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i. Queen of France , 

ii. Princess of Asturias, 

hi. Duchess of Savoy, . 

iv. The Building of Brou, 
v. Eegent of the Netherlands, 

vi. The League of Cambray, . 
vii. Margaret's Correspondence, 
viii. A Love Affair, . x . 

ix. Charles declared of Age, 

x. Death of Maximilian, 

xi. Eevolt of the Duke of Bourbon 
xii. Capture of Francis l, 
xiii. The Ladies' Peace, . 
xiv. The Mission Ended, 

xv. The Church of Brou, 

Inventaire des Tableaux, Livres, Joyaux, et 
Meubles de Marguerite D'Autriche, 

List of Pictures from Margaret's Collection 
sent to Brou (1533), . 

Catalogue of Manuscripts in Margaret of 
Austria's Library at Malines, 

A Few Letters from Maximilian I. to Margaret, 
and from Margaret to Various Persons, 

Index, ..... 























From the Window in the Chapel of the Virgin in the 
Church of Brou (about 1528). 


AUSTRIA, To face page 12 

Panel in the Imperial Museum, Vienna. 
{Photograph by J. Lbwy.) 



(Photograph by J. Lacoste.) 



(Photograph by Deloevl. ) 



British Museum Collection. 


In the Church of Brou. 
{Photograph by N eurdein freres.) 


From the Painting in the Louvre (Flemish School) 
(Photograph by N eurdein fr&res.) 



Painted in 1502 (Margaret's Collection), now in the Imperial 

Museum, Vienna. 
(Photograph by J. Lbwy. ) 



ELEANOR OF AUSTRIA AS A CHILD, . . To face page 74 

From the Painting by Mabuse in the possession of M. Charles 

Leon Cardou, Brussels. 
{Photograph by O. Van Oest & Go. ) 


From the Painting by Bernard van Orley in the possession 

of Dr. Carvallo, Paris. 
{Photograph by the Art Reproduction Co.) 

CHARLES V., .154 

From the Painting in the Louvre (Flemish School). 
{Photograph by Neurdein freres.) 


From the Painting by Bernhard Strigel in the Imperial 

Museum, Vienna. 
{Photograph by J. Lbwy.) 

FRANCIS I., • . .211 

From a Painting in the Louvre (French School). 
{Photograph by Neurdein freres.) 

From the Painting by Mabuse at Hampton Court Palace. 
{Photograph by W. A. Mansell & Go.) 


{Photograph by Neurdein freres.) 



{Photograph by Deloeul.) 


From the Painting by John van Eyck in the National 


From the Tapestry in the Mus^e du Cinquantenaire, Brussels. 

It contains portraits of Margaret and her Nephews and 

{Photograph by Deloeul.) 


TOMB OF MARGARET OF AUSTRIA, . . To fact page 298 

In the Church of Brou. 
{Photograph by Neurdein fr&res. ) 



From a Diptych in the possession of M. Lescarts, Mons 

(Margaret's Collection). 
{Photograph by O. Van Oest & Go. ) 


THREE of the craftiest royal rogues in Chris- 
tendom strove hard to cozen and outwit each 
other in the last years of the fifteenth and 
the earlier years of the sixteenth century. No be- 
trayal was too false, no trick too undignified, no 
hypocrisy too contemptible for Ferdinand of Aragon, 
Maximilian of Austria, and Henry Tudor if unfair 
advantage could be gained by them ; and the details 
of their diplomacy convey to modern students less 
an impression of serious State negotiations than 
of the paltry dodges of three hucksters with a strong 
sense of humour. Of the three, Ferdinand excelled 
in unscrupulous falsity, Maximilian in bluff effrontery, 
and Henry vn. in close-fisted cunning : they were all 
equal in their cynical disregard for the happiness of 
their own children, whom they sought to use as 
instruments of their policy, and fate finally over- 
reached them all. And yet by a strange chance, 
amongst the offspring of these three clever tricksters 
were some of the noblest characters of the age. John, 
Prince of Castile, and Arthur, Prince of Wales, both 
died too young to have proved their full worth, but 
they were beloved beyond the ordinary run of princes, 
and were unquestionably gentle, high-minded, and 
good ; Katharine of Aragon stands for ever as an 
exalted type of steadfast faith and worthy woman- 
hood, unscathed in surroundings and temptations of 


unequalled difficulty ; and Margaret of Austria, as 
this book will show, was not only a great ruler but a 
cultured poet, a patron of art, a lover of children, a 
faithful wife, a pious widow, and, above all, a woman 
full of sweet feminine charm. 

In an age when princesses of the great royal houses 
were from their infancy regarded as matrimonial 
pledges for the maintenance of international treaties, 
few were promised or sought so frequently as 
Margaret ; for an alliance with her meant the support 
of the Empire and the States of Burgundy, whilst her 
two rich dowries from earlier marriages made her 
as desirable from a financial point of view as she was 
personally and politically. But with her second 
widowhood in her youthful prime came to her a dis- 
taste for further experiments in a field where, as she 
said, so much unhappiness had befallen her, and of 
political marriages she would have no more. Her 
one real love affair, to which reference will be made 
presently, is pathetic as showing the sad fate of such 
an exalted princess, who, being a true woman and in 
love with a gallant man, yet had to stifle the yearn- 
ings of her heart for a happy marriage, and fulfil the 
duty imposed upon her by the grandeur of her 

There was little of love, indeed, in most of the 
matrimonial proposals made to her, though for two 
short periods she was an affectionate wife. Prom the 
time when as a proud little maiden of twelve, 
conscious of the slight put upon her, she was repudi- 
ated by the man whom she had looked upon as her 
future husband as long as she could remember, and 
was sent away from the country of which she had 
been taught she was to be the Queen, until her body 


was borne in state to the sumptuous fane which her 
piety had raised, but which she had never seen, 
Margaret of Austria knew that a princess of the 
imperial house must be a statesman first and 
a woman afterwards, at whatever sacrifice of her 
personal happiness. 

In the great plot of Ferdinand, King of Aragon, 
to shut France in by a close ring of rivals, and so to 
stay her march eastward along the Mediterranean 
to the detriment of the little realm of his fathers, the 
first open move was made by the triumphant negotia- 
tions with Maximilian, King of the Romans, and 
future Emperor, for the marriage of Ferdinand's only 
son, John, the first heir of all Spain, to Maximilian's 
only daughter, Margaret ; and that of Maximilian's 
only son, Philip, sovereign by right of his mother of 
the rich duchies of Burgundy, to Ferdinand's second 
daughter, Joanna. The matches were cleverly con- 
ceived, for in the ordinary course of events they 
seemed to ensure that a band of close kinsmen, all 
descended from the King of Aragon, should rule over 
Flanders, the Franche Comte, Burgundy, the 
Empire, Spain, and Sicily, all banded together to 
prevent the expansion of France on any side, whilst 
the alliance which the marriages represented gave to 
Ferdinand the support of the Emperor as suzerain 
of Lombardy against the French pretensions in Italy 
generally, and especially in Naples, upon which the 
covetous eyes of the Aragonese were already firmly 
fixed. The marriage of Ferdinand's youngest daugh- 
ter, Katharine, to the heir of England, at a somewhat 
later period, was another link in the chain which was 
intended to bind France, and give to Ferdinand a free 
hand in the Mediterranean. 


To Maximilian the marriages of his children with 
those of Ferdinand was also an advantage, since the 
only two enemies that the Empire and Burgundy had 
to fear, namely, France and the Turk, might always 
be diverted, when necessary, by the action of Aragon 
in the Mediterranean. Henry Tudor's interest in 
joining the combination against France is equally 
easy of explanation. He was a parvenu, anxious for 
the recognition of the legitimate sovereigns; and 
especially to secure that of Burgundy, which, under 
the influence of Margaret of York, the widowed 
Duchess of Burgundy, had hitherto supported and 
sheltered the pretenders to his throne. But from 
the very first each of the three clever players dis- 
trusted the others because he knew that he himself 
intended to cheat if he could, and throughout the 
whole series of transactions sharp practice is the 
gentlest term that can be applied to the action of 
the high contracting parties. 

The young people who were used by their parents 
as pieces on the political chessboard were, of course, 
innocent, except the Archduke Philip, who, as soon 
as he was able to take an independent hand in the 
game, outdid his seniors in depravity ; and, as usually 
happens in the world, it was the innocent— Joanna 
the Mad, Katharine of Aragon, and Margaret of 
Austria— who had to suffer the unhappiness caused 
by the ambition and unscrupulousness of others. Of 
the three, Margaret was by far the most fortunate, 
because she was stronger- minded and abler than her 
sisters-in-law, and, after her early inexperienced youth, 
she was worldly wise enough to look after her own 
interests. But even her life was full of pathos and 
sacrifice, nobly and cheerfully borne, and of heavy 


responsibility assumed serenely for the sake of the 
nephew whom she reared so worthily and served so well. 

Mrs. Tremayne in the pages of this book has dwelt 
fully upon the busy later years of Margaret's life, 
drawing her information from many sources, in some 
cases not previously utilised, and there is little more 
to be told of these years than is here set forth. But 
it happens that since this book was in print a series 
of hitherto unknown documents of the highest in- 
terest have been printed for the first time in Spanish 
by the Duke of Berwick and Alba, which throw 
many sidelights upon Margaret's early widowhood, 
and upon her share in the intrigues by which her 
brother, Philip, endeavoured to deprive his father-in- 
law, Ferdinand, of the regency of Castile, after the 
death of Isabella the Catholic. It is fair to say that, 
although on one or two occasions Ferdinand's agents 
complained that Margaret favoured her brother as 
against his unhappy, distraught wife, which, if true, 
was quite natural, she generally appears throughout 
the documents in question as a kindly, gentle media- 
tress, endeavouring to reconcile the bitter feud that 
ended so tragically, and to safeguard the children 
whom she loved and cared for tenderly when their 
father's death and their mother's madness left them 
doubly orphaned. 

The Fuensalida correspondence, to which reference 
has been made, opens at the end of 1495, when the 
treaty for alliance and the double marriages of Philip 
and Joanna, and John and Margaret, had just been 
signed, and the instructions given by Ferdinand to 
the new ambassador, Fuensalida, whom he sent to 
Germany to keep Maximilian up to the mark, even 
thus early show the profound distrust which underlay 


the ostensibly cordial alliance upon which double 
marriages were to set the seal. ' What you have to 
do/ run the instructions, ' is to take care to maintain 
the King of the Romans in his good will to carry 
through these marriages . . . and to strive to get 
him to give in the Milanese such aid and support as 
may be needed, declaring war against the King of 
France, as we have done for his sake.' 

Ferdinand knew that the surest pledge he could 
have of Maximilian's effective co-operation would be 
the presence of Margaret in Spain, especially if he 
could manage to get her into his possession before his 
own daughter Joanna was sent to Flanders. ' If it 
be managed without inconvenience we should like 
Madame Margaret to come hither as soon as the 
betrothal is effected, before the Infanta our daughter 
goes ; immediately if the weather will permit. . . . 
It may be done as follows. If at the time of the 
formal betrothal there are any ships there belonging 
to our subjects, sufficient to bring the Archduchess 
safely, the weather being fair, Rojas (i.e. Ferdinand's 
envoy in Flanders) may take all such vessels at such 
freight as he can, to be paid on their arrival here in 
Spain, and bring her in the fleet with God's grace. 
Her coming thus would be safer, for she would 
arrive before the affair was publicly known, and if 
it can be done you will not delay for the Arch- 
duchess's trousseau, ornaments, and household bag- 
gage, which can be sent afterwards.' But, continues 
the King of Aragon, if it cannot be done, Joanna shall 
be sent in a Spanish fleet, and Margaret can embark 
in it on its return to Spain. The careful Ferdinand 
remarks in his instructions that he intended to send 
with his daughter only eight ladies and the other 


attendants strictly necessary, and although Maximilian 
was not to be told this in as many words, he was to 
be persuaded to limit his daughter's household to 
accompany her to Spain to the smallest possible pro- 

But Maximilian, who was as wary as Ferdinand, 
had no notion of allowing his daughter to be sent to 
Spain before the Spanish Infanta arrived in Flanders, 
and it was early in March of the year 1497 before 
Margaret first set her foot on Spanish soil at San- 
tander. Seven months afterwards fate dealt its first 
crushing blow upon Ferdinand's plans, and the bride, 
not yet eighteen, found herself a widow. She had 
become greatly beloved in Spain, and Ferdinand and 
Isabel, especially the latter, in the midst of their 
own grief, cherished the daughter-in-law who might 
yet, they hoped, give them an heir to the crowns 
of Spain. Ferdinand, in conveying (in December 
1497) the news of his son's death to his ambassador 
for the information of Maximilian, wrote : ' Tell 
him that our distress has prevented us from 
sending him the news earlier, and that our grief is 
increased by considerations for Princess Margaret, 
although she tries very hard, as befits her, to bear 
her trouble gently and wisely ; and we try our best 
to console and please her, endeavouring to make her 
forget her loss. Her pregnancy, thanks be to God, 
goes on well, and we hope in His mercy that the 
result will be a reparation and consolation for our 
trouble. We do, and will, take as much care of the 
Princess as we would of her husband if he were alive, 
and she will always fill the same place as he did in 
our hearts. 7 

When this hope had fled, and Ferdinand and 




Isabella proclaimed their eldest daughter, the Queen 
of Portugal, as their heir, Maximilian took the matter 
very philosophically, as well he might, for it brought 
much nearer the probability which Ferdinand had, as 
he thought, so cleverly guarded against, that the House 
of Hapsburg might rule over the greatest empire that 
had existed since the days of Alexander, and poor 
little Aragon be swamped by its sovereign's larger 
interests. Margaret had written to tell her father 
the dolorous news of her child's still-birth, and 
Maximilian contented himself with sending a message 
by his secretary to the Spanish ambassador, saying 
that although such an event naturally caused him 
some sorrow, he, bearing in mind that it was sent by 
God, for some good purpose of His own, accepted it 
without complaint, and thanked the Almighty for all 
things. Bearing in mind, moreover, that since Prince 
John himself had died, nothing that happened could 
increase his grief, for his heart had no room for more 
sorrow, he had decided to make no demonstration 
of mourning for the present calamity, and not to 
suffer any to be made by others. 

Margaret appears to have been really grateful to 
Isabella the Catholic for her goodness to her in her 
trouble, for she wrote to her father in February 1498, 
that the Queen had never left her, and had been so 
kind that, considering the danger she, Margaret, had 
been in, she would have died but for solicitude of 
Isabella. When Maximilian told this to Fuensalida, 
the ambassador, of course by Ferdinand's orders, 
said it was painful to speak yet of Margaret's re- 
marriage, but as she was young it was but natural 
that she would marry again. ' There is no prince in 
Christendom whom she could marry,' replied Maxi- 


milian. 'The King of Naples has no son of mar- 
riageable age; the King of England has already 
betrothed his son to the daughter of the Catholic 
sovereigns ; the King of Scotland is a poor thing ; 
the Duke of York (i.e. Perkin Warbeck) is married, 
and not at liberty ; the King of Hungary has a wife 
already ; the King of Poland is a nobody ; so that 
there is no fit husband for her. It is true that the 
King of France is talking of repudiating his wife 
(i.e. Anne of Brittany), and marrying her to Monsieur 
Louis with great dowries and states, whilst he keeps 
Brittany, since he has lost hope of having children by 
her, and he wants to marry my daughter Margaret. 
But I will not consent to this on any account, nor 
would my daughter, for she has a great objection to 
go to France. Besides, I know for a fact that the 
King of France caused something to be given to her 
to bring on her miscarriage, and tried to poison King 
Ferdinand as well; so that there is nothing to be 
said about my daughter's marriage yet awhile.' 

We may be quite sure that this hint that a French 
alliance was possible for Margaret was intended to 
remind Ferdinand that he must be careful not to 
offend his ally, and the ambassador urged very 
earnestly in the name of his master that Margaret 
might be allowed to stay in Spain until her re- 
marriage was arranged : ' because whilst she was with 
the King and Queen the King of France would be 
unable to work his will with her, as he would have 
no opportunity of dealing in the matter, he being on 
bad terms with the King and Queen ; besides which 
they would, in any case, refuse to listen to anything 
so shameful. But if, on the other hand, the Princess 
(Margaret) were in any of these States (i.e. Germany), 


the King of France might be able to push the matter 
more warmly. Besides,' continued the ambassador, 
' surely it would be best to avoid the risk of bringing 
the Princess home by sea, and the heavy expense 
that you (i.e. Maximilian) would have to incur in 
fitting out a fleet for the purpose.' To all this, and 
much more to the same effect, Maximilian replied 
but doubtfully. He knew full well that whilst Fer- 
dinand held so valuable a pledge as Margaret in his 
hands he could always extort from his ally, her 
father, whatever he thought fit, and Maximilian, 
with the matrimonial value of his daughter in view, 
especially as the Spaniards knew that he was already 
in full negotiation for peace with France over 
Ferdinand's head, could only repeat that he must 
have his daughter back soon, though for the moment 
the question was dropped. 

When some months afterwards, in August 1498, 
Maximilian had made a separate peace with France, 
much to Ferdinand's indignation, he determined to 
bring Margaret home at any cost. Why, asked 
Fuensalida of Maximilian, was he sending so im- 
portant and unexpected an embassy to Spain ? ' I 
am sending for my daughter,' replied the King of the 
Romans. ' If your Majesty means to bring her home 
at once,' exclaimed the ambassador, 'you ought to 
have sent notice to my King and Queen, and not 
bring away so great a princess as she is thus suddenly. 
In any case she could not come until December.' * I 
cannot wait so long as that,' replied Maximilian. 
'But,' objected the ambassador, 'she cannot come 
before. It will take until September for your 
ambassadors to reach Spain, and all October will be 
spent in getting ships ready, and then another month 


for the Princess to join them, and perhaps even two 
months ; and then the season of the year will be unfit 
for any one to go to sea, and the King and Queen will 
not like to expose the Princess to such danger. 
Besides/ continued he, always ready to appeal to 
Maximilians parsimony, i if your Majesty had given 
due notice to my King and Queen you might have 
saved a great deal of money, for they would have 
fitted out a fleet in which the Princess might have 
come with all honour and safety; and even now, if 
your Majesty will wait until March, I will do my 
best to arrange it in this way, and you will not have 
to spend half so much money.' 

But Maximilian knew the value of his daughter in 
his hands, and replied roughly that he would not wait. 
He would have her safe home, he said, before he 
began war again. ' If I send a single carrack from 
Genoa, and the King and Queen give her a convoy of 
four barks, she will come safe enough.' In vain the 
ambassador urged that corsairs and Frenchmen could 
not be trusted, and that it was a slight for such a 
princess to be sent home in so unceremonious a 
fashion. Maximilian was obstinate ; he would have 
his daughter Margaret home at once, no matter at 
what risk. To add to his eagerness news came from 
Margaret herself, brought by special messengers of 
her household, who had much to say of the changed 
demeanour of the Spaniards, now that Maximilian 
had made a separate peace. Fuensalida did his best 
by underhand means, frightening the German am- 
bassadors of the sea- voyage from Genoa to Spain and 
back in the winter, and of the dreadful corsairs who 
infested the Mediterranean, until they at last, really 
alarmed, begged Maximilian in Fuensalida's presence 


to let them have a very big carrack for their greater 
safety. Better send them by way of Flanders, inter- 
posed the artful Fuensalida, knowing the long delay 
which such a voyage would entail ; but Maximilian 
angrily told him that he would do nothing of the 

So effectually had the Spaniard frightened the 
landsmen ambassadors of the sea that they them- 
selves threw every possible obstacle in their masters 
way, and told Fuensalida that, even though King 
Maximilian ordered them to go and fetch the Princess 
Margaret before Christmas, they would not do so. 
Come what might, they said, they would not put to 
sea before Easter. They were not allowed, however, 
to delay quite so long as that, for Maximilian was 
determined to have his daughter out of the hands of 
Ferdinand, who he feared was making terms for 
himself by offering her in marriage to the new King 
of France, Louis xn. In writing to Margaret in 
September, her father, referring to his and her own 
desire that she should return to Flanders or Germany, 
says that 'no importunity nor pressure of any sort 
will move him from his resolve to bring her back at 
once/ and he urges her to insist upon her departure 
without loss of time. 

Fortunately now, especially for the timid German 
ambassadors, the road overland through France 
was open, and Margaret travelled in comfort and 
safety to her home in Flanders early in 1499, to 
see Spain no more. Thither, too, went soon after- 
wards the Spanish ambassador Fuensalida, accredited 
especially to the Archduke Philip and his Spanish 
wife Joanna, whose conduct was already profoundly 
grieving Ferdinand and Isabella ; and from Flanders 


the ambassador was to proceed to England and 
pin Henry vn. down irrevocably to the marriage 
of his son Arthur with Katharine. Already Fer- 
dinand more than suspected that Maximilian was 
playing him false, and forming a league against him 
by negotiating Margaret's marriage with Arthur, 
Prince of Wales, already betrothed more than once 
to the Spanish princess. Fuensalida's mission was a 
delicate one ; for Margaret's Flemish household had 
come back from Spain full of complaints, and the 
Court of Flanders was sharply divided by the partisans 
of Spain and Burgundy respectively, of the Arch- 
duchess Joanna and her dissolute husband, Philip. 
Margaret was to be conciliated as much as possible, 
and kept in the Spanish interest. 'You will visit 
our daughter the Princess Margaret,' wrote Fer- 
dinand and Isabella to their envoy, ' and say that we 
beseech her to let us know how she is after her long 
journey ; for we desire her health and welfare as that 
of our own daughter. For the love we bear her we 
will do everything in our power most willingly to aid 
and forward her settlement.' The envoy was also 
urged to counteract the efforts of those who wished 
to make bad blood between Flanders and Spain, and 
especially to enlist Margaret in favour of poor Joanna, 
her sister-in-law. 

Fuensalida followed hard on the heels of Henry vn. 
from St. Omer and Calais to London, endeavouring by 
every means to discover how much truth there was 
in the assertion that an arrangement had been con- 
cluded to throw over Katharine of Aragon and marry 
the Prince of Wales to Margaret as a result of the 
mysterious foregathering of the King of England 
with the Archduke Philip. The story of Fuensalida's 


successful though turbulent mission to England is 
told elsewhere ; 1 but on his return to Flanders he 
found Margaret in the deepest anxiety with regard 
to her own affairs. Neither she nor Maximilian 
desired to forward by her marriage in England the 
anti-Spanish combination of England, France, and 
Flanders which Philip was planning ; her dowry from 
Spain was, as was natural with Ferdinand for a pay- 
master, in arrear ; and the coming voyage to Spain of 
Philip and Joanna at the urgent summons of Ferdi- 
nand and Isabella, who hoped to win over the Arch- 
duke, if possible, from his alliance with their enemies, 
was a subject of the deepest concern to Margaret. 

When Fuensalida first saw Margaret on his return 
to Brussels from England, in August 1500, she 
welcomed him eagerly in the belief that he brought 
some special message to her from Spain. He told 
her that his mission was simply one of affection 
towards her, and she made no attempt to hide her 
disappointment. The cause of her anxiety was soon 
apparent. Fuensalida reported in the same letter 
that the bastard of Savoy had been to see her secretly, 
and that she and her father, Maximilian, had looked 
with favour upon the proposal of the Duke of Savoy 
to marry her. Such a marriage was, of course, a 
blow, as it was intended to be, against her brother 
Philip's anti-Spanish projects, because not only did 
it leave Katharine of Aragon's marriage with the 
Prince of Wales undisturbed, but it secured Savoy to 
the imperial and Aragonese interests against France, 
which was of the highest importance as touching the 
French designs upon Italy. Her marriage in Savoy, 
moreover, was opposed strongly by Philip for another 

1 The Wives of Henry VIII. , by the present writer. 


reason, namely, that he would, in case it was effected, 
be obliged to hand to his sister the domains belonging 
to Burgundy which had been bequeathed to her by 
her mother ; and in order to frustrate it Philip brought 
forward the recently widowed King of Portugal as a 
fit husband for Margaret, which would have secured 
her residence in a distant country, and his continued 
occupation of her Burgundian inheritance. 

Successive deaths had now made Philip and Joanna 
heirs of Spain, as well as of Burgundy, Flanders, 
and the Empire ; the Archduke was already betroth- 
ing his infant son, Charles, the future King of Castile, 
to a French princess, and his open negotiations for 
the formation of a league against Ferdinand to assert 
Joanna's right to assume the crown of Castile on the 
death of her mother Isabella, who was in failing 
health, had fairly frightened Ferdinand, who knew 
not whom to trust ; for Castilians generally disliked 
him, and were ready to acclaim Joanna and her foreign 
husband on the first opportunity — Joanna herself was 
unstable, violently jealous of her husband, and with 
strange notions as regarded religion. She would 
not go to Spain alone, and Philip was determined 
not to go except on his own terms, and at his 
own time, and Margaret, living in close contact with 
the inharmonious pair, struggled bravely to reconcile 
the clashing interests that surrounded her. 

There was a talk of leaving her regent of Flanders 
in the absence of her brother in Spain, and against 
this Ferdinand's agents were instructed to work 
secretly ; although Margaret lost no opportunity of 
professing to the ambassador her attachment to 
Spanish interests. From several remarks in Fuensa- 
lida's letters to Ferdinand it is, however, evident that 


her desire was less to rule Flanders than to enjoy the 
care of the infants whom her brother and sister-in- 
law were to leave behind. But even this natural 
desire was opposed by the Spaniards ; apparently 
because the Princess was looked upon as being too 
ready to follow her brother's lead. Writing in March 
1501 of Philip's dissolute life and his disaffection 
towards Spain, Fuensalida says : ' I am loath to say 
how much Madam Margaret's good-nature encour- 
ages this, for she simply follows her brother's fancies 
in all things/ 

But the departure of Margaret from Flanders in 
August 1501 for her marriage with the Duke of 
Savoy put an end for a time to her pretensions to 
take charge of her brother's children ; and when she 
returned as a young widow early in 1505, the issue 
between Ferdinand and his undutiful son-in-law 
was joined, for Isabella the Catholic was dead, and 
Philip in right of his wife was arrogantly claiming, 
not only the crown of Castile, but the entire control 
of its policy against the wish of the great Queen just 
dead, whose last hours were embittered by the dread 
that her beloved, her sacred, Castile, would be ruled 
by a foreigner of doubtful orthodoxy. Philip was 
abetted in his revolt against Ferdinand by the 
Castilian officers attached to him who were jealous 
of Aragon, Don Juan Manuel, the principal Spanish 
diplomatist of his time, being their leader and Philip's 
prime adviser. As soon as Margaret arrived in her 
brother's Court both factions tried to gain her. ' My 
lady,' Don Juan Manuel is represented to have said 
to her on one occasion (June 1505), 'I shall be able 
to serve you quite as effectively as Antonio de 
Fonseca when I am in Castile and Treasurer-General ' ; 


and at this time, when Philip and his friends were 
anticipating the rich booty they would gain in Castile, 
whither they were bound to take possession of mad 
Joanna's inheritance, Margaret was beset with offers 
of reward if she would throw in her influence against 
King Ferdinand. 

It is abundantly clear that she grieved at the 
unhappy state of affairs. Ferdinand and his wife had 
been good to her in Spain, and easy-going as she may 
have been, she must have seen her brother's un worthi- 
ness and his bad treatment of Joanna ; and yet it was 
neither prudent nor natural that she should oppose 
Philip violently. Fuensalida saw her in Bois le Due 
in June 1505, whilst she was on her way to Bourg, 
and discussed matters with her. ' She told me that 
she had talked to her brother, and had asked him 
whether he would allow her to mediate between him 
and your Highness (Ferdinand), and he had answered, 
" No, you are still marriageable, and so is he, and I 
will not have any such third person interposing be- 
tween us." She told me that her father and brother 
have made her swear that she will not entertain any 
marriage without their consent. She really believes 
that those who are around her brother have turned 
his head, and will not let him make terms with your 
Highness. . . . She bids me tell your Highness 
that she will continue to be as obedient a daughter to 
you as she was when she was with you in Spain ; and 
that she is going to her own home now for no other 
reason than that she cannot bear to see in silence the 
things that are going on, whereas if she spoke of 
them or protested against them, evil would come of 
it. She prefers, therefore, to go away, so that she 
may not witness them personally ; for she sees quite 


plainly that the destruction of her brother's and her 
father's house will ensue. She prays your Highness 
to make use of her services in any way you please, 
and she will do for you all that a good daughter may. 
" Why not speak to Queen Joanna?" I said. "Because 
they will not let me," she answered. I am told that 
Don Juan Manuel said to her (Margaret), what is the 
use of your going to speak to a stone ? You might 
just as well speak to a stone as to the Queen.' 

Margaret herself was determined not to be drawn 
into the shameful intrigue by which her brother 
sought to supplant his wife and her father in order to 
rule Castile himself and for his own pleasure ; but it 
is evident that no stone was left unturned to gain 
her, directly or indirectly, by Don Juan Manuel and 
his friends. One of Margaret's officers was a certain 
Monsieur Louis, to whom Manuel offered, 'that if 
he would prevail upon his mistress to follow in all 
things the wishes of King Philip, her brother, he 
would get the King to give to Louis from the 
revenues of Castile an income equal to the highest 
officer of his household. Louis, he said, knew 
Castile : let him look about and choose any office or 
place he liked, and it should be granted to him. 
Louis succumbed to this temptation ; but the Duchess 
(Margaret) heard of it, and never consented to speak 
to him again, although he had been her most trusted 

Through this wretched business, which ended in 
the triumph of Ferdinand by the untimely death, pro- 
bably by poison, of Philip in Spain, and the lifelong 
incarceration of crazy Joanna, Margaret is the only 
person who stands forth pure and unselfish. In the 
summer of 1505, when Philip and Joanna were about 


to start on their voyage to Spain, Margaret set out 
for her own castle of Pont d'Ain, full of her projects 
for building Brou ; but just as she reached the 
frontier of her brother's dominions she was stopped by 
the news that her little nephew, Charles, was suffer- 
ing from fever, and she determined to retrace her steps 
to see the children again, and bid farewell once more 
to unhappy Joanna. 

From her quiet retreat in Bresse Margaret was 
summoned, on the death of her brother, to rule 
the States, and care for the children whom he had 
left behind, bereft of a mother's care by the lunacy 
of Joanna. How nobly and self-sacrificingly she ful- 
filled her trust this book to some extent will tell ; but 
of all the sacrifices she made in her wise and gentle 
life none was greater than the renunciation of her 
love, perhaps the only love she ever experienced, for 
the handsome Englishman who appears to have 
treated her so shabbily. For Charles Brandon, 
though his King's first favourite and brother-in-law, 
hardly played the game of love very fairly with 
Margaret. Kneeling at her feet in sweet dalliance 
after the banquet at Tournai, he drew from her 
finger, as lovers will, a ring, and placed it upon his 
own hand. In gentle chiding she told him in French, 
and then in Flemish so like English that he under- 
stood, that he was a thief. But. soon she became 
alarmed when she saw he meant to keep it for a 
pledge ; for it was well known and might compromise 
her ; and she prayed him to restore it. ' But he 
understood me not,' and only the intervention of 
Henry the King, and a promise of a bracelet of hers 
in exchange, made Charles Brandon give up his 
capture. But not for long ; for again on his knees 


before the Princess at Lille soon afterwards, he took 
the ring a second time, and all the entreaties of the 
lady were unavailing to obtain its restoration, though 
a ring of far greater value was given to her in 
exchange, with all sorts of imprudent, perhaps not 
more than half- serious, promises on both sides never 
to marry without the consent of the other. Margaret, 
as she pathetically says, had never any intention of 
marrying at all, so unhappy had she been in her 
previous marriages : but at all events she hid Bran- 
don's ring in her bosom, unseen by the world, and 
cherished the secret of her little love passage. Not 
so King Henry's flamboyant favourite, who made no 
concealment of his conquest, and vaunted the posses- 
sion of the jewel, though faithful Margaret could not 
believe it of him : * for I esteem him much a man of 
virtue and wise.' 

The sad little romance presents Margaret as a 
dignified great lady, who for one short space allowed 
herself to be simply a trustful woman in love, only to 
find that to such as she duty must be paramount over 
the promptings of the heart, and that a wooer, though 
he may be a duke, is not always a gentleman. 
Thenceforward, for many years, Margaret's life was 
that of a wise Vice -Regent for the Emperor whom 
she had reared from his childhood; until death relieved 
her from the task to which she devoted the best of 
her life. She died in harness, defrauded of an old age 
of refined leisure, to which she had looked forward, 
deprived even of a sight of the splendid church which 
is her own worthy tomb and monument ; but it was 
perhaps most fitting that she should fall in the pleni- 
tude of her powers, leaving her beloved nephew the 
undisputed sovereign of the greatest dominion in the 


world, at peace with all Christendom, thanks largely 
to her efforts ; and that she should go down to 
posterity remembered mainly as the first and noblest 
of the women of her imperial race who bore the title 
of Governess of the Netherlands. 

Martin Hume 






IN the year 1491 an interview took place in the 
little town of Baugy in Poitou, between a 
youth of twenty-one and a girl of twelve. The 
fate of more than one kingdom was involved in this 
farewell meeting between two playfellows who had 
been companions and friends for nearly nine years. 
The youth had tears in his eyes as he hesitatingly 
made his excuses and unfolded his plan. He told 
his fair-haired companion that though he loved her 
with all his heart, yet he had made up his mind to 
send her back to her father, who had often expressed 
the wish to have her with him. The little maiden 
listened to her youthful husband's repudiation of 
his marriage vows with calm dignity, but when he 
continued to make excuses for his conduct she stopped 
him, saying with much spirit, ' that by reason of her 
youth, those who had counted on her fortune could 
never say or suspect that this had come upon her 
through any fault of her own.' The slight thus in- 
flicted, the girl never forgot ; and when years later she 
became Governess of the Netherlands, France knew 


no greater enemy than Margaret of Austria, former 
Queen of France. 

Margaret was born at Brussels 1 on January 10th, 
1480, and baptized in Saint Gudule. Her godparents 
were Philippe de Bavenstein, Jean de Chalons, Prince 
of Orange, and Margaret of York, sister of Ed ward iv., 
King of England, third wife of Charles the Bold. 

Margaret was the only daughter of the Archduke 
Maximilian, afterwards King of the Romans, and 
Emperor of Germany, by Mary of Burgundy, only 
daughter and heiress of Charles, Duke of Burgundy, 
surnamed the Bold. 

When Margaret was barely two years old her 
mother died from the effects of a fall from a horse at 
the age of twenty-five, leaving two children, Philip 
(born 22nd July 1478) and Margaret. The Flemish 
States, discontented with Maximilian's rule, claimed 
their ancient right to educate his children, but in 
accordance with the terms of a treaty of peace signed 
at Arras between Louis xi. and the Archduke in the 
year 1483, Margaret was betrothed to the Dauphin 
Charles, afterwards Charles viii., and was sent to 
France to be brought up and educated with the 
French princes. On the 2nd of June 1483, at the 
age of three, she made her entry into Paris amidst 
transports of joy, at the conclusion of the peace of 
which her presence was the pledge. ' And in honour 
of my said lady Margaret, who from henceforth was 
called Dauphine, the streets were decorated, and 
many people rejoiced.' 2 Louis xi. did not appear at 
these f6tes; he contented himself with secretly re- 
joicing over the successful issue of his cunning policy, 
an issue which would mean, as he foresaw, the down- 
fall of the powerful house of Burgundy. 

1 Not Ghent, as some historians say, ? Mer des Histoires, Liv. III. 


Margaret's dowry was a large one, consisting of 
Burgundy, the county of Artois, and the territories 
of Macon, Salins, Bar-sur-Seine, and Noyers. The 
ceremony of betrothal took place at Amboise with 
great pomp in presence of a numerous gathering 
assembled in the public square. 

Charles, aged twelve, declared that he consented 
to take the three-year-old Margaret as his wife. 
The religious ceremony was performed the same day 
in the lower church of the castle, in presence of the 
lords and ladies of Beaujeu, of the Sire de la 
Tremouille, the Counts of Dunois, d'Albret, and 
many deputies from the provincial towns. The 
Dauphin, clothed in a robe of white damask lined 
with black velvet, married the little princess, and 
placed a ring upon her tiny finger. A mass was 
said, and a sermon preached by the Abbe of Saint 
Bertain, who compared this marriage to that of King 
Ahasuerus and Queen Esther; after which the 
Dauphin thanked all those who were present. 

Two months later Louis xi. died (30th August 
1483), leaving his kingdom to his son Charles, and 
appointing his favourite daughter, Anne de Beaujeu, 
as Regent. From the time of Louis' death Margaret 
was treated as queen, and given the honours due to 
her rank. Her childhood passed peacefully at 
Amboise, where she became the pet and plaything 
of her youthful husband, and of his cousin Louis, 
Duke of Orleans. It would be interesting to know 
the story of Margaret's life during the nine or ten 
years she was under the guardianship of Anne de 
Beaujeu. Charles's mother, the poor Queen Charlotte 
of Savoy, died soon after her eldest son's marriage, 
leaving the education of the young couple to the 
Regent Anne, whose vigorous intellect was not 


satisfied with ruling the kingdom of Prance for her 
brother. She read a great deal, early fathers, philo- 
sophers, moralists and poets, and selected romances 
for the young people under her charge. Her library 
contained three hundred and fourteen volumes, some 
of which are noted in the catalogue as being covered 
with red velvet, and ornamented with clasps, bosses, 
and corner pieces of metal. 

If it is true that the first years of life, early 
education and precepts, influence the rest of existence, 
then Margaret must have had a very careful bringing 
up at the French Court, to judge from the marked 
talents, wisdom, and prudence she displayed in later 
years. Amongst her companions at the castle of 
Amboise we find Louise of Savoy, her senior by three 
years. Louise (the mother of Francis i.) was the 
daughter of the Sieur de Bresse and Margaret of 
Bourbon, and sister of Philibert n., Duke of Savoy, 
Margaret's future husband. Louise was a niece of 
Anne de Beaujeu's, and appears to have been treated 
as a poor relation, ' only receiving eighty francs at 
the New Year with which to buy herself a crimson 
satin dress for state occasions/ Anne's sickly little 
daughter, Susan, must also have been one of Mar- 
garet's younger playfellows. 

The Lady of Beaujeu was devoted to hunting, and 
she hunted, we are told, * coldly and methodically, 
with her own eyes examining the trail, and giving 
the word to hark forward, setting off with her 
hounds, and skilfully handling her hunting-spear. 
She probably encouraged this sport amongst her 
young companions, for we learn in after years that 
Margaret was a great huntress, and very proud of 
her stuffed wolves' heads.' Unhappily, no detailed 
account exists of Margaret's childhood in France, 


but from what we know of her life at Amboise she 
seems to have been a bright and lively child, with a 
marvellously fair complexion, golden hair and soft 
brown eyes, making many friends, with a gift for 
repartee and a strong sense of humour, which probably 
helped her to bear the many sorrows of her later life. 

Years after, when Louis of Orleans was King of 
France, he refers in his letters to Margaret to their 
happy youth at Amboise when ' she was the second 
person he loved best in the world ; that he desires 
above all things to embrace his cousin, his vassal, his 
first mistress, to remind her of their childish games, 
and after having made her blush by his compliments, 
to swear eternal love for her.' 

In 1488 Francis il, Duke of Brittany, died, leaving 
only two daughters, Anne and Isabel. The latter did 
not long survive her father, but dying in August 1491 
at the age of twelve, left her sister Anne sole possessor 
of the important duchy of Brittany. As early as 
1480 Duke Francis had tried to arrange a marriage 
between his daughter Anne, or failing her, her younger 
sister Isabel, and the eldest son of Edward iv., 
King of England, but these plans were frustrated by 
the young prince's murder in the Tower of London. 

Negotiations were then begun for an alliance with 
Maximilian, Duke of Austria, but were postponed 
owing to the princess's extreme youth. Amongst 
foreign alliances this seemed the most advantageous, 
although it offered no guarantee for the independence 
and maintenance of Brittany's nationality. The best 
way to ensure this independence would have been to 
marry Anne to one of the nobles of her own country 
chosen from amongst those who had pretensions to 
the ducal crown. These were three in number : 
John of Chalons, Prince of Orange, a son of one of 


Duke Francis n.'s sisters ; John, Viscount de Rohan, 
who had married Mary, daughter of Duke Francis l, 
who claimed to be the direct descendant of Conan 
Me>iadec, first King of Brittany ; and Alain d' Albret, 
husband of a great-granddaughter of Joan the Lame. 
When Francis n. died, only the last of these three 
was a widower, and he was an unsuitable husband 
for a princess of thirteen, being more than forty-five 
years of age, and the father of eight children. 

The Lords of her Council advised the young 
duchess to marry Maximilian of Austria, King of the 
Romans, and Anne, who was just entering her 
fourteenth year, agreed to this union. The pre- 
liminary negotiations for the marriage were arranged 
with the greatest secrecy in March 1490. Maximilian 
sent the Count of Nassau, Marshal Polhain, Jacques 
de Codebault, his secretary, and his steward, Louppian, 
to Brittany to negotiate matters, and arrange the 
betrothal. A few days after, so secretly that the 
day is not known, this ceremony took place according 
to German custom. In order to make the marriage 
indissoluble, says Legendre, and to give it the 
appearance of a consummated marriage, the Count of 
Nassau (others say it was the handsome Polhain, 
Maximilian's favourite), who had married Anne in 
his masters name, put his leg bared to the knee into 
the bride's bed in presence of the lords and ladies 
who were nominated as witnesses. When the details 
of this ceremony were divulged they caused great 
derision amongst the Bretons and French, who 
ridiculed a custom so different from their own. This 
marriage was a flagrant violation of the last treaty 
with France, for Charles viii., whose ward the young 
duchess was, had not been consulted. As soon as 
he received information of the fact, he sent his troops 


into Brittany, and penetrated farther and farther 
into that country, and Nantes was taken almost 
without a struggle by Alain d'Albret. In the first 
days of the year 1491 Charles viil, accompanied by 
the Count of Dunois, Louis, Duke of Orleans, and 
the Lady of Beaujeu, joined his army in Brittany. 
The king held his Court at Nantes, and did his 
utmost to insinuate himself into the good graces 
of the inhabitants. 

Anne, at the head of a small army under her tutor, 
the Marshal de Rieux, vainly tried to struggle against 
the French invaders. After many skirmishes, de 
Rieux obliged the French to retire to lower Brittany, 
until he received reinforcements from England. Anne 
showed a courage beyond her years and worthy of 
better success. She took refuge at last in the town 
of Rennes with her uncle the Prince of Orange, 
Marshal Polhain, and several faithful nobles, having 
only 14,000 men to defend her, principally English 
archers, Germans, and Spaniards, sent by her husband, 
the King of the Romans. 

In 1491 the French laid siege to the town. Charles 
gradually drew his lines closer and closer; lack of 
food and money began to be felt in the beleaguered 
city. Charles offered the duchess 100,000 crowns 
a year if she would renounce the Government of 
Brittany, and choose any dwelling-place she pleased 
except the towns of Rennes and Nantes ; he also 
suggested the choice of three husbands, either Louis 
of Luxembourg, the Duke of Nemours, or the Count 
of Angoul^me. 

Anne replied that she was married to the King of 
the Romans, and that if he refused to have her, she 
still would consider herself his wife, and would never 
be the wife of another. Should Maximilian die, and 


she be in a position to remarry, she would only marry 
a king or the son of a king. 

Charles, convinced of her obstinacy, then tried to 
induce her garrison to desert. Being chiefly mer- 
cenary troops they succumbed to persistent bribery, 
and marched out of the town, leaving it free for him 
to enter. After taking possession he made a new 
proposition to the duchess, namely, to renounce for 
ever all rights to the duchy of Brittany excepting 
an allowance of £100,000 a year, and retire to the 
King of the Romans, whom she looked upon as her 

Towards the end of the siege of Rennes, Anne's 
youngest sister, Isabel, died in the town on the 24th 
August 1491. By her death in her twelfth year 
Anne was left sole heiress of the largest duchy 
in Europe. This was too attractive a bait for 
Charles's ambition, and he made up his mind to break 
his marriage with his old playfellow Margaret, and 
to do all in his power to make Anne accept him as 
her husband. 

It is no wonder that the young Duchess of 
Brittany or rather her advisers were in no hurry to 
reply to Charles's last monstrous proposition. After 
waiting some time he again tried a new plan, and, 
partly by threats and partly by promises, persuaded 
her advisers to work on their young mistress's mind 
in such a way as to bring her to think more kindly 
of him. Her uncle, Prince of Orange, Marshal de 
Rieux, Montauban, Chancellor of Brittany, and her 
governess, Frances of Dinan, talked so much on the 
subject, that by degrees they got her slightly to 
change her mind. It was no wonder that Anne felt 
a great repugnance for Charles, who for three years 
had carried on war against her, ruining her lands, 


and under pretext of being her lawful protector 
trying to take her prisoner. For several days her 
councillors, won over by Charles, endeavoured to 
bring her to reason, without success ; but at last her 
governess had recourse to her confessor, who per- 
suaded her that God and the Church ordained that 
she should make this sacrifice for the sake of peace 
and the good of her country. 

Charles, under pretence of a pilgrimage, went with 
all his Court to the chapel of Our Lady situated near 
the gates of Rennes. After performing his religious 
duties he suddenly entered the town, accompanied by 
his sister, Anne de Beaujeu, Count Dunois, and a 
hundred men-at-arms and fifty archers of the guard. 
The next day he paid a visit to the young duchess, 
and had a long interview with her. Three days later 
their betrothal was celebrated in the chapel of Our 
Lady in presence of the Duke of Orleans, Count 
Dunois, and Anne de Beaujeu on one side; the 
Chancellor of Brittany, the Prince of Orange, and 
several nobles devoted to the duchess on the 

Marshal Wolfgang de Polhain, instructed by 
Maximilian to betroth Anne to his master, heard 
a rumour of this hasty alliance. He questioned the 
French and Breton nobles, but they refused to 
give him an answer. A few days later he was in- 
vited to the marriage ceremony which had been 
arranged to take place in the castle of Langeais in 
Touraine. Polhain refused to attend, and hastened 
to Malines to give Maximilian an account of these 

This sudden marriage caused great astonishment 
throughout Europe. How could people believe that 
the young duchess, then in her fourteenth year, and 


well able to understand the importance of her acts, 
had consented to marry a king who for years had 
made war against her and despoiled her of her 
heritage ! Besides it was well known that since the 
Treaty of Arras in 1483 Charles had been affianced 
to Maximilian's daughter, Margaret of Austria. 

The rumour got about that the Duchess Anne had 
been forced into the marriage. The Pope believed 
this, and in granting the dispensation which was only 
asked for after the marriage had taken place, he 
formally announced that he would only confirm this 
union if it could be proved that it had not been 
brought about by force. Anne herself undertook to 
refute this calumny by declaring before an ecclesiasti- 
cal commission that she had suffered no violence, and 
that she had gone to Langeais of her own free will 
to marry Charles. 

In the marriage contract a clause was inserted to 
the effect that should Anne survive Charles, without 
children, she could only remarry with his successor. 
Thus was the duchy of Brittany secured to the 
crown of France, and the king's ambitious scheme 
realised to Margaret's mortification. 

Mezerai tells us that 'a double dispensation was 
necessary, first to annul Charles's marriage with 
Margaret, and secondly to free Anne from her con- 
tract with Maximilian. The marriages not having 
been consummated, the Court of Rome did not make 
any great difficulty.' 

When Maximilian heard that his affianced bride 
had become the wife of Charles viil, and that his 
daughter was about to be returned to him despoiled 
of her title of Queen of France, he made all the 
Courts of Europe ring with his complaints. War 
began again and lasted for two years. In 1493 peace 


was restored by the Treaty of Senlis, concluded 
between Charles and Maximilian. The King of the 
Romans renounced the title of Duke of Brittany, 
and was put in possession of the whole duchy 
of Burgundy as well as the Franche Comte, and 
Artois, which had been included in Margaret's 

If we are to believe Pasquier, Margaret had a 
foreboding of her misfortune before these events took 
place. One day whilst walking in the garden at 
Amboise, her ladies and gentlemen noticed that she 
seemed very melancholy, and one of them asked her 
the reason. She replied that she had had a strange 
dream, which she could not forget, for she believed 
it boded ill. In her dream she thought she was in 
a large park, and saw a marguerite (daisy) which she 
was told to watch ; whilst she gazed at the flower, a 
donkey came and tried to eat it ; she kept him off as 
long as she could, but at last he seized and devoured 
it. This troubled her so much that she woke with 
a start, and the dream still weighed upon her 

No one then anticipated what ultimately happened, 
but afterwards this quaint dream was looked upon as 
a forecast of Margaret's broken marriage. Curiously 
enough her dismissal had been provided for by 
Louis xi. at the time of the Treaty of Arras, as the 
following clause in the treaty will show. 'If it 
should happen (which God forbid) that my said Lady 
Margaret being of age, my said Lord the Dauphin 
should not proceed to the perfect consummation of 
the said marriage, or that the said marriage should 
be broken by the king, Monseigneur the Dauphin, 
or others on their part, during the minority of the 
young lady or after; in which case, my said lady 


shall be sent at the king's expense or at that of my 
said Lord the Dauphin, back to my said Lord the 
Duke her father, or the Duke Philip her brother, 
frankly and fully discharged of all bonds of marriage 
and all other obligations, to one of the good towns 
in the territories of Brabant, Flanders, or Hainault, 
to a safe place acknowledging obedience to the said 

But Margaret remained in France for two years 
after Charles's marriage with Anne of Brittany, 
which took place on December 6th, 1491. Neglected 
by her father, and kept as a sort of hostage until 
the Peace of Senlis was signed, she passed her time 
in seclusion. ' When the king had restored peace to 
Brittany, he returned to France, and gave orders 
that Madam Margaret of Flanders should retire to 
the castle of Melun on the river Seine, and take with 
her the Princess of Tarente ' ; here she remained for 
more than a year. An interesting letter written by 
Margaret to Anne de Beaujeu from Melun has 
fortunately been preserved. In it she requests that 
her cousin might not be taken away from her, 
although the king has ordered her to leave, and 
mentioning that Madame de Molitart has told her 
that she is to be better treated than formerly : — * 

' Madame ma bonne tante, il faut bien que je me 
plaigne a vous comme a celle en qui j'ay mon 
esp^rance, de ma cousine que Ton m'a voulu oster, 
qui est tout le passe- temps que j'ay, et quand je 
l'auray perdue je ne scay plus que je feray. Parquoi 
je vous prie que veuillez tenir la main pour moy 
qu'elle ne me soit ostee, car plus grand deplaisir 
ne me scauroit-on faire. Lachault est venu qui a 

1 Quoted by Denis Godefroi in his Life of Charles VIII. 

n 2 

«: q 

^ Oh 

Oh 3 



apporte lettres adressantes a madite cousine, par 
lesquelles le Roy lui escrivoit qu'elle s'en allast ; 
toutefois je ne 1'ay pas voulu souffrir, jusques a ce 
que vous en eusse advertie, en esperant que m'y 
seriez en aide, comme j'ay en cela et en autre chose 
ma parfaite fiance, vous priant, Madame ma bonne 
tante, que quelque part que je soye ne parte point 
de vostre bonne grace, car toujours en aurai-je besoin, 
a laquelle bien fort me veut recommander. Madame 
de Molitart m'a dit que voulais que je sois mieux 
traitee que je ne fus oncques, qui est une chose qui 
m'a fort rejouie, puisque avez encore souvenance de 
moy, vous disant adieu, Madame ma bonne tante, que 
je prie qu'il vous doint le plus aime de vos desirs. 
Escrit a Melun, le dix-septieme jour de Mars. Vostre 
bonne humble et leable niece Marguerite. 

* A Madame ma bonne tante.' 

Jean le Maire relates that the autumn of 1491 
was very cold and the grapes did not ripen. One 
day when Margaret was at table she overheard the 
gentlemen of her suite discussing this fact, and with 
a play on the words remarked sadly that it was not 
surprising if the vines (sarments de vigne) were green 
this year, as vows (serments) were of no value (refer- 
ring to the king's broken word). 

Before Margaret left France she was made to 
swear on the Cross and the Gospels that she would 
renounce for ever all pretensions to her marriage 
with Charles. At last she set out on her long 
journey back to Flanders. Charles took care that 
she was treated with every respect. Anne of Brit- 
tany showed her great sympathy, and tried by all 
means in her power to make Margaret forget her 
mortification. At the moment of departure Anne 


ordered Jeanne de Jambes, her most skilful maid of 
honour, to make an embroidered coif to offer the 
princess, as well as some gold ornaments, the whole 
valued at the large sum of £450/ 

The French nobles who had been attached to 
Margaret's person for nearly twelve years accom- 
panied her on her journey. The little princess was 
calm, but she bore a grudge against France which 
she never forgot, and which is noticeable in all her 
later dealings with her first husband's kingdom. 
When she passed through the town of Arras the 
citizens cried, 'Noel, Noel,' a French cry that an- 
noyed Margaret ; she called back to them, ' Do not 
cry Noel, but long live Burgundy ! ' 

Thus she was escorted to St. Quentin, from thence 
to Cambray, Valenciennes, and finally to Malines, 
where she was received by her brother Philip and by 
Margaret of York, the widow of her grandfather, 
Charles the Bold. 'When she alighted from her 
litter near a mill by a small stream which divided 
the royal and archducal dwelling, she thanked the 
said lords and ladies who had brought and accom- 
panied her, begging them all to recommend her very 
humbly to the king their master, bearing no ill-will 
because of his separation from her, believing that 
marriages ought to be voluntary.' 

However, Margaret always showed great regard 
for Anne of Brittany, and even more so when the 
queen married Louis xn. The documents of the 

1 'A Jehanne de Jambes, dame de Beaumont, damoiselle de lad. dame, la 
somme de deux cent cinquante livres tournoys, a elle ordonn^e par icelle 
dame pour la recompenser d'une bordure d'habillement de teste et autres 
bagues d'or pesans pareille somme de quatres cent cinquante livres 
tournoys que icelle dame a de luy prinses des le moys de may derrenier 
passe\ pour envoyer a Madame Margaret d'Autriche, obmys a compter au 
roole dud. moys. Laquelle somme, etc' (Argenter de la Beine. Arch. Imp.). 



period abound in exchange of civilities between the 
princesses. Thus ended Margaret's first matrimonial 
adventure. Her former husband did not long sur- 
vive his marriage with Anne, but died almost sud- 
denly in April 1498, and left no children. His 
widow fulfilled the clause in her marriage contract, 
and married his successor, who ascended the throne 
as Louis xii. 



CHARLES VIII. was hardly free from his 
sister's tutelage when he dreamt of conquer- 
ing the kingdom of Naples, which he claimed 
as heir to the house of Anjou. An embassy which he 
received from Ludovico Sforza, afterwards Duke of 
Milan, made him the more determined to carry out 
this project. 

By the Treaty of Barcelona (January 1493) Charles 
had agreed to restore to Ferdinand of Aragon the 
counties of Roussillon and Cerdagne in return for 
Ferdinand's assurance that he would leave him a free 
hand in Italy and elsewhere, and would not form 
matrimonial alliances with the houses of England, 
Austria, or Naples ; but when, in 1494, Charles in- 
formed Ferdinand of his intentions against Naples, 
and claimed his aid in accordance with the treaty, 
the King of Aragon pretended to be shocked and 
surprised, and quietly set to work to circumvent his 
plans and to side with his enemies. 

On the 10th of July 1494 the Duke of Orleans 
crossed the Alps with the advance guard of the 
French army. Charles soon followed, and was re- 
ceived with great honour by Ludovico Sforza and 
the Duke of Ferrara. After crossing Italy in 
triumph, he arrived at Naples without having broken 
a single lance, and made a solemn entry into 




the town, whilst the King of Naples, abandoned by 
his subjects and betrayed by his generals, fled to 

But in the midst of his triumphs Charles learned, 
through the historian Commines, his ambassador in 
Venice, of the perfidy of his allies and of the new 
league that was formed against him by Henry vn. of 
England, Ferdinand of Aragon, Maximilian (recently 
elected emperor after the death of his father), the 
Pope Alexander vi., the Republic of Venice, and the 
Duke of Milan. All these confederates combined in 
a common interest to drive the French out of Italy, 
and to attack France from different sides at the same 

'The ambitious schemes of Charles vm. estab- 
lished a community of interests among the great 
European states, such as had never before existed, 
or at least been understood; and the intimate rela- 
tions thus introduced naturally led to intermarriages 
between the principal powers, who until this period 
seemed to have been severed almost as far asunder 
as if oceans had rolled between them. ... It was 
while Charles vm. was wasting his time at Naples 
that the marriages were arranged between the royal 
houses of Spain and Austria, by which the weight of 
these great powers was thrown into the same scale, 
and the balance of Europe unsettled for the greater 
part of the following century. 

1 The Treaty of Venice provided that Prince John, 
the heir of the Spanish monarchies, then in his 
eighteenth year, should be united with the Princess 
Margaret, daughter of the Emperor Maximilian, and 
that the Archduke Philip, his son and heir, and 
sovereign of the Low Countries in his mother's right, 
should marry Joanna, second daughter of Ferdinand 


and Isabella. No dowry was to be required with 
either princess/ 1 

The conditions of this double marriage were drawn 
up by Francisco de Rojas, sent to Flanders by Fer- 
dinand and Isabella for this purpose. The proposals 
were agreed to by both sides, and it was arranged 
that the fleet which brought Joanna of Castile to 
Flanders should carry Margaret of Austria to Spain. 

The following amusing anecdote is from Zurita, 
and mentioned in A. R. Villa's Life of Dona Juana 
la Loca. Francisco de Rojas, who was chosen by 
Isabella to marry Margaret by proxy, was presented 
with a brocade garment by Antonio de Valle on his 
arrival in Flanders, and was told that he must see 
that he was tidy at the ceremony of betrothal, as 
according to the German custom he would have to 
undress as far as his doublet and hose. This he pro- 
mised to do, but when he came to remove his coat, it 
was seen that his shirt protruded from his hose at 
the back. This carelessness caused him to be much 
teased by the courtiers, who with difficulty concealed 
their smiles at the time. 

By the end of the summer in 1496 a fleet, consist- 
ing of one hundred and thirty vessels, large and 
small, strongly manned and thoroughly equipped, 
was got ready for sea in the ports of Guipuzcoa and 
Biscay. The whole was placed under the command 
of Don Fadrique Enriquez, Admiral of Castile, who 
carried with him a splendid array of chivalry. A 
more gallant and beautiful Armada never before 
quitted the shores of Spain. The Infanta Joanna, 
attended by a numerous suite, embarked towards the 
end of August at the port of Laredo, on the eastern 
borders of Asturias, where she bade farewell to her 

1 Prescott, Ferdinand and Isabella. 


)ther, Queen Isabella, who travelled through Spain 
to take leave of her seventeen-year-old daughter. 
On August the 20th the queen wrote to Doctor de 
Puebla (Ferdinand's envoy in England) from Laredo 
to inform him that the fleet that was taking her 
daughter to Flanders, and bringing the Infanta Mar- 
garet to Spain, was to sail the next day. ' If they 
should enter an English port, she hopes that they 
will be treated in England as though they were the 
daughters of Henry vn. himself.' 1 The queen also 
addressed a letter to the King of England begging 
for the same favours. A navy of fifteen thousand 
armed men was needed to escort the bride to Flan- 
ders and bring back Prince John's betrothed to Spain. 
For two nights after the embarkation Isabella slept 
on the ship with her daughter, and when at last the 
fleet sailed on August 22nd, she turned her back on 
the sea, and rode with a heavy heart back to Burgos. 

The weather soon after Joanna's departure became 
extremely tempestuous, and the poor princess had a 
terrible voyage ; her fleet was driven into Portland, 
and one of the largest ships came into collision and 
foundered. But this was not the end of her troubles, 
for on the Flemish coast another great ship was 
wrecked, with most of her household, trousseau, and 
jewels. Several vessels were lost, and many of her 
attendants perished from the hardships they had to 
endure, amongst them the old Bishop of Jaen, who 
had accompanied her to give state and dignity to her 
suite. Eventually the whole fleet arrived at Bamua, 
sorely disabled and needing a long delay for refitting 
before it could return to Spain. 2 Soon after her 
arrival in Flanders her marriage with the Archduke 

1 Calendar of Spanish State Papers, vol. i. 
8 Martin Hume, Queens of Old Spain. 


Philip was celebrated with much pomp at Lille. At 
a tournament given in her honour at Brussels, three 
knights wearing her colours entered the lists and 
fought against three of Margaret's knights ; the latter 
were dressed in white, and wore ' marguerites ' em- 
broidered as their badge. Philip neglected and ill- 
treated his wife's countrymen to the extent of 
allowing nine thousand of the men on the fleet at 
Antwerp to die from cold and privation, without 
trying to help them ; his young wife's Spanish house- 
hold were unpaid, and even the income settled upon 
her by Philip was withheld, on the pretext that Fer- 
dinand had not fulfilled his part of the bargain agreed 
upon in the marriage settlements. 

The fleet was detained until the following winter 
to carry the destined bride of the young Prince 
of Asturias to Spain. Margaret was now in her 
eighteenth year, and already distinguished for those 
intellectual qualities which made her later one of the 
most remarkable women of her time. She must 
have been a lovely girl, tall and fair, with masses 
of waving golden hair, a brilliant complexion, soft 
brown eyes, and a rather long narrow face, with the 
full under-lip so peculiar to the house of Austria. 
It is no wonder that Prince John fell in love with 
her, or that his parents welcomed her with admira- 
tion. In the spring of 1497 Margaret left Flushing 
and started on her long journey to Spain. She 
had an even worse voyage than her sister-in-law. 
A fearful storm arose, and her vessel was nearly 
wrecked. When the tempest had somewhat sub- 
sided, she and her companions amused themselves 
with each writing her own epitaph. Margaret com- 
posed the following well-known distich, which she 
bound to her arm for identification, and jokingly 


said might be engraved on her tomb, in case her 
body should be washed ashore : — 

• Cy gist Margot la gentiP Damoiselle, 
Qu' ha deux marys et encor est pucelle.' 

Fortunately this witty epitaph was not needed. 
The fleet passed the English Channel in the begin- 
ning of February, and was compelled through 
stress of weather to take refuge in the harbour of 
Southampton. On February the 3rd Henry vn. 
wrote the following letter to the Princess Margaret : — 

1 Most illustrious and most excellent Princess, our 
dearest and most beloved cousin, — With all our 
heart we send to greet you, and to recommend our- 
self. We have received through the most renowned, 
most prudent, and most discreet ambassador of our 
most beloved cousins the King and Queen of 
Spain, at our Court, the letters of the admiral and 
ambassador of the said King and Queen, who 
accompany your Excellence. By them we are 
informed that your Highness, enjoying the best of 
health, has entered with your whole fleet and suite 
our harbour of Southampton. Our subjects of that 
neighbourhood had already communicated to us the 
arrival of your Highness. As soon as we heard of 
it, we sent our well-beloved and trustworthy vassals 
and servants, the seneschal of our palace, and Sir 
Charles Somerset, our captain and guardian of our 
body, and also a doctor utriusque juris, and keeper 
of our Privy Seal, to see, visit, and consult you in 
our name, and to tell you how agreeable and delight- 
ful to us was the arrival of your Excellence in our 
dominions, especially as it has pleased God to give 
you and your company (to whom we recommend 
ourself likewise) good health and cheerful spirits. 


Our servants are to place at your disposal our 
person, our realm, and all that is to be found in it. 
They are to provide you with whatever you wish, 
and serve and obey you as ourself. You will more 
fully learn our intentions from them and from the 
letters of the Spanish ambassador who resides at 
our Court.' 

The following is in the king's handwriting : — 

1 Dearest and most beloved cousin, — Desirous the 
more to assure your Excellence that your visit to us 
and to our realm is so agreeable and delightful to us, 
that the arrival of our own daughter could not give 
us greater joy, we write this portion of our letter 
with our own hand, in order to be able the better 
to express to you that you are very welcome, and 
that you may more perfectly understand our good 
wishes. We most earnestly entreat and beseech 
your Highness, from the bottom of our heart, to be 
as cheerful as though you were with the dearest and 
most beloved King and Queen of Spain, our cousins, 
and that you will stay in whatever part of our realms 
as cheerfully and without fear as though you were 
in Spain. In all and everything you want, do not 
spare us and our realms, for you will render us a 
great and most acceptable service by accepting any- 
thing from us. — Palace, Westminster, 3rd February.' 1 

The king then begs her to stay at Southampton, 
and even offers to pay her a visit there : — 

'Most illustrious and most excellent Princess, 
our most noble and most beloved cousin, — We have 
received to-day the letter of the 2nd instant, which 
your Highness has written from the harbour of 

1 Calendar of Spanish State Papers, vol. i. 


Southampton, and are much pleased with it. We 
are also very glad to learn the good news con- 
tained in your letter and the letter of the illustrious 
ambassador, whom our dearest cousins, the King 
and Queen of Spain, your most pious parents, have 
ordered to accompany you. He informs us of your 
prosperity and good success. We, on our part, have 
sent to inform you of our inviolable friendship, and 
to tell you how agreeable in every respect your 
arrival in our harbour has been to us. On Friday we 
sent you our servants and domestics, with injunctions 
to serve you in the same way as they serve our- 
selves ; and a short time after they had left we 
wrote to your Excellence a letter with our own hand, 
to give you a hearty welcome in our harbour. We 
beseech you to have a cheerful face and a glad heart, 
to be happy and enjoy yourself as safely as though 
you were our own daughter, or had already reached 
the dominions of our said cousins the King and 
Queen of Spain, your pious parents. We pray your 
Highness, with all our heart, to dispose of us and of 
everything that is to be found in our realms, and to 
spare us in nothing, even if the thing is not to be 
had in our dominions, and to order any service which 
we are able to execute. For, by doing so, you will 
bestow on us a signal and most acceptable favour. 
As we hear that the wind is contrary to the con- 
tinuation of your voyage, wishing that your High- 
ness would repose and rest, our advice is, that you 
take lodgings in our said town of Southampton, and 
remain there until the wind becomes favourable and 
the weather clears up. We believe that the move- 
ment and the roaring of the sea is disagreeable to 
your Highness and to the ladies who accompany 
you. If you accept our proposal, and remain so 


long in our said town of Southampton that we can 
be informed of it, and have time to go and to see 
you before your departure, we certainly will go and 
pay your Highness a visit. In a personal com- 
munication we could best open our mind to you, and 
tell you how much we are delighted that you have 
safely arrived in our port, and how glad we are that 
the (friendship) with you and our dearest cousins the 
King and Queen of Spain, your most benign parents, 
is increasing from day to day. We desire to com- 
municate to you in the best manner our news, and to 
hear from you of your welfare. May your High- 
ness be as well and as happy as we wish. — From our 
Palace of Westminster .... February/ 1 

We have no account of Margaret's accepting 
Henry's invitation, or of their meeting at this time. 
After these various adventures the princess at length 
arrived safely at the port of Santander in the early 
days of March 1497. An ambassador was sent to 
meet her with a train of one hundred and twenty 
mules laden with plate and tapestries. The young 
Prince of Asturias, accompanied by the king his 
father, hastened towards the north to meet his bride, 
whom they met at Reynosa and escorted to Burgos. 
When Margaret saw her future husband and the 
king approach, she attempted to kiss the latter's 
hands, which he tried to prevent her from doing, but 
she persevered, and kissed the king's hands as well 
as those of her future husband. On her arrival at 
Burgos she was received with the greatest marks of 
pleasure and satisfaction by the queen and the whole 
Court. Preparations were at once made for solem- 
nising the marriage after the expiration of Lent, in 

1 Calendar of Spanish State Papers, vol. i. 


a style of magnificence never before witnessed. The 
wedding ceremony took place on Palm Sunday, the 
3rd of April, and was performed by the Archbishop 
of Toledo in the presence of the grandees and prin- 
dpal nobility of Castile, the foreign ambassadors and 
lelegates from Aragon. Among these latter were 
the magistrates of the principal cities, wearing their 
municipal insignia and crimson robes of office, who 
seem to have had quite as important parts assigned 
by their democratic communities as any of the 
nobility or gentry. The wedding was followed by 
a brilliant succession of fetes, tourneys, tilts of reeds, 
and other warlike spectacles, in which the matchless 
chivalry of Spain poured into the lists to display 
their prowess in the presence of their future queen. 
The chronicles of the day remark on the striking 
contrast exhibited at these entertainments between 
the gay and familiar manners of Margaret and her 
Flemish nobles, and the pomp and stately cere- 
monial of the Castilian Court, to which the Austrian 
princess, brought up as she had been at the Court 
of France, could never be wholly reconciled. The 
following quaint passage is from Abarca's Reyes de 
Aragon : — ' And although they left the princess all 
her servants, freedom in behaviour and diversions, 
she was warned that in the ceremonial affairs she 
was not to treat the royal personages and grandees 
with the familiarity and openness usual with the 
houses of Austria, Burgundy, and France, but with 
the gravity and measured dignity of the kings and 
realms of Spain.' 

An inventory of the rich plate and jewels presented 
to Margaret on the day of her marriage is to be 
found in the sixth volume of memoirs of the Spanish 
Academy of History. The plate and jewels are 


said to be ' of such value and perfect workmanship 
that the like was never seen.' 

Nothing seemed wanting to the happiness of the 
young bride and bridegroom, and that summer they 
made a kind of triumphal progress through the 
great cities of the land. The marriage of the heir- 
apparent could not have been celebrated at a happier 
time. It took place in the midst of negotiations 
for a general peace, to which the nation looked for 
repose after so many years of uninterrupted war. 
The Court of the Spanish sovereigns was at the 
height of its splendour ; Ferdinand and Isabella 
seemed to have reached the zenith of their ambitious 
dreams, when death stepped in, and destroyed their 
fondest hopes. 

