Full text of "The first Paris press. An account of the books printed for G. Fichet and J. Heynlin in the Sorbonne, 1470-1472"

ILLUSTRATED MONOGRAPHS.

No. VI.

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dcclx>:Luii/dciir4 pcdtmi otcu

J . H VATT . SC

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THE FIRST PARIS PRESS

AN ACCOUNT OF THE BOOKS PRINTED

FOR G. FICHET AND J. HEYNLIN

IN THE SORBONNE

14701472

BY A. CLAUDIN

>*J

2 - fc 4-3

LONDON

PRINTED FOR THE BIBLIOGRAPHICAL SOCIETY

AT THE CHISWICK -PRESS

FEBRUARY 1898 FOR 1897

CONTENTS.

PACE

FRONTISPIECE : Miniature showing Fichet presenting a copy, of his Rhetoric
to Pope Sixtus IV., from the presentation copy to the Pope now in the
British Museum.

TEXT . . i

NOTIS 35

BIBLIOGRAPHY ... -49

I. Gasparini Epi-tolsr . . ... 49

II. Gasparini Orthographia . 50

HI. Sallustius -Si

IV. Florus . 52

V. Bessarionis Orationcs ... .52

VI. Ficheti Rhctorica ... S3

VII. Augustini Dati Eloquentiz Prsccepta 56

[VIII. Cicero De Oratorc] . . 56

[IX. Valerius Maximus] . 56

X. Valbe Elcgami* 57

XI. Cicero. De Officiis, etc. ... 58

XII. Cicero. Tusculanse Quzstiones 60

XIII. Rodericus Zamorensis, Speculum Huirunsc Vitar 6l

XIV. Platonis Eptstolz 62

XV. Phalaridis, Bruti ct Crati Epistolz 63

XVI. Virgilius Maro. Bucolica, etc. ....... 64

XVII. Juvenalis et Persii Satyrse 65

XVIII. Terentius 65

XIX. Aeneas Sylvius. De duobus Amantibus ..... 66

XX. Aeneas Sylvius. De Curialium Miscria t ... 66

XXI. Sophologium Jacobi Magni 67

XXII. Ambrosias, DC Officiis ; Seneca, DC Quatuor Virtutibu . . 68

PAGE

DOCUMENTS ............71

I. Letter of Fichet to Jean de la Pierre (Johann Heynlin), from the

Epistolee Gasparini . . . . . . . 71

II. Letter of Fichet to Gaguin, from the Orthographia . . 72

III. Letter of presentation to Cardinal Rolin, from the Orationes

Bessaritmis . . . . . . . . -75

IV. Letter of presentation to Cardinal Rolin, from Fichet's Rbetorica . 76
V. Letter of presentation to Guillaume Chartier, Bishop of Paris, also

from the Rbetorica ......... 76

VI. Letter of Senilis to Heynlin, from the Valla 77

VII. Letter of acknowledgment from Heynlin to Senilis ... 78

VIII. Letter of presentation from Heynlin to George, Bishop of Metz, from

the Cicero de Ojpciis 79

IX. Letter of Fichet to Heynlin, from the same ..... 80

X. Letter of Heynlin to Fichet, from the same ..... 82

XI. Letter of presentation to Robert D'Estouteville, from the Rodericus

Zamorensis .......... 83

XII. Letter of presentation to the Due de Bourbon, from the same . . 84

XIII. Letter of presentation to the King, from the same .... 85

XIV. Letter of Fichet to Jean Choard, from the Epistolee Platonis . . 87

FACSIMILES 91

First page of the Epistolte Gasparini . . . . . .91

Last page, with colophon, from the same ..... 92

First four pages of the letter from Fichet to Gaguin, from the

Orthographia .......... 93

First page of the Sallust . . 97

Last page, with colophon, from the same 98

Letter to the Due de Bourbon, from the Rodericus Zamorensis . 99
Alphabet of the Sorbonne types . . . . . . .100

%* The four pages from the Orthographia are reproduced with the help of plates
kindly lent by the Societe de 1'Histoire de Paris.

THE FIRST PARIS PRESS.

HE history of the first Paris press has exercised
the skill of many bibliographers during the
last two hundred years. The first who dealt
systematically with the subject was Andre
Chevillier, librarian of the College of the
Sorbonne. He had at his disposal the copies,
preserved in the house as relics, of the first
impressions executed there : he also had access to the archives of
the Congregation. It was not then possible to compare other
copies of the same books scattered in numerous libraries and to note
their variations ; and he took it for granted that the Sorbonne
possessed copies of all the books issued from its early press. For
more than a century after the publication of his work, Chevillier
was followed by everyone. The Rev. William Parr Greswell '
made a concise and judicious compilation from him and Panzer,
drawing the attention of English readers to early French typo-
graphy, " a subject of particular curiosity," as he styles it. Since
then, other books from the same press have been discovered.
Dibdin, Brunei, and Auguste Bernard noticed some of them,
Madden and Philippe increased the list.

I B

Starting from these results we have studied the matter afresh.
We have compared the copies, and read attentively all the prefaces,
which give particulars hitherto unknown or imperfectly under-
stood; and pursuing our inquiry we have examined manuscript
documents which had not received serious attention. From these
sources of information, combined with known historical facts, we
have been able to correct certain erroneous statements generally
accepted as trustworthy, and to clear up some obscurities. We
give a new classification, which we believe to be final, for all those
undated books which have so long baffled the sagacity of biblio-
graphers, and we present the problem in another aspect, chiefly by
the help of documents as yet unpublished or wrongly interpreted.
With these introductory remarks, we proceed at once to the
investigation of our subject.

In our opinion, the first press erected in the precincts of the old
Sorbonne was not a public printing establishment set up as a
speculation, but was in reality a private press worked by professional
printers, specially brought to Paris for the purpose, under the
direction of its owner and promoter. Neither the Society of the
Sorbonne as a body, nor the king, had anything to do with the
introduction of printing, as is generally believed.

The prior elected for the year 1470, Johann Heynlin, alias de la
Pierre (de Lapide), 2 who had the year before been rector of the
University, 8 was a great lover of books. Desiring to impart to
scholars the benefits of the new invention and to multiply good
texts, he communicated his ideas on the subject to one of the most
eminent of the professors, his friend Guillaume Fichet, " a person of
great enterprise, reading, and eloquence," ' who had also been
rector, and who was at the time librarian of the Sorbonne. Fichet,
with the aid of a wealthy and generous protector, agreed to support
the first expenses of the establishment thus contemplated. In
consequence of this arrangement, Heynlin invited from Basel,
where he had gone through the university course and had seen the
typographical art exercised, three persons who, he intended, should
establish the first printing-press in France. His invitation was

readily accepted. The names of the three partners in order were:
Michael Freyburger, of Colmar in Elsass, the head of the firm,
Master in the Faculty of Arts* of the University of Basel,
an old acquaintance of Heynlin, and two craftsmen, very likely
younger men, Ulrich Gering, of Constanz in Baden, 8 and Martin
Crantz.'

Sufficient space was contrived for their tools and materials in one
of the rooms of the old building 7 reserved for the library, at the
back of the adjoining houses of the " grant rue S. Jacques;" the
men themselves lodged in the neighbourhood.

They set to work immediately to engrave puncheons and strike
matrices, producing a fount of a large, round character, suited to
the failing eyesight of the prior. 8 This type was chosen from
printed books in Heynlin's possession, being closely imitated from
the edition of Caesar's Commentaries, printed at Rome in 1469
by Sweynheim and Pannartz. 9

The first book issued from the new press was the collection
of letters written by Gasparino Barzizi of Bergamo, exhibiting the
purest examples of Latin style and elegant didtion. The text was
carefully revised by Heynlin himself, and was very corre<5tly
printed.

Fichet, who rendered Heynlin such effective assistance in the
realization of his literary scheme, was a man of great capacity and
highly thought of. At the beginning of the year 1469, and again
in January, 1470, he had been sent by the king on a secret diplo-
matic mission w to Italy. Guillaume Chartier, Bishop of Paris, had
procured him the ecclesiastical benefice of Aunay (Alnetum). 11
The Cardinal Jehan Rolin, Bishop of Autun, a man of literary
tastes, held him in high esteem. He had been his protector since
he was a youth, and for many years" had supplied him liberally
with money. Fichet was accordingly in a position much more
so than Heynlin to contribute materially to the initial outlay.
And so, without assistance from the fellows (socii) of the Sorbonne,
a society of " poor masters," u who were often in need of money and
who could not possibly entertain strangers, Heynlin and Fichet

took upon themselves, one the active direction and the other the
financial burden of the enterprise."

Their confidence and their enthusiasm for the marvellous art
which they had introduced into their adopted city " is fully ex-
pressed in the metrical colophon to the edition of Gasparino's
Letters, in which they ask the patronage of the royal city of Paris,
mother of the Muses, for their almost divine art :

Ut sol lumen, sic doclrinam fundis in orbem,

Musarum nutrix, regia Parisius.
Hinc prope divinam tu quam Germania novit

Artem scribendi suscipe promerita.
Primes ecce libros quos haec industria finxit

Francorum in terris, aedibus atque tuis
Michael, Udalricus, Martinusque magistri

Hos impresserunt et facient alios.

There is no date to the volume 16 (a small quarto of 1 1 8 leaves,
twenty-two lines to the page) ; but we can easily ascertain it by
the preface. This preface consists of a letter addressed by Fichet
to his collaborator "Joanni Lapidano Sorbonensis scholae priori."
Heynlin is here entitled " prior," and it is said that he had already
presided with great credit at the theological discussions of the
Sorbonne. 17 The direction of these discussions was one of the
special duties of the prior. We may infer then that two or three
months at least had passed since his election at the end of March,
1470; and that the printing was finished in the summer, about
July or August of that year. 18

In his letter Fichet thanks Heynlin for the charming Letters
of Gasparino which he had sent him in proof. " They are not
only carefully corrected by yourself, but also neatly and daintily
reproduced by the German printers whom we owe to you. 19 . . .
The stationers whom you have brought from your native Germany
to Paris turn out copies most exactly corrected after their origi-
nals. 20 . . . You strain every nerve to ensure their printing nothing
that you have not previously collated in many copies and cor-
rected extensively." 21

The second book they printed was another work of the same
Gasparino, a treatise on the orthography of Latin words arranged
alphabetically, entitled, Gasparini Pergamtnsis orthographiae liber.
Heynlin added to it nine printed leaves, containing a little tradl on
diphthongs (dediphthongis) by Guarini of Verona, and a dialogue of
his own composition on the art of punctuation (de arte pun&andi). 12
Some early copies were issued without these additions." The last
sheet was still in the press when Fichet sent a copy, accompanied
by a congratulatory letter, as a New Year's gift to Robert Gaguin,
a former pupil of his, who had already distinguished himself.

This letter, highly interesting for the particulars it contains, was
unknown to bibliographers until it was discovered by myself,
printed in the copy which belonged to Heynlin. It is now
preserved, along with many others of Heynlin's books, in the
University Library at Basel. No other copy containing this letter
has as yet been found.

After speaking of the prostrate and decayed state of Latin poetry
and eloquence when he arrived years before from his native country
to study the philosophy of Aristotle at the School of Paris, Fichet
extols the great improvement since made in studies of all sorts. It
is partly due to the printers. These studies, he writes, "have
derived much light from the new kind of book-producers, whom in
our own time Germany, like another Trojan horse, has discharged
upon the world (quibus, quantum ipse conjeftura capio, magnum
lumen novorum librariorum genus attulit, quos nostra memoria
sicut quidam equus Trojanus quoquo versus effudit Germania).
They tell us that there (in Germany), not far from the city of
Mainz (Ferunt cnim illic, haul procul a civitate Moguntia), the art
of printing was first of all invented by one John, whose surname
was Gutenberg (Joannem quemdam fuisse cui cognomen Bone-
montano qui primus omnium impressoriam artem excogitaverit)."

Here then is the first authentic statement of the claim of
Gutenberg u to be the real inventor of printing, a statement indis-
putably of the highest value as evidence in the case. We pass
over the laudatory expressions bestowed by Fichet on the dis-

coverer of so divine an art, to quote what he says concerning the
printers of the Sorbonne. " And here particularly I will not omit
to mention our own workmen, who now in skill surpass their
master: of whom Ulric, Michael, and Martin are said to be the
chief (Neque praesertim hoc loco nostros silebo qui superant jam
arte magistrum, quorum Udalricus, Michael, 25 ac Martinus prin-
cipes esse dicuntur). They have already printed the letters of
Gasparino of Bergamo, corrected by Jean de la Pierre (qui jam
pridem Gasparini Pergamensis epistolas impresserunt quas Joannes
Lapidanus emendavit) ; and now they are exerting themselves to
finish the same author's Orthography, also carefully corrected by
the same hand (Quin illius audloris Orthographiam, quam hie etiam
accurate correxit, se accingunt perficere)." The letter is subscribed :
" At the house of the Sorbonne, written hastily on New Year's Day
at daybreak (Aedibus Sorbone raptim a me Kalendis Januariis dilu-
culo scriptum)."

Fichet's present, received by Gaguin on the last day of Decem-
ber, is acknowledged by him in a Latin poem of twenty-four verses
(twelve distichs) in praise of Fichet, dated from the convent of
the Mathurins, the first of January. This poem is printed after
Fichet's letter.

The book itself is a thick volume, nearly double the size of its
predecessor, consisting of 22 1 leaves, including two blank leaves at
the beginning and one at the end, for the Orthography ; ten leaves,
including a final blank leaf, for the two other little treatises ; and
six leaves, including a final blank, for the letter and Gaguin's
verses; or 237 leaves for the complete book. It is printed with
twenty-three, instead of twenty-two lines to the page. The type,
the same as that employed for the Letters of Gasparino, seems
quite new.

From a careful examination of the volume, we are strongly of
opinion that the Orthographia is in chronological order the second
work that issued from the press of the Sorbonne, and that the
whole book was completed and the printing finished early in
January, 1471.

We are aware that Philippe assigns the completion of the
volume to the beginning of 1472; but he has entirely neglected
to examine the type, and is consequently unaware of the technical
evidence derived from its fresh condition. He confesses that the
sole or principal argument which leads him to fix on the year
1472 consists in the words "jam pridem," which describe the
printing of Gasparino's letters as having taken place " a long time
ago." To this we reply that "jam pridem " signifies " formerly,"
or " some time ago," and is perfectly applicable to the space of a
few months which elapsed between the first and the second issue
of Fichet's press.** The expression "jam diu " would have been
the right one to employ, if a longer period had been intended.
Cardinal Bessario used this very phrase in a letter addressed to
Fichet the last day of August, 1471, alluding to a letter (to which
he had received no answer) sent on the I3th of December, 1470,
seven or eight months before."

It is also natural to suppose that a work presenting scholars
with the best examples of style should be followed at once
by the Orthography, or art of spelling, of the same author as
a complementary volume. Moreover, only the Letters are men-
tioned in the Orthography as having issued from the press. This
would hardly have been the case if other books had already
appeared.

There is another serious objection to the later date. We know
from a letter of Cardinal Bessario to Fichet that towards the end
of November, 1471, Gaguin was at Rome. It is contrary to all
probability that he was in Paris at the end of the following month,
or on the ist of January, 1472.

The paper employed for printing this book is a strong and
very thick paper, of the best quality. The watermarks are the
crowned fleur-de-lis in a shield, with the letter J at the end, and
a large gothic letter P surmounted by a cross. These marks are
exactly the same as in the preceding book.

Shortly afterwards appeared an edition of Sallust, the Latin
historian of the conspiracy of Catiline and of the war with

Jugurtha. The date can be easily determined by the following
verses, which are placed at the end of the Jugurtha :

Nunc parat arma virosque simul rex maximus orbis

Hostibus antiquis exitium minitans.
Nunc igitur bello studeas gens Pariseorum,

Cui Martis quondam gloria magna fuit.
Exempla tibi sint nunc fortia fafta virorum,

Quae digne memorat Crispus in hoc opere.
Armigeris tuis Alemanos adnumeres qui
Hos pressere libros, arma futura tibi.

The historical facl alluded to is the preparation for the war
declared against Charles, Duke of Burgundy. Consequently the
Sallust was printed towards the end of January or the beginning
of February, H/i. 29 The last words, "arma futura tibi," show
that hostilities had not begun yet. The book was very likely in
the hands of the compositors some time before. It forms a quarto
volume, divided into two parts : thirty-five leaves for the first part,
containing the text of the Catiline, followed by a blank leaf; sixty-
eight leaves for the Jugurtha, the last leaf being printed on the retto
only; altogether 106 leaves, twenty-three lines to the full page. 30

The copy that belonged to the Sorbonne is printed on vellum,
and decorated with handsome painted borders at the beginning of
each part, with illuminated initials for each book. It is now
exhibited in the show-room of the " Galerie Mazarine " at the
Bibliotheque Nationale. At the end, a contemporary hand has
written, " Fichetanus Salustius" Philippe observes that this inscrip-
tion gives support to the idea that Fichet was the principal pro-
moter of the edition. 31

There are some differences in the title of the copy on vellum
as compared with a copy on paper, also in the Bibliotheque
Nationale. Some faults are corrected in the press, but, as was
noticed by Van Praet, 32 the correction does not extend beyond the
first leaf.

Chevillier in his list puts down as the second book printed by
our German typographers an edition of Florus with Latin verses
by Robert Gaguin at the end.

The distichs of Gaguin are addressed to the readers of Florus :
" Robertus Gaguinus Lucei (sic) Annei Flori lectoribus salutem
optat " : and are as follows :

Quos nulh in terris concluserat ora Quirites

Haec Flori obstrictos parva tabella capit :
Et quaeque cxitnia produxit Livius artc

Bella, duces, pompas, rite coaSa tenet.
Quo vero exemplo vobis sperare futurum

Qui fama et quaestu fitrtis in astra gradum.
Post tumidos nisus, post saeva pericula sortis,

Ad manes raptos vos brevis urna teget.

This piece is certainly an allusion to the turbulent and haughty
conduct of the Duke of Burgundy, at a time when he was menacing
the King of France and threatening to overrun the kingdom with
a numerous army ; and it surveys the dissensions between the
princes and Louis XI. As a matter of fact, the copy of Florus
that belonged to Heynlin was bound at the time of its publica-
tion with the Sallust. From this circumstance, and from the
reference which we find in the verses to the events of the moment,
we are of opinion that it may be ranged immediately after the
Sallust. The watermark (a crowned fleur-de-lis) seems to show
that the book is an early impression, being the same as in the two
works of Gasparino ; but the type does not look so new as in the
Orthographia. It consists of ninety leaves (including one blank),
twenty-three lines to the full page. The size is quarto."

Next on the list we can place with more certainty the Orations
of Cardinal Bessario. In a letter from Rome, 14 Bessario states that on
the 1 4th of December, 1470, he had sent to Fichet the manuscript
copy of his Oratianes. Six weeks after, when communications
were on the point of being closed by war, Fichet received the
parcel by the hands of the Abbot of S. Corneille.* In accordance
with the cardinal's request," the work was immediately prepared
for press. Printed copies were ready towards the middle of April,
as we may infer with certainty from a dedication copy presented
on the 23rd of that month to Cardinal Rolin, Bishop of Autun,
the generous educator and wealthy benefactor of Fichet." Jehan

9 c

Rolin had the highest esteem for Bessario ; and it was he who
had brought about the acquaintance and friendship between the
learned patriarch of Nicaea and the doctor of the Sorbonne. As
a grateful acknowledgment, Fichet bestowed the first copy of the
work of their common friend on one who had every claim to be
so preferred. 38

Other copies were presented to the king, to the princes of the
royal family, to the King of England, to the Duke of Burgundy,
to the Duke of Savoy, the Emperor Frederick, and other potentates,
as also to the chiefs of monastic orders. The distribution of the
copies occupied a whole year. Some were printed on vellum and
decorated with paintings, like the copy (now in the Vatican
Library) offered to the young King of England, the copy sent
to the Emperor (now in the Imperial Library at Vienna), and
others.

Special printed letters of dedication, annexed to some of them,
show clearly that the book was produced more for private dis-
tribution than for sale. Fichet had most of these letters transcribed
by a secretary, together with the correspondence that passed between
himself and Cardinal Bessario. The letter-book containing these
invaluable documents, with autograph annotations by Fichet, is
bound in a small quarto volume with the Orationes printed at the
Sorbonne press. It was formerly in the library of the Cardinal
Lomenie de Brienne, Archbishop of Sens, a great collector of early
books in the last century, and now belongs to the Bibliotheque
Nationale. 39

The printed text of the Orationes consists of forty leaves in quarto,
containing twenty-three lines to a full page. The dedicatory
letters, printed or manuscript, are of course not included in this
collation. They differ in each copy according to their length.

For many years Fichet had been teaching the art of eloquence
to the students of the University of Paris. 40 The lectures, delivered
by him in public, were taken down by his auditors, and some
manuscript copies circulated among scholars. As they were
generally defective, Fichet prepared a revised text and had it

printed at the Sorbonne under his own careful supervision. As
each part or chapter of his Rhetoric was written, he handed
it to the compositors." The work was much improved as it passed
through the press ; definitions being altered and made clearer by
the author in correcting the proof-sheets. 4 *

As soon as a sheet was printed off, a transcript was made on
vellum by a copyist and richly illuminated, following the divi-
sions of the printed page exactly, line for line. This splendid
copy was presented, previously to the distribution of the printed
book, to a prince of the royal blood, Charles, Count of Maine,
the greatest lover and collector of books of his time in France,
as we learn from the dedicatory epistle. In this masterly
piece Fichet extols the noble and glorious passion for books,
enumerating the most famed libraries from the earliest anti-
quity to the present age,** finally reserving for the prince the
most flattering terms of laudatory eloquence. A fine miniature
painting represents the author in the costume of a doctor of the
Sorbonne, numbly kneeling before the prince and offering him
his book. For many years after the invention of printing, it was
usual, in obedience to the rules of polite etiquette, to offer such
manuscript copies, richly illuminated, of books already in print to
sovereigns, princes, and other persons of high rank, in preference
to the ordinary printed copies. The manuscript copy of Fichct's
Rhetoric was presented to Charles, Count of Maine, brother of
Rene, King of Provence, on the ist of July, 1471, as we know by
the date at the end of the dedication. Its present resting-place
is the ducal library at Gotha, where it arrived after going
through vicissitudes at present unknown to us. " Habent sua fata
libelli."

The printed copies were not ready until a fortnight afterwards.
Some were printed upon vellum, and decorated with illuminated
borders. It is easy to imagine that it took a certain time to get
them all bound, and properly illuminated, and also to get separate
letters printed and added to the dedication-copies. The manu-
script copy might have been finished first of all, and presented at

1 1

once to the prince, who had his library in Paris. Copres intended
for persons at a distance could not be sent immediately; some
delay, now necessarily unascertainable, would be occasioned by the
difficulties of communication at the time. The space of two
weeks between the first and second dedication may perhaps be
better attributed to the unsatisfactory state of Fichet's health, due
to an illness brought on by incessant labour prosecuted with too
great eagerness, as he afterwards declared in a letter to a friend."

The first two printed copies were intended to be presented to
Cardinal Rolin and Cardinal Bessario. A third was offered simul-
taneously to Rene, King of Provence. Jehan Rolin, Bishop of
Autun, was the benefactor and financial provider of Fichet; Bessario
had introduced him to literature. We are able to give convincing
evidence of this from the copy of the Rhetoric addressed to Pope
Sixtus IV. In the dedication Fichet begs to be excused for not
having presented the book to His Holiness earlier. He explains
that he was bound to offer it in the first instance, as their right and
legitimate due, to the Cardinal-Bishop of Autun, who provided
him with his daily bread, and to the Bishop of Nicaea, who was the
first to furnish him with books and literary tastes.

The copy of the Rhetoric containing the particulars here given
is printed on vellum, and decorated with a splendid full-page
miniature, reproduced as the frontispiece to this monograph, show-
ing the author kneeling before the Pope and presenting his book. 45
On the right side of the papal throne stands, with his long white
beard, the first among the surrounding circle of high ecclesiastical
dignitaries, Cardinal Bessario, the old friend of Fichet. This highly
interesting volume, bound in embroidered silk, is now preserved in
the library of the British Museum.

