14).

there came no more such abundance of spices] Josephus adds to this
statement 'and they say that the root of the opobalsamum (i.e. the
balsam tree), which our land still produces, came to us among her
gifts.'

And the navy also of Hiratn] This verse and the next arc a paren-
thetic insertion, brought in by the mention of the spices in the previous
verse. Hiram's fleet went to distant parts, and in the diu-ction of
Sheba, but for all that it brought back no such spicery among its
imports. This navy is no doubt the same which was spoken of in the
previous chapter (ix. 26 — 28). It is called Hiram's because he supplied
the wood for building it, and the sailors for its manning.

great plenty of alniu^ trees] The name is spelt in the text of Chro-
nicles ' algum ' (2 Chron. ii. 8, ix. 10, 11), and is probably a word

w. 12, 13.] I. KINGS, X. 113

precious stones. And the king made of the almug trees
pillars for the house of the Lord, and for the king's house,
harps also and psalteries for singers : there came no such
almug trees, nor were seen unto this day. And king Solomon
gave unto the queen of Sheba all her desire, ^\i2Xsoever she
asked, besides that which Solomon gave her of his royal

adopted from the language of the country where the wood was pro-
duced, and about the spelling of which Hebrew writers were not very
sure, as Englishmen were not in former days about tea^ which may be
found spelt 'tcha.' WTiat the wood was is a question of some diffi-
culty. It was clearly an imported article, for what is said 2 Chron.
ii. 8, 'Send me algum trees out of Lebanon,' must be understood not
of trees growing there, but of wood which the Tyrians procured in
their trade, and would send along with the timber which grew on
Lebanon. The Rabbinical writers use almug for coral, and if this
be an old Hebrew word, it may have been applied to these trees,
because of the colour of their wood. But about the antiquity of the
word we have no evidence. Most moderns incline to the opinion that
sandal-wood is intended, though some, considering the words of 2
Chron. ii. 8 to imply a tree grown on Lebanon, prefer to regard it
as a kind of cedar or cypress. Evidently the LXX. had no light on
the subject, the renderings there given being TreXe/cT^rd (or aTreXe/cTTra)
and tr^vKiva,, The Vulgate renders it thy ma., the wood of the dvla,
which is akin to the Arbor vitce. Some of the uses to which it was
put, as mentioned in the next verse, seem to require a stouter material
than sandal-wood.

Josephus {Ant. viii. 7, i) calls the trees ^I'Xa irevKiva, but says
it was unlike the wood which went by the name of pine in his day.
'Let no one suppose,' he says, 'that this wood was like that called
pine wood now, and which sellers call so for the bewilderment of
buyers. The wood spoken of here resembles the wood of the fig
tree, but is whiter and glitters more.'

12. pillars for the house of the Lord'\ The noun signifies 'a prop,'
and it may be that some ornamental work like that indicated in the
margin of the R. V. 'a railing' is intended. It was some later addition,
not any part of the fabric, which was already completed. In the
parallel place of 2 Chron. (ix. 11) there is a different word in the
Hebrew, and one usually applied to a ' highway. ' Both A. V. and
R. V. have 'terraces ' in that passage. If we combine the two narra-
tives it may be that what is intended is a staircase with handrail and
balustrade. The former word would suit in Chronicles, where A. V.
has 'stairs ' on the margin, and the latter here.

for smgirs] The word is definite, the singers. Cf. Eccl. ii. 8.
almug trees] Here the LXX. adds 'unto the land,' and the thought
is perhaps of the things brought by the fleet of Hiram. In all their
voyages they could not find the like.

13. besides that luhich Solomon gave her of his royal bounty] The
Hebrew is literally 'beside that which he gave to her according to the

I. KINGS 8

114 I. KINGS, X. [w. 14, 15.

bounty. So she turned and went to her own country, she

and her servants.
14 Now the weight of gold that came to Solomon in one year
'5 was six hundred threescore and six talents of gold, besides

that he had of the merchantmen, and of the traffick of the

spice merchants, and of all the kings of Arabia, and of the

hand of king Solomon.' For the phrase 'according to the hand' sig-
nifying 'after the liberality' compare Esther i. 7, ii. 18, where the
same Hebrew is translated 'according to the state of the king,' i.e.
' according to his bounty ' where the narrative relates to a magnificent
feast, and presents given to the guests. In the parallel passage (2
Chron. ix. 12) we have 'beside that which she had brought unto the
king, ' which is very difficult to make any sense of.

14 — 29. Solomon's revenue, his magnificence and his
TRAFFIC (-2 Chron. ix. 13 — 24.)

14. six hundred threesdre and six talents of gold] Taking the
gold shekel at the value of £2, and 3000 shekels in one talent, the
sum here spoken of would amount to nearly four millions of our money,
which for the time of Solomon appears a very enormous revenue,
especially when there are additions to be made to it, such as those
spoken of in verses 15, 22, and 25. There can be no doubt that
Solomon was one of the wealthiest monarchs in the East at that date.
But the taxation must have been crushing, and with all this Oriental
splendour and luxury there was rottenness within. Solomon was the
Jewish Louis XIV.

15. beside that he had of the merchantmen'] There are two kinds
of traders specified in this verse, and the participle here used to de-
scribe the first signifies ' those who go about ' with their goods, hawkers
of their wares, which is a general characteristic of Oriental traffickers.
Hence in R. V. the word chapmen has been adopted, and the clause
a little differently worded. Literally it is, ' beside (what came) from
the men of the hawkers,' and this is represented by 'beside that zohich
the chapmen brought,' though the literal rendering shews that ' brought '
might fairly have been printed in Roman and not in italics. The LXX.
gives, apparently having read some other words in tiie original, 'from
the tribute of the subject people.'

and of the traffick of the spice merchants'] A mistaken identification
of the word descriptive of this second class of traders with a Syrian
noun which means 'a dealer in aromatic herbs' has led to the rendering
'spice merchants.' The word merely implies another class of mer-
chants, but whether more or less dignified than the former it is not
easy to make out. The LXX. renders by ^fiiropos here and elsewhere,
and gives here 'the taxes on the merchants'. Render (as there is no
preposition with this clause) and the traffick of the merchants.

and of all the kin^s of Arabia] R.V. 'and of all the kinjrs of the
mingled people.' The word in the original, though it has the same

w. i6, 17.] I. KINGS, X. 115

governors of the country. And king Solomon made two 16
hundred targets of beaten gold : six hundred shekels of gold
went to one target. And he made three hundred shields of 17
beaten gold ; three pound of gold went to one shield : and
the king put them in the house of the forest of Lebanon.

consonants, has not the same vowels as the proper name. In this text
we have 2"n^!n^ while the other word is 2^5,^ = Arabia. That the two

are distinct designations is proved by Jer. xxv. 24, where both occur in
the same verse, ' all the kings of Arabia and all the kings of the min-
gled people.' The word in our text is used very early in the history of
Israel (Exod. xii. 38) of 'the mixed multitude' which came up with
the Israelites out of Eg>'pt, and afterwards of people who were in a
sort of loose attachment to the kingdom. (Cf. Jer. 1. 37.) In the
parallel passage (2 Chron. ix. 14) the Hebrew text has the 'kings of
Arabia,' but the form of the sentence is somewhat altered, and the
close connexion of the two sets of persons in the verse already quoted
from Jeremiah makes it not unlikely that both were under a sort of
tribute to Solomon. The LXX. has twv ^aaiXe oju tov irepav, but the
Vulgate ' reges Arabiae. '

and of ^ke governors of the country'] Most likely those officers are
meant whose positions were described iv. 7 — 19. After the Oriental
fashion such persons would pay for their posts by regular tribute to the
king.

16. two hundred targets of beaten gold] The 'targets' here spoken
of appear, from the gold consumed in them, to have been much larger
than the ' shields ' mentioned in the next verse. Both the names
imply 'protection,' ' covering,' but give us no clue to their form. The
LXX. makes these 'targets' three hvmdred in number, and gives three
hundred shekels of gold to each. '

six hundred shekels 0/ gold] It was not unusual in Hebrew where
it was well Icnown what word ought to be supplied to omit the word
'shekels' as is done here. So Gen. xxiv. 22 ; Exod. xxx. 23. No
Englishman misunderstands such an expression as 'three hundred a
year. '

17. three pou7id of gold wefit to one shield] The word rendered
pound here is 'maneh,' and according to the parallel passage {2 Chron.
ix. 16) is equal to 'one hundred shekels.' There is no sufficient data
for settling the value of these weights in terms of our English stand-
ards, but such computations as seem most trustworthy make the maneh
equal to about 2| lbs. The addition of three such maneh of gold to a
shield need not make it unwieldy. Of course the gold was only the
external covering, not the whole fabric of the shields, though Josephus
says the king cast (ixuvevae) these targets and shields of the precious
metaL

in the house of the forest of Lebanon] On this see above vii. 2.
These golden shields were probably only used on grand occasions, and
when not in use were suspended against the numerous pillars in the
royal armoury, lor which purpose the house of the iorest ol Lebanon

8—2

ii6 I. KINGS, X. [vv. 18—22.

18 Moreover the king made a great throne of ivory, and over-

19 laid it with the best gold. The throne had six steps, and
the top of the throne 7vas round behind : and there were
stays on either side on the place of the seat, and two lions

20 stood beside the stays. And twelve Hons stood there on
the one side and on the other upon the six steps : there was

21 not the like made in any kingdom. And all king Solomon's
drinking vessels were of gold, and all the vessels of the
house of the forest of Lebanon were of pure gold : none
were of silver : it was nothing accounted of in the days of

22 Solomon. For the king had at sea a navy of Tharshish

appears to have been built. The shields were carried away in the
succeeding reigii by Shishak king of Eg\'pt (xiv. ■26) and brazen ones
were made by Rehoboam to be put in their place.

18. a great throne of ivo j] Like Ahab's ivory house, mentioned
later on (xxii. 39), the throne was no doubt only inlaid with ivory, in
such a way that where the gold did not cover the framework there
the ivory appeared. And we may suppose that the ivory was a very
conspicuous part of the structure, or else the throne would not be
called from it.

with the best gold\ R.V, 'finest gold.' The Hebrew participle
(which occurs in no other place) is from a root which signifies 'to
refine,' 'to purge.' Hence the rendering of R.V. is preferable. The
Hebrew word is 'muphaz,' and the excessive rarity of its occurrence
has led some to conjecture that the reading here ought to be as in Jer.
X. 9 'ma-uphaz,' i.e. 'from Uphaz.' Uphaz is thought to be a later
form of the word Ophir. It is found also m Dan. x. 5. But though
the participle in the text is rare, there is a cognate word of frequent
occurrence, meaning 'fine gold,' so that we need not doubt about the
sense in this passage.

19. And the top of the throne was round behind^ The word 'top'
is literally 'head,' and points to some erection in the nature of a
canopy or baldachino. The roundness here spoken of might either be
from the sides of the back being curved inward as they rose up, or
from the canopy being arched from behind. This portion of the
description is omitted in 2 Chron. ix. 18, but there is added, what we
have not here, that 'a footstool of gold' was joined to the throne.
Josephus omits all mention of the throne, and the LXX. has irpoTofxal

fi6<TX^^} i.e. 'heads (projections) of calves,' having taken 71 )iy -'round*

as if it were 7^V *a calf.'

21. a// hiJig SoIomon^s drinking vessels] The LXX. here leaves
out the defining word, merely putting o-zcei^?; =; vessels, but adds after-
wards, what has nothing to represent it in our Hebrew, koI \ovT7Jpes
Xpv(Tot, 'and goldeu lavers. '

22. /'or the king had at sea a navy of Tharshish] i. e. Of ships such

vv. 23—25.] I. KINGS, X. 117

with the navy of Hiram : once in three years came the navy
of Tharshish, bringing gold, and silver, ivory, and apes, and
peacocks. So king Solomon exceeded all the kings of the 23
earth for riches and for wisdom. And all the earth sought 24
to Solomon, to hear his -wisdom, which God had put in his
heart. And they brought every man his present, vessels of 25

as were used in the trade with Tarshish (cf. i Kings xxii. 48). These
would probably be of the largest build then possible. Tarshish is
most likely Tartessus in the south of Spain, with which place the
Tyrians had considerable trade, and it is not difficult to understand
how such a class of traffic would give a name to the vessels that bore
it, just as we say now 'an East Indiaman.' Josephus explains the
name by saying they were ships which plied iv ry TapcrtKy 'Keyofxefy
BaXaTTTj 'in the Tarsic sea as it is called.' But it is clear that the
articles brought in Solomon's fleet could not be found in the country
about Tartessus, except perhaps some gold. It is better therefore to
understand the name as derived from the character of the craft rather
than from the place to which they sailed.

once in three years catne the navy] The voyage here alluded to was
most likely the voyage to Ophir mentioned in ix. 28. The tin^e con-
sumed between voyage and voyage would be partly spent in loading
and unloading, and in traffic at the various marts at which the fleet
touched. Josephus explains that the things brought were procured by
barter, though neither he nor the text tells us what was taken in the
fleet when the voyage commenced.

ivory, and apes, and peacocks'\ The words used for the two first
of these are most likely of Sanskrit origin, the second entirely, the first
in part ; and as peacocks are natives of India these names point to
India as the source from which Solomon's imports were drawn.
Whether the ships visited India or collected their cargoes on the
coasts of Arabia and in the Persian Gulf it is not easy to decide. The
time occupied is enough for even a ship of that period to have coasted
round India.

In the LXX. after verse 22 is inserted great part of the substance of
that long omission noticed above from verse 15 — 25, in chapter ix.;
though there is no mention made of Pharaoh's expedition against Gezer,
nor of the daughter of Pharaoh coming out of Zion to dwell in the
house built for her, nor of Solomon's sacrifices thrice in the year.

24. And all the eaj-th sotight to Solomon'] In 2 Chron. ix. 23 the
words are 'and all the kings of the earth sought the presence of
Solomon,' and, as the Hebrew of the last words is the same as here,
the fuller form will be better in this verse as it comes more close to
the original. The LXX., the Syriac and Arabic, have 'all the kings
of the earth.'

25. t/i€y brought every man his present"] After the fashion in royal
visits, but the close of the verse indicates that these gifts were from
tributaries and came in at fixed times.

ii8 I. KINGS, X. [vv. 26— 28.

silver, and vessels of gold, and garments, and armour, and

26 spices, horses, and mules, a rate year by year. And Solomon
gathered together chariots and horsemen : and he had a
thousand and four hundred chariots, and twelve thousand
horsemen, whom he bestowed in the cities for chariots, and

27 with the king at Jerusalem. And the king made silver to be
in Jerusalem as stones, and cedars made he to be as the

28 sycomore trees that are in the vale, for abundance. And
Solomon had horses brought out of Egypt, and linen yam :

vessels of silver'] These do not appear in the LXX., which also omits
any notice of 'armour,' and for 'spices' gives araKri] kou rjSvjfxaTa.

garmejttsi Changes of raiment formed a very common gift in the
East, and were highly valued. Josephus describes those given to
Solomon as oKovpfeh icrdrjres, 'purple-dyed garments,' perhaps because
Tyre was famous for such dyeing.

26. Amt Solomon q-al/ier i together chariots and horsemeii] By
reason, as Josephus tells us, of the great number of horses which were
brought to him in these yearly offerings. The word dD {parash) here
rendered 'horsemen' means both the horse for riding and the rider.
Just as we speak of so many hundred 'horse'. DID {sus) on the other
hand was the draught horse.

Here we find the first institution of cavalry in Israel in defiance of the
Deuteronomic law. If this book was compiled after Deuteronomy was
written we should expect some reference to this violation. There is
such a reference about another matter in xi. 1.

a thousand and four hundred chariots, atid twelve thousa?td horserten]
The LXX. gives for the first clause 'four thousand mares for his
chariots/ which agrees as far as the number is concerned with 2 Chron.
ix. 25, 'four thousand stalls for horses and chariots': though in
2 Chron. i. 14 we have precisely the same number both of chariots
and horsemen specified as is given here.

at ferusaleni] After this the LXX. adds 'and he was chief over all
the kings from the River even unto the laud of the Philistines and to the
borders of Egypt.'

27. silver] Here the LXX. has 'gold and silver,' und so too in the
parallel passage 2 Chron. ix. 27, and where the passage is inserted 3
Chron. i. 15 the LXX. reads to dpyvpiov Kai to xpi'^'O''-

in the vale] The word {Shefelah) here rendered ' vale ' is the name
of that low-lying part of Palestine which stretches westward from the
mountains of Judah to the Mediterranean (cf. Josh. ix. i, xii. S). The
R.V. has always distinguished this as the lowland. It was a district
fertile and specially well-wooded. The Hebrew word though at first only
descriptive, became at last a proper name ' Sephela.' See i Mace. xii. 38.

28. Afid Solo7non hcul horses brotight out of Egypt] The first clause
of the verse ends here according to the Hebrew punctuation, and this
appears to be a geneia! statement, of which the particulars are given in
what follows. But the literal rendering is 'and the export of horses

V. 29-] I. KINGS, X. 119

the king's merchants received the hnen yarn at a price.
And a chariot came up and went out of Eg}^pt for six 29
hundred shekels of silver, and a horse for an hundred and
fifty : and so for all the kings of the Hittites, and for the
kings of Syria, did they bring them out by their means.

which was to Solomon (was) from Eg)rpt;' and this the R.V. represents
by And the horses which Solomon had were brought out of Egypt.

and linen yarn] The word (HlpD) tnikveh so translated, is derived
from a verb which implies ' a stringing together,' and a kindred noun
(nipn) tikvak, is used (Josh. ii. 18) for the line of scarlet cord which
Rahab was ordered to bind in her window. From this connexion the
rendering of the A.V. is derived. But the word in the text is used for
gathering together in other senses, and here seems to be intended for
'a string of horses,' which sense the R.V. has represented by 'a drove.'
The word occurs twice over and must have the same sense in both places
of the same verse. The whole is rendered in R.V. and the king's
merchants received them in droves, each drove at a price. The
Hebrew pointing represents the word T\'\\»2 in a form which may be
considered in construction, though it need not necessarily be so. Hence
some have given a double meaning to the word, referring it in the first
place to the caravan of merchants, and only in the second place to the
string of horses. The rendering then would be 'And a company of the
king's merchants received a (each) drove of horses at a price.' But it
appears harsh to give two senses to the same word in the same verse.

What appears to be meant is that the king's representatives dealt
wholesale with the Egyptian breeders, contracting to take so many
horses for a stipulated sum ; afterwards they brought the droves away,
and disposed of them, as retailers, and hence secured for king Solomon
a considerable revenue by the profits.

The Vulgate takes the word 'Mikveh' 'a drove' as being a proper
name preceded by a preposition, and renders 'and from Coa.' The
LXX. has done something of the same kind, but has taken the word as
'Tekoa' /cat e/c QeKove.

29. And a chariot^ The word is used (Exod. xiv. 25; Josh. xi. 6,
9, &c.) for a 'chariot employed in war,' and that is probably the sense
here. These also Solomon's merchants supplied from Eg}'pt, and in this
verse we have the notice of their retail trade. It may be that these
traders did not pay to the king according to their profits, but paid him
a duty for the privilege of trading; but this does not appear.

The Hebrew word for * shekels ' is omitted here as in verse 1 6 above.
See note there.

for all Ike kings of the Hittites] The Hittites were divided into
numerous small kingdoms, situated in the country between the Eu-
phrates on one side and Hamath and Damascus on the other. Their
two chief cities were Carchemish and Kadesh. In the early times some
Hittite settlements were made in southern Palestine, and we read of
these people in the days of the patriarchs (Gen. xxvi. .:;4, ^^c).

andjor the kings oj' Syria\ Syria {Heb. Aram) is the name given in

I20 I. KINGS, XL [vv. I, 2.

11 But king Solomon loved many strange women, together

with the daughter of Pharaoh, wome7t of the Moabites, Am-

2 monites, Edomites, Zidonians^ a?id Hittites; of the nations

concer7wig which the Lord said unto the children of Israel,

Ye shall not go in to them, neither shall they come in unto

the Old Test, to all the country north-east of Phoenicia and extending
beyond the Euphrates and Tigris. Sometimes the term includes the
Hittite country. Mesopotamia is distinguished (Gen. xxiv. lo; Deut.
xxiii. 5, &c.) as Aram-Naharaim (i.e. Syria of the two rivers), and is
sometimes called Padan-Aram (Gen. xxv. 20). Other portions were
known by distinctive names, as Aram-Maachah (i Chron. xix. 6), Ai-ain-
betk-Kehob (2 Sam. x. 6), Aram-Zobah (2 Sam. x. 6, 8). It was for
the princes of these districts that Solomon's merchants brought up
horses and chariots from Egypt. All these small kingdoms became
afterwards subject to Damascus.

by their means] Literally 'in their hand.' That is, these merchants
were the agents through whom the various princes obtained their sup-
plies. In 2 Chron. ix. 28 it is not only from Egypt, but from all land5,
that horses for Solomon's trade were brought, but 2 Chron. i. 16, 17 is
word for word the same as the account in this chapter.

Chap. XL 1 — 8. Strange wives turn away Solomon's heart.
(Not in Chronicles.)

1. Solo7non loved many strange women] Where polygamy was com-
mon there would be a great temptation to a powerful king to connect
himself by marriage with all the nations about him. At the same cime
a large harem was an element in Oriental pomp. Most of these women
were heathen, and their worship would be practised in the harem. In
all the nations of antiquity women had special religious observances
which they practised without the assistance of the priests. But Solomon
built temples for foreign worship. It seems from verse 8 that these
were for the women. If this were so they must have come, under
attendance no doubt, from the harem to the Temple. In taking
Pharaoh's daughter Solomon had joined to him a migl.ty but somewhat
distant monarch. The other nations mentioned in this verse were close
at hand. Edom bordered on the south of Palestine, Moab and Ammon
were on the east, and Sidon and the Hittite kingdom on the north.
The LXX. {Vat.) adds Syrian and Amorite wives'to the nun.ber, and
incorporates part of verse 3 with this verse.

Of this part of Solomon's conduct and character no mention is made
in the books of the Chronicles.

2. of the nations concerning which the Lord said] The prohibi-
tion of intermarriage with the nations of Canaan is given in Exodus
xxxiv. 16 ; Deut. vii. 3, 4. Like so much else in the Law, it was a great
ideal toward which neither the people nor their rulers were ecmest in
advancing, when they once became settled in some portion of the
land.

w. 3-5.] I. KINGS, XI. 121

you : for surely they will turn away your heart after their
gods : Solomon clave unto these in love. And he had seven 3
hundred wives, princesses, and three hundred concubines :
and his wives turned away his heart. For it came to pass, 4
when Solomon was old, that his wives turned away his heart
after other gods : and his heart was not perfect with the
Lord his God, as was the heart of David his father. For 5
Solomon went after Ashtoreth the goddess of the Zidonians,

3. src'en hundred zvizcs, p}-incess€s'\ The numbers in this verse are
far in excess of those in the Song of Solomon, which makes mention
(vi. 8) of threescore queens. But from the instances known of other
monarchs there is little reason to question what is stated in this verse.
Philippson {die Isrculitische Bibel) tells of the wives of the great Mogul
as 1000 in number, and in ancient histor)- there are similar examples.
Many of these were probably never seen by the monarch in his life,
but counted among his household, as an item of magnificence. It was
only by the few who were his more constant companions that Solomon's
heart was turned away.

4. when Solomon zoos old] At least half of the king's reign was
over before the Temple and the king's house and the other buildings
were completed. It was therefore in the latter half of his reign, and
probably towards the close of that, when the influence of his wives
gained undue sway over him.

perfect with the Lord] i. e. Completely devoted to His service, see note
on viii. 61. Solomon has described the state in his prayer (viii. 61) 'to
walk in His statutes, and to keep His commandments.' The language
of the verse indicates, not that Solomon forsook for himself the worship
of Jehovah, but that he was less earnest about it, and allowed side by
side with it the temples of heathen gods to be erected, and their worship
to be something more than tolerated, even perhaps abundantly sup-
ported from his means. As it is said below in verse 6, ' he went not
fully after the Lord.'

6. Ashtoreth the goddess of the Zidonians'] Ashtoreth was the chief
female divinity of the Phoenicians, as Baal was their chief male deity.
As Baal has been identified with the sun, so Ashtoreth has by
some been thought to be the moon. Recent investigations have
however connected the name of Ashtoreth with the planet Venus, and
by some it is thought that the name was applied in some parts of the
Phoenician settlements to Venus, in others to the moon. Ashtoreth is
identified with the Greek ^AardpTTj, and the name of an ancient city
(Gen. xiv. 5) Ashteroth-Karnaifn, i.e. Ashteroth of the two horns,
seems to point to the crescent moon. This is accepted by Milton {Par.
L. I. 438).

'Ashtoreth, whom the Phoenicians called
Astarte, queen of heaven, with crescent horns
To whose bright image, nightly by the moon
Sidonian virgins paid their vows and songs.'

122 I. KINGS, XI. [vv. 6, 7.

6 after Milcom the abomination of the Ammonites. And
Solomon did evil in the sight of the Lord, and went not

7 fully after the Lord, as did David his father. Then did
Solomon build a high place for Chemosh, the abomination

The worship of Ashtoreth was very widespread, as might be expected
from the wide commercial relations, and distant colonies, of the Phoeni-
cians. Why Ashtoreth is here named 'goddess' while the other deities
are called 'abominations' may be due to the greater intercourse be-
tween Sidon and the Holy Land than existed with other countries.
The Phoenician workmen at the Temple had perhaps caused the Israel-
ites to become more accustomed to the name and worship of Ashtoreth.

Milcoffi the abomination of the Amtnonites] This is the same divinity
who is called below (verse 7) Molech, and in Zeph. i. 5 jNIalcham.
Molech was a fire god, and was worshipped with human sacrifices. The
root of the word is the same as that of the Hebrew word for ' king.'
Hence some think 'their kir.g' in 2 Sam. xii. 30 means Molech, the
god of the Ammonites. The.e are numerous allusions in the Old Test,
to the worship of this god, the phrase most common being 'to make
their children to pass through the fire to Molech.' See 2 Kings xxiii.
10, 13. Some have explained this not as actual burning of the children
to death, but as a passing of them between two fires for an ordeal of
purification. But in 2 Chron. xxviii. 3 it is said of Ahaz, 'He burnt
incense in the valley of the son of Hinnom, and burnt his children in
the fire, after the abominations of the nations whom Jehovah had driven
out.' And the actual burning of the children thus offered is alluded to
very plainly in Jer. vii. 31, 'They have built the high places of Tophet,
...to biii-n their sons and their daughters in the fire.' The tradition is
that the statue of Molech was of brass and the hands so arranged that
the victim slipped from them into a fire which burnt underneath. It
may be because there were no such sacrifices offered to Ashtoreth, that
she is not spoken of as 'an abouiination. '

7, a high place'\ That ' high places ' were not abolished in Solo-
mon's time we can see from iii. 2, 3, where see notes. The idea was
that on a lofty height the worshipper tlrew nearer to his god, and so
was able to offer a more acceptable sacrifice. Hence the erection of
altars on the tops of hills, and these were frequently accompanied with
some house or shrine for the image of the god, and hence we read of
the 'houses of the high places.' Cf. i Kings xii. 31, xiii. 32; 2 Kings
xvii. 29, 32, xxiii. 19. This form of worshipping was so firmly rooted
among the Israelites that we read of it constantly down to tiie reign
of Josiah, by whom at length it appears to have been put down '2 Kings
xxiii. 19).

for Chemosh., the abomination of Moab'] Chemosh, though generally
called the national god of the Moabites, is said (Judges xi. 24) to have
been also the god of the Ammonites. He is first mentioned in Numb,
xxi. 29. The worship now introduced into Jerusalem by "^olomon
was put down by Josiah (2 Kings xxiii. 13). There is nothing in any
of the Biblical notices to guide us to an opinion either about the

V. 8.] I. KINGS, XI. 123

of Moab, in the hill that is before Jerusalem, and for Molech,
the abomination of the children of Ammon. And likewise
did he for all his strange wives, which burnt incense and
sacrificed unto their gods.

meaning of the name or the nature of the worship offered to Chemosh.
An ancient Jewish tradition relates that Chemosh was worshipped under
the form of a black star, hence some have identified him with Saturn.
But this is no more than conjecture. Milton alludes to the identification
of Chemosh with Baal-peor:

' Peor his other name, when he enticed
Israel in Sittim on their march from Nile.'

Far. L. I. 412.

in the hill that is before Jertisalem^ The hill facing Jerusalem is the
mount of Olives. It is described in Ezek. xi. 23 as 'the mountain
which is on the east side of the city,' and in Zech. xiv. 4 as ' the mount
of Olives, which is before Jerusalem on the east.' The LXX. {Vat.')
has omitted any mention of 'the hill before Jerusalem.' Milton alludes
to the position of these idolatrous erections :

' the wisest heart
Of Solomon he led by fraud to build
His temple right against the temple of God
On that opprobrious hill.'

Par. L. I. 400.

The last words allude to a name given to this height in consequence of
these buildings, 'Mons offensionis.' This name is said {Dictionary of
Bibre, II. 627) to be of late origin. But the words occur in the Vulgate
(2 Kings xxiii. 13) 'ad dexteram partem montis offensionis.'

and far Molec/i] See above on Milcom in verse 5. The LXX.
translates the proper name, and reads koX ry ^aaiXel. Milton also
reminds us that the word could be translated :

' First Moloch, horrid ^ing; besmeared with blood
Of human sacrifice, and parents' tears
Though for the noise of drums and timbrels loud
Their children's cries unheard.'

The allusion in the last words is to the name * Tophet,' as the valley
of the son of Hinnora was called where the Moloch-worship went on.
'J'his was thought by some to be derived from the Hebrew word ^D
{toph) a timbrel. Hence the tradition of drums beaten to drown the
cries of the suffering children. There is no warrant for the derivation,
nor probably for the tradition. On the whole subject, see Selden, de
Dis Syr is, p. 172.

8. and likrcvise did he for all his strange ivives'\ i.e. For such of them
as desired a special place for their worship. Ashtoreth, Chemosh and
Moloch would suffice for the greater number, but we know of other gods
among the nations round about, and the text implies that all were
equally regarded. In the LXX. {Vat.) the order of these eight verses is

124 I. KINGS, XI. [vv. 9— 13.

9 And the Lord was angry with Solomon, because his heart
was turned from the Lord God of Israel, which had ap-

10 peared unto him twice, and had commanded him concerning
this thing, that he should not go after other gods : but

11 he kept not thai which the Lord commanded. Wherefore
the Lord said unto Solomon, Forasmuch as this is done of
thee, and thou hast not kept my covenant and my statutes,
which I have commanded thee, I will surely rend the king-

X2 dom from thee, and will give it to thy servant. Notwith-
standing in thy days I will not do it for David thy father's
13 sake : biit I will rend it out of the hand of thy son. How-

considerably varied from the Hebrew text, and the narrative com-
mences somewhat differently, thus : ' And king Solomon was a lover of
women, and he had 700 wives, princesses, and 300 concubines.'

9 — 13. Anger of the Lord at these offences.
(Not in Chronicles.)

9. which had appeared unto him twice'] See iii. 5 for the first
appearance of the Lord in Gibeon ; and (ix. 2) for the second when the
Temple and the king's house were finished.

10. and had commajided him concerning this thing] The command
is recorded in substance in vi. 12 and ix. 6. No allusion is made
in either place to the sort of temptation which led Solomon into this
sin.

but he kept not that zvhich the Lord commanded] Instead of these
words the LXX. gives 'and his heart was not perfect with the Lord, as
the heart of David his father': a repetition of a part of verse 4.

11. the Lord said ujito Solomon] The message was perhaps by the
mouth of one of the Prophets. The visions vouchsafed to Solomon had
been in the time of his obedience.

Forasmuch as this is done of thee] Literally 'this is with thee.' This
is not an unusual form of expression for the plan or course of action
which any one has adopted. Cf. Job x. 13, 'And these things hast thou
hid in thine heart, I know that this is with thee.^ See also Job ix. 35
and margin of A.V.

I will surely rend] The same verb is used of the symbolical action
of Ahijah (see below, verse 30), by which this tearing away of the
greater part of the kingdom was typified.

to thy serz'ant] For the position occupied by Jeroboam, see below,
verse 28.

12. in thy days I will not do it] For a similar postponement of
God's penalty, cf. the history of Ahab (i Kings xxi. 29).

for David thy father's sake] An example of God's mercy shewn to-
wards the descendants of them that love Him, as promised in the second
commandment (ExoJ. xx. 6), and typifying that fuller mercy which was
to be shewn for the sake of the obedience of Christ.

w. 14, 15.] I. KINGS, XL 125

beit I will not rend away all the kingdom ; but will give one
tribe to thy son for David my servant's sake, and for Jeru-
salem's sake, which I have chosen.

And the Lord stirred up an adversary unto Solomon, 14
Hadad the Edomite : he was of the king's seed in Edom.
For it came to pass, when David was in Edom, and Joab 15

13. but zvill give one tribel The reference is to the tribe of Judah
from which the southern kingdom took its name. Benjamin which
went with Judah was so small as to be hardly worth accounting of,
and Simeon was also absorbed in Judah. The same form of words is used
below (verse 32) in the account of Ahijah's action, though it is expressly
said in a previous verse ' Take thee ten pieces.' One reason for the close
union of Benjamin with Judah was that the territorial diN-ision between
the two tribes was such as to make the Temple the common property of
both. The city of the Jebusite, which David conquered, and all the
ground north of the valley of Hinnom was in the tribe of Benjamin.

for Jerusalon'' s sake, which I have chosen\ In Deut. xii. 5 it is signi-
fied that God will choose some place out of all the tribes 'to place His
name there,' and in i Kings xiv. 21 Jerusalem is expressly called 'the
city w^hich the Lord did choose out of all the tribes of Israel to put His
name there.' Hence the place was an object of Jehovah's unchanging
regard.

14 — 22. Hadad the Edomite raised up as an adversary to
Solomon. (Not in Chronicles.)

14. And the Lord stirred tip an adversary unto Solomon^ In David's
time Edom had been reduced, but in the later days of Solomon, when his
heart was turned away, an opportunity is offered for the representative
of Edom to seek to recover his kingdom. This was not unnatural, for
the conduct of Solomon m.ay be presumed to have estranged some of his
own subjects. The writer, regarding Jehovah as ruler of the world,
speaks of this occurrence as brought about by Him. He raised up the
adversary. The Hebrew word for 'adversary' is here 'Satan,' which
the LXX. merely transliterates koX rp/eipe /ci'ptos "^arav rtj; 2a\w,uo;v.

Hadad the Edo?nite^ Hadad was apparently a common name among
the Edomite royal family. We find it (Gen. xxxvi. 36) among the list
of early Edomite kings, and three verses later, Hadar, is probably (cf.
I Chron. i. 50) a mistake of the scribe for Hadad.

he was of the king's seed] And, from his action, apparently the heir
to the throne. This perhaps accounts for the friendly reception which
he found in Egypt. His father had most likely been slain when David
attacked Edom.

The LXX. ( Fa/.) inserts in this verse a notice of Rezon, spoken of in
verses 23 — 25 below. The name is given as 'EirpwM, and the notice
is more brief than in the Hebrew text, and verses 23 — 25 are omitted
from the LXX. in consequence.

15. when David was in Edom] The time alluded to is the period

126 I. KINGS, XI. [vv. i6— 18.

the captain of the host was gone up to bury the slain, after

x6 he had smitten every male in Edom ; (for six months did

Joab remain there with all Israel, until he had cut off every

17 male in Edom :) that Hadad fled, he and certain Edomites
of his father's servants with him, to go into Egypt ; Hadad

18 being yet a little child. And they arose out of Midian, and

of David's conquests (2 Sam. viii. 14), when it is said that all Edom
became his servants. The LXX. says 'when David destroyed Edom,'
which was perhaps the fact, as this verse shews, but is not stated in the
earlier history. He conquered the land, and put garrisons of his own
men throughout it.

and Joab ike captain of the host was gone up to bury the slaiii\ On
Joab, see i. 7. The slain wei-e the Israelites who had fallen in David's
war with Edom. To bury these the captain of the host was appointed,
and he abode after that work was over, till all were cut off, or driven
away, from whom there could be any fear of resistance.

after he had smitten every male in Edom"] This can only mean, as
just stated, those persons who were likely to rebel against Israel. The
narrative in 2 Sam. viii. 14 implies that those who submitted were left,
and put under tribute to Israel.

16. for six months'] Not too long a time to be spent in establishing
garrisons which might hold the land.

with all Israel] This like the last verse must be understood only of
such forces as were engaged in this war. David with a sufficient body-
guard would retire northward, through a country all his own, and where
no greater force was needed, leaving Joab and the bulk of the host to
complete the arrangements for the holding of Edom.

17. Hadad fl-id] Here the Hebrew text by an error of the scribe
gives Adad as the name. Or is it because the aspirate gave people
trouble then as now?

his father's scj-vants] This seems conclusive that Hadad's father
had been king of Edom. The LXX. says all his father's servants
escaped with him.

to go into Egypt] In David's days, Eg}'pt was not, as it became in
the reign of Solomon, closely bound up with the interests of Israel.
Hence the defeated Edomites could look for a refuge there.

Hadad being yet a little child] Solomon uses the same expression of
himself in iii. 7. It implies youth, but not necessarily infancy.

18. And they arose out of Midian] It is not easy to decide what
place or district is meant by Midian. The country so called in the
time of Moses (Exod. ii. 15, iii. i) could not have been far a\/ay from
Mt. Sinai, and the fugitives from Edom wnuld hardly have made their
way to such a distance before setting out on their journey to Egypt.
If the Midianites wandered about in the desert it may be that there was
some more northern district nearer to the south-west of Edom which
was called after the"^ Of this however we have no information.

The LXX. here reads e/c Tr\^ TroXews MaSid/u, thus explaining the word

vv. 19, 20.] I. KINGS, XI. 127

came to Paran : and they took men with them out of Paran,
and they came to Egypt, unto Pharaoh king of Eg}'pt;
which gave him a house, and appointed him victuals, and
gave him land. And Hadad found great favour in the sight 19
of Pharaoh, so that he gave him to wife the sister of his own
wife, the sister of Tahpenes the queen. And the sister of 20
Tahpenes bare him Genubath his son, whom Tahpenes
weaned in Pharaoh's house : and Genubath was vi Pharaoh's

as the name of a city. There is however a difference of reading in
Judges X. 12 which may help us. There we read 'The Zidonians and
Amalek and Maon did oppress you... and I delivered you out of their
hand.' Now instead of ^Iaon the LXX. in that passage gives Madiam.
The two words appear in Hebrew as pr?3 and ^ID respectively, very
closely resembling each other. But in the book of Judges ' Maon ' is
not mentioned among the enemies of Israel, but the Midianites play a
conspicuous part. It seems likely therefore that the LXX. is correct
and that in Judges x. 12 'Midian' should be read instead of 'Maon".

In the present verse it would almost seem as if the contrary change
should be made. We read of Maon among the cities on the south of
Judah, and not far from Paran, in the story of Nabal (i Sam. xxv. 2).
There we read that David could send men from the wilderness of Paran
up to Maon, and when they came back rudely repulsed could set forth
himself to chastise Nabal. If we suppose these fugitive Edomites to
have taken refuge for a brief time in the mountainous district of south
Judah, where Maon was, the rest of their proceedings becomes expli-
cable. They came from Maon to the wilderness of Paran, found some
men fhere, either fellow fugitives or others, whom they took as guides
and a convoy and thus made their way to Eg>'pt.

Paran\ By this name seems to be meant that wilderness which
beginning on the south of Judah and south-west of Edom is now
known as El-Tih, and which was the scene of the wanderings of the
Isi-aelites.

tmto Pharaoh king of Eg)>pt\ Tliis king may have been the imme-
diate predecessor of the monarch whose daughter Solomon married.
There need not have been more than 30 years, if so much, between
these events in David's life, and the marriage of Solomon.

vicluals\ Heb. 'bread,' i.e. a regular sustenance for himself and
those he had brought with him. In the same way ' land ' impHes a
place in which they all might settle and live during their stay.

19. the qiieen'\ The Hebrew word nT33 {g'birah) is not the usual
word for 'queen,' but a title of special honour, used occasionally (i Kings
XV. 13; 2 Chron. xv. 16) for the 'queen-mother,' always a person of
great influence in an Oriental court.

20. iueaned\ The weaning of a child was a great event in Eastern
families, and an occasion of much rejoicing, Abraham made a feast
(Gen. xxi. 8) the same day that Isaac was weaned. This may account
for the part taken by the queen in this event.

128 I. KINGS, XI. [vv. 21—23.

21 household among the sons of Pharaoh. And when Hadad
heard in Egypt that David slept with his fathers, and that
Joab the captain of the host was dead, Hadad said to
Pharaoh, Let me depart, that I may go to mine own country.

22 Then Pharaoh said unto him, But what hast thou lacked
with me, that behold, thou seekest to go to thine own country?
And he answered, Nothing : howbeit let me go in any wise.

23 And God stirred him up another adversary, Rezon the

21. when Hadad heard in Egypt that David slept with his fathers]
Hadad's first attempt to depart from Egypt was therefore soon after
Solomon's accession. It is clear however from the history that it was
only after some pressure that the Egyptian king allowed him to go.
The mischief that he did (see verse 25) would be by stirring up his
countrj'men to cast off the yoke of the Israelites. We must allow a
considerable time for any revolt to be organized, and we are not told
that any outbreak really took place, but only that mischief was done
through Hadad's agitation.

and that Joab the captain of the host zuas dead'\ Joab's name would
be one to spread terror, because of the severity he had displ.iyed
toward Edom. (See above, verses 15, 16.) Hadad therefore waited
to hear of his death also, before he ventured to take any step for his
own restoration.

22. And he answered, Nothing] The Hebrew has for the last word
only the simple negative ' Not.' (See A.V. marg.) The verb ' I have
lacked' is to be supplied.

let me go in any wise] The verb is not the same as that translated
*go' in the former part of the verse. The R.V. marks the difference
by rendering depart here, as the word ctixesponds to that so trans-
lated in 21.

Here the LXX. ( Vat.) has in addition 'And Hadad ("ASep) returned
to his own land. This is the evil which Hadad did : and he was
indignant against Israel, and reigned in the land of Edom.' Then
verses 23 — 25 are omitted, having been partly represented by the addi-
tions to verse 14 noticed above.

23—25. Another adversary raised up against Solomon.
(Not in Chronicles.)

23. And God stirred him up another adversary] R.V. raised up,
as in verse 14. There it is said 'the Lord (i.e. Jehovah)' raised up the
adversary; here it is 'God (Elohim)' who does it. There are some
who see in this variation an indication of two different soui :es for the
text, the earlier using 'Elohim,' the later 'Jehovah.' Such an inter-
change might well be found in a text written even in the days of Solo-
mon, much more so, at the date when this narrative was set down, and
is much too slender a thread of evidence to hang so serious a judgement
upon.

Rezon the son oj Eliadah] The latter name should be written T^n^^a

V. 24.] I. KINGS, XI. 129

son of Eliadah, which fled from his lord Hadadezer king of
Zobah : and he gathered men unto him, and became captain 24
over a band, when David slew them of Zobah : and they
went ^0 Damascus, and dwelt therein, and reigned in

(as R.V.). There is nothing more known with certainty about this
Rezon. The events to which allusion is made in this verse are related
2 Sara. viii. 3 — 8. There Hadadezer is called 'the son of Rehob.'
He was thoroughly defeated by David, who thereupon put garrisons
in Syria of Damascus. It cannot therefore have been immediately
after the overthrow of Hadadezer that Rezon and his party esta-
blished themselves in Damascus. For a time, at all events (2 Sam.
viii. 6), 'the Syrians became servants to David and brought gifts.'
Rezon most likely escaped when his master was defeated, and waited
till a convenient opportunity offered, and then tried, as here narrated,
to establish himself as king over Syria. Henceforth for centuries
Syria was the determined foe of Israel. In a later chapter (i Kings
XV. 18) Benhadad, a subsequent king of Syria, in Asa's time, is de-
scribed as a grandson of Hezion. The name Hezion P'tn is not very
unlike Rezon pp in the characters of the original. Hence some have
conjectured that they are the same person. But there seems no suffi-
cient foundation for the opinion.

Jled from his lord] This flight may have taken place before David's
attack on Hadadezer, though what has been said in the previous note
seems more probable.

king of Zobah] This kingdom is mentioned in the reigns of Saul,
David, and Solomon, but then is heard of no more. It comprised
the country east of Ccele-Syria, and extended northward and eastward
towards the Euphrates. See i Sam. xiv. 47; 2 Sam. viii. 3, xxiii. 36;
I Chron. xviii, 3, xix. 6; 2 Chron. viii. 3.

24. and he gathered men unto hifn] The LXX. (A/ex.) says 'men
were gathered unto him.' This only indicates different vowel points
to the same consonants. But the difference in the sense would point
to Rezon as one whom his countrymen regarded as a leader.

and became captain over a band] (R. V. troop). The word is
mostly used of martial gatherings, and organized forces, and this is the
sense here. Rezon gathered, and trained his followers till they were
able to dislodge the troops of Israel and establish themselves in
Damascus.

when David slew them of Zobah] The two last words are necessary
to complete the sense. It is clear that others beside Rezon fled away.
It may have been that Hadadezer was an unpopular king. Out of the
fugitives Rezon formed for himself a troop, and awaiting his time,
came back and assumed the sovereignty.

and they went to Damascus] i.e. When an opportunity came about
of entering into a city, they left what must before have been a wan-
dering life of guerilla- warfare, and settled within walls.

and dwelt therein] Making a permanent settlement, and may have
continued some time before Rezon was made king.

I. KINGS n

I30 I. KINGS, XI. [vv. 25, 26.

25 Damascus. And he was an adversary to Israel all the days
of Solomon, beside the mischief that Hadad did: and he
abhorred Israel, and reigned over Syria.

26 And Jeroboam the son of Nebat, an Ephrathite of Zereda,

and reigned in Damascus] If this verb be correct, the sense is that
this band of warriors seized the city, and made themselves in a body
lords of the place and its people. But a very slight variation of the
text would give the sense 'they made them a king in D.' which, of
course, the narrative shews to have been Rezon. The Syriac has
'and Rezon reigned in D.,' while the Vulgate gives 'and tliey made
him king in D.'

25. all the days of Solomo)i\ Probably Rezon was able to establish
himself in Damascus even before the death of David. For some time
he would be obliged to collect his strength to be ready for future
attacks on Israel, but he may well have been a source of anxiety to
Solomon from the first. Damascus was near enough, and a band of
men such as those who supported Rezon would make a constant thorn
for Solomon's side, even though they attempted no regular v.arfare.

beside the mischief that Hadad did] This sentence can only be thus
translated. There is a similar rendering of the like Hebrew n&5T in
verse i 'together with' the daughter of Pharaoh (marg. R. V. 'be-
sides'). But it is very questionable whether this can be so rendered.
The LXX. [Vai.) which omits 23, 24, and great part of the present
verse renders as if, for rifc^l, they had read n&<T = thi5. See the LXX.
variations above, in note on verse 22. These make the whole passage
refer not to Rezon but to Hadad, and in consequence the word Syria,
DIN, i.e. Aram, is changed into D"lN, Edam, and it is certain that we
do expect to hear more of the mischief which Hadad wrought. All we
are told is that he got permission to come lick to Edom. But we hear
no word of any armament or invasion by him.

and he abhorred Israel] Though he had deserted Hadadezer this
was no reason why he should side with the Israelitish invaders. They
had driven him and his troop into the wilderness and no harm which
he could work upon them would be left undone. This is just the sort
of opponent who might worry Solomon for a long time without being
deemed serious, but who might before the end of Solomon's reign,
in the period of that king's unwise yielding to his wives, become really
a dangerous adversary. With Hadad in the south and Rezon on the
north, each growing daily stronger, the crippling of Solomon's power
was effectually begun.

26 — 40. Rise of Jeroroam's hostility to Solomon. Ahijah's
PROPHETIC ACTION AND MESSAGE. (Not in Chronicles.)

26. Jeroboam the son of Nebat] This is the first mention of him
who afterwards is so frequently spoken of as the man 'who made Israel
to sin.' We know nothing more of his parentage than is told us in this
verse. His after life comes before us frequently in the succeeding chapters.

an Ephrathite] Better with R.V. an Ephraimite. The word Ephra-

w. 27, 28.] I. KINGS, XI. 131

Solomon's servant, whose mother's name teas Zeruah, a
widow woman, even he hft up his hand against the king.
And this was the cause that he lift up his hand against the 27
king : Solomon built Millo, and repaired the breaches of
the city of David his father. And the man Jeroboam ivas 28
a mighty >/ian of valour : and Solomon seeing the young
man that he was industrious, he made him ruler over all the

thite would mean one bom at Ephratah, i.e. Bethlehem. This cannot
be true of Jeroboam, from the words of the verse before us. A similar
change is needed in the A.V. of i Sam. i. i where Elkanah, though
described as 'a man of the hill country of Ephraim' is yet subsequently
called an 'Ephrathite.'

of ZereJa] The Hebrew spelling requires Zeredali {as R.V.). This
place must have been near or in the hill country of Ephraim. It has
been thought by some to be the same as Zeredathah, which is given in
1 Chron. iv. 17 instead of Zarthan of i Kings vii. 46, the place near
which the castings of brass were made for Solomon's Temple. The
LXX. [Vat.) gives Zapcpa as the name, and in a long addition which
that version contains after verse 24 of the next chapter Zapipd occurs
several times over. It is also given by the LXX. of i Kings xiv. 17
instead of Tirzah, where Jeroboam had his royal residence. That the
Greek translators identified this place with some town of great impor-
tance will be seen from the note on xii. 24 below, but whether their
identification can be trusted is somewhat doubtful.

Solomo7is servant] i.e. One who had been employed by Solomon.
The works were not necessarily unimportant, on which such servants
were employed. Lut it makes the term a little more significant if (with
R.V.) we render a servant of Solomon.

^e lift up his hand agai7ist\ A phrase indicative of rebellion and
very expressive here. For Jeroboam was one of Solomon's own
people, whose hand might be expected to be with him, and not against
him. Josephus marks the difference between this adversary and those
previov-ly named, when he calls Jeroboam tusv opLotpvXiov tLs.

27. Mill6\ Read the Millo. See above on ix. 15.

and repaired the breaches of the city of David\ The verb signifies *to
close up' and the noun is in the singular. Hence 'to close up the breach'
has been thought to mean the building a wall across the valley between
Zion and Moriah, and so making the ravine between these mountains
inclosed within the walls. This valley was known at a later time as the
Tyropoeon. This makes the statement harmonize with ix. 15, where
Solomon's object is said to have been ' to build the walls of Jerusalem. '

28. and Solomon seeing] The verb is finite, therefore render (with
R.V.) saw.

was industrious'] Literally 'did work.'

he made hirn ruler over all the charge of &c.] Better (with R.V.,
and lie gave him charge over all the labour {Heb. burden) of the house
of fosrph, i.e. the tribe of Ephraim. The labour here spoken of is that

132 I. KINGS, XI. [vv. 29—32.

29 charge of the house of Joseph. And it came to pass at that
time when Jeroboam went out of Jerusalem, that the
prophet Ahijah the Shilonite found him in the way ; and he
had clad himself with a new garment ; and they two were

30 alone in the field : and Ahijah caught the new garment that

31 7uas on him, and rent it in twelve pieces : and he said to
Jeroboam, Take thee ten pieces : for thus saith the Lord,
the God of Israel, Behold, I will rent the kingdom out of

32 the hand of Solomon, and will give ten tribes to thee : (but
he shall have one tribe for my servant David's sake, and for

compulsory work, which the Israelites did by turns for parts of the year,

and which the tributary subject-population were constantly employed
upon. It is not difficult to conceive circumstances under which such
duty might become very distasteful to the northern section of the king-
dom. For between them r.nd the people of Judah there was a pro-
nounced opposition even in David's time. And the compulsory labour
on the walls of Jerusalem was just the sort of occupation to aggravate
this old enmity. Jeroboam saw this and took advantage of it.

29. at that time] i.e. While the building- works at the Millo and the
completion of the wall was in progress.

Ahijah the Shilonite] This prophet, whose home was in Shiloh (see
xiv. 2), is mentioned in connexion with this prophecy to Jeroboam and
again when Jeroboam has become king, and sends his wife to inquire
of the prophet about the issue of his child's sickness. A writing of his
is spoken of in 2 Chron. ix. 29 as 'the prophecy of Ahijah the Shilo-
nite'. This may have contained other prophecies beside those which
have been preserved to us. He was evidently a person of much im-
portance and influence during this and the following reign.

found hi7n in the way] Here the LXX. adds 'and he drew him
aside out of the way' : an addition which may have been made to ex-
plain how it came to pass, as is said immediately, that 'they two were
alone in the field.'

and he had clad himself] i.e. Ahijah had done so. The R.V. follow-
ing the LXX. inserts the proper name in italics Vo make the sense
clearer in the English.

30. and Ahijah caught] R.V. laid hold of. The word is fre-
quently used of the taking prisoners captive.

31. Take thee ten pieces] With this symbolical action of Ahijah may
be compared the 'horns of iron' which Zedekiah made (i Kings xxii.
11) to express most significantly the way in which he prophesied that
Ahab should repulse the Syrians.

out of the hand of Solomon] i.e. Of his immediate successor, as is
explained in verse 34.

32. he shall have one tribe] Benjamin was so small a tribe as
scarcely to be worth counting. Judah was to give name to the south-
ern part of the divided kingdom. The LXX. says "two tribes," which

w. 33-38.] I. KINGS, XI. 133

Jerusalem's sake, the city which I have chosen out of all the
tribes of Israel :) because that they have forsaken me, and 33
have worshipped Ashtoreth the goddess of the Zidonians,
Chemosh the god of the Moabites, and ]Milcom the god of
the children of Amnion, and have not walked in my ways,
to do that which is right in mine eyes, and to keep my
statutes and my judgements, as did David his father. How- 34
beit I will not take the whole kingdom out of his hand : but
I will make him prince all the days of his life for David my
servant's sake, whom I chose, because he kept my com-
mandments and my statutes : but I will take the kingdom 35
out of his son's hand, and will give it unto thee, ei'e7i ten
tribes. And unto his son will I give one tribe, that David 56
my servant may have a light alway before me in Jerusalem,
the city which I have chosen me to put my name there. And 37
I will take thee,, and thou shalt reign according to all that
thy soul desireth, and shalt be king over Israel. And it 38
shall be, if thou wilt hearken unto all that I command thee,

seems to be a correction introduced by the translators. See above on
verse 13. All the other versions speak of ' one tribe', and so does the
LXX. in verse 13.

33. they have forsaken'\ The examples of men in high place are
infectious. Solomon's idolatry had led away others, and involved the
nation in the sin of the king. The LXX. and other versions however
have the verb in the singular.

and to keep my statutes'] The verb which in the previous clause
is rendered 'to do', can in Hebrew be joined with all the nouns that
follow (cf. Deut. vi. 24; xvi. 12; xvii. 19; i Chron. xxii. 13). The
English however requires a different verb with ' statutes.' Hence
' to kc'p' is inserted in italics, though the Hebrew construction is quite
complete.

36. one tribe] Here again, as in 32, the LXX. has 'two tribes.'

a light] Literally 'a lamp.' The idea is quite an Oriental one. In
the tent was hung the lamp, for constant lighting, and the permanency
of the home is implied in the lamp which is not extinguished. Cf. Ps.
cxxxii. 17. David's line was to last, though most of the kingdom
was taken from his descendants. The LXX. paraphrases by deai.$, i.e.
a status, position.

37. according to all that thy soul desireth] Or (as margin R.V.)
'overall &c. ' The prophet was, as it appears, aware of Jeroboam's
ambition. Events were leading up to the coming separation of the
kingdoms, and there may have been many opportunities for Jeroboam
to disclose his desires and aims.

38. And it shall be &c.] The condition on which Jeroboam is set

134 I. KINGS, XL [w. 39—42.

and wilt walk in my ways, and do that is right in my sight,
to keep my statutes and my commandments, as David my
servant did ; that I will be \\ith thee, and build thee a sure
house, as I built for David, and will give Israel unto thee.

39 And I will for this afflict the seed of David, but not for ever.

40 Solomon sought therefore to kill Jeroboam. And Jex'-oboam
arose, and fled mto Egypt, unto Shishak king of Egypt, and
was in Egypt until the death of Solomon.

41 And the rest of the acts of Solomon, and all that he did,
and his wisdom, are they not written in the book of the acts

42 of Solomon ? And the time that Solomon reigned in Jeru-

up is the same as that laid down for the family of David. As in their
case transgression involved a downfall.

and will give Israel unto thee] These words and the whole of verse
39 are omitted in the I.XX.

39. but not for ever] Tlie glorious promises made to David's line
were not to be withdrawn, and in the Messiah were abundantly fulfilled.

40. Solomon sought therefore to kill yerohoatn'\ No doubt the
aspirations of Jeroboam, and the prophetic act and words of Ahijah
would come to the king's ears, and make him anxious to remove a
rival who had such special encouragement to prosecute his designs.

unto Shishak king of Egypt] This is the first Egyptian king
whose name, as distinguished from his title, is recorded in the Old
Testament. He has been identified with Sesonchosis, who is men-
tioned by ]Manetho as the first king of the twenty-second dynasty. He
appears to have come to the throne about 988 B.C. i.e. in the 27th
year of Solomon, though some calculations place him a little later. He
is mentioned again (xiv. 25) as coming up against Jerusalem in the
reign of Rehoboam, and taking away much treasure from the temple
and the king's house.

41 — 43. Solomon's death and burial. (2 Chron. ix. 29 — 31.)

41. And the rest of the acts] The usual rendering of this phrase is
Now the rest, &c. and this has been adopted for uniformity's sake by
the R. V. in this place. The word rendered 'acts,' in this and similar
passages, means also 'words.' and in the case of such a king as Solo-
mon, whose fame arose greatly from what he spake, it has been thought
worth while to put this rendering on the margin, both in A. V. and
R. V.

th^ book of the acts of Solo??ion] Attached to the royal household
was an official recorder, who kept a chronicle of events and thus
prepared the sources of future history. In 2 Chron. ix. 29 — 31 where
the parallelism with Kings is taken up again, we have the names of
the writers given, viz. 'the history of Nathan the prophet, the prophecy
of Ahijah the Shilc lite, and the visions of Iddo the seer concerning
Jeroboam the son of Nebat.'

vv. 43; I-] I. KINGS, XI. XII. 135

salem over all Israel was forty years. And Solomon slept 43
with his fathers, and was buried in the city of David his
father : and Rehoboam his son reigned in his stead.

And Rehoboam went to Shechem : for all Israel were 12

42. forty years] The same length of reign as that of Saul and
David. If Solomon's accession were 1015 B.C., his death took place
in 975 B.C. Josephus gives 'eighty years' as the length of the reign.
But this agrees with no other record, and must be regarded as a
mistake. King Solomon was not more than 60 years old, if so much,
when he died.

43. Anc^ Solomon slept with his fathers'] The LXX. {Vat.) con-
tinues *and they buried him in the city of David his father,' and then
joins on the words of xii. 2 about Jeroboam hearing of Solomon's death
in Egypt, adding, what is not found there, that 'he made ready and
came into his own city, into the land Sarira, which is mount Ephraim.'

Ch. xii. 1—15. Rehoboam's accession. Request of his

SUBJECTS AND THE KING'S ANSWER. (2 Chron. X. I — 15.)

1. A7id Rehoboam went to Shechem] The parallel passage in 2
Chron. xi. i — 15 is almost identical with what is given here. It is clear
from the narrative that, though Rehoboam was acknowledged as the
rightful successor to his father, there was a desire among the people to
modify the character of the government. David had ruled as a con-
queror, and the fame and wealth and great undertakings of Solomon
had gratified the people and made them submit to many severities in
his reign. Rehoboam had none of the recommendations of his father or
grandfather, and the influential persons in the nation availed themselves
of the solemn enthronization at Shechem to put forward their desires.
It may well be that they had arranged for the ceremony to take place
at a distance from Jerusalem, and in one of the principal towns of the
north that their proposals might be strongly supported, and that the
king might feel how important it was for him to conciliate such a party
as tl^ey were. If Rehoboam had already been acknowledged as king in
Jerusalem, the southern tribes would be less powerfully represented in
this meeting at Shechem, and prestige of the grand buildings of Jeru-
salem and all the splendour which spake of Rehoboam's house would
be absent.

Shechem, first mentioned as Sichem in Gen. xii. 6, was a city of
considerable antiquity, in the hill country of Ephraim, and of such
strength and importance that Jeroboam (see verse 25 below) fortified
and streni^thened it to be the royal city of the ten tribes, imniediately
after the tevolt. Its name, which signifies shoulder or ridge, indicates its
position among the hills, and Josephus tells us that it was between Mt.
Ebal and Mt. Gerizim. It has been identified with the modern Nablous
(formerly Neapolis), and there seems no reason to question the identi-
fication.

for all Israel were come to Shechem] We have seen before that there

136 I. KINGS, XII. [vv. 2—4.

2 come to Shechem to make him king. And it came to pass,
when Jeroboam the son of Nebat, who was yet in Egypt,
heard of it, (for he was fled from the presence of king

3 Solomon, and Jeroboam dwelt in Egypt;) that they sent and
called him. And Jeroboam and all the congregation of

4 Israel came, and spake unto Rehoboam, saying, Thy father
made our yoke grievous : now therefore make thou the

was a distinction, even while the kingdom was all one, between 'the
men of Israel' and 'the men of Judah' (see 2 Sam. xix, 40 — 43). It
seems not improbable that the arrangement for this gathering at She-
chem was a sort of protest by the men of the north against the southern
tribes who, because Jerusalem, with the temple and the royal dwellings,
was in their part of the land, may have claimed to be the ruling portion
of the nation. Hence a solemn ceremonial held elsewhere in connexion
with the accession of the new king would be thought a good means of
checking this assumption, e- en if there had been no further motive for
the choice of Shechem. And Rehoboam was obliged to go there, if he
would not at once provoke a civil war.

2. And it came to pass] The LXX. {Vat.) having given the sub-
stance of this verse as an addition to xi. 43, omits it here. The R.V.
makes the parenthesis commence a little earlier and extend a little
farther than is shewn in A.V. The connexion thus becomes: And it
came to pass when 'Jeroboam... heard of it (for lie was yet in Egypt
wMther he had fled... and they sent... him;) that Jeroboam' &c.

heard of it] There must have been some interval between the death
of Solomon and the gathering of the people at Shechem. The charac-
ter and purpose of this meeting must also have been settled before-
hand, so that news of what was intended could be carried to Jeroboam,
and he, seeing events to be promising for his enterprise, could come
back into Israel, and take the lead, as in the next verse he is said to
have done, of those who petitioned the new king for reforms.

3. that they sent] Better, And they sent : see the previous note.
Josephus {Ant. viir. 8, i) calls this party oi tcDv oxXwi- apxcirey, and
represents them as sending to Jeroboam immediately after Solomon
was dead. Clearly there was a feeling that some chxnge was at hand,
and the knowledge of Ahijah's prophecies had not been confined to
Jeroboam and Solomon. Hence men were prepared for what was
coming.

and called him] Knowing that he would be ready to come, and that
his ability and industry (described xi. 28 above) qualified 'lim for a
leader of their enterprise.

yeroboam and all the congregation of IsraeF] The LXX. ( Vat.) omits
Jeroboam. But the object of sending for him was clearly that he might
be the prime mover in the agitation, and by taking part in the popular
petition he would prepare "the way for the invitation sent to him as
mentioned below i.. verse 20.

4. make thou the grievous service... lighter] Josephus says they

vv. 5—9.] I. KINGS, XII. 137

grievous service of thy father, and his heavy yoke which he
put upon us, lighter, and we will serve thee. And he said 3
unto them. Depart yet for three days, then come again to
me. And the people departed. And king Rehoboam con- 6
suited with the old men, that stood before Solomon his
father while he yet lived, and said. How do you advise that
/ may answer this people ? And they spake unto him, 7
saying, If thou wilt be a servant unto this people this day,
and wilt serve them, and answer them, and speak good
words to them, then they will be thy servants for ever. But s
he forsook the counsel of the old men, which they had given
him, and consulted with the young men that were grown
up with him, a7id which stood before him : and he said unto 9

naturally expected to gain their request, and especially as the king was
a young man. The house of Joseph, i.e. the Ephraimites, are specially
mentioned as ha\'ing been engaged in the compulsory labour (see xi. 28)
in the previous reign, and over these Jeroboam had been in charge, so
that he was conversant with their grievances.

6. And king Rehoboam co7tsulted] That the close similarity between
the narrative here and 2 Chron. may be as apparent as possible to the
English reader, the R.V. reads here as there, took counsel, and similarly
in verse 8 'and took counsel with the young men.' The change is of no
importance to the sense, but where two passages are identical in the
original they are with advantage represented so in the translation.

the old men] These persons must have been advanced in years, and
perhaps were not in public office under Rehoboam. The age of Reho-
boam on his accession was 41 years (xiv. 21). (See, however, the note
at the end of this chapter.) So though he and his favoured adNnsers are
spoken of as 'young,' they were not so, except in comparison with
Solomon's counsellors.

Ifoio do you advise that I may answer] Here again in R.V. the trans-
lation is harmonized with 2 Chron. Wliat counsel give ye me to
return answer. Though this is certainly not so idiomatic as the
English of Kings.

7. If thou wilt be a servant unto this people this day] Here the words
of 2 Chron. are ' If thou be kind to this people and please them.' What
was meant was that for the time the king should give way and obey the
popular voice. This short ser\-ice would win for him their constant
allegiance. The LXX. does not represent 'and answer them' in this
verse.

8. young men that were groTvn up with him] i.e. Who were about the
same age. It is not needful to suppose that they had been educated
with him from their youth up. They now being his contemporaries
were chosen to 'stand before him,' to be his privy counsellors. This
office the older men had held under Solomon (see verse 6).

138 I. KINGS, XII. [vv. lo— 15.

them, What counsel give ye that we may answer this people,
who have spoken to me, saying, Make the yoke which thy

10 father did put upon us lighter? And the young men that
were grown up with him spake unto him, saying, Thus shalt
thou speak unto this people that spake unto thee, saying,
Thy father made our yoke heavy, but make thou it lighter
unto us ; thus shalt thou say unto them, My little finger

11 shall be thicker than my father's loins. And now whereas
my father did lade you with a heavy yoke, I will add to
your yoke : my father hath chastised you with whips, but I

12 will chastise you with scorpions. So Jeroboam and all the
people came to Rehoboam the third day, as the king had

13 appointed, saying, Come to me again the third day. And
the king answered the people roughly, and forsook the old

14 men's counsel that they gave him \ and spake to them after
the counsel of the young men, saying. My father made your
yoke heavy, and I will add to your yoke : my father also
chastised you with whips, but I will chastise you with

15 scorpions. Wherefore the king hearkened not unto the

9. that we viay ansTver] Better, 'may return answer' as the words
are precisely those of verse 6. It is noteworthy that Rehoboam inch\des
the young counsellors with himself and says 'we' when he speaks to
them, but he employs the singular number ' I ' in verse 6, when addressing
the older men. He appears to have dispensed summarily with the
services of his father's advisers, and taken others into his confidence.
One among several marks of folly which are to be found in the history
of this business.

10. my little finger shall be (R.V. is) thicker than 7ny father's loins]
The italics of A.V. shew that the word 'finger' is explanator)', and not
represented in the text. The LXX. gives rj /xiKpoT-qs fiov. There can
however be no doubt that 'my littleness' is here correctly expounded
by 'my little finger,' as the Vulgate, Josephus, the Syriac version and
ancient Jewish commentators explain it.

11. with 7C'hi/>s] We have no record of such an act on the part of
Solomon, and it may be the phrase is only metaphorical, to express a
light degree of chastisement in comparison of what they might hereafter
expect. But scourging men to urge them in compulsory labour is not
unknown in despotic countries.

with scorpions] Most likely, if the words are to be taken literally,
some sort of lash on which metal points were fixed so that each blow
might wound like a scorpion's sting.

12. So yerohoam and all the people] The LXX. here, as in verse 3,
omits 'Jeroboam.'

as the king had appointecf] R.V. has ' as the king bade.'

15. Wherefore the king] Better, as R.V., 'So the king.' The origi-

vv. i6, 17.] I. KINGS, XII. 139

people ; for the cause was from the Lord, that Ae might
perform his saying, which the Lord spake by Ahijah the
Shilonite unto Jeroboam the son of Nebat.

So when all Israel saw that the king hearkened not unto 16
them, the people answered the king, saying,

What portion have we in Da\id ?

Neither /lafe we inheritance in the son of Jesse :

To your tents, O Israel :

Now see to thine own house, David.

So Israel departed unto their tents. But as for the chil- 17
dren of Israel which dwelt in the cities of Judah, Rehoboam

nal has merely the ordinary copulative 1, and there is no giving of a
reason implied, but the summing up of a narrative.

for the cause was from the Lord'\ R.V. for it was a tMng brought
about of the Lord. The Hebrew noun signifies 'the turn of events'
and is represented in the LXX. by ixeTaaTpo(f)-q. For a similar idea,
compare the case of Pharaoh (Exod. iv. 21). Also (Acts ii. 23) 'Him,
being delivered by the determinate counsel and foreknowledge of God,
ye have taken and by wicked hands have crucified and slain.' Josephus
says these events happened Kara r-qv tov deov ^ovX-qaiv. The course of
events had been shaped by Solomon's transgression, and they were left
by God to work out their natural results. The sin of the father was
here visited on the child.

perform Ms saying] R.V. establish Ms word. This is the rendering
of the same words in A.V. i Sam. i. 23, and 'to establish' or 'confirm'
a word, is a more natural expression than 'to perform' it. For the word
of Ahijah cf. above xi. 31.

16 — 20. Revolt of the ten tribes (Cf. 2 Chron. x. 16 — 19).

16. all Israel saw that the kmg hearkened not] Josephus says 'they
were struck by his words as by an iron rod and grieved as though the
words of the king had been actually put into execution.'

What portion have zue in David:] Very similar words were used (2
Sam. XX. i) by Sheba the Benjamite when he strove to rouse the people
against David. The tribe of Judah was more closely connected with
the house of Jesse, because his home was at Bethlehem.

To your tents, 0 Israel] i.e. Disperse to your homes, that you may take
steps for protecting yourselves, and arranging for resistance to the threat-
ened severity.

see to thine own house] As though the tribe to which he belonged
was now all that would be left to him. The LXX. reads ^oaKe tov
oIkov (TOV, as though their text had been nyi = 'to feed' and not as in
the Massoretic text nN*l = to see.

17. the children of Israel which dwelt in the cities oj judah] ^Ve
see from expressions Uke this that we must not necessarily make 'Israel '
include only the northern tribes. See above on verse i.

The LXX. omits this verse entirely.

I40 I. KINGS, XII. [vv. 18—20.

18 reigned over them. Then king Rehoboam sent Adoram,
who was over the tribute; and all Israel stoned him with
stones, that he died. Therefore king Rehoboam made

19 speed to get hi77i up to his chariot, to flee to Jerusalem. So
Israel rebelled against the house of David unto this day.

20 And it came to pass, when all Israel heard that Jeroboam
was come again, that they sent and called him unto the con-
gregation, and made him king over all Israel : there was
none that followed the house of David, but the tribe of
Judah only.

18. Thett king Rehoboam sent Adoram] The same man who is called
Adoniram in ch. iv. 6. He presided over the forced-laboiu service, and
it was an additional sign of the infatuation of Rehoboam, that a person
so likely to be obnoxious to the people should be sent as the king's
representative. Josephus teds us that Rehoboam's design was to ap-
pease and mollify the irritation caused by his answer. He could hardly
have found worse means for his end.

w/io was over the tribute] Read, with R.V. 'over the levy.' See
above on iv. 6.

atid all Israel stoned him] The LXX. omits 'all Israel.'
Therefore king Rehoboam made speed] The marginal rendering of
A.V. points out the literal meaning of the verb in this clause 'he
strengthened himself.' The idea is ' he made use of every effort,' ' exerted
himself much,' seeing that there was danger threatening him as well as his
messenger. It appears from this verse, that little time had elapsed
between the answer of Rehoboam and the seading of Adoram to appease
the irritated leaders. All this was done and Adoram killed before
Rehoboam left Shechem. The haughty stern answer and the sudden
change to a policy of a more lenient nature are alike marks of the weak
character of the new king.

19. 7into this dayi] This phrase occurring several times in the book
marks the original composition, from which the compiler of the Kings
drew his material, as written while the two kingdoms were still existent,
and under different rulers.

20. when all Israel heard that yeroboam was come again] R.V.
was returned. This change is made because the words are like 2
Chron. x. 2, and the two should be represented as agreeing. The
movement described in these words is that of the whole ten tribes. At
first Jeroboam had been summoned by the leading men tha' he might
be their adviser and perhaps spokesman. Now when their request has
been rejected the whole people agree that he shall be made their king.

biit the tribe ofjndah only] So Rehoboam was left in the position of
David at his accession, king of Judah only. The LXX. adds here 'and
Benjamin' to accord with the previous variations in xi. 33 and 36.
See notes there.

w. 21—24.] I- KINGS, XII. 141

And when Rehoboam was come to Jerusalem, he assem- 21
bled all the house of Judah, with the tribe of Benjamin, an
hundred and fourscore thousand chosen men^ which were
warriors, to fight against the house of Israel, to bring the
kingdom again to Rehoboam the son of Solomon. But the 22
word of God came unto Shemaiah the man of God, saying,
Speak unto Rehoboam, the son of Solomon, king of Judah, 23
and unto all the house of Judah and Benjamin, and to the
remnant of the people, saying, Thus saith the Lord, Ye 24
shall not go up, nor fight against your brethren the children
of Israel: return every man to his house; for this thing is
from me. They hearkened therefore to the word of the
Lord, and returned to depart, according to the word of the
Lord.

21 — 24. Rehoboam prepares to make war on Israel but this

IS FORBIDDEN BY THE PROPHET ShEMAIAH (2 Chron. xi. I — 4).

21. all the hotise of Judah, vnth the tribe of Benjamin\ Called in 2
Chron. 'the house of Judah and Benjamin.' Thus Benjamin is shewn
to have been, as it were, reckoned with Judah rather than as a separate
tribe.

an hundred and fourscore thousand^ The LXX. gives the number
as 120,000. Though apparently enormous, neither number is excessive
when we recall Joab's numbering (2 Sam. xxiv. 9), at which time the
men of Judah were found to be 500,000. But subsistence for so large a
p>opulation must have been very difificult to find in so small a state.

22. the word of God] How Shemaiah and other prophets received
their commission is not always explained. Sometimes it is said 'the
Lord sent' (cf. 2 Sam, xii. i, 25). The prompting by a vision in sleep
is most frequently recorded, and this we may assume in other cases to
have been the way in which God's message came.

Shemaiah] Beside the present notice of him, Shemaiah is also men-
tioned at the time when Shishak, king of Egypt, invaded Judaea and
besieged Jerusalem (2 Chron. xii. 5, 7). He then was sent with a
message of comfort to the princes of Judah. In 2 Chron. xii. 15 he is
said to have written a chronicle of the reign of Rehoboam.

23. and to the remnant of the people] (R.V. tlie rest). \Ve see from
verse 1 7 above that there were some people belonging to the ten tribes
who were dwelling in the cities of Judah. These would have their ties
in the place where they had long lived, and so would cast in their
lot with the southern kingdom, rather than, because of the division,
remove from their homes and seek new ones in the north. These must
be intended by 'the remnant of the people.'

24. for this thing is from me] See above on verse 15.

and returned to depart] This is the literal rendering of the original,
but is Hebrew rather than English. In R.V. the sense is given by 'and

142 I. KINGS, XII. [vv. 25—27.

25 Then Jeroboam built Shechem in mount Ephraim, and
dwelt therein; and went out from thence, and built Penuel.

26 And Jeroboam said in his heart, Now shall the kingdom

27 return to the house of David : if this people go up to do
sacrifice in the house of the Lord at Jerusalem, then shall
the heart of this people turn again unto their lord, ei'eji unto
Rehoboam king of Judah, and they shall kill me, and go

returned and went their way.' The LXX. has koX Kareiravaav tov tto-
pevdrjvai, 'and they ceased from going.'

At this point the LXX. ( Vat. ) has a long passage inserted, for an
account of which see additional note at the end of this chapter.

25—33. Jeroboam sets up golden calves in Dan and Bethel,
AND THUS MAKES ISRAEL TO SIN. (Not in 2 Chron.)

25. btnlt Shechevi] i.e. Strengthened it by walls and made it thus
fit to be the royal residence, 'the political centre of a confederation
whose military leader bore the title of king.' It had in early days been
a strong town with gates, but was overthrown by Abimelech (see Jud.
ix. 45). For 'mount Ephraim ' here, we should rather read as elsewhere,
with R. v., 'the hill country of Ephraim.'

Pemiel\ This place was in the country of Gilead, on the east of
the Jordan. When Gideon (Jud. viii. 8) in his pursuit after the
Midianites crossed from the west side to the east of the Jordan, the
first place mentioned in his route is Succoth, and after that Penuel.
It was important for Jeroboam to have a stronghold on both sides of
the river, as his subjects lived on both sides, and this town, Penuel,
was no doubt a post of consequence, as it was evidently near to the
fords of the Jordan, so that a force stationed there would protect the
land from invaders.

26. And Jeroboam said in his hea7-t\ Josephus {Ant. viil. 8, 4)
says the idea was forced on the king's mind by the approach of the
Feast of Tabernacles, at which it had been usual f^or the people to go up
in great numbers to Jerusalem, and to live there for some days.

27. if this people go up to do sacrifice'] There appears to have been
no thought in the popular mind that the choice of a different ruler for
the ten tribes would break their connexion with the worship at the
Temple. So that we must judge the Temple to have now become the
07ie recognised place for worsliip. The R. V. represents the Hebrew
more closely by rendering to offer sacrifices.

then shall tJie heart of this people turn] After the first excitement of
the revolt was over, and Jeroboam had begun to exercise lordship in
his turn, the attraction of the Temple, and the prestige of the older
family, and especially the glories attaching to the house of David would
begin to reassert their power. Jeroboam expresses this feeling when
he still calls Rehoboam 'their lord.'

they shall kill me] When they have begun to repent of the step

vv. 28, 29.] I- KINGS, XII. 143

again to Rehoboam king of Judah. Whereupon the king took 28
counsel, and made two calves of gold, and said unto them,
It is too much for you to go up to Jerusalem : behold thy gods,

0 Israel, which brought thee up out of the land of Egypt.
And he set the one in Beth-el, and the other put he in Dan. 29

which they have taken at my leading. Such reaction of feeling is
more common in Eastern than in Western minds.

and go again to Rehoboam king of JudaJiX The LXX. omits these
words. The title 'king of Judah' is first used in this chapter, here and
above in verse 23.

28. two calves of gold'\ The Israelites in Eg}'pt had been fa-
miUarized with the ox as an object of worship, and it would therefore
not be unknown among their descendants. Hence their readiness to
recognize such an image as a symbol of the divinity when they were
in the wilderness (Exod. xxxii. 4, 8). The sin was the same on this
occasion as on that. God had commanded that no image should be made
as a symbol of Him. The calves were therefore an abomination,
(directly contrary to Exod. xx. 4), even though when bowing before them
the people professed to worship Him who led their fathers out of
Egypt.

The LXX says *he went and made' iiropevdr] Kal iiroirjae, and in-
stead of 'and said unto them,' in the next clause, which reads a little
awkwardly, gives 'and said unto the people.'

It is too much for you to go np\ The sense intended is probably
given in the margin of R. V. *Ye have gone up long enough.' To
the mind of the Jew there might be a reason for ceasing altogether to
go to Jerusalem, now that the kingdoms were di\aded, but no excuse
from the fatigue of the journey. Jeroboam's argument was 'You have
chosen a new king, choose also new places for worship.' Cf. Ezek.
xliv. 6, where the sense is 'Have done with your abominations.'

behold thy gods\ Words ver)' like those of the people in the wilder-
ness (Exod. xxxii. 4) over their golden calf But the sense is rather:
'Behold thy God.' Under this symbol of the young bull, see and
recognise thy God, Jehovah. The young bull was the symbol of
creative power.

29. in Befh-el] The well-known city in the extreme south of the
tribe of Ephraim, and so just on the southern border of the new king-
dom of Israel.

in Dan] The town, formerly called Laish, in the very north of
Palestine, and always mentioned as a limit of the land in the phrase
' from Dan to Beersheba.' It was so remote from the influence of the
rest of the nation that its inhabitants lived 'after the manner of the
Zidonians.' They were, that is, sea-faring people, rather than shepherds
and husbandmen like the rest of their brethren. The places chosen by
Jeroboam were at either limit of his kingdom, and had been associated
with religious worship in ancient times. See Judg. xviii. 30; xx. 18, 26;

1 Sam. X. 3.

144 I. KINGS, XII. [vv. 30—32.

30 And this thing became a sin: for the people went to
3' worship before the one, even unto Dan. And he made
a house of high places, and made priests of the lowest
32 of the people, which were not of the sons of Levi. And
Jeroboam ordained a feast in the eighth month, on the
fifteenth day of the month, like unto the feast that is in
Judah, and he offered upon the altar (so did he in Beth-el,)

30. And this thing became a sit{\ Being in contradiction of the
second commandment.

for the people went to worship before the one, even unto Dan'\ It
appears as though by these words it was intended to shew how fully the
people were led astray. To far-off Dan even did they go. This had
been associated with worship aforetime, though it was idolatrous.
Judg. xviii. 30. There was no need to point out that they went to
Bethel. That had been a place of worship before, and in consequence
had sacred associations. Of course they were not hard to peri,aade to
go there. But Jeroboam's ievice was successful in respect of the other
shrine also.

The LXX.adds to this verse 'and they neglected the house of the Lord.'

31. An house of high places^ The graven image must have its
temple. So in Bethel and in Dan buildings were raised, and an emi-
nence chosen for the site of each. Hence it is better to render the
plural notion, as R. V., houses of Mgli places.

and made priests of the lowest of the people'] Better, as R. V. 'and
made priests from among all the people.' The noun properly means
'an end', 'an extremity.' Then in the plural, as it is here, 'the ex-
tremities,' which between them comprise the whole space of anything.
Thus the word is rendered in Judges xviii. 2 (R. V.) 'five va&sx from
their whole number.^ Here the idea is that Jeroboam's priests were
taken from anywhere, and so the selection differed much from that
of the southern kingdom, where one tribe alone held the priest's office.
The Levites who before the division of the kingdom had been scattered
among all the tribes, now, in the main, withdrew to the southern tribes
(2 Chron. xi. 13, 14).

32. A7td Jeroboam ordained a feast] This was intended to be a set-
off for the Feast of Tabernacles, of the celebration of which, in Jerusalem,
Jeroboam had been so much in fear.

in the eighth motith on the fifteenth day] The Feast of Tabernacles
was on the fifteenth day of the seventh month (Lev. xxiii. 34). Jero-
boam came as near as he could but chose a later month, perhaps induced
to do so because the harvest-celebration kept at the Feast of T ibemacles
could be very well placed later in the northern part of the land. Jose-
phus {Ant. VIII. 8. 5) says, contrary to all other authorities, that
Jeroboam's feast was in the seventh month.

and he offered upon the altar] The verb sometimes means *to go
up unto,' and this is represented on the margin of A. V. The text
and margin chang :; places in R. V., because the sacrificing is spoken of

V. 33-] I- KINGS, XII. 145

sacrificing unto the calves that he had made : and he placed
in Beth-el the priests of the high places which he had
made. So he offered upon the altar which he had made in 33
Beth-el the fifteenth day of the eighth month, even in the
month which he had devised of his own heart ; and ordained
a feast unto the children of Israel : and he offered upon the
altar, and burnt incense.

in the words which immediately follow. Read, he went up unto, and
so twice over in verse 33.

so did he in Beth-el] The king himself took part in the dedication of
the southern high place. The more distant Dan perhaps was in-
augurated by some of the newly-made priests. Thus Jeroboam in
some degree imitated Solomon's dedication of the Temple.

33. which he had devised of his own heart] This is a translation of
the Keri, i.e. the marginal reading of the Hebrew. The Kethib (i.e.
the written text) would be rendered 'apart,' and if it be correct must
be understood, as intimating that the king consulted nobody, which
comes much to the same as what we now translate. The difference

to the eye between 12?D — 'apart,' and 13?D='from his heart' is
very slight.

and he offered upon the altar ^ and burnt incense] The marginal note
of the A. V. points out that the last verb is in the infinitive. By
translating with R. V. this is made apparent in the text and went
up unto tlie altar to burn incense.

On the addition in the LXX. after verse 24.

This long passage has many peculiarities not only in the arrangement,
which differs considerably from that of the narrative of the Hebrew
text, but also in some portions of its contents. It takes up the history
at xi. 43 with Solomon's death and Rehoboam's accession. But it gives
different numbers, both for the age of Rehoboam when he began to
reign and for the duration of his reign, from those in the Hebrew text.
Instead v>f 41 years old (as in xiv. 21) he is here stated to have been 16,
and to have reigned 12 and not 17 years. It must be owned that
the conduct of Rehoboam is much more like that of a very young
man than of one who had passed middle-age. The LXX. continues the
history with an account of Jeroboam, stating that his mother's name
was Sarira, 7W7; irdpurj, and that he was put over the levy of the
house of Joseph. And Jeroboam built for Solomon a city, also called
Sarira, in the hill country of Ephraim, and was employed in the
buildings around Jerusalem, and began to aspire to the kingdom.
Then follows Solomon's attempt to kill him, and his flight into Egypt,
the king of which is Shishak {Zova-aKifj). After this the story is an
exact parallel of what is given in the Hebrew about Hadad (xi. 19 — 22).
Jeroboam finds favour with Shishak, and marries Ano, the elder sister
of Thekemina, the wife of the king. He seeks to return, but is hardly

I. KINGS 10

146 I. KINGS, XIII. [v. I.

13 And behold, there came a man of God out of Judah by

allowed to go. At length he comes back to Sarira, gathers the people
and fortifies the place. After this follows the sickness of his son and
his wife's visit to Ahijah, somewhat like the narrative in xiv. i — 13.
Next we are told of a gathering at Shechem where both Rehoboam and
Jeroboam are present, and it is said that on this occasion Shemaiah
the prophet (and not Ahijah) rent his garment and gave ten parts to
Jeroboam to signify the ten tribes over which he was hereafter to be
king. Next comes the account of the popular petition to Rehoboam,
and his delay and final answer; then his flight from Shechem to
Jerusalem and the preparations for war, which is forbidden by She-
maiah.

Among other peculiarities of this form of the story may be added
that the Egyptian wife is said to have been given to Jeroboam after
his first request to be allowed to depart, apparently with a view to
make him more contented. In the account of the visit of inquiry
about the sick child, Ahijah says, *Thou shalt go forth from me, and
it shall be when thou enterest into the city, into Sarira, that thy
maidens shall come out t: meet thee, and shall say, 'The child is
dead,' and further on it is added 'and the cry of mourning came to
meet her. ' There is an addition also to the complaint which is pre-
sented to Rehoboam, 'Thy father made his yoke heavy upon us', /cat
e^apvve to. ^pib/xara rijs Tpajre^rjs avrou, 'and he made burdensome the
meat of his table'; a sentence which seems to relate to the demands
made so largely on the various districts for the supply of Solomon's
table. A different form is given also when the revolt begins, 'And
all the people spake, as one man, each to his neighbour, and they all

cried out, saying, We have no part in David &c Each of you to

your tents, O Israel, for this man is not to be our prince or our 1' ader.'
It is also said that Rehoboam's preparation for war was made iviara-
/xivov Tov eviavTov, 'when the year came round': a phrase which has
very close parallels in the Greek of 2 Sam. xi. i ; i Kings xx. 22, 26;
and is so completely after the Hebrew manner that from this and much
beside in the passage we can hardly doubt that it is derived from some
Hebrew original. But the numerous inconsistencies found in it make
it unworthy to be put in comparison with the story as recorded in the
sacred text. It partakes very much of the character of those additions
which we find made in the LXX. to the story of Ezra and Daniel,
and, though of interest as a specimen of this kind of literature, cannot
be accepted as raising any serious questions about the general correct-
ness of the Massoretic text in the history of Jeroboam.

Chap. XIII. i— 10. Prophecy against Jeroboam's .iLtar in
Bethel. Withering and restoration of Jeroboam's hand.
(Not in Chronicles.)

1. A man of God] Josephus (Ant. viii. 8, 5) says this prophet
whom the narrative does not name was called Jadon (labiHv ovo/xa).
out of Jiidah] Out of yiidah to speak the word of the Lord in

V. 2.] I. KINGS, XIII. 147

the word of the Lord unto Beth-el : and Jeroboam stood by
the altar to burn incense. And he cried against the altar 2
in the word of the Lord, and said, O altar, altar, thus saith
the Lord; Behold, a child shall be born unto the house of
David, Josiah by name; and upon thee shall he offer the

Israel. Later on Israel had her own prophets. Josephus also says he
came from Jerusalem.

by the word of the Lord] Those who would not follow with Jeroboam
in his worship of the calves had most likely all departed from the
northern kingdom. But if this were not so, God would still choose His
special messenger from that portion of the people who still clung to the
pure worship at Jerusalem.

and Jeroboam stood by the altar] The Hebrew is better rendered by
the R. V. was standing. The appearance of the prophet of Judah took
place at the moment when the king was about to engage in the act of
worship. We cannot be sure that the offering of incense by one who
was not of the priestly race would be counted a sin in the days of
Jeroboam. King Solomon (1 Kings viii. 62, 63, 64) is described as
offering sacrifice, peace offerings and burnt offerings, without anything
to indicate that it was not lawfiil. But no doubt as time went on, and
probably before the composition of the history before us, the persons
who alone were allowed to offer at the altars were the priests and
Levites.

2. he cried against the altar in the ivord of the Lord] The Hebrew
is the same as in the preceding verse. Render therefore (with R. V.)
'by the word.' The meaning is that both the journey from Judah and
the prophecy were in consequence of divine instruction.

yosiah by tiame] The history of the fulfilment of this prophecy
is in 2 Kings xxiii. 15, 16. Between the accession of Jeroboam and
the accession of Josiah was an interval of about 330 years. Hence as
the name of the king who should execute the threatened vengeance is
mentioned, this prophecy is remarkable among the predictions of the
Old Testament. There is nothing with which it can be compared
except the prophecy concerning Cyrus in Isaiah xliv. 28 and xlv. i, nor
is it according to the manner of scriptural prophecies to be precise
about details such as this. Hence some have thought that this verse
and also other parts of the story of this chapter were brought into their
present form at a later date than Jeroboam. The story of the appear-
ance of the prophet and of his prediction were known from the first,
but the details here given were inserted when the prediction was accom-
plished. There is certainly in verse 32 a notice of the 'cities of
Samaria' which confirms this opinion. Jeroboam's capital was
Shechem, and Samaria was not built, nor any district so called, till
the reign of Omri the father of Ahab (i Kings xvi. 24). Again, it is
unlike the rest of the narrative of the Books of Kings that no name
should be given to either of the prophets who play such a part in the
story. It seems ihereiore probable that the chapter is taken from some

10 — 2

148 I. KINGS, XIII. [vv. 3,4.

priests of the high places that burn incense upon thee, and

3 men's bones shall be burnt upon thee. And he gave a sign
the same day, saying, This is the sign which the Lord hath
spoken; Behold, the altar shall be rent, and the ashes that

4 arc upon it shall be poured out. And it came to pass, when
king Jeroboam heard the saying of the man of God, which
had cried against the altar in Beth-el, that he put forth his
hand from the altar, saying. Lay hold on him. And his

other source than that which supplied what has gone before and what
follows it. If this be so, we need not be surprised at what was noticed
on the previous verse, that Jeroboam's action in approaching the altar
seems noted as impious while Solomon's sacrifices are accepted. The
compiler of the Books of Kings gathered his material from various
sources, and did his work after Josiah was dead. There is no difficulty
in understanding how by that time the story as he has given it had
been put on record, and a? he wished to place Jeroboam's sin in a
strong light all through hij history', the events here recorded were
exceedingly appropriate for incorporation in his narrative.

ttpon thee shall he offer the priests'] The verb is that which is usually
rendered sacrifice, and it is better (with R. V.) so to translate it.
Josephus states specifically 'upon thee shall he sacrifice the false priests
which shall be at that time'. Not only was the king to defile the altar
by casting upon it the bones of the dead, but his righteous vengeance
was to fall also upon the idolatrous priests then living, and they were
to be slain by him before the altars at which they ministered.

men's bones shall be bumf] R.V. shall they bum. There is no
gain apparent in departing from the literal rendering of the original.

3. A fid Jie gave a sign the same day] .L'he sign was necessary be-
cause the event foretold was to be at so remote a date that none who
were living in Jeroboam's day would be alive to see it. Hence to assure
ihem that it would come to pass a startling token of the power in which
the prophet spake is exhibited by the rending of the altar and the
scattering of what was on it in the presence of all who stood by. The
word nSJID rendered 'sign', is much more frequently used of 'wonders'
and 'miracles', and it has that sense in some degree here. With this
we may compare the use of ripa% as well as ay\iidov lor the miracles of
the New Testament.

and the ashes that are upon it] The Hebrew word, which is the
same as that so often rendered 'fatness', applies only to the ashes ^
an altar., which would be mixed up with the fat of sacrifices burnt upon
it. Hence the LXX. renders by 77 ttiott/s 'the fat', or 'fatness'.

4. he put forth his hand from the altar] He was busy in the opera-
tions connected with the sacrifice, but the words of the prophet roused
his anger, and the raised hand is the sign of his wrath, as well as a
signal to those who were near him, pointing out that the speaker was to
be seized. Hence it is said immediately 'which he put forth against
him.' The R.V. has observed the order of the Hebrew in wlxich the

w. 5—9.] I. KINGS, XIII. 149

hand, which he put forth against him, dried up, so that he
could not pull it again to him. The altar also was rent, 5
and the ashes poured out from the altar, according to the
sign which the man of God had given by the word of the
Lord. And the king answered and said unto the man of 6
God, Intreat now the face of the Lord thy God, and pray
for me, that my hand may be restored me again. And the
man of God besought the Lord, and the king's hand was
restored him again, and became as it was before. And the 7
king said unto the man of God, Come home with me, and
refresh thyself, and I will give thee a reward. And the man 8
of God said unto the king. If thou wilt give me half thine
house, I will not go in with thee, neither will I eat bread
nor drink water in this place : for so was it charged me by 9
the word of the Lord, saying. Eat no bread, nor drink

proper name Jeroboam comes in the second clause of the verse and not

in the first: thus 'when the king heard Jeroboam put forth, &c.'

dried up] The effect described is that of a limb becoming rigid, not
so much shrivelling, as stiffening. Josephus says it was 'numbed and
dead'.

6. Intreat now the face of the Lord thy God] Here the R. V. has
adopted the rendering of the phrase by A.V. in Ps. cxix. 58; Prov. xix.
6 "Intreat now the favour, &c." The idea of the original word is
that of soothing, so as to relax the frowns and anger of any one, and
hence to gain favour instead of displeasure. "We are not to conclude
because Jeroboam says 'the Lord thy God' that he himself had ceased
to acknowledge Jehovah. But in the present circumstances God was
evidently more favourable to the prophet than to the king and this
Jeroboam intends to express.

and pray for me] These words are omitted in the LXX. ( Vat.).

besought the Lord] The expression is exactly the same in the
Hebrew as in the former part of the verse. So the R. V. has here
'intreated the Lord'. To insert 'the favour' a second time would
make the verse read heavily, but there seems no reason for varying the
verb.

7. Come home rvith me] The subsequent narrative shews that there
was no alteration in Jeroboam's feelings or intentions in consequence
of what had occurred. He still went on in his evil way. But he would
fain have the man of God continue in his company a while, that his
people might not be terrified by what had happened and decide to
break off from the calf-worship and go up to Jerusalem to the Temple
again.

8. neither will I eat bread nor dj-ijik water] There was to be no
communion between the idolaters and the worshippers of Jehovah; and
this is strongly marked by the refusal of the prophet even to taste food
with the king, which he tells him was the command of the Lord.

ISO I. KINGS, XIII. [vv. lo— 12.

10 water, nor turn again by the same way that thou earnest. So
he went another way, and returned not by the way that he
came to Beth-el.

11 Now there dwelt an old prophet in Beth-el; and his son
came and told him all the works that the man of God had
done that day in Beth-el : the words which he had spoken

12 unto the king, them they told also to their father. And
their father said unto them, What way went he? For his
sons had seen what way the man of God went, which came

9. nor hern again by the same way] There is nothing in the original
for 'same'. Therefore the R.V. is more close to the text, in giving
neither return by the way as in the following verse iu A. V. The in-
junction to go back by another way was given lest after what happened
in Bethel those who had seen him coming might try to detain him and
he be thus tempted to lessen the effect of his mission. The refusal to
eat and the hurried departure were to shew how the Lord was grieved
at the national sin.

II — 22. The prophet of Judah is deceived and brought back
TO Bethel. (Not in Chronicles.)

11. Now thei-e dwelt an old prophet in Beth-el] Josephus describes
him as 'a wicked old man, a false prophet, whom Jeroboam had in
honour, being deceived by him because he spak€ things to his liking'.
He says too that 'he was bedridden" 'because of the weakness of old
age, (though this is difficult to reconcile with his riding forth after the
man of God,) and that when he heard of all that had taken place he
was fearful that the stranger would surpass him in the estimation of
Jeroboam, and gain more honour than he'. The man can hardly have
been a true prophet of Jehovah, or he would not have countenanced,
even by the presence of his sons, the calf-worship which God had for-
bidden. His favour with the king, and his desire to retain it, are
Josephus' exposition of the story.

and his son came] R.V. and one of his sons came. The noun and
the two verbs 'came' and 'told' are singular, but Ltfore the close of
the verse there comes in a plural verb and pronoun ^they told also to
their father'. The language is very natural. One son was the principal
reporter, but when the story was dwelt upon the rest filled out the
nan-ative till the father had a complete knowledge of the whcie occur-
rence. Instead of the final words of this verse 'them they told also
to their father' the LXX. has Kal eTrearpexJ/av to TrpoaojTrou toO warpos
avTwv. The same phrase is employed in Judges xviii. 23 of persons
turning round on hearing a cry, and the text of the LXX. probably
implies that the father's attention was arrested by the story.

12. For (R.V. Now) his sons had seen] This rendering is in accord-
ance with the Mass-^reiic pointing -IXI*} but all the Versions translate
as if the verb had been -Ifc^^^j the Hiphil, 'and his sons shewed /u'm\

w. 13—20.] I. KINGS, XIII. 151

from Judah. And he said unto his sons, Saddle me the ass. 13
So they saddled him the ass : and he rode thereon, and went 14
after the man of God, and found him sitting under an oak :
and he said unto him, Art thou the man of God that camest
from Judah? And he said, I am. Then he said unto him, 15
Come home with me, and eat bread. And he said, I may 16
not return \A\h. thee, nor go in with thee : neither will I eat
bread nor drink water with thee in this place : for it was said 17
to me by the word of the Lord, Thou shalt eat no bread
nor drink water there, nor turn again to go by the way that
thou camest. He said unto him, I arn a prophet also as i3
thou art; and an angel spake unto me by the word of the
Lord, saying. Bring him back with thee into thine house,
that he may eat bread and drink water. But he lied unto
him. So he went back with him, and did eat bread in 19
his house, and drank water. And it came to pass, as they 20
sat at the table, that the word of the Lord came unto the

14. under an oak] The tree named in the Hebrew is probably the
terebinth. The noun has the article in the original, and it refers per-
haps to some well-kno\A'n tree which was a landmark in the neighbour-
hood. The terebinth is a very longlived tree, and an aged one would
be sure to become noted.

16. in this place\ The prophet had not gone far from Bethel before
he sat down to rest. The events of the day had been such as to ask
for it.

18. He said unto kini] The Hebrew has the conjunction 'And he
said': there is no reason for its omission in the English.

/ am a prophet als6\ The order of the R.V. is to be preferred. 'I
also am a prophet' i.e. as well as you.

an angel spake unto me\ The old prophet does not lay claim to so
solemn a message, as that which the prophet of Judah had received
directly *by the word of the Lord.' And in this the Judsean prophet's
sin lay that he did not seek as much confirmation for the reversed order
as he had for that which came to him at first.

19. So he went back xoith him] The LXX., by reading slightly dif-
ferent vowel points, renders 'So he turned him back'. Josephus thinks
these things were from God as in the case of the hardening of Pharaoh's
heart. 'These things happened, I think, according to the will of God,
that Jerol oam might give no heed to the words of Jadon, as he had
been comicted of falsehood', i.e. he had said he would not return, and
then had done so.

20. as they sat at the table] They were having a proper meal. The
expression 'to eat bread and to drink water' signifies 'to take food and
drink ' and must not be understood literally. The idea meant to be
conveyed by the prohibition is that nothing of any sort was to be taken.

152 I. KINGS, XIII. [v\'. 21—24.

21 prophet that brought him back: and he cried unto the man
of God that came from Judah, saying, Thus saith the Lord,
Forasmuch as thou hast disobeyed the mouth of the Lord,
and hast not kept the commandment which the Lord thy

22 God commanded thee, but earnest back, and hast eaten
bread and drunk water in the place, of the which the Lord
did say to thee, Eat no bread, and drink no water ; thy
carcase shall not come unto the sepulchre of thy fathers.

23 And it came to pass, after he had eaten bread, and after
he had drunk, that he saddled for him the ass, to wit^ for

24 the prophet whom he had brought back. And when he

21. as thou hast disobeyed'\ The expression is precisely the same as
in verse 26 below. There the A.V. has 'disobedient unto', and for the
sake of consistency that rendering has been adopted here by R.V. 'as
thou hast been disobedien', unto'. A very frequent translation is *to
rebel against the word of the Lord '. See margin of R.V.

22. the Lord did say to ihee\ There is no need for the italics of
the A.V. There can be no mistaking who is meant if we render (with
R.V.) 'he said to thee.'

thy carcase shall not come unto the sepulchre 0/ thy fathers'] With the
Jews, as since with Christians, burial rites were much regarded. To be
cast out unburied was deemed a great calamity (cf. Ps. Ixxix. 3 ; Jer.
xiv. 16), and a judgement for sin, as in the case of Jezebel (2 Kings ix.
10). To be buried by the side of one's ancestors shews that all care
* has been bestowed upon the corpse. In the present instance the depri-
vation of such burial is equivalent to death in some unusual way and at
a distance from home.

23 — 32. The prophet of Judah is slain. He is buried, and
HIS words confirmed, by the old prophet. (Not in Chro-
nicles. )

23. he saddled for him the ass"] There has beer no mention before
of an ass belonging to the prophet of Judah, but as travelling was
ordinarily performed in this way, we may suppose that he had ridden
from Jerusalem, and had been riding back. Instead of the concluding
words of this verse 'to wit, for &C.' the LXX. has 'and he turned and
went away.'

Because the word 'prophet' N''3i is not used elsewhere ir. the story
for the Judsean prophet, who is always called 'a man of God,' some have
rendered the last part of this verse ' he saddled for him the ass, the ass
belonging to the prophet who had brought him back.' But it seems

far more natural to take the 17 =for him, as in close relation to the

^'^'2y?=for the piv^phet, as they are both introduced by the same pre-
position.

vv. 25— 31.] I. KINGS, XIII. 153

was gone, a lion met him by the way, and slew him: and
his carcase was cast in the way, and the ass stood by it, the
lion also stood by the carcase. And behold, men passed 25
by, and saw the carcase cast in the way, and the lion stand-
ing by the carcase : and they came and told it in the city
where the old prophet dwelt. And when the prophet that 26
brought him back from the way heard thereof, he said. It is
the man of God, who was disobedient unto the word of the
Lord: therefore the Lord hath deHvered him unto the lion,
which hath torn him, and slain him, according to the word
of the Lord, which he spake unto him. And he spake to 27
his sons, saying, Saddle me the ass. And they saddled him.
And he went and found his carcase cast in the way, and the 28
ass and the lion standing by the carcase : the lion had not
eaten the carcase, nor torn the ass. And the prophet took 29
up the carcase of the man of God, and laid it upon the ass,
and brought it back: and the old prophet came to the city,
to mourn and to bury him. And he laid his carcase in his 3°
own grave; and they mourned over him, sayijig, Alas, my
brother. And it came to pass, after he had buried him, 31

24. a lion fuet hini'\ That beasts of prey were common in the land
at this time we may see from the history of the shepherd life of David,
where he encountered both a lion and a bear (i Sam. xvii. 34). The
death of the prophet was caused by a stroke of the beast's paw, but to
shew that it was a visitation of the Lord, the natural instinct of the lion
to devour what it has slain is checked, and instead of tearing the body,
it stands by it as a guard.

25. told It in the city 7ohere the old prophet dwelt} As Bethel has
been already mentioned it is not easy to see why this circumlocution is
made v^-t of. Perhaps the idea is that the news was carried in all
directions by the passers by and so came among other places to that
where he dwelt whom it specially concerned.

26. disobedient tuito the word] The R. V. gives here as the A.V. in
verse 21 unto the mouth. This is the literal rendering, and is as
intelligible as the other. The LXX. ( Vat.) gives for this verse only :
•And he who brought him back from the way heard it and said, This
is the man of God who rebelled against the word of the Lord.' The
next verse (27) is not represented at all in that version.

29. to mourn and to bury him] These words are also left out in the
LXX. (Fa/.).

30. in his own grave] Treating him as though he had been one of his
own family.

Alas, my brother] This seems to have been a form of lamentation
used over the dead. Cf. Jer. xxii. 18.

154 I. KINGS, XIII. [vv. 32—34.

that he spake to his sons, saying. When I am dead, then
bury me in the sepulchre wherein the man of God is buried;
52 lay my bones beside his bones : for the saying which he
cried by the word of the Lord against the altar in Beth-el,
and against all the houses of the high places which are in
the cities of Samaria, shall surely come to pass.

33 After this thing Jeroboam returned not from his evil way,
but made again of the lowest of the people priests of the
high places: whosoever would, he consecrated him, and he

34 became one ^the priests of the high places. And this thing

31. lay my bones beside his bones'] Here the LXX. adds 'in order
that my bones may be preserved along with his bones.' And Josephus
expands this idea thus: "for he would not be outraged after his death
if he were buried along with him, for the bones would not be recog-
nized." After which he adds to the story: "And having buried the
prophet and given this cha: je to his sons, being wicked and impious he
goes to Jeroboam and says: ' \Yhy wast thou troubled by the words of
that foolish man?' And when the king related what had happened to
the altar and to his own hand, calling the man a truly divine and excel-
lent prophet, he began to efiace this opinion of him by calumnious words
and by using misleading language about the things which had occurred,
to weaken their real import. For he tried to persuade him that his hand
had become numb through fatigue in lifting the victims, and that when
relieved it had returned to its natural state; and that the altar being
new and having so many large victims put on it was broken and fell
to pieces by the weight of its load. He also pointed to the death of
him who had foretold these signs, how he was slain by the lion."

32. high places luhich are in the cities of Satnaria] On the build-
ing of Samaria, see 1 Kings xvi. 24. The occurrence of these words in
the narrative seems clear evidence that the story in its present form is
not contemporar}' with the events, and may therefore have been written
down even later than Josiah's time. See above on verse 2.

33—34. Jeroboam goes on in his evil way. (N'ot in Chronicles.)

33. made again of the lowest of the people] R.V. made again from
among- all the people. See note on xii. 31 above.

he consecrated him] The Hebrew expression is 'he filled his hand.'
See margin of A.V. The idea is 'he intrusted this solemn office to his
charge.'

and he became one of the priests of th^ high places] The insertion
of the italic 'one of shews that the construction is irregular. The R.V.
gives, that there might he priests of the high places. But the
awkwardness of the Hebrew which has the veib in the singular and the
noun in the plural is not "removed thereby. It can be explained but
not imitated in a translation. 'Whosoever would' in the previous
clause is singular in form but plural in notion. Hence the latter por-

vv. 1—3.] I. KINGS, XIV. 155

became sin unto the house of Jeroboam, even to cut // off,
and to destroy it from off the face of the earth.

At that time Abijah the son of Jeroboam fell sick. And 1^
Jeroboam said to his wife, Arise, I pray thee, and disguise ^
thyself, that thou be not known to be the wife of Jeroboam;
and get thee to Shiloh : behold, there is Ahijah the prophet,
which told me that I should be king over this people. And 3
take with thee ten loaves, and cracknels, and a cruse of

tion of the verse says * whosoever would he became,' but as there were
many who did so, the result was not one priest but many 'priests of the
high places.'

34. The Hebrew text here also is not clear. Literally it is 'in this
thing there came to be &c.' But the A.V. and all other versions trans-
late as though the Hebrew were the same as in the beginning of xii. 30.
Probably the variation is only a slip of the scribe.

to ctit it off ami to destroy it] God's judgement wrought the destruc-
tion, but yet it was the sin which called it forth. Hence the sin may
be called the destroymg power. Nadab the son of Jeroboam reigned
only two years (xv. 25), and then met a violent death at the hand of
Baasha.

Chap. XIV. i— -20. Jeroboam's inquiry concerning his sick
CHILD. The prophet's answer. Close of Jeroboam's reign.
(Not in Chronicles.)

1. At that tiffie] The order of the narrative shews that the writer of
Kings "connects the sickness of Jeroboam's son with the events which
have been narrated in the previous chapter in the nature of a divine judge-
ment. The whole of this section i — 20 is omitted by the LXX. {Fat.)

2. and disguise thyself"] She was to put on such a dress that no
one would recognise her for the queen. Jeroboam no doubt felt that
the prophets generally were against him, and that if it were known that
he was the applicant, he would receive an unfavourable answer.
Josephus describes the queen as putting aside her royal robe, and as-
suming the dress of a private person. Otherwise she could scarcely
have gone abroad on her errand. Of course she was also to conceal her
identity from Ahijah, but as he was not able to see, the dress would
have mattered little on his account. In the LXX. {Alex.) it is said
'they shall not know thee', i. e. people generally.

Ahtjah'] On Ahijah and Shiloh see above on xi. 29.

7vhich told me that I should be king] R.V. ' Whicli spake concerning
me that I sliould be king'. This is somewhat nearer to the Hebrew,
but the difficulty is in the word rendered 'that I should be king' which

is a noun with a preposition '^2P'? = 'for a king', where we should have

expected rather the verbal form ip'd^ .

3. cracknels] The word so rendered is found only here and in

156 I. KINGS, XIV. [vv, 4— 7.

honey, and go to him : he shall tell thee what shall become of

4 the child. And Jeroboam's wife did so, and arose, and went to
Shiloh, and came to the house of Ahijah. But Ahijah could

5 not see; for his eyes were set by reason of his age. And the
Lord said unto Ahijah, Behold, the wife of Jeroboam com-
eth to ask a thing of thee for her son; for he is sick: thus
and thus shalt thou say unto her: for it shall be, when she
Cometh in, that she shall feign herself to be another woman.

6 And it was so^ when Ahijah heard the sound of her feet, as
she came in at the door, that he said. Come in, thou wife of
Jeroboam; why feignest thou thyself to be another? for I a7n

7 sent to thee with heavy tidings. Go, tell Jeroboam, Thus
saith the Lord God of Israel, Forasmuch as I exalted thee
from among the people, and made thee prince over my

Joshua ix. 5, of the bread of the Gibeonites, which became ??iouldy.
Some take the word there in the sense of crumbling, so dry !hat it
crumbled into bits. In the present passage however it must mean a
sort of cake, perhaps dry baked. The whole of the present which the
queen v>'as to take with her was such as a woman of humble position
would bring. The traditional interpretation of the Talmud makes the
word to mean small cakes about the size of half an egg. The LXX.
{Alex.) adds as explanatory, that they were for the prophet's children.

and a cruse] The word only occurs here and in Jer. xix. i, 10, where
it is rendered 'bottle'.

he shall tell thee tthat shall become of ^he child] It reveals to us a
singular condition of mind, when we see the king confident in the
prophet's power of foretelling the future even in the case of an individual
life, and yet thinking that the queen could go to him with her question
and he not know who was making the inquiry.

4. for his eyes were set] The same expression is used of Eli, i Sam.
iv. 15. The idea is of one M'hose eye has lost its power so that the
light no longer acts upon it to enlarge or contract the pupil.

5. to ask a thi?igof thee] The precise expressici is not found again.
The R.V. gives the rendering 'to inquire', which is most common for
the verb, and regards the noun as expository, and so leaves it un-
rendered. The rendering of the A.V. misrepresents the mission. It
was not to ask something for her son, but to inquire concerning him.

thus and thus shalt thou say] The writer, knowing that mimediately
he will record the conversation, abbreviates his story thus to avoid
repeating twice the same words. The same expression is found in
Judges xviii. 4.

6. For I am sent to thee with heavy tidings] The LXX. (Alex.)
rendering, which gives a word for word version of the Hebrew, will
explain the italics of the A. V. Kai iyoi el/xl dir6(TTO\os Trp6s ae
aK\r]p6s.

vv. 8— lo.] I. KINGS, XIV. 157

people Israel, and rent the kingdom away from the house of 8
David, and gave it thee: and yet thou hast not been as my
servant Da\id, who kept my comm.andments, and who fol-
lowed me with all his heart, to do that only which zuas right
in mine eyes; but hast done evil above all that were before 9
thee: for thou hast gone and made thee other gods, and
molten images, to provoke me to anger, and hast cast me
behind thy back: therefore, behold, I will bring evil upon 10
the house of Jeroboam, and will cut off from Jeroboam him
that pisseth against the wall, and him that is shut up and
left in Israel, and will take away the remnant of the house of
Jeroboam, as a viaji taketh away dung, till it be all gone.

9. btU hast done evil above all that were before thee'\ This must refer

not only to the kings who had preceded Jeroboam, but to the cases of
idolatry in the earlier days, e.g. of the Judges. There had been no such
instance of sin in the lives of David or of Saul, and Solomon's trans-
gression had been the building of temples and the setting up of images
for his strange wives, who were already idolaters.

forthoii hast gone'\ R. V. 'and thou hast gone'. The conjunction is
the simple copulative.

other gods'\ So certain was the making of an image, even if it was
to represent Jehovah, to lead to the introduction of false worship, that
God speaks of it as already effected.

and hast cast me behind thy back] An expression indicative of the
extremest contempt. It is used Neh. ix. 26 of the whole national sin
which led to the capti\dty, and in Ezek. xxiii. 55, where the prophet is
describing the apostasy of Aholibah.

10. and tvill cut off^ The entire family is to be exterminated.
R.V. 'will cut off from Jeroboam every man child'.

and him that is shut up and left in Israel] There is no conjunction
at the beginning of this phrase, which is used to explain the compre-
hensiveness of what has gone before. The words are alliterative, and
apparently proverbial, in the original. The R.V. has given the sense
somewhat more fully : 'him that is shut up and him that is left at
large'. That is whether a man be young and so under wardship, or
older, and free to go about as he pleases. Hence the expression amovmts
to 'young and old'.

and will take azvay the remnant] The verb is one that is frequently used
of exterminating wickedness and the wicked, but the word translated
'remnant' is only a preposition meaning 'after'. The sense is *I will
clear away after the house of Jeroboam', i.e., not only that they shall
be taken away, but all traces of their existence shall be removed. As
the verb in the latter clause would be most naturally rendered by ' sweep ',
the R.V. has translated the whole passage 'and will utterly sweep
away the house of Jeroboam, as a man sweepeth away dung", where
'utterly' gives the force of the literal rendering very well.

ISS I. KINGS, XIV. [vv. II — 15.

11 Him that dieth of Jeroboam in the city shall the dogs eat;
and him that dieth in the field shall the fowls of the air eat:

12 for the Lord hath spoken //. Arise thou therefore, get thee
to thine o.vn house : aiid when thy feet enter into the city,

13 the child shall die. And all Israel shall mourn for him, and
bury him : for he only of Jeroboam shall come to the grave,
because in him there is found some good thing toward the

14 Lord God of Israel in the house of Jeroboam. Moreover
the Lord shall raise him up a king over Israel, who shall
cut off the house of Jeroboam that day: but what? even now.

13 For the Lord shall smite Israel, as a reed is shaken in the
water, and he shall root up Israel out of this good land,
which he gave to their fathers, and shall scatter them beyond
the river, because they have made their groves, pjrovoking

11. shall the dogs eat\ It was this circumstance which rendered it
so horrible to the Oriental mind to be cast out unburied. The dogs of
an Eastern city were many and devoured all they found.

12. to thine orvn house] There is nothing in the text to represent
'own'. It adds nothing to the sense, and may be omitted.

13. And all Israel shall 7nourn fo7' hiiti\ Abijah, though called
•a child' in verses 3, 12 and 17 must have been of such an age as to
exhibit qualities that made him beloved of the people. The Hebrew
word for 'child' in verses 3 and 17 (not in 12) is the same which
Solomon uses of himself in iii. 7 above. See note there.

there is found some good thing toward the Lord] Out of this expression
has grown the Jewish tradition that Abijah endeavoured, contrary to
the wish of his father, to encourage the people to go up to Jerusalem
to worship, and removed hindrances that had been put in the way of
such journeys. This was his goodness toiuard the Lord.

14. that day] i.e. On which the Lord hath appointed: the day
when the new king shall arise.

dut what? even no'to] This elliptic phrase seems to be best filled out
somewhat thus. But what (am I saying? Why ':'.o I speak of that
day ? It will so soon come to pass that I may call it j even now.

15. as a reed is shaketi] For this figure of entire instability, cf.
Matt. xi. 7 'a reed shaken with the wind'. And here the root is
planted amid the water, which vnW make it more tottering still.

beyond the river] i.e. The River, par excellence, the Euphr.ttes.

their groves] R.V. their Asherim. This is a plural form o: the word
Asherah, which is the name of a goddess worshipped with rites similar
to those of Baal-worship. The plural probably denotes the wooden
images of the goddess, which are mentioned as early as Exod. xxxiv.
13, and the worship of which was common in the time of the Judges
(cf iii. 7), and then for some interval laid aside, but revived under the
kings.

vv. 16—20.] I. KINGS, XIV. 159

the Lord to anger. And he shall give Israel up because of 16
the sins of Jeroboam, who did sin, and who made Israel to
sin. And Jeroboam's wife arose, and departed, and came 17
to Tirzah: a^id ^yhen she came to the threshold of the door,
the child died; and they buried him; and all Israel mourned i3
for him, according to the word of the Lord, which he spake
by the hand of his servant Ahijah the prophet. And the 19
rest of the acts of Jeroboam, how he warred, and how he
reigned, behold they are written in the book of the chroni-
cles of the kings of Israel. And the days which Jeroboam 20
reigned n'ere two and twenty years : and he slept with his
fathers, and Nadab his son reigned in his stead.

16. and he shall give Israel up] i.e. Into the hands of their enemies.
who did sin, atid who made Israel to siti] It is better with R.V. to

take the relative as refering to 'the sin.' Render, wMcii lie hatli
sinned and wherewith he hath made Israel to sin.

17. and came to Tirzah] This place has not been identified with
certainty. It was an ancient city, mentioned first Josh. xii. 24. Its
beauty is celebrated in Cant. vi. 4. Jeroboam, as we see here, made
it a royal residence, and it was so used, and by some kings as a place
of burial, till Omri built Samaria. It was almost certainly on the
west of Jordan, and probably not far from the present Nations. The
LXX. (Alex.) gives ei's yijv Zapipd, on which see xii. 2 additional
note.

to the threshold of the door] The Hebrew (as R.V. gives) has ' the
threshold of the house.'

18. and they buried hiiti] The R.V. transposes 'all Israel,' putting
it before 'buried,' and thus the sentence assumes an English form. The
Hebrew puts 'all Israel' at the end of the clause.

by the hand of] A common Hebrew form for the simple 'by.' Cf.
viii. 53 above.

19. hffiu he warred] His war with Abijah king of Judah is spoken
of in z Cnron. xiii. 3 — 20. The history in that place describes Jero-
boam's defeat, and the loss of five thousand of his men, and the capture
of several Israelite cities by the king of Judah. The wars of Jeroboam
with Rehoboam are alluded to below (xv. 6).

20. two and ttventy years] So that Jeroboam's death occurred in
the second year of the reign of Asa, king of Judah. Cf. xv. 9, 25. It
appears from 2 Chron. xiii. 20 to have been by some sudden visitation.
'The Lord struck him, and he died.'

Nadab his son] We have only Abijah and Nadab mentioned of
Jeroboam's family, but perhaps we may infer from the language of xv.
29, that these were not the whole of his children.

i6o I. KINGS, XIV. [vv. 21—23.

ai And Rehoboam the son of Solomon reigned in Judah.
Rehoboam was forty and one years old when he began to
reign, and he reigned seventeen years in Jerusalem, the city
which the Lord did choose out of all the tribes of Israel,
to put his name there. And his mother's name was Naamah

22 an Ammonitess. And Judah did evil in the sight of the
Lord, and they provoked him to jealousy with their sins
which they had committed, above all that their fathers had

23 done. For they also built them high places, and images,

21 — 24. The sinful reign of Rehoboam in Judah. (2 Chron.

xii. 13.)

21. Rehoboam was forty and one years old] As Solomon's reign
lasted forty years (xi. 42), this son must have been born a year or more
before his father came to the throne, and Solomon must have married
this Ammonitish wife, Naamah, before Pharaoh's daughter. The age
of Rehoboam makes it s* range that he should have been led by the
counsels of young men rather than the elders, as we read in chap, xii.,
and appears to contradict the words of 2 Chron. xiii. 7, where Reho-
boam is described as 'young and tender-hearted' and not able to with-
stand the rebellion of Jeroboam. Hence the reading of a few MSS. in
this passage, of 21 for 41 years, has been thought more probable,
though it is not supported either by Josephus or by the narrative of
Chronicles (2 Chron. xii. 13). May it not have been that the compilers
used different documents and did not try to reconcile them?

tke Lord did choose] R.V. 'the Lord had chosen.' The choice had
been made long before.

his mother^s name] The high position and great influence of the
queen-mother in Oriental courts accounts for the regular mention of the
mother's name in the history of each king's reign. (See above on
xi. 19.) This Ammonitish princess must probably have been an idola-
tress, so that even in his father's time, if the chronology of this verse
be correct, the heart of Solomon went after strange women. The R. V.
notes that the national designation of this princess has the article ' the
Ammonitess', she was probably well known.

22. did evil] R.V. did that which was evil. The Hebrew text is
better represented by this fuller translation.

provoked him to Jealousy] Jehovah had called himself a yVa/t^wj God,
when the Law was given on Sinai (Exod. xx. 5).

which they had commttted] The word 'had' is better on.itted. The
Hebrew has no power of marking such a pluperfect tense in verbal in-
flexions, and the context must be our guide to such a shade of meaning.
Here it is not appropriate for the sins were still continuing. In the pre-
vious verse the English pluperfect appears preferable as a translation of
the same Hebrew tense for the choice of God had been made long
before the days of Rehoboam.

23. high place:] We read constantly of 'houses' of the high places,

vv. 24— 27-] I. KINGS, XIV. i6i

and groves, on every high hill, and under every green tree.
And there were also sodomites in the land : and they did 24
according to all the abominations of the nations which
the Lord cast out before the children of Israel.

And it came to pass in the fifth year of king Rehoboam, 25
tJiat Shishak king of Egypt came up against Jerusalem : and 26
he took away the treasures of the house of the Lord, and
the treasures of the king's house; he even took away all:
and he took away all the shields of gold which Solomon had
made. And king Rehoboam made in their stead brasen 27
shields, and committed them unto the hands of the chief of

and it is to these erections on some lofty hills that the ' building ' here
spoken of applies. See above, xii. 31.

images] The R. V. renders by pillars, with * obelisks' in the margin.
And this appears more correct than A.V. There is nothing in the word
itself to denote an image. The root signifies ' to set up,' and this noun
is applied to the stones which Jacob set up (Gen. xxviii. 18, xxxi. 45,
XXXV. 14), and which Joshua set up (Josh. iv. 9) when the people had
passed over Jordan. Probably therefore the erections made in Judah
were only large stones. The name is given also to the 'obelisks' which
stood at the entrance of the Temple of the Sun in Heliopolis (Jer. xliii.

13).
and groves] R.V. Ashirlm. See above on verse 15.

24. whuh the Lord cast (R.V. drave) otii] The change of R.V.
brings the expression into harmony with nearly all the rest of the places
where this verb occurs. The same alteration is needed in i Kings xxi.
26; ^ Kings xvi. 3, xvii. 8, xxi. 2, but has not been made in R.V.

26 — 31. Shishak king of Egypt invades Judah. Death of
Rehoboam. (2 Chron. xii. 2 — 4 and 9 — 16).

25. Shishak king of Egypt] See on xi. 40. Shishak is there repre-
sented as giving a friendly reception to Jeroboam. It may have been
at Jeroboam's prompting that the invasion of Judah was undertaken
by him within such a short time after Rehoboam's accession. A monu-
ment of this king, the first of the 22nd dynasty, has been discovered at
Karnak in Upper Egypt, recording his conquests and the names of
certain towns which he had taken in Palestine.

26. he even took away all] Instead of these words the LXX. gives:
* and the golden shields which David took from the hands of the ser-
vants of Hadadezer king of Zobah and brought them to Jerusalem.'
On these captures of David see 2 Sam. viii. 7.

On the shields of gold made by Solomon cf. i Kings x. 17. At the
close of the verse the LXX. .adds that Shishak 'brought' his booty 'into
Egypt.'

27. brasen shields] R.V. 'shields of brass' (or, rather, 'bronze )

I.KINGS II

i62 I. KINGS, XIV. XV. [vv. 28— 31; I.

28 the guard, which kept the door of the king's house. And
it was so, when the king went mfo the house of the Lord,
t/ia^ the guard bare them, and brought them back into the

29 guard chamber. Now the rest of the acts of Rehoboam,
and all that he did, are they not written in the book of the

30 chronicles of the kings of Judah ? And there was war
3i between Rehoboam and Jeroboam all ^/leir days. And

Rehoboam slept with his fathers, and was buried with his
fathers in the city of David. And his mother's name was
Naamah an Ammonitess. And Abijam his son reigned in
his stead.
15 Now in the eighteenth year of king Jeroboam the son of

which is the form in 2 Chron. xii. 10, and which represents the original
more precisely.

chief of the guar d'X The margin of A.V. gives Heb. runmrs. We
see from this that the Chcethites (or Cretans) and Pelethites, of David
and Solomon, had disappeared, and that Rehoboam had only native
troops, and those much more meanly armed.

28. A fid it was so, when] For 'when' the R.V. gives, as often
as. The Hebrew word is not common. It occurs i Sam. xviii. 30;
2 Kings iv. 8; in the latter place the A.V. gives 'as oft as,' and in
the former the R.V., has changed 'after' into 'as often as,' with a
great improvement to the sense.

30. all their days] R.V. continually : as the same words are ren-
dered in a very similar passage about Saul and David in A.V. i Sam.
xviii. 29.

31. aiid his mother's natne — AmmonitcSs] These words, which are
identical with the closing paragraph of verse 21 are omitted, by the
LXX. (Vat.). Their occurrence twice so close together seems to shew
that the compiler of i Kings was drawing from several sources, and
that he copied verses 21 — 24 from one narrative just as they stood,
and verses 25 — 31 from another, which both contained the same piece
of information about Rehoboam's mother. Here as in verse 21 we
should render 'the Ammonitess.' In the long passage which the LXX.
inserts after verse 24 of chap. xii. (see additional note thereon) she
is called l^aavap duydr-qp 'Ava viov Nads /SaciXe'ws vlQp ' Afi/xwv. The
king intended by these words is probably Hanun, the son of Nahasb,
of whom we hear something in 2 Sam. x. If Hanun became recon-
ciled to David after the events there related, the marriage cf Solomon
with his daughter might have been one item in their treatv of friend-
ship. But the authority of the addition in the LXX. is not very great.

Abijam his son] Called in 2 Chron. xii. 16, and elsewhere, Abijah,

Ch. XV. 1—8. Abijam, king of Judah. (2 Chron. xiii. i — 2.)

1. reigned Abijam over JtidaK] Better, with R.V. beg-an Abijam
to reign. This lo the sense of the verb here, though in the next verse

w. 2—5.] I. KINGS, XV. 163

Nebat reigned Abijam over Judah. Three years reigned 2
he in Jerusalem. And his mother's name was Maachah,
the dausrhter of Abishalom. And he walked in all the sins 3

O -

of his father, which he had done before him : and his heart
was not perfect with the Lord his God, as the heart of
David his father. Nevertheless for David's sake did the 4
Lord his God give him a lamp in Jerusalem, to set up his
son after him, and to estabhsh Jerusalem: because Davids
did that which was right in the eyes of the Lord, and turned
not aside from any thing that he commanded him all the
days of his life, save only in the matter of Urijah the Hittite.

it must be simply 'reigned.' The A.V. renders it 'began to reign' in
verse 25 of this chapter, and elsewhere.

Abijam] The LXX. adds 'son of Rehoboam.' The name is Abijah
in 1 Chron., and, comparing with other names of Uke formation, that
appears the more correct.

2. Three years reigned he] If he began his reign in the eighteenth
year of Jeroboam, and was succeeded by Asa (verse 9) in the twentieth
year of the same king, the three years cannot have been complete. But
this must frequently be noted in the chronological records of the two
kingdoms, and imports an element of uncertainty into them.

Maachah, the daughter of Abishalom] In ^ Chron. xiii. 1 Abijah's
mother is called ' Michaiah the daughter of Uriel of Gibeah.' But in
1 Chron. xi. 20 it is said that Rehoboam married ' Maachah the daugh-
ter of Absalom, which bare him Abijah.' Abishalom is only another
forrfl of Absalom and the person here meant may be the well-known
son of David. 'Daughter' is sometimes used for ' grand -daughter.
Absalom had one daughter, called Tamar (2 Sam. xiv. 27) who may
have married Uriel, and have had a daughter Maachah. The in'2'D
(Michaiah) of 2 Chron. xiii. 2 must then be an error of the scribe for
nryO (Maachah), which is the name found in all other places.

3. And he -walked in all the sins of his fathtr\ The LXX. omits
*all.' For an account of the sins of Rehoboam see above xiv. 22 — 24.

as the heart of David his father] The LXX. omits 'Da\'id.' The
word 'perfect' as here applied to David, does not mean that he did not
offend, but that he aimed at keeping the law of God, and was deeply
penitent for his sin when he fell into it. It was this prompt repent-
ance, and return to what was right, which made David to differ from
most of the kings who came after him.

4. a lamp] Cf. above on xi. 36. The LXX. gives KaTd\€ifjL,ua
here = a remnant, thus expressing the sense of the original, instead of
translating. Similarly in xi. 36 the rendering is de<xis = a. position.

5. save only in the matter of Urijah the Hittite] See 2 Sam. xi. 4,
15. This clause is omitted in the LXX. Time would soften doA:\Ti
the offence which David committed in numbering the people, so that
the compiler of the narrative before us can pass it by in giving expres-

II— 3

i64 I. KINGS, XV. [w. 6—10.

6 'And there was war between Rehoboam and Jeroboam all

7 the days of his life. Now the rest of the acts of Abijam,
and all that he did, are they not written in the book of the
chronicles of the kings of Judah? And there was war

8 between Abijam and Jeroboam. And Abijam slept with
his fathers; and they buried him in the city of David: and
Asa his son reigned in his stead.

9 And in the twentieth year of Jeroboam king of Israel
JO reigned Asa over Judah. And forty and one years reigned

he in Jerusalem. And his mother's name was Maachah,

sion to the high estimate which was sure to be entertained of the great
king David.

6. And [R.V. Now] there was war between Rehoboam and yeroboam
&c.] The whole of this verse is omitted by the LXX. and it seems
altogether out of place in a notice of the reign of Abijam, and has been
already inserted [xiv. 30"' in the history of Rehoboam, while the
parallel statement in reference to Abijam comes in the next verse.

7. Now [R.V. And] the rest of the acts 0/ Abijafti] Consisting no
doubt principally of the great victory over Jeroboam near mount Zema-
raim (2 Chron. xiii. 17) which inflicted so much disaster and loss upon
the northern kingdom, that Jeroboam did not recover strength again
during Abijam's reign. The source from which the Chronicler drew
his additional information about Abijam is called ' the commentary of
the prophet Iddo.' (2 Chron. xiii. 22.)

war betiveen Abija7?i and Jeroboam\ Josephus (Ant. viii. 11. 2)
says Jeroboam despised Abijam because of his youth.

8. A fid Abijam slept luith his fathers'] To this the LXX. adds 'in
the twenty-fourth year of Jeroboam. ' This statement does not quite
agi-ee with the chronology given in verses i and 2 of this chapter, and
repeated in 2 Chron. xiii. i — ■2. If Abijam came to the throne in the
i8th year of Jeroboam and reigned 3 years, his death would fall in the
twenty-first year of Jeroboam, or if the three years of his reign were
incomplete at the beginning and end it might occur, as is said imme-
diately in verse 9, in the 20th year of Jeroboam.

9 — 15. Asa king of Judah. His reforms. (2 Chron. xiv. i — 5;

XV. 16 — 19.)

9. In the twentieth year"] The LXX. in accordance wilh the addi-
tion in the previous verse says the ' twenty-fourth.'

reigned Asa] R.V. began Asa to relg^. See on ver. i of tiiis chapter.

10. And his mother^ s name was Maachah^ the daughter of Abisha-
lorn] The most probable explanation of this clause, which is the same
as in verse 2 above, is that the word 'mother' is here used for 'grand-
mother,' and that Asa's own mother sank into small importance in
comparison with ber mother-in-law. Clearly Maachah was a leader of
the idol worship in the land, which made it necessary for Asa to deprive

vv. II— 14.] I. KINGS, XV. 165

the daughter of Abishalom. And Asa did that which was
right in the eyes of the Lord, as did David his father. And
he took away the sodomites out of the land, and removed
all the idols that his fathers had made. And also Maachah
his mother, even her he removed from being queen, because
she had made an idol in a grove; and Asa destroyed her
idol, and burnt it by the brook Kidron. But the high places

her of her influence. On the power wielded in the East by a queen-
mother, see ii. 19 note. The LXX. [Vat.) gives 'Ana' as the name of
Asa's mother, and not 'Maachah,' but this is not supported by any
other evidence.

12. and he took (R. V. put) avjay^ The same word is so rendered
in 2 Chron. xv. 8, of these very reforms. Literally it means 'caused
to pass by.'

idols that his fathers had made'] Not only those in Judah and
Benjamin, but also those that were set up in the hill country of Ephraim,
in the cities which Abijam had taken from Jeroboam,

13. And also Maachah'\ Here, as above, the LXX. has Ana.

his mother, evert her he removed] The R. V. omits 'even her'. The
Hebrew has this construction, but it is Hebrew, not English, though
like several other Hebrew idioms, it has become accepted, through the
influence of the A. V.

from being queen'] i.e. From the influential position of queen mother.
The title is not the usual word for 'queen' but one which implies
special authority and influence.

she had made an idol in a grove] R. V. 'had made an abominable
Image for an Asb^rali.' The word which the A.V. renders 'idol' is
one of the numerous terms which the Hebrew language applied to the
objects of idolatrous worship. It is cognate with words which signify
•horror,' 'trembling,' 'fearfulness,' and indicates an erection which was
likely to excite such feelings. On ' Asherah,' which is used sometimes
for the goddess, sometimes for the idol set up to represent her, see
above ^;n xiv. 15.

and Asa destroyed her idol] R. V. cut down her image. The verb
indicates the manner of the destruction, and shews that the image was
such that it could be cut dowa as you would cut do\sTi a tree. Hence
most hkely it was of wood, for in the next clause we find that it was burnt.

by the brook Kidron] This was rather a valley or torrent bed, which
became a stream in the time of rain. It was close to Jerusalem,
lying between the city and the mount of Olives. The name is con-
nected wit^h several events which mark it as a spot of evil fame.
Beside the burning there of these idols, it was at this place that
Athaliah was put to death (2 Kings xi. 16), and hither in after times
many impure objects of worship and abominations were brought to be
destroyed (2 Kings xxiii.4, 6, 12; 2 Chron. xxix. 16, xxx. [4).

14. But the high places were not remoz-cd] R. V. taken away.
The change is made that this passage may be rendered in the same

i66 I. KINGS, XV. [vv. 15—17.

were not removed: nevertheless Asa's heart was perfect with

15 the Lord all his days. And he brought in the things which
his father had dedicated, and the thi?igs which himself had
dedicated, into the house of the Lord, silver, and gold, and
vessels.

16 And there was war between Asa and Baasha king of

17 Israel all their days. And Baasha king of Israel went up

way as 2 Chron. xv. 17, with which it is identical. In Judah (we are
told 2 Chron. xiv. 5) Asa did take away the high places, but in Israel
(2 Chron. xv. 17) they were not taken away. The mention of this
as something which Asa might have been expected to effect shews that
the conquests of his father and himself had given them much control
(or influence) over the affairs of the northern kingdom. As the high
places had been long tolerated, and the worship offered there had been
accepted we can see how mi:ch more difficult it would be to put down
this form of worship than any of the others. Hence, in spite of the
continuance of the high places, Asa's heart is said to have been 'perfect
with the Lord.' The worship on the high places was long kept "up.
They are mentioned again i Kings xxii. 44; 2 Kings xii. 3, xiv. 4,
XV. 4, 35.

15. And he brought tn the things which [R. V. that] his father
had dedicated^ ami the things tv/iich [R. V. that] liwiself had dedicated^
These apparently trivial changes of the R. V. are made so that this
passage may be in accord with the identical passage in 2 Chron.
XV. 18.

Here a commencement was made to supply the place of all those
treasures which Shishak had carried off "n the reign of Rehoboam.
The silver and gold and vessels were no doubt the booty which had
been taken from some conquered enemies. That it was customary thus
to dedicate the booty or tribute of conquered and subject peoples we
see from 2 Sam. viii. 11, where David dedicates silver and gold taken
from all the nations he had subdued. And it was not a custom con-
fined to the Hebrews, for we are told (Ezra i. 7) that Nebuchadnezzar
put into ' the house of his gods ' those vessels of the house of the Lord
which he had brought away from Jerusalem.

into the house of the Lord] These words the R. V. places after
♦brought,' for the same reason which dictated the other slight changes
in the verse.

16 — 24. Asa's war with Baasha. His death.
(2 Chron. xvi. i — 6, n — 14.)

16. between Asa and Baasha"] Baasha obtained the throne of
Israel in the third year of Asa's reign (i Kings xv. 33) and reigned
twenty-four years. So Asa was king all through Baasha's reign. Hence
'all their days ' implies the whole of Baasha's reign.

17. went tip against Jjidah and built Ramah] This act of Baasha's
shews us that Israel must by this time have recovered some of the

w. i8, 19.] I. KINGS, XV. 167

against Judah, and built Ramah, that he might not suffer
any to go out or come in to Asa king of Judah. Then Asa 18
took all the silver and the gold that were left in the treasures
of the house of the Lord, and the treasures of the king's
house, and delivered them into the hand of his servants:
and king Asa sent them to Ben-hadad, the son of Tabrimon,
the son of Hezion, king of Syria, that dwelt at Damascus,
saying, Tliere is a league between me and thee, and between 19
my father and thy father : behold, I have sent unto thee a
present of silver and gold; come and break thy league with

power and territory which had been taken from them in Jeroboam's
reign (2 Chron. xiii. 19). Ramah, though lying in the hill country of
Ephraim, was among the places allotted to the tribe of Benjamin
(Josh, xvii-i. 25), so that it must have been very near to Jerusalem, and
to make a fortress of it, as Baasha was now doing, was like making
a blockade of Jerusalem, a condition which is described in the words
which immediately follow.

18. Ben-hadad, the son of Tabrimon [R. V. Tabrimmon] the son of
Hezion, king of Syrial This is the earliest of the three kings of this
name mentioned in the Old Testament. 'Hezion' is probably the
same person as the 'Rezon,' king of Damascus mentioned in i Kings
xi. 23, and Ben-hadad I. was apparently his grandson. We cannot
always determine whether the names of these kings are merely sig-
nificant titles, or true names. 'Hadad' was a Syrian god, perhaps the
sun-god, and Ben-hadad, ' son of Hadad ' may mean one devoted to
Hadad's worship. So 'Tab-rimmon' signifies 'good is Rimmon';
Rimmon being another Syrian divinity (see 2 Kings v. 18). This is
much more likely to be a personal name than Ben-hadad. The war
which Ben-hadad now began against Israel appears to have been con-
tinued in the days of Ahab. See below xx. i. In the LXX. this
king is called ia6s''A5e/).

19. There is a league] There is, as the italics of A. V. shew, no
verb expressed in the original. The LXX. supplies the imperative
510^01; = make. This the R. V. represents on the margin by 'Let there
be.' But the concluding words of the clause seem to point to the indi-
cative as the more suitable insertion. What Asa desires to claim is a
sort of hereditary alliance, which he would best do by treating the
friendship as existing and of long standing. As there was no war
between Asa and Ben-hadad, the one might very naturally write to the
other in brotherly language, according to the custom of monarchs.

come IR. V. go] and break thy league with Baasha] The R. V.
more strictly represents the Hebrew by omitting the italic 'and,' and
brings the verse into agreement wath 2 Chron. xvi. 3 where the same
words stand in. the original. As Israel lay nearer to Damascus than
did Judah, any places won from the northern kingdom would be
easily included in the Syrian kingdom. Hence beside the costly

i68 I. KINGS, XV. [vv. 20-22.

20 Baasha king of Israel, that he may depart from me. So
Ben-hadad hearkened unto king Asa, and sent the captains
of the hosts which he had against the cities of Israel, and
smote Ijon, and Dan, and Abel-beth-maachah, and all Cin-

21 neroth, with all the land of NaphtaH. And it came to pass,
when Baasha heard thereof^ that he left off building of

23 Ramah, and dwelt in Tirzah. Then king Asa made a pro-
clamation throughout all Judah; none was exempted: and

presents, Benhadad might see other gain in forming an alliance with
Asa against Israel.

that he may depart fro?7i me] As he would naturally do to repel an
invasion on the northern frontier.

20. So [R.V. And] Ben-hadad hearkened] The conjunction is the
.simple copulative, and is so rendered in the parallel place in Chron-
icles.

the captains of the hosts '^i'hich he had] This is an attempt to repre-
sent the Hebrew construction. But it is not nearly so idiomatic as the
translation in Chronicles which the R.V. has followed, that the same
Hebrew might have in both places the same English rendering: the
captains of his armies.

and smote Ijon] This town lay in the north of Palestine and be-
longed to the tribe of Naphtali. It was attacked and plundered again
in later days by Tiglath-pileser (2 Kings xv. 29).

and Dan] This was the town formerly called Laish, which had
been seized in the days of the Judges by some Danites from the south
(Joshua xix. 47; Judges xviii. 29). It lay on the extreme north of the
country, so that ' from Dan to Beersheba ' became an expression to
describe the whole country from north to south.

and Abel-beth-?naachah] This city, like the rest, lay quite in the
north, and was early a place of some importance. It is called 'a
city and a mother in Israel' {2 Sam. xx. 19). In the parallel passage
in Chronicles the name is given as 'Abel-maim,' i.e. 'Abel on the
waters.'

all Cinneroth] R.V. Chlnneroth. From the way in which it is here
mentioned this appears to have been a district and nc-^ a town. It was
probably named from the lake of Gennesareth, or sea of Tiberias, which
was in that neighbourhood, and was anciently called 'the sea of Chin-
nereth' (Numb. xxiv. ri; Josh. xiii. 27).

Naphtali] This tribe lay directly in the way of Syrian and Assy-
rian invaders.

21. he left off building of Ramah] Thus releasing Jerusalem from
its blockade, as Asa desired. In Chronicles it is said ' he let his work
cease.'

Tirzah] A royal residence before this time. See on xiv. 1 7.

22. Asa made a proclamation throughout [R.V. unto] all yudah]
Literally 'caused -^ll Judah to hear.' The people, rather chan the
land, are spoken of, as is she\\'n by the next words 'none was ex-

V. 23.] I. KINGS, XV. 169

they took away the stones of Ramah, and the timber thereof,
wherewith Baasha had builded; and king Asa built with
them Geba of Benjamin, and Mizpah. The rest of all the 23
acts of Asa, and all his might, and all that he did, and the
cities which he built, are they not written in the book of the

empted.' The whole labouring population was gathered on the king's
requisition that the work might be completed while the pressure of the
Syrians on the north was being sharply felt.

and they took [R.V. carried] away the stones of Ra??tah] As in
many previous instances R.V. takes the rendering from Chronicles, but
only that the two may be made alike where the original is the same.
The king of Israel had intended to make a great fortress out of Ramah.
Hence there was prepared an immense quantity of stone and wood for
his fortifications. This is what is meant by 'building' in this whole
passage. Ramah was to have been ' fortified ', and the materials suf-
ficed to fortify Geba and Mizpah for Judah.

built with them] R.V. built therewitli. As in Chronicles.

Geba of Benjamin] Geba (signifying 'a hill') was on the extreme
north of the kingdom of Judah, which is described (2 Kings xxiii, 8)
as extending 'from Geba to Beersheba.' It is mentioned among the
Benjamite towns (Josh. xxi. 17), and was one of those allotted to the
priests.

Mizpah] The word signifies 'a pillar' and is the name given to
several places in the Holy Land. The town spoken of in this verse is
the 'Mizpah of Benjamin,' within a mile or two of Gibeah. The
LXX. translates both Geba and Mizpah, giving trav ^ovvov Bevtafjuv

Kal TTjU (TKOTTldv.

23. The rest of all the acts of Asa] There is a conjunction at the
opening of the verse in the original. Hence R.V. Now the rest &c.

The reign of Asa is dealt with more fully in the book of Chronicles.
Beside what is told in Kings, we learn there that he built fenced cities
in Judah, because the land had rest and no war. His army is de-
scribe'l- as consisting of 3oo,cxx3 men of Judah and 280,000 of Ben-
jamin. He defeated Zerah the Ethiopian, who came against him in
battle, and with the help of God drove him back as far as Gerar. A
prophecy of Azariah the son of Oded encouraged the king to put
down idolatry with a strong hand, and he bound his people by a
solemn oath to cleave unto the Lord, and those who would not do
so he put to death. Asa, we are told, was rebuked by Hanani the
prophet after the withdrawal of Baasha, because he had relied on the
help of the king of Syria, and he was told that from henceforth he
should have wars. In anger Asa imprisoned the unwelcome prophet,
and oppressed some of his people at the same time. The long reign
of this king was manifestly an active time, both in the religious and
political life of Judah.

the cities which he built] No doubt these are 'the fenced cities'
spoken of in 2 Chron. xiv. 6, as built during the days of peace.

170 I. KINGS, XV. [vv. 24— 27.

chronicles of the kings of Judah? Nevertheless in the time

24 of his old age he was diseased in his feet. And Asa slept
with his fathers, and was buried with his fathers in the city
of David his father: and Jehoshaphat his son reigned in his
stead.

25 And Nadab the son of Jeroboam began to reign over
Israel in the second year of Asa king of Judah, and reigned

26 over Israel two years. And he did evil in the sight of the
Lord, and walked in the way of his father, and in his sin

27 wherewith he made Israel to sin. And Baasha the son of
Ahijah, of the house of Issachar, conspired against him;

N'evertheless\ R. V. But. The A. V. would make it seem as
though the successes described in the early part of the verse ought to
have been enough to prevent the disease here mentioned.

diseased in his feet] In 2 Chron. xvi. 12 it is added 'until his disease
was exceeding great', and then as another token of his weakened trust
in God the chronicler continues 'yet in his disease he sought not to the
Lord, but to the physicians.'

24. and was buried with his fathers] There is much more detail
concerning the burial in 2 Chron. xvi. 14, 'They buried him in his
own sepulchres, which he had made for himself in the city of David,
and laid him in the bed which was filled with sweet odours and divers
kinds of spices prepared by the apothecaries' art, and they made a very
great burning for him. ' At the funerals of the great it was the custom
to bum beds and clothes, spices and other things (see Jer. xxiv. 5). In
T. B. Abodah Zarah 11 a it is said: 'when Rabban Gamaliel the elder
died, Onkelos the proselyte burned in his honour the worth of 70 minae
of Tyrian money.'

25 — 30. Nadab kixg of Israel. Baasha slays him, and all
THAT belong TO Jeroboam. (Not in Chronicles.)

25. reigned over Israel two years] These must have been but por-
tions of two years. Nadab's reign began in the second year of Asa, and
below (verse 31) we find that his successor began to reign in the third
year of Asa.

26. he did roil] R.V. (as always for this definite expression) he
did that which was evil. Nadab followed the same worsi ip of the
calves which his father had introduced. This was a mos* insidious
fashion of idolatry, for it did not disown Jehovah, only acted against
His law in making a representation for purposes of worship.

27. of the house of Issachar] Jeroboam's family was of the tribe of
Ephraim (xi. 26), and it may have been some tribal jealousy which led
a man of Issachar to exterminate the whole family of Jeroboam, and to
found a new dynasiy. From the message of t?ie prophet Jehu to Baasha
(xvi. I — 2) it would appear as if Baasha's attempt had been sanctioned

vv. 28—31.] I. KINGS, XV. 171

and Baasha smote him at Gibbethon, which beloiigeth to the
Philistines; for Nadab and all Israel laid siege to Gibbethon.
Even in the third year of Asa king of Judah did Baasha 28
slay him, and reigned in his stead. And it came to pass, 29
when he reigned, that he smote all the house of Jeroboam;
he left not to Jeroboam any that breathed, until he had
destroyed him, according unto the saying of the Lord,
which he spake by his servant Ahijah the Shilonite: because 30
of the sins of Jeroboam which he sinned, and which he
made Israel sin, by his provocation wherew/M he provoked
the Lord God of Israel to anger. Now the rest of the acts 31
of Nadab, and all that he did, are they not written in the
book of the chronicles of the kings of Israel?

by some divine message. But none the more did Baasha improve upon
the conduct of the two kings of the previous house.

at Gibbethon, which belongeth [R.V. belonged] to the Philistines]
Scrivener's edition of 161 1 reads belongeth. This was a town allotted
originally to the tribe of Dan (Josh. xix. 44), and was given as a Levitical
city to the Kohathites (Josh. xxi. 23), but it had been by this time taken
by the Philistines, and Nadab was endeavouring to drive them out.
The verb belongeth is only indicated by the preposition which is prefixed
to the word Philistines, and we need not understand more by it than
occupation such as conquerors take.

all Israel laid siege] R.V. were laying siege. The work was
still in progress, and was not completed even in Baasha's reign. Cf.
xvi. 15.

29. whe?t he reigned, that he smote] R.V. that as soon as he was
king lie smote. Being an usurper he would desire to make his power
secure by removing at once everyone who might become a rival. This
is expressed in the original, and the R.V. seems to bring it out fully.
Thus Hod used the policy of Baasha to fulfil the prophecy against
Jeroboam.

by his servant] The Hebrew says by the hand of his servant, and
as this mode of expression is not uncommon in the Old Testament,
the R.V. has given the full form. For the threat against Jeroboam
and the reason, see xiv. 9 — 11.

30. because of [R.V. for] the si7is] In xiv. 16, words very like
this clause are found, but the preposition there is a strong compound
word, and 'because of was there left as the translation. Here the
original gives another and lighter preposition. Hence the seemingly
unnecessary change, by which however the English reader is made to
notice a difference of the Hebrew.

by [R. V. because of] his provocation] Cf. Deut. xxxii. 19 ; 2
Kings xxiii. 26.

172 I. KINGS, XV. XVI. [vv. 32—34; i— 3-

32 And there was war between Asa and Baasha king of

33 Israel all their days. In the third year of Asa king of Judah
began Baasha the son of Ahijah to reign over all Israel in

34 Tirzah, twenty and four years. And he did evil in the sight
of the Lord, and walked in the way of Jeroboam and in

16 his sin wherewith he made Israel to sin. Then the word of
the Lord came to Jehu the son of Hanani against Baasha,

2 saying, Forasmuch as I exalted thee out of the dust, and
made thee prince over my people Israel; and thou hast
walked in the way of Jeroboam, and hast made my people

3 Israel to sin, to provoke me to anger with their sins ; behold,

XV. 32— XVI. 7. Baasha king of Israel. God's messages to
HIM BY THE PROPHET Jehu. (Not in Chronicles.)

32. And there was war] The LXX. [Vat.) omits this verse entirely.

33. in Tirzah, twenty and four years'] To complete the sense the
R.V. inserts in italics after * Tirzah' the words ^ and reigned.''

Tirzah seems to have become by this time a more common royal
residence than Shechem. Perhaps its extreme beauty attracted the
kings and their families. Cf. Sol. Song vi. 4, 'Thou art beautiful as
Tirzah'.

34. evil] R.V. tliat wliicli was evil. See above on verse 26, xvi.
I.

XVI. 1. Then \K. Y . z.n&] the word of the Lord came] The con-
junction is the simple copula, and this verse is in close connexion with
the closing sentence of the previous chapter.

jfehu the son of Hanani] This prophet, named in this chapter and
in 2 Chron xix. 2, xx. 34, was the son of that prophet Hanani who
rebuked Asa (2 Chron. xvi 7 — 10) for his alliance with the Syrians
against Baasha. Jehu seems to have lived in Jerusalem, though his
prophetical ministry was mainly directed to the kingdom of Israel. He
rebuked Jehoshaphat king of Judah for his alliance with Ahab, and
must have outlived Jehoshaphat, as a history of that king's reign is said
(2 Chron. xx. 34) to be contained in this prophet's writings. Jehu must
therefore have begun his labours as a prophet at an early age.

2. I exalted thee out of the dust] This may signify that Baasha was
of humble origin ; but to be chosen of God and called to the position of
a ruler of Israel was great exaltation out of any station.

prince over my people] Though Israel ha? offended, they are still God's
people. They have rejected His law, but He does not reject them. From
the house of Baasha there was expected to come some amendment of
the evil ways of Jeroboam.

to provoke me to anger with their sijis] For the last three words the
LXX. gives kv To2^ ^aralois aiTwp, 'with their vanities;' a common
form of expression in similar phrases. See below, verse 13.

W.4— 8.] I. KINGS, XVI. 173

I will take away the posterity of Baasha, and the posterity
of his house; and will make thy house like the house of
Jeroboam the son of Nebat. Him that dieth of Baasha in 4
the city shall the dogs eat; and him that dieth of his in the
fields shall the fowls of the air eat. Now the rest of the s
acts of Baasha, and what he did, and his might, are they not
written in the book of the chronicles of the kings of Israel?
So Baasha slept with his fathers, and was buried in Tirzah: 6
and Elah his son reigned in his stead. And also by the 7
hand of the prophet Jehu the son of Hanani came the word
of the Lord against Baasha, and against his house, even for
all the evil that he did in the sight of the Lord, in provok-
ing him to anger with the work of his hands, in being hke
the house of Jeroboam; and because he killed him.

In the twenty and sixth year of Asa king of Judah began 8

3. / will taJu away the posterity of Baasha^ a7id the posterity 0/ his
house'] R.V. I Will utterly sweep away Baaslia and Ms house. Here
we have precisely the same expression as in the closing words of xiv. 10,
where the A.V. rendered 'take away the remnant.' See note there.

6. So [R.V. And] Baasha slept -with his fathers'] He had reigned not
quite twenty-four full years. Cf. xv. 33 with xvi. 8. Tirzah was now
sufficiently distinguished to be made a burial place by the kings of
Israel.

7. And also [R.V. moreover] by the hand of the prophet Jehu]
'Moreover' connects the two prophetic messages more directly than the
*also' of A.V. The LXX. omits the words 'the prophet.'

even for (R.V. botli because of] all the evil] There are two reasons
given for the divine message sent to Baasha. They are both prefaced
by the same preposition in the ox\^x\2\ = becatise, and it makes the verse
clearer if the same word be used in both clauses in the translation.

a7id because he killed [R.V. smote] him] The R.V. gives on the
margin ' it ' for ' him. ' The reference must be to Jeroboam and his
house. God had raised up Baasha, and sent him against Jeroboam,
but it is clear from this verse that the manner in which punishment had
been inflicted by Baasha was not such as God approved of. We may
compare with this the language of Isaiah (xlvii. 6) where God by the
mouth of His prophet declares His wrath against His people, and how
He delivered them into the hand of the king of Babylon, but at the same
time shews His anger with the conqueror for the way in which he had
exercised cruelty; "Thou didst shew them no mercy."

The R.V. has rendered the verb 'smote' because it is so rendered in
XV. 27, 29, about the destruction of Jeroboam and of his house.

8 — 14. Elah king of Israel. (Not in Chronicles.)

8. In the twenty and sixth year of Asa king of Judah began]

174 I. KINGS, XVI. [vv. 9—13.

Elah the son of Baasha to reign over Israel in Tirzah, two
9 years. And his ser\^ant Zimri, captain of half his chariots,
conspired against him, as he was in Tirzah, drinking himself
drunk iii the house of Arza steward of his house in Tirzah.

10 And Zimri went in and smote him, and killed him, in the
twenty and seventh year of Asa king of Judah, and reigned

11 in his stead. And it came to pass, when he begaji to reign,
as soon as he sat on the throne, that he slew all the house
of Baasha : he left him not one that pisseth against a wall,

12 neither ^his kinsfolks, nor of his friends. Thus did Zimri
destroy all the house of Baasha, according to the word of
the Lord, which he spake against Baasha by Jehu the pro-

X3 phet, for all the sins of Baasha, and the sins of Elah his son,
by which they sinned, and by which they made Israel to sin,
in provoking the Lord God of Israel to anger with their

These words, like most other chronological dates, are omitted by the
LXX.

in Tirzah^ two years] Here as in xv. 33 the R.V. inserts in itaUcs
after 'Tirzah' the words and reigned, which makes the sense clearer.

9. And his servant Zimri] The LXX. omits 'his servant. ' The
expression is used of any officer who served under the king, and has no
mean signification. Here 'the servant' was a chief commander of the
royal troops.

as [now R.V.] he was in Tirzah] The strongest stop in the Hebrew
occurs immediately before these words. It is therefore well to make
them, in the English also, to begin a new clause.

A7-za steward of his house] R.V. (see also A.V. margin) : Arza
which was over the household. Cf. for a similar officer over the
household of Joseph, Gen. xliii. 16, 19. It would almost seem that
this major domo was mixed up in the plot for the murder of his master.
The opportunity of the absence of the troops at Gibbethon would seem
very favourable for carrying out such a scheme.

10. in the twenty and seventh year of Asa king of Jtidah] Omitted
as usual by the LXX. Here again if we refer to verse 3, it is plain that
Elah's two years cannot have been full years.

11. that he slew] R.V. smote. The verb is the same that is con-
stantly so rendered in all these descriptions. Zimri made a complete
end, he left not a single man child.

he left... house of Baasha] All this passage is left out by th" LXX.

13. by which they siniied, and by which they made] R.V. which
they sinned and wherewith they made, as in other places. The
LXX. has nothing to represent 'by which they sinned.'

vanities] This word is often employed in the Old Testament of
false gods, and the worship paid to them. The idea is that such a deiiy
is nothing, and sucl. prayers can have no result.

w. 14— 19.1 I. KINGS, XVI. 175

vanities. Now the rest of the acts of Elah, and all that he h
did, are they not written in the book of the chronicles of the
kings of Israel?

In the twenty and seventh year of Asa king of Judah 15
did Zimri reign seven days in Tirzah. And the people 7C'ere
encamped against Gibbethon, which belonged to the Philis-
tines. And the people that were encamped heard say, 16
Zimri hath conspired, and hath also slain the king: where-
fore all Israel made Omri, the captain of the host, king over
Israel that day in the camp. And Omri went up from Gib- 17
bethon, and ail Israel with him, and they besieged Tirzah.
And it came to pass, when Zimri saw that the city was taken, 18
that he went into the palace of the king's house, and burnt
the king's house over him with fire, and died, for his sins 19
which he sinned in doing evil in the sight of the Lord, in

15 — 20. Zimri king of Israel. Omri proclaimed king by the
ARMY. (Not in Chronicles.)

15. In the i-dueiity and sruaith year of Asa king of yudah'] The
chronological note is omitted by the LXX.

And [R.V. Now] the people were encamped against Gibbethott] The
LXX. explains 'the people' by i] ■7rap€u^o\-^ = X.h.e camp. It was,
of course, only the army and camp-followers who were away in the
land of the Philistines. Apparently the attempt to wrest Gibbethon
from the Philistines had continued from the time of Nadab. But the
vicissitudes of the northern kingdom had been many, and such as to
hinder the prosecution of any campaign.

16. heard sa}'\ The distance was not great between Tirzah and
Gibbethon, and it was to the army that such news would quickly be
brought.

hath also slaifi] R.V. smitten. The change is made for consistency.

wherefore all Israel^ The voice of the army being regarded as the
voice of the nation. So 'all Israel' is used in the next verse.

Omri, the captain of the host~\ Omri was manifestly in chief command
at Gibbethon, and though Zimri was also a military officer, yet he had
not, it would seem, the popularity of Omri.

17. and they besieged Tirzah] Which must therefore have been a
fortified town, and not a mere pleasance of the kings of Israel.

18. the palace [R.V. castle] of the king's house] The word is most
frequently rendered 'palace' in A.V. ; but here and in 2 Kings xv. 25,
the sense required is some strong and well barricaded part of the royal
residence, where any one might retire and the enemy be unable to reach
him. The root of the noun is probably a verb implying 'height.'

19. in doing ez'iF] See on xv. 34. There must have been in Zimri's
conduct some very prominent acts to indicate adhesion to the worship
of the calves ; otherwise in a reign of seven days he would hardly have
been coupled with Jeroboam as leading the people into sin. Perhaps

176 I. KINGS, XVI. [vv. 20—24.

walking in the way of Jeroboam, and in his sin which he
30 did, to make Israel sin. Now the rest of the acts of Zimri,
and his treason that he wrought, are they not written in the
book of the chronicles of the kings of Israel?

21 Then were the people of Israel divided into two parts:
half of the people followed Tibni the son of Ginath, to make

22 him king; and half followed Omri. But the people that
followed Omri prevailed against the people that followed
Tibni the son of Ginath : so Tibni died, and Omri reigned.

23 In the thirty and first year of Asa king of Judah began Omri
to reign over Israel, twelve years : six years reigned he in

34 Tirzah. And he bought the hill Samaria of Shemer for

he endeavoured to ^vin popularity in this way, so as to have on his side
the bulk of the nation before the action of the army in the field became
known.

did make Israel sin] R.V. to sin. There can be no reason for varying
a phrase so stereotyped as this.

21 — 28. Two PARTIES IN Israel. Omri's followers prevail.
Reign of Omri, and the building of Samaria. (Not in
Chronicles.)

21. divided into two parts] Probably it was the civil population,
which at first followed Zimri, and after his death, Tibni, while the
military strength declared for their commander-in-chief Omri.

half of the people followed Tibni the son of Ginath] Of Tibni we
have no information but what is to be gathered from this passage.
Comparing the date of Omri's accession in verse 23, viz. the 31st year
of Asa, with that of Zimri's death in the 27th year of the same king (see
verse 15) we find that the struggle between the two parties was con-
tinued for four years.

22. so Tibni died] Here the LXX. says 'and Thamni died and
his brother Joram at that time, and Ambri reigned after Thamni.'
This is one of those additions which can hardly have arisen except from
the existence of a different Hebrew text.

23. over Israel, twelve years] The R.V. inserts in italics 'and
reigned,' after 'Israel' to make the sense clear. See on xv. 33.

six years reigned he] The four years of the struggle for ^he throne
are not counted either to Tibni or to Omri. For the commencement of
Ahab's reign is put (see verse 29) in the 38th year of Asa.

24. the hill Samaria] This is the first historic mention of the place
which subsequently became famous as the chief city in Israel, and gave
name to a people and a district. Where the word occurs in i Kings xiii.
32, it is a later writer who is using, before its proper date, a name which
to him and his readers was perfectly familiar. (See note there.) Sa-
maria is the Greek form of the name, but the derivation from 'Shemer,'

vv. 25— 29-] I. KINGS, XVI. 177

two talents of silver, and built on the hill, and called the
name of the city which he built, after the name of Shemer,
owner of the hill, Samaria, But Omri wTOught evil in the 25
eyes of the Lord, and did worse than all that were before
him. For he walked in all the way of Jeroboam the son of 25
Nebat, and in his sin wherewith he made Israel to sin, to
provoke the Lord God of Israel to anger with their vanities.
Now the rest of the acts of Omri which he did, and his 27
might that he shew^ed, are they not written in the book of
the chronicles of the kings of Israel? So Omri slept with 23
his fathers, and was buried in Samaria: and Ahab his son
reigned in his stead.

And in the thirty and eighth year of Asa king of Judah 29
began Ahab the son of Omri to reign over Israel: and Ahab
the son of Omri reigned over Israel in Samaria t^venty and

the former owner, becomes apparent if the word be written in its
Hebrew form 'Shomeron.'

The LXX. inserts 'the owner of the hill' after the first mention of
Shemer in this verse, as well as after the second ; also it reads ' and he
called the name of the mountain where he built ' instead of the exact
rendering of the Hebrew as in A. V.

25. But Omri "wrought rcil in the eyes of the Lord] R.V. and
Omri did tliat ■wMch was evil in the si^ht of the Lord. Thus
translating as in other pas-ages.

and did worse than] R. V. and dealt wiekedly above. Cf. 2 Kings
xxi. 'ti.

26. in his sin [R.V. sins]. In the Hebrew text there is a various
reading, the margin [Keri) having the singular, the text {Kethib) the
plural, which the R.V. always translates where it can be done.

23. At the close of this verse the LXX. inserts words almost
identical with chap. xxii. 41 — 50, about the accession and the acts of
Jehoshaohat. The only variation worth noting is that it is said that
Jehoshaphat began to reign in the eleventh year oj Omri, whereas in
xxii. 41, the date of his accession is given as the fourth year of Ahab.
And this latter date the LXX. gives in xxii., where, with this change,
the passage is inserted once more.

29—33. Ahab king of Israel. His excess of wickedness.
(Not in Chronicles.)

29. And in the thirty and eighth year of Asa] Here the LXX. gives
*in the second year of Jehosbaphat.' This is in harmony with the
inserted passage just noticed, but of course disagrees with the date in
xxii. 41 both in the LXX. itself and in the Hebrew text.

and Ahab the son of Omri reigned over Israel] These words are
omitted by the LXX. : as are the words 'the son of Omri' in the next
verse.

I. KINGS 12

178 I. KINGS, XVI. [vv. 30— 33.

30 two years. And Ahab the son of Omri did evil in the sight

31 of the Lord above all that were before him. And it came
to pass, as if it had been a light thing for him to walk in the
sins of Jeroboam the son of Nebat, that he took to wife
Jezebel the daughter of Ethbaal king of the Zidonians, and

32 went and served Baal, and worshipped him. And he reared
up an altar for Baal in the house of Baal, which he had built

33 in Samaria. And Ahab made a grove; and Ahab did more

31. as if it had been a light thing] i.e. He was unwarned by all the
visitations which had befallen the kings before him for their worship of
the calves. He went further than this and introduced the worship of a
false god into the land.

he took to wife Jezebel the daughter of Ethbaal king of the Zidonians\
It was perhaps the taste for building, which manifested itself both in
Omri and in Ahab, that brought them into closer alliance with Zidon ;
but no doubt an intercour e had been kept up ever since the days of
Solomon between the two nations. But this marriage of Ahab was
most fatal both to Israel and Judah. The family of Jezebel were
devoted to the worship of Baal and Astarte. Josephus (cont. Apion. I.
18) mentions Eithobalus (i.e. Ethbaal) as 'the priest of Astarte' as well
as king, and Pygmalion and Dido as being contemporaries of Jezebel.
There was therefore great vigour in the race, and when Jezebel became
queen of Israel she ruled her husband and the nation, and established
the worship to which her family was so devoted. After the death of
her husband, as queen-mother, she maintained her influence in the
court of her son, and through her daughter Athaliah, who was married
to the son of Jehoshaphat, king of Judah, ihe wrought much evil in the
southern kingdom and all but exterminated the royal race. The doings
of Jezebel form a great part of the history till her death, which is related
in 2 Kings ix. The various scenes in which she appears and the
evil influence which she exercised will be best noticed as the history
goes on.

•went and served Baal] This was very different from the sin of
Solomon who out of indulgence to his foreign wiv*^^- permitted temples
for their gods to be set up in his land, but himself took no share in the
idolatrous worship. Jezebel had a greater and worse influence over
Ahab. _

32. in the house of BaaF] TheLXX. renders by h otKt^ tZv wpoa-oxOt-
Cfxaruv avTov = \n the house of his abominations. Thisisaftei the fashion
of the Jews who preferred to use the word ^hosheih' = sh.-me, rather
than the name 'Baal' when the latter could be avoided. Cf. the names
•Ishbosheth' and 'Mephibosheth' which are instead of 'Eshbaarand
'Meribbaal.'

33. And Ahab made a grove] R.V. the Asherah. That is, the
image which was to represent the female divinity, of which Baal was
the male.

V. 34; 0 I- KINGS, XVI. XVII. 179

to provoke the Lord God of Israel to anger than all the
kings of Israel that were before him.

In his days did Hiel the Bethelite build Jericho: he laid 34
the foundation thereof in Abiram his firstborn, and set up
the gates thereof in his youngest son Segub, according to the
word of the Lord, which he spake by Joshua the son of Xun.

to prozioke the Lord God of Israel to anger\ Here the LXX. adds
*and that his soul should be destroyed.'

34. The rebuilding of Jericho. (Not in Chronicles.)

34. Hiel the Bethelite'\ We may perhaps trace the influence here of
evil surroundings. Hiel had been living at one of the seats of Jero-
boam's calf-worship, and the neglect of one command had led to
ignorance or disregard of another.

did... build yerichd\ As the kings, Omri and Ahab, were great
builders, so their wealthier subjects were led to imitate their grand
works. For the command that Jericho should not be rebuilt, see Josh.
vi. 26. The importance of the place lay no doubt in its neighbourhood
to the passage of the Jordan, and at a time when commerce was much
fostered this advantage was likely to outweigh, with such men, the pro-
hibition which had been given so many generations before, and would
be now reckoned as obsolete.

in Abiram] R.V. with the loss of Abiram. The R.V. explains the
literal rendering of A. V. The preposition is used to express the cost or
price of anythmg, and so here the penalty which Hiel paid for his trans-
gression. The same change is also made in the second clause of the
verse. The meaning is that between the beginning and the end of the
undertaking all Hiel's children were cut off.

by yoshtid] The Hebrew has 'by the hand of Joshua,' as in so many
other places where a message is in question.

Chap. XVII. 1 — 7. Elijah the Tishbite. His prophecy of a
DROUGHT AND ITS FULFILMENT. (Not in Chroniclcs. )

1. And Elijah the Tishbite] Elijah comes suddenly upon the scene
and throughout the history his appearances are rare, sudden and brief.
His history is most probably drawn from some independent narrative
of the work of the prophets, and introduced here abruptly as soon as it
begins to touch upon the reign of Ahab. The schools of the prophets
seem to have had their origin in Samuel's day, and were founded in
various parts of the land, and in connexion with them Elijah appears in
Israel. H^ is called the Tishbite because he was born at Thisbe in the
tribe of Naphtali, a place known afterwards as the birthplace of Tobit
(Tobit i. 2). Josephus {Ant. Vlll. 13, 2) says he was e/c TroXewj Gecr-
^'Jjvrjs T7j$ Ta\aadiTi8oi X'^P^^- ^s if his birthplace had been in Gilead.
For the connected history of Elijah, the student would do well to consult
Mr (now Sir Geo.) Grove's Article, Elijah, in Smith's Diet, of the Bible.

12 — 2

i8o I. KINGS, XVII. [vv. 2, 3.

17 And Elijah the Tishbite, who was of the inhabitants of
Gilead, said unto Ahab, As the Lord God of Israel liveth,
before whom I stand, there shall not be dew nor rain these

2 years, but according to my word. And the word of the

3 Lord came unto him, saying, Get thee hence, and turn thee
eastward, and hide thyself by the brook Cherith, that is

who was of the inhabitanfs [R.V. sojourners] of Gilead] The Hebrew
noun is found frequently in the phrase 'a stranger and sojourner,' cf.
Gen. xxiii. 4; Lev. xxv. 35, 47 ; and does not imply that the person
spoken of was a native of the place mentioned thus. Hence there is no
difficulty in understanding that Elijah, a native of the tribe of Naphtali,
was a dweller for a time in Gilead. Such a man was likely to retire
from the world and dwell alone among the mountain fastnesses. The
Fathers (Epiphanius, Dorotheus, Isidore) represent ElijaKasof a priestly
family, but there is no warrant for the statement.

As the Lord God of Israel liveth] Elijah prefaces his message with his
authority. He does not cme in his own name, nor will the drought be
of his bringing. He is but sent as the bearer of Jehovah's word, the
word of Him whom Israel had forsaken, but who alone was worthy to
be called the Living God.

but according to my 7i>ord] i.e. As God shall proclaim through me; cf.
xviii. 41, 44. Josephus, having in mind the disappearance of Elijah
after this message and his reappearance to Ahab before the coming of
the rain, makes the prophet say that there should be no rain 'except on
his appearance' el /xr] (pai^euros avrov. He also states that this drought
is mentioned by Menander in his history of Ethbaal, the king of the
Tyrians. It endured, he says, for a whole year, but after that time, on
the king's earnest prayer, there came down abundant thunder showers.
In Luke iv. 25 and James v. 17, the duration of the drought in Israel is
said to have been three years and six months. By such long-continued
want of rain there the neighbouring countries must also have been
affected.

The LXX. rendering et /jlt] 8i.a aTOfiaros Xoyov jxov, is a literal trans-
lation of the Hebrew.

2. came unto him] The LXX. explains that it was 'unto Elijah,'
which could hardly be doubted from what follows.

3. and hide thyself] The prophet's life would be in danger from
the anger of the king and Jezebel, who would consider Elijah not
merely the announcer but the cause of the drought.

by the brook Cherith, that is before Jordan'] The rendeiing gives a
fair representation of what was commanded, but the word rendered

'brook' is ?nj nahal, which is really a torrent-bed, a deep ravine down
which in rainy times a strong stream flowed, but which at others was
nearly if not entirely dry. Such would make a good hiding-place. The
situation of Cherith has not been identified. Josephus gives no form of
the name, only saying that Elijah stayed irapa. x^i-fJ-o^PPV ^tvi='hy a
certain torrent-bed. ' Nor does the description ' that is be/ore Jordan '

w. 4— ;.] I. KINGS, XVII. i8i

before Jordan. And it shall be, that thou shalt drink of the 4
brook; and I have commanded the ravens to feed thee there.
So he went and did according unto the word of the Lord: s
for he went and dwelt by the brook Cherith, that is before
Jordan. And the ravens brought him bread and flesh in 6
the morning, and bread and flesh in the evening; and he
drank of the brook. And it came to pass after a while, that 7
the brook dried up, because there had been no rain in the
land.

help us. It probably implies that the stream from the ra\nne emptied
itself into the Jordan, and hence the valley looked towards the river.
But whether on the west side or the east we cannot tell. If the inter-
view with Ahab was in Samaria, and Elijah travelled thence toward the
east (Josephus says in contradiction of the text 'towards the south') it
appears most likely that he crossed the Jordan, and found his retreat in
the wilder parts of Gilead, which would be more distant from Ahab
and less frequented than any of the ravines in the hill country of
Ephraim on the east of Jordan, and with which the prophet would most
likely be familiar.

4. thou shalt drink of the brook\ The drought had not yet dried it
up, but soon it would do so.

/ have commanded the ravens to feed thee th€re'\ Just as in xiii. 28 the
appetite of the lion which had slain the false prophet was supernaturally
checked, so that he tare neither the corpse nor the ass, so here the
greedy birds were to bring into the valley enough food to suffice for the
pro^ihet's wants as well as for their own. Their nests would be in the
caves among which Elijah would find his best hiding-place. Many
attempts have been made to explain away this verse by putting different
vowel points to the word D''2"iy to interpret it as (i) merchants. This
some Jews favoured as the raven was an unclean bird. But it is answer
sufficient to this, that Elijah was not told to eat the ravens. (2) Arabians,
interpreting it of travelling caravans from whom the prophet obtained
what \^ needed to live on. But caravans keep as far away as they can
from wild torrent-beds.

5. he went and dwelf] The first of these verbs, and, of course, the
conjunction, is omitted by the LXX.

6. And the ravens brought, &c.] According to the LXX., the ravens
brought him 'bread in the morning, and flesh in the evening.' Jerome
in his life of Paul the hermit (§ 10) relates that a raven thus supplied
the hermit's wants, "suspiciunt alitem cor\'um in ramo arboris consedisse,
qui inde leniter subvolabat, et integrum panem ante ora mirantium
deposuit. Those who have watched the habits of large birds like the
raven can bear witness to the large supply which they bring home under
ordinary circumstances, and for Elijah's sustenance their natural energy
was quickened.

7. because there had been [R.V. was] no rain] Not only had there
been none, but the drought was continuing.

i82 I. KINGS, XVII. [vv. 8—12.

8, 9 And the word of the Lord came unto him, saying, Arise,
get thee to Zarephath, which belongeth to Zidon, and dwell
there : behold, I have commanded a widow woman there to

lo sustain thee. So he arose and went to Zarephath. And
when he came to the gate of the city, behold, the widow
woman 7vas there gathering oi sticks: and he called to her,
and said, Fetch me, I pray thee, a little water in a vessel,

<i that I may drink. And as she was going to fetch it^ he
called to her, and said, Bring me, I pray thee, a morsel of

12 bread in thine hand. And she said. As the Lord thy God
liveth, I have not a cake, but a handful of meal in a barrel,
and a little oil in a cruse: and behold, I am gathering two
sticks, that I may go in and dress it for me and my son,

8 — 16. Elijah sent to Zarephath and sustained by a widow
WOMAN. (Not in Chronicles.)

9. get thee to Zarephath'\ This was the city which was known in
later times (Luke iv. 26) as Sarepta. Josephus says it lay between
Sidon and Tyre. There the enemy of Baal-worship would hardly be
expected to have sought refuge.

and dwell there] These words are omitted in the LXX.

I have cotnrjianded a widow 'W07nan'\ A source of sustenance hardly
less precarious than the supply of the ravens. As in the former case, so
here, the command implies that God has prompted her to fulfil His
purpose. Elijah has been called, from th'S event, the first Apostle to
the Gentiles.

10. gathering of sticks] R.V. modernizes the language by omitting
the preposition. The abject poverty of the widow is seen from her
coming forth to pick up any chance bits of wood which might have
fallen from the trees outside the city walls,

11. And as she was going to fetch it] She is prepared to obey the
rcfjuest of the stranger. By her language in the next verse *As the
Lord thy God liveth' she accepts Elijah as a worshipper of Jehovah.
The near neighbourhood of Phoenicia makes it easy to understand that
the worship of Jehovah would be known to the inhabitants, and the
woman would recognize an Israelite in Elijah both by speech and dress.

12. 7neal in a [R.V. the] barrel ..oil in a [R.V. tlie] t/-ttj£'] The
definite article is expressed in the original, and represented bv the LXX.
The barrel and the cruse were the special domestic articles in every
house, and would be spoken of definitely.

two sticks] i.e. some small quantity. Thus we often say *a couple'
when we do not mean 'two' only.

my soti] The LXX. rehders by the plural 'sons,' perhaps because it
is said, in verse 15, that 'she and he and her house did eat many days.'
Josephus gives the singular 'my son' as the Hebrew.

w. 13—17.] I. KINGS, XVII. 1S3

that we may eat it, and die. And Elijah said unto her, 13
Fear not; go and do as thou hast said: but make me there-
of a little cake first, and bring it unto me, and after make
for thee and for thy son. For thus saith the Lord God of 14
Israel, The barrel of meal shall not waste, neither shall the
cruse of oil fail, until the day that the Lord sendeth rain
upon the earth. And she went and did according to the 15
saying of Elijah: and she, and he, and her house, did eat
many days. A7id the barrel of meal wasted not, neither did i5
the cruse of oil fail, according to the word of the Lord,
which he spake by Elijah.

And it came to pass after these things, that the son of 17
the woman, the mistress of the house, fell sick; and his
sickness was so sore, that there was no breath left in him.

eat it, and die] The drought had already brought so poor a person
to the point of starvation.

13. do as thotc hast said] i.e. Set about preparing bread from the
meal which remains, but instead of taking first for yourselves, bring
what is first ready to me.

and bring it [R.V. adds forth] 7into me] It appears from what
follows that Elijah dwelt afterwards in the house of the widow, but at
first he waited outside till she made ready the food, which it must have
needed much faith to give forth for the supply of the stranger. For
'after' R.V. reads 'afterwaxd' to bring the language into accord with
modem usage.

14. God of Israel] Omitted by the LXX., as are also, in the next
verse, the words 'according to the saying of Elijah.'

15. her house] She had enough for all their own needs and some-
thing over, which she could give to poorer relations. The whole history
of the woman shews that she knew much of the religion of the God of
Israel, though we are not told how she had been brought to the know-
ledge.

many days] There is no word for ' many ' as the italics shew. The
Hebrews used 'days' for a long time. Thus the same word is rendered
in Gen. xl. 4 'a season;' in Numb. ix. 22 'a year,' i.e. the complete
round of days. The margin of A.V. has 'a full year' in the present
verse.

17 — 24. Death and restoration of the widow's son. (Not in

Chronicles.)

17. his sickness was so sore, that there was no breath left in him]
Josephus interprets this expression as if the youth were only seemingly
dead ; T-qv ^f^vxv*' o.(p€2i'ai koI oo^ai reh-pop. Yet both the mother and the
prophet speak in the narrative of tlie 'slaying' of the son. The soul
was departed, and it is the breathing into man of the breath of life,

i84 I. KINGS, XVII. [w. 18—22.

18 And she said unto Elijah, What have I to do with thee, O
thou man of God? art thou come unto me to call my sin to

19 remembrance, and to slay my son? And he said unto her,
Give me thy son. And he took him out of her bosom, and
carried him up into a loft, where he abode, and laid him

20 upon his own bed. And he cried unto the Lord, and said,
O Lord my God, hast thou also brought evil upon the

21 widow with whom I sojourn, by slaying her son? And he
stretched himself upon the child three times, and cried unto
the Lord, and said, O Lord my God, I pray thee, let this

22 child's soul come into him again. And the Lord heard the

which makes him *a living soul.' All the language of Scripture
speaks in the same tone. '\Mien the breath of man goeth forth, he
shall turn again to his earth.'

18. What have I to do -^oith thee?'\ Used by persons who wish him
whom they address to depart from them. (Cf. 2 Sam. xvi. 10; Luke v. 8).

0 thou 77ia7i of God?'\ She recognizes the sacred character of Elijah,
and feels that she is in presence of one who has closer communion with
the Divine power than she. 'Man of God' becomes afterwards the
distinguished appellation of Elijah and Elisha.

a7-t thou come tinto me to call [R. V. bring'] my sin to re7nevibra72ce?\
The change of R.V. brings out a little more the woman's thought. The
man of God has been sojourning with her, and hence God's attention,
in her idea, has been more directed to her than it would otherwise have
been. Her sin in this way has been brought to His remembrance, and
so He has taken the life of her son as a punishment.

19. And he took hi77i out of he7- 3oso77i] Her arms were clasped about
the dead boy. We need not understand the expression as of a child
who was still young enough to be carried in the arms, though the
prophet was able to carry him into his own chamber.

z7zto a loft} R.V. the chamber. The word is so rendered in verse 23,
and the two should be made to agree.

20. 0 Lo7-d 77iy God, hast thou also brought evil upon the ividoTv] The
LXX. omits 'my God.' In 'also' the prophet refers to the other evil which
was brought on Israel and Phoenicia too by the drought. The widow
had shewn such faith and obedience that we may regard the prophet's
question as of the nature of a petition 'Let not this evil fall upon her.'

21. A7td he stretched hi77iself\ As though he would give of his own
vitality to restore the life of the boy. The LXX. reads httpvaijae r^J
7rat5apt(f;= 'he breathed upon the child.' This is ah exposiiion of the
later words which speak of the child's soul returning to him.

22. A7id the Lord heard [R. V. hearkened unto] the voice of Elijah']
This is the more usual rendering of the verb followed by a preposition
as here. Instead of this verse the LXX. {Vat.) has 'and it was so,
and the child cried out.' The following words also, in verse 23 'and
Elijah took the child ' are omitted in that version.

vv. 23, 24; 1—3.] I. KINGS, XVII. XVIII. 185

voice of Elijah; and the soul of the child came into him
again, and he revived. And Elijah took the child, and 23
brought him down out of the chamber into the house, and
delivered him unto his mother: and Elijah said, See, thy
son liveth. And the woman said to Elijah, Now by this I 24
know that thou art a man of God, and thai the word of the
Lord in thy mouth is truth.

And it came to pass after many days, that the word of the 18
Lord came to Elijah in the third year, saying, Go, shew
thyself unto Ahab; and I will send rain upon the earth.
And Elijah went to shew himself unto Ahab. And there 2
was a sore famine in Samaria. And Ahab called Obadiah, 3

24. Now by this\ R.V. omits the last two words. The italics of
A.V. shew that there is nothing in the Hebrew for 'by,' and the
word rendered 'this' is only a particle to strengthen the adverb 'now.'
The same two words are rendered in A.V. by 'now' simply in Ruth ii.
7 and should be so translated here. In 2 Kings v. 22 they are translated
'even now.'

I kncnu that thou art a man of God'\ She had so addressed him above
in verse 18, but what she desires now to express is her firm assurance.
The mercy of her son's restoration spake more surely of God's mes-
senger than did the stroke of his death. Je%\'ish tradition represents
this boy as the servant who afterwards accompanied Elijah, and finally
became the prophet Jonah. (See Jerome, Preface to Jonah.)

the word of the Lord in thy mouth is trtith'\ This is more than to
say that the word which the prophet speaks is truth ; or than that the
word of the Lord is in his mouth. It expresses a conviction that the
Lord Jehovah in whose name Elijah speaks is the true God. Whatever
stage her religious belief had before reached, she now advances beyond
it, and acknowledges Jehovah as truth itself.

Chap. XVIII. 1 — 6. Ahab and Obadiah search the land for
GRASS. Elijah goes to meet Ahab. (Not in Chronicles.)

1. in the third year\ According to the tradition preser\-ed in the
New Testament (Luke iv, 25 ; James v. 17) these three years cannot be
reckoned from the beginning of the drought : for that is said to have
lasted for three years and six months. The Je^;vish tradition reckons this
third year to be the third year after the restoration of the widow's son.

shew thyself unto Ahab ; and I will send rain] Hence the LXX. on
xvii. I explains that the rain would not come el yuiy (pavivroi avrov. See
note there.

2. And there was a sore famine] R.V. with more strict adherence
to the original, And the famine was sore.

3. Ohaiiiah] The Hebrew word Obadjahu, signifies 'servant of
Jehovah,' and is a frequent name in the Old Testament, the most con-

i86 I. KINGS, XVIII. [vv. 4— 6.

which 7vas the governor of his house. (Now Obadiah fear-

4 ed the Lord greatly: for it was so, when Jezebel cut off the
prophets of the Lord, that Obadiah took an hundred pro-
phets, and hid them by fifty in a cave, and fed them with

5 bread and water.) And Ahab said unto Obadiah, Go into
the land, unto all fountains of water, and unto all brooks:
peradventure we may find grass to save the horses and

6 mules alive, that we l@©se not all the beasts. So they di-
vided the land between them to pass throughout it: Ahab
went one way by himself, and Obadiah went another way by
himself.

spicuous person so called being the prophet who was contemporary
with Jeremiah. See Obad. i.

which was the governor of his house\ R.V. more literally, whicli was
over tlie household. See above xvi. 9.

4. yezebel cut off the prophets of the Lord\ Not content with having
Baal-worship established and fostered by her husband, the queen deter-
mined to destroy all the worshippers of Jehovah, and probably she in-
cluded in her extermination the priests who ministered at Dan and
Bethel, for they did not disown Jehovah, though they brake His law by
setting up an image to represent him. But no doubt the larger number
whom Jezebel cut off were 'the sons of the prophets, ' those who belonged
to the schools of the prophets, which we learn from 2 Kings ii. were
both numerous and largely frequented. It Avas a hundred of these men
whom Obadiah saved in the time of persecution. The story of Jezebel's
butchery is not given us, but it is alluded "o here and in xix. 10. 14.

5. Go into [R.V. through] the la7id'\ The change gives a clearer
idea of what is meant, and the preposition is the same which in verse
6 is rendered 'throughout.' In the next clause, as both nouns are
definite in the original, the R.V. has 'the fountains' and 'the brooks.'
In their neighbourhood grass would remain longest.

g)-ass to save\ R.V. 'grass and save,' which is literal and equally
good English with A.V.

that we leese tiot all the beasts'] They might have to kill some, but the
discovery of grass might save a part. The LXX. gives koL ovk e^oKodpev-
BrjaouTaL dirb ti3u aKT)v(2v. * Leese ' is the old English form of ' lose.'
Cf. Shakspeare, Son7i. v. 14, ' Flowers distilled leese but thoir show.'

6. Ahab went one way by himself] We can see the grievous neces-
sity the land was in when the king himself goes forth on such a quest.
No one save the two chief persons in the realm could be trusted to
make this all-important search. The LXX. does not specify that Ahab
went alone, but makes further mention of Obadiah's solitary journey,
by saying 'And Obadiah was in the way alone, and Elijah by himself
came to meet him.' There is a reason for Obadiah's being r.lone when
such a meeting was to take place; why Ahab should go alone is not
so clear.

vv. 7—12.] 1. KINGS, XVIII. 187

And as Obadiah was in the way, behold Elijah met him: 7
and he knew him, and fell on his face, and said, Art thou
that my lord Elijah? And he answered him, I ain: go, tell 8
thy lord. Behold, Elijah is here. And he said, What have I 9
sinned, that thou wouldest deliver thy servant into the hand
of Ahab, to slay me? As the Lord thy God liveth, there is 10
no nation or kingdom, whither my lord hath not sent to
seek thee : and when they said, He is not there; he took an
oath of the kingdom and nation, that they found thee not.
And now thou sayest. Go, tell thy lord. Behold, Elijah is n
here. And it shall come to pass, as soon as I am gone from 12

7 — 16. Meeting of Obadiah and Elijah. (Not in Chronicles.)

7. and he knew hini] The prophet's garb would probably make
him easy to be recognized, and he must have been seen more than once
in Samaria, and by Ahab's household. The LXX. renders /cat iairevae
= and he hastened.

fell 071 his face'\ For to Obadiah Elijah would seem to be God's
special representative, and the champion of the cause of the true religion.
Josephus, wrongly, represents Elijah as bowing down to Obadiah. The
expressions 'lord' and 'servant' or rather 'slave' used by Obadiah are
indexes of his fear of Elijah.

Art thmi that my lord Elijah?] R.V. better, 'Is it tliOTl, my lord
Elijah?' The word which A.V. translates is merely an addition to
render the pronoun emphatic. See note on xvii. 27, where the emphatic
particle- is the same as in this verse.

8. / am] R.V. It is I. To correspond with the change in the
preceding verse.

tell thy lord'\ It would be news of great interest to the king of
Israel, as is clearly shewn by the efforts which he had already made to
find Elijah.

9. What [R.V. wliereinj have I sinned] Obadiah's fear is very
natural. He is asked to carry a message to Ahab, which another dis-
appearance of Elijah may make to seem untrue. He thinks in his alarm
that the prophet does not know how great a friend he has been to the
cause of Jehovah's servants, and so asks why his life should be put in
jeopardy who had done so much to save the lives of the prophets.

10. there is no nation or kitigdom'] Of course Obadiah's words only
apply to those countries immediately around Israel and into which
Elijah could be supposed to have fled for refuge. But he employs the
language of Oriental hyperbole, so frequently found in the Old Testa-
ment. Cf. Gen. vii. 19; Deut. ii. 25.

he took an oath] The search had been made after a very thorough
and formal manner, and solemn attestation made of its fruitlessness.
The LXX. says 'he burnt up that kingdom and the countries thereof
because he did not find thee.'

12. And it shall come to pass] Clearly Obadiah regards Elijah's

I. KINGS, XVIII. [vv. 13—18.

thee, that the spirit of the Lord shall carry thee whither I
know not; and so when I come and tell Ahab, and he can-
not find thee, he shall slay me: but / thy servant fear the
15 Lord from my youth. Was it not told my lord what I did
when Jezebel slew the prophets of the Lord, how I hid an
hundred men of the Lord's prophets by fifty in a cave, and

14 fed them with bread and water? And now thou sayest. Go,
tell thy lord. Behold, Elijah is here: and he shall slay me.

15 And Elijah said, As the Lord of hosts liveth, before whom

16 I stand, I will surely shew myself unto him to day. So
Obadiah went to meet Ahab, and told him: and Ahab went
to meet Elijah.

17 And it came to pass, when Ahab saw Elijah, that Ahab

18 said unto him. Art thou he that troubleth Israel? And he
answered, I have not troubled Israel; but thou, and thy

concealment as only possible, amid such a thorough inquiry, by reason
of divine aid. This may be exercised again, and he be taken away and
concealed, before Ahab can be brought to him.

the spirit of the Lord shall carry thee] So Acts viii. 39, of the super-
natural removal of Philip. Cf. likewise 2 Kings ii. 16.

fear the Lord fro ?n itiy youth] The true worshippers of Jehovah had
not all perished out of Israel through Jeroboam's sin. Not only in
special bodies, as the sons of the prophets, but also in positions of
secular employment, we find some who still" hold to the pure religion of
Jehovah, and teach their children the same. The Hebrew, literally is
*but thy servant feareth the Lord from my youth/ which accounts for
the italic '/' of A.V.

13. Was it not told my lord] Obadiah 's thought seems to be that
Elijah could believe nothing but evil of one who was in the household
of Ahab. So by a question he tries to place himself in his true light,
and to excuse himself at the same time, from being sent on so perilous
an errand. The conduct of Obadiah in saving the prophets can hardly
have been known to Ahab or his wife. But it wo'^ld be likely to come
to the knowledge of Elijah, as he would be a companion and friend
of those who were rescued from Jezebel's fury.

15. I will surely shew }?iy s elf tint 0 him to day'\ With this assurance
Obadiah is satisfied, and goes to find Ahab.

16. And Ahab went} The LXX. has 'And Ahab ran forth and
went to meet Elijah.'

17 — 40. Meeting of Ahab and Elijah. Baal proved to be no
GOD. Slaughter of Baal's PROPHtTS. (Not in Chronicles.)

17. Art thou he that troubleth Israel?] R. V. Is it thou, thou troubler
Of Israel? For .'^hab would ascribe the drought and consequent famine
directly to Elijah, after the language of xvii. i.

vv. 19-21.] I. KINGS, XVIII. 189

father's house, in that ye have forsaken the commandments
of the Lord, and thou hast followed Baalim. Now there- 19
fore send, and gather to me all Israel unto mount Carmel,
and the prophets of Baal four hundred and fifty, and the
prophets of the groves four hundred, which eat at Jezebel's
table. So Ahab sent unto all the children of Israel, and 20
gathered the prophets together unto mount Carmel. And 21
EHjah came unto all the people, and said, How long halt ye

18. ye have forsaken the commandments of the Lord'\ This was done
before the Baal-worship was introduced, by Jeroboam and by each king
after him, and Omri, Ahab's father, was no better than the rest. The
LXX. omits 'the commandments of.'

and thou hastfollozvedBaalim'] R.V. the Baahm. This was Ahab's
additional sin; so that it is said of him (xxi. 25) 'There was none
like unto Ahab, which did sell himself to work wickedness.' The
plural Baalim is used because there were many forms or aspects of
Baal, so that he was worshipped under several names, at different
places, as Baal-berith, Baal-zebub, Baal-peor, &c. Ahab in compliance
with the will of Jezebel had admitted them all into Israel.

19. all Israer\ i.e. A representative body of the whole people.
unto mount Carmel^ There seems to have been in Elisha's time a

residence on Mt. Carmel, where he dwelt. For the Shunammite goes
thither to find him. Perhaps Elijah chose the place because there was
an altar there, which had been used for the worship of Jehovah, but
was now thrown down. The mountain was also easy of access, and the
sea, from whence the signs of the coming rain would be seen, was
visible from it.

and the prophets of Baal] These, as the narrative shews, were the
priests who presided over the Baal M'orship, and with their office was
mixed up, as we see from chap, xxii., the profession of divination and
soothsaying. Hence they are called prophets. The LXX. follov.ing
the Jewish abhorrence for the name Baal, translate by rrjs aiax^v-qs, =of
the shame, as if ' Bosheth' and not ' Baal' had been read by them.

the prophets of the groves] R.V. of the Asherah. See note on xiv.
15. Jezebel had introduced the female as well as the male divinity, so
that nothing might be wanting to the complete obser\-ance of the
worship to which she had been trained at home. The staff of priests,
850 for the two divinities, shews what an outlay was made for the per-
fection of the idolatrous rites.

which ecu at JezebePs table] That the queen should shew them
special favour, and feed them at her own board, was one of the surest
ways of making the Baal-priests and their service popular. She no
doubt also suppUed funds for the support of those priests who were
not in the royal city.

21. And Elijah came] R.V. adds near. The word is the same
vhich is twice so rendered in verse 30. It indicates an approach for
the purpose of conference and support.

igo I. KINGS, XVIII. [vv. 22—24.

between two opinions? if the Lord de God, follow him: but
if Baal, t/ien follow him. And the people answered him not

22 a word. Then said Elijah unto the people, I, even I only,
remain a prophet of the Lord; but Baal's prophets are four

23 hundred and fifty men. Let them therefore give us two
bullocks; and let them choose one bullock for themselves,
and cut it in pieces, and lay it on wood, and put no fire
under: and I will dress the other bullock, and lay /'/ on

24 wood, and put no fire under: and call ye on the name of

Ho'lu long halt ye between tiuo opinions'] The verb is an expressive
word, and is used below for the irregular, stumbling sort of dance about
the altar of Baal (verse 26). It indicates a lame uncertain gait. Hence
it suits very well the conduct of Israel, now drawn toward Jehovah,
but not earnest there, and then attracted to Baal, but not altogether
satisfied Math that worship. The LXX. renders ^u;s irore vfieh x^Xa^eiTe
ctt' dficporipais rah lyvvaLs ; How long go ye lame on both kneeF? But
there is no ground for the last word of that translation, and it loses the
sense. It was a lame going, now in one direction, now in another, that
Elijah was reproaching.

22. 7, even I only, remain] R.V. am left. As in xix. 10 for the
same word. Elijah means that he is the only one who now stands for-
ward in Jehovah's name. No doubt there were others of those saved
by Obadiah and in other ways, but in such dangerous days they kept
out of sight. The scene on Carmel is full of sublimity. Elijah alone
against the host of Baal-priests, and with the calm dignity befitting so
solemn a time, in the midst of them ail, proceeding to repair the broken
altar of the Lord.

The LXX. adds at the close of this ver^e 'and the prophets of the
grove four hundred. '

23. Let them therefore give us] i.e. Let there be given unto us. Let
there be provided, for the trial which I am about to propose.

and let them choose one] Elijah yields place to them because of their
greater number. So verse 25 'for ye are many.'

cut it in pieces] This was a part of the duty of the offerer of a burnt-
offering. See Lev. i. 6 ; ' he shall flay the burnt offering and cut it into
his pieces.'

and I will dress the other bullock] The Hebrew uses for 'dress' the
verb '\W}i = to make, which, in connexions like this, = 'to make ready' a
victim for sacrifice. The same word is used Ps. Ixvi, 15 'I will offer
bullocks with goats,' also Exod. xxix. 36, 38, 39, 41. Ihe LXX.
translates by koX iyiJo Troirjacj rbv ^ovv rbv aXkov, a sentence from which
we may see in what way iroLetv came to be used of sacrifice. But by
itself TToielv can no more mean ' to sacrifice ' than could the English
verb ' make.' The object, the victim, must always be expressed. The
same word is employed again in verses 25, 26.

and lay it on wood] The LXX. omits these words.

vo fire under] Deceit was largely practised in the heathen temples

w. 25— 27.] I. KINGS, XVIII. 19!

your gods, and I will call on the name of the Lord : and
the God that answereth by fire, let him be God. And all
the people answered and said, It is well spoken. And 25
Elijah said unto the prophets of Baal, Choose you one
bullock for yourselves, and dress it first; for ye are many;
and call on the name of your gods, but put no fire under.
And they took the bullock which was given them, and they 26
dressed it, and called on the name of Baal from morning
even until noon, saying, O Baal, hear us. But there 7uas no
voice, nor any that answered. And they leaped upon the
altar which was made. And it came to pass at noon, that 27
Elijah mocked them, and said, Cry aloud: for he is a god;

and sacrifices represented as miraculously consumed, for the accomplish-
ment of which preparation was made in the ground beneath the altar.

24. call ye on the name of your gods] R.V. god. And so in verse 25,
Baal was meant, and though the plural 'Elohim' came to be specially
used of Jehovah, as embracing all that other nations conceived as
attributes of all their gods, yet the plural is also applied to single heathen
divinities. Thus i Sam. v. 7, 'Dagon our god'; 2 Kings i. 2, 'Baal-
zebub, the god of Ekron.'

Elijah by saying 'call ye' identifies the people, to whom he is speaking,

with the Baal-prophets to whom he uses the same words in the next verse.

on the name of the Lord] The LXX. adds 'my God.'

that a?iswereth by fire] As Baal was specially the Sun-god, the trial

by sending down fire was one to which the prophets of Baal could

make no objection.

25. the prophets of Baal] Here, as above in verse 19, the LXX.,
instead of 'Baal' has ttjs alax^f'V^' See note there. The pomp and
splendour of the priests of Baal glittering no doubt with gorgeous
vestments (c^. 2 Kings x. 22) would shew the more because of the
rough shaggy garb of the Tishbite, whose congenial abode was the
mountain tops or the fastnesses of Gilead.

26. iuhich was given them] These words are omitted in the LXX,,
which represents 'hear us ' in the latter part of the verse twice over.

and they leaped upon [R.V. about] the altar] One part of the heathen
worship consisted in a dance around the altar, during which the devo-
tees wrought themselves up to a pitch of frenzy, and then their action
took the form of wild leaping. Such was probably the kind of worship
of the Salii whom Numa instituted at Rome, and hence their name =
yumpers. The dances of the Aborigines of Australia were very much
of this fash '"on.

27. Elijah mocked them] i.e. To make their folly more apparent to
the people, he urged them on to greater exertions.

for he is a god] As you deem him. Elijah attributed no power to
Baal. He merely addresses the priests from their own level, and to
make the object of their worship more contemptible attributes to him

192 I. KINGS, XVIII. [vv. 28, 29.

either he is talking, or he is pursuing, or he is in a journey,
28 or peradventure he sleepeth, and must be awaked. And
they cried loud, and cut themselves after their manner with
knives and lancets, till the blood gushed out upon them.
£9 And it came to pass, when midday was past, and they pro-
phesied until the time of the ofifering of the evening sacrifice,

certain acts and necessities which proclaim him no more powerful than
his worshippers.

either he is talking] R.V. musing. The word and its cognates are
more frequently used of meditation than of speech, and to picture Baal
as so preoccupied by thought as not to hear the loud cries of these
frantic prophets suits, better than the rendering of A.V., with the
mockery which Elijah designed.

or he is pursuing] R.V. gone aside. The word appears to be used
here to express the idea that Baal had withdrawn himself for rest or
some other physical necessity. Gesenius renders 'recessit in conclavia
interiora. '

28. And they cried aloid] Not recognizing the mockery of Elijah,
but admitting that Baal might be overtaken by the necessities or
occupations implied in the prophet's words.

after their manner] For devotees to wound and mutilate themselves
in the worship of their divinities was common in other cults beside that
of Baal and Asherah.

with k}iives and lancets] R.V. lances. The former of these nouns is
commonly rendered 'sword,' though it is also used of other instruments
for cutting, as of a razor (Ezek. v. i), and an axe (Ezek. xxvi. q). The
second is constantly employed for 'spear' in connexion with 'shield' of
a fully-armed soldier. The Baal-dance was most likely performed by
the chief devotees with weapons in their hands, and with these it was
that in their frenzy they wounded themselves.

29. And it came to pass [R.V. it was so], when midday was past,
ajid [R.V. that] they prophesied] The word used for the wild ra\ang of
these heathen priests is the same which is employed for the most solemn
utterances of the prophets of Jehovah (cf. Ezek. xxxvii. 10). The
thought which connects the two uses seems to be of a person acting
under some influence which he cannot control. In both cases the
external manifestation was in a degree alike, for Jehovah's prophets
were moved at times by great outward excitement. In these Baal-
prophets it appears to have been of the nature of raving. On the bodily
agitations of the prophets Maimonides {de Fundam. Legis vii. 3) writes
' The limbs of all the prophets, during the time of their prophetic
inspiration, are agitated, their strength of body fails, their thoughts are
snatched aside, and their intellect is left free to understand what is
shewn to them.' Then he quotes the mstances of Abraham (Gen. xv. 1 2)
and of Daniel (Dan. x. 8j.

the offeritig of the evening sacrifice] R.V. oblation. The Hebrew
word nn^D here used signifies that offering of fine flour mixed with oil,
salt and frankincose, which was the accompaniment at times of sacri-

w. 30—33.] I. KINGS, XVIII. 193

that ttiere was neither voice, nor any to answer, nor any
that regarded And Ehjah said unto all the people, Come 30
near unto me. And all the people came near unto him.
And he repaired the altar of the Lord that was broken
down. And Elijah took twelve stones, according to the 31
number of the tribes of the sons of Jacob, unto whom the
word of the Lord came, saying, Israel shall be thy name :
and with the stones he built an altar in the name of the 32
Lord : and he made a trench about the altar, as great as
would contain two measures of seed. And he put the wood 33

fices, but which at times was ofifered alone. It is generally rendered in
A.V. 'meat ofifering,' and R.V. has changed this to 'meal offering' that
the nature of the oblation might be more nearly described in the transla-
tion. 'Sacrifice' here is misleading, for the offering was without blood.

that [R.V. but] there was neither voice i-egarded^ The change in

R.V. follows on the alterations made in the first half of the verse. The
sense then is given more clearly. What is meant to be expressed is,
that though they went on the whole day through, yet there was no
result of their cries and lacerations.

The LXX. omits this clause, and gives instead 'And Elijah the
Tishbite spake to the prophets of the abominations, saying. Stand aside
now, and I will offer my burnt oftering. And they stood aside and
went away.'

30. And he repaired the altar of the Lord that ivas broken dow}i\
On the top of Carmel had been one of the high places where worship
was paid to Jehovah, after the manner of the worship in the wilderness,
till the place which God had chosen became kno\^Ti and the Temple
built there. The custom of worship at such spots was continued for a
long time after Solomon's date, and Elijah here treats the altar as
a specially sacred erection, to be restored in Jehovah's honour.

The LXX. omits this clause here, but introduces one very similar in
verse 32.

31. Elijah took tiuelve stones\ On a similar preparation for an
altar, compare the command of Joshua (Josh. iv. 5) where the stones
are also taken * according to the number of the tribes of the children of
Israel. ' In this way the unity of worship of the same one God was
signified. Elijah's prayer also recalls the still earlier memories of
Abraham, Isaac and Israel.

of the sons o/yacob'] The LXX. reads rod 'Icrpar'X, thus making the
expression more nearly to accord with the passage of Joshua just quoted.
Also instead of 'he built an altar' the LXX. has 'he built the stones,' in
the next vetse.

32. a trench"] The LXX. has 6d\a<Taav = a sea, which is interest-
ing in connexion v.ith the name given to the great cistern which
Solomon caused to be made for the temple-services. Cf. vii. 23 above.

as great as would contain two measures of seed] The LXX.
omits these words, which are not quite easy of explanation. The

I. KINGS 13

194 I. KINGS, XVIII. [vv. 34—37.

in order, and cut the bullock in pieces, and laid him on the
wood, and said, Fill four barrels %uith water, and pour it on

34 the burnt sacrifice, and on the wood. And he said, Do //
the second time. And they did it the second time. And he
said, Do // the third time. And they did it the third time.

35 And the water ran round about the altar; and he filled the

36 trench also with water. And it came to pass at the ti??ieofi\\Q
offering of the evejiing sacrifice, that Elijah the prophet came
near, and said, Lord God of Abraham, Isaac, and of Israel,
let it be known this day that thou art God in Israel, and
that I am thy servant, and that I have done all these things

37 at thy vrord. Hear me, O Lord, hear me, that this people
may know that thou art the Lord God, and that thou hast

measure mentioned is a seah^ which is the third part of an ephah. But
whether the dimension applies to each side of the altar, so that- on each
of the four sides there wo aid be a ditch of this capacity, or whether
this was the capacity of the whole surrounding trench is not evident.
It was clearly intended to catch the water that was poured over the
sacrifice.

33. a7id laid him [R.V. it] on the wood, a?td [R.V. and he] said'\
The former of these changes is in accordance with modem usage.

on the biirtit sacrifice'] R.V. burnt -oflFering. AVhich latter is the
constant rendering of the Hebrew word. At the close of the verse the
LXX. adds 'And they did so.'

35. he filled the trench also] The twelve barrels had not filled the
trench, and so more water was added to make it quite full.

36. And it ca7ne to pass ^s^nxn^ sacrifice] R.V. oblation. This

change follows on what was done in verse 29. The LXX. omits this
clause entirely. Elijah waited till the usual hour for the evening offer-
ing, that in this way his action might be in more accord with the order
of worship which had been appointed in the Law, and so the people be
put in mind of Jehovah's worship which they had cast aside.

Elijah the prophet came near] He was no priest, but at such time
the protesting prophet assumed all the functions of the priestly office.
And the people would be in no way surprised, for ;he pati"iarchal rule,
which allowed others than the tribe of Levi to come near to the altar,
had not become obsolete, as we can see from the action of Solomon.
The LXX. gives, instead of these words, 'And Elijah cried unto
heaven.'

Lord God of Abraham, Isaac [R.V. of Isaac], and of Israel] After
these opening words of the invocation the LXX. adds 'Hear me, O
Lord, hear me this day by fire,' and continues 'and let all this people
know, &c.'

at thyword] The LXX. explains by 5id o-^ = 'for thy sake.'

37. that thou art the Lord God] R.V. that thou Lord art God.
This is what El'jah desired, that it should be shewn that tc apply the

vv. 38—41-] I. KINGS, XVIII. 195

turned their heart back again. Then the fire of the Lord 38
fell, and consumed the burnt sacrifice, and the wood, and
the stones, and the dust, and licked up the water that was in
the trench. And when all the people saw tf, they fell on 39
their faces: and they said, The Lord, he is the God; the
Lord, he is the God. And Elijah said unto them, Take the 40
prophets of Baal; let not one of them escape. And they
took them: and Elijah brought them down to the brook
Kishon, and slew them there.
And Elijah said unto Ahab, Get thee up, eat and drink; 41

name 'Elohim' to Baal, and idols like him, was a folly and a delusion.
The heathen, and those who went after them, used this name for the
objects of their worship, and Elijah in his mockery had employed their
phrase (verse 27) and said of Baal 'He is Elohim.' In the present
verse, as in verse 39 below, the noun has the article before it, which is
shewn by the rendering of the A.V. in verse 39 'he is t/ie God.' But
such an insertion is needless. If w-e assert that Jehovah is God, it
is implied that there is none else. The R.V. therefore omits the
article twice over in verse 39, reading lie is God.

38. T/ien the fire of the Lord feir\ In the LXX. we have 'and there
fell fire from the Lord out of heaven.'

burnt sacrifice'] R.V. burnt -offering as in verse 33. To mark the
might of Him who sent the fire, it not only consumes the Wctims and
licks up the water, but devoured wood, stones and dust alike.

39. And when all the people saw it, they fell] The LXX. simply says
'And all the people fell.' Josephus describes the reaction thus, 'They
fell upon the ground and worshipped the one God, calling Him most
mighty and true, while the others were but names devised by wrong and
senseless opinion.'

40. Take the prophets of Baal] Elijah avails himself of the newly-
kindled enthusiasm to put an end, as far as he may, to the false worship.
Josephus explains ' they seized and slew the prophets, Elijah exhorting
them so to do.' Although the text may be taken to signify that Elijah
put the priests to death with his own hand, we can hardly suppose this
to have been so. He is only said to do himself what he caused others
to do.

the brook Kishon\ This is at the foot of Mount Carmel on the side
towards the sea. It was the spot where Sisera was overthrown by •
Barak (Judges iv. 7) and the stream then was pictured as sweeping
away the dead bodies of those who had been slain by the Israelite
forces (Judges v. 21).

41—46. The prophecy of rain. Elijah awaits its approach
ON Mount Carmel and then goes to Jezreel. (Not in
Chronicles.)

41. Elijah said unto Ahab] The king had been present through
all the events of the day, but had been powerless to stay the slaughter

13—2

196 I. KINGS, XVIII. [vv. 42— 44.

42 for there is a sound of abundance of rain. So Ahab went
up to eat and to drink. And Elijah went up to the top of
Carmel; and he cast himself down upon the earth, and put

43 his face between his knees, and said to his servant, Go up
now, look toward the sea. And he went up, and looked,
and said, There is nothing. And he said. Go again seven

44 times. And it came to pass at the seventh time^ that he
said. Behold, there ariseth a little cloud out of the sea, like

of the false prophets. Ahab was overpowered by what he had seen,
and Jezebel was not at hand to prompt him to oppose either the prophet
or the people.

Get thee up, eat and drink] There was probably preparation made
for the king's refreshment on the top of Carmel, where the offerings
had been made, and the words of the prophet apply to Ahab's return
from the Kishon, which was at a lower level. The expression 'eat
and drink' has been taken by some to be spoken in mockery or uttered
as if to one who was callous even after such a scene of butchery. It
would rather seem as if Elijah had not yet despaired of Ahab, and was
giving the king, who must have been paralysed by the scene, the best
ad\'ice for his present need, after the long and tragic day. The words
may also imply that now there was no longer any fear of want, for the
rain was coming at once. Thus they would form a fit introduction for
the announcement which follows.

forihext is a [R.V. the] sound of abundance of rain] The expression
is definite in the original. The LXX. has a very poetical paraphrase
ort <p^^v^] rdv Tro8u>i> rod verov, 'for there is the sound of the feet of
the rain.'

42. Elijah went up to the top of Canned] To a different point from
that to which Ahab had gone. This is clear from verse 44, where
the prophet despatches his servant with a message to the king.

and he cast [R.V. bowed] himself] The prophet's attitude was that
of prayer. Cf Jas. v. 18. The humble position is further indicated by
the clause which follows, 'he put his face between his knees.'

43. look toward the sea] Because from that quarter would come the
indication of the approaching storm. The LXX. omits 'he went up'
in the next clause, and adds at the close of the vei e 'and the servant
went again seven times.'

seven times] Meaning an indefinite number. 'Seven' is thus used
Ps. xii. 6, cxix. 164; Prov. xxiv. 16.

44. there ariseth a little cloud out of the sea, like a m .n^s hand]
R.V. a cloud out of the sea as small as a man's hand. This is
more in accordance with the Hebrew construction. The statement
was not meant to describe the shape of the cloud, but the size of it.
The servant returns as soon as there appears the smallest token of a
rain-cloud. The Hebrew word here employed, P|3, is sometimes used
for the 'sole of the foot' (see Josh. i. 3). Josephus therefore gives here
oi> Tr\4ov txi^ovs di- '^fuwlvov 'not bigger than the sole of a man s foot.'

vv. 45, 46; 1,2.] I. KINGS, XVIII. XIX. 197

a man's hand. And he said, Go up, say unto Ahab, Pre-
pare thy chariot^ and get thee down, that the rain stop thee
not. And it came to pass in the mean while, that the 45
heaven was black with clouds and wind, and there was a
great rain. And Ahab rode, and went to Jezreel. And the 4^
hand of the Lord was on Elijah; and he girded up his
loins, and ran before Ahab to the entrance of Jezreel.

And Ahab told Jezebel all that Elijah had done, and 19
withal how he had slain all the prophets with the sword.
Then Jezebel sent a messenger unto Elijah, saying. So let 2

Prepare [R.V. make ready thy chariot] The change is intro-
duced from 2 Kings ix. 21, where the word for 'chariot,' which is
here understood, stands in the text.

45. in the ?nean tvAz/e] [R.V. in a little while] The literal sense
is 'until so and until so.' The expression is probably borrowed from a
waving of the hand backward and forward, and means 'before you could
do that.' Hence 'in a little while' seems to be the better rendering.

And Ahab rode] The LXX. says 'Ahab wept.' Ahab made his
way to his palace (see xxi. 2) at Jezreel, that he might report to Jezebel
what had happened. Jezreel stood in the plain of Jezreel, in the tribe
of Issachar, and became one of the most famous of the royal residences
of the kings of Israel.

46, the hand of the Lord was on Elijah] A divine impulse which
directed and supported him in what he was to do. If there was still
hope of a change in Ahab, neither God nor His prophet would be
wanting to help him in the struggle after better courses. The running
was a sign of Bedouin endurance, the halting outside the city, at the
entrance of Jezreel, was a piece of Bedouin wariness.

Chap. XIX. i — 8. Elijah's flight to Horeb. (Xot in
Chronicles.)

1. And Ahab told Jezebel] The LXX. adds 'his wife.'

and withal ho-cu] The construction in the original is here irregular.
The words rendered 'withal' are omitted in nearly all the Versions.
The expression translated ' withal how' is exactly the same as that which
is rendered 'all that' in the previous clause, and does not suit the verb
which follows. But it is not easy to explain the repetition with two
different verbs, and no doubt the English translation gives the sense
which was intended. He told his wife in general 'all that' Elijah had
done and specially 'all, how' he had slain, (Jtc.

2. Jezebel sent a messenger] The queen could not restrain herself
in her rage. She cannot make arrangements for seizing Elijah at once,
but lets him know that she is resolved to do so. The LXX. has no
word for 'a messenger,' but enlarges the sentence by the words 'If
thou art Elijah, and I Jezebel, so let God &c.' The message intimates
that if he can be found he will be put to death on the morrow.

198 I. KINGS, XIX. [vv. 3, 4.

the gods do to me^ and more also, if I make not thy life as

3 the life of one of them by to morrow about this time. And
when he saw that, he arose, and went for his life, and came
to Beer-sheba, which belo7igeth to Judah, and left his ser\'ant

4 there. But he himself went a day's journey into the wilder-
ness, and came and sat down under a juniper tree: and he
requested for himself that he might die; and said, // is

3. And when he saxo that] The LXX. reading N"»*l instead of the
text 5<")*_1 renders by koX ecpo^rjOrj, 'and he was afraid.' And this
makes a good sense. But it is not necessary. Elijah saw (mentally) from
the message which came to him, that he must be gone, if he would save
his life. Moreover after the verb 'to fear' there usually follows a men-
tion of the person who is feared.

and went for his life'] i.e. To make sure of saving his life. It was
no part of his duty to expc.^e himself to unnecessary peril. The same
phrase is found in 2 King-, vii. 7 and nearly the same in Gen. xLx. 1 7.
The Vulgate rendering 'quocunque eum ferebat voluntas' 'wherever he
felt inclined' is certainly not what is meant.

and came to Beer-sheba, which belongeth to Judah] Beer-sheba was
in the tribe of Simeon (see Josh. xix. 2), though in Josh. xv. 28 it is
included among the uttemiost cities of Judah. Here 'which belongeth
to Judah' signifies 'which is part of the kingdom of Judah.' Elijah
had thus escaped from Ahab's dominions. The use of such a phrase
shews that the writer of this narrative was an Israelite.

and left his sei'vant there] The servant (according to Je\i'ish tradi-
tion, the son of the widow of Zarephath) must have attended un him
from Carmel to Jezreel, and from thence to the south of Judah. The
prophet now desires solitude, and so dismisses him. In the need of
spiritual communion with God no companion is desired. Even Jesus
himself said to His disciples 'Sit ye here, while I go and pray yonder'
(Matt. xxvi. 36).

4. a day''s journey into the wildermss] The wilderness here spoken
of is the desert of Paran, through which the Israelites had of old wan-
dered from Eg)'pt toward the promised land.

under a jnniper tree] The LXX. merely represents the Hebrew
name DJll by a transliteration L'Tro/carw 'PaO/xev. The plant is one of
the broom kind. It was stout enough to be used for fuel (Ps. cxx. 4),
and in time of famine its roots could be eaten (Job xxx. ,. 4). The
last quoted passage marks it as a tree growing in the wilderness. The
Hebrew says literally 'one juniper tree,' and thus depicts tor us the
desolate country just on the borders of the wilderness.

that he ?fiight die] The prophet had probably had some hope that
Ahab would disown the idolatrous worship after the scene on Carmel
and the destruction of the priests. Now he sees that the influence of
Jezebel is as string as ever, and the result is deep despondency and a
longing to be removed from the struggle.

vv. 5—8.] I. KINGS, XIX. 199

enough; now, O Lord, take away my life; for I am not
better than my fathers. And as he lay and slept under a 5
juniper tree, behold then, an angel touched him, and said
unto him, Arise and eat. And he looked, and behold, there 0
was a cake baken on the coals, and a cruse of water at his
head. And he did eat and drink, and laid him down again.
And the angel of the Lord came again the second time, 7
and touched him, and said. Arise and eat; because the
journey is too great for thee. And he arose, and did eat 3
and drink, and went in the strength of that meat forty days
and forty nights unto Horeb the mount of God.

/ am not better thcni my fathers\ Elijah had probably reached a ripe
age, and thinking his labours all fruitless, prays for removal. While
there was work to be done, and as he thought, hope of success, he was
a willing servant. It is only in the dark moment of seeming failure that
his natural feeling of having wrought no reform, such as he longed for,
wrings from him the cry in the text. We must not deem Elijah to
blame for this feeling. The way in which God sent him comfort and
sustenance shews us that the prophet's conduct was not such as to merit
rebuke. See a noble sermon on ' Elijah' by the late F. W. Robertson.
Sermon VI. Second Series.

5. And as he lay and slepf] Better, with R.V., 'And he lay down
and slept. ' The verb is the same as that which is so rendered at the
close of the next verse. The description is of what Elijah did, not
only of something which happened ' as he lay.'

behold then\ R.V. and behold. A change made necessary by the
previous alteration.

an angel touched hint] The LXX. omits 'an angel,' and so does the
narrative of Josephus, which merely has dieyeipavTO's 5' avrov nuos.

6. and behold, there was] The R.V., following the Hebrew order,
puts *at his head' immediately after these words.

7. because the journey is too great for thee'\ No mention has yet been
made of the distance or place to which Elijah meant to go. It seems
therefore more natural to conclude that the flight into the wilderness
had been undertaken by the prophet merely because he thought that he
would there be less likely to be found. And he appears to have made
no preparation for a journey, but to have started without any store of
food. In consequence of direction or prompting given during his rest
he went forward to Horeb. No place was so suitable for a divine
communication as that which was hallowed by God's appearance unto
Moses. The Vulgate rendering seems to imply what has been here
said, that th*^ direction for the future journey was a divine communi-
cation 'giandis enim tibi restat via.'

8. in the stren'^th of that meat] As Moses had been forty days on
Sinai and had taken no food with him, so now Elijah, who was to be
in many ways a counterpart of Moses, is divinely sustained by the food
which had been supplied to him while he rested. The fasting of Jesus

200 I. KINGS, XIX. [vv. 9. 10.

9 And he came thither unto a cave, and lodged there; and
behold, the word of the Lord came to him, and he said unto

10 him, What doest thou here, Elijah? And he said, I have
been very jealous for the Lord God of hosts : for the
children of Israel have forsaken thy covenant, thrown

at the lime of His temptation lights up these Old Testament histories,
which were meant to preach to former ages the lesson which the Lord
emphasises, ' Man shall not live by bread alone.'

forty days and forty flights] A great deal has been written to shew
that the journey from the edge of the wilderness of Paran to Mount
Horeb could not have occupied forty days, even of very slow walking.
But there is nothing in the verse to make it necessary to suppose that
the writer intended such a sense. Elijah was wandering in despondency
and seeking to hide himself. The time spent was not what was required
for the journey only, but far more in meditation and prayer, and seeking
from God a reason why all the toiling and testimony, which the prophet
had bestowed, had prove", so unproductive. The spiritual conflict of
Elijah prefigures the spiritual conflict of Jesus.

titito Horeb the vioiint of God] So called because, above all other
places, it was distinguished through God's manifestations of His power
and glory. The LXX. ( Vat.) does not represent 'of God.'

9 — 18. God's revelation and direction to Elijah. (Not in

Chronicles. )

9. imto a cave] The Hebrew has the article, and this is represented
in the LXX. by rh awriXaiov 'the cave.' It is very likely that by Elijah's
time tradition had fixed on a definite place as that 'cleft of the rock' in
which Moses stood (Exod, xxxiii. 22) when Jehovah passed by. If
this were so the place would be deemed very sacred, and would be
most appropriate to that divine explanation now to be given to Elijah.
For to him was to be presented another Theophany. Some have sug-
gested, as an explanation of the definite description, that the cave had
already become a resort of pilgrims to Horeb, but for this there appears
no evidence.

What doest thou here?] An opportunity is given to Elijah to open
his whole heart. The question here must have a different force from
that which it bears after the manifestation of God's presence in verse 13.
Here it must signify ' Why art thou thus cast down?' ' Has thy know-
ledge of Jehovah gone no farther than to see Him only in works of
vengeance?'

10. / have been very jealous] There is no boastfulne=;s in these
words. Elijah only opens his grief, and sets forth that he has done
his utmost, but that, in spite of all, botli king and people are still un-
repentant.

have forsaken thy covenant] For 'thy covenant' the LXX. reads, in
this verse but not in 14,' 'Thee.' The portion of the covenant here
referred to is Exud. xx. 3, 'Thou shalt have none other gods but Me.'
So forsaking the covenant is the same as forsaking God.

w. II, 12.] I. KINGS, XIX. 20I

down thine altars, and slain thy prophets with the
sword; and I, even I only, am left; and they seek my
life, to take it away. And he said, Go forth, and stand
upon the mount before the Lord. And behold, the Lord
passed by, and a great and strong wind rent the mountains,
and brake in pieces the rocks before the Lord; but the
Lord was not in the wind : and after the wind an earth-
quake; but the Lord was not in the earthquake: and after
the earthquake a fire; but the Lord was not in the fire: and

thrown down thine altars\ Elijah's language here implies that ac-
ceptable sacrifices had been offered to God in more places than one.
In xviii. 30 the altar of Carmel is called 'the altar of the Lord that
was broken do\vn. ' And there were probably many similar ones.

slain thy prophets\ The people appear to have assented to such
acts of Jezebel and her agents as are mentioned in xviii. 4, Elijah
also immediately includes them with Jezebel as seeking his life to take
it a\\ay.

J only ^ a77i left] Elijah speaks according to his own knowledge. No
one had stood with him on Carmel. His words on that occasion (xviii.
22) are the same as here.

Elijah's reply seems to indicate that he saw nothing more which
could be done, and for this reason had sought solitude and refuge in
flight.

11. Go forih'] The LXX. here adds aipiov, to-morrow, and the
narrative in Josephus {Ant. viii. 13. 7) represents the prophet's going
forth as taking place on the day following the divine questioning. But
these variations from the text may be, and probably are, due to a desire
to assimilate the narrative to Exod. xxxiv. 2, where Moses is told to 'be
ready in the morning.'

stand upoji the niotint before the Lord'\ Elijah does not go forth (see
verse 13) until he recognises the presence of the Lord in the still small
voice. The violence of the wind and the earthquake and the devouring
rage of the fire, he was made to feel, were not the proper manifestations
of Jehovah, were not those tokens by which He would be known to His
people, and consequently he abode still in the cave while they were
raging. The Lord had not \ et appeared.

And behold, the Lord passed by\ The participial form of the verb 12y

(literally is passing by) seems to require a modification of the translation.
\Vhat appears to be meant is 'the Lord is about to pass by and you shall
be able at that time to recognise something of His true character, and
to gain the instruction which you need from this revelation.' The LXX.
gives this sense, ibov TrapeXevaeTai /ci'pios, 'Behold the Lord will pass by.'
In that case these words belong to the preceding clause, and must be
connected with the command to go forth, which the prophet obeyed
when he found in which manifestation it pleased the Lord to he present.
Thus the narrative of what occurred will commence at 'And a great and
strong wind, &c.'

202 I. KINGS, XIX. [vv. 13—15.

13 after the fire a still small voice. And it was so, when Elijah
heard if, that he Avrapped his face in his mantle, and went
out, and stood in the entering in of the cave. And behold,
f/iere came a voice unto him, and said. What doest thou

14 here, Elijah? And he said, I have been very jealous for
the Lord God of hosts : because the children of Israel have
forsaken thy covenant, thrown down thine altars, and
slain thy prophets with the sword; and I, even I only,

15 am left; and they seek my life to take it away. And
the Lord said unto him, Go, return on thy way to the
wilderness of Damascus: and when thou comest, anoint

12. a still small voi^e] Literally, as in the margin of R. V. *a sound
of gentle stillness.' There is nothing to indicate to us whether the
sound was articulate or not, nor is it said that the Lord was now
present, but the action of the prophet shews that he knew the time was
come for him to present himself before Jehovah. The Alex. LXX.
adds 'and the Lord was there/ but the narrative is much more im-
pressive without those words.' For a similar recognition of God's
presence cf. Job iv. 16 'there was silence and I heard a voice.'

13. wrapped his face in his mantle^ The revelation was not one for
the eye, but for the spirit, of the prophet. Like Moses 'he was afraid
to look upon God' (Exod. iii. 6).

in the entering in of the cave] The command given before had been
'Go forth and stand upon the mount,' but this only applies to such an
advance as would bring him out of the cave and into the open air, not
to any climbing to the mountain top.

What dojst tho2i here ?] This repeated question seeks to know whether
the prophet has understood the manifestations that have been made to
him, and whether he is able to apply them to his own circumstances.
The answer coming in the same words as before seems to declare that
Elijah is still ignorant of what is meant. God therefore gives him
direct charges which shall make it clear that, though his own success
has not been such as he expected, yet God's work is still going for-
ward and that new agents are already prepared, in Jehovah's design,
for advancing it as He sees best.

15. Go, return on thy -cvay to the wilderness of Damascus] It seems
from what follows that the margin of the R. V. gives the truer sense,
viz. 'by the wilderness to Damascus.' Elijah was to go b?ck through
the wilderness, the way by \\ hich he had come to Horeb, and we see
that he came first to Abel-meholah, which was on the west of the
Jordan, not far from Bethshean (see note above on iv. 12). Thus he
was sent by God's encouragement, and with His protection, through
the land of Israel from which he had fled.

anoint Hazael to be king over Syria] So far as the Scripture record
goes we have no notice that Elijah perfonned this command m its literal
sense, Hazael being subsequently informed by Elisha (2 Kings viii. 13)

V. i6.] I. KINGS, XIX. 203

Hazael to be king over Syria : and Jehu the son of Nimshi 16
shalt thou anoint to be king over Israel: and Elisha the son

that the Lord had made known that he should become king over Israel,
though even then he was not anointed. We must interpret the meaning
of the command in accordance with the prophet's action, judging that
he understood what was intended by the words. The word 'anoint' is
used concerning Jehu and Elisha as well as Hazael ; and we know that
Elijah did not anoint Elisha, though he could easily have done so, but
only made known, by the act of casting his prophetic mantle upon
him, that he was called to that office. In the same way then we
may understand the rest of the divine order. Elijah was to receive
assurance for himself, and to make known that assurance to others, as
he found occasion, that God was still ruling Israel both from without
and from within, and would call to the throne of Syria one who should
execute His judgements upon His rel^ellious people, and to the throne of
Israel one who should destroy Baal and his worship out of the land.
We shall not err, it seems, if we suppose that the knowledge, which
Elisha had (2 Kings viii. 13) when he says 'The Lord hath shewed
me that thou shalt be king over Syria, ' was derived from Elijah's
communication, as also the instruction which led him, at a future
day (2 Kings ix. i, 2), to send one of the sons of the prophets to
Ramoth-Gilead to anoint Jehu. Hence 'anoint' in the text becomes
equivalent to 'point them out as the anointed ones.'

On Hazael's wars at a subsequent time with Israel and Judah, see
1 Kings viii. 28, 29. He subsequently invaded the territory of Israel
and especially overran the district East of Jordan (2 Kings x. 32, 33),
and held Israel in subjection 'all the days of Jehoahaz' (2 Kings xiii. 3,
22). Through him, we are told, 'the Lord began to cut Israel short'
(2 Kings x. 32), and there are many indications that this king was for
Israel, the rod of Gods anger, a divinely appointed minister of His
judgements.

For 'anoint' the R. V. reads thou shalt anoint, a change required
by the Hebrew which is not an imperative.

16. And Jehti the son of Nimshi] We learn from the account
of Jehu's anointing (2 Kings ix. 2) that Nimshi was Jehu's grandfather.
He was 'Jehu the son of Jehoshaphat the son of Nimshi. ' He was one
of Ahab's captains, and heard the sentence which Elijah pronounced
against Ahab for the murder of Naboth (2 Kings ix. 25, 26). \\Tien
Jehoram had succeeded Ahab, Jehu was anointed and conspired against
him, and slew not only Jehoram but also caused to be slain seventy
sons of Ahab, and the brethren of Ahaziah king of Judah, and all the
worshippers of Baal. For the history of these doings see 2 Kings x. It
is clear that Jehu looked upon himself as God's ordained instrument,
and considered \\\z actions as 'zeal for the Lord.' We may therefore
conclude that there had been made known to him something of the
message which the Lord here gives to Elijah, and that inspired by it,
he rose against the house of Ahab. For details of Jehu's history, see
notes on 2 Kings ix, x.

204 I. KINGS, XIX. [vv. 17, 18.

of Shaphat of Abel-meholah shalt thou anoint to be prophet

17 in thy room. And it shall come to pass, that him that
escapeth the sword of Hazael shall Jehu slay: and him that

18 escapeth from the sword of Jehu shall Elisha slay. Yet I
have left me seven thousand in Israel, all the knees

0/ Abel-mehola/i] See above on iv. 12. These words are omitted by
the LXX. For the history of Elisha see 2 Kings chapp. ii — xiii. At
the time of his call Elisha was probably a young man. His father and
mother were still alive, and he was living with them.

prophet in thy room] These words would teach Elijah that he was
not to expect the accomplishment of all God's purpose during his
own lifetime, but only to prepare a representative to be ready when
it was God's will to call him away. Till Elijah is about to be taken up
into heaven (2 Kings ii.) we read no more of Elisha than is told us in
this chapter. He ministered unto Elijah and was ready to attend him
on his last journey, and in those days of his ministration he dc ubtless
received all the teaching wh'ch God had given to his master, and was
made to see how the hand ot God was ever working amidst His people.

17. shatt Elisha slay'\ Here we come upon evidence that the
language of these verses (15 — 18) is not to be pressed into a literal
interpretation. In the second book of Kings the compiler gives us all
that he thought needful of the life of Elisha, and there is nothing in it
which accords with a literal acceptance of this verse. We read of none
that were slain by the hand of Elijah's successor. But his voice and his
labours for the overthrow of false worship, and for making known, both
to Israel and to the nations round about, that there was ' no God in all
the earth but in Israel' (2 Kings vi. 15) were constant, and by this
'sword of his mouth' he overthrew the foes of Jehovah. In this
sense he fulfilled the declaration in the text, his work coming in and
being effectual in places and ways where Hazael and Jehu wrought no
deliverance.

18. Yet I have left me] R. V. (and margin of A. V.) Yet will I
leave me. And this is not only required by the Hebrew words, but for
a true conception of the sense of the passage. Elijah had been witness
of God's might and power to execute judgement, in the wind, the earth-
quake, and the fire, and subsequently of the true presence of God in the
still small voice which spake of mercy. He is now sent to make known
who the ordained ministers of vengeance shall be, Hazael and Jehu being
the embodiment of what was portrayed in the elemental fury which had
passed before him. But after all came the voice which bare witness of
Jehovah's presence, and this Elijah is now told shall be made known
hereafter in the multitude of those who, after all trials, shall still remain
faithful. The LXX. renders 'and thou shalt leave in Israel, &c.'

sez'en thousand in Israel] Used for an indefinite number. On this
use of 'seven' cf. above xviii. 43. Also Prov. xxiv. 16; Matth.
xviii. 21, 22. The total was small compared with the whole people of
Israel, but they w .re God's 'holy remnant,' the seed of a purified
congregation of the future.

w. 19, 20.] I. KINGS, XIX. 205

which have not bowed unto Baal, and every mouth
which hath not kissed him.

So he departed thence, and found EHsha the son of 19
Shaphat, who was plowing with twelve yoke of oxen before
him, and he with the twelfth: and Elijah passed by him,
and cast his mantle upon him. And he left the oxen, and 20
ran after Elijah, and said. Let me, I pray thee, kiss my
father and my mother, and tJien I will follow thee. And he
said unto him, Go back again : for what have I done to thee?

hath not kissed hif/i] That such was the nature of some part of
the worship offered to false gods we can see from Hos. xiii. 2, 'Let
the men that sacrifice kiss the calves.' Probably the Latin adoro is
etymologically connected with this. For kissing as an act of religious
homage, see also Ps. ii. 12.

19—21. The call of Elisha. (Not in Chronicles.)

19- So he departed thence\ Josephus says, what the visit to Abel-
nieholah shews, that Elijah returned into the land of the Hebrews. He
was instructed, comforted, and assured of safety. God, who had as-
signed him work to do, and given hira hope therein, would not allow
him to fall into the hands of his enemies.

ploxving with ti.i>clve yoke of oxen before hini\ He had servants with
him to manage all the yokes but one, and to these people it was that
he afterwards made a farewell feast. It is clear from the description
that Elisha was the son of a wealthy father, and that the leaving all
to follow Elijah was a trial to test the character of the future prophet.

Elijah passed by him'] The Hebrew requires the rendering of the
R.V. passed over unto Mm. Elijah left the road and crossed into the
field where Elisha and his companions were plowing.

and cast his mantle upon hini] The prophetic mantle was probably
of a special cnaracter. In Zech. xiii. 4 we are told that the prophets
'shall not wear a rough garment (R.V. a hairy mantle) to deceive,'
and the whole description of Elijah (2 Kings i. 8) and the Xew Testa-
ment explanation thereof in the description of John the Baptist, bears
out the idea that he wore such a mantle. It was this mantle which
Elisha took up after the departure of Elijah into heaven, and the
possession thereof, and the employment of it to divide the waters of
the Jordan, caused the sons of the prophets to exclaim 'The spirit of
Elijah doth rest on Elisha' (2 Kings ii. 15). To cast such a robe upon
the shoulders of Elisha was to claim him, by a symbolical act, as one of
the members of the prophetic band. This Elisha felt and acted on.

20. kiss my father and ?ny mother] He was sensible that the separa-
tion was to be permanent, and that a higher call than that of earthly
parentage was laid upon him. This is the ground for his petition.
Thus will he make known to his parents the reason of his departure.

Go back again: for what have I done to thee?] Elijah grants his

2o6 1. KINGS, XIX. [v. 21.

21 And he returned back from him, and took a yoke of oxen,
and slew them, and boiled their flesh \vith the instruments
of the oxen, and gave unto the people, and they did eat.
Then he arose, and went after Elijah, and ministered unto
him.

request, but accompanies the permission with words which must remind
Elisha that he cannot now stay amid his home duties, 'Go back
again,' he says, 'but let it be only for the filial leave-taking, for what
have I done to thee? Have I not chosen thee to be my companion and
helper? Is not God's voice calling thee, through me, to do Him
service?'

21. And he returned ba/:k from [R.V. from following] ///;//] Elisha
clearly understood the permission which w-as given to him. He is
allowed a short space for leave-taking, but the call is imperative, and
he is to follow with all speed. Elijah goes his way, but leaves Elisha
in no doubt whither he is going, and where he may be found.

and took a [R.V. the] yoke of oxen] The language in the original
is definite, and no doubt re'ers to the particular pair of oxen which
Elisha had himself been using.

and doited their flesh] Thus he made a farewell feast to those wjth
whom he had been working. Having a true conception of the great
duty to which he was called, he would have them rejoice, and not
sorrow, at his departure.

a7id gave tmto the people] i.e. The plowmen, and other helpers in
the work which they had been doing. There is nothing to guide us
in deciding whether the feast was made at the place where the caii
was received, or whether it was a meal given in the home to which
Elisha went to bid adieu to his parents. It seems however more natural
to understand it of the latter. At such a parting meal the parents of him
w^ho was going away were hardly likely to be absent.

Because the word rendered 'slew' in this verse, is very frequently
translated 'sacrificed' some have thought that the ceremony here
described was a religious one. But there is no mention of an altar,
which would have been necessary, nor of the devotion of any part of
the slain beasts as an offering. The guests were invited to a family
feast, after the patriarchal fashion, and joined in the festivities attendant
on such an occasion. The parents of Elisha were p. rhaps likeminded
with himself and felt the grandeur of the office to which he was called.
In that case the feeling of joyous thankfulness would be the most
prevalent.

went after Elijah, and ministered unto him] Josephus adds to the
narrative, that 'Elisha immediately began to prophesy.' In the Scrip-
ture story he is not mentioned again till the departure of Elijah into
heaven is close at hand (2 Kings ii. i). But we cannot doubt that he
was the companion of Elijah from that day forward, and we are shewn
something of the nature of the attendance and ministration here alluded
to in 2 Kings iii. 11, where we read of Elisha as he 'which poured
water on the hand^ of Elijah.' The members of the propheuc school

vv. 1—4.] I. KINGS, XX. 207

And Ben-hadad the king of Syria gathered all his host 20
together: and there were thirty and two kings with him, and
horses, and chariots : and he went up and besieged Samaria,
and warred against it. And he sent messengers to Ahab 2
king of Israel into the city, and said unto him, Thus saith
Ben-hadad, Thy silver and thy gold is mine; thy wives also 3
and thy children, evc7i the goodliest, are mine. And the 4

seem to have lived after the fashion of ' Brethren of the common life,'
and the less prominent members did service of every kind for those who
were at the head.

Ch. XX. 1—12. Ben-hadad king of Syria besieges Samaria.
His messages to Ahab. (Not in Chronicles.)

1. In the LXX. Chapters xx. and xxi. are transposed, apparently
with a view of bringing the histor}' in which EHjah plays a part into
closer connexion. Josephus also adopts the same order of events in his
history. See Atit. viii. 13. 8 and viii. 14. i.

Ben-hadad the king of Syrid\ See above on xv. 18. The LXX.
always translates the first syllable of this name, writing vVo% 'Adep.
There is nothing to help us to conclude with certainty whether the
Ben-hadad of this verse was the same who made a treaty \\nth Asa king
of Judah against Baasha king of Israel. Between the death of Baasha
and the beginning of Ahab's reign was only about 14 years, so that it
is not impossible that he may be the same Ben-hadad mentioned before,
but perhaps the probability is in favour of his being a son or grandson
with the same name.

gathered all his host together^ The LXX. adds here 'and went up and
besieged Samaria,' and repeats nearly the same words in the next verse.

thirty and two kings -with him'\ These would be princes from the
different provinces of Aram (Syria) over whom Ben-hadad at Damascus
would be lord superior. They would probably include princes from
among the Hittites and Hamathites, who dwelt near at hand and who
would be in alliance or perhaps tributaries.

and horses'\ The LXX. gives Tras I'TTTros 'all his cavalry.'

besieged Samaria'] Josephus says that Ahab did not feel equal to
meeting his powerful adversary in the field and so shut up himself, and
all that he could collect, in the strongest fortresses in the land, himself
continuing in Samaria as the best defended.

and warred (R. V. fouglit) against it] The change of rendering is
made because the verb is nearly always translated 'fight' elsewhere.
It is so rendered in verses 23 and 25 of this chapter.

2. he sent messengers] Sending first, no doubt, as Josephus explains,
a herald to ask that his ambassadors might be received to explain his
demands.

3. even the goodliest] These words are omitted in the LXX. The
claim laid to the wives and children would in Oriental eyes amount to a
deposition of the monarch, or a deprivation of his royal power. It was

2o8 I. KINGS, XX. [vv. 5—7.

king of Israel answered and said, My lord, O king, accord-

5 ing to thy saying, I ain thine, and all that I have. And the
messengers came again, and said. Thus speaketh Ben-hadad,
saying. Although I have sent unto thee, saying, Thou shalt
deliver me thy silver, and thy gold, and thy wives, and thy

6 children ; yet I will send my servants unto thee to-morrow
about this time, and they shall search thine house, and the
houses of thy servants; and it shall be, that whatsoever is
pleasant in thine eyes, they shall put // in their hand, and

7 take // away. Then the king of Israel called all the elders
of the land, and said, Mark, I pray you, and see how this
man seeketh mischief: for he sent unto me for my wives,
and for my children, and for my silver, and for my gold;

one of the first acts of a conqueror to seize the wives of the vanquished
opponent. Ahab's fear of ^oing forth would encourage Ben-hadad to
treat him thus, just as his submissive answer at first only led to larger
demands on the part of the besieger.

4. according to thy saying\ The R. V. inserts It is before these
words and thus brings out the division of the verse as marked in the
Hebrew. The order of words in the original is 'It is according to thy
saying, my lord, O king.'

5. Although I have sent unto thee\ The R. V. translates I sent in-
deed taito thee, and begins the 6th verse with But instead oi yet. This
brings out the arrogancy of Ben-hadad more fully. It is as though he
said 'You submitted to my first demand, but in spite of that I am not
satisfied.' Now not only Ahab's houses ?nd treasures are threatened
but those of all his subjects. Hence the summoning of a council to
discuss the position.

6. to-morrow about this iimg\ The imperious victor (as he thought
himself) would suffer no delay. His orders were to be carried out
at once.

7. called all the elders of the land'\ It was more than a gathering
of the chief men of the city. Probably at such a crisis many of the
principal persons who dwelt at other times away from the fortified cities
would have gathered in Samaria for safety. It was with all these that
Ahab conferred. Josephus represents the king as gathering ro TrXrjdos,
'the bulk of the people.' This can hardly have been thought necessary,
nor is it at all after the manner of Eastern monarchs. Ti^e treasures
which were now threatened would be the possessions of the principal
men, and to them the king would appeal for advice. It is however
mentioned in verse 8 that all the people agreed to the decision that
Ben-hadad's demand should be rejected. Ahab's sentence is left uncon-
cluded, but the conclusion suggests itself without being spoken. It
would have run somewhat' thus, "But now he threatens to seize your
treasures as well ao mine, tell me what answer I shall send to him."

w. 8—12.] I. KINGS, XX. 209

and I denied him not. And all the elders and all the 8
people said unto him, Hearken not unto Mm, nor consent
Wherefore he said unto the messengers of Ben-hadad, Tell 9
my lord the king. All that thou didst send for to thy servant
at the first I will do: but this thing I may not dc. And the
messengers departed, and brought him word again. And 10
Ben-hadad sent unto him, and said, The gods do so unto
me, and more also, if the dust of Samaria shall suffice for
handfuls for all the people that follow me. And the king u
of Israel answered and said, Tell hi7n, Let not him that
girdeth on his harness boast himself as he that putteth //
off. And it came to pass, when Ben-hadad heard this 12
message, as he n^as drinking, he and the kings in the pavi-

8. Hearken not unto him, nor conse^it\ The R. V. omits the need-
less italics and reads neither instead of nor. The shorter the form of
such a decision the better and more natural.

9. Tell niy lord the king\ The LXX. says 'your lord'. The Hebrew
accords better with the generally submissive conduct of Ahab through-
out the whole narrative. The picture of the power of the Israelitish
king is not very magnificent. Even in this final answer he speaks of
himself as Ben-hadad's ' servant '.

10. if the dust of Samaria shall S2cffi.ce for handfuls for all the people
that foil vw me] i.e. I will bring such a host that if each man were but
to take with him a handful of earth, Samaria would be all carried away.
The boastful tone is quite of a piece with all Ben-hadad's previous
conduct. . . , .

The LXX. has read DvL'ti^ instead of D^"?rJ^ and so instead of

'handfuls' it gives rati dXwTre^t = * for the foxes (or jackals).' Josephus
explains Ben-hadad's threat to have meant, that the Syrian army, bringing
each man his handful of earth, would make a mound against Samaria
higher than the present walls. Thus contemptuously hinting at the
ease with which he could overthrow the Israelitish fortifications. The
original t^xt is incapable of such a sense.

11. Tell him, &c.] For this the LXX. gives <'Let it suffice: let
not the crooked boast himself as the straight." The latter portion is
an attempt (but not very successftil) to supply the place of one proverbial
saying by another. We convey somewhat of a like sense by ' Praise not
the day till the evening.'

For the somewhat antiquated 'harness' the R.V. substitutes axmour.

12. as he was drinking] Ben-hadad was clearly full of confidence,
and was giving a banquet to the allied princes in anticipation of the
victory.

he and the kings] i.e. The thirty and two, mentioned in ver. i.

in the pavilions] The word is the same which is used for the
temporary booths erected of branches of trees at the feast of Taber-
nacles. Doubtless the tents of Ben-hadad and his princes were of

I. KINGS i^.

2IO I. KINGS, XX. [vv. 13, 14.

lions, that he said unto his servants, Set yourselves in array.
And they set themselves i?i array against the city.

13 And behold, there came a prophet unto Ahab king of
Israel, saying, Thus saith the Lord, Hast thou seen all this
great multitude? behold, I will deliver it into thine hand

14 this day; and thou shalt know that I am the Lord. And
Ahab said. By whom? And he said. Thus saith the Lord,
Even by the young men of the princes of the provinces.
Then he said. Who shall order the battle? And he an-

the like kind, for the erection of which material was not difficult to
find.

Set yourselves in array] As there is only the verb expressed here,
it is possible to substitute as is done in the margin 'the engines' instead
of the text. The word is used elsewhere with a noun 'battering-rams'
after it (Ezek. iv. 2), but there is nothing in this passage to shew us
whether the persons or the engines are referred to. Such elliptical
phrases are common amo: g words of command.

The LXX. has rendered 'Build a stockade, and they set a stockade
against the city.'

13—21. God by a prophet promises the victory to Arab. The
Syrians are defeated. (Not in Chronicles.)

13. thei'e came a prophet'] The Hebrew verb is not the common
word for 'to come.' The R.V. has therefore translated it here, and
in verses 12 and 28, by came near, as it is very frequently translated
elsewhere in the A.V.

This prophet must have been one of those who were saved at the
time of Jezebel's attempt to destroy them all. Obadiah had saved a
hundred, and no doubt others also escaped. When Elijah complained
'I, even I only, am left,' the reason was that, through the persecution,
a stop had been put to all prophetic activity. In the present strait we
need not doubt that any messenger of good tidings would be welcome.
So that there is nothing strange about the prophet's visit. The national
thoughts were occupied on other things than the slaughter of Jehovah's
prophets.

14. the young men of the princes of the provinces] The LXX. gives
viol TU)v rfyefjLovuv, 'sons of the leaders', and Josephus nearly the same.
'The princes of the provinces' were probably chieftains who had come
from various parts of the kingdom of Israel. The ' young men ' would
be their attendants or squires. Evidently they are selected as persons
who had no great experience though they might have the courage to go,
few in number, against a much superior force.

fVho shall order the battle] The verb, as is seen from the margin of
A.V., means 'to bind' or 'tie'. The R.V. taking this to apply to the
bringing of the armies together has rendered begin. Instead of remain-
ing within the v, alls, God encourages Ahab to be the first to strike a

vv. 15—18.] I. KINGS, XX. 211

swered, Thou. Then he numbered the young men of the 15
princes of the provinces, and they were two hundred and
thirty two : and after them he numbered all the people, even
all the children of Israel, being seven thousand. And they 16
went out at noon. But Ben-hadad tvas drinking hifnse/f
drunk in the pavilions, he and the kings, the thirty and two
kings that helped him. And the young men of the princes 17
of the provinces went out first; and Ben-hadad sent out, and
they told him, saying, There are men come out of Samaria.
And he said, Whether they be come out for peace, take 18
them alive; or whether they be come out for war, take them

blow. Humanly speaking, even, such a step was likely to meet with
seme success. Josephus says Ahab was to lead because of the in-
experience of the young men.

15. Then he mimbered [R.V. mustered] the young men] The verb
occurs several times in this chapter, and is always rendered ' numbered '
(see w. ■26, 27 and the two instances in this verse), as indeed it is in
nearly all cases in A.V. But looking at verse 27, in comparison with
this verse, 'to number' can hardly be correct, for then the operation
would have been performed twice over, manifestly a needless pro-
ceeding. The verb literally signifies 'to visit', hence 'to hold a visita-
tion, or gathering,' and so ' to muster ' appears to represent the sense
here very well. See also the note on verse 25 below.

even a// the childreti of Israel] The LXX, omits these words. The
smallness of the number mentioned (7000) is very remarkable. Josephus
only -speaks of them as the rest of the army. There were no doubt
many more men of war in Israel, but if the number in the text be correct,
it must be that Ahab had not been able to bring many soldiers together
in the city by reason of the suddenness of the attack, or because so
many other persons from the country had crowded into the safest places,
and thus there was no room for more.

16. they -went out at noon] They had probably learnt that the royal
banquet was in progress, and the moment would appear a favourable
one. When the leaders were giving themselves up to self-indulgence
the army wuuld not be well-prepared for action. The words which
follow shew that the revelry in the camp of the Syrians had been
carried to a perilous length.

17. and Ben-hadad sent out] Even in his drunken revelry he is
made aware that something unexpected is taking place, and he sends to
know exactly what it is. The LXX. says 'they send and announce to
the king of Syria', but this is hardly what would take place. When
the messengers come back they tell the king that the besieged have
taken a new course: 'There are men come out of (R.V. from) Samaria;'
'They are not going to wait for our attack, but either come to attack
us, or to make proposals for peace'.

18. taie them alive] Whatever their mission might be Ben-hadad

14 — 2

212 I. KINGS, XX. [vv. 19-22.

19 alive. So these young men of the princes of the provinces
came out of the city, and the army which followed them.

20 And they slew every one his man: and the Syrians fled; and
Israel pursued them : and Ben-hadad the king of Syria

21 escaped on a horse with the horsemen. And the king of
Israel went out, and smote the horses and chariots, and
slew the Syrians with a great slaughter.

22 And the prophet came to the king of Israel, and said
unto him, Go, strengthen thyself, and mark, and see what
thou doest : for at the return of the year the king of Syria

had no doubt that his followers could surround them and capture them
without fighting. They could have no difficulty in overpowering so
insignificant a force. Why he wished for the capture rather than the
slaughter of the Israelites is not so evident. It might be only with a
view of making it clear that there was no need to cut off any troops sent
against them ; by mere force of numbers they could overpower them
and make them prisoners.

19. So these young men, &c.] The R.V. keeps the order of the
original and renders So these went out of the city, the young men, &c.
The LXX. has made this clause part of Ben-hadad's order: 'And let not
the young men &c. go forth'.

and the army which followed them^ That is, the 7000 mentioned
above in verse 15. Apparently the battle was to be commenced by
the young men, and the other troops were to come on and increase
the alarm caused by the unexpected attack.

20. on a horse luith the horsemen^ The distinction usually drawn
between the two Hebrew nouns in this expression is that the first word
describes a chariot horse, the second a hi rse for riding. If this be so
(and there seems good ground for the distinction) the king of Syria fled
away in such haste that he did not get a proper riding-horse for himself,
but took a carriage-horse and on that made his escape among the
mounted troops.

21. And the king of Israel went oj/t] Ahab's part appears to have
been a small one. He seems to have given directions to the young
men, and to those that followed them, but himself to have tarried in
Samaria, until the rout was seen to have beg^n.

22 — 34. The Syrians prepare another army, and are again

DEFEATED. AhAB MAKES A COVENANT WITH BeN-HADAD.

(Not in Chronicles.)

22. the prophet came to the king] R.V. came near as in vv. 13 and
«8. See on 13.

mark, and scc\ i.e. Take every possible precaution. Look out for
what is best to be done.

at the return of the year'] i.e. When the fitting season for taking the
field has again come round. Cf. 2 Sam. xi. i, 'after the year was
expired, at the tii.iC when kings go forth to battle'.

\^\ 23—27.] I. KINGS, XX. 213

will come up against thee. And the servants of the king of 23
Syria said unto him, Their gods are gods of the hills; there-
fore they were stronger than we; but let us fight against
them in the plain, and surely we shall be stronger than they.
And do this thing, Take the kings away, every man out of 24
his place, and put captains in their rooms: and number thee 25
an army, hke the army that thou hast lost, horse for horse,
and chariot for chariot : and we will fight against them in the
plain, and surely we shall be stronger than they. And he
hearkened unto their voice, and did so. And it came to 26
pass at the return of the year, that Ben-hadad numbered the
Syrians, and went up to Aphek, to fight against Israel.
And the children of Israel were numbered, and were all 27

23. ik^ir gods are gods'] R. V. their god is a god. The LXX. also
renders by the singular. The Syrians would speak of the God of Israel
as a national divinity, just as they would of their o\\"n god. The former
battle had been fought in the hill country round about Samaria, and this
may have given encouragement to the idea that in a level plain, like that
in which their o\^"n Damascus lay, the S}Tian forces would meet with
more success. It was not unnatural, in the heathen ideas about the
gods, that they should consider each divinity specially able, and suited,
to protect the land over which he was supposed to have the charge.

24. Take the kings away] That is, the thirty and two, whose at-
tendance on the court, and the wassail consequent on their presence,
had done much harm to the expedition. \Ve need not suppose that
these kings were to be deprived of their power and deposed, though
the text would bear that interpretation, but only that they were no
longer to take part in the war. Their places were to be supplied by
those who had made war their trade, and who would give their atten-
tion to the battle and not to revelry.

25. and niiinber thee an army] Here we have a different verb from
that in 15 and in 26, 27. Here the operation is one of numbering,
making the force tally exactly in each arm with that which had been
gathered in the previous year. The rendering of this verb by 'number'
is an additional reason for charging 'number' to muster in the other
places.

26. numbered] R. V. mustered, and so in the next verse. See
above on verse 15.

up to Aphek] There were several places of this name. One was at
the foot of Lebanon, in the tribe of Asher (see Josh. xiii. 4, xix. 30).
Another was in the hill country on the east of the sea of Galilee. But
as Ben-hadad's policy was to fight in the plain, the Aphek here intended
must be the city of that name which lay in the plain of Jezreel. On
the fitness of this place for a large encampment cf. i Sam. xxix. i.

27. were all present] The R. V. has adopted the marginal rendering
of A.V. were victualled. This is the rendering of the Vulg. cibaria

214 I. KINGS, XX. [vv. 28—30.

present, and went against them : and the children of Israel
pitched before them Uke two Httle flocks of kids; but the

28 Syrians filled the country. And there came a man of God,
and spake unto the king of Israel, and said, Thus saith the
Lord, Because the Syrians have said, The Lord is God of
the hills, but he is not God of the valleys, therefore will I
deliver all this great multitude into thine hand, and ye shall

29 know that I am the Lord. And they pitched one over
against the other seven days. And so it was, that in the
seventh day the battle was joined: and the children of Israel
slew ^the Syrians an hundred thousand footmen in one day.

30 But the rest tied to Aphek, into the city; and there a wall

cxceperunt. The passive form of the verb occurs only here, but the
active 'to supply with victuals' is found, Gen. xlv. 11, 1. 21 and in
several other places.

a7id tJie children of Israel pitched [R. V. encamped] before thcm'\ The
R. V. is a very frequent translation of this word, and seems best when
there is no object after the verb. When 'their tents" or some such
expression is supplied, then 'pitch' is the more appropriate. The
R. V. makes the same change in verse 29.

two little Jlocks] The rendering 'little flocks' is from the Vulg. 'duo
parvi greges'. The LXX. has 8vo irolfxvLa. The Hebrew word does
not occur elsewhere.

The Israelite army had adopted a division into two parts, perhaps from
the arrangement v/hich had been so successful in the previous attack.

28. And there came a man of God^ R. V. And a man of God came
near. See on verse 13 above.

This was probably a diflferent person from the prophet of verses 1 3
and 22.

and said'\ This is the same word in the original with that rendered
'and spake' just a few words before. It seems probable, as the verse
makes equally good sense without it, that its repetition is due to an
error of the scribe. Some versions do not represent it.

the Lord is God'l R.V. a god, twice in this verse, thus bringing it
into accord with the alteration in 23.

29. sro'oi days] Perhaps there was some religious idea on the part
of the Israelites connected with this time of waiting before they begnn
the battle. After the promise of the man of God, the conflict would
have a religious sanction and be entered on with confidence.

an hundred tho7isand footmen] The number is very large, bit Tosephus
gives the same. If it be correct, the slaughter can hardly have been
effected in any other way but by a panic in which these troops cut and
trampled down one another.

30. and there a [R.V. and the] wall fell upon twenty and seven
thousand of the [R.V. omits of the] men] The noun is definite in the
original, and musL refer to the city wall of Aphek. The narrative gives

w. 31—33.] I. KINGS, XX. 215

fell upon twenty and seven thousand of the men that were
left. And Ben-hadad fled, and came into the city, into an
inner chamber. And his servants said unto him, Behold 31
now, we have heard that the kings of the house of Israel are
merciful kings: let us, I pray thee, put sackcloth on our
loins, and ropes upon our heads, and go out to the king of
Israel: peradventure he will save thy life. So they girded 32
sackcloth on their loins, and put ropes on their heads, and
came to the king of Israel, and said. Thy servant Ben-hadad
saith, I pray thee, let me live. And he said, /j- he yet alive?
he is my brother. Now the men did diligently observe 33

no clue to the cause of the disaster. But the divine promise of victory
seems to warrant us in concluding that it was by divine interposition,
through an earthquake it may be, that a destruction so tremendous was
wrought among the enemy. The small number of Israel could not
have availed even for the slaughter of those who fell in the battle.

And Ben-hadad fkd^ He was probably on or near the walls when
the great disaster occurred, and in terror gat him to the more central
parts of the city.

into an iiiner chamber\ Literally, 'a chamber within a chamber*.
The LXX. has et'j tov oXkov too koitIjX'os ets to ra/uLielov, 'into the bed-
chamber, even into the innermost room'. Josephus says 'an under-
ground room'. What is meant is no doubt some room as far removed
from the entrance as possible, so that he might be hidden for a good
while at all events, and perhaps remain altogether undiscovered.

31t /c"/ us, /[R. V. we] p7'aj' thee] The change is made because the
sentence is in other parts in the plural. The Hebrew i^j is a mere
particle employed to give emphasis to forms of entreaty, and has
nothing that indicates whether one or more persons are speakers.

sackcloth on o'ur loins] The garment of humiliation and mourning.
Cp. Gen. xxxvii. 34; 2 Sam. iii. 31 ; 2 Kings vi. 30; Is. xxxvii. i, 2.

ropes upon our heads] Probably meaning with ropes around the
neck. !^^'o token of submission could be more expressive than this to
indicate that Ahab might hang them if he pleased.

peradventure he will save thy life] A touch of Oriental character,
which is destroyed by the LXX., which has 'our lives'. The Eastern
courtier, even at such a time, would speak of his master's life and not
his own. If the fanner were spared, the latter would be spared also,
as a matter of course.

32. Is he yet alive? he is my hvther] Ahab could not know whether
Ben-hadad had perished under the falling wall, but as soon as he hears
that he is safe, his sympathy is stirred for one of his own rank, and he
uses the kingly form of address in speaking of him 'my brother'. Cf.
above on ix. 13.

33. the men did diligently observe whether any thing would come
from him, and did hastily catch it] R. V. the men observed diligently

2i6 - I. KINGS, XX. [v. 34.

whether any tkhig wot/Id come from him, and did hastily
catch //.• and they said, Thy brother Ben-hadad. Then
he said, Go ye, bring him. Then Ben-hadad came forth to
34 him; and he caused him to come up into the chariot. And
Ben-hadad said unto him, The cities, which my father took
from thy father, I will restore; and thou shalt make streets
for thee in Damascus, as my father made in Samaria. 1 hen
said Ahab, I will send thee away with this covenant. So he
made a covenant with him, and sent him away.

and hasted to catch whether it were his mind. There are several
difficulties in this verse. The italics of A.V. being omitted, we have
an expression meaning 'whether from him'. This the R. V. takes as
'whether it were his mind', his true intention, to regard Ben-hadad in
this friendly way. The first verb is used several times of divination by
augury (cf. 2 Kings xvii. 17, xxi. 6). Hence the sense of 'diligent
observation' (see Gen. xliv. 5, marg. A.V.). Some have tsken the
word as implying a favouvible omen, and so rendered 'they took it
as a good sign '. But this further meaning is no necessary part of the
sense. The other verb rendered 'to catch' is only found here, ana has
nothing in Hebrew, or even in the cognate languages, to explain it.
The traditional Jewish explanation is 'they hasted to get him to say
clearly'. The LXX. and the Vulg. give the sense of 'to catch'; the
former translating by aueXe^avro, the latter by 'rapuerunt'. Josephus
represents the messengers as taking a pledge {opKov^ Xa^opres) from
Ahab that there should be no harm done to their master. The R. V.
seems to have improved a little upon the A. V., and the following words
*Thy brother Ben-hadad' shew on what point the Syrians were anxious
for confirmation.

into the chariot] The war chariot in which Ahab had come forth to
the battle. For the whole proceeding appears to have taken place im-
mediately after the Syrian overthrow.

34. This verse is very singular from the omission of the names of
both the speakers. It is clear enough from the sense, to whom each
clause must be assigned, but the omissions are so unusual that one can
hardly help suspecting some error in the text. The LXX. joins the
two clauses as though they were spoken by the same person.

juake streets for thee in Damasczts] This must signify that a portion
of Damascus should be set apart as belonging to Israel, and that
dwellings might be erected there for the use of such Israelites as should
have need to go thither. That such a privileged quarter in a foreign
city might be of great use for purposes of commerce we can readily
imagine, and more so in those days and lands of caravans than in the
western world. Probably ' Lombard Street ' in London was originally
a privileged part of the city, where the wealthy Lombard merchants
established themselves.

Thcfi, said Ahab, / 7ai// send thee a%vay\ R. V., And I, said Ahab,
Will let thee go. The verb is rendered ' to let go ' in the application

w. 35—37.] I. KINGS, XX. 217

And a certain man of the sons of the prophets said unto 35
his neighbour in the word of the Lord, Smite me, I pray
thee. And the man refused to smite him. Then said he 36
unto him, Because thou hast not obeyed the voice of the
Lord, behold, as soon as thou art departed from me, a hon
shall slay thee. And as soon as he was departed from him,
a lion found him, and slew him. Then he found another 37

made by the son of the prophets in verse 42. It is better therefore to
translate it in the same way here, and in the following clause of this
verse 'and let Mm go'.

luith this covena7tt\ The agreement, namely, for the restoration of
the taken cities, and for the privilege of occupying part of Damascus
with houses for Israelites. The language sets before us the easy
way in which Ahab allowed the advantages of the victory to slip from
his grasp. It seems too that Ben-hadad did not fulfil all his part of the
covenant (see xxii. 3), and this may have been in consequence of the
behaviour of Ahab, which would make the compact appear of little
moment.

35—43. A PROPHETIC MESSAGE REBUKING AhAB BECAUSE HE HAD

LET Ben-hadad go. (Not in Chronicles.)

35. a certain man of the sons of the prophets'] It is clear from what
follows in the history {1 Kings ii.) about the taking of Elijah into
heaven, that in spite of Jezebel's persecution, the prophets and their
schools were not put down, but still flourished in various places.
Josephus represents this 'son of the prophets' as Micaiah, spoken of
in xxii. 8, and says that it was in consequence of this message about
Ben-Hadad's deliverance that Ahab put him in prison. {Ant. vili. 14. 5.)

said unto his neighbour in [R.V. fellow by] the word of the Lord]
The man to whom he made the request was probably one who like
himself dwelt in one of the prophetic societies, and he ought therefore
to have understood that there was some purpose in his companion's
request. Hence his sin in refusing to comply with it. 'Fellow' gives
the idea of men of the same guild better than 'neighbour'. The ex-
pression 'by the word of the Lord' is found in a similar passage (i Kings
xiii. 17), and is the more usual form.

Smite me] He wished to personate a man who had been engaged in
the battle and had suffered something from the enemy.

the man refused] Such a refusal was utterly at variance with the
character of a prophet, who was to be prepared to obey at all costs a
message which came as the word of the Lord. His companion puts
the case very strongly in the next verse when he calls his o\\ti request
'the voice of the Lord'.

36. a hon] On the frequency of wild beasts in the Holy Land at
this time, see above on xiii. 24. The incident here recorded is not
without its importance as a comment on disobedience to God's com-
mand, for which a punishment was just to be pronounced against Ahab.

2i8 1. KINGS, XX. [w. 38— 40.

man, and said, Smite me, I pray thee. And the man smote

3S him, so that in smiting he wounded him. So the prophet

departed, and waited for the king by the way, and disguised

39 himself with ashes upon his face. And as the king passed
by, he cried unto the king : and he said, Thy servant went
out into the midst of the battle ; and behold, a man turned
aside, and brought a man unto me, and said, Keep this
man : if by any means he be missing, then shall thy life be

40 for his life, or else thou shalt pay a talent of silver. And as
thy servant was busy here and there, he was gone. And
the king of Israel said unto him, So shall \hy judgement be ;

37. so that in siuititig he ivoiinded him] The R. V. has adopted
the hteral rendering which stands on the margin of A. V. smiting and
wounding him. Josephus specifies the nature of the wound dpaixravTos
avTov TO KpivLov ' breaking his head '. This of course is to be inferred
from what follows.

38. waited for tJie king by tJie 7va)<\ He wished to intercept Ahab
just as he was coming from his interview with Ben-hadad. A parallel this
to the lion meeting the disobedient prophet as soon as he had departed
from his fellow.

and disguised hirnselfl With this action may be compared the as-
sumed mourning garb of the widow of Tekoah (2 Sam. xiv. 2).

with ashes upon his face'] R. V. with Ms head band over his eyes.
The A. V. is the rendering of the Vulg. and Syriac, and is the result of
taking IS^X in the text as the same "IDX which means 'dust', 'ashes'.
The LXX. has the true sense in Te\a/jLuv=3i bandage, while the Chaldee
translates it as 'a veil'. When the proper meaning is given to the
first word, the common rendering 'eyes' for the second can be
brought in.

39. cried unto the king\ The appeal for the king's intervention is
made with a \dew of gettmg free from the punishment which had been
threatened to him.

a man turned aside] Evidently meant to indicate one of authority
who had a right to command the services which he desires and to impose
a penalty if they be not fulfilled. In the interpt -station he represents
Jehovah.

be missing] i.e. When I come to ask for the prisoner whom I tiiistcd
to your hands.

a talent of silver] The fine was large to mark the importance of the
trust.

40. lu was gone] The sentence would of course continue thus: 'Let
me however find grace and let not thy servant suffer for this neglect '.

So shall thy Judgement ht] i.e. As he laid down who entrusted his
prisoner to thy care. The LXX. rendering here is utterly without sense,
and it is impossible to conceive whence it was derived, Iboi) koX to.
ivedpa Trap' e/toi :<pbvevaas.

w. 41— 43; i] I- KINGS, XX. XXI. 219

thyself hast decided it. And he hasted, and took the ashes 41
away from his face ; and the king of Israel discerned him
that he was of the prophets. And he said unto him, Thus 42
saith the Lord, Because thou hast let go out of thy hand a
man whom I appointed to utter destruction, therefore thy
life shall go for his life, and thy people for his people. And 43
the king of Israel went to his house heavy and displeased,
and came to Samaria.

And it came to pass after these things, that Naboth the 21
Jezreelite had a vineyard, which was in Jezreel, hard by

41. the ashes away from his face\ Here R. V. (as in 38) tlie head
band from his eyes.

that he was of the prophets'] It is clear that the prophets were dis-
tinguished by dress, or in some evident manner, so that they were easy
of recognition. Perhaps the hairy prophetic mantle was the usual garb,
and that on the present occasion the prophet had some wrapping thrown
over that, which he laid aside along with the head band, and then the
king recognised his character.

out of thy hand] The LXX. represents the pronoun, which is
omitted in the Hebrew text, perhaps only by a slip of the scribe.

42. a mau] R. V. the man. For the whole multitude, and of
course the king above all, had been delivered into Ahab's hand (see
verse 28), and the victory was to be an evidence that Jehovah had fought
for Israel.

appointed to utter desti'tcction] R. V. devoted to destruction. This
was the purpose for which Ben-hadad had been brought into Ahab's
hand^ The literal rendering is ' the man of my banning ', whom I have
laid under a ban. It is used Is. xxxiv. 5 'the people of my curse'.

43. hcazy and displeased] Said again of Ahab in the next chapter
(verse 4) when he could not prevail upon Naboth to part with his vine-
yard. The first of these words is used in xxi. 5 to signify sadness of
spirit, the second indicates anger arising from disappointment. It
describes the sort of rage which Asa exhibited (2 Chron. xvi. 10) when
he put Hanani in prison for telling him that he had done wrong in
relying on the help of the Syrians instead of trusting in the Lord.

Ch. xxi. 1 — 16. Naboth the Jezreelite is stoned to death
AND Ahab takes possession of his vineyard. (Not in Chronicles.)

1. This chapter is placed by the LXX. before the preceding, and
numbered xx. Josephus also adopts that order of the events. In
consequence, the LXX. omits the words 'after these things' in verse i.

The LXX. {A /ex.) calls Naboth 'an Israelite'. This of course he

was. But Jezreel PNyiT^ may easily, especially in MS., be mistaken for

Israel 7'^r^*' . Both versions of the LXX. make the vineyard to be not
near the palace, but near the threshingfloor of Ahab.

220 I. KINGS, XXI. [vv. 2—5.

2 the palace of Ahab king of Samaria. And Ahab spake
unto Naboth, saying, Give me thy vineyard, that I may
have it for a garden of herbs, because it is near unto my
house : and I will give thee for it a better vineyard than
it ; or, if it seem good to thee, I will give thee the worth of

3 it in money. And Naboth said to Ahab, The Lord forbid
it me, that I should give the inheritance of my fathers unto

4 thee. And Ahab came into his house heavy and displeased
because of the word which Naboth the Jezreelite had spoken
to him : for he had said, I will not give thee the inheritance
of my fathers. And he laid him down upon his bed, and

5 turned away his face, and would eat no bread. But Jezebel
his wife came to him, and said unto him, Why is thy spirit

2. that I may have it for a garden oj herbs] These events must
have taken place during a time of peace, when Ahab had leisure to
think about the convenient arrangement of his grounds. And it is most
probable they occurred after Ben-hadad's utter defeat, otherwise the
victory then granted to Ahab would have been like a condonation of
his sin, and not in harmony with the doom pronounced in this chapter
(ver. 19) by EHjah. The desire to have the ground Tor a garden of
herbs' is twice repeated in this verse by the LXX.

3. The Lord forbid it me] This verse is very interesting, because
(i) it makes clear that Naboth was a worshipper of Jehovah and,
in spite of the persecution of the prophets, did not shrink from making
it known to the king by his language. Here was an example of one
who had not bowed the knee nor given a kiss to Baal. And (2) the
reason which he alleges for clinging to his inheritance shews that the
teaching of the law of Moses (Numb, xxxvi. 7, 8; Lev. xxv. 27, 28)
concerning the sacredness of a paternal inheritance had taken firm hold
of the minds of the people, so that Ahab did not think of venturing
on harsh measures against one who put forward this religious plea as a
bar to the royal desire.

4. And Ahab came into his house] The last four words are omitted

by the LXX., as also the clause 'because of the wovi the inheritance

of my fathers.' It is clear from the continuation of the story that it was
to Samaria that Ahab came back after his interview with Naboth.

heavy and displeased] See above, on xx. 43.

And he laid him do7vn, &c.] This detail shews, like so much else in
Ahab's history, what a feeble character he was, and how thoroughly he
would be dominated by the more powerful mind of Jezebel. While
absent from her, some signs of improvement might appear, even such as
might seem to Elijah to promise hopes of a change; but when she
appears they are all gone. And the moodiness here described is rather
that of a wayward child, than of a man of mature years and high
position.

vv. 6-8.] I. KINGS, XXI. 221

so sad, that thou eatest no bread ? And he said unto her, 6
Because I spake unto Naboth the JezreeHte, and said unto
him, Give me thy vineyard for money ; or else, if it please
thee, I will give thee another vineyard for it : and he
answered, I will not give thee my vineyard. And Jezebel 7
his wife said unto him. Dost thou now govern the kingdom
of Israel } arise, and ea.t bread, and let thine heart be merry:
I will give thee the vineyard of Naboth the Jezreelite. So 8
she wrote letters in Ahab's name, and sealed t/iem with his
seal, and sent the letters unto the elders and to the nobles

6. / wi// not give thee my vineyard'\ For the last two words the
LXX. has 'the inheritance of my fathers.' Of course it is to be under-
stood that Ahab would lay before Jezebel the motive, from which
Naboth had refused his king's request. But the narrative is much more
in character with the rest of Ahab's behaviour, if he at first makes
mention only of the blank refusal. The ground for holding firm to his
inheritance would most likely have found an echo in many an Israelite's
heart. We see that Jezebel gives no hint to any one of the true cause
for wishing to put Naboth out of the way. Had she done so, she must
have mentioned the reason for his scruple, and the elders of Jezreel
though they had forgotten the laws of Jehovah, would, for all that, not
have cared to give publicity to Naboth 's answer.

7. Dost thou now govern the kingdom of Israel ?'\ There is not
expressed here any sign of a question in the original, but there can be
no doubt that this is the force of the words. The Hebrew order is
'Thou now govemest, &c.' the pronoun being emphatically expressed.
So that the sense is ' Thou art king, art thou not ? why then let such a
matter trouble thee or stand in the way of thy will. ' The proposal of
some to take the words as imperative, 'Thou, do thou use thy
sovereignty, &c.' is opposed to what follows. For Jezebel does not urge
Ahab to act the despot's part, but plays it for him.

I will give thee, &c.] The 'I' in this clause is emphatically expressed,
just as 'thou' in the preceding one.

8. she wrote letters in AhaFs name'\ She was the real ruler, he only
king in name. The letters would be prepared for her by the royal
secretaries. Jezebel's part was to take the signet ring of her husband,
and therewith affix the royal seal that the document might go forth
with authority. Apparently Ahab asked no question about the means
which his wife meant to employ.

the elders and to the nobles'\ The law ordered (Deut. xvi. 18) that
there should be judges appointed in every city, and we cannot doubt the
existence of such a tribunal in a place so important as Jezreel, where
the elders f^nd nobles would form the bench of magistrates. The sequel
shews that for such an offence as that charged against Naboth they had
the power of life and death. But the whole proceeding is very Oriental.
The royal letter dictates the sentence, and how it is to be obtained, and

222 I. KINGS, XXI. [vv. 9, lo.

9 that were in his city, dwelling with Naboth. And she wrote
in the letters, saying, Proclaim a fast, and set Naboth on

lo high among the people : and set two men, sons of Belial,
before him, to bear witness against him, saying, Thou didst
blaspheme God and the king. And then carry him out, and

the persons to whom it is addressed make no scruple about obeying,
although the last words of this verse increase the enormity of their pro-
ceeding by telling that they 'were in his city, dwelling with Naboth',
and so it would seem well acquainted with his character.
The words 'in his city' are omitted in the LXX.

9, Proclaim a fast\ Let a day of humiliation be appointed, for
it must be represented that a great wrong has been committed both
against God and the king. Cf. i Sam. vii. 6 where the people gathered
at Mizpeh fasted, saying, 'We have sinned against the Lord'. The
command of God (Joel ii. 12) by His prophet is, 'Turn ye to me with
all your heart, and with fasting and with weeping'. Hence the action
is to express the popular aorrow for some wrong done, by which the
whole city is contaminated.

a7id set N'aboth on high atnong the people\ Lit. 'at the head of
the people'. The LXX. has ev dpxv tov Xaov. He was to be put in
a prominent place, as one who had hitherto held an honourable position.
Josephus speaks of him as y^vovs eirKpavovs 'of a famxily of note'. By
thus, at the beginning of the process, treating Naboth with honour they
would seem to make it plain that, but for the evidence against him, they
would have been glad to think him innocent.

10. sons of Belial'\ In Deut. xiii. 13, the R.V. has translated this
expression 'base fellows', putting in the margin 'sons of worthlessness '.
This is the sense everywhere in the O.T. and should have been in the
text. In N.T. times 'Belial' was personified (see 1 Cor. vi, 15), but
there is no trace of this idea in the earlier Scriptures. The LXX. has
vloi irapavoix'jjv. The men were good-for-noughts, who would swear to
anything for which they were paid. Josephus makes them three in
number.

Thou didst blaspheme [R.V. curse] God and the king'] The verb in
the original "]")2 is very frequently used of blessing, but it had the oppo-
site sense also. The root idea appears to be 'to say adieu to'. This
might be and most frequently was with a parting benediction ; but it
also might be a renunciation, a declaration of hostility. Hence the
R.V. has put 'renounce' in the margin, to indicate how the sense of
'curse' is obtained. The verb is used in the bad sense also in Job i. 5;
ii. 9. It is remarkal)le that an accusation of this nature hould have
been set afoot by Jezebel. We need not however assume 'hat she had
any care about the cursing of God ; only that she found this the first
convenient mode of getting rid of Naboth. But amongst the people,
who were to suppose Naboth justly executed, there must have still been
left some regard for the divine name and the divine law. The death
by stoning was appointed by the Mosaic code (Lev. xxiv. 16), and

w. II— 15.] I. KINGS, XXI. 223

stone him, that he may die. And the men of his city, eve7i n
the elders and the nobles who were the inhabitants in his
city, did as Jezebel had sent unto them, and as // was written
in the letters which she had sent unto them. They pro- 12
claimed a fast, and set Naboth on high among the people.
And there came in two men, children of Belial, who sat 13
before him : and the men of Belial witnessed against him,
even against Naboth, in the presence of the people, saying,
Naboth did blaspheme God and the king. Then they
carried him forth out of the city, and stoned him with
stones, that he died. Then they sent to Jezebel, saying, 14
Naboth is stoned, and is dead. And it came to pass, when 15
Jezebel heard that Naboth was stoned, and was dead, that
Jezebel said to Ahab, Arise, take possession of the vineyard

so was the necessity for two witnesses at least (Deut. xvii. 6; xix. 15)
before the accused could be put to death.

that he may die] The R. V. omits 'may'.

11. who were the inhabitants] R.V. wlio dwelt. The word is the
same as in verse 8.

13. And there came in iiuo 7?ien, children of Belial] R.V. And the
two men, sons of BeliaJ, came in. The Hebrew noun is definite and
the sense requires that it should be indicated.

witjiessed] R.V. bare witness. As in verse 10.

even against Naboth, in the presence of the people] These words are
omitted by the LXX. As much publicity as possible was given to the
accusation, that thus it might have the colour of being legally carried out.

did blaspheme] R.V. did curse. The word is the same as in verse
10. But a different word is used for 'blaspheme' in Lev. xxiv. 16.

they carried hirn forth out of the city] This explains what is meant
by 'carry him out' in verse 10. The place of execution was to be out-
side the walls, according to the legal ordinance (Lev. xxiv. 14), 'Bring
forth him that hath cursed without the camp... and let all the congrega-
tion stone him '. From this we see that this enactment was before the
Exile.

that he died] Not only was Naboth put to death, but, according to
another passage (3 Kings ix. 26), his sons were included in the de-
struction.

15. that Naboth xvas stoned., and was dead] These words are omitted
by the LXX. The repetition is alien to Greek style, but exactly after
the fashion of Hebrew.

take possession of the vineyard] Some have thought that the king
could do this, because it is supposed that the property of one so executed
would become confiscated. Others have suggested that there was some
relationship between Ahab and the family of Naboth. It seems un-
necessary to seek for reasons in such a case. Where so much had been

224 1- KINGS, XXI. [vv. 16—19.

of Naboth the Jezreelite, which he refused to give thee for

16 money : for Naboth is not alive, but dead. And it came to
pass, when Ahab heard that Naboth was dead, that Ahab
rose up to go down to the vineyard of Naboth the Jezreelite,
to take possession of it.

17 And the word of the Lord came to Elijah the Tishbite,

18 saying, Arise, go down to meet Ahab king of Israel, which
is in Samaria : behold, ke is in the vineyard of Naboth,

19 whither he is gone down to possess it. And thou shalt
speak unto him, saying, Thus saith the Lord, Hast thou
killed, and also taken possession? And thou shalt speak

done unlawfully, and a life, or perhaps several, taken by false accusation,
it would be a small matter to seize on the ground without any plea of
law or kinship.

16. -cv/ien Ahab heard that Naboth was dead] Here the LXX. adds
'he rent his garments ond covered himself with sackcloth'. This
clause must be entirely out of place. Josephus gives us a detail far more
in harmony with Ahab's character. He says {Ant. VIII. 13, 8) 'And
Ahab was pleased with what had been done, and sprang up from his
bed, and went to see Nal)Oth's vineyard'. There was certainly no time
lost by him. His entry on the possession seems to have been made the
very next day after Naboth's death. We learn afterwards (2 Kings
ix. 26) that Jehu and Bidkar rode with Ahab at the time, and so
appalling was the curse which Elijah pronounced on the wretched king
that it was imprinted on Jehu's memory and he could quote it many
years afterwards, apparently in its very words.

17 — 29. Elijah meets Ahab and tells him God's sentence.
Ahab repents and the punishment is deferred. (Not in
Chronicles.)

18. which is [R.V. dwelleth] in Samand] This change is necessary
for consistency in the narrative. There is no verb in the original, as will
be seen from the italics of A. V. The verbs describing the action first
of Ahab and then of Elijah, shew that both had gone dawn, the one from
Samaria, and the other, perhaps, from Carmel, to the city of Jezreel,
which lay on lower ground than either.

to possess it] R.V. to take possession of it. Thus it is shewn that
the expression is the same as in verses 15, 16 and 19.

19. //ast thou killed, and also taken possession?] The grrilt of all that
had been done is at once laid at Ahab's door. He had nt^ither known
nor cared to know (as it seems) what Jezebel's plans w^re and only
thought of the end which they accomphshed. He was willing by
taking possession to reap the advantage, as he thought it ; God lays on
him the first penalty.

atid thou shalt speak unto him, saying] The LXX. omits these words.
See above on verse 15.

vv. 20, 21.] I. KINGS, XXI. 225

unto him, saying, Thus saith the Lord, In the place where
dogs licked the blood of Naboth shall dogs lick thy blood,
even thine. And Ahab said to Elijah, Hast thou found me, 20
O mine enemy? And he answered, I have found thee: be-
cause thou hast sold thyself to work evil in the sight of the
Lord, behold, I will bring evil upon thee, and will take 21
away thy posterity, and will cut off from Ahab hitn that
pisseth against the wall, and him that is shut up and left in

In the place where dogs licked the blood of Naboth^ From the history
of Ahab's death, in xxii. 38, it appears that his blood was thus licked
by the dogs, not at Jezreel, but near Samaria. The best explanation of
this is that the word 'place' does not here mean 'precise locality'.
Naboth's blood was shed outside the gate of Jezreel, and the pool of
Samaria, from the description in the next chapter, and from what we
know of the conduits and reservoirs of Eastern cities, was apparently
outside the gate of that city. Thus there was a similarity between the
two cases. We must also bear in mind that the sentence on Ahab was
modified and its exact fulfilment deferred. When Jehoram was killed
(2 Kings ix. 25) a much more definite phrase is used for the place where
his body was cast out There it is, 'in the portion of the field of Xaboth
the Jezreelite'.

Instead of *dog=;' simply, the LXX. {Vat.) has 'the swine and the
dogs' and {Alex.) 'the dogs and the swine'. It is not easy to decide
how the swine came to be mentioned in the Greek Versions, but as
neither text makes any mention of them in the second part of this clause,
the words must be taken as the insertion of some one who desired to give
a touch of greater horror to the picture.

The Vat. LXX. adds to the close of this verse 'and the harlots shall
wash in thy blood', and in xxii. 38 both Alex, and Vat. have the state-
ment that this was done. Moreover the true rendering in that place, of
the words which in A.V. read, 'and they washed his armour', is 'X'ow
the harlots washed themselves there'. See notes on xxii. 38.

20. //ast thou found me, 0 mine enemy'] Ahab had not thought of
a penalty to overtake him, but the sight of Elijah makes him feel not
penitent, but indignant that the avenger of wrong is so soon at hand.
Therefore he calls Elijah his enemy.

because thou hast sold thyself] Here the LXX. adds yAT-t]v=\n vain.
This appears to be an attempt at interpretation, indicating that Ahab
had thought to take the price for his bargain, and to escape all conse-
quences, and that in this he was to be disappointed. The complete
surrender of the king into the hands of others is well expressed by 'thou
hast sold thyself.

to work evil] R. V. to do tliat wliich Is evil. As in all other places
where this expression occurs.

in the sight of the Lord] Here the LXX. adds ' to provoke him to anger *,

21. and will take aiuay thy posterity] R. V. and will utterly sweep
thee away. See above on xiv. 10, where this verse occurs in substance.

and left in Israel] R.V. and Mm that is left at large. The ex-

I. KINGS 15

226 I. KINGS, XXI. [vv. 22—26.

22 Israel, and will make thine house like the house of Jeroboam
the son of Nebat, and like the house of Baasha the son of
Ahijah, for the provocation wherewith thou hast provoked

23 vie to anger, and made Israel to sin. And of Jezebel also
spake the Lord, saying. The dogs shall eat Jezebel by the

24 wall of Jezreel. Him that dieth of Ahab in the city the
dogs shall eat; and him that dieth in the field shall the

25 fowls of the air eat. (But there was none like unto Ahab,
which did sell himself to work wickedness in the sight of the

26 Lord, whom Jezebel his wife stirred up. And he did very
abominably in following idols, according to all things as did

pression is a proverbial one, meant to indicate all men of every kind.
Perhaps its origin is in the idea of 'bondmen and free' or it may have
been 'the young, who were not their own masters, and the old M'ho
were at liberty to choose their own way.' The expression recalls Deut.
xxxii. 36.

22. and made [R.V. hast made] Israel to sin^ Cf. xvi. 1,

23. the dogs shall eat Jezebel} For the fulfilment, see 2 Kings ix.

35—37-

by the wall [R. V. rampart] of Jezreel} The Hebrew word which
stands here in the text is found again 2 Sam. xx. 15, where it is trans-
lated 'trench', with a margin in A.V. 'outmost wall'. The R.V. gives
there also 'rampart'. In 2 Kings ix. 10, 36, 37, the body is said to have
been devoured 'in the portion of Jezreel', and as the words 'by the

rampart' ?n2, want only an additional letter to turn them into 'in the

portion' pTTIi, it has been suggested that the latter ought to be the
reading here. But there is no need for rny change. Both expressions
mean the same thing. The 'portion' is the land close to the walls
outside. Jezebel must have looked forth from a window of som.e build-
ing that formed part of the city wall. Thus she would be able to shew
herself to Jehu as soon as he drew near. '

24. Him that dieth Sec.} See above, xiv. 1 1.

25. to work wickedness] R.V. to do that whicli was evil. See
above, verse 20.

Ahab exceeded the wickedness of all the other kings in that he intro-
duced Baal-worship, and allowed his wife to proceed to all lengths in
her attempts to destroy any recognition of Jehovah, even such as re-
mained in the corrupted worship of the northern kingdom.

26. he did very abominably} Ahab himself cast aside the worship
which his predecessors had inaugurated and followed, ?nd followed
Jezebel in her idolatr)'.

according to all things as did the Aviorites} Better, with R. V., accord-
ing to all that the Amorites did. The Amorites are mentioned pro-
bably because, being widely spread, the name had become representative
of all the nations cast out beiore the children of Israel. They were the

vv. 27— 29; I.] I. KINGS, XXI. XXII. 227

the Amorites, whom the Lord cast out before the children
of Israel). And it came to pass, when Ahab heard those 27
words, that he rent his clothes, and put sackcloth upon his
flesh, and fasted, and lay in sackcloth, and went softly.
And the word of the Lord came to Elijah the Tishbite, 28
saying, Seest thou how Ahab humbleth himself before me ? 29
because he humbleth himself before me, I will not bring
the evil in his days : but in his son's days will I bring the
evil upon his house.

And they continued three years without war between 22

dwellers on the hills, like the Hittite and the Jebusite. It may there-
fore be that the Amorite worship and customs had lingered in the hill
country of Samaria, and been revived during the idolatrous reign of
Ahab.

whom the Lord cast otit] The R.V. has usually changed 'cast' into
*drave' in these passages. See xiv. 24. There seems no reason why it
should not be done here.

27. The LXX. gives for this verse 'And when Ahab was pricked
(in his heart) on account of this word (coming) from the presence of the
Lord, he went and wept, and rent his robe, and girded sackcloth upon
his body, and fasted. And he put on sackcloth in the day on which he
slew Naboth the Jezreelite, and went [softly]'. There is nothing to re-
present the last word, which is in brackets, and thus the sentence is in-
complete. Josephus explains that the king went barefoot. On the
mention of the day of Naboth's murder, see above on verse 16.

29. because he humbleth himself before me] These words are left out
by the LXX., as are also 'upon his house' at the close of the verse.

/ 7vtll not bring the evil in his days] That is, the whole penalty shall
not be inflicted on him. A portion of it was, as we are told in xxii.
37 — 38. The Jews explain the word Nl^'J which is rendered 'forgiving'
iniquity (Exod. xxxiv. 7; Num. xiv. 18; &c.) by reference to its original
meaning which is 'to lift up'. God, say they, raises the load, so that it
does not press all at once, or men would perish under it, but the lifted
burden i«: divided into parts, and men feel it in consequence for a long
time to come. In every punishment of Israel, there is mixed up an
ounce of the golden calf

but in his soli's days] Fulfilled in the death of Jehoram, Ahab's son.
2 Kings ix. 25.

Ch. xxii. 1—12. Ahab resolves to recover Ramoth-gilead.
Jehoshaphat joins him. Ahab's prophets promise him
VICTORY. (2 Chron. xviii. i — 11.)

1. they continued three years without war] This probably means
after the defeat of Benhadad described in chapter xx. It must have
been during this interval of peace that Naboth was put to death.

15—2

228 I. KINGS, XXII. [w. 2—5.

2 Syria and Israel. And it came to pass on the third year,
that Jehoshaphat the king of Judah came down to the king

3 of Israel. And the king of Israel said unto his servants,
Know ye that Ramoth in Gilead ts ours, and we be still,

4 and take it not out of the hand of the king of Syria ? And
he said unto Jehoshaphat, Wilt thou go with me to battle
to Ramoth-gilead ? And Jehoshaphat said to the king of
Israel, I am as thou art, my people as thy people, my horses

5 as thy horses. And Jehoshaphat said unto the king of
Israel, Inquire, I pray thee, at the word of the Lord to day.

2. Jehoshaphat .. .came down to the king of Israel] The writer speaks
as though Jerusalem was still regarded as the capital-city of the whole
nation. To leave it and go elsewhere was 'to go down.'

The Chronicler and Josephus connect this visit with the mention of
Jehoshaphat's ' affinity with ' Ahab. Jehoram, Jehoshaphat's son had
married Ahab's daughter, Athaliah. And after this event the king of
Judah paid his visit to Samaria. The reception is described in
Chronicles as a scene of great profusion, and Josephus speaks of
troops (o-rparos) which accompanied Jehoshaphat. Probably the sub-
ject of the war against Syria had been discussed before the meeting of
the two kings. The Chronicler says ' Ahab persuaded Jehoshaphat to
go up with him to Ramoth-gilead.'

3. Kfiow ye that Ra?noth ifi Gilead is ours] The statement of
Josephus {Ant. viii. 15, 3) is very probable, viz. that the father of
Ben-hadad had taken Ramoth-gilead, with other cities, from Omri.
Ben-hadad had stipulated, when he feared for his life (xx. 34), to restore
these conquests, but apparently had not carried out this part of his
covenant. He had found Ahab easy 10 deal with, and once safe
back in Damascus, he thought former promises not very binding.

On Ramoth-gilead, see above, iv. 13.

4. / am as thou art] The marriage between the royal children
would no doubt make Jehoshaphat more ready to comply with Ahab's
request. But it was not without danger to Judah also, that the Syrian
king should hold a strong position in the land of Gilead.

my horses as thy horses] From this expression it- appears that cavalry
had now been largely introduced into both kingdoms.

5. Inquire, I pray thee, at the word of the Lord] The persuasion
has gained from him a promise, but Jehoshaphat would still find out
Mliether tt>e proposed expedition has the sanction of Jehovah. It is
clear from his request that he expected to find a true prophet of Jehovah
at hand in Israel. The national apostasy cannot therefoic have been
complete, even in the dark days of Ahab.

to day] The Hebrew word is the same which is found in Gen. xxv. 31,
33, where on the margin of R.V. the alternative rendering, 'first of all,'
is given. This sense is very appropriate both there and here, and will
often explain what *to day ' in O. Test, diction signifies. Cf. above, i. 5 1.

w. 6— 8.] I. KINGS, XXII. 229

Then the king of Israel gathered the prophets together, about 6
four hundred men, and said unto them, Shall I go against
Ramoth-gilead to battle, or shall I forbear ? And they said,
Go up; for the Lord shall deliver it into the hand of the
king. And Jehoshaphat said, Is there not here a prophet of ^
the Lord besides, that we might inquire of him ? And the s
king of Israel said unto Jehoshaphat, There is yet one man,
Micaiah the son of Imlah, by whom ive may inquire of the
Lord: but I hate him; for he doth not prophesy good

6. gathered the prophets together^ about fotir hind }-ed'\ These cannot
have been the prophets of Baal, for their ringleader, Zedekiah, in verse
II, begins his speech, 'Thus saith Jehovah,' and in verse 24 speaks of
*the spirit of Jehovah' as being with him. But they were not true
adherents of the Lord, otherwise Jehoshaphat would certainly have
been content with their words. He went on with the project of the ex-
pedition even after Micaiah's prophetic warning; he never would have
sought for more satisfaction, had he heard four hundred true prophets
of Jehovah say, 'the Lord shall deliver it into the hand of the king.'
These men were therefore the prophets who served in the worship of
the calves. They would use Jehovah's name, just as constantly as
the men who had not forsaken His commandment, and throughout the
whole of Israel this number of them could no doubt be readily gathered,
and these, though not his Baal-priests, Ahab would bring before
Jehoshaphat.

Go tcp] The land of Gilead was all mountainous.

the' Lord shall deliver it] It is remarkable that in this first form of
answer, the word for "Lord" is Adonai, not the word which we
represent by Jehovah, and which is generally rendered Lord. In the
repetition, in verse 12, Jehovah is used, and of course in Micaiah's
speech. This word ' Adonai' is what the Jews use now instead of pro-
nouncing the sacred name, but their reason could not have weighed
with Ahab's priests in Israel. In the parallel place in Chronicles
*God', Ji^lohim, is used in the first answer, and 'Jehovah' in the others.

7. Is there not here a prophet of the Lord besides] The R.V.
transposes besides, putting it after here. This brings out more clearly
the reason for Jehoshaphat's inquiry. Besides what he has heard, he
would gladly be told what to do by a true prophet of Jehovah. These
men and their answer did not quite satisfy him. Josephus says
Jehoshaphat understood from their language that they were false
prophets.

8. There is yet otte man] In the R.V. immediately after these
words are placed 'by whom we may inquire of the Lord.' This order
of words, which corresponds more nearly with the Hebrew arrangement,
shews that Ahab understood what his guest required, and why he was
not satisfied with the prophets that had already come before him.
Even Ahab recognized Uie difference between Micaiah and the rest.

230 I. KINGS, XXII. [vv. 9— II.

concerning me, but evil. And Jehoshaphat said. Let not

9 the king say so. Then the king of Israel called an officer,

JO and said, Hasten hither Micaiah the son of Imlah. And

the king of Israel and Jehoshaphat the king of Judah sat

each on his throne, having put on their robes, in a void

place ifi the entrance of the gate of Samaria ; and all the

II prophets prophesied before them. And Zedekiah the son

of Chenaanah made him horns of iron : and he said. Thus

saith the Lord, With these shalt thou push the Syrians,

Let not the king say so'\ i.e. That he hates Micaiah.

9. Hasten hither] R.V. Fetch quickly. This is the rendering
in Chronicles, and enables us to dispense with italics.

10. And [R.V. Now] the king of Israel^ The change is justified, as
the sentence is not a mere addition to what has gone before but a new
feature in the history.

having put on their robes'] R.V. arrayed in their robes. The
original language indicates a degree of display suited to the meeting of
two kings. Moreover the A. V., in connexion with the words immedi-
ately folIo\ving, is open to a misunderstanding. What is described is
not what the kings did, but in what state they sat. The LXX. has
ivoirXoL. Josephus also gives the idea of an armed gathering. He
says ' The two kings having gone out of the city, and having sat down
each on his throne, distributed to their own soldiers pay for the
campaign {to (jt par loot lkov).''

in a void [R.V. an open] place] The word in the Hebrew is most
frequently rendered 'a threshing-floor.' This was a large open space
in which the oxen could be driven round, to tread out the com. Such
a space is here indicated, where chairs of state could be erected for the
two kings, and where the prophets could come about them.

in [R.V. at] the entrance of the gate of Samaria] There appears
usually to have been some place set apart near the gate of a city, mostly
outside, where important business proceedings, trials, and such matters
could be conducted in public and where kings and magistrates could
sit and listen to appeals for help or justice. Cf. Gen. xxiii. lo, i8:
Josh, ii. 7, ix. 29; 1 Kings xxiii. 8, &c.

11. Zedekiah] In verse 24 we see that Zedekiah was the leader of
Ahab's prophets. His action here is one of those sjmibolical pro-
ceedings not uncommon with the prophets. Thus Ahijah Significantly
rent his garment into twelve pieces (xi. 30) and gave Jer -boam ten.
Zedekiah's language, addressed to Ahab, is probably an allusion to the
blessing of Ephraim in Deut. xxxiii. 17. By this time Ephraim had
become the representative tribe of the Northern Kingdom, and of him
Moses had said 'his horns are like the horns of unicorns: with them
he shall push the people together to the ends of the earth.' By such
language not onl> Ahab, but Jehoshaphat might be encouraged to trust
more to the prophecies of success.

w. 12—15.] I- KINGS, XXII. 231

until thou have consumed them. And all the prophets "
prophesied so, saying, Go up to Ramoth-gilead, and prosper:
for the Lord shall deliver // into the king's hand.

And the messenger that was gone to call Micaiah spake 13
unto him, saying, Behold now, the words of the prophets
declare good unto the king with one mouth : let thy word, I
pray thee, be like the word of one of them, and speak that
which is good. And Micaiah said. As the Lord Hveth, 14
what the Lord saith unto me, that ^411 I speak. So he 15
came to the king. And the king said unto him, Micaiah,
shall we go against Ramoth-gilead to battle, or shall we for-
bear? And he answered him, Go, and prosper: for the

until thou have consumed fkent] R.V. until tliey be consumed.
There is nothing in the original to warrant 'thou.'

12. into the king's hand] R.V. into the liand of the king. A
change made to shew that the words are just the same as in verse 6.
The LXX. adds here 'even the king of Syria.'

13 — 28. Micaiah's prophecy. Ahab, in displeasure, sends
HIM TO PRISON. (2 Chron. xviii. 12 — 27.)

13. And the messenger that was gone [R.V. went] to call Micaiah] The
tradition, which Josephus preserves, that the 'son of the prophets'
mentioned in xx. 35, was Micaiah, and that Ahab put him in prison for
his actions at that time (see notes on xx. 35, 43) has been derived from
the circumstance that Micaiah on this occasion was sent to prison, and
the king uses the words (verse 26) 'Take Micaiah and carr>- him bcuk,'
Sec. But there is nothing in this account of the message to him which
proves that he was in prison when Ahab sent to call him ; and ' Put this
fellow in prison' (verse 27) is no evidence that he had been there
before, but rather the reverse.

speak that which is good] R.V. speak thou good. This is the A.V,
in 2 Chronicles.

14. what the Lord saith] In 2 Chron. xviii. 13 it is 'what my God
saith.'

15. So he came to the king. And the king said] R.V. And when
he was come to the king, the king said. Conforming to 2 Chron.
where the Hebrew is precisely the same. The change also represents
the events in rather more close sequence, as no doubt they happened.

A/icaiah, shall we go against [R.V. to] Ramoth-gilead] Another
slight variation to make Kings and Chronicles accord, as closely as they
do in the O'lginal.

Go, [R.V. Go up] and prosper] The words are the same as were used
by the other prophets in verse 6. Ahab had however asked his question
this time in the plural number, 'Shall we go?' and in 2 Chron.
Micaiah's answer is given in accordance therewith 'Go ye up,' &c.

It is quite clear from the tone of Ahab's language in the next verse,

232 I. KINGS, XXII. [vv. 16—19.

16 Lord shall deliver it into the hand of the king. And the
king said unto him, How many times shall I adjure thee
that thou tell me nothing but that which is true in the name

17 of the Lord ? And he said, I saw all Israel scattered upon
the hills, as sheep that have not a shepherd : and the Lord
said, These have no master : let them return every man to

18 his house in peace. And the king of Israel said unto
Jehoshaphat, Did I not tell thee that he would prophesy

19 no good concerning me, but evil ? And he said, Hear thou

that, though Micaiah, in words, repeated what had been said by Ahab's
own prophets, yet by tone and gesture he made it evident that his
speech was not in earnest.

16. Hcno many tit/ies shall I adjia-e thee] It would seem from this
that Ahab on former occasions had consulted Micaiah, and been dis-
satisfied with his answers.

that thou tell me noth'ng but that which is irue\ R.V. tliat thou
speak unto me nothing but the truth. This is very nearly the form
in 2 Chron. in A.V. The Hebrew is exactly the same. And buth are
in R.V. made to agree.

17. A7id he said] Here the LXX. adds ovx ourajs, 'Not so,' and
there is a similar insertion at the beginning of verse 19, where see note.

/ saw all Isi-aeT\ Here Micaiah in true prophetic tone relates a
vision which foretells the utter ruin of the coming expedition.

scattered jipon the hills] R.V. mountains. This is A.V. in 2 Chroni-
cles, and the change gives a sense of greater dispersion. But in any
case the two places should be alike.

as sheep that have not a [R.V. no] shepherd] Again the rendering in
2 Chronicles is adopted. The language of Micaiah spake in no doubtful
tone of the coming death of Ahab. For the simile cf. Numb, xxvii. 17,
a passage which may have been in Micaiah's thoughts.

let them rettirn] The prophet pictures the great disaster as falling
specially upon Ahab. When he was slain, there would be no attempt
to prevent the escape of his army.

18. that he ivould prophesy no good] R.V. (2.'- in Chronicles) that
he would not prophesy good. Of course Ahab was desirous of repre-
senting to Jehoshaphat that it was out of ill will that Micaiah spake
always evil ; and he appears to have weakened the effect of the prophet's
words in some way, or else, after such a solemn portending of disaster,
Jehoshaphat would hardly have joined the expedition. It was perhaps
with the consciousness of the effect which was being produced on the
mind of the king of Judah, that Micaiah proceeds to unfold a further
vision shewing how God was allowing Ahab to be led astray to his
destruction.

19. And he said] After these words the LXX. adds ovx ovtcjs ovk
iyd}, 'Not so, I do not.' Here we can discern how the ir.sertion was

made. The next word in the Hebrew text is p7 = Therefore. This

w. 20—23.] I. KINGS, XXII. 233

therefore the word of the Lord : I saw the Lord sitting on
his throne, and all the host of heaven standing by him on
his right hand and on his left. And the Lord said, Who 20
shall persuade Ahab, that he may go up and fall at Ramoth-
gilead? And one said on this manner, and another said on
that manner. And there came forth a spirit, and stood 21
before the Lord, and said, I will persuade him. And the 22
Lord said unto him. Wherewith? And he said, I will go
forth, and I will be a lying spirit in the mouth of all his
prophets. And he said, Thou shalt persuade Jmti^ and pre-
vail also : go forth, and do so. Now therefore behold, the 23
Lord hath put a lying spirit in the mouth of all these thy

the translators have taken for \2 ^ = not so, and have put in the oix eyu
to round off the sense. Apparently they must have seen or thought
they saw the same reading in verse 1 7 above, for there they have made
a similar insertion.

//ear thou therefore] R.V. Tlierefore hear thou. Conforming to
the order of the Hebrew, and the order in 2 Chronicles.

/ sa-du the Lord] A vision in which Micaiah had been shewTi the
heavenly council-chamber. Jehovah was sitting as ruler of the universe,
and all ministers waiting around to speed at His bidding. These are the
ministering spirits of Hebrews i. 14. But they also discharge other
ministry, as when the angel of the Lord destroyed David's people
(2 Sam. xxiv. 16) or the anny of Sennacherib (2 Kings xix. 35).

20. Who shall persuade [R.V. entice] Ahab] The same change also
is made in the two following verses. 'Entice' is the rendering in
1 Chronicles, and it represents much better the sense of the verb in the
original, which implies flattery and deception ; and this it was which
was to lead Ahab to his ruin.

• 21. And there came forth a spirit] The Hebrew has Uhe spirit' as
is noted on the margin of the R.V. It seems therefore to imply some
definite power which imparted to prophets their gifts; the prophetic
spirit. That God allowed this power to delude Ahab was because of
the king's persistence in evil. God therefore gives him over to it, and
causes the prophets whom he has chosen for himself, to the rejection of
Micaiah and such as he, to be the insti-uments of his destruction. Thus
when Isaiah is sent to rebellious Israel (Is. vi. 10) his mission is
described as of this nature. God says to him 'Make the heart of this
people fat and make their ears heavy, and shut their eyes, lest they see
with their eyes, and hear with their ears, and understand with their
hearts.' In this wise and with like effect comes the spirit from God
into the mouths of Ahab's four hundred.

22. and I will be] The R.V. omits 'I' here, and later on inserts
* shalt' before 'prevail,' to accord with 2 Chronicles, the English being
thus as exactly alike in the two passages as the Hebrew is.

23. The Lord hath put a lying spirit] These words bear out what

234 I. KINGS, XXII. [vv. 24—26.

prophets, and the Lord hath spoken evil concerning thee.

84 But Zedekiah the son of Chenaanah went near, and smote

Micaiah on the cheek, and said, Which way went the spirit

25 of the Lord from me to speak unto thee ? And Micaiah
said, Behold, thou shalt see in that day, when thou shalt go

26 into an inner chamber to hide thyself. And the king of

has been said on verse 21. It was a messenger from Jehovah which led
these prophets astray. We are not to conclude from this that it was an
evil spirit, or Satan, as some have suggested. Such spirits are not
God's agents. The spirit which here wrought the evil did but foster
the false notions which a long course of previous warnings had had no
effect in driving away. Now therefore Ahab is given up to them. God
sends him ' a strong delusion, that he should believe a lie ' (2 Thess. ii. 11).
Cf Ps. Ixxviii. 49. 'He sent messengers of evil {not, evil angels) among
them'.

24. Buf Zedekiah... went [R. V. came] near\ The verb is the same
as in XX. 13. See note there.

Josephus has a great expansion of the narrative at this point, which
leads up to the blow given to Micaiah. He says 'the king began to
ponder on what had been said, but Zedekiah, one of the false prophets,
came near and advised him to pay no regard to Micaiah, for he
spake no truth. And he brought forward, as a proof of this, what
Elijah, who knew the future far better than this man, had prophesied.
He prophesied in the city of Jezreel and said that dogs should lick the
king's blood in the field of Naboth, as they had licked that of Naboth
who through him had been stoned by the people. It is clear then that
this man lies, in contradicting the better prophet and declaring that the
king shall die within three days. But ye shall know if he is true and
has the power of the divine spirit. For let him, after I have struck
him, blast my hand at once, as Jadon (see above on xiii. r) withered the
right hand of king Jeroboam, when he desired to arrest him. For, said
he, you have heard what happened then. Whereupon he struck
Micaiah, and when no harm befel him, Ahab took heart and was
encouraged to lead his army against the Syrian.'

Which way went the spirit of the Lord'\ The who'e account intimates
that Zedekiah conceived himself prompted by the divine spirit and
thought that he was telling the truth to Ahab. He was moved by
the spirit of prophecy but knew not that God had willed it to be to him
a spirit of lies.

The LXX. has rendered 'what spirit of the Lord was it that has
spoken in thee? '

25. Behold, thou shalt see in [R.V. on] that day\ The small change
harmonizes this passage with 1 Chron. What Micaiah was to see and
be convinced of was, that the spirit of God had passed away from him
and gone to Micaiah. The events would bring proof with them.

into an inner cJ-T.niher'\ See note on xx. 30 above.

lo hide thyself^ When the news of the defeat came Samaria would

w. 27, 28.] I. KINGS, XXII. 235

Israel said, Take Micaiah, and carry him back unto Amon
the governor of the city, and to Joash the king's son ; and 27
say, Thus saith the king, Put this fellow in the prison, and
feed him with bread of affliction and with water of affliction,
until I come in peace. And jNIicaiah said. If thou return 28
at all in peace, the Lord hath not spoken by me. And he
said, Hearken, O people, every one of you.

be terrified, and such as expected the invader to come on, after his
victory, would seek the securest places of concealment. The story tells
us nothing of the events which followed Ahab's death, but a man whose
words, boastful now, were so belied in a few days would certainly
desire to avoid being seen as much as might be.

26. carry him back zmto Amon] As Ahab knew so well how to
find Micaiah when he was wanted, it may be that he was already under
the charge of Amon, in a sort of libera custodia. But the command in
the next verse to put him into prison seems conclusive that he had not
been a prisoner before.

Joash the king's son] We have nothing to guide us in deciding how
this man was related to Ahab, or whether he was so at all. His occu-
pation, in conjunction with Amon the governor of the city, as super-
intendent of the prison-house renders it improbable that he was very
closely connected with the reigning family. On the other hand we can
hardly think that Joash would have this title if he were of one of the
families which had preceded Omri on the throne of Israel. Each new
dynasty would probably clear out of the way any who might be likely to
lay claim to the throne.

27. bj-ead of afiictioft] Prison fare. The expression is found in
Isaiah xxx. 20, of the suffering of Israel in captivity. Hence it indicates
the food which would be procurable in a time of siege, or by prisoners
in captivity.

28. Hearken, O people, every one of yoti] R.V. Hear, ye peoples,
all of you. This sentence is omitted by the LXX. as are also the
words '/uid he said' which precede. In consequence it has been
thought that they are no part of the original text, but a marginal note of
a later time, which some one put down to shew that the Micaiah here
spoken of was the same with ^licah the author of the prophecy. For
that prophecy (Micah i. 2) opens with this same sentence, and beside
this, in 2 Chronicles xviii. 14 the name Micah occurs in the text for
Micaiah. No one however thinks that Micah the prophet lived in Ahab's
days. The R.V. however very properly translates in both places by
the same English. For it may be that Micah at his opening took up
the burden with which the Scripture record of Micaiah closes.

The plural rendered 'peoples' is very frequent in the O. Test., and
the R. V. has introduced this rendering commonly. It signifies some-
times the various" nations of the world at large, but often, as here, the
tribes of Israel. Cf. Gen. xlix. loj Deut. xxxii. 8, &c.

236 I. KINGS, XXII. [vv. 29—32.

99 So the king of Israel and Jehoshaphat the king of Judah

30 went up to Ramoth-gilead. And the king of Israel said
unto Jehoshaphat, I will disguise myself, and enter into the
battle ; but put thou on thy robes. And the king of Israel

31 disguised himself, and went into the battle. But the king
of Syria commanded his thirty and two captains that had
rule over his chariots, saying. Fight neither with small nor

32 great, save only with the king of Israel. And it came to
pass, when the captains of the chariots saw Jehoshaphat,

29 — 40. Battle of Ramoth-gilead. Defeat and death of
Ahab. (2 Chron. xviii. 28 — 34.)

30. / will disguise myself, and enter [R.V. go] into the battle\ An-
other tense of the same verb is translated 'went' in this verse, and 'go'
is the rendering in 2 Chron. xviii. 29.

There must have been some mark by which the king of Judsh could be
distinguished from the ki'ig of Israel; something answering to modem
blazonry or a coat of arms, or else the action of Ahab would have
been one designed to put his brother-king into the greatest possible
peril. This we can hardly think he would have wished to do, nor
would Jehoshaphat alone have gone to the post of greatest danger. Ahab
seems to have been alarmed lest after all there should be some truth in
Micaiah's words. He will therefore clothe himself like an ordinary
soldier and let the king of Judah alone appear in kingly robes, for
against him the attack would not be particularly directed.

putthonon thy rodes] The LXX. has 'my' {tou l/xaTKXfxov /xov). But
this would have been to expose Jehoshaphat to all the peril which he
himself desired to avoid. Josephus says, Ahab meant to falsify (/cara-
<ro(pi^€a6ai) the predictions of Micaiah.

31. But [R.V. Now] the king of Syria commanded [R.V. had com-
manded] his thirty and two eaptaifis'] The changes are as usual to
conform to 2 Chronicles. These thirty-two captains were most likely
those who had been chosen to supply the places of the thirty-two kings
that were removed in the campaign of three years before (xx. 24).

that had rule over his chaj'iots'] R, V. of his chariots. For one word
is rendered twice over, first 'captains' and then 'l'>at had rule.' The
command was given to these officers because they were in the front of
the battle, the cavalry taking lead of the infantry.

Fight neither with small nor great] The meaning of the order is,
that they should let no engagement with other persons prevent them,
any more than they could help, from singling out Ahab and attacking
him. It was the single combat of chiefs, but there were 32, any one of
whom might attack him. Josephus however says 'though the battle lasted
from day dawn till evening, they slew no one, according to the king's
command, seeking only to destroy Ahab, and not being able to find him.'

32. 7ahen the captains vf the chariots saw Jehoshaphat] They would
recognise from r. distance that this was a royal personage, and would
naturally suppose that it could be none other than Ahab. On approach-

w. 33, 34] I. KINGS, XXII. 237

that they said, Surely it is the king of Israel. And they
turned aside to fight against him : and Jehoshaphat cried
out. And it came to pass, when the captains of the chariots 33
perceived that it was not the king of Israel, that they turned
back from pursuing him. And a certain man drew a bow 34
at a venture, and smote the king of Israel between the
joints of the harness : wherefore he said unto the driver of

ing nearer they would probably discern that he was not wearing the
armour and insignia of Israel. The LXX. represents them as saying
'This seems to be the king of Israel, ' as if they were guided by the robes
and kingly array.

And they turned aside to fight against kini] The LXX. has 'and they
compassed him about &c.'

a7id Jehoshaphat cried oi/t] Perhaps to his own men to rally round
him for defence. It can hardly have been a cry to his assailants to let
them know he was not the man they sought. For he could not be ac-
quainted with the orders they had received. We see from the expansion
in 2 Chron. xviii. 31 'But Jehoshaphat cried out and the Lord helped
him; and God moved them to depart from him' that it was understood
at that time that the cry was to Jehovah to save him from the danger.
The Vulg. has 'clamavit ad Dominum. '

33. when the captains. . .perceived that it was not the king of Israel^
From this it is plain that the pursuers gathered, by the cry, knowledge
that it was Jehoshaphat. A cry of supplication would have been no
guide to them, but a shout of 'Judah to the rescue,' or some similar
word, might make them aware that the king they were approaching was
the king of Judah.

34. And a certain man'] Josephus has given him a name. *A certain
youth of the royal family of Adad [i.e. Ben-hadad] whose name was Aman.'
'Fate, the inevitable,' he says, 'found Ahab out even without his robes.'

drrM a bow [R.V. liis bow] at a vent2tre'\ The noun is definite in form
in the Hebrew, so that the change is necessary. The word rendered
*at a venture' is translated in other places, and on the margin of A.V.
and R.V. 'in his simplicity.' It is also rendered 'in his integrity'
(Prov. xiv. i) and 'in his uprightness' (Prov. xxviii. 6). The idea
appears to be that the man taking aim at some one, was quite unaware
at whom he was shooting. He levelled at some enemy and hit him, not
knowing how he had contributed to the victory. 'At a venture' must
therefore not be taken to mean 'a shot at random.' The LXX. eiJ-
(TTox^s 'with good aim' is a conjecture.

between the joints of the harness^ The margins of R.V. 'between the
lower armour and the breastplate' and of A.V. 'between the joints and
the breastplate' help us to understand what is meant. The former
word, rendt red 'joints,' indicates that part where the breastplate termi-
nated and where the lower armour commenced. A part of the body
would there necessarily be less securely protected.

whcreforehe saidzinto thedriver of his chariot} He would not wish to spread
alarm among his soldiers, and so made his retreat without observation.

238 I. KINGS, XXII. [vv. 35—38.

his chariot, Turn thine hand, and carry me out of the host;

35 for I am wounded. And the battle increased that day :
and the king was stayed up in his chariot against the
Syrians, and died at even : and the blood ran out of the

36 wound into the midst of the chariot. And there went a
proclamation throughout the host about the going down of
the sun, saying, Every man to his city, and every man to his

37 own country. So the king died, and was brought to Samaria;

38 and they buried the king in Samaria, And one washed the

/ a7}i wounded^ R.V. sore wounded. The literal rendering 'made
sick' which is given on the margin of A.V. implies more than an
ordinary wound. The translation 'sore wounded' is from 2 Chron.
XXXV. 23 (A.V.). Perhaps Ahab employed the word, wiiich might have
a certain vagueness, that the charioteer should not spread an alarm.
For the driver knew of course who it was whom he was carr)-ing.

35. the kifig was stayed tip hi his chariot\ Some attempt was doubt-
less made to stop the bleeding, and it was thought best that though not
in the fight, Ahab should not withdraw from the field. The LXX. says
'from morning till evening,' thus giving the impression that the king
was wounded at the very beginning of the fight. The Chronicler says
'he stayed himself up... z^«/e7 the even.'' This would be inferred from
our verse. There is nothing to warrant the expression of the LXX.

into the f?iidst [R.V. bottom] of the chariof] As will be seen from the
margin of A-V. the literal meaning is 'bosom.' The knowledge of how
to stop the bleeding of a wound was not great in those days, and Ahab's
wound m.ust have been fatal whatever had been done. At this point
we are left by the Chronicler who closes his notice of these events with
the death of Ahab. Israel's history was no subject of concern for him,
except where it touched on that of Judah.

36. A7id there ivent a procla)natio7t\ R.V. a cry. The word is often
rendered ' cry ' and applied both to sorrowful and joyous utterances.
Cf. Ps. xvii. I, XXX. 5. Nowhere else is it rendered 'proclamation.'
It indicates that word was passed round from troop to troop that some
disaster made retreat necessary. The LXX. paraphrases 'And the
herald of the host at the setting of the sun stood and said,' &c.

every 7nan to his ouni con7ttry'\ The R.V. om^ts 'own', which has
nothing to represent it in the original. The LXX. adds to the cry, 'for
the king is dead.' But this is merely their version of the first words in
verse 37. For they continue, 'And they came to Samaria,' &c.

38. And one [R.V. they] washed the chariot /« [R.V. liy] the pool of
Sa77iaria] The first change substitutes an English for a He ore w idiom ;
the second renders more exactly the preposition of the orig.nal. It was
necessary in the East to provide large reservoirs outside each town that
the supplies of water in the rainy season might be kept for times of
drought. Many such pools are mentioned in Scripture, and some, for
example those at Bethlehem, remain to the present day. To the side of
such a tank the royal equipage was brought to be washed. Thus Ahab's

w. 39-41.] I. KINGS, XXII. 239

chariot in the pool of Samaria ; and the dogs licked up his
blood; and they washed his armour; according unto the
word of the Lord which he spake. Now the rest of the 39
acts of Ahab, and all that he did, and the ivory house which he
made, and all the cities that he built, are they not written in the
book of the chronicles of the kings of Israel ? So Ahab slept 4^
with his fathers ; and Ahaziah his son reigned in his stead.
And Jehoshaphat the son of Asa began to reign over Judah 41

blood came to be licked up by the dogs in the same sort of spot, outside
the city walls, as that where Naboth's blood was licked up near Jezreel.

ayid the dogs licked^ &c.] Here as above in xxi. 19 the LXX. adds
*the swine' to the dogs.

a7id they washed his armotir] R.V. Now the harlots washed them-
selves there. This change, which is the rendering of the LXX., is no
doubt correct. The Hebrew word niJT occurs often in the O. Test,
and means nothing else but 'harlots,' while the verb in the sentence is
not one applied to washing articles that need cleaning but to bathing
the body. Cf. Exod. xxx. 19, 21, xl. 11, 31; Lev. xvi. 4, 24, 26, 28,
and in Numb. xix. 19 another verb is used for 'wash his clothes' and
the present verb rendered 'bathe himself,' and in the verse before us
another verb is employed to describe the washing of the chariot.

The R.V. by placing this clause in a parenthesis seems to treat it as a
subsidiary feature in the description. This was the place to which they
usually came to bathe. Some have however suggested that the women
alluded to were those attached (as such persons were) to the temples of
Baal and Ashtoreth, and that thus a greater indignity still was offered
to this fosterer of idolatrous worship. This interpretation however reads
a gocrd deal into the text which is not there. And surely it was indignity
enough for the royal blood to be washed into the waters of the harlots'
bath. It should be mentioned that Josephus, and, among the Fathers,
Theodore t, support the rendering of R.V. The A.V. is derived from
the Chaldee and the Syriac versions.

39. the ivory house that he made [R.V. hullt] The verb is the same
as in the next clause. The house was of course not of ivory, but
largely adorned with it. That such adornment prevailed in Oriental
lands, see Amos iii. 15. The family of Ahab were great builders. It was
the father of this king who in his short reign built Samaria, and Ahab
apparently built several cities, i.e. perhaps restored and beautified them.
Omri's building of Samaria, however, was the founding of a new capitaL

40. Ahaziah his son] Ahaziah was the elder son of Ahab, and died
subsequently in consequence of a fall (2 Kings i. 17) and was succeeded
by his brother Jehoram (2 Kings iii. i).

41 — 50. Brief notice of the reign of Jehoshaphat, king
OF Judah. (2 Chron. xx. 31 — 37, xxi. i.)

41. Jehoshaphat the son of Asa] For the events of the twenty-five
years of Jehoshaphat's reign the books of Kings give but a scanty

240 I. KINGS, XXII. [w. 42, 43.

42 in the fourth year of Ahab king of Israel. Jehoshaphat was
thirty and five years old when he began to reign; and he
reigned twenty and five years in Jerusalem. And his mother's

43 name was Azubah the daughter of Shilhi. And he walked
in all the ways of Asa his father ; he turned not aside from
it, doing that which was right in the eyes of the Lord : never-
theless the high places were not taken away ; for the people

record. His alliance with Jehoram, Ahab's son, against the king of
Moab, is mentioned (2 Kings ii. 7, seqq.) and that Jehoram, his son, was
made king during his father's lifetime {2 Kings viii. 16). But this is all.
Yet clearly Jehoshaphat was a king of much influence. The Chronicler
also tells much good concerning him. The Lord was with him
(2 Chron. xvii.) and he prospered. He sent out Levites with the
princes to teach the people in the cities of Judah. His enemies were
dismayed by his greatness, for he had famous commanders and mighty
armies. He made the improper alliance with Ahab (2 Ch-on. xviii.)
but after Ahab's death, he returned to Jerusalem and appointed and
instructed judges and priests and Levites (2 Chron. xix.) to act in the
fear of the Lord and with a perfect heart. He was attacked by Moab
(2 Chron. xx.) but seeking unto the Lord he gained a great victory,
which he celebrated in such way that the place of the celebration was
known afterwards as ' The valley of blessing.'

42. He 7'eigiied twoity and Jive years'] His son and successor,
Jehoram, was made king in conjunction with his father, before
Jehoshaphat's death (2 Kings ix. 16). But this could only have been
done just at the close of Jehoshaphat's reign. For it was in the fourth
year of Ahab that Jehoshaphat began to reign. Ahab reigned 22 years
(r Kings xvi. 29). So that 18 years of Tehoshaphat's reign were over
when Ahab died. Ahaziah reigned two years (see verse 51 below) and
it was in the 5th year of Joram, the brother and successor of Ahaziah,
that Jehoshaphat joined his son with him in the kingdom. So that,
unless the years are not complete years, it must have been in the closing
years of his father's reign that Jehoram began his joint reign.

his mother's naine] On the important position occupied by the queen-
mother in Oriental kingdoms, see on ii. 19. This accounts for the
constant mention of her name at each king's acces-ion.

43. nevertheless [R. V. howbeit] the high places loere not taken azvay']
for [cm. for R.V.] the people offered [R.V. still sacrificed] and burnt
incense vet [om. yet R.V.] in the high places. The changes get rid of
the italic yi^r, and put still instead oi yet in its proper place in the verse.
'To sacrifice' is the constant translation of the verb changed in R.V.

The statement here made is no contradiction, as might at first sight
appear, to 2 Chron. xvii. 6, 'he took away the high places and groves
[R.V. the Asherim] out of Judah.' The addition of 'the Ashcrim' in
the latter passage shews that the \\Titer is speaking of the high places
which were devoted to the worship of Baal and Astoreth. This
worship had spread from Israel into Judah, and it was this which

vv. 45— 4S.] I. KINGS, XXII. 241

offered and burnt incense yet in the high places. And 43
Jehoshaphat made peace with the king of Israel. Now the
rest of the acts of Jehoshaphat, and his might that he shewed,
and how he warred, are they not written in the book of the
chronicles of the kings of Judah ? And the remnant of the 4^
sodomites, which remained in the days of his father Asa, he
took out of the land. There was then no king in Edom : a 47
deputy was king. Jehoshaphat made ships of Tharshish to i,i

Jehoshaphat swept away, an act which Jehu the prophet specially
commends (2 Chron. xix. 3). But the high places which had been
from early times set apart for the worship of Jehovah, and which were
meant to be put down when the Temple was built, he had not power to
abolish. From long custom people clung to them, and having at first
been places of acceptable worship, there was great difficulty in proceed-
ing to extremities against those who still chose to worship there.

44. yehoshaphat made peace with the king of Israel} This is men-
tioned because up to his time the two kingdoms had been always
at war.

45. and hcnv he zvarred} The words are not represented in the LXX.
On the wars of Jehoshaphat, see above on verse 41, and the chapters in
2 Chronicles there referred to.

iti the book of the chronicles of the kings of Judah'} The Chronicler
gives, as the authority for Jehoshaphat's histor}-, the book of Jehu, the
son of Hanani, who is mentioned in the book of the kings of Israel.

46. And the renmant, &c. ] This passage, down to the end of verse 49,
is omitted by the ( Vat.) LXX.

which remained in the days of his father} Asa had striven to put
them down. See xv. 12 above.

he took [R.V. put away] out of the land} ' To put away* is by far the
most frequent rendering of the verb. See concerning a similar pro-
ceeding 2 Kings xxiii. 24.

47. There was then [R.V. And tliere was] no king in Edom} There-
fore Jehoshaphat could go through Idumcea to the Red Sea and prepare
him a fleet in Ezion-geber. On Ezion-geber and its position in the
land of Edom, see above on ix. 26.

a deputy was king} What had become of the royal family of Edom,
which Hadad (see xi. I4 seqq.) appears to have established again, we
are nowhere told. Nor is there anything to guide us to a conclusion
by whom the deputy was appointed. It may be that Hadad had never
gained much power after his return from Egypt, and his successor had
not been able to maintain his position. In that case the king of Judah
might have claimed the rights which his predecessor had once held, and
have set up a governor in Edom. If this were so a passage for the servants
of the king of Judah through the land would be a matter of course.

48. skips of Tharshish} See above on x. 22.

Ophir} See ix; 28. The Chronicler says the ships were to go to
Tarshish (2 Chron. xx. 38;.

I. KINGS 16

242 I. KINGS, XXII. [vv. 49— 53.

go to Ophir for gold : but they went not ; for the ships were

49 broken at Ezion-geber. Then said Ahaziah the son of Ahab
unto Jehoshaphat, Let my servants go with thy servants in the

50 ships. But Jehoshaphat would not. And Jehoshaphat slept
with his fathers, and was buried with his fathers in the city of
David his father : and Jehoram his son reigned in his stead.

51 Ahaziah the son of Ahab began to reign over Israel in
Samaria the seventeenth year of Jehoshaphat king of Judah,

52 and reigned two years over Israel. And he did evil in the
sight of the Lord, and walked in the way of his father, and
in the way of his mother, and in the way of Jeroboam the

53 son of Nebat, who made Israel to sin : for he served Baal,
and worshipped him, and provoked to anger the Lord God
of Israel, according unto all that his father had done.

the ships were broken] According to the Chronicler (2 Chron. xx. 35 —
37) these ships were buiL in conjunction with Ahaziah, king of Israel.
And Eliezer the prophet rebuked Jehoshaphat for this alHance, and said,
* because thou hast joined thyself with Ahaziah, the Lord hath broken thy
works.' Thus the breaking of the ships, however it came to pass, by storm
or otherwise, was regarded as brought about by divine interposition.

49. Let viy servants go tvith thy serva?tts] This appears to have been
an attempt to engage Jehoshaphat in a second expedition. If there were
two expeditions contemplated, one may have been to Ophir, and the
other to Tarshish. This would account for what is noticed in the
previous verse, that the Chronicler mentions Tarshish as the destination,
while here Ophir is spoken of.

51 — 53. Ahaziah, king of Israel. His wicked reign. (Not

in Chronicles.)

51. the srje7iteenth year] The R. V. inserts In before these words,
and as the preposition is in the original, there is no ground for excluding
it in the English. On the chronology see above on verse 42.

and reigfi^d] R.V. and lie reigned. The main division of the verse
in the Hebrew precedes these words, and the pronoun repeated makes
somewhat of a like division in the translation.

52. did roil [R.V. did that wliicli was evil] As often before.

the way of his mother] i.e. He tried to put down the worship of
Jehovah altogether, as Jezebel had done.

who [R.V. wherein he] niade Israel to sin] On a similar change, cf.
above xvi. 30.

53. for [R.V. And] he served Baal] This is an additional count in
his wickedness, not an explanation of what is contained in the verse be-
fore. Hence the change. The LXX., instead of 'according to all that
his father had done,' gives 'according to all things which had been before
him.' As though there were no evil done by any previous king (and
all of them had been wicked) which Ahaziah did not imitate.

INDEX.

Aaron, rod of, 85
Abel-beth-maachah, 168
Abel-mehoiah, 39. 204
Abiathar, the priest, 4, 22, 23
Abijah, son of Jeroboam, 15S

king ot Judah, 159

called Abijam, 162

Abishag, 2, 20, 21
Abishaiom = Absalom, 163
Abner, 17, 25
Absalom, 3

Achish, king of Gath, 27
Acra, 103
Adonai, 229
Adonijah, 3

proclaimed king, 8

flight of, 14

asks for Abishag, 20

Adoniram, 38, 51

Adoram, 140

Adoro, significance of, 205

Ahab, king of Israel, 177

sold to work wickedness, 226

weakness of, 217, 220

curse upon, 224

penitence of, 227

prophets of, 229

death of, 239

Ahaziah, son of Ahab, 239, 242
Ahijah the Shilonite, 132

writings of, 134

enquired of by Jeroboam, 155

Ahimaaz, 41

iiimicg {algu7n) trees, 108, 112
Amasa, 17

A men, meaning of, 10
An)monites, god of the, 122
Amon, 235
Amorites, 226
Anz., /or Maachah, 165
Analhoth. 23
anoint, sense of, 202
anointing, significance of, 10
Aphek, 213
Aram, 120

Aram-beth-Rehob, 120
Aram-Maachah, 120
Aram-Naharaim, 120 •
Aram-Zobah, 120

Argob, 40

ark of the covenant, 33

— transport of the, 82

— contents of the, 85, £S
Anibboth, 39

Arza, 174

Asa, king of Judah, 164

— wars of, 166

— acts of, 169
'Ascent,' Solomon's, no
Asfiirah, 165, 17S, 189
Askeritn, 158, 161, 241
Ashtoreth, 121
Athaliah, 165

married to the son of Jehosha-

phat, 228

Athenaeus on riddles, no
Azariah, son of Zadok, 36

son of Oded, 1C9

Azzah = Gaza, 43

Baal, 121

Baalath, 104

Baalim, the, iSg

Baalpeor, 122

Baana, son of Ahilud, 39, 41

Baasha, king of Israel, 167, 172

Babylonian invasion, 71

Bahurim, 19

Barzillai the Gileadite, 18

bases, the tea made by Hiram, 75

Bashan, 40

bath, Hebrew measure so called, 75

Bath-sheba, 5

Bealoth, 41

Bedouin characteristics^ 197

Beer-sheba, 198

Belial, sons ^223

Ben-AbLnadab, 39

Benaiah, David's captain, 4, 23, 24

Ben-Deker, 38

Ben-Geber, 40

Ben-hadad, son of Tabrimmon, 167

besieges Samaria 207

defeat of, 211

Ben-Hesed, 39
Ben-Hur, 38

Bernard, Dr, an interpretation by, 35
Bethel, 143, 145

244

INDEX.

Bethel, prophet of, 150

F.eth-horon, towns so called, 104

lleth-marcaboth, 105

Heth-shean, 39

Bethshemesh, 38

Bidkar, 224

blessing, Solomon's dedication, 86

Boaz, pillar called, 73

Bomberg, Daniel, i

dond-vien, 106

Bosheth written instead oi Baal, 178

bowing m worship. 13

bronze shields made by Rehoboa.Ti, 1 16

b'rosh, 49

brother, kings use the tvord, 51, 102, 215

Bui, month so called, 65

burial, rites of, much regarded, 152

burnings at /u7ierals, 170

Byblus, 53

Cabul, various explanations of the name,
102

Calcol, 45

Caleb, 104

calf-worship, prophets of the, '^29

calves, golden, 142

caravans, 109

Carchemish, 119

Carmel, Mt, 196

caterpillar, what, 92

censers, 81

chat/iber, inner, 215, 234

chambers round the Temple, 56

'charge,' meaning of, 16

cliariot-cities, 105

chariots of Solomon, 119

Chemosh, god of the Moabites, 122

Cherethites, the, 11, 162

Cherith, torrent-bed of, 180

clierubiin, the, 62
wings of the, 84

Chimham, i8

Chinneroth, 168

Chronicles, omissions in, 28

additions in, 95, 96, 100

variations in, 43, 52, iii

chronology, note on, 53

city of David, Pharaoh's daughter
dwells in, 107

cloud of glory, 86

coast, meaning of, 2

' Cohen,' meaning of, 37

cotnvierce with Ophir, iog

compassion, to give, what, 94

consecratioti, Hebrew form for, 154

cor, a Hebrew measure, 42, 51

coral, the Rabbis think is algum, 113

court, the inner, 65
the great, fg

covenant, how made, 85

cracknels, what, 155

aibit, length of, 54

curse, sense of, how obtained, 222

Cyrus, God stirs u^; the heart of, 94

Damascus, 120, 130, 216
Dan, 143, 168
Darda, 45
Davar, 60
David, age of, i

his charge to Solomon, 15

city of, 19, 29, 33

death of, 20

his preparations for the Temple, 47

treasures of, 81

musical instruments of, 97

his war on Edom, 125

day, unto this, 140

'days' used for 'a long time,' 183
dedication festival, when, 83
Deuteronomic law, 29, 105, 118
Deuteronomy, allusions to, 16, 89, 90, 91,

93, lOO, lOI

D'os, quoted by Josephus, 110
dogs in eastern lands, 158
doors of Oracle and Temple, 63
Dor, 39

dreams, God speaks by, 31, 33
drought, one of God's plagues, 91

east country, children of the, 44
Edom, destruction of, 125

no king in, 241

Egj-pt, river of, 98

famed for wisdom, 44

Egyptian bondage, 94

Ela, 41

Klah, king of Israel, 173

Elath, 108

Elea7ar, family of, 23

Fll, fr-.mily of, ib.

Elijah the Tishbite, 179

his flight, 180

fed by ravens, 181

at Zarephath, 182

meets Ahab, 185.

■ on Mt Carmel, 190

sacrifices, though not a priest, 194

prays on Carmel, 196

servant of, 198

God's revelation to, 200

in Naboth's vineyard, 224

EHsha, son of Shaphat, 204

call of. 205

minister'^ to Elijah, 206

Elohim, name interchanged with Jeho-
vah, 128

El-Tih, desert of, 127
En-rogel, 5

Ephraim, horns of, 230
Ephraimite, 130
Eph ra thite, 1 30 •
F?rom = Rezon, 125
Ethan the Ezrahite, 44
Fthanin, month so called, 82
Ethbaal, king of Zidon, 178
Ezion-geber, 108

faviifie in Israel and in Phoenicia, 180

INDEX.

245

/nther, application of the word, 70

fathers houses, pfrinces of, 82

/easts, three great, of the Jewish year,

107
Fergusson, Mr, quoted, 54, 58
7^/= fetched, 70
Jiotes, 50

forgiveness, idea of, 227
yV^wzy of prophets, ig2 '
Jicrnace q/" iron = Egyptian bondage, 94

Galilee of the nations, 102
gate, as a seat of judgement, 34

— kings sitting in the, 230
Gaza, 43

G'dirah = queen mother, 127

Geba of Benjamin, 169

Gebalites, 53

Gezer, places of that name, 103

Gibbethon, 171, 175

Gibeon, the great high place, 26, 30, 99

the tabernacle there, 30

last mention of sacrifice there, 31

Gibeonites, the, 109

Gihon, notice of, 9
Gilead, 40, 41

■ character of the land of, 180

God, vian of, name given to Elijah and
Elisha, 185

— tvord of, how received, 141
gold, how laid on, 64

— pure, explanation of. 62

^go out aiidcovie in,' meaning of, 31
^ri^rt^ = heavy, burdensome, 32

Hadad, the Sj'rian god, 167

the Edomite, 125, 128, 241

flees to Egypt, 126

Hadadezer, 129

hair, not to fall to the ground, 15

Hamath, 98

Hamath-Zobah, 104

hand of , by tJie, 95, 159

hand, to lift up the, 131

Hanun, the son of Nahash, 162

harlots, 34, 239

harness. 2^7

Hawoth-Jair, 40

Hazael, king of Syria, 202

Hazar-Susim, 105

Hazor, 103

head-band, 218

heathens, cut themselves in their worship,

192
Iteaven of heavens, 89
Hebreiv co>istruction noticed, 18, 100
Heman, 44

hereditary succession not regarded, 5
Hezion, 129, 167
Hiel the Bethelite, 179
high places, 122, 154, 160, 240
Hinnom, valley of the son of, 122
Hiram, king of Tyre, 46

his adornment of Tyre, 50

Hiram, his league with Solomon, 51

a Tyrian worker in metals, 70

Solomon's gift to, loi

navy of, 112, 113

Hittites, kings of the, 119
Holy Place, the, 59
homage, oriental^ 15
Horeb, 199, 200

hor7t of oil, II
horns of the altar, 14
horses, multiplication of, 105

gathered by Solomon, 118

/i<'7«^ = possessions, 22

houses of high places, 144
hyperbole, oriental, 9, 187

Ibzan, the judge, 104

Iddo the seer, writings of, 134

idols, significant names of, 195

Ijon, 168

images, meaning of, 161

in =■ with the loss of, 1 79

interinarriage with the heathen, 120

Islam, 96

Israel and Judah, clearly distinct, 43, 136

Ithamar, family of, 23

ivory, used largely, 116, 239

lyar, month so called, 54

Jabin, king of Canaan, 103
Jachin, pillar called, 73
Jadon, 146

Jael, wife of Heber, 103
Jashar, book of, 95
Jebusite, city of the, 125
Jehoshaphat, son of Ahilud, 37

king of Judah, 228, 240

at Ramoth-Gilead, 237

navy of, 241

Jehovah, the name used by heathens, 49,

112
Jehu, son of Hanani, 172

son of Nimshi, 203, 224

Jericho rebuilt, 179

Jeroboam, son of Nebat, birthplace of,
80, 130

king of Israel, 136

• ordains a new feast, 144

hand of, withered, 146

Jerome, Prologus galeatus, i
Jerusalem, God's chosen place, 87
yrjiis, considered to be haters of man-
kind, 93

Jezebel, daughter of Ethbaal, 178

letters sent by, 221

Joab, notices of, 3, 12, 17, 22

— death of, 24. 25

— his war on Edom, 126
Joash, the king's son, 235
Jokmeam, 39

Joktan, dwelt in Arabia, 108
Jonathan, son of Abiathar, 12
Joppa 50
Joseph, house of, 131

246

INDEX.

Josephus, interpretation of, 35, 82, 88,

149, 183
Temple furniture described

by, 86
■ quoted, 95, 96, 97, 98, 99, 102,

T • !_ 1 . ^°5. 109. 234

Josiah, king of Judah, 103, 122, 147

Judah, wilderness of, 26

kingdom of, 125

population of, 141

Judges, in every city, 221
j7i?uj>er-tree, 198

Kadesh, iig

Kennicott, explanation by Dr, 107

Keri, reading of the, 104, 145

Kethib, reading of, 145

Kidron, brook, 26, 165

Kimchi, alluded to, 62

Kings, books of, differing from Samuel. 1

division of, ix, i

compiler of, very faithful, 106

date of, X

compiler of, x

sojtrces of, xi

-^ character of, xxiv

Kishon, the brook, 195
kissing, an act of worship, 205

la7)ientation, form of, 153
lamp, significance of, 133, iSi,
lavers, tlie ten, made by Hiram, 75
Lebanon, house of the forest of, 66, 115

timber from, 48

beauty of, described, 105

Levites, duties of, 83, 97

Levitical functions, said to be of late

origin. 107
Leviticus, allusions to, 91, 93
lezy, of Solomon, 38, 51, 102, 106

reasons for, 103

lions, often found, 153

* little child', meining of, 31

locusts, various kinds of, 91

Maachah, 163

Maccabaeus, Judas, 104

Mahanaim, 19

Makaz, 38

Malcham, 122

Matteh, value of the, 115

manna, pot of, 85

vtantle, prophet's robe. 205

Maon, perh.-ips for Midian, 127

Marchesvan, month of, 65

Martyr, Peter, quoted, 21

Massoretic pointing, 150

tneat-offeritig, meaning of, 97

Mecca, Mohammedans turn towards, in

prayer, 93
^legiddo, 39, 103
Mephibosheth, son of Saul, 18
Micah the prophet 235

Micaiah, son of Imlah, 231

vision of, 233

Midian, where, 126
Midianites, 127
mighty tnen of Da%-id, 4
7nikz>eh-=3i drove, 119
Milcom, IS2

Millo, 103, 131

Milton quoted, 121, 123

' tn iugled people\ 114

Mizpah, log

Mogul, wives of the, 121

Moloch, 122, 123

Moriah. Mt, 82

Mosaic law, Naboth's regard for, 220

tabernacle, cherubim in, 63

Moses, fasting forty days, 199

I\ I OS lent, 96
AJo7(?it of Offence, 123
mountain = \viA. country, 38, 232
untie, royal, 9

multitudes, in the East, easily accommo-
dated, 97
initsic, oriental, 12

Naamah, wife of Solomon, 160

Nabal, 127

Kaboth, the Jezreelite, 219

trial of, apparently legal, 222

sons of, also slain, 223

when put to death, 227

Nadab, king of Israel, 159

slain by Baasha, 170

NaJial, meaning of, 180

' 7iame of the Lord\ 30, 109
name, where God records His, 87
Nathan, the prophet, 4

supports Bath-sheba, 7

^-^ anoints Solomon, 9

- — - writings of, 134

nations, the, to know God's glory, 96

Nob, 23

no7i-Israelitepopulatio7i\a. Palestine, ic6

Obadiah, 185, 186, 187

' occurrent' , 48

of/ices, paid for, 115

officers over the levy, 107

oil, beaten, 51

Olives, Mt of, 123

Omri, king of Lsrael, 175

builds Samaria, 176

conquered by Ben-hadad, 228

Ophir, 108, 242

opoba Isa mum, 112

oracle, the, 55, 60

oriental obeisancf, 6

Origen, Canon of, i

quoted, 54

PalmjTa, 104
Paran, wilderness of, 127
y'rtrrtj^ = horse and rider. 118
Paul the hermit, life of, 101

INDEX.

247

Pelethites, the, ir, 162

Penuel, 142

*PiopUs' word introduced in R. V., 235

* perfect 'ivith the Lord\ meaning of, 121

Persian gulf, pwrts in the, 108

Pharaoh, king of EgN-pt, 29, 103, 107

Pharaoh's daughter, 29, 107

house of, 68

pillars ^ cast by Hiram, 70
/»/«^, Josephus explains = alraug, 113
place, not = precise locality, 225
porch of the Temple, 55

of pillars, 67

for the throne, 68

prayers, toward seme sacred spot, 93
/r:;iV«/ = marriage-portion, 104
presents common in the East, 112

from tributary- princes, 117

priest, meaning of the Hebrew for, 36

priests, the ark carried by, 83

princes of the provinces, young men of,

210
prop/iet, called mouth of Jehovah, S7
prophetic spirit in language, 58
propfiets, how recognised, 219
slain by Jezebel, i3o

sacrifices not always offered by priests,

30, 194
not always at one place, 200

Samaria, early mention of, 154
building of, 176

Samson, riddle of, no

sandalwood, thought to be almug. 113

Sanskrit, words connected with, 117

Sarira, 131

6"rt/a« = adversary, 125

scorpion, probably figurative, 133

sea, the molten, 74, 103

seah, a Jewish measure, 134

seamanship of the Tyriaas, izZ

i^^rt/= throne, 21

Seba, log

Seiden, de Dis SyHs, iit,

Septuagint, renderings of, 22. 32. 33, 59,
61, 112, 114, 115, 119, 130,
139. 198, 209, 239

additions of, 24, 28, 33, 38,

46, 89, 96, 117, 118, 125,
145,224, 225, 232
omissions of, 65, 87, 162, 193

servants, meaning of, 2, 106, no, 131

seven for an indefinite number, 196, 204

sei'en days zvaiting, 214

Shaalbim, 38

Shdlani, c6

Shamir, the, 57

Sheba, gold of, loS

queen-mother, dignity of, 21, 127, 160 queen of, 109

Shechem, Rehoboam at, 135
built up, 142

Proverbs, alluded to, 13

of Solomon, 45

Psilm xlv., reference of, 29
Pythagoras, 44

raiment, changes of, as presents, ii3
rains, early and latter, 83
Ramah, i63
Ramoth-gUead, 40, 228

r battle of. 236

rttz-ens, attempts to explain away the

word, 181
Rehoboam, son of Solomon, 116

folly of, at his accession, 137

sinful time of, 160

Rei, 4

Rezon, son of Eliada, 128

Rhinocolura, 98

riddles, cc-nmon among the ancients, no

■ were the Queen of Sheba's ques-

tions of a religious character,
no
right hand, to sit on the, 21
R'.mmon, 167
river, /^? = Euphrates, 42

this side the, meaning of, 43

Robertson, F. W., Sermon of, 199
Robertson- Smith, Prof., an emendation

of, 95
Robins, Mr E. C, on the Temple, 55
ropes on the head, 215
runners, body guard of, 3

Sabaeans, xog

sacri/ice, feasting at a, 5, 97

great, at-the Dedication, 97

She/elah, ii3
* shekel', the word, omitted, 115
Shemaiah, 141
Shemer, 176
shields oi %q\ A, 115
Shiraei, notices of, 4, i3, 19, 26, 27
ships, timber for, supplied by Hiram, io3
Shisha, 37

Shishak, king of Egypt, 29, 134, t6i
Shomeron, 177
Shunem, 2

shitt up and left, meaning of, 157, 225
side chambers in Temple, 57
tabernacle put in them, 83

in the house of the forest

of Lebanon, 66
Sidonians, skilled workmen, 48
sign, meaning of, 148
''simples', 45
skill (verb), 49
Socoh, 39
Solomon, aze of, at his accession, 13, 31

marries Pharaoh's daughter, 23

house of, 29, 66

judgement of, 33

songs of, 45

his botanical wisdom, 45

his payment to Hiram, 50

dedication prayer of, 83

benediction of, 95

248

INDEX.

Solomon, his reign a time of peace, 96
^—^ prominence in the dedication

service, 98
God's appearance to, 30, 98

enormous revenue of, 114

God's anger against, 124

death of, 134

J(7« = grandson, 36
Sone^ of Solomon, 105. 121
so //m/ = provided that, 89
spices, Arabia famous for, no
spirit, the prophetic, 233
staves to bear the ark. 84
stoius, twelve, for an altar, 193
stoning, death by, 222

place for, outside the city, 223

store-cities, 105

strangers, forced labour of, 51, 52

consideration for, among the

Jews, 92
streets made in foreign towns, 216
Succoth, 80

siis= a. draught horse, 118
symbolical st.cx.\on, 132

language, 124

Taanach, 39
tabernacles, feast of, 98
table, to eat at one's, i3
Tab-rimmon, 167
Tadmor, 104

Josephus' account of, 105

talent, value of, 114

Tamar, 104

Taphath, daughter of Solomon, 39

targets, 115

Targiim, interpretation in the, 52

Tarshish, ships of, 116, 242

=Tartessus in Spain, 117

taxation, excessive, undr;r Solomon, 114
Temple, dimensions of, 54

porch of, 55

windows of, 55

■ roof of, 58

completion of, 79

dedication of, 82

in what j'ear dedicated, 99

plundering of, 161

tent of meeting, 11, 83

of the Lord, 25

tents = homes, 98

text, doubtful correctness of, 107

't/ien', not a particle of time, 33

throne, form of, 116

Tibni, son of Ginath, 176

Tiphsah, 43

Tirzah, 159, 168, 172, 175

to = for. Bo

Tobit, birthplace of, 179

to-day, meaning of, 14, 228

Tophet, 122, 123

traders, various kinds of, 114

treasures, sense of, 81

trespass, referred to God, 90

tribes, the ten, revolt of, 139

Tyre, need of food supply in, 50

Tyrians, skilled seamen, 108

undersetters, meaning of, 76
unto this day, sense of, 106
Uphaz, gold of, 116
Uriah the Hittite, 163

T'^ntnre, at a, 237
Versiofts, xv

vital /uat, communication of, 2
Vulgate, renderings of, 22, 28, 38, 42,
62, 115, 119

Wady el Arish, 98

weanittg, a great event, 127

•wheels of the lavers, 76

wild beasts frequent in the Holy Land,
217

wives oi So\oT!\nr\, 120

* word of the Lord, tofidfiV, first men-
tioned, 24

worshippers, looking toward a certain
place, 90

year,r&\.\xm of the, what, 212
Yemen, port of, io8

Zadok, the priest, 4

anoints Solomon, 9

attends to the tabernacle at

Gibeon, 11

family of, 23

succeeds Abiathar, 26

Zaredathah, 80, 131
Zarephatk, 1S2, 198
Zarethan, 39, So
Zartanah, 39

Zarthan, 80, 131

Zedekiah, leader of the priests of Ahab,

229, 230, 234
Zerah the Ethiopian, 169
Zeredah, 80, 131
Zidonians, the, 121
Zif, month of, 54
Zimri, 174
Zion, Mt, 82
Zobah, kingdom of, 129
Zoheleth, stone of, 5

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us with a very able and very interesting criticism of this wonderful
book. Its contents the nature of its composition, its idea and purpose,
its integrity, and its age are all exhaustively treated of.... We have not
space to examine fully the text and notes before us, but we can, and do
heartily, recommend the book, not only for the upper forms in schools,
but to Bible students and teachers generally. As we wrote af a previous
volume in the same series, this one leaves nothing to be desired. The
notes are full and suggestive, without being too long, and, in itself, the

OPINIONS OF THE PRESS.

introduction forms a valuable addition to modern Bible literature."' — Thi
Educational Times.

"Already we have frequently called attention to this exceedingly
valuable work as its volumes have successively appeared. But we have
never done so with greater pleasure, verj- seldom %\-ith so great pleasure,
as we now refer to the last published volume, that on the Book of Job,
by Dr Davidson, of Edinburgh.... \Ve cordially commend the volume to
all our readers. The least instructed will understand and enjoy it ;
and mature scholars will learn from it." — Methodist Recorder.

Jol) — Hosea. " It is difficult to commend too highly this excellent
series, the volumes of which are now becoming numerous. The two
books before us, small as they are in size, comprise almost everything
that the young student can reasonably expect to find in the way of helps
towards such general knowledge of their subjects as may be gained
without an attempt to grapple wnth the Hebrew ; and even the learned
scholar can hardly read without interest and benefit the ver}' able intro-
ductory matter which both these commentators have prefixed to their
volumes. It is not too much to say that these works have brought
within the reach of the ordinary reader resources which were until
lately quite unknown for understanding some of the most difficult and
obscure portions of Old Testament literature." — Guardian.

Ecclesiastes ; or, the Preacher. — "Of the Notes, it is sufficient to
say that they are in every respect worthy of Dr Plumptre's high repu-
tation as a scholar and a critic, being at once learned, sensible, and
practical. . . . An appendix, in which it is clearly proved that the
author of Ecclesiastes anticipated Shakspeare and Tennyson in some
of their finest thoughts and reflections, will be read with interest by
students both of Hebrew and of English literature. Commentaries are
. seldom attractive reading. This little volume is a notable exception." —
The Scotsfiian.

' ' Tn short, this little book is of far greater value than most of the
larger and more elaborate commentaries on this Scripture. Indispens-
able to the scholar, it will render real and large help to all who have to
expound the dramatic utterances of The Preacher whether in the Church
or in the School." — The Expositor.

"The '■ideal biography' of the author is one of the most exquisite
and fascinating pieces of writing we have met with, and, granting its
starting-pomt, throws wonderful light on many problems connected with
the book. The notes illustrating the text are full of delicate criticism,
fine glowing insight, and apt historical allusion. An abler volume
than Professor Plumptre's we could not desire."' — Baptist Magazine.

Jeremiah, by A. W. Streane. "The arrangement of the book is
well treated on pp. xxx., 396, and the question of Baruch's relations
with its composition on pp. xxvii., xxxiv., 317. The illustrations from
English literature, history, monuments, works on botany, topography,
etc., are good and plentiful, as indeed they are in other volumes of this
series." — Church Quarterly Review., April, 1881.

" Mr .Streane's Jeremiah consists of a series of admirable and well-
nigh exhaustive notes on the text, with introduction and appendices,
drawing the life, times, and character of the prophet, the style, contents,
and arrangement of his prophecies, the traditions relating to Jeremiah,

4 CAMBRIDGE BIBLE FOR SCHOOLS Sc COLLEGES.

meant as a type of Christ (a most remarkable chapter), and other
prophecies relating to Jeremiah." — TAe English Churchman and Clerical
yotimal.

Obadiah and Jonah. " This number of the admirable series of
Scriptural expositions issued by the Syndics of the Cambridge Uni-
versity Press is well up to the mark. The numerous notes are
excellent. No difficulty is shirked, and much light is thrown on the
contents both of Obadiah and Jonah. Scholars and students of to-day
are to be congratulated on having so large an amount of information on
Biblical subjects, so clearly and ably put together, placed within their
reach in such small bulk. To all Biblical students the series will be
acceptable, and for the use of Sabbath-school teachers will prove
invaluable. " — North British Daily Mail.

*' It is a very useful and sensible exposition of these two Minor
Prophets, and deals very thoroughly and honestly with the immense
difficulties of the later- named of the two, from the orthodox pomt of
view.' ' — Expositor.

" Haggai and Zechariali. This interesting little volume is of great
value. It is one of the best books in that well-known series of
scholarly and popular commentaries, 'the Cambridge Bible for Schools
and Colleges ' of which iJean Perowne is the General Editor. In the
expositions of Archdeacon Perowne we are always sure to notice
learning, ability, judgment and reverence .... The notes are terse
and pointed, but full and reliable." — Chiirchtnan.

MalacM. "Archdeacon Perowne has already edited Jonah and
Zechariah for this series. Malachi presents comparatively few difficulties
and the Editor's treatment leaves nothing to be desired. His introduction
is clear and scholarly and his commentary sufficient. We may instance
the notes on ii. 15 and iv. 2 as examples of careful arrangement,
clear exposition and graceful expression." — Academy, Aug. 2, 1890.

" The Gospel according to St Matthew, by the Rev. A. Carr. The
introduction is able, scholarly, and eminently practical, as it bears
on the authorship and contents of the Gospel, and the original form
in which it is supposed to have been written. It is well illustrated by
two excellent maps of the Holy Land and of the Sea of Galilee." —
English Churchman.

"St Matthew, edited by A. Carr, !M.A. The Book of Joshua,
edited by G. F. Maclear, D.D, The General Epistle of St James,
edited by E. H. Plumptre, D.D. The introductions and notes are
scholarly, and generally such as young readers need and can appre-
ciate. The maps in both Joshua and Matthew are very good, and all
matters of editing are faultless. Professor Plumptre's notes on 'The
Epistle of St James' are models of terse, exact, and elegant renderings
of the original, which is too often obscured in the authorised version." —
Noncoytforyn ist .

"St Mark, wiih Notes by the Rev. G. F. Mallear, D.D. Into
this small volume Dr Maclear, besides a clear and able Introduc-
tion to the Gospel, and the text of St Mark, has compressed many
hundreds of valuable arid helpful notes. In short, he has given us
a capital manual of the kind required — containing all that is needed to
illuairate the text, i.e. all that can be drawn iromthe history, geography,

OPINIONS OF THE PRESS.

customs, and manners of the time. But as a handbook, giving in a
clear and succinct form the information which a lad requires in order

to stand an examination in the Gospel, it is admirable I can very

heartily commend it, not only to the senior boys and girls in our High
Schools, but also to Sunday-school teachers, who may get from it the
very kind of knowledge they often find it hardest to get. " — Expositor.

"With the help of a book like this, an intelligent teacher may make
'Divinity' as interesting a lesson as any in the school course. The
notes are of a kind that will be, for the most part, intelligible to boys
of the lower forms of our public schools ; but they may be read with
greater profit by the fifth and sixth, in conjunction with the original
text." — The Academy.

"St Luke. Canon Farrar has supplied students of the Gospel
with an admirable manual in this volume. It has all that copious
variety of illustration, ingenuity of suggestion, and general soundness of
interpretation which readers are accustomed to expect from the learned
and eloquent editor. Any one who has been accustomed to associate
the idea of 'dryness' with a commentary, should go to Canon Farrar 's
St Luke for a more correct impression. He will find that a commen-
tary may be made interesting in the highest degree, and that without
losing anything of its solid value. . . . But, so to speak, it is too good
for some of the readers for whom it is intended." — The Spectator.

"Canon Farrar's contribution to The Cambridge School Bible
is one of the most valuable yet made. His annotations on The Gospel
according to St Luke, while they display a scholarship at least as sound,
and an erudition at least as wide and varied as those of the editors of
St Matthew and St Mark, are rendered telling and attractive by a
more lively imagination, a keener intellectual and spiritual insight, a
more incisive and picturesque style. Plis St Ltike is worthy to be ranked
with Professor Plumptre's St Jaynes, than which no higher commend-
adoncan well be given." — The Expositor.

"St Luke. Edited by Canon Farrar, D.D. We have received with
pleasure this edition of the Gospel by St Luke, by Canon Farrar. It is
another instalment of the best school commentary of the Bible we pos-
sess. Of the expository part of the work we cannot speak too highly.
It is admirable in every way, and contains just the sort of informa-
tion needed for Students of the English text unable to make use of the
original Greek for themselves." — The N'oncon for mist and Independent.

"As a handbook to the third gospel, this small work is invaluable.
The author has compressed into little space a vast mass of scholarly in-
formation. . . The notes are pithy, vigorous, and suggestive, abounding
in pertinent illustrations from general literature, and aiding the youngest
reader to an intelligent appreciation of the text. A finer contribution to
•The Cambridge Bible for Schools' has not yet been made." — Baptist
Magazine.

"We were quite prepared to find in Canon Farrar's St Luke a
masterpiece of Biblical criticism and comment, and we are not dis-
appointed by our examination of the volume before us. It reflects very
faithfully the learning and critical insight of the Canon's greatest works,
his 'Life of Christ' and his 'Life of St Paul', but differs widely from
both in the terseness and condensation of its style. What Canon Farrar
has evidently aimed at is to place before students as much imormation

6 CAMBRIDGE BIBLE FOR SCHOOLS & COLLEGES.

as possible within the limits of the smallest possible space, and
in this aim he has hit the mark to perfection." — The Examiner.

The Gospel according to St John. "Of the notes we can say with

confidence that they are useful, necessary, learned, and brief. To
Divinity students, to teachers, and for private use, this compact
Commentary will be found a valuable aid to the better understanding
of the Sacred Text." — School Guardian.

"The new volume of the 'Cambridge Bible for Schools' — the
Gospel according to St John, by the Rev. A. Plummer — shows as
careful and thorough work as either of its predecessors. The intro-
duction concisely yet fully describes the life of St John, the authenticity
of the Gospel, its characteristics, its relation to the Synoptic Gospels,
and to the Apostle's First Epistle, and the usual subjects referred to in
an 'introduction'." — The Christian Church.

"The notes are extremely scholarly and valuable, and in most cases
exhaustive, bringing to the elucidation of the text all that is best in
commentaries, ancient and modern." — The English Churchman and
Clerical yoiirnal.

"(i) The Acts of the Apostles. By J. Rawson Lumby, D.D.'
(2) The Second Epistle of the Corinthians, edited by Profesoor Lias.
The introduction is pith' , and contains a mass of carefully-selected
information on the authorship of the Acts, its designs, and its sources.

The Second Epistle of the Corinthians is a manual beyond all praise,

for the excellence of its pithy and pointed annotations, its analysis of the
contents, and the fulness and value of its introduction." — -Examiner.

"The concluding portion of the Acts of the Apostles, under the very
competent editorship of Dr Lumby, is a valuable addition to our
school-books on that subject. Detailed criticism is impossible within
the space at our command, but we may say that the ample notes touch
with much exactness the very points on which most readers of the text
desire information. Due reference is made, where necessary, to the
Revised Version ; the maps are excellent , and we do not know of any
other volume where so much help is given to the complete understand-
ing of one of the most important and, in many respects, difficult books
of the New Testament." — School Guardia7i.

"The Rev. H. C. G. Moule, M.A., has made a valuable addition
to The Cambridge Bible for Schools in his brief commentaiy on
the Epistle to the Romans. The 'Notes' are very good, and lean,
as the notes of a School Bible should, to the most commonly ac-
cepted and orthodox view of the inspired author's meaning ; while the
Introduction, and especially the Sketch of the Life of St Paul, is a model
of condensation. It is as lively and pleasant to read as if two or three
facts had not been crowded into well-nigh every sentence." — Expositor.

"The Epistle to the Romans. It is seldom we have met with a
work so remarkable for the compression and condensation of all that
is valuable in the smallest possible space as in the volume before us.
Within its limited pages we have 'a sketch of the Life of St Paul,'
we have further a critical account of the date of the Epistle to the
Romans, of its language, and of its genuineness. The notes are
numerous, full of matter, to the point, and leave no real difficulty
or obscurity unexplained." — The Exaffiincr.

OPINIONS OF THE PRESS.

"The First Epistle to tlie Corinthians. Edited by Professor Lias.
Every fresh instalment of this annotated edition of the Bible for Schools
confirms the favourable opinion we formed of its value from the exami-
nation of its first number. The origin and plan of the Epistle are
discussed with its character and genuineness." — The None 07iformist.

"The Second Epistle to the Corinthians. By Professor Lias. The
General Epistles of St Peter and St Jude. By E. H. Plumptre, D.D.
We welcome these additions to the valuable series of the Cambridge
Bible. We have nothing to add to the commendation which we
have from the first publication given to this edition of the Bible. It is
enough to say that Professor Lias has completed his work on the two
Epistles to the Corinthians in the same admirable manner as at first
Dr Plumptre has also completed the Catholic Epistles." — Nonconformist.

The Epistle to the Ephesians. By Rev. H. C. G. Moule. ^LA.
" It seems to us the model of a School and College Commentary —
comprehensive, but not cumbersome; scholarly, but not pedantic." —
Baptist Magazine.

The Epistle to the Philippians. "There are few series more valued
by theological students than ' The Cambridge Bible for Schools and
Colleges,' and there will be no number of it more esteemed than that
by Mr H. C. G. Moule on the Epistle to the Philippians. "" — Record.

" Another capital volume of 'The Cambridge Bible for Schools and
Colleges.' The notes are a model of scholarly, lucid, and compact
criticism . " — Baptist Magazine.

Hebrews. " Like his (Canon Farrar's) commentar)' on Luke it
possesses all the best characteristics of his writing. It is a work not
only of an accomplished scholar, but of a skilled teacher." — Baptist
Magazine.

•'We heartily commend this volume of this excellent work." —
Sunday School Chronicle.

"The General Epistle of St James, by Professor Plumptre, D.D.
Nevertheless it is, so far as I know, by far the best exposition of the
Epistle of St James in the English language. Not Schoolboys or
Students going in for an examination alone, but Ministers and Preachers
of the Word, may get more real help from it than from the most costly
and elaborate commentaries." — Expositor.

The Epistles of St John. By the Rev. A. Plummer, M.A., D.D^
"This forms an admirable companion to the 'Commentary on the
Gospel according to St John,' which was reviewed in The Churchman
as soon as it appeared. Dr Plummer has some of the highest qualifica-
tions for such a task ; and these two volumes, their size being considered,
will bear comparison with the best Commentaries of the time." — The
Churchman.

" Dr Plummer's edition of the Epistles of St John is worthy of its
companions in the ' Cambridge Bible for Schools ' Series. The
subject, though not apparently extensive, is really one not easy to
treat, and requiring to be treated at length, owing to the constant
reference to obscure heresies in the Johannine writings. Dr Plummer
has done his exegetical task well." — The Saturday Revierv.

THE CAMBRIDGE GREEK TESTAMENT

FOR SCHOOLS AND COLLEGES

■with a Revised Text, based on the most recent critical authorities, and

English Notes, prepared under the direction of the General Editor,
The Bishop of Worcester.
" Has achieved an excellence which puts it above criticism.^'' — Expositor.
St Matthew. "Copious illustrations, gathered from a great variety
of sources, make his notes a very valuable aid to the student. They
are indeed remarkably interesting, while all explanations on meanings,
applications, and the like are distinguished by their lucidity and good
sense."— /'a// Mall Gazette.

St Mark, ' ' The Cambridge Greek Testament of which Dr ^SfACLEAR's
edition of the Gospel according to St Mark is a volume, certainly
supplies a want. Without pretending to compete with the leading
commentaries, or to embody ver}' much original research, it forms a
most satisfactory introduction to the study of the New Testament in
the original.... Dr Maclear's introduction contains all that is known of
St Mark's life ; an account of the circumstances in which the Gospel
was composed, with an estimate of the influence of St Peter's teaching
upon St Mark ; an excellent sketch of the special characteristics of this
Gospel; an analysis, and a chapter on the text of the New Testament
generally. " — Saturday Review.

St Luke. "Of this second series we have a new volume by

Archdeacon Farrar on St Luke, completing the four Gospels It

gives us in clear and beautiful language the best results of modern
scholarship. We have a most attractive Introductio7i. Then follows
a sort of composite Greek text, representing fairly and in very beautiful
type the consensus of modem textual critics. At the beginning of the
exposition of each chapter of the Gospel are a few short critical notes
giving the manuscript evidence for such various readings as seem to
deserve mention. The expository notes are short, but clear and helpful.
For young students and those who are not disposed to buy or to study
the much more costly work of Godet, thiS seems to us to be the best
book on the Greek Text of the Third Gospel." — Methodist Recorder.

St John. " We take this opportunity of recommending to ministers
on probation, the very excellent volume of the same series on this part
of the New Testament. We hope that most or all of our young ministers
will prefer to study the volume in the Cambridge Greek Testame7it for
Schools.'^ — Methodist Recorder.

The Acts of the Apostles. "Professor Lumpv has performed his
laborious task well, and supplied us with a commeniary the fulness and
freshness of which Bible students will not be slow to appreciate. The
volume is enriched with the usual copious indexes and four coloured
maps." — Glasgoiu Herald.

I. Corinthians. "Mr Lias is no novice in New Testament exposi-
tion, and the present series of essays and notes is an able ind helpful
addition to the existing books." — Guardian.

The Epistles of St John. "In the very useful and well annotated
series of the Cambridge Greek Testament the volume on the Epistles
of St John must hold a high position ... The notes are brief, well
informed and intelligent." — Scotsman.

CAMBRIDGE: PRINTED BY C. J CLAY, M.A. AND SONS, AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS.

CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS.

♦

THE PITT PRESS SERIES.

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Aristophanes. Aves — Plutiis— Ranae. By W. C. Green.

M.A., late AssUunt Master at Rugby School. 3^. 6d. each.

Aristotle. Outlines of the Philosophy of. By Edwin-
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Hercules Furens. By A. Gray, M.A., and J. T.

Hutchinson, M.A. New Edit. 2.$.

Hippoljrtus. Bv W. S. Hadlev, M.A. 2^-.

Iphigeneia in Aulis. By C. E. S. Headlam, B. A. 2s. 6d.

Herodotus, Book V. By E. S. Shlxkburgh, M.A. 3^.

Book VI. By the same Editor. 4^.

Looks VIII.. IX. Bv the same Editor. ^. each.

Book VIII. Ch. 1—90. Book IX. Ch. 1—89. By

the same Editor, ^j. 6./. each.

Homer. Odyssey, Books IX., X. By G. M. Edward.s, M.A.

■2S. 6d. each. Book XXI. By the same Editor, zs.

Iliad. Book XXXE. By the same Editor. 2s.

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Lucian. Somnium Charon Piscator et De Luctu. By W. E.

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Iilenippus and Tirnon. By E. C. :^1ackie, M.A.

[X early ready,

Platonic Apologia Socratis. By J. Adam, M.A. 3^-. 6d.

Crito. By the same Editor. 2s. 6d.

Euthjrphr'o. By the same Editor. 2s. 6d.

Plutarch. Lives of the Gracchi. By Rev. H. A. Holden,

M.A., LL.D. 6.-.

Life of Nicias. By the same Editor. 5^-.

Life of Sulla. By'the same Editor. 6^.

Life of Timoleon. By the same Editor. 6.$'.

Sophocles. Oedipus Tyrannus. School Edition. By R. C.

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Thucydides. Book VIL By Rev. H. A. Holden, M.A., LL.D.

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Xenophon. Agesilaus. By H. Hailstone, M.A. 2s. 6d.

Anabasis. By A. Pretor, M.A. Two vols. 7s. 6d.

Books I. III. IV. and V. By the same. 2^. each.

Books n. VI. and VII. By the same. 2s. 6d. each.

Xenophon. Cyropaedeia. Books I. II. By Rev. H. A Hol-
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Books VI. VII. VIII. By the same Editor. 5.^.

London: Cambridge Warehouse, Ave Maria Lane.

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Caesar. De Bello Gallico, Comment. I. By A. G. Peskett,

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Cicero. De Amicitia.— De Senectute. By J. S. Reid, Litt.D.,

Fellow of Gonville and Caius College. 3^. 6^. each.

In Gaium Verrem Actio Prima. By H. Cowie,

M.A. i.f. ed.

In Q. Caecilium Divinatio et in C. Verrem Actio.

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Philippica Secunda. By A G. Peskett, M.A. 3^. dd.

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Livy. Book IV. By H. M. Stephenson, M.A. 2s. 6d.

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low of King's College. 2S. 6d. each.

Book XXVII. By Rev. H. AL Stephenson, M.A 2s. 6d.

Lucan. Pharsaliae Liber Primus. By W. E. Heitland,

M.A., and C. E. Haskins, M.A. is. 6d.

Lucretius, Book V. By J. D. Duff, ALA. 2s.

Ovidii Nasonis Fastorum Liber VI. By A. Sidgwjck, M.A,

Tutor of Corpus Christi College, O.xford. is. 6d.

Quintus Curtius. A Portion of the History (Alexander in India).

By W. E. Heitland, M.A., and T. E. Raven. B.A. ^Vlth Two Maps. 3J. (>d.

Vergili Maronis Aeneidos Libri I. — XII. By A. Sidgwick,

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' Bucolica. By the same Editor, is. 6d.

Georgicon Libri I. II. By the same Editor. 2s.

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111. FRENCH.

Comeille. La Suite du Menteur. A Comedy in Five Acts.

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D'Harleville. Le Vieux Celibataire. By G. Masson, B.A. is.
De Lamartine. Jeanne D'Arc. By Rev. A. C. Clapin,

M.A. New edition revised, by A. R. Ropes, M.A. i^. 6^/.

De Vigny. La Canne de Jonc. By Rev. H. A. Bull,

M.A., late Master at Wellington College. 2.?.

Erckmann-Chatrian. La Guerre. By Rev. A. C. Clapix,

^LA. IS.

La Baronne de Stael-Holstein. Le Directoire. (Considera-
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and enlarged. By G. ^L\sso^•, B.A; and G. W. Prothero, ^LA. is.

Dix Annies d'Exil. Livre II. Chapitres 1—8.

By the same Editors. New Edition, enlarged. 0.5.

Lemercier. Fredegonde et Bninehaut. A Tragedy in Five

Acts. By GusT.WE ^L\sso^■, B.A. 2.?.

Moliere. Le Bourgeois Gentilhomme, Comedie-Ballet en

Cinq Actes. (1670.) By Rev. A. C. Clapix, ^LA. Revised Edition. is.Sd.

LEcole des Femmes. By G. Saintsbury, M.A. 2s. 6d.

Les Precieuses Ridicules. By E. G. W. Braunholtz,

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Piron. La Metromanie. A Comedy. By G. Masson, B.A. 2j'.
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Sainte-Beuve. M. Daru vCauseries du Lundi, \'ol. IX.).

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Saintine. Picciola. By Rev. A. C. Clapin, M.A. 2s.
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Scribe. Le Verre d'Eau. By C. Colbeck, M.A. 2s.
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