Seven months after Prince John's marriage, his 
sister, Isabella, was united to the King of Portugal. 
The wedding took place at the frontier town of 
Valencia de Alcantara, in the presence of the 
Catholic sovereigns, without pomp or parade of any 

While they were detained there, an express mes- 
senger brought tidings of the dangerous illness of 
their son, the Prince of Asturias. Prince John, 
accompanied by his youthful bride, had been on his 
way to his sister's wedding when he fell a victim to 
a malignant fever at Salamanca. The symptoms 
speedily assumed an alarming character. The 
prince's constitution, naturally delicate, sunk under 
the violence of the attack ; and when his father, 
who came with all possible speed to Salamanca, 
arrived there, no hopes were entertained of his 

Ferdinand, however, tried to cheer his son with 
hopes he did not feel himself; but the young prince 


told him that it was too late to be deceived ; that 
he was prepared to die, and that all he now desired 
was that his parents might feel the same resignation 
to the divine will which he experienced himself. 
Ferdinand took fresh courage from the heroic 
example of his son, whose forebodings were un- 
happily too soon realised. The doctors fearing to 
alarm Margaret, who was expecting shortly to 
become a mother, had kept from her the serious 
state of her husband's health as long as possible. 
Knowing that he was ill, she was anxious to go on a 
pilgrimage to pray for his recovery. ' When at last 
she was allowed to enter his room on the 4th 
October 1497 she was shocked to see the change 
which a few days had wrought in him. Her dying 
husband bade her farewell in a broken voice, recom- 
mending their unborn child to her tender care. 
Margaret pressed her lips to his, but when she found 
them already cold, overcome by emotion, she had to 
be carried half-dead from the room.' Bowed down 
with grief, she did not recover from the shock of her 
sudden bereavement, and soon after her husband's 
death, gave birth to a still-born child. 1 

This double tragedy is pathetically described by 
the historian, Peter Martyr, who draws an affecting 
picture of the anguish of the young widow, and the 
bereaved parents. ' Thus was laid low the hope of 
all Spain/ * Never was there a death which occa- 
sioned such deep and general lamentation throughout 
the land.' Ferdinand, fearful of the effect which the 
sudden news of this calamity might have on the 
queen, caused letters to be sent at brief intervals, 

1 ' Je me tais de son mal d'enfant, duquel elle travailla douze jours et 
douze nuicts entieres, sans intermission et sans pouvoir prendre refection 
de manger ni de dormir.' — Jean le Maire, Couronne Margaritique. 


containing accounts of the gradual decline of the 
prince's health, so as to prepare her for the inevit- 
able stroke. Isabella, however, received the fatal 
tidings in a spirit of humble resignation, saying, ' The 
Lord hath given and the Lord hath taken away, 
blessed be his name ! ' x 

Another historian relates that Ferdinand, fearing 
that the sudden news of John's death would kill 
Isabella with grief, caused her to be told that it was 
her husband, Ferdinand himself, that had died, so 
that when he presented himself before her, the — as 
he supposed — lesser grief of her son's death should 
be mitigated by seeing that her husband was alive. 
The experiment does not appear to have been very 
successful, as Isabella was profoundly affected when 
she heard the truth. (Florez, Eeinas Catolicas.) 
The blow was one from which she never recovered. 
John was her only son, her ' angel ' from the time of 
his birth, and the dearest wish of her heart had been 
the unification of Spain under him and his descen- 
dants. 2 Every honour which affection could devise 
was paid to Prince John's memory. The Court, to 
testify its unwonted grief, put on sackcloth instead 
of white serge usually worn as mourning. All 
offices, public and private, were closed for forty days ; 
and every one dressed in black. The nobles and 
wealthy people draped their mules with black cloth 
down to the knees, showing only their eyes, and 
black flags were suspended from the walls and gates 
of the cities. Such extraordinary signs of public 
sorrow show in what regard the young prince was 
held. Peter Martyr, his tutor, is unbounded in his 
admiration of his royal pupil's character, whose 
brilliant promise and intellectual and moral excel- 

1 Prescott. 2 Martin Hume, Queens of Old Spain. 


fave the happiest hopes for the future of his 
country. These hopes, alas, were destroyed by his 
untimely death, and that of his infant child. 

Prince John's funeral was celebrated on a magnifi- 
cent scale, and his body laid in the Dominican 
Monastery of Saint Thomas at Avila, which had 
been erected by his parents. A few years later his 
treasurer, Juan Velasquez, caused a beautiful monu- 
ment to be raised to his memory, and himself added 
a short but pathetic epitaph. This tomb is the 
masterpiece of Micer Domenico of Florence, and 
resembles the exquisite royal sepulchres at Granada. 
It is placed under an elliptical arch, in front of the 
high altar, and is one of the finest specimens of an 
Italian Renaissance tomb. The handsome young 
prince is depicted lying full length on his marble 
couch, his hands together as if in prayer. The 
whole figure is exquisitely simple and dignified in its 
perfect repose ; and if the beautiful marble effigy 
was true to life, we can understand the overwhelming 
grief of Spain at his loss. 

After her husband's death Margaret became so 
popular * that she was often obliged to wait in the 
fields under the shade of the olives till night fell, as 
she dared not enter the towns and cities by day, 
because the people pressed with affectionate tumult 
round her litter to see her face, crying aloud that 
they wished for her alone, for their lady and princess, 
although when the Queen of Portugal, the heiress, 
made her solemn and pompous entries in broad day- 
light, they hardly greeted her.' x Prince John's 
eldest sister, the Queen of Portugal, was next in 
the succession, but by her death in the following 
year, and that of her infant son two years later, 

1 Couromw Margaritique. 


her sister Joanna, wife of the Archduke Philip, 
became heiress to the thrones of Aragon and 

Margaret was treated most affectionately by the 
king and queen, who made her a very liberal pro- 
vision, and tried in every way to comfort and console 
her. Whilst she was at the Spanish Court we hear 
of her teaching French to her little sister-in-law, 
Katharine, who was betrothed to Arthur, Prince of 
Wales. On July 17th, 1498, De Puebla is in- 
structed to write to the Spanish sovereigns that ' the 
Queen and the mother of the King wish that the 
Princess of Wales should always speak French with 
the Princess Margaret, who is now in Spain, in order 
to learn the language, and to be able to converse in 
it when she comes to England. This is necessary, 
because these ladies do not understand Latin, and 
much less Spanish. They also wish that the Princess 
of Wales should accustom herself to drink wine. 
The water of England is not drinkable, and even if 
it were, the climate would not allow the drinking 
of it/ 1 

Margaret spent nearly two years at the Spanish 
Court. After the first anniversary of her husband's 
death had passed, and his memory been duly honoured 
by pompous services at Avila, her return to Germany 
was discussed. Her Flemish attendants had never 
become accustomed to the wearisome etiquette and 
stately ceremonial of the Court of Spain, and by 
their unreasonable demands stirred up discord be- 
tween her and the king and queen. Maximilian 
hearing disquieting reports, urged his daughter to 
lose no time in returning to him, which the princess 
decided to do. Ferdinand and Isabella seem to have 

1 Calendar of Spanish State Papers, vol. i. 


a real affection for their widowed daughter-in- 
law, and when the time for parting came, expressed 
much sorrow at losing her. At last she set out on 
her long journey back to Flanders (1499). Her 
former husband, Charles viii., had died suddenly in 
April 1498, leaving his kingdom to his cousin, the 
Duke of Orleans, who ascended the throne as 
Louis xn. Hearing that his old friend and play- 
fellow was returning to Flanders, Louis wrote a 
most affectionate letter offering her a safe conduct 
through his dominions. Margaret was now twenty 
years old, but in spite of her youth she had seen 
much sorrow. Twice through a cruel fate she had 
missed the proud position of queen — first of France, 
then of Spain. For the second time she returned to 
her father without husband or child ; but sorrow had 
deepened and enriched her character, and the time 
she spent at the Castilian Court was not wasted, as 
it gave her an insight into the management of state 
affairs and political intrigues, which with her know- 
ledge of Spanish was of infinite importance to her in 
later life, and helped to form the able politician and 
wise administrator who, as Governess of the Nether- 
lands, commanded the admiration and respect of the 
cleverest men in Europe. 



ON the 7 th of March 1500, between seven and 
eight o'clock in the evening, a brilliant pro- 
cession wound its way through a covered 
passage from the Archducal Palace in the old town 
of Ghent to the church of Saint John. The line 
of route was lit by more than a thousand torches 
which flashed on the gorgeous clothes and jewels of 
the princes and high officers of state who had come 
to grace the baptism of the infant son of the Arch- 
duke Philip and Joanna of Castile. The baby's step- 
great -grandmother, Margaret of York, widow of 
Charles the Bold, carried him in her arms, seated 
on a chair covered with brocade, and borne on the 
shoulders of four men from the palace to the church ; 
at her right walked Margaret, Princess of Castile, 
the infant's other godmother, dressed in a mourning 
hood and mantle. She had come to her brother's 
Court two days before to stand sponsor for her nephew, 
who had been born in the palace at Ghent on Feb- 
ruary the 24th. The little prince, wrapped in a 
cloak of rich brocade lined with ermine, was baptized 
by the name of Charles, in memory of his great- 
grandfather the last Duke of Burgundy, his father 
conferring upon him the title of Duke of Luxembourg. 
After the ceremony, which was performed by the 
Archbishop of Tournay, trumpets sounded, and money 




was thrown broadcast about the church, whilst the 
heralds cried ' Largesse, largesse ! ' The procession 
then re-formed and returned to the palace in the 
order in which it came, arriving between eleven and 
twelve at night. A visit was immediately paid to 
the Archduchess Joanna, who was informed that her 
son had been duly baptized. She received the con- 
gratulations of the assembled guests lying in her 
state-bed, which was hung with green damask and 
covered with a gorgeous quilt of brocade. Near at 
hand were displayed the beautiful presents the infant 
had received. Gold and crystal cups, flagons, goblets, 
and salt-cellars sparkling with precious stones and 
pearls, amongst them his Aunt Margaret's gift, 'a 
standing cup of gold with cover weighing four marks, 
set with precious stones, a great balass ruby on top, 
surrounded by twenty smaller rubies and diamonds.' * 
The old town of Ghent held high festival in honour 
of the birth of the heir of Austria and Burgundy. 
The dragon on the belfry ejected Greek fire from 
mouth and tail ; torches and paper lanterns swung 
gaily from the tower of Saint Nicholas to the belfry, 
and the object of all this rejoicing was the infant who 
was one day to become the Emperor Charles v. by a 
long train of events which opened the way to his 
inheritance of more extensive dominions than any 
European sovereign since Charlemagne had possessed, 
each of his ancestors having acquired kingdoms or 
provinces towards which their prospect of succession 
was extremely remote. But his early childhood was 
clouded, for he hardly knew his parents, who left 
the Netherlands for Spain in November 1501, barely 
nine months after his birth. When his mother re- 
turned in 1504 her mind was already troubled by the 

1 A. R. Villa, La Beina Dona Juana la Loca. 


gloom which settled on her in later years. After 
Queen Isabella's death his parents again left for 
Spain to take possession of their kingdom of Castile 
(April 1506), and Charles did not see his mother 
until 1517. But if he never knew a mother's care, 
he had an admirable substitute in the affection and 
guidance of his aunt. 

Margaret spent two years with her father after 
she left Spain, during which time she studied the 
management of German affairs, and tried to forget 
her sorrow in improving her mind and cultivating 
her many gifts. Her high birth, beauty, and accom- 
plishments brought her many suitors amongst the 
princes of Europe; we hear of her marriage being 
discussed with the Kings of Poland and Scotland, 
and even with the Prince of Wales, who was not 
yet united to his long-betrothed bride Katharine. 
Finally her choice fell upon the young Duke of Savoy, 
who had previously married Louisa Jolenta, daughter 
of Amadeus viii., Duke of Savoy, but who had no 
children. The young Duke Philibert il, surnamed 
the Handsome, was born in the castle of Pont d'Ain 
on the 10th of April 1480 ; he was therefore about 
the same age as Margaret. His youth had been 
spent at the Court of France, and at fourteen he had 
accompanied the expedition of Charles viii. against 
the kingdom of Naples. The following year, which 
was that of his accession to the dukedom, he 
had taken part in the war waged by the Emperor 
Maximilian against the Florentines. Tall, strong, 
courageous, extremely good-looking, an accomplished 
rider, devoted to horses, hunting, jousting and feats 
of arms, he was indeed a gallant young prince, well 
fitted to win the heart of a beautiful and accom- 
plished princess. Politically this alliance was popular 


in Savoy, where it was feared that a too close con- 
nection with France might impair the independence 
of the duchy. 

On the 26th of September 1501 the marriage con- 
tract was signed at Brussels. The Archduke Philip 
settled 300,000 golden crowns on his sister as dowry. 
She also enjoyed a revenue of 20,000 as Dowager- 
Princess of Spain. It was agreed that if the Duke 
Philibert should predecease his wife she should re- 
ceive a dowry of 12,000 golden crowns, raised on the 
county of Romont and the provinces of Vaud and 

Margaret left Brussels towards the end of October 
to join her future husband at Geneva. She travelled 
slowly, for the roads were bad and the days short. 
Margaret of York accompanied her for half a league 
and then took leave ; her brother Philip going with 
her a short way, he left her a company of Flemish 
nobles to escort her as far as Geneva at his expense, 
Duke Philibert having sent two hundred and fifty 
knights to meet his bride and act as her bodyguard. 

The inhabitants of the towns she passed through 
turned out to give her a hearty welcome and to wish 
her good luck. They offered her gifts of wine and 
venison, wild boars, partridges, rabbits, and fatted 
calves. The Bishop of Troyes gave her the keys of 
his cellar whilst she stayed in the episcopal town. 
At Dole the inhabitants made her a present of ' six 
puncheons of wine, six sheep, six calves, six dozen 
capons, six wild geese, and twelve horses laden with 

The duke's natural brother Rene, who was known 
as the Bastard of Savoy, married her by proxy on 
Sunday, November 28th. He presented the bride with 
a heart of diamonds surmounted by a very fine pearl, 


and a girdle set with twenty-six diamonds, ten large 
carbuncles and pearls (marguerites) without number. 
When the evening came, Margaret, dressed in cloth 
of gold, lined with crimson satin, and wearing splendid 
jewels, was laid on a state-bed, whilst Rene in com- 
plete armour w T ent through the ceremony of placing 
himself beside her, ' all those who had been at the 
betrothal being present/ After a few moments he 
rose from the bed, begging madame's pardon for 
having interrupted her sleep, and asking for a kiss in 
payment. The kiss was graciously given, and Rene, 
throwing himself on his knees, swore to be always 
her faithful servant. Margaret made him rise, wished 
him a good -night, and presented him with a valuable 
diamond set in a gold ring. 1 

From Dole Margaret travelled to Romain-Motier, 
a small village about two miles from Geneva, and 
buried in a lonely valley. The ruined cloisters of the 
old abbey of black monks may still be seen where 
Philibert met Margaret one winter's morning, and 
where the marriage was celebrated by Louis de Gor- 
revod, Bishop of Maurienne, on the 4th of December 

A brilliant reception awaited the young couple at 
Geneva. Magnificent fetes, jousts, and tourneys were 
given in their honour, which ' cost the town a great 
deal in games, dances, masquerades, and other amuse- 
ments.' Together they made a triumphal progress 
through the principal towns to the duchy of Savoy 
during the spring and summer. At Chamb^ry they 
received a royal welcome. At Bourg the inhabitants 
greeted the bridal pair with enthusiasm, although the 
humble burghers had been much perturbed as to how 
they should do honour to an emperor's daughter. 

i M. Le Glay. 


They had just bought fifty thousand bricks where- 
with to erect fortifications, and this expense had 
emptied the municipal coffers. After much consulta- 
tion they decided to borrow seven hundred florins 
from the priests of Our Lady of Bourg. These 
ecclesiastics lent the sum required on receiving 
authority to reimburse themselves from the revenues 
of the town. A deputation was sent to meet the 
duke and duchess and to offer them and the Governor 
of Bresse four dozen Clon cheeses, four puncheons 
of foreign wine, and twelve pots of preserves. The 
following detailed account of their reception is to be 
found in the archives of the town of Bourg : — 

' At last the long-looked-for day came, and the 
duke and duchess arrived at Bourg on the 5 th of 
August 1502. From early dawn the bells of the 
monasteries and churches were ringing, guns firing, 
and a stir of general excitement was in the air. The 
picturesque wooden houses were hung with coloured 
tapestries, decorated with five hundred escutcheons 
bearing the arms of Savoy and Burgundy. Eight 
platforms had been constructed in different parts of 
the town on which were to be enacted masques and 
allegories. At the sound of the trumpet the crowd 
collected in front of the town-hall, from whence issued 
the municipal body, preceded by the syndics in red 
robes, one of them bearing the town keys on a silver 
salver. The procession marched with trumpets blow- 
ing to the market-place, when soon after a warlike 
fanfare and the neighing of horses announced the 
arrival of the ducal cortege, headed by Philibert and 
Margaret. The sight of the young couple evoked 
shouts and cheers. Margaret, wearing the ducal 
crown, was mounted on a palfrey, covered with a rich 
drapery, embroidered with the arms of Burgundy, 


and with nodding white plumes on its head. Through 
a veil of silver tissue her sweet face appeared framed 
in long tresses of fair hair. A close-fitting dress of 
crimson velvet stitched with gold, bordered with the 
embossed arms of Austria and Savoy, set off her 
graceful figure. With one hand she held the reins 
of her horse, with the other she saluted the crowd, 
whilst at her right on a fiery charger rode the hand- 
some Philibert, delighted with the enthusiasm which 
burst forth at the progress of his lovely wife. 

' The syndics, kneeling on one knee, presented the 
duke and duchess with the keys of the town. John 
Palluat, head of the municipality, made a lengthy 
speech according to the fashion of the time, full of 
whimsical expressions, puns and witticisms, comparing 
Princess Margaret's qualities with those of the flower 
that bore her name. 

'Having entered the town the ducal procession 
alighted, and two gentlemen — Geoffroy Guillot and 
Thomas Bergier — advanced towards the princess : the 
former had been chosen by the council to explain the 
mysteries, moralities, and allegories ; the latter to 
hold a small canopy over the princess's head. At the 
market gate on a large platform a huge elephant was 
seen carrying a tower. This tower, emblem of the 
town, had four turrets, in each of which was a young 
girl typifying one of the four attributes of the capital 
of Bresse. These attributes were goodness, obedience, 
reason, and justice. After listening to verses sung 
in her praise by the four attributes, the princess, still 
preceded by Geoffroy Guillot, arrived at the market- 
place, where on another platform was represented 
the invocation of Saint Margaret, virgin and martyr. 
The saint with a halo, treading an enormous dragon 
under foot, was smiling at Margaret. She held her 


right hand over her as a sign of her protection in this 
world, and with her left pointed to the sky and the 
eternal throne that God had prepared for her. A 
group of angels sang a hymn about heaven envying 
earth the possession of Margaret ; whilst the priests 
of Notre-Dame and the preaching friars enacted the 
legend of Saint George and the Archangel Michael 
on the platforms before their church. 

'Further on, before the Maison de Challes, the 
exploits of gods and heroes of mythology were shown. 
Two persons, one wrapped in a lion's skin and carry- 
ing on his shoulder an enormous club of cardboard, 
the other in a helmet and draped in a red tunic, were 
supposed to represent the departure of Hercules and 
Jason to conquer the Golden Fleece. At the other 
end of the theatre Medea, dressed in a silk robe, gave 
vent to the fury she felt at her adventurous husband's 

1 Before the fountain of the town the crowd was so 
dense that the guard and Geoffroy Guillot found, it 
difficult to force a passage for the duchess. There the 
monks of Scillon had arranged a curious fountain in 
the shape of a gigantic maiden from whose breasts of 
tinted metal two jets of wine flowed into a large basin ; 
her body held a puncheon of wine which was cleverly 
replaced when exhausted. Finally, in front of the 
entrance to the ducal palace, Margaret witnessed the 
conquest of the Golden Fleece. Before carrying off 
this precious spoil Hercules and Jason had to fight a 
multitude of monsters, dragons and buffaloes, which 
were disposed of with their club and sword. The 
crowd having loudly cheered this curious exhibition, 
the duke and duchess entered the castle situated in 
the highest part of the city. 

* The syndics in the name of the town then pre- 


sented the gift they had prepared for the duchess, 
a gold medal weighing one hundred and fifty ducats. 
This medal, struck at Bourg, showed on the ob- 
verse the effigy of the duke and duchess on a field 
strewn with fleurs-de-lys and love-knots, with this 
inscription : — 


On the reverse was a shield with the arms of Savoy 
and Austria impaled, surmounted by a large love- 
knot and surrounded with this inscription : — 


Thus ended the town of Bourg's splendid reception 
of their young duke and duchess.' 1 

Philibert and Margaret continued their tour of the 
duchy, and returned to Bourg in April 1503, when 
they took up their residence at the castle of Pont 
d'Ain, where the happiest years of Margaret's short 
married life were passed. 

From this favourite castle of the Dukes of Savoy 
on the river Ain, there is a splendid view of the 
undulating country, distant hills and forests, which 
in the days of Philibert were well stocked with game. 
It would be hard to find a more beautiful spot, and it 
is no wonder that Margaret loved it and spent most 
of her time there. 

When Philibert succeeded to the dukedom after 
his father's death, his first act had been to give an 
appanage to his natural brother Rene. He bestowed 
upon him the county of Villars, the castle of Apre- 
mont, and the Seignory of Gourdans. This brother, 
who was known as the Bastard of Savoy, was of an 

1 J. Baux, UEglise de Brou. 



ambitious and grasping nature. Knowing that Phili- 
bert hated business and preferred spending his time 
in hunting and warlike sports, Rene worked on his 
indolence until he practically had the management of 
the duchy in his own hands. He persuaded Philibert 
to grant him an act of legitimacy and also to give him 
the title of Lieutenant- General of the States of Savoy. 
When Louis xn. wished to pass through the duchy 
to reach Milan he communicated with Rene. The 
French monarch made him many promises, which 
were mentioned in the treaty concluded at Chateau- 
Renard with the Cardinal d'Amboise. Duke Phili- 
bert, in virtue of this treaty, allowed the passage of 
the French troops, received Louis xn. at Turin, dis- 
played an extraordinary magnificence, and even 
accompanied the king to Milan with two hundred 
men-at-arms. In return for his civility Louis granted 
him an annual pension of 20,000 golden crowns from 
the revenues of this duchy. 

Rene's influence over his half-brother was put to 
a hard test when Margaret became Philibert' s wife. 
The young couple truly loved each other, but the 
princess could not brook this divided authority. She 
did all in her power to get rid of Rene, whom she 
heartily disliked. The struggle was keen but decisive. 
Margaret made use of her father's authority, who as 
the Duke of Savoy's suzerain nullified the deed of 
Renews legitimisation. She also had recourse to 
religious intervention to accuse him of extortion. 
At her instigation Friar Malet, the Court preacher, 
drew a picture of the people's misery and sufferings 
in a sermon. Addressing Philibert, he exhorted him 
to ' drive out the thieves who were in his household, 
who,' he said, ' were leeches sucking the blood of his 
unhappy subjects.' Rene was not long in perceiving 


that his credit at the Court of Savoy was gone. He 
came to his brother and asked permission to retire 
to his property. 'I wish,' Philibert answered, 'that 
you would not only retire from my Court, but also 
from my State, and that within two days on pain of 
death/ Rene* took refuge at the Court of France, but 
even there Margaret's dislike followed him, and all 
his goods were confiscated after a mock trial. 

Philibert had only changed his Prime Minister. 
After Rene's departure Margaret took up the reins 
of government and ruled Savoy and Bresse un- 
hindered. She obtained many privileges from her 
father, amongst others the temporal jurisdiction over 
all the bishoprics of Savoy, Piedmont, Bugey, and the 
provinces of Geneva and Vaud. This concession ex- 
tended Savoy's right of sovereignty over all lands 
east of the river Saone, which is still called locally 
1 the side of the Empire.' 

In April 1503 the Archduke Philip paid his sister 
a visit at Bourg on his return from Spain, where 
he had been to take possession of the crown of Castile, 
which through the death of Queen Isabella had 
descended to his wife Joanna. A grand tournament 
was held on the Place des Lices in honour of his visit. 
Philip was then escorted by his sister and her husband 
to the castle of Pont d'Ain, where fresh festivities 
were prepared. The nobility of Bresse and Bugey 
flocked there to welcome the royal guests, and there 
is even a tradition that the 'Holy Shroud,' usually 
kept at Turin, and which had long been in the posses- 
sion of the House of Savoy, was there exposed for the 
archduke's veneration. 

During the next few years the peace of Europe 
was unbroken, and Philibert was unable to satisfy his 
warlike inclinations. His exuberant spirits found an 



outlet in hunting, jousts, and tournaments. He loved 
splendid armour, gorgeous apparel, and brilliant f£tes. 
A contemporary chronicler has left an account of the 
entertainments given by the Court of Savoy in 1504 
on the occasion of the marriage of Laurent de Gorre- 
vod (who later became Governor of Bresse and Count 
of Pont-de-Vaux) with the daughter of Hugues de 
la Pallu, Count of Varax, Marshal of Savoy. All 
the nobility of Piedmont and Savoy were assembled 
at the castle of Carignan on the 18th of February, 
Shrove Tuesday, where a tournament took place in 
the presence of Philibert, 'Madam Margaret of 
Austria, Madame Blanche, Dowager of Savoy, and 
many other young and beautiful ladies, as much to 
pass the time as to please the ladies/ 

A long and wearisome description of the tourna- 
ment is given, in which Philibert and his brother 
Charles carried off several prizes. Such were the 
duke's favourite pastimes, whether at Turin, Cari- 
gnan, or at Bourg, where the lists were opened under 
the castle walls. 

Philibert had inherited his passion for hunting from 
a long line of ancestors who were all devoted to this 
sport. The castle of Pont d'Ain, standing high on a 
hill overlooking Bresse and Bugey, with the river 
Ain flowing at its feet well stocked with fish, and its 
plains and vast forests abounding with game, was an 
ideal home for a sportsman like Philibert. Here he 
and Margaret enjoyed the pleasures of a country life. 
Accompanied by their nobles and friends the duke and 
duchess often started at dawn of day on their hunting 
excursions, returning with the last rays of the evening 
sun. We are told by Jean le Maire that one day 
Margaret had an accident which might have proved 
very serious. When she and her husband were hunting 


in the fields near the town of Quier in Piedmont, 
the powerful horse on which she was mounted became 
quite unmanageable, and kicking and plunging, threw 
her violently to the ground. She fell under its feet, 
the iron-shod hoofs trampling on her dress, dis- 
arranging her hair, and breaking a thick golden chain 
which hung from her neck. All those who witnessed 
the accident were paralysed with terror, believing the 
duchess could not escape alive, and recalling a similar 
accident in which her mother, Mary of Burgundy, 
had lost her life. But Margaret had a miraculous 
escape, and got up without any harm beyond a severe 

One morning, early in September 1504, Philibert 
went out hunting, leaving Margaret at Pont d'Ain, 
and though the weather was extremely hot, followed 
a wild boar for several hours. All his followers 
were left behind, and his horses having succumbed 
to the heat and hard riding, he descended a narrow 
valley about midday on foot, and at last arrived 
breathless and bathed in perspiration at Saint Vulbas' 
fountain. Delighted with the freshness of the spot, 
he ordered his meal to be served in a shady grove ; 
but before long he was seized with a sudden chill, 
and pressing his hand to his side in great pain, 
mounted a horse which was brought to him, and 
with difficulty rode back to Pont d'Ain, his nobles 
and huntsmen sadly following. On arriving at the 
castle the duke threw himself heavily on a bed, and 
Margaret was immediately summoned. She tried 
by all means in her power to relieve him, sending 
in great haste for the doctors. When they came 
she gave them her precious pearls to grind to 
powder, and watched them make an elixir with these 
jewels which she hoped would save the duke's life. 


She made many vows, and sent offerings to distant 
shrines, invoking the help of heaven by her prayers. 
But Philibert was seized with pleurisy ; his vigorous 
constitution resisted the violence of the attack for 
some days. The physicians bled him, but all their 
doctoring was in vain, and soon they had to confess 
that they could do nothing more. ' He himself feel- 
ing his end approaching got up, and wished to go 
and say an eternal farewell to his very dear com- 
panion, embracing her closely. After having asked 
for the last sacraments, and by many acts of faith 
and devotion shown his love for the holy Christian 
faith, Duke Philibert expired in Margaret's arms on 
the 10th of September 1504, at nine o'clock in the 
morning, in the twenty-fourth year of his age, in the 
same room in the castle of Pont d'Ain where he 
had first seen the light.' Margaret's grief was heart- 
rending : we are told that her sobs and cries echoed 
through the castle. The whole duchy of Savoy 
mourned with her for the gallant young prince, so 
suddenly cut off in the flower of his age. 

The duke's body was embalmed, and attired in 
ducal robes, with the rich insignia of his rank, laid on 
a state-bed in a spacious chamber, where a crowd of 
his subjects came to gaze their last on their young 
lord. The body was then placed in a leaden coffin 
on which the deceased's titles were engraved, and his 
funeral carried out with much pomp. The magis- 
trates of Bourg had a hundred torches made bearing 
the arms of the town ; they were carried by burghers 
who went to escort the body from the castle of Pont 
d'Ain to the church of Notre-Dame, though Margaret 
wished her husband to be laid in the priory church 
of Brou, near his mother, Margaret of Bourbon's 


In 1480 Philibert's father, whilst hunting near the 
same spot, where later his son contracted his fatal 
illness, had fallen from his horse and broken his arm. 
He also was carried to Pont d'Ain, and his life was 
in danger. His wife, Margaret of Bourbon, then 
made a vow that if her husband's life was spared she 
would found a monastery of the order of Saint 
Benedict at Brou. The duke recovered, but the 
duchess died in 1483 before she fulfilled the vow, the 
accomplishment of which she bequeathed to her son 
Philibert, whose early death also prevented him from 
carrying out his mother's wishes. Margaret now 
took upon herself the duty of founding the monastery, 
and also of erecting for them both, and, above all, for 
him whom she loved, ' a great tomb which should be 
their nuptial couch,' where she herself would be laid 
to rest when her time should come. 

Stricken with grief, a childless widow, deprived 
for the second time of the husband she loved, at the 
age of twenty-four she felt as though all joy in life 
had ended, and 'immediately after her husband's 
death she cut off her beautiful golden hair, and had 
the same done to her own ladies. 1 

Margaret passed some years of her widowhood at 
the castle of Pont d'Ain, where several traces of her 
sojourn remain. She made some additions to the 
building ; the principal staircase still bears her name. 
Here she lived in seclusion, mourning her lot, and 
describing her loneliness and sorrow in prose and in 
verse. In spite of the imperfections of a free versi- 
fication Margaret's poems show a certain harmony, 
smoothness, and charm in the informal stanzas, of 
which the following is a good specimen : — 

1 Couronne Margaritique. 


1 divots cueurs, amans d'amour fervente, 
Considerez si j'ay este dolente, 
Que c'est raison ! je suis la seule mere 
Qui ay perdu son seul fils et son pere, 
Et son amy par amour excellente ! 

Ce n'est pas jeu d'estre si fortunee 1 

D'estre si fortune^ ! 
Qu'est longue fault 2 de ce qu'on ayme bien ! 
Et je suis sceure que pas de luy ne vient, 
Mais me procede de ma grant destinee ! 

Dites-vous done que je suis egaree 
Quant je me vois separee de mon bien ? 
Ce n'est pas jeu d'estre si fortunee ! 
Qu'est longue fault de ce qu'on ayme bien ! 
Mais que de luy je ne soye oubliee ! ! ! 

Deuil et ennuy, soussy, regret et peine, 
Ont eslongue" ma plaisance mondaine, 
Dont a part moy je me plains et tourmente, 
Et en espoir n'ay plus un brin d'attente : 
V^ez la comment Fortune me pourmeine. 

Ceste longheur vault pis que mort soudaine ; 
Je n'ay pens^e que joye me rameine ; 
Ma fantaisie est de d^plaisir pleine ; 
Car devant moy a toute heure se presente 
Deuil et ennuy. 


Plusieurs regrets qui sur la terre sont, 

Et les douleurs que hommes et femmes ont, 

N'est que plaisir envers ceulx que je porte, 

Me tourmentant de la piteuse sorte 

Que mes esprits ne savent plus qu'ils sont. 

Cueurs d^sol^s par toutes nations, 
Deuil assemblez et lamentations j 
Plus ne querez l'harmonieuse lyre, 

1 Jouet de la fortune. 2 Combien est long le besoin, le regret. 


Lyesse, esbats et consolations ; 
Laissez aller plaintes, pleurs, passions, 
Et m'aidez tous a croistre mon martyre, 
Cueurs d^soles ! 


Aisn vous plong^s en desolation, 
Venez a moy ! . . . 

Le noble et bon dont on ne peult mal dire, 
Le soutenant de tous sans contredire, 
Est mort, helas ! quel malediction ! 
Cueurs demotes ! 

Me faudra-t-il tou jours ainsi languiH 
Me faudra-t-il enfin ainsi morir 1 
Nul n'aura-t-il de mon mal coignoissance 1 
Trop a dure ; car c'est des mon enfance ! 

Je prie a Dieu qu'il me doint temperance, 
Mestier en ay : je le prens sur ma foi ; 
Car mon seul bien est souvent pres de moy, 
Mais pour les gens fault faire contenance ! 

Pourquoy coucher seulette et a part moy, 
Qu'il me faudra user de pacience ! 
Las ! c'est pour moi trop grande penitence ; 
Certes ouy, et plus quant ne le voy ! ' 

These verses, and many others, were written at 
Bourg, or at the castle of Pont d'Ain. This castle, 
built towards the end of the tenth century by the 
Sires de Coligny, Lords of Revermont, had passed 
through marriage to the Dauphins du Viennois in 
1225, and in 1285 to the Duke of Burgundy. In 
1289 this duke exchanged it, as well as the lordship 
of Revermont, with Ame' iv., Count of Savoy, who 
was Seigneur of Bresse in right of his wife, Sybille 
de Baugd. The buildings having been much damaged 
in the wars, Ame's son, Aimon, rebuilt them. The 
last warlike episode in the history of the castle 


occurred in 1325 when Edward, Count of Savoy, came 
to take refuge in the fortress after his defeat near 
Varey. The pleasant situation of the castle at the 
extremity of the chain of Revermont, its proximity 
to France, and equable climate made it the favourite 
home of the Dukes of Savoy. Below in the valley, 
which extends to the Rhone, the waters of the river 
Ain join those of the Suran. To the south and east 
are the mountain ranges near Bas Bugey, with 
wooded slopes and prosperous villages, to the north 
and west the undulating plain of Bresse, crowned by 
forests. The Princesses of Savoy loved this spot. 
Amedeo vm. lived here for a long time with his 
wife Yolande of France. Philibert and his sister 
Louise (the mother of Francis i.) were born here, 
and here their mother, Margaret of Bourbon, came 
to spend her last days. In this peaceful spot 
Margaret passed the first years of her mourning, 
attached to Bresse by memories of her love and 



BESIDES her many poems Margaret has 
perpetuated the memory of the chief phases 
in her life by means of devices, a symbolical 
language much in vogue in the Middle Ages. 

When she returned to Flanders, after her first 
marriage with Charles vm. was annulled, the device 
she chose was a high mountain with a hurricane 
raging round the summit, and underneath, ' Perflant 
altissima venti.' This device ingeniously expressed 
the idea that those in a high position are more 
exposed than others to the winds of adversity. After 
the death of Prince John of Castile and her child, 
Margaret adopted another device, a tree laden with 
fruit, struck in half by lightning, with this inscription, 
'Spoliatmors munera nostra.' This device is attri- 
buted to Strada. 

Lastly, as the widow of Duke Philibert, she com- 
posed the famous motto which we find reproduced 
everywhere on the tombs, walls, woodwork, and 
stained-glass windows of the church at Brou : 


And this was her last motto, which she kept to the 
end. This enigmatical inscription has been variously 
interpreted. Cornelius Agrippa, her panegyrist, and 
Gropheus, Chevalier d'Honneur to the princess, who 
composed a Latin poem in her praise in 1532, saw 



no other meaning in this device than the resume of 
her life ... a plaything of fortune ; and they explain 
the word 'infortune' by the third person of the present 
indicative of the verb 'infortuner,' Fortuna Infortunat 
Fortiter Unam — * La fortune infortune (tries, per- 
secutes) fort une femme.' Guichenon adopts this 
version and says the princess composed her device 
'to show that she had been much persecuted by 
fortune, having been repudiated by Charles viil, and 
having lost both her husbands, the Prince of Castile, 
and the Duke of Savoy. This,' he adds, 'is the true 
meaning of this device, although another interpreta- 
tion has been given to it : Fortune Infortune Fortune. 
Fortune to have been affianced to the King of France, 
misfortune to have been repudiated by him, and 
fortune to have married the Duke of Savoy ; but 
this explanation does not agree with the device.' In 
fact, it is not admissible, for it supposes the device to 
be composed of three words only, whilst on the marble 
it is clearly composed of four : 


The small church of the monastery of Brou, founded 
in the beginning of the tenth century by Saint Gerard, 
had a great reputation for holiness. It was here 
the bodies of Philibert and his mother were laid. 
Margaret's thoughts were constantly occupied with 
the monument she wished to erect to her husband's 
memory, the magnificence of which should satisfy 
her artistic taste. She proposed devoting her dowry 
to this object in order to raise the necessary funds. 
Philibert's brother had succeeded to the ducal crown 
under the title of Charles in., but the state of the 
duchy's finances made it difficult for him to pay 
Margaret's dowry, which consisted of 12,000 ecus d'or 
per annum in French coin, or in lieu of this sum the 


usufruct of Bresse and the provinces of Vaud and 
Faucigny. Charles in. on his accession had found 
the revenues greatly reduced ; besides Margaret's 
dowry, three other dowager-princesses enjoyed the 
income from a great part of his estates. Blanche de 
Montferrat, widow of Charles i., had the best part 
of Piedmont; Le Bugey was in the hands of Claudine 
of Brittany, widow of Duke Philip ; lastly, Louise of 
Savoy received the largest portion of Chablais. This 
was the state of things when Margaret complained of 
the insufficiency of the revenues from the properties 
of Bresse, Vaud, and Faucigny, revenues far from 
equivalent to the sum of 12,000 ecus d'orper annum 
according to the terms of her marriage contract. As 
Charles remained deaf to her complaints, Margaret 
had recourse to her father, and travelled to Germany 
to persuade Maximilian to give her his support. 
Charles at last agreed to send four jurisconsuls 
empowered to arrange this business. During the 
meetings which took place at Strasburg, Margaret 
explained the motives which made her insist on the 
fulfilment of the clauses with reference to her dowry. 
1 Her intention being to found a church and monastery 
on the site of the Priory of Brou, the resting-place of 
the Lady Margaret of Bourbon and Duke Philibert, 
she must needs collect all her resources to meet the 
expense which such an endowment would require. 
She also pointed out that, according to the Lady 
Margaret of Bourbon's will, the church and monastery 
were to be erected at the expense of her heirs and 
successors. Now this charge falling on Duke Charles, 
he could not conscientiously dispense with carrying 
out his mother's last wishes, but as she, Margaret, 
offered to fulfil this task at her own expense, he was 
ill-advised to dispute with her what was legally her 


due. Charles m.'s envoys had nothing to say to 
this argument excepting the state of penury and 
embarrassment in which their master found himself/ 

At last, on the 5th of May 1505, in the presence of 
Maximilian, a treaty was signed in the hall of the 
Knights of St. John of Jerusalem at Strasburg, by 
which Duke Charles granted to Margaret the county 
of Villars and the Seignory of Gourdans, with all 
rights of government as well as power of redeeming 
the mortgaged lands of Bresse to the amount of 1200 
florins. After the ratification of this treaty Margaret 
returned to the castle of Pont-d'Ain and prepared to 
carry out her plans. 

She first called her Council together and explained 
her intentions. Margaret of Bourbon's vow was to 
build a church in honour of Saint Benedict, but as 
this order had already become lax, Margaret wished 
that the church and monastery should be placed 
under the protection of St. Nicolas de Tolentin, who 
had lately been canonised, and was noted for the 
number of miracles worked by his intercession, and 
for whom she felt a particular devotion. 

The princess's Council, foreseeing the enormous 
expense which the execution of this plan would in- 
volve, tried to dissuade her from it, and endeavoured 
to turn her mind to completing the church of Notre- 
Dame de Bourg, which Jean de Loriol was then 
building. At the time of the young duke's death 
they had promised to bring his body to rest in the 
Abbey of Haute- Combe near the Dukes of Savoy, 
his predecessors. But she would not listen to this 
argument, and replied 'that she had been informed 
of the vow which the late lord and lady, her husband's 
parents, had made to found a monastery of the order 
of St. Augustine on the site of Brou, but the former, 


after he succeeded, forgot to fulfil it, and neglected 
the duty of accomplishing his vow, and that it had 
pleased God to take her lord and husband in his 
youth in such a way that he had not leisure nor time 
to fulfil his father and mother's vow, but that she, 
with the help of God, would do so.' ! 

The series of objections from the Council, and 
Margaret's firm determination, are still more apparent 
in the following quaint dialogue recorded by a witness 
in Parading Chronique de Savoie : — ' When several 
prominent people pointed out that as she was the 
daughter of a great Emperor, and had been Queen 
of France, and had since married so great and famous 
a Prince, she would be put to heavy and intolerable 
expense in order to accomplish something worthy 
of her greatness, she replied that God would take 
care of the expense. They, moreover, said to her : 
"Madame, possibly you regret that the body of 
Madame, his mother, is buried in this little place of 
Brou ; a dispensation could easily be procured from 
the Pope to carry it elsewhere " ; she answered, no 
dispensation was needed for a thing one could do 
oneself; they also put before her that after she had 
done what she intended, if a war should break out 
in this country, the enemy could retire and quarter 
themselves there, and from thence fight the town, 
which in the end would mean the destruction of the 
monastery. Margaret replied: " The power of princes 
is nowadays so greatly increased by artillery that 
should Bourg be besieged there would be no need to 
wait for the attack." They then pointed out that in 
the church of Notre-Dame de Bourg there was a 
very fine beginning, and that if it pleased her to 
employ what she wished to spend on this monastery, 

Paradin, Chronique de Savoie. 


she would have the prayers of ten million people, for 
every one in Bourg goes once a day to pray in the 
said church of Notre-Dame. To that my said lady 
replied, shedding big tears : " You say truly, and it is 
my greatest regret, but if I did as you say, the vow- 
would not be accomplished which by the help of God 
I shall fulfil." These are the objections that were 
made, and the replies which she gave when they 
tried to persuade her to give up this enterprise/ 
Margaret had already had the plans and estimates 
drawn up for the church and monastery of Brou, 
with the help of Laurent de Gorrevod, Governor of 
Bresse. The estimate was given to the workmen in 
the early spring of 1505, and the first stone of the 
sanctuary laid by the princess herself in the spring 
of the following year. 

On the 11th February 1503 Henry vn. had lost 
his queen, Elizabeth of York, who died in the Tower 
of London, a week after giving birth to her seventh 
child. She had been a good and submissive wife 
to Henry, whose claim to the throne she had 
strengthened by her own greater right. The be- 
reaved husband retired 'heavy and dolorous' to a 
solitary place to pass his sorrow, but before many 
weeks were over he and his crony De Puebla put 
their heads together and agreed that the king must 
marry again. Amongst other alliances the widowed 
Queen of Naples was suggested, but the lady decidedly 
objected to the marriage. In November 1504 Queen 
Isabella of Castile died, and the crown descended to 
her weak-minded daughter Joanna. A struggle was 
seen to be impending for the regency, and Henry 
was courted by both sides in the dispute. He had 
taken as his motto ' Qui je defends est maitre,' and 
both Ferdinand, King of Spain, and the Emperor 


Maximilian were anxious to win him to their side. 
Margaret was secretly offered to Henry as a bride by 
Philip and Maximilian, and a close alliance between 
them proposed. Margaret, with her large dowries 
from Castile and Savoy, was now one of the richest 
princesses in Europe. Whilst Ferdinand was trying 
to ingratiate himself with Henry, it was clear to the 
astute King of England that he had now more to 
hope for from Philip and Maximilian, who were 
friendly with France, than from Ferdinand. 1 

Early in August 1505 De Puebla went to Rich- 
mond to see the Princess of Wales, and as he entered 
the palace one of the household told him that an 
ambassador had just arrived from the Archduke 
Philip, King of Castile, and was waiting for an 
audience. De Puebla at once conveyed the news 
to Katharine, and served as interpreter between the 
ambassador and the princess. After delivering greet- 
ings from the Emperor Maximilian, the Archduke 
Philip, and the Duchess of Savoy, the ambassador 
said his mission was a secret one to settle with the 
King of England about his marriage with the Duchess 
of Savoy, of whom he had brought two portraits. 
The Princess of Wales wished to see them, and the 
ambassador went to fetch them. One was painted 
on wood, the other on canvas. The princess was of 
opinion that Michel would have made better portraits. 
She asked the ambassador when the King- Archduke 
and the Queen- Archduchess were to leave for Spain. 
The ambassador replied as soon as possible, but that 
he had come to consult the King of England as to all 
arrangements/ 2 

1 Martin Hume, Queens of Old Spain. 

2 It would be interesting to know what became of these pictures. The 
portrait of Margaret, now at Hampton Court Palace, may have been one 


On the 7th January 1506, after having presided at 
the Chapter of the Golden Fleece in the old Abbey 
of Middlebourg, the Archduke Philip, King of 
Castile, set out from Zealand with his wife, Queen 
Joanna, their second son, Ferdinand, an infant of a few 
months old, and a retinue amounting to two or three 
thousand persons. They embarked (January 8th) on 
board a splendid and numerous armada composed 
of more than twenty-four vessels, intending to go to 
Spain. All went well until the Cornish coast was 
passed, and then a dead calm fell, followed by a 
furious south-westerly gale, which scattered the 
ships, and left that on which Philip and Joanna 
were without any escort. A gale which lasted 
thirty-six hours dispersed the fleet. Despair seized 
the crew, and all gave themselves up for lost. 
Philip's attendants dressed him in an inflated leather 
garment, upon the back of which was painted in 
large letters ' the king, Don Philip/ and thus arrayed 
he knelt before a blessed image in prayer, alternating 
with groans, expecting every moment would be his 
last. Joanna is represented by one contemporary 
authority as being seated on the ground between her 
husband's knees, saying that if they went down she 
would cling so closely to him that they should never 
be separated in death, as they had not been in life. 
The Spanish witnesses are loud in her praise in this 
danger. ' The queen/ they say, ' showed no signs of 
fear, and asked them to bring her a box with some- 
thing to eat. As some of the gentlemen were 
collecting votive gifts to the Virgin of Guadalupe, 
they passed the bag to the queen, who, taking out 

of them, as in it she is represented wearing a widow's dress, and the 
painting is so indifferent that it may well have called forth Katharine's 


her purse containing about a hundred doubloons, 
hunted amongst them until she found the only half- 
doubloon there, showing thus how cool she was in 
the danger. A king never was drowned yet, so she 
was not afraid, she said/ l 

Sandoval also mentions that Joanna displayed 
much composure during the storm. When informed 
by Philip of their danger, she attired herself in her 
richest dress, securing a considerable amount of 
money to her person, in order that her body, if found, 
might be recognised, and receive the obsequies suited 
to her rank. 

Driven to land at Melcombe Regis, on January 
16th, Philip sent to acquaint Henry vn. with his 
arrival, calling him ' father,' and expressing himself 
desirous of seeing him and his Court. Immediately 
the king hastened to show the archducal pair every 
mark of respect, and sent letters to gentlemen dwell- 
ing near the seaside to attend upon them, and after- 
wards despatched palfreys, litters, etc. They were 
entertained by Sir Thomas Trenchard at Wolveton 
in Dorsetshire ; and he is traditionally said to have 
summoned his kinsman, John Russell, to assist him, 
because the latter having been in Spain, was well 
qualified to act as interpreter. Portraits of Philip 
and Joanna have been preserved in the Trenchard 
family, as well as a white china bowl on a foot bound 
with silver, said to have been left by them at 
Wolveton. On the 31st January Henry received 
the King- Archduke at Windsor, the two monarchs 
saluting each other with glad and loving counten- 
ances. The next two days being Sunday and 
Candlemas were devoted to religious exercises, and 

1 From a Spanish account in MSS. at the Royal Academy, Madrid. 
— Martin Hume, Qiwcns of Old Spain. 


the following week to recreation. It is curious to 
read amongst all the state details that when 'the 
King of Castile played with the racquet, he gave the 
Lord Marquis (of Dorset) fifteen.' On the 9th 
February Philip was invested with the Order of the 
Garter. 'Immediately after mass, certain of the 
King of England's and the King of Castile's Council 
presented their respective sovereigns with the draft 
of the treaty of peace, having divers new articles 
and confirmations inserted therein. The kings, 
seated in their stalls, in St. George's Chapel, 
signed the writings with their own hands, and the 
pledges were solemnly sworn upon a fragment of 
the true cross, by which the rebel Earl of Suffolk 
was to be surrendered to his doom, and Philip's 
sister Margaret married to Henry, and England 
bound to the King of Castile against Ferdinand of 

Joanna was deliberately kept in the background 
during her stay in England. She had followed her 
husband slowly from Melcombe, and arrived at 
Windsor ten days later, the day after Philip with 
great ceremony had been invested with the Order of 
the Garter, and had signed the treaty. On her 
arrival at Windsor she was welcomed by the King of 
England and her sister, the Princess of Wales, 
though she was not allowed to see the latter alone. 
The Cottonian MSS. tells us that Queen Joanna did 
not see her sister until just before her departure ; 
they were not even then more than an hour together, 
and were never left alone, and Katharine left the 
next day for Richmond. ' On the twelfth the King 
of England went to Richmond to prepare his house 
there for the King of Castile, who joined him on the 
fourteenth, the Queen of Castile proceeding on the 


same day to the seaside to her ships lying at Dart- 
mouth and Plymouth.' The rest of the time Philip 
was at Richmond was spent in recreation, and 'all 
the season 'the King of Castile was in the King of 
England's Court every holiday.' On the 2nd of 
March he took his leave, the King of England 
accompanying him on his way a mile or more, defray- 
ing the charges of all his servants, and giving 
rewards.' During the whole time of Philip and 
Joanna's sojourn in England their expenses and those 
of their suites were paid by the king's officials, and 
they were entertained with dubious hospitality for 
nearly three months. During this time Henry vn. 
availed himself of the situation to extort three 
treaties from his guest not altogether reconcilable 
with sound policy or honour. The first was a treaty 
of alliance, the second that of his marriage with the 
Archduchess Margaret, and the third a treaty of 
commerce. The latter was so disastrous to Flemish 
interests as to be known by the name of ' Malus 
intercursus.' It was agreed that the three treaties 
should be confirmed, sealed, and delivered at Calais, 
at fixed dates ; but when the' English envoys reached 
Calais they waited in vain for Philip's messengers. 
Henry vn., writing on August 19th to Maximilian, 
informs him that 'the new ratifications were to be 
exchanged in the town of Calais, the treaty of 
alliance and marriage before the 20th of June, and 
that of commerce before the last day of July. His 
ambassadors were at Calais by the appointed time, 
with all the necessary papers, but the ambassadors 
of King Philip have not arrived up to this day ; nor 
has he heard anything of the approval of the Pope, 
which had been promised him, nor of the securities 
for the dowry and the consent of the archduchess. 


However, he is willing to consent to a prorogation of 
the term to the end of August/ 

On the 23rd of April 1506 Philip and Joanna 
having reassembled their fleet, embarked at Wey- 
mouth, and reached Corunna, in the north-western 
corner of Galicia, after a prosperous voyage, on 
April 28th. 

The following summary of the treaty between 
Henry vn. and Philip, King of Castile, concerning 
the intended marriage with the Archduchess Mar- 
garet, is interesting : — 

The King of Castile binds himself to pay to the 
King of England 300,000 crowns, each crown of 
four shillings sterling, as the marriage portion of the 
Archduchess Margaret; he also promises punctually 
to pay the 18,850 crowns a year to which she 
is entitled as her jointure in Spain ; he moreover 
binds himself to pay to Henry 12,000 crowns a 
year instead of the revenues from the towns, 
castles, and lands, which have been assigned to the 
archduchess as her jointure in Savoy. The King 
and Queen of Castile bind themselves to consent to 
the marriage, and to permit Henry's proxies to 
conclude a marriage per verba de prcesenti with the 
Archduchess Margaret. The King of Castile 
promises to send his sister at his own expense 
to the town of Greenwich within a month after the 
first instalment of 100,000 crowns has been paid. 
King Henry promises to perform the marriage 
ceremonies within a month of the archduchess's arrival 
at Greenwich. Provisions are then made in case of 
the archduchess's or Henry's death with or without 
children by the marriage. The archduchess is at 
liberty to dispose by will of her jewels and orna- 
ments. Should there be children by the marriage, 


they are to succeed to all inheritances in Spain, 
Flanders, etc., that the archduchess may become 
entitled to. King Philip promises to request the 
Pope to confirm this treaty, and both the King of 
Castile and his father, the emperor, promise to use 
all their influence with the Archduchess Margaret to 
persuade her to consent to this marriage. 

King Philip signed the treaty at Windsor, March 
1st, 1506, and Queen Joanna at Exeter, March 
18th, 1506. The ratification of the treaty by 
Henry vn. follows ; it is dated, Palace of West- 
minster, 15th May 1506. 

On the 20th July Maximilian wrote to King 
Henry from Vienna that ' he had heard with great 
joy that the marriage between Henry and the Arch- 
duchess Margaret is arranged.' He begs him to 
send ambassadors to Malines, and has already 
despatched ambassadors to the same place. But on 
the 30th of July John le Sauvage wrote to Maxi- 
milian that 'the Archduchess Margaret decidedly 
refuses to marry Henry vn., although he, at first by 
himself, and afterwards conjointly with the Imperial 
ambassador, had daily pressed her during a whole 
month to consent.' But John le Sauvage adds, 'The 
alliance with England is not endangered thereby. 
For Henry desires the marriage between his second 
daughter and the Prince of Castile (Margaret's 
nephew Charles) more than his own with the 

On August 6th G. de Croy wrote to the emperor 
that ' he is afraid that the refusal of the archduchess 
will cool the friendship of Henry.' On August 8th 
Ulrich, Count of Montfort, and Claude Carondelet 
also sent a letter to Maximilian to inform him that 
' they have travelled with all haste to Savoy in order 


to see the Archduchess Margaret, whom they found 
in company of the President of Flanders. They 
pressed her very strongly to consent to marry the 
King of England. Her answer, however, was that 
' although an obedient daughter, she will never agree 
to so unreasonable a marriage.' On the 16th of 
August Monsieur de Croy and other councillors write 
to the King of Castile 'that they have written to 
the King of England . . . and have received this 
very day his answer, and send the letter of the King 
of England to him ; they are much afraid that the 
King of England has cooled in his friendship in 
consequence of the answer which the Archduchess 
Margaret has given to the President of Flanders, 
and afterwards to the Count Montfort and the Bailly 
of Amont, ambassadors of the emperor, and again 
to the President of the King of Castile.' On 
September 24th Maximilian wrote to King Henry 
that ' he had not been able to persuade his daughter, 
the Archduchess Margaret, to marry him ; but he 
would go and see her in order to persuade her.' 
Whilst these negotiations were taking place, an un- 
expected event freed Margaret from this distasteful 
marriage, though it added another sorrow to her lot. 
In September of the same year her brother Philip 
was attacked by a malignant fever at Burgos, 
brought on, it was said, by indulgence or over- 
exercise, and for days lay ill in raging delirium, not 
without strong suspicions of poison. He was assidu- 
ously attended by his wife Joanna, who never left 
his side, but in spite of all her care the disorder 
rapidly gained ground, and on the sixth day after 
his attack, on September 25th, he breathed his last. 
Philip was only twenty- eight years old, and had 
been King of Castile two months, dating from his 


recognition by the Cortes. After his death Queen 
Joanna still stayed by his side, deaf to all condolence 
or remonstrance, to all appearance unmoved. She 
calmly gave orders that her husband's body should 
be carried in state to the great hall of the Constable's 
palace upon a splendid catafalque of cloth of gold, 
the body clad in ermine-lined robes of rich brocade, 
the head covered by a jewelled cap, and a magnificent 
diamond cross upon the breast. A throne had been 
erected at the end of the hall, and upon this the 
corpse was arranged, seated as if in life. During the 
whole of the night the vigils for the dead were in- 
toned by friars before the throne, and when the sun- 
light crept through the windows the body, stripped 
of its incongruous finery, was opened and embalmed 
and placed in a lead coffin, from which, for the rest 
of her life, Joanna never willingly parted.' 1 

Philip left six children — Eleanor, Charles (after- 
wards the Emperor Charles v.), Isabella, Ferdinand, 
Mary, and a little daughter, Katharine, born five 
months after his death. Philip was of middle 
height, and had a fair, florid complexion, regular 
features, long flowing locks, and a well-made figure. 
He was so distinguished for his good looks that he is 
designated on the roll of Spanish sovereigns as Felipe 
el Hermoso, or the Handsome. His mental endow- 
ments were not so extraordinary. The father of 
Charles v. possessed scarcely a single quality in 
common with his remarkable son. His poor wife 
Joanna never recovered his loss, her mind became 
more and more affected, and though she survived 
him for nearly half a century, she dragged out her 
cheerless existence a sort of state- prisoner in the 
palace of Tordesillas, a queen only in name. 

1 Martin Hume, Estanques Oronica in Documentos InedUos, vol. viii. 




Margaret herself composed her brother's Latin 
epitaph, which ended with a cry of anguish from 
the Lamentations of Jeremiah : — 

Ecce iterum novus dolor accidit ! 

Nee satis erat infortunissimae Csesaris filise 

Conjugem amisisse dilectissimum, 

Nisi etiam fratrem unicum 

Mors aspera subriperet ! 

Doleo super te, frater mi Philippe, 

Rex optime, 

Nee est qui me consoletur ! 

O vos omnes qui transitis per viam, 

' Attendite et videte si est dolor sicut dolor meus ! ' x 

Erasmus also dedicated a Latin eulogy to the arch- 
duke, and Jean le Maire, who had been attached to 
his person, addressed some verses to Margaret en- 
titled : ' Les regrets de la dame infortunee sur le 
trespas de son tr&s chier frere unicque.' She also 
received a sympathetic letter of condolence from 
Louis xii. Her reply, written from Bourg where 
she was staying, is as follows : — 

'Monseigneur, tres-humblement a vostre bonne 
grace me recommande ; Monseigneur, j'ay par vostre 
president Villeneufve receu voz bonnes et gracieuses 
lettres et oui ce que de vostre part il m'a dit et pre- 
sents dont ne vous saurois assez humblement remer- 
cier, mesmement le bon vouloir qu'aves a messieurs 
mes nepveurs et a moi, auquels, Monseigneur, vous 
supplie vouloir continuer et avoir toujours mes dits 
seigneurs mes nepveurs, leurs pais et affaires et moi, 
en bonne et singuliere recommandation ; ce que m'as- 

1 This is a literal translation : ' Another new sorrow ! It was not 
enough for the unfortunate daughter of Caesar to have lost a much-loved 
husband ; cruel death comes to rob me of my only brother ! I weep for 
thee, Philip, my brother, of kings the best ! and there is no one in the 
world who can console me ! O you who pass by, look and judge if there 
is any sorrow like unto my sorrow ! ' 


sure fer£s volentiers, ensuyvant le contenu de vos 
dites lettres ; et s'il y a chose en quoi vous puisse 
faire service, de tout mon pouvoir le ferai, aydant 
Nostre Seigneur auquel je prie, Monseigneur, vous 
donner bonne vie et longue. Escript a Bourg, 25 
Octobre 1506/ Addressed: ' Monseigneur, Monsei- 
gneur le Roy de France/ 

But although her brother was dead, Jlenry vn. 
had not given up all hope of winning the reluctant 
Margaret for his bride. On October 1st he wrote to 
her father that ' he has been informed that Madame 
Margaret makes great difficulties about ratifying the 
treaty of marriage'; and then threatens 'it would 
not be a thing to be wondered if he were to accept 
one of the great and honourable matches which are 
daily offered to him on all sides.' On October 31st we 
read that ' the French ambassadors are on their way 
to England, in order to offer to the King the 
daughter of the Duke of Angouleme in marriage. 
But the King of England has decided not to accept 
the proposal, as he still hopes to obtain the hand of 
the Duchess Margaret.' However, his hopes were 
vain, and Margaret was stern in her refusal. Henry 
next proposed to marry Joanna, the widowed Queen 
of Castile, but this iniquitous plan too was thwarted, 
and he remained a widower to the end of his life. 
Philip's death imposed new cares and duties upon 
Margaret ; his children were left minors, and upon 
them she lavished the wealth of affection which fate 
had denied her giving to her own offspring. Her 
nephew Charles was her especial care, and he could 
hardly have entered political life under better tute- 
lage, though his aunt's masterful nature may have 
checked the development of his own individuality. 



BY King Philip's death the Netherlands were 
left without a ruler, for his eldest son 
Charles was barely six years old. A few 
weeks later, at eight o'clock on the morning of the 
18th of October 1506, the deputies from the pro- 
vinces assembled at Malines in the Salle de la Cour 
to discuss the desirability of appointing a regent for 
the Netherlands, and a governor for King Philip's 
children. The fair-haired child the Archduke Charles 
was present with the members of his family, his 
Council, and the Knights of the Order of the Golden 
Fleece, all clothed in the deepest mourning. After 
a long preamble, in which he recounted the chief 
events in Philip's last voyage to Spain, the Chan- 
cellor of Burgundy proposed that the deputies should 
choose a regent and provide for the tutelage of the 
late king's children. 

The representatives from Brabant, Holland, Zea- 
land, and Friesland voted for the emperor; those 
from Flanders, Artois, Lille, Douai, and Orchies 
said they were without instructions ; but the deputies 
from Hainault and Namur refused to express an 
opinion, fearing to annoy the King of France, whose 
troops were already threatening their frontiers. The 
choice was therefore left to the States of Brabant, 
who immediately sent their ambassadors to Ems to 
offer the regency to Maximilian. Pleased with the 



deference the States had shown him, he accepted 
their offer ; but, under pretext of the burden of state 
affairs arising from the management of his kingdom, 
he deputed his daughter Margaret to bring up and 
educate Philip's children, under his direction, and 
appointed her regent of her nephew's dominions 
until he should come of age. 

At Maximilian's invitation the States-General of 
the Netherlands met at Louvain in March 1507 to 
arrange for Margaret's installation. The Duke of 
Juliers, in the name of the emperor, administered 
the oath of ' mambour,' or governess ; Margaret was 
then recognised as Governess-General and Guardian 
of Philip's children. 

' Maximilian,' says Gamier, ' could not have chosen 
a more able and intelligent minister ; she was also the 
most dangerous and active enemy that France could 
have.' The emperor, who was the most fickle of men, 
was only constant in his hatred of France. In order 
to feed this inborn aversion, he often re-read what he 
called his red book. This book was a register in 
which he noted carefully all the slights that France 
had made him and his country suffer, in order, he said, 
to pay her (France) off at his leisure ; and in August 
of the same year (1507) he made a furious speech at 
the Diet of Constance, in which he called Louis xn. 
an ambitious traitor, a perjurer, and a disturber of 

Margaret chose Malines for her residence, and 
here for many years she held her Court. As the 
principal home of the Regent of the Netherlands, 
Malines, already a flourishing city, gained much in 
riches and importance. Its motto, In fide constans, 
had been given to the town in recognition of the 
courage and fidelity of its inhabitants, who had often 


proved their loyalty to the House of Burgundy. This 
fact may have influenced Margaret's choice of Malines 
as her principal residence, but it had also been the 
home of her godmother, Margaret of York, sister of 
Edward iv. of England, the last Duchess of Burgundy, 
known as * Madame la Grande,' who had been a second 
mother to her in her early youth, before she left 
her home for Amboise. Margaret of York had died 
at Malines in 1505. Her husband had settled the 
town and seigniory upon her as dowry, and besides 
an income of sixteen thousand florins or 'Philippus 
d'or,' she also owned the palace called La Cour de 
Cambray, which she had bought, as the Court pos- 
sessed no residence at Malines, and left it in her will 
to Philip and his sister. Margaret lived in this palace, 
which was later known as the ' Cour de l'Empereur,' 
with her nephew Charles and his three sisters, Eleanor, 
Isabella, and Mary. Her youngest nephew, Ferdi- 
nand, had remained in Spain with his grandfather, 
the King of Aragon, who educated him, and whose 
favourite he became. Philip's youngest daughter, 
Katharine, born after his death, shared her mother's 
captivity in the old palace of Tordesillas, until her 
marriage seventeen years later. 

Finding that the palace at Malines was not large 
enough for all her requirements, Margaret persuaded 
Maximilian to buy another house exactly opposite 
belonging to Jerome Lauwrin, which he presented to 
her after redecorating and altering it to suit her 
requirements. On July 6th, 1507, she made her 
solemn entry into the town and installed herself in 
the palace with her nephew and nieces. 1 

1 In a document referring to Margaret's palace, in the town registers, is 
a receipt for payment made to Daniel Verhoevren, locksmith, with two 
double locks with two bolts for Madame de Savoie's library. 


Jehan le Maire gives an interesting account of a 
memorial service in memory of Philip, King of Castile, 
held at Malines a few days later in the church of 
Saint Rombault on Sunday the 18th of July 1507. 
This record of an eye-witness is addressed to the 
'tres illustre et tres claire princesse, Madame Mar- 
guerite d'Autriche.' * 

In his description of the gorgeous procession, headed- 
by the late king's officers and servants, which slowly 
wound its way through the streets of Malines to the 
cathedral church of Saint Rombault, Le Maire 
enumerates the motley crowd of priests and chaplains, 
begging friars, lawyers, and deputies from the states 
in their robes of office, the processions from various 
churches, and all the guilds of Malines in their state 
costume, carrying countless crosses and banners, 
followed by a crowd of humbler citizens bearing flar- 
ing torches. The procession of ambassadors, bishops, 
and nobles with their arms and devices ; each con- 
tingent led by heralds on richly caparisoned chargers 
carrying the arms and banners of Hapsburg and 
Burgundy, with the banners of King Philip's an- 
cestors, those of the Emperor Frederick, Charles 
the Bold, Isabel of Bourbon, and Mary of Burgundy 
being minutely described. In the midst of his 
chronicle Le Maire suddenly addresses Margaret : — 
' You, gracious lady and princess, were also present, 
secretly praying in your oratory for the soul of your 
only brother, whom may God absolve, very simply 
dressed in your mourning, and covered by a veil, in 
company with your noble ladies.' 

In the cathedral, the young Archduke Charles sat 
facing the pulpit, whilst the late king's confessor, 
John, Bishop of Salubri, preached the funeral oration, 

1 Only six copies of the chronicle were printed. — Christopher Hare. 


dwelling at much length on King Philip's virtues 
and great gifts. Le Maire relates that the large 
congregation was so touched by his eloquence that 
many were melted to tears, and he adds : ' I believe, 
very gracious Madame, . . . that you too were 
secretly weeping in your oratory.' 

At the end of high mass, when the Bishop of Arras 
pronounced the words, * Et verbum caro factum est/ 
the heralds cast down their banners on the marble 
floor before the high altar, and the king-at-arms of 
the Golden Fleece threw his staff of office on the 
ground and cried three times, 'The king is dead/ 
After a pause he picked it up, and raising it above 
his head, proclaimed : ' Long live Don Charles, by the 
grace of God Archduke of Austria and Prince of 
Spain.' . . . Then the first herald raised his banner, 
and waving it on high, cried, ' Of Burgundy, of Los- 
trick, and of Brabant.' And the second herald took 
up the cry, as he lifted his banner, proclaiming Charles 
* Count of Flanders, Artois, Burgundy, Palatine of 
Hainault, Holland, Zealand, Namur, and Zutphen.' 
Then the third and fourth heralds raised their banners 
and continued the stately roll-call, ending with ' Mar- 
quis of the Holy Empire, Lord of Friesland, of Salins 
and Malines ! ' 

The cap of mourning which had been worn by the 
young prince was now removed from his head by the 
king-at-arms, who took the great sword, which had 
been blessed by the bishop, from the altar, and held 
it in front of the Archduke Charles, thus addressing 
him : ' Prince Imperial and royal, this sword of justice 
is given to you from God . . . and from your noble 
ancestors . . . that you may protect the most Holy 
Faith and all your kingdoms. . . .' 

The king-at-arms then kissed the sword and gave 


it into the young archduke's hands, who took it by 
the hilt, and, with the point in the air, advanced and 
knelt before the high altar. 1 

Henry vn., writing on October 18th, 1506, to con- 
dole with Maximilian on the death of his son, pro- 
mised to remain his good friend and the friend of the 
Prince of Castile, and to assist them in everything. 
If King Philip had lived, he says, the treaties which 
he had concluded with him would have been carried 
out. Maximilian replied that he ' hopes Henry will 
not forsake the poor orphan, who is Maximilian's son 
as well as Henry's.' 

The few years of Philip's government had been 
relatively peaceful, but at his death troubles broke 
out anew. It is difficult to draw a line between the 
Dutch and Flemings, yet the Dutch provinces were, 
as a whole, distinct in character and interests from the 
Flemish ; and much more deeply were the commercial 
and manufacturing Flemish provinces divided from the 
French-speaking states of Artois, Hainault, West 
Flanders, Luxembourg, and Franche Comte. The 
latter were held under the empire, and the youthful 
Charles, as Count of Flanders, was also a peer of 
France. The princely diocese of Liege, French in 
language and sympathy, but politically connected 
with the empire, was only separated from the Flemish 
group by the Burgundian lordship of Namur, Lim- 
burg, and Luxembourg. Lorraine stood between 
Franche Comte and the Netherlands, Franche Comte 
having a far closer connection with the Swiss than 
with the Netherlands, whilst the fortunes of Limburg 
and Luxembourg were destined to be quite distinct 
from those of the Dutch and Flemish provinces. It 
was to be the task of the future ruler to revive 

1 C. Hare. 


monarchical institutions and to create a national unity 
among alien races and interests. At Philip's death 
Charles succeeded to a wasted heritage. All the 
chief factories and industries peculiar to the Nether- 
lands had dwindled and diminished, and even the 
fishing fleet of former days had shrunk to only a few 
sail in some of the ports of the Zuyder Zee. 

During the early years of Charles's life we only 
get a few glimpses of a shy and inarticulate boy. We 
read of him dancing round a bonfire with his sisters 
on Saint John's Day. His grandfather, Maximilian, 
gave him a wooden horse, and amongst his prized 
possessions was a sledge in the form of a ship, with 
masts, ropes, and flags. In games, like most children, 
he liked to be on the winning side. When he and 
his page played at battles between Turks and 
Christians, Charles was always a Christian, and the 
page, who commanded the paynim host, complained 
that the Christians were always made to win. The 
boy was brought up to like manly sports. He shot 
skilfully with the bow, and took great delight in 
hunting, which pleased the old Emperor Maximilian, 
for otherwise, he wrote, the boy could not be his 
legitimate grandson. Charles as a child is described 
as graceful and well-built, but his face was pale, and 
he looked delicate. His long projecting lower jaw, 
so peculiar to the Hapsburg family, embarrassed 
mastication and caused hesitation in his speech. He 
had clear and steady eyes, and a calm, intellectual 
forehead which gave a pleasant and dignified expres- 
sion to his face. His childhood was spent at Malines, 
and there watched over by his aunt Margaret he was 
brought up in the strict etiquette of the Burgundian 

Charles was devoted to music, a taste which he 


cultivated throughout his life. As a boy we hear of 
him and his sister Eleanor having lessons on the 
clavicord and other instruments from the organist of 
the chapel. He was carefully educated. His grand- 
father appointed William de Croy, Lord of Chievre, 
as his governor, and he was taught to read and write 
by Juan de Verd, who in 1505 was succeeded by an- 
other Spaniard, Luis Vaca, who after six years gave 
up his charge to Adrian of Utrecht, Dean of Louvain, 
the future Pope Adrian iv. But the boy was not a 
willing pupil ; he complained of being educated as if 
he were intended for a schoolmaster. The future ruler 
of so many vast kingdoms was never a good linguist. 
He learned very little Latin, and was never proficient 
in German. Two years after he became King of 
Castile and Aragon he only knew a few words of the 
national language. His knowledge of Italian was 
barely elementary. Flemish was the tongue of his 
birthplace, but he did not begin to learn it until he 
was thirteen. French was his natural language, but 
he neither spoke nor wrote it with any elegance. Of 
theology the champion of Catholicism knew little or 
nothing. He could scarcely read the Vulgate, and in 
his latter years his comprehension thereof had to be 
aided by very simple commentary. Mathematics he 
studied when over thirty, as he believed they were 
essential to the career of a great captain. 1 

At the time of Margaret's appointment as Gover- 
ness of the Netherlands she was twenty-seven years 
old. She is described as a ' fair young woman with 
golden hair, rounded cheeks, a grave mouth, and 
beautiful clear eyes.' And when she reappeared in 
Flanders, with the added charm born of her many 
sorrows, she was received with unanimous joy by all 

1 Edward Armstrong, The Emperor Charles V. 




the people, with whom she was extremely popular. 
Amongst other poems written at this time in her 
honour the following was composed by Jean Molinet, 
her librarian and almoner : — 


Fleur de noblesse, odorant Marguerite, 

Germe sacre de royal origine, 

Manne du ciel, rameau plein de nitrite, 

Palme de paix juree et bien escripte, 

Du bien public exquise medecine, 

Fruict, feuille, fleur, couleur, plante, racine, 

Chefz d'oeuvre sont ; mieulx faire on ne pourroit : 

D'ung autre aymer mon cueur s'abaisseroit. 

Toutes feuilles tendrettes 
Cheent d'autres fleurettes 
Quand vent de bise poinct : 
Marguerites proprettes 
Sans peril* toujours prestes 
Demeurent en ung point. 

Splendeur vous vient d'Autriche archeducalle, 
Bont6, beaulte d'une fleur de Bourbon. 
Honneur vous suyt de l'arche triumphalle 
Des Bourguignons et de l'aigle royale, 
Semence et vie et de terroz fort bon : 
Vostre renom, haultain comme ung canon, 
Est de tel nom que cestuy si adresse, 
Chantant de tout bien pleine est ma maistresse : 

Vertu vous environne ; 
Elle croist et fleuronne 
En vous et point n'empire ; 
Digne estes d'avoir throsne, 
Royal sceptre et couronne. 
D'ung glorieux empire. 

Pour paix avoir on vous avait plantee 
Au fleurissant, souef verger de France, 
Comme des fleurs royne plus exaltee. 
Se pour aultre en estes dejectee, 


Portez le doux sans amere souffrance. 
Qui souffre il vainct ; vivez en esperance. 
A vous ne loist, pour estre supplantee, 
Plourer comme femme desconfortee. 

Entre fleurons de lys, 
Doulx que pommes de lys, 
Avez ete nourrie 
Sans vicieux delicts 
De vertus ennoblis, 
Ayant grant seigneurie. 

Chacun vous ayme, oncques telle on n'ouyt ; 
Le bruit en court en France et en Savoye ; 
L'ceil qui vous veoit de plaisance jouyt, 
Le cueur qui pense a vous se resjouyt, 
La bouche rit qui d'en parler savoie ; 
Peuple meme, qui va courant sa voye, 
Apres vous tend ceil, cueur, bouche et oreille, 
Disant, je ne veis oncques la pareille. 

Chef d'ceuvre tres parfaict, 
Mygnonement bien faict, 
Fleur de riche vallue, 
Oil rien n'est imparfaict, 
Prenez en gre mon faict 5 
Molinet vous salue. 

Jean Molinet, 

Biblioth^caire et Aumonier de 
Marguerite d'Autriche. 

Margaret was lucky in her councillors. She was 
seconded by such clever and devoted ministers as 
Burgo, Melun, Viry, Le Vaux, Caulies, Mercurin de 
Gattinare, Ferry de Carondelet, and Albert Pio. One 
of the ablest amongst them was Mercurin de Gat- 
tinare, who came of a noble family of Verceil, and 
was one of the greatest jurisconsuls of his time. He 
had been a councillor of the late Duke of Savoy's, and 
afterwards president of the Parliament of Franche 
Comte. In 1508 Maximilian sent him to Louis xn.'s 


Court to negotiate on the subject of the Treaty of 

On February 3rd, 1507, Margaret wrote from 
Malines to James d' Albion, King Ferdinand's am- 
bassador in France, that 'she was very sorry that 
the peace between the King of France and the King 
of the Romans was not concluded. If the King of 
France should attack the estates of Prince Charles/ 
she says, ' she would do her best to defend them, and 
she hopes that the King of England and King 
Ferdinand would assist her. She begs that this 
may be communicated to King Ferdinand.' 

Margaret was no sooner invested with the govern- 
ment of the Netherlands than, accompanied by her 
young nephew, she visited all the towns of Flanders, 
and promised in the prince's name to preserve the 
rights and privileges of the seventeen provinces, 
whose homage and oath of fidelity she received. 
Mercurin de Gattinare paid homage to Louis xn. in 
her name for the county of Charollais and the 
Burgundian territories. The letter in which he tells 
Margaret of the accomplishment of his mission 
contains this curious passage : ' J'ai fait vostre 
hommage entre les mains du roi, et l'ai baise en 
vostre lieu, et me repliqua encore de nouveau qu'il 
exit mieux aime vous baiser que moi.' 

On July 20th, 1507, Margaret convoked the States- 
General at Malines, and asked them to levy a 
' philippus ' on each household. This tax was to be 
employed in paying the army in Gueldres, and in 
redeeming the prince's mortgaged lands. The States 
did not welcome this proposal, but voted a subsidy 
of 200,000 philippus. Charles, who was now seven 
years old, made his first public speech before the 
States at Louvain, where Margaret had cleverly 


brought him to support her claim for the subsidy. 
Its purport was understood rather from his gestures 
than the sounding quality of the boyish voice; but 
at all events, the chronicler adds, the people could 
not fail to be well pleased. Reassembled at Ghent, 
the States refused to support the cost of an 
army of 10,000 infantry and 3000 cavalry, which 
Margaret judged necessary to guard the country 
during the prince's minority. They objected that 
in the present circumstances this levy seemed to 
them useless ; but if the country was really threatened 
it should be attended to ; yet at that very moment 
Holland and Brabant were attacked by the Duke 
of Gueldres, aided and abetted by the King of 

The States' refusal to grant proper subsidies greatly 
irritated Maximilian. In a remarkable letter he tried 
to show them that the war with Gueldres was 
not only of interest to Brabant, as they pretended, 
but to all the Netherlands, and that all ought to 
take part in it. He recalls how the princes of the 
House of Burgundy had laboured from the days of 
Charles the Bold to reduce the duchy of Gueldres, 
and the efforts of the French kings to defraud them 
of their legitimate rights. He complains above all of 
Louis xii., who had employed every imaginable means 
to leave the contested country to Charles of Egmont. 
■ And what is his real aim ? ' he asks. * He pretends 
through the medium of the said country of Gueldres 
to separate our country from the Holy Empire, and 
from the House of Burgundy, so as to better hold 
this country in subjection.' 

On September 16th Maximilian wrote to Margaret 
to acknowledge her letters in which she requested 
him to come to Flanders in order to conclude a new 


alliance with England. He has, he says, been pre- 
vented from doing so, but begs that King Henry 
may be amused with false hopes, and kept from 
concluding an alliance with France and Spain. ' If 
she would consent to marry the King of England, it 
might be arranged that she should remain Governess 
of the Netherlands, and pass three or four months 
every year in her own country.' 

A few days later De Puebla, writing from England 
to King Ferdinand, informs him that ambassadors 
have arrived at the English Court from Maximilian 
and from Flanders, the former to beg King Henry 
to make war against France, alleging that the French 
king was usurping his grandson's (Prince Charles's) 
dominions. The ambassador also broached the sub- 
ject of the prince's marriage with Princess Mary, 
King Henry's daughter. The Flemish, ambassador, 
Don Diego de Gueyara, told the king that King 
Louis had declared war against all the seigniories of 
Burgundy, and invaded them with an army, except- 
ing Flanders and Artois, which two provinces 
recognised the sovereignty of France, and the appeals 
from their tribunals went direct to the Parliament of 
Paris. The ambassador begged for King Henry's 
help against France and the Duke of Gueldres. The 
English king promised to ask the French monarch 
not to meddle in German affairs, but at the same 
time he wished to keep friends with France, and so 
put off the ambassadors with polite and general 
phrases which meant nothing. De Puebla adds in a 
postscript : * The King of England sends six horses 
and some greyhounds to the Archduchess Margaret, 
and a letter.' 

A few weeks later De Puebla tells King Ferdinand 
that Margaret had sent a very loving letter to King 


Henry the previous week, holding out hopes that her 
father would send a ' great personage ' as ambassador 
to England with full powers to conclude all the 
treaties which her brother Philip had arranged, and 
if necessary to grant more favourable conditions. 
De Puebla states that when he asked King Henry 
what the treaties were about, the king replied ' they 
were very good treaties, and very advantageous to 
himself personally, and also to his kingdom, for, 
besides his own marriage with the Archduchess 
Margaret, an alliance had been concluded between 
the Archduke Charles and his daughter, Princess 
Mary, and all matters respecting commerce settled 
according to his wishes/ De Puebla wound up his 
letter by informing Ferdinand that King Henry was 
anxious to keep friends with the Emperor Maximilian, 
and not to break off negotiations with him, at any 
rate not without first consulting the King of 

On December 4th Maximilian wrote to Margaret 
acknowledging her letters and the articles concluded 
between the Flemish and English ambassadors. He 
told her that the French king had complained to the 
Pope, King Ferdinand, and even to the Diet of 
Constance, that he (Maximilian) had broken his word 
in marrying Prince Charles to Princess Mary. In 
order to satisfy his honour the emperor requests that 
a clause should be inserted in the marriage treaty to 
the effect that the whole treaty should be null and 
void, and not even the penalty paid if the King of 
France declare himself ready, within one year, to 
marry his daughter Claude to Prince Charles. On 
the 21st of December 1507 two treaties were drawn 
up and dated Calais. One, a treaty of alliance be- 
tween Henry vn., Maximilian and Prince Charles, 


was practically the same as the former treaty con- 
cluded between Henry and the Archduke Philip ; 
and the other, concerning the marriage of the Arch- 
duke Charles with the Princess Mary, was between 
Henry vil, Maximilian, the Archduke Charles and 
the Archduchess Margaret, but was unsigned. In 
this treaty the Archduke Charles is to conclude the 
marriage with the Princess Mary, either in person or 
by proxy, before the following Easter. He is to 
contract the marriage by ambassadors sent to Eng- 
land for the purpose within forty days after he has 
completed his fourteenth year. The King of England 
is to send Princess Mary to the Archduke Charles 
within three months after the marriage shall have 
been contracted per verba de prcesenti. The dowry to 
consist of 250,000 crowns. The Emperor Maximilian, 
the Archduchess Margaret, Charles de Croy, Henry, 
Count of Nassau, bind themselves to pay 250,000 
crowns to King Henry if the Archduke refuses to 
contract the marriage. The King of England and 
his nobles bind themselves to pay an equal sum to 
Maximilian if Princess Mary refuses to fulfil the 
agreement. The treaty to be ratified by the 
contracting parties before the following Feast of 

An interesting account exists of an interview be- 
tween King Henry's ambassador and the Emperor 
Maximilian. In it we learn that the emperor had 
long conferences with his daughter respecting her 
marriage with King Henry, which had been settled 
by her brother Philip. In order to persuade Mar- 
garet, Maximilian told her that the marriage was 
necessary for the good of the House of Austria, 
besides being honourable to her, the King of England 
being ' such a pattern of all the virtues.' He added 


that it was also necessary on account of commerce, 
and in order to secure the Spanish succession, and 
keep the Duke of Gueldres at bay ; without it the 
King of England might marry into another family 
and endanger the marriage between Prince Charles 
and Princess Mary. The emperor told the English 
ambassador that the Archduchess was fully aware of 
King Henry's many virtues, and that should she 
marry again, she would marry no one else but him. 
But as she has already been three times unfortunate 
in her marriages, she is much disinclined to make 
another trial. Besides, she said she believed she 
should have no children, and that she might thereby 
displease the King of England. Seeing that he 
could not prevail on Margaret to change her mind, 
her father called the Privy Council together, his 
grandson Charles being present. The question of 
the marriage was once more discussed, but the Arch- 
duchess remained firm in her decision. The ambas- 
sador remarks : ' From all this it is clear that the 
emperor has done all in his power to persuade his 
daughter to consent to the marriage, and that he 
can do nothing more.' But in spite of Margaret's 
absolute refusal to marry Henry, his agents for 
more than a year pressed her to reconsider her 
decision. The utmost that could be obtained was to 
prevail on her to write, from time to time, flattering 
letters to him in order to secure some advantages 
for her father. 

On January 28th, 1508, Maximilian wrote to 
Margaret from Bolzano to tell her that 'he is 
sending Andreas de Burgo to England, and that 
he has ordered him to see her before he starts. 
Andreas has some money, but it may not be enough 
to defray his expenses ; he has therefore given him 


directions to take some money for his own use from 
the 100,000 gold crowns which the King of England 
is expected to give.' He also begs her to write a 
pleasant letter to King Henry. 

A few weeks later Maximilian again wrote to 
Margaret excusing himself for not having sent the 
ratifications of the treaties with England. He has 
been so much occupied, he says, with his great 
undertakings in Italy and Spain, that he has really 
had no time to attend to that business ; but he has 
now done so. 

In May of the same year Henry vn. wrote a 
letter to Sir John Wiltshire, Comptroller of Calais, 
about a correspondence with Margaret, in which 
King Henry tried to persuade her to arrange a 
meeting with him at Calais to treat with him in 
person about her nephew's marriage with Princess 
Mary. He suggests that some l discreet and able 
personages ' should be sent on before to ' reduce the 
said matters to a final and perfect conclusion ' before 
he and Margaret met, so that when they did meet 
they could talk of 'other pleasant and comfortable 
matters,' and all business could be concluded before 
their meeting. But Margaret does not seem to have 
accepted this invitation, and the meeting so much 
desired by King Henry did not take place. 

On July 23rd Maximilian wrote to tell her that he 
has received her letters, in which she begs him to 
alter the instructions given to his ambassadors who 
are starting for England. He says he cannot do so, 
as she knows that the principal reason which has 
induced him to betroth Prince Charles to Princess 
Mary is to get a good sum of money from the King 
of England. King Henry has promised 100,000 
crowns, but has requested that in the security to be 


given by the towns of Flanders, each town should be 
responsible for the whole sum. But the utmost that 
the towns can be induced to do is that each town 
would be responsible for a certain portion. If the 
King of England is not content with this proposal, it 
will show that he loves money more than his friend, 
and the marriage of his daughter with Prince Charles 
shall not take place. But Maximilian adds, ' should 
the Flemish towns after all be willing to sign the 
bonds in the manner the King of England wishes, 
he will not object/ 

Henry vn., who had been ailing for some time, 
now fell seriously ill, and his illness appears to have 
been the cause of the postponement of Prince 
Charles's marriage with Princess Mary, which was 
to have been solemnised before the Feast of Easter. 
Johannes de Berghes was deputed to go to England 
and perform the ceremony according to the rites of 
the Church, in the name of the Archduke. 

'On the 7th of October 1508 Charles was indeed 
wedded by proxy to the English princess, and at the 
age of eight wrote or rather signed his first love- 
letter, addressed to little Princess Mary Tudor, to 
whom he presented a jewel bearing the monogram K., 
and the posy, Maria optimam partem elegit, quae non 
auferetur ah ea. 

' This was the last of Henry vn.'s many diplomatic 
triumphs ; and it was no nominal momentary union, 
but was confirmed in 1513, and the boy-bridegroom 
then visited his brother-in-law Henry vm. in his 
newly-won city of Tournay, his first royal visit. 
The following year the future King of Spain and 
Queen of France were parted in the shuffling of the 
cards, and although Mary Tudor married the old 
French king, statesmen on both sides regretted the 


more natural alliance. Before six years more had 
passed Charles was pledged to his betrothed's younger 
namesake, and thirty-four years later he showed all 
a young lover's eagerness in courting this second 
Mary Tudor for his son Philip. ' l 

1 Edward Armstrong, The Emperor Charlet V. 



THOUGH Margaret's time was now fully- 
occupied by her new duties, she did not 
forget the work she had begun at Brou. 
Early in 1508, immediately after her arrival in 
Brussels, she made a will, designating the church of 
the monastery of Saint Nicolas de Tolentin at Brou, 
near Bourg-en-Bresse, as her place of sepulture, 
where she wished to be buried near ' her very dear 
lord and husband/ ' The Duke Philibert of Savoy 
to lie between her and his mother, Madame de 

By an endowment she ensured the building of the 
monastery and the church of Brou, and the erec- 
tion of the three tombs. Solemn religious services 
were to be performed there during each season, and 
only on certain days the people and magistrates were 
to be allowed to enter the sanctuary to offer up their 
prayers with those of the priests and monks. She 
also made gifts to the church of Notre -Dame de 
Bourg, and to several religious houses in the town, 
on condition that they should hold certain services ; 
and she left legacies to the hospital, infirmary, 
and plague-house, and dowered fifty marriageable 
maidens of Bresse and fifty of Burgundy. Lastly, 
she ordained the ceremony of bringing her body to 
Bresse and the details of her funeral. All these 
provisions she made, lest death should take her 



unawares and stop the work she had so much at 
heart. This interesting will, expressing as it does 
Margaret's most intimate thoughts, also throws great 
light on the customs and practices of the time. The 
document is dated March 4th, 1508, and confirmed 
by a codicil twenty-two years later, in 1530. 

From the year 1508 Margaret's life is no longer a 
private one. The part she took in politics from the 
date of her investiture as Governess of the Nether- 
lands until her death belongs to European history. 
By her talents, ability, and rare aptitude for business 
she eclipsed more powerful rulers, and soon became 
the pivot of political life in Europe. 

Strong as she was in the qualities her father 
lacked, she yet knew how to defer to his wishes, 
whilst holding strongly to her own opinions, and 
was always an affectionate and dutiful daughter. 
Maximilian's radical inconstancy and indecision of 
temper led him into many troubles, and his extrava- 
gance involved him in perpetual pecuniary difficulties, 
which destroyed all dignity of character; but he 
seems to have had the greatest admiration and 
respect for his clever daughter, to whose wise judg- 
ment he constantly deferred, as his many letters 
to her testify. 

The warlike Pontiff, Julius n., had announced his 
intention of * driving the barbarians out of Italy by 
force of arms.' He it was who first instigated the 
League which was to prove so disastrous to France, 
and was to be the cause of so many years of blood- 
shed in Italy. 

Julius ii. had been favourably impressed by 
Margaret's exemplary piety, and the respect and 
deference she had shown towards the Holy See. 
On several occasions he willingly granted her re- 


quests, and' also sent her many relics and objects of 
devotion, amongst others two thorns from the true 
Cross, which, until the eighteenth century, were still 
preserved at Brou. 

The League so desired by the Pope, known to 
history as the League of Cambray, was soon brought 
into discussion between the great powers of Europe. 
Two subjects were to be negotiated at the con- 
ference : the one consisted in the reconciliation of 
the Duke of Gueldres with the government of the 
Archduke Charles, and the other, which was to be 
kept secret, was the formation of a league against 
the Venetians. The princes who were to take part 
in it were the Pope, the King of France, the Em- 
peror Maximilian, and Ferdinand, King of Aragon. 
Henry vn. of England, whose daughter Mary was 
betrothed to the Archduke Charles, had a direct 
interest in the Congress, as the Archduke's affairs 
were, ostensibly at least, the principal subject of the 
deliberations, but he does not seem to have been 
invited to join it. He begged the Archduchess 
Margaret, through Edmund Wingfield, to combine 
with the Cardinal of Amboise, in order that Ferdi- 
nand might be excluded from the negotiations and 
from the intended treaty ; but the result was such 
as might have been anticipated — Henry did not 
exclude Ferdinand from the League, but Ferdinand 
excluded Henry from all advantage in it. This 
exclusion was so complete that, whilst the King of 
Hungary, the Duke of Milan, the Dukes of Savoy 
and Ferrara, and even the Marquis of Mantua were 
invited to join it, Henry's name was not even 
mentioned, though, as an afterthought, his ambas- 
sador was allowed to be present at the meetings. 
Moreover, the emperor and Ferdinand, who until 


now had been at variance, were reconciled, and post- 
poned their differences concerning the regency of 
Spain until the war against Venice should be con- 

On October the 8th Maximilian wrote to Margaret 
from Schoenhoven in answer to a letter of hers asking 
for his permission for the Papal Legate to confer the 
rite of confirmation on the Archduke Charles and his 

i Very dear and much-loved daughter, — We have 
received your letters in which you tell us that you 
think it well that the Legate should, before his 
departure, confer the holy Sacrament of Confirmation 
upon our dear and much-loved grandchildren, and 
that he has agreed with you to do so ; but because 
our dearly loved grandson Charles is at Lyere, you 
do not know which we prefer, whether our said 
grandson should be brought to our granddaughters 
at Malines, or our granddaughters to him. In con- 
sulting our wishes in everything you give us much 
pleasure. Wherefore, very dear and much-loved 
daughter, we inform you that we are content that 
our said grandson travel to Malines to receive the 
said holy Sacrament and the benediction of the said 
Legate, in our name and his. And for this reason 
we are now writing to our very dear and loyal cousin 
the Prince of Chimay to take him there. Until then, 
much-beloved daughter, may our Lord have you in 
His holy keeping/ 1 

On the 27th of October Maximilian again wrote 
to Margaret informing her that ' he has heard that 
she is preparing to go to the Congress of Cambray. 
As he is told that a great number of strangers are 

1 Printed in Correspondance de VEmpereur Maximilian, by J. le Glay. 


expected, he advises her to engage all the houses on 
one side of the town, and to leave the other half to 
the Cardinal of Amboise. She must/ he says, ' take 
the English ambassadors to Cambray, especially 
Wingfield, and admit them to the deliberations. If 
an ambassador from the King of Aragon come; she 
is to ask him whether he is provided with authority 
from the king, and if he is, to admit him.' 

He tells her that 'his ambassadors have not yet 
gone to England, because he has not had time to 
furnish them with instructions. He has now ordered 
them to set out immediately, and will send the 
instructions after them.' Breda, 27th October 1508. 1 

In November 1508 Edward Wingfield wrote to 
Margaret to inform her that 'Henry vn. has it 
much at heart that the affairs of the Emperor and 
the Prince, his son (Prince Charles, his grandson), 
should be settled to the greatest advantage in the 
approaching Congress of Cambray, and that their 
enemies should be entirely discomfited. As long as 
the alliance between the King of France and the 
King of Aragon continues, he says, it is to be feared 
that the principal enemy of the Emperor and Prince 
Charles will triumph. For if he be assisted by 
France, the King of Aragon will most probably be 
able, not only to keep the usurped government of 
Castile in his own hands, and the other dominions 
belonging to that kingdom, as long as he lives, but 
also to deprive the Prince of his right of succession. 
To prevent this, it seems to Henry that the best 
plan would be to exclude the King of Aragon from 
the treaties that are to be made at Cambray, and to 
sever the alliance existing between him and the King 
of France. The King of Aragon has usurped the 

1 Cotrespondance de VEmpereur Maximilian^ by J. le Glay. 


government of Castile only by means of the help of 
the King of France. If he were to be isolated, he 
would be unable to preserve it, and the Emperor 
would have it in his power, aided by those who are 
inimical to the King of Aragon, to take the govern- 
ment of that kingdom into his own hands. . . .' 1 
Margaret also kept ostensibly on the most friendly 
terms with Louis xn., whose correspondence with her 
about this time shows that to him at least she con- 
cealed her hatred of France. In each of his letters 
he takes a pleasure in reminding her of their early 
friendship and of their childish games, in the days 
when she was ' la petite Heine ' at Amboise. 

It is evident that being on such excellent terms 
with the chief sovereigns in Europe gave Margaret 
some advantage where negotiations and treaties were 
concerned. In fact she intervened as arbitrator or 
negotiator in most of the political events of this time. 
Her experience and knowledge of different countries 
made her old for her years. 'Madame Margaret/ 
says Jean le Maire, ' has seen and experienced more 
at her youthful age . . . than any lady on record, 
however long her life.' 

It is, therefore, not surprising that Margaret was 
deputed by Maximilian and Ferdinand to act as 
their representative at the forthcoming Congress. 
Hostilities had continued more actively than ever 
between the Duke of Gueldres and the provinces 
of the Netherlands. At last a truce of forty days 
was declared during which time Margaret went to 
Cambray to meet the Cardinal of Amboise, and to 
confer with him with a view to concluding a final 
peace. She arrived at Cambray in November 1508 
with an escort of a hundred horsemen and a company 

1 Lettres de Louis XIL 


of archers. Half the town was reserved for her 
and her suite; the other half had been placed at 
the disposal of the Cardinal of Amboise, who was 
acting on behalf of the Pope and Louis xn., and 
was accompanied by fitienne de Poncher, Bishop of 
Paris, and Alberto Pio, Count of Carpi. 

Margaret, invested with full powers by Maximilian, 
was escorted by Mathieu Lang, Bishop of Gurk, the 
emperor's confidant and secretary ; Mercurin de 
Gattinare, President of the Burgundian Parliament ; 
Jean Peters, President of the Council of Malines ; 
Jean Gooselet, Abbot of Maroilles ; and Jean Caulier, 
President of the Privy Council. She was also in- 
structed to admit Jacques de Croy, Bishop of 
Cambray, and Edmund Wingfield, the English am- 
bassador, to the negotiations, as well as King 
Ferdinand's envoy, if he should send one. 

The Sieur de Chievres (de Croy) and other 
members of the Burgundian Council accompanied 
the princess as far as Valenciennes, and remained 
there to receive daily reports of the proceedings at 
Cambray, and to give their help if necessary. 
Maximilian stayed at Malines to transact the busi- 
ness of the Netherlands during his daughter's absence. 
Du Bos, speaking of the part that Margaret played 
in the League of Cambray, says : ' This princess had 
a man's talent for managing business, in fact she was 
more capable than most men, for she added to her 
talents- the fascination of her sex ; brought up as 
she had been to hide her own feelings, conciliate her 
opponents, and persuade all parties that she was 
acting blindly in their interests.' 

Another contemporary writer says : ' This princess 
received the Cardinal with great honour, captivated 
him by her courteous, insinuating, and caressing 


manners, and was so successful in charming him, that 
he could refuse her nothing.' 

Margaret and the Cardinal began by fixing the 
laws of the dependence of the principal provinces of 
the Netherlands with regard to France. Louis xn. 
did not wish to cede what he called the rights of his 
crown, and Margaret would not yield any of the 
prerogatives obtained by the last Dukes of Burgundy. 
She and the Cardinal had many hot disputes, and 
several times were on the point of separating. 
Margaret argued until she often had a headache, and 
we are told they 'cuydoient se prendre au poil.' 
Finally they agreed to leave the most difficult ques- 
tions until the archduke should come of age. It was 
decided that Charles Egmont should have (pro- 
visionally) the duchy of Gueldres and the county of 
Zutphen, but that he should restore three or four 
places which he had taken in Holland to Charles, 
who, on his part, should give up certain castles which 
he still held in the duchy of Gueldres ; that things 
should remain thus until the respective commissioners 
nominated by the Emperor Maximilian and the King 
of England on one side, and by the Kings of France 
and Scotland on the other, had examined the rights 
of both sides and given their decision. 

With regard to the second part of this treaty, 
which was to be kept secret until it was executed, no 
difficulty was raised. It was to share the spoils of 
the Venetians, and this sharing was done in advance. 

Maximilian and Ferdinand agreed to postpone 
their differences concerning the regency of Castile 
until this division was successfully accomplished. At 
last, on December the 10th, 1508, the League of Cam- 
bray was signed by Margaret of Austria and the 
Cardinal of Amboise, 'pour faire cesser les dommages, 


injures, rapines, et maux que les Venitiens ont faits 
tant au Saint-Siege apostolique qu'au Saint Empire 
Romain, a la Maison d'Autriche, aux Dues de Milan, 
aux Rois de Naples, etc.' Immediately after the 
treaty was signed, Margaret, the Cardinal, and King 
Ferdinand's ambassador took a solemn oath in the 
cathedral of Cambray to observe the treaty which 
they had just concluded. 'This League was the 
result of a new political system which was beginning 
to prevail in Europe : a coalition was formed between 
powers having different interests against a single 
state whose ruin they desired.' 

Besides the Emperor Maximilian and Louis xil, 
Ferdinand of Aragon and Pope Julius n. were in- 
cluded in the treaty and 'whoso else should claim 
that the Venetians were occupying any of his terri- 
tory.' A pious preamble set forth the common 
desire of these princes to begin the crusade against 
the enemies of the name of Christ, and the obstacles 
that the Venetians offered to this holy purpose by 
ambitiously occupying cities that belonged to the 
Church; these obstacles the allies proposed to re- 
move, in order afterwards to proceed unitedly to 
such a holy and necessary expedition. 'In the 
division of the spoils the Pope was to have Faenza, 
Rimini, Ravenna, and Cervia, which no doubt did 
belong to the Holy See, in the same way as the rest 
of Romagna might be said to belong to the Papal 
States ; Maximilian was to have Padua, Vicenza, and 
Verona, as belonging to him in the name of the 
Empire, and Friuli and Treviso as pertaining to the 
House of Austria ; the King of France, Cremona, 
the Ghiradadda, Brescia, Bergamo, and Crema ; the 
King of Spain to have back Trani, Brindisi, Otranto, 
and the other ports on the Neapolitan coast which 


had been given in pledge to Venice for sums of 
money advanced to the late King Ferdinand n. of 
Naples. The Pope hesitated and temporised, although 
he had been the original instigator of the League. 
It was only after he had attempted to make terms 
on his own account that he ratified the League at 
the end of the year/ * 

' It is therefore solely jealousy and cupidity which 
united so many hostile powers against a state that 
some had good reason to uphold and others no reason 
to fear.' 2 

Margaret's joy at the success of this negotiation, 
so disastrous to the political interests of France and 
Italy, breaks forth in the letter she wrote to the 
King of Aragon's ambassadors in England imme- 
diately after the treaty was signed. She informs 
them that ' she has concluded all the affairs she had 
to transact with the Cardinal of Amboise at Cambray 
to her satisfaction, and thanks the King of England, 
whose ambassadors have assisted her. She has com- 
municated the secret matter to the English ambas- 
sadors, in order that they may inform their master 
of it.' Cambray, December 10th, 1508. 3 

The proceedings between the allies were kept so 
secret that the Venetian ambassador, Antonio Con- 
delmerio, who had followed the Cardinal of Amboise 
to Cambray, had no idea of the real facts, and even 
wrote to the republic that they could rely more than 
ever on Louis xn.'s friendship and support. At last 
the allies announced their intention of uniting to 
make war upon the Infidels, and tried to pick a 
quarrel with the Venetians by reproaching them 

1 Edmund Gardner, The King of Court Poets. 

2 Bryce's Holy Roman Empire. 

3 Lettres de Louis XII., vol. i. 


with placing obstacles in the way of their carrying 
out this holy object, which, they said, obliged them 
to force the Venetians to restore what they had 
usurped, for the glory and good of Christianity. On 
April 16th, 1509, the French herald formally de- 
clared war to the Venetians, in terms which, as the 
Doge Leonardo Loredan remarked, were 'fitting 
rather to be used against Saracens and Turks, than 
made to a most Christian republic.' The French 
vanguard had already begun hostilities on the pre- 
vious day. Pope Julius followed on the 22nd, and 
Louis xn. crossed the Alps with a large army and 
arrived at Milan. 

On the 14th of May 1509 the battle of Agnadel 
was fought, which broke the power of Venice and 
decided the fate of the war, victory being with the 
French. In writing to inform Margaret of the 
battle of Agnadel, Maximilian says : ' Our ambas- 
sador, Adrian de Burgo, who was present at this 
victory, writes that he has seen quite four thousand 
dead. Through other letters from France we hear 
that there are from ten to twelve thousand men 
either dead or taken prisoners, and that our said 
brother and cousin (Louis xn.) has taken forty pieces 
of artillery. We also hear that the Venetians were 
twenty thousand strong, and the French force rather 
stronger.' So far the emperor had not taken an 
active part in the great struggle. The low state of 
his finances and the war with Gueldres had kept him 
in the Netherlands. 

On March 31st the States met at Antwerp and 
had voted a subsidy of 500,000 crowns as a 
gift to Maximilian and the Archduke Charles in 
acknowledgment of the services rendered by the 
former in defence of the country and in concluding 


the Peace of Cambray. At the same time a sum of 
sixty thousand pounds was voted for the Archduchess 
Margaret in recognition of the trouble she had taken 
in arranging the peace. 

Meanwhile Louis xn. had seized Brescia and Ber- 
gamo almost without a struggle. The Venetian 
army retreated as far as Mestre, whilst the French 
advanced to Fusino. Maximilian at the head of a 
powerful force approached Venice from the other 
side. The Venetians, surrounded by enemies and 
left without a single ally, shut themselves up in 
their capital as their last refuge. This rapid success, 
however, proved fatal to the Confederacy. The 
memorable decree followed, by which Venice released 
her Continental provinces from their allegiance, 
authorising them to provide for their own safety. 
The allies, who had remained united during the 
struggle, now quarrelled over the division of the 
spoil. Old jealousies revived, and the Venetians, 
taking advantage of their opportunity, recovered part 
of the territory which they had lost, and appeased the 
Pope and Ferdinand by concessions in their favour, 
and at length dissolved the Confederacy which had 
brought their commonwealth to the brink of ruin. 

Prescott says : * The various negotiations carried 
on during this busy period, and the different combina- 
tions formed among powers hitherto little connected 
with each other, greatly increased the intercourse 
amongst the European nations ; while the greatness 
of the objects at which different nations aimed, the 
distant expeditions which they undertook, as well as 
the length and obstinacy of the contest in which they 
engaged, obliged them to exert themselves with a 
vigour and perseverance unknown in the preceding 



Margaret's correspondence 

A FTER a reign of twenty-three years Henry vn. 
/ \ died at Richmond on the 21st of April 1509, 
-^ -*- and the whole aspect of affairs was suddenly 
changed. He, like his rival Ferdinand, had been 
avaricious from deliberate policy; and his avarice 
was largely instrumental in founding England's com- 
ing greatness, for the accumulated riches he left to 
his son lent force to the new position assumed by 
England as the balancing power, courted by both the 
great Continental rivals. The new king, Henry vin., 
was a very different man from his father. From the 
time when he ascended the throne, at the age of 
eighteen, he adopted an opposite policy. 

Ambitious and incautious, and immeasurably vain, 
he courted rather than evaded diplomatic complica- 
tions. The death of Henry vn. had indeed cleared 
away many obstacles; Ferdinand had profoundly 
mistrusted him, but with the younger Henry as king 
affairs stood differently. Even before his father's 
death Ferdinand had taken pains to assure him of 
his love, and had treated him as a sovereign over the 
old king's head. 

The news of Henry vn.'s death was longer in 
reaching Spain than might have been expected. 
First a courier arrived from Flanders, who had met 
another Spanish courier in France, who came from 
England, and informed him that King Henry was 



dead. Thus King Ferdinand remained for some time 
in uncertainty whether his adversary was dead or 
alive. He did not wait for the arrival of positive 
news, but at once ratified the treaty of marriage 
between Prince Charles and the Princess Mary. 
King Ferdinand may have preferred a Portuguese 
alliance for his grandson, or a marriage with the 
Princess of Bohemia ; but the chief advantage was 
that no immediate danger was attached to the Eng- 
lish marriage. As Prince Charles was only nine 
years old, King Ferdinand could trust to time, and 
felt tolerably sure to find more than one pretext for 
breaking off the engagement before the betrothal 
could become an indissoluble union. 

On the 3rd of June 1509 Henry vni. married 
Princess Katharine of Aragon, his brother Arthur's 
widow, and on the 24th of the same month their 
coronation took place at Westminster. 

On the 17th of July the new king wrote to his 
father-in-law, King Ferdinand, to inform him that 
he and Queen Katharine had been solemnly crowned 
on the day of St. John the Baptist. He mentions 
that his father died a good Catholic, after having 
received the holy Sacrament; and that his burial 
had been magnificent. 

Henry adds that ' he diverts himself with jousts, 
birding, hunting, and other innocent and honest pas- 
times, also in visiting different parts of his kingdom ; 
but does not on that account neglect affairs of state.' 

In the meanwhile Maximilian had gone to Trent, 
and from there had written to thank Louis xn. for 
having helped him to recover his former territories. 
As a proof of his eternal gratitude he mentions that 
he has burnt his ' red book,' which was kept at Spire, 
in which he entered all his grievances against France. 


As a sign of friendship Louis sent the Cardinal of 
Amboise to meet Maximilian at Trent with pro- 
mises to provide him with four thousand men. The 
emperor in return conferred upon Louis a new in- 
vestiture of the duchy of Milan, including the newly- 
won towns and territories. 

A day was fixed for a meeting between the 
emperor and the French king near the border 
town of Garde. Louis kept the rendezvous, but 
Maximilian did not go farther than Riva di Trento ; 
after staying there for two hours, he abruptly re- 
turned to Trent and sent word to Louis that he had 
been recalled on matters of urgent business, but 
begged for another interview at Cremona, which he 
promised faithfully to attend. The indecision shown 
by Maximilian in this instance has been attributed 
to suspicions he entertained as to his old enemy's 
good faith. But Louis was naturally annoyed at 
these marks of distrust, and being anxious to recross 
the Alps, he returned to Milan without waiting any 
longer for his ally. 

It was fortunate for King Ferdinand that Henry vn. 
had been excluded from the League of Cambray, as 
it left his son (Henry vm.) free to act as he thought 
convenient. The Spanish king resolved to make use 
of his son-in-law's liberty, and wrote a letter to his 
daughter Katharine on the 13th of September in 
which he spoke in general terms of the affairs of 
Venice, and referred her to an accompanying letter 
in cipher, in which his views on the subject were 
fully detailed. In replying on the 1st of November, 
King Henry thanked his father-in-law for having 
communicated to him his views on Venetian affairs, 
praised his wisdom and moderation in rejecting his 
confederates' iniquitous proposal to entirely destroy 


Venice, and enlarged on the necessity of preserving 
the republic, which formed a wall against the Turks. 
Before the month was out Henry was a zealous 
advocate of the Venetian republic, and interfered in 
its behalf in Rome, in France, and with the emperor, 
furnishing King Ferdinand at the same time with an 
excellent pretext for advising his aLies to reconsider 
the question whether Venice should be destroyed or 
not. The voice of England was, after a long inter- 
ruption, heard once more in the councils of Europe 
on a measure of general policy. The King of France 
seems to have regarded the unexpected audacity of 
his young neighbour with a feeling of surprise 
mingled with contempt. King Louis' answer was 
very uncivil, and Frenchmen boasted openly that 
they would soon make war upon England in order to 
punish her for her arrogance. As for these threats 
King Ferdinand truly observed that France was not 
in a position to attack England. 

In 1509 the Venetians, taking advantage of Maxi- 
milian's vacillation, recaptured Padua. The sur- 
rounding population and peasantry immediately rose 
in favour of the republic, which recovered the town 
and fortress of Legnago. Padua's capitulation did 
not prevent Louis xn. from recrossing the Alps after 
he had concluded a new treaty with Pope Julius n. 
at Biagrassa, in which they mutually promised to 
help each other. Maximilian now decided to crush 
the republic by a decisive blow in laying siege to 
the capital. But although Louis seemed to agree 
with this plan, the Pope disapproved, and Ferdinand 
formally opposed it. 

The emperor finding it impossible to lay siege to 
Venice without help from his allies, prepared to re- 
take Padua ; but after sixteen days of firm resistance 


from the Venetian garrison, he withdrew to Limini, 
on the way to Treviso. From there he went to 
Vicenza and Verona, bitterly complaining of the 
treatment he had received from the Pope and the 
King of France, because the former had consented 
to receive the Venetian ambassadors, and the latter 
had caused the loss of Padua through his delay 
in sending help. Having failed to retake Leg- 
nago, Maximilian seemed inclined to make a truce 
with Venice, but the republic turned a deaf ear to 
his advances, and he returned to Trent discontented 
with himself and his allies. 

Julius it's changeable policy increased the dissen- 
sions which undermined the League. In spite of 
remonstrances from Maximilian's and Louis' envoys, 
Julius wished to receive the Venetian ambassadors 
and pardon the republic. He was secretly encour- 
aged in this by the King of Aragon and openly by 
the Archbishop of York, representing Henry vm. 
Julius thought he could save the republic by over- 
throwing the French rule in Italy, and for this reason 
he made friends with England, and encouraged the 
Swiss in their discontent with France. 

In a long letter to his daughter Queen Katharine, 
written on November 18th, 1509, King Ferdinand 
says 'that he has touched on the subject of the 
preservation of Venice in his negotiations with the 
King of France, but very cautiously and without 
discovering his plans, his intention being to keep his 
negotiations secret until he has won over Maximilian. 
He tells Katharine that a short time ago Madame 
Margaret sent her secretary to him. The secretary 
spoke about the alliance, but he (Ferdinand) intends 
to make a further communication to Madame Mar- 
garet, who is the person who has the greatest 


influence with her father, and she would think her- 
self honoured if so important a business as the con- 
clusion of the alliance were intrusted to her hands. 
He begs Katharine to see that the English envoy 
who is sent to Madame Margaret is an honest, in- 
telligent, and discreet man,' and adds, 'he must go 
alone and not be accompanied by any other person, 
and it is necessary that he should be able to speak 
and express himself well on the subject he has in 
hand.' 1 

In the following December Miguel Perez Almazan, 
King Ferdinand's First Secretary of State, wrote 
to Margaret's secretary to inform him that news 
had arrived that the King of France intended seizing 
the cities of Verona and Vicenza ; and that he was 
also making preparations to besiege Venice on 
every side. 'If he should carry out his designs he 
would probably become master of Italy and perhaps 
of Christendom, unless the emperor and King 
Ferdinand take prompt means to stop him, which 
they ought to do for the sake of their common 
grandson, Prince Charles.' Almazan goes on to state 
that Henry vm. had sent a letter to King Ferdinand, 
in which he expressed a wish to enter into a close 
alliance with Spain and the emperor. If such an 
alliance were concluded the King of France would 
be kept from injuring the allies. 

'This letter,' he says, 'is sent in order that the 
secretary may use his influence with Madame 
Margaret, and induce her to help forward the 
alliance between the emperor, Spain, and England; 
a task which is certainly not difficult for her, and 
the execution of which would secure her lasting 
fame.' 2 

1 Calendar of Spanish Stale Papers, vol. ii. 2 Ibid. 


Whilst Maximilian was trying to extract a subsidy 
for the continuance of the Venetian war from the 
Diet at Augsburg, Julius n. was maturing his plans. 
When the Venetian ambassadors accepted his pro- 
posed treaty (24th of February 1510), he took them 
back into favour, and solemnly gave them absolution. 

Subjects and vassals of the Church were bidden 
to help the republic, and Julius openly quarrelled 
with the Duke of Ferrara, who wished to remain 
faithful to the League of Cambray. He urged 
Henry vm. to declare war against France, and King 
Ferdinand secretly did the same. As the Pope 
observed, the object of the League of Cambray 
ceased to exist. 

At this crisis Louis xn. lost his faithful friend and 
able Minister, Cardinal d'Amboise. He was suc- 
ceeded by Florimond Robertet, who had none of his 
predecessor's great qualities. The Cardinal died at 
Lyons on the 26th of May 1510. Andre de Burgo 
was then Austrian ambassador at the French Court, 
and writing to inform Margaret of the Cardinal's 
death, he says, ' I assure you your House has suffered 
a great loss/ 

Encouraged by the death of Georges d'Amboise, 
the Pope continued to make preparations, and 
declared that God had chosen him to be the 
Liberator of Italy. In spite of his age and infirmi- 
ties he was present at the siege of Mirandola, in 
January 1511, and entered the town by a breach. 

In 1512 he concluded a treaty with King Fer- 
dinand and the Venetian republic, which the allies 
called the 'Holy League.' The apparent object of 
this League was to defend the unity of the Church, 
and restore the ecclesiastical state ; but the real 
object was directed against France. 


Julius ii. 's designs were helped by the Swiss, who 
entered Italy more than sixteen thousand strong, 
determined to re-establish Maximilian Sforza in the 
duchy of Milan ; but the Pope and his allies received 
a check when a new general appeared at the head of 
the French army. Louis xn. had made his nephew, 
Gaston de Foix, Duke of Nemours, Governor of 
Lombardy. This young general of twenty-three 
soon distinguished himself by winning three vic- 
tories in three months. By a well-planned march he 
brought help to the town of Milan, which was left 
without means of defence ; and forced the Swiss to 
recross the mountains. He then obliged the Army 
of the League to raise the siege of Bologna. After 
reconquering Brescia, which was occupied by the 
Venetians, he marched on Ravenna, garrisoned by 
papal and Spanish soldiers. But his troops had 
hardly begun the attack when the Army of the 
League arrived with reinforcements. A battle took 
place on Easter Sunday, April 11th, 1512, outside the 
walls of Ravenna. Gaston de Foix, in the moment 
of victory, was surrounded, thrown from his horse 
and killed, as he was charging the retreating 
Spaniards. His death was disastrous to the French 
cause in Italy. 

When Julius n. heard of Gaston's victories it is 
reported that he tore his beard with rage. One of 
Margaret's correspondents writes : ' Madame, there 
is news from Rome . . . that after the Pope heard 
that the Venetians had taken Brescia, he expressed 
the greatest joy imaginable, and ordered the bells of 
Rome to be rung, fireworks, and many other rejoic- 
ings ; but since he heard that his people and the 
Spaniards had retired from Bologna, he was much 
displeased, and caused a strong and furious letter to 


be written to the Viceroy of Naples, captain of the 
said Spaniards, ordering them to return to Bologna 
at once, and on no account to leave ; and, moreover, 
when he heard that the French had retaken Brescia 
and slaughtered the Venetians, they say he tore his 
beard with rage.' 

During this struggle the emperor remained 
passive. Although he agreed to Louis' proposed 
reforms, he evaded his promise to send German 
bishops to the Council the French king had convoked 
at Lyons. The truth was that Margaret had for- 
bidden the bishops to attend. Louis naturally com- 
plained, and threatened the princess with his 
Government's displeasure. Margaret replied to 
his threats by reproaching him with his conduct 
in reference to the Duke of Gueldres. He pro- 
tested that he had neither furnished the duke with 
men or money, but she would not accept his excuses, 
and soon after successfully formed a league between 
her father and the Kings of Spain and England, 
which league she said represented the mystery of 
the Holy Trinity. 

Julius ii. died on the 21st of February 1513. He 
had been one of the chief promoters of Italian inde- 
pendence, and through his warlike policy had con- 
siderably enlarged the papal states. 

On the 11th of March 1513 Cardinal John de 
Medicis, then in his thirty-sixth year, was unani- 
mously elected Pope by the twenty-four Cardinals 
assembled in conclave. The new Pope (Leo x.), who 
was of a peaceful and diplomatic nature, refused to 
ratify a treaty concluded at Malines on the 5 th of 
April in the same year between Margaret, acting for 
her father, and Henry vm.'s ambassadors; a treaty 
which would have forced him to send the papal troops 


to invade Provence or Dauphiny. He arranged a 
truce with Louis xn., who, after Gaston de Foix's 
death, had lost most of his Italian possessions. The 
Sforzas were reinstated in Milan, the Medicis in 
Florence, and Genoa became once more a free 
republic ; the king's army was beaten by the Swiss 
at Novara, and by the English at Guinegate. A 
treaty signed at Blois, on the 28th of March, was 
ratified at Venice on the 11th of April. The 
Venetian republic agreed to help Louis to regain 
Milan and Genoa, and the king promised to assist 
the Venetians to recover their territories on the 
mainland, which were occupied by Maximilian's 
troops. The political balance of Europe now de- 
pended entirely on the goodwill of Henry vm. On 
the 25th of May 1513 Jean le Veau wrote to 
Margaret that * the time had come to be firm, and 
that she ought to imitate the English, who always 
showed their enmity against France.' 

A treaty was concluded through Margaret's inter- 
vention in 1513 between the emperor and Henry 
vm., which aimed at humbling France, but only 
resulted in the battle of Guinegate, where Maxi- 
milian served as a volunteer in the English army, 
and received a hundred crowns a day as pay. It was 
on this occasion that Margaret ordered the town of 
Therouenne on the borders of France and Belgium 
to be completely destroyed. Whilst he was with 
the English army Maximilian sent a messenger to 
Margaret asking her to join him at Tournay. In 
reply she says : ' Monseigneur, I have received the 
message that you have been pleased to send me by 
Marnix, my secretary, about my going to Tournay. 
As for me, Monseigneur, if you think that my going 
there is necessary, and can be of service to you, I 


am ready in this and in all else that it may please 
you to command me ; but otherwise, it is not fitting 
for a widow to be trotting about and visiting armies 
for pleasure. . . .' But a little later, after the 
reduction of Tournay, Margaret met her father and 
Henry vm. at Lille. 

In June of the same year King Ferdinand wrote 
to his ambassador in Flanders ' to tell Madame 
Margaret that before and after he concluded the 
truce with France in his own name as well as in the 
name of the emperor, the King of England, and 
Prince Charles, he wrote to his ambassador, Don 
Pedro de Urea, and ordered him to explain all his 
reasons to the emperor. . . . Having concluded 
the truce from pure necessity, he is forced to observe 
it this year.' King Ferdinand tells his ambassador 
to beg Madame Margaret to use her influence with 
the emperor, and to show him that the policy he has 
hitherto adopted can have only one result, viz. 'that 
of making the King of France master of the world ; 
whilst if the emperor follows his (Ferdinand's) 
advice, nothing will be lost/ 

He writes that ' Madame Margaret is willing to 
deliver Don Juan Manuel up to him as prisoner. 
She is to be told that Don Juan has not only be- 
haved badly to King Ferdinand, but also speaks so 
ill of her that for this alone he deserves punishment.' 1 

And when, a little later, Margaret has asked Maxi- 
milian's permission to arrest Don Juan Manuel, be- 
cause he had spoken against King Ferdinand, Maxi- 
milian answers that * if Don Juan has committed a 
crime which is punishable according to law, he may 
be arrested ; if not, it will be sufficient to banish him 
from the Court.' 

1 Calendar of Spanish State Papers, vol. ii. 


But although Margaret as Governess of the Nether- 
lands took part in the greatest events of her century, 
yet her private life in her home at Malines was of the 
simplest and most domestic kind. We get a very good 
idea of the way she spent her days from her interesting 
correspondence and from her father's letters which 
have, fortunately, been preserved. These letters are 
in French, but Maximilian's spelling is chiefly eupho- 
nical, and the meaning often obscure. In spite of 
the quaint style, these letters form an interesting 
history of Europe at the dawn of the Renaissance. 
Beginning with the drama which opens at the League 
of Cambray, in which England, France, Germany, the 
Netherlands, Italy, and Spain all play their parts, 
and ending with the disaster of Pavia, the humbling 
of France, and the triumph of the House of Austria, 
there is not a negotiation, war, or treaty, whose 
secret cause and real origin is not disclosed. Although 
the correspondence comprises a comparatively short 
period, and does not go much beyond the first quarter 
of the sixteenth century, still the age was one of 
thrilling interest and brilliant personality. Amongst 
the illustrious personages who pass in review before 
us are Louis xn., Anne of Brittany, Francis i., Louise 
of Savoy, Margaret of Angouleme, the Cardinal of 
Amboise, and the Chevalier Bayard, Ferdinand of 
Aragon, Gonzalva of Cordova, and Ximenes, Henry 
vii., Henry viil, and Cardinal Wolsey, Charles v., 
and Luther. 

Margaret's correspondents included most of the 
sovereigns of Europe and their various ambassadors. 
Besides the personages already mentioned, we come 
across the names of Raulin, Carondelet, Alberto Pio, 
the Cardinal of Gurk, Caulier, and Laurent de Gor- 
revod, to whose conferences and intrigues we are 


introduced, and sometimes to the snares they laid for 
their best friends. Amongst them we find Andre* de 
Burgo, Maximilian's ' faithful councillor ' and ambas- 
sador in France, whose despatches to Malines are 
masterpieces of finesse and diplomacy. The pages in 
which he describes the events of which Julius n. is 
the hero are full of interest. In a witty and delight- 
ful manner he records the ambitions, cabals, and 
various factions which hastened the end of this 
warrior pontiff who was ' always dying but never 
buried.' He frequently announces that the Holy 
Father is the victim of a violent fever, and that the 
doctors hardly hope to save him— it is whispered that 
he will be ' in paradise before a year and a half is out.' 
The Cardinals prepare to 'choose a good and holy 
Pope,' but before they can do so, the dying Pope 
recovers, or at least he is 'so much better that he 
thinks himself cured and has lost his fever.' 

Then there is Andre de Burgo's successor, Chan- 
cellor Perrenot, the father of Cardinal de Granvelle. 
Also the Granvelles' enemy, Mercurin de Gattinare, 
a skilled diplomatist and picturesque writer. More 
than once we read of his reminding Margaret of the 
respect she owes him, and he tells her, not without 
pride, that she does not deserve to have a servant 
like himself, and when she gave him some unmerited 
rebuke, he replied : ' These words should be addressed 
to a stranger and an unknown man, not to me, whom 
you have known and tried.' 

In Margaret's time Malines was a flourishing com- 
mercial city, whose manufactures were exported to 
all parts of Europe. Commerce, industries, and 
navigation had made great progress under her wise 
rule. Her palace was the centre of life in the old 
city and the meeting-place of many illustrious families 


and learned men who came from all parts of the 
Netherlands to visit her Court. Jean Second, 
Erasmus, Cornelius Agrippa, Jean Lemaire, Mabuse, 
Coxcie, and Van Orley were amongst her frequent 

One of her chief ladies was the Countess of Hoch- 
strate, who had charge of her maids of honour and 
the women of her household. Her husband, Count 
Hochstrate, was the princess's chevalier d'honneur, 
and commanded her bodyguard of twenty-seven 
noblemen, whose duty it was to attend her wherever 
she went. He also was in charge of the stewards, 
cooks, pastrycooks, bakers, cupbearers, carvers and 
the other servants, besides the keeper of Prince 
Charles's lions and rare birds, so that his post was 
no sinecure. 

Margaret took great pride in keeping up an establish- 
ment worthy of her rank. She lived in great luxury, 
and her table was always furnished with the choicest 
wines, and every kind of fish, fowl, and game in its 
season. In spite of her habitual melancholy, she took 
part in the usual amusements of her time. We read 
of her attending many feasts, dances, and jousts ; and 
it was seldom she did not have music during her 
meals, either fife, tambourin, or violin players, or 
sometimes the choristers of Notre-Dame de Sablon, 
or Monsieur de Ravestein's singers, who played and 
sang songs before her. Another day we read of her 
watching the performance of ' two large and powerful 
bears ' brought by some strolling Hungarian players ; 
or sitting in the vast hall, silent and dreamy, listening 
to old airs of German minstrelsy. 

Maximilian occasionally visited his daughter, and 
then Malines was en fete. Sometimes he invited 
his young granddaughters to spend a few days with 


him at Brussels, * to see the park and enjoy them- 
selves.' 1 

But Margaret's favourite occupation was superin- 
tending the education of her nephew Charles. She 
had a wonderful aptitude for teaching, and was not 
satisfied that he should excel in manly sports, which 
was usually all that was required of princes, but she 
insisted on his studying history, languages, and science. 
She also found time for more domestic employments. 
From the letters we find that she spun flax, and 
amongst the objects mentioned in her inventory are 
a spindle, distaff, and winding reels. She was accus- 
tomed to work with her needle, and once she sur- 
prised her father by sending him 'good linen shirts,' 
which she had made herself, and Maximilian, de- 
lighted with this present, hastened to thank her : ' I 
have received by this bearer some beautiful shirts 
and "huves" which you have helped to make with 
your own hand, with which I am delighted. . . . 
Our skin will be comforted with meeting the fineness 
and softness of such beautiful linen, such as the angels 
in Paradise use for their clothing.' Margaret also 
sent her father receipts for various dishes which 
pleased her, and we find her recommending him to 
eat some preserves during the heat of summer which 
she has tried herself and found excellent. ' I have 
a good apothecary,' she says, 'called Countess de 
Home, who takes care to supply me every year with 
the best preserves in the world, which she makes 
with her own hands, and as I find them good, it 
seems to me that you will also, even in this great 

Margaret took much interest in her maids of honour, 
and when necessary did not spare them either advice 

1 Le Glay, Gorrespondance de VEnvpereur Maximilian I, 


or punishment. She warned them especially to avoid 
gossiping or foolish conversation. During the long 
winter evenings she played chess, or when summer 
came with long fine days, she rode with them through 
the forests of Scheplaken, Groenendael, and Boisfort, 
followed by her greyhounds. If one of her maids 
married, Margaret took care to prepare the trousseau. 
Sometimes she put aside a certain sum for this pur- 
pose from her privy purse, and often begged a post 
from Maximilian for the girl's future husband. Thus 
she dowered and provided for many maidens whose 
names are mentioned in the Archives of Lille. 

As a rule, Margaret and her father treated each 
other with the greatest confidence. Maximilian took a 
fatherly interest in whatever concerned his daughter's 
happiness. He would like to have seen her married 
to Henry vn., for then, as he said, she would not have 
been 'a person lost and forgotten.' Sometimes he 
made her small presents, ' a carbuncle which his father 
the Emperor Frederick had valued,' or a haunch of 
venison off which she could * feast at some dinner or 
supper.' On another occasion he sent her the plan of 
a triumphal arch before ' having it erected, so that it 
might remain for ever as a monument to their per- 
petual glory.' 

One day, in a fit of rare generosity (for he was very 
impecunious), he made her a present of 100,000 crowns. 
Margaret will be ungrateful, he says, * if she is not 
well pleased with him.' He tells her his most secret 
thoughts . . . that he intends soliciting the papal 
tiara, for the Pope ' cannot live long.' He wishes to 
be nominated coadjutor of the Sovereign Pontiff, so 
as ' to be assured of having the Papacy and becoming 
a priest and afterwards made holy.' With this in- 
tention he begins to * win over the cardinals ' with 



two or three thousand ducats, and he sends ' a mes- 
senger to the King of Aragon, begging him to help 
him to get what he wants.' 

But this confidence between the emperor and his 
daughter was often broken. Maximilian sometimes 
complains that she treats him badly and ' takes him 
for a Frenchman ! ' She was not always his ' good 
daughter ; ' she sometimes speaks too plainly and asks 
him when he intends sending an answer to the English 
ambassadors, who have been kept waiting for eight 
months, and reminds him ironically ' that it is time to 
move in this business.' On another occasion she 
writes these words in a letter which he calls 'rude 
and ungracious ' : 'I know that it is not my business 
to interfere in your said affairs, as I am an inexperi- 
enced woman in such matters, nevertheless the great 
duty I have towards you emboldens me to . . . 
beg of you ... to take care whilst there is yet 

But in spite of these small recriminations each 
tried to help the other, as we see from the numerous 
requests they constantly made to each other in favour 
of various persons in whom they were interested. In 
spite of the Netherlands' general prosperity, both 
Margaret and her father suffered greatly from lack 
of funds, as is shown in nearly every page of the 
correspondence. Maximilian hardly writes a letter 
without mentioning that he has need of 'a sum of 
money.' One day he humbly begs for 10,000 florins, 
another time for 70,000 or 80,000, which he must have. 
He knows, he says, that the States complain that he 
only thinks of ' knavery and taking their money for 
nothing,' but all the same he begs Margaret to do all 
in her power to find him the sum he requires. His 
lamentations, resources, and importunity in begging 


are most pitiable. 'We must/ he says, 'in order to 
raise money quickly, pawn two gold chains set with 
many valuable and precious stones, one (chain) being 
larger than the other.' Sometimes Margaret was as 
hardly pressed for funds as her father, and several of 
her letters have this sad ending, ' The treasurer does 
not know where to turn for money ; he has no 
"deniers" (old Roman coins) left.' The Swiss and 
German infantry were unpaid, and Maximilian for 
this reason kept out of the way, and fled to the 
Tyrolese mountains on the pretext of hunting. His 
daughter wrote to him severely : ■ I hoped that you 
would have come here, but from what I see, you are 
going further and further away, which displeases me, 
for it was very necessary that you should come here.' 
At another time she tells him that she will be forced 
to become ' bankrupt ' if she cannot quickly raise 
' 24,000 florins from the King of England.' She has 
appealed to the States in vain ; for some ' cannot 
agree,' whilst others ' have settled nothing yet . . . for 
they are obstinate and disagreeable.' 

Even the ambassadors were hampered by lack of 
means. Andre de Burgo could not go to Lyons, 
where he was afraid to stay for want of money. ' It 
is a pity,' he says, ' for so good and loyal a servant of 
your house to have so often to beg and ask for the 
wherewithal to live, as God's poor do ... he is 
ashamed not to be able to pay his creditors, and shall 
be reduced to sell half his plate to some Jew.' 

Even Mercurin de Gattinare had to give up an 
important journey, and states he will have to go 
1 bankrupt ' if he cannot sell a gold chain. For Anne of 
Brittany's accouchement the other ambassadors had 
ordered coloured clothes ; he alone has to appear in 
black garments, and is much distressed. ' I have only 


black,' he writes in Italian, 'and have no means of 
buying colours.' 

Besides these oft-recurring complaints, the corre- 
spondence is full of the hatred which Margaret and 
her father still felt for France. Maximilian never 
liked the French, and his letters abound in maledic- 
tions against them. He tries to stir up his daughter's 
aversion, and congratulates her ' on the goodwill and 
diligence she has shown in resisting them. We have,' 
he says, 'more experience of the French than you 
have . . . and we would rather you were deceived 
by their fair speeches than ourselves, so % that you 
would take more care in future.' He knows their 
1 treachery and falseness,' for they only act by abuse, 
dissimulation, and deceit, as they have done for the 
last hundred years past, and will still be doing a 
hundred years hence. 

Maximilian himself served as a private soldier in 
the King of England's army on the Continent, and 
advised Henry vm. to land at Crotoy, where he 
proposed meeting him 'on condition that his said 
brother gave him the money he had promised, and 
that he sent the second portion with the first.' 
Margaret certainly shared her father's aversion for 
all things French, although she disguised it in writing 
to Louis xn. She secretly rejoices at every French 
defeat, and when she hears of the victory of Guine- 
gate, ' she is more happy than she can say.' She also 
reminds Maximilian of old wrongs to rouse up his 
wrath, and ironically recalls 'the good faith and 
loyalty of the French.' Several times she points out 
how easy it would be to conquer their hereditary 
enemy : ' There is no boundary between our country 
and France, and you know the deep inveterate hatred 
the French bear us.' 


These words express all Margaret's hatred and 
ambition, and show one of the reasons why she took 
such a special care of Prince Charles's education. 
In him she hoped to see realised all her dreams of 
the future greatness of Austria and Burgundy. With 
infinite trouble she directed his masters and mis- 
tresses, was herself present at their lessons, and 
often interceded with Maximilian on their behalf. 
Thus she recommends Anne de Beaumont ' for the 
first vacant post over the ladies of the household . . . 
or a good annual pension, as a reward for her past 
services, which ought to be noticed ' ; she also praises 
Louis Vacca * for great and worthy service which he 
has daily rendered as tutor for eight years, teaching 
Monseigneur with such great care and diligence, as 
a good and loyal servitor should.' 

We read of the child's rapid progress in his lessons, 
and also of a fever he caught after attending his sister 
Isabel's wedding, at which 'he behaved as a good 
brother, accompanying his sister in the dances so 
perfectly, and perhaps rather more than was good 
for him.' A few days later 'he began to get better/ 
and it is hoped that he 'will soon be restored to 
health,' as he has such a good appetite ' that now it 
is difficult to satisfy him.' He is learning to shoot, 
but it is dangerous for the passers-by, as he shot 
a man by mistake, ' when Monseigneur, my nephew, 
went to play at Wure. On Whit- Monday he fired 
off his gun, and had the misfortune to kill a workman 
of this town, a drunkard and ill-conditioned man . . . 
which has caused my said Lord and me much sorrow 
and regret, but there is no help for it.' 

When the boy went hunting near Malines Maxi- 
milian wrote joyfully : ' We are well pleased that our 
son Charles takes so much pleasure in hunting,' but 


at the same time he recommends, ' when the weather 
is mild, to send him to Anvers and Louvain to take 
the air, and to pass the time, to ride on horseback 
for his health and strength.' 

Maximilian then goes on to describe his own sport. 
He has taken 'at least four large stags in the morning, 
and after dinner five herons. Ducks and kites we 
catch daily without number; even to-day we* got 
four herons besides, and thirteen ducks or river birds 
in twelve flights in one half league. Every day we 
get three kites, for here there is any amount, and 
all in the most beautiful country. . . .' 

These few quotations will show that the letters are 
more or less memoirs of Margaret's life for about 
twenty-five years, and give us a good idea of the 
part she played in the stirring events of her time. 



AFTER the reduction of Tournay and Therouenne 
/ \ in the autumn of 1513, Henry vm. and 
-*■ ^- Maximilian met Margaret at Lille. She 
was accompanied by the Archduke Charles and a 
large retinue. This was Henry's first meeting with 
his wife's nephew ; it was also Margaret's first in- 
troduction to the man whose engaging manners and 
brilliant personality nearly made her give up the 
resolution to which she had adhered for so many 
years, and marry again. 

Amongst Henry's viii.'s officers was Sir Charles 
Brandon, one of the handsomest men of his time, and 
a great favourite with the English king, who, in May 
1513, had been created Viscount Lisle. The new 
Lord Lisle had accompanied his master to the war 
in France, being marshal of the host and captain 
of the fore ward, with 3000 men under him. Hall, 
in his Chronicle, gives the following interesting 
account of the meeting of Margaret and Charles 
Brandon: — ' Monday, the 11th day of October, the 
king without the town received the Prince of Castile, 
the Lady Margaret, and divers other nobles of their 
countries, and them brought into Tournay with great 
triumph. The noise went that the Lord Lisle made 
request of marriage to the Lady Margaret, Duchess 
of Savoy, and daughter to the Emperor Maximilian, 



which before that time was departed from the king 
with many rich gifts and money borrowed ; but, 
whether he proffered marriage or not, she favoured 
him highly. There the prince and duchess sojourned 
with great solace by the space of ten days. On the 
18th of October the jousts began, the king and Lord 
Lisle answered all comers. Upon the king attended 
twenty- eight knights on foot, in coats of purple 
velvet and cloth of gold. A tent of cloth of gold 
was set in the place for the armoury and relief. 
The king had a base and a trapper of purple 
velvet both set full of fine bullion, and the Lord 
Lisle in the same suit. There were many spears 
broken, and many a good buffet given ; the strangers, 
as the Lord Walon and the Lord Emery, and 
others, did right well. When the jousts were done, 
the king and all the others unhelmed them, and 
rode about the tilt, and did great reverence to the 
ladies, and then the heralds cried, " To lodging ! " 

' This night the king made a sumptuous banquet 
of a hundred dishes to the Prince of Castile and 
the Lady Margaret, and to all the other lords and 
ladies, and after the banquet the ladies danced ; 
and then came in the king and eleven in a masque, 
all richly apparelled with bonnets of gold, and when 
they had passed the time at their pleasure, the gar- 
ments of the masque were cast off amongst the 
ladies, take who could take. 

'The 20th day of October, the Prince of Castile 
and the Lady Margaret, with many great gifts 
to them given, returned to Lille with all their 

A few months after this meeting Lord Lisle was 
created Duke of Suffolk (February 1st, 1514) on the 
same day that the dukedom of Norfolk was restored 


to the Howards, and when there was only one other 
peerage of that grade, namely, Buckingham, existing 
in England. 

In October Henry vm. wrote to Leo x. to tell 
him that he had conquered Tournay, and that the 
French ran away so quickly that it was impossible 
for him to follow them. He also mentions that he 
has conferred with the emperor and the Archduchess 
Margaret about the affairs of the Prince of Castile, 
and especially about the marriage of the prince with 
his sister, the Princess Mary. He mentions that 
'Prince Charles came in person to Tournay.' 

In the following May, when in England, the king 
and the new Duke of Suffolk were present at a 
tournament and 'defenders at the tilt against all 
comers,' dressed as black and white hermits, having 
the following motto written in white letters on their 
black staves : ' Who can hold that will away.' Gossip 
said that this posy was made for the Duke of Suffolk 
and the Duchess of Savoy. 

Be that as it may, Henry soon grew alarmed when 
rumours reached him that his favourite was thinking 
of marrying Margaret. He at once wrote to Maxi- 
milian expressing his annoyance, and the same day 
(the 4th of March) sent a letter to Margaret enclos- 
ing the one he had written to her father, leaving it 
to her discretion to forward it or not as she thought 
best. King Henry says, . . . ' Because it has come 
to our knowledge that the common report is in divers 
places that marriage is contemplated between you 
and our very dear and loyal cousin and councillor, 
the Duke of Suffolk, we are making all possible 
diligence to know and hear from whence this report 
can come and proceed ; and if we find that it comes 
from overthere, we will cause such grievous punish- 


ment to be inflicted, that all other inventors and 
sowers of lies will take example from it.' 

The following letters, referring to the subject, are 
in the handwriting of the English ambassador, Sir 
Richard Wingfield, to whom Margaret addressed 
herself. They were evidently translated from the 
French, in which the originals were written, and 
were either translated by Sir Richard, or he tran- 
scribed the version, the matter being so secret for 
his despatches home : — 

MS. Cotton. 

' My Lord the Ambassador, — Since that I see 
that I may not have tidings from the emperor so 
soon, it seemeth me that I should do well no longer 
for to tarry to despatch this gentleman. And for 
that by my letters addressing unto the king and to 
the duke, of that I dare not adventure me to write 
unto them so at length of this besides, because that 
I fear my letters to be evil kept, I me determine 
to write to you at length to send that of all ye may 
the better them advertise of mine intent. 

'Ye may know, my lord the ambassador, that 
after some days having been at Tournay, knowing 
from day to day the great love and trust that the 
king bare and had to the personage which is no 
need to name ; also with the virtue and grace of his 
person, the which me seemed that I had not much 
seen gentleman to approach it ; also considering the 
desire the which always he showed me that he had 
to do me service ; all these things considered by me, 
I have always forced me to do unto him all honour 
and pleasure, the which to me seemed to be well 
agreeable unto the king his good master; who, as 
I may imagine, seeing the good cheer and will the 


which I bare him, with the love which he beareth 
unto him, by many times spake unto me, for to know 
if this goodwill which I bare unto the said personage 
it might stretch unto some effect of promise of mar- 
riage, seeing that it was the fashion of the ladies of 
England, and that it was not there holden for evil ; 
whereunto many times I answered the most graciously 
that was to me possible, knowing this thing not to 
proceed but of love which he bare him, the several 
of reasons wherefore it was not to me possible, unless 
I should fall in the evil grace of my father and of all 
this country. Also that it was not here the custom, 
and that I should be dishonoured, and holden for a 
fool and light. But all my reasons might not help 
me, that without rest he spake thereof to me. That 
seeing, and that he had it so much at the heart, for 
him not to anger, I found to him one other reason, to 
him saying, that if now I had well the will so for to 
do, that yet I nor would nor durst think, seeing his 
return to be so nigh, and that it should be to me too 
much great displeasure to lose so good company ; of 
the which he contented him somewhat better, and 
passed the thing unto his departing, and then began 
to say to me that the departing drew nigh, and that 
he knew well I should be pressed for to marry me, 
and that I was yet too young for to abide thus ; and 
that the ladies of his country did remarry at fifty 
and threescore years. 