The first printed copy offered to Cardinal Rolin is lost. Fortu-
nately a duplicate proof of the letter of dedication addressed to him
has come down to us. It is printed on paper, and is bound up with a
set of four other letters, in print* 8 or in manuscript, formerly in the
old library of the Sorbonne and now in the Bibliotheque Nationale.
[It bears the mark Z. 1683 in the Reserve.] These letters

were evidently collected by Fichet, as in the case of Bessario's
Orations. The heading of the letter to Jehan Rolin is in red."
Fichet styles himself the pupil (alumnus) of the Bishop of Autun.
He says positively, as in the letter to the Pope, that no one had
an earlier or better claim to receive a copy of the book than he
(Jehan Rolin) who for the last ten years had constantly up to the
present day supplied him with liberal funds.

Fichet discharged another debt of grateful acknowledgment by
sending a copy of his Rhetoric to Guillaume Chartier, Bishop ot
Paris, who had encouraged and decided him to stay in the city.
" Not only," says he, " were you the first of all during my reclorate
to reward me with an ecclesiastical benefice (non solum ecclesiastico
beneficio quo tempore recloratum gerebam primus omnium remu-
ncrasti), but when I had taken the degree of Doctor it was by your
bounty that I remained in Paris (verum etiam sumptis docloralibus
insignibus Parisiis remorandi tuo beneficio causa fuisti).'"

The last copy of the Rhetoric presented by Fichet was dedicated
to Charles of Bourbon, Archbishop of Lyons. The printed letter
attached to the copy is on paper ; it is dated March 3151, and is
followed by part of the letter to Cardinal Bessario, reprinted with
its subscription, " scriptum impressumque in zdibus Sorbonae 1471."
Bibliographers have been mistaken in inferring from this that the
book was printed towards the end of March, 1471. We are indeed
of opinion that it was then in the press, but we are convinced that
the book was not finally completed until three months afterwards,
and that it was issued only on July I5th. We have already given
conclusive evidence of the fadt in the letters addressed to Cardinal
Rolin and to Pope Sixtus IV. The letter to Cardinal Bessario has
no month added to the date, for the reason that when the copy was
ready for presentation it remained some time in the hands of Fichet.
Owing to the insecurity of the roads at the time he was obliged to
wait for an opportunity of sending a safe messenger to Rome ; and
foreseeing that delay 4 * was unavoidable, and its duration uncertain,
omitted to particularize the date.

It was late in the day when Fichet thought of sending his book

to Charles of Bourbon. He knew that the archbishop was an
intimate friend of Bessario, and offered him the Rhetoric as a mark
of deference in consideration of the position in which they stood to
each other as common friends of Bessario. To show the prelate
what terms he was on with the illustrious cardinal he annexed to
his present letter of dedication part of the letter of gratitude which
he had previously written to Bessario as the patron of his new
work, and the instigator of his literary studies.

After this explanation we can easily understand the mistake of
Brunei (Manuel du Libraire, ii., 242), who, reading only the date
1471 placed at the end of the letter relating to Bessario, ascribed
the same date without further reflection to the dedication addressed
to Charles of Bourbon. Brunei had also seen at the Bibliotheque
Nationale a manuscript copy on vellum of the same two dedicatory
epistles joined to a printed copy on paper of the Rhetoric, and from
this was induced to believe that it was the very copy presented to
the Archbishop of Lyons. But elsewhere he states that a similar
dedication exists in the copy printed on vellum which formerly
belonged to the Due de la Valliere, and was bought at his sale by
the Imperial Library of Vienna. He then concludes from these
three copies that the epistles ought to be found in most of the other
copies of the edition. Under these circumstances Philippe does not
hesitate to say that Fichet placed the Rhetoric under the patronage
of Charles of Bourbon. This is a gross blunder, as we shall proceed
to prove. The copy of the Rhetoric on paper, with the printed letter
preceding it, in the Reserve (X. 2052) of the Bibliotheque Nationale,
is the only one that really belonged to Charles. The first page is
finely illuminated in gold and colours, with his arms. The other
copy (Reserve X. 1114) was never the property of the archbishop.
It belonged to Laurent Bureau, doctor of the Sorbonne, who became
confessor to Charles VIII. and Louis XII., and afterwards Bishop
of Sisteron. His arms are painted at the beginning of the text,
with his device, "Amor meus crucifixus est," at the foot of the page.
His initials, L. B. t. (Laurentius Burellus theologus), are also to
be found inserted in the first illuminated letter of the text. 60 The

manuscript leaves of dedication alluded to are much shorter than
the other leaves of the volume, and have evidently been added to
it in modern times. Van Praet does not much believe in their
genuineness, and he thinks that it is a careful modern imitation of
the writing of the time. Philippe is of a different opinion. Our
own view is that it is a mere transcription of the printed dedication
made by a collector desirous of adding it to his copy, which was
perhaps one on vellum. In fact we consider it as a document
liable to suspicion, and very likely a forgery. M. L. Delisle, the
best judge on the subject, is of our opinion, and has no doubt of
the forgery which we suspect.

The two similar leaves mentioned as occurring in the vellum
copy from the Gaignat and La Valliere collections, now at Vienna,
have the same origin. They are at present missing."

Now that we have cleared up the mystery of the three copies
dedicated to Charles of Bourbon, which have puzzled former biblio-
graphers, and conclusively reduced them to a single one, the faft
is established that the Archbishop of Lyons was not the patron
chosen by the author. This fact will appear much more clearly
when we have proved that the real date of the dedication by Fichet
is 1472 (New Style), and not 1471, as is generally supposed.

Fichet, as we have seen, kept duplicate copies or proofs of the
printed letters of dedication sent with the copies of the Rhetoric
arranged in order. We have given in a previous note a list of the
respective owners of these copies. The name of Charles of Bourbon
docs not appear either in print or manuscript. In Fichet's copy-
book of the letters accompanying the Orations of Bessario, the
seventeenth and last letter is addressed to the Dean and Canons of
the Church of Lyons (Clarissimis patribus decano singulisque
Lugdunsis ecclesie canonicis), and dated from the Sorbonne on the
2nd of April, 1472 (Edibus Sorbone Parisii scriptum quarto Nonas
Apriles. Anno secundo et septuagesimo qua . . .). The word
is not completed, and the copy-book stops suddenly here." In our
opinion the copy of the Rhetoric intended for the Archbishop of
Lyons was sent by the same messenger as the Orations of Bessario ;

consequently the former letter, dated exactly two days before the
other, must be interpreted as the 3151 of March, 1472, the feast
of Easter falling that year on the zgth of March. We conclude by
two pieces of internal evidence. The types of the letter addressed to
Charles of Bourbon look rather heavier and more worn than in the
other letters, or in the text of the Rhetoric. The copy is distin-
guished by containing many more pen corrections by the editor
than those previously distributed, and one leaf (fo. 37) is reprinted
with a definitive text much altered. Moreover, the first copy of
such a book presented to a chosen patron ought, according to the rules
of politeness, to have been a copy on vellum. After nine months no
copy on vellum was left ; M and a copy on paper, richly illuminated
with the arms of Charles of Bourbon, was offered by Fichet instead.
The Rhetoric forms a thick quarto volume of 194 leaves, in-
cluding three leaves blank. 64 The printed or manuscript letters
added to some copies are not included in this collation. The
number of lines is twenty-three, and in some cases twenty-four, as
in leaves 72, 73, and 74. The text ends on the recto of leaf 192.
On the 1 92nd leaf follows a panegyric on the author, in fourteen
distichs, or twenty-eight Latin verses by Robert Gaguin. The same
piece had appeared six months before in the Orthographia, but in
the present reprint some verses were added, in which Savoy is
expressly mentioned as the native country of Fichet, who is to be
the perpetual glory of France :

Felix ilia quidem tali Sabaudia alumno
Cujus erit Gallis perpetuatus honor.

After Fichet's Rhetoric we are not aware of any other dated book
of the year 1 47 1 , except a folio edition of the Elegantiae Linguae
Latinae, by Lauren tius Valla. The text was at the request of Heynlin
revised by Pierre Paul Vieillot (Senilis), secretary to the King of
France. Heynlin also divided the text into chapters, and com-
piled a vocabulary of the most important expressions, followed by a
letter of acknowledgment to his friend, who had fulfilled the duty
of clearing the text from the faults and spurious readings of the

copyists. The Valla is the most important work so far produced
at the Sorbonne. It forms a thick folio volume of 262 leaves,
including four blank leaves. It is arranged in twenty-seven quires,
mostly of ten, but some of eight leaves. The number of lines is
thirty-two to a full page. 64 The type begins to appear rather worn
when compared with the preceding books.

Two other volumes were printed at the Sorbonne Press a little
before the Valla, an edition of Cicero's Orator ', and a Valerius
Maximus. No copy of them has ever been found, but of their
existence there can be no doubt. They are mentioned, together
with the Valla, in a letter of Heynlin, as impressions already issued
some time ago from the same press. Fichet had left Paris just
then in order to proceed to the king's court. He was intrusted by
Cardinal Bessario with the duty of expounding to his majesty a
plan of general pacification, and of determining Louis XI. to
undertake the crusade against the Turks, who were then the great
danger that threatened Christianity. During the time that Fichet
had to wait before he could be admitted to an audience with the
king, several works of Cicero, brought over to Tours by certain
booksellers or printers,** fell by chance into his hands. In the
midst of the noise of the court he derived great profit from reading
them, and more pleasure than when he had read them often and
often again at home.* 7 It would have been more pleasant still if
each book had been better corrected and divided into chapters like
the Orator of Cicero, the Valerius Maximus, and the Laurentiut Valla,
already printed under the care of Heynlin.* 1 Fichet accordingly
gives instructions to his friend concerning an edition of the De OJpciis
and other works of Cicero which the Paris printers were pre-
paring for the press, telling him to improve it by applying to
it his method of accurate correction and careful division into
chapters.**

These particulars are given by Fichet in his letter dated from
the house of Raoul Toustain, his host, at Tours, the yth March,
1472 (1471, Old Style), and printed as a preface at the head of the
edition of Cicero's Offices and other tracts (De Amicitia, De

17 D

Seneflufe, Somnium Scipionis, and Paradoxa] printed with the
Sorbonne type.

From this document it appears clearly that three books, the
Orator of Cicero, Valerius Maximus, and Laurentius Valla, were
successively printed under the care of Johann Heynlin, alias de la
Pierre, before March, 1472, that is, during the last month of
1471, after Fichet's Rhetoric. The manuscript copy of the Offices
and other works of the Latin philosopher had been for some time
(at least as early as the first two months of 1472) in the hands of
the compositors, and the work was so much advanced that printed
copies could be issued and sold in the last days of this very month
of March, I472. 60 The volume is a folio like the Valla, and
consists of 1 24 leaves, including one blank. A full page contains
thirty-one lines. Heynlin offered a copy to George of Baden,
Bishop of Metz, and accompanied it with a special letter printed
on vellum, and finely illuminated with the arms of the prelate in
gold and colours. At the end of the letter, after the usual com-
plimentary form, " Vale," he added in his own handwriting the
words, " Prestantissime pater."

Next in date we must place here the Speculum Vitae Humanae
by Roderic, Bishop of Zamora, a folio volume (142 leaves, in-
cluding one blank, thirty-two lines to a page), commonly classified by
bibliographers among the latest productions of the Sorbonne press.
The copy preserved in the British Museum (C. 13. b. 9), however,
possesses three supplementary leaves, not found in any other example,
and these contain dedicatory letters from the printers, hitherto
unpublished and unknown, one of which, as we shall see, is dated
April 22nd, 1472. On account of the importance of these letters
they are printed verbatim at the end of this monograph, and a
page from one of them is given in facsimile. Nevertheless, we
must here briefly indicate their contents.

The first of the three letters is styled by the rubricator Epistola
comendatoria, and is directed to John II., Duke of Bourbon and
Auvergne, peer and chamberlain of France. A visit which, during
a stay in Paris, this high personage had paid, of his own accord, to

the humble rooms of the printers to see their printing formes ami
presses is mentioned as a mark of interest and honour, stimulating
them to fresh alacrity. In their gratitude they offer, as a little
present, profitable, and, as they hope, agreeable to the duke, the
Mirror of Human Life, composed by Roderic, Bishop of Zamora,
lately published at Rome, and now reprinted by their industry.

The second letter, entitled Epistola recommendatoria, is addressed
to Robert de Estouteville, Provost of Paris, whom the printers
thank most heartily for the excellent treatment they had already
received in this city of Paris, where they are treated not as mere
guests and newcomers, but as freemen and citizens. The Mirror
of Human Life, they say, lately published at Rome, we have but
just finished printing at Paris for the public benefit, and especially
for your sake, as we know that you will gladly read of the
manners and different conditions of men which this work reviews.
The letter ends with this distich, in the style of those of Fichet,
offering the book :

Que tua pittas conservat, clare Roberts,

Suscipiat munus quod tibi sit placitum.

The third and last letter is addressed to the King of France, and
contains, like the previous ones, a grateful acknowledgment of the
kindness received by the printers in Paris, the capital of the
kingdom, " where we are so well treated that no more delightful
freedom is possible for us, who in reliance only on your clemency
greatly desire that the books we print should render illustrious
the kingdom made happy by your reign." Alluding slightly to
the quarrel with the Duke of Burgundy they appeal to the royal
magnanimity for peace and conciliation. With the utmost
reverence they present to his majesty, for the government of his
subjects and as a token of their loyalty, the Mirror of Human
Lift, as they have fashioned, i.e. printed it, with their own hands.
This letter to Louis XI. is dated and inscribed, "Tua in Lutetia,
x. Kal. Maii anni millesimi quadringentesimi secundi supra
septuagesimum manibus tibi deditissimorura Martini, Udalrici
atque Michaelis impressum."

The loth of the Kalends of May corresponds to April 22nd, 1472,
one month after the departure of Fichet from the court at
Amboise. Although the name of Fichet does not appear in the
letter, we are of opinion that it was suggested, if not written by
him, in pursuance of his scheme of pacification.

It will be observed that the names of the printers are not in the
same order as that in which they are given in previous books of
their printing. In the first book (Gasparini Epistolae) they appear
as Michael, Martinus, and Udalricus ; in the second (Gasparini
Orthographia) as Udalricus, Martinus, and Michael ; here as
Martinus, Udalricus, and Michael ; and in a fourth book
(Epistolae Cynicae), to be mentioned hereafter, in the same order
as in the first. These changes in the order of the names seems to
have arisen from a mutual deference, and may be observed
throughout their partnership.

The Cicero De Officiis is the last book in which the name of
Heynlin appears as corrector or editor. It was followed by an
edition of the Tusculanae ^uaestiones^ printed in the same size and
with the same types, and with the same method of division by
chapters. Copies are sometimes bound with the De Officiis, but
they evidently form two distindt publications issued independently.
Brunet and other bibliographers are mistaken when they describe
them as forming the two parts of a single complete volume. 62 At
the end of the 'Tusculans we read seven distichs of Erhard Winds-
berg, who seems to have succeeded to Heynlin as corrector or
reviser in the printing office of the Sorbonne. The last three
distichs mention the division of the book into chapters, and
praise the skill displayed by the printers. 63 The book forms a folio
volume of eighty-eight leaves, including one blank. A full page
contains thirty-one lines, as in the De OJficiis

Next in order after these works of Cicero and the Speculum
Vitae Humanae, we think that we can place the Letters of Plato,
translated into Latin by Leonardo Bruni of Arezzo. The publica-
tion of them was suggested to Fichet by reading the work of
Bessario on the Philosophy of Plato. In a letter of the 4th April,

I47 2 > from the Sorbonne, Fichet writes to his friend : "I was
possessed by such eagerness to read your book just received,
that through the nights of this Eastertide I sought in vain a
way to sleep." Plato," he says, " kept my attention fixed in
admiration of lovely things which I had never read before." M * He
is so charmed and excited that he solicits a special favour from
Bessario. It is that he would write a preface addressed to the
School of Paris. " In this preface," says Fichet, " you must
enjoin me to present your beloved Plato in your name to our Paris
students, and give everyone the opportunity of making a copy of
him." Finish this preface with all speed that I may present your
Plato in your name to the School of Paris as soon as it assembles
after this Easter vacation. 87 Funds shall be provided, and I need
not say I will exert myself that in the meantime our printers
may strike off many Platos from the Plato you have sent me."
From the lines just quoted we see something of the relation
between Fichet, the real owner of the Sorbonne press, and the
printers. Fichet had to pay the cost of printing some time after
the work was finished, deducting sums received by the printers for
copies sold in the meantime.

For this intended edition of Plato Fichet speaks of some copies
to be printed on vellum if he can afford the expense, as had been
done for Bcssario's Orations. He will place them in the public
libraries of the colleges of Paris, that they may be read to the
remotest ages." Exactly one month afterwards, on the 4th May,
1472, the University, assembled at the Convent of the Mathurins,
addressed an official letter of acknowledgment to Cardinal Bessario
for the presentation made to them by Fichet of his work on Plato,
and also for a copy of his Orations."

Full of enthusiasm for divine Plato, and impatient to spread his
teaching, our doctor of the Sorbonne gave immediate orders to his
copyists 70 for a manuscript of the Letters of Plato translated into
Latin. This charming copy, written on vellum, a little volume of
the size of a pocket-book," was offered to a friend of his, Jehan
Choard of Buzenval, late Provost-Lieutenant of Paris, member of the

Assembly of Notables held at Tours in 1470, and at the present
time Chancellor to the Duke of Calabria, brother of King Rene of
Provence. It was preceded by a letter of presentation dated from
the Sorbonne on the 27th April, twenty-three days after the letter
addressed to Bessario. The book, however, was not presented till
a fortnight afterwards, as we learn from another letter to the same
person, also written by Fichet, inserted in front of the volume, and
dated the I3th May.

Printed copies of these Letters of Plato followed, we think, not
very long after. We presume their number was limited, as we
can trace only three copies. One is mentioned in the catalogue of
the Crevenna Library, sold by auction at Amsterdam at the end of
the eighteenth century, but it is not known where it is now pre-
served. The other belonged to Heynlin, and is preserved with his
other books in the University Library at Basel. A third exists
in the public library at Angers, bound with the Epistles of
Phalaris, Brutus and Crates and the Florus. Neither of them con-
tains Fichet's letters found in the manuscript copy. The printed
volume, a quarto, consists altogether of fifty leaves. 72 A full page
averages twenty-three lines ; the last page contains only fourteen
lines, and beneath them is the following distich by Fichet :

Discite re&ores divinitus ore Platonis

Quid vos, quod civcs reddat in urbe bonos.

Bessario did not send the prefatory letter solicited by Fichet.
Probably he was prevented by sickness or some other cause un-
known from complying with the request of his friend, and the
Letters of Plato took the place of his work. We aje pretty sure
that no vellum copies were made of Plato's Epistles. Had it been
so, they should have been found in the libraries of the Parisian
colleges to which the publisher would have given them, as he
expressed his intention of doing if they had ever been printed.

At this time Fichet was occupied with philosophical ideas and
studies. We are strongly of opinion that simultaneously or after the
Letters of Plato he resolved to publish the letters of other Greek

philosophers. The Letters of Phalaris, translated into Latin, were
sent to press in one volume with the Letters of Brutus and Crates.
At the head of the Letters of Crates, disciple of Diogenes the Cynic,
we read before the preface the following verses :

Hac tibi virtutum stimulus et semina laudum
Atque cxempla dabunt Cynicac, o lector studiose.

(Studious reader, these cynic letters will incite to virtue and sow the seed and set the
example of meritorious deeds.)

On the reverse of the last leaf we find a piece of eight verses :

Erhardi Vuinsberg cpigramma ad Germanos libraries egregios Michaelem,
Martinum atque Udalricum. .

Plura licet summae dederis Alemania laudi

At reor hoc majus te genuisse nihil,
Quod prope divinam summa ex industria fingis

Scribendi hanc artem, multiplicans studia.
Foelices igitur Michael, Martineque semper

Vivite et Ulrice hoc queis opus imprimitur.
Erhardum vestrum et non dedignemini amore,

Cui fido semper pe&ore clausi eritis."'

Erhard Windsberg, whose name appears for the first time in a
distich at the end of Cicero's Tuscu/ans, as we have already re-
marked, seems to have assumed the functions of Johann Heynlin
when he was prevented by absence, or some other cause unknown
to us, from continuing to revise the texts printed at the Sorbonne.
As we have noticed, there is no further trace of Heynlin's literary
collaboration after March, 1472. Erhard was no doubt a friend
of our printers, a German, it may be, a native of the same country.
Chevillier says that he was a student in medicine, 74 and also a
friend of Heynlin. He afterwards returned to Germany, and
from a letter written by him from Saxony in 1486 to Reuchlin,
we learn that he became doctor in medicine. The copy of the
Letters of Phalaris, Brutus, and Crates, given to him by Fichet, is
to be seen in the Cantonal Library of Lucerne. It contains auto-
graph notes of Fichet in the margins, and an inscription on the
fly-leaf and cover in his handwriting : " Per me M. Erhardo

Ventimontano (/.*., Windsberg), teste meo signo manuali," and,
below, the mark of Fichet, a Greek 4>.

Most bibliographers have assigned to these Letters an early place
among the impressions of the Sorbonne. But the admiration
expressed in the verses of Erhard, and the tribute of praise
bestowed on his friends the printers, do not prove at all that the
volume is one of the first productions of that press. It merely
shows that Erhard felt a natural emotion of wondering enthusiasm
when he was allowed to penetrate to the printing-room of the
establishment, and was initiated into the mystery of the new
mechanical art of writing and multiplying copies of books for
scholars. The comparative heaviness of the type proves from
internal evidence that these Letters were not printed so early as has
been generally supposed. The collection forms a quarto volume
of eighty-two leaves, with twenty-three lines to a full page. 76

We are aware of the existence of two other impressions executed
at the Sorbonne in 1471-72, but neither of them bears a date, and
we confess that we have not yet found sufficient evidence to assign
one to them with certainty. One of them, Augustini Dathi
Senensis isagogicus libellus in eloquentia frecepfa, we are inclined to
place between the Rhetoric of Fichet and the Orator of Cicero on
account of the similarity of the subjedt. It is divided into chapters
like the latter, according to the method recommended by Fichet
to Heynlin. The unique copy of this edition, unknown to Panzer,
Hain, Brunet, and other bibliographers, was mentioned for the first
time by Philippe, who gives an accurate description of the book
and a facsimile of the first page. 76 This copy, which was Heynlin's
own, and which is bound with a MS. of Cicero's Rhetoric, is now
preserved in the University Library at Basel. The Dathus is a
small quarto of forty-six leaves, including two blanks at the end,
with twenty-three lines to a full page.

The other undated book is a Virgil. After the Latin prose
writers, the editors of the Sorbonne turned their attention to
classical poetry. We believe that the edition of Virgil's Ecloges
was the first work printed in this branch of literature. There is

no preface. The following verses, indicative of the nature of the con-
tents, are placed after a title in two lines at the head of the first page :

Hie deflct Meliboeus profugiat quid inique,
Tityrus ast Isetus quis contulit otia dicit.

The book ends with a single line for the colophon : " Finis foelix
Georgicorum Virgilii." The volume, a small folio, contains fifty
leaves, including a blank at the beginning, with thirty-two lines
to a page, like the Valla. The only copy known to exist is in the
possession of Mrs. Rylands of Manchester. It is exactly described
by Philippe, who gives a facsimile of the first and last pages."

We again find the name of Erhard Windsberg m a folio edition
of Juvenal and Persius, printed a short time after the Letters of
Phalaris. Like the Rhetoric and the Letters of Plato, it was pre-
ceded by a MS. copy prepared for a high personage, Peter Doriollc,
Chancellor of France. On the first page a fine miniature painting
represents the chancellor seated at a table, with seals and imple-
ments for writing. About him officials and clerks are busy
despatching and sealing letters and other State documents. On
the left is seen a humble personage kneeling, with his head un-
covered ; he is accompanied by a young boy with his hands
clasped in an attitude of supplication, and presents to the chan-
cellor the MS. of Juvenal. This illumination is followed by a
dedicatory poem in thirty-two verses, which form an acrostic :
PIERRE DORIOLLE CHANCELIER DE FRANCE. The volume, a small
folio, neatly written on choice vellum, is finely executed. At the
beginning of the satires there are initial letters illuminated and
historiatcd with personages suggested by the subject of the poem.
At the end stands an address by Erhard in two verses as follows :

ERHAKDUS D. J. JUVENAUS CUJ.TOKI r[ELicrrATiM] OPT AT.

Ecce parens Satyrarum princcps Eliconis et audor
In pravos mittens tela severs notac.

To the lovers of Juvenal Erhard wishes happiness.

See the father of Satire, a chief writer of Helicon, hurling upon the wicked the
piercing darts of ignominy.

2J E

The text of the manuscript is accompanied with notes and an
interlinear commentary, written in a smaller character, but by the
same hand. The notes and the commentary are probably due to
Erhard. 80

In the printed book, published evidently after the written copy,
there are no notes and no commentary ; but to the text of Juvenal
are added the Satires of Persius. The Juvenal ends on leaf sixty-
one verso, with the same distich of Erhard as in the manuscript
copy. The Persius begins immediately after, on leaf sixty-two
redto, and ends on the seventy-third leaf with another poetical piece
composed by Erhard, to extol, much in the same way as in the
edition of Phalaris, Brutus, and Crates, the new invention of
printing and those who exercised it :

ERHARDI TETRASTICHON AD GERMANOS LIBRARIOS INGENUOS.

Ecce tibi princeps satyrarum codice parvo
Persiius (sic) arte nova impressus et ingenio.

Foelices igitur Aletnannos arte magistra
Qui studia ornantes fertis in astra gradus.

Tetrastich of Erhard to the noble German stationers.

Here you have the prince of satirists, Persius, printed in a small volume by a new
and ingenious art. Happy then are you Germans who, by this sovereign art advancing
our studies, tread the path leading to the skies.

Peter Doriolle was appointed chancellor June 26th, 1472. The
manuscript copy of Juvenal was presented to him shortly after he
entered upon his duties, something like six weeks or two months,
the space of time necessary for it to be written and illuminated by
the excellent scribes (egregii scriptores) of the Sorbonne. The
printed copies, completed by the addition of the text of Persius,
were issued soon after, probably towards the end of August, or in
September, 1472. Philippe remarked that the type used in the
book was rather worn, and hence conjectured that it appeared
towards the middle of the year. The reasons already given justify
us in placing it some months later.

The book forms a small folio volume of seventy-four leaves

(including two blank leaves), a full page containing on an average
thirty-two lines, as in the Virgil.

Four copies of this edition are known. One, which belonged
to Heynlin, is now at Basel. Two are in England : one in the
library of Magdalen College, Oxford ; the other in Mrs. Rylands'
library at Manchester. The fourth copy exists in the public
library at Avignon. Some copies present slight differences ;
but the number of leaves and the number of lines agree, and the
edition is the same. We have already remarked that corrections
and alterations were made in some of the books printed at the
Sorbonne while they were passing through the press, and biblio-
graphers have noticed the same corrections made with a pen in
certain copies of the printed texts.

We must now retrace our steps. Since the outbreak of hostilities
between the King of France and the Duke of Burgundy, Fichet's
one desire had been to make peace between them, and to reconcile
Louis XI. with his other enemies and rivals, on the lines recom-
mended and urged by Cardinal Bessario. A truce, renewable at
will, had been concluded between the contending parties on
April 4, 1471. The cardinal's scheme was to persuade the king,
the duke, the princes, and the rest to put aside their quarrels,
and to sink them in a common effort with the Pope and all
the potentates of Christendom for a general crusade against the
Turks.

In accordance with this plan, the Orafiones, or addresses to the
Italian princes, eloquently showing the necessity of relieving
Europe from the pressing danger of invasion by the Turks, were
printed at the Sorbonne press under Fichet's supervision, and at his
own expense. With unselfish devotion he gave himself entirely to
this noble cause." Special or general letters, printed or written by
him, were appended to each of the copies sent to the persons whom
it was intended to address. More than a year was employed in
the preparation and distribution of the copies, which had to be
sent to their various destinations in France, Germany, England,
Italy, and even Spain. Communications were difficult, the roads

were insecure at that time, and it was often necessary to wait
weeks or months for an opportunity of forwarding a copy.

Although the printed letter to the king and the French princes
collectively appealing for a reconciliation bears the date of
August 5, 147 1, 81 * the copy specially designed for Louis XI. was
not presented at that time.

In order to open the way for conciliation, Fichet endeavoured
first to secure support for Bessario's pacific scheme of terminating
the civil war in France to the common advantage of Christendom.
Almost all who had received his letters accompanying the work of
Bessario expressed approval, and offered sums of money as con-
tributions to the Crusade. He nobly declined their offers, 82 accept-
ing only from the provincial minister of the Minims a letter of
participation in the good works of the friars and nuns of the order.
Enclosed in a little bag he received it with reverence, and valued it
above the treasures of any king. 88

Forty-six copies of Bessario's discourses had been distributed
gratuitously in all parts of France and Germany, 8 * when Fichet
solicited an audience, that he might present a copy in person to the
king. This was not a printed copy, but one elegantly written on
vellum, and illuminated as beautifully as possible, with a portrait of
his majesty at the beginning delicately painted in miniature, and
below it a dedicatory couplet.

Fichet was in the hall of the royal residence at Amboise, near
Tours, on March 6, 1472; and on the 2ist of that month he
writes to his friend. In this letter he gives the following particu-
lars of his reception by the king:

" Orationes tuas quam apparatissimas potui reddidi Serenissimo
Regi, verbaque feci paucis cum de concordia christianis principibus
inter se necessaria turn de bello contra Crucis hostes obeundo;
nihilque praetermi si quod tuo nomine regi esset offerendum. Gracioso
quidem vultu librum tuum excepit, legitque parumper prefatiun-
culam quam operi tuo prescripsi. Revolutis dein membranis, picluras
et imagines in marginibus sparsas cominus inspexit. Turn glosulas
in oratione Demosthenis a te quidem positas fere singulas legit.

Erant enim auro varioque colore in contextu orationis interje<5lae.
Inter legendum questiunculas a me quasdam rogavit quibus presto fuit
responsum. Postremo reversus ad codicis principium disticon ter
quaterque resumpsit quod in calce regie imaginis scriptum repperit :

Fausta futura tibi Rex accipc Bessarionis
Munera quae prosint ct foris et domi.

A secretis qui aderat, librum custodiendum excepit. Rex tue
paternitati tandem pro munere gracias egit; de domestica vero
concordia belloque foris ne verbum quidem unum fecit." ***

Fichet then in the most pathetic terms implores the cardinal to
make haste, the ground being well prepared, and to come to France
as papal legate. He swears solemnly before Christ that he will
never desert his friend, whether alive and in danger, or dead.
" Arise," he says, " expected hope of France ! Arise ! " (Exsurge
tandem, exspc&atio Galliarum ! exsurge !)

During the time that he was obliged to be absent on his mission
at court, Fichet, as we have already noticed, sent instructions to his
friend Heynlin to print the Offices of Cicero ; and in his letter,
dated March 7, 1472, he mentions the Orator , the Valerius
Maximus, and the Valla, as having been issued some time before.
Immediately after the 2ist of that month he returned to the
Sorbonnc ; * and we find him here at home indulging himself
during the Easter holidays in his favourite occupation of reading
Plato.

In his letter of the 4th of April, written from the Sorbonne,
Fichet appeals to Bessario as urgently and as eloquently as he had
done a fortnight before ; and at last the cardinal decided, for the
sake of restoring peace, and, as he hoped, saving Christendom, to
undertake the long journey.

Old and infirm, he left Rome, and travelling by easy stages
passed the Alps. He had to wait more than a month for a safe-
conduft from the king to enable him to pursue his way. On the
1 5th of August he reached Saumur. He immediately advised the
king of his arrival. A few days later, accompanied by Fichet, he

was received in audience by the monarch, and laid before him,
besides some other matters, his scheme for the pacification of
France. Louis listened while he spoke of certain ecclesiastical
matters that were at issue between the courts of France and Rome ;
a basis was laid down for a future understanding, and the principal
points of an agreement were sketched and approved. But when
Bessario came to the delicate question of the French princes and
the Turkish Crusade, he would not hear of it ; and when the
cardinal insisted, he looked displeased, and ended by bringing the
audience to an abrupt termination. Some historians report that
the king made a disrespectful jest on the long patriarchal beard of
the legate, that he looked angry, and formally forbade him to stop
in France in order to visit the Duke of Brittany and the Duke of
Burgundy, as he had intended to do.

Bessario, heart-broken, and accompanied by his friend Fichet,
who, as we have seen above, had sworn never to leave him, left the
court in the first days of September to return home. On the 1 3th
of that month he reached Lyons, and informed Sixtus IV. of the ill-
success of his mission. The king's orders had prevented him
from seeing the Duke of Burgundy, and he was on his way back
to Rome.

Weary and disheartened, he repassed the Mont Cenis with great
difficulty, and fell seriously ill on the other side of the Alps, at
Turin. Unable to bear the fatigue of a further journey by land,
he embarked on the River Po, and landed at Ravenna, where he
died, the i8th of November, 1472.

Fichet arrived alone at Rome a few days after the death of his
friend. The Pope received him kindly, and immediately attached
him to his person, appointing him to be his chamberlain. He
also made him a present of a handsome church revenue, valued at
500 Roman pounds. Weary of French politics, Fichet never
returned to the city which owed so much to his wisdom and
enterprise.

He wrote from Rome to advise his colleagues of his new
position. 88 At the assembly held at the College of the Mathurins

on December 5, 1472, the Congregation of the Sorbonne sent a
letter of acknowledgment to the Pope for the great honour
bestowed upon one of their most eminent members.

The departure of Fichet from the Sorbonne had been so sudden
that he left nearly all his books and his manuscripts there. 886 One
of his intimate friends, Jehan Royer (Roerius), who had succeeded
Heynlin as prior in 1471", and was afterwards librarian in 1472, con-
tinued to keep the printer's work-room in the library buildings
until Easter, 1473, the date when he resigned his office.

Jehan Royer was the only person who kept up a regular corre-
spondence with Fichet. He was commissioned by Fichet to arrange
his affairs, and especially his engagements with the printers. 87

After Fichet's departure, the printers seem to have been left to
go their own way. The Terence, issued after the Juvenal and
Persius, is printed in a careless manner ; the text is printed like
prose, the divisions of the verses not being marked ; the adts are
not clearly divided ; the names of the ac~lors are indicated only by
initials placed in the middle of the lines. This defective arrange-
ment is quite unlike the high literary standard of the former editors
and correctors. The book is a small folio of eighty-six leaves, with
thirty-two lines to a page, like the Juvenal and the Virgil, and is
printed with the usual types, but much worn, as Philippe observes.
Only two perfect copies of this edition are known : one is Heynlin's
copy, and is bound with the Juvenal and Persius ; the other is at
Manchester, in the John Rylands Library. The copy at the
Bibliothequc Nationale is imperfect," wanting the first comedy,
the Andria.

During the six months that preceded their departure from the
Sorbonne in the middle of April, 1473, l ^ e P rmtcrs issued rapidly
many books that were likely to find a ready sale, such as the moral
tradts of Aeneas Sylvius (Pope Pius II.), De duobus amantibut^ and
De miscriis curia/ium, two small quarto volumes of forty-six and
thirty-six leaves, twenty-three lines to the page. Copies of both
are in the Bibliotheque Nationale and also in th Mazarine Library.
Abandoning classical literature, they entered upon a new line,

3 1

publishing henceforward theological works. They printed two
thick folio volumes of moral theology, viz., Ambrosius, De Ojficiis,
with the tra<5l De Virtutibus, wrongly attributed to Seneca (ninety-
four leaves, thirty-one lines to a page) ; and Jacobus Magni,
Sophologium (two hundred and eighteen leaves, including one blank,
thirty-two lines to a page) . The type of the Sophologium is very
much worn, as Philippe has observed, and it was probably the
last volume issued from the Sorbonne press. These two books must
have been printed in much larger numbers than those that preceded
them, as many copies are known to exist in libraries in France, in
England, and elsewhere. The printers had trained apprentices
and workmen, and could produce more speedily than before.

When they removed their presses from the Sorbonne, they settled
on their own account in a house in the " grant rue St. Jacques,"
near the church of St. Benoit, at the sign of " The Golden Sun."
The round type which they had cut and cast in imitation of the
Roman editions by desire of their introducer, Heynlin, was much
worn and almost unfit for use. They engraved a new type of
heavier face, in the Gothic style, more able to resist the blow of the
press upon the hard thick paper generally used.

On the 2ist of May, 1473, appeared the Manipulus Curatorum,
by Guy de Montrocher, the first book executed with the new fount.
The first type had disappeared, and the letters had been melted
down.

Thus ended the first press established in France, a private press
for the benefit of public studies.

NOTES.

(1) Annals of Parisian Typography, containing an account of the earliest typographical
establishments of Paris and notices and illustrations of the most remarkable produftions tf
the Parisian gothic press, compiled principally to shew its general character and its
particular influence upon the early English press, by the Rev. William Parr Greswell ;
London, MDCCCXVIII. 8vo, with a portrait, engraved on wood, of Ulrich Gering, one
of the first Parisian printers ; copied from one of the very rare uncancelled copies of La
Caille's Histoire de flmprimerie it de la Librairie, published in 1689.

(2) A surname given from his birthplace, Stein (in French La Pierre}, a village near
Borxhcim and Bretten in the Grand Duchy of Baden, in the diocese of Speyer (Spirensis
diotesii).

(3) Heynlin had been a student at the University of Leipzig in 1452 ; in 1459 ne
was already in Paris, regent of arts in the College of Burgundy. On the i8th of June,
1462, he was made a fellow (iocius) of the Sorbonne. In 1463 he left France, and kept
a term at the University of Basel, where he proceeded M.A. in the following year
(1464) under the redorate of John Blicherod von Gotha. He is inscribed in the
Matriculation book (vol. i., p. 1 7 re&o) : " Magister Johannes Heynlin de Lapide Sacrae
Theologiae Baccalarius," and there is a subsequent mention of his serving as Dean
(Matricula ttudiostrum, vol. i., p. l8l).

Heynlin returned to France in 1467, and on the 28th of March was elected Prior of
the Sorbonne. A month after, he gave up his office on account of the weakness of his
eyes (see below, note 8), as stated in the register of the Priors (fol. 58). In the
same year he was raised to the dignity of Rector of the University of Paris. On
the 2fth of March, 1470 (new style), Heynlin was for the second time clecled Prior
of the Sorbonne.

(3*) See Greswell, p. 51.

(4) " Michahel de Columbaria " was eighteenth on the list at the spring examinations
in 1463, under the decanate of Conrad Jacob! (Matricula studiosorum, vol. i., fol. 178).
His name is also mentioned in 1461 as a baccalarius under the decanate of Peter Zem
Lust (fol. 9 verso, 22nd name). He paid a fee of vi./.

(f) Several bibliographers have suggested that Gering had been a student of the
University of Basel. An examination of the Matriculation book shows that in 1461 a
student named Udalricus Gernud or Gerund " de Berona " was examined as a bachelor
at the same time as Michael Freyburger (fol. 9 verso), and we find also entries in 1460
of a Nicolaus Gering, alias Blairenstein, chaplain of the cathedral of Basel (fol. 5), in
1467 of a Heinricus Gering "de Wutterangen, Constant, dyocesis" (fol. 72 verso), and
in 1496 of an Udalricus Guerning " de Thun, Constantiensis dyocesis" (fol. 99).
From these entries it seems clear that the name Gering was a familiar one and not likely
to be miswritten Gernud or Gerund. In fadt Ulrich Gering can hardly have been a
graduate of the Basel University, since in the letters of hospitalization granted to him
many years after by the Sorbonne (see Chevi flier, p. 87) he is spoken of only as an
"ecolier etudiant en 1'Universite de Paris." If he had been a graduate of any
university it must have been mentioned in this document or in the notarial instrument
quoted by Chevillier.

Gering could not have learned his art at Berona, i.e. Beromunster in Aargau, since
printing did not begin there until 1470, by which time, if not earlier, he was already
working at Paris. We are strongly of opinion that he was a native of Constanz
in Baden (Constantiensis}, as stated in the colophon of one of his books (see Panzer, ii.,
p. 307, No. 331). In the postscript of a letter written by Hans Blumenstock, alias
Heydelberg, to Hans Amerbach, the celebrated printer at Basel, dated from Paris on the
Friday after the feast of St. Bartholomew, 1501, he is called : "Meister Ulrich Gering,
impressor librorum Parisius von Costencz" (see Oskar Hase, Die Koberger ; Leipzig,
1885, 8vo, p. xliv). Blumenstock, who was Amerbach's agent in Paris, had numerous
opportunities of becoming acquainted with Gering, and knew well that he was not of
Beromunster, but of Constanz. " Heinricus Gering, de Wutterangen " and " Udalricus
Guerning de Thun," of the diocese of Constanz, were probably relations belonging to
the family of our printer, as perhaps was also the chaplain Nicolas Gering, who had in
his possession a copy of Rodericus Zamorensis, Speculum Vitae humanae, one of the
books printed at the Sorbonne by Ulrich Gering and his companions (see Philippe,
Origine de rimprimerie a Paris ; Paris, 1885, 8vo, p. 218).

(6) Some think that Martin Crantz was the son of the Strasburg workman who was
a witness in Gutenberg's last lawsuit with his partner Fust at Mainz in 1455, but we
have no evidence of this relationship. We presume rather that he was a countryman
of Heynlin, and a native of the same village of Stein. In 1461, we find at Basel
a bachelor " Gabriel Krantz, de Stein " (Matricula studiosorum, fol. 9) entered at the
same time as Michael Freyburger, but we cannot ascertain at present whether he
belongs to the family of our printer or not.

(7) See Madden, Lettres efun Bibliographe ; Paris, 1878 (5th Series), 8vo, p. 156.
This author also gives a plan of the ancient building of the Sorbonne, showing the spot
occupied by the premises where he places the printing establishment.

(8) We have already mentioned the faft that soon after his first election as prior in
1467, Heynlin excused himself and begged to be discharged of his office on account of
an infirmity of the eyes. We give here the text of the passage from the register of the
Priors : " Proposuit Prior in aula quom per magnum tempus passus fuisset infirmitatem

3 6

oculor urn et $ingulis constabat quod ipse studio vacare non potuisset, quom etiam timeret
quod in brevi se studio occupare non auderct secundum quod officium requireret et ideo
supplicavit. . . ."

(9) Heynlin already possessed some books of the very early press of Mainz, and also
editions of the classics and other works printed at Rome. His private library, consist-
ing of 283 volumes, was after his death bequeathed to the Carthusian house of Klein
Basel, on the opposite side of the Rhine, and after the suppression of the said convent
passed into the library of the University, where they are now preserved with the original
catalogue.

(10) See Philippe, J., Guillaume Picket, la vit et set tetrvrei ; Annecy, 1892, 8vo,
p. 47 : and Moufflet, S-, Etude tur itne tugtciatitn diplomatique de Ltuit XL ; Marseille,
i884,8vo,pp. 170, 171.

(11) See Philippe, Gail. Picket, p. 56. This author says Antt in Eure et Loir. It
is a mistake. There was no ecclesiastical benefice at Anet.

(12) "Sumptus amplissimos abhinc decennium ad hunc usque diem continue sup-
peditasti " (dedication letter of Fichet's Rhetoric [1471] to Rolin, Bibl. Nationale,
Reserve, Z. 1683, 4 to )-

(13) Chevillier says positively that the Society of Sorbonne was at all times poor,
and often, in urgent necessity, obliged to borrow money from friends. On nearly all
the manuscript books of their library the following inscription was written : " Hie
liber est pauperum Magistrorum de Sorbona " (Chevillier, p. 84).

(14) The registers of deliberations and accounts of the Sorbonne have been care-
fully examined by Franklin, Philippe, and other historians. Not a line, not a word,
has been found alluding to the subject. It is evident that the Sorbonne did not spend
a farthing on the printers, but allowed them only a temporary hospitality, under the
responsibility of the prior and the librarian.

(15) Fichct was born on the i6th of September, 1433, at the Petit Bornand in
Savoy, in the diocese of Geneva (see Philippe, Guillaume Picket, pp. 11, 12). He
calls himself " Alnetanus " on account of the ecclesiastical benefice of Aunay granted
to him ; but he signs himself in a letter to the Duke of Savoy " Guillelmus Fichetus,
Parisiensis theologus dodtor, patria vero Sabaudus." In 1455, he was studying at
Avignon, and settled afterwards in Paris.

(16) Copies of the first book printed at Paris are in the British Museum and in the
Spencer-Rylands Library.

(17) " Ut qui cum laude ct gloria Sorbonico certamini dux praefuisti."

(18) If we reckon the arrival of Frcyburger, Gering, and Crantz as occurring quite
at the end of 1469, or in the first months of 1470 (new style), there was not too much
time to construe) the press, engrave the puncheons, and have the types ready for com-
position, with all the necessary fittings of a printing-house.

We take the date of 1469 (old style), knowing well that it should be 1470 (new
style), because it was inscribed at the foot of the original portrait of Gering painted in
the upper room of the late College of Montaigu : " UMcricut Guernich Proto-Typo-
graphus Parisiis, 1469." (See the portrait of Gering reproduced as frontispiece in
Greswell's Anna 1 1 tf Pariiian Typography.)

(19) "Misisti nuper ad me suavissimas Gasparini Pergamensis epistolas non a te
modo diligenter emendatas sed a tuis quoque Germanis impressoribus nitide et terse
transcriptas."

(20) " Et enim quos ad hanc urbem e tua Germania libraries ascivisti quam etnen-
datos libros ad exemplaria reddunt."

(21) " Idque tute malo studio conaris ut ne ullum quidem opus ab illis prius ex-
primatur quam sit a te coadtis exemplaribus multis castigatum litera multa."

(22) The dialogue is anonymous in this edition, but it is positively ascribed to
Heynlin (Joannes de Lapide) by Tritheim, Abbot of Spanheim, a contemporary, in
his Catalogus scriptorum iccletiasticorum.

(23) The fat appears from copies known without the additions. The copy in the
public library at Toulouse, which is in its original oak boards, begins with two blank
leaves belonging to the first printed sheet, and ends with a blank leaf belonging to the
last sheet.

(24) We for the first time published the extracts of the letter of Fichet to
Gaguin relative to the invention of printing by Gutenberg in Le Llvre (1883,
pp. 369-72). Four years after (in 1887) the whole text was published at Basel by
Dr. Sieber, and in 1889 a photo-engraved facsimile of it was issued at Paris, with an
historical notice by M. Leopold Delisle, the eminent director of the Bibliotheque
Nationale.

(25) A thing to notice here is that Michael Freyburger is not named first as in the
preceding volume. He resigns his place to Ulric Gering. At other times we shall
find Martin Crantz named first ; at others Freyburger will again be in front. We
cannot conjecture any reason for these changes of order, except, perhaps, mutual de-
ference, or the more or less labour which each partner may have bestowed on the
work.

(26) In a contemporary inscription, the Sallust printed at the Sorbonne is called
"Fichetanus Salustius." In consequence, we give here the name of Fichet's press to
the printing establishment, presumed to be the property of the publisher.

(27) " Haec autem omniajam diu misimus." (See the MS. copy of the correspond-
ence between Fichet and Cardinal Bessario [1470-71], 5th and 3rd letters, Biblio-
theque Nationale, Latin MSS., 410, No. 18,591.)

(28) The letter of Bessario is dated from Rome, the 2gth of November, 1471
(Ex Urbe, die XXVIIII navembrls MCCCCLXX1). This document begins thus :
" Reverende pater, amice noster, litteras vestras accepimus quibus nobis commendas
fratrem quondam Rubertum Gagginum [sic} quem (quia littere nostre ita nobis
faciunt commendatum) libentissime vidimus eique omnem favorem nostram optulimus
causa vestra, quamvis eo non indiguerit, quod ei non fuerat opus. In his autem
litteris vestris quas nobis frater Rubertus (de quo in inicio diximus) reddidit " (Corre-
spondence of Fichet with Bessario, 6th letter).

(29) See Madden, Lettres d*un Bibliographe, 5th Series, p. 160.

(30) Copies of the Sallust are in the Spencer-Rylands Library at Manchester, and in
the Bodleian at Oxford. There is also a copy in the British Museum, but it wants
the Jugurtka.

(31) "Ce qui pourrait indiquer quc G. Fichet a etc Ic principal promotcur de
1' edition " (Philippe, J., Origine dt flmprimtrit a Paris ; Paris, 1885, p. 82).

(32) Van Praet, Catalogue dts llvrei imprimis sur vilin dt la Bibliotbeijui du Rot ;
Paris, 1822, 8vo, ist part, vol. v., pp. 58, 59.

(33) Copies are to be found in the Spcncer-Rylands Library and at the British
Museum.

(34) " Tamen mittere statuimus Orationes quasdam hoc tempore a nobis editas
pro gravissimis periculis que Italic christianisque omnibus imminent. ... Ex Urbe,
die xiiij decembris MCCCCLXX " (Correspondence between Fichet and Bessario, 3rd
letter).

(35) " Posteaquam mihi tuas litteras simulque librorum fascem reddidit tuus abbas
Sanfti Cornelii aditus omnes militaris furor occupavit " (see printed dedicatory letter
of Fichet's Rbettric to Bessario, No. I, Bibliothcque Nationale, Reserve, Z. 1683,
4to).

"Opus namquc Bessarionis reverendissimi Niceni cardinalis 'in ipso pene medio
bellorum estu mihi cum litteris fuit rcdditum" (see MS. dedicatory letter to Humbert
Martin, Abbot of Citeaux, No. 9, National Library, Latin MSS., 410, No. 18,591).

(36) " Illc [Bessario] superioribus mensibus lucubrationcs quas christiane salutis
causa per Italiam edidisset ad me diligenter in Gallias misit litteratorieque mandavit ut
principibus et aliis qui Christianis prodesse, obesse Turco precibus armisve possunt
earum foret legendarum opera mea potestas " (MS. dedicatory letter to the monks of
the Order of Cluny, No. 16, Bibliothcque Nationale).

(37) " Studiorum meorum educator ct reliquorum (si que fortassis majora succcdant)
cxcitator bonorum meorum magnificus " (manuscript dedicatory letter for the Orations,
No. i, Bibliothcque Nationale).

(38) "Que sit erga Bessarionem Nicenum cardinalem tua benevolentia prestamis-
sime pater nequaquam sum nescius. Eas namquc laudes ad hue recenti mcmoria teneo
quibus cum tanquam sapientum seculi nostri facile principem predicabas quem Educ
Lucenaiquc mutuos pro tua facilitate hominibus sermones miscebamus, quo fit ut opus
ejus . . . non dubitem avidissimc le&urum " (manuscript dedicatory letter, No. i, for
the Orations, Bibliothcque Nationale).

(39) Another manuscript copy of these letters exists, written partly on paper and partly
on vellum. It is evidently copied from the former, but does not give the annotations of
Fichet. It contains also the Orations of Bessario, but they are in manuscript instead of
being in print. The motto, " Orta queque cadunt," is placed on the first page, and there is
a note at the end, in a handwriting of the fifteenth century, " Hie liber meus cst tcste.
Dt ytttri Caitrt." This is the name of the secretary of Cardinal Rolin, the protedor
of Fichet, who was very likely so intimate with him as to have had leave to transcribe
the letters from the copy-book of Fichet. After belonging to him, this manuscript
formed part of the celebrated collection of President Bouhier of Dijon in the seven-
teenth century. It is now in the Bibliothcque Nationale (Latin MSS., 410,
No. 1683). The letters of Fichet and Bessario have been published by Mons. Emilc
Legrand in his Ctnt din Ltttrts Grttquts dt Pbilttpbei Paris, Em. Lcroux, 1892,
8% pp. 223-289.

(40) In his official capacity he acted also in the schools of the Sorbonne as pro-
fessor of theology. " Sive theologiam mane, sive rhetoricam post meridiem pluribus
annis quotidie docendo " (see printed letter to Guillaume Chartier, Bishop of Paris, 5th
letter in the collection of the dedication-letters for the Rhetoric, Bibliotheque Nationale,
Reserve, Z. 1683, 410).

(41) " Eodem namque die (quod dicerim citra jaclanciam), non solum semel quo-
tidie et bis etiam plerumque theologiam lectionem in refertissima auditorum corona
persolvebam, sed et Rhetoricam quoque (quern nunc ad te tanquam auditorii tui
fructum aliquem ipse mitto) similiter et scribebam et transcribentibus membratim pro-
ferebam, transcriptamque docebam " (MS. letter of dedication to Humbert Martin,
Abbot of Citeaux, gth letter, Bibliotheque Nationale).

" Transcribentibus " means here the workers of the new art of writing, "nova ars
scribendi," viz., the printers. There are numerous examples of this expression used as
synonymous with printed in the fifteenth century. Fichet employs it in the preface of
the first book printed at the Sorbonne. ** Misisti ad me suavissimas Gasparini Perga-
mensis epistolas ... a tuis Germanis impressoribus nitide et terse transcriptas."

(42) A copy of the Rhetoric, No. 274 in the Catalogue des Incunables des bibliothiques
publiques de Lyon, par M. Pellechet (Lyon, 1893), contains as fly-leaves duplicates of
pp. 64 and 72 printed on vellum, exhibiting notable differences in the text. Another
copy, which seems to be a fragment of proof, is in the University Library at Freiburg
(see Centralblatt, v., 204).

(43) " Acceperam jam dudum Serenissime Princeps cum ab aliis tuis mentis . . .
preclaram domi tue bibliothecam extruxisse eamque multis et exquisitissimis au&orum
illustrium operibus exornasse. In quo quidem ego tuum consilium maxime laudo
maximeque admiror qui non solum opes et multas compluribus seculi tui do&issimis
hominibus sepe magnificeque contulisti . . . Nobilissimis principibus . . . novum
iter primus omnium in Galliis reclusisti. Et enim apud ceteras nationes qui maximis
laudibus celebrantur bibliothecarum structura gloriam imprimis sibi pepererunt. Ita
nimium apud nos qui praeter te fuerit invenio neminem. . . . Constant Parisii biblio-
thecae quam plurimae, at vero qui unus unam egregiis auctoribus inferserit (te dempto)
scio neminem . . . Bibliothecae nomen gloriaque vigebit totiens de te tuaque biblio-
thecaria laude per urbes, flexusque maris linguae loquentur " (dedicatory letter for the
Rhetoric, MS. letter at the end, Bibliotheque Nationale, Reserve Z, 1683, 410).

(44) In the letter addressed to Humbert Martin, Fichet apologizes for not having
written to him sooner : " Tibique fuissem pro more meo turn meis litteris gratulatus,
nisi me quotidianum docendi munus plurimum impedivisset ut ne vix inter prandendum
interque dormitandum aut manus a penna aut oculus a libris aut lingua parumper a
docendi munere laxaretur . . . postea quam vero quam inestivus ex improbo labore
morbus eversit qui meis necessarium immodestis laboribus vigiliisque modum
imposuit " (MS. dedicatory letter for Bessario's Orations, gth letter, Bibliotheque
Nationale).

(45) A photographic facsimile of this miniature is given in Philippe's Origine de
rimprimerie a Paris, p. 114.

(46) The printed letters in the volume are arranged in the following order :

1. To Cardinal Bessario. Subscribed : " Aedibus Sorbonac Parisii scriptum impres-
sumquc anno uno et scptuagesimo quadringentcsimoque supra millesimum." 1471.
No date of month.

2. To the Pope Sixtus IV. Subscribed : "Aedibus Sorbonae Parisii scriptum pridie
Kalendas septcmbris, anno uno et septuagesimo quadringentesimo supra millesimum."
3 1 it of September, 1471.

3. To Rene, King of Sicily. Subscribed : " Parisii aedibus Sorbone, idibus quin-
tilibus scriptum anno uno et septuagesimo quadringentesimo supra millesimum." 151(1
of July, 1471.

4. To John Rolin, Bishop of Autun, Cardinal of St. Stephen in Mount Coelio.
Subscribed : w Aedibus Sorbonae scriptum, anno septuagesimo et quadringentesimo
supra millesimum." There is an evident mistake, the word uno has been omitted.
I5th of July, 1471.

The copies for the King of Sicily and for the bishop were ready_thc same day.

5. To Guillaume Chartier, Bishop of Paris. Only subscribed, " Vale." No date.
The manuscript letters are :

1. To Charles, Duke of Aquitaine, son of Charles VII., King of France. No
date.

2. To Francis, Duke of Brittany. Subscribed : " Edibus Sorbone, idibus Septembris
scriptum. Anno uno et septuagesimo quadragintesimo supra millesimum." 1 3th of
September.

3. To Charles, Count of Maine. Subscribed : " In Parisiorum Sorbona. Kalendis
Juliis 1471." 1st of July, 1471.

(47) The use of red in the books printed at the Sorbonne is so uncommon and ex-
ceptional that we can only trace one other example of this peculiarity. Brunei, in the
Afanutl du Litrairt, ii., 1498, mentions a copy of Gas par i no's letters with the heading
of the text printed in red. We think that it may probably have been the cardinal's
copy.

(48) See dedicatory letter of the Rhitoric to Guillaume Chartier (Guiliclmo O^uadri-
gario), Bishop of Paris (Bibliotheque Nationale). It comes fifth among the printed
letters, and is undated.

(49) The Oratitns printed on the 23rd of April had not reached their author four
months after their publication. Bessario writes on the 3151 of August to his friend
that he chanced to meet at Rome a secretary of the King of France, who told him
that he had seen in Fichct's hands the Oratient, which were printed and already in
circulation : " Cjui nobis affirmavit sese vidisse orationcs in vestris manibus vestra
opera impressas ct traditas compluribus " (Correspondence of Bessario with Fichet, 4th
letter, Bibliotheque Nationale).

(50) Laurent Bureau, born at Liernais in Burgundy, was one of the Fellows (tacit)
of the Sorbonne. He entered the Carmelite order, and preached in several places. In
the year 1487 he was at Lyons. We trace his presence in this city from a note made
in a copy (in our own collection) of Ludolphi Pita Chriui, * book given to him by
Jacques Buyer, the brother of Bartholomew Buyer, the first printer at Lyons. On the
first (blank) leaf we read : " Hoc volumcn de vita Christi gratis et ob Dei amorem mihi

41 G

fratri Laurentio Burelli theologo dodtore dedit vir insignis civis Lugdunensis magister
Jacobus Buerii eo anno quo Lugduni terciam quadragesimam predicavi qui fuit mille-
simus cccc rau * lxxxvij mu ' teste signo suo manual! hie apposito. Buyer." On the reverse
of the last printed leaf, opposite the mark of J. Siber, the printer of the edition, Bureau
wrote in two lines : " Anno domini Mille" 10 Ixxxvij" hie liber mihi gratis datus est.
Burelli." He was also appointed confessor of Anne, Duchess of Brittany. At the end
of his life he retired to the Carmelite convent at Semur in Burgundy. The books which
belonged to him are mostly editions printed by Gering. They are scattered in the
public libraries of Semur and Dijon, where we have seen them. Some are also in the
Bibliotheque Nationale at Paris.

(51) See Philippe, Origine dt rimprimerie a Paris, pp. 66, 67.

(52) The Bouhier MS. (Bibliotheque Nationale, Latin MSS., 410, No. 18,591),
which follows exactly Fichet's original copy-book, stops with the same catchword.

(53) According to Brunet, five copies at least of Fichet's Rhetoric were printed
on vellum. One, the copy of Pope Sixtus IV., is in the British Museum, another
is in the Imperial Library at Vienna, and a third in the Bibliotheque Nationale at
Paris.

(54) A copy of the Rhetoric on paper is in the Spencer-Rylands Library.

(55) Our collation is taken from the copy in the public library of Toulouse, in its
original oak boards. The back being rather loose, we were enabled to count exadly
the number of quires.

(56) " Nuper quom apud regem . . . exitum rerum mihi creditarum opperirer, inci-
derunt forte in manus meas opera multa Ciceronis quae Turonem externi quidam
librarii (quos dicimus impressores) advexerant."

(57) " Eorum mihi ledlio fuit in hoc curiali tumultu non ingrata multoque jocundior
quern quom eadem domi saepe saepiusque legebam."

(58) " Fuisset autem longe jucundior si corre&issimus et capitibus distin&issimis liber
quisque fuisset quemadmodum Ciceronis Orator, Valerius Maximus, et Laurentius
opera tua sunt impressi."

(59) " Rogatum itaque te volo ut Ciceronis Officia (quae Parisienses librarii non
longo post tempore sunt impressuri) prius isto castigandi tuoque distinguendi labore
reddantur meliora."

(60) The Bibliotheque Nationale at Paris possesses a copy of the De Officiis printed
at the Sorbonne, with a contemporary note of a former owner stating that the book was
bought by him in 1471. As Easter fell this year on the 2gth of March, and the letter
of Fichet is dated the 7th of March, the edition was necessarily issued in the interval
between the 7th and theagth of that month, in what we call I472( new style).

(61) The copy presented to George of Baden was in the possession of the Jesuits of
Nancy in the eighteenth century. It passed afterwards into the celebrated collection of
the Due de La Valliere, and is now in the Bibliotheque Nationale. A copy on paper,
of course without the letter, is in the Spencer-Rylands Library.

(62) Aug. Bernard, Madden, and Philippe are rightly of a different opinion.

(63) Quern si cephaleis vulgaribus annotavi

His libris veniam lector humane dabis
42

Nos quoque quom legeris, pretium ne, quaeso, recuses

Artificum ingenuae quos meruere manus.
Pro quibus optandi mihi si nunc copia adessct

Tarn bene pro mentis commoda mille precer."

(64) A copy of the Tusculanae Quaestitnes is in the Spencer- Rylands Library.

(65) " Ejusque legendi tanta me rapuit aviditas ut artem dormiendi per has Paschales
nodes quaesitam non mihi sed ne hospiti quidem Platoni invenierim " (see Fichet's
correspondence with Bessario, loth letter, Bibliothcque Nationale).

(65^) " Ille me rerum venustissimarum admiratione quas nunquam legissem tenuit
imprimis attentum."

(66) " Unum abs te peto et obtestor. Ut praefationem ad Scholam Parisiensem
scribas qua mihi praecipias ut tuo nomine tuum Platonem Parisiensibus nostris
exhibeamus faciamque cuique illius transcribcndi facultatcm " (Fichet's correspondence
with Bessario, loth letter, Bibliotheque Nationale).

(67) " Idque citissime confeceris universae namque Parisiensi scholae (quom in unum
post hac Paschales fcrias primum coierit) a me tuo nomine tuus Plato offeratur " (ib.}.

(68) " Ut eo longissimo aevo publicis Collegiorum nostrorum bibliothecis apponi
faciam opus tuum legatur " (it.}.

(69) The letter transcribed at the end of Fichet's correspondence with Bessario is
dated : " Apud Sanclum Mathurinum in nostra gencrali congregatione (que prima fuit
post Pascham) scriptum quarto nonas maias Anno secundo et septuagesimo quad-
ringentesimo supra millesimum." It is the i-fth letter.

(70) The copyists are styled "Egrcgii mei scriptores" by Fichet in the letter of
dedication to Jehan Choard (Bibliotheque Nationale, Latin MSS., i6mo, No. 16,580).

(71) "Magni divinique Platonis epystolas meo nomine jussi tibi reddi. . . . Has si
quidem ut tibi vel domi vel run facile in manibus essent enchyridionis instar
transcribi fcci " (letter of dedication, Bibliothcque Nationale, Latin MSS., i6mo,
No. 16,580).

(72) A facsimile of the first page of this edition of the Letters of Plato is given
in Philippe's Origiiu dt rimprimtrit a Parti, p. 147.

(73) PM'Ppe ay that some copies of the Letters of Brutus seem to have been issued
separately.

(74) Chevillier, p. 52.

(75) A copy of the Letters of Phalaris, Brutus, and Crates exists in the Spencer-
Rylands Library. Another (the Didot copy) is in the collection of the earliest books
printed in different towns formed by Mr. Rush-Hawkins at New York.

(76) Philippe, pp. 137-139.

(77) Philippe, pp. 165-168.

(78) The piece of poetry giving in acrostic the name of Pierre Doriolle has been
published by M. Leopold Delisle in the Bibliothique dt f Emit dti Charles, 1884,
vol. xlv., p. 702.

(79) The word cultori seems here to mean more than a low, an admirer, a votary,
someone feeling a particular delight in reading the Latin poet.

(80) This manuscript of Juvenal, formerly in our possession, passed into the collections

of the late Mons. Perdrix and of Mons. Reveilhac at Evreux. It is preserved now in
a private library in England.

(81) One of Fichet's servants or messengers, sent on certain business to Rome, had
accepted from Bessario fifteen ducats to pay the expenses of printing the Orations.
Fichet refused to receive the money. He writes to his friend that he had given stridi
orders, not once but repeatedly, to his messengers, who had to convey copies of
the Orationes to princes and other persons, not to accept anything offered, and from
Bessario least of all. He had examined the accounts, paid them all, and will not have
anything to do with Bessario's ducats. If another time his servant infringes his instruc-
tions, assuredly he shall not eat his bread one day more. " Unum illud impatientissime
tuli quod a te ducatos XV N. meus desumpsit. Nam ut aliis qui tuas orationes princi-
pibus ceterisque reddiderunt ne quicquam vel oblatum inde sumerent prohibui sic
N. quoque semel et saepius idem distridtius vetueram presertim a te. . . . De sumptu,
de stipendio fa&o rationem habui singulaque dissolvi. De tuis ducatis ne verbum
quidem unum audire volui. Ex inobedientia . . . illi certe polliceor, si quid tale post
hac commiserit panem meum ne die quidem uno comedet" (Correspondence of Fichet
with Bessario, loth letter, 4th of April, 1472).

(8r) The copy sent to Jacques d'Armagnac, Due de Nemours, is one of these. It
is exhibited in the Mazarine Gallery of the Bibliotheque Nationale, and bears the auto-
graph signature of its former owner (see a facsimile in Thierry-Poux, Premiers monu-
ments de rimprimerie en France au XV* siecle, PI. iv., No. 6. The type of the dedica-
tory letter appears much heavier than in the text of the book itself, and shows evidently
that the two impressions were not executed simultaneously, but were separated by
a certain interval of time.

(82) " Omnibus autem et mihi (vel quibus ad eos deferenda tua munera commiseram)
quicquam obtulerunt, una fuit responsio respuendique ratio ! Quod non Fichetus sed
Bessario, non ad te questum sed ad tuendam Christianitatem illis sua reddi munera
librosque jussisset " (Correspondence of Fichet with Bessario, gth letter, 2 ist of March,
1472, before Easter).

(83) " Vel oblatum quicquam excepi nisi duntaxat a Fratrum Minimorum ministro
provincial! litteras participationis bonorum operum fratrum sororumque sue provincie
quas marsupiolo quodam inclusas reverenter accepi, regumque omnium thesauris ante-
pono " (Correspondence of Fichet with Bessario, gth letter).

(84) " Neque de sex et quadraginta tuarum orationum opusculis quae circumqua-
quam per Gallias et Germanias a me fidei tuende causa sunt dispersa gratisque data "
(Correspondence of Fichet with Bessario, gth letter).

We know the names of only seventeen of those to whom they were offered. They
are enumerated by Van Praet, pp. 19-23 of his Catalogue des livres imprimis sur vilin
(2nd part, vol. ii.), from the letter-book of Fichet.

(84*) Madden (Lettres tfun Bibliographe, vol. v., p. 163) commits a gross blunder
when he places the date of the presentation of the manuscript copy to Louis XI.
a year before, in 1471. The 2ist of March, 1471, belongs to what we call 1472.
Van Praet (Catalogue des livres imprimis sur velin, 2nd part, vol. ii., p. 17) had made
the mistake before him.

(85) " Revertor in scholam nostram Parisiensem causa fidei (quam mihi jam dudum
imposuisti) regi nobilibusque rcgiis exposita" (Correspondence of Fichet with Bessario,
9th letter).

(86) " Sagacissimo autem viro M. Guillelmo Ficheto praedido qui suarum literarum
cummunicatione nos dignatus est decorare, gratias ingentissimas referre voluit pratfata
natio (Picardorum) ; literas quoque decrevit ad gratias agendum summo nostro
Pontifici pro tanto munere collato" (Partit dtt piieti qui ctnctrntnt Pestat present et
ancien de 1'Universite di Paris ; Paris, imprime chez Jean Julien, imprimeur et
libraire-jure de 1'Universite, 1653. 410. 3rd scries of pieces, p. 13).

Some weeks before, after his departure from the Sorbonne, Fichet had been received
canon of Geneva through his brother, Mamert Fichet, Bishop " in partibus " of
Hebron, "Veneris XVI. mensis O debris 1472, Dominus Guillelmus Fichet fuit
receptus in canonicatu, in persona domini Ebrinensis fratris ejus" (Archives cantonales
de Geneve, B. 3).

(86A) They were incorporated with the library of the College o'f the Sorbonne at the
time of the French Revolution. When the property of the convents and religious houses
was confiscated, they were sent with others to the Bibliotheque Nationale, where they
are now preserved.

(87) Royer could reckon with confidence on the liberality of Cardinal Rolin, Bishop
of Autun. A few years after (in 1480), the building of the old library was much
damaged and decayed. The college had no money to have it rebuilt. Under these circum-
stances, Master Jean Royer commissioned the provisor to see the Bishop of Autun, who
had formerly promised a sum of money for the expenses of the work. " Qui alias ad
hoc opus perficiendum promiserat suas manus adjuvantes porrigerc." A few days after,
Royer reported to his companions that the bishop had promised and given to the pro-
visor a hundred francs to begin with " centum rranchos pro inicio promisit se daturum
quo* postmodum juxta promissum contulit." See Regtsta Pritrum, p. 148.

In a letter of the 6th of July, 1475, the last that Gaguin wrote to Fichet, Gaguin is
in great anxiety. His letters remained unanswered, and he had received no news from
him for nearly two years. He heard only through Jean Royer that Fichet had been
very ill (see Philippe, Guillaumi Fichet, p. 158).

Jean Royer became afterwards canon of Tournai and chancellor of the church of
Amiens. He died on the 2Oth of December, 1500. He was born at Poligny in
Burgundy, and left a great number of books to the library of the College of the
Sorbonne.

(88) A copy of this edition of Terence, abo imperfect at the beginning, was advertised
MI the aSand catalogue of J. Baer, at Frankfort (1892), No. 1083.

BIBLIOGRAPHY.

I. GASPARINI EPISTOLAE. N. D. 4.

COLLATION: [a-1 1 *, m'] no printed signatures 1 or catchwords; 118 ff.,

2211.

REGISTER: a a', GVILLERMVS; b i% potest ; c, rebus; d [C]Vm
modestiam ; /, atq^ sociis ; f, sit in ; g t ne id ; A, studia ; /', uel consulendo ;
4, nulla ; 4 me ia&ura ; m, habui.

DESCRIPTION : Fo. i blank ; Fo. 2% GVILLERMVS Fichetus parificnfis
| theologus doctor / loanni Lapidano Sor- II bonensis scholae priori salutem ;
Fo. 2*, line 19, Vale. & me dilige/ te amante. Scriptum I apud sorbona !
uelocissima fichctca manu ; | Fo. 3% line I, Gafparini pcrgamenfis clariflimi
orato- jl ris / epiftola/j, liber foclicitcr incipit ; End. Fo. 118*, line n,
Foelix Epl'aJj, Gasparini finis ; [line 12 blank].

Vt Sol lumen ! sic doclrinam fundis in orbcrn

Musarum nutrix / regia parisius ;
Mine prope diuinam / tu quS germania nouit

Artcm scribendi ! suscipe promerita ;
Primos ecce libro* ! quos haec industria finxit

Francorum in terris. xdibus atij, tuis ;
Michael VdaJricus / Maninusq, magistri

Hos impresserunt. ac facicnt alios;

Fo. ii8 k blank.

WATERMARKS: Anchor; large fleur-de-lis crowned, with the letter J
at end.

REMARKS: In. all copies the first three letters of the name Vdalricus in
the metrical colophon are written by hand, in imitation of the type, to

1 MoM of the Sorbonne book* bare MS. signature* written in a >ingle hand. They are placed, at
iual, at the extreme edge, whrre the |.indtr' knife hat often injured or destroyed them.

49 "

correct some such misprint as Et Vlricus or Et Vdalricus. Similar MS.
corrections are to be found on fol. 2 (first page of text), 1. 9, where debeat,
and fol. 51, 1. 1 6, where ullum, is added in the margin, with the usual typo-
graphic sign of intercalation. In the last line of fol. 4"" the omitted word tfibus
is added by hand, and on fol. 34" et is corrected into est.

COPIES KNOWN : British Museum } John Rylands Library, Man-
chester; Bibliotheque Nationale, Paris, 2 copies; Bibliotheque de Besancon;
Library of the late Due d'Aumale, Chantilly ; Royal Library, the Hague ;
Biblioteca Palatina, Parma ; Imperial Library, Vienna.

II. GASPARINI ORTHOGRAPHIA. N. D. 4.

COLLATION : [a-h 10 ; i-k 12 ; 1-x 10 ; y-z 8 ; aa 2 ] no printed signatures or
catchwords ; 232 fF., 23 11.

REGISTER : a 3 , GASPARINI ; b y perueniet ; c, quod ; d, illos ; e, Et ; f^
nimis ; g, in ; h, Arra ; /, nymphe ; /f, as ; /, praepositio ; m, Ferrugo ; ,
Hemis ; , In ; p, Vide ; q, Milonis ; r, Oculatus ; s, Phoenissa ; /, adiciuntur ;
, Secius ; x, Symposium ; y, sit ; z, Est diphtongandi ; aa, dum pronuntias !

DESCRIPTION: Fo. i and 2 blank; Fo. 3% GASPARINI Pergamensis/
Or- || thographiae liber foeliciter incipit ; Fo. 219", line 8, Orthographias
Gasparini Secun- || da pars foeliciter finit ; Fo. 219", 220 blank; Fo. 221",
Est diphtongandi ratio (sic credo) sepulta || Gasparine tua. Viue Guarine
doce ; i| Guarini Veronensis / de diphtongis || libellus foeliciter incipit ; Fo.
221", Compendiosus de arte pun&andi || dialogus foeliciter incipit; End.
Fo. 231% line 9, FINIS ; Fo. 231", 232, blank.

WATERMARKS : The crowned fleur-de-lis with letter J at the end ; a P
gothic with a small cross at the top ; an unicorn.

REMARKS : One copy is at present known with six additional printed leaves
(the last being blank), not included in our collation. It contains the text
of a letter addressed by Fichet to Robert Gaguin,.in which the right of
Gutenberg to the invention of printing is formally attested by the printers
of the Sorbonne. This letter is subscribed Fo. 4", line 16, Aedibus sorbone.
raptim a me kaledis lanua || riis diluculo scriptum ; without date of the
year, and is followed on Fo. 5 by a poetical piece, by Robert Gaguin, in
praise of his friend Fichet, written on the following day. These most
interesting documents were published by the late Dr. Sieber at Basel in
1887, and entirely reproduced in facsimile, with an introduction by Mons.
Leopold Delisle, at Paris in 1889. Copies of the Orthograpbia are to
be found without the " Diphtongandi ratio " by Guarinus and the dialogue
" de arte punctandi " composed by Heynlin.

COPIES KNOWN : Bibliotheque Nationale, Paris ; Bibliotheque Mazarine,
Paris ; Bibliotheque de Toulouse, copy without the traces of Guarinus and
Heynlin; University Library, Basel, copy with the letter of Fichet ; Univer-
sity Library, Freiburg im Breisgau, the letter of Fichet only (see below, p. 56)-

III. SALLUSTIUS. N. D. 4.

COLLATION: [a-b 10 , c-d*, e-f 10 ; g-i'; k-l u ; m 1 ] no printed signatures or
catchwords. 106 ff., 23 11.

REGISTER : a i% Caii Crispi ; k, magna merces ; f, tandu ! ; d, earn/ ;
e y Caii Crispi ; f, curia egrediut; g, nisi demu ; />, frequentes ; , bat ubi ;
t, iusq, modi ; /, ex cohortibus ; m, cst quo.

DESCRIPTION: Fo. i*, Caii Crispi Salustii / de Lucii || Catilinz coniura-
tione liber || foeliciter incipit ; Fo. 35% line 9, C. Crispi Salustii de coniura-
tione || Catilinx liber / foeliciter finit ; Fo. 35* blank ; Fo. 36 blank \ Fo. 37%
Caii Crispi Salustii / de bello lu- || gurthz contra populum Romanum '
liber / foeliciter incipit ; End. Fo. 105*, line n, C. Crispi Salustii de bello
lugur- || thino liber foeliciter finit ;

De morte lugurth^ disticon ; .

Cjui cupis ignotum / lugurthz noscere letum !
Tarpciae rupis / trusus ad ima ruit ;

[Line 16 blank.]
Nunc parat arma uirosq^ sit rex maximus orbis !

Hostibus antiquis exitum minitans.
Nunc igitur bello studeas gens pariseorum !

Cui martis quondam gloria magna fuit.
Excmplo tibi sint nunc fortia fada uirorum !

Qiue digne mcmorat Crispus in hoc opere.
Armigerisq, tuis alemannos adnumeres ! qui

Hos pressere libros arma futura tibi ;

Fol. 105*, 1 06 blank.

WATERMARKS : Large fleur-de-lis crowned, with the letter J at end.

REMARKS : The first lines of the copy on vellum preserved in the BibKo-
theque Nationale differ from those of the copies on paper : Caii Crispi Salustii /
nobilissimi ciuis ;i ac consularis romani / de Lucii Catilinx | coniuratione
liber / foeliciter incipit ; in the same copy there is a MS. correction, sum |
ma ! at the end of line 2 and beginning of line 3 in the text. At the foot
of the page the words Fichttanut Saluitius are written in a contemporary
hand.

COPIES KNOWN : British Museum [without the Jugurtha'] ; Bodleian
Library, Oxford ; John Ry lands Library, Manchester ; Bibliotheque
Nationale, Paris, 2 copies, one on paper and another on vellum ; Biblio-
theque de 1'Arsenal, Paris; Bibliotheque de Reims; Bibliotheque d'Angcrs ;
Bibliotheque de Bourges ; Bibliotheque de St. Bricuc ; University Library,
Basel (Heynlin's copy); Imperial Library, Vienna; University Library,
Freiburg.

IV. FLORUS. N. D. 4.

COLLATION : [a-f lo , g 6 , h-i 10 , lc 4 ] no printed signatures or catchwords ;
90 fF., 23 11.

REGISTER: a i b , In. L. Annei ; b, urbium stragem ; c, consulum inter-
ceptus ; d, darium cogitarent ; e, pitudini ; f, hac mirer ; g, & ingenuis ;
h, Incipit liber quartus ; ', ros ! aut caesar ; , intentum.

DESCRIPTION: Fo. i 1 blank; Fo. i b , In. L. Annei Flori Epithoma de
hysteria || Titi Liuii / Argumentu foeliciter L incipit ; End. Fo. 89% line 5,
L. Annei Flori Epitoma de || Tito Liuio / finit liber quartus ;

[Line 8 blank.]

Robertas Gaguinus / Lucei Annei
Flori le&oribus / salutem optat ;
Quos nulla in terris concluserat ora quirites
Haec flori obstri&os parua tabella capit.
Et quaeque / eximia produxit Liuius arte /
Bella / duces / pompas / rite coacta tenet.
Quo uere exemplo / uobis sperate fututy /
Qui fama / & quaestu / fertis in astra gradum.
Post tumidos nisus / post saeua pericula sortis
Ad manes raptos / uos breuis urna teget ;

Valete ;

Fo. 89 b , 90, blank.

WATERMARK : The fleur-de-lis with letter J at end.
REMARKS : By a pen correction on the 6th verse of Robert Gaguin's final
address to the reader, the word printed fertur is altered to fertis.

COPIES KNOWN : British Museum ; John Rylands Library, Man-
chester; Bibliotheque Nationale, Paris; Bibliotheque Mazarine, Paris [wants
fol. i, containing the Argumentwri\ ; Bibliotheque de Reims, 3 copies ;
Bibliotheque d'Angers (bound with Phalaris and Plato) ; Bibliotheque de St.
Brieuc ; University Library, Basel (Heynlin's copy bound with the Sallust) ;
Biblioteca Mediceo-Laurenziana, Florence.

V. BESSARIONIS ORATIONES. 1471. 4.

COLLATION : [a-d 10 ] no printed signatures or catchwords ; 40 fF., 23 11.,
except fo. 30% which has 22 11. only ; fo. 3o b , 24 11. ; fo. 32"", 24 11.

DESCRIPTION : Fo. I", Reuerendo & doctissimo patri magistro || Guilielmo
ficheti sacras theologi^ pfes- || sori in collegio Sorbonae Parisii amico || nostro
carissimo ! Bessario episcopus sabi- || nensis cardinalis / patriarcha Con-
stantino- || politanus nicenus ; Fo. 29", EIVSDEM ad eosdem persuasio ! || ex
audtoritate Demosthenis ; Fo. 3o b , DEMOSTHENIS ORATIO || pro ferenda ope
olynthiis aduersus Philippu || regem Macedonnm (sic) ; End. Fo. 39", line

5 2

16, ut omni ad id studio incumbatis quantis ma- | ximis possum precibus
oro / atrfr obtestor ; | FINIS ; Fo. 39*", 40 blank.

WATERMARK : The anchor, with a cross in the middle at the end.

REMARKS : Copies were sent to kings, emperors, and other potentates, as
ako to chiefs of monastic orders, containing dedicatory letters printed or
manuscript. As they differ in each copy according to their length, we have
not, of course, included them in our collation. Fo. 22 b , lines 15 and 1 6, tin-
space left in blank for four Greek words not printed is filled up in MS.
Fo. i% line 4, the name of Bessario, printed wrongly Bossarit, is corrected
to Bestaria. In Fichet's own copy the headlines 5 and 6 are partly erased
and corrected with a pen, giving this reading, cardiaC nicen 9 friarcha
Constantino- \\ pilitanus ; Fo. !O k , line 1 8, the word italiam, omitted, is added
in the margin ; Fo. 17% line 6, the words hauls impellitt, repeated in error,
are erased, blotted, or cancelled by dots in the various copies ; Fo. 17*, line
22, the word eisemus, omitted, is added in MS. ; Fo. 25, line 14, the word
rrpugnamuj is altered to reprimamus.

COPIES KNOWN : John Rylands Library, Manchester ; Bibliothequc
Nationale, Paris, 4 copies [i. copy sent to Jacques d'Armagnac, Duke de
Nemours, with a printed letter addressed to the king, Louis XL, the
princes, dukes, and other high personages of his government ; 2. Fichet's
own copy, with his autograph corrections, preceded by the MS. copies of all
the dedicatory letters ; 3. copy sent to the abbot and monks of Cluny, with
the MS. letter addressed to them ; 4. copy sent to John Nomagian, chief
of the Carthusian order, with the MS. letter addressed to him] ; Biblio-
thcque Mazarine, Paris [copy without corrections, but with the Greek MS.
quotations on fol. 22] ; Bibliothequc de Reims, 2 copies ; Vatican Library,
Rome, copy on vellum sent to Edward IV., King of England, with a printed
letter of dedication and a fine miniature painting ; Imperial Library, Vienna,
copy of the Emperor Frederick HI., with the letter of dedication, consisting
of two leaves, printed on vellum, the text of the Orations being on paper ;
Royal Library, Turin, copy on vellum sent to Amadeus IX., Duke of
Savoy, with a special printed letter. Philippe (Origlnt tie F Imprimtrie a
Parti, p. 100) describes this copy, and says that the book is preserved in
the Royal Library at Turin ; but from a recent communication of Senator
Carutti, librarian to His Majesty the King of Italy, we learn that the book
is no longer in the Royal Library, nor if it in the Biblioteca Nazionale at
Turin. No one knows what has become of it. Cantonal Library, Luzern
[bound with the letters of Phalaris, Brutus and Crates], Erhard Windsberg's
copy given by Fichet.

VI. FICHETI RHETORICA. 1471. 4.

COLLATION : [a', b-e, f-h i, k", 1*, m u , n-o', p q, r', s, t", u*,
X M J no printed signatures or catchwords ; 194 ff., 23 II., and sometimes 24 II.

REGISTER : a i% GVILLERMI ; b, De quinqj ; c, & sentential^ ; d y cilium ;
r, ri oporteret ; d, uel negocia (in first printed copies, simplicem futurofy) ;
e, mihi faciet ; /, (P)ROPRIVM ; , Guillermi ; h, perindeac (sic) ; i, (C)ON-
TRARIA ; >f, (N)OSTRAE ; /, affe&u ; m, linguas/ ; , Guillermi ; o, (quasi ;
p, quidem } q, dicimus ; r, uiribus ; s, apud Terentiu ! ; /, propria ! ; ,
aridam/ ; x, Ad tertii.

DESCRIPTION : Fo. i% GVILLERMI Ficheti Alnetani/ artium || & theologiae
parisiensis do&oris/ rhetori- || corum libroty prasfatio; Fo. 4", line 22,
Ficheteae rhetoricae praefatio finit. || Incipit liber primus ; Fo. 5% De quinq,
rhetoricis elemetis artem extrin- || secus comprehendentibus omnem ; Fo.
1 18, blank. End. Fo. 191% line 17, In Parisioty Sorbona conditae Ficheteae ||
rhetoricae finis : Roberti Gaguini se- || quitur panagericus (tic) in audlorem ;
Fo. 191", Patri ac praeceptori suo / Guillermo || Ficheto parisiensi theologo
do<aori/ || Robertus Gaguinus. S. P. D. [Line 4. blank.]

(Q)Vos luteos homles finxit natura/ deauras
Et facis aeloquio/ clare fichete decs.
Te digna extulerit praeclara lutetia caslo !
Cui tua redliloquos/ lingua diserta parit.
Ouae fuit obscura ! sterili ruditate loquendi !
Fulgida nunc radiis/ arte polita micat.
Puluerulenta situ/ & squalore uolumla longo !
Exiliunt tenebris en reuoluta suis.
Per cathedras cicero uerbi pater intonat acer !
Et ueterum mille nomina lefta uirum.
Quos eqde (si sensa/ alos/ retinere putandu e)
Gratari inter se nunc tibi (crede) iuuat !
Magnu aut e fama/ & caelum ! & pulchl^, memorarier
Quae probj et celu ! quisq, leuet humo aclis ?
Qui ueniet posthac/ puro S5mone latin us ;
Inq, sacros aditus (quod semper graecia fecit)
Dicendi appinget philosophia decus.

Fo. 192. Theologi exurgent ! quos tot docuisse pbatis !

Qui se hyeronymis assimulasse uelint ;
Ergo eris in nfis/ q" achiuis ille pmetheus !
Qui terrs obstridtos igniit arte uiros.
Siue opifex hominu/ qui duris cotibus auras !
Indidit. ilia iubens uiuere deucalion ;
Foelix ilia quidem tali sabaudia alumno !
Cuius erit gallis perpetuatus honor;
Gaude igit doctor/ habiturus nome in aeuum !
Gaguinumq, magis usq, benignus ama ;
Vale. Foelixq, uiue ;

Fo. 192*, 193, 194, blank.

WATERMARKS : A bell ; a pot or jug ; the anchor.

REMARKS : The dedicatory epistles, all of the year 1471, which are added to
special copies, and are of different lengths, as in the Orations of Bessario,
are not included in our collation. The first leaf of the quire d [Fo.
37] presents a different text in the copies printed on vellum and in some
copies on paper, apparently the first issued from the press. Fo. 64 and
72 have also been reprinted with differences, as appears from cancelled
leaves pasted on the inside cover of one copy. Of all the books produced
by the first Parisian press, Fichet's Rhetoric is the one where the most
numerous pen corrections or additions are to be observed. The copy pre-
sented to Charles de Bourbon, Archbishop of Lyons, now in the Bibliotheque
Nationale, seems to be the most carefully revised. The corrections and
alterations in this are similar to those in the copy in the Bibliotheque
Mazarine at Paris. The following are the corrections -in the first hundred
pages: Fo. 10*, line 21, added with a pen, oratianis ; line 22, qualitatis -,
Fo. 11% line 14, p. it; Fo. 14% line 2O, priortm; Fo. 31% line 22, dtftndi
cohiberif ; Fo. 35", line 18, correction, uolasu ; Fo. 38% line 9, pnecipue ;
line 1 6, prxcipui again; Fo. 40*, ueniemus ; Fo. 45*, line 6, added with a
pen, , and on the following line correction, Juobus cansulibus ; line 13, with
a pen, EQVALE tit; line 14, correction, paribus ; line 17, correction,
tubutrtit ; Fo. 46% correclion,/9ri ; Fo. 47% line i, DIFFIGVRATIO ; line
5, corrections, cum and cetera; line 12, pen correction, ttc ittatis ; line 15,
ttfittatei again; Fo. 47% lines 15-16, pen correction, fertitu- \ dintm; Fo.
49% line 9, hermacrnuti ; line 21, dirt changed to odiise ; Fo. 66% line 20,
Sex ; Fo. 66% line 4, Turn ; line 1 2, imfrie ; Fo. 74% line 2, added by hand,
i totu } line 20, after the word optrttt printed, the following pen addition, nisi
diuiiia ml expttitit ltd tint obttneat ; Fo. 76% line 1 8, euidentia ; Fo. 76%
line 10, (E)VIDENTIA ; line 21, correction, Hi ; Fo. 79% line 3, MS. addition
in the margin, with a sign of reference, ittru utl alia mtda narrare. Aut
auditori bus ita teiui f ntgttiu^j vt ntstra tiihil tliit ; line lo, euidentia ; line
15, tubui ; line 23, added with a sign of reference, // hc ; Fo. 80% line n,
MS. addition, nt ittrdu ydi no ixcidat ; Fo. 84% line 8, rhetoti, wrongly
printed, is corrected to rhtttri; line 17, added with a pen, opposita ; Fo.
85% line 13, added, quada ; Fo. 86% line 18, correction, soiutiones ; Fo.
86% line 7, correction, inuice jfirmat ; Fo. 88% line 23, pen addition,
tit; Fo. 92% line 15, a word partly erased and altered to VICISSITVDO ;
Fo. I OO% line 13, colligatioe corrected, and ardi'e added. The copy on
vellum at the Bibliotheque Nationale contains other MS. additions, but
they seemed to us to be rather the act of a reader than of the editor of the
book. For this reason we have not noticed them.

COPIES KNOWN : British Museum, Presentation copy to Pope Sixtus IV.,
on vellum, with a special printed letter of dedication, decorated with a fine
miniature, giving the portrait of Fichet, and reproduced as a frontispiece to this
monograph; John Rylands Library, Manchester; Bibliotheque Nationale,

Paris, 3 copies, i. a copy printed on vellum, 2. the copy presented to Charles
de Bourbon, Archbishop of Lyons, preceded by a special letter and a reprint of
the dedicatory letter to Cardinal Bessario, two additional printed leaves, with
a miniature border bearing the arms of Bourbon, 3. copy with the arms and
device of Laurent Bureau, doftor of the Sorbonne; the letters to Charles de
Bourbon and Cardinal Bessario, MSS. on vellum, are added to the copy on
paper, but the handwriting is a modern forgery in the old style. See above,
page 15 ; Bibliotheque Mazarine, Paris, copy that seems to have belonged
to Gabriel Naude, librarian of Cardinal Mazarin, with a note in his hand-
writing ; Bibliotheque de Lyon, a copy with cancelled leaves, presenting
notable differences in the text, fastened to the inside of the cover ; Biblio-
theque d'Aix-en-Provence ; St. Mark's Library, Venice, dedication copy
to Cardinal Bessario on vellum, with a special printed letter, dated 1471,
decorated with a fine miniature painting and capitals illuminated in gold
and colours ; Imperial Library, Vienna, copy on vellum j University
Library, Basel, Heynlin's copy ; University Library, Breslau. A manu-
script copy on vellum of the Rhetoric, richly illuminated, with a minia-
ture representing the author offering his book to Charles, Count du
Maine, prince of the blood royal of Prance, is in the ducal library at
Gotha. In the University Library, Freiburg im Breisgau, are four leaves
of proofs of the end of the work, exhibiting, according to Dr. F. Pfaff, a
different and much shorter recension of the text, as from Gestui to the end
there are only 20 instead of 48 articles. See the Centralblatt fur Biblio-
thekswesen, vol. 5, pp. 201-206. Together with this fragment are bound
four printed dedicatory letters of Fichet, viz., 1. for Bessario's Orations to
the Emperor Frederick ; 2. for the Rhetoric to Janus, Count of Genevois
in Savoy (not in the collection of dedicatory letters for the Rhetoric at
the Bibliotheque Nationale), dated loth before the Calends of Odtober
(September 22), 1471; 3. for the Rhetoric to Rene, King of Sicily ; 4".
the letter to Robert Gaguin for his copy of the Orthographia, in which
mention is made of Gutenberg (Bonemontanus) j see p. 50.

VII. AUGUSTINUS DATUS. Eloquenthe prascepta. N.D. 4.

COLLATION: [a-d 10 , e] no printed signatures or catchwords, 46 ff., 23 11.

DESCRIPTION: Fo. i a , AVGVSTINI DATI Senensis Isago- || gicus libellus
in eloquetiae pcepta, ad An- || drea dm christoferi filiu foeliciter incipit ;
End. Fo. 44"", line 17, Augustini dati Senensis oratoris primarii ||
Isagogicus libellus in elocutionis pre,cepta finit foeliciter ; Fo. 45, 46, blank.

WATERMARK: Anchor.

COPIES KNOWN : University Library, Basel, Heynlin's copy.

VIII. CICERO. DE ORATORE.

No copy known.

IX. VALERIUS MAXIMUS.

No copy known.

X. VALL^ ELEGANTLS. 1471. Fol.

CotLATiON: [a-g 1 *; h ; i-o} p"; q-z"; aa-bb w ; cc-ee" ; ff'] no
printed signatures or catchwords ; 284 ff., 32 II., and sometimes only 30 11.

REGISTER: a 1 , Quot Vniuersi ; b, .P. Paulus Senilis ; r, e contrario ;
d, Seruius ; /, sermonis ; _/", Solius ; g, audientem ; A, Quid ; /, Incipit ; /,
duodcqdragenu; /,copias; m,(O)Ratores; ,ciantur; 0,feeminu; />,possint; y,
Incipit ; r, gatione ; /, (V)Etere ; r, mori ! ; , a uinea ; x, qua ; y, ordeacea ;
r, Ca. vi ; a<j, Laurentii ; tt t mineruz ; , familiarissimus ; dd, (S)Ecretum ;
ti, Elegantium ; ]f, Malleolus !

DESCRIPTION: Fo. I*, Quot Vniuersi Opens Elegantia^ Lau- || rentii
Valbe sunt libri ! quscuc unicuiq, li- | bro subiefta materia ! & quis in
singulis matcriis pertractandis ordo seruetur ; || (V)MVERSVM hoc Elegan-
tiarum || Opus/ Sex Libris Distindum Est ; Fo. 9", blank ; Fo. 10, blank ;
Fo. ii% .P. Paulus Senilis loanni Heynlin de Lapide salutem plurimam
dicit ; Fo. 79% Incipit prohemium in libH tertium ! de laude iuriscon-
sultoR, in Elegantia scribendi ! sintque nemo/ nee in iu ! re ! nee in logica !
philosophiaq, proficcre potest ; Fo. 151% Incipit Prohcmiu in librum quintum !
Cur non || plures de hac re libros condidit ; Fo. 230, blank ; Fo. 231, Ca. vi.
oitendens causam cur suus & sui abutimur ; Fo. 239% blank ; Fo. 240,
blank ; Fo. 241, Laurentii Valbe liber/ in errores Antonii Raudensis fcelicitcr
incipit ; Fo. 275, Elegantium uocabuloK, quae in hoc opere sparsim tradit.i
sunt ! sub principalium litterarum suarum ordine/ cum lib- || roJ^, capitulo-
rumq, annotatione ! compcndiosa collec>io ; Fo. 282% Petro Paulo Senili/
christianissimi francoK regis secretario ! loannes de Lapide S. P. D. ; End.
Fo. 282% two last lines, .... Aedibus sorbon^ scriptu anno || uno &
septuagcsimo quadringcntcsimoq, supra millcsimum ; Fo. 283 and 284,
blank.

WATERMARKS : A pot or jug, with a small cross at the top ; a bell ; a
stag's head with antlers.

REMARKS : In some copies the first quire, consisting of the table of
contents and the letter of Paulus Senilis, is placed at the end, after the letter
of loannes de Lapide, written from the Sorbonne, and dated 1471, which is
a reply to that of Senilis.

COPIES KNOWN : Bodleian Library, Oxford ; Bibliotheque Nationalc,
Paris, 2 copies (one imperfect) ; Bibliotheque de Toulouse ; Bibliotheque de
Poitiers (imperfect) ; Imperial Library, Vienna ; University Library, Breslau.

57 i

XI. CICERO DE OFFICIIS ; DE AMICITIA; DE SENECTUTE ;
SOMNIUM SCIPIONIS ; PARADOXA. March, 1472. Fol.

COLLATION: [a 8 ; b-1 10 ; m-n 4 ; o 6 ; p 8 ] no printed signatures or catch-
words ; 1 26 ff., 3 1 11.

REGISTER : a 1 , Guillermus fichsetus } b, .M. Tullii ; c, que spe&at ; d t
inferior ; e, quofy ; f, Atq, huic ; , De general! ; h t De qu^stionibus ; /,
suetudo; , cj cu eo; /, dent & alia!; m, (H)Ec me; , usurpas ! ; o,
Liber ; p, M. Tullii.

DESCRIPTION: Fo. i% Guillermus fichaetus parisiensis theologus doftor /
|| loanni lapidano theologo jjfessori. s. p. D. ; Fo. 2% line 21 [end of the
line], Apd || Turone dibus hospitis mei Radulfi toustani ciuis longe hu ||
manissimi / Anno uno & septuagesimo qdringentesimoq, su- || pra Millesimu,
Nonis Martii citissime scriptum ; || [line 25 blank ;] line 26, loanni
Lapidano / Tetrastichon fichjeteum. [Line 27 blank.]

Line 28 :

Vt puncti / csi / pateant libri Ciceronis !

Guillermi suasu / sis Lapidane uigil
Sic facili cursu / cum fruger / turn decus esse

Tu poteris semper ! clara Fichetea spes ;

Fo. 2 b , lo. de Lapide sacris in litteris Parisii licentiatus / || .G. fiche.to
parisiensi theologo do&ori, s. p. D. ; Fo. 3% line 23 [end of line], Vale.
Ae || dibus Sorbone Parisii scriptum. [Line 25 blank;] line 26, lo.
Lapidani Tetrastichon ad Guillermu fich^tu. [Line 27 blank.]

Line 28 :

Accipe distinftos Guillerme libros Ciceronis.

Si lsi pateant ! criminis auditor eris.
Sin fuerint frugi ! maior tibi q Lapidano /

Gratia debetur ! laus quor^ maior erit ;

Fo. 3", Vniuersi operis officiol^ .M. Tullii Ciceronis / cu sub- || ieclal^,
material^ recolledtione summaria partitio ; Fo. 7% line 10 [end of line],
FINIS, [line ii blank;] line 12, lo. de Lapide/ cun&is uirtutu amatoribus.
s. p. D. [Line 13 blank.]

Line 14:

Accipe consiliu quo fias officiosus,

Et cito ! si credas ! hos lege ssepe libros.
Nam docet hie Cicero quo fonte oriat honestas !

Effluit & uirtus omnis ! & officium.
Vtile definit & quodcunqj nociuu,

Ex hominu studiis ducere principium.

Qualiter & possis homines tibi conciliare !

- Vt multu prosint / ac noceant minime.

Sunt qui secernant ab honestis utilitatem !

Horu errore nihil fedius esse probat.
Concludens nil utile / quod non semper honestu !

Nee sit honestu aliquod utilitate carens.
In primis igil rectum statuas tibi finem !

Turpia nee spercs finibus apta tuis.
Sic uirtutis iter tutis transibis (honesti

Officio fretus) gressibus ad superos ;

[Fo. 7% blank ; Fo. 8 entirely blank.]

Fo. 9% .M. Tullii Ciceronis / Arpinatis / consults Romani / \\ oratorumcfc
principis / ad .M. Tulliu Cicerone filiu II uum / OfficioH liber primus / in quo
dc honesto dissc [| rif / foeliciter incipit ; Fo. 74', line 26, .M. Tullii Ciceronis /
officioH Liber Tertius it \\ Vltimus / in quo de comparatpe utilis & honesti ||
explicatum est ! foeliciter Finit; Fo. 74% blank; Fo. 75*, M. T. Ciceronis
liber de amicitia / tractatibus tripartit ; Fo. 76*, M. Tullii Ciceronis Liber de
Amicitia / ad Atticum ! || fceliciter incipit ; Fo. 93% line 29, Marci Tullii
Ciceronis de Amicitia Liber / ; | ad Atticum ! foeliciter finit ; Fo. 93% blank ;
Fo. 94% M. T. Ciceronis Liber de senedute tribus distinctus est ||
tra<flatibus ; Fo. 95% M. Tullii Ciceronis Liber de Seneltute de Atticum
foeliciter incipit; Fo. no k , line 5, M. T. ! Ciceronis de senedtute || ad
Atticum foeliciter finit ; Fo. in and 112 entirely blank ; Fo. 113% Liber
de somnio Scipionis / vn capitulis distinclus est ! Fo. 1 14% .M. T. Ciceronis.
de Republic* liber sextus q de somnio |! Scipionis inscribit ! in quo docet
animas bene de R. P. me- !! ritorum / post corpora caelo reddi & illic frui
beatitudinis || ppetuitate ! fceliciter incipit; Fo. 118', line 10, .M. T.
Ciceronis de somnio Sci- ,, pionis Liber foeliciter finit ; Fo. 1 19% .M. T.
Ciceronis paradoxa incipiut foeliciter ; End. Fo. 126% line 31, .M. Tullii
Ciceronis paradoxa foeliciter finiunt ; Fo. 126' blank.

WATERMARK : Anchor.

REMARKS : In the first copies printed, line 23 in the text of Fichet's
letter has a misprint tffuitsimt. In other copies this has been corrected to
tfficiatiiiimo, and another word, nibii, ending the line, is divided, ni- on
the same line and hit on the beginning of the following (see Philippe,
pp. 192-193). In some copies the following pen corrections are to be found.
Fo. 36*, line 20, prtditui is added ; line 21, aptum ; Fo. 37% line 28, molestias.
A copy presented by the editor Heynlin alias de la Pierre (Lapidanus) to
George of Baden, Bishop of Mctz, contains at the beginning an addi-
tional leaf printed on vellum, decorated with a fine illuminated initial letter.
This copy is without printed tides or summaries to the chapters. They are
written in red by the rubricator. Another copy presents an interesting
peculiarity. A contemporary note at the end of the Paradoxa written on
the margin states that the book (already printed, but without the Stmnium
Sdpionii) was bought in Paris in 1471 (end of March, 1472).

COPIES KNOWN : British Museum ; Btbliotheque Nationale, Paris, 3 copies,

the first with a printed letter of dedication on vellum, addressed to George
of Baden, Bishop of Metz ; the second, without the Somnium Scipionis, contains
the mention of having been bought in Paris at the end of March, 1472 ;
the third is bound with the Tusculance >ua:stiones y published by Erhard
Windsberg ; Bibliotheque de Bourges ; Bibliotheque de Toulouse, Count
Hoym's copy, bound with theTuscuiana^uastiones; University Library, Basel,
bound after the Tusculana ^uastiones ; Royal Library, The Hague ; Royal
Library, Stuttgart ; Kgl. Sachsische Bibliographische Sammlung, Leipzig.

XII. CICERONIS TUSCULANCE QU^STIONES. N. D. Fol.

COLLATION: [a-h 10 j i 8 ] no printed signatures or catchwords, 88 ff.,
31 11.

REGISTER : a i, M. T. C. oratofy ; , haberemus ; c, qbus orbati ;
</, & regina ; e, Cirenaicis ; f, admiration? ; g y potest ; b, non potest ; *,
hesterna.

DESCRIPTION: Fo. i% M. T. C. oratoty Homeri prologus in Tuscu-
lanarum || quaestionum (in quibus de maximis quaestionibus co- || piose /
ornateqj dicit) librum p>mum foeliciter incipit; Fo. 85% line 30, .M. T.
Ciceronis Tusculanafy quaestionu Liber || quintus & ultimus finem habet
foelicem ; Fo. 86", Erhardus Ciceronianae leftionis amatoribus. S. P. D.

Quom tua vel mutis tribuat eloquia uocem !

Quom tibi phoebeus carmina diftet honos !
Nonne reus musis / & uatibus vsqj tenebor !

Si tacitus Cicero praetereare mihi ?
Quod Flacco Varoqj fuit / summoqj Maroni

Maecenas atauis regibus ortus eques !
Id mihi ! si tenues non essent carmine uires !

Nunc fores eloquii diue pater Cicero ;
Quern si cephaleis vulgaribus annotaui

His libris ! ueniam lector humane dabis !
Hos quoqj quom legeris, precium ne (quaeso) relinquas

Artificum ingenuse quod meruere manus.
Pro quibus optandi si nunc copia adesset !

Tarn bene promeritis comoda mille precer ;

End. Fo. 87% line 6 :

Quicquid Socraticae manauit ab ordine sedlae !
Quicquid Aristoteles docuit ! tuqj diuine Plato !
Inuentum quodcunqj tuo Crisippe recessu !
Quicquid Democritus risit ! dixitqj tacendo
Pithagoras ! vno se peftore cunfta uetustas
Condidit ! & maior Ciceronis uiribus exit !
60

His & cnim libris docuit cognoscere ! curnam (tic)
Ipsa quidetn uirtus precium sibi ! solaqj late
Fortunz secura nitet ! nil indiga laudis
Externx ! nee quzrat opem ! ferat omnia secum !
Diuitiis animosa suis ! immotaqj cundtis
Casibus / exalta mortalia respuat arce.
Hanc tame baud quistj / qui non agnoscerit ante
Semet ! & incertos animi placaucrit aestus
Inueniet. longis illuc ambagibus itur ;
[2 lines blank]

Vale lector Studiose ;

Fo. 87* blank ; Fo. 88 entirely blank.

WATERMARK : Anchor.

REMARKS : The following pen corrections are found in most of the
copies : in the first piece of Erhard, Fo. 86*, verse 5, Van altered from Vano
wrongly printed, Afaraai instead of Marconi, also printed by mistake of the
compositor ; in the second piece, Fo. 87*, verse 1 3, tamen and haudzte corrected.

COPIES KNOWN : John Rylands Library, Manchester ; Bibliotheque
Nationale, Paris, 2 copies, one bound with the Dt Officiit, the other
imperfect; Bibliotheque de Bourges; Bibliotheque de Toulouse, bound
with the Dt Offitiii, Count Hoym's copy ; University Library, Basel,
Heynlin's copy, followed by the Dt OffUiii of Cicero and the De Officils of
St. Ambrosius, bound in the same volume.

XIII. RODERICUS, SPECULUM HUMANA VITA. 1472. Fol.

COLLATION : [a-c* ; f-g* ; h-o w ; p*j no printed signatures or catchwords ;

141 ff, 3*

REGISTER : a i*, Ad sanftissimu ; t>, cemamus; <, nem ! qua ; </, ritos ;
/, ritatf ; f y tes & ; g, cfdi ars ; A, imppctuu ! ; i, incipit ; <f, plurimis ; ^
Ca. ix : m, thesaurarius ; H, Gregorius ; , monastica ! ; p, uantia.

DESCRIPTION : Fo. i*, Ad sandissimu & beatissimu dominu / dominu
Paulu ! Secundu Pontifice Maximu ! liber incipit dictus Spe- || culum
humarue uitz (Quia in eo cuncti mortales in || quouis fuerint statu uel officio
spiritual; aut tpali ! ! spcculabunt eius artis & uitz prospera & aduersa ! ac ||
rede uiucdi documenta) editus a Rodorico zamorensi & postea Calagaritano
hispano / eiusd? sandtitatis in : ! castro suo Sancti Angeli castellano ; Fo. 2 k ,
line 16, Prcfado utilis! in qua autoris huius libri / vita! eiusqj || studia
recolunt. & tandem admouet ad studia legis di- || uint; pot i us ij humanx. &
de effeciu legum humanarum i & dc ordine procedcndi in hoc libro ; Fo. 4%
line 12, DC materiis pertra&andis in primo libro. & dc tabu ;i la capitulorum
eius ; Fo. 9*, Incipit capitulu primu pmi libri ! uidelicet de primo St
sublimiori statu tfporali ! qui est status & gradus impi | alis & regalis ac

aliofy pncipum saecularium. & de sup- || mo huius status & dignitatis culmle
Si exelletia (sic) \ ac de || illius gta & fcelicitate laudibo & pconiis sup alias
tgales dignities ; Fo. 75", line 29 blank, line 30, Einit (sic) Liber primus !
de oni statu & statu & uita teporali ; Fo. 75" blank ; Fo. 76 blank ; Fo. 77,
line I, Incipit Liber Secundus ! de Statu & Vita || Spiritual! / ecclesiastica
& Regulari ; Fo. 137" [line 20 blank], line 21 :

Edidit hoc linguae clarissima norma latinse !

Excels! ingenii uir Rodoricus opus.
Cjui norma angelica est custos bene fidus in arce !

Sub Pauli ueneti nomine pontificis.
Claret in Italici Zamorensis episcopus ausis

Eloquii ! it superos gloria parta uiri ;

Fo. 138% Incipit Repertorium siue Tabula per alphabetum [| ad faciliter
recipiendas materias in pr^senti libro || Difto Speculum Humanae uitx ;
End. Fo. 1 4 1" [line 16 blank], line 17, Finis foelix atqj optatus illius breuis
|| tabulae siue repertorii per alphabetu / || in prsentem libl^, ! speculum
humanae uitas nuncupatum ; Fo. I4i b blank ; Fo. 142 blank.

WATERMARKS : None.

REMARKS : The copy preserved in the British Museum contains at the
end of the volume three letters not included in our description, and addressed
by the printers : i. to Robert d'Estouteville, provost of Paris : Magnifico
militi domino Roberto de Estoteuille || pr^posito Parisiensi / et Christian -
issimi francofy regis Cambellario / impressores Parisienses se ipsos perpetuo
seruituros / humiliter offerunt ; 2. to Jean de Bourbon, Duke of Auvergne ;
this begins : Inuiftissimo p>ncipi lohanni bourbonii atcjj aluerni^ duci ! ||
comiti Claromontesi, forensi insulaeqj lordani dno belli io- || ci. pari atqj
camerario franciz librofy Parisii impressores || germani / sese perpetuo
seruituros liberalissime offerunt ; 3. to the King Louis XL, dated at
the end, Tua in Lutetia x kal. mail Anni millesimi quadringentesimi
secundi || supra septuagesimu ! manibus tibi deditissimofy Martini Vdal ||
rici atqj Michaelis impressum, and subscribed, Christianissimo franco!^
regi diuo Ludouico quarto (sic) || Germani librofy impressores Parisienses /
perpetuo || se deuouent seruituros. These letters, printed for special pre-
sentation copies, do not exist in the other copies known.

COPIES KNOWN : British Museum ; Bibliotheque Nationale, Paris,
3 copies ; Bibliotheque de Bordeaux ; Bibliotheque de Rodez ; University
Library, Basel, 2 copies, Heynlin's copy, and another dated 1473 ty the
rubricator ; Imperial Library, Vienna ; Duke d'Aumale's Library, Chantilly.

XIV. PLATONIS EPISTOUE. N. D. 4.

COLLATION: [a-d'; e 8 ; f 2 ] no printed signatures or catchwords; 50 ff,
2 3 11.

REGISTER : a i % , Ad prudentem ; , ruisses ! longe ; c, sitari scimus; </,
qui ad reperiendu ; t y detur) malo ; f, pulo uenirem.

DESCRIPTION : Fo. i* blank ; Fo. 2% Ad prudentem & magnificum
uirum || Cos ma de medicis florentinu / Leonard! . Aretini clarissimi oratoris /
in eptas pla tols quas ex gr^cis latinas fecit ! jifatio ; End. Fo. 50", line
15, FINIS. [Lines 16 and 17 blank.] Line 18:

Discite re&orcs / diuinitus / ore platonis !
Quid uos / qd dues reddat in urbe bonos.

WATERMARKS : A pot or jug ; a stag's head with a cross between the
antlers ; a kind of ox head with a cross between the horns ; an anchor with
a small cross in the middle at the top.

REMARKS : Philippe reckons two blank leaves at the Beginning. This is
a mistake ; they are independent flyleaves.

COPIES KNOWN : Bibliothequc d' Angers ; University Library, Basel
(Heynlin's copy) ; another copy quoted in the Crevenna catalogue, its
whereabouts unknown.

XV. PHALARIDIS, BRUTI ET CRATIS EPISTOU*. N. D. 4'

COLLATION : a-c" i P ; g* ; h-i 1 ; no printed signatures or catchwords ;
82 ff., 23 II.

REGISTER: a i', Francisci ; b t sarias Vety ; r, cum asolamini ! ; </, ex
parte ; /, eofy liberoFV ; f, imicos .pbamus ; g y Raimitii ; h y remitter? ! j /', &
inteperantiam !

DESCRIPTION : Fo. i% Francisci Aretini ! phalaridis agrigentini || in
epistolas / ad illustrem principem malatestu ! nouellum de malatestis! pro-
hemium incipit ; Fo. 56*, last line, EpistolaH, Phalaridis foelix finis ; Fo. 57*,
Raimitii ! in catalogum Mitridatis de epi- || stolis .M. bruti ad Nicolau
quintu ponti- ,i ficem maximum ! przfatio foclicitcr incipit ; Fo. 73%
line 23, Catalog us eptal^ bruti finit furlicitcr ; Fol. 73" [the first half of the
page blank, the other half with nine printed lines], Epigramrru in catalogu
eptaH Cretis ' cynici / Diogenis discipuli ;

Hz tibi uirtutu stimulus / & semina laudu /
Atqj excpla dabut cynicz / o lector studiose.
Pieriis etenim studiis / muluxfe redundant
Eloquio ! ne desidiis / dapibus ue paratis
Indulgere uelis ! ue ignaua & marcida luxu
Ocia / ne torpens somnos admittere incites.
Disccre sed quantu paupertas sobria possit ;

Fo. 74*, Aunasius Constantinopolitanus / || archiensis abbas / ad diuum
|>ncipcm fCarolum Aragonum / (>mogenitum ; End. Fo. 82", line 8, Finis

Cynicafy Gratis ; || Erhardi Vuinsberg Epigrama ad ger- || manos libraries
gregios / michaelem / mar || tinum atqj udalricum ;

Plura licet summse dederis alemannia laudi !

At reor hoc maius te genuisse nihil.
C^ prope diuina summa ex industria fingis

Scribendi hanc artem multiplicans studia.
Foelices igit Michael / Martineqj semper

Viuite / & Vlrice ! hoc qs opus imprimit.
Erhardum uestro & no dedignemini amore !

Cui fido semper pe&ore clausi eritis ;

WATERMARK : Crowned fleur-de-lys with letter J at end.

REMARKS : In one of the copies of the Bibliotheque Nationale the word
Alemannia, in the first verse of Erhard Windsberg's epigram, is altered with the
pen to Argentina. No such correction is to be found in the other copies. It is a
forgery made up at the suggestion of Mentel, an historian of typography, in the
seventeenth century. Philippe (p. 1 44) says that the verses of Erhard Windsberg
in the copy of the Bibliotheque Mazarine are placed after the letters of
Brutus, instead of being placed at the end. This is a mistake. The verses seen
by Philippe are the same as the verses preceding the letters of Crates in all the
copies, and are not the distichs alluding to the new industry of printing.

COPIES KNOWN : British Museum ; John Rylands Library, Manchester ;
Bibliotheque Nationale, Paris [2 copies] ; Bibliotheque Mazarine, Paris [the
letters of Brutus only] ; University Library, Basel [Heynlin's copy; the letters
of Phalaris are placed at the end] ; Cantonal Library, Luzern [Erhard
Windsberg's copy, bound with the Orations of Bessario ; Imperial Library,
Vienna ; Library of the late Duke d'Aumale, Chantilly.

XVI. VIRGILIUS MARO (PUBLIUS). BUCOLICA & GEORGICA.
N. D. 4.

COLLATION : [a 12 ; b-d 10 ; e 8 ] no printed signatures or catchwords; 5off.,32 11.

DESCRIPTION: Fo. i, entirely blank; Fo. 2% Publii Virgilii maronis
mantuani uatis clarissimi || Bucolica & 'Aegloga prima fceliciter incipit. |j
[i line space] || Hie deflet meliboeus pfugiat quid inique. || Tityrus ast laetus
quis contulit otia dicit ; |j End. Fo. 50", line 28, Illo Virgilium me tempore
dulcis alebat jj Parthenope ! studiis florentem ignobilis oti. || Carmina qui
lusi pastorum. audaxqj iuuenta || Tityre te patule cecini sub tegmine fagi ; ||
Finis fcelix Georgicofy Virgilii. j| ; Fo. 50 b blank.

WATERMARKS: Shield with three fleurs-de-lys with the letter t below ;
letter y, or rather a gothic P with a curved tail, and a small cross above, as in
the Sophohgium (see No. XXI. below).

COPIES KNOWN : John Rylands Library, Manchester.

6 4

XVII. JUVENALIS ET PfiRSII SATYRS. N. D. Fol.

COLLATION : [a-e w ; P] no printed signatures or catchwords ; 74 ff.,
32!!.

DESCRIPTION: Fo. I', Decimi lunii luuenalis SatyraR. || Liber primus. ||
Materia & causam satyraty hac inspice prima. || Fo. 6i b , line 25, Decimi
lunii luuenalis Aquinatis || Satyrarum liber finit Focliciter ; || Erhardus /
D. I. luuenal' cultori. F. optat ;

Ecce parens satyraR, / princeps eliconis et audor !
In prauos mittens tela seucra notae.

Fo. 62 blank ; Fo. 63% Auli persii flacci in satyral^ librum prolo- || gus
constans metro iambico trimetro ; End. Fo. 73 b , line 2O, A. P. F. SatyraR.
liber finit fceliciter. || Erhardi Tctrastichon ad germanos !| librarios ingenuos.

Ecce tibi princeps satyroR, codice paruo
Persius ! artc noua imprcssus ! & ingenue.

Fcelices igit alemannos ! arte magistra

Qui studia ornantes / fertis in astra gradum ;

Fo. 74 blank.

WATERMARK : Anchor.

REMARKS: The tetrastich to the printers by Erhard Windsberg at the
end of the Persius is not to be found in the copy at Avignon. The space
occupied by these verses in other copies is blank here.

COPIES KNOWN : Magdalen College, Oxford ; John Rylands Library,
Manchester; Bibliotheque d'Avignon ; University Library, Basel (Heynlin's
copy), bound with the Tertnct.

XVIII. TERENTICS. N. D. Fol.

COLLATION : [a-h 10 ; i'J no printed signatures or catchwords ; 86 ff,
3211.

REGISTER: a i% Publii Terentii afri ; , Sat habeo ; <, Forte habui ; </,
Argumentum ; <, qua rem agis ; f, to omnc ordine ; /, Parmeno seruus ;
A, tantu nc est ? ; /', Sed mihi opus.

DESCRIPTION : Fo. i% Publii Terentii afri poete comici Andria incipit
foeliciter. || Ephitaphium Terentii. j| Natus in excelsis teris cartaginis alte ||
Romanis ducibus bellica preda fui. i Dcscripsi mores hominum, luucnumq,
senumq^ ! || Qualiter & serui decipiant dominos. ;; ^Juid meretrix ! quid leno
dolis confingat auarus. " Haec quicunqj legit ! sic puto cautus crit ; || [etc.]
leaf 86 k , line 21, ad cccna uoca. Nau. Pol uero uoco. De. eamus intro hinc.
Chre. || Fiat, sed ubi est phedria iudex noster ? Phor. lam hie faxo ! ad- ||

6 5 K

erit ; Valete, & plaudite. Caliopius recensui ; || [i line space] || Publii Terenti
Afri Poaetae Comici || Comoediaty liber Finit Fceliciter; ||

WATERMARK : None.

COPIES KNOWN : John Rylands Library, Manchester ; Bibliotheque
Nationale, Paris (copy formerly belonging to Grosley of Troyes, imperfect) ;
University Library, Basel (Heynlin's copy, bound with the Juvenal and
Persius) ; an imperfect copy advertised in a catalogue of Baer, 282, No.
1083, Frankfort on Main, 1892.

XIX. ^NEAS SYLVIUS, DE DUOBUS AMANTIBUS. N. D. 4.

COLLATION : [a-d' ; e 6 ] no printed signatures or catchwords ; 46 ft".,
23!!.

DESCRIPTION : Fo. i% Aeneae siluii poaetae (sic) laureati / in hysteria ||
de duobus amatibus pfatio prima ad per / || cj generosum milite Casparem
Slik fceli- || citer incipit ; End. Fo. 44", line 9, Aene Siluii pot laureati de
duobus || amatibus eurialo & lucresia finit faelicit ; Fo. 45 and 46 blank.

WATERMARK : None.

COPIES KNOWN : Bibliotheque Nationale, Paris ; Bibliotheque Mazarine,
Paris ; Bibliotheque de Rouen ; Imperial Library, Vienna.

XX. J^ENEAS SYLVIUS, DE CURIALIUM MISERIA. N. D. 4.

COLLATION : [a-c 10 ; d 6 ] no printed signatures or catchwords j 36 ff.,
23 11.

DESCRIPTION: Fo. i% Aeneae Siluii poastas (sic) laureati (cui & pro ||
pontifical; dignitate Pio nomen est) in || disputation? de curialiu miseria / ad
per= || spicacissimu iurisconsultu lohanne Ech / || serenissimi / diuicfc prin-
cipis / Albert! / cas- || saris inuiftissimi ! Alberti quoqj austrias || ducis inclyti
consiliariu atqj oratore pras- || facio foeliciter incipit ; End. Fo. 34% line 1 3,
Aeneae Siluii de curialium miseria di- || sputatio finem habet foelicem; Fo.
34* blank ; Fo. 35 and 36 blank.

WATERMARK : None.

REMARKS : Fo. 29% one line omitted by the printer. It is written at the
foot of the page after line 23, no te uolunt. >uida no potentes sut ! ac ex.
In the copy of the Bibliotheque Mazarine the abbreviations differ slightly,
No te uolut. ^uida no potentes sut ! ac ex.

COPIES KNOWN: Bibliotheque Nationale, Paris (2 copies); Bibliotheque
Mazarine, Paris ; University Library, Basel [Heynlin's copy] ; Royal
Library, The Hague.

XXI. SOPHOLOGIUM JACOBI MAGNI. N. D. Fol.

COLLATION: [a-x 10 ; y*] no printed signatures or catchwords; 218 ff.,
32 11., and sometimes only 31 11.

REGISTER : a i*, Sequit ; 6, Vn seneca ; c, torica ; d, Capitulum sextum -,
*, honestu est ; f y perpenderut ; g, scilicet; b, pulchra est; /, ualerius ;
>, Krpe ; /, fuerat ; m, o^ boni ; , Capitulum undccimum ; o, habeant ! ;
/>, quse impudicz ; y, id est; r, Qui igit ; x, clementissimus ; /, Capitulum
tricesimum ! ; *, in milite ; x, ad Italia ; jr, Capitulum tredecimum !

DESCRIPTION : Fo. i', Sequit tabula capitulorum istius libri. || Et primo
capitula primi libri ; Fo. 4% Do&issimi atqj excellentissimi patris ! sacraty
litterafy II doctoris dcuotissimi ! fratris lacobi magni ! religionis || fratrum
Heremitafy ! sancH Augustini Sophologium | incipit. Cuius principalis
intentio est inducere leg? || tis animum ad sapient!* amorem ; Fo. 217*
[line 31 blank], line 32:

lacobi magni Sophologium finit foeliciter;
End. Fo. 217*:

Epigramma ad hutus opens conspedorem ;

[Second line blank.]
Istuc clarorum contendunt dogmata patrum !

Dodos atq, bonos / ut faciant homines.
At quom non leuiter possit percurrere quisquam /

Audores cundos ! multa neglec^a manent.
Omnia doc^ol^ quo ergo documcnta legantur !

Hunc lacobus magni / condidit ecce librum.
Tu qucKfe si bonus csse uelis / sapiensq^ uideri !

Quod manibus traclas / discc Sophologium.
Quicquid enim ueterum tetigit prcceptio digna /

Mille uoluminibus ! clauditur hoc operc ;

Fo. 218 entirely blank.

WATERMARK : Letter y, or rather a gothic P, with a curved tail and a
small cross at the top ; crowned fleur-de-lys, with the letters J. B. at end.

REMARKS : In some copies, Fo. 4% last line, linguis is corrected to regnis ;
Fo. 29% line 7, ctnuiniat is corrected to contiiteat ; Fo. 187*, a line of text
passed over by the printers is written by hand at the foot of the page, yiiima
imgtnia bat frit, maluert lull morib) $ Itgih) ; Fo. 191", line 31, inimicus is
corrected to inuitiut ; Fo. 217*, second verse, faciunt is corrected to
faciant.

COPIES KNOWN : Bodleian Library, Oxford ; Bibliotheque Nationale,
Paris ; Bibliotheque Ste. Genevieve, Paris, 2 copies (both imperfed) ; Biblio-
theque de Besancon ; Bibliotheque de Tours ; Bibliotheque dc Caen ; Biblio-
theque de Bourges ; Bibliotheque de St. Brieuc ; Bibliotheque d'Aix ;

Bibliotheque de Grenoble ; Bibliotheque de Bordeaux ; Bibliotheque de
Nice ; Bibliotheque de Rodez ; Bibliotheque de Colmar ; University
Library, Breslau.

XXII. AMBROSIUS, DE OFFICIIS, ET SENECA, DE IV VIRTUTIBUS.
N. D. Fol.

COLLATION : [a-i 10 ; k 4 ] no printed signatures or catchwords ; 94 ff.,
32!!.

REGISTER : a i% Ambrosii ; b, stellae; c, net personis ; d y mansionem ;
e, egeret ; f t uita ; g, hominum ; b, oculos ; /, Otius huius ; k, Senecae.

DESCRIPTION: Fo. i a , Ambrosii ecclesi doctoris sapientissimi / medio-
lanofy pre- || sulis sacratissimi / ad suos quos in christo per euangelium ||
genuit filios carissimos / officiofy liber primus. In quo de || honesto officiisqj
a fontibus quattuor honest! exortis de- || termini's / in quattuor partitus
tradlatus ! foelicit incipit ; Fo. 90*, end of the page, Capitulum tertium huic
operi finem imponens ! qualiter || beatus Ambrosius ex hofy praeceptofy fructu
& utilitate / ad || hmoi in mente oseruanda filios suos exhortatur ! explicit. ||
Cjuae quidem nos uelle custodire & perficere / donet / ad cuius || laudem haec
scripta sunt lesus christus morum praeceptor bo- || norum & scientiarum
dominus ; Fo. 90*" blank ; Fo. 91% Senecae moralis philosophi de quattuor j|
uirtutibus libellus foeliciter incipit; End. Fo. 94 b , line 18, blank, line 19,
Prudentissimi Senecae opusculum de || quattuor uirtutibus, finit foeliciter.

WATERMARK : None.

REMARKS : In one of the copies of the Bibliotheque Nationale without
the Seneca, Fo. 30% a MS. line is added at the foot of the page to indicate
an inversion of the binder, masione Itaqi hits tutu codice scj dece folia ad
tie sign 9 -\: Philippe makes two separate articles of the Ambrosius and the
Seneca. Our opinion is that they form part of the same volume, and were
printed to be united and go together.

COPIES KNOWN : Bibliotheque Nationale, Paris, 3 copies [one complete,
and two others without the Seneca"] ; Bibliotheque Ste. Genevieve, Paris,
2 copies [one complete, having belonged to the library of the Monastery of
St. Victor, the other without the Seneca, and wanting the table of chapters] ;
Bibliotheque de Rodez ; University Library, Basel [Heynlin's copy].

DOCUMENTS.

DOCUMENTS.
I.

GASPARINI E PISTOIJE.
Letter of Picket to Jean de la Pierre.

(iuillermus Fichctus parisiensis theologus doctor loanni Lapidano Sorbonensis
scholae priori salutem.

Misisti nuper ad me suauissimas Gasparini pergamensis cpistolas, non a tc modo
diligenter cmcndatas, scd a tun quoque germanis impressoribus nitide et terse
transcriptas. Magnam tibi gratiam gas par in us debeat, quern pluribus tuis uigiliis
ex corrupto integrum fecisti. Maiorem uero cactus doclorum hominum, quod non
tantum sacris litteris (quae tua prouincia cat) magnopere studes, sed redintegrandis
etiam latinis scriptoribus insegnem operam nauas, res sane te uiro doftissimo et
Optimo digna, ut qui cum laude et gloria sorbonico ccrtamini dux prefuisti, turn
latinis quoque litteris (quas aetatis nostrse ignoratio tenebris obumbrauit) tua lumen
cffundas industria. Nam pneter alias complures litterarum grauiores iafturas, hanc
etiam acceperunt ut librariorum uitiis effeftac pene baibarse uideantur. At uero maximc
betor hanc pestem tua prouidentia tandem eliminari procul a parisiorum lutetia. Et-
enim quo* ad hanc urbcm e tua germania libraries asciuisti quam emendatos libros ad
exemplaria reddunt, idque tute ma&o studio conaris, ut ne ullum quidem opus ab illis
prius exprimatur quam sit a te, coactis exemplaribus multis, castigatum litura multa.
Quare tibi quae carminum ccnsori quintilio laus apud flaccum horatium mcrito
dcbcatur, cum a gasparinea suaui facundia, turn a plerisque nobilibus huius ciuitatis
ingeniis quae, desputa barbaria, la&eum fontem eloquentiz mclle dulciorem degustant
et indies quidem auidius. Ego uero (quod in aristotelis iaudem dicebat plato) tuum
domicilium Icdtoris studiosissimi sedem sine ulla quidem asscntatione die! uelim.

Vale et me dilige te amantem. Scriptum apud sorbonam uelocissima fichetea
manu.

II.

GASPARINI ORTHOGRAPHIA.

Letter of Picket to Robert Gaguin, with the poetical answer of

the latter,

Guillermus Fichetus Parisiensis theologus doctor Roberto Gaguino uiro doftissimo
sal u tern.

Magna me uoluptas capit eruditissime Roberte, quum musas et omnes eloquentiae
partes (quas prior aetas ignorauit), in hac urbe florere conspicio. Nam ut me primum
adolescentibus annis boico ex agro luteciam contuli (idque Aristoteleae discipline causa),
mirabar sane oratorem aut poetam phoenice rariorem lutecia tola inueniri. Nemo
Ciceronem (uti plerique nunc faciunt) nofturna uersabat manu, uersabat diurna.
Nemo carmen fingebat legitimum, nemo fitum ab alio caesuris nouerat librare suis.
Desuefafta siquidem a latinitate schola parisiensis ad sermonis rusticitatem omnis pene
deciderat. At lapillo longe meliore dies nostri numerantur, quippe quibus di, deae
que omnes (ut poete loquuntur) benedicendi artes indies magis magisque aspirant.
Siquidem (ut missos faciam alios) tu usque adeo musis et omni carminis genere
praestas, ut si non solum illi quidem uates nobilissimi (tibulus, Lucretius, Horatius,
Naso, Statius, Lucanus, Marcialis, Persius, luuenalis), sed etiam longe princeps
Virgilius, ab heliseis campis ad nos remearent, profedo tuum carmen suum arbitra-
rentur. Quid enim Maroni tuo carmine similius quod de Ludouico rege nostro
fortissimo proximis diebus cecinisti ? Quid illoquadratius, quod dialogorum instar unum
aut alterum effinxisti ? Taceo ciuitatis pariseae laudes quae adeo sunt a te uerborum
uenustate et sentenciarum grauitate referte, ut utrum utri laude preferatur iudicare
sit difficile. Pretereo quae de galliae hyspaniaeque prestantia soluta oratione scripsisti.
Non enim est huius temporis de tuis studiis presertim ad te scribere. De studiorum
humanitatis restitutione loquor. Quibus (quantum ipse conieclura capio) magnum
lumen nouorum librariorum genus attulit quos nostra memoria (sicut quidam equus
troianus) quoquo uersus effudit germania. Ferunt enim illic, haut procul a ciuitate
Maguncia, loannem quendam fuisse cui cognomen bonemontano, qui primus omnium
impressoriam artem excogitauerit, qua non calamo (ut prisci quidem illi) neque penna
(ut nos fingimus) sed aereis litteris libri finguntur, et quidem expedite, polite et pulchre.
Dignus sane hie uir fuit quern omnes musae, omnes artes, omnesque eorum linguae
qui libris dele&antur, diuinis laudibus ornent, eoque magis dis deabusque anteponant,
quo propius ac presentius litteris ipsis ac studiosis hominibus suffragium tulit. Si
quidem deificantur liber et alma ceres, ille quippe dona liei inuenit poculaque inuentis
acheloia miscuit uuis, haec chaoniam pingui glandem mutauit arista. Atque (ut poeta

7 2

utamur altero) prima ceres unco glebam dimouit aratro, prima dedit fruges alimentarmitia
terris. At bonemontanus ille, longe gratiora diuinioraque inuenit, quippe qui litteras
eiusmodi exculpsit quibus quidquid dici aut cogitari potest, propediem scribi ac
transcribi et po8teritatis mandari memoriae possit. Neque presertim hoc loco nostros
silebo, qui superant iam arte magistrum, quorum Vdalricus, Michael ac Martinus
principes esse dicuntur, qui iam pridem Gasparini pergamensis epistolas impresserunt,
quas ioannes lapidanus emendauit, quin illius au&oris orthographiam (quam hie etiam
accurate correxit) se accingunt perhcere, opus mea quidem sentencia egregium, neque
auribus solum iuuentutis gratissimum sed doftiorum quoque studiis oportunum. Non
enim (quod pace multorum dictum esse uclim) res est orthographia frudtu paruo ac
tenui, verum pergrandi, gratissimo, apprimc necessario et iocundo. Si quidem redtc
scribendi ratio (quam o[r]thographise sonat interpretatio) nobis in omni lingua, greca,
latina, uernaculaque suflfragatur; qua sine nil emendate ac pure scribi, nil legi, nil nisi
contortc efFerri possit. Quotum enim quenque, siue grammaticum, siue oratorem,
siue philosophum excelluisse inuenias, qui non huic diuinae arti maiorcm in modum
studuerit ? Nempe (ut hinc incipiam) didimus cum omnem, turn hanc grammatice
par tern libris quamplurimis exornauit, quo fit ut omnibus artis grammatics pro-
fessoribus (qui quidem essent ac fuissent) Macrobius eum jure protulerit. Nigidius
(quoque cui hgulo fuit cognomen) auli Gelii sentencia secundum Marcum Varronem
locum est consccutus. Cur ita? nimirum quia mult us in orthographiae praeceptione fuisset.
Quid Anthonius empho ? Profecto tantus huic est habitus honos, uel ab ipso marco
cicerone, ut etiam illius scholam post exactum fbrensem laborem hie studiose
frequcntarct. Igini quoque grammatici magnum fuit in exponenda rede scribendi
scientia studium, utpote qui romc multa scripsit et docuit. Sed (ne forte in re
tritissima sim longior) mitto Valerium probum, scaulum, anneum, cassellium,
tercntium, comutum et alios illius superioris ztatis quam plurimos qui et ipsi gram-
matici et rcctc scribendi studiosi fuerunt. Proximiores et minus antiques non dicam
dyomedem, donatum, seruium, uidorinum quos equidem grammaticos ne an philosophos
potissimum dicam nescio. Illud certo scio, non grammaticen modo sed et rhetoricen
et philosophiam eximiae laudi omnibus fuissc. Verum (quando quidem oratores et
philosophos incidimus)cx his paucos et principes testimonio nobis asciscimus. Marcu-
etenim tullius (quern principem suac linguae latinus quisque esse uoluit) non apposite
tantum singula scripsit, sed et ipse quoque per epistolam filium ammonuit ut emendate
scriptionts artem perdisceret. Caii caesaris itidem extant de analogia libri. Cuius
caesaris ? Eius qui cum in omni re maxima et forensi et bellica prefer cetera gloriam
perqucsiuit, turn in hac parte una et maxima curiosissimus indagator esse uoluit, et quod
uoluit attigit, et quod attigit cum forensibus bellicisque laudibus mandauit posteritati.
Messale (cuius laudis causa meminit horacius) non impolitus litterarii ludi scriptor afflo-
ruit. Nam prefer fori gloriam (qua ne par quidem in quo quam aequali suo fuit) scite
scribendi precepta conscripsit quin de nonnullis litteris integros libros confecit. Marcum
etiam uarronem (quern sine dubitatione do&issimum ciccro dixit) ex hac do&rina
ingens gloria secuta est, et eo quidem ingentior quo rem omnem altius fodicando
funditus pcrtigit. De C. basso, fabio quintiliano plinioque tacere consilium est, qui
non minus propter hanc (de qua loquimur) scribendi sapientiam sapientissimi sunt

73 L

habiti quam ob eloquentiam et alias artes multas et bonas quibus eorum quisque excel-
luit. Sed ego quid oratores philosophosque commemorem ? Utique in hoc genere
laudis infiniti succurrunt memoriae, quos non nisi inuitus praetereo. Praetereo papirianum,
qui superioris cuiusque praecepta unum in opus artificiose contexuit. Aulus etiam
Gelius ommittatur cuius tantus in hac re fuit conatus, immo superfine, ut ab eo null*
uel minutissimae fibre relinquantur inta&e. Aequalis gelii fauorinus sileatur, quem
doftissimum fuisse scribere gelius haul dubitauit. Neque sergius, neque herodianus,
neque latinus quisquam siue grammaticus, siue orator, siue philosophus a me deinceps
dicatur. Quid de graecis inquies ? Vereor ne fortassis eorum fontes illibatos preteriens
non degustatione dignos uidear iudicasse, contraque si uel extremis labris attigero
praeter modum euagari ac nescio si redtius dicam debacchari uideatur oratio. Itaque
modestie malim quam loquendi licentiae morigerari ne si uel aristotelis, uel theode&is,
uel porphirii, uel appollonii (qui gloriosissime hanc etiam partem aspexerunt) uelim ex-
emplis nos hortari, ipsa uerborum longitudine potius ipse dehorter. Quas ob res abunde
colliquescit quod inicio constitui, neminem unquam, uel de grammaticis, uel de rhetoricis
uel philosophorum institutis bene meritum extitisse qui non magnopere scribendi
doctrine incumberet. Neque aliunde plures errores, ne grauiores quidem, in litteris,
in poetis, oratoribus, hystoria, medicinis, iure ciuili, sacris litteris, quauis denique
philosophic particula crediderim emersisse quam ex unius orthographic et appositse
scriptionis ignoratione. Quocirca magis aetatis nostras quam superior! quidem illi
congratulor, quin quidem uideo cum studiis, turn libris artificiose scribendi dicendique
scientia assecutum iri quamplurimos, neque nomen (quod longe lateque uolitet per
orbem) defore quibusque nostris hominibus, modo ipsi sibi non prius defuerint. Vale et
epistole longitudinem tribue amori nostro quam maximo. Aedibus sorbone raptim a
me Kalendis lanuariis diluculo scriptum.

Eiusdem doftoris in superiorem epistolam metrica superscriptio.

lane pater, ferto nunc munera nostro Roberto,
Vni qui musis foelix eat omnibus aeuis.

Patri et preceptor! suo guillermo ficheto theologo do6tori, Robertus Gaguinus de
ordine sandbe trinitatis et captiuorum salutem plurimam dicit.

Quos luteos homines finxit natura deauras,

Et facis eloquio, clare fichete, deos.

Te digne extulerit preclara lutetia caslo,

Cui tua rectiloquos lingua diserta parit.

Quae fuit obscura sterili ruditate loquendi,

Fulgida nunc radiis arte polita micat.

Puluerulenta situ et squalore uolumina longo

Exiliunt tenebris en reuoluta suis.

Per cathedras Cicero uerbi pater intonat acer,

Et ueterum mille nomina lefta uirum

Quos equidem (si sensa animos retinere putandum est)

Gratari inter se, nunc tibi (crede) iuuat.

Magnum autem est fama, et pulchrum metnorarier adis,

Quae probet et cclum quisque leuetur humo.

Qui ueniet post hac puro sermone latinus

Esse tuis domitum se feret auspiciis,

Inque sacros aditus (quod semper graecia fecit)

Diccndi appingct philosophia decus.

Ergo eris in nostris quod achiuis ille prometheus,

Qui terrae obstritos igniit arte uiros ;

Siue opifex hominum, qui duris cotibus auras

I,ndidit, ilia iubens uiuere deucalion.

Gaude igitur dodlor habiturus nomen in aeuum,

Gaguinumque magis usque bcnignus ama.

Vale. Ex Maturinis-primo die lanuarii.

III.

BESSARIONIS ORATIONES.
Letter of presentation to Cardinal Rolin.

Reuerendissimo in Christo patri ac domino prestantissimo loanni Rolino episcopo
Eduensi, tituli sandi Stephani in Celio montc presbitero cardinal!, Guillermus Fichetus,
parisiensis theologus. S. P. D. ac se ipsum ofFcrt humiliterque subicit.

Que sit erga Bessarionem Nicenum cardinalem tua beniuolentia, praestantissime
pater, nequaquam sum nescius. Eas nanque laudes adhuc recent! memoria teneo
quibus cum mihi tanquam sapientium seculi nostri facile principem predicabas, quom
Edue Lucenaique mutuos, pro tua facilitate, dedodtis hominibus sermoncs miscebamu-.
Quo fit ut opus eius (quo tuam prestantiam illius nomine dono) non dubitem
auidusime te lecturum atque tua sponte que monet ille facturum. Sunt enim
clcgantissimc quas in Turcum orationes edidit, quarum ad principes quidem nostros,
religionum policiarumque restores, mittendarum mihi munus imposuit, et ea quidem
rationc ut illi pacem inter se concilicnt bellumque suscipiant aduersus Turcorum
gcntem longe superbissinum atque cruentissimam. Neque fore quicquam ad rem
unam uel alteram explicandam gerendamque posset inueniri quod Bessario grauissime
luculentissimeque non consequatur. Quod tute quidem legendo cogitandoque
iudicabis, fachirus etiam, uti nVmissime credo, quicquid uel ad sedandos principes
populosque Christianas uel ad euertendum Turcorum imperium pertinebit. Vale,
studiorum meorum educator et reliquorum (si que fortassis maiora succedent) excitator
bonorum meorum magnificus.

Edibus Sorbone Parisii scriptum VIII. Kalendas maias.

IV.
FICHETI RHETORICA.

Letter of presentation to Cardinal Ro/in.

Humanissimo patri loanni Rolino episcopo eduensi tituli Sandli Stephani in celio
monte presbitero cardinal! Guillermus fichetus alumnus eius S. P. D.

Spero pater excellentissime rhetoricum opus nostrum fore tibi iocundissimum. Non
quia par tuis in me beneficiis sit, sed quia fru<tus est illorum ipsorum non ingratus,
neque prius ulli, uel magis quam tibi debitus atque reddendus, qui glebae mei ingenii
(qua duntaxat sementis inopia laborabat) opimum semen et sumptus amplissimos
abhinc decennium ad hunc usque diem continuo suppeditasti, quo fit ut istinc merito
tibi nascantur non tantum hi rhetoric! mei commentarii, uerum etiam (si longiorem
aetatem deus annuerit) in dies maturiora quaedam. Tantum si quidem abest ut patiar
satus a te mihi creditos arescere, ut etiam a me quotidie diligentius et propensius
excolantur. Neque magis hoc facio ut sim tibi fruger quam ut uidear et sim quam-
gratissimus. Enimuero caeteri quemadmodum praestantie tuae gratulentur aut gratum
tibi faciant, ipsi uiderint. Ego uero non committam ut tantisper ingratus fuisse
coarguar, dum breuissimo mortalis huius uitae curriculo frui datur. Tibi uero si quid
ex credito mihi tuo semine tuisque beneficiis frudtus accesserit aut caeteris (exemplo
tuo qui feracibus ingeniis beneficia sua fenerabunt) non mihi profe&o referenda gratia
est, sed ne habenda quidem, referatur autem rolinorum familie tuaeque pietati, a qua
nimirum haec manasse dicentur omnia. Si quid tamen aliquando fichaetea poterit indus-
tria, rolineas tuas laudes saeculorum omnium memoria longe lateque cognosce!. Vale
parens alitorque mei ingenii.

Aedibus Sorbonae, idibus iuliis scriptum, anno septuagesimo [uno] et quadringen-
tesimo supra millesimum.

FICHETI RHETORICA.
Letter of presentation to Guillaume Char tier, Bishop of Paris.

Excellentissimo patri domino Guillermo Ouadrigario Parisiensi episcopo, Guillermus
Fichetus Salutem plurimam dicit.

Si prae caeteris opusculo nouo (quod de rhetoricis institutionibus scrips!) te donare
constitui, pater humanissime, uideor institute meo quodam fecisse. Etenim cum

omnibus uirtutibus me affettum esse cupiam, turn nihil est quod malim quam me &
gratum esse & uideri, idque praecipue quidem apud tc, qui non solum ecclesiastico
bencficio (quo tempore studii parisiensis rectoratum gerebam) primus omnium munerasti,
uerumetiam susceptis doSoralibus insignibus Parisii remorandi mihi tuo beneficio causa
fuisti. Qua quidem in ciuitate si quid interea studiosis hominibus contulimus, siue
theologiam mane, siue rhetoricam post meridiem pluribus annis quotidie docendo, uolo
sit eorum iudicium qui merito tibi gratias proinde debeant, habeant & agant. Te uero
duntaxat meae qua sum in te uoluntatis mearumque lucubratiuncularum censorem esse
uelim, quas fbrtassis in pcrscribendis oratoriis praeceptis utilius & honestius consumpsimus
quam plerique satculo nostro faciunt, qui in multam no&em lucemque dormientes ad
somnum escas & potum pecudum more nati uidentur, quin etiam fen's bestiis eo
deteriores quod eorum egregia studia lacerare impudentius pergunt, qui quod de nobi-
lissimis artibus ingenue sentiunt in aliorum commoditatem scribendo docendoque lar-
giuntur. Quos equidem perditissimos ueritatis hostes, nisi satiiis contemnendos quam
tormidandos tarn dudum mihi persuasissem, a bene ceptis me ssepc deterruissent, neque
pcofefto (de quo nunc facio tibi iudicandi potestatem), in hoc opere nostro, tuorum in
me benehciorum fructus extaret, neque de tuis in me clarissimis officiis posteritatem
longius quicquam cognituram speraremus, quar tamen (uti fore confido) non tarn sine
inuidia de meis uigiliis iudicabit quam de tuis mirificis operibus nunquam conticescet.
Vale.

VI.

LAURENTIUS VALLA.
Letter of Senilis to Heynlin.

P. Paulus Senilis loanni Heynlin de Lapide salutem plurimam dicit.

Quom proximis diebus mecum ageres, uir humanitate litterisque excelens, ut
clarissimi uiri Laurentii Vallz, quern merito latin* linguz restauratorem dixerim,
clcgantias castigarem librariorum uitio corruptissimas, recepi tandem me id esse faclurum,
non quod ego me tanto oneri parem esse crediderim (quippe quod uix doctissimi
homines ferre queant), sed quod tantum apud me audoritas ualct ut fatear nihil a me
tibi posse sine maxima ingratitudine denegari. Est profefto res ista & digna & perne-
cessaria, sed quar doclum uirum & ociosum postulat, quorum mihi ncutrum adessc tu
optimus testis es. Nam & magnorum principum auUe non ex imperitis literates, sed
ex literatis imperitos faccrc consuerunt. Et hzc procellosa tempora, non cartham aut
calamum, sed equos sibi gladiumque deposcunt. Acccdit etiam ad has difficultates quod
ego in hanc urbem me furtim (ut ita dixerim) ob comparanda mihi qusedam necessaria
surripui, regem uersus illico reditums. Inter has tamen tanta' loci temporisque angustias
gesii tibi morem ut potui melius & Laurentium nostrum non me ausim dicere cmen-
dasse, sed celerrime pcrcurrisse, & quidem stomachabundum, turn quia non latini uiri,
qualis ipse fuit, sed legerc barbari hominis scripta uidebar, turn quia molestissimum

mihi erat ad emendandos pro tenui ingeniolo meo tot librariorum errores omnino mihi
otium denegari. Tuum igitur nunc officium est ut, posteaquam ego te iubente hoc
negotium quod supra meas uires esse intelligo aggressus sum, tu optima lima tua
tuoque grauissimo iudicio prosequaris plurima qua adhuc corrigenda supersunt, ut ego
agellum hunc spinis, lapidibus lolioque mundasse ac sarculo coluisse, tu uero plantis &
uariorum florum genere exornasse iudiceris. Postulat hoc a te studiosorum iuuenum
ccetus quibus hie liber maxima: utilitati futurus est ; postulat Laurentius noster, qui quom
ad extirpandam ab hominibus nostris hoc suo aureo libro barbariem incredibiles pene
labores uigiliasque subierit, committendum non est ut nostra culpa ipse fuisse barbarus
uideatur. Postulatque denique Senilis tui honor, in quern multos impetum fa&uros
esse non dubito, praesertim in hac prestantissima urbe Lutetia, ubi nonnullos esse audio
qui Ciceronis, latine linguae omnium iudicio parentis, scripta castigent. Que res certe non
mediocri mihi uoluptati est. Nam si forte ad me reprehendendum grauissimi censores
isti descenderint, ego ad Ciceronem confugiam ut quo ipse olim urbem Romam a
Catilina, eodem se meque ab istorum morsibus ense defendat. Vale.

P. Paulus Senilis cundtis bonarum litterarum cultoribus S. P. D.

Rhetora quisquis amas, uates, linguamue latinam,

Laurenti hoc Vallae perlege semper opus.
Nanque docet uerum quo sunt sermone locuti

Tullius heroicum Virgiliusque pater.
Et docet ut fuerunt uariis erroribus usi

Multi quos dodtos inscia turba putat.
Hunc igitur legito, iuuenis studiose senexque,

Si re&e queris uerba latina loqui.

VII.

VALLAE ELEGANT!^.
Letter of acknowledgment of Heynlin to Senilis.

Petro Paulo Senili christianissimi francorum regis secretario, loannes de Lapide
S. P. D.

Etsi me iandudum multis officiis tibi deuinxeras, nunc tamen longe maioribus quom
roganti mihi Laurentium Vallam (quern se uoluit semper haberi) quam emendatissimum
quanquam latinissimum e corruptissimo barbarissimoque fecisti. Neque profe&o uni
mihi tantum beneficium cumulate dedisti, sed & omnibus eloquentias studiosis (qui quo-
tidie rnulto plures quam ante Lutetia; nascuntur), & ipsi quoque Laurentio, quern
barbarum pene reddiderat ipsa librariorum barbaries. Quo fit ut fere nesciam a quo
potissimum tibi gratiae plures debeantur, a me ne cui morem gessisti, an a scholasticis
parisiis quibus labor tuus frudtum est allaturus quammaximum, an fortassis a Laurentio
quem inde fere redemisti unde latinitatem uix tandem diuturnis laboribus pridem

cripuisset, quemquc non dubito(si quis modo suorum laborum est illi sensus postmortem)
maiorem immodum (sic) tibi gratari, uelleque non impares tibi gratias atque sibi
deberi, quorum alter latinitatem collapsam restaurauit, alter restauratorem ipsum
simili pcne ruina labentem impiger resarsit. Enimuero ca-teri, ut quisque uolet,
tibi Laurentioque gratias egerint, at ego tantas utrique me debere crediderim quanus
Roraulo Camilloque debet longa Romanorum posteritas, quorum alter urbem Romam
primus exstruxit, alter postea delapsam primus restaurauit. Atque utinam ea mihi sit
aliquando facultas quam pro mea uoluntate gratum tibi facere possim, qui mox a me
rogatus tarn trugerum laborem suscepisti, susceptum quoque consummasti. Neque
sane quicquam reliquum fuit a me repertum a quo uel minutissimam scabram
obtusa mea lima (quam deceptus amore optimam dixisti) posset excerpere, sed ne
laurcntianum quidem agrum tantum (ut scribis) spinis, lapidibus, lolioque mundasti
& sarculo coluisti, uerumetiam (quod incassum mihi reliquum^essc uoluisti) planris
tc uario florum genere plurimum exornasti. Hec enim a me tantum abhorrent quan-
tum uni tibi maxime sunt honori. Non enim ego (ut tu) in Latio, sed alias in
Germania, alias Parisii, in nudo quodam & barbaro pene sermone florem aetatis con-
sumpti, neque tarn oratoribus hie atque illic quam philosophis theologisque me addixi,
indicsque magis addico, ut me uix quidem, si possem quod mones, Laurentio tuo
liceret temporis punctum impartiri. Bene itaque mecum egisti qui usque adeo politum
Laurcntium reddidisti ut non a me, sed ne a K quidem, si uiueret, expolitior reddi posset.
Obsequar tamen monitis tub opera qua maxima potero, morem secutus quorundam
famulantium qui, magna quom nequeant, in minimis quod summum ipsi habent libenter
pollicentur ac faciunt. Laurcntianum si quidem opus non solum singulis capitulis
annotaui, sed unum (etiam uocabulum) quodque per alphabet! seriem in tabule modum
distribui, quo quisque possit quod sibi uolet uocabulum sine labore desumere. Quz res
si forte cuiquam fuerit commoditati, non is mihi gratias habeat, at uero tibi quam-
maximas it agat & refcrat, qui me tuo bcncficio tuisque litteris ut opere quiddam
Laurentio prestarem obstrinxisti. lam ergo nihil habeat noster Laurentius quod non
merito tibi sit tribuendum, quern barbarorum faucibus eripuisti, quern sautium restaurasti,
quem ad unguem politum nitidumque prodire iunisti, quem denique singulorum mem-
brorum of&ciis distinttum in nostrorum hominum & omnis postcritatis usum longe
lateque mandasti. Vale meque ama tui quidem amantissimum.

Aedibus Sorbone scriptum anno uno & septuagesimo quadringentesimoque supra
millesimum.

VIII.

CICERO DE OFFICIIS.
Letter of presentation from Heynlin to George, Bishop of Metz.

Illustrissimo principi patrique in christo Reuerendo Domino Georgio Metensi
Episcopo, Johannes de lapide eius humillimus seruitor se ipsum ofFert atque donat.

Si, prestantissime pater, iocundissimum tue magnificentic meum munusculum fuerit,
habeo suauissimum quem ex multis meis uigiliis frudtum expedto. Quom enim doctor

Fichetus suis litteris mihi Ciceronis emendandos officiorum libros imposuisset, satisque
fecissem (ut mihi quidem uidebar) hominis amicissimi preceptis tandem quod illi roganti
concesseram existimaui, tue prestantiae nequaquam roganti sed ne petenti quidem esse
merito dicandum, offerendum atque tradendum. Tres itaque officiorum libros: Lelium,
Catonem, Sextum de Re Publica, quos illius patris audtoritate promotus emendaui, capi-
tulatimque distinxi, nunc tuae illustrissimae dominationi deuoueo. Est ne munus,
excellentissime pater, quo nullum ad omnem uitae rationem potius inuenias ? Quippe
mores non tarn in summa quadam (ut Aristoteles quidem fecit) sed pro cuiusque gradu,
etate, sexu, fortuna grauiter admodum et eleganter elucidat. Cuius leftio turn aures
depascit, turn linguam expolit, turn aegritudines animi sanat omnes, turn bene beateque
uiuendi fontem secludit et eo reficit ac facial uniuersos. Quod experturam prestantiam
tuam non dubito si legendi studio sepius in manibus hoc opus resumpserit. Quo circa
rogatum te uolo, maioremque immodum obtestor, ut quod offero tibi munusculum hylari
tuo uultu suscipias, eoque mentem et animum quotidie magis reficias, refe&um ornes,
ornatum illustres. Id quod scito certo fore tibi iocundissimum, qui non minus egregiis
-uirtutibus quam sanguine nobilissimo clarus euasisti. Vale prestantissime pater. 1

IX.
CICERO DE OFFICIIS.

Letter of Picket to Heynlin.

Guillermus fichaetus parisiensis theologus dodlor, loanni lapidano theologo professori
S. P. D.

Multo familiarius quam omnibus fere quos in amicis recensui labores tibi impono.
Vix enim quisquam posset inueniri qui sit erga me Lapidano meo beneuolentior aut
litterario labore magis assiduus, aut officio (quod omnibus prosit) amantior. Proinde
nequaquam subuereor ne forte neges te fadlurum quod pro multorum dignitate tuaque
gloria per epistolam efflagito.

Nuper quom apud regem pro Gallorum principum concordia belloque contra
Turcum obeundo Bessarionis Niceni cardinalis iussu uerba fecissem exitumque rerum
mihi creditarum opperirer, inciderunt forte fortuna manus meas opera multa Ciceronis
quae Turonem externi quidam librarii (quos dicimus impressores) aduexerant. Eorum
mihi leftio fuit in hoc curiali tumultu non ingrata, multoque iocundior quam quom
eadem domi sepe saspiusque legebam. Fuisset autem longe iocundissima si correftissi-
mus et capitibus distindtissimus liber quisque fuisset quemadmodum Ciceronis orator,
Valerius et Laurentius opera tua sunt impress!. Quibus distin&iones iste (capitula
quae nos appellamus) et ad cognitionem et ad memoriam magnum sane lumen
recludunt, ut uel pueris eorum lectio sit aperta. Rogatum itaque te uolo ut Ciceronis
officia (que parisienses librarii non longo post tempore sunt impressuri), prius isto

1 The two words in italic are not printed, but written by Jean de la Pierre proprtd manu.

castigandi tuo distinguendique laborc reddantur meliora. Esc enim facillimus et
iocundissimus utro tibi dodtissimo et officiosissimo labor futurus, ut cui nihil omnino
desit quod istum laborem grauiorem tibi reddere possit : non diuinarum rerum
contemplatio, qui theologice disputationis partes in Sorbona nostra longe primas
attigisti, primusque nostra mcmoria parisii licentic munus ex theologis in Germanos
transtulisti ; non humanarum cognitio, qui philosophorum aetatis quidem nostre
facile princeps cuasisti ; non usus rerum ciuilium, magistcr egregius qui summutn
scholc parisicnsis magi stratum (quern re&oratum nominamus) prudentissime sapientis-
simeque gcssisti. Taceo facultatis oratorie uim a qua ne tu quidem abhorres.
Pretereo consuetum assiduumque laborem quippe qui litteris dies no&esque uehementer
incumbis. Inde fruftus multo etiam amplissimus omnes affluet. Officiorum nempe
fonte diligenter aperto scituque purgato, singule mentis egritudines eius haustu mitigari
diuellique poterunt facillime. Sapientia siquidem affeclibus legcm imponet, acquitati
pristinus suus honos redibit, in suam se dignitatem animus attollet, nulla foris, ne domi
quidem nos deseret moderatio. li uiri demum euademus quos Plotinus terrena penitus
obliuisci celestia duntaxat meminisse fruique confirmat. Isquoque tibi post Ciccronem
erit honor singularis qui post Aesculapium, Hippocrati Choo medicine restauratori
longe clarissimo, aut Pisistrato post Homerum quern studiosius emendauit, aut Tucce
Varoquc post Maronem quibus nomen eternum promisit Aeneidis emendatio. Quin
etiam tibi quam illis uia longe preclarior ad ueram laudem sua se spontc proponit.
Aliarum si quidem artium elucidatio uix etiam attinet ad paucos atque cancellis
angustissimis auctoris gloria content! est, ceu Zenonis qui dialecticam, Tysie qui
rhctoricam, Archimcnidis, Euclidisue qui Geomctriam, Phrimii qui Musicam, Athlantis
qui Syderum cursus longe primus edocuit. Qui uero de uirtutibus & officiorum
institute aut ipsi scribunt aut aliorum ut tu scripta reparant quom in sinu, manibus,
oculis & ore nobis semper obucrtuntur, turn eorum nomen uel extra celum eternita-
temque celebratum inuenias. Mittamus Moysem Israhelitis Pharoneum zgyptiis,
Solonem atheniensibus, Licurgum spartanis, Numam Pompilium romanis quibus leges
primus scripsit et edidit. Mittamus Socratcm atque Ciceronem ilium gnecis, hunc
latinis moratz scientist doltorem aut ccrtc primum aut in primis quidem egregium.
Eorum dumtaxat paucos recenseo qui sunt in latinis ab ea disciplina quam legitimam
dicunt. Apium dico Claudium, Sextum Ha-lium, Nasicam quidem ilium cui cognomen
senatus audontate inde fuit optima, itemque Mutium propterea summum & uirum &
citiem appellatum, Seruium quoque Sulpitium cui legum emendatori Po. Ro. in
legatione uita statuam pro rostris posuit. Offilius etiam ob eandem dodtrinam Cesari
fuit tmiliarissimus. Obscurior Labeo non euasit qui consulatum ab Augusto sibi
mandatum proinde recusauit ut operam legibus liberius potiusque reparandis nauaret.
Inhniti sunt alii qui uel ante, uel post natam christianitatem officiorum scriptione
claruerunt. Quorum omnium non idco meminimus quod de tuis laboribus aut
singulari cum in omnes turn in me tua caritate uidear dubitasse, sed ut intelligas quo
demum mea te uocat oratio qui cum moratissimis & dfrusimis audtoribus illustre
nomen meo nomine sis habiturus. Propones ergo teipsum tibi tot racultatibus ornatum.
Propones uirtutis ornamenta quac cum ccteris turn illustribus & officinsis<imis Mar-
chionibus tuis Badensibus inde nascentur infinita. Propones decu* & nomen quod

8l M

uni tibi, unus, breuis, expeditusque cursus suppeditat atque magis ac magis in horas
accumulat. Vale.

Apud Turonem, edibus hospiti mei Radulfi Toustani ciuis longe humanissimi.
Anno uno & septuagesimo quadringentesimoque supra Millesimum, Nonis Martii
citissime scriptum.

loanni Lapidano Tetrastichon fichaeteum.

Vt pun6li, cesi pateant libri Ciceronis

Guillermi suasu, sis Lapidane uigil
Sic facili cursu, cum fruger, turn decus esse

Tu poteris semper, clara Fichetea spes.

CICERO DE OFFICIIS.
Letter of Heynlin to Picket.

Io. de Lapide sacris in litteris Parisii licentiatus, G. Ficheto parisiensi theologo
doftori S. P. D.

Utrum potius tibi gratias agam eloquentissime ac doftissime pater, an mox aggrediar
quod litteris tuis iubes, magna mihi sane dubitatio est. Nam (ut eloquentissimi
scriptores tuique simillimi solent) tanti me uerbis tuis fecisti ut non referre solum
uicissitudinem gratiamque nequeam (quemadmodum par in primis fuisset) sed etiam
admodum reformido ne plus equo mihi tribuisse uidearis. Quo fit ut neque nunc tibi
gratias agam qui nequeo, neque de me tot tantaque scribenti prorsus assentiar qui me
meaque longe minora cognosco, neque quantum a te patre prestantissimo quotidie magis
diligar & amer nesciam qui non qui sim, sed incredibilem erga me tuam caritatem ex
uerbis tuis coram intueor. Non etiam supra quam tibi parere cuiquam debeo, quern
mihi semper ad optima queque ducem audloremque proposui. Et ne mihi quidem ab
re sic fecisse uideor. Eas nanque laudes quibus ad emendanda & distinguenda Ciceronis
officia me prosa uersibusque prosequeris, mutuatas a te profiteer qui theologiam nedum
philosophiam annos complures, illam quidem in his sorbonensibus edibus & hanc in
stramineo uico Parisii docuisti, qui prioris sorbonensis, reckons parisiensis, nunc regii,
nunc apostolici legati munus & officium cumulata laude gessisti, qui de studiis humani-
tatis ea scripsisti, saspe saepiusque docuisti quae (ut de te grauissimus pater Nicenus
cardinalis Bessario scribit) cum optent Athenienses, turn mirentur Romani. Mea uero
sententia quam Apollonius Rhodius singularem de Cicerone laudem predicauit, nunc
apud Gallos tuam sane fecisti. Nam ut eloquentiam e Grecis in Latium Cicero primus
omnium cumulatissime traiecit, sic e Latio Luteciam, earn tu longe primus intulisti.
Quam quidem ob rem (ut egregiis de te carminibus Gaguinus perscripsit) Te digne
extulerit preclara Lutecia celo cui tua re&iloquos lingua diserta parit. Ita ne mirum
quidem mihi uidetur (quom sis orator, quern uirum bonum dicendique peritum finit

Cato, quemque Ciceronis officia reddcre possunt) si nunc eorum emendationem dis-
tinctionemque litteratorie mihi imponis quorum studio czteros tui fore persimiles arbi-
traris et optas. At uero pater arduum sane debili recusareque non audenti munus
imponis. Quod si fragiles humeros concusserit aut fortassis aliquando tandem in totum
oppresserit, tua sit culpa qui quern ferre non possum meis humeris fascem apponis. Sin
uel egerrime particulatimquc (ut imbecilles plerique conantur) tantum onus quo iubes
sustulero. Tua sane sit laus egregia qui quom tempestate penitus exulant officia meis
humeris ad Gallos reportanda credideris. Non itaque quam dodle sed quam libenter
tuis obediui preceptis, equidem spectes qui non Ciceronis tantum officia, uni tibi fru-
galitatis it officiorum amantissimo patri pro uiribus emendaui, rubrisque capitulatim
seiunxi, sed (ut amoris usuram tibi redderem) Lzlium, Catonem Sextumque de Republica
(quod somnium Scipjonis dici solet) emendatos pariterque sciun&os tue tantum sum-
mitto trutine grauissimoque iudicio, atque ut breui ferre tota de re sentcntiam possis
summam quandam mearum partitionum (quam uulgo tabulam diciint) tanquam librorum
omnium commentarium in operis uestibulo disposui quam mox istis oculis equissimis
tuis iudicibus subiitio (sic). Vale.
Aedibus Sorbone Parisii scriptum.

lo. Lapidani Tetrastichon ad Guillcrmum Fichetum.

Accipe distindlos Guillerme libros Ciceronis.

Si lesi pateant, crimini? auclor eris.
Sin fuerint frugi, maior tibi quam Lapidano

Gratia debetur, laus quoque maior erit.

XI.
RODERICUS, SPECULUM VUVE HUMANE.

Letter of presentation to Robert tfEstouteville, Provost of Paris.

Epistola Rccommcndatoria.'

Magnifico militi domino Roberto dc Estoteuille ' preposito Parisiensi et christianis-
simi francorum regi* Cambellario, impressores Parisicnscs seipsos perpetuo seruituros
humiliter offerunt.

Si munus tua prestantia dignum offcrrc tibi possemus,clarissime miles, existimaremus
profccio nos fore longe fcelicissimo*. Quippc qui nos ea benignitate prosequeris ut non
agere sed tie uix quidcm gratia* habere tibi possimus. Et quidem quas ingentes tue
debemus nobilitati. Non enim in hac ciuirate (quae tuo regitur arbitratu tuisquc

1 Title not printed, but written in red. _*^

Robert d'Ettouterille, fifth ion of GuiUaume il'EMouteviUr, Lord of Tore!, wa<i Lord of Beyne
and St. Andre in the province of the Marrhe, Provon o( Pari* in 1446, rounxllor and chamberlain
to the king* CharkM VII. and Loaii XI. He aanttd at the battle of Montlheri in 1465, and died
on the ;rd of June, 1479.

seruatur, et augetur benefkiis) ut hospitcs et aduene, sed ut liberi et ciues a te trafta-
mur, a tua magnificentia libertate donamur. Ita tibi gratias again ceteri quas uolent
quasque maximas poