lEotben Series.— II.
^^=0
-sOO
Is 1RST CAMPAIGN OF SENNACHERIB,
|s KING OF ASSYRIA, B.C. 705-681.
^oo I
H^l
The Assyrian Text
Edited with Transliteration, Translation, and Notes.
BY
SIDNEY SMITH, M.A.,
Assistant In the Department of Egyptian and Assyrian Antiquities,
British Museum.
WITH A SKETCH MAP.
LONDON:
LUZAC & CO.
1921.
-
THE "EOTHEN" SERIES
The object of this series is to publish
original texts and translations, transliterations
and translations of texts hitherto unpublished
in English, and essays on the history, civilisa-
tion, religion, etc., of Western Asia in the
earliest times.
I. THE EARLY DYNASTIES OF
SUMER AND AKKAD.
By C. J. GADD, B.A., Assistant in the Depart-
ment of Egyptian and Assyrian Antiquities in
the British Museum.
II. THE FIRST CAMPAIGN OF
SENNACHERIB.
An unpublished text, edited by SIDNEY SMITH,
M.A., Assistant in the Department of Egyptian
and Assyrian Antiquities in the British Museum.
In preparation.
THE BOGHAZ-KEUI TREATIES.
(1) The Treaty of Shuna-asshura, King of
Kizzuwadni, with a King of the Hittites.
By SIDNEY SMITH.
fiotbcn Series.— 11.
THE
FIRST CAMPAIGN OF SENNACHERIB,
KING OF ASSYRIA, B.C. 705-681.
The Assyrian Text
Edited with Transliteration, Translation, and Notes.
BY
SIDNEY SMITH, M.A.,
Assistant in the Department of Egyptian and Assyrian Antiquities,
British Museum.
WITH A SKETCH MAP.
LONDON:
LUZAC & CO.
1921.
HAHKISON & SONS, LTD..
Printers in Ordinary to His Majesty,
44-47, ST. MARTIN'S LANK, LONDON, W.C.
PREFACE.
FEW periods in the history of the Ancient East are so well
known as that in which the Sargonid dynasty of Assyria
ruled Western Asia from the Mediterranean to Mount
Demavend, and from Cilicia to the Brook of Egypt.
Nevertheless, several important historical documents, which
have served materially to increase our knowledge of the
period, have been discovered and published (e.g., the Prism
No. 103000, by the late Prof. L. W. King, and the account
of Sargon's eighth campaign by M. Thureau-Dangin), since
the general history of the period was settled by the
discoveries of Layard and Eassam, and the researches of
Rawlinson and Smith. To these must now be added the
earliest known cylinder of Sennacherib, acquired by the
Trustees of the British Museum in 1915, which now bears
the number 113203.
The text of this cylinder is published completely and
for the first time in the present volume. It is an addition
of considerable importance to the number of extant texts
relating to the reign of Sennacherib. Apart from the
information it affords as to the course of events after
Sennacherib's accession, the very full and detailed account
of the campaign fought by that king in Babylonia in
703-702 B.C. is of great interest for the student of military
history. The list of the cities of the Chaldee tribes affords
VI PREFACE.
the much-needed and necessary material for the recon-
struction of the map of Babylonia in the seventh century u.c.
with greater certainty than lias hitherto heeii possible. The
narrative portion of the inscription is written with grrat
liveliness and is a further proof of the literary abilities of
the scribes of Sennacherib.
I am indebted to the Trustees of the British Museum
for permission to publish this new historical text, and to
my colleague, Mr. C. J. Gadd, for his friendly assistance
in deciphering passages in the text where the reading-
was difficult or doubtful. To my brother I owe the sketch
map on p. 13. And I am much indebted to Sir E. A.
Wallis Budge for the benefit of his experience and advice.
SIDXEY SMITH.
July Qth, 1921.
DEDICATED
TO
MY PARENTS
THE
%
FIRST CAMPAIGN OF SENNACHERIB,
KING OF ASSYRIA.
(B.C. 703-2.)
INTRODUCTION.
Cylinder 113203.
THE text has been copied from a hollow barrel cylinder of
the usual type, now in the British Museum. The cylinder is
about 9J inches long, the bases being 3J inches in diameter,
the diameter of the thickest portion of the barrel about
4J inches, and the perforations of the bases about f inch in
diameter. The clay is reddish in colour, and very soft in
parts, and owing to this softness the text appears to have
suffered damage when the cylinder was discovered. The
scribe has not drawn lines across the cylinder, and in conse-
quence many of the lines bend considerably. The writing is
very neat and clear, and of the same style as other historical
inscriptions of the reign. The first 14 lines are written
in half lines, that is with a distinct break, as though forming
part of a hymn, but from that point to the end the lines are
continuous. The first half of the first 16 lines is badly
broken, the fine clay of the surface having been completely
removed, perhaps by a blow from a pick. The first 9 lines
can be partly restored from Ki. 1902-5-10, 1, a fragment
of a barrel cylinder of different shape from No. 113203,
which gives beginnings of the first 9 and last 16 lines of a
duplicate text.
A
2 THE FIRST CAMPAIGN OF SENNACHERIB.
Provenance.
No information is available as to the site where the
cylinder was discovered. It seems to be clear that it was
found during the same excavations that led to the discovery
of cylinder No. 103000, published in " Cuneiform Texts,"
Part 26, by the late Professor King. Sir Ernest Budge
says in "By Nile and Tigris" (London, 1920, Vol. 2, page
23):—
"There is no doubt that the cylinder (No. 103000),
was found in a chamber built in the wall (or perhaps
it was sunk in the actual walV), close to one of the
human-headed bulls of one of the gates of Nineveh, and
the bull near which it was placed must have been
removed before it could be extracted from the wall.
There was only one bull left in situ when I was last at
Kuyunjik (1891), and it was in a perfect state. When
Mr. Parry1 saw it in 1892 its head had been hacked oft"
and taken to mend a local mill. Subsequently,
according to report, ' the whole monument was sold for
the sum of three shillings and sixpence by the Vali of
Mosul, and burnt into lime by its purchaser.'- It is
probable that cylinder No. 103000 was discovered by
the natives when they were breaking this bull to pieces,
and we must be thankful that they had sense enough to
realise that it would fetch more money complete than
when broken in fragments."
It may fairly be assumed that cylinder No. 113203
represents Sennacherib's first foundation deposit at about
the same spot that the cylinder No. 103000 was placed in
694 B.C.
1 Six Months, p. 248.
2 W. A. Wigram, Cradle of Mankind, London, 1914, p. 84.
INTRODUCTION. 3
Subject of the Text.
Assyriologists have, generally assumed the existence of
longer narratives from which the short accounts given in the
annals of different kings were compiled. An example of such
an original source was, however, lacking until M. Thureau-
Dangin published the long account of Sargon's eighth
campaign, which was composed in the form of a letter to
the god Ashuf. The cylinder 113203 is the second exemplar
of a full account of a single campaign, but is composed in
the more usual form of an inscription destined to be a
foundation deposit. We now have three different forms
of the account of Sennacherib's first campaign, and it is
possible to follow the methods of the scribes in compiling
the shorter accounts of campaigns given in the rb&imb of a
king's campaigns. There is now no reason to doubt that the
confusion sometimes noticeable in the Assyrian historical
inscriptions is due to an attempt unduly to compress long
accounts while retaining the phraseology of the original.
The new text consists of a very detailed account of
Sennacherib's campaign against Merodach-baladan, giving a
list of the conquered cities of Chaldaea, and closing with the
earliest version known of the building inscription which
records Sennacherib's reconstruction of the royal palace at
Nineveh.
Chronology.
The accession year, ris sarruti, of Sennacherib was
705 B.C. Now the scribe of the " Bellino " cylinder definitely
places the campaign against Merodach-baladan in the ris
sarruti : —
I-na ris sarru-ti-ia sa (tit) (ilu) Marduk-apal-iddin-
na sar (matif) Kar-dun-ia-as a-di urn/man (matu)
Elamti KI i-na ta-mir-ti Kis KI as-ta-kan abikta-su.
(Cylinder No. K 1680, " Bellino.")
4 THE FIRST CAMPAIGN OF SENNACHERIB.
" In the year of my accession I brought about the
defeat of Marduk-apal-iddinna, king of Babylonia,
together with the host of Elain, in the territory of Kish."
This date docs not, however, accord with the evidence of
other historical sources. The Assyrian oponvni lists which
record the events of the years against tin1 name of the
eponym showed that the campaign "against Akkad '' did not
take place until 703 B.C. The Babylonian king-list records
the name of Sennacherib as king for the years 705-704 and
704-703.. while in the year 703-702 Marduk-xakir-shum
reigned for one month and Marduk-apal-iddin for nine
months. Modern historians seem tn have attempted to
reconcile the two accounts. "Professor Maspero actually
dated the* campaign in 704 (The Passing of the Empires,
English translation, London, 1900, p. 274). Professor King
says (History of Babylon, London, 1919, p. 270): "On
Sargon's death in 705 B.C. the subject provinces of the empire
rebelled. The revolt was led by Babylon, where Merodach-
baladau reappears with Elamite support," but remarks in a
foot-note that the interregnum in the Ptolemaic canon
corresponds to the reign of two years assigned to Sennacherib
by the king's list, and that Marduk-zakir-shum proclaimed
himself king in 703, when he was murdered by Merodach-
baladan. Dr. Hall (Ancient History of the Near East, fifth
edition, London, 1920, p. 482), says "And in a year's time
(after Sargon's death) Marduk-apal-iddina was once more in
the field to recover Babylon, this time aided by an Elamite
army sent by Ishtar-Khundu, the successor of Shutruk-
nakhkhunte." Professor Eogers (History of Balii/Jmun m\<l
Assyria, sixth edition, New York, 1915, p. 357) has not
attempted to reconcile the account and has accepted the date
702 for the reigns of Marduk-zakir-shum and Merodach-
baladan.
INTRODUCTION. 5
It will be seen from the new text that the mistake of
the scribe of the " Bellino " cylinder was due to an attempt
to summarise twenty lines of his original in a single sentence.
The accession year, 705-704, and the following year, 704-703,
were peaceful, but during the whole period Marduk-apal-
iddinna was engaged in intrigues which would enable him
to face Sennacherib at the head of even greater forces than
those with which he had opposed Sargon in 721-720. The
throne of Babylon was vacant, for Sennacherib would not
leave his building at Mneveh to take the hands of Bel-
Marduk, and the Babylonian Marduk-zakir-shum attempted
to forestall Marduk-apal-iddinna, in 703-702, only to fall
before the Chaldaean. Some months passed before
Sennacherib set out against the rebel on the 20th of Shebat,
i.e., February of 702. Akkad was probably cleared of the
enemy before the beginning of the Assyrian New Year :
the campaign in Chaldaea and the elevation of Bel-ibni to
the kingship of Shumer and Akkad belong to the first half
of the year 702-701.
The cylinder 113203 was in all probability written in the
early part of the year 702-701 also, and it must have been
composed before the " Bellino " cylinder, which is dated in
the year 702-701. The mention of prisoners from Mannai,
Kue and Hilakku must refer to events in the reign of Saro-on.
O
Analysis of the Text.
The first four lines set forth the king's titles and the
legitimacy of his succession. Lines 5-15 contain an account
of the intrigues of Marduk-apal-iddinna in Elam, amongst
the Aramaean tribes of the eastern bank of the Tigris, in the
great cities of southern Babylonia, in Chaldaea, amongst
the nomads of the desert, and then in northern Babylonia.
Lines 16-18 record the disposition of Marduk-apal-iddinna's
6 THE FIRST CAMPAIGN OF SENNACHERIB.
forces; lines 19*20, Sennacherib's forced march on Kuthah
and the dispatch of an advance guard to hold Marduk-apal-
iddinna at Kish. Lines 21-25, the Assyrian advance guard
were met hy overwhelming forces of tlie enemy at Kish. and
couriers were dispatched to Kuthah : Sennacherib ordered an
assault on Kuthah, and was successful. He then hastened to
Kish, where (lines 26-29) he defeated Tannanu, the Elamite
officer who had been left in charge hy Marduk-apal-iddinna.
Lines 30-35 recount Sennacherib's entry into Babylon, the
pillaging of Marduk-apal-iddinna's palace and the fruitless
pursuit of the fugitive; the broken remnants of the allied
army were rounded up. Lines 36-49 ^ive a detailed list of
the cities of Chaldaea which were captured in the course of
the campaign. In lines 52-54 the capture of the indepen-
dent cities is described, and the installation of Bel-ibni on the
Babylonian throne recorded. Lines 55-62 recount the
Aramaean tribes plundered on the return journey, the tribute
of Nabu-bel-shumati, the governor of Hararati, the capture
and re-settlement of Hirimme, the amount of booty brought
back to Nineveh, the division of the spoil amongst the troops,
and the slaughter of prisoners.
The remainder of the text is concerned with building
operations at Nineveh. Lines 63-72 tell of the neglect of
•the glorious city of Nineveh by former kings, and of the
need to enlarge the palace. To this work Sennacherib
decided to devote' his attention, and set his prisoners to w< n-k
upon it. Lines 73-79 describe the alteration of the course
of the Tebiltu, the raising of the former bed of the river, and
the building of a new palace on the enlarged terrace. Lines
80-86 give particulars of the architectural and sculptural
adornments of the palace ; lines 87-90, the plantation of a
royal park, and the creation of allotments for the citizens in
the north of the city, which were irrigated from the Husur.
INTRODUCTION. 7
Lines 90-91 are a short account of the dedication ceremony,
and the inscription closes with (lines 93-94) an invocation
of blessings on the king who shall respect the palace and the
inscription. The colophon states that the length of the
inscription is 94 lines.
History of Marduk-apal-iddinna, before B.C. 703.
Among the many remarkable individuals who are known
to us as protagonists in the national struggles of the peoples
of Western Asia against the Assyrians, Marduk-apal-iddinna
has always attracted special interest. The attempt of
Lenormant1 to ascribe to him the character of a Babylonian
patriot has indeed rightly been discredited, since it in no way
accords with the historical facts ; and yet the importance
of this Chaldaean in the development of history was very
great, for it was he who first taught his people, the Chaldee
tribesmen of the marshes at the mouth of the Euphrates, the
necessity of forming great alliances to face the Assyrian
army.
The first mention of Marduk-apal-iddinna is to be found
in the account of Tiglath-pileser Ill's campaign against
Ukin-zer of Bit-Amukkani in 729. That he already occupied
a leading position among the Chaldaeans is a fair inference
from the fact that he is called " king of the sea-land,'"' and
the speedy offer of tribute by him, as well as by Balasu of
Bit-Dakkuri and Nadirm of Larak, shows how little support
Ukin-zer found amongst his own people. Marduk-apal-
iddinna, who claimed descent from Eriba-Marduk, a king of
the Eighth Dynasty, appears to have drawn the logical
deduction with great perspicacity, and to have directed his
1 See his essay, Un patriote Babylonien du VIII('»ie siecle in Les
premieres Civilisations, Vol. II.
8 THE FIRST CAMPAIGN OF SENNACHERIB.
energies thereafter by certain fixed principles, which may be
summarised thus. (1) To secure unanimous support from
all the tribes of the Chaldaeans. In this he was completely
successful. (2) To obtain the adherence of the Aramaean
tribesmen of the eastern bank of the Tigris, and of northern
Babylonia, to his cause. In this also he was successful.
(3) To obtain the troops most likely to meet an Assyrian
army on equal terms, namely, an Elamite force. In this, the
capital point of his policy, he was so far successful that
Elam, which had remained for centuries indifferent to the
land with which she had once been closely connected, once
again indulged in a struggle for sovereign power there which
was to lead to her overthrow. (4) To promote revolt at
different points of the Assyrian empire, which should make
it impossible for an Assyrian army to concentrate against
Babylonia. His efforts in this direction are known to us by
deduction from the annals of the Assyrian kings, and from
a Biblical reference.
In his first endeavour to secure the Babylonian throne
Marduk-apal-iddinna was extremely successful. On the
death of Shalmaneser V he had himself proclaimed as king,
and took the hands of Bel on New Year's Day1 of the year
721-720, already sure of his first three objects. It seems
probable that Sargon was unable to throw the full weight
of the Assyrian army against Babylonia ; possibly he under-
estimated the military strength at Marduk-apal-iddinna's
disposal. The Babylonian Chronicle B2, the most reliable
authority, states that Humbanigash of Elam defeated Sargon
1 For references to discussions of this ceremony, incumbent on a
Babylonian king yearly, see Maspero, Struggle of the Nations, p. 24,
note 1. The details of the ceremony are given in texts summarised
by Zimmern, Zum babyloniscken Neujahrsfest, Leipzig, 1918, pp. 41, 42.
2 84-2-11, 356, last published by King, Cuneiform Texts, pt. 34.
INTRODUCTION.
before the arrival of Marduk-apal-iddinna on the field of
Dur-ilu ; and this incident is typical of the Chaldaean's
career. Skilful in diplomacy as he showed himself to be, he
was no soldier, and it may be that the Elamites became
disgusted with him for this reason. Hence the refusal of
Elamite support by Shutur-nanhundi in 710.
Babylonia as a whole probably suffered under the twelve-
year reign of Marduk-apal-iddinna, otherwise Sargon would
not have been received with open arms by the great cities
when he attacked his opponent in 710. The campaign was
short and decisive, for the lack of Elamite support left the
Chaldaean with a thoroughly unreliable army. A broken
passage in Sargon's annals (1. 315)1 seems to show that
Marduk-apal-iddinna became a suppliant to the Assyrian
king, and that he was allowed to retain his princedom of
Bit-Yakin. Such treatment of a rebel — for Marduk-apal-
iddinna must obviously have sworn oaths to Tiglath-pileser
III — may serve to demonstrate the persuasive ability of the
man, as the events of 705-703 illustrate his power of
recovery. While still the head of Bit-Yakin, Marduk-apal-
iddinna was likely to remain the most powerful individual
in Babylonia. The new text shows that he was at least as
favourably placed when Sargon died as on his accession.
The orderly account given by the new text of the intrigues
of Marduk-apal-iddinna presents a very clear picture of the
circumstances of the rebellion. Shutur-nanhundu of Elam,
richly bribed, no longer refused support; it would seem
that he was more prepared to face the young Sennacherib
than Sargon, whose military ability had been proved at
the expense of Elamite troops in Media. The aid he
lent Marduk-apal-iddinna was by no means half-hearted ;
the army he sent to Babylon was commanded by the
See Winckler's edition, p. 54.
10 THE FIRST CAMPAIGN OF SENNACHERIB.
commander-in-chief of Elam and highly placed officers, and
the bow-men alone numbered 80,000. It is remarkable that
the Elamite king did not come in person to command so
large a force; this may point to physical debility. Alon-
with the Elamite officers was sent a certain Nergal-nasir,
who belonged to the tribe of the Sute, who were a nomad
tribe of the Elamite border, in the district afterwards known
to the Greeks as Sittakme.1 To him, very possibly, fell the
task of raising the Aramaean tribes while Marduk-apal-
iddiima secured the support of the Chaldee tribes and of the
great cities of southern Babylonia.
Negotiations were entered into yritli powers yet further
afield. Enemies of Assyria from the time of Adad-idri of
Damascus had always secured the assistance of the Aribi
when possible. There can be little doubt that under this
term is to be understood the nomad folk who occupied the
Syrian desert, and extended into the Arabian peninsula.
They appear to have been united, throughout the Assyrian
period until the time of Ashur-bani-apli, under the rule of a
single monarch, generally a queen.2 From Yati'e, the
reigning queen, Marduk-apal-iddinna obtained a contingent
commanded by her brother, and though these troops were
not likely to count for much in a set battle between the
1 Winckler, Altorientalische Forschungen, vol. II, p. 254.
2 Before Esarhaddou, the only king mentioned is Gindibir
(Shalmaneser II, Monolith, 1.' 94). The queens' names known are
Zabibie (Tiglath-pileser III, Annals, 1. 154), Samsi (ibid., 210, and
Sargon, Annals, 97), Tabua (Esarhaddon, Prism, No. 48-10-31, 2, Col.
Ill, 1. 3), Te'elhunu (Sennacherib, Alabaster tablet, Vorderasiatische
Schriftdenkmaler, Vol. I, pi. 74-75, reverse 22, and K 3405, obverse
line 12). Streck (Awr-bani-pal, Vol. II, p. 411) also compares the
queens Yapa' of Dihtani and Bazlu of Ihilu (Esarhaddon K 3082,
Col. IV, 11. 21-22). There were also Aribi in the eastern hills (cf.
Sargon, Annals, 1. 162).
INTRODUCTION. 1 1
trained armies of Assyria and Elam, the nomads could cause
much trouble to the Assyrians by raids on the caravan
routes.
The Assyrian record does not mention another attempt
of Marduk-apal-iddinna to obtain allies in the far west,
which is recorded by the Jewish historians. It is now
generally1 recognised that the embassy of Merodach-baladan
to Hezekiah of Judah, the story of which is told in the
Second Book of Kings, chap. 20, vv. 12-19, and in the
39th Chapter of Isaiah, must belong to this period, and not,
as some supposed, to the earlier rebellion against Sargon.
Hezekiah " hearkened " to the ambassadors, and seems to
have promised to put all the forces and wealth of his
kingdom at the disposal of the Chaldaean king, an action
which incensed Isaiah. It is most probable that, having
been so successful in Jerusalem, the ambassadors went to
several other cities in the west, and that the rebellion which
subsequently broke out there against the Assyrians was
originally intended to synchronize with Marduk-apal-iddinna's
attempt in Babylonia.
By the year 703, then, Marduk-apal-iddinna was at the
head' of the most considerable confederacy which an Assyrian
king had ever had to face in Babylonia. There was, how-
ever, one difficulty to be met; the great cities of Akkad
would not willingly welcome the Chaldaean as their king.
Unfortunately, there is no information from cuneiform
sources as to the exact course of events in Babylon, other
than the fact given by the king-list that Marduk-zakir-shum
was elevated to the kingship, which he only retained for one
month. If recourse may be had to speculation, it is possible
to suppose that Marduk-zakir-shum was set on the throne
1 See Professor Rogers, History of Babylonia and Assyria, Vol. II,
p. 357 note.
12 THE FIRST CAMPAIGN OF SENNACHERIB.
at Babylon with the definite intention of forestalling
Marduk-apal-iddinna, and of rallying an opposition to the
Chaldaean. It should be noted that the supposition that
Marduk-zakir-shum was of servile origin (Maspero, Passing
of the Empires, p. 274, note 2) is incorrect, the king-list
merely stating that he was the son of Ardi , the name
not being completed owing to lack of space. Perhaps it was
owing to this effort on the part of the Babylonians to rouse
an opposition that Marduk-apal-iddinna was compelled to
anticipate the action of his allies in the west ; at all events
he must have commenced his revolt in the first month of
703-702, and overran Akkad with t\\Q greatest ease. He
threw garrisons into the great cities, and called out the
levies of all Babylonia. But he chiefly relied on his Elamite
allies, as is clearly shown by the fact that the Elamite
officers were left in command of the military forces ; and it
was the Elamites on whom the brunt of the fighting was to
fall, for Sennacherib took the Arabian contingent and that
commanded by Marduk-apal-iddinna's step-son prisoners, a
fact that implies they surrendered. There would indeed
seem to have been little enthusiasm for Marduk-apal-
iddinna's cause in Babylonia.
The Strategy of the Campaign.
There is considerable interest in the account of the
campaign given in the new text, since it details the disposi-
tion of the military forces with great clearness. The army
of Marduk-apal-iddinna, the size of which we have no means
of determining, but which probably numbered well over
100,000, was divided into two forces, without reckoning the
detachments left in the great cities as garrisons. The
cavalry and light armed troops were put under the command
of Nergal-nasir and ten rob kisir, that is commanders of
INTRODUCTION.
13
specific military cadres, from Elam, and sent to quarter in
Kuthah (Tall Ibrahim). The main body, consisting of the
heavy armed troops, were kept at Kish (Al-Uhemir) under
the command of Tannanu. Marduk-apal-iddinna himself was
present with the main body, but he probably had little to do
Marsh
Ground
». ., lull Ibrahim
"Pit A
with the military arrangements, and had no taste for a fight.
It may be observed that Imbappa, the Elamite Commander-in-
chief, did not himself take command of either army, and it
is tempting to suppose that he was occupied in the staff duties
14 THE FIRST CAMPAIGN OF SENNACHERIB.
which the dispositions must have entailed. The plan of
campaign must have been thought out along sound lines, for
it presented many difficult problems. There were two routes
open to an Assyrian attack on Babylonia, that down the
eastern bank of the Tigris, and that which led down the river
Tartar, past Dur-Kurigalzu and Sippar of Shamash to Babylon.
In the present instance, the route by the eastern hank of the
Tigris was impossible, for Sennacherib would thus expose both
Hanks to attack. Marching by the other route he must halt
before Kuthah and besiege that city, or leave a strong and
mobile army in his rear. Should the Assyrians engage in
a siege of Kuthah, they would necessafily be at a disadvantage
if attacked by the main body of heavy armed troops.
It seems probable that Sennacherib had information of
the enemy dispositions ; in any case, he took proper military
precautions. He executed a forced march on Kuthah, and
sent a strong advance guard on to Kish. The allied army
immediately sallied out of Kish, but the Assyrian officers,
though hard pressed, were able apparently to hold out until
the evening of the battle, when couriers were dispatched to
Sennacherib at Kuthah. The safety of the Assyrian army
now depended on its ability to take Kuthah by storm, an
operation successfully carried out the next morning by
means of the torch. Perhaps it was on the same day that
Sennacherib reached the battle-field at Kish, where his
advance guard must have been in need of relief. The allies
seem to have been taken by surprise by the sudden appear-
ance of Sennacherib, and the speedy fall of Kuthah so
disheartened Marduk-apal-iddinna that he immediately
deserted the army and fled alone to the nearest Chaldaean
district. The Elamites had no alternative but to stand and
light, but they must have been at a great disadvantage.
Without their cavalry and light infantry, which had been
INTRODUCTION. 1 5
sent to Kuthah, their army was no match for the Assyrian
forces, and the Arabian and Babylonian contingents were
useless. The battle left Sennacherib master of the situation.
Leaving Kish to be invested, he hastened to Babylon, where
his reception was friendly. He then proceeded to reduce
the whole country and establish a Babylonian who belonged
to his court as king.
Sennacherib's Babylonian Policy.
Modern historians1 have united in hearty condemnation
of Sennacherib in his dealings with the city of Babylon,
interpreting his actions by his destruction of that city in
689. The attitude of the Assyrian king in this matter of a
Babylonian policy is of considerable interest for the study of
ancient politics, and may be discussed here as receiving
fuller light from the new text.
Tiglath-pileser III had maintained the policy of the locg
dynasty to which he had succeeded at the beginning of his
reign. In 745, the year of his accession, he had conducted
an expedition into northern Babylonia to restore order in a
land which the monarch at Babylon, Nabu-nasir, could no
longer control ; but he made no attempt to arrogate to
himself the kingship. Satisfied by the security of his
southern border during the remainder of the reign of
Nabu-nasir, he did not interfere again in the affairs of
Babylonia until 731, when Nabu-ukin-zer, of Bit-Amukkani,
had seized the throne. The Assyrians never tolerated the
rule of a Chaldaean in Babylon without a struggle. The
most probable explanation of this is that Chaldaean rule was
synonymous with disorder ; the Aramaean tribesmen were
1 See Maspero, Passing of the Empires, pp. 273, 274, 309. Hall,
Ancient History of the Near Eastt pp. 481, 482. Rogers, History of
Babylonia and Assyria, vol. ii, pp. 352-356.
16 THE FIRST CAMPAIGN OF SENNACHERIB.
allowed to harry the southern border of Assyria, and
the Chaldaean tribesmen waxed rich at the expense of
the citizens of the great cities of the north, to the loss
of the Assyrian trader. After finally reducing Ukin-zer,
Tiglath-pileser had still to solve the problem of governing
Babylonia, and this he did in 729, by taking the hands of
Bel, thus recalling the action of Tukulti-Euurta I. In the
absence of a trustworthy Babylonian king, there were great
advantages in the Assyrian king having direct 'control in the
southern kingdom.
Shalmaneeer A' followed his predecessor's example, so far
as can be guessed from the fact that fee was duly recognised
as king in Babylon under the name of Ululai. Sargon
attempted to do the same, but his defeat in 721 by
Humbanigash of Elam left Marduk-apal-iddinua on the
throne for twelve years. When Sargon, at the end of that
period, defeated Marduk-apal-iddinna and took the hands
of Bel in his turn, he did not use the title of "king" but
adopted that of "governor," Sdkkanaku. It has generally,
and with justice, been assumed that this was done in order
to avoid the necessity of a journey to Babylon eaoh year to
perform the ceremony incumbent on Babylonian kings of
taking the hands of Bel yearly. A difference of title did
not, however, affect the essential policy ; Sargon ruled in
Babylonia for nearly five years, 709-705, as the supreme
head of the state.
Sennacherib would appear to have determined on his
policy before he ascended the throne in Assyria, for in the
years 705-704 he made no effort to claim even the title of
sakkanaku in Babylon, though it must have been perfectly
open to him to do so. The historical scribes of Babylon
obviously took two views of this attitude ; the one school,
represented by the king-list, name Sennacherib as king since
INTRODUCTION. 17
he was the natural successor of his father, while the other,
represented by the Ptcrlemaic canon, treated the years as an
interregnum, since none took the hands of Bel.1 What was
Sennacherib's object ? Subsequent events show a clear
determination on his part to avoid the kingship of Babylon
by every means in his power. Perhaps the facts of his
earlier life may explain his complete departure from the
practice of his immediate predecessors. While he was the
crown prince of Assyria, it had been his duty to watch
events in the north. Extant letters from him to the king
contain reports on these events ; and he can have had few
illusions as to the vital points of Assyrian interest. It is
not unreasonable to suppose that Sennacherib intended to
return to the ancient policy of Assyrian kings, strikingly
exemplified by Ashur-nasir-apli and Shalmaneser I of
directing the main effort towards the north and west. Had
Marduk-zakir-shum been able to maintain himself on the
throne of Babylon, the campaign of 703-702 would not have
been fought. The success of Marduk-apal-iddinna, on the
other hand, meant ruin to those who had served Assyria in
Babylon, and would lead to widespread trouble in the
empire. Sennacherib could do no other than crush the rebel
at once. His feelings to the city of Babylon itself appear
in the new text to have been friendly, and his desire to make
that city again the seat of monarchy took a practical form ; he
1 Berossus (Miiller-Didot, Fragmenta Historicorum Graecorum,
vol. ii, p. 504) asserts that Sennacherib's brother was king of Babylon
at this period, and has been followed by the German historians
Hommel, Geschichte Babyloniens u Assyriens, pp. 686, 731, Tiele,
Babylonisch-Assyrische Geschichte, pp. 285-312, Meyer, Geschichte des
Altertums, vol. i, p. 464, and also by Maspero, Passing of the Empires,
p. 274. This lacks confirmation from cuneiform sources and cannot
be reconciled with the detailed account in the cylinder 113203. It
would seem to be Berossus' own view of his sources.
18 THE FIRST CAMPAIGN OF SENNACHERIB.
set a Babylonian, Bel-ibni, on the throne. That Bel-ibni was
a creature of the Assyrian court and therefore likely to
further Assyrian interests made him a natural choice ; but
in all judgments of Sennacherib, this very generous treatment
of Babylon should receive due consideration. Furthermore,
the Assyrians left no governors with garrisons in Babylonia,
as Tiglath-pileser would have done. His subsequent
intrigues show that Bel-ibni, once established on the throne,
was left a practically unfettered independence. If any
charge is to be brought against Sennacherib, it is not that
" he would .... treat Babylonia as a subject state and pay
no attention to its royal ideas, its kingly titles, and its
priestly authorities"1; but rather that he based his policy
on the hope that an effete city, powerless to prevent the
disorder amongst its natural enemies, the Aramaeans and
Chaldaeans, unable .to refrain from intrigue against any
power greater than itself, might yet recover and rule an
independent kingdom.
The subsequent events are not the subject of this book,
but it should be noted that Sennacherib maintained his
policy to 689, when he assumed the kingship of Shumer and
Akkad, apparently without taking the hands of Bel. Too
much emphasis should not be laid upon his destruction of
Babylon, for he himself would seem to have been engaged on
the reconstruction of the city when he was murdered,
according to a passage in the annals of Ashur-bani-apli.2
1 Rogers, History of Babylonia and Assyria, II, 355.
2 Compare II Kings 19, v. 37. Since Sennacherib was murdered
at Babylon, it is tempting to read TJT»O Marduk for ^"1D3 Nisroch.
For discussions of the Ashur-bani-apli passage, see Streck,
Assurbanipal, vol. II, p. 38, note 7. Ungnad's view that the passage
is a parenthesis, and his arguments against Babylon as the scene of
Sennacherib's death, Orientalistische Literaturzeituny, 1917, Spalte 348,
are unduly strained.
INTRODUCTION. 19
si-it-ti nise(pl.) bal-tu-sun ina (ilii)sedi (iln^lamassi sa
(m. ilu)>Sin-ahhe(pl.yeriba ab obi bani-ia ina libbi(bi)
is-pu-nu e-nin-na a-na-ku ina Jd-is-pi-su nise(pl.}
sa-a-tu-nu ina libbi(bi) as-pu-un.
"As for the remainder of the prisoners, by the colossi in
the midst whereof they slew Sennacherib, my grand-
father, in the midst thereof I slew those prisoners as a
sacrifice to the dead for him." (Cylinder No. Km. 1, IV,
70-73.)
The Political Geography of Babylonia.
As cylinder No. 113203 contains the most detailed
account known of a campaign in Babylonia, it is natural that
much of the geographical information supplied in it should
be new, and that the picture of the country should gain in
completeness. Great importance attaches to the list of
Chaldaean fortified cities captured, since it is possible to
deduce with some certainty the districts occupied by the
four principal Chaldaean tribes, Bit-Dakkuri, Bit-Sa'alli,
Bit-Amukkani and Bit-Yakini.
BIT-DAKKUKI, the most northerly tribe, \nurst have
commenced immediately below Borsippa. The Veasons for
this deduction are two. First, Marduk-apal-iddiniia is said
to have fled to the district of Guzumman, wl ither an
Assyrian party was sent to capture him immediat >ly after
Sennacherib's arrival in Babylon. Now the district of
Guzumman is mentioned as the eleventh place in Bit-
Dakkuri that was conquered. It follows that the borders of
Bit-Dakkuri were not far distant from Kish. Secondlv, the
site of Marad, the twenty-second place mentioned, has been
determined. M. Thureau-Dangin, in the Eemie d' Assyridogie,
vol. IX, p. 84, identified the ancient Marad with the tell
B 2
20 THE FIRST CAMPAIGN OF SENNACHERIB.
known as Wanah wa-Sadum.1 Professor Clay independently
identified the site in the Orientalistische Liter aturzeitung,
1914, col. 110, and stated in his Miscellaneous Inscriptions,
p. 9, that the tell lies due west of Nippur, on the Euphrates.
Unfortunately, the other places named cannot be located, so
that the extent of the territory of Bit-Dakkuri cannot be
defined. It seems clear that the whole district lay on the
eastern bank of the Euphrates,2 for no mention is made
of crossing that river. A certain difficulty attaches to
the total number of fortified cities given by the scribe,
namely 33. The names actually enumerated total 26, so
that there is a discrepancy of 7 in the calculation. The
easiest explanation would be that the scribe had accidentally
omitted a line in copying his original, but this is rendered
unlikely by the colophon, which appears on cylinder
No. 113203 and on the duplicate, Ki. 1902-5-10, 1, and
gives the total number of lines of the inscription correctly
as 94. It is possible, therefore, that the scribe took the
names of places given from a geographical list,3 and omitted
the names of seven places owing to a similarity of the
names of two cities, separated in the archetype by six
others.
There is at present no means of deciding whether the
names are given according to a geographical arrangement,
e.g., from north to south, but this is not probable. One city
certainly, and possibly two, are mentioned elsewhere in the
1 M. Thureau-Dangin gives as variant spellings, Wanah wa-Sadum
and Wannah wa-Sadum. Yaqut gives Wanah (ed. Wustenfeldt,
Vol. IV, 942) and Sadfim (Vol. Ill, 383 ; connected with Amman,
ibid., 719).
1 Note that the lower reaches of the Euphrates, below Borsippa,
are included in the term Nar Marratum.
3 Perhaps a list of the type of K4384, Rawlinson, W.A.I., Vol. II,
plate 53, No. 1.
INTRODUCTION. 21
Assyrian historical inscriptions in a manner which does not
support such a conclusion.
The eighth city in the list, Dur-Ladini, is mentioned in
the annals of Sargon II, in a manner which shows that it
was the first important Chaldaean fortress he approached
marching from the north-east.
. . . u su-u Su-tur-(ilu)Na-Jiu-un-di ma-lik-su-nu
ul - tu pa - an (isu^)kakke(pL) -ia a- na su - zu - ub
napsati(pl.}-su-un a-na ki-rib sade(e) ru-ku-ti sa-ha-tu^-
e-mid i-na tukulti (ilu)Assur (ilu)Nabu u (ilu)Marduk
i-na gi-pis um-ma-na-te-ia (naru)Pu-rat-tu e-bir-ma a-na
(ahi)Dur-(iii)La-din-na sa ki-rib (matu^Bit-(m)Dak-ku-ri
as-ta-kan pa-ni-ia (alii)Dur-(m)La-din-ni na-da-a a-na
es-su-ti u-se-pis (amelu}mun-tah-si-ia li-'-ut ta-ha-zi
u-se-ri-ba ki-rib-sa. (Sargon, Annals, 11. 286-288.)
" And that Shutur-Nahundi, their king, to save their
lives from my weapons, took flight1 amidst the distant
hills. With the help of Ashur, Nabu and Marduk
I crossed the Euphrates with the host of my troops
and set my face towards Dur-Ladinna, which is in
Bit-Dakkuri. Dur-Ladinna, which was in ruins, I had
rebuilt. I quartered my light troops who were wearied
by battle therein."
The mention of crossing the Euphrates in this passage
would lead to the conclusion that Dur-Ladini was on the
1 sahatu, " flight," from sahatu, " to flee " ; for the verb, cf . Keil-
schrifttexte aus Boghaz-Koi, Heft I, No. 1. Obverse 1. 54. M. Thureau-
Dangin, La Huitieme Campagne de Sargon, p. 26, note 1, considers
'sahatu = sahat sade and that sahat sade emedu = sadasu emedu =
u to die." This view is adopted by Zimmern, Zum babylonischen
Neujahrsfest, Zweiter Beitrag, Leipzig, 1918, p. 4 ; but cannot be
accepted, since it gives an impossible sense in the present passage and,
I think, in La Huitieme Campagne, ]. 150.
22 THE FIRST CAMPAIGN OF SENNACHERIB.
west bank of that river ; it is, however, far more probable
that the river crossed was the Tigris, commonly confused
with the sister river. Dur-Ladini may therefore be placed
in the extreme north-east of Bit-Dakkuri.
A more doubtful identification may be proposed. It is
possible that the ninth city in the list, Bitati, is the same as
the Bittutu by which a battle was fought in Sennacherib's
fourth campaign.
/ - na me- ti - ik gir -ri- ia sa (m)Su - zn - bi
(amelu)Kal-da-ai a-sib ki-rib (naru)a-cfam-me i-na
(alu)Bi-it-tu-u-tu as-ta-kan abikta-sn .v//-// har-lm-tn
/,,_/,,/_;;.;,, ,-li-su ini-kitt-iit« it-rti-kn lnh-lm-Su ki-ma
(ts-sa-ri e-dis ip-pcur-tid-ma /'/ in-na-mir a-sar-m pa-an
ni-ri-ia u-tir-ma a-na (matu)Bit-(m)Ia-ki:)i as-sa-bat
har-ra-nti.
s.
(Prism No. 55-10-3, 1, " Taylor," col. 3, 11, 44-50.)
" In the course of my campaign I defeated Shuzubi,
the Chaldaean who dwelt in the marshes, at Bittutu.
Fear of my onslaught fell upon him, and he was
terrified ; he fled like a sparrow, no trace of him was
found. I turned the head of my team about, and took
the road to Bit-Yakin."
It is clear from this passage that Bittutu was in the marsh
district by the Euphrates, and probably therefore lay in
the south of Bit-Dakkuri. If Bitati is to be identified with
Bittutu, there would seem to be no intelligible geographical
order in the list.
Bit-Dakkuri was bordered on the south by BIT-SA'ALLI.
None of the cities named can be located, but they were
probably situated near or on the river bank. A curious
point arises as to the last-named city. Since the scribe gives
the total number of cities named as»eight, it is necessary to
INTRODUCTION. 23
read this name as (alu)Sibtu sa (alu)Ma-ak-ka-me-e. Now
the verb sabatu in Assyrian was a technical term applied to
the resettlement and colonisation of towns, frequently used
in the expression ana essuti asbat. It may be that the term
is used in this sense here also, and that we are to understand
that the city was a foundation of the mother-city Makka-me.
Whether this Makka-me was a Chaldaean city there is
nothing to show ; the name appears to mean " Edge of the
waters," cf. makutu,1 edge (of a well, etc.). It is interesting
to note that Bit-Sa'alli lay about the point from which the
later pilgrim route to Maccah started, just south of the
Bahr-i-Shinafiyah. There is, however, no reason to suppose
that Makka-me is in any way connected with the distant
Arabian city.
The list now omits all mention of BiT-SniLANi, which is
known to have been an independent tribe. In the year 731
Tiglath-pileser III laid Bit-Sa'alli and Bit-Shilani waste, and
carried away from the former 50,400 captives, from the
latter 55,000. That Bit-Shilani lay between Bit-Sa'alli and
Bit-Amukkani may be inferred from a passage in the annals
of Sennacherib. In the list of allies summoned to his
assistance by Shuzubi in the year 689 the Chaldaean tribes
are enumerated in the following order : —
mar (m. ilu)Marduk-apal-iddin-na (matu)Bit-(m)A-di-ni2
(matu)Bit - (m)A - muk - ka - na (matu)Bit - (m)Sil - la - na
(matu)Bit-(m)Sa-a-la Larak KI (alu)La-hi-ru.
(Prism No. 55-10-3, 1, " Taylor," col. V, 11. 34-35.)
1 See Delitzsch, Assyrisches Handworterbuch, 407a for instances.
2 Delitzsch, Wo lag das Paradies^ p. 202, suggests, with great
probability, that Bit-Adini in this passage is " ein Zweig ebendieses
Bit-Dakuri," and refers to Shalmaneser, Colossus, line 83. Adinimar
Dakuri. The Aramaic letter summarised by Professor Lidzbarski,
M.D.O.G. No. 58, mentions Bit-Adini as having been sacked by
Uluiai (Shalmaneser V).
24 THE FIRST CAMPAIGN OF SENNACHFRIB.
The capital city of Bit-Shilani at the time of Tiglath-
pileser III was Sarrabanu, which is the second city in the
list of cities of Bit-Amukkani, so that it would appear that
the small and desolated tribe had been absorbed for a time
by its powerful southern neighbour. The two territories
may have separated again as a consequence of Sennacherib's
campaign.
That BlT-AMUKKANl was unusually powerful at the time
of Sennacherib's first campaign is evident from another fact.
In Tiglath-pileser Ill's account of his Chaldaean campaign,
mention is made of a certain Xadinu, the independent
Chaldaean prince of Larak. In the present list, Larak is
given as the third city of Bit-Amukkani That it did not
remain in the hands of this tribe is again evident from the
list of Shuzubi's allies given above, where it is named
separately. The scribe himself appears to have been aware
of these circumstances, since the first three names he gives
are Sapia, the capital city of Bit-Amukkani, Sarrabanu, the
capital city of Bit-Shilani, and Larak, an ancient Sumerian
city which ordinarily preserved its separate political life.
The thirty-nine cities of Bit-Amukkani must have
occupied a considerable area, perhaps from the district round
Ur along the bank of the Xar Marratum, later called the
"lacus Chaldaicus," very nearly up to the Tigris. The
western bank of the Tigris itself and the marshes there-
about belonged to BIT-YAKIN, and here were situated the
capital city, Dur-Yakin and the fortress of Kar-Nabu.
Marduk-apal-iddinna had not failed however to enrich his
own tribesmen during his period of kingship, for in the list
of eight cities of Bit-Yakin occur the names of three of the
most important cities in Southern Babylonia, Larsa, Kullab
and Eridu. These cities must have been in the midst of
the territory of Bit-Amukkani, but it is obvious that the
INTRODUCTION. 25
possession of them would have made Bit-Amukkani far too
strong to suit Marduk-apal-iddinna, the chief of a small
neighbouring tribe. Another city in the list, Kissik, seems
also to have become independent of Bit-Yakin at a later
date, for a letter (numbered K 1030 = Harper, Assyrian
Letters, No. 736) was addressed by the people of Kissik to
Ashur-bani-apli.
The whole territory of southern Babylonia then was
occupied by the Chaldaean tribes ; but within their borders
there were still at the time of Sennacherib's first campaign
certain ancient Sumerian cities which preserved their
separate existence, as is shown by the manner in which
Nippur and Erech are spoken of in line 52. The conditions
must have closely resembled those in northern Babylonia,
where the great cities, Kish, Kuthah, Borsippa and the rest
seem similarly to have maintained a city life distinct from
the tribal organisation of the Aramaeans about them. There
is, moreover, one significant omission in the list of cities
conquered, namely Ur. That this city was implicated in the
revolt is established by line 10, and the failure of Sennacherib
to attack it is a signal tribute to its strength.
The Aramaeans East of the Tigris.
The available information which has been gathered from
cuneiform sources1 concerning the Aramaean tribes on the
banks of the Tigris and Karkhah, and farther north on the
borders of Elam, is not materially increased by the new text.
The wording of lines 12-14 shows that the well-known list
of these tribes given in the annals of Sennacherib (Prism
No. 55-10-3, 1, " Taylor," col. I, 11. 41-46) are arranged in
1 Notably by Streck, Mitteilungen der vorderasiatischen Gesellschaft,
1906, No. 3 ; and Schiffer, Die Aramaer, pp. 115-135.
26 THE FIRST CAMPAIGN OF SENNACHERIB.
geographical groups, and if the restorations of those lines
proposed in the text be accepted, the deductions of
scholars receive additional confirmation.
Note on Transliteration.
The Aramaean letter, the contents of which have been
summarised by Professor Lidzbarski, Mitteilung der
Deutschen-Orient Gesellschaft, No. 58, shows that at any
rate certain of the signs hitherto treated as " determinatives "
were pronounced. This appears from the spelling "HSrVS =
mat Akkadi. For convenience, the accepted method of
bracketing "determinatives" has beam, adhered to in trans-
literating the present text.
ASSYRIAN [TEXT.
THE FIRST CAMPAIGN OF SENNACHERIB,
KING OF ASSYRIA, B.C. 703-2.
[The characters enclosed within square brackets [] have been
restored from the duplicate text, Ki. 1902-5-10, 1.]
i. y
-TTTI
f- T— ET- T
i>fflf<
(erasure by scribe) YJ /T£T
3.
v v
HfK
ff<T
ET ff
Scribal error for
ASSYRIAN TEXT.
30
4. ^>Jf.
Y Y
inif flf
o. Sr
^'/]7^'>^1^ (about 1 inch missing)] ^jf—
6.
«•*
(about If inches missing)]
-V Etn If -1<
fflf -£
• T UT 4^^ -Hf-
(about 1| inches missing)] |c£
ASSYRIAN TEXT
31
8 Y
least 2J inches missing)] ^'TT
Y* u,
H
< ESS ET
9- T«
3 inclies missing)]
mi
<
10.
M- (ab°ut I i110!1 missing) ^^
i§- (3| inches missing) ££ <^]gr
<Ef ^r <n <m
(| inch missine;) ^'/-
0/ >\1Kr:
n-
y |t^' (3J inches missing) vt£<
Y £**iY
inch
12'
missing) ;>£=
T 1 (3§ inch^ missing) %
13. "gy<y
ASSYRIAN TEXT. 32
w w if "V^ f—v
|T ^-^ (3| inches missing) ^±
\
Tl
14
missing) ^||
15. ^J^ Jiyyy <^][gf ^^ (2| inches missing) ^|| <|]g
<
e (A inch missing) ^
!6. cEfi r?
TL^^'^v/^sv^v/::-^
•Hf- E*=TT <!E! IT ^ (t inch missi°g) §;
TJ -ET HI
c 2
ASSYRIAN TEXT
33
17.
y? -
Tl -ET
Tl
missing) H ^ <~y ty <T£| TU t^ tt
18. t
Hf< £
y ^
if <lil ^n
19.
•T*
=,ffl
Tr
Idl
* x*
^e<iEi
ASSYRIAN TEXT.
34
20.
ET- -g
II
<ie
C:*T
21.
vHf<T
-T<
22.
I
Hff<T i
<
£H'
*
<
23. t£ >-V-
4- *
** T?
M-TTT
ET E
ITJJ ^ AHfff ET
TT
TT
ASSYRIAN TEXT.
24. *~ <T!
35
<sf
TTT E^
=ffl
25. ^£
f<
f<
T -Hf-
26.
}TT< HffT ^ET^ T?
? -T< MR AS ET A
-TTA EUIEy tftyiT -ET
y?
yyyy
ASSYRIAN TEXT.
36
r ~yyy
y? v- y?
£T
y? E
«=T -yy^ --yy
iy<y ^E ~y<y y? jy
-yy<y
28. if ]}
y? <y^ y -
y?
fT
y? HIM -
i y- -^y^ limy
vw" >— <
29.
fe v E-yy y-
y1 rf± y? --y
Ey<y <I
jy
y? y?
30. eg
E^I <IEJ y?
yrn Ey- y -4 C:*T
y * jy v jy <Ha
1 Scribal error.
ASSYRIAN TEXT.
37
3i. xT VT t
T?
32.
1 1^ <T- Jim r
ET- *T y
«
y- T-
TY
33.
yy
y?
y? \ y
YYY
YY
T
f V
ASSYRIAN TEXT.
38
35. tyy
scribe)
V
(erasure by
T? <T
£1 If Hf<
>*- ^V-T
£p EEC
36. srg >~ry y,
-rr<r ^
cy|y y -
? T?
37. ^yy
T ^
r?
TT<T -CTT ^ar r r?
r r
38. ^-yy
Hf- ^TT -T<T
-ET
lill -
srr <m
ASSYRIAN TEXT.
38
35.
V1 t
scribe)
(erasure by
JT
y? <y
T £
TI
~T<
»-CT^.r
se. t£ —/-y y,
-t TT -TIT I 4i -HF-
37. -cyy tyyy .yy<y
yy<y
y y?
yyy r
38.
y &TT 4 -y?
yy<y
-ET -
TEH
<m
ASSYRIAN TEXT.
39
39.
TT<T
yyy
40.
:yyyy y
I t
-yy<y y? <y^ yy y^
ry y- ~T< i
flf ^^ I ^
tiy
41.
-y<
I?
-nil T
y T- « -cfl
(erasure by scribe)
I
42. .-yy
<y~yy<y
r? -r<r ^
f
TT
y<y
ASSYRIAN TEXT.
40
43. ^TT EM I? T- -EiH -TTr
TT< <MM
T tffl
44.
45. -£
i *wn
j:>-YY Y^ *-*^YY *
rT< <MH iffl
rs§
-n<r
r
T?
T
T
fT -ET If s<T
46.
r
T
Mf
TTT
^TTT ^TT^I -cTT
I) 2
ASSYRIAN TEXT.
41
48.
m r- <<<<<
-fiiM T- -
T
flf
Hfff
«= T
T?
f<
49. «
-TTTT
£T<r
y? <yj^b y
50.
y«
£y<y
-T<
T?
T- «
T— ET<T
© jy
ET
ASSYRIAN TEXT.
-rr T?
ET<T
w a t
M
T ^
52.
T?
§(& inch missing)^
T tv -ET
53.
<
I
«= ET
T-
I
? f| (1 inch missing) ||
54. y
Hf-
T <££ E^
AHfff -TT<T <IEJ -TTf -TTTT ET
ASSYRIAN TEXT.
43
55.
flf T? <MT<T Hf< ^
fT<T A HMf
7t;i (1% inches missing) ?Q
\ 4£'~
TCr- (lo inches missing) -ft'-' >~TTtt >~T>*¥ ^>"Tff
vr.'S x - D/ \T.X> VI ^T >. — I ^ \\\
-£TT
57. tE -ry y- — y<
j (J inch missing)
111
H (f inch missing) ^=
SI (A inch missing) g\ g^f y«-»- ^y^ y
ASSYRIAN TEXT.
44
58. -,
yy
If
59.
1
«
f 1? -££l 1
^ <
<« JI
- <
Tf<
so.
yy
y y *-'
W <T- TT
ITT rfS T
T«
If -«
^ - V <Ii
*T* T— <T
(f inch missing) ^
EMif
s \ ^1 T
ATf
D -E^
ASSYRIAN TEXT.
45
62
y<y
? I |(i inch muring)
<T-
63. £j
y
64. >-
HRP
inch missing) i£S< "^f^T ^>
ii (A in* missing)
D
I
ASSYRIAN TEXT.
66.
by scribe) jjE
46
partially erased
•>
<r?
67.
~!d T?
TT- <MM
68. y? yj
T- £
i -^ w. ~nf
-yr<r ^
69.
<flf
MS
HI
TT
TT
il <T
1 Partially erased, almost illegible.
ASSYRIAN TEXT.
47
70. cEMHKTHf— U
T-
y i?
I <T
71.
§| (i inch missing) g$
y?
^
-yyy
« ^T y? y? v
i
yy<y CE
72.
<§ inch missing) f ^
AA.
=m
\
73. tyyyy
<«
EH
v-
E
ASSYRIAN TEXT.
74.
inch missing) £t
Y/ »~Ji w£:YYY YY
-]< -£ fc±j] If
^TTT KTTY YYyY
w W nni
V
75. ^ (1 inch missing) f§ ]}
76. £:£| >— ^"^ |^ (-j^- inch missing) |t^: ^ ^t^; (f inch
missing) ;
v v
T?
V T
yy
T
77.
E 2
ASSYRIAN TEXT.
49
78.
y?
TT
V ¥
79.
ET
-y
K
so. ty r-»m] y
-yy<y »
TT
81.
yr
T? v- y
ry<y
y?
ASSYRIAN TEXT.
50
82. tjyyy K
EH el
ET I?
£i -m <i
!<
84. <HHJ IT
T<
T- Jf sBTT
T «=* ^
III Nff ET
!!
YJrY
l ft
=E <« <I
TUT Hf<
-IT
ASSYRIAN TEXT.
51
xfj *-*xr**~
Ol). ^_ ^<yy
f<
rr ??< T?
T
<r~ ^
l Hf< * V
87.
y y^^ TK v V
r? -Hf- T?
n±l
I
89. y?
;yyy
ASSYRIAN TEXT.
52
90.
T?
M *
v
l T?
<m
91. <-K -sET T- *JH -Tin ET
T< SET?
<sr ^r T
92.
IH
T? If
93.
IT
-!T<T MITT
<I-]IB
T.-M
ASSYRIAN TEXT.
94.
T V
I
:•
53
:m?
T- t
(f inch missing)
-n<T i
TgJ
HF-
TRANSLITERATION AND TRANSLATION.
56
THE FIRST CAMPAIGN OF SENNACHERIB,
KING OF ASSYRIA, B.C. 703-2.
Transliteration.
[Brackets [ ] denote restorations, conjectural or supplied
from parallel texts.]
(1) (;//. ilu) Sin-ahhe-eri-ba sarru rabu sarru dan -mi sar
(matii) Assur KI sarru /fi sa-na-an ri-e-um
Diut-nin-nu-u pa-lih Hani (/>/.) rabuti (pi.}
(2) na-sir kit-ti ra--iin nii-sa-ri e-pis u-sa-a-ti a-lik
tap-pu-ut a-ki-i sa-hi-ru dain-ka-a-ti
(3) id-luin git-ma-luni zi (l\ka-ru kar-du a-sa-rid kal
uta-al-ki rab-bu la- -it la ina-gi-ri mu-sab-ri-kuin
za-m i-a-ni
(4) (/'///) Assur $adu(u) rabu(ii] sarru-ut la sa-na-an
u-sat-li-ma-an-ni-ma eli gi-inir a-sib pa-rak-ki
u-sar-ba-a kakke (pl.)-ia
( 5) i-na ris sarni-ti-ia sa i-na (isu] kussi \rabis u-si\bu-ina
ba-hu-la-a-te (matii] Assur KI ti-nia-ah-ru i-na
tas-ine-e u sa-li-nie
(6) (jn. ilti) Marduk - apal - iddin - na sar (inatu}
Kar-\dun-ia-as\ ba-ra-nu-u ka-ras
sur-ra-a-ti e-pis li-mut-ti sa an-nun la su-rit (7}-tu
w
(7) (in. ilu} Su-tu?-(ihi) Na-hu-du (aniehi] E-\la-inu-u\
is-hur-ma hurasi kaspi ni-sik-ti
abne (//.) u-sat-liin-su-ma e-tir-ri-su ?-ru
57
THE FIRST CAMPAIGN OF SENNACHERIB,
KING OF ASSYRIA, B.C. 703-2.
Translation.
[Words in ( ) are added to help the sense.]
(1) Sennacherib, the great king, the mighty king, the king
of Assyria, the king without compeer, the shepherd
who offers up prayers, who worships the great gods,
(2) who maintains honesty, loves righteousness, lends aid
(to those in need), affords help to those in want, and
renders favours,
',
(3) the perfect hero, the valiant male, pre-eminent among
all kings, the mighty one who consumes the disobedient
with lire and smites the enemy with lightning (am I).
(4) Ashur, the mighty rock, bestowed a kingship without
compare, and magnified my arms over all those who
dwell in princely palaces.
(5) At the beginning of my reign, when I took my seat
upon the throne with majesty, and sent the young men
of Assyria before me, with prayers and supplication,
(6) Marduk-apal-iddin, king of Babylonia, the froward,
the plotter of rebellion, the worker of wickedness,
whom fear caused not to tremble (?),
(7) appealed to Shutur-ISTahudu, the Elamite, and bestowed
gold, silver and precious stones upon him, and his
abounding wealth,
F
58 THE FIRST CAMPAIGN OF SENNACHERIB.
(8) (;;/.) Im-ba-ap-pa (amelu) tur-ta-\im sa (inatii) Elamti
KI (;;/.) Td\-an-na-a-nu (amehi) sanu rakbu 10
(amelu) rab ki-sir (//.) a-di (in. zlu) Nergal-na-sir
(amelu) Sii-tu-n la a-di-m ta-ha-zn
(9) 80,000 (amehi) sabe (pi.) (isu) kasti
v
(imeru) sise (pi.) it-ti-su-nu-ti-ma a-na (matu) Suineri
u Agadi KI is-pu-ra ri-su-\us]-su
(10) u SH-H KI Uru KI Eridu KI
Kullab KI Ki-is-sik KI (alu) Ni-mid-(ilu] [La-gu~]-da
(11) (jnatii] Bit-(j)i) [ Ya-ki-ni (inatii) Bit-(m) A -muk-ka-a-ni
(inatii) Bit-(i)i) Sa-a.r\-li (inatu) Bit-(vi) Dak-ku-ri
si-kir-ti (amelii) Kal-di ma-la fya-su-\ii\
(12) $a kisad (nnru) [Mar-ra-tt (ainelu) Tu--mu-na (amelii)
Ri-hi-hu (amelii) U-bu-du (amehi)\ Ya-dak-kum
(amehi) Kip-ri-e (amelii) Ma-li-hu
(13) Sa kisad (iiarii) \Idiglat (amelii) Gu-ru-mu (amelu)
U-bu-lu (amelii) Da-mii\-nu (amelii) Gam-bu-lu (amelu)
Hi-in-da-ru (amelii) Ru--u-a (amelii) Pu-ku-du
(14) sa kisad (naru) \Ukni (amelii) Ha-am-ra-nu (amelii)
Ha-ga-ra-nii\ (amehi) Na-ba-tu (amelii) Li--ta-a-u
(amelii) A-ra-mu la kan-su sa la i-\dii\-u mi-\tii\-tum
(15) Nippur KI KI Bar-sip KI
Kutu KI gi-mir (inatii) Kar-dun-ia-as is-te-nis
u-pa-hir-\^ma u-^-sak-sir ta-ha-zu
(16) ia-a-ti (m. ilii) Sin-ahhe-eri-ba [sa] lib-bi-\sii\ na--du
ip-se-ti-su lim-ni-e-ti u-sa-an-nu-nim-ma la-ab-bis
an-na-dir-ma ki-rib Bab-ili KI a-\na mak\-ri-su
ak-ti-bi a-la-ku
(17) su-u im-di gal-li-e lim-ni a-lak gir-ri-ia is-me-ma
(imerii) sise (pi.) sabe (pi.) (isu) kasti (amelii) A-la-mu-u
(amelu) A-ra-mu (amelu) Kal-du it-ti (m. ilu)
Nergal-na-sir u 10 (amelu) rab ki-sir [(pi.) sa] (matu)
Elamti KI sa la i-du mi-\tii\-tu
TRANSLITERATION AND TRANSLATION. 59
(8) Imbappa, the tarban of Elam, Tannanu,
the second charioteer, ten commanders, together with
Nergal-nasir the* Sutaean, the fearless in battle,
(9) 80,000 bowmen, horses with them, he
(Shutur-Nahudu) sent to Shuiner and Akkad to his
help.
(10) And (he) Ur, Eridu, Kullab, Kissik,
Nimid-Laguda,
(11) (Bit-Yakin, Bit-Amukkani, Bit-Sa'alli), Bit-Dakkuri,
all the Chaldaeans of every tribe
(12) who (dwell) on the bank of (the salt lake), the
Tu'muna, the Kihihu, the Ubudu, the Yadakku, the
Kiprie, the MaliJ}u
(13) who (dwell) on the bank of (the Tigris), the Gurumu,
the Ubulu, the Damuuu, the Gambulu, the Hindarur
the Eu'ua, the Pukudu
(14) who (dwell) on the bank of (the Karkhah), the Hamraim,
the Hagaranu, the Nabatu, the Li'tau, Aramaeans who
are not submissive, who take no heed of death,
(15) Nippur, Borsippa, Kuthah, all the land
of Babylonia he assembled together, he equipped for
battle.
(16) To me, Sennacherib, whose courage is exalted, they
reported his ill deeds, and I was grievously wroth, I
ordered a march to Babylon to meet him.
(17) That fellow, the prop of evil devils, heard of the
setting out of my expedition, and the horse and bow-
men of Elam, Aram, and Chaldaea under Nergal-nasir
and the ten commanders of Elam, who take no heed
of death,
F 2
60 THE FIRST CAMPAIGN OF SENNACHERIB.
(18) e-mu-ki la ni-bi it-ti-su-nu-ti-ma u-dan-ni-in
ki-is-ri-su-un ki-rib Kutu KI is-te-nis u-se-rib-ma
a-na me-te-ik gir-ri-ia u-sa-an-\iia-sir\ tahazi dan-nim
(19) si-in-di-ia us-te-se-ra (umu) 20 KAM sa (arhu)
Sabatu nl -tii ASSnr KI kima (atpii) rimu gap -si
mah-rit nmmnni-ia as-bat-ma pa-an gi-ip-si-ia ul
u-$aii-gil-[ma] ar-ka-a ul \e-te\-ki
(20) (amelu) rab-Sak (amelu) bel pihati (pl.yia a-na Kis KI
ii-nia - ' - ir mah - ru - u - a u - ru - uh (m. ilii}
Marduk-apal-iddin-na sab-fn-ajma e-te-ga-a dun-nl-na
ma-snk-ku
(21) su-u (amehi} bel pihati (pl.}-m e-innr-ina a-di gi-mir
el-la-ti-su abul Ilbaba us-sa-ain-ma i-na ta-mir-ti
Kis KI it-ti (amehi] rabe (pl.)-ia e-pu-us ta-ha-zu
(22) (amelu) rabe (pl.)-ia kit-ru-ub ta-ha-zi (amelu) nakiri
eli-su-un id-nin-ma ul i-li--u ma-ha-ar-su (amelu} apil
sip-ri-hi-iiii sa lia-mat i-na ki-rib ta-mir-ti Kutu KI
r w •
si-ni-u-a is-pu-ru-u-ni
(23) i-na ug-gat lib-bi-ia eli Kutu KI ti-bu-u-ru as-kun-ma
(amelu) mun-tah-si sa-hi-ir duri-su nab -It -is
u-tib-bi-ih-ma as-sa-bat a/a
(24) (imeru) sise (pi.) sabe (pi.) (isii) kasti (amelu) E-la-me-e
(amelu) A-ra-mu (amelu) Kal-du (amelu) rab ki-sir (pi.)
(amelu) (matu) Elamti KI u (m. ilu) Nergal-na-sir
a-di mare (pi.) alt bel hi-it-ti u-se-sa-am-ma sal-la-ti-is
am-nu
(25) la-ab-bis an-na-dir-ma al-la-bi-ib a-bu-bi-is it-ti
(amelu) ku-ra-di-ia la ga-me-lu-ti si-ris (m. ilu}
Marduk-apal-iddin-na a-na Kis KI as-ta-kan pa-ni-ia
TRANSLITERATION AND TRANSLATION. 61
(18) forces innumerable under them he despatched as
reinforcements, their battalions he (ordered) to enter
Kuthah all together, and to keep a mighty onslaught
in waiting for the approach of my expedition.
(19) I had my teams harnessed, on the 20th of Shebat I set
out from the city of Ashur, like a wild bull of great
strength . I took post at the head of my soldiers, I
did not suffer the leading file of my host to linger,
and I did not take a pace backwards.
(20) My chief officers and my district governors I des-
patched on the road to Kish in advance of me, to
take the road to Marduk-apal-iddin and to advance
to form a strong guard.
(21) That fellow saw my district governors, and sallied out
of the gate of Ilbaba with all his forces, and did
battle with my captains in the neighbourhood of Kish.
(22) As for my captains, the onslaught of the enemy in
battle bore heavily upon them, and they could not
prevail against him ; they sent their couriers to rne
in the neighbourhood of Kuthah.
(23) In the anger of my heart I made an assault on Kuthah,
and slaughtered the light troops about its wall with
fire, and took the city.
(24) The horse and bow-men of Elam, Aram and Chaldaea,
the commanders of the king of Elam and Nergal-nasir
together with the citizens who were chiefs of the
rebels I had surrendered to me and counted as booty.
(25) I was exceeding wroth and raged like a wind-storm ;
along with my warriors, who gave no quarter, I set
my face towards Kish, against Marduk-apal-iddin.
62 THE FIRST CAMPAIGN OF SENNACHERIB.
(26) u su-u e-pis lim-ni-e-ti a-ka-mu gir-ri-ia a-na ru-ki-e-ti
e-mur-ma im-ku-su hat-tn gi-mir el-la-ti-su e-zib-ma
a-na (matu) Gu-xu-um-ma-ni in-na-bit
(27) (;//) Ta-an-na-a-nu a-di um-ma-na-at (amehi)
Elamti KI (amelu) Kal-du u (aniclii) A-ra-mu Sa
i-da-a-su iz-zi-zu-ma il-li-ku ri-su-us-su abikta-sii-un
as-knn-ma u-par-ri-ir el-\lat\-sn
(28) (w) A-di-nu mar assat (;;/. ////) Marduk-apal-iddin-na
a-di (111) Ba-as-ka-a-nu ah. (/) Ya-ti-'-e sar-rat
((Utu'lu} A-ri-bi it-ti itni-ina-na-te-su-nu bal-tu-su-un
iiia ka-ti as-bat
(29) (isu} narkabati (pi.) (ts») su-uui-bi (intern) sise (pi.)
(iiueru) pare (pi.) tin ere (pi.) (intern) gammali (pi-)
(iineru) ud-ri sa ki-rib tain-ha-ri jnns-su-ru ik-su-da
kata-ai
(30) i-na hu-ud lib-bi u nn-mn-umr pa-ni a-na Bab-ili KI
a-hi-is-ma a-na e-kal (m. ilu) Marduk-apal-iddin-na
as-su pa-kad busu u niakkiiru ki-rib-sa e-ru-ub
(31) ap-te-e-Dia bit ni-sir-te-su liurasii kaspu u-nu-ut hurasi
kaspi abne (pi.) a-kar-tu (isu) irse (pi.) (isu) kussi (pi.)
ni-me-di isu sa sa-da-di (isu*) ga-si-ru-ut sarru-ti-su sa
ik-zu-su-nu hurasu kaspu
(32) minima sum-su busu makkuru la ni-bi ni-sir-tuin
ka- bit -turn assat -su zinnisati (pi.) e-kal-su (f)
SI + UM (pi.) (amelu) su-ut-ris (pi) (amelu) rab
TE (pi.) (amelu) man-za-az pa-ni (amelu) zammere(pl.)
(f) zammereti (pi)
(33) (amelu) arde (pi.) e-kal mu-nam-mi-ru te-mu ru-bu-ti-su
si-ki-ir-ti um-ma-a-ni ma-la ba-su-u mvt-tab-bi-lu-ut
\0
e-kal-su u-se-sa-am-ma sal-la-ti-is arn-nu
TRANSLITERATION AND TRANSLATION. 63
(26) But he, the worker of wickedness, saw the approach
of my expedition, from afar, and terror fell upon him.
He left all his troops, and fled to the district of
G-uzumman.
(27) Tannanu with the troops of Elam, Chaldaea and Aram,
those who had espoused his cause and those who had
been sent to his support, I defeated them and smashed
his forces.
(28) Adinu, the son of Marduk-apal-iddin's wife, and
Baskanu, the brother of Yati'e, the queen of the Aribi,
together with their troops I took prisoners alive.
(29) I took possession of the chariots, wagons, horses, mules,
asses, camels and two-humped dromedaries which had
been abandoned in the fight.
(30) With a joyful heart and a bright face I hastened to
Babylon, and entered the palace of Marduk-apal-iddin,
to take charge of his goods and property.
(31) I opened his treasure-house, gold, silver, gear of gold
and silver, precious stones, beds, thrones, litters, his
royal pavilion (?), the plating whereof is of gold and
silver,
(32) goods and property of every kind, beyond reckoning,
a colossal treasure, his Consort, his wives, his con-
cubines, the chamberlains, the chief throne-bearers (?)>
the courtiers, the musicians male and female,
(33) the slaves of the palace, who rejoiced his princely
understanding (i.e., his ministers), all the craftsmen of
every kind, who served in his palace, I had surrendered
to me, and counted as booty.
64 THE FIRST CAMPAIGN OF SENNACHERIB.
(34) ur-ri-ik-ma arki-su a-na (matu) Gu-zu-iini-uia-ni
(amelu) mun-tah-si-ia a-na ki-rib (naru) a-gam-me
u ap-pa-ra-a-ti u-ma--ir-ma 5 uuie (me) u-ba--sn-ma
ul in-na-inir a-sar-su
(85) si-te-it (i merit) sise (pi.) ujmiiani-su sa ia-'-Su
))ia-na-ah-tuvi na-a-lis ip-par-si-du-su-jna la il-li-ku
i-da-a-su is-tu ki-rib sen u ba-nia-a-ti is-tc-nis
u-pa-hir
(36) i-na me-te-ik gir-ri-ia (alu) A-ma-tu (al'i] Ha-u-a-e
(alu} Su-pa-bn (alii) Nu-ka-bu (alii) Bit (/)-(w)
Sa-an-na-bi (tilii) Ku-ta-ai-in t \
(37) (alii} Kid-ri-na (alu) Dur-(j)i] La-di-ni (alii] Bi-ta-a-ti
(alii) Ba-iii-hi (inatii) Gu-zu-um-ma-nu (alu) Dur-(in)
Ya-an-su-ri (alu) Dur-(m} A-bi-ia-ta- (alu) Dur-(m)
Ru-du-um-me
(38) (alii] Bit-(i)i] Ra-hi-e (alii] Ha-pi-sa (a In] Sa-di-ilu
(alii) Hu-ru-du (alu] Sa-ah-ri-na (alu) Il-tu-uk
(alti) Al-la-al-lu Marad KI (ahf) Ya-ki-mu-na
(39) (alii) Ku-ub-ru-na (alu) Bit-(m} Ku-dur-ri (alii] Suka
(ka)-(m) Ma-ru-si nap-har 33 alani (//.) dan-nu-ti
bit durani (pi. ni) sa (matji) Bit-(iti) Dak-ku-ri a-di
250 alani (pi.} sihruti (pi.) sa li-ine-ti-su-nn
(40) (alii) Dur-(j}{] Ap-pi-e (alii) Dur-(m) Ta-ni-e
(alii] Dur - (in) Sa - ina - ' (alu) Sa - ar - ra -ba-tu
(alii) Sa - la- ha- tu (alu) Dur - (m) Ab - da- at
(alu) Sa - ap - pi - hi - ma - ri (alu) Sib - tu sa
(alu) Ma-ak-ka-me-e
(41) nap-har 8 alani (pi.) dan-nu-ti bit durani (pi. ni) sa
(matu) Bit-(nt) Sa--al-li a-di 120 alani (pi) sihruti
(pi.) sa li-me-ti-su-nu
TRANSLITERATION AND TRANSLATION. 65
(34) I hastened to despatch my light troops after him to
the district of Guzumman into the district of swamps
and marshes; and five days they searched for him,
but no trace of him was found.
(35) The remnant of the horse and of his infantry, who-
had forsaken the camp, fled like hinds from him and
did not accompany him. I gathered them together
from out of valley and hill.
(36- In the course of my expedition the cities of
50) Bit-Dakkuri, in all 33 fortified walled cities with 250
hamlets within their borders ; the cities of Bit-Sa'allir
in all 8 fortified walled cities, with 120 hamlets
within their borders ; the cities- of Bit-Amukkani, in
all 39 fortified walled cities with 350 hamlets within
their borders ; the cities of Bit-Yakin, in all 8 fortified
walled cities with 100 hamlets within their borders ;.
a total of 88 fortified walled cities of Chaldaea with
820 hamlets within their borders ; I besieged and
took, I carried away their spoil.
66 THE FIRST CAMPAIGN OF SENNACHERIB.
(42) (ahi) Sa-pi-a (alu) Sa-ar-ra- ba -nu Larak KI
BAR .MAR.RI. KI (alii) Bit - (m) llu - ba - ni
V ^
(alu) A-hu-du (alu) Sa is-sur (ilu) Adad (alu) Sa
kar-ra-tu (alu} Ma-na-ak-ku
(43) (alii) Sa a-mc-li-e (alu} Dur-(m) Ak-ki-ia (alu) Na-gi-tu
(alu) Nu - ur - a-bi-nu (alu) Ha-ar - su-ar-ra
(alu) Dur - (m) Ru - uk - bi (alu) Da - an -da- hul- la
(alu) Dur-(tn) Bir-da-da
(44) (alu) Bit - ri - ' - e (alu) Dur - (m) U - gur - ri
(alu) Hi - in - da - i - na (alu) Dur - (m) U - ai - it
(alu) Bit - (m) Ta-u-ra- a (alu) Sa- ap - hu - na
(alu) Bu-ha-ar-ru
(45) (ahi) Har-be-(ni) Iddin-na (alu) Har-be-(m) Kal-bi
(alu) Sa bar -ri- e (alu) Bit - (m) Ba - ni - ilu-u-a
(alu) Su-la-a-du (alu) Bit-(m) Il-ta-ma-sa-ma-
(alu) Bit-(m) Di-ni-ilu
(46) (alu) Da - ka - la (alu) Ha - me - za (alu) Be -la -a
(alu) Ta-i-ru (alu) Kip-ra-a-nu (alu) Il-ta-ra-tu
(alu) Ak- am - sa- ki- na (alu) Sa-ga-ba-tu sa
(nt) Mar-duk-ia
(47) nap-kar 39 alani (pi.) dan-nu-ti sa (matii) Bit-(m)
A-muk-ka-a-ni a-di 350 alani (pi.) sihruti (pi-) Sa
li-me-ti-su-nu
(48) (alu) Bit-(m) Za-bi-di-ia Larsa KI Kullab KI
Eridu KI Ki-is-sik KI (alu) Ni-mid-(ilu) La-gu-da
(alu) Dur-(m) Ya-ki-ni a-di (alu) Kar-(ilu) Nabu sa
ki-sad (naru) Mar-ra-ti
(49) nap-kar 8 alani (pi.) dan-nu-ti bit durani (pi. ni) sa
(matu) Bit-(m) Ya-ki-ni a-di 100 alani (pi) sihruti
(pi.) sa li-me-ti-su-nu
(50) nap-kar 88 alani (pi. ni) dan-nu-ti bit durani (pi . ni)
sa (matu) Kal-di a-di 820 alani [(//.)] sihruti (pi.) sa
li-me-ti-su-nu al-me ak-su-ud as-lu-la sal-la-su-un
TRANSLITERATION AND TRANSLATION.
67
BIT-DAKKURI
BIT-AMUKKANI
Ainatn
Dur- *
Sapia
Dur-Uait
Eudunime
Sarrabanu
Bit-Taura
Hauae
Bit-Rahie
Larak
Saphuna
Supabu
Hapisha
BAR.MAR.
Bu^arru
Nukabu
Sadi-ilu
RI
Bit-Sannabi .
Hurudu
Bit-Ilu-bani
Harbe-Iddina
Kutain
Sahrina
Ahudu
Harbe-Kalbi
Kidrina
Iltuk
Sha issur
Sha barrie
Dur-Ladini
Allallu
Adad
Bitati
Marad
Sha harratu
Bit-Bani-ilua
Banitu
Yakimuna
Mana^^u
Suladu
Guzuinmauu
Kubruna
Sha amelie
Bit-
Iltaniasama'
Dur-Yansuri
Dur-Abi-
Bit-Kudurri
Suka-Marusi
Dur-Akkia
Bit-Dini-ilu
yata'
Nagitu
Dakala
Nur-abinu
Hameza
Harsuarra
Bela
Dur-Rukbi
Tairu
Dandaljulla
Kibranu
Dur-Birdada
Iltaratu
Bit-ri'e
Akam-shakina
Dur-Ugurri
Sagabatu sha
Hindaina
Mardukia
BIT-SA'ALLI
BIT-YAKIN
Dur-Appie
Salahatu
Bit-Zabidia
Kissik
Dur-Tanie
Dur-Abdai
Larsa
Nmiid-Laguda
Dur-Sama'
Sappihimari
Kullab
Dur-Yakini
Sarrabatu
Sibtu sha
Eridu
and Kar-Nabu
Makkarne
which is
beside the
salt lake
68 THE FIRST CAMPAIGN OF SENNACHERIB.
(51) se-im suluppi sa ki-rib ki-ra-a-te-su-nu eburu-su-nu sa
seri uminani (ni) u-sa-kil ab-bul ak-kur i-na isati ak-mu
a-na tile (pi.) ma-su-u-ti u-tir
(52) (amelu) Ur-bi (amelu) A-ra-mu (amelu) Kal-du sa ki-rib
Uruk KI Nippur KI Kis KI Har-sag-kalam-ma KI
a-di mare (pi.) all bel \hi-it\-li u-se-sa-am-ma
sal-la-ti-is ain-nu
(53) Se-im suluppi sa ki-rib ki-ra-a-te-su-nu me-ris
ma-na-hi-su-nu ebnr seri ba-lat
ummani(ni) u-sa-kil
(54) (;;/) Bel-ibni mar rab banie pi-ri- Su-an-iia KI sa
ki-ma mi-ra-ni sa-ah-ri ki-rib e-kal-ia ir-bu-u [a-na
sarru-ut (matu*) Agadi} u Sumeri KI as-ta-kan
eli-su-un
(55) i-na ta-ai-ar-ti-ia (amelu] Tu--mu-na (amelu] Ri-hi-hu
(amelu) Ya-dak-kum (amelu) U-bu-du (amelu) Kip-ri-[e
(amelu) Ma-li-hu (amelu) Gu-ru-mu (amelu] U\-bu-lu
(amelu) Da-mu-nu (amelu} Gam-bu-lum (amelu)
Hi-in-da-ru
(56) (amelu] Ru - ' - u - a (amelit) Pu - ku - du (amelu]
Ha-am-ra-a-nu (amelu) Ha -\_ga\-ra-a-nu (amelu)
Na-ba-tu (amelu) Lz'-[']-fo-a-[u (amehi) A-ra-mu la
kan-su-ti mit-ha-~\ris ak-su-ud-ma as-lu-la sal-la-su-un
(57) i-na me-ti-ik gir-ri-ia sa (m. ilu) Nabu-bel-sumati (pi.)
[(amelu)] ki-pi (alu) Ha-ra-ra-ti hurasu kaspu (isu)
mu-\suk-kan-ni\ rabati (pi.) imere [(pi.) (imeru]\
gam,-mal (//.) alpe (pi.) u sene man-da-ta-su ka-bit-tam
am-hur '
w
(58) ba-hu-la-te (alu) Hi-rim-me (amelu) nakiru ak-su sa
ul-tu ul-la a-na sarrani (pi. ni) abe (pl.)-ia la ik-nu-su
i-na kakki u-sam-kit-ma na-pis-tum ul e-zib
TRANSLITERATION AND TRANSLATION. 69
(51) The com and dates which were in their plantations,
their harvest in the fields I ordered my troops to eat ;
(the towns) I plundered, I sacked, I turned into
forgotten tells.
(52) The Arabians, Aramaeans and Chaldaeans who were in
Erech, Nippur, Kish and Harsagkalainma, together
' with the citizens who led the insurrection, I had
surrendered, and counted as booty. •
(53) The corn and dates which were in their plantations,
the gardens of their houses, the harvest of the field
I ordered my troops to eat.
(54) Bel-ibni, a son of the chief builder, a scion of Babylon,
who had grown up in my palace like a young hound,
I set up over them as king of Shumer and Akkad.
(55) On my march back, the Tu'muna, the Eihihu, the
Yadakku, the Ubudu, the Kiprie, the Malihu, the
Gurumn, the Ubulu, the Damunu, the Gambulu, the
Hindaru,
(56) the Ku'ua, the Pukudu, the Hamranu, the Hagaranu,
the Nabatu, the Li'tau, Aramaeans who were not
subject, I conquered all together, and I carried off
their spoil.
(57) In the course of my expedition, I received the heavy
tribute of Nabu-bel-shumate, the governor of Hararati,
(consisting of) gold, silver, great musikkanni trees,
asses, camels, oxen and sheep.
(58) The fighting men of Hirimme, obstinate foes who
from days of old paid no allegiance to the kings my
fathers I slew by the sword, and not a soul remained.
70 THE FIRST CAMPAIGN OF SENNACHERIB.
(59) na-gn-u su-a-tu a-na es-su-ti as-bat isten(en) alpu
10 sene (pl) 10 imer karani (pi.) 20 imer saluppi
ri-se-tc-su a-na gi-ni-c Hani (pl.) (in at] Assur KI
bele (pl)-ia u-kin da-ri-sam
(60) it-ti 208,000 sal-lat nise (pi.) ka-bit-tum 7,200 (inter)
sise (pi.) (intern) pare (pi) 11,780 imere (pi.) 5,230
(imeru) gani-nial (pi.) ^0,050 alpe (pi.) 800,100 sene
(fpl) a-tu-m a-na ki-rib (mat) ASSitr K I
(61) e-sib nise (pi.) imere (pi.) (intent) gani-nial (pi) alpe
(pl) u sene iS uninian-ia c-bn-ku-niin a-na
ra-ma-ni-su-nit is-ki-lu si-kil-tu t
* (62) u ba-hu-la-te na-ki-ri mc-su-be-ni sa a-[na ni-~\ri-ia la
ik-nu-su i-na kakki u-sam-kit-ma a-lul ga-si-ses
(63) i-na unti (nii)-su-ina Ninua Kl ma-ha-zu si-i-ru alu
na-\ram\ (iht) Is-tar sa nap-har ki-du-di-e Hani (pl.)
u (ilu) is-tar (pl.) ba-su-u ki-rib-su
(64) tini-nie-en-nu da-ru-u du-ru-us sa-\a\-ti sa ul-tu nl-la
it-ti si-tir bu-ru-um-me is-rat-su is-rit-ma su-pu-u
si-in-dn-sn
(65) as-ru nak-lu su-bat pi-ris-ti sa minima sum-su si-pir
ni-kil-tim gi-mir bil-lu-di-e ni-sir-ti LAL.GAR
su-ta-bu-lu ki-rib-su
(66) sa ul-tu ul-la sarrani (pl. ni] a-\li-~\kut mah-ri abe
(pl.)-ia ul-la-nu-u-a be-lu-ut (matu) Assur Kl
e-pu-su-ma u-ma--ru ba--lat (ilu) En-lil
(67) u sat-ti-sam la na-par-ka-a \i\-rib la nar-ba-a-ti bilat
mal-ki kib-rat ar-ba- im-da-na-ha-ru ki-rib-sn
TRANSLITERATION AND TRANSLATION. 71
(59) That district I settled afresh ; one ox, ten sheep, ten
omers of sesame wine, twenty omers of dates, the finest
kind thereof, as* the sacrificial dues of the gods of
Assyria, my lords, I laid on them for ever.
(60) With the huge number of 208,000 prisoners, 7,200
horses and mules, 11,780 asses, 5,230 camels, 80,050
oxen, 800,100 sheep I returned, in Assyria
(61) I appeared. My men took away the prisoners, asses,
camels, oxen and sheep from they acquired
as their own property,
(62) and the fighting men of the foe who had been captured,
those who had not submitted to my yoke, I slew by
the sword and bound on stakes.
(63) At that time the exalted city of Mneveh, beloved of
Ishtar, wherein are all the shrines of the gods and
goddesses,
(64) a lasting foundation, an eternal site, whereof the design
was fashioned of old in a many-coloured writing, and
the construction thereof was resplendent,
(65) a beauteous place, the abode of the oracle, wherein are
brought works of art of every kind, all the shrines,
the treasures of
(66) where of old the kings who preceded me, my ancestors,
in days gone by exercised the lordship of Assyria, and
ordered the realm of Bel,
(67) and yearly, without intermission, received therein an
unceasing revenue, the tribute of the kings of the four
quarters (of the world) :
72 THE FIRST CAMPAIGN OF SENNACHERIB.
(68) ai-um-ma i-na lub-bi-su-nu a-na e-gal kir-bi-su
kum-mu ri-mit be-lu-tu sa su-hur su-'bat-su li-e-su ul
id-da-a lub-bu-us ul ih-su-us
w
(69) a-na su-te-sur suki ali u sum-dul ri-ba-a-ti ha-ri-e
iiari za-ka-ap sip-pa-a-te u-zu-un-su ul ib-si-ma ul
us-ta-bil ka-ras-su
(70) ia-a-ti (m. iln) Sin-ahhe-cri-ba sar (inatu) Assur KI
e-pis sip-ri su-a-tu ki-i te-iui Hani (pi.) i-na uz-ni-ia
ib-si-ma ka-bit-ti ub-lam-ma
(71) te-ne-sit \(jnatu] Kal\di (aintlif) A-ra-mu (matu)
Man-na-ai (matu) Ku-e u (matu) Hi-lak-ku sa a-na
ni-ri-ia la kit-nu-su as-su-fia-am-ma UM-sik-ku
u-sa-as-si-su-nu-ti-ma il-bi-nu libuttu
(72) a-pi ku-pi \sa\ kirib (matu) Kal-di ak-Sit-ma
ap-pa-ri-su-un sam-hu-ti i-na ba-hu-la-ti na-ki-n
ki-sit-ti kata (duat}-ia u-sal-di-da a-na e-pis sip-ri-sa
(73) e-kal mah-\i'i-tu~\ sa 30 GAR sid-du u 10 GAR put-sa
sa sarrani (pi. nt) a-li-kut pa-ni abe (pl)-ta
u-se-pi-su-ma la u-nak-ki-lu si-pir-sa
(74) sa ul-tu [ume (me) ru-'lku-ti (naru) Te-bil-ti i-ta-a-sa
i-ba-'-ma i-na us-si-sa ab-bu u-sab-su-u u-ri-ib-bu
tim-me-en-sa
(75) \e-kal sihra sa-a-ti4\ a-na si-hir-ti-sa ak-kur-ma sa
(naru) Te-bil-ti ma-lak-sa us-tib-ma u-se-sir mu-su-sa
(76) i-na \arhi\ se-[me-e i-na] umi (mi) mit-ga-ri ki-rib
ka-tim-ti a-sur-rak-ki-sa 6o-us sid-du 30 GAR. putu
aban sad-i dan-nu ak-si-ma eklu ul-tu ma-a-me
u-se-lam-ma na-ba-lis u-se-me
TRANSLITERATION AND TRANSLATION. 73
(68) none among them had paid heed to the palace therein,
the place that was a royal abode, whereof the site
was strait, none had pondered thereon in his heart.
(69) none had given his mind to straightening the city's
streets, broadening the open places, digging canals and
planting fruit-gardens, none had directed his attention
thereto :
(70) I, Sennacherib, king of Assyria, cherished the intent
to perform that work according to the will of the
gods, and roused my spirit thereto.
(71) Folk from Chaldaea, Aram, Mannai, Kue and Cilicia
who had not been submissive to my yoke I tore away
(from their lands) and made them carry hods, and
they baked bricks.
(72) I gathered the sedge which (grows) in Chaldaea, and
the luxuriant reeds thereof I made the fighting men
of the foe who were my prisoners bear for the com-
pletion of its construction.
(7H) The former palace, which was 30 GAR in length and
10 GAR in breadth, which the kings my predecessors
had built without adorning the construction thereof,
(74) —the side thereof the river Tebiltu had washed from
days of old so as to cause damage to its foundation
and make its terrace sink —
(75) that small palace I dug up in its entirety and altered
the course of the Tebiltu and made its outflow straight
(from the city).
(76) In a propitious month, on a favourable day, in the
hidden bed of the river for a space 60 long 30 G-AR
wide I secured great boulders, and I made ground
to rise out of the waters and turned it into dry land.
G
74 THE FIKST CAMPAIGN OF SENNACHERIB.
(77) la-ba-ris ume (me} i-na mill kis-sa-ti te-me-en-su la
e-ni-si as-kup-pat (aban) pi-i-li rab-ba-a-ti a-sur-ru-su
u-sa-as-kt-ra u-dan-na su-pu-uk-su
(78) i2O-us 50 ti-ip-ki si-ru-us-sin a-na e-la-ni tam-la-a
u-jnal-li-ma e-li mi-si-ik-ti e-kal mah-ri-te u-rad-di-ma
w <j
u-sa-an-di-la ti-sar-sa
(79) e-kal sinni piri (isu) usu (z'su) urkarinnu (zsu)
mu-suk-kan-ni (isu) .erinu (z'su) sur-man (isu) burasu
u (isu) bn-ut-ni e-kal ZAG.DU. NU. TUK.A a-na
vin-sab sarru-ti-ia u-se-pi-sa ki-rib-sa
(80) gusure (/>/•) (^w) erini tar-bit (sadu} Ha-nia-nim sa
ul-tu hur-sa-a-ni ru-ku-u-ti nam-ra-si-is ip-sal-lu-ni
w . • f
u-sat-ri-sa ta-ra-an-si-in
(81) (isii) dalati (//.) (isu) sur-man si-ra-a-ti sa i-na pi-te-e
u ta-a-ri e-ri-es ta-a-bu me -sir siparri nam-ri
u-sir-kis-ma u-rat-ta-a ba-bi-sin
(82) bit ap-pa-a-te tam-sil e-kal (mat} Hat-ti sa i-na
li-sa-a-ni (matu} Amurri KI bit hi-la-a-ni i-sa-as-su-su
a-na mul-ta- -n-ti be-lu-tt-ia u-se-pi-sa ki-rib-sin
(83) 8 nise (//.) pi -tan bir-ki su-ta-ki-ti sa i-na
3 x 3,600 + 600 bilat eri nam-ru pi-ti-ik (tlu)
NIN.A.GAL su-pu-su-ma lu-u nam-ri-ri
(84) u 2 dim-me su-ta-hu-ti sa 3,60x3 + 4 x 600 bilat pi-ti-ik
si-par-ri su-ub-bu- a-di 2 dim-me (isu} erini rabuti (pi.)
e-li ug-gal-li-e u-kin-ma dap-pi ku-lul babi-si-in e-mid
(85) ir-bit senu sadi (di) lamassu sa kaspi si-par-ri it-ti
seni sadi (di) lamassi sa (abnu) sad-i es-ki nak-lis
ab-ni-ma a-na ir-bit-ti sa-a-ri u-sa-as-bi-ta
si-gar-si-in as-mu
TRANSLITERATION AND TRANSLATION. 75
(77) That its foundation might not be weakened in the
course of time by the mighty flood, I set huge blocks
of alabaster round it as a wall and made its rubble
strong.
(78) I filled the terrace upon them to a height of 170
" tipki " and added it to the dimensions of the former
palace, broadening its sijbe.
(79) Thereon I had a palace built for my royal dwelling,
of ivory, " ushu " wood, " musukkanni " wood, cedar,
cypress, pine and pistacchio wood, the palace " incom-
parable."
(80) Beams of cedar, the product of Mt. Amanus, which
they hewed from distant hills with difficulty, I made
• to stretch across their supports.
(81) On lofty doors of cypress, which were well cut for
opening and revolving, I had bands of bright bronze
fastened, and I fixed them in their gateways.
(82) A colonnade like a Hittite palace, which they call in
the Amorite tongue a " bit-hilani," I had made within
the gates for my lordly pleasure.
(83) Eight lions, open at the knee, in the posture of advance,
which were cast of 11,400 talents of bright copper,
the Lord of the Strong Hand caused to be made, and
they were very splendid.
(84) And two tall pillars which were cast of 6,000 talents
of burnished bronze, together with two great pillars
of cedar I stood on drums, and I laid timbers to
crown their gateways.
(85) Four mountain sheep, colossi, of silver and bronze
together with mountain sheep, colossi, of mighty
boulders 1 skilfully constructed, and posted them to
face the four winds, their passages I adorned.
G 2
76 THE FIRST CAMPAIGN OF SENNACHERIB.
(86) as-kup-pat (abnn) pi-i-li rab-ba-a-ti da-ad-me na-ki-ri
ki-sit-ti kata (dual)-ia ki-rib-si-in is-si-ha a-sur-ru-si-in
u-sa-as-hi-ra a-na tab-ra-a-ti u-sa-lik
w
(87) (isu) sar-niah-Jni tam-sil (sadit) Ha-ma-nim sa gi-mir
rikke (ZUN.pl.) (inbu) sip-pa-a-te ise (pi.) bib-lat sa-di-i
u (matu) Kal-di ki-rib-sn har-ru-su i-ta-a-sa az-ku-up
(88) as-su za-ka-ap sip-pa-a-ti eklu ta-mir-ti e-li-en alt
2 PI (TA.A.AW) a-ua mare (pi.) Ninua KI pil-ku
u-pal-lik-ma u-sad-gi-la pa-nu-us-su-un
(89) a-na be-ra-a-ti swn-iuu-hi ul-tu pa-a-ti (alu) Ki-si-ri
a-di ta-mir-ti Ninua KI sad -a u bi-ru-tu i-na
ag-gul-la-te parzilli u-sat-tir-ma u-se-sir (naru) har-ru
(90) 3 biru kak-ka-ru ul-tu ki-rib (naru) Hu-su-ur ina-a-me
da-ru-u-ti a-sar-sa u-sar-da-a ki-rib sip-pa-a-te sa-ti-na
u-sah-bi-ba pat-ti-is
(9!) ul-tu sip-ru e-kal be-lu-ti-ia u-kat-tu-u u-sa-an-di-la
ri-ba-a-ti bi-ri-e-ti su-ka-a-ni us-tam-du-ma u-nam-mir
kima ume (me)
(92) (ilu) Assur belu rabu (u) Hani (pi) u (ilu) istarati (pi.)
a-si-bu-ti (matu) Assur KI i-na kir-bi-sa ak-ri-ma
nike (pl.) tas-ri-ih-ti ak-ki-ma u-sat-lim kad-ra-ai
{93) a-na ar-kat ume (me) i-na sarrani (pl. ni] mare
(pl.)-ia sa (ilu) Assur a-na ri-e-um-ut mati u nise
(pl.) i-nam-bu-u zi-kir-su e-nu-ma e-kal sa-a-tu
i-lab-bi-ru-ma \en\-na-ku
(94) an-ku-sa lu-ud-dis mu-sar-e si-tir su-me-ia li-mur-ma
samnu lup-[su-us-ma~\ nike lik-ki a-na as-ri-su li-tir
(tlii} Assur ik-ri-bi-su i-sim-me
6o-us 34 (TA.A.AN) MU minutu mu-sar-e
TRANSLITERATION AND TRANSLATION. 77
(86) Huge blocks of stone the enemy folk, my prisoners,
dragged amidst them, I set the blocks round about as a
wall for them, I made them pass for marvels.
(87) A park resembling Mt. Amaims, wherein was every
kind of vegetable, fruit-tree, and tree, the products of
the hills and of Chaldaea, I planted beside the palace.
(88) I divided off a plot of ground forming the upper
environs of the city, two PI in area, for the Nmevites,
that they might plant fruit-gardens, and put it into
their charge.
(89) That the fields might be luxuriant I broke up hill and
plain from the boundary of the city Kisiri to the
environs of Mneveh with iron axes, and I made a
canal to flow there.
(90) I made flowing water to run from the midst of the
Husur for a distance of 3 "biru," I distributed the
water in those fruit-gardens by means of canals.
(91) After I had completed the work on my lordly palace,
broadened the open places and the midmost parts,
had built streets and made the city as bright as day,
(92) I summoned Ashur, the great lord, and the gods and
goddesses who dwell in Assyria thereto, and I sacrificed
multitudinous offerings of flesh, and presented my gifts.
(93) In days that are to come may someone among the
kings my descendants whom Ashur shall call unto the
shepherdhood over land and people, when that palace
has grown old and is falling down,
(94) repair its ruins, find the inscription with the writing of
my name, anoint it with oil, offer sacrifices of flesh
and return it to its place. Ashur shall hear the
prayers of such an one.
94 lines is the number of the inscription.
78 THE FIRST CAMPAIGN OF SENNACHERIB.
NOTES.
(1) Sin-ahfye-eri-ba. For a discussion of the name see Ungnad, Z.D.M.G.,
Band 62, p. 721, who adopts the transliteration Sin-afrfce-ri-ba.
The evidence quoted by Ungnad, especially C.T. IV, 15a, argues
for the value eri adopted by George Smith. The sign should
probably also be read eri in the name I-eri-ka-ap-ka-pu on the
brick of Shain>lii-A<lad (Budge and King, Annals of the Kings of
Assyria, vol. I, p. 2). The sign, which is clearly written, has
previously been read gur owing to the suggestion of Winckler,
Z.A. II, p. 314.
(3) Zikaru. The scribe has written ri for si. The procession of fighting
men celebrating the King's Arrr>>ii>u would not appear to be
connected with the puru diseus>fd at length by Dr. Johns,
Assyrian Deeds and Doci'iii'-itf*, vol. Ill, pp. 154-156, since that
word seems to be connected exclusively with the office of liniHin,
which Sennacherib did not hold until 687.
taSmee u salime. It is best to connect these words with the
following lines, since they are specially used of a suppliant for an
alliance; cf. the passages quoted by Muss-Arnolt, Dictionary
sub voce salimu.
(6) KaraS surrati, "a belly of obstinacy." For the figurative use of
karas cf. surru Sumdulu karaS niklati, " the broad of heart, the
belly of craftsmanship," said of the god Enurta, Shamshi-Adad V
Monolith, I. 22.
Sa annun la Surittu. The traces of the sign between Su and tu suit rit,
but may belong to many other signs. Perhaps Surittu is Shaphel
permansive from the root nm, to tremble.
(7) Sutur-Nahudu. This is a new variant of the name given elsewhere
as Shutur-Nafyundi (Sargon, Annals, 271, etc.), lakiar-Nanfyundi
(Ashur-bani-apli, Annals, Prism No. Rm. I, col. VI, 53), Ishtar-
Nandi (K 2674 obv., line 7), and Ishtar-Jiundi (Babylonian
Chronicle, 84-2-11, 356, col. II, 1. 33), all variants of the Elamite
name Shutruk-NaJth.unte.
(amelu) not Sarru as given by Dr. King, Supplement, p. 1.
?-ru. The traces do not allow the reading kadru. I am unable to
conjecture the correct reading.
(8) Sanu rakbu. This appears to be the best available explanation of the
ideogram LU.II.U. It is not unnatural that the . King of
Elam's " second chariot-man " should be put in charge of the
assault troops, see line 27.
NOTES. 79
(12, 13 and 14) Kestorecl conjecturally from 11. 55-56. The restoration
(nar) Marrati in line 12 is certain, the conjectures (naru) Idiglat
and (nani) Uknu accord very well with the geographical evidence
available from other sources; see Schiffer, Die Aramaer, pp.
115-132.
(14) So, la i-[_du~\-u mi-[tu]-tum, cf. line 17, Sa la i-du ini-[tu~\-tu. The tu is
very uncertain in both cases. The sign cannot be Sar in line 17
as there is not sufficient room, and in line 14 the sign can only be
tu or Sar,
(17) imdi gallie limni, an architectural figure. The language recalls Sargon,
Annals (ed. Winckler), 1. 271 : — slttatiSunu Sa eli Marduk-apal-
iddin-na u Sutur-Nahundi TE-sunu iddu, where nadu " to found "
is also an architectural figure. Tliis suggests that TE may be used
for TE.LA and represent a feminine noun from gallie, so that the
passage may be translated " the rest of them, who based their
villainies on Marduk-apal-iddinna and Shutur-Nahundi."
«(1(S) uSannasir. For this conjectural restoration compare the passage
V R, plate 9, 1. 32, masarati ina muhhi usansir, " I posted guards
over them."
(19) id eteki. The conjectural restoration does not suit the traces of the
first sign well, which looks more like the beginning of u, but some
phrase like this is required; cf. arkaa ul amur III R, plate 15,
col. I, 1. 11.
(20) xabtaama etegaa I understand as permansive forms used with a final
significance after uma'ir. tiunnina is then an infinitive governed
by etegaa, governing masukku. For the expression uruh Marduk-
apal-iddinna sabtaa, " to take the road to Merodach-baladan," cf.
Prism No. 55-10-3, 1, " Taylor," uruh (matu) Akkadi isbatunimma,
" they took the road to Akkad."
masukku, from the root "SpD, obviously used as a military term here
for an advance guard.
(21) abul Ilbaba. For the reading Ilbaba for DINGIR.ZA.MAL.MAL
see Schroede'r, Keilschrifttexte aus Assur verschiedenen Inhalts,
no. 46, 1. 9 ; that the II represents the pronunciation of DINGrlR
is extremely probable now that it is known the determinatives
were pronounced, and is the more probable from the name
AN.BA.BU.SES.SE.NA = Ilbaba-ah-iddinna, cf. the old Assyrian
letters, ibid. nos. 96, 98, etc. The II was not always pronounced,
however, hence the names Babu-ah-iddinna, ibid. no. 124, 1. 9,
Babu-aplam-usur, ibid. no. 104, Ahia-baba, Aslmr-nasir-apal, col. I,
1. 76, etc. It is not correct, therefore, to assume the value IL for
ZA with Prof. Langdon, J.R. A.S., Oct., 1920. The " gate of Ilbaba "
is obviously a gate of Kish, of which city Ilbaba was the patron.
80 THE FIIIST CAMPAIGN OF SENNACHERIB.
(22) (amelu) apil StpriSun Sa framat, "couriers," cf. V E, plate 2, 1. 27,
(ameln) apil Sipri fcantti. It is however possible that hamat means
"help," "support," see Delitzseh, Assyrischfs Handworterbuch,
281a, and that the phrase means "messengers (to ask for) help,"
in which case it may he compared with V K, plate 3, 1. 21,
(amelu) apil Sipriit *n .inline, " m\ messenger (to enquire about his)
well-being."
(23) (amelu) m»nlaJji<i. Tliis term is used of a >pecial kind of troops.
Since the allied fon-o in Kuthali consisted of bow-men and light
cavalrx, it is rca-onaMe to -uppo-e that it is a de>cript ion of light-
armed troops. The >ame word is employed in line 34 to describe
the "flying column" sent in pursuit (.f Marduk-apal-iddinna to
(iiixumman. The derivation of the word from •tim/i'i^n i- not • very
probable, since the certain instances of the If'teal of that verb keep
the /// and assimilate / to if. I prefer to derive the word from a
root ii(ilin.fu, "to press on, hasten,' cf. llel)rew "P13 ; but the
retention of n before t in the Ifte'al requires parallel-.
(ibttru is probably to be derived from the root "IK2, "to dig," and
refers to the means of approach by tunnelling shown on bas-reliefs.
It may, however, also be derived from the root "IJD, "to kindle,
-et on fire," and refer to an attack with the torch ; the latter
derivation is favoured by nablis.
(27) ummanat is here n>ed of the heavy-armed troops in opposition to the
light-armed horse and bow-men of 1. 24.
el[lat~]sn. The sign lat was obliterated by the scribe in writing 9u;
there are still traces of the upper wedge.
(28) Yati'e. For the root of the name cf. Abi-yata', 1. 37, and see Streck's
notes, Assnrbanipal, vol. Ill, p. 687 (Abiyate'), 700 (Yauta') and
728 (Uaite').
(29) (imeru) gammali (pi). The scribe has inserted I before this by error.
(31) gaiirut SarnitiSu, perhaps the canopy which the bas-reliefs represent
sometimes as stretched over kings.
(32) Sutri*. For this reading see Dr. Jensen, Z.A., Band XXIV, p. 109,
following C.T. XXIII, plate 10, 1. 14.
(36) Eit-Sannabi. The scribe wrote LIL for E by error.
(37) Banitu, possibly the city of the (amelu) Sanitai, Tiglath-pileser III,
Annals 147 ; connected by Hommel, Grundriss der Geographic,
p. 434, with (matu) Bani Bu. 91-5-9, 183.
(39) Suka-Marnsi may be read Tarka- or Silka-Marusi. The (amelu)
Marusu of Tiglath-pileser III, Slab no. 2 (ed. Rost), 1. 6, were
' Aramaeans, and are probably not to be connected with this city.
NOTES. 81
(40) Dur-Tanie. The (amelu) Tanie of Tiglath-pileser III, Annals 13,
were Aramaeans, cft Marusu above.
(41) Bit- Sa' alii is spelt Bit-Ska' alii in Tiglath-pileser III, Tablet inscr.,
11. 20 fol. (ed. Host). Sa'lu was also an Aramaean name, see Streck,
M.V.A.G. 1906, No. 3, p. 33. Schiffer, Die Aramaer, p. 118,
compares the Palmyrene name K^NK*. There can be little doubt
from the present list that the Kaldu pronounced W as D.
(42) BAR.MAR.RI.KI. I do not know the reading of this ideogram.
alu Sa issur 'Adad. The association of a bird with Adad is, so far as
I can discover, new. The gods generally represented by a bird are
Enurta (see King, P.S.B.A., 1913, pp. 66 foil.), Papsukkal, and
Shukamuna and Shumalia (see M. Thureau-Dangin, Revue
d'4ssyriologie, vol. XVI, pp. 137, 138).
(43) Nagitu. There were several cities of this name. Prism No. 55-10-3,
1, " Taylor," mentions Nagite-rakki (col. Ill, 1. 56), probably
identical with Nagite and Nagitu (col. IV, 11. 25, 26), and Nagitu-
di'bina (ibid, 1. 26) in Elam.
Dur-AkJcia, cf. the name AJcka-barina (ibid., col. IV., 58), an Elamite
city.
(44) Hindaina. This city may be connected with the tribe which lived about
the city Hindani on the Euphrates, see Tukulti-Enurta II, Annals,
I. 76 (ed. Scheil) and Ashur-nasir-apli, Annals, col. Ill, 1. 12.
Dur- Uait. The peculiar personal name Uait may be an abbreviated
form of some such name as Uaite' : cf . V R, plate 7, 1. 83, etc.
Bujiarru. The reading Puliarru is^also possible, but compare the town
in the tribe of Benjamin, DHI13, 2 Samuel XVI, 5.
Harbe-Iddinna. With the element Harbe cf. Harbie, Tukulti-Enurta
II, Annals, 1. 61 (ed. Scheil).
(46) Belaa, cf. (amelu) Belai, Tiglath-Pileser III, Annals, 147.
Kipranu can have nothing to do with (amelu) Kiprie, line 55, who
were Aramaeans.
(50) naphar 88 alani. The "Bellino" cylinder and its duplicates give
89 fortified cities and 820 small cities ; the " Taylor " Prism, 75
fortified cities and 420 small cities.
(52) (amelu) Urbi seems indistinguishable in this passage from the Aribi of
1. 28. Delitzsch, •' Wo lag das Paradies ? " p. 205, considers Urbi
identical with Aribi, but speaks of the Urbi being settled in
several northern Babylonian cities. Streck, M.V.A.G., 1906, 3,
p. 41, supposes the Urbi to be Aramaeans.
(54) Restored from Cylinder No. K. 1680, " Bellino," 1. 13.
(55) Restored from ibid., line 15.
G 3
82 THE FIRST CAMPAIGN OF SENNACHERIB.
(60) 11,780 imere. This number has generally been read 11,073. It is quite
certain from the present cylinder that it reads XI Si I NEE III =
11,000 + 600 + 180.
(61) esib. I derive this from the root 2V* " to stand firmly, appear (before
a person)." The roots ezebu and usepu do not appear to fit the
passage.
iskilu sikiltu. For the sense of sakalu see Thureau-Dangin, Huitieme
Campagne, p. 38, note 1. The medial consonant is probably k cf.
Heb. n*?3D.
(63) kidudie. It is necessary to give this word some such meaning as
"shrines" in this j»;i»:i«:e, and not limit it to " ritual." This also
accords with one of the meanings of the synonym parsu, see the
collection of instances by Witzel, M.V.A.G., 1916, pp. 199-212.
(64) Sitir lurumme. Delitzsch, J9T. 7F.J5. 187a, says : — " eig. Sternbildschrift,
dalier Firmament (Hinnnelszelt), w^nl besser als' Thierkreis."
Meissner and Host, Bauinschriften Sanherib's, p. 7, translate the
jias^age: — " desseu Zeichnungen seit uralter Zeit mit der Schrift
des Hinimels gezeichnet waren." Dr. King similarly, Cuneiform
Texts, Part 26, p. 21 :— " wliose design from of old with the
writing of the heavens had been fashioned." I do not understand
the meaning of this, and suppose the reference in the original to
be to coloured relief:* built into the wall surrounding the terrace or
platform on which the old palace at Nineveh was built.
(65) billudie. A synonym of kidudie ; on the meaning see note above.
(71) UM-tfiAr&M. Eead dupsikku.
(73) ekal mahritu. The proportions of the old palace given here differ from
those given in Cylinder No. K 1680, " Bellino," 1. 44, which reads
as follows (see Meissner and Host, loc. cit., pp. 8, 9) : —
ekallu mahritu Sa 360 ina 1 ammatu Siddu ina tarsi zamee
(bitu) ziggurat 80 ina 1 ammatu rupSu ina tarsi bit namari (bitu)
Istar 134 ina 1 ammatu rupsu ina tarsi bit namari (bitu) Kidmuri
95 ina 1 ammatu rupSu [maraku §itkunatma~\
" The former palace, which was 360 ells long, stretching along,
on the western side, the ziggurat, 80 ells wide, stretching along, on
the eastern side, the temple of Ishtar, 134 ells wide, stretching
along, on the eastern side, the temple of Kidmuri, 95 ells wide the
diameter "
The present figures, 30 GAE and 10 GAB, are difiicult to
reconcile with the figures above. Since the GAE at this period
consisted of 12 ammatu (see Johns, Assyrian Deeds and Documents,
vol. II, p. 218), 30 GAE = 360 ammatu ; but 10 GAE = 120
ammatu, which does not correspond to any of the figures above,
NOTES. 83
unless the 80 ammatu of the later inscription be ammatu A.DU-e
as compared with ammatu suklum (see Thureau-Dangin, Note
Metrologique, in Revue d'Assyriologie, vol. XV, pp. 59-60). On
the plan of this old palace, see the note in Meissner and Host,
Bauinschriften Sanherib's, p. 23, Anmerkung 20.
(76) 60-uS Siddu 30 GAR putu. I am unable to reconcile these figures with
those given in the inscription on Bull No. 3 (see Meissner, loc. cit.,
p. 8), which read ^Io4 ina 1 ammatu maraJcu 289 ina 1 ammatu rupSu ;
perhaps the earlier plans were superseded by more exact measure-
ments la,ter in the reign. The present inscription seems to make it
clear that the long side of the old palace became the broad side
of the new.
(77) mili. Written A. DIBIGr, not A. KAL, as in Bellino Cylinder.
(78) 120-uS 50 tipki. The 170 tipki become 180 tipki in the "Bellino"
Cylinder, line 54.
(80) ipSalluni. This passage shows the root must be connected with the
Hebrew 7DE3. The verb occurs also in a difficult passage of
K 1356 (see Meissner, loc. cit., pp. 100, 101), reverse 11. 6-9.
salam (ilu) ASSur u salam Hani rabuti mala ittiSu ana libbi
tiamat salti illaJcu isruSu patkaSuu la aduku uSapsilu ana it
feuranuti aSSu lihhakim, anna ina libbi uSSamid, ina libbi annimma
hikim kii patkaSuu anaku uSapSilu.
" A figure of Ashur and a figure of the great gods, as many as
accompanied him to the fight against Tiamat, — I had the outline
and the form thereof cut, very glorious, by the side of the openings,
that it (the gate) might be engraved. These (figures) I had set in
the midst thereof. In the midst of these (figures) I had an
engraving cut concerning its making."
It is interesting to note that Sennacherib had a scene depicting
Ashur' s fight with Tiamat cut on the gates of Tarbisi in view of
the fact that the language describing the battle of Haluli recalls in
many places the language of the Fourth Tablet of the Creation
Series. Perhaps the Assyrian version of the series, which puts
ASsur in the place of Marduk, was edited in his reign.
uSatrisa taransin. The word tar an seems to be connected with
Hebrew pj"l, and I understand it to mean "pillars" supporting a
wooden roof : it is a second object in a Shaphel construction,
literally, "I made (the beams of timber) stretch across their
pillars." Meissner and Host, loc. cit., p. 27, note 37, translate it
" Schatten, Dach," but the instances they give might also be
interpreted of the supporting pillars. If the meaning " roof " be
adopted, this passage must be translated " I had their roof (i.e., the
roof made of beams) stretched out above."
84 THE FIRST CAMPAIGN OF SENNACHERIB.
(81) Sa ina pitee u taari erieS taabn. This passage fixes the meaning of
the root LJHN in architectural descriptions as meaning cutting
and fitting of a wooden object to its place, cf. Syriac x"ir<- The
usual rendering, adopted since it is usually employed in describing
objects made of costly woods, has been "scent," " Wohlgeruch," etc.
(82) bit appati is the term also given in Bull no. 1, line 3, the "Bellino"
cylinder reading bit mutirriti.
(83) 11,400 bilat en. The great weight of copper employed shows that the
colossi were cast solid.
(H(>) dadmc nakiri issilia. In the present passage it seems
necessary to interpret dadme nakiri as being the captives them-
selves, not their abodes. Restore K 1675, col. Ill, from this
passage, and not as conjectured by Meissner and Rost, loc.
cit., p. 14. f
(88) 2 PI became later 3 PI, see " Bellino " Cylinder, 1. 58.
(93) ri-e-um-ut sic! perhaps owing to a confusion of the roots rin and
ra'mu.
INDICES.
.INDICES.
[The numbers refer to the lines in the cuneiform text.]
(1) Index of Geographical Names.
Abul Ilbaba, 21.
Ahudu (alu), 42.
Akam-shakina (alu), 46.
Allallu (alu), 38.
Amatu (alu), 36.
Amurru (matu), 82.
Aramu (amel), 14, 17,
27, 52.
Aribi (amel), 28.
Ashshur (matu), 1, 5, 66,
92.
24,
70,
Bab-ili RA.KI, 16, 30.
BAL.BAT KI (the city
Ashur), 19.
Banitu (alu), 37.
BAR.MAR.RI KI, 42.
Barship KI, 15.
Belaa (alu), 46.
Bitati (alu), 37.
Bit-Amukkani, 11, 47.
Bit-Bani-ilua (alu), 45.
Bit-Dakkuri, 11, 39.
Bit-Dini-ili (alu), 45.
Bit-Il-tama-sama' (alu), 45.
Bit-Ilu-bani (alu), 42.
Bit-Kudurri (alu), 39.
of
Bit-Rahie (alu), 38.
Bit-ri'e (alu), 44.
Bit-Sa'alli (matu), 11, 41.
Bit-Sannabi (alu), 36.
Bit-Taura (alu), 44.
Bit-Yakin (matu), 1 1, 49.
Bit-Zabidia (alu), 48.
Buharru (alu), 44.
Dakala (alu), 46.
Damunu (amel), 13, 55.
Dandahulla (alu), 43.
Dur-Abdai (alu), 40.
Dur-Abi-yata' (alu), 37.
Dur-Akkia (alu), 43.
Dur- Apple (alu), 40.
Dur-Birdada (alu), 43.
Dur-Ladini (alu), 37.
Dur-Rudumme (alu), 37.
Dur-Rukbi (alu), 43.
Dur-Sama' (alu), 40.
Dur-Tanie (alu), 40.
Dur-Uait (alu), 44.
Dur-TJgurri (alu), 44.
Dur-Yakini (alu), 48.
Dur-Yansuri (alu), 37.
88
INDEX OF GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES.
Elamu (amel), 24.
Spelt Alamu, 17.
(matu) Elamtu, 17.
amel (matu) Elamti,
24, 27.
Eridu KI, 10, 48.
Gambulu (amel), 13, 55.
Gurumu (amelu), 13.
Guzummanu (matu), 26, 34,
37.
Hagaranu (amel), 14, 56.
Hamanim (shadu), 80, 87.
Hameza (alu), 46.
Hamranu (amel), 14, 56.
Hapisha (alu), 38.
Hararati (alu), 57.
Harbe-Iddinna (alu), 45.
Harbe-Kalbi (alu), 45.
Harsag-kalamma KI, 52.
Harsuarra (alu), 43.
Hatti (matu), 82.
Hauae (alu), 36.
Hilakku (matu), 71.
Hindaina (alu), 44.
Hindaru (amel), 13, 55.
Hirimme (alu), 58.
Hurudu (alu), 38.
Husur (naru), 90.
Idiglat (naru), 13.
Il-taratu (alu), 46.
Iltuk (alu), 38.
Kaldi (amelu), 11, 17, 24, 27,
52.
(matu), 50, 72, 87.
Karduniash (matu), 6, 15.
Kidrina (alu), 37.
Kipranu (alu), 46.
Kiprie (amel), 12, 55.
Kish KI, 20, 21, 25, 52.
Kisiri (alu), 89.
Kissik KI, 10, 48.
Kubruna (alu), 39.
Kullab KI, 10, 48.
Kutu'KI, 15, 18, 22, 23.
Kar-Nabu (alu), 48.
Kue (matu), 71.
Kutain (alu), 36.
Larak KI, 42.
Larsa KI, 48.
Li'tau (amel), 14, 56.
Makkame (alu), 40.
Malihu (amel), 12.
Manahhu (alu), 42.
Mannai (matu), 71.
Marad KI, 38.
Marratum (naru), 12, 48.
Nabatu (amel), 14, 56.
Nagitu (alu), 43.
Nimid-(ilu)Laguda, 10, 48.
Ninua KI, 63, 88, 89.
INDEX OF GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES.
89
Nippur KI, 15, 52.
Nukabu (alu), 36.
Nur-abinti (alu), 43.
Pukudu (amel), 13, 56.
Rihihu (amel), 12, 55.
Ru'ua (amel), 13, 56.
Sadi-ilu (alu), 38.
Sagabatu sha Mardukia, 46.
Saphuna (alu), 44.
Sapia (alu), 42.
Sappi himari (alu), 40.
Sarrabanu (alu), 42.
Sarrabatu (alu), 40.
Suka-Marusi (alu), 39.
Suladu (alu), 45.
Supabu (alu), 36.
Sahrina (alu), 38.
Salahatu (alu), 40.
Sibtu sha (alu) Makkame
(alu), 40.
Sha amelie (alu), 43.
Sha barrie (alu), 45.
Sha harratu (alu), 42.
Sha issur (ilu)Adad (alu), 42.
SU.AN.NA KI, 54.
Shumeri u Agadi KI (matu),
9.
Tairu (alu), 46.
Tebilti (naru), 74, 75.
Tu'muna (amel), 12, 55.
Ubudu (amel), 12, 55.
Ubulu (amel), 13, 55.
Uknu (naru), 14.
Uru KI, 10.
Uruk KI, 52.
Yadakku (amel), 12, 55.
Yakimuna (alu), 38.
90 INDEX OF PERSONAL AND DIVINE NAMES.
(2) Index of Personal and Divine Names,
Ashshur (ilu), 4, 92, 93, 94.
Nabu-bel-shumati, 57.
Adinu (step-son of Marduk- Nergal-nasir, 8, 17, 24.
apal-iddinna), 28. NIN.A.GAL (ilu), 83.
Baskanu (brother of Yati'e),
28.
Bel-ibni, 54.
Enlil (ilu), 66.
Imbappa, 8.
Marduk-apal-iddinna, 6, 20,
25, 28, 30.
Sin-ahhe-eriba, 1, 16, 70.
Shutur-Nahudu, 7.
Tannanu, 8, 27.
Yati'e (queen of the Aribi),
28.
CO
CO
to
LO
co
00
CO
0>
'*.
cq
k
3
•H
Et
03
c
44
cd
University of Toronto
Library
DO NOT
REMOVE
THE
CARD
FROM
THIS
POCKET
Acme Library Card Pocket
Uad«r Fat. "Ref. Index Flit"
Made by LIBRARY BUREAU
Live Music Archive
Librivox Free Audio
Metropolitan Museum
Cleveland Museum of Art
Internet Arcade
Console Living Room
Books to Borrow
Open Library
TV News
Understanding 9/11