'Whereupon I answered that I had never had 
will so to do, and that I was too much unhappy in 
husbands ; but he would not believe me. And after, 
by two times, in presence of the personage that ye 
know, he returned to say the same words, saying 
more, " I know well, madame, and am sure that my 
fellow shall be to you a true servant, and that he is 


altogether yours, but we fear that ye shall not do in 
likewise, for one shall force you to be again married ; 
and that ye shall not be found out of this country 
(i.e. in this country) at my return." That which I 
promised to him I should not do; and for that he 
desired greatly thereof to be more assured, he made 
me to promise in his hand that howsoever I should 
be pressed of my father, or otherwise, I should not 
make alliance of marriage (with) prince of the world, 
at the least unto his return, or the end of the year. 
The which I did willingly, for I think not to again 
never to put me where I have had so much of 
unhappiness and misfortune. And afterwards made 
his fellow to do the same, who, as I believe and 
seemeth me, said of adventure, as his master me 
showed again, that he should never do thing, were 
it of marriage, or to take lady nor mistress, without 
my commandment, but would continue all his life 
my right humble servant ; and that it was to him 
enough honour, so much honestly, and of so good 
sort as was possible. And these words were said at 
Tournay in my chamber one night after supper, full 
late. The other time was at Lille, the day before 
that they should depart, that he spake to me. long 
at the head of a cupboard, he and his fellow, of the 
departing, which was not without displeasure full 
great of all persons. And again, after many devises 
and regrets, he made me to reconfirm in his hand, 
and the same of his fellow, the like promise aforesaid. 
And the said personage in my hand, without that I 
required him, made me the semblable, and that for 
always he should be to me true and humble servant ; 
and I to him promised to be to him such mistress all 
my life as to him who me seemed desired to do me 
most of service. And upon this there was no more 


words of this affair, nor hath not been since, if not 
some gracious letters, the which have been (enough 
or I know) evil kept.' 

Further as to the words. 

1 And I promise you, my lord the ambassador, that 
this is the truth, and I know not other thing. I 
cannot tell if the king, which was " trwcheman " 
(interpreter), because of the love which he beareth 
him, might have taken it more forward for to 
interpret more his desire, but the thing is such, and 

' My lord the ambassador, for that it hath been 
said unto me that he might have showed a ring 
where there is a diamond of mine, that which I 
cannot believe, for I esteem him much a man of 
virtue and wise, but always I will well show you the 
truth, to the end to answer to all. I take none in 
this affair to witness but the king and him; and 
himself first : it is that one night at Tournay, being 
at the banquet, after the banquet he put himself 
upon his knees before me, and in speaking and him 
playing, he drew from my finger the ring, and put 
it upon his, and then showed it me, and I took to 
laugh, and to him said that he was a thief, and 
that I thought not that the king had with him led 
thieves out of his country. This word "laron" he 
could not understand; wherefore I was constrained 
for to ask how one said " laron " in Flemish. And 
afterwards I said to him in Flemish " dieffe," and I 
prayed him many times to give it me again, for that 
it was too much known. But he understood me not 
well, and kept it unto the next day that I spake to 
the king, him requiring to make him to give it me, 
because it was too much known. I promising him 
one of my bracelets the which I wear, the which I 


gave him. And then he gave me the said ring, the 
which one other time at Lille, being set nigh to my 
lady of Homes, and he before upon his knees, it took 
again from my finger. I spake to the king to have 
it again, but it was not possible, for he said unto me 
that he would give me others better, and that I 
should leave him that. I said unto him that it was 
not for the value, but for that it was too much 
known. He would not understand it, and departed 
from me. 

' The morrow after he brought me one fair point 
of diamonds and a table ruby, and showed me that 
it was for the other ring ; wherefore I durst no more 
speak of it, if not to beseech him that it should not 
be showed to any person ; the which hath not all 
been to me done. (Thus, my lord the ambassador, 
see all of this affair, and for to know mine advice 
upon all, I shall give it you more at length, which 
is this.) 

' That if the things had not been so published, the 
which I find the most strange of the world, knowing 
that creature of the world, at the least on my part, 
could thereof never speak, for that which I had said 
and done was for not to annoy the king, for I knew 
well that it came to him of great love for to speak 
so far forth as of marriage. And of another prince 
I had not so well taken it as of him, for I hold him 
all good, and that he thinketh none evil, wherefore 
I have not willed to displease him. And in this 
business I have found myself more impeached for to 
know that which me seemed touched to the king 
than that which me touched. 

' By one bylle (note) I shall put you in writing all 
the inconveniences which may happen of this thing. 
Also that which seemeth to me for the remedy of it 


to be done ; but, for that I have no leisure, I shall 
make an end, praying you to do with this that which 
the bearer shall say you, and no more. I trow that 
ye know this hand. (Thus signed, M.).' 

The second writing : — 

' My lord the ambassador, — Ye may have seen 
how the things have been, and ye know the unhappy 
bruit which thereof hath run not only here but on 
all parts, as well in Germany as in all countries. 
Whereof I have found myself so much abashed that 
I cannot imagine wherefore this thing is said so 
openly as in the hands of merchant strangers. And 
for to say you the truth, I have been constrained as 
well by the counsel of my servants as of the lord 
Berques and others, to make inquiry whereof it 
came, and as well by information as writings always 
I have found that it proceeded from England. 
Whereof I have had a marvellous sorrow. And I 
have letters of the self hand of an English merchant, 
the which hath been the first that hath made the 
wagers, as Bresylle knoweth well. Now, my lord 
the ambassador, the king, at the request of the said 
Bresylle, and the personage also, have done many 
things for to remedy to this fortune, wherein I am 
holden unto them, but yet I see that the bruit is so 
imprinted in the fantasies of people, and fear if that 
it continue long, that all that which is done is not 
enough, for I continue always in fear. And also 
I know that I may not show towards the person- 
age the weal and honour which I desire to do as 

' For yet I dare not write unto him when I have 
anything to do towards the king, nor I dare not only 
speak of him. And I am constrained to entreat him 


in all things like a stranger, at the least before folks, 
the which doth me so much displeasure that I can- 
not write it, seeing that I take him so much for my 
good friend and servant ; and that I am constrained 
so to do, and also I see that to this gentleman only 
which is here I dare not speak or look to him. 
Whereof I am so much displeased that nothing 
more. He himself perceiveth well that every one 
beholdeth him of the other side. 

' And as to the descent 1 of the king it shall 
behove me to speak so soberly as I may me constrain, 
for it is the thing that I desire as much as his 
coming. And the same of my lady Mary, as God 
knoweth. The heart me breaketh when it behoveth 
me to dissemble, not in this but in many others. 
And it seemeth to me that I may not so well serve 
the king, being in this fear, as before ; so when the 
king shall descend that I shall be always in this pain, 
and I feel me I shall not dare speak nor show good 
semblance to the said personage; whereas I would 
make to him much honour and good cheer, I shall 
not dare behold him with a good eye, which dis- 
pleasure shall be the same to him and to me. And 
I know no remedy 2 but the same that Bresylle shall 
show you for to put remedy to all. I would not 
constrain him to it against his will, but, and he 
desire ever that I do him honour or pleasure, it is 
forced that it be so, not for that I have not the good 
will towards him, such as ever I have had, but for 
that I am for mine honour constrained so to do. I 
pray you very much to take pains for to make well 

1 Apparently his landing on the Continent. 

2 In the margin is written, ' Bresylle said there was no way to avoid 
the bruit but that my lord should marry the lady Lisle, as more at length 
I have written unto my said lord. 3 


to understand to the king and to the personage this 
thing, to the end that I may do to him better service 
and to his fellow pleasure. I pray you to do of this 
as of the other. (Likewise signed, M.)/ 

(Endorsed, Secret matters of the Duke of Suffolk.) 

Although these interesting letters are so badly 
transcribed from the original French that their 
meaning is often obscure, they undoubtedly prove 
that Margaret had fallen desperately in love with 
the handsome English favourite, who, on his side, 
appears to have been more or less serious in his 
flirtation with her. How deep were Brandon's 
feelings for Margaret we shall probably never know. 
It is certain that Henry vm. did not look favourably 
on his suit, and as Margaret herself sadly observed 
to the English ambassador in her letter quoted 
above : ' I know no remedy (to stop the gossip) but 
the same that Bresylle shall show you,' namely that 
Brandon should look elsewhere for a wife. The 
rumours and reports concerning Margaret and the 
Duke of Suffolk reached as far as Spain. King 
Ferdinand heard of them, and in July he wrote to 
Luiz Caroz de Villaragut, his ambassador in England, 
asking ' if it is true or not that Madame Margaret 
is to marry Monsieur de Lisle (Charles Brandon) ? ' * 

But in the midst of all these troubles and anxieties 
preparations for the first wedding in the little circle 
at Malines turned Margaret's thoughts into another 

On Trinity Sunday, the 11th of June 1514, her 
niece, Isabel of Austria, was married by proxy to 
Christian il, King of Denmark, who had succeeded 
to his father's throne the previous year. In a long 

1 Calendar of Spanish State Papers, vol. ii. 


letter to Maximilian Margaret gives an interesting 
account of the wedding : — 

'Brussels, the 12th of June. 

' Monseigneur, — . . . After the arrival of the 
Danish ambassadors on Wednesday last they had 
their public audience on Thursday, and visited 
Monsieur and Mesdames and delivered their king's 
messages with many good words ; they then withdrew 
until Friday, when I sent the Chancellor of Brabant, 
the President of Burgundy, and other deputies to call 
upon them. . . . The next day, which was Saturday, 
they expressed a great desire that the marriage 
should be solemnised on the following day, which 
was Trinity Sunday, on which day the king their 
master held the festival of his anointing and corona- 
tion. But, Monseigneur, it was very difficult to 
arrange such a solemn function in so short a time, 
for it could not be as honourably held as I should 
have wished, but, anxious to please them and gratify 
their desires, I agreed that the said ceremony should 
be held on Trinity Sunday, which was yesterday, 
and I did my best to have everything arranged and 
put in order. The parties assembled on the said day 
between ten and eleven o'clock, with as much state 
and honour on our side as was possible, owing to the 
short notice, in front of the great hall of this house, 
where Monsieur de Cambray gave the promises and 
performed the espousals by word of mouth, as was 
right between the King of Denmark . . . and 
Madame Isabel, my niece, whom it certainly did one 
good to look at. The said promises given, they went 
to hear high mass in this hall ; and the ambassadors 
were seated according to their rank, he of Spain 
beside Monseigneur, to the great content of all, but 
those of England were not there because " on ne les 


scavoit accorder." And when evening came, supper 
was served and every one sat down in order, and 
after supper there were dances and tourneys until 
very late, when they retired to put the bride to bed 
... as is the custom amongst great princes. Thus 
all was very solemnly and duly accomplished, to the 
great delight of the said ambassadors, who thanked 
me very much at their departure ; as they had ful- 
filled their mission they were anxious to hasten their 
return, and I believe they will guard your honour 
and that of this house as much as possible. . . .' 

The next day Margaret writes to say that Charles 
danced too much at his sister's wedding, and made 
himself ill. ' Monseigneur,' she says, ' showed himself 
such a good brother, and carried out everything, 
even to the dances in which he accompanied the said 
lady, his sister, to perfection . . . and a little more 
perhaps than his constitution could bear, for the day 
after the said espousals he was attacked by fever. 
. . .' A fortnight later Margaret writes thankfully 
to tell her father that Charles is convalescent. 

As the Princess Isabel was barely thirteen, it was 
arranged that owing to her youth she should remain 
at home for another year. When the marriage at 
last took place it was not a happy one, the king 
being a notorious libertine, who was later known as 
'the Nero of the North/ and after a few years of 
misery the poor little princess died, leaving her 
children to Margaret's care. 

Isabel's younger sister, Mary, was sent this year 
on a visit to the Court of Hungary, possibly with a 
view to her future marriage. Margaret mentions 
her journey in several letters. In April she wrote 
from Malines : ' Touching the departure of Madame 
Mary, all is ready ; and she will start from here 


without fail on the 2nd of May . . . and will go by 
Grave as you advised.' 

On the 5th of May Florent of Egmond writes to 
Margaret from Maestricht : ' Madame, Madame Mary 
arrived here this evening in very good disposition, 
without having met any danger on the road to her 
person or otherwise ; to-morrow we pass from here 
to Aix-la-Chapelle.' The princess accomplished her 
journey safely, but her marriage to Louis of Hungary 
did not take place until seven years later. 

In 1507 Henry vm.'s sister, Princess Mary, had 
been betrothed to Prince Charles of Austria, and the 
marriage contract signed at Calais between her 
father, Henry vn.'s, and Maximilian's ambassadors. 
It had been arranged that the betrothal should take 
place in London before the following Easter ; but 
the King of England's illness and the emperor's 
engagements had delayed the ceremony until the 
17th of December 1508. It was agreed to wait for 
the completion of the marriage until Charles had 
attained his fourteenth year in February 1514. 

In the month of October 1513 the king and 
emperor still appeared to be willing to fulfil the 
contract, and signed a treaty arranging that Maxi- 
milian and Margaret should accompany the Archduke 
Charles to Calais before the 15th of May following 
for the celebration of the marriage. But six months 
later Ferdinand and Louis signed another treaty 
agreeing to marry the archduke to Renee, Louis 
xn.'s daughter, who was barely four years old. 
Ferdinand, as Charles's maternal grandfather, claimed 
the right to control the marriage of his grandson 
and heir. He informed Maximilian of the contents 
of the treaty, but begged him to keep it secret from 
Margaret, as he intended to keep it secret from the 


English king. Margaret, left in ignorance, continued 
to beg her father to celebrate the archduke's marriage 
with Princess Mary, but the emperor always evaded 
her requests with fresh excuses. She reproached 
him for his negligence in a letter written in March 
1514 in which she showed how necessary it was that 
he should hasten the marriage to secure peace to 
the Austrian dominions, and especially to the 

Anne of Brittany had been in failing health for 
some years, and as far back as 1511 had had a serious 
illness which placed her life in danger. De Burgo, 
Margaret's ambassador at the French Court, in one 
of his letters to his mistress's secretary says : ' The 
queen, as I lately informed Madame, was nearly 
well again, but last night she was suddenly attacked 
with fever and other symptoms so violently that her 
life was in danger.' Later on he wrote that the 
patient had had such a bad night, she had lost all 
power of speech, but after having received the last 
sacraments she gradually became better. Anne 
recovered, and on the 4th of April De Burgo wrote 
the news of her convalescence. 

But on the 23rd of January of the following year 
Jean Leveau informed Margaret that ' the day before 
yesterday, which was the 21st of this month, at 
three o'clock in the afternoon, the queen was de- 
livered of a still-born son, much to the king's grief, 
though others take it calmly since God wills it thus.' 
This was Anne's last child. In the following March 
she again had fever, and did not leave her bed until 
May. De Burgo gave Margaret an account of an 
audience he had with Anne on the 19th of May. 
' Madame, although the queen is not yet quite well 
and speaks to no stranger, she was pleased to wish 


to see me, to hear what the emperor had written to 
me about some days ago, and that I might take leave 
of her ; I found her in bed, but looking well, and 
much improved in health/ 

Anne, however, never really recovered, and on 
January the 9th, 1514, passed away at Blois, leaving 
the king with only two daughters, Claude and Ren^e. 
Ferdinand soon tried to find Louis another wife, 
and proposed that he should marry Margaret, who 
was now thirty-four years old, or her niece Eleanor, 
who was only seventeen. Louis chose the latter, 
and had the marriage articles drawn up. 

In a long despatch to Juan de Lanuza, his ambas- 
sador in Flanders, written in March, King Ferdinand 
says that he hears that Madame Margaret does not 
approve of the mission on which Quintana (his 
secretary) was sent to the emperor. Quintana was 
sent to find out the emperor's wishes about conclud- 
ing a truce with France for one year between 
Austria, England, and Spain. . . . Had he believed 
that Madame Margaret entertained a different 
opinion from that of the emperor, he would have 
consulted her first. Not knowing that she would 
disapprove of the treaty, and considering delay 
dangerous, he had sent Quintana to the emperor, 
and ordered that as soon as he arrived, Luis de 
Gilaberte should go to Madame Margaret, and 
inform her of what was going on. As the truce is 
now signed according to the orders of the emperor, 
it must be observed. . . .' 

' In addition to the commission to conclude a truce 
with France . . . the emperor ordered Quintana to 
propose in his name to the King of France a 
marriage with Madame Eleanor of Austria. . . . 
King Ferdinand says that he is astonished to hear 


that Madame Margaret opposes his plans, as he is 
only following her father's counsel, and thinks she 
must be imperfectly informed of the true nature of 
this affair. . . . Madame Margaret, he says, dwells 
on the great difference of age between the King of 
France and Madame Eleanor. Lanuza is to tell her 
that in marriages of great kings difference of age is 
never taken into account. The King of France has 
no son and no heir. A son of Madame Eleanor's 
would, therefore, be the heir to the throne of France. 
It would be of incalculable advantage to Prince 
Charles if his sister's son were King of France. 
Madame Margaret is mistaken if she thinks it a 
disadvantage that Madame Eleanor is so thin. Thin 
women generally . . . bear more children than stout 
ones. If the King of France were to marry Madame 
Eleanor, Austria, France, England, and Spain would 
form but one family, of which the emperor would be 
the head. . . .' 

' Ferdinand hopes that Margaret will not dissuade 
the emperor and the King of England from ratifying 
the truce with France, and wishes that the marriages 
(Prince Charles's and his sister Eleanor's) might be 
concluded in her presence and under her guidance. 
He goes on to say that Madame Margaret is a very 
pious and virtuous lady, and he expects that she 
will act like a good Christian, and prefer peace rather 
than war and bloodshed. . . . Should it be necessary, 
he must speak with Madame Margaret's confessor in 
secret, and ask him to use his influence with her. . . .' 
Ferdinand ends the despatch by saying that 'he 
hopes Margaret will help him to secure incalculably 
great advantages to the emperor, himself, and to 
Prince Charles.' 

In the same month King Ferdinand wrote a most 


affectionate letter to Margaret evidently in the hopes 
of winning her consent to his wishes by flattering 
speeches. The letter is addressed to his * beloved 
daughter,' and begins by thanking her for all the 
great services she has rendered to himself as well as 
to ' his brothers, the emperor and the King of Eng- 
land, and to his son, the Prince (Charles).' ' She is,' 
he says, ' the most important person in Christendom, 
since she acts as mediator in almost all the negotia- 
tions between the princes of Christendom.' 

In another letter to Lanuza a few days later, 
Ferdinand is still anxious lest Margaret should 
oppose the truce with France, and observes that 
'Madame Margaret is the person on whom, more 
than any one else on earth, peace or war depends, and 
beseeches that she may use her influence in favour of 

King Ferdinand tells Lanuza in confidence that he 
believes Margaret wishes to marry the French king 
herself, and that if this is the case, Ferdinand would 
not oppose it ; but the King of France is anxious to 
marry again because he hopes for a son and heir, 
and he does not wish to marry Margaret because he 
fears that she would not bear him children. . . . 1 

Whilst these negotiations were under discussion, 
Henry viii. was contemplating marrying his sister 
Mary to Louis xn., in order to prevent the French 
king's marriage with Eleanor of Austria. It was 
now in the King of England's interest to be on good 
terms with France, as he was deserted by those who 
had formerly sided with him against her. Full 
powers for Princess Mary's marriage with Louis xn. 
were sent to France on the 29th of July. The next 
day Mary solemnly renounced the promises made in 

1 Calendar of Spanish State Papers, vol. ii. 


her name with reference to her marriage with the 
Archduke Charles, and on the 7th of August the 
marriage contract with Louis was signed in London 
by the ambassadors, without Margaret having any 
suspicion of the truth. 

When at last she heard rumours of the Anglo- 
French marriage, she did not believe them, and even 
ordered Jacques de Thienne, Lord of Castres, to tell 
the King of England that she had never believed the 
report to be true. De Castres only started on his 
mission in the middle of August, and the marriage 
treaty had been signed since the 7th of the same 
month, and Mary had married the prisoner 
Duke of Longueville 1 by proxy at Greenwich on 
the 13th. 

This public ceremony at last convinced Margaret 
of the unwelcome fact that her nephew had been 
thrown over. She bitterly complained of King 
Henry's want of good faith, and threatened to 
publish the promise he had given in writing to 
marry his sister to the Archduke Charles. 

Before Louis xn. married the eighteen-year-old 
Mary Tudor he sent his first painter, Jean de Paris, 
to London to paint her portrait and plan her 
trousseau. Accompanied by King Henry, Queen 
Katharine, and a great retinue of nobles as far 
as Dover, the bride set sail for France, escorted by 
the Duke of Suffolk. Amongst her ladies we find 
the names of the Ladies Grey and Anne Boleyn. 
Gorgeous pageants greeted Princess Mary ; King 
Louis went himself in state to receive her at Calais, 
accompanied by the Duke of Valois and Margaret of 
Angoule'me, and loaded her with presents and costly 

1 The Duke of Longueville had been a prisoner in England since the 
battle of Guinegate. 


jewels. The wedding took place at Abbeville on the 
9th of October. With reference to this marriage, 
Louise of Savoy, whose son, the Duke of Valois, was 
heir-presumptive to the throne, made the following 
spiteful entries in her diary : ' Le 22nd Septembre 
1514, le roi Louis xn., fort antique et debile sortit 
de Paris, pour aller au devant de sa jeune femme, 
la reine Marie/ 

'Le 9 Octobre 1514, furent les amoureuses noces 
de Louis xn., roi de France, et de Marie d'Angle- 
terre ; et furent dpouses a dix heures du matin.' 

On the 5th of November the new queen was 
crowned at St. Denis, and during the ceremony 
Francis, Duke of Valois, held the crown above her 
head. 1 

Henry viii., in writing to thank Louis for a richly 
caparisoned Spanish genet which he had sent as 
a present, expressed his hopes that Mary's lively 
disposition might not harm conjugal peace. But 
Louis was quite fascinated by his youthful bride, 
and for her sake changed all his habits, and break- 
fasted at noon instead of eight in the morning, and 
went to bed at midnight instead of six, and soon 
ended by falling seriously ill. His wife amused him 
whilst he lay in bed by singing romances to her 
guitar; but three months after their marriage the 
worn-out old king of fifty-two died during a terrific 
storm which raged throughout New Year's night, 

1 * Francis of Valois and the Duke of Suffolk were amongst Mary's 
devoted admirers, but it was noticed that she showed a marked preference 
for the handsome English duke. Francis gaily entered into a negotiation 
with Suffolk, and promised in (case of Mary's widowhood that he should 
have the queen en noces officielles. After Louis xii.'s death Francis 
kept his promise, and authorised Suffolk to marry Mary with permission 
that she should retain the title of Queen and her dowry.'— K. de Maulde 
la Claviere. 


1515. Only a few faithful friends were with him at 
the last, and when next day Mary was informed of 
her loss she fainted, and with every sign of becoming 
grief shut herself up according to the custom of royal 
widows for six weeks in a darkened room. 

Towards the month of March 1515 an English 
embassy was sent to France, headed by the Duke 
of Suffolk, to bring back the Queen-Dowager of 
France to England. Margaret writes to her father : 
' Monseigneur, I have received your three letters of 
the 14th instant . . . and in reply I write to inform 
you that the King of England has despatched a 
large embassy to the King of France, in charge of 
the Duke of Suffolk, who I hear is sent to bring 
back the Queen- Dowager. . . . As for the ambassa- 
dors who are to go to England with the Bishop of 
Brixen, I have communicated that part of your letters 
to the lord of Chievres, as head of the finances and 
government of Monseigneur, who replied that the 
various personages were ready, but that the difficulty 
was finding money to provide them suitably. And 
I think, Monseigneur, he speaks the truth,' but, she 
adds sadly, 'I can do no more, for now I do not 
meddle in any business.' 

After this date Margaret's letters to her father 
become much less frequent. 

Soon after any dreams that she may have indulged 
in of a fourth and handsome husband in the person 
of Charles Brandon, Duke of Suffolk, were finally 
dissipated by his marriage with the young Queen- 
Dowager of France. 1 Mary Tudor was eighteen 
years younger than Margaret, and was considered 

1 Lady Jane Grey was the granddaughter of Charles Brandon and Mary 
Tudor, whose eldest daughter Frances married Henry Grey, Marquis of 


one of the most beautiful princesses in Europe. 
These facts may account for Charles Brandon's pre- 
ference. At any rate, after this episode Margaret 
remained a widow to the end of her life, and although 
the manuscripts in the British Museum abound with 
her letters to Henry vin., Wolsey, and others on 
grave political affairs, they probably comprise no 
more than those already quoted that have so direct 
a reference to the affairs of her heart. 1 

1 She was accustomed to address Cardinal Wolsey as ' Votre bonne mere 
Marguerite,' and even wrote in the superscriptions of her letters, ' a Monsr. 
le Legat d'Angleterre, mon bon fils.' 



SOON after midnight on the 2nd of January 
1515 Francis, Duke of Valois, was aroused 
by an excited crowd rushing into his chamber 
and hailing him King of France. ' May you have a 
happy New Year ! ' cried his friend Fleurange, ' Les 
belles etrennes ! ' 

The new king was in his twenty-first year, and in 
May 1514 had married Louis xn.'s eldest daughter 
Claude, thus securing Brittany to the French crown. 
Young, brave, and handsome, with fascinating 
manners, passionately fond of beauty in every form, 
he was undoubtedly the most accomplished 'chevalier' 
in the kingdom, but his love of pleasure and extrava- 
gance were carried to excess, and marred the brilliancy 
of his many good qualities. ' This big boy will spoil 
everything/ Louis xii. had predicted, more struck by 
his son-in-law's failings than by his virtues. 

On the 15th of February Francis made his state 
entry into Paris, and at the banquet given the same 
evening, the Flemish ambassadors were present, 
having been previously received in audience by Queen 
Claude. Mercurin de Gattinare wrote to Margaret 
from Paris giving her an account of their reception. 
' Queen Claude,' he says, ' is very small and extra- 
ordinarily fat, but her graceful way of talking makes 
amends for her lack of beauty.' When the ambas- 



sadors were presented to her, ' she kissed Monsieur de 
Nassou, but gave her hand to Monsieur de Saint- Py 
and all of us.' 

Francis i. found his kingdom prepared for war. 
From the time of his accession he dreamed of winning 
glory in Italy, and reconquering the duchy of Milan. 
As soon as he had made the necessary preparations 
he entered on the campaign; and in August led a 
brilliant army of 60,000 men and 30,000 horse across 
the Alps by narrow, unfrequented roads over the Col 
d'Argentiere, entering Italy by the valley of the 
Stura, thus avoiding the passes guarded by the 
Swiss, and finally taking up a strong position to the 
south-east of Milan, near Marignano. Against him 
were the emperor, King Ferdinand, and the Swiss 
Cantons, Venice being his only ally. Fifteen thousand 
Venetians under Alviano advanced by forced marches 
to help him, and had reached Lodi, four miles distant. 
Milan itself was occupied by 30,000 Swiss, who were 
resolved to prevent the junction of the two armies, 
and attack the French in their own trenches. They 
opened fire late on the afternoon of September 12th, 
and all that evening until it grew pitch dark the 
battle raged. When morning dawned the two armies 
were still facing each other, and with the first rays 
of the sun the battle continued with renewed vigour 
until ten o'clock, when, at sight of the Venetian 
advance-guard led by Alviano, the Swiss began to 
waver, and hastily retreating to Milan, left the 
French masters of the field. 

Marshal Trivulzio, who had been present at 
eighteen battles, declared that all the others were 
child's play when compared to Marignano, which was 
'a battle of giants.' 

After the victory Francis wished to be knighted 


>y Bayard, who, though only a lieutenant, had so 
distinguished himself that the whole army looked 
upon him as a perfect model of a Christian soldier, 
and gave him the name of t le chevalier sans peur et 
sans reproche.' 

Maximilian, writing to Margaret from Innsbruck, 
thus describes the battle of Marignano : — 

'Very dear and much-loved daughter, — We have 
had news that on the 13th of this month 1 (September), 
the French being quartered about two leagues from 
Germany, near Milan, they set out and appeared 
before the said town. Wherefore the Swiss who 
were in the town of Milan, having quitted the flat 
country, being informed of this fact, left the town 
about twenty thousand strong and marched against 
the French, and about four o'clock in the afternoon 
of the same day, the Swiss and French began to fight 
each other, more by way of skirmishing than giving 
battle, for there were so many ditches that the 
French men-at-arms on horseback could not help 
their foot-soldiers, and fought so long that night 
surprised them ; and all that night the said Swiss 
and French remained on the field of battle, without 
attacking each other until the morrow, the 14th of 
the month, when they renewed the battle, which 
lasted quite three hours, after which fight about three 
thousand of the said landsknechts (foot- soldiers) and 
as many or more Swiss were left dead upon the field. 
And because there was mutiny and division amongst 
the said Swiss, through some of their people making 
peace with the French and refusing to fight, they 
retreated some to Milan and others to Como, without 
either party pursuing or trying to fight the other. 

1 Maximilian, writing on the 7th October, makes a mistake in the date. 
The battle began on September 12th. 


And because they could not subdue the mutiny, the 
day after they left the above-mentioned places and 
returned to their own country. . . .' 

After the battle Maximilian Sforza, Duke of Milan, 
yielded his rights to the conqueror and accepted a 
pension of 30,000 crowns. 

Before the year was out, Francis i. and the Pope 
met at Bologna and arranged a peace which was 
signed at Fribourg and called 'La Paix perp^tuelle.' 

In the lull that followed the battle of Marignano 
Maximilian found time to turn his attention to the 
interesting occupation of planning marriages for his 
grandchildren. His Court has been called a sort of 
matrimonial agency, and his letters to Margaret 
abound in projects and schemes for grand alliances 
for his granddaughters. In the spring of 1515 he 
had met the Kings of Poland and Hungary at 
Vienna. Vladislav n., King of Hungary, had a son 
Louis, whose marriage was now arranged with Mary 
of Austria, whilst his daughter Anna was betrothed 
to Ferdinand of Austria, Maximilian's youngest 
grandson. It was hoped that this double marriage 
would secure the kingdom of Hungary to the House 
of Hapsburg, besides carrying out the original treaty 
of 1463 between the Emperor Frederick in. and King 

In one of his letters to Margaret, Maximilian re- 
minds her of his remark that, in order to find a 
husband for the 'Lady Leonora,' his eldest grand- 
daughter, he must wait for the decease of one of the 
three principal queens of Europe, either of France, 
England, or Poland. He now writes to say that the 
Queen of Poland is dead, and it has been suggested 
to him that the widowed king is thinking of Leonora, 


and he would like to know his granddaughter's 
wishes on the subject. 

'As to our opinion,' he says, 'we are willing that 
the said marriage should take place ; for the said 
King of Poland is a handsome person, somewhat fat, 
anyhow he will never be fatter ; with a white face 
and body and very white hands, the height of Sei- 
gneur de Berges at the age of twenty, with a hand- 
somer face than Monsieur de Berges has, for his face 
is open and very honest. . . . He keeps great state, 
is beloved by his subjects and by all those with whom 
he comes in contact, of whom I am one, and also my 
whole house. He is, as he told me with his own 
mouth, which is beautiful and red, forty- six or 
forty- seven years old, his hair is already a little 
grey ; his kingdom, two hundred miles from Ger- 
many, large, warlike, and can raise a hundred 
thousand fighting-men. . . . The king and all his 
court speak German and Latin as well as their 
native language. . . .' 

Margaret replied that in accordance with Maxi- 
milian's wishes she had spoken to Leonora about the 
projected marriage with the King of Poland. 'I 
spoke to her,' she says, ' on my own account, telling 
her of the virtues and beauty of the said king's 
person, with the greatness of his kingdom, and all 
that there was to be said on the subject ; she listened 
to me willingly, very gently, and rather timidly, and 
after several subtle devices, I could only draw from 
her the words that . . .' (Here the letter tantalis- 
ingly breaks off.) 

Sigismond I., King of Poland, of whom the em- 
peror draws so attractive a portrait, was in truth a 
very accomplished prince — but he did not marry 
Eleanor of Austria, and eventually became the 


husband of Bona, the daughter of Galeazzo Sforza, 
Duke of Milan. 

The Archduke Charles was now fifteen, and Maxi- 
milian declared him of age and handed over to him 
the reins of government of the Netherlands. He 
was inaugurated Duke of Brabant in February 1515, 
Count of Flanders in April, and successively took 
possession of Holland and Zealand, Leeuward, Har- 
lingen, and Franicker. Charles's letter to the pre- 
sident and councillors of Flanders announcing his 
emancipation has been preserved : — 

'Very dear and Well Beloved, — It has pleased 
the emperor, my lord and grandfather, to emancipate 
us and free us from his guardianship and regency, 
placing the government of our country and lordships 
... in our hands, and consenting that we be received 
and sworn to the principality and lordship of the 
same. . . . Therefore it is fit and reasonable that 
all things which concern our rights, greatness, lord- 
ship, and even the doing of justice and our other 
affairs, should be conducted henceforth in our name 
and under our title. For this cause we write to you ; 
we require and command that all letters, acts, and 
other things which will be done and expedited to- 
wards you for our aforesaid affairs, shall be drawn up 
and despatched under our aforesaid name and title, 
placing at the end of the letters : Given under the 
seal which the emperor, my lord and grandfather, and 
we have used during the time of our minority. ... 

'Charles (1515)' 

In addressing the deputies from the States-General 
Charles made the following speech : ' Gentlemen, I 
thank you for the honour and great affection you 


bear me. Be good and loyal subjects, and I will be 
your good prince/ 

Margaret does not appear to have been consulted 
about Charles's emancipation until it was an accom- 
plished fact, and we can well understand that, accus- 
tomed as she had been to exercise sovereign power 
for eight years, she felt some secret anxiety in seeing 
this power taken from her. Monsieur de Croy, Sei- 
gneur de Chievres, had always opposed the princess's 
administration, and was anxious to exclude her from 
the government ; it was therefore an added blow to 
know that he would now, as Charles's counsellor, be in 
a position to deprive her of her nephew's confidence. 

Margaret no longer presided at the State Council, 
and was only appealed to as a matter of form. The 
emperor's letters were not communicated to her, and 
she even heard rumours that she was accused of per- 
sonal avarice and of having been unsuccessful in her 
rule. She keenly resented these accusations and 
complained to her father, and also addressed a 
memorandum to her nephew containing a sketch of 
her government, and accounts, with a full list of the 
gifts and payments made out of her private income. 

Maximilian replied that he has written to Charles, 
and encloses a copy of the letter, in which he says : 
1 We make no doubt, because of the honour and love 
you owe to our very dear daughter, your aunt, that 
you communicate your chief and most arduous busi- 
ness to her, and that you take and use her good advice 
and counsel, from which, for natural reasons, you will 
always find more comfort, help, and support than from 
any other. In which, as a royal father, we exhort 
you always to continue, begging you affectionately to 
remember the way she laboured during your minority 
in the administration of your country . . . and also 


that you are her whole heart, hope, and heir,— that you 
will give her a good allowance, such as she has had 
until now . . . for she has well deserved it from you/ 
On August the 20th, 1515, Margaret presented a 
memorandum to her nephew before the assembled 
Council containing a justification of her government, 
which began thus : ' Monseigneur, as I evidently 
perceive, after having had such long patience, that 
by divers means they try to give you suspicions of 
me, your humble aunt, to withdraw me from your 
goodwill and confidence, which would indeed be a 
poor recompense for the services which I have ren- 
dered you until now, I am constrained to excuse 
myself. . . .' She bitterly complains of the way 
she has been put aside, and protests against the 
calumnies brought against her. To justify her con- 
duct, she recalls her services during Charles's 
minority, and firmly maintains that she always acted 
uprightly and loyally without any profit to herself, 
serving the prince from love, without any thought of 
gain. If any error should be found in the detailed 
account presented to the Council, she requests that 
it may be pointed out to her before the prince, so 
that she can answer it herself, for 'I prefer,' she 
says, ' that they should speak before me, than behind 
my back.' She then relates all the principal acts of 
her government, from the time the emperor first 
confided the regency to her care, and recalls her long 
struggles with the Duke of Gueldres, who, aided and 
abetted by the King of France, broke all treaties, 
and feared neither God nor man ; and recounts the 
part she played in the alliance with England, and 
also at the Treaty of Cambray, which was only 
brought to a successful issue after much pain and 
trouble. She indignantly denies that she has been 


the cause of renewed wars with Gueldres, for far 
from seeking war, she has ever striven for peace. 
* And what has been the reward of all this service 
and sacrifice ? ' From the time of her appointment 
as regent she has given her time and money for her 
nephew's service, without touching a 'denier/ and 
spent more than three thousand florins from her own 
income. The prince's proposed emancipation was 
kept from her, though had her advice been asked she 
would not have opposed it; her opinion was no 
longer asked, and through calumnious imputations 
it was tried to injure her with her nephew. The 
payment of her pension was purposely delayed, 
though every nobleman could count on receiving 
the allowance due to him. ' If mine is larger/ she 
adds, addressing herself to her nephew, ■ I am also 
your only aunt, and have no other son nor heir but 
you, and I know of no one to whom your honour is 
dearer than to me. You can rest assured, Monsei- 
gneur, that when it pleases you to make use of my 
services, and hold and treat me with the esteem 
which is reasonable, I will serve you well and loyally, 
not sparing my person or my goods, as I have done 
heretofore. But if you are pleased to give ear to 
what they tell you against me, and allow me to be 
treated as I see they have begun to do, I would 
much rather look after my own small affairs and 
gracefully retire, as I have already begged the 
emperor to allow me to do by my secretary, Marnix, 
when he was lately with him/ 

After the young prince had listened to this 
eloquent justification, he declared, and the Chancellor 
agreed, 'that Madame was held fully discharged 
from all things, with many other fine words and pro- 
mises.' On the back of the paper is a note con- 


taining the names of the councillors present when 
Charles received the document, and at the end is a 
full account of the money received at different times 
from the Flemish States, and an appendix showing 
the various gifts from Margaret's own collection of 
treasures which she gave for the service of her 
government during her regency. 

Peace was once* more restored, and we hear of 
Margaret accompanying Charles at the various 
festivities which marked his majority. 

The following extract is from Margaret's memo- 
randum of gifts and sacrifices made by her during 
regency : — 

1 1. To the Duke of Juliers, who had accompanied 
her on her return from Germany, a large silver-gilt 
goblet, weighing sixteen marks, which had been 
given to her by the town of Antwerp. 

■ 2. To the Controller of Calais, who had come on 
an embassy from the King of England, half-a-dozen 
cups, two jugs, and two flagons, all of silver, weigh- 
ing together fifty-five marks. 

' 3. To the English ambassadors who came to treat 
about the marriage between her and the late King 
Henry vn., and who were afterwards sent to take 
part in the Peace of Cambray, viz., to the Count of 
Surrey a golden goblet out of which Madame drank 
every day, weighing three hundred golden crowns; 
to Richard Wingfield, second ambassador, twenty 
yards of velvet, twenty yards of satin, and twenty 
yards of damask; to the third ambassador . . . 
twenty yards of velvet and twenty yards of damask ; 
and to their herald, twenty yards of damask. 

1 4. To Monseigneur the Legate at the Treaty of 
Cambray, by the advice of the Council, a very 
beautiful golden goblet, weighing nearly six hun- 


dred crowns, with a cover ornamented with large 
pearls, forming five trefoils of Hive pearls each, and 
between each trefoil a very fine balass ruby, each of 
the five table rubies valued at more than three hun- 
dred and fifty golden florins. The foot of the goblet 
had also five trefoils of medium -sized pearls and five 
balass rubies. 'In short, this cup, surmounted by 
a great and beautiful emerald, was valued at more 
than four thousand golden florins. The Cardinal 
d'Amboise thought it so exquisite and beautiful 
that he considered he ought to present it to King 
Louis xii. 

'5. To the Bishop of Paris, being an ecclesiastic, 
was given a beautiful and rich Book of Hours, which 
had been bought from Maillardet for the sum of four 
hundred golden crowns. It was ornamented with 
gold ; and on both covers were two superb table 
diamonds, and to mark the place a large balass ruby, 
set clear, which was valued at more than a thousand 
florins, and to which were attached twenty-five silken 
cords, each one finished with a pearl. 

' 6. To the Count of Carpi, two large and rich 
silver flagons, which Madame had brought from 
Spain, each weighing twenty-two marks, of good 

' 7. To the heralds, ushers, and other members of 
the French embassy, from four to five hundred gold 
crowns. "All given in order the better to nourish 
peace and love between France and this House, as 
the affairs of Monsieur require it." Other ambassa- 
dors, officers, and gentlemen received various gifts 
and presents to the amount of five thousand florins. 

' Item. — Madame has lent her money for State 
affairs, and has greatly reduced the expenses of her 
own household. ... For three years, far from having 


a pension for her services, she spent her dowry as 
long as it lasted. It will also be found that during 
her government she never gave any gratuities to her 
dependants from the finances of Monsieur.' 

This document, corrected in the margin by Mar- 
garet, is found in duplicate in the archives of Lille. 

Magnificent fetes everywhere inaugurated Charles's 
coming of age. The Pope presented him with the 
Golden Rose ; and Maximilian, writing to Margaret 
on the 8th of December, hopes that she will see that 
the Pope's ambassador, who brought the gift, is well 
received by Charles, and orders that a sum of £700 
be given to him. 

M. Tailliar gives an interesting account of the 
young archduke's state entry into Douay, accom- 
panied by Margaret: 'On the 15th of May 1516 
Charles, King of Spain and Count of Flanders, 
having made his joyous entry into Douay, went next 
day, the 16th, to the market-hall to receive the 
oaths of fealty. The square in front of the hall was 
richly hung with velvet and cloth of gold. After 
hearing mass, the king appeared, accompanied by 
his aunt, Madame Margaret of Austria, and by his 
eldest sister, Madame. He took the oath in the 
prescribed manner, and likewise all those present 
swore fealty to him.' 

King Ferdinand of Aragon had died on the 23rd 
of January 1516. By his will, Charles was excluded 
from the kingdom of Aragon, which was left to his 
younger brother, Ferdinand, who had been the old 
king's favourite ; but in his last moments, repenting 
perhaps of this unjust arrangement, he made a codicil, 
in which he not only left Charles heir to all his estates, 
but also made him Grand Master of the Military 


Orders, leaving Ferdinand with a pension of 50,000 
ducats a year. 

Although Queen Joanna was still alive, Charles 
assumed the title of King, and was first proclaimed 
Sovereign of Castile and Aragon, conjointly with his 
mother, at Brussels, where Ferdinand's funeral obse- 
quies were celebrated in the cathedral of St. Gudule. 
1 Twice the king-at-arms of the Golden Fleece called 
aloud, "Don Ferdinand." Twice the answer came, 
" He is dead," and on this the great standard clattered 
to the ground. Then cried the herald, "Long live 
donna Jehanne and don Charles, by the grace of God 
Catholic kings," whereon Charles, doffing his mourn- 
ing, received and brandished the sword of justice.' 1 

In Spain this assumption of the royal title was re- 
garded as a breach of custom, and caused comment 
and discontent. Nevertheless Cardinal Ximenes had 
his young master proclaimed in Castile. The regency 
of Castile had been intrusted to him by Ferdinand 
until Charles's arrival, and that of Aragon to the late 
king's natural son, the Archbishop of Saragossa. 

Before Charles succeeded to his Spanish kingdoms, 
his sister Mary had already left home for her short, 
though comparatively happy, marriage with the ill- 
fated Louis of Hungary, while Isabella had begun 
her miserable life with the brutal and licentious 
Christian n. of Denmark. His brother Ferdinand 
and his youngest sister Katharine were being brought 
up in Spain. Only Charles's eldest sister Eleanor 
remained at Brussels. About this time she seems to 
have had a rather serious flirtation with the handsome 
Count Palatine Frederick, who was the most accom- 
plished nobleman of the Court, and though seventeen 
years his senior, Charles's earliest personal friend. The 

1 Armstrong, The Emperor Charles V. 


affection between the count and Eleanor was mutual, 
and led to clandestine correspondence. Chievres set 
Charles on the track of one of the count's love-letters. 
Pretending to wish his sister good - morning, he 
snatched it from her bosom before she had time to 
read it, and after a brief scrimmage secured the prize. 
'Upon this his constancy into a like affair/ wrote 
Spinelli to Henry viii., 'many do conject in him good 
stomak and couraggy, and how he will be fast in 
his determjnacions, and much extime the honnor of 
the worlde.' This singularly sound forecast of the 
character of the hitherto problematic boy of sixteen 
gives, perhaps, the first glimpse of his personality. 1 

Educated by the courtly William de Croy, Lord 
of Chievres, with Adrian of Utrecht as preceptor, 
Charles developed manners and characteristics, half 
patrician, half plebeian, which was probably due to 
his tutors' opposite influences. De Croy's courteous 
manners gave him a stately bearing, reserve, and 
dignity which subsequently attached him to the 
Spaniards ; while from Adrian he acquired the 
popular, easy-going and simple ways which made 
him so beloved by his Flemish subjects. 

His intellectual faculties did not develop early — he 
even showed marked aversion for science and letters, 
and preferred military exercises to the study of 
government. De Chievres, however, made him study 
the history not only of his own kingdoms, but of 
those with which they were connected. He accustomed 
him, from the time of his assuming the government 
of Flanders, to attend to business, and persuaded him 
to read all papers relating to public affairs, to be 
present at the deliberations of his privy- councillors, 
and to propose to them himself those matters con- 

1 E. Armstrong. 




cerning which he required their opinion. From such 
an education Charles contracted habits of gravity 
and recollection which scarcely suited his youth. The 
first openings of his genius did not show that superi- 
ority which its maturer age displayed. 1 

The French envoy once expressed surprise at 
Charles's diligence before De Chievres, who replied : 
' My friend, I am his tutor and master. When I die, 
I want him to be free, for if he does not understand 
his own affairs, after my death he will be obliged 
to have another tutor, and will always have to lean 
on others/ 

Charles did not hurry at once to enter into his new 
possessions. He remained in Flanders until the re- 
peated entreaties of Ximenes, and the advice of his 
grandfather, Maximilian, at last prevailed on him to 
embark for Spain. Before he set out he confirmed 
Margaret in the government of the Netherlands, and 
appointed a Council to assist her. Accompanied by 
his sister Eleanor, De Chievres, his Prime Minister, 
and a splendid train of Flemish nobles, he set sail 
from Flushing on September the 8th, and after a 
dangerous voyage, landed at Villa Viciosa, in the pro- 
vince of Asturias. For six weeks Charles wandered 
through the wild mountainous country without enter- 
ing any large town. On the last day of October the 
Constable of Castile met him, and soon the Spanish 
nobility flocked to greet their sovereign from all 
parts of the kingdom. But before Charles would 
show himself to his people he visited his mother and 
his youngest sister Katharine at Tordesillas. Queen 
Joanna was surprised to find Charles and Eleanor 
grown up, and asked if they were really her children. 
A little later Charles tried to remove his young sister 

1 Prescott. 


Katharine from her gloomy surroundings, but her 
secret abstraction caused her mother such grief that 
she had to be restored. 

About this time Maximilian wrote to Margaret, 
sending advice to Charles, and begging her to continue 
to help him : ' My good daughter, thinking day and 
night about the affairs of my heirs, I have decided, 
chiefly for the good and honour of my son, King 
Charles, to write to my deputies who are with him, 
certain things concerning their good and that of their 
subjects. Knowing that you will be required by my 
said son to accomplish an honourable charge, we 
desire and we require that you should fulfil it ; in so 
doing you will do a thing very pleasant and honour- 
able to yourself, as you will more clearly understand 
from our deputies, Messieurs Andre de Burgo and 
Nycasy. And so 'A. Dm/ Written on the 2nd of 
March by the hand of your good and loyal father, 

Charles's arrival in Spain caused great excitement 
among high and low, and every one was speculating 
about his appearance, character, and accomplishments. 
The Bishop of Badajoz sent the following interesting, 
though somewhat exaggerated, description of the new 
king and his surroundings to Cardinal Ximenes : 'The 
prince,' he says, 'has good parts, but he has been 
kept too much isolated from the world, and, in par- 
ticular, he knows too little of Spaniards. He does 
not understand a single word of Spanish. He obeys 
his councillors implicitly ; but, as he has entered the 
seventeenth year of his age, it would be well if he 
took part in the discussions of his Council. 

1 Monsieur de Chievres is the most influential per- 
son in the prince's Court ; he is prudent and gentle, 
but avaricious. The same may be said of the Chan- 


cellor of Burgundy. On the whole, love of money is 
the besetting sin of the Flemings. They buy and sell 
the Government offices, and it is to be feared that they 
will introduce the same custom into Spain. . . . 
Monsieur de Chievres is a Frenchman by birth, and 
keeps the prince very much under subjection to the 
King of France. The prince signs his letters to the 
King of France, "Your humble servant and vassal," 
. . . and though he signs himself to others " Principe," 
he likes to be called king. . . .' 

Cardinal Ximenes' health was now rapidly declining. 
When the news of Charles's arrival in Spain had been 
brought to him he revived a little, and sent the young 
king letters of welcome, filled with good advice as to 
the best way of securing his people's affection. Charles 
answered in the most deferential manner, but his 
Belgian Ministers, fearing that the Cardinal would 
exercise too much influence over him, prevented their 
meeting by keeping the king in the north, and 
estranging him from Ximenes. Through their advice 
Charles wrote to the Cardinal in a very different strain, 
depriving him not only of the regency but of all share 
in state affairs. When the letter was brought to 
Ximenes at Boa he was dangerously ill. Adrian de 
Burgo was with him, but feared to tell him of the 
royal command, and the great Cardinal, who had pre- 
served the kingdom of Castile intact for his master, 
passed away without the knowledge of Charles's in- 
gratitude. He died on the 8th of November 1517 in 
the eighty-third year of his age. 

De Chievres had now no rival, and hoped to be as 
powerful in Spain as he was in the Netherlands. 



ON the 18th of November 1517, ten days after 
Ximenes' death, Charles, accompanied by a 
gorgeous train of nobles, ambassadors, and 
the flower of the Spanish army, made his state entry 
into Valladolid, the capital of Old Castile. The 
splendid procession slowly wound its way through 
the narrow streets of the town. First came thirty 
falconers, with birds on wrist, some wearing the 
king's livery of white, yellow, and red, others the red 
and green of Ferdinand, then two hundred of the 
royal guard, a contingent of Spanish Lancers, with 
the nobles' drum and fife bands, followed by twenty 
led chargers from the king's stables. Behind rode 
three hundred Spanish and Flemish nobles, then two 
hundred men-at-arms, with foreign ambassadors and 
heralds ; and lastly Charles appeared, a truly regal 
figure in surcoat of crimson silk and gold brocade 
over his steel armour, seated on a prancing horse, 
1 with the majority of its legs always in the air,' but, 
as an eye-witness observed, the king no more stirred 
nor swayed than if he had been glued thereon.' 1 

F§tes and tournaments followed, and the people 
flocked from far and near to see their king; but 
beneath the rejoicings there were murmurs and dis- 
content, for the chief posts were given to Flemings, 

1 E. Armstrong, The Emperor Charles V. 



to the exclusion of Spaniards, who naturally felt 
themselves slighted, and the clergy, to show their 
annoyance, rudely refused to quarter the royal suite. 
Jean le Sauvage, Grand Chancellor of Burgundy, 
was made Chancellor of Castile, and to De Chievres' 
young nephew, a mere boy, was given the arch- 
bishopric of Toledo, the wealthiest see in Spain. 

Amidst general discontent the Cortes opened on 
February 2nd, 1518. The town deputies began by 
objecting to the new Chancellor presiding over their 
first meeting. After some stormy debates, the oath 
of allegiance was taken to Charles and his mother 
conjointly, but it was appointed that Joanna's name 
should be placed before that of her son in all public 
acts. A generous subsidy of six hundred thousand 
ducats was voted for three years. Charles was 
petitioned to marry at once, and to keep his brother 
in Spain until there was a direct heir to the throne. 
To these requests he gave evasive answers, but when 
implored to learn Spanish, he replied that he had 
already begun to study the language. As a matter 
of fact he only knew a few words, and his answers 
were extremely abrupt and hesitating. An Italian 
envoy who was present remarked : * He says little, 
is not of much ability, and is entirely ruled by his 
Flemish governors ' ; whilst the Marquis of Pescara, 
who became one of his greatest generals, reported 
that in three audiences he had not said three words. 
But the young monarch was only biding his time, 
and was soon to prove that he was not such a cipher 
as he allowed himself to appear. 1 

When Charles became king, his Ministers were 
anxious to bring about a reaction against Maximilian 
and Margaret's hostile attitude towards France, and 

1 E. Armstrong. 


for this end Charles hastened to inform Francis i. of 
his accession. The French king replied by sending 
the Sire de la Roche with his affectionate congratu- 
lations, and expressed the hope that their friendship 
would become still closer. In an enthusiastic letter 
to Francis, Charles said : ' Monseigneur, in order to 
continue the fervent love I bear you, I wished as a 
good son to a good father, to inform you of my 
prosperous accession here, which is such, that in 
giving thanks to our Creator, who directs all things, 
yesterday, after mass was solemnly celebrated in the 
temple of our said Creator, accompanied by many 
ambassadors, yours amongst them, I was splendidly 
well received, and unanimously acknowledged lord 
and king of these my realms of Castile, Leon, 
Granada, and their dependencies, by the prelates, 
nobles, and representatives of the said kingdoms, with 
such great reverence and goodwill that . . . nothing 
could be better . . .' 1 But Charles had a long pro- 
gress in front of him, and soon after left Castile and 
set out for Saragossa, the capital of Aragon, in order 
to attend the Cortes of that kingdom. On his way 
there he took leave of his brother Ferdinand, whom 
he sent to Germany on the pretext of visiting Maxi- 
milian. This prudent but unpopular manoeuvre 
probably saved Charles his Spanish dominions, for in 
the struggle that followed with the Cortes of Aragon 
the Spaniards would willingly have offered the crown 
to the younger brother, who had been brought up 
amongst them, and who was a favourite with all 
the people. 

All this time Margaret was anxiously following 
every movement of her beloved nephew, and was 
kept well informed of his reception and progress. 

1 Analectes Bclgiques de M. Gachard. 


In one of her letters to Maximilian she says : 
' Yesterday I received letters from the king, my lord 
and nephew, who is very well, and behaves himself 
so wisely and discreetly, that it is to his great honour 
and profit. He is, I understand, thinking of sending 
his brother over here about the month of April, 
which I much desire/ 

On July the 24th, 1518, Charles issued an edict 
from Saragossa authorising his aunt to sign all 
documents in his name, giving her full power as though 
she was ruler, and causing the following announce- 
ment to be published in the Netherlands : — ' By our 
letters-patent given in our town of Saragossa, on the 
24th day of July last, and for the things contained 
therein, we have ordained that our very dear Lady 
and Aunt, the Lady Margaret, Archduchess of 
Austria, Dowager of Savoy, etc., shall sign from 
henceforth all letters, acts, and documents with her 
own hand, which are issued for us, and for our 
business over there, which ought to be sealed with 
our seal. Signing with these words : ' Par le Roy. 
Marguerite ' ; that she shall have the care of the seal 
of our finances, and that she alone shall provide and 
dispose of the appointments of this our country, for 
we have given and left the disposal of them to her, 
assisted by the chief and other members of our privy 
council. . . .'* 

Maximilian was delighted when he heard of 
Charles's renewed confidence in his aunt, and wrote 
to Margaret expressing his pleasure in the following 
letter, which was one of the last he was destined to 
write to her : — ' Very dear and much-beloved daugh- 
ter, we have received your letters of the 25th of 
October, and hear through them of the honour and 

1 Correspondance de Marguerite d'Aulricke. 


authority that our good son, the Catholic king, has 
lately bestowed upon you, which gives us great 
pleasure, and we have good hope that you will so 
acquit yourself to the wellbeing, guidance, and direc- 
tion of his affairs, that he may not only have cause 
to be pleased, but as your good nephew he will 
increase your said authority more and more. In 
doing which he could do nothing more pleasing 
to us. This God knows, and may He, very dear 
and much-beloved daughter, have you in His keep- 
ing. Written from our town of Wels, the 12th day 
of December, in the year 1518. Your good father, 
Maxi.' 1 

This same year Margaret's eldest niece, Eleanor, 
was married to Emmanuel, King of Portugal, who 
had previously married first Isabel and then Maria, 
both daughters of Ferdinand and Isabella. Her 
elderly husband did not long survive his third mar- 
riage, but died in 1523, and was succeeded by John m., 
who, in the following year, married Eleanor's youngest 
sister, Katharine. 

Since the summer Maximilian's health had 
gradually been declining. In July he presided for 
the last time at the Diet of Augsburg, and earnestly 
pressed for the fulfilment of his two dearest wishes — 
the fitting out of a crusade against the Turks, and 
the elector's promise to secure the succession to the 
imperial crown for his grandson, Charles. To this 
latter request there existed the obstacle, that as he 
himself had never been crowned by the Pope, he 
was only regarded by the Roman See as King of 
the Romans, and therefore Charles could not be in- 
vested with that dignity. Maximilian, however, 
spared no means to gain his ends, and bribed heavily 

1 Correspondance de VEmpereur Maximilim I, 


wherever he thought it advisable. Charles appears 
to have objected to the exorbitant price that was put 
upon the imperial crown, knowing well that he 
would one day have to raise the promised sums from 
his resources in Spain, but his grandfather and 
Margaret, with their councillors, overruled his objec- 
tions, and strongly advised him not to bargain for 
fear of the French king profiting by his stinginess. 
In an enigmatical letter Margaret thus expresses 
herself: — 'The Lord King, my nephew, has written 
to us that the horse on which he wishes to come 
and see us is very dear. We know well that it is 
dear; but as matters stand, if he does not wish to 
have it, there is a buyer ready to take it, and, since 
he has broken it in, it seems a pity that he should 
give it up, whatever it costs him.' 1 Whilst Maxi- 
milian was engaged in taking measures to obtain 
his desires, the elector's attention was fully occupied 
by formidable religious troubles. The monk, Martin 
Luther, had arisen and vehemently declaimed against 
certain practices of the Church of Rome, and a spirit 
of revolt and restlessness was in the air. Maximilian 
does not appear to have been greatly interested in 
the commencement of the Reformation. Although 
in his letters to Margaret he often satirically com- 
plained of 'les beaux pratikes de la sainte mere de 
l'figlise,' still he was far from upholding any schism 
in the Church, and urged on by the solicitations of 
the monks, he wrote to Leo x. asking him to 
determine the religious disputes by his decision, and 
summoned Luther to appear with a safe conduct 
before the Diet of Augsburg to answer for his attack 
on the system of Indulgences. Luther arrived too 

1 Gachard, Rapport sur les Archives de VAncienne Chambre de* comptes 
de Flandre a Lille. 


late for the Assembly, and the emperor never saw 
him, but at the subsequent interview that took place 
before the Cardinal Legate the monk was told he 
must either recant his heresies or depart. He refused 
to recant, and departed to Wittenberg, there to write 
and publish an account of his interview, which was 
read far and wide, and helped to further the spirit of 
schism and revolt. 

After a summer spent at Innsbruck, where he was 
attacked by an intermittent fever, the emperor 
travelled to Wels, in Upper Austria, hoping that the 
pure country air would restore his health. But the 
fever continued, aggravated, it is said, by too violent 
exercise, and an imprudent indulgence in melons. 
Soon dysentery supervened, and on the 12th of 
January 1519 he passed away in the sixtieth year of 
his age. 

As long as he had been able to do so, Maximilian 
bravely attended to public business, but racked with 
fever at night, and unable to sleep, he tried to soothe 
his weariness by having the history of the House of 
Austria and legends of the saints related to his house 
read aloud to him. Feeling that his end was near, 
he asked for a Carthusian monk from Brisgau. 
When the monk entered his room the emperor sat 
up and received him with every sign of joy, and 
turning to the officers standing round his bed he 
said : ' This is the man who will show me the way 
to heaven.' With an untroubled mind, and every 
semblance of piety, he received the last sacraments, 
and gave minute directions as to his burial, which he 
wished to be as simple as possible. To show the 
emptiness of human greatness he ordered that after 
death his teeth should be drawn, his body polled and 
shaved (rase et epile), and exposed for a whole day, 

>1 AY [MIL! AN VS . f . I M P. 

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then enclosed in a sack of quicklime and placed in a 
coffin which he had carried about with him since 
1515, and buried in the church of the castle of 
Nieustad under the altar dedicated to Saint George, 
in such a position that his head should be under the 
feet of the celebrant. His heart he wished to be buried 
at Bruges, near his first wife, Mary of Burgundy, 
'sa reelle epouse.' Having thus made all arrange- 
ments, he took leave of those present, raising his hand 
and giving them his blessing. ' Why do you weep,' 
he asked, * because you see in me a mortal ? Such 
tears suit women better than men.' And thus 
calmly and fearlessly Maximilian faced death, rever- 
ently responding to the monk's prayers until his 
voice failed; but when he could no longer utter, 
still showed by signs that he followed the holy 
office, until sinking into unconsciousness, with a 
smile upon his face, he passed away before the 

Maximilian was twice married ; first, to Mary of 
Burgundy, through whom he became possessed of the 
vast domains of that house ; and secondly, to Bianca 
Sforza, daughter of the Duke of Milan, by whom he 
had no children. Of a kindly and chivalrous nature 
and endowed with many good qualities, Maximilian 
was popular amongst his subjects, but obtained little 
esteem from his contemporaries, owing to a radical 
inconstancy and indecision of temper, and an extrava- 
gance which involved him in perpetual pecuniary 
embarrassments. Margaret was not present at her 
father's death, but no one felt his loss more keenly 
than she did, for he had ever shown himself an 
affectionate and devoted parent, and though so often 
parted, their intercourse had been, as their corre- 
spondence proves, of the closest and most intimate 


kind. Her grief found vent in a long poem or lament, 
in which she enumerates her many sorrows : 

' . . . . O mort trop oultrageuse ! 
Tu a estain la fleur chevaleureuse 
Et as vaincu celluy qui fust vainqueur, 
Maximilien, ce tres-noble Empereur, 
Qui en bonte a nul ne se compere. 
C'estoy C^sar, mon seul seigneur et pere, 
Mais tu Fas mis en trop piteux estat, 
Sepulture au chasteau Nieustat. . . .' 1 

Amongst the condolences which she received there 
is an interesting joint-letter in Latin from Anne of 
Hungary (who was betrothed to Ferdinand of 
Austria), and from Ferdinand's sister Mary (affianced 
to Louis of Hungary). The letter is written from 
Innsbruck on the 22nd of January and signed by both 

Maximilian did much to improve his country, and 
greatly encouraged art and learning. He especially 
favoured the universities of Vienna and Ingoldstadt, 
and caused at least two works to be written under his 
own personal direction — Theuerdank in verse, and 
Weiss Kiinig in prose — in both of which he figures as 
the hero. He also rendered an important service to 
Germany by abolishing the famous secret tribunal of 

Charles was on his way to Barcelona when he 
received the news of his grandfather's death. De- 
puting Adrian of Utrecht to hold the Cortes of 
Valencia, he hurried from Barcelona to Corunna on 
the Galician coast, intending to set sail for his new 
kingdom. His appointment of Adrian as sole regent 
was the crowning insult to Spanish feelings; the 

1 'Complainte de Marguerite sur la mort de Maximilien son pere' 
(Albums de Marguerite d'Autriche, p. 101). 


Cardinal had little experience and less ability ; above 
all he was of low birth and a foreigner, and the king 
had promised to bestow no office on ' those who were 
not natives of the kingdom.' Besides, a Cortes had 
been summoned to meet at Santiago in Galicia, out- 
side Castile, and the Castilians felt deeply injured. 
Discontent was rife on all sides, and many wild 
rumours were afloat. It availed little that Charles 
in his broken Spanish promised to return in three 
years. The deputies were not mollified, and demurred 
to granting the desired subsidy, which was only re- 
luctantly voted. Charles excused his hurried de- 
parture from Spain on the plea of his obligation to 
attend to his new dominions, but this excuse did not 
pacify his discontented subjects, who foresaw the 
misery of his prolonged absence, with a hated foreigner 
as regent. 

Maximilian's death revived Francis i.'s hopes of 
gaining the much- coveted imperial crown, for he was 
not long in recognising the equivocal and expectant 
attitude of the electors who had formally promised 
their votes to the dead emperor. He now entered 
the lists as Charles's rival, and tried to gain over the 
electors by every means in his power. 

Margaret was in despair at the apparent small 
chance of her nephew's success, and with the advice 
of her Council prepared to send the Archduke Ferdi- 
nand into Germany to look after his brother's in- 
terests, and suggested that Charles should waive his 
claim in favour of Ferdinand, whose candidature 
would be less likely to be opposed by the Pope and 
the German princes. 

But Charles was as adamant, and indignantly re- 
jected this proposal, asserting that it had been his 
grandfather's wish that he alone should succeed to 


the imperial dignities, and for this end the electors 
had promised him their votes. If Ferdinand was 
chosen, the empire would be weakened, and the 
House of Austria divided, to the gratification of his 
enemies. 'He alone,' he haughtily said, 'ought to 
be emperor in order to uphold the splendour of his 
House, and realise the great designs he had con- 
ceived for the good of Christianity. Should our per- 
son be elected, as is reasonable from what has gone 
before, we could carry out many good and great plans, 
and not only preserve and keep the dominions that 
God has given us, but greatly increase them, by 
giving peace, repose, and tranquillity to all Christen- 
dom, in exalting and upholding our holy Catholic 
faith which is our chief foundation. . . , M 

Margaret hastened to justify her conduct in a letter 
to Charles on the 21st of March, in which she said 
that when the news of Maximilian's illness reached 
the Netherlands, the Council had judged it wiser to 
send Ferdinand to Germany to watch over Charles's 
hereditary domains, but that the archduke would 
yield to his brother's wishes, 'for/ she added, 'one 
could not see a better or more debonair prince of his 

As matters turned out, Charles's determination was 
fully justified, for Francis's methods had not proved 
successful, and had only alienated him from some of 
his most powerful supporters. The condottiere, Franz 
von Sickingen, the Duke of Bouillon, and his brother 
firard de la Marck, Bishop of Li^ge, offended by 
Francis's treatment of them, went over to the Court 
of Brussels and upheld the interest of the Spanish 

The rivalry which from henceforth existed between 

1 M. Theodore Juste, Charles-Quint et Marguerite d'Autriche. 


the two young monarchs promised ere long to break 
the friendly relations with which Charles's reign be- 
gan, but Margaret with her usual diplomacy saw the 
danger of a rupture with France at such a moment, 
and strongly advised Charles to keep on good terms 
with his rival. Acting on this wise advice, when 
Robert de la Marck left France and joined the Court 
at Brussels, Charles's ambassadors hastened to assure 
the French king that their master had taken no part 
in Robert's defalcation, and to support their assertion 
proposed that Charles should marry Francis's youngest 
daughter, Princess Charlotte, which offer was very 
well received. 

To get an idea of the activity and political talents 
Margaret displayed in connection with Charles's elec- 
tion one must read her correspondence with Frederick, 
Count Palatine, Maximilian de Berghes, Henry of 
Nassau, her treasurer Marnix, the Cardinals of Sion 
and Gurce, John de la Saulx, and Gerard de Pleine, 
and glance through her accounts and receipts, which 
show what enormous sums were spent in presents, 
bribes, pensions, and salaries on all those who were 
likely to contribute to the desired end. The Arch- 
bishops of Cologne, Mayence, and Treves, and their 
councillors received between them nearly five hundred 
florins in gold. In these curious accounts large sums 
appeared to have been lavished not only on the prin- 
cipal negotiators, but on their relations, friends, and 
servants. Thus five hundred florins are given to the 
Archbishop of Treves' nephew, a hundred to the 
Cardinal of Mayence's valet-de-chambre, and a pre- 
sent of two thousand florins is promised to Count 
John, the elector of Cologne's brother, who is sup- 
posed to have more influence than the elector himself. 1 

1 These documents are amongst the archives of Lille. 


Margaret also drew largely from her own revenues 
in furthering her nephew's interests, and transferred 
to him the duchies and lordships she had inherited 
from Maximilian. In grateful appreciation Charles 
presented her with the town and territory of Malines 
for her life and a sum of two hundred thousand golden 
florins (the deed being signed on September the 1 8th, 
1520, at Brussels). In a long letter written from 
Barcelona, on the 22nd of February 1519, he thanks 
her warmly for all the trouble she has taken with 
regard to his election, recommending her to spare 
no means to obtain the desired end. He says : — 
' Madame ma bonne tante et tres chiers et feaulx, nous 
avons recus vos lettres des viii et onze de ce mois, 
ensemble plusieurs copies de lettres que ont ete 
escriptes a vous notre tante, d'Allemagne, d'Angle- 
terre et ailleurs, par lesquelles vos lettres avons con- 
gneu le grand soing, devoir et diligence que portez 
en tout nos affaires et singulierement en celuy d'Alle- 
magne, et louons les bonnes depesches que y avez fait 
vers les princes electeurs et autres, et l'envoy des 
personnaiges tant en Allemagne, Angleterre et Home, 
louant aussy Dieu notre Createur que nos affaires 
sont en si bon train partout, et que y faites si bonne 
provision de votre couste, comme faisons ici de la 
notre, sans y rien epargner, et ne cessons de con- 
tinuellement en ecripre a Home, Angleterre, Alle- 
magne et ailleurs par tout ou il est besoing et neces- 
site ; car, pour un tel et si gros affaire, ne voulons 
cette fois riens obmettre. Vous recommandant tous- 
jours perseverer en vos bonnes diligences, selon la 
confidence que en portons a vous. 

1 II nous semble que le seigneur de Zevenberghe et 
autres nos conseillers, ont tres prudement fait et advise 
d'avoir envoie* le marquis Casimirus et comte de 



Mansfeldt devers le marquis Joachim et de la outre 
vers le due Federicq de Saxe. Nous esperons que 
les deux bonnes lettres que avons nagueres ecript de 
nostre main au comte Federicq palatin, inclineront 
luy et son frere a perseverer en la promesse qu'ils 
nous ont faite. Nous tenons aussy que le comte de 
Nassau ou de Hoghostraet en passant pardevers 
l'archeveque de Coulongne, feront quelque bien vers 
luy. Nous desirons que faites pratiquer Franciscus 
de Seckinghen si fait ne l'avez, pour F avoir en notre 
service, et appointer de son traitement avec luy, ainsi 
que, par plusieurs fois, le vous avons ecript. 

1 Nous faisons presentement response au seigneur 
de Zevenberghe sur lesdites lettres, et luy envoions 
nouveau pouvoir, instruction et lettres de credence, 
delaissant le nom en blan de celuy qui en aura la 
charge par Tad vis des gens de notre conseil d'Isbroeck, 
pour envoyer devers les Suisses renouveller et con- 
firmer les alliances que nos maisons d'Austriche et de 
Bourgogne ont avec eux, et les faire plus estroites et 
meilleures, s'il est possible. 

' Nous escripvons aussy au Cardinal de Gurce, ledit 
seigneur de Zevenberghe, Villinger et autres nos con- 
seillers, que s'ils sont requis de notre part par la 
grande lighe de Swane d'assistance come chief d'icelle 
lighe, et voyent que ce soit notre bien, proufit, seurete 
et avancement de nos affaires, qu'ils prendent led. 
Franciscus de Seckinghen avec six cens chevaux pour 
un mois ou deux, et les baillent en assistance de ladite 
lighe contre le due de Wirtemberghe, et payent iceux 
chevaux des deniers que Amerstorff avoit emporte 
pour lever les nn m pietons que devoient aller a 

1 Par les lettres que naguerre nous a ecript le roy 
d'Angleterre, et ce que nous a dit son ambassadeur 


etant lez nous, avons entendu la bonne affection qu'il 
nous porte a l'avancement de notre election, et qu'il a 
ecript bien affectueusement a notre Saint Pere le 
pape de la vouloir favoriser et donner charge au 
Cardinal de Syon soy trouver de sa part a la journee 
de l'election, pour y faire pour nous ce qu'il sera 
possible, et soubs espoir que avons notredit saint Pere 
donnera ladite charge audit Cardinal de Syon, et la 
confidence que prendons qu'il nous servira bien en 
cest affaire, mandons au Foucker et a Villinger bailler 
a iceluy cardinal mil florins d'or pour l'ayder a ses 

' Et pour mercyer ledit roy d'Angleterre, lui 
escripvons presentement gratieuses lettres et aussy 
au cardinal d'Yorck, et pareillement a notre am- 
bassadeur mattre Jean Jonglet, en la sorte que verrez 
par nos lettres cy rendues ouvertes, lesquelles leur 
envoy erez closes et diligemment. . . , $l 

The Pope at first warmly upheld Francis i.'s claim 
and opposed his rival, but he soon saw that the 
French king had small chance of success, whilst all 
seemed in favour of Charles. Leo x. did not dis- 
semble that he would have preferred a less powerful 
emperor than either the King of Castile or the 
King of France — ' but,' as Charles confidently wrote 
to his envoys in Germany, ' if it should come to 
choosing either of us two, he has given out that he 
would be better pleased with us than with the said 
King of France, and would not refuse us the said 
dispensation nor any other thing that we should 
ask.' 2 

Although things seemed to be in his favour, still 

1 M. le Glay, Correspondence de VEmpereur Maaimilien I. et de 
Marguerite d'Autriche. 

2 This letter was dated from Barcelona, 16th and 20th April 1519. 



the King of Spain's election was far from a certainty. 
Henry of Nassau, writing to Margaret, did not 
conceal the difficulties that had to be overcome. 
'The king,' he says, 'is little known in Germany; 
the French have said much against him, and the 
Germans, who come from Spain, have hardly said 
any good.' 

Whilst the struggle between the rival kings' agents 
continued, the kings themselves were no less anxious 
as to the final issue. Charles was certain that if 
the imperial crown left the House of Austria the 
French would lay claim to his hereditary German 
states as well as to his kingdom of Naples ; and 
besides being forced to renounce for ever the recovery 
of the duchy of Burgundy, he might even run the 
risk of being despoiled of the Netherlands. 

On the other hand, the possible election of Charles 
filled Francis with dismay. On the 16th of April 
1519 he wrote to his ambassadors in Germany : ' You 
understand the reason that moves me to acquire 
the empire and prevent the Catholic king from 
acquiring it. If he gets it, seeing the greatness of 
the kingdoms and lordships he possesses, he might, 
in time, do me inestimable harm. I should always 
be uneasy and mistrustful, and it is to be feared that 
he would take good care to drive me out of Italy.' 

But at last the long struggle came to an end, the 
Pope withdrew his opposition, and Margaret was 
rewarded by Charles's election at Frankfort as King 
of the Romans on June 28th, 1519, five months and 
ten days after Maximilian's death. The news of his 
election was conveyed in nine days from Frankfort 
to Barcelona, where Charles was detained by the 
Catalonian Cortes. His coronation, which gave him 
the title of 'Romanorum Imperator,' did not take 


place until the following year. The title of Emperor, 
though carrying with it no possessions, gave him 
the position of ' first of earthly potentates in dignity 
and rank.' 

Louise of Savoy bitterly alludes to her son's 
successful rival in her diary. ' En Juillet, Charles 
Ye de ce nom, fils de Philippe, archiduc d'Autriche, 
fut, apres que 1' Empire eut este* vacant par l'espace 
de cinq mois, eleu roy des Romains en la ville de 
Francfort. Pleut a Dieu qu'il eust plus longuement 
vacquee, ou bien que pour jamais on l'eust laisse 
entre les mains de Jhesus-Christ, auquel il appartient 
et non a d'autres.' l Public rejoicings and processions 
gave expression to the Netherlander' joy at this 
great event, and the States enthusiastically voted 
200,000 crowns for the expenses of the forthcoming 
coronation. On the 30th of June Margaret informed 
the governors of the provinces of Charles's election, 
and at the same time ordered the towns and villages 
to give thanks to God * by processions, sermons, pious 
prayers and orisons,' and to have ' fireworks, rejoic- 
ings, and other festivities which were suitable and 
usual in such a case.' In her letter to the Governor 
of Lille she triumphantly says : ' We have, this hour, 
received letters from the ambassadors of the king, 
my lord and nephew, who are now in Germany, in 
which they inform us that . . . MM. the electors 
of the Holy Empire have unanimously, through the 
inspiration of the Holy Spirit . . . elected my said 
lord and nephew King of the Romans. . . . We 
command you ... to inform his good subjects . . . 
requesting them to praise and render thanks to God 
our Creator, by processions, sermons, devout prayers 
and orisons.' 

1 Journal de Louise de Savoye. 


Margaret's instructions were well carried out, and 
the festivities lasted a month until the end of July. 

But Charles was badly needed in Flanders, for 
the four years' truce with Charles of Gueldres 
had expired, and the Guelderlanders were again 
giving trouble. Margaret's hands were full, and 
she anxiously awaited her nephew's arrival. After 
having handed over the government to Adrian of 
Utrecht, he left Barcelona on the 20th of January, 
and disregarding the murmurs of his Spanish subjects, 
who were smarting under the insult of a Castilian 
Cortes being summoned to meet at Santiago, passed 
through Burgos, Valladolid, and Gallicia to the port 
of Corunna. 

He set sail towards the end of May and steered a 
straight course for England, intending to pay a visit 
to Henry vm. and his aunt, Queen Katharine. A 
negotiation had for some time been secretly carried 
on between Cardinal Wolsey and the Court of Spain, 
and this visit was not as sudden as it appeared. In 
the previous March Charles had sent envoys to 
England to propose a friendly visit during his 
intended journey from Spain to Flanders. In a 
letter written to Charles by his ambassadors from 
London on the 19th of March 1520 we learn that 
King Henry sent for them to Greenwich on the 
previous day, which was a Sunday, and after mass 
took them aside, Cardinal Wolsey and Queen Katha- 
rine being present, and told them that he was very 
glad that things had turned out as they had done, 
and addressing Queen Katharine said, that when the 
emperor, his brother, and her nephew should arrive, 
he hoped to see him before meeting his brother of 
France. . . . That he had written to the French 
king to postpone seeing him until later, but had 


taken care not to give any reason for so doing. He 
hoped he would receive a favourable reply, for he 
thought it hardly possible that the King of France 
had heard of the emperor's intended visit to England, 
for when he heard of it he would not be pleased, and 
for this reason things were to be kept as secret as 
possible. ' The queen then raised her eyes to heaven 
and praised God for the hope she had for the fulfil- 
ment of her dearest wish, which was to see your 
Majesty, and humbly thanked her lord the king, 
making him a very low curtsey, and the said lord 
king took off his cap and said to her, " We on our 
side will do all that we can. . . ." ' 1 

With every precaution of secrecy a treaty was 
signed on the 11th of April minutely arranging the 
reception of Charles by Henry and Katharine, 
either at Sandwich on his way to the Netherlands, 
or at a subsequent meeting between Calais and 

It was towards the end of May when news was 
brought to Henry at Canterbury that the emperor's 
fleet had been sighted off Plymouth, and was sailing 
up the Channel. Wolsey was sent off at once to 
greet Charles with a Latin speech and invite him to 
land. Surrounded by his suite and a goodly retinue, 
Charles landed at Dover on May 26th, and was con- 
ducted to the castle, where, early on the following 
morning, Henry arrived and warmly welcomed his 
nephew. Amidst cheering crowds, who wondered 
at the simplicity of the Spanish king's dress and 
following, the two monarchs rode together to Canter- 
bury, where Queen Katharine impatiently awaited 
her sister's son. By her side was her little daughter, 
Mary Tudor, a fair-haired child of four, with big 

1 Monumenta Hapsburgica, 


brown eyes, and near her stood the elder Mary- 
Tudor, the beautiful Duchess of Suffolk, former 
Queen of France. Charles stayed four days feast- 
ing at Canterbury, during which time he cleverly 
managed to attach Wolsey more closely to his 
interests by whispering promises of future assistance 
when the papal throne should become vacant, and 
deeply impressing the English king by his mature 
judgment, deference, and courtesy. It was agreed 
that the two sovereigns should shortly meet again 
between Calais and Gravelines, and that Henry 
should be accompanied by Katharine and Charles 
by Margaret. And so, with many expressions of 
goodwill on all sides, Charles set sail from Sandwich 
for Flanders on the same day that Henry embarked 
at Dover for Calais on his way to meet Francis 
between Ardres and Guisnes at the memorable scene 
of splendour and display known as ' the Field of the 
Cloth of Gold/ 1 

On the 1st of June Charles landed at Flushing 
at four o'clock in the afternoon, and continued his 
journey to Bruges, where he was warmly welcomed 
by Margaret and his brother Ferdinand, surrounded 
by the chief Flemish nobles, ambassadors from 
Venice, and deputies from the principal German 

Charles was now in his twenty-first year. Of 
middle height, with well-proportioned limbs, a pale 
sallow complexion, light blue eyes, aquiline nose, 
and a protruding lower jaw, his expression, though 
heavy, was at once dignified and reserved ; no trace 
of passing emotion disturbed the serenity of his 
features. His broad forehead and penetrating glance 

1 Martin Hume, Wives of Henry VIII., and Theodore Juste, Charles- 
Quint et Marguerite d'Autriche. 


gave strength to his expression, and his gentle 
courtesy and charm of manner won him the affection 
of all those who had to serve him. An interesting 
insight into his character is given in a letter from 
Gerard de Pleine to Margaret : — ' There is no one 
great enough or wise enough in his kingdom to 
make him change his opinion, if he does not see a 
reason for changing it. I have known many princes 
at different times, but none who have taken greater 
pains to understand their affairs, or who disposed of 
them more absolutely than he does. He is his own 
treasurer of finance and his own treasurer of war ; 
he bestows offices, bishoprics, appointments as God 
inspires him, without listening to the prayers of 

A little later, Aleander, whom Leo x. sent to per- 
suade Charles to condemn Luther, gives an interest- 
ing estimate of the emperor's character. Aleander 
was a man of the world and a scholar, and though 
well aware of the faults of the Church and the folly 
of the Papacy, was eager to extirpate what he 
believed to be the seeds of social and ecclesiastical 
anarchy. On being granted an audience he addressed 
the emperor in French ; Charles replied by declaring 
his willingness to risk his life in defence of the 
Church and the Holy See. He spoke at some 
length, but so extremely well that Aleander was 
much impressed by his ability, and wrote admiringly, 
' Say what they will, this prince seemed to me well 
endowed with sense and with prudence, far beyond 
his years ; to have much more, however, at the 
back of his head than he carries on his face/ 1 

Charles had asked his aunt to convoke the States- 
General, and he found them assembled when he 

1 E. Armstrong, The Emperor Charles V. 


arrived at Brussels. In a long speech he praised 
Margaret's wise administration, loyalty and devotion, 
and thanked her Council for the help they had 
given. He repeated that, in spite of his absence, 
'his heart had always been with them.' He then 
gave a summary of his sojourn in Spain, and informed 
the States that he had returned to take possession 
of the imperial crown, as well as the domains he had 
inherited in Germany, but that he was badly in need 
of funds, and asked them to do their best to help him. 
The meeting of the Field of the Cloth of Gold, 
where Francis i. tried by every means in his power 
to ingratiate himself with the English king, was 
hardly over when Charles started for Gravelines to 
try and efface the impression produced by his rival. 
Gravelines was a small place, ill-fitted for the re- 
ception of kings, but Charles had different methods 
than those employed by Francis, and he succeeded 
in confirming himself in his uncle's good graces by 
showing him the most courteous deference, and 
flattering his vanity in offering that he should act 
as arbitrator in any differences which might arise 
between Spain and France. Henry and Francis had 
already signed a treaty on the 6th of June whereby 
it was settled that the Dauphin should marry the 
Princess Mary; but on the 14th of July another 
treaty was secretly arranged in which the French 
alliance was indefinitely postponed, and Charles's 
marriage with Mary agreed upon, although at the 
time he was pledged to marry the French Princess 
Charlotte. Wolsey was largely responsible for this 
change in affairs, for he was now bidding high for 
the emperor's favour, though outwardly he still kept 
on good terms with Francis. 

The Chronicle of Calais gives an interesting 


account of Henry's meeting with Charles at Grave - 
lines on the 10th of July 1520. Margaret accom- 
panied her nephew, and together, with a brilliant 
following of lords and ladies, the two monarchs and 
the regent journeyed to Calais. Within the town a 
large tent had been erected intended for a banquet- 
ing-hall, the seats arranged in tiers and draped with 
rich tapestries. The roof painted to represent the 
sky with sun, moon, stars, and clouds ; but a great 
storm of wind and rain arose, and during the night 
the great tent, with all its fine decorations and 
tapestries, was blown down and ruined. 

The two kings spent four days together, first at 
Gravelines and then at Calais, when, after taking 
an affectionate farewell of each other, they parted ; 
Charles and Margaret journeying by slow stages 
towards Aix-la-Chapelle, which, by a decree of the 
Golden Bull, had been chosen as the scene of the 
emperor's coronation. 

At Maestricht he reappointed Margaret as 
regent, and gave her a Council presided over by 
Philippe de Bourgogne, Bishop of Utrecht, and 
firard de la Marck, Bishop of Liege. The Council 
of Malines, the Court of Holland, and the tribunals 
of the other provinces were henceforth made sub- 
ordinate to the Council of the Regency established 
by the emperor. This arrangement infringed the 
privileges of these bodies, but Charles, deaf to their 
protests, abolished all privileges which were contrary 
to this new regime. In order to put an end to petty 
squabbles and ensure an equal protection to all, he 
gave, before starting for Germany, the command of 
the army to Count Henry in. of Nassau. Accom- 
panied by Margaret he then left Maestricht and 
passed a night at the castle of Wettheim. 


Charles's election had called forth much enthusiasm 
in Germany. The towns he passed through gave 
him a hearty welcome, for they looked to him to 
restore order and redress their grievances. 

On the 22nd of October he made his state entry 
into Aix-la-Chapelle, where the electors of Mayence, 
Cologne, and Treves, and the ambassadors of the 
Duke of Saxony and the Margrave of Brandenburg 
had arrived the day before. Charles had been elected 
emperor on June the 28th, 1519 ; but it was not 
until October 23rd, 1520, that he was crowned at 
Aix. There in the church of Notre-Dame, in 
presence of a vast assembly, with every detail of 
gorgeous ceremonial, the crown of Charlemagne was 
placed upon his head ; he swore to uphold the 
Catholic faith, defend the Church, administer justice, 
maintain the rights of the empire, recover its lost 
possessions, and render due obedience to the Pope 
and the Roman Church. The Archbishop of Cologne, 
turning to the assembled crowd, asked the German 
people if they would swear fealty to their prince and 
uphold his government. A loud assent was given. 
1 Charles was then anointed on his head, breast, arms 
and hands, clothed in the deacon's robe of Charle- 
magne, and girt with the great emperor's sword, 
crowned with his golden crown, and then with ring 
on finger and ball and sceptre in hand, he was led to 
the stone seat of empire.' 1 

The next day the Archbishop of Mayence pro- 
claimed that Charles had assumed the title of 
Roman Emperor Elect. His coronation as Emperor 
and King of Lombardy did not take place until 
1530, when he was crowned at Bologna by Pope 
Clement vn. 

1 E. Armstrong, The Emperor Charles V. 


On November 1st he summoned the States to 
meet at Worms, and in January 1521 travelled 
thither to be present at the Diet, where he and 
Martin Luther met face to face for the first and 
last time. 



ALMOST at the same time that Charles was 
/ \ crowned at Aix, the most enterprising 
-^ ^- and accomplished of the Turkish sultans, 
Solyman the Magnificent, ascended the Ottoman 
throne. The world has seldom seen such a brilliant 
constellation of rulers as now filled the principal 
thrones of Europe. Leo x., Charles v., Francis i., 
Henry viii., and Solyman the Magnificent each 
possessed talents which would have made them con- 
spicuous in any age, but which together made the 
history of Europe during the first half of the sixteenth 
century peculiarly interesting. 

After his coronation, Charles returned to Brussels 
with Margaret. For some time past alarming news 
had reached him from his regent in Spain, where 
open rebellion had now broken out. Adrian of 
Utrecht was quite unequal to the task of coping 
with the insurgents, and first Medina del Campo, 
then Valladolid, and lastly Tordesillas (where Queen 
Joanna was confined) fell into the hands of the rebels. 
The great seal and state papers were seized, Adrian 
narrowly escaped being taken prisoner with his 
Council, and only saved himself by flight. 

When Joanna heard that the rebel leader Padilla 
and his host had arrived before Tordesillas she ordered 
the townspeople to welcome them, and ostensibly 



made herself head of the revolution, authorising the 
leaders to summon the Cortes to meet in her palace. 
But although the members of the Junta declared her 
sane, Joanna's refusal to sign any documents or come 
to any decision hopelessly checkmated their efforts, 
and early in December the Government troops were 
able to take Tordesillas by assault after four hours' 
desperate fighting. 1 

Meanwhile imploring letters reached Charles from 
his Councillors begging him to return to Spain and 
quell the rebellion; this he refused to do, until it 
suited his convenience, but appointed two Spanish 
nobles, the Constable and Admiral of Castile, to 
assist Adrian in restoring order, with strict injunc- 
tions to make no concessions. Before many months 
were out peace was once more restored, and the 
Communeros finally crushed in the following April 
at the battle of Villalar. 

In January 1521 Charles sailed up the Rhine to 
attend the Diet which he had summoned to meet 
at Worms. It opened on January the 28th, and 
dragged on its wearisome deliberations for several 
months. Of all the questions the emperor had to 
solve, that of Luther was the hardest. The Pope 
did his ' best to complicate matters by urging that 
Luther should be condemned unheard ; but the state 
of public feeling was such that Charles deemed it 
wiser to consult the Diet, who decided that the monk 
should be heard. A herald was therefore despatched 
to Wittemberg bearing a letter from the emperor 
with a promise of safe conduct. Luther appeared at 
Worms on April the 16th. Brought before Charles, 
he admitted the authorship of his books, but refused 
to withdraw any of his doctrines. He spoke boldly 

1 Martin Hume, Queens of Old Spain. 


and impressively, but when he enlarged upon the 
Pope's iniquities, the emperor reprimanded him, nor 
would he listen to the monk's denial of the authority 
of Councils. Charles was not impressed by Luther's 
manner or bearing, and during the interview was 
heard to remark, ' This man will never make me a 
Lutheran.' This was their first and last encounter, 
for the emperor and monk were destined never to 
meet again. 

The next day Charles handed his remarkable 
declaration to the German princes in which he said : 
'My predecessors . . . left behind them the holy 
Catholic rites that I should live and die therein, and 
so until now with God's aid I have lived as becomes 
a Christian emperor. ... A single monk, led astray 
by private judgment, has set himself against the 
faith held by all Christians for a thousand years and 
more, and impudently concludes that all Christians 
up to now have erred. I have therefore resolved to 
stake upon this cause all my dominions, my friends, 
my body and my blood, my life and soul. . . . After 
Luther's stiff-necked reply in my presence yesterday, 
I now repent that I have so long delayed proceedings 
against him and his false doctrines. I have now 
resolved never again, under any circumstances, to 
hear him. Under protection of his safe conduct he 
shall be escorted home, but forbidden to preach and 
seduce men with his evil doctrines and incite them 
to rebellion. . . .' 

But Luther's brave bearing at Worms was his 
most heroic moment, nor was his power in Germany 
ever again so great as in 1521, nor was he ever again 
so truly the voice of the people. 1 

On April the 25th Charles ordered him to leave 

1 E. Armstrong, The Emperor Charles V. 


Worms, and next day the monk departed, escorted by 
twenty horsemen. A few days later an edict was 
published in the emperor's name, and by authority 
of the Diet, depriving him of all the privileges he 
enjoyed as a subject of the empire, forbidding any 
prince to harbour or protect him, and requiring all 
to help in seizing his person as soon as the time 
specified in the safe conduct had expired. In less 
than a fortnight he had disappeared, rescued from 
his adversaries by the Elector of Saxony, who kept 
the place of his retreat carefully concealed. 

Meanwhile Francis i. had been actively engaged 
in sending forces against the frontiers of Belgium 
and Italy. Charles, through Margaret, made an 
appeal to the States-General convoked at Mons on 
February 9th, 1521. In a spirited speech she pointed 
out the perfidious conduct of Francis, who she declared 
was daily trying to induce the European powers to 
make war against the emperor's dominions. Amongst 
others she quoted his efforts to obtain support from 
the Kings of Denmark and Scotland, the Dukes of 
Savoy, Lorraine, and Ferrara, the republic, the 
Swiss League, and Charles of Gueldres. She then 
implored the assembly to grant help to protect the 
empire from its enemies. The people were flattered 
by this appeal to their patriotism, and hastened to 
prove that their emperor had not appealed to them 
in vain. 

On the 5th of May 1521 the Archduke Ferdinand 
concluded his marriage with Princess Anne of 
Hungary, and Charles conferred the five duchies of 
Austria, Carinthia, Carniola, Styria, and Tyrol upon 
his brother, to which he added later the German 
possessions inherited from Maximilian. 

On May the 29th he confirmed a secret treaty 


with Leo x. through Don John Manuel, his ambas- 
sador in Rome, by which the Pope and emperor 
agreed to join forces to expel the French out of the 
Milanaise, to restore Parma and Piacenza to the 
Church, the emperor helping the Pope to conquer 
Ferrara, in return for the investiture of the kingdom 
of Naples. This treaty was carefully concealed from 
De Chievres, whose aversion to a war with France 
was well known. When at length he heard of it, 
his grief was so great at this proof of his loss of 
influence over his former pupil, that it is said to have 
shortened his days. His death at this juncture 
certainly hastened the war with France, though it 
freed Charles from an irksome subjection and greatly 
helped in the development of his character. From 
henceforth the emperor was his own master, nor was 
he ever again under another governor. Instead of 
his boyish motto — ' Nondum ' (not yet), his device in 
future was ' Plus ultra ' (yet further). 

The French were the first to cross the Pyrenees 
and begin hostilities. When Charles, who was then 
at Brussels, heard the news, he exclaimed : ' God be 
praised that it is not I who begin the war : the King 
of France wishes to make me greater than I am ; for, 
in a short time, either I shall be a very poor emperor, 
or he will be a poor King of France.' 1 

On the 1 7th of July Margaret again addressed the 
assembled States at Ghent, for the exchequer was 
very low, and men and money were needed for the 
war. She implored them to use every effort to 
protect their country, and restore peace by voting 
the much-needed subsidies. She begged them to 
avert the threatening storm, and with a voice moved 
by emotion said : ' Because of the love and peculiar 

1 Letter from Aleandro de' Galeazzi, dated Brussels, 3rd July 1521. 


affection his Majesty bears you, being a native of 
these lands, born, brought up, and nourished amongst 
you, he is anxious to protect you from danger, and 
preserve you from all harm and oppression, by driving 
war from out of his dominions, keeping you in peace. 
Which things his Majesty has willingly put before 
you as his good and loyal subjects, because of the 
entire confidence he has in you, so that you may 
know all his affairs and understand the danger you 
are in, for on this depends either your safety or ruin.' 
She then promised ' a perpetual safety and abundance 
of all good things' after peace was restored, and 
freedom from subjection to France. She praised the 
fine example of Spain and Austria, who, although 
they hardly knew his Majesty, had nevertheless of 
their own accord raised superb armaments ; * and you 
who have his person with you ready to use his life, 
his goods, and all that God has given him to preserve, 
help, and defend you, ought not to be less generous 
or less courageous than others, seeing that the case 
touches you so closely, and with the noise of war so 
near, knowing the harm which may come upon you 
if war breaks out, and seeing that the quarrel is just, 
which is as true as God is, and that He will help his 
Majesty. And on this account you ought to take 
courage and show yourselves bold and fearless, and 
be more willing and anxious than any others, as his 
Majesty does not doubt you will be, and without 
waiting to be asked, offer liberally your persons, 
goods, and chattels (as you have always done in 
times past) to help his Majesty in this same enter- 
prise, which is for your own and the public good/ 1 

Margaret had not miscalculated the effect of this 
speech on her audience. Enthusiasm and loyalty 

1 MSS. de la Bibliothkque de Bourgogne. 


towards the emperor and herself passed all bounds 
and spread like wildfire throughout the Netherlands. 
An army of 22,000 men was quickly raised, and 
assembled in the outskirts of Malines. Part of 
these troops the emperor despatched under the 
Count of Nassau to subdue the inroads of Robert 
de la Marck, lord of Bouillon, known as the wild 
Boar of the Ardennes, who had been giving consider- 
able trouble. The emperor having offended him, he 
left Charles's service and threw himself upon France 
for protection. In the heat of his resentment he had 
the audacity to send a herald to Worms to declare 
war against the emperor before the assembled Diet. 
To punish this insolent vassal the Count of Nassau 
was sent at the head of 20,000 men to invade his 
territories, and in a few days took every place but 
Sedan, and reduced De la Marck to beg for clemency. 
Nassau then advanced towards the borders of France, 
where Charles of Gueldres was ravaging the Northern 
provinces, and Henry d'Albret had crossed the 
Pyrenees and occupied Navarre. 

Meanwhile a congress had been held at Calais, 
under Henry vm.'s mediation, with a view to settling 
all differences and establishing peace. Henry gave 
Wolsey full powers to arrange the negotiations, but 
the Cardinal, anxious to please both Francis and 
Charles, ended by satisfying neither, and the congress 
broke up without any definite result. During its 
progress Wolsey journeyed to Bruges and had a 
meeting there with Charles and Margaret, the latter 
having come in hot haste to visit her nephew, 
anxious to use her influence to procure an armistice. 
The Cardinal was received by the emperor and his aunt 
with as much respect and magnificence as though he 
had been King of England, but instead of furthering 


the treaty of peace, Wolsey, in his master's name, 
concluded a secret alliance with the emperor against 
France. This treaty, which was drawn up at Bruges 
on August 25th, 1521, and signed by Margaret and 
Jean de Berghes for the emperor, and by Wolsey for 
the King of England, arranged a marriage between 
Charles and his cousin Mary Tudor (King Henry's 
only child and apparent heir) as soon as the princess 
should have completed her twelfth year; both Charles 
and Henry agreeing to invade France in the spring 
of 1523 from opposite sides, each with an army of 
40,000 men — the emperor promising to visit England 
on his way to Spain early in the following year. It 
was especially stipulated that 'one month before 
Charles undertook the voyage he would notify the 
time of it to the King of England, who would then 
send his fleet to sea, with about 3000 armed men 
on board, to drive away all enemies and pirates from 
the Channel and English seas, so that the emperor 
might safely come over to Dover or Sandwich. The 
King of England would receive the emperor with the 
greatest honour and accompany him to Falmouth, 
whilst the English navy would escort the emperor's 
fleet from Zealand to Falmouth, and together remain 
in that port until he embarked and then accompany 
him to Spain.' 1 

During the years that had passed since Margaret 
left Savoy she never lost interest in the memorial 
church she was building at Brou. In September 
1521 she sent her treasurer Marnix and some 
members of her Council to report on the progress 
of the work. The church was rapidly gaining shape, 
and the outer walls were nearing completion under 
the skilful direction of Louis Van Boghen. The 

1 Calendar of Spanish State Papers, vol. ii. 


following letter from Loys de Gleyrens, prior of the 
monastery of Brou (written to Margaret on the 2nd 
of September 1521), gives a detailed account of de 
Marnix's visit : — 

* To our much-honoured Lady and very gracious 
Mother, — God grant you a good and long life. You 
will be pleased to know that the day of the feast of 
Saint Augustine Monseigneur Marnix came to visit 
your church of Brou, with the gentlemen of your 
Council of Bourg, and saw the progress of the same, 
and found that your two chapels in the aisle of the 
choir are roofed over, as well as the higher and lower 
aisles and oratories above and below, on the side of 
the belfry, and that the pipes and gurgoyles for 
carrying off water falling from the roofs are fixed on 
the said aisles. And the belfry has grown this year 
to the height of twenty- three to twenty-five feet. . . .' 
He goes on to say that the workmen have plenty 
of materials, wood, etc., to finish the work — but that 
money is running short, and that only about fifteen 
or sixteen florins are left, which will hardly last till 
All Saints Day, and unless more is supplied, the work 
must be interrupted ... * but at present it is in the 
best state and appearance possible, and ought shortly 
to be finished, as those will tell you who have seen 
it. . . /» 

Meanwhile the league between Charles and the 
Pope had produced great results in Italy ; Lombardy 
being the chief centre of war. On November the 
19th the Papal- Imperialist army entered Milan, and 
within a fortnight the French held only the town of 
Cremona, the fortress of Milan, and a few scattered 
strongholds. Parma and Piacenza surrendered to 

1 J. Baux, L'Eglise de Brou. 


Leo x., but amidst the rejoicings which followed this 
brilliant victory and the fulfilment of his dearest 
wishes, the Pope was suddenly struck down with 
malaria at Magliana, and died after a few days' illness 
on the 1st of December 1521, in the forty-sixth year 
of his age. 

This wholly unexpected event caused a cessation of 
hostilities for a while — both monarchs turning their 
attention to the proceedings of the Conclave. News 
of the Pope's death was brought to Charles on the 
12th of December, and he hastened to write a diplo- 
matic letter to his uncle, King Henry, and fully 
explained his intentions to the Bishop of Badajoz, 
his ambassador in England, promising to do his 
utmost to secure Wolsey's election to the Papacy. 
But after the Conclave had sat for fourteen days, it 
was announced on the 9th of January 1522 that not 
Wolsey, but Adrian of Utrecht had been elected 
Pope. The election of the emperor's old tutor came 
as a surprise to Europe. Charles received the news 
at Brussels, and on January the 21st wrote to Mezza, 
his ambassador in London : ' However anxious was our 
wish that Pace (Henry viii.'s secretary) should have 
arrived in Rome at the right time, and that the 
letters we had written in favour of the Sieur Legate 
(Wolsey) had been conducive to the fulfilment of his 
wishes, and those of our uncle the king ; yet must we 
be thankful, the object we had at heart having thus 
failed, that the choice fell upon Cardinal Tortosa, 1 
whose elevation, next after the Cardinal of York, 
will certainly be most for the good, not of ourselves 
only, but of the whole of Christendom. I hope to 

1 Adrian was Bishop of Tortosa. On July 12th, 1516, he wrote a letter 
of thanks to Margaret from Madrid, attributing his promotion to the 
bishopric of Tortosa to her influence. 



have the greater interest with him, who under 
my own roof was my instructor in morals and 
literature.' * 

The new Pope was in Spain when the unexpected 
news of his election was brought to him. Adrian 
vi.'s letter to his former pupil, dated Saragossa, 
May 3rd, 1522, is interesting as confirming the 
emperor's statement that he did not interfere in 
favour of his election, but honestly did his best 
for Wolsey, to whom he had promised his influence 
with the Conclave. 

1 Very dear and much-beloved Son ! — Health and 
apostolical benediction. I have been rejoiced on 
receiving the letter which your Majesty has 
written to me with your own hand. ... I am fully 
convinced of the satisfaction which you will derive 
from my election to the Popedom ; and I never 
entertained a doubt that had it depended alone on 
your goodwill and affection towards me, your 
suffrage would have been in my favour ; but I was 
equally aware that it was neither suitable to your 
own interests nor to the good of the Christian 
commonwealth, that you should have used any 
solicitation in my behalf, knowing that such interfer- 
ence would have been fatal to your good understand- 
ing with one (Wolsey) who at this moment is of all 
others most necessary to your welfare in Italy. . . . 
Although my election may in one respect be attended 
with inconvenience, in taking me away from the 
management of your affairs in Spain, yet this will be 
so much overbalanced by other considerations, as 
nowise to diminish the joy which it will occasion 
you. And in this my election, the feeling which 

1 W. Bradford, Correspondence of the Emperor Charles V. 



influenced the sacred College of Cardinals, as you 
will readily believe, and as has been intimated by 
them to Don John Manuel, was, that it would be a 
choice agreeable to your Majesty : for no one, it 
appeared, would have obtained their votes who could 
be considered objectionable either to you, or to the 
King of France. 

'I cannot, therefore, express my satisfaction in 
having attained to this elevation without the exer- 
cise of your influence, inconsistent as that would 
have been with the purity and sincerity which divine 
and human rights require in such proceedings ; and 
in saying this, you will be assured that I feel as much, 
if not more truly devoted to your Majesty, than if I 
had owed to your means and prayers my present 
advancement. . . . 

1 Sire, I pray God to grant you a happy and long 
life. Written at Saragossa the 3rd of May, ad 
tempus sacrce Romance ecclesice. Entirely yours/ x 

Adrian vi. was an upright, conscientious, and 
honest man, but quite unfitted for the high position 
he was called upon to fill, and his reign of ten 
months was unsuccessful and unhappy, As he 
himself once exclaimed, 'Let a man be never so 
good, how much depends upon the times in which 
he is born.' A learned scholar and rigid disciplinarian, 
he regarded the conduct of the reformers with 
horror ; but at the same time candidly acknowledged 
the abuses and corruptions that disgraced both the 
Court and Church of Rome. This moderation, 
whilst it disgusted the great ecclesiastics in Italy, 
tended to encourage the reformation in Germany. 
A host of pamphlets and caricatures were circulated, 

1 W. Bradford, Correspondence, of the Emperor Charles V. 


and helped to popularise the new ideas and spread 
the reformed religion far and wide. Charles hastened 
to forbid under pain of death the printing of litera- 
ture directed against the Pope or the Church of 
Rome, and ordered Francis Van der Hulst to hunt 
all Lutherans out of the Netherlands. 

On the 15th of March 1522 Margaret convoked 
the States - General at Brussels. The emperor, 
through his Chancellor, complimented the citizens 
on their loyal conduct and bravery at the recent 
siege of Tournay, which had greatly helped towards 
its reduction. 'The French/ he said, 'have sus- 
tained a great loss in losing Milan and Tournay, 
which are of such importance, as every one knows.' 
His approaching journey to Spain was then 
announced, and he informed them of the treaties 
he had made, and the precautions taken for the 
defence of the country, thanking his brave subjects 
for the zeal they had shown in his service. He 
informed them that during his absence the govern- 
ment would be confided to Margaret, ' who for so 
long has shown by her praiseworthy, memorable 
services and great experience, that she well knows 
how to honourably acquit herself of the said govern- 
ment and administration. For which good rule and 
conduct his Majesty and you are beholden to her 
through the fervent zeal and natural love she bears 
you/ The Chancellor ended his long speech by 
saying that the emperor hoped they would live 
peaceably with each other during his absence — ' for 
their strength lay in unity. . . .' * 

Charles, who was now preparing to visit England 
on his way to Spain, was sadly in want of money. 
Margaret did her best to help him, and in order to 

1 MSS. de la Bibliotheque de Bourgogne. 


raise funds pawned her jewels to the Count of Hoch- 
strate. 'My said Lady, obeying the order of his 
Majesty, has offered to leave her rings with the said 
Hochstrate, until he has been acquitted and dis- 
charged of the last sums he furnished ... at the 
very pressing request and insistence of my said 
Lady, knowing that in this lies his Majesty's honour, 
but he has behaved so well that he will not keep 
them/ " 

Before leaving Bruges the emperor made his will 
on the 22nd of May 1522, arranging that if he died 
in Flanders his body was to be buried at Bruges, 
near his grandmother Mary of Burgundy. He then 
bade farewell to Margaret and set out for England, 
sailing from Calais, with a gorgeous retinue of a 
thousand horse and two thousand courtiers, and land- 
ing at Dover towards the end of May, was welcomed 
by Wolsey in his master's name. It had been 
arranged that King Henry should meet the emperor 
on the downs between Dover and Canterbury ; but 
to show him greater honour the king rode into 
Dover, and after together inspecting the English 
fleet, which was duly admired by the emperor and 
his train, the two monarchs made a triumphal pro- 
gress through Canterbury, Sittingbourne, and 
Rochester to Gravesend. From Gravesend the 
splendid processions rowed in royal barges to 
Greenwich. At the entrance door of the palace 
Queen Katharine stood awaiting her nephew, sur- 
rounded by her ladies, and holding little Princess 
Mary by the hand. The emperor, kneeling on one 
knee, then asked for his aunt's blessing, which was 
readily granted, and from henceforward for six 
weeks his visit to England was a continual round 

1 Correspondance de Marguerite avec Charles-Quint. 


of feasting, dancing, hunting, masquerading, and 
splendid entertainments. 

But amidst all this hospitality his thoughts were 
mainly fixed on Spain, and as he wrote to Margaret, 
'the six weeks seemed a thousand years/ 

Whilst Charles was at Greenwich a messenger 
arrived from France bearing a letter to King Henry, 
in which Francis i. bade defiance to the King of 
England. The letter was handed to the emperor for 
his perusal, who must have rejoiced at its contents, 
for now he and his uncle could join forces against 
their common enemy France ; and soon after an 
eternal friendship was solemnly sworn between them 
upon the Sacrament in Saint George's Chapel, 
Windsor, and an abiding alliance in peace and war 
cemented by Charles's betrothal to his cousin Mary 
Tudor. Glittering pageants in London and Windsor, 
where Charles was made a Knight of the Garter 
under his uncle's presidency, brought his visit to a 
close, and on July the 6th the emperor set sail once 
more for the port of Santander. 1 

A few weeks later an Anglo-Belgian army, under 
Florent d'Ysselstein, Count of Buren, invaded 
Picardy, whilst the Earl of Surrey's fleet hovered 
off the Norman coast, and threatened all French 
shipping in the Channel. 

Margaret meanwhile was busily employed in 
harrowing the Duke of Gueldres, whose troops 
appeared before Leyden, and pillaged the village of 
La Haye. The States of Friesland upheld the 
regent in her endeavours, but it was not until June 
the 4th, 1524, that a truce was concluded with 
Gueldres, and peace restored. 

1 Martin Hume, Wives of Henry VIII., and Rutland Papers, The 
Vomers Tracts (Camden Society). 


Whilst Charles, Henry, and Francis were thus 
employed wasting each other's strength, the Turkish 
sultan, Solyman the Magnificent, invaded Hungary 
with a large army, and took Belgrade. Encouraged 
by this success, he besieged the Island of Rhodes, 
then the seat of the Knights of Saint John of 
Jerusalem. The Grand Master of Villers de L'Isle 
Adam sent imploring messages to the powers of 
Europe begging for assistance. Adrian vi. did his 
utmost to persuade Charles and Francis to forget 
their quarrels and join forces in saving Rhodes, then 
the chief bulwark of Christianity in the East. On 
March the 3rd, 1523, he wrote to Charles exhorting 
him and all Christian princes to make peace with one 
another, and wage a common war against the Turks. 
He complains that * so far all his exhortations have 
been fruitless, and the Turks have conquered Bel- 
grade on one side, and it is said they have taken 
Rhodes on the other. There is no doubt that the 
Turks will continue their conquests in Hungary 
(where the emperor's sister Mary is queen), as well 
as in the Mediterranean, till they have rendered 
themselves masters of the whole of Europe. This 
danger can only be averted by a reconciliation of all 
Christian princes. . . .' The Pope ends by saying 
that he has written in the same sense to the Kings 
of France and England. 1 

But the rival princes turned a deaf ear to all these 
entreaties, and after six months of incredible courage, 
patience, and bravery on the part of the garrison, 
the gallant little band of knights were forced to 
capitulate, and the town was razed to the ground. 
When too late, Charles, Henry, and Francis, ashamed 
of their conduct, tried to lay the blame of this mis- 

1 Calendar of Spanish State Papers, vol. ii. 


fortune on each other, and Charles, by way of 
reparation, gave the Knights of Saint John the 
Island of Malta, which from henceforth became the 
chief home of their order. 

The year 1523 was marked by the revolt and 
conspiracy of the Constable of Bourbon, a powerful 
and accomplished French nobleman descended from 
the Montpensier branch of the Bourbon family, who 
through his marriage with Suzanne, daughter and 
heiress of the Duke of Bourbon, had acquired the 
wealth and honours of that powerful house. 
Francis i. on his accession had made him Con- 
stable of France, and treated him with every 
mark of favour. 

When the king left Italy in 1516, Bourbon re- 
mained behind as lieutenant-general of the French 
forces, and greatly distinguished himself by his 
military talents and valour ; but soon after his return 
to France he fell into disfavour, and from henceforth 
became the victim of a vindictive persecution. The 
cause of this sudden change is generally attributed 
to a passionate attachment on the part of Louise of 
Savoy, the king's mother, who, on his wife Suzanne's 
death in 1521, offered her hand to Bourbon; but the 
Constable declining the honour, the humiliated queen, 
in revenge, disputed Suzanne's will, herself claiming 
the succession to the Bourbon estates as next of 
kin. In this she was aided and abetted by the 
Chancellor Du Prat, and soon persuaded the king to 
withhold Bourbon's appointments, and disallow his 
just claims for money he had furnished during the 
war in Italy. The Constable at first bore these 
indignities with great moderation, but when in 
presence of the whole army the king passed him 
over, and gave the command of the van to the Duke 


of Alencon, the injured Constable retired from the 
Court, and began a secret correspondence with 
Charles's Ministers, offering his services to the 

The campaign arranged between Henry vm. and 
his nephew for the simultaneous invasion of France 
had not proved successful, but led to a more formid- 
able attempt in the following year. Charles there- 
fore welcomed the proposed advent of so powerful a 
partisan as Bourbon, from whose revolt he expected 
great advantages, and warmly received his secret 
overtures. It was proposed that the emperor should 
enter France by the Pyrenees, whilst Henry vm., in 
co-operation with Margaret, should invade Picardy, 
and Bourbon with twelve hundred Germans pene- 
trate into Germany. A lengthy despatch sent to 
Charles from London, on June the 1st, 1523, by De 
Praet, his ambassador, and Marnix, Margaret's 
treasurer (both accredited at the English Court), 
gives a full account of a negotiation with Wolsey on 
the conditions of the above confederacy, and shows 
what a large part Margaret played in the arrange- 
ments. In the latter part of the despatch mention is 
made of the King and Queen of Denmark's visit to 
the Netherlands, where they fled to take refuge from 
the troubles which threatened them in Denmark. 

1 . . . Sire ! By our last letters your Majesty has 
been able to see and understand the offers we have 
made to the King of England and the Sieur Legate 
(Wolsey) through the intervention of madame, your 
Majesty's aunt, in reference to the co-operation and 
assistance of the army which the said king would 
send across the sea against the common enemy of 
your Majesty and himself. 

' . . . Sire ! They could nowise be satisfied with 


the number we have to offer for the said co-opera- 
tion, but persisted in pressing for three thousand 
horse and five thousand foot with the half of the 
artillery munition and equipage, requiring us to 
write immediately to the said lady, which we have 
done, and have, moreover, received her answer. She, 
having communicated with M. de Beuren, your 
Majesty's captain-general, and acting on his advice, 
declares that it is quite impossible to augment the 
number she had already offered, to wit, two thousand 
good horse, and four thousand foot, with twelve 
pieces of field-artillery ; but if they would pass the 
sea, we should be ready to give all the assistance in 
our power ; and were the enemy to offer battle or 
commence a siege, there would be a force always 
ready of ten or twelve thousand Flemish foot to 
come to their assistance. . . .' The despatch goes 
on to say that after several days spent in discussions, 
during which time Wolsey pressed for more troops 
from the Netherlands, and lost his temper, nothing 
definite was settled. * Although I, Marnix, have . . . 
pressed for permission to return, the Sieur Legate 
has nevertheless wished and requested that I should 
be present and concerned in these proceedings, with 
me De Praet, in order to make a report of them to 

* Sire ! The said madame (Margaret) has written to 
inform us how the King of Denmark, 1 who, with the 
queen and his children, is, as we have already made 
known to your Majesty, in your Low Countries, has 
demanded of her three things. One that she should 

1 Christian il, King of Denmark, who had married Charles's sister 
Isabella in August 1515, was hated by his subjects, who combined with 
the city of Lubeck and the Hansa League to drive him from his kingdom. 
He then took refuge in the Netherlands with his wife and three children. 


be willing to render sufficient aid and assistance to 
enable him to reconquer his kingdom ; a second, that 
she should grant a passport to one of his people 
whom he intends to despatch to your Majesty, and by 
him should write to you in his favour; the third, 
that you should write to monseigneur, your Majesty's 
brother, and the electoral princes, that right and 
justice may be rendered to him in his quarrels and 
contentions against his uncle the Duke of Holstein, 
who, with the aid of the city of Lubeck, has occa- 
sioned his expulsion. To these demands, in as much 
as regards the two latter, madame has signified her 
willing acquiescence ; but, in respect to the first, she 
begs to be excused, on account of the impossibility of 
acceding to it ; and refers all to the good pleasure of 
your Majesty. . . .' 1 

In a postscript of the same despatch De Praet says, 
referring to Bourbons intended revolt : ' In truth, 
Sire, this affair, I know not why, has not long re- 
mained a secret, and in a short time cannot fail to be 
publicly known. Even at this Court there are to my 
knowledge more than ten people now acquainted 
with it. The day before yesterday, when the cardinal 
and I met concerning the present war, he immedi- 
ately began to talk of the coming over of Bourbon, 
and related the whole transaction from beginning to 
end, and this in the presence of the Duke of Suffolk, 
Messieurs Talbot and Wingfield, three bishops, 
and the treasurer Marnix. M. de Badajoz and I 
knew it ever since the past month of January, but 
we obstinately denied it before the King of England 
and the cardinal, until your Majesty orders us to be 
candid on the subject.' 2 

The emperor sent Adrian de Croy, Lord of Beau- 

1 W. Bradford, Correspondence of the Emperor Charles V. * Ibid. 


rain, to treat secretly with the Duke of Bourbon, 
and on the 22nd of July he writes : ' Sire ! I came 
into communication with M. de Bourbon the 3rd day 
of July at Monbrison, which is three days' journey 
within the French territory, and there treated with 

' Monsieur de Bourbon is ready to declare himself 
the enemy of France. ... I have despatched . . . 
my secretary to the King of England to apprise him 
of all I have thought necessary, urging him to hasten 
his army according to the advice of M. de Bourbon ; 
and I have advertised madame (Margaret) that if 
she should hear of what has passed, respecting the 
said duke from any other quarter, to be cautious, lest 
any difficulty should be thrown in the way. 

1 M. de Bourbon has made friends with many rich 
people who are ready to come forward with several 
thousand crowns for the payment of his debts, at 
which I rejoice, for he is a fine fellow. . . . 

1 1 have treated with him according to the secret 
articles with which you were pleased to charge me. 
He will take in marriage either Madame Eleanor or 
Madame Katharine, 1 but would greatly prefer the 

' M. de Bourbon will stir up a fine commotion in 
France. Adrian de Croy' 

On the 9th of August 1523 Louis de Praet also 
wrote to Charles that * the Duke of Bourbon declares 
himself ready to serve him (the emperor) against all 
and every person, whoever he may be, and to enter 
into his offensive and defensive league . . .' but in 
return ' the duke expects that he (the emperor) will 

1 The emperor's sisters ; Eleanor, Queen of Portugal, was now a widow, 
whilst Katharine was still unmarried — but neither of these ladies was 
destined to become Bourbon's wife. 


give him his sister (Eleanor, Queen of Portugal) in 
marriage, or if the queen refuses to be his wife, 
Madame Katharine. The dower of Madame Eleanor 
or Madame Katharine to consist of 200,000 ecus, 
while the duke promises to give his future wife a 
jointure of 15,000 <Scus a year. . . .' 

'The Duke of Bourbon also expects that the 
emperor will give him the command of ten thousand 
German troops, and 100,000 ecus wherewith to pay 
the German as well as the other troops . . . and 
that the King of England will contribute 100,000 
ecus for the maintenance of the German and other 
troops of the duke. . . .' 1 

Soon after Bourbon made good his escape and 
reached Italy in safety, although Francis, whose 
suspicions were aroused too late, tried to arrest him. 

On hearing of his safe arrival the emperor, writing 
from Logrono, hastened to send him a warm welcome. 
'My brother, on the 16th of September Gracian 
arrived and gave me news of you, which afforded me 
the greatest satisfaction. . . . Anxious as I am for 
your safety, you may rest assured there is nothing 
which the King of England, my good father, and I, 
as well as all our friends and allies, will not be ready 
to do for your succour and assistance; and that, 
faithful to my promise, you will ever find me a true 
prince, your good brother, cousin, and friend, who, 
come what may of good or evil fortune, will never 
abandon your interest, as I am sure you will never 
cease to feel and do the like for me. . . . 

' I pray you, my brother, if it be possible, that you 
will speedily unite yourself and yours with my army, 
at least with that part of it which is in Italy, as I have 

1 Calendar of Spanish State Papers, vol. ii. Printed from a copy pre- 
served in the Archives Generates du Eoyaume in Brussels by M. le Glay. 


communicated my desire to them that this junction 
be accomplished, when and where the occasion may 
offer. . . .' 

At the same time the emperor wrote to Margaret, 
and, after referring to the difficulties of communica- 
tion with Bourbon, and lamenting that Francis had 
seized several of the duke's friends and adherents, he 
asks her to write to Henry vm. and request him to 
order the Duke of Suffolk (then commanding the 
English troops in Picardy) to detain every prisoner 
of rank and not allow them to be ransomed. This 
was no doubt by way of reprisals, but when the Eng- 
lish army under Suffolk was within eleven leagues of 
Paris, it was driven back by Yendome and his troops, 
and a severe sickness breaking out amongst the 
soldiers, this unsuccessful campaign was brought to 
a close. Thus the intended great invasion of France 
by the allies dwindled from various causes into three 
separate and unavailing attacks from Spain, Ger- 
many, and England. 

On the 14th of September 1523 Adrian vi. died in 
Rome after a short illness, and was buried in the 
church of Santa Maria delF Anima. His death again 
raised Wolsey's hopes of the Papacy. Although 
Margaret sincerely mourned the loss of her old 
friend, still she lost no time in doing her utmost to 
procure the English cardinal's election. De Praet, 
writing from London to the emperor on the 6th of 
October, says : * Moreover, Sire, I have to inform 
your Majesty that I have received letters from 
madame (Margaret), dated the 25th of last month, 
containing the afflicting news of the decease of the 
Holy Father, which took place on the 14th of the 
said month, commanding me on this account to repair 
without delay to the said cardinal (Wolsey) to give 
him as it may so happen the first intelligence of this 


event, and to offer him on her part all the favour and 
assistance in her power towards his promotion to this 
dignity. This I lost no time in doing according to 
her order, as well on the part of your Majesty as on 
hers ; to which he made the most grateful and suit- 
able reply, expressing his profound thanks to madame 
for such demonstrations of her goodwill in offering 
her services for his advancement to a dignity of which 
he felt himself utterly unworthy. 

'Nevertheless, in acknowledging her gracious in- 
tentions, he could not but bear in mind in what 
manner your Majesty, when with the king at Windsor, 
had touched upon this subject, exhorting him to 
think of it, and promising every possible aid on your 
part in bringing about its accomplishment. 

'He expressed the willingness of one who was 
always ready to conform with the wishes and advice 
of both your Majesties, begging that madame, in case 
such a promotion and election should appear to her 
as tending to the benefit of Christendom, and to the 
common interests of your Majesties, would write 
without a moment's delay to your ambassador in 
Rome, and to other of your good friends there. . . / ' 

The emperor replied from Pampeluna on Novem- 
ber 27th: 'The principal point is the advancement 
of the cardinal (Wolsey) to the papal dignity. We 
have always desired, and with most sincere good 
feeling and intention have wished to promote this to 
the utmost of our power, having full recollection how 
we and the king, our good father and brother, being 
at Windsor, opened to him our minds on this sub- 
ject, exhorting him to think of it, and promising our 
best services in his assistance, because it appeared to 
us that his promotion and election would be attended 

* W. Bradford. 


with great good to Christendom, and advantage to 
our common interest. . . . We firmly believe that 
the Cardinal de Medicis will give his assistance to 
the Sieur Legate, from the little chance, we are in- 
formed, of his own success ; and we well know and 
acknowledge how cordially and sincerely madame, our 
good aunt, is occupied in this affair, not only in her 
own name, but in ours. We entertain a good hope, 
therefore, that all these efforts will prosper, and are 
anxiously expecting favourable news which has been 
hitherto retarded on account of the tempestuous 
weather at sea.' 

On the 15th of December the emperor writes to 
De Praet : ' We have here received the news by a 
letter from the Marquis de Finale that, on the 19th 
of November, Cardinal de Medicis was elected Pope. 
. . . You will do well to communicate the above to 
the seigneurs, the king, and the cardinal, advertising 
them that our ambassador, the Duke of Sessa, had 
written to inform us that he was doing everything in 
his power, and with the utmost diligence, to influence 
the votes of the Conclave in favour of the Sieur 
Legate/ * 

It certainly appears from the above correspondence 
that Charles used all his influence in Wolsey's favour 
in both this and the former election, but the cardinal 
himself chose to consider otherwise, and from this 
date he visibly cooled in his friendship, and though 
outwardly affecting to rejoice in the Cardinal de 
Medicis' elevation, he never forgave the emperor his 
supposed duplicity. 

1 W. Bradford. 



ON September the 24th, 1524, Margaret's 
youngest niece, Katharine, who had lived 
most of her life shut up with her mad 
mother in the gloomy palace of Tordesillas, was 
married to John in., King of Portugal. The mar- 
riage took place at Anyaguia, in the presence of 
Charles, who had but lately recovered from a bad 
attack of fever. In a letter to the Duke of Bourbon 
on September 5th, he says : ' Regarding my own 
person, I would most willingly have gone to Barcelona 
according to your wish, if my affairs had permitted 
me to do so. But I must first conclude the marriage 
of my sister, Madame Katharine, and despatch some 
affairs of this kingdom. Besides, I have for several 
days been suffering from an intermittent fever, which 
has hindered me from attending much to business. 
The said fever is, however, much diminished, and I 
hope, with God's help, to be soon restored to 
health! . . P 

During the spring of the same year Bourbon (who 
together with Lannoy, Viceroy of Naples, and the 
Marquis of Pescara was in command of the imperialist 
army) had gained his first success over the French, 
and driven them out of the Milanese with the loss of 
the Chevalier Bayard (April 30th) ; but during the 

1 W. Bradford, Correspondence of the Emperor Charles V. 


following summer the rebel duke found great diffi- 
culties to encounter. He had marched on Marseilles, 
hoping to reduce that town, but lack of means and 
provisions obliged him to retrace his steps to Italy, 
where he was met by a powerful army under Bonnivet. 
The French general soon retook Milan, and then 
laid siege to Pavia, held for the emperor by Antonio 
de Leyva. Francis i., disregarding all advice, 
hastened to join his army in Italy determined, as 
he said, to take Pavia or fall in the attempt. For 
four weary months the siege dragged on, and then 
came the news which startled all Europe. On 
February the 24th (the emperor's birthday), 1525, was 
fought the battle of Pavia, and before night fell the 
French army was utterly defeated, the king a 
prisoner, and the flower of the chivalry of France 
either dead or taken captive. 

Whilst the battle was still raging the Abbot of 
Najera sent the following despatch to the emperor : — 
* At midnight the army began to move. The soldiers 
penetrated into the enclosure by three openings 
they had made in the wall. At daybreak the enemy 
attacked the rearguard, and the Imperial German 
and Spanish troops engaged the Swiss, German, and 
Italian troops of the King of France, who soon fled 
as they heard the " good " Antonio de Leyva was in 
their rear. 

1 The victory is complete. The King of France is 
made prisoner. He has two very slight wounds in 
the face. His horse has been killed. When he fell to 
the ground the viceroy placed himself immediately 
over him. The king has also an insignificant wound 
in one of his legs. The whole of the French army 
is annihilated. 

1 The Admiral of France died in my arms, not fifty 


yards from the place where the king had fallen. La 
Pallice is dead. The King of Navarre, Lescun, 
Montmorency, and other captains are prisoners. 

'A great number of French infantry have been 
drowned in the Ticino. The imperial army is still 
pursuing the enemy. It is expected that at the end 
of the day 10,000 of the enemy will have been killed. 

1 The Marquis of Pescara has done wonders. He 
has three wounds. The imperialists had sixteen 
pieces of artillery, but not a single shot has been 
fired. . . . (From the palace of Pa via, the 24 th day 
of February 1525.) 

' Postscriptum. — To-day is the feast of the Apostle 
Saint Matthew, on which, five-and-twenty years ago, 
your Majesty is said to have been born. Five-and- 
twenty thousand times thanks and praise to God for 
his mercy! Your Majesty is from this day in a 
position to prescribe laws to Christians and Turks 
according to your pleasure.' ' 

Charles de Lannoy, Viceroy of Naples, wrote the 
same day announcing the victory to the emperor : — 

'Sire, — We gave battle yesterday, and it pleased 
God to give you victory, which was so well followed 
up that you hold the King of France a prisoner in 
my hands. I beseech you, earnestly as it is possible 
to do, to think of your affairs, and to make prompt 
execution now that God has sent you such a favour- 
able opportunity; for you will never have a more 
propitious time than the present to demand restitu- 
tion of the crowns justly appertaining to you, for 
you owe no obligation to any prince in Italy ; nor 
can they longer hope for protection from the King of 
France, as you hold him captive. Sire, I think you 

1 Calendar of Spanish State Papers, vol. ii. 




remember the saying of M. de Bersale, " that God 
sends to men once in their lives a fruitful August, 
but if they allow it to pass without gathering a 
harvest, it is a chance whether the opportunity is 
given them again." I say not this believing that 
your Majesty is disposed to neglect your advantages, 
but only because I feel it a duty so to speak. Sire, 
M. de Bourbon acquitted himself well, and performed 
good service. Sire, the victory which God has given 
you happened on St. Matthew's Day, which is the 
day of your Majesty's birth. 

' From the camp where the King of France was 
lodged, before Pavia, the 25th day of February 1525. 

Charles de Lannoy ' 1 

Francis showed extraordinary courage throughout 
the battle. When surrounded, unhorsed, and wounded 
he refused to yield to Bourbon, exclaiming : * I know 
no Duke of Bourbon but myself ! ' but handed his 
sword to Lannoy, who received it on his knees, and 
immediately offered the captive king his own, saying, 
' It did not become so great a monarch to remain 
disarmed in the presence of one of the emperor's 
subjects.' Francis was immediately taken to the 
imperial camp, and de Lannoy despatched Com- 
mander Penalosa to the emperor announcing the 
great victory. Francis gave the envoy a passport 
through France, and the following letter to his 
mother, Louise of Savoy : — 

* Madame, — To let you know the extent of my 
misfortune — of all things nothing remains to me but 
honour, and life which is safe. Knowing that in 
your adversity and sorrow this news would give you 
comfort, I requested permission to send you this 

1 Lanz, Correspondent, des Kaisers, Karl V. 


letter, which was readily granted. I beg you not 
to yield to the extremity of grief, but to direct all 
things with your accustomed prudence ; for I have 
firm hope that at last God will not abandon me. 
I commend to your care my children and your own. 
I beseech you, moreover, to grant free passage to the 
messenger who brings you this letter, as he is bound 
for Spain, on a mission to the emperor, to learn what 
kind of treatment I am to receive. Commending 
myself to your favour and affection, I remain, your 
very humble and obedient son, Francoys ' 

With Francis were also captured Henry, King of 
Navarre, the Marshal de Montmorency, the Duke 
de Nevers, the high treasurer Babou de la Bour- 
daiziere, the Count of Saint Paul, the Marshal of 
Fleuranges, Du Bellay, and many others. Meanwhile 
Margaret had been kept well informed of the pro- 
gress of affairs in Italy, and on the 6th of March 
wrote to the Count of Gavre, Governor-General of 
Flanders : ■ I have had certain news to-day that on 
the 24th of February the emperor's army attacked 
the King of France in the camp of Forte ; that, 
although it was well fortified, the king was made a 
prisoner, fourteen hundred men of war killed in the 
camp, and that the rest who took flight were all 
taken and killed, and it is not known if any escaped. 
I require you, because of the consolation this news will 
be to the vassals and subjects of your government, 
to inform them of it, and exhort and command them 
to give thanks to God for the victory he has sent us, 
by fireworks, processions, prayers, and other devout 
works, and above all to pray for the souls of those 
who have died.' * 

1 MSS. de la Bibliotheque de Bourgogne. 


On the 1 3th of this same month she confirmed this 
joyful news in a letter sent from Malines to the 
Council of Flanders announcing the arrival of Gra- 
pain ' with letters in which he certifies that he was 
present at the said battle, and the capture of the 
King of France by the hand of the viceroy, he himself 
helping to disarm the king, and confirms the capture 
and death of the principal personages in the king- 
dom . . . and in the said battle only a hundred and 
fifty of our men were killed . . . and that the said 
king has sent to release the Prince of Orange and 
the Lord of Bossu and others of our side who were 
prisoners.' 1 

This great victory was of the utmost importance 
to the Netherlands, and Margaret hoped that it 
would lead to the recovery of the duchy of Burgundy 
and the county of Charolais and their dependencies. 

Three days after the battle Francis received a 
visit from the chiefs of the victorious army, who 
offered him their sympathy, the Marquis of Pescara 
even appearing in mourning. During the interview 
the king showed great fortitude, and with a show of 
cheerfulness discussed various points of the battle 
with his capturers. The castle of Pizzighitone was 
chosen for his temporary prison until instructions 
were received from Spain. 

The emperor was at Madrid when the messenger 
arrived with the news of the victory. Charles showed 
extraordinary self-control, and neither by voice nor 
manner gave any outward sign of exultation. As if 
dazed, he repeated the words of the messenger : * The 
battle is fought and the king is your prisoner ! ' 2 And 
then, hardly permitting the congratulations of the sur- 

1 MSS. de la Bibliotheque de Bourgogne. 

2 E. Armstrong, The Emperor Charles V. 


rounding courtiers, he retired to his oratory, where, 
falling on his knees, he spent a long interval in 
prayer, after which he asked for details of his victory. 
Bonfires and illuminations and all public rejoicings 
were strictly forbidden as being unsuitable ' when a 
Christian king had fallen into such great misfortune.' 
This moderation and humility called forth the ad- 
miration of all who witnessed it. Dr. Sampson, 
King Henry's ambassador at the Court of Madrid, 
wrote to Wolsey : ' . . . The emperor hath used 
such demeanour in all things, both by word, deed, 
and countenance, and toward all manner of persons, 
that every wise man hath been most joyful to 
see it. . . .*' 

On the following day Charles went in procession 
to the church of Our Lady of Atocha to give thanks 
for the victory, the preacher, however, being for- 
bidden to enlarge on the triumph. But this extremely 
humble attitude did not prevent Charles from making 
the most of his success. On the 14th of March he 
sent the following letter to his brother-in-law, the 
King of Portugal : — 

' It is known to you how the King of France, at 
the head of a powerful army, made a descent upon 
Italy, to seize and usurp territories appertaining to 
our empire, and also our kingdom of Naples, which 
he had sent the Duke of Albany to invade, and how 
he had besieged the city of Pavia, and the progress 
he had made, all which he wrote to you by Luis 
Alvarez de Tavora, a noble hidalgo of your own 
lineage. By a courier who came to us from thence 
(Pavia), we learned the news of the victory which 
God has given to our army against the said King of 

1 Ellis, Original Letters. 


France, whom we hold prisoner, all which we did 
not then make known to you, because we were ex- 
pecting the arrival of a cavalier who was present at 
the battle, bringing letters from the captains -general 
of our said army. This said cavalier has since 
arrived, from whom we have minutely heard all that 
occurred, which is as follows : On St. Matthew's Day, 
the day of our birth, which is the 24th of February, 
although the said King of France was entrenched 
very strongly, and tried by every possible means to 
avoid giving battle, his camp was forced by our army 
with no small labour ; when it pleased God, who 
knows how just is our cause, to give us victory. The 
said King of France is taken, and the Prince of 
Beam, Seigneur d'Albret, with many other principal 
nobles. The Admiral of France, M. de la Trimouille, 
and M. de la Palice are killed, with numberless others 
of equal note, so that all the chief nobles present at 
the battle are either taken or slain. The loss of the 
French, we are informed, amounts to 16,000 men, 
while we on our side have lost only 400. We have 
given, and do give thanks to our Lord for this 
victory; and we hope that it may conduce to universal 
peace throughout Christendom, which is a thing we 
have always desired, and still desire. Remember to 
avail yourself of the knowledge of these matters 
which Don Alonzo Enriques de Guzman possesses, 
who is the bearer of this letter, and a gentleman of 
our household ; for we know that this news will give 
you pleasure, even as it pleases us to hear good 
tidings of you. Most serene and very excellent king, 
our dear and much-loved brother and cousin, may the 
Holy Trinity have you in special keeping. 
'From Madrid, this 14th day of March 1525. 

' 1, the King ' 


On the 30th of March Queen Katharine sent her 
congratulations to her nephew from Greenwich : — 

' I have charged the ambassadors of the king, my 
husband and master, now going to Spain, to inform 
your Highness of the great pleasure and content 
I have experienced at hearing of the very signal 
victory which God Almighty, by His infinite mercy, 
has been pleased to grant to the imperial arms in 
Italy, trusting that your Highness will offer thanks- 
giving to that same God, as the king, my master, is 
now doing, ordering solemn processions and other 
religious acts, throughout this kingdom. 

' As the king, my husband and master, has never 
failed to be the constant and faithful ally of your 
Highness — as his words and deeds have sufficiently 
testified on every occasion — and as from the continu- 
ance of such friendship and alliance the best results 
may be anticipated, I humbly beseech your Highness 
to persevere in the path of friendship and affection 
towards us, since the king has always done his duty 
and is now rejoicing at your success. I shall say no 
more, but will refer entirely to the said ambassadors, 
to whom your Highness will be pleased to give full 
credence on my part. — Greenwich, 30th of March. 
' (Signed) Your good aunt, Katherina ' 1 

The emperor also received congratulations from 
Henry vm. and Pope Clement vn. On the 31st of 
March the king wrote : — ' My most beloved Son, — 
This present letter is to congratulate you upon your 
recovery, as also upon the honourable victory which 
our Lord has been pleased to grant to your arms, 
having vanquished and taken prisoner the French 
king, our common enemy. . . .' The letter is signed, 

1 Calendar of Spanish State Papers, vol iii. 


' C'est de la main de votre pere, frere, et cousin, et 
bel oncle, Henry.' 1 

Just before the battle of Pavia Margaret had sent 
ambassadors to England with instructions to try and 
persuade King Henry to send substantial help to the 
imperial troops, which were badly in need of money, 
suggesting that an attack might now be made on 
France during the absence of the king in Italy. 
Margaret concludes her instructions by proposing 
that the Princess Mary (who was only nine years 
old) should be sent to Spain with an increased dowry, 
and placed under the emperor's care until old enough 
to be married. The ambassadors are told to add 
1 that madame and the legate (Wolsey) having already 
been match-makers in two different cases, there is no 
reason for not promoting this one. She herself desires 
this marriage more than any other thing whatsoever, 
and will leave nothing undone that can bring it about/ 2 

Wolsey replied to these requests by stating that 
the king, his master, was quite ready to cross the 
Channel into France under the following condi- 
tions : 1st. That madame (Margaret) should provide 
3000 horse and 3000 foot. 2nd. That the army 
should enter France by way of Normandy. 3rd. 
The emperor should procure sufficient money to keep 
up his Italian army, etc., etc. But when the envoys 
stated that 200,000 ducats, which the emperor was 
sending to his army in Italy, had fallen into the 
hands of the enemy, the cardinal replied, that if 
madame agreed to make remittances of 50,000 crowns, 
the king would contribute an equal sum, to which the 
envoys answered : ' Madame has not the means to do 
that; nobody will lend her money, though she is 
willing, for the stipend of the said 3000 horse and 

1 Calendar of Spanish State Papers, vol. iii. 2 Ibid. 


3000 foot, to sell or pawn her own rings and jewels.' 
Respecting the delivery of Princess Mary, the car- 
dinal said 'that she was too young, and that the 
English looked upon her as the treasure of the king- 
dom, and that no hostages were sufficient security for 
her.' 1 But soon after the small princess was made 
to send a fine emerald to the emperor with a message 
that when they married she would be able to know 
by the clearness or otherwise of the jewel ' whether 
his Majesty do keep himself as continent and chaste 
as, with God's grace, she will. 9 The emperor being 
twenty-five, whilst his little fiancee was only nine, the 
cases were hardly similar; and three months later 
Charles had engaged himself to marry his cousin, 
Isabella of Portugal. 2 

A council was held in Spain in order to decide 
what was to be done with King Francis, in which the 
Duke of Alva suggested the most exorbitant terms 
as the price of the king's freedom. The Bishop of 
Osma pleaded for more generous treatment, but the 
duke's advice prevailed, and Francis was offered the 
most humiliating terms, which he indignantly re- 
jected, but finally agreed to the proposals that he 
should marry the emperor's sister Eleanor, the 
Dowager- Queen of Portugal, and settle the duchy 
of Burgundy upon the issue of the marriage ; that he 
should pardon Bourbon, restore the whole of his 
possessions, giving him his sister, the Duchess of 
Alencon, in marriage; pay a large ransom, and 
furnish troops to attend the emperor's coronation 
in Rome. 

Francis was sent to Genoa and thence to Spain in 
charge of Lannoy, Viceroy of Naples, to the indigna- 

1 Calendar of Spanish State Papers, vol. iii. 

2 Martin Hume, Wives of Henry VIII. 


tion of Bourbon and Pescara, who both hoped to 
have had the honour of escorting the royal prisoner 
to Madrid. 

On his arrival in Spain Charles sent a courteous 
letter to Louise of Savoy, who was acting as regent 
during her son's absence. Louise in reply says : 
* Monseigneur ! By the letter which it has pleased you 
to write to me, I have learned the arrival of mon- 
seigneur the king, my son, in your country, and the 
goodwill and good disposition you entertain to treat 
him well, for which I know not how sufficiently to 
express to you my thanks and gratitude, humbly 
beseeching you, sir, to continue to act in this liberal 
manner, which so well befits your greatness and 
magnanimity. As for the rest, monseigneur, in pur- 
suance of what you have required of me, I have 
given a safe conduct to your courier, desiring to do 
your pleasure in this and all other things, as I would 
for the said monseigneur, my son, the king, and this 
the Lord knows, whom I pray to give you a good and 
long life. — Your most humble Loyse.' * 

On June the 25th, 1525, Charles wrote a long 
letter to his brother Ferdinand from Toledo, in which 
he says : ' As to the movement of the Lutherans, and 
the evil they have done, and to all appearance mean 
to do, it has annoyed, and does continue to annoy me 
bitterly. If it were in my power to remedy it speedily, 
I would spare neither my person nor my estates in 
the cause, but you see the difficulty there is in it, 
especially since I hope to be in Italy so soon, in order 
to take possession of my crowns 2 as I have already 
written you word. 

1 W. Bradford, Correspondence of the Emperor Charles V. 

2 The emperor's coronation at Bologna did not take place till February 
1530, when he received the crowns of Lombardy and of the empire. 


* When that is done, I mean to exert all my power 
in the extermination of this said sect of Lutherans. 
. . .' Charles goes on to say, in answer to his brother's 
request that he would use his influence to get him 
(Ferdinand) elected King of the Romans, that for 
the present the matter had better be kept secret 
until he had been crowned emperor, as the electors 
1 would probably allege, and with truth, that at pre- 
sent I am myself, in fact, no more than King of the 
Romans, and that on this account the election of 
another ought to be deferred. . . . 

' The King of France is now here. I have caused 
him to be placed in the castle of Patina, where he 
will be well treated. He has offered me certain 
articles of peace, which I send you a copy of, and has 
promised to do still better. I will let you know the 
result ; and if it tends to my honour and advantage, 
and to the preserving of my friends, I will follow your 
advice in^ coming to terms, well knowing that it 
would be very propitious to my interests to make 
peace before I leave this for Italy. If the said peace 
cannot be concluded, I shall order the said King 
of France to be kept here in all safety, and will 
deliberate on the subject of a war for next year. . . . 

'In order to leave these kingdoms under good 
government, I see no other remedy than to marry 
the Infanta Donna Isabella of Portugal, since the 
Cortes of the said kingdoms have required me to pro- 
pose myself for such a union, and that on his part the 
King of Portugal offers me a million of ducats, most 
of them to be paid at once, in order to assist in 
defraying the expenses of our said journey to Italy. 
Were this marriage to take place, I could leave the 
Government here in the person of the said Infanta, 
who should be provided with a good council, so that 


there would be no apparent cause to fear any new 
movement.' 1 

On the 31st of July Charles again writes to Fer- 
dinand : ' As to the affairs of my marriage in Portu- 
gal, it remains in the same state as when I last 
wrote to you, waiting for the consent of England, 
as also for your advice on the subject. Besides, 
it is right that before my departure, I should 
know whether I shall have peace or war ; and 
seeing that there is every hope of the said peace 
being concluded, only that time is requisite for it, 
I have settled to put off my Italian journey till next 
March or April. Thus I shall have time enough 
to be married in September, by which arrangement 
also I shall be able to receive the said consent, and 
your advice, and to ascertain the fact or failure of 
the said peace.' 2 

The following letter from Charles to Henry vin., 
breaking off his marriage with Princess Mary, and 
giving all his reasons for so doing, is a most interest- 
ing diplomatic document. It is a pity that King 
Henry's answer has, as far as we know, not been 
preserved : — 

4 My good Father and Brother, — I had ordered 
Penalosa to tell you what you must since have heard 
through your ambassadors at this my Court, who 
have likewise delivered your message to me. My 
answer to them has been that no alliance in the whole 
of Christendom could give me more pleasure than 
yours, not only owing to the great friendship which 
has existed of old between our royal houses, but on 
account of the great affection and love which you 
have shown me, whenever we have met together. I 

1 W. Bradford, Correspondence of the Emperor Charles V. 2 Ibid. 


believe that my sentiments are well known to you, and 
I can assure you that my affection has not diminished 
in the least, but, on the contrary, is daily increasing, 
so as to become in time an almost indissoluble tie 
betwixt two brothers. 

' You must know as well as I do the disasters and 
public calamities which this present war has brought 
on the Christian world at large, and on the empire 
in particular, and the great lack there is of appro- 
priate remedy. To the cure of those evils it is my 
intention to apply myself entirely, since I am duly 
bound to do so ; but I find one great obstacle in my 
way. You are aware of the great evils and disasters 
which my absence from these kingdoms once caused, 
owing to my not having been able to make such 
provision as was needed for the government of this 
country. In consequence whereof my subjects are 
pressingly requesting me to marry a princess who 
may fill my place, and govern during my absence, 
which is, in my opinion, the only way to keep them 
contented, and enable me to go about freely, and 
attend to my personal affairs. The only remedy I 
see for this difficulty, and for many others — which to 
so poor a writer as myself would take too much time 
to describe — is to anticipate the time of my said 
marriage, and likewise the payment of the sums 
to be allotted as the princess's dower. But as your 
ambassadors here have positively declared to me, in 
your name, that this expedient can nowise be adopted, 
nor the said marriage effected until the conclusion of 
a solid and lasting peace, I see no way to obviate 
the said difficulties, and ward off the impending 
evils. I hope you will be reasonable enough to 
appreciate at its due value the answer I have just 
given to your ambassadors, and will consider it as 


both just and expedient in the present state of my 
affairs. As to the continuance of our mutual friend- 
ship, on that point there is not the least danger. I 
can assure you there is nothing I desire so much, 
being of opinion that, although the form and terms 
of our alliance might be altered through my marrying 
in another quarter, yet our amity is to continue the 
same as ever, and so to be increased as to secure 
the mutual and lasting alliance which would have 
ensured from my union with the princess, your 
daughter. The better to accomplish the said object, 
and provide for our common interest, thereby pro- 
moting the welfare of Christendom at large, I 
propose that you and I should work together for 
the conclusion of a durable peace, likely to turn 
to our own mutual advantage and profit, so as to 
satisfy our consciences and discharge our duty 
towards God as Christian princes ; and if, through 
our enemy's fault, the said peace should not be made, 
to devise together such means as may ensure the 
fulfilment of our common wishes, and the satisfac- 
tion of our claims. 

' If, therefore, owing to the above-named reasons, 
I were obliged to marry (another princess), I beg 
you not to take it in bad part, or suffer it to be the 
cause of our mutual love and affection being lessened, 
for I can assure you that I shall wait for your 
answer, and delay as much as possible the said mar- 
riage ; and that when the ambassadors receive your 
powers and communicate your wishes to me, you will 
be convinced of my goodwill and desire to foster and 
increase our mutual amity, and to procure your 
welfare as much as my own. And that you may 
trust to the sincerity of my professions I hereby 
affix my signature as a proof of my constant wish to 


be for ever your good son, brother, nephew and good 
friend. Charles 

1 (Toledo) 12th August 1525 ' l 

We do not know how King Henry received the 
above communication, but soon after, the news reached 
Margaret that he was thinking of entering into an 
alliance with France. This she foresaw would pro- 
bably lead to another war, and at once prepared to 
put the Netherlands into a state of defence. She 
summoned the States, and again begged for 100,000 
florins. The States refused to grant her request, 
saying the country had been drained to the utter- 
most, and commerce was at a standstill. But Mar- 
garet would not give in, and the States were 
convoked again at Gertruydenberg. The Count of 
Hochstrate, as head of the council of finance, going 
from town to town trying, by coaxing and promises, 
to raise the desired sum. 

Louise of Savoy now sent her secretary, Viardi, to 
Brussels to persuade Margaret to arrange a truce of 
six months in order to give her time to treat for the 
king's ransom and conclude a peace. Margaret 
listened favourably to Viardi's mission, and com- 
manded the Count of Hochstrate, the Archbishop 
of Palermo, and the Count of Berg to meet him at 
Breda, where a truce was arranged in Henry of 
Nassau's palace. Charles does not appear to have 
been consulted as to the terms of this armistice, and, 
much annoyed, he sent the following sharp rebuke to 
his aunt : — 

* Madame, my good Aunt ! — I have received your 
letters by Richard, and quite approve what you were 

1 Calendar of State Papers, vol. iii. 


able to communicate to him in what your memory 
served you. 

1 1 have received also a copy of the treaty of cessa- 
tion of hostilities, which you have concluded. But I 
cannot conceal from you, madame, that I have found 
it very strange, and very far from satisfactory, that 
this should have been done without knowing my 
intentions, and without receiving instructions on this 
behalf, and powers from me. I have found it con- 
venient, both for the advantage of my affairs and the 
preservation of my authority as heretofore, to declare 
to the ambassadors of England, and still more to 
those of France, that since the said treaty has been 
entered into without instructions and powers from 
me, I shall neither acknowledge it, nor ratify it, nor 
cause it to be observed. 

'Before the arrival of the said Richard, I was 
already in communication on the subject of a cessa- 
tion of hostilities in all my kingdoms and countries 
generally, which I consider much more suitable than 
any partial or particular arrangement, and have just 
concluded a treaty, with the participation and con- 
sent of the said ambassadors of England (as principal 
contracting parties jointly with myself), wherein the 
articles are much more to my honour than they were 
in yours. In fact, there are two points in the latter 
so ill-advised as to condemn the whole. You bring 
forward England alone as an ally (as does also the 
Duke of Cleves), and promise to offer no assistance 
to the enemies of France, which is directly in contra- 
diction with the treaties in force with England, and 
tending to call forth war against Spain and other of 
my states, in which case you become incapable of 
offering any assistance whatever. Thus the ambas- 
sadors of England know very well how to pretend 


that they cannot escape from the position in which 
they would be placed, which is in fact as much, or 
more, to my disadvantage than theirs ; and as to the 
French, they may fairly say that all which has been 
demanded has been granted them. 

' I am quite sure that this great error, madame, is 
not arising from any oversight of yours, and that you 
have been led to understand that there was some 
necessity for it ; at the same time I am very far from 
being satisfied with those who have allowed them- 
selves to proceed in this matter without my command, 
and who have presumed to counsel you on subjects of 
such grave importance as ought never to be treated 
of without my knowledge and approval. 

1 Madame ! I send you a copy of the cessation of 
hostilities concluded here, in order that you may cause 
it to be published duly, and at the time therein de- 
clared, and to be strictly kept and performed according 
to its form and tenor, setting aside your own as null 
and void, as well as the publications which may have 
taken place; for it is my express intention that it 
should not be held of the smallest force or value ; 
insomuch that if I had not even concluded a treaty, 
as aforesaid, here, I would not have permitted yours 
to be carried into effect. 

1 Madame ! may our Lord have you in His holy 
keeping. Written at Toledo, the 13th of August. 

Further, madame, ... I have ratified the neutrality 
of Burgundy, as you desire, and I have included you, 
as well as my brother the archduke and all your 
country and subjects, in the treaty for the cessation 
of hostilities, which has been here negotiated ; and in 
all I may be able to do for you, for your affairs and 
your welfare, I shall always and most willingly do 


the same for you, my good mother and aunt, as for 
myself, praying God to give you all your heart's 
desire. Written at Toledo, the 15th of August 
1525/ * 

We can imagine how much upset Margaret must 
have been at receiving this severe rebuke which was 
called forth by the report that the emperor had just 
received from his ambassadors in London giving an 
account of an interview they had had with Wolsey, 
in which he expressed great surprise and annoyance 
at the truce which Margaret had just concluded with 
France. * The treaties of Windsor stipulated,' he 
said, 'that neither of the contracting parties was to 
conclude a truce without the consent and full approval 
of the other one. We have so far adhered to this, 
that, though the king has been often solicited by the 
French, he has never given his consent to it. ... I 
should never have thought that, after so many stipu- 
lations, promises, and declarations made by madame, 
she would have been the first to break through 

'. . . Any plans and designs which the emperor, 
Mons. de Bourbon, and the king, my master, may 
have formed in this particular matter are ruined for 
ever through madame having granted this truce to 
our common enemy. 

"... In fact, I do not know how I shall be able 
to appease the king's anger when he hears of it, for 
he has always maintained that madame was incapable 
of doing anything in this matter without letting him 
know first. The perplexity and doubt by which 
madame is said to be assailed, and which have 
induced her to take this step, are no excuse for her 

1 W. Bradford, Correspondence of the Emperor Charles V. 


acting thus ; for she ought first to have consulted 
the king, my master, and stated her reasons, in- 
stead of deciding, as she has done, for herself, 
and then sending an agent to acquaint him with her 
resolution, which was by no means an honourable 
proceeding. . 

' i 

Margaret's reply to her nephew explaining her 
reasons for her conduct has unfortunately not been 
preserved, but she evidently found means to soothe 
his anger, for ere long they were again on the best 
of terms. Charles was genuinely devoted to his aunt 
and held her in the highest esteem, and to the end 
of her life Margaret enjoyed his full confidence, and 
was always consulted by him on every occasion of 

King Francis had been brought to Spain in June, 
but it was not until August that he was removed 
from Valencia and its neighbourhood to Madrid. 
On his arrival in the latter town he was bitterly 
disappointed to learn that the emperor was away 
hunting in Segovia, for he had hoped much from a 
personal interview and his own powers of persuasion. 
Although comfortably lodged and treated with every 
mark of respect, the unaccustomed life of seclusion 
soon told on his health, and the report spread that 
he was dangerously ill. On hearing of his illness his 
sister Margaret, Duchess of Alencon, hastened to 
Spain, provided with full powers from her mother, 
the regent, to treat for peace. On the evening of 
September the 18th Charles was out hunting when 
he received the news that the French king was dying. 
Immediately he set out for Madrid, and without 
hardly drawing rein he rode straight to the Alcazar. 

1 Calendar of Spanish State Papers, vol. iii. 


Francis was asleep when he arrived, but the emperor 
waited until his prisoner awoke, and then as the 
invalid slowly raised himself, exclaiming, ' Here I am, 
my lord emperor, your servant and your slave ! ' 
courteously replied, ' Not so ; you are my good friend 
and brother, and I hope that you will always be so.' 
He begged Francis to keep up his spirits, and only 
to think of gettiDg well : saying ' that when his sister 
the Duchess of Alencon arrived, peace and liberty 
would soon follow, for he only asked for what was 
reasonable, and did not doubt that Francis would do 
what was just.' 1 The next day Charles paid the 
king another visit, and was equally kind and con- 
siderate, leaving him very much improved in health. 
As the emperor descended the stairs from the invalid's 
room, he met the Duchess of Alencon, who had just 
arrived, and after warmly greeting her, conducted 
her to her brother. The Duchess Margaret was a 
very attractive, graceful woman, and Charles had 
been warned by his Ministers not to receive her, for 
as they said, ' Being young and a widow she comes 
... to see and to be seen,' and they feared that the 
emperor might fall in love with her ; but though 
Charles kissed her and had private interviews, not 
all her charms could make him relax one point in his 
conditions of her brother's release. After many 
fruitless efforts and endless discussions Margaret was 
obliged to return to France without having secured 
the much-desired peace. On the 19th of November 
1525 Perrenot de Granvelle 2 wrote a long letter to 
Margaret of Austria from Toledo, giving her an 
account of the Duchess of Alencon's visit : — 

1 Madame ! ... In fulfilment of your wishes, and 

1 E. Armstrong. 

2 Nicolas de Perrenot, known as the Sieur de Granvelle. 


in accordance with the good pleasure of the emperor, 
... I forthwith went to take your letters to the 
king (Francis i.), and on your part to pay him a 
visit. I had long audiences with him, at four different 
times after the fever had subsided, when I found him 
in a good disposition to receive me, though extremely 
weak from the severity of his malady. He told me 
that he and his kingdom were much indebted to you, 
madame, for the desire you had manifested for peace, 
and a good intelligence and amity between the 
emperor and him, and consequently for his deliver- 
ance ; which, if God should please to grant, he must 
always esteem you, even as a second mother, with 
whose advice and counsel he should be happy to 
govern his affairs ; adding many other fair and 
courteous expressions. On this subject and his ardent 
desire for peace, as well as for the friendship and 
good graces of the emperor, he spoke much, devising 
at large the means of effecting it, and always re- 
curring to the idea of a marriage as the principal 
thing to build upon. He also repeated his assurances 
of the desire he had to contribute to the aggrandise- 
ment of the emperor, and to assist in forwarding all 
his enterprises, referring all the means and details to 
the aforesaid Madame d' Alencon. . . . Madame ! I 
met on my journey the said lady, and delivered to 
her your letters ; and whilst I had this opportunity, 
with the knowledge and will of the emperor, I went 
to visit her, and have reason to think that I gave 
satisfaction without any cause of distrust on the one 
side or the other. 

1 Madame ! I have since recovered the copy of the 
letter which the emperor had written to M. de Praet, 
and of other writings which I now send, as a summary 
of the communications which here took place. At 


the commencement, the said lady recapitulated the 
proposition which had already been entertained re- 
specting the marriage, the ransom, or the cession of 
the duchy (of Burgundy) on condition that it should 
be pronounced by the Parliament of Paris a posses- 
sion belonging of right to the king, who would be 
ready to give hostages in this case, to ensure its 
surrender. On this point, however, the emperor 
declared, as he had before done, without any reference 
to the marriage, that no ransom would satisfy him, 
nothing less than the duchy, his ancient heritage, 
the foundation of his order, of which he bore the 
name and arms, rejecting the conditions attached to 
it as wholly inadmissible. Some days afterwards, 
the said lady made a proposition to the emperor, who 
went to visit her at her lodgings, to choose arbitrators, 
which he had before refused, and which he then, as 
she told me the same day, was ready to agree to. 
Afterwards, however, when she was in conference 
with the ambassadors, they came to a standstill when 
they touched on the aforesaid condition relating to 
the Parliament of Paris, and the hostages which the 
emperor, they maintain, would not accept. . . . Com- 
munications have passed in writing on both sides, of 
which the result has been nothing more than is above 
related. They have now taken their leave, both the 
Duchess of Alencon and the ambassadors, declaring 
that the king has fully made up his mind not to 
resign the said duchy except on the condition already 
proposed, choosing rather to submit to perpetual 
imprisonment ; and this very day the said lady has 
sent to demand her passports, that she may return to 
France under the same security as she travelled 
hither, which has been granted her. No further 
movements or proposals have since taken place, the 


emperor continuing in the same determination to 
obtain possession of the duchy ; and if the said lady 
takes her departure, as appears her intention, the 
hope of peace which has been excited by her arrival, 
and the subsequent attempts at negotiation, as well 
as by the arbitration supposed to be agreed on, will 
altogether vanish for the present. 

* Madame ! On Sunday last, the 1 5th of this month, 
I received by Richard the letters and other papers 
which you were pleased to send me. The emperor 
was at that time on a hunting expedition five leagues 
hence, with a few attendants, having previously taken 
leave of the Duchess of Alencon ; and on his return 
I presented to him your letters. I discussed with 
him at length the two principal points relative to the 
peace or truce, and the commercial arrangements in 
which your country is concerned. ... To all this his 
Majesty gave a willing ear, and seemed to take in 
good part all that was said. . . . 

' Madame ! Whatever might have been the opinion 
offered, it has certainly come to pass . . . that peace 
has been made with England, and according to articles 
which had been proposed and resolved upon before 
the battle and capture of the king. . . . Among 
other causes, it has chiefly arisen, as is pretended, 
out of the truce made in your country, as well as 
from the correspondence which has passed, and your 
frequent declarations, that as far as your interest 
was concerned, you had abandoned all thoughts of 
war. Concerning this matter I gave a sufficient 
explanation, and satisfied his said Majesty, as I hope 
thereupon. . . Z 1 

At last, on the 14th of January 1526, the Treaty 

1 W. Bradford, Correspondence of the Emperor Charles V. 


of Madrid was signed between Charles v. and 
Francis i., and the emperor at once wrote to Margaret 
to inform her of the joyful news, enclosing a summary 
of the treaty. In return for his freedom the French 
king agreed to give up the much-coveted duchy of 
Burgundy and the counties of Charolais and Hesdin, 
to allow the sovereignty of Flanders and other 
countries of the emperor within France. To re- 
nounce all claim to Naples, Milan, Genoa, and Asti, 
as well as to Tournay and Arras. To reinstate the 
Duke of Bourbon in all his property; and set at 
liberty the Prince of Orange without any ransom. 
It was agreed that all prisoners on both sides should 
be liberated ; and that the Duke of Gueldres should 
be allowed to retain his title during his lifetime, on 
condition that at his death his duchy should pass to 
the emperor. 

The king's marriage with Queen Eleanor of 
Portugal was to take place as soon as possible, the 
queen bringing 200,000 crowns in gold as her dower, 
besides the counties of Macon, Auxerre, and Bar-sur- 
Seine, which were to be settled on her and her heirs. 
It was especially stipulated that if the king should 
be unable to restore Burgundy or carry out other 
parts of the treaty, he should again return to captivity, 
leaving the Dauphin and his second son as hostages. 1 

The emperor also wrote to Margaret on the 15th 
January asking her to convoke the States-General 
for the 22nd of May, to inform them of the peace 
that had just been concluded. 

But Francis had no intention of keeping the 
promises which had been wrung from him under 
compulsion, and he secretly resolved to break faith 
with the emperor as soon as he regained his liberty. 

1 Calendar of Spanish State Papers, vol. iii. 


A few days after the Treaty of Madrid had been 
signed Margaret had the sorrow of losing her niece, 
Isabel, the young Queen of Denmark, who died near 
Ghent on the 1 9th of January, at the age of twenty- 
five, and was buried in that city. Her life with 
Christian n. had not been a happy one, and it was 
said that she died of a broken heart. Her three 
children, John, Dorothea, and Christina, 1 she left to 
her aunt Margaret's care, 'whom she had always 
called her mother.' Margaret nobly fulfilled this 
trust, and tenderly watched over the children until 
her death. She appointed the learned Cornelius 
Agrippa, then residing at her Court, as tutor to 
Prince John, who at the time of his mother's death 
was only eight years old. In a letter to Ferdinand 
Charles thus mentions their sister's death : ' I am 
very sorry for the death of our sister the Queen of 
Denmark, and have taken care that prayers should 
be said for the repose of her soul. I would willingly 
recommend to you her children our nephews, who 
are at present in the hands of our dear aunt in 

On Ash- Wednesday, the 14th of February, Charles 
de Lannoy wrote to Margaret from Madrid to 
inform her that the emperor had arrived the day 
before, and King Francis had gone outside the city 
to meet him. After supper they had spent two 
hours talking together, and seemed well pleased with 
each other. The king had begged permission to see 
Queen Eleanor, which was granted, with the assur- 

1 Christina married first Francesco Sforza, Duke of Milan, and secondly 
the Duke of Lorraine. Her beautiful portrait by Holbein, lent by the 
Duke of Norfolk, hangs in the National Gallery. Her elder sister, 
Dorothea, married Frederick, Count Palatine. The portraits of Isabel's 
three children in one picture by Mabuse are at Hampton Court 


ance that as soon as he set foot in Provence she 
should be delivered over to him. 

Lannoy goes on to say that he has been ordered 
to attend the king on his way to France. 

On February the 26th the Abbot of Najera men- 
tions in a long letter to the emperor that peace had 
been proclaimed in Milan on St. Matthew's Day, the 
24th of February, which was looked upon as a good 
omen as it was the emperor's birthday as well as the 
anniversary of the victory of Pavia. But a little 
later John Jonglet wrote to Margaret from London 
that 'it was publicly asserted that the King of 
France would not keep his treaty with the emperor, 
as the States- General of his kingdom would never 
sanction the dismemberment of his crown.' 1 

Charles himself seems to have suspected that 
Francis might play him false, for, on the 19th of 
February, he had written to De Praet that . . . ' as 
the said Seigneur King (Francis) is bound to deliver 
up to us certain hostages, as you will see by this 
treaty, we desire that you will well and carefully 
inform yourself who the said hostages are to be, 
whether the king's two eldest sons, or Monseigneur 
the Dauphin, and twelve of the principal nobility 
. . . that you take especial notice of, and be regardful 
of the persons of the three children of France, 
that you make yourself thoroughly acquainted with 
the visage, physiognomy, size, and person of each, 
that when it comes to the delivering of them over 
. . . there may be no trickery in substituting one 
person for another, and that you may be able of 
a certainty to recognise them as the identical persons 
whom we ought to have. Our Viceroy of Naples is 
to take the charge of the said delivery and accepta- 

1 Calendar of Spanish State Papers, vol. iii. 


tion, and as you are aware he can have no particular 
knowledge himself of the said children, it is a matter 
of necessity that you should be well acquainted with 
all these particulars. . . .' In another letter to De 
Praet he says : * On Shrove-Tuesday we reached 
Madrid, where we had the satisfaction of finding 
ourselves with the Sieur King, reciprocally exchang- 
ing such sentiments and good offices as two attached 
friends and brothers entertain and exercise to- 
gether. . . . 

* We remained at Madrid Tuesday evening, Wednes- 
day, and Thursday, and on the following day 
departed thence with the said king our brother, 
and slept four leagues from Madrid, in order to 
reach Illescas, two leagues further, on Saturday. 
At Illescas we shall find the queen our sister 
(Eleanor). Here they will meet and see each other, 
and speak together ; and then the king will return 
to Madrid, and we shall continue his companion in 
the evening. The next day he will begin his journey 
direct for Bayonne accompanied by our said viceroy. 
Soon afterwards our sister the queen will also set off 
for the same, attended by our Constable of Castile. 
And as to ourselves, we intend to take the road 
towards Seville, where we shall find our empress, 
and where our marriage is to take place.' ■ 

On the 16th of February Charles wrote to Louise 
of Savoy : — 

' Madame, my good Mother, — Since I have given 
back a good brother to the king your son, and am 
offering you the queen my sister for a daughter, it 
appears to me that, in order not to present you one 
son only, I should resume the name which I used 

1 W. Bradford. 


formerly to give you, and should again address you 
as my good mother ; and seeing that I do so consider 
you, I pray you to act as such towards the said 
queen my sister, as well as towards myself. I came 
to this town of Madrid to see the king your son . . . 
and I was sorry not to have been able to do so 
sooner, but I am greatly rejoiced at finding both his 
health and his affections in so different a state from 
what they were when I last saw him. The love and 
friendship which he professes to bear towards me 
have given me no small satisfaction, and I nowise 
doubt the sincerity of these good feelings, which 
I hope you will assist in confirming, as you have 
promised me by your letters that you would do. On 
my part I assure you that the love and friendship I 
bear towards him are most sincere, and that I am 
fully prepared to accomplish everything I have 

* You request in your said letter that the king . . . 
should take the queen, his wife, my sister, with him. 
As soon as the king . . . has ratified and sworn to 
the treaties, and that all things are concluded between 
him and me, she shall be given up at Bayonne accord- 
ing to your desire. This shall be done by my Viceroy 
of Naples after he has liberated the king . . . and 
has received the hostages that are to be given. 

1 And now, madam, that he may no longer distress 
you by his bad writing, he who looks upon you as 
his good mother will conclude by recommending 
himself with all his heart to your kindness, and 
will sign himself, — Your good son, Charles * 

'To Madame the Regent of France, my good 

From the emperor's Itinerary we learn that Queen 

1 W. Bradford. 


Eleanor left off her mourning on being affianced to 
the King of France. On her arrival at Talavera she 
was met by the emperor and the Duke of Bourbon. 
On the 20th of February the emperor and the King 
of France went together to Illescas, where they paid 
a visit to the Queen Eleonora and Queen Germaine 
de Foix, accompanied by the Countess of Nassau and 
other ladies, who received them on the stairs. They 
then went into a saloon, where the four sat down 
under a canopy, and were engaged in conversation, 
whilst the ladies of the Court amused themselves by 
dancing. . . . On the 23rd of February the emperor 
took leave of his sister, the Queen of France, who 
remained at Illescas, and pursued his journey towards 
Seville, where the Princess Isabella of Portugal, his 
affianced bride, was to meet him on the 9th of March. 
He made his entry into Seville on that day, and on 
the 10th his marriage was celebrated with much 
pomp. At the magnificent festivities which fol- 
lowed, it is recorded that M. de la Chaux opened 
the ball. 1 

In a letter to his brother Ferdinand, Charles thus 
briefly refers to his wedding : ' I have now entered 
upon the estate of marriage, which pleases me well/ 
And yet this marriage, begun under such unromantic 
conditions, turned out very happily, for Isabella was 
a capable princess, who, besides her beauty and clear 
complexion, had a good heart and sound judgment, 
and Charles, we are told, ' lived in perfect harmony 
with her, and treated her on all occasions with much 
distinction and regard.' 

Guillaume des Barres, one of Margaret's secre- 
taries, sent his mistress the following description of 
the bride : * I would give much that you could see 

1 Itinerary of the Mmperor Charles V. 


her, for if you have been told of her many beauties, 
virtues, and goodness, you would find still more, and 
you should see how happy they are together.' x On 
April 26th, 1526, Margaret sent an embassy to Spain 
to congratulate Charles on his marriage, and present 
her good wishes to the empress, to whom she wrote, 
'that she wished that things could be so arranged 
that she could come and visit the countries over here 
(Flanders), which are so beautiful and adorned with 
such fine towns. . . . ,2 Amongst other things her 
ambassador was ordered to tell the emperor 'that 
the archduchess had the greatest pleasure in trying 
to extirpate the sect of the Lutherans,' and on his 
own account he added that his mistress lived so 
simply and economically that there was no chancellor 
of a province, nor sub-governor or lieutenant in the 
country, who lived as simply as she did. 3 

Meanwhile, on the 17th of March, King Francis 
had been set at liberty. Charles in a letter to his 
brother says : ' The King of France was restored to 
his kingdom on the 17th of this month (February), 
on my receiving the Dauphin and Duke of Orleans 
as hostages, whom I have desired to be taken to 
Burgos ; and the said King of France promises to 
accomplish all that he has engaged in by the treaty 
of peace. . . .' 

Guicciardini gives the following interesting account 
of the exchange of prisoners at Fuenterrabia : ' By 
this time the French king was come to Fuenterrabia, 
a town appertaining to the emperor, standing near 
the Ocean Sea upon the frontiers of Biscay and the 
duchy of Guyenne ; and on the other side the Lady 
Regent was arrived with the children of France at 
Bayonne, which is not far from Fuenterrabia. . . . 

1 MSS. de la Bibliotheque de Bourgogne. 2 Ibid. 3 Ibid. 


Then the 18th day of March, the French king, 
accompanied by the viceroy, Captain Alarcon, with 
fifty horse, came to the shore of the river that 
divideth the realm of France from the kingdom of 
Spain ; at the same time M. de Lautrech, with the 
king's children, and the like number of horse, present- 
ing themselves on the other side. There was in the 
midst of the river a great barque made fast with 
anchors, in which was no person. The king ap- 
proached to this barque in a little boat, wherein he 
was accompanied by the viceroy, etc. ... all armed 
with short weapons, and on the other side of the 
barque were likewise brought in a little boat, M. de 
Lautrech, with the hostages . . . after this the 
viceroy went into the barque . . . and the king 
with him. . . . M. de Lautrech fetched out of the 
boat into the barque the Dauphin, who being given 
to the viceroy . . . was forthwith bestowed in his 
boat, and after him followed the little Duke of 
Orleans, who was no sooner entered the barque than 
the French king leaped out of the barque into his 
boat with such swiftness that his permutation was 
thought to be done at one self instant, and then the 
king being brought to the shore, mounted suddenly 
(as though he had feared some ambush) upon a 
Turkish horse of a wonderful swiftness, which was 
prepared for the purpose, and ran without stay to 
St. John de Luz, a town of his obedience, four 
leagues from thence ; and being there readily relieved 
with a fresh horse, he ran with the same swiftness to 
Bayonne, where he was received with incredible joy 
of all the Court/ 1 

In a despatch to the emperor, written on March 

1 Published in 1618. Mentioned by W. Bradford in his Correspond- 
ence of the Emperor Charles V. 


23rd, Ochoa de Ysasaga announced that 'The day 
that the King of France was released from his 
captivity he leaped from the boat, with water up to 
his knees, mounted a horse that had been prepared 
for him, and rode without stopping to St. Jean de 
Luz, where he dined, and was visited by the flower 
of the French nobility, who came to congratulate 
him. 1 

And thus Charles let slip his chance, and omitted 
to reap the fruitful August, which Lannoy, in 
announcing the victory of Pavia, had declared 
comes to a man once and once only in his life. 

1 Calendar of Spanish State Papers, vol. iii. 



THE eventful year 1526 was not to close with- 
out further troubles for the House of 
Austria. The Sultan Solyman, taking ad- 
vantage of the war in Italy and the consequent 
absorption of the principal rulers of Europe, had 
pushed his conquests in the east until his vast hosts 
encamped before the walls of Vienna. Louis n., 
King of Hungary, who had married Margaret's niece 
Mary, seeing his kingdom thus invaded by the Turks, 
sent urgent appeals for help to all Christian princes. 
But either the neighbouring powers were too much 
occupied with their own affairs, or they did not 
realise the actual danger, for they returned cold and 
indifferent answers, and even the emperor delayed 
sending aid to his brother-in-law until too late. On 
the 29th of August a decisive battle was fought on 
the plains of Mohacs between the Hungarian army 
and the troops of Solyman, and ended in the utter 
defeat of King Louis, who before the day was over 
lost his crown and his life. Two months after, his 
body and that of his horse was found sunk in a bog, 
into which he had ridden during the retreat. His 
next heir was his sister Anne, who had married 
Margaret's nephew, the Archduke Ferdinand. And 
it was in right of his wife that a few months later 
Ferdinand was elected to the thrones of Bohemia and 



An interesting correspondence between Margaret 
and her nephew Ferdinand gives full details of these 
stirring events. On the 18th of September Ferdinand 
wrote to Margaret from Lintz : — ' Madame, my good 
Aunt, — The news has just reached me that the Turk 
with two hundred thousand men met the King of 
Hungary, my late brother-in-law, about twenty miles 
from Buda, where he was with forty thousand men to 
defend his country. On the 29th of August last he 
gave battle, which (battle) was won by the Turk, and 
all the late king's large quantity of artillery was 
destroyed and he himself slain, some say whilst fight- 
ing, others, that seeing the said battle was lost, he 
retreated, and thinking to escape, entered a morass, 
where he remained, which seems most probable. 
Thus, madame, you can imagine how perplexed I am 
to be deprived of money and help against such a for- 
midable power as the said Turk. . . . To-day news 
has reached me that the said Turk has taken the 
town of Buda and that he has despatched two of his 
principal captains, each with a good number of men, 
one to invade my country of Austria . . . and the other 
to do the same in Styria, which they have already 
begun to do, and have gone within fifteen or sixteen 
miles of Vienna. And you ought, madame, as a good 
lady and experienced princess, to help the emperor, 
my lord and brother, to make peace with our common 
enemies to his greater honour and safety, as soon as 
possible . . . and diligently make every effort to 
repulse this cursed Turk, which I very humbly beg 
you to do, for if his Majesty does not quickly find 
a remedy, not only I, our House of Austria, and all 
Germany will fall into complete ruin and desolation, 
but also the whole of Christianity. . . . 

* As to the affairs in Italy, they are, madame, also 


in a very bad way, owing to the enemies' great power 
and our insufficient number of men. ... I have sent 
Messire George de Fronsberg ... to Augsbourg with 
the best jewels and rings that I have . . . for, madam e, 
I neither have or know of other means to raise money 
to send help ... so you can imagine to what poverty 
I am reduced. . . . And at present I do not know of 
anything else worthy to write to you about, except- 
ing to beg you, madam e, very humbly to send some 
help and succour if you can . . . for I am so much in 
need of money, without which I can do nothing, 
because of the great expenses I have had since I came 
to Germany. . . . And it may be that for lack of help 
and succour you may soon have the same news 
of me as of the late King of Hungary. And as to the 
queen, my sister, she is about ten miles from Vienna, 
very unhappy and desolate, as you may imagine. I 
have sent for her consolation and also for her safety 
some good people and some infantry. ... I will in- 
form you of anything more that occurs. . . .' Then 
follows a postscript in Ferdinand's handwriting : 
' Madame, je vous suplie vouloir tenir la main a la 
pais ; car vous voyes bien que c'est plus que besom.' l 
Margaret replied : ' My good Nephew, — I have 
received your two letters, one of the 18th and the 
other of the 23rd September, and by them have 
heard of the sad and pitiable news of the death of 
the King of Hungary, the loss of the kingdom, and 
the state of the poor queen, your sister, my good 
niece, and above all, the danger which you, your 
country and subjects are in. I do not know how to 
express to you the regret and sorrow that I feel, and 
you can believe that it is not less than if the mis- 
fortune had befallen me, and that I was in the posi- 

1 Archives de Bruxelles. 


tion of the queen, your worthy sister, or yourself. In 
any case it becomes us to conform in all things to the 
will of God, our Creator, the refuge and consoler of 
the desolate, who never forsakes or abandons those 
who pray to Him with their whole heart. . . . 

1 1 have ordered your courier in Zealand to cross 
the sea with the first good company that leaves, which 
is the safest way, and I have written to the emperor 
reminding him of your conduct and the services you 
have rendered him, exhorting and imploring him first 
to assist you in your great and extreme necessity, as 
I hope he will, and on my part in this and other 
matters I will do what I can for you and your service. 
John Seigneur de Temstel, whom Monseigneur de 
Bourbon sent to you, and also Messire George de 
Fronsberg have been to see me and told me that the 
said Messire George has not been able to raise money 
from the Fuggers or others on the rings you gave 
him ... for which I am sorry. I have informed 
the King of England and the legate of the loss of 
Hungary and the death of the king. . . . Mon- 
seigneur, if it should happen that you should see the 
Queen of Hungary, your sister, or . . . that you should 
send or write to her, I beg you to recommend me to 
her, and console her for her misfortune as much as 
is possible, and comfort her and forward a letter which 
I have written to her. ... I beg you, monseigneur, 
to often send me your news, and I will send you mine 
from here, and assist you in every way in my power, 
with the help of our Lord.' J 

Ferdinand also received a sympathetic letter from 
Charles, in which the emperor said that ' he could not 
well express his grief on hearing of the misfortunes 
and death of King Louis of Hungary, and at first 

1 Archives de Bruxelles. 


could not believe the news, although it reached him 
from various parts. . . . When his (Ferdinand's) letter 
arrived he had already sent his last penny to Italy, 
and was therefore unable immediately to send help, 
but he had done his best to procure money, and would 
shortly send 100,000 ducats in bills by a gentleman of 
his bedchamber, whom he was sending on a mission to 
him and their sister Mary with instructions to carry out 
his (Ferdinand's) wishes in every respect, and hoped 
that the archduke's affairs would soon be satisfactorily 
settled. . . .'! 

On the 1 7th of December Queen Mary announced 
that her brother, the Archduke Ferdinand, had been 
duly elected King of Hungary and Bohemia on the 
16th by all the barons and nobles present at the Diet. 
When Charles heard this welcome news he at once 
sent to congratulate his brother and thanked the 
States for the part they had taken in his election, 
promising * to spend all his treasures and all his blood 
in their defence.' 2 

But other important events now claimed the em- 
peror's attention. Francis i. had no sooner gained 
his liberty than he deliberately evaded his promises 
and refused to ratify the Treaty of Madrid. On May 
the 22nd, 1526, he entered into an alliance with the 
Pope, Venice, the Duke of Milan, and Henry vm. 
This League of Cognac had for its ostensible object 
the peace of Christendom, but in reality aimed at ex- 
pelling the emperor from his possessions in Italy, and 
checking his growing power. As soon as the treaty 
was concluded, Clement vn. absolved Francis from the 
oath he had taken to observe the Treaty of Madrid, 
on the plea that he had acted under compulsion. 
When the emperor discovered that the King of 

1 Calendar of Spanish State Papers, vol. iii. 2 Ibid. 


France intended to break faith and elude his most 
solemn promises, his wrath knew no bounds, and he 
publicly denounced Francis as a prince without faith 
or honour, at the same time accusing the Pope of base 
ingratitude. To these reproaches Francis replied by 
challenging the emperor to single combat, but this 
interesting duel was not allowed to take place. The 
peace for which Margaret had ' grandement tenu la 
main' was broken, and war broke out again fiercer 
than ever. 

The North Italian towns made overtures to the 
French, and the imperial troops received a decided 
check in Lombardy. Money was very scarce, and, 
worried on every side, Charles grumbled that Mar- 
garet showed lack of energy in raising funds, and 
reproached her for not squeezing more out of the 
Netherlands. To his other troubles was added the 
knowledge that Lutheranism was making enormous 
strides in the Belgian provinces. Margaret's attitude 
towards the reformers showed great moderation con- 
sidering the irritation she felt against those sects who 
added religious dissension to the troubles of a foreign 
war. She was convinced that overmuch zeal on the 
part of the orthodox could only do harm, and addressed 
a circular letter to all religious houses within her 
jurisdiction, recommending that only wise, tactful, 
and enlightened orators should be allowed to preach, 
and advising them always to speak gravely and pru- 
dently, and never mention either the reformers or their 
doctrine. She also forbade all meetings where the 
divine office was reduced to only the reading of the 
Bible. ' These meetings/ she said, ' aim at alien- 
ating the people from the reverence due to the sacra- 
ments, to the honour which belongs to the Mother of 
God and the Saints, to prayers for the dead, fasting, 


and other precepts of the Church.' She imposed 
various fines on those who were convicted before 
a magistrate of reformed practices — twenty francs for 
a first offence, forty for a second, and eighty for a 
third. All who were unable to pay were to be 
banished. But these measures had no effect, and a 
little later a new edict appeared in which it was pro- 
claimed that in order to check the progress of heresy, 
those who possessed books written by Luther or his 
followers were to bring them to the governor of the 
place, under pain of confiscation of goods, or even 
death. Extreme measures were against Margaret's 
nature, but circumstances and the spirit of the times 
forced her into them. 

In May of the following year (1527) she received 
the joyful tidings that a son and heir (Philip n.) had 
been born to Charles on the 22nd at Valladolid. But 
in the midst of the rejoicings that followed the infant's 
birth came the startling news that Rome had been 
taken and sacked by the imperial troops, that the 
Constable of Bourbon had fallen whilst leading the 
assault, and that the Pope was a prisoner in the 
castle of St. Angelo. This astounding information 
caused the christening festivities to be brought to an 
abrupt conclusion, the emperor ordering instead that 
the Court should go into mourning and Bourbon's 
obsequies should be celebrated for five days. Charles 
expressed himself as horrified at the outrages which 
his lawless troops had committed against the Holy 
See, and was anxious to disclaim any share in the 
tragedy, which he stoutly maintained had been per- 
petrated without his knowledge and against his wish. 
He even addressed a circular letter to the various 
crowned heads, in which he said : ' His soldiers, per- 
ceiving that the Pope had been unfaithful to every 


treaty made with him, were determined to march to 
Rome in spite of their generals. Though the ex- 
cesses and cruelty of the exasperated soldiery have 
not been so great as his enemies chose to represent 
at the time, he is still very sorry for what has happened, 
and can assure them that he has felt the disrespect of 
his troops towards the Apostolic See more than he can 
express, and certainly would have much preferred to be 
conquered than to conquer under the circumstances.' 1 

We can imagine, too, with what horror Margaret 
received the news from Rome, and how her com- 
passionate heart must have bled as she heard the 
ghastly tales of murder, rapine, and sacrilege which 
had been committed in the sacred city. 

On May the 30th the emperor wrote to Mendoza, 
his ambassador in England : ■ . . . We shall not fail 
to inform you ... of whatever is being done here 
(Valladolid) with regard to the French and English 
ambassadors, and their commission. We shall like- 
wise apprise madame, our aunt, but as the cipher 
which you possess is safer than hers, we will use 
yours for the purpose of transmitting our orders and 
wishes thereupon. . . . Meanwhile you will write to 
madame in our name, that without appearing to 
distrust the English in any way, she may, as of her 
own accord, immediately provide for the defence of 
the frontiers both by sea and land, in Flanders as 
well as in Holland and Zealand, and remember what 
his Reverence the Legate of England (Wolsey) said 
on a previous occasion, that once the Flemish 
frontier is broken in upon, the conquest of the land 
would be an easy matter. Should madame require 
our assistance for the protection of our dominions in 
those parts, you will tell her in our name that we 

1 Calendar of Spanish State Papers, vol. iii. part II. 


shall do our utmost to provide her with money and 
troops for the emergency, and that she is to inform 
us, as soon as possible, of the military preparations 
she intends making, in doing which madame is to 
use your own cipher, of which a copy shall be sent 
to her immediately, that she herself may write to us, 
if she so prefers.' ' 

About this time rumours of the unhappy matri- 
monial relations existing between Queen Katharine 
and King Henry reached Charles from his ambassador 
in England. On the 13th of July Mendoza wrote 
from London that '. . . the king and his ministers 
were trying to dissolve the marriage between the 
queen and himself, alleging that the Pope had no 
power to grant a dispensation for the queen to marry 
two brothers as she had done. . . . The emperor 
may believe him (Mendoza) that there is so much 
feeling expressed here . . . about the queen's divorce, 
not only on her own account, but because . . . her 
daughter the princess would be declared illegitimate, 
that should six or seven thousand men land on the 
coast of Cornwall to espouse the cause of both 
mother and daughter, forty thousand Englishmen 
would at once join them. . . .' 2 

In a sympathetic letter to Queen Katharine on 
the 27th of August Charles said: — 'Madame and 
my Aunt, — I have perfectly understood the verbal 
message brought by Francisco Phelipez from you 
respecting the affair (of the divorce), and the reason 
why you sent him to me. . . . You may well imagine 
the pain this intelligence caused me, and how much 
I felt for you. I cannot express it otherwise than 
by assuring you that were my own mother concerned, 

1 Calendar of Spanish State Papers, vol. iii. part u. 

2 Calendar of Spanish State Papers. 


I should not experience greater sorrow than in this 
your case, for the love and affection which I profess 
to your Serene Highness is certainly of the same 
kind as that of a son towards his parent. I have 
immediately set about taking the necessary steps for 
the remedy, and you may be certain that nothing 
shall be omitted on my part to help you in your 
present tribulation. But it seems to me that in the 
meantime your Serene Highness ought not to take 
this thing so much to heart, as to let it impair your 
bodily health, for if this is preserved, all other matters 
will be remedied with God's help.' 1 

Early in September of this same year (1527) 
Margaret sent a courier to the Spanish Court to 
announce the birth of a son and heir to Ferdinand.* 
Charles was delighted to receive the news, and at 
once sent a letter of congratulation to his brother, 
saying 'that he rejoiced more at the birth of his 
nephew than at that of his own son Philip.' 

Although, after several months' imprisonment in 
the castle of St. Angelo, the Pope had at length 
come to terms with the emperor, still the war in 
Italy dragged on, with many recriminations on all 
sides. France and England had joined hands against 
Spain, and trade with the Netherlands was at a 
standstill. At length, when all Europe was sick of 
war and longed for peace, Wolsey suggested to 
Margaret that she should use her influence to try 
and bring about a better understanding among the 
nations, and especially between France and Spain. 

On March 12th, 1528, Margaret wrote to her 
secretary, Guillaume des Barres, from Malines, in- 
structing him to 'go with all diligence to London 

1 Calendar of Spanish State Papers. 

2 Maximilian n., who succeeded his father. 


to Monsieur de Burgues' (Ifiigo de Mendoza, just 
appointed Bishop of Burgos), 1 the emperor's ambas- 
sador at that Court, and present his credentials, and 
tell him 'that we have received his letter of the 11th 
instant and heard of the overtures of peace made by 
the legate. We are indeed very happy,' she says, 
1 to see the good turn the affair is taking. You will 
tell him that we shall spare no personal trouble or 
fatigue to bring about a general peace, . . . though 
it seems to us, and indeed to almost all other people 
of honest intentions and quick understanding, that 
King Francis ought to have accepted at once the 
emperor's offers, by recalling his Italian army and 
giving up Genoa and his other conquests before his 
sons were actually released from captivity. . . . You 
will . . . request Mons. de Burgues to acquaint the 
legate with our readiness to help towards the 
accomplishment of peace, . . . that we have sent 
you for that purpose, and wish this affair to be con- 
ducted between us without the intervention of any 
other person whatsoever . . . and,' she adds, 'it is 
but proper that he himself (Wolsey) should have the 
honour of the affair since the proposal originated 
with him.' 

A conference was held in London, and at Wolsey's 
request Margaret was invited to take in hand the 
arrangements for a general peace, and more particu- 
larly one between France and Spain. She was asked 
to work at it conjointly with the cardinal. Des 
Barres then proceeded to declare his mistress's 
intentions and wishes respecting the peace, expatiat- 
ing at large on the evils resulting from the war to 
Christendom in general, and more particularly to the 

1 It was then the custom in the Low Countries and also in France to 
designate bishops and archbishops by the names of their respective sees. 


dominions and subjects of the emperor and the King 
of France, as it afforded the Turk every facility for 
an invasion, and encouraged the Lutheran heresy to 
spread far and wide. After discussing the subject 
at length, Wolsey begged Margaret immediately to 
send a messenger by land to the emperor, to acquaint 
him as soon as possible with the result of the con- 
ference held with his ambassadors, and the means 
which they and he conjointly propose for the further- 
ance of peace. The cardinal promised to apply for 
a safe conduct through French territory for the 
gentleman whom Madame Margaret might choose 
to appoint. 1 

About this time Margaret seems to have conceived 
the idea that it would be better for the interests of 
all concerned if the arrangements for the peace were 
made by ladies only, and she accordingly proposed to 
the emperor that she should meet her sister-in-law 
Louise of Savoy at a neutral town and discuss the 
conditions with her. In a letter to M. de Rosymboz, 
her chief steward, dated Malines, 3rd of January 
1529, containing instructions to be laid before the 
emperor, Margaret gives her reasons for this sug- 
gestion, and says : — ' First, that the bitterness of the 
reproaches written and spoken on either side were 
such that ill-will and hatred were the inevitable 
consequences. The hostilities also which ensued 
were so fierce that neither of the two sovereigns 
could compromise his dignity by being the first to 
talk of reconciliation, a challenge having been given 
and accepted for settling the differences and disputes 
by single combat. On the other hand, how easy for 
ladies ... to make the first advances in such an 
undertaking ! Secondly, that it is only by a mutual 

1 Calendar of Spanish State Papers. 


forgiveness of all offences, and the total oblivion of 
the causes of the war, and of everything that had 
passed in writing concerning them, that the idea 
of peace could be entertained. This could not be 
thought of or proposed by the princes without a 
sacrifice of what they held most precious, their 
honour ; but ladies might well come forward in a 
measure for submitting the gratification of private 
hatred and revenge to the far nobler principle of the 
welfare of nations. Thirdly, were the King of France 
to conduct negotiations with the emperor, it would 
be necessary for him to act with especial reference to 
allies and co-operators, the Venetians, Florentines, 
etc., and here a difficulty would arise in effecting a 
reconciliation with the emperor, not to be sur- 
mounted without the probability of some stain upon 
his honour ; but the act of the Lady of Angouleme, 
his mother, would in such case take away all 
responsibility on the part of the king, whilst a 
similar advantage would present itself to the emperor 
in silencing the complaints of his friends, who might 
make objections to the terms of peace. Again, in 
the event of any of the great powers being called in 
as mediators in a negotiation, such as England or the 
Pope, their own particular interest it is probable 
would be too much considered, and something 
perhaps required in little territorial concessions as 
the price of their interference ; whilst the inter- 
vention proposed could be subject to no such incon- 
venience ; as the mother of the king and the aunt of 
the emperor, who regarded him as her son as well as 
heir, would keep in view one sole object which they 
had mutually at heart — the general good of Europe, 
in the reconciliation of these two great princes,' x 

* W. Bradford. 


To these wise arguments the emperor lent a 
willing ear, and invested Margaret with full powers 
to treat with Louise of Savoy ; and chose the neutral 
town of Cambray as their meeting-place. 

On May the 15th Margaret wrote to Jehan de la 
Sauch from Brussels, whom she had sent on an 
embassy to England, bidding him tell King Henry 
how often she had been requested by Louise of 
Savoy to listen to overtures of peace. She had 
informed the emperor of the said overtures through 
Rosymboz, her chief steward, and her secretary, 
Des Barres, whom she had sent to Spain ; and the 
emperor, not wishing to be an obstacle to the said 
peace, sent her at once full powers to treat with all 
Christian princes in general and with King Francis 
and his mother in particular. This fact having 
been communicated to the Duchess of Angouleme, 
measures had been taken to appoint a time and place 
wherein the preliminaries of peace might be at once 
discussed and settled. * She has no doubt,' she says, 
'that King Henry will be glad to hear the news, 
and will help to the utmost of his power in establish- 
ing peace. For her part she need hardly say how 
glad she will be to labour for so meritorious a 
purpose/ Maistre le Sauch is ordered to return as 
soon as possible after delivering his embassy and 
report every word the king and Wolsey may say on 
this occasion, and also what impression the idea of 
the proposed meeting has produced on each of them. 1 

On May the 26th Margaret wrote a long letter to 
the emperor in cipher from Brussels, informing him 
that she had, with the advice of her Council, agreed 
to meet Louise of Savoy on the 1 5th of the following 
June at Cambray, and there discuss with her the 

1 Calendar of Spanish State Papers, 


preliminaries of a lasting peace, which she (Margaret) 
had no doubt would be easily obtained, provided the 
French king felt disposed to be as reasonable as the 
emperor. She also said it was important to keep 
on good terms with the English, as their assistance 
would certainly be required with regard to the 
indemnity and the debts. And for this end Maistre 
Jehan le Sauch has been sent to inform King Henry 
of the proposed meeting, stating that nothing shall 
be negotiated without his being comprised in it. . . . 
Respecting the emperor's visit to Italy (for his 
coronation), the arrangement of which has given 
much pleasure to all his faithful vassals and servants, 
she hopes that he will provide himself with plenty of 
means, money, provisions and men, for money cannot 
be procured in Italy, and as to reinforcements from 
Germany, it will be next to impossible to procure any 
under two or three months' notice. ... In short, 
all things considered and 'subject to the emperor's 
superior wisdom,' her opinion is that the embarkation 
ought to be delayed until after the negotiations at 
Cambray are concluded, for if the meeting takes 
place and is brought to a happy conclusion, the 
emperor will be able to carry out his plans at less 
cost and with greater chance of success. The French 
king being unable to help his allies in Italy, the 
Pope and Venetians will soon come to terms, and 
everything will turn out well. . . . She then goes 
on to point out the various difficulties that may arise 
at the forthcoming conference, and asks for further 
instructions from the emperor. In a postscript 
written on the following day she adds that a gentle- 
man from Queen Katharine's household has just 
arrived from England with a message that King 
Henry has recommenced judicial proceedings for 


his divorce more briskly than before, and Queen 
Katharine begs her (Margaret) to send two quali- 
fied persons to England to counsel and help her. 
Margaret says that ' she intends sending to Malines 
to obtain the opinion of experienced lawyers in that 
place ; and if the person appointed by the emperor 
to replace Don Inigo (Mendoza) has not yet left 
Spain, his departure should be hastened, for the 
poor queen is much perplexed, and there is no one 
in England who dares take up her defence against 
the king's will.' 1 

On May the 27th, Wolsey wrote to Margaret 
from Richmond thanking her for her letter received 
through her secretary, Le Sauch, and informing her 
how glad the king was to hear the news of the pro- 
spect of peace. ' As to himself he need hardly say 
that he is entirely at her service.' The letter is 
addressed to 'Madame ma bonne mere,' and signed 

* Votre tres humble serviteur etjilz.' 

Early in June Margaret received Le Sauch's re- 
port of his visit to England. On the 23rd of May 
he had had a message from Cardinal Wolsey order- 
ing him to present himself at Windsor on the follow- 
ing day before the dinner-hour. He was introduced 
to the king on the 24th, who made many inquiries 
after Madame Margaret's health and her present 
place of residence, and asked what news he (Le 
Sauch) brought from Flanders. The king then said : 

* The news brought by madame's ambassador is very 
gratifying to me . . . for certainly I am a man of 
peace. . . . You are welcome to my Court; I am 
very glad to hear that the emperor is so well dis- 
posed towards peace. . . .' The king also said : 'You 
will offer madame our most cordial and affectionate 

1 Calendar of Spanish State Papers. 


commendations, and will tell her that we thank her 
most earnestly for the good news she has been pleased 
to send us . . . and nothing shall be left undone on 
our part to forward her views, when we have seen 
the articles, which will, we presume, be sent for our 
inspection before peace is finally concluded.' Le 
Sauch then saw the cardinal, who, after likewise ex- 
pressing his joy at Margaret's message, said : ' You 
ought to remember that last year I confessed to you 
that madame was, in my opinion, an excellent prin- 
cess, and that something good might in that sense be 
expected from her.' After which flattering speech 
Le Sauch took his leave, and the next day left London 
for Flanders. 

On the 22nd of June he sent Margaret an account 
of his interview with King Francis and Louise of 
Savoy at Chantilly. ' After presenting his respects 
to Madame Louise, he was conducted to King Francis, 
who asked after Madame Margaret's health and when 
she was likely to return to Cambray,' adding that ' it 
was his earnest wish to see the present preliminary 
negotiations come to an issue that he might himself 
see and speak to madame.' After delivering polite 
messages from his mistress, Le Sauch informed the 
king that she had intended leaving Brussels on the 
previous Wednesday or Thursday, and hoped to 
arrive at Mons on Saturday, stay there over Sunday, 
and go to Valenciennes on Tuesday, and there wait 
for news. Le Sauch mentioned that Margaret had 
been warned not to go to Cambray for fear of King 
Francis taking her prisoner, but that her answer had 
been that ' she had no mistrust or fear of any sort as 
regarded Madame Louise or the king, and that if any 
of her councillors or courtiers were afraid, they might 
go home.' 


When it was suggested that at least she ought to 
have a strong escort sufficient to cope with the 
French, and, if required, with the people of the town, 
her answer was * that if she brought one single armed 
man in her suite people might imagine she was going 
on a warlike enterprise, and not on a work of peace. 
She had started on a mission of peace, and hoped, 
God willing, to be successful,' 

The Duchess of Angouleme then said there was 
nothing she desired so much as to see her sister 
(Margaret), whom she loved extremely, and co- 
operate with her in the establishment of a solid and 
lasting peace. She would have come much sooner 
had she not been prevented by a severe illness. . . . 
She then told Le Sauch to announce that on Wed- 
nesday next without fail she would be at St. Quentin, 
and ' that you, madame, would do well to inform the 
emperor of the impediments thrown in her way by 
the English and the rest of the Italian confederates. 
. . . She had no objection to make respecting the 
arrangements and preparations at Cambray for your 
mutual visits, and was glad to hear that your dwell- 
ing and hers were close to each other.' 

Le Sauch ends by saying that he hears the meet- 
ing is not likely to take place before the following 
Sunday or Monday, for 'it is not likely that the 
queen-mother will travel from St. Quentin to Cam- 
bray, a distance of eight leagues, in twenty-four 
hours, and most probably she will not stop at Creve- 
coeur. However . . . nothing has yet been officially 

In another despatch, written on the following day, 
he says : ' Madame, the queen and the king, her son, 
arrived last evening in this town (Compiegne). The 
next day ... I repaired to the apartments of the 


queen, who was just going to dinner. I found, how- 
ever, means of penetrating into her chamber, and so 
contrived that she saw me, beckoned me to approach, 
and asked whether I had news of madame. I an- 
swered that I had heard of your departure from 
Brussels on Thursday, and that I had been particu- 
larly requested to inform her of the fact, and send 
back what news I had of her intended movements. 
The queen then observed that she could not well 
arrive at St. Quentin before Saturday, and went on 
to say : "I depart upon this journey frankly and full 
of confidence in my sister (Margaret), sincerely hoping 
that our meeting and conference will turn out as I 
wish, and that whatever is agreed upon between us 
the emperor will approve and ratify. I know not 
whether you are aware that some of the conditions 
have already been settled between madame and my- 
self by letter, and that I hardly think madame would 
like me to undertake this journey for nothing, though 
I confess that I would have taken even a much longer 
one for her sake, and to have the pleasure of seeing 
her." My answer was : " There can be no doubt that 
both of you will agree on all points — the emperor is 
sure to consent, and madame herself is not likely to 
propose anything that he cannot approve." 

1 The Duchess of Angouleme then said : " Madame 
need not be jealous of the English, or imagine that 
they can prevent my journey to Cambray, for in no 
case would I miss the appointment. . . . The King of 
England has sent full powers to treat in his name ; he 
and my son being allies, they are therefore unable to 
discuss peace separately." . . . She then asked if the 
Cardinal of Li^ge were coming with madame, and if 
he was a man who would aim at good ? I answered : 
" Yes, he is coming . . . and is strongly attached to 


peace, and that Madame Margaret is incapable of 
bringing in her suite people who do not desire 

'The queen-mother then said that she intended 
bringing her own chancellor . . . but would not have 
any princes or nobles in her suite because " her good 
sister was bringing none, and in truth they were not 
needed. ... Of women," she said, " I only take with 
me those of my own chamber, who are numerous 
enough, for when Queen Claude died we kept them 
all in our service, and ' many are also wanted for the 
children. . . . You may tell my sister what my plans 
are, and that I hope we may hear of each other daily. 
Write also to her boldly that we must necessarily 
contend and argue, but that I sincerely hope it 
will be without anger or ill-will. I will tell her 
things which she will be astonished to hear. She 
thinks that the Pope is the emperor's friend, but I 
can assure her that he is very far from being such, 
for he is evidently trying to prevent the emperor's 
journey to Italy before the treaty is concluded between 
the parties, and in all other matters he will be found 
very different from what you think. I do not mean 
to imply thereby that he acts any better towards us ; 
such is, however, his condition, that he is of no good 
to us, nor to you, nor to the Church itself."' 1 

Margaret made her entry into Cambray at three 
o'clock on the afternoon of July 5th, 1529, accom- 
panied by a brilliant suite, and was welcomed by the 
Cardinal of Liege and Monseigneur von Ysselstein, 
who had preceded her. The Bishop of Cambray, the 
Archbishop of Palermo, Count Hochstrate, and 
many others accompanied the procession which slowly 
wound its way through the town to the abbey of 

1 Calendar of Spanish State Papers. 


St. Aubert. Margaret was seated in a magnificent 
litter, surrounded by a guard of twenty- four archers 
on horseback, dressed in black suits edged with 
velvet, and followed by a train of ladies mounted on 
palfreys. At the abbey, where rooms had been 
retained for her and her ladies, she alighted, and 
awaited the arrival of the queen-regent. Two hours 
later Louise of Savoy made her entry, accompanied by 
her daughter, the Queen of Navarre, and the Coun- 
tess of Vendome ; and were immediately conducted 
to Margaret's apartments, where they remained in 
conversation with her for two hours. They then 
retired to the H6tel St. Paul, opposite the abbey, 
but connected with it by a temporary covered way 
which had been erected for the convenience of the 
princesses, who could thus visit each other unseen. 
Many years had passed since Margaret and Louise 
had last met, for they had parted when Margaret set 
forth on her wedding journey to marry Louise's 
brother, Philibert of Savoy, and we can imagine that 
the meeting between the two princesses must have 
been one not unmixed with pain. For three weeks 
they remained together, discussing the political situa- 
tion from all sides. At last, on the 24th of July, at 
ten o'clock in the morning, peace was proclaimed, but 
was again broken for various reasons, and in despair 
the queen-mother threatened to leave. However, a 
few days later all differences were satisfactorily settled, 
and the treaty ratified on the last day of July. Mar- 
garet again won general admiration for the able way 
in which she conducted this difficult negotiation. 
For this treaty, known as ' the Ladies' Peace,' was as 
advantageous to Spain and the Netherlands as it was 
humiliating to France. The terms were, in fact, a 
mitigation of those of the Treaty of Madrid. It was 


agreed that the restitution of Burgundy was not for 
the present to be insisted on, though the claim was 
still maintained. But the king's sons were to be set 
at liberty on the payment of 2,000,000 crowns, and the 
marriage with the emperor's sister Eleanor was now 
to be consummated. King Francis was to abandon 
all his allies, and renounce his claims on the suzerainty 
of Flanders and Artois, and abstain from sending 
further help to the Duke of Gueldres or Robert de 
la Marck. Charolais was to belong to Margaret for 
her lifetime, and after her decease to the emperor, 
but was to revert to the crown of France at his 
death. The possessions of the Duke of Bourbon and 
the Prince of Orange were to be ceded to Francis. 
On the 5th of August the two princesses, attended 
by the Papal Legate, Salviati, the ambassadors of 
King Ferdinand and of the King of England, repaired 
to the cathedral of Notre-Dame, where a solemn mass 
was celebrated by Robert de Croy, Bishop of Cam- 
bray, who preached a sermon on the benefits of peace. 
The princesses and the English ambassador then knelt 
before the high altar, and swore on the consecrated 
Host and the Gospels to faithfully observe the peace 
just concluded. After which the Dean of Cambray 
advanced and in a loud voice proclaimed that peace 
had been concluded between the Pope ; the Emperor 
Charles ; Francis, King of France ; Ferdinand, King 
of Bohemia and Hungary; and Henry, King of Eng- 
land. A separate peace between King Henry and 
Madame Margaret was also proclaimed. The choir 
chanted a Te Deum, and with a blare of trumpets 
and clashing of cymbals the heralds announced to the 
waiting crowds that ' Peace was made/ 

The princesses were then conducted with much 
pomp to their lodgings, and money was thrown 


broadcast amongst the people, whilst wine flowed 
freely from fountains in the streets, and the whole 
town gave itself up to merriment and rejoicing. 1 A 
beautiful carved wooden mantelpiece was also erected 
in the council-chamber of the Hotel of the Liberty 
at Bruges to commemorate the capture of Francis i. 
at Pa via, and the consequent treaty of peace between 
the nations at Cambray. In the centre the statue 
of Charles v. stands in complete armour, surrounded 
by twenty-seven shields of various kingdoms with 
which he was allied. On his right are his paternal 
grandparents, Maximilian i. and Mary of Burgundy, 
whilst on his left are his maternal ancestors, Ferdi- 
nand and Isabella. This beautiful wooden trophy 
was the work of Hermann Glosencamp, Andreas 
Rasch, and Roger de Smet, after a design and under 
the direction of Lancelot Blondel of Bruges and 
Guyot de Beaugrant of Malines. 2 

Ctemont Marot and Jean Second also celebrated 
' the Ladies' Peace ' in verse, though their poems are 
not of a very high order. 

Francis i. awaited the issue of the Congress at the 
abbey of Mont Saint Martin, and on hearing of the 
conclusion of peace he set out on the 9th of August 
to pay Margaret a visit at Cambray, and was present 
at the festivities given by his mother at the Hotel 
Saint Paul. Margaret was anxious to conciliate 
Francis, who was so soon to become the husband of 
her niece Eleanor, and during the days they all spent 
together at Cambray she succeeded in making great 

1 A medal was struck in honour of the peace, having on one side three 
'marguerites,' and on the other two hands joined, surmounted by a 
caducus, with this inscription : * Pads ego studiosa, quater bella horrida 

2 This mantelpiece, in perfect preservation, is in the Palais de Justice, 


friends with him ; and Masse, who was an eye- 
witness, tells us that he left on the 20th for Paris 
' quite delighted ' with his visit. 

A few weeks later we find him writing pathetic 
letters to Margaret begging her to use her influence 
with the emperor that his sons (who were kept in 
Spain until their ransom was paid) might be better 
treated, for he heard through his officer, Bodin, that 
they were not as happy as he could wish. Margaret 
was touched at this mark of the king's confidence, 
and wrote a long letter to the emperor, begging him 
to grant Francis's request, for ■ Monseigneur, God 
has given you the blessing of beautiful children, so 
that you may better feel what a father's love is 
worth, and can sympathise with the sorrow of the 
said king ; wherefore I beg of you to . . . grant his 
request, which is so just and reasonable. . . . — Your 
very humble aunt, Margaret.' 

Shortly after, the long-delayed marriage between 
Francis and Eleanor was consummated, the king 
receiving his sons from the hands of his bride at 
Bayonne, where he met them at the frontier. The 
Marshal of Montmorency, who accompanied King 
Francis, thus writes to Margaret from St. Jean de 
Luz : — ' Madame, I found the queen, whom I have 
been to see the last few days since her arrival at the 
frontier, so wise, beautiful, and honest a lady, who 
conversed with me in as kind and pleasant a manner 
as possible . . . and we ought again to thank God 
for having given us so good and virtuous a lady, of 
whom it seems to me that I cannot express to you a 
third part of the good and honestete that I found 
in her.' 

Margaret also received constant news from England 
concerning the progress of Queen Katharine's affairs. 


In September 1529 Eustace Chapuys had written 
to her from London telling her of an audience he 
had had with King Henry, and later with Queen 
Katharine. The conference with the king, he said, 
would have been much longer and more to the pur- 
pose had not his Majesty been in a hurry to go to 
dinner in order to repair afterwards to the hunting- 
field ... as he is in the habit of doing at this 
season of the year. As usual the conversation turned 
chiefly on the queen's business, the king treating the 
matter as one in which he was deeply concerned, and 
which he had much at heart, and trying to appear 
very learned in canon law. After dinner the king 
gave permission for Chapuys to be conducted to the 
queen's apartments in order that he might deliver 
the emperor's letter to her. During the interview 
her Majesty thanked him for all he had said in her 
favour. On the 27th of September Chapuys wrote 
another long despatch to Margaret giving lengthy 
details of a further audience with the king, in which 
the subject of the queen's divorce was once more 
fully discussed. 1 

Immediately after the ratification of the Treaty of 
Cambray Margaret and Louise entered into a nego- 
tiation to consolidate the peace by a double marriage 
between the emperor's children and those of King 
Francis. From Bologna, where he had gone for 
his double coronation, Charles sent Margaret the 
necessary powers to treat in his name. In this docu- 
ment, which is published amongst the State papers 
of the Cardinal of Granvelle, he says : — ' Because of 
the very great, perfect, and entire confidence which 
we have in our said lady and aunt, as in ourselves, 
and in her experience and prudence, which was 

1 Calendar of Spanish State Papers, voL iv. 


shown in the conducting, concluding, and perfecting 
of the said peace made at Cambray, we have by these 
presents constituted and made our aunt our general 
and special proxy, etc. . . .' 

But Margaret did not live long enough to carry 
out this interesting negotiation which would have 
worthily crowned her political career. As it was, 
the Peace of Cambray was her last great diplomatic 
triumph, but she lived just long enough to see her 
nephew Charles attain the zenith of his power, and 
receive the double crowns of Lombardy and the 
empire from the hands of the Pope, an honour for 
which her father, Maximilian, had sighed in vain. 



BEFORE Charles left Spain for Italy he had 
concluded a separate treaty with the Pope 
at Barcelona, the terms of which were more 
advantageous to the Holy See than Clement vn. 
could have expected, considering the emperor's recent 
successes. But Charles was anxious to atone for the 
insults and outrages committed during the siege of 
Rome, and if possible win the Pope as an ally, and 
get him to oppose his aunt Katharine's divorce. 
Amongst other articles he promised to restore all 
property belonging to the ecclesiastical state, re- 
establish the Medici in Florence, and marry his 
natural daughter, Margaret, to the head of that 
powerful house; allow the Pope to decide the fate 
of the Sforza and the possession of the Milanese. In 
return Clement was to grant the emperor the in- 
vestiture of Naples, absolve all who had been 
implicated in the plundering of Rome, and allow 
Charles and his brother to levy a fourth of the 
ecclesiastical revenues throughout their dominions. 

On October the 2nd, 1529, Margaret wrote a long 
letter to the emperor from Brussels, in which she 
plainly expressed her opinion of the Treaty of Bar- 
celona and its probable results : — ' I do not pretend 
to say,' she says, ' that the alliance with the Pope is 
not a good and desirable thing ; but your Majesty 



must bear in mind the character of his Holiness, his 
inconstant humour and fickle disposition ; and that 
he must be greatly changed in temper and general 
condition if he does not try now, as he did last time, 
to expel you from Italy after he has got all he 
wants from you. . . . Respecting Milan, my opinion 
is that, considering the expense hitherto incurred, 
your Majesty ought by all means to endeavour to 
remain master of it by investing your son with it, 
and treating with Massimiliano Sforza. . . . The 
king, your brother, in the meanwhile, must be fully 
provided with the means of defence, and money 
procured for him to carry on a good enterprise against 
the Turk. . . . 

'Your Majesty might attend to your own affairs in 
Italy, and everything being settled there, depart for 
Germany at the head of all your forces, leaving only 
in Italy those strictly required for the defence of 
Milan and Naples. This would naturally result in 
great honour and reputation to your army, which 
might be paid out of the money collected for the 
intended expedition, and then you could not only 
succour your brother, repulse the Turk, and perhaps 
also follow him up to his own dominions, but also 
increase our faith, which will be a far greater honour 
and merit than losing your precious time in the 
recovery of a few towns in Italy. . . Z 1 

At last the long-looked-for day came when Charles, 
after a triumphal progress through Italy, entered 
Bologna, on November the 5th, for his coronation, at 
the head of twenty thousand veteran soldiers, and, 
in token of his humility as an obedient son of the 
Church, kneeled down to kiss the feet of that very 
Pope whom he had but recently retained a prisoner. 

1 Calendar of Spanish State Papers. 


On St. Peter's Day, February the 22nd, 1530, he 
received the iron crown of Lombardy, and two days 
later (St. Matthew's Day), the thirtieth anniversary 
of his birth, he was crowned by Clement vn., in the 
cathedral of San Petronio, with the imperial crown 
of Charlemagne, amid all the gorgeous display and 
ceremonial befitting so great an occasion. 

In the grand procession at the emperor's corona- 
tion at Bologna, Antonio da Leyva, the veteran hero 
of Pavia, crippled with gout, was borne in a chair by 
the emperor's command, next to Andrea Doria, be- 
fore the archbishops and bishops, and his horse led 
by two noblemen. Brantome gives the following 
account of the procession : — ' Four thousand Spanish 
soldiers, veterans who had served in the late wars, 
marched at the head of it under the command of 
Antonio da Leyva, richly dressed, borne in a sort of 
chair covered with crimson velvet. Afterwards came 
eighteen pieces of heavy artillery, with their ammuni- 
tion waggons and all their accompaniments, followed 
by a thousand men-at-arms of the old equipment of 
Burgundy, all well mounted and cased in armour, 
over which hung their beautiful and rich mantles, 
with lances at the thigh. Then came the pages of 
the emperor, about four - and - twenty in number, 
superbly clothed in yellow, grey, and violet velvet, 
mounted on beautiful horses. These were followed 
by the Grand Ecuyer in steel armour, bearing in his 
right hand his imperial Majesty's sword of state. 
After him rode the emperor, mounted on the most 
beautiful Spanish genet, a dark bay, clad in the 
richest armour, inlaid with gold, over which was a 
mantle of cloth of gold, leaving one side and the right 
arm exposed ; on his head he wore a bonnet of black 
velvet without ornament or plume. The cardinals 


came next, with their large hats on. They were 
followed by some of the principal nobles of the Court 
heading a troop of four or five hundred gentlemen. 
To these again succeeded fifteen hundred light horse 
and men-at-arms all accoutred with helmets. Three 
thousand men on foot, Spaniards, Italians and 
Landsknechts, formed the rear-guard.' 

This, adds Brantome, was a procession ' fit for a 
great emperor, enough to make the earth tremble, as 
well as the Heaven itself, when the artillery began to 
roar with the devil of a noise, which Don Antonio 
knew well how to play off, with discharges of the 
arquebusades re-echoing from the whole line of 

He afterwards mentions the ceremonial observed 
between the Pope and emperor when the latter per- 
formed his act of submission or homage. * When 
they approached each other, the emperor, sinking on 
his knees, kissed the feet of the Pope, and rising, 
kissed his hand. His Holiness on his part, whilst 
some of the attendants behind raised the mitre from 
his head, kissed the emperor's cheek. This done, the 
emperor was again on his knees, when the Pope, 
making a gracious gesture, begged him to rise. One 
of the attendants then drawing a piece of gold from 
a pocket in the imperial mantle, placed it in his 
Majesty's hand, of which the emperor made an offer- 
ing to the Pope as a representative of his power, and 
thus addressed him : ' Holy Father, thanks be to 
God above who has conceded to me so great a favour 
that I should arrive in safety here to kiss the feet of 
your Holiness, and be received with greater kindness 
than I can ever merit, and thus I place myself under 
your safeguard.' 1 

1 W. Bradford 


But for Clement vn. this ceremony can have been 
no pleasant task. 'The Pope,' wrote the Bishop of 
Tarbes, 'tried to show the emperor the best cheer 
possible ; but I think he never in his life performed 
a ceremony which touched him so near the heart, nor 
of which less good is likely to come to him. For 
several times, when he thought no one saw him, he 
heaved such sighs that, heavy as his cope was, he 
made it shake in good earnest/ 1 This memorable 
day in the annals of the House of Austria marked 
the summit of Margaret's ambitious* hopes for the 
nephew she had mothered with such unceasing care. 
She had lived to see the children over whose welfare 
she had so tenderly watched grow up to fill some of 
the most brilliant positions in Europe. Charles was 
now a thrice-crowned king and emperor ; Ferdinand, 
King of Hungary and Bohemia (and was shortly to 
be elected King of the Romans) ; whilst Eleanor had 
become first Queen of Portugal and then Queen of 
France ; the short-lived Isabel, Queen of Denmark ; 
Mary, Queen of Hungary ; and Katharine, who suc- 
ceeded her sister, Queen of Portugal. 

Although only in her fiftieth year, Margaret began 
to look forward to the time when she could hand over 
the government of the Netherlands to her nephew 
Charles and spend the rest of her days in quiet seclu- 
sion. For her life had been a very strenuous one, 
full of great responsibility and unceasing work, and 
now that she felt her mission accomplished, she longed 
for her nephew's advent and her own retirement 
from political life. Chiefly owing to her interven- 
tion, that peace which it had been her lifelong en- 
deavour to promote, now reigned throughoutEurope, 
and under her wise rule the Netherlands had reached 

1 E. Armstrong. 



the zenith of their prosperity. Art, industry, and 
commerce flourished in the Low Countries as they 
had never flourished before. Encouraged by Margaret, 
a brilliant group of artists, poets, and literary men 
settled at her Court at Malines. Merchants from 
England, Spain, France, and Italy attended the great 
fairs, and traded in arms, embroideries, tapestries, 
velvets, satins, cloth, and leather goods. Malines 
became noted for its various industries, and Brussels, 
Ypres, Liege, Ghent, Lille, and Tournay all rose 
rapidly into commercial centres. Architecture made 
enormous strides, and music, painting, and literature 
received a new birth. 

In her palace at Malines Margaret collected all 
that was rare and beautiful, and her rooms were 
veritable museums, as the inventory written under 
her direction shows. Priceless tapestries hung on 
the walls, some of which she had brought from Spain, 
whilst others were presented to her on various occa- 
sions. Many rich and valuable objects are mentioned 
in her catalogue : Statuettes, gold and silver caskets 
and mirrors, crystal, chalcedony and jasper goblets 
and vases, carved ivories, amber, corals, and curiously 
wrought chessmen, beautiful fans, medallions, clocks 
of rare workmanship which struck the hours and half- 
hours, magnificent plate, sometimes inlaid with pre- 
cious stones, glass and pottery, suits of armour, ivory 
hunting horns, and various relics of the chase. Her 
private library contained many rare and valuable books, 
chiefly bound in velvet (crimson, green, black, and 
blue), with gold and silver clasps, besides illuminated 
manuscripts, several bearing her devices in the borders 
and strewn with painted ' marguerites.' The ' Biblio- 
theque Royale ' at Brussels possesses several manu- 
scripts from Margaret's collection. Amongst others, 


her ' Book of Hours ! ; four of her albums ; ' La Bible 
Historiale,' with portraits of her and Philip kneeling 
at their ' prie-dieu ' ; Her * Album Musical/ and her 
book of 'Basses Danses' on black paper, with gold 
notes and letters, containing a set of dances fashionable 
in her day — ' La Marguerite/ ' l'Esperance de Bour- 
bon/ ' M'amour-m'amie/ ' Filles a marier,' ' Le joyeux 
de Bruxelles/ etc. A portrait of Margaret in water- 
colours is also in the library, and is probably by 
Horembout. When Margaret undertook the regency 
of the Netherlands in 1507, her father, Maximilian, 
gave her as a New Year's gift a beautifully illuminated 
Livre de Chants, in the frontispiece of which the 
United States are represented swearing fealty to her 
as regent. Maximilian is seated in the centre on 
a throne ; in front of him sits his grandson Charles, 
with Margaret opposite ; and the three young arch- 
duchesses, Eleanor, Mary, and Isabel, are grouped 
seated on the ground, whilst the representatives of 
the United States stand round, and with uplifted 
hands swear to uphold the regent's rule. This 
interesting book was one of Margaret's most prized 
possessions, and is now amongst the archives of 

From the titles of the books in her library we learn 
how large and varied was her taste in reading : Frois- 
sart, the Fables of ^Esop and of Ovid, several editions 
of Aristotle, Livy, the Letters of Seneca, and the 
Commentaries of Julius Caesar, Saint Augustine's 
City of God, of which she had four copies, and Boethius 
On Consolation. Besides these, there were The Golden 
Legend, The Round Table, Lancelot of the Lake, Mer- 
lin, The Story of Jason and the Golden Fleece, etc. 
Also several books on chess, on the interpretation of 
dreams, on the nature of birds, and on manners and 


customs, such as the Miroir du Monde and the Miroir 
des Dames ; various works of Boccaccio, Le Livre du 
Tresor, and Phebus on hunting, etc. Besides many 
missals, breviaries, lives and legends of the Saints, 
1 Books of Hours/ and other religious works. 

Jean Lemaire says : ' Madame Margaret not only 
read wise books, but she also took the pen in hand 
to write ' . . . and fortunately many of her poems have 
been preserved. Through nearly all there runs a 
strain of sadness, of loneliness, and disappointed hope, 
for Margaret's life was very solitary in spite of her 
great position and many duties ; every one came to 
her for help and sympathy, but there was no one on 
whom she could lean. Her verses are simple, grace- 
ful, and to the point, and may well bear comparison 
with those of her contemporaries. The following charm- 
ing rondeau in her handwriting is a good example : — 

' C'est pour james qu'un regret me demeure ; 
Que sans sesser nuit et jour a tout eure 
Tant me tourmant que bien voudroi mourir ; 
Car ma vie n'est fors seulement languir, 
Et s'y faudra a la fin que j'en meure. 
De l'infortune estais bien seure 
Quan le regret maudit ou je demeure 
Me coury sus pour me faire mourir, 
Car ma vie n'est fors 
Seulement languir : 
Sy faudra que j'en meure.' 1 

Her poem, 'La complainte de dame Marguerite 
d'Autriche, fille de Maximilien, Roy des Romans/ is 
an interesting resume* of her life and misfortunes, 
full of feeling charmingly expressed, but is too long 
to quote here. 

In the following she gives advice to her maids of 

1 In the Bibliotbeque Royale, Brussels, 


honour, and warns them not to trust to lovers' deceit- 
ful promises : — 

1 Fies-vous-y en vos servans 

Dehure en avant, mes demoiselles, 
Et vous vous trouveres de celles 
Que en ont eu des d^cepvans. 

II sont, en leurs ditz, observans 
Motz plus doulx que doulces pucelles, 

En leurs cueurs il sont conservans, 
Pour decepvoir, maintes cautelles, 
Et puis qu'il ont leurs fassons telles, 
Tout ainsi comme abavantz 

And again : — 

* Belles paroles en paiement 
A ces mignons presumptieux 
Qui contrefont les amoureux 
Par beau samblant et aultrement. 

Sans nul credo, mais promptement 
Donnes pour recompense a eulx 
Belles parolles. 

Mot pour mot, c'est fait justement, 
Ung pour ung, aussi deulx pour deulx. 

Se devis ils font gracieulx, 
Respondes gracieusement 
Belles parolles.' 

Sometimes she expresses herself resigned to her 
lonely life : — 

4 Tout pour le mieux bien dire l'ose 
Vient maleur qui fault soubtenir, 
Si c'est pour a mieux parvenir 
L'endurer est bien peu de chose. 

Mon cueur en franchise soy tenir 
Tout pour le mieux, 


De ma part rien je ne propose ; 
Viengne ce que pourra venir 
Car dire veulx et maintenir 
Que des emprinses Dieu dispose 
Tout pour le mieux.' 

In the following verses she announces her intention 
to remain unmarried : — 

• Tant que je vive, mon cueur ne changera 
Pour nul vivant, tant soit il bon ou saige 
Fort et puissant, riche, de hault lignaige, 
Mon chois est fait, aultre ne se fera. 

1 II peut estre que Ton devisera, 
Mais je pour ce ne muera mon courage, 
Tant que je vive.' 

These few fragments give an idea of Margaret's 
style, which was simple, clear, and well expressed, 
but throughout her rondeaux, songs, and ballads, 
there is an echo of sadness and disappointment. 
Many of her words and expressions are now out of 
date, but the charm of her personality still lingers 
in her poems with a mournful pathos none the less 
touching though written in a French of long ago : — 

1 Dame inf ortunee 
Dame de dueil tousiours triste et marrie.' ! 

But amongst all the treasures she had gathered 
together, her picture-gallery at Malines was not the 
least interesting part of her wonderful collection. 
More than a hundred portraits and paintings are 
mentioned in her catalogue, chiefly by famous artists 
of the day. Amongst others there are several by 
Bernard van Orley (her Court painter), John Memling, 
Michel von Coxie, John van Eyck, Roger van der 
Weyden, Mabuse, Bouts, Jacob de Barbari, Jerome 
Bosch, Gerard Horembout, etc. 

1 Regretz de la dame Infortunee. 


The John Van Eyck of John Arnolfini and his 
wife Joan Cenani of Lucca (who settled at Bruges in 
1420), now in the National Gallery, London, was one 
of the gems of Margaret's collection, and is thus 
mentioned in her catalogues of 1516 and 1524 : — 

1 Ung grant tableau qu'on appelle Hernoul-le-Fin avec sa f emme 
dedens une chambre, qui fut donne a Madame par don Diego, les 
armes duquel sont en la couverte dudit tableaul. Fait du painctre 

* Ung aultre tableau fort exquis qui se clot a deux f uelletz, ou 
il y a painctz un homme et une femme estantz desboutz touchantz 
la main Tung de l'aultre, fait de la main de Johannes, les armes 
et devise de feu don Dieghe esdits deux feulletz nomme le per- 
sonnaige : Arnoult fin.' 

Its history is peculiarly interesting. Before 1490 
it belonged to Don Diego de Guevara, one of 
Maximilian's Councillors, who added shutters to it, 
on the outer side of which were painted his arms 
and motto. Don Diego presented the picture to 
Margaret. After her death it came into the posses- 
sion of a barber-surgeon of Bruges from whom Mary, 
Queen of Hungary, bought it in exchange for a place 
worth a hundred florins a year. The picture is 
mentioned in an inventory of the queen's effects in 
1556. Later it was taken to Spain, and in 1789 was 
in Charles iii.'s collection at Madrid, but afterwards 
fell into the hands of one of the French generals. In 
1815 Major-General Hay, who had been wounded at 
Waterloo, found it in the house to which he was re- 
moved in Brussels, and after his recovery purchased 
it and brought it to England, where in 1842 it was 
bought by the National Gallery for £730. 

Unfortunately we cannot thus trace the history of 
all Margaret's collection. Her library at Malines 




was hung with family portraits, from Charlemagne 
on through many Dukes of Burgundy — her grand- 
father, the Emperor Frederick; her parents, Maximilian 
and Mary of Burgundy ; her brother Philip ; her 
husband Philibert, Duke of Savoy ; her nephews and 
nieces, at different ages, were all portrayed; and 
there was also a portrait of herself as a girl. Her 
pictures are all fully entered in her catalogue, with 
such charming descriptions as : — ' Une petite Nostre- 
Dame disant ses heures, faicte de la main de Michel 
(Coxie) que Madame appelle sa mignonne et le petit 
dieu dort,' or 'Ung petit tableau ront de Nostre- 
Dame que Madame fait mettre au chevet de son lit/ 
or ' Ung petit paradis ou sont touxs les apotres,' etc. 

Margaret not only collected pictures, but she drew 
and painted skilfully herself, a most unusual accom- 
plishment for a princess at that time, and amongst 
her possessions was a paint-box and brushes ; she also 
is said to have drawn part of the plans for a church 
at Bruges. 

During her regency architecture made great pro- 
gress, and many beautiful buildings were designed 
and executed. The belfry at Bruges, the cloisters 
of the Convent of the Annunciation near the same 
town, and the Tower of St. Rombault at Malines, 
the Hotel de Ville at Ghent, besides several churches 
which were restored and embellished, such as the 
churches of St. Peter and St. Stephen at Lille, the 
spire of Antwerp Cathedral and Ste. Gudule at 
Brussels. But the greatest monument to Margaret's 
memory and taste in architecture is the church 
of Brou, near the town of Bourg en Bresse, of 
which a full description is given elsewhere, and for 
the construction of which Mercurin de Gattinare 
advised ' sa tres redoubtee dame de vendre jusqu'a sa 


derniere chemise. ' In this beautiful church the spirit 
of Margaret seems to pervade every part, bringing 
into perfect harmony the work of the various 
Flemish, French, German, and Italian artists she 

Margaret also did much to encourage a taste for 
music, and the names of several of her musicians and 
composers have been preserved. Maitre Agricola 
wrote accompaniments to her songs, and Bruneel, 
Josquin des Pres, Compere, Henry Isaac, and Pierre 
de la Rue are all mentioned as attached to her 
Court. Flemish singers were sought for far and 
wide, especially in Italy and France, and many of the 
Pope's choir were recruited from the Netherlands. 

But if Margaret did much for art, she did no less 
for literature. Grouped around her stand forth the 
names of such men as Jean Molinet, Jean Lemaire 
de Beiges, Adrian of Utrecht, Cornelius Agrippa, 
Erasmus, Masse, Nicolas Everard, Benacle de 
Florennes, Louis Vives, and many others whom she 
welcomed to her Court, lodged in her palace, and 
counted amongst her friends. It is no wonder that 
they sang her praises in prose and in verse, extolling 
her beauty, her golden hair, fresh complexion, and 
soft brown eyes, exclaiming how lovely she looked 
when attending the dances given on festive occasions, 
or dressed in satin with long hanging sleeves lined 
with ermine, and followed by her greyhound, parrot, 
and marmoset, she wandered amongst her roses in 
her sweet-scented garden at Malines. 

Molinet, her librarian, comes first among the poets 
who celebrated her charms. Besides his chronicles, 
he wrote ' La Recollection des Merveilleuses,' and 
several epigrams. The following verses on Margaret's 
return are a curious tour deforce : — 


' Par vous nous vint grace, misericorde, 
Paix et concorde, et cordastes la corde, 
Qui se discorde et veult discorder, 
Par bien corder, cordons par concorder, 
Et recorder, accord fut par cordee, 
La bonne harpe est tantot accordee.' 

Jean Lemaire de Beiges was born about 1473 ; 
after the death of Louis xn. he attached himself to 
Margaret's Court and became her historian. He 
published a curious work called Les illustrations de 
Gaule et singularitez de Troye, avec la Couronne 
Margaritique et plusieurs autres osuvres. In the 
Couronne Margaritique, Margaret figures as the 
heroine. Jean Lemaire also published the Triomphe 
de VAmant vert, which is the history of a green 
parrot given by Sigismond, Archduke of Austria, to 
Margaret's mother, Mary of Burgundy, after whose 
death it passed into Margaret's possession. She was 
naturally very fond of the bird, and when it died 
composed the following epitaph : — 

* Souz ce tumbel, qui est un dur conclave, 
Git l'amant verd, et le tres noble esclave, 
Dont le noble cceur de vraye amour, pure, yvre, 
No peut souffrir perdre sa dame et vivre.' 

The parrot died whilst Margaret was on a visit to 
her father in Germany. In Lemaire's poem ' L'amant 
vert ' laments his beloved mistress's absence, he stops 
talking, and contemplates 'putting an end to his 
short days.' 

* . . . Et comment pourroit un coeur si gros, 
En corps si faible et si petit enclos, 
Passer le jour que de moy te depars ? 

O demy-deux, o satyres agrestes, 
Nymphes des bois et fontaines proprettes, 


Escoutez moy ma plainte d&nener, 
Et tu Echo, qui fais l'air resonner 
Et les rochers de voix repercussives ! 

Or doy-je bien hair ma triste vie, 

Veu que tant t'ay par terre et mer suivie, 

Par bois, par champs, par montagne et valee, 

Et que je t'ay maintes fois consolee, 

Et tes dangers, naufrages et p6rilz, 

fisquels sans moy n'avois joye ne riz, 

Et maintenant tu laisses ton amant.' 

1 Or pleust aux dieux que mon corps assez beau, 
Fust transforme, pour ceste heure, en corbeau, 
Et mon colier, vermeil et purpurin, 
Fust aussi brun qu'un more ou barbarin.' 

1 Pourquoi t'ay veu tes parfaites beautez, 
Et ton gent corps plus poli que fin ambre, 
Trop plus que nul autre valet de chambre, 
Nud, demy-nud, sans atour et sans guimple, 
Demy-vestu, en belle cotte simple, 
Tresser ton chef, tant cler et tant dore, 
Par tout le inonde aymi et honoi'6. 
Quant maintes fois pour mon coeur affoller, 
Tes deux maris je t'ay veu accoller : 

Au moins, princesse, en extreme guerdon, 
Je te requiers et te supplie un don : 
C'est que mon corps n'y soit ensevely, 
Ainsi le me mets en quelque lieu joly, 
Bien tapisse de diverses flourettes, 
Ou pastoureaux devisent d'amourettes, 
Ou les oiseaux jargonnent et flageolent, 
Et papillons bien coulourez, et vollent 
Pres d'un ruisseau, ayant l'onde argentine, 
Autour duquel les arbres font courtine.' 

The poor ' amant ' hopes that pilgrims will come 
and weep over his grave, and ends by a touching 
farewell to his mistress : — 

' Or, adieu done, reyne de toutes femmes, 
La fleur des fleurs, le parangon des gemmes, 


Adieu, madame, et ma maistresse chere, 
Pour qui la mort me vient montrer sa chere. 

Fay moy graver sur ma lame marbrine 
Ces quatre vers, au moins, si j'en suis digne. 

Then comes the epitaph quoted above. L'amant 
vert finally addresses his mistress from the tomb, and 
describes his descent into Hades, where he meets 
Mercury and converses with him in the Elysian 

Kdnacle de Florennes sang Margaret's praises in 
Latin verse, and it was largely due to her influence 
that the emperor appointed him his private secretary. 
The four Everards and Jean Second all added their 
tribute in her honour ; whilst Adrian of Utrecht, the 
future Pope, and the learned Cornelius Agrippa 
remained through life her firm and devoted friends. 

During the sixteenth century the beautiful industry 
of tapestry-making reached almost its highest point 
of perfection. After the fall of Arras in 1477 the 
workmen from that town settled in Bruges, Brussels, 
and Tournay. Amongst the great tapestry- workers 
were Stephen of Brumberghe, John of Roubrouck, 
Perquin d'Ervine, Peter van Oppenem, John van 
den Brugghe, etc., but the prince of tapestry-makers 
was Peter van Aelst, who for more than thirty years 
turned out tapestries innumerable from his workshops, 
the most celebrated being ' The Acts of the Apostles/ 
Although during the Middle Ages the designs chiefly 
represented religious subjects from the Old and New 
Testaments, in the sixteenth century, with the in- 
fluence of the Renaissance, there crept in a taste for 
mythological and historical scenes such as those in 
the Hotel de Ville at Brussels, or the Legend of 
Notre Dame du Sablon, which latter contains con- 


temporary portraits of Margaret and her nephews 
and nieces ; ! or the Legend of Trajan, the Story of 
Herkenbald, and the History of Julius Caesar attri- 
buted to the designs of Roger van der Weyden. 
John de Maubeuge, or Mabuse, and Bernard van 
Orley also exercised a wide influence over the industry, 
and their beautiful compositions were much sought 
after. With Van Orley a secular feeling prevailed 
even in his religious subjects. His saints and angels, 
Virgins and Apostles, appear almost pagan in design. 
It is easy to follow the different phases of this 
beautiful industry in such pieces as * The Acts of the 
Apostles ' in the Vatican, ' Saint Gregory's Mass ' at 
Nuremberg, ' The Story of Psyche ' at Fontainebleau, 
'The Triumphs of Bacchus,' the 'Rape of the 
Sabines,' etc. 

After his coronation at Bologna the emperor con- 
tinued his progress through Trent, Botzen, Inns- 
bruck, to Augsburg, where he attended the Diet 
which opened on June the 20th, 1530. There he 
met Melanchthon and listened to his famous confes- 
sion, and the long arguments which followed on 
religious questions. Lutheranism was rapidly spread- 
ing in Germany, but the emperor was powerless to 
prevent it. Charles remained at Augsburg until 
November 23rd, and then continued his journey to- 
wards the Netherlands, where Margaret was anxiously 
awaiting him ; but she and her beloved nephew were 
destined never to meet again on earth, for when he 
reached Cologne he received the news of her death. 

For some time past Margaret seems to have 
cherished the hope of retiring to the Convent of the 
Annunciation which she had founded outside the 
' Porte des Anes ' at Bruges, and spending the rest 

1 Now in the Mus^e du Cinquantenaire, Brussels. 

>< -2 

H 1 


of her days there in quiet seclusion. Prom Malines 
she wrote to the Mother Superior : — ' Ma Mere, ma 
mie, — I have ordered the bearer of this, whom you 
know well, to give you news of me, and tell you of 
my good resolution for some days past, and also 
inquire how you are, which I hope is as well as you 
could wish for me. My hope is in the good God and 
his glorious Mother, who will help and keep you for 
better things. I have given him (the bearer) a 
memorandum for you, and the Pater, your good 
father, which is from my own hand ; from this you 
will learn my intention. I desire that it shall not get 
talked about (' n'en soit faict grant bruit '), and for 
good reason, and with this I will end, begging you to 
recommend me to our good father's prayers, and also to 
all my good daughters, praying the Creator and His 
blessed Mother to give His grace to you and also to 
me. — Your good daughter, Margaret.' 

Then follows the memorandum to Estienne, her 
valet de chambre, concerning what he is to say to 
the Pater and the Mere Ancille : * ' First, that I wish 
above all to put my religious (community) in such a 
state that they will never be in great poverty, but 
will be able to live without begging ; and I wish to 
know ... if more money is needed, and if so, how 
much, that they may not be stinted ; for with God's 
help I will see to all; and every other thing that they 
desire, they must let me know, for I intend to make 
there a good end, with the help of God and our good 
Mistress, His glorious Mother. 

* Amongst other things say to the Mere Ancille, my 
good mother, that I beg her to make all my good 
daughters pray for the purpose which I have always 

1 The Mother Superior was called ( la Mere Ancille,' a term of humility, 


told her ; for the time approaches, since the emperor 
is coming, to whom, with God's help, I will render a 
good account of the charge and government which 
he has pleased to give me ; and this done, I shall 
give myself up to the will of God and of our good 
Mistress, begging you, my good Mother, " ma mie," 
that I may not be forgotten by yours, and always 
remain your good daughter, Margaret.' 

Concerning the death of the Regent of the 
Netherlands very little is authentically known, but 
from a MSS. in the archives at Ain, written by an 
Augustine monk, the following account is found : — 
* Early on the morning of the 15th of November, 
before rising, Margaret asked one of her ladies, 
Magdalen of Rochester, for a glass of water. The 
maid of honour brought her the drink in a crystal 
goblet, but in taking it back Magdalen unluckily let 
it fall near the bed, where it broke in several pieces. 
She carefully picked up all the fragments she could 
see, but one piece lay hidden in Margaret's high- 
heeled embroidered slipper. When the princess got 
up a few hours later, she put her bare feet into the 
slippers, and tried to walk towards the fire, but 
immediately felt a sharp pain in the sole of her left 
foot. On examination it was found that a piece of 
broken glass was in the foot; this was at once 
extracted, but the wound remained, and bled very 
little. Margaret, who was always plucky, soon 
thought no more of the accident, and neglected the 
wound. A few days later, however, her leg became 
greatly inflamed, and she suffered much pain. At 
last, on the 22nd, doctors were called in, and a con- 
sultation was held. They found that gangrene had 
already set in, and decided that the only way to save 
her life was to amputate the foot. The next day, 


the 23rd, they commissioned M. de Mont^cute, her 
almoner and confessor, to break the news to her, and 
prepare her for the terrible operation. She was 
naturally much surprised and upset, but with great 
fortitude consented to undergo the dreadful ordeal. 
For four days she shut herself up, and would see no 
one, spending the time in prayer and confession ; on 
the morning of the 27th she received the Sacrament, 
and on the 28th and 29th she arranged her earthly 
affairs, and added a codicil to the will she had made 
in 1508. This codicil did not, however, fundament- 
ally alter her former testament. She left Charles her 
sole heir, with the exception of a few bequests, such 
as i one of her best rings ' to his brother Ferdinand, 
and legacies to her old officers and servants. ' And 
in order not to abolish the name of the House of 
Burgundy . . . my said lady begs and implores the 
Lord Emperor to be pleased to keep in his own hands 
the said county of Burgundy, and its dependencies, 
as long as he lives, and after his death to leave it 
to the one of his children or other heirs who may 
succeed to these countries (the Netherlands), without 
dividing or separating it.' 

' And as a last request of my said lady made to the 
said Lord Emperor, she begs him for the universal 
good of Christianity and the safety of his State, to 
keep, guard, and observe peace and friendship with 
the Kings of France and England, their realms, 
countries, and subjects ; as she hopes to say to him 
with her own mouth if it pleases God to spare her 
life until she can see him.' 

On the next day, the 30th, the doctors decided to 
operate, but before submitting herself to their hands 
Margaret dictated a last touching letter to Charles, 
in which she bade him an eternal farewell : — ' Mon- 


seigneur, the hour has come when I can no longer 
write to you with my own hand, for I feel so ill, that 
I doubt not that my life will be short. With my 
conscience at rest and peace, and resolved to receive 
all that it may please God to send me, without any 
regret whatever, excepting the privation of your 
presence, and not being able to see and speak to you 
once more before my death, which is partly supplied 
by this my letter, though I fear that it will be the 
last that you will receive from me. I have made you 
my universal and sole heir, recommending you to 
fulfil the charges in my will. I leave you your 
countries over here, which, during your absence, I 
have not only kept as you left them to me at your 
departure, but have greatly increased them, and 
restore to you the government of the same, of which 
I believe to have loyally acquitted myself, in such a 
way as I hope for divine reward, satisfaction from 
you, monseigneur, and the goodwill of your sub- 
jects ; particularly recommending to you peace, 
especially with the Kings of France and England. 
And to end, monseigneur, I beg of you for the love 
you have been pleased to bear this poor body, that 
you will remember the salvation of the soul, and the 
recommendation of my poor vassals and servants. 
Bidding you the last adieu, to whom I pray, mon- 
seigneur, to give you prosperity and a long life. 
From Malines, the last day of November 1530. — 
Your very humble aunt, Margaret/ 

And so having arranged all her earthly affairs 
Margaret took a tender farewell of her attendants 
and friends, and placed herself in the physicians' 
hands, who, hoping to spare her the pain and shock 
of an operation, gave her a dose of opium, which was 
so strong that she fell asleep never to wake again. 


She passed away during the night of the 30th of 
November 1530 between midnight and one o'clock, 
in the fiftieth year of her age, and the twenty-third 
year of her regency. 

The Archbishop of Palermo, Jean de Carondelet,and 
Antoine de Lalaing, Count of Hochstrate, at once 
sent to Cologne to inform the emperor of the sad 
news. In their letter they said that the inflammation 
(gangrene) had spread from the princess's leg to her 
body (probably from the long delay), and therefore an 
operation would have been useless. No one, how- 
ever, seems to have been blamed, and Philip Savoien, 
her surgeon, was given thirty philippus 'for having 
treated madame as well as he could, and for having 
embalmed her body.' As the archbishop and the 
Count of Hochstrate wrote to the emperor : 
'Madame has indeed shown in her end the virtue 
that was in her, for she died as good a Christian as 
it seems to us possible to be. She is a great loss, 
Sire, to your Majesty, and to all your countries over 

Charles was greatly distressed when he learned 
that his beloved aunt had passed away, and ordered 
magnificent obsequies to be performed in the 
cathedral of Cologne, which he attended with his 
whole Court. The funeral sermon, delivered in 
Latin by Jean Fabri, was listened to with rapt 
attention by the large congregation which filled the 

Margaret was deeply mourned by all who knew 
her, and especially by the people over whom she had 
ruled so well. 

In her will she directed that her heart should be 
given to the Convent of the ' Annonciades ' at 
Bruges, her intestines to the church of St. Peter and 



St. Paul at Malines, and her body to the Monastery 
of St. Nicolas de Tolentin at Bourg en Bresse, where 
she wished to be buried beside her husband, Phili- 
bert of Savoy, in the church of Brou. 

Her funeral services began in the church of St. 
Peter and St. Paul at Malines by three solemn 
masses, and were continued in the cathedral church 
of St. Rombault, which was hung with 120 yards of 
black cloth for the occasion. The Archbishop of 
Palermo conducted the service, which was attended 
by the Grand Council and Magistrates, and all the 
guilds of the city. Here Cornelius Agrippa preached 
her funeral oration, dwelling at much length on her 
many virtues and great talents. • We have lost/ he 
said, 'the anchor on which our hopes rested. We 
are weighed down with this great affliction, for no 
greater loss could have befallen us and our country. 
What consolation can we find in the death of the 
very saintly Princess Margaret? We all weep, we 
all lament her ! All the provinces, all the cities, all 
the towns, all the villages, all the hamlets are plunged 
in grief, sorrow, and mourning.' 

On the 22nd of January 1531, a funeral procession, 
headed by the young Crown Prince of Denmark, as 
chief mourner, escorted Margaret's body and heart to 
Bruges. Whilst awaiting translation to its final 
resting-place at Brou, her body was laid in a vault 
beneath the high altar in the Convent of the 
' Annonciades ' ; her heart, enclosed in an urn, was 
placed in the tomb of her mother, Mary of Burgundy, 
in the church of Notre -Dame, but on the 6 th of 
February following, it was given to the Mere Ancille 
by the emperor's command to replace her body, which, 
on April the 21st, 1532, was sent to Brou. This 
long delay in carrying Margaret to her final resting- 


place was due to the fact that at the time of her 
death the church of Brou was not finished, and it 
was two years before the tombs were completed. But 
at last in June 1532 Margaret was laid to rest beside 
Philibert and his mother in the beautiful church 
which her love and piety had called into being, but 
whose glories she had not lived to see completed. 
The funeral ceremonies lasted three days, the 10th, 
11th, and 12th of June. Accompanied by the chief 
men of the town, the Syndic of Bourg went out to 
meet the funeral cortege, which was escorted by the 
Marshal of Burgundy, the Count of Hochstrate, the 
Archdeacon of Fauverny, and Claud de Boisset, who 
was afterwards Bishop of Arras. At the service the 
sermon was preached by Brother Anthony of Saix, 
Commander of the Abbey of St. Anthony of Bourg, 
in French as well as in Latin, so that all might 
understand. Amongst her many talents he men- 
tioned 'her subtle excellence in painting,' in which 
pastime he asserted she frequently indulged. 

The leaden urn which contained her intestines was 
placed in a vault in front of the high altar in the 
church of St. Peter and St. Paul at Malines, but in 
1778 the urn was found to be much damaged, and 
was enclosed in an oaken chest, and reburied under 
one of the stone slabs in the choir, between the first 
step of the high altar and the wall, where a small X 
in the pavement marks the spot. 

By her will Margaret dowered fifty maidens of Bresse 
with fifty pounds apiece, and amongst other legacies 
bequeathed her wine-glass incrusted with silver, a 
silver spoon and silver medal to the ' Annonciades ' at 
Bruges ; besides a gilded and illuminated copy of the 
Gospel of St. John, and her rosary, which contained 
ten agates, on the largest of which were engraved the 


virtues of the Holy Virgin Mary. This relic had 
been worn by Jeanne de Valois, the unhappy wife of 
Louis xn. of France, foundress of the Order of the 
Annunciation. The other stones were interspersed 
with small beads of gold, a gold heart hanging from 
the end of the rosary. This gift was accompanied by 
a portrait of Margaret painted on wood by Bernard 
van Orley, and two touching letters addressed to the 
Mere Ancille. The Church of the ' Annonciades ' 
was demolished in 1578, when the nuns retired to 
a house called ' Fluweelhof ' at Bruges, carrying Mar- 
garet's remains with them. 

In 1531 the emperor caused an alabaster monu- 
ment, decorated with gold statuettes, to be erected to 
Margaret's memory in the church outside the Porte 
des Anes. But in 1578 it was horribly mutilated by 
the rebels, and what was left of it was transferred in 
1714 to the church of the new Convent at Fluweelhof. 
A pavement of black and white marble was added, 
and a figure representing the Annunciation of the 
Virgin, before whom Margaret was depicted kneeling 
at her prie-dieu, holding her ' Book of Hours ' in her 
hands, with her patron saint, Margaret, behind her, 
and her maids of honour by her side, bearing the 
arms of the empire, Burgundy, Bourbon, and Castile. 
The debris of the former monument was used to make 
these figures. In the centre of the niche containing 
the monument was placed a painted heart in a mirror 
with this inscription in Flemish : — 

'Here lies the noble heart of the very excellent 
Archduchess of Austria, Madame Margaret, daughter 
of the invincible Emperor Maximilian and of the 
Lady Mary of Burgundy, his wife, foundress of this 
Convent of the Annunciation at Bruges, niece of 
Jeanne, Queen of France, and foundress of the Order 


of the Annunciation, widow of the Prince of Spain, 
etc., aunt of his Imperial Majesty Charles v., who 
gave this heart in the year 1531, the 6th of Feb., in 
eternal remembrance.' 

In the same niche behind the figure of St. Margaret 
is the inscription which the emperor also caused to be 
erected at Malines : — 

d. o. M. 

Illustrissimae Margaritae, 

Archiducissae Austriae, 

Invictissimi Maximiliani imperatoris natae, 

Ac principis Hispaniarum primo, 

Deinde ducis Sabaudiae relictae, 

Harum inferiorum regionuui gubernatrici. 

Carolus Quintus, Caesar Augustus, 

Amitiae posuit. 



THE church of Brou, near the town of Bourg 
en Bresse, was built by Margaret of Austria 
in the beginning of the sixteenth century, 
as a monument to her husband, Philibert of Savoy, 
and in fulfilment of a vow made by Duke Philibert's 
mother, Margaret of Bourbon, in 1480. 

The first stone was laid by Margaret in 1506, and 
the building finished in 1530; but the work did not 
really begin until 1513, and the interior decoration 
was not completed before 1532. 

Whilst in Flanders Margaret carefully watched 
over and superintended the progress of the work, 
but she did not live to see it finished, and after 
her death Charles v. took little interest in the com- 
pletion of the building. 

The church was consecrated on the 22nd of March 
1532 by Bishop Jean Joly de Pleury and dedicated 
to Saint Nicolas de Tolentin. 

The church of Brou is of the latest, and not the 
best, period of Gothic architecture, but the genius of 
Margaret is visible in all its details, harmonising the 
work, whether Gothic or Renaissance, and creating 
a building of extraordinary beauty. French, Italian, 
and German artists helped in building this princely 
monument, which remains a fitting memorial to one 
of the most cultivated women of her time. 

The plan of the church is very simple. A Latin 



cross with five naves; the transept and sanctuary 
separated by a rood screen. The length is about 225 
feet, and its greatest width, in the transept, 120 feet. 
Outside, the central building is divided into three 
distinct stories. The facade, with its great door 
decorated with devices and emblems. An Ecce Homo 
in the centre, on either side Philibert and Margaret 
kneeling between two angels, and accompanied by 
their patron saints. A statue of Saint Nicholas de 
Tolentin guarding the entrance. 

On the second story are three pointed windows 
between two galleries. Above the upper gallery is a 
triangular gable with a rose window in the centre, 
surrounded by three triangular windows, a symbol of 
the Trinity. Inside, the carved woodwork of the 
choir stalls is remarkable for its beauty of detail, 
variety of design, and delicacy of carving. The stalls 
are the work of Bressian artists, foremost amongst 
whom was Pierre Terrason of Bourg. They were 
finished and put up in 1532. There are seventy-four 
stalls on each side, in two rows — twenty- one above 
and sixteen below. The design on each stall is 

But the tombs in the choir are the most interesting 
features of the church of Brou. 

Jean Perr^al (called Jean de Paris) had been com- 
missioned by Margaret to prepare the plans, and after 
years of work he presented her with a design which 
she considered perfect, and gave orders to have it 
carried out. But soon after Perr^al was dismissed, 
and Van Boghen presided over the work. There is 
little doubt that he made use of the French architect's 
designs, which Margaret possessed, 1 but he evidently 

1 Michel Colombe made a model from Perr^al's plans for the sum of 
ninety-four florins. 


made important modifications, as the work bears 
distinct traces of Flemish influence. The best Belgian, 
French, Italian, and Swiss workmen were employed 
on these monuments. The principal work was given 
to a Swiss, Conrad Meyt, who undertook to make 
the five large statues. The three monuments are 
placed in the positions Margaret desired in her will of 
1508 — Duke Philibert in the centre, his mother on 
the right, and her tomb on the left. 

Margaret of Bourbon's monument is built into the 
thickness of the wall. The princess's statue rests on 
a slab of black marble, her head on an embroidered 
cushion, her feet on a greyhound. Four white marble 
children support shields with her initials and the arms 
of Bourbon. On the pillars on either side are five 
exquisite statuettes. Saint Agnes and Saint Margaret 
stand near her feet, between them a symbolical female 
figure, whilst near her head are Saint Andrew with 
his cross, and Saint Catherine of Alexandria dressed 
as a maid of honour of Francis l.'s Court. The sarco- 
phagus is decorated with nine niches containing five 
cherubs and four * pleureuses,' or weeping women, 
whose faces are almost hidden by their drooping 
hoods, sprays of marguerites being scattered every- 
where in great profusion about the moulding of the 

In the centre of the choir, facing the high altar, is 
the tomb of Philibert the Handsome, Duke of Savoy. 
It is divided into two sections. Underneath is the 
'gisant,' or naked body, a little larger than life. 
Twelve pillars, ornamented with niches containing 
statues of saints in the dress of the period, sur- 
round the dead prince and support a slab of black 
marble on which the figure of Philibert rests in armour, 
with his coronet on his head, an embroidered surcoat 


covers his cuirass, the collar of the Annunciation 
(composed alternately of fifteen enamelled roses and 
the letters F.E.R.T.) round his neck, the mantle of 
the Order wrapt round him, his feet resting on a 
lion. His face is turned towards his wife on the 
left, his praying hands towards his mother on the 
right. 1 

Margaret of Austria's tomb under the arcade which 
separates the choir from the chapel of the Virgin is 
much larger than the other two. The princess is 
represented twice ; underneath lies her dead body in 
the habit of the Annunciation, her beautiful hair 
covering her like a mantle, and her feet bare, showing 
the wound on the sole of the left foot which caused 
her death. Above she lies as though on a state-bed, 

1 The Order of the Annunciation was founded by Amadeus vi. in the 
fourteenth century. The following duties were entailed by the holders of 
the Order, and by the honour conferred on them they undertook : ' (1) To 
assist the Dukes of Savoy by word and deed on all occasions that their 
assistance was required, and to protect the oppressed. (2) To wear con- 
stantly the collar or chain of the Order, which was composed alternately of 
love-knots and the letters F.E.R.T. (3) They were to present to the church 
of Pierre-CMtel a chalice, surplice, and all other articles requisite for the 
celebration of mass. (4) On their death they were to bequeath 100 livres 
for the support of that church. At funerals the whole community were to 
be present, dressed originally in white, and later in black cloaks, which, 
after the ceremony, they handed over to the Carthusian monks ; on all other 
occasions the colour of the cloak was crimson, trimmed with fringes and 
embroidered with love-knots.' — (From The Book of Orders, Burke.) Certain 
alterations were inaugurated by Charles in. of Savoy in 1518, who gave the 
Order a new name, ' The Holy Annunciation ' ; he also added fifteen 
enamelled roses, alternating the word ' F.E.R.T.' repeated fifteen times, con- 
joined by the girdle of St. Francis, as previously instituted by Amadeus vin. 
in the collar in place of the love-knots. Such is the collar worn by Philibert 
on his tomb at Brou, as well as in his likeness in the east window. The 
meaning of the word 'F.E.R.T.', or the four initial letters, has not been 
clearly elucidated. Many interpretations have been suggested ; the only 
one which seems really probable is that which appears on a gold piece struck 
in the reign of Victor Amadeus t., preserved in the medal cabinet of the 
Kings of Sardinia: 'Federe et religione tenemur'('We are united by 
honour and religion '). — Notes and Queries, December 6, 1902. 


wearing her coronet and embroidered robes, her arms 
folded on her breast. Four beautiful cherubs bear 
her armorial ensigns, two at her head and two at her 
feet (the work of Thomas Meyt, the brother of Conrad). 
Four columns richly moulded spring from the base of 
the tomb and support the heavy canopy overhead, 
around which runs her motto : ' Fortune . Infortune . 
Fort . Une ' ; whilst everywhere in the richest pro- 
fusion are carved her emblems, marguerites twining 
round a palm branch, and the Briquet of Burgundy 
in the form of a B interlaced with a St. Andrew's 
cross resting on three stones. 1 And in the niches of 
the pillars figures of Saints and Virgins, marvels of 
beauty, stand grouped around, as if guarding her last 

This magnificent monument was the work of many 
skilled sculptors, amongst others Jean de Louhans, 
Jean Rodin, Ame de Picard, and Ame* Carre\ Close 
to Margaret's tomb, behind the altar of the Virgin, is 
a beautiful bas-relief deeply cut in white marble, 
divided into scenes representing the seven joys of the 
Virgin Mary, a masterpiece of carving. In the choir 
are the original stained-glass windows, happily un- 
injured by time. The figures of Philibert and Mar- 
garet appear in their robes of state with their patron 
saints, and are represented kneeling and adoring the 
Saviour. Love-knots and marguerites abound in the 
mouldings round the windows. 

In the princess's chapel the stained glass is par- 
ticularly rich in colouring, and represents the 
Assumption and Coronation of the Virgin by her 
Divine Son and God the Father. The apostles below 
stand round the empty tomb gazing upwards at the 

1 The Briquet was a kind of gun ; the cross of Burgundy was the St. 
Andrew's cross. 


glorification of the Mother of God. In the lower 
lights Philibert and Margaret, richly dressed, kneel 
at their prie-dieus, supported by their patron 

On the pavement round Margaret's tomb a few of 
the enamelled tiles may still be seen with which 
formerly the entire chapel and choir were paved. 
Behind the princess's chapel is her private oratory, 
which was divided into two stories, with a fireplace 
above and below. From her apartments in the 
monastery she could enter the church by a passage 
across the screen and a hidden staircase, and thus 
hear mass and see the elevation of the Host on both 
altars, without being seen by those who attended the 
services in the church. All these details had been 
carefully thought out by the architect, as a letter to 
Margaret from her secretary, Louis Barangier, shows. 
In November 1512 he wrote to her from Brou : 'As 
to your chapels, madame, ... he (Van Boghen) will 
make them opposite this building (the monastery), and 
intends to construct one which will be a real work of 
art, for you will be able to descend from above the 
screen . . . into your chapel, from which you will 
see the high altar over your tomb.' Margaret had 
also intended to build a similar oratory in the 
prince's chapel, but the executors of her will omitted 
to carry out this wish, and the chapel was never 
finished, and is now the sacristy. 

Beyond Margaret's oratory is the chapel of her 
Councillor, Laurent de Gorrevod, Governor of Bresse, 
which is dedicated to Our Lady of Pity. It contains 
the tombs of Laurent de Gorrevod and his two 
wives, Philiberte de la Palud, and Claude de Rivoire, 
and several members of their family. The beautiful 
recumbent bronze figures of Gorrevod and his wives 


were destroyed at the revolution, and only the slab 
on which the statues rested remains, with the foun- 
der's motto — Pour james {jamais), and the initials 
L. F. and L. C. (the letters of his and his wives' 
names) joined by the girdle of St. Francis. 

Near the south door is the Chapel of Our Lady 
of seven sorrows, founded in 1516 by Antoine de 
Montecuto, Margaret's confessor and almoner. A 
fine painting on a wooden panel, by a Flemish artist, 
hangs over the altar, and was one of the sacred 
pictures sent by Margaret from Flanders. On the 
ground outside the church is a curious sun-dial, 
composed of twenty-four stones arranged in a huge 
oval, on which are engraved numbers from one to 
twenty-four, representing the hours of the day. In 
the centre of the oval are twelve stones arranged in 
two rows of six each, bearing the initial letters of the 
twelve months of the year. In order to tell the 
time, the spectator must stand on the letter of the 
current month, and his shadow then falls on the hour 
of the day, he himself being the index. This in- 
teresting dial dates from the building of the church, 
and was probably made for the use of the workmen. 
It was formerly placed a little further from the 
edifice, and composed of tiles, but, as it was in danger 
of being worn away by the constant traffic which 
passed over it, Lalande had it moved nearer to the 
church, and the worn tiles replaced by slabs of stone, 
but carefully preserved the original size and dimen- 
sions of the dial. 

When Francis i. visited Brou on the 1st of October 
1 541, he was struck by the unique beauty of the church, 
though he observed that the white stone of which it 
was built was too soft to stand frost, and would in 
time crumble away. Paradin, in his Chronique de 


Savoie, mentions the king's visit : — i Je me souviens 
aussi,' he says, 'avoir veu descendre le feu roy 
Francois, quand il vint a Bourg, qui apres avoir veu 
cette esglise restoit ravy en admiration, disant n'avoir 
veu ny savoir temple de telle excellence, pour ce 
qu'il contenoit. Vray est qu'il se print garde (comme 
il esttoit prince excedant en bon esprit tous les rois 
de son temps) que ceste pierre blanche, dont est 
l'esglise bastie, ne seroit de duree a la gelee, pour 
estre trop rare et tendre. Et s'est trouve depuis qu'il 
disoit vray : car long temps apres, tomberent du 
quarre du cloehier aucuns de ses grans bastions ou 
gargoles, qui conduisent les eaues sur le couvert de 
Pesglise, du coste des cloistres, chose qui fit grand 
dommage au bastiment.' 

On the 17th of September 1856 (326 years after 
Margaret's death) the entrance to the vault at Brou 
was accidentally discovered in raising some flagstones 
near Philibert's monument, and on December the 1st 
of the same year it was opened in the presence of a 
committee of ten persons. Count E. de Quinsonas, 
who was present, gives an interesting account of the 
visit of inspection. The vault, which had not been 
opened since Margaret's coffin had been placed there 
in 1532, was entered by a flight of steps from the 
choir. The three coffins were found exactly under 
their respective monuments in the church above ; 
Duke Philibert of Savoy's in the centre, Margaret of 
Bourbon's on the right, and Margaret of Austria's 
on the left. Philibert's coffin was intact, and of a 
great length, but those of the two princesses had 
broken open, and their remains were scattered on the 
floor of the vault. The three coffins rested on iron 

Margaret of Bourbon's coffin was of lead, shaped 


like an elongated square, but had originally had an 
outer coffin of oak, the remains of which lay on the 
ground. The princess's skull was intact, and showed 
a tress of chestnut hair. The inscription on the 
leaden coffin was in French as follows : — 


Marguerite de Bourbon 

ce 27 Avril fut esevelie. 

Philibert's coffin was found in a perfect state of 
preservation, in shape similar to that of Margaret of 
Bourbon, but of gigantic size. The duke's body had 
been placed in an oaken coffin enclosed in lead, which 
probably accounted for its preservation; whilst the 
two princesses had been laid first in lead and then in 
oaken shells, the outer cases of which had rotted 
away from the damp, and the inner coffins had 
broken open. The following is the inscription on 
Duke Philibert's coffin : — 


Cy gist, tres excellent et tres puissant prince Philibert. 

Due de Savoye n e de ce nom. tres vertueux le quel 

trespassa et redist lesperit a Dieu la mil v e et 

quatre le x e jour de Septembre au chasteau 

du Pont Deyns et fust enterre ceans le 

xvi e du dit mois. pries Ntre 

Seign r pour luy. 

Margaret of Austria's leaden coffin had also 
originally been enclosed in one of oak, and was 
shaped like a mummy case to the form of the body. 
The inscription on the coffin was as follows : — 


Hie jacet corpus Due Margarete Archiducisse Austrie 

Comitisse Burgiidie et qdam Maximiliai Cesarie filie Caroli 

vero Quinti Imperatoris et Ferdinadi Komaorum Kegis 

fratrum amite Philiberti Ducis Sabaudie vidue huius 

mosterii Sancti Nicolai de Tolletino patroe et 

ludatricis que kalendis Decembris in suo 

Mechliniensi opldo Cameracensis diocesis an° 

Dm millesimo quengentesimo tricesirno 

diem suam clausit extremam anima 

eius in pace quiescat. 

From the bones found in the coffin it was evident 
that Margaret, though not tall, was above middle 
height. Her skull, with its well-developed forehead, 
was covered with bright golden hair, which showed 
no trace of grey. The bones of both feet and legs 
were intact, proving that no amputation had taken 

After reverently collecting the scattered bones of 
the two princesses, and placing them in new oaken 
coffins, they were temporarily removed until the 
necessary cleaning and restoration had been made in 
the vault, which had suffered much from damp. On 
the 5th of July 1858 they were enclosed in outer 
coffins of lead and, with Philibert's coffin, replaced in 
their former positions, but on a stone slab which had 
been erected to support the three caskets instead of 
the iron trestles, which had suffered much from 
decay. When all was accomplished a solemn service 
was held before the final closing of the vault, 
conducted by Cardinal Donnet, Archbishop of 
Bordeaux : — 

1 So rest, for ever rest, princely pair ! 
In your high church, 'mid the still mountain air, 
Where horn, and hound, and vassals never come. 
Only the blessed Saints are smiling dumb, 


From the rich painted windows of the nave, 
On aisle, and transept, and your marble grave j 

The moon through the clere-story windows shines, 
And the wind washes through the mountain-pines. 

And, in the sweeping of the wind, your ear 
The passage of the angels' wings will hear, 
And on the lichen-crusted leads above 
The rustle of the eternal rain of love.' 

(The Church of Brou, Matthew Arnold.) 

INVENTAIRE des Tableaux, Livres, Joyaux, 
et Meubles de Marguerite D'Autriche, fille 
de Marie de Bourgogne et de Maximilien, 
empereur d'Allemagne, fait et conclud en la 
ville d'anvers le xvn d'avril mvcxxiiii ; document 
inddit, publie par M. le Cte de Laborde, membre 
de Flnstitut. 

Et PremUrement : Chappelle. 

1. Une grande et haulte croix d'argent dor^e, avec son pied 

fait a feuillage de chardons pesant viii m vi° xv e . 

(Une petite croix, une paix, deux calicds, deux boetes 
a nosties, un eaubenoistier, deux clochettes, quatre 
Furnements de Velours et aultres draptz de soie servans 
ordinairement en ladite chappelle. 

(Ces objets sont sans intent et je ne cite pas deux 
missels et trois livres d'heures dont la description n'offre 
rien de particulier. Linges servans en ladite Chappelle.) 

2. Ornemens faiz pour le voiaige de Cambray que Madame y 

fit en Tan xxix. 

(Je ne cite ni les sallieres, ni les tranchoirs, ni les 

3. Une petite cuillier d'or, avec une petite piece de licorne 

pesant x° xiiii e . 

4. Item ung eschauffoir d'argent a eaue. 

5. Ung reschauffoir a feu. 

(Gobbelets, aiguieres, pots, coupes, tasses.) 

(7 plats, 44 dcuelles, 12 saucerons, 12 tranchoirs.) 



6. Une boete d'argent toute blanche gonderonn^e, avec sa 

couverte, en laquelle se met la pouldre cordiale que 
Madame prent a l'yssue de ses digne* et souppez. 

7. Deux baulx gobelletz servans es Medecines. 

(Plusieura chandeliers.) 

8. (Parmi ce grand nombre de Tapis velus, de verdure a 

feuillages, je ne vois aucune Tapisserie a personnages qui 
doive etre cite\) 

Autres pieces estans en la Librairie dont la declaration 
s'ensuyt : 
*9. Premier : La representacion de feu Monseigneur de Savoie 
que Dieu pardonne, fete de mabre blanc de la main de 
Me Conrat. 

10. Son harriast complet. 

40. bis. La representacion de Madame fete de mesme main 
et mabre que la prdcddente. 

11. Ung petit manequin tirant une espine hors de son pied 

fait aussi de mabre blanc, bien exquis. 

11. bis. La representacion de la seur du Eoy d'Angleterre 

fete de terre cuyte. 

12. Ung petit Jhesus tailld en bois. 

13. Une petite Lucresse aussi taille'e en bois. 

14. Item delivre' audit garde-joy aulx, depuis cest inventoire 

fait, la pourtraicture des nayn et nayne du Eoy de Dan 
nemarcque faicte par Jehann de Maubeuge, fort bien fait. 

15. Ung petit manequin taiUe* aussi de mesme bois, a la sem- 

blence de maistre Conrart. 

16. Ung petit homme nu, taille" en bois, qu'il tient ung chien 

en l'une de ses mains et ung gros baston en l'aultre. 

17. Vingt tableaux de painctures estans a l'entour du manteau 

de la chemyn^e et ailleurs, assavoir la pourtraicture du 
Koy d'Angleterre; 18, celle de feu monseigneur de 
Savoie; 19, celle du Eoy Loys de France; 20, celle de 
Tempereur trespass^ ; 21, celle de la Eoyenne de France ; 
22, celle du Eoy de Dannemarque; 23, celle du Grant 
Turcq ; 24, celle d'ung vieux homme et une vielle femme ; 


25, ung Sainct Francois ; 26, ung personnaige en maniere 
d'ung docteur; 27, la Koyenne d'Espaigne, moderne; 
28, le Eoy Philippe; 29, la pourtraicture dudit feu 
monseigneur de Savoie; 30, trois visaiges de gens 
d'eglise dont Tung est nabiHe* en cardinal; 31, ung 
tableau de Notre Dame; 32, ung petit tableau figure* de 
certaine bataille ou. il y a ung empereur sur ung cheval 
ousser, la ousse senile de fleurs de liz sur azul et la 
pourtraiture de Mitelze (Nutelze ou Imtelze ?). 

33. Une teste de cerf avec la ramure, estant au milieu du 

manteau de la chemyn£e, a ung cruxifis en chief. 

34. Les pourtraitures en toile de madame Mairie, l'empereur, 

et de mes trois dames ses sceurs en V. pieces. 

35. Une grande paincture en toille, repr^sentant aucunes 

armes et batailles d'ltalie. 

36. Ung Sainct Anthoine sur toille. 1 

37. Ung aultre moien Sainct Anthoine, aussi sur toille. 

38. La pourtraiture du siege Vannelot, sur toille. 

39. Ung beau buffet, a la mode d'ltalie, donne* a Madame par 

monseigneur le vice-roy de Naples. 

40. Une belle riche table carr£e, en deux pieces, Tune garnie 

de plusieurs beaux menuz ouvraiges taillez. 

41. Une aultre petite table, a la mode d'Espaigne, qui se 

ouvre et clot, a quatre blassons aux armes de Bourgogne 
et d'Espaigne. 

42. Troys myroirs ardans, dont l'ung est dore* sus la menuy- 


(Je passe une longue serie de genealogies en par- 

43. Deux mappemondes bien vielles en parchemin. 

44. Ung Saincte livre en paincture. 

45. Ung chasteau faict de papier avec plusieurs tourelles. 

46. Ung sainct homme habill£ d'une robbe de taffetas noir et 

ung bonnet rouge. 

Vaicelle de Cristalin. 
(Dans cette longue liste d'objets en cristal, je passe 
les bassins, pots, flacons, fyolles, verres, coupes et tasses.) 

47. Item une cuvelette. 

1 On lit, a la suite de cet article, dans l'inventaire dress£ en 1516 
c'est de la main de mestre Jacques (de Barbares, le maitre du caduc^e). 


47. bis. Une couppe, ou il y a ung cerf au milieu. 

48. Dix escuelles, a la mode d'ltalie. 

49. Deux verres bleux. 

Aultre Vaicelle. 

50. Quatre couppes d'oz, bien tailleez, que semblent estre 


51. Ung beau grant pot de porcelaine bleue a deux agneaux 

(anneaux) d'argent. 

52. Deux aultres petits pots de pourcelaine. 

53. Six plats et escuelles et salieres de pourcelayne de 

plusieurs sortes. 

54. Ung plat d'estain ou il y a dedans aucun fruyt. 

55. Ung mortier de mabre. 

56. Une coquille de lymesson de mer. 

57. Ung petit dragon eleve' sur une motte, verre meslangi^e 

de ratz. 

58. Quatre aultres moiens pots de pourcelayne. Accous- 

tremens de plumes, venuz des Indes, prdsentees de par 
l'Empereur a Madame a Bruxelles, le xx e jour d'Aoust 
xvcxxiii et aussi de par Monseigneur de la Chaulx, le 
tout estant en ladite librairie. 

(Quarante articles respondent a ce titre ; je les omets 
parce que Tart au moins Tart tel que nous l'entendons, 
n'est pour rien dans la composition de ces objets. On 
lit a la suite de ce chapitre :) 

59. Ung tableau ou est escripte la complaincte de Madame. 

60. Le couronnement de l'empereur fait a Bologne. 

61. La bataille de Pavye. 

62. Keceu a Bruxelles de Tempereur par les mains de Symonet 

son varlet de chambre, les pourtraitures de la Koyne 
douairiere d'Ongrie sa seur faicte sur toille par Me. 
Jehan, paintre de feu Madame. 1 

63. Et deux tableaux de pourtraitures des deux fils et des 

deux filles du Eoy des Komains don Fernandez, le fond 
desdiz tableau est de cypres. 

1 Voici un des articles ajout^s a l'inventaire et a la garde de Eichart 
Coutault. Ce Jehan peintre de Madame, doit etre Jean de Maubeuge - 
dit Mabuse. 


Cabinets d^ans l'hostel de madite Dame, en sa ville de 

Et premierement en la premiere chambre dudit 
cabinet. Painctures : 

64. Ung tableau de la prinse Nostre Seigneur a vii person- 

nages. Le fond dudit tableau gris. 

65. Ung autre tableau de la pourtraiture de la fille du Roy 

Henry d'Angleterre, moderne, habill^e de velours noir 
et une cotte de toille d'or, tenant ung papegay sur sa 
main senestre. 

66. Ung aultre tableau qui s'appelle l'lnfante de Fortune, a 

ung hault bonnet rond, habille d'une robe noire sans 
manches et sans fante devant. Le fond de mabre tirant 
sur pourpre. 

67. Ung autre tableau d'ung personnaige habille d'une robbe 

et chapperon bleu, a court eheveux, fait apres le premier 
due de Brabant. Le fond noir ou est escript : Way- 

68. Ung tableau fait apres le Koy de Dannemarcque, tenant 

une lettre en sa main, ayant une chemise a hault collet, 
pourtant la thoison d'or pendant a ung courdon de soye, 
le fond verd. 

69. Ung aultre tableau de la pourtraiture du feu Roy Don 

Fernande, Roy d'Arragon, ayant une chayne d'or a son 
col, y pendant une croix. 

70. Ung aultre tableau de Nostre Dame, ayant ung manteau 

rouge ; es bors dudit tableau il y a quatre A et quatre E. 

71. Ung aultre tableau, bien fait, apres la Royenne d'Angle- 

terre, a ung chief ayant une robbe de velours cramoisy, 
une chayne d'or au col y pendant une baguette. 

72. Ung aultre tableau de la pourtraiture, de feu monseigneur 

de Savoie, habille d'une robbe de velours cramoisy. Le 
seon de satin gris, tenant une paire de gants en sa main 
senestre. Le bors dudit tableau painct et dore\ 

73. Ung aultre tableau de la pourtraiture du feu cardinal de 

Bourbon, tenant une teste de mort en sa main. 

74. Ung aultre tableau de la pourtraiture de feu monseigneur 

le due Jehan de Bourgogne, a l'entour duquel sont six 
raboz dorez. 

75. Ung aultre tableau de la pourtraiture de MS. le due Charles 


de Bourgogne habille' de noir, pourtant la thoison d'or 
pendant a une chayne et ung rolet en sa main dextre, 
ayant le chiefz nuz. 

76. Ung aultre tableau de la pourtraiture de feu MS. le due 

Phelippe, habille' de noir et ung chapperon bourelee sur 
sa teste, portant le colier de la thoison d'or, ayant ung 
rolet en sa main. 

77. Ung aultre tableau de la pourtraiture de feu le Koy don 

Philippe de Castille, ayant vestuz une robbe de velours 
cramoisy fourree de martre sabble, le colier de la thoison 
d'or dessus, pourtant ung bonnet de velours cramoisy. 

78. Ung aultre tableau de la pourtraiture du feu Eoy d'Arra- 

gon, semblable a la pr^ce'dente, reserve' qu'il n'y a point 
de croix pendant a sa chayne. 

79. Ung aultre tableau de la pourtraiture de l'empereur Maxi- 

milien, pere de Madame, que Dieu pardoint, habille d'une 
robbe de drapt d'or, fourre' de martre, a ung bonnet noir 
sur son chief, pourtant le colier de la thoison d'or, tenant 
ung rolet en sa main dextre. 

80. Ung aultre tableau de la pourtraiture de la feue Royenne 

d'Espaigne, done Ysabel, que Dieu pardoint, a ung colier 
de meraudes, paries, et aultres pierres prdcieuses et une 
bague du coustel de son chief a une parle y pendant. 

81. Feu Roy Henry d'Angleterre, pourtant le colier de la 

thoison d'or, habille' d'une robbe de drapt d'or, tenant 
une rose rouge en sa main. 

82. L'empereur moderne, habille' d'une robbe de velours 

cramoisy, fourre de martres, les manches coppers a deux 
boutons et ung prepoint de drapt d'or, les manches 
d'aringue, ayant ung carquant au col et une enseigne 
devant sa poitrine sur cramoisy. 
84 Madame Anne d'Ongrie, femme de MS. l'archiduc, habille^ 
d'une robbe de damas rouge bandde, les manches des- 
coppdes de paries et aultres bagues. 

85. MS. l'archiduc don Fernande, habill£ d'une robbe de drapt 

d'or fourree de martres et ung prepoint de satin cramoisy, 
a une chayne d'or au col, y pendant la thoison. 

86. Feue Madame Ysabeau de Portugal, habill^e d'une robbe 

de satin verd, double^ de damas cramoisy, sainte d'une 
large sainture blanche. 


87. L'aisnee fille du Koy d'Arragon, qu'il fust mari£ en Portu- 

gal, habille' de noir et d'ung couvrechief a la mode 
d'Espaigne, en maniere de deuil. 

88. Madame Marie, Royenne d'Ongrie, habillee d'une robbe de 

drapt d'or bigarre de velours noir a losanges, a ung colier 
au col et une bague y pendant a troys paries, a ung 
bonnet richement painct sur son chief. 

89. L'empereur moderne, habille d'une robbe de velours 

cramoisy, double de satin noir, a ung s£on de drapt d'or 
et ung prdpoint de velours gris pourtant le colier de la 

90. Madame de Charny, le chief accoustre d'ung couvrechief a 

l'antique, la robbe noir fourre'e d'armignes, saincte d'une 
large couroie de damas rouge ferre' d'argent dore\ 

91. Feu l'empereur Fredericq ayant une croix pendant au col 

a vii paries ayant aussi ung bonnet noir et long cheveux, 
le fond dudit tableau d'asul. 

92. Madame Marie d'Angleterre ayant une robbe de drapt 

d'or, les manches fendues tenant une palme en sa main 
et ung bonnet noir sur son chief. 

93. Madame la Contesse de Meghe (Nieghe) habille' d'une robbe 

d'homme de velours noir, tenant ung mouchon blanc en 
sa main, espuee (appuy^e) sur ung coussin de drapt 

94. Ung aultre petit tableau d'une femme habillde a l'entic- 

que, sa robbe rouge four^e d'armines, saincte d'une large 
couroie tissue verde. 

En ladite premidre chambre du cabinet. 

95. Sept coffres, que grans que petiz, faitz de pate cuyte a la 

mode d'ltalie, bien ouvrez et dorez. 

96. Deux patins de cuyr, a la mode de Turquie. 

97. Ung pot de porcelaine sans couvercle, bien beau, tirant 

sur gris. 

98. Ung myroir ardant d'assier, tout rond, a deux bors dorez 

et entre deux ung sercle d'asur, auquel est escript 
diverses lettres, Tenvers dudit myroir tout dore\ 

Aux armaires de ladite chambre. 

99. Quatre courporaulx, esquelz est painct au fond la seyne 


de ~Nostre Seigneur, fete de Illymynure et au couvercle 
* l'empereur trespasse et Madame adorant Nostre Dame, 
environnee de raiz de soleil et du croissant de la lune, 
au pied fraingez de soye rouge et blanche. 

100. Ung jue de bois, rond, pertusier tout a Ten tour de seze 

guillettes blanches et rouges y pendantes. 

Tappisseries de drapt de soye. 

Au riche Cabinet. 

101. Madame a fait fere ung tableau de xx petites painctures 

exquises des xxii cy-apres escriptes, a la garnitures 
duquel tableau y a entre* seize marcs d'argent. 

La seconde chambre a chemyne'e. 

102. Ung beau coffret, a la mode d'ltalie, fait de pate cuyte, 

dore\ bien ouvre', a vi blasons a l'entour d'ycelle, aux 
armes de Bourgogne, assis sur iiii pomeaux de bois 

103. Ung aultre coffre, plat, carre*, fait de pate cuyte bien 

ouvre, a x personnaiges et sur le couvercle qui est de 
mesme a une roze au milieu. 

104. Ung aultre coffre, plat, de bois, longuet, tout a l'entour 

fait de menuz ouvraiges d'oz, d'ivoire et aultres choses, 
qui se ouvre en trois pieces estant au pied du lict de 

105. Ung myroir d'acier, carre*, a trois bors dorez. Le fond de 

velours cramoisy, erode* de fleurs et de fil d'or, garni a 
l'entour de verre d'une roze fete de fil d'or trait. 

106. Ung fainct livre, couvert de velours violet a deux fer- 

miletz d'argent dorez, aux armes de Madame, a trois 
escailles, une petite boite d'argent et v pinceaux, garniz 
d'argent dedans ledit livre. Le tout servant pour le 
passe temps de Madame a paindre. 

107. Trois panniers faits de bois et de fil d'archant dore* et le 

bois aussi dore lesquels se deffond chacun en troys pieces 
et servent a porter fruit sur sa table, envoye* par la 
Eoyenne de Portugal a Madame. 

108. Ung grant chasteau d'argent assis sur boiz, bien ouvre* et 


dore* en plusieurs lieux, a trois tours principales, garni 
tout a l'entour de murailles d'argent, avec six tournelles 
estans sur chacune desdites tournelles ung homme arme 
tenant baston de deffence. Et iiii pilliers estans emprez 
les deux grans portes et a sur ung chacun desdits 
pilliers ung enfant nuz tenant trompettes et autres 
instrumens. Et devant la premiere grande porte a ung 
serpent dore* a trois testes, dessus lequel est assis ung 
petit enfant nuz, jouent d'instrument, avec seze 
personnaiges, que petitz que grans, estans dedans ledit 
chasteau et au-dessus du donjon a une marguerite sur 
laquelle est une femme tenant ung pot sur sa teste. 

Etches tableaux de Painctures et aultres estans a ladite 
seconde Chambre a chemynee. 

109. Premier: ung tableau de la portraiture de feu MS. de 

Savoie, mary de Madame, que Dieu pardoint, habille* 
d'une robbe de velours cramoisy fouree de martre, 
prepoint de drapt d'or et sdon de satin brouchier, tenant 
une paire de gand en sa main, espuez sur une coussin. 
(On lit en marge cette remarque e'crite d'une autre 
main et d'une autre encre :) Donne* par ordre de madite 
dame a la doucesse de Hocstrat. 

110. Ung aultre tableau d'une Lucresse, habille* d'une robbe 

d'homme fouree de martre ayant une chayne d'or au 
col, le fond du tableau noir. 
— 111. Ung aultre petit tableau de Nostre Dame en chief ou est 
la representation de l'empereur moderne et de Madame 
a genoux, adorant ladite ymaige dessus ung blason aux 
armes d'Espaigne et de Bourgogne et quatre blasons es 
quatre coins. 

(On lit en marge :) Delivre par ordonnance de madite 
dame a son aulmosnier. 
112. Ung aultre tableau de ecce homo ung escripteau pendu 
au col et petitz anges en chiefs, tenant en une main 
ung fouet et verges et en l'autre une canne, le fond 
rouge. (En marge:) Delivre* aux prieurs et religieux 
du couvent de Broux, comme il appert cy-apres folio 
vi vii et les quatres ensuivants. (Voir nos 113, 114, 
115, et 116. Ces cinq tableaux se retrouvent sur 


Tinventaire du mobilier de l'^glise de Brou, dresse* en 

113. Ung aultre tableau de Nostre Seigneur, fait apres le vif, 

et plusieurs lettres d'or a l'entour dudit tableau. Ledit 
tableau couvert de verre. 

114. Ung aultre tableau de Nostre Dame de Pitie\ a vi per- 

sonnages, comprins Nostre Seigneur. 

115. Ung aultre tableau de Nostre Dame habill^e de rouge, 

assise sur ung tabernacle de massonnerie, qu'il se clot 
a deux fulletz et ausquelx il y a escript une oraison en 
latin commencent : Virgo decus. 

116. Ung aultre tableau figure* comme Nostre Seigneur aloit 

a la mort portant sa croix, les bors dorez. 

117. Ung aultre petit tableau d'ung homme habille de noir a 

nue teste. Le fond dudit tableau verd. 

118. Ung aultre tableau d'ung personnaige de moien eaige, 

ayant une robbe noire a un collet four^e de martre et 
ung chapperon noir sur son espaule, a hault bonnet 
Le fond dudit tableau de brune verd. 

119. Ung aultre tableau d'ung personnaige, comme marchant 

a rond bonnet ayant les mains Tune sur l'aultre. La 
robbe de pourpre, le fond dudit tableau verd. 

120. Ung aultre petit double tableau, ou il y une jeusne fille, 

habille*e a la mode d'Espaigne, ayant ung bonnet rouge 

sur sa teste, l'aultre couste' plain d'escripture. 
121 Ung aultre tableau d'ung marchant ytalien, a rond bonnet, 

son habit de couleur de pourpre le fondz verd, a grosse 

122. Ung aultre petit tableau de la portraiture de Madame 

de Home, ayant un carcant au col. 
-123. Ung aultre riche tableau de la portraiture de Madame, 

fete en tapperisserie apres le vif. 
124. Ung aultre tableau de Nostre Dame tenant Nostre 

Seigneur nuz devant elle, clouant a deux feuilletz, ou 

il y a deux anges tenant l'ung une esp^e en sa main. 1 

1 On lit dans Tinventaire de 1516 : 'Ung petit tableau d'ung Dieu de 
pitye" estant es bras de Nostre Dame ; ayant deux feulletz dans chascun 
desquelz y a ung ange et dessus desdits feulletz y a une annunciade de 
blanc et de noir. Fait le tableau de la main de Rogier (Van der Weyden) 
et lesditz feulletz de celle de maistre Hans (Hemling son eleve).' 


125. Ung aultre tableau de Nostre Dame, ayant une couronne 

sur sa teste et ung petit enfant tenant une longette 
paternostre de coral. 

126. Ung aultre petit tableau de sainct Frangoys au bout 

duquel il y a escript: Saincte Francise ora pro 
nobis — 

127. Ung Saincte Anthoine a manteau bleu, ayant ung 

crucifis empres de luy, tenant ses mains joinctes ; sur 

128. Ung aultre tableau de Kostre Seigneur, en habit rouge, 

tenant un baston ou canne en sa main destre, a une 
couronne d'espine sur son chief. 

129. La portraiture de Madame, fort exquise, fete de la main 

de feu maistre Jacques (de Barbaris). 

130. Ung aultre tableau de une jeusne dame, accoustr^e a la 

mode de Portugal, son habit rouge foure' de martre, 
tenant en sa main dextre ung rolet avec ung petit 
sainct Nicolas en hault, nominee: la belle portu- 
galoise. 1 

131. Ung aultre tableau de deux petitz enffans, embrassant 

et baisant Tung l'aultre sur l'arbette, fort bien fait. 

1 32. Ung aultre tableau exquis de la portraiture d'ung ancien 

homme, a rond bonnet, son habit foure" de martre, le 
fond du tableau verd, le dit personnaige venant des 
mobz de Bruxelles. 

133. Ung aultre tableau fort exquis qui se clot a deux feulletz, 

ou il y a painctz un homme et une femme estantz 
desboutz touchantz la main Tung de l'aultre, fait de la 
main de Johannes, les armes et devise de feu don 
Dieghe esdits deux feulletz nomine* le personnaige : 
Arnoult fin : 2 

1 Cet article me parait correspondre avec l'article suivant de l'inventaire 
de 1516 : 'Ung moien tableau de la face d'une Portugaloise que Madame 
a eu de Don Diego. Fait de la main de Johannes (Van Eyck) et est fait 
sans huelle et sur toille sans couverte ne feullet.' 

2 Voici l'article de l'inventaire de 1516 ' ' Ung grant tableau qu'on 
appelle, Hernoul-le-Fin, avec sa femme dedens une chambre, qui fut donne 
a Madame par Don Diego, les armes duquel sont en la couverte dudit 
tableau. Fait du painctre Johannes (Jean Van Eyck).' Now in the 
National Gallery, London, and called ' John Arnolfini of Lucca and his 


134. Ung petit tableau vieux ou la representation de feu le 

roy dom Phelipe et de Madame, du temps de leur 
mynorite' et portraiture, habillez de drapt d'or. 

135. Ung aultre tableau double, assez vieux, figure' de la 

passion Nostre Seigneur et aultre mistere donne a 
Madame par MS. le conte d'Hocstrat^ (on lit en 
marge : delivr£ au prieur et religieux de Brou. Voir 
No. 112). 

136. Ung double tableau, en Tun est Nostre Dame et l'autre, 

le cardinal de Liegne, laquelle Nostre Dame a este 
delivrde audit couvent de Broux et le cardinal demore 
par decha. 

137. Ung aultre bon tableau de la portraiture d'ung Espaignol 

nabiHe" d'ung manteau noir, joined de velours noir, 
ayant une petite chayne a son col, ayant aussi une 
fauce parruque. 

138. Ung aultre tableau exquis, ou il y a ung homme avec 

une teste de cerf et ung crannequin au milieu et le 
bandaige. 1 

139. Ung cruxifis, joignent ledit tableau, fait de la main de 

maistre Jaques ; au pied de la croix sont deux testes 
de mors et une teste de cheval. 

140. Ung aultre petit tableau de la pourtraiture du controleur 

Ourssin. 2 

141. Ung aultre tableau de MS. Sainct Anthoine tenant ung 

livre et une bericle en sa main et ung baston soubz 
son bras, le fond de bocaige et estranges figures de 
personnaiges 3 en marge: delivre* aux prieurs et re- 
ligieux de Broux. (Voir No. 112.) 

142. Ung aultre tableau de Nostre Dame, a deux feullets, 

1 Cet article est accompagne" dans l'inventaire de 1516 de la remarque 
suivante : c Fait de la main de feu Maistre Jacques de Barbaris.' Voir 
l'article No. 139. 

2 Nous trouvons le nom du peintre dans Pinventaire de 1516 : * Ung 
visaige du contrerolleur de Madame, fait de la main de Michiel (Coxie) 
sur ung petit tableau. 5 

s Les estranges figures indiquent que l'article suivant, tire de l'inventaire 
date" de 1516, designe" le meme tableau : ' Ung moien tableau de Sainct 
Anthoine qui n'a couverture ne feullet, qui est fait de Jheronimus Bosch 
et a este donne" a Madame par Jhoane, femme de chambre de Madame 

8 * 

2 % 


esquelx sainct Jehan et saincte Barbe, Adam et Eve 
son painctz. 1 

143. Une petite Nostre Dame fort bien fete, a un manteau 

rouge, tenant une heures en sa main, que Madame 
appelle sa mignonne. 2 

144. Ung aultre petit tableau de Nostre Dame tenant son 

enfant, lequel tient une petite patenostre de coral en 
sa main, fort anticque, ayant une fontainne empres 
elle et deux anges tenant ung drapt d'or figure' derriere 
elle. 3 

145. Ung aultre tableau de la passion de NS., fait de Illy- 

minure, a l'entour duquel sont les vii paroles que NS. 
prof^ra en la croix, ledit tableau de bois de cupres. 

146. Ung petit tableau de NS., sur ung champt de damas 

verd, tenant son enfant. 

147. Ung petit enfant de terre cuyte, tenant sa main senestre 

sur sa poitrine, dormant. 

148. Keceu, puis c'est inventoire fait, ung double tableau: en 

Tung est Nostre Dame habillde de bleu, tenant son 
enffant droit, et en l'autre Madame a genoulx adorant 
ledit enffant. 

Aultres pieces de Brodure et aultres tableaux et painctures 
estans dedans les armaires. 

(Je ne citerai, parmi les tableaux faiets de brodure, 
que le No. 149, il sufnra pour montrer que c'^tait bien 
l'equivalent de peintures.) 

149. Ung tableau de brodure, du chief de NS. a couronne 

d'espine, fetes de fil d'or et d'argent, qui se clot a 
feullets, double^ des deux costes de satin noir, ferr£ 
de ferreres d'argent, au commencement de Tung des 
feulletz est escript : vere langores nostros, etc, 

1 Dans l'inventaire de 1516 on lit apres cette description : fait de la 
main de maistre Hans (Hemling). 

2 L'inventaire de 1516 d^crit ce tableau ainsi qu'il suit : * Une petite 
Nostre Dame disant ses heures, faicte de la main de Michiel (Coxie) que 
Madame appelle sa mignonne et le petit dieu dort.' 

3 L'inventaire de 1516 ne donne pas le nom du peintre, mais il d^crit ce 
tableau ainsi : ' Une petite Nostre Dame, faite de bonne main, estant en 
un jardin oil il y a une fontaine.' La petite Vierge de la collection Van 
Ertborn, du mus£e d'Anvers, repond tres-bien a ces deux descriptions. 


150. Ung riche et fort exquis double tableau de Nostre Dame, 

double* par dehors de satin brochier et monseigneur le 
due Charles de Bourgogne painct en Tung des fulletz 
estant a genoux, habill^ de drapt d'or, & ung cousin de 
velours noir et une heure estant sur son siege devant 
luy, le bors dudit tableau garnis de velours verd, avec 
trois ferrures d'argent dore* servant audit tableau. 

151. Ung double tableau de bois de cypres, en l'ung est 

portrait l'assumption Nostre Seigneur et en l'aultre 
Tascencion de Nostre Dame, auquel tableau il y a deux 
ferrures d'argent. 1 

152. Item en une petite boite en forme de liette de bois, il y 

a xxii petits tableaux, fait comme il semble tout d'une 
main, dont la paincture est bonne, de grandeur et 
largeur ung chacun d'ung tranchoir, figurez de la vie 
NS. et aultres actes apres sa mort. Le premier est 
figure' de la temptation f£te a NS. par le diable; (153 
to 172). 

173. Ung tableau de Nostre Dame assise en ung tabernacle 

de massonnerie assez hautelet. 

174. Ung petit tableau carre* de la Trinity a ung tabernacle 

de menuiserie et grande multitudes d'anges des deux 
costers. Le aucuns tenant la croix et aultres figures de 
la Passion. 2 

175. Ung petit tableau, qui se clot a ung fullet, painct de 

noir, de la portraiture de l'Empereur Fredericq, iiie de 
ce nom, la robbe de damas a couleur de pourpre, a ung 
bouton d'or devant, pourtant ung bonnet rond ; le fond 
dudit tableau d'asul. 8 

176. Ung aultre petit tableau de cypres de l'histoire de roy 

David et de Golias. 

177. Une mapemonde en parchemin. 

178. Item iiii chiefs de paincture, fete de blancset noir, en 

1 L'inventaire de 1516 porte : de la main de Michiel (Coxie). 

2 Voici Particle de Pinventaire de 1516: Ung petit tableaul de la 
Trinity, fait de la main de Rougier (Roger Van der Weyden) aussi vieulx.' 
L'absence de description me fait hisiter entre ce numero 174 et le 
numero 199. 

3 Cette expression * painct de noir ' trouverait son commentaire dans la 
maniere dont est demt le m£me tableau dans l'inventaire de 1516 : * Le 
visaige de l'Empereur Fr^denck en ung petit tableaul noir.' 


papier, comme patrons enrool^s ensemble. Les deux 
de NS. et Sainct Pol et les aultres de Sainct Jehan 
et Moyse. 

179. Deux portraitures de Jherusalem, Tune en papier paincte 

et l'aultre imprimde sans paincture. 

180. La pourtraiture du chief de la fille du roy d'Angleterre, 

en parchemin. 

181. Une sancte Marguerite en toille habillde de damas noir, 

le fond d'asul. 

182. La pourtraiture en parchemin d'une dame, le fond de 


183. Une fantasie d'ung homme courant en poste sur ung 

blanc, ayant deux bras nuz, devant son cheval et une 
devise en ung rondeau et une marguerite en chief. 

184. Ung livre en papier, a unze patrons, painct le'gierement 

sur fond bleu. 

185. Ung aultre livre en papier, ou il y a ix rondeaux, en 

chacun il y a une teste d'homme de noir et blanc; 
ledit livre couvert de cuyr. 

186. La pourtraiture du sainct suaire de NS. f^tes en toille. 

187. Ung plat coffre de bois dedans lequel il y a plusieurs 

painctures f§tes et enpreinte, 

188. Une mapemonde en parchemin. 

189. Une toille paincte de xv visaiges que d'hommes que 

femmes, le fond d'asul. 

Aultres meubles estans dedans la petit cabinet, joingnent 
la chambre a chemyne'e, tirant sur la gallerie de la 

(Je ne cite pas trois heures enlumine'es, ni un livre 
parlant de Ypolite Eayenne de Cithis depuis nominee 
Amazeon. Voici les trois autres articles.) 

190. Item ung aultres livre escript en latin sur parchemin, 

de lettres au mole, faisant mencion des illes trouv^es, 
couvert de satin de Bruges verd et dessus la dicte 
couverte est escript quatre lignes de lettres d'or en 

191. Ung aultre livre en parchemin, couvert de satin verd, 

parlant de la l'entre'e de Madame Claude, Eoyenne de 
France, en la cite' de Paris, 


Painctures estans dedans ledit petit Cabinet. 

192. Ung tableau d'i voire taille\ bien ouvre' de la Passion de 

Nostre Seigneur et aultres figures, qui se clot a deux 
feulletz, esquelx sont painctz feuz messeigneurs les 
dues Philippe et Charles de Bourgogne. 

193. Ung petit tableau de bois de cypres d'ung personnaige 

portant la Thoison d'or et habit d'ung chevalier de 
l'ordre de la dite Thoison, estant espuie' (appuye') sur 
ung baston. 

194. Ung aultre petit tableau de Nostre Dame, pourtant une 

couronne sur son chief, assise sur un croissant, le fond 
du tableau dore\ 

195. Ung aultre tableau de la portraiture de Tempereur 

Maximilien, tenant deux fleurs d'ulletz en sa main, 
nabiHe* de drapt d'or, portant la Thoison. 

196. Ung petit tableau de Nostre Dame, pendant a ung petit 

fillet de soye rouge, ayant une patenostre de courat 
rouge en son bras, le fond doreV 

197. Ung aultre petit tableau de Nostre Dame, d'ung costel et 

de Sainct Jehan 1'eVangeliste et de Saincte Marguerite 
tirez apres le vif du feu prince d'Espaigne, mary de 
Madame, aussi apres le vif de ma dite Dame. 2 

198. Ung aultre double tableau, en l'ung est Nostre Seigneur 

pendant en croix et Nostre Dame embrassant le pied 
de la croix et en l'autre l'histoire de la messe MS. 
Sainct Gr^goire. 3 

1 Les Nos. 125, 173, 194, et 196 repondent, chacun, a chacun de ces trois 
articles de l'inventaire de 1516 : — (1) Une petite ND. fait de la main de 
Dirick (Stuerbout) (2) Ung petit tableaul de ND. bien vieulx de la main 
de Foucquet, ayant estuy et couverture. (3) Ung tableaul de ND. du due 
Philippe qui est venu de maillardet, convert de satin bronche gris et ayant 
fermaulx d'argent dore et borde de velours vert. Fait de la main de 
Johannes (Jean Van Eyck). (4) Une bien petite ND. de illuminure, de 
la main de Sandres. 

2 L'inventaire de 1516 d^crit ainsi ce tableau. ' Ung bien petit tableaul 
a double feullet de la main de Michiel (Coxie) de l'ung des coustez de 
Nostre Dame . . . de l'autre costez d'ung sainct Jehan et de saincte Mar- 
guerite, faiz a la semblance du prince d'Espaigne et de Madame. 

3 Voici le nom du peintre d'apres l'inventaire de 1516, beaucoup moins 
d6taill6 que celui-ci, mais plus explicite sur les auteurs de ces peintures 
parce qu'il a 6t6 r£dige sous les yeux de Parchi-duchesse elle-meme : ' Ung 
petit tableau d'ung cruxefix et d'ung Sainct Gregoire. Fait de la main de 
Rogier (Van der Weyden).' 


199. Ung aultre tableau vieux de Dieu le Pere; tenant son 
filz nuz entre ses bras, le Sainct Esperit en forme 
coulombe entre Dieu le Pere assiz sur ung arc en ciel 
et une pomme ronde soubz les pieds de NS. 

200. Ung aultre bien petit tableau de bois, ou il y a une teste 
d'ung homme esleve'e avec certaine escripture des deux 
lignes, f6te sur couleur rouge et est bien de petite 

201. Une petite Nostre Dame en papier, f6te de Illyminure, 
tenant son fils, son habit d'asul et une petite bande 
dessus borde'e d'ung petit bore d'argent de bassin. 

202. Ung petit tableau d'ivoire, a ung vieux personnaige pour- 
tant la thoison d'or les quatres coins dudit tableau 
d'argent dore* et sur ung chacun ung fusil pendant a 
une petites chaine d'argent. 

203. Ung aultre petit tableau carre d'argent dore, le fond 
d'esmail rouge, a ung personnaige ayant le visaige fait 
d'ung camehu, derriere lequel tableau est escript le due 
de Berry. 

204. Ung myroir assiz en gaie (jais) noir, fait en maniere de 
cueur, et de l'autre costel ung cueur en presse sur une 

205. Ung aultre myroir petit, en forme de losanges, de petite 

206. Ung petit Sainct Jacques, taille' de geitz noir, assiz sur 
ung pillier de mesme, a trois coquilles en chiefz. 

- 207. La portraiture de feu monseigneur de Savoie, taillee en 
bois, bien-fete. La portraiture de Madame semblable- 
ment taillee en bois, aussi bien fete. 


208. Une medaille d'estain, d'ung coustel la portraiture du roy 
d'Arragon et de 1' aultre un roy tenant une espee fiche'e 
dedans trois couronnes. 

209. Une autre mddaille d'argent dord, de Madame d'ung 
coustel, et de l'aultre ung femme a moitie' nue. 

210. Une teston d'argent, ou le due Philibert est d'ung coustel 
et de l'aultre dame Yolent. 

212. Diverses medailles de plomb, de leton, cuyvre et aultre 
gros me'tal estant a ung coffre. 


(Elles ne sont pas d^crites avec detail et n'offrent 
aucun inte'ret. On voyait dans le m6me cabinet :) 

213. Ung oyseau mort, appelle' oyseau de paradis, envelope de 

taffetas, mis en ung petit coffret de bois. 

214. Une petite tablette de bois, a x fulletz, en laquelle il y a 

plusieurs painctures patrons bien fete au,pinceau. 

215. Cinquante et une cartes toutes rondes, richement painctes 

d'or, d'asul et aultres couleurs estant en une boite 
ronde de cuyr. 

216. IIII xxxi cartes de papier, carr^ez, figures de diverses 

bestes, oyseaux et aultres painctures. 

217. IX petiz crousetz de porcelayne; comprins ung moien. 

218. Ung Jesus taille* en mabre. 

219. Ung tableau ou est feu monseigneur le due Charles d'ung 

coste* et de l'aultre feue Madame Ysabeau de Portugal, 
les bois dorez, painct au dehors de noyr. 

220. Deux tableaux recus de maistre Jehan le paintre, sem- 

blables, en Tung est Nostre Dame et en l'aultre MS. de 

Bacques, Menutez (minuties), de Vaicelle, estans au cabinet 
emprds le jardin oil sont les coraulx, le tout a" argent. 

221. Ung escequier (echiquier) d'argent, carre\ le bors dore\ 

bien ouvre\ avec les armes de Savoie es quartre coins et 
xxxii petitz personnaiges d'argent servant d'eschaiz 
audit tableau. 

222. Ung esguiere de cristalin, garnie d'argent dore, bien 

ouvr^e, avec une couronne d'argent sus le couvecle. 

223. Une aultre esguieres de porcelayne, sus gris, garnis, le 

couvecle, le piez et le manche, d'argent dore* bien 

224. Deux aultres esguieres d'une sorte de porcelayne bleue 

garnies les couvecles d'argent dore\ 

225. Une bericle (lunettes), garnie le manche d'argent et au 

dessus, dudict manche ung petit lion doure\ pour lyre 
sur ung livre. 

Aultres menutez, estans audit cabinet, sans argent. 

226. Deux potequins, une fiole et deux flacons de pate cuyte, 

dorez et bien ouvrez. 


227. Ung beau gobelet de porcelayne blanche, a couvercle 

painct a l'entour de personnaiges d'hommes et femmes. 
(J'omets cinq articles de Eeloge de leton dore\) 

228. Ung hercules de cuyvre, tout nuz, tenant en sa main une 

masse a trois bastons tortilles. 

229. Ung enfant assis sur ung cheval de cuyvre, sans bride, ni 

harnast, painct de noir. 

230. Ung tablier garnis d'ivoire, eschequetier d'ung costel 

blanc et noir et de Taultre coste pour joue* au plus de 
poins et il y a une petite quehue de serpent de mesme 
pour joue* ausdiz poins. 

231. Deux escuelles, Tune moienne, toutes deux d'une beau 

bois vermis, les bors dorez a manches, les fondz painct 
d'or et de verd, venues des Indes. (Je crois inutile de 
citer plusieurs e'chiquiers et tabliers.) 

232. Une mort fete d'ivoire droite entre trois petits pilliers, 

tenant ung escripteau en sa main. 

233. Une petite liette, le fond d'asul, les bors verd ou il y a 

les personnaiges suyvans, assavoir: Saturnis, Jupiter, 
Mars, Sol, Venus, Mercurius et Lunar. 

234. Ung cheval de bois, bien taille', sans selle, ni harnast. 

(Je passe plusieurs jeux d'echecs d'ivoire, de cassidoine, 
de bois paint.) 

235. La portraiture de feu Conralt, fol de Temper eur, taille* en 


236. La portraiture en toille d'ung jeusne enfant, tenant ung 

papejay sur sa main, habilte d'ung s£on cramoisy, quilete 
de drapt d'argent. 

237. Une aultre paincture d'ung petit enfant plourant, ayant 

une petite baniere devant luy. 

238. Ung petit tableau d'une jeusne dame fete sur papier cole, 

le fond rouge, son habit de drapt d'or, a ung escuson en 
chief, aux armes de Savoie. 

Aultres menutez, estans au petit cabinet, oil sont les cor aux et 
jardin de fleurs de soie, fit d'or et a" aultres choses fait a 
Vesgulle dont s'ensuyt les pttces estans d'argent. 

S'ensuyt les coraux et aultres choses. 

239. Deux myroir de pate cuyte, bien ouvrez et dorez, ayant 

chacun ung boton et hoppes y pendans. 


240. Deux grosses pommes et ung concombre de terre cuyte, 


241. Ung beau tableau auquel est painct ung homme et ung 

femme nuz, estant les pieds en l'eaue, le premier bore 
de mabre, le second dord et en bas ung escripteau, 
donne* par monseigneur d'Utrecht. 

242. Ung petit tableau de bois d'une Lucresse, bien taill^e, qui 

se clot a deux fulletz. 

243. Ung belle M. de bois bien taillde a une petite chayne de 

bois, pendant aux lettres du nom de Jhesus. 

244. Ung livre, escript a la main, couvert de velour noir, in- 

titule', la Corone Margaritique, qui se commence : 
Plume infelice. 

Aultres parties de meubles. 

(Je passe sous silence les e^offes pour couvrir les 

meubles, etc.) 

245. Plus receu a Bruxelles, par les mains de Symonet, varlet 

de chambre de l'empereur, les parties de painctures qui 
s'en suyvent : premiere la pourtraicture de l'empereur 
moderne Charles Ve de ce nom, tiree apres le vief 
faicte pas compas, sur toille, fort bonne. 

246. La pourtraicture de la reyne Marye, douairiere d'Ongrie, 

aussi faicte sur toille, de mendre grandeur que la 

247. Ung tableau double de cypres, deans lequel sont pour- 

traitz les premiers fils et fille du roy des Komans. 

248. Aultres semblable tableau ou sont aussi pourtraiz les 

seconde fils et filles dudict seigneur roy des Komains. 

Les pidces de Vaicelles d'or et & argent cy aprds escriptes sont es 
mains dudict garde joyaulx, ensemble les riches tappisseries 
et aultres Mens meubles cy apr&s escripts. 

249. Ung grande couppe d'or ouvr£e a feuillages pesant Vim 

Io xiiie. (On lit en marge:) Cette premiere couppe 
d'or et du corps de la saliere est parle au Hie article 
suyvant, ont par ordonnance de Madame este* rompues 
et en sont est£ faictes trois petites couppes pour en 
servir le voiaige de Cambray ou la paix fut faicte et 
depuis Madame des donnyt aux marquise d'Arscot, 


contesses d'Aygremont, et de Gaure qui avoyent est£ 
audit Cambray. 

(Je ne cite que cet article mais les autres portent les 
mentions de meme nature, qui prouvent combien les 
objects d'orfevrerie ont subi de transformation sous les 
pression des grandes nC'cessite's comme aussi au moindre 

Tappisseries garnies de fil d'or, d'argent, de soie, et aultres 
estouffes, comme s'ensuyt. 

250. Premier : deux pieces de tappisseries, faictes de fil d'or et 

d'argent et de soie, bien riche, de l'istoire et des faiz de 
Alexandre le Grant, qui sont venue d'Espaigne. La 
premiere contient vii aulnes i cart de haulteur et unze 
aulnes v carts de l'argeur. 

251. Quatre pieces de tappisseries de l'istoire de Ester, bien 

riche et faictes et ouvre's d'or et d'argent et de soie, qui 
sont venues de la maison de ceans. 

252. Trois pieces de tappisserie du credo, belles et riches, ou 

il y a de l'or et de soye, qui sont venuz d'Espaigne. 

253. Une piece de tappisserie de Alexandre. 

254. Quatre pieces de tappisserie de Sainct Eslayne (Ste. 

Helen e), sans or ne argent, qui est venue d'Espaigne, 
garnie de boucran blanc. 

255. Six pieces de tappisseries appellee la cite des Dames 

donn^es par ceulx de Tornay. 

Tapis Veluz. 
Tappisserie de Morisque. 

256. Six pieces de tappisserie de maroquin rouge, bourde'e de 

mesme cuyr, figure' de drap d'or sur verd, et menuz 
personnaiges a trois pilliers chacune piece la brodure 
d'ambas a seraines (sirennes). 

Coussins de Morisque. 

257. Quatre coussins, ouvragd de Turcquie, opp^s (houpp&s) 

de soye verde et rouge, dont il y a v ouppes perdues. 

Biche tappisserie, ouvre'e de fil d'or d'argent et de soye 
nouvellement acheUe par Madame. 

258. Premier: Une belle et riche piece de tappisserie de v 

aulnes de haulteur et de v aulnes cart eschars, de 


largeur histories comme Nostre Seigneur pourtoit la 
croix a sa Passion. 

(Les sept pieces suivantes, que j'omets repr^sentaient 
autant de sujets de la Passion. On lit k la suite, £crit 
d'une autre main.) 

259. Depuis c'est Inventaire fait, a recu le dit garde joyaux 

ung riche ciel de tappisserie — fait par Pietre Tanne- 
marie a Bruxelles, auquel est figure* Dieu le Pere et le 
St. Esprit, environnez de plusieurs anges. 

Hornemens de Chappelle. 
Linge de Table. 

260. Une riche nappe damass^e de grandes fleurs, de xii aulnes 

quart de long et iiii de largeur. 

261. Une aultre nappe, ouvraige de Tournay, contenant vii 

aulnes de long iii aulnes de large. 

262. Une aultre grosse nappe, ouvraige de Venise. 

263. Une nappe en touaille damass^e, figured de la Passion au 

milieu et aussi du nom de Jesus. 

De toutes lesquelles pieces de vaicelle d'or, d'argent, 
tappisseries et aultres biens, meubles, estans pr^sente- 
ment es mains, des omciers cy devant nomm^s ou 
d'aultres omciers advenir — (ils en tiennent compte) 
Ainsi fait et conclud par madite Dame, en la ville 
d'Anvers, le xvii d'Avril mvxxiiii. 

(Sign£) Marguerite 

One wonders what became of such a large number of treasures 
and pictures. By Margaret's will, dated 20th of February 1508, 
and by the codicils of a later date, she left Charles v. her sole 
heir, but gave her religious pictures to the church of Brou. 
The first clause distributed the portraits and pictures through- 
out the royal residences of Austria and Spain ; the second gave 
the others to Brou, where for more than two centuries they 
remained until they were plundered by sacriligious hands. 

M. Baux, in his description of the church of Brou, has 
mentioned a fragment of Margaret's inventory, which he dates 
from 1533. 

The inventory of 1516 was drawn up by Margaret herself, 


and the original, or at least the copy published by M. Le Glay, 
gives this same article thus written. The original, written on 
parchment and signed by the archduchess herself, is in the 
collection said to be the 500 Colbert, in the Bibliotheque 
Rationale. M. Le Glay found in the archives at Lille, and 
published, an inventory written partly by Margaret and drawn 
up partly under her supervision. It would be interesting to 
verify if he has not made duplicate copies of pages drawn up 
at different times, and which describe the same picture several 
times over. The inventory of 1524 is more complete, richer, 
and longer. 

The description of the following seven objects I have not 
noticed in the inventory of 1524 : — 

Ung tablaux d'argent dore\ d'ungne nonciade a deux feuillies 

de porselleyne, \k ou est (l'Ymaige) de feu roy don Philippe 

et la reyne Joanne, sa fame. 
Ung petit pr^aux dedanz lequel a ungne Nostre Dame et ung 

Sainct Josef. 
Ung autre : Au mylieu dudit prdaux a ung aubepin flory et 

madame la duchesse de Norefork l'a donne* a Madame. 
Ung petit parady ou sont toux les apostres. 
Ung petit tableau du chief d'un portugalois fait sans couleur 

par Maistre Jacques Barbaris. 
Ung petit tableau du chief de la royne dame Ysabel, en son 

eage de xxx ans, fait par Maistre Michiel. 
Ung tableaul de bonne paincture d'une belle fille esclave, sur la 

couverte duquel sont Charles Oursson, contrerolleur de 

Madame, et son pere, et aussi le chien de Madame qui 

s'appelle Boute (ou Bonte'). 

LIST of Pictures from Margaret's collection 
sent to Brou (1533). 

The following religious pictures are from the Study and 
Library of the late Madame : — 

From the Study. 
A small illuminated picture in Cyprus wood. 

An ivory picture of divers mysteries, which has two shutters, 
on which are painted the Dukes Philip and Charles of 

Another picture of Our Lady very well done, with a red 
mantle, the background black, and the edges gilt. 

A small double picture of Cyprus (wood) : one the Ascension 
of Our Saviour, and the other the Ascension of Our 

Picture of Our Lady, dressed in a red mantle ; the background 
of green damask. 

Kich double picture of Our Lady, lined outside with satin 

Picture of a crucifix, from the hand of the late Madame. 

A little needlework picture of the Trinity, with a cross between 
the Father and the Son. 

Picture of Saint Margaret, in white alabaster. 

A small picture of Our Lady sitting on a crescent, with a 
golden background. 

Another small picture of Our Lady, the background gold ; the 
pendant has a shutter of red silk. 

A double picture of Our Lady ; on one side Saint John, and 
the other Saint Margaret. 


Another double picture. On one side is Our Saviour hanging 
on the cross, and Our Lady embracing the divine cross j 
on the other the history of Saint Gregory. 

Another picture, where God the Father is holding His Son 
naked in His arms ; the Holy Spirit as a dove. 

A small square picture very well done, of Saint Michael and 
Saint Gabriel, the Archangel. 

A similar square picture of Saint John, Saint James, Saint 
Peter, and Saint Paul. 

A small picture of Our Lady, illuminated on paper, surrounded 
with a little band of silver thread. 

A small Saint James carved in black wood. 

An ivory picture of Saint John, holding a book in his hand, 
sitting on a stone. 

A Saint James in amber. 

A picture of a saint made in amber, . . . the head of ivory. 

Our Lady in amber with a gold crown on her head. 

A small Nostre Dame in silver. 

A small Saint Anthony in silver. 

In the Library. 
A Saint Francis. 

Two pictures of monseigneur Saint Anthony. 1 

1 From Histoire de VEglise de Brou, by J. Baux. 


in Margaret of Austria's library at Malines, 
arranged according to the colour of their 


Velours cramoisy. 

Le livre des Euvangilles. 

Froissart. (4 vols.) 

Les dix livres de la premiere decade de Titus Livius. (1 vol.) 

La seconde et tierce ddcade de Titus Livius. (1 vol.) 

Lancelot du Lac. (2 vols.) 

La Forteresse de la Foy. 

La De'cre'taille. 

Le premier Livre des batailles tunikes. 

Jehan Davenant. (?) 

Le Doon. 

Le Bdgime des Princes ; le Trevor. (1 vol.) 

Six gros livres de Persefouret. 

Velours vert. 

Le premier livre de Bocace des nobles malheureux. 
Le Commentaire de Julius Ce'sar. 
Joseph d'Arimatye, qu'est le commencement de la Table 

Eonde et la Vye Marcelin et de Lancelot du Lac, 

jusques a la mort du roy Artus. (1 vol.) 
d Amours, Vertuz et Bienheurte\ (1 vol.) 

1 A descriptive catalogue of these MSS. was published by M. Le Glay 
in his Correspondance de VEmpereur Maximilien I. et de Marguerite 
d'Autriche. This list does not, of course, include any printed books, of 
which there was probably another catalogue. 



Histoire de Lancelot du Lac. 

La Gdn^alogie depuis Adam jusques a J^sus-Christ. 

Le Livre des propri^tds. (En francais.) 

L'Istoire de Marlin. 

Le second volume des Cronicques d'Angleterre. 

La Ge^alogie de tous les Eoys de France. 

Le premier volume de la Cite de Dieu. 

L'Exposicion du Saultier. 

Du commencement du monde jusques au temps que Julius 

Cesar se partit de Eomme pour conquester France. 
L'Appocalipce figuree. 
La legende de plusieurs saincts. 

Le Premier livre des ystoires du grant Eoy Nabuchordenosor. 
La nature des oyseaulx. 
Le livre de l'Eschicquier. 
Dictz moraulx des pbilosophes. 
fipistres Senecque, translates de latin en franQois. 
Nappemonde fort figures. 
Le Miroir des Dames. 
Le Miroir du Monde. 
Des remedes de l'une et l'autre Fortune. 
Bocace des cleres Dames. 
Phebus de la Chasse. 
Le Viel Testement. 

Velours bleu. 
Le premier volume de Beges. (1 vol.) 
Le second volume de Beges. Le tiers et quart volume de 

Beges. (1 vol.) 
Le livre de Jehan Bocace. 

Le premier volume des propridtez de toutes choses. 
Le second volume des proprietez de toutes choses. 
Ung gros livre de parchemin escript en letre ^braycque 

(Hebrew) ou autre que Ton ne congnoist point, sans nulle 

intitulace que Ton saicbe lire, couvert de velours bleu a 

fermaulx et cloz dorez. 
Les Martiennes. 

Le premier volume de Jehan Froissart. 
' La Digeste vielle,' preceded by ' Les Droits ' et ' la Decrdtale ' 

in Latin. 


Le premier volume de Saint-Augustin de la Cite* de Dieu. 

Le derrenier volume de Saint-Augustin de la Cite* de Dieu. 

Le Livres des eages du monde. 

La L^gende dore'e. 

LArbres des batailles. 

Le premier volume de Jason, la Thoison d'Or. (1 vol.) 

La Fleur des Histoires. (2 vols.) 

Les D^cre tailles. (En francois.) 

Les douze Ch^zariennes. 

Le Livre de Lucan. 

Les Cronicques troyennes. 

Le Livre dAmours, de Vertus et de Bienheurete\ 

Le champion des Dames. 

Extraict de la Bible. 

Le Kegime des Princes. 

Le livre du Trevor. (?) 


Yita Christi. 

Les Cronicques de Jerusalem. 

L'Estrif de Fortune et Vertu. 

L'Orologe de Sapience. 

LArt de Chevalerye. 

La Moralite des eschetz. 

Livre des Problesmes de Aristote. 

Le premier et tiers volume de la Fleur des Histoires. (1 vol.) 

Exemples moraulx. 

La Kelation en brief des Histoires romaines. 

Du roy Artus, des douze Pers de France, du Chevalier a deux 

espe'es, et des Fables d'Ysopet, en ryme. (1 vol.) 
Le Miroir des Curez. 
Fables d'Ovide. 

Le livre des Prophecies de Marlin. 
Le D^bat de Felicite. 
Les painctures du jeu d'eschetz. 
Ung petit livre en latin, de parchemin, escript a la main en 

letre ytalienne, illumine', parlant de plusieurs roys et 

princes ; couvert et f err£ comme dessus. 
Le Chevalier au sercle d'or et Perceval le Galois. 
Le Livre des trois vertus k Tenseignement des dames et 



Le Miroir du Monde. 

Le Livre des dix commandemens de Notre Seigneur avec la 

difference d'entre peV.hie" mortel et veniel. 
Morality des nobles hommes sur le jeu des esch^s. 
L'Avisement. (?) 
D'Armes, d* Amours et de ses combatans et de la geste au bon 

roy Euriant. Petit livre . . . ou sont nommez tous les 

poetes . . . sans intitulace . . . 
Le Livre du pel^rinage du viel hermite ? expose sur ' Le 

Eomant de la Eos.' 
Decrdtales en latin. 
Boece de Consolatione 

Le Livre de Melibde et de Dame Prudence sa femme. 
Dix commandemens de Jhesu-Crist. 
Bonnes Meurs. 
Livre de l'apostolicque Sainct-Jean avec une autre livre de 

Livre du roy Alexandre. 

Velowrs Vert. 

Bible en francois. 

Alexandre le Grant. 

Bible en franc,ois. 

La temptation de Saint-Augustin, de la Cite' de Dieu. 

fiticques d'Aristote en franQois. 


Chevalier Errant. 

L'Entr^e de Beges. 

Velours Noir. 

Alexandre Quinte-Curce. 

Le Livre de la premiere decade de Titus Livius. 

La premier Livre de la tierce decade de Titus Livius. 

Le secret parlement de l'omme contemplatif a son ame. 

Le quatrieme volume de la Fleur des Histoires ; l'Admoneste- 
ment de vivre contre la Vanity de ce monde. 

Le second Livre, la Bible moralised; — Benoist seront les 
mis&icordieulx ; la somme de perfection ; — les Histoires 
de Pise ; — le Kecueil de Tholomey avec ses addicions ; — 


les Secretz d'Aristote ; — le Komant de Clomades en rime ; 
— le Livre des fais d'armes et de Chevalerye ; — ung petit 
livre plein de rondaulx ; — livres d'Heures, Missels et 
BreViaires ; la Bible en latin ; — le Chemin de salut ; — 
livre qui traite des Estatz du monde ; — l'Obs^que de la 
feue reynne de France, duchesse de Bretaigne ; — les cent 
nouvelles vielles ; — Eomulus ; — Cronicque abreg^e depuis 
le temps dAdam jusques a Severe, empereur de Romme ; 
— Sainct Graal (en mauvais langaige) ; — le livre dAnseis 
de Quartaige et de Heuon de Haultonne; — l'Entretene- 
nent du corps et de l'amme; — le livre des miracles 
Nostre Dame; — Patemox de Bloys; — le Triumphe des 
dames ; — le D£bat des deux bons serviteurs ; — Oraison et 
Paternostres ; — de la Fortune des dez ; — le livre des 
Douze Filz Boon de Mayence, en rime ; — la G^nealogie et 
les Gestes du prince Syach Ysmael, surnomme Sophie, 
roy de Perche ; — FExposition des Songes, etc. 

A FEW LETTERS from Maximilian i. to Mar- 
garet of Austria, and from Margaret to Various 

Maximilian's letters to Margaret were written in French, 
but a kind of French- German jargon. Margaret had been 
brought up in France, and had no knowledge of German, 
so her father, who knew very little French, was obliged to use 
this language in corresponding with her, and often mixed up 
French and German words in a most grotesque fashion. 

The following few letters and extracts are from M. le Gla/s 
Correspondence cle VEmpereur Maximilien I. et de Marguerite 
d'Autriche : — 

Maximilian to Margaret 

He begs his daughter to behave in such a way as to keep the King 
of England in a good humour : he wishes to see her married to this 
king. (Autograph.) 

(16 septembre 1507.) 

. . . Car i me semble, par tel maniere de mariage, vous sere 
quit de la prison que craindez d'y entrer, sy vous fusses marine 
avec le susdit roy d'Engleterre, veu sa test dur et plain, de me 
lasser en paes ; car aussy paer cest fachon, vous gouvernere's 
Engleterre et la maison de Bourgoingne, et vous ne pourres 
estre mis errier de la monde ; comme ung person perdu et 
oblie', cume vous aussy nous avez aultrefois declare'. 

Escript de la main (le xvi jour de Septembre 1507) de 
vostre bon pere, Maxi. 

Maximilian to Margaret 
He thanks her for the beautiful shirts that she sent him. (Auto- 

(le 17 mai 1511.) 

Ma bonne fille, — J'ay resceu par le peurteor de cestes les 
belles chemises et huves lesquelles ave's ayde de les faire de 
vostre main, dont sumus fort jeouieulx, principalement des ce 



que js trouve en sela que vous vous sousses du corps de nostre 
person, mesment que quant ceste anne' nous pourterons nostre 
couraige, lequel est rude et pe'sante, que adunques nostre pooir 
du cors sera reconforte' a l'encontre du bon senteor et dusceur 
de telle belle thoele, lesquels usunt les angels en paradis pour 
leor abillement. Et nous feruns aussi bien tost bonne 
diligence pour vous aussy remercier de ung image d'un futur 
sainte, aussy fabrike' de nostre main. — et a Dieu. 

Escript de la main de vostre bon pere, qui desirt une foes 
vous bien tost ve'or. 

Faet le xvii de mai (1511). Maxi. 

Maximilian to Margaret 

The emperor tells his daughter that he hopes to be elected 

Pope and become holy. For this reason he is thinking of abdicating 
in favour of his grandson Charles. But he must have money before 
he can negotiate with the Pope and the cardinals. (Autograph.) 1 

(le 18 Septembre.) 
Tres chiere et tres am^e fylle, je' entendu l'avis que vous 
m'avez donne' par Guyllain Pingun, nostre garderobes vyess, 
dont avons encore mius pense* desus. 

Et ne trouvons point pour nulle resun bon que nous nous 
devons franchement marier, maes avons plus avant mys nostre 
deliberation et volonte* de james plus hanter faem nue. 

Et envoyons demain monsieur de Gurce, eVesque, a Rome 
devers le pape pour trouver fachon que nous puyssons accorder 
avec luy de nous prenre pour ung coadjuteur, affin que apres 
sa mort pouruns estre assure de avoer le papat et devenir prester 
et apres estre sainct, et que il vous sera de n^cessite que, apres 
ma mort, vous sere's contraint de me adorer dont je me trouver^ 
bien gloryoes. 

1 Printed in Louis xii.'s letters, it is supposed to have been written in 
1512, because it was in this year that the Bishop of Gurce went to Eome. 
Besides, in 1511 the emperor was still at war with Julius n., and could 
not treat with him with regard to the Pontificate. 

(In another letter) Maximilian does not mention getting himself made 
coadjutor during the Pope's lifetime, but only obtaining the cardinals' votes 
after the Pope's death, who was then seriously ill. Maximilian says 
distinctly that the Papacy is inherent to the Imperial dignity, and that he 
hopes to have the honour of uniting the Imperial and Papal crowns. 


Je envoye sur ce ung poste devers le roy d'Arogon pour ly 
prier quy nous voulle ayder pour a ce parvenir dont yl est 
aussy contant, moynant que je rdsingne l'empir a nostre 
commun fyls, Charles. De sela aussi je me says contents. 

Le peupl et gentilhomes de Rom ount faet ung allyance 
contre les Franehoes et Espaingos est sunt xx combatans et 
nous ount mande' que yl veolunt estre pour nous pour faere 
uug papa a ma poste, et du l'empire d'Almaingne et ne veulent 
avoer ne Francos, Aregonoes, ne mains null Vdndcien. 

Je commance aussy practiker les cardinaulx, dont lie ou 111c 
mylle ducas me ferunt un grand service, aveque la parcialite' 
qui est deja entre eos. 

Le roy d'Arogon a mande' a son ambaxadeur que yl veult 
commander aux cardinaulx espaingnos que yl veulent favory- 
ser le papat a nous. 

Je vous prie, ten^s ceste matiere empu secret ; ossi bien en 
briefs jours je creins que yl fault que tout le monde le sache; 
car bien mal este possible de pratiker ung tel sy grand matere 
secretement, pour laquell yl fault avoer de tant de gens et de 
argent succurs et practike, et a Diu, faet de la main de vostre 
bon pere Maximilianus, futur pape. 

Le xviii e jour de Septembre. 

P.S. — Le pape a ancor les vyevers dubls et ne peult longe- 
ment fyvre. 

Maximilian to Margaret 

The emperor wishes his granddaughters to come to Brussels 
to see the park. (Original.) 

(Ie20juin) 1512. 
Tres chiere et tres am£e fille, pour ce que d^sirons que noz 
tres chieres et tres amdes filles venir en nostre ville de Bru- 
xelles pour veoir le parck et y prandre leurs e'bats par deux ou 
trois jours, nous vous requdrons que nous vueillez incontinent 
icy envoyer tous voz chariotz, gens d'armes, et leurs damoi- 
selles, comme dit est, lesquelles noz filles ferez logier es chambres 
et quartier ou nous estions loge\ et nous nous tiendrons cepen- 
dant a Wilvorde et a l'entour dudit Bruxelles. A tant, tres 
chiere et tres am^e fille, nostre Seigneur soit garde de vous. 


Escript en nostre ville de . . . , le xx jour de juing, Tan 

P.S. — Et vueillez avancer ledit envoy, que lesdits chariotz et 
lytiere puissent estre icy demain. 

Per Eegem. — Plus bas, Eenner 

Maximilian to Margaret 

The emperor sends some venison for Ms granddaughters. 

(Au chateau de La Vueren, le 22 juin.) 
Tres chiere et tres ame'e fille, nous vous envoyons pr^sente- 
ment le sommyer du serf que avons ce jour-duy prins a force 
et vous prions de icelluy faire aprester et en festyer a quelque 
disne* ou souppe* noz petites et tres chieres filles. En quoy, 
faisant, vous nous ferez chose bien agrdable; ce scet nostre 
Seigneur qu'il, tres chiere et tres ameV fille, soit garde de 

Escript en nostre chasteaul de La Vueren, le xxii jour de 
juing, Tan xvc et xii. 

Per Eegem. — Plus bas, Eenner 

Maximilian to Margaret 

He accepts his daughter's invitation to dinner. He wishes this 
meal to be at five o'clock. 

(La Vueren, le 23 juin) 1512. 

Tres chiere et tres am^e fille, nous avons ce matin receu 
voz lettres et entendu par icelles comment vous d^sirez que 
vueillions ce jourduy aller au soupper et banquet avec vous et 
noz tres chieres et tres am^es filles. Sur quoy vous adver- 
tissons que de buon cueur nous nous y trouverons. Dieu en 
ayde qu'il, tres chiere et tres amde fille, soit garde de vous. 

Donne" en nostre chasteau de La Vueren, le xxiii jour de 
juing, l'an xvcxii. 

P.S. — Nous serons a une heure apres midi devers vous, pour 
parler a vous de quelque chose, et pour ce, que le souppe" soit 
prest a cincq heures. 

Per Eegem. — Plus bas, Eenner 


Maximilian to Margaret 

He is sending her a cross-bow destined to be sent as a gift to 
the King of England. 

(Cologne, le 16 septembre) 1512. 

Tres chiere et tres amde fille, nous vous envoyons par nostre 
amd et f£al escuier, Bourgrave de Bruxelles, le seigneur d'Arem- 
berch, une arbalestre garnye d'un coffin et de trectz a ce servans ; 
laquelle ddsirons que recevez be'nignement dudit seigneur 
d'Aremberch, et que apres, vous faictes refaire ledit coffin qui 
est couvert de cuyre par dessus, ou lieu dudit cuyre, d'argent 
dore', et puis le tout faire presenter a nostre frere, le roy 
d'Angleterre. A tant, tres chiere et tres ame'e fille, nostre 
Seigneur soit garde de vous. 

Escript en nostre cite' de Cohlongne le xvi jour de Septembre, 
Tan xvcxii. 

Maximilian to Margaret 

The emperor wishes the Archduke Charles to write good letters 

to his grandfather the King of Aragon, to his mother 

the Queen, and to his brother Don Ferdinand. 

(Weissembourg, le 6 Janvier) 1512. 

Tres chiere et tres am£e fille, nous desirous et vous requfoons 
que par le pourteur de cestes appelle' Jehan de Spornede, 
espaignart, vous faictes escripre nostre filz, l'archiduc Charles, 
quelque bonnes lettres en walon (that is in French) au roy 
d'Arragon, son grant-pere, a la royne sa mere et a son frere 
dom Fernande, et qu'il lui bailie le titre d'archiduc d'Austriche ; 
car nostre plaisir est tel. A tant, tres chiere et tres am^e fille, 
nostre Seigneur soit garde de vous. 

Escript en nostre ville de Wizembourg, le vi jour de Janvier, 
Tan xvcxii. 

Per Kegem. — Plus bas, Botechon 

Maximilian to Margaret 

He tells his daughter that he is satisfied with the way she 

governs, and hopes that she will continue to govern 

in the same way. (Autograph.) 

(le 3 fevrier) 1512. 
Tres chiere et tres ain^e fylle, nous avons resceu une lettre 


escript de vostre main, laquelle noz a pr£sent£ grave et aussi 
entendu ce que nous a dyt de vostre part maister Loys. Tant 
y a que noz sumus content de vous, outant que ung pere se 
doyt contenter de sa bonne fylle, et voluns bien que tout le 
monde le sayche. En oultre de'sirant que continues en vostre 
gouvernement comme av^s faet jusques issy au present et vous 
nous faere's tres singulier plaisir dont volentie* vous assertissons, 
et a diu. 

Faet de la main le iii jour de feVrier, de vostre bon pere, 



Prince Charles has accidentally killed a man with his cross-bow. 

(mai) 1513. 

Mon tres redoubts, etc., — Monseigneur, ainsi que monsei- 
gneur mon nepveur se estoit alle" jouer a la Wure, le lundy de 
la Pentecouste, et qu'il tiroit a l'arbaleste, est advenu ung 
meschief de son coup a ung homme de mestier de ceste ville, 
yvrogne et mal condition^, dont monsieur de Chievres vous 
avertit tout au long ; que a cause* ung grant regret et desplaisir 
k mondit seigneur et a moy, ensemble a toute sa compaignie, 
mais il n'y a remede de savoir register a telles fortunes. 
Touteffois, monseigneur, a cause que plusieurs vous en pour- 
roient avertir aultrement que a la v£rit£, j'ay est£ d'advis que 
ledit seigneur de Chievres, qui Estoit present, vous en deust 
avertir tout au long, comme il fait, a celle fin que en saich^s 
la v&ite\ . . . 

Mon tres redoubts Seigneur et pere, etc. 

Margaret's letter to the mother superior of the order 
of the ' annonciades ' at bruges 

Ma mere, ma mie, — J'ay donne* charge a ce porteur, que 
bien connaiss^s, aller vers vous et vous dire de mes nouvelles 
et ma bonne disposition depuis aucuns jours, aussi de scavoir 
de la vostre que desire estre telle que la voudrais pour moy. 
J'espere en se bon Dieu et sa glorieuse mere qui vous ayderont 
et garderont pour mieulx. Je luy ay donne ung m^moire pour 
vous dire et au Pater, vostre bon pere, qui est de ma main 
propre, et cognoitrez par ycelluy mon intention ; je de'sire que 


n'en soit faict grant bruit et pour bonne cause ; et sur ce feray 
fin, vous priant faire a nostre bon pere mes recommandations a 
ses bonnes prieres, et seinblablement a toutes mes bonnes filles, 
priant le Createur et sa benoiste mere vous donner sa gr&ce et 
a moy aussy. 

Signe* : vostre bonne fille, Marguerite 
De Malines. 

Memorandum for ;Estienne my valet de chambre, concerning what he 
is to say to the Pater and the Mere Ancille. 

Premier, que je desire sur toute chose mestre ma religion 
en tel estat que pour james (jamais) iis n'aient grant povrete' ; 
mes qui puissent vivre sans mandier ; et desire scavoir ce que 
se porteur leur demandera, au quel je fay se mdmoyre; et 
premier scavoir s'il est besoing plus de rente et jusques a 
quelle somme : et que ne le praigne trop eschars ; car a l'aide 
de Dieu je furniray a tout ; et toute aultre chose que desire- 
ront, ils me le facent scavoir ; car je suis de'libe're'e y faire une 
bonne fin, a l'ayde de Dieu et de nostre bonne maistresse, sa 
glorieuse mere. Oultre plus dira a la mere Ancille, ma bonne 
mere, que je luy prie qu'elle face prier toutes mes bonnes filles 
a V intention que je luy ay toujours dit ; car le temps approche, 
puisque Tempereur vient, a qui, a l'ayde de Dieu, renderay bon 
comte de la charge et gouvernement que luy a pleu me donner ; 
et ce faict, je me rendray a la voulente de Dieu et de nostre 
bonne maistresse, vous priant, ma bonne mere, ma mie, que je 
ne soye oubliee aux vostres, et vous demouray tousiours vostre 
bonne fille, Marguerite x 


Monseigneur, l'heure est venue que ne vous puis plus 
escripre de ma main ; car je me trouve en telle indisposition 
que doubte ma vie estre briefue, pourueue et repose'e de ma 
conscience, et de tout r^solue a receuoir ce qu'il plaira a Dieu 
m'enuoyer, sans regret quelconque, re*serue (si ce n'est) de la 
priuation de vostre presence et de non vous pouuoir veoir et 
parler a vous encoires une fois auant ma mort, ce que (pour la 
doubte que dessud) suppleray, en partie, par ceste mienne 
1 J. Baux, UEglise de Brou. 



letfcre que crains sera la derniere qu'aurez de moi. Je vous 
ay institue' mon heritier vniuersel, et pour le tout, aux charges 
de mon testament, l'accomplissement duquel vous recom- 
mande. Vous laisse vos pays de pardeca, que, durant vostre 
absence, n'ay seulement garde* comme les me laissates a vostre 
partement, mais grandement augmentez, et vous rendz le 
gouuernement d'iceulx, ouquel me cuyde estre l^alement 
acquicte'e, et tellement que j'en espere remuneration diuine, 
contentement de vous, monseigneur, et gre* de vos subjects, 
vous recommandant singulierement la paix, et par especial 
auec les roys de France et d'Angleterre. Et, pour fin, vous 
suplie, monseigneur, que l'amour qu'il vous a pleu pourter au 
poure corps soit m^moire du salut de Fame et recommandation 
de mes poures seruiteurs et seruantes, vous disant le dernier 
adieu ouquel je supplie, monseigneur, vous donner prosp^rite' 
et longue vie. De Malines, le dernier jour de novembre 1530. 
— Votre tres-humble tante, Makguerite 1 

1 M. Gachard, Analectes Belgiques. 


Adrian of Utrecht, Pope Adrian 

iv., 74, 154, 166, 175, 183, 184, 

192-194, 198, 205, 283. 
Agnadel, battle of, 96. 
Aleander, 178. 
Alexander vi., Pope, 17. 
Amboise, George, Cardinal of, 90-95, 

100, 104, 151. 
Ancille, Mere, 285. 
Andreas de Burgo, 76, 82, 96, 104, 

110, 115, 133, 157. 
Anna of Hungary, 144, 166, 186, 242. 
Anne de Beaujeu, 3, 4, 7, 9, 12. 
Anno of Brittany, 5-10, 12-14, 115, 

133, 134. 
Antonio de Leyva, 209, 270. 
Arthur, Prince of Wales, 30, 34, 99. 
Augsburg, Diet of, 104, 162, 163, 


Barcelona, treaty of, 16, 268. 

Bayard, 143, 208. 

Bianca Sforza, 165. 

Boghen, Louis Van, 190, 295, 299. 

Bourbon, Constable of, 199, 200, 203, 

208, 211, 219, 227, 233, 238, 248. 
Brandon, Charles, Duke of Suffolk, 

119-121, 129, 137, 139, 202, 205. 

Cambray, Congress of, 89-95. 

Peace of, The Ladies' Peace, 262. 

Charles of Austria, Charles v., birth 
and baptism, 32 ; succeeds his 
father, 67 ; attends memorial ser- 
vice, 70-72 ; character and educa- 
tion, 73, 74, 154 ; tour in Flanders, 
77 ; betrothal to Mary Tudor, 84 ; 
shoots a man by accident, 117 ; 
accompanies his grandfather and 
aunt to Lille, 119 ; attends his 
sister Isabella's wedding, 131 ; 
emancipation, 146 ; reconciliation 
with Margaret, 149 ; succeeds his 
grandfather Ferdinand, 152; arrival 
in Spain, 156 ; entry into Valladolid, 
158 ; letter to Francis I., 160; death 
of his grandfather Maximilian, 164 ; 

rivalry with Francis i. for imperial 
crown, 167-173; election as King 
of the Romans, 173 ; visit to Eng- 
land, 176 ; meets Henry vin. at 
Gravelines, 180 ; state entry into 
Aix-la-Chapelle and coronation, 
181 ; attends Diet at Worms, 184; 
meets Wolsey at Bruges, 189 ; 
makes his will, 196 ; second visit 
to England, 196-197 ; receives news 
of battle of Pa via, 213 ; letter to 
King of Portugal, 214, 215 ; breaks 
off his engagement to Princess 
Mary, 221 ; reproves his aunt 
Margaret, 224-227 ; visits Francis 
I. in prison, 228 ; letter to Louise 
of Savoy, 236 ; marriage, 238 ; 
birth of his son Philip, 248; re- 
ceives news of sack of Rome, 248 ; 
delight at conclusion of peace, 266 ; 
treaty with Clement vn. at Barce- 
lona, 268 ; coronation at Bologna, 
270 ; attends Margaret's funeral 
service at Cologne, 289. 

Charles the Bold, 2, 14, 32, 70. 

vin., 2, 3, 6-10, 13, 16, 17, 31, 

34, 50, 51. 

Charlotte of Savoy (Queen), 3. 

daughter of Francis L, 


Christian n., King of Denmark, 

130, 153, 201. 
Claude of France, Queen of Francis i. , 

80, 134, 141, 261. 
Clement vn., Pope, 181, 207, 216, 

246, 268, 270, 272. 
Cornelius Agrippa, 111, 234, 283, 

Coxie, painter, 111, 277. 
Croy, G. de, 62, 63 

William de, Lord of Chievre, 

74, 92, 147, 154-157, 159, 187. 

Dunois, Count of, 7, 9. 

Eleanor of Austria, Queen of 
Portugal and Queen of France, 64, 




69, 74, 134-136, 144, 145, 152-155, 
162, 203, 204, 218, 233, 234, 238, 

Elizabeth of York, 55. 

Emmanuel, King of Portugal, 162. 

Erasmus, 65, 111, 280. 

Ferdinand, King of Aragon, 16, 18, 
26, 28, 30, 55, 56, 59, 80, 88, 90, 
91, 93, 94, 98-101, 134, 152. 

Archduke of Austria, King of 

Bohemia and Hungary, 57, 64, 69, 
144, 153, 167, 168, 186, 219, 220, 
242-244, 246, 251, 272. 

Field of the Cloth of Gold, 177, 179. 

Francesco de Rojas, 18. 

Francis i., 137, 138, 141, 142, 144, 
160, 167, 197, 209. 

ii., Duke of Brittany, 5, 6. 

Gaston de Foix, 105, 107. 
Granvelle, Nicolas de Perrenot, Sieur 

de, 229. 
Gueldres, Charles of Egmont, Duke 

of, 78, 79, 82, 88, 91, 93, 106, 148, 

175, 189, 197, 233, 263. 

Henry vii., 17, 21, 24, 55, 56, 58-63, 
66, 72, 80-84, 88, 90, 98, 113. 

viii., 99, 102, 103, 107, 119, 137, 

138, 175, 176, 180, 200, 216, 250. 

Hochstrate, Count of, 111, 196, 224, 
261, 289, 291. 

Isabella of Aragon, Queen of Por- 
tugal, 26, 29, 162. 

Isabella the Catholic, Queen of 
Castile and Aragon, 18, 19, 26, 28, 
30, 34, 42, 55. 

of Austria, Queen of Denmark, 

64, 69, 129, 130, 131, 153, 200, 201, 
234, 272, 274. 

of Portugal, wife of Charles v. , 

218, 220, 238. 

Jean le Maire, 13, 91, 111, 275, 280, 


de Paris, 137, 295. 

Jeanne de Valois, 292. 

Joanna, Queen of Castile, 17-19, 30, 

32, 42, 57-64, 66, 153, 155, 159, 

John, Prince of Asturias, 17, 20, 24, 

26, 28, 29, 50, 51. 
hi., King of Portugal, 162, 208, 


John, Crown Prince of Portugal, 234, 

Julius ii., Pope, 87, 94, 101, 102, 104, 

105, 110. 

Katharine of Aragon, Queen of 
England, 30, 34, 56, 59, 99, 100, 
102, 103, 137, 175, 176, 196, 216, 
250, 257, 265, 266, 268. 

of Austria, Queen of Portugal, 

64, 69, 153, 155, 156, 162, 203, 204, 
208, 272. 

Lannoy, Charles de, Viceroy of 

Naples, 208, 210, 211, 218, 234, 237, 

Laurent de Gorrevod, 43, 55, 109, 

Leo x., Pope, 106, 163, 172, 187, 192. 
Louis xi, King of France, 2, 3, 11. 
Duke of Orleans, Louis xn, 3, 

5, 7, 9, 14-16, 31, 41, 65, 76, 77, 91- 

95, 97, 100, 101, 104, 105, 107, 134, 

136-138, 141, 292. 
ii. , King of Hungary, 132, 144, 

153 242 245. 
Louise of Savoy, 4, 49, 52, 138, 174, 

199, 211, 219, 224, 236, 253, 255, 

258, 261, 262, 266. 
Ludovico Sforza, Duke of Milan, 16. 
Luther, Martin, 163, 182, 184-186. 

M abuse, painter, 111, 234, 277, 284. 

Madrid, treaty of, 233. 

Magdalen of Rochester, 286. 

Margaret of Angouleme, Duchess of 
Alencon, Queen of Navarre, 137, 
218, 228-232, 255, 259, 260, 262. 

Margaret of Austria, early life, 2; 
marriage to the Dauphin Charles, 
3 ; repudiation by Charles and re- 
turn to Flanders, 13-15 ; proposed 
marriage to Prince John of Castile, 
17 ; composes her own epitaph, 21 ; 
arrival in Spain, 24 ; marriage with 
Prince John, 25 ; death of her hus- 
band and child, 27 ; second return 
to Flanders, 31 ; stands godmother 
to Charles of Austria, 32; be- 
trothal to Philibert n., Duke of 
Savoy, 34 ; journey to Savoy, 35 ; 
marriage, 36 ; reception at Bourg, 
37-40 ; accident out hunting, 44 ; 
second widowhood, 45 ; poem, 47 ; 
her devices, 50 ; plans for building 
Brou, 51-55 ; negotiations for her 
marriage with Henry vii., 61-63, 
79-84; her brother's death, 63; 



letter to Louis XII., 65 ; appointed 
Regent of the Netherlands, 68 ; 
residence at Malines, 69 ; makes her 
will, 86 ; attends the Congress of 
Cambray, 91-94 ; her correspond- 
ence, 109-118 ; meets Charles Bran- 
don at Lille, 117-121 ; letters, 122- 
129 ; description of her niece Isa- 
bella's wedding, 130 ; annoyance at 
Charles's emancipation, 147 ; me- 
morandum addressed to Charles, 
148-152 ; poem on Maximilian's 
death, 166 ; political activity, 169, 
170 ; administration praised, 179 ; 
journey to Calais, 180 ; reappoint- 
ment as Regent by Charles, 180 ; 
appeal to the States -General, 186- 
188 ; meeting with Wolsey, 189 ; 
pawns her jewels, 196 ; joy at cap- 
ture of Francis I., 212, 213; annoys 
Charles by arranging truce, 224- 
228 ; congratulates Charles on his 
marriage, 239 ; correspondence 
with her nephew Ferdinand, 244, 
245 ; addresses circular letter to 
religious houses, 247 ; negotiations 
for 'the Ladies' Peace,' 251-261; 
enters Cambray, 261 ; peace signed, 
262 ; her art collections, 273-280 ; 
poems, 275-277 ; letters to Mere 
Ancille, 285, 286 ; last illness and 
death, 286-289 ; funeral, 290, 291 ; 
monument at Brou, 297, 298 ; her 
coffin discovered, 301-303. 

of Bourbon, 45, 46, 49, 52, 53, 

294, 296, 301. 

Margaret of York, 3rd wife of Charles 
the Bold, 2, 14, 32, 35, 69. 

Maria of Aragon, Queen of Portugal, 

Marignano, battle of, 142-144. 

Marnix, secretary, 107, 149, 169, 190, 
191, 200. 

Mary of Austria, Queen of Hungary 
and Bohemia, 64, 69, 131, 132, 144, 
153, 166, 245, 246, 272, 274, 278, 

of Burgundy, 2, 44, 70, 165, 196, 

264, 279, 290, 292. 

Tudor, Queen of France, and 

Duchess of Suffolk, 79-81, 83, 84, 
99, 121, 132, 133, 136-139, 177. 

Tudor, daughter of Henry vm., 

Queen of England, 85, 176, 179, 
190, 196, 197, 217, 218, 221. 

Maximilian L, Archduke of Austria, 
King of the Romans, and Emperor 
Elect of Germany, father of Mar- 
garet of Austria, 2 ; betrothed to 
Anne of Brittany, 6; rage at his 
broken marriage, and return of his 

daughter, 10, 11 ; urges Margaret 
to leave Spain, 30 ; tries to arrange 
her marriage with Henry vu., 62, 
63, 66, 79 ; offered the Regency of 
the Netherlands, 67 ; deputes Mar- 
garet as Regent, 68 ; his red book, 
68 ; writes to Henry VU. , 72 ; letter 
to the States, 78 ; letters to Mar- 
garet, 80, 83, 84 ; interview with 
Henry vn.'s ambassadors, 81, 82 ; 
his characteristics, 87 ; writes to 
Margaret about his grandchildrens' 
confirmation, 89 ; and arrange- 
ments for her visit to Cambray, 
90 ; deputes Margaret to represent 
him at the Congress, 92 ; letter 
about battle of Agnadel, 96 ; burns 
his red book, 99; fails to meet 
Louis xii., 100; his vacillation 
and failure of campaign, 101, 102 ; 
serves in the English army, 107 ; 
correspondence with his daughter, 
109-118 ; attends meeting at Lille, 
119 ; description of battle of Marig- 
nano, 143; letter to Margaret 
about his granddaughter Eleanor's 
proposed marriage, 144, 145 ; hands 
over the government of the Nether- 
lands to his grandson Charles, 146 ; 
letter to Charles, 147; to Mar- 
garet, 156, 161 ; last illness and 
death, 162-166. 

Maximilian Sforza, Duke of Milan, 

Melanchthon, 284. 

Mercurin de Gattinare, 76, 92, 115, 
141, 279. 

Molinet, Jean, 75, 280. 

Montecute, A. de, 287, 300. 

Pavia, battle of, 209. 

Pescara, Marquis of, 208, 210, 213, 

Philibert n., Duke of Savoy, 4, 34, 

35, 37, 40-46, 49-52, 294, 296-299, 

Philip, Archduke of Austria, King of 

Castile, 2, 12, 17, 20, 32, 35, 42, 

56-64, 66-68, 70, 72, 80, 81. 
Pizzighitone, castle of, 213. 
Pleine, Gerard de, 169, 178. 
Praet, de, 199-203, 205, 207, 235, 236. 
Puebla, Doctor, Spanish ambassador, 

19, 30, 55, 56, 79, 80. 

Ren£, Bastard of Savoy, 35, 36, 

Renee of France, 132, 134, 
Robert de la Marck, 169, 189, 263. 



SAUcn, Jehan le, 255, 257-259. 
Solyman the Magnificent, 183, 198, 

Susan of Bourbon, 4, 199. 

Treves, Archbishop of, 169. 
Trivulzio, Marshal, 142. 

Van Eyck, John, 277, 278. 

Orley, Bernard, 111, 277, 284, 

Villalar, battle of, 184. 

Weyden, Roger van der, 277, 

Wiltshire, Sir John, 83. 
Wingfield, Edmund, 88, 90, 92, 202. 

Sir Richard, 122, 150. 

Wolsey, Cardinal, 140, 175, 176, 179, 

189, 190, 192, 200, 205-207, 227, 

251-253 257 
Worms, Diet of, 182, 184, 185. 

Ximenes, Cardinal, 109, 153, 155- 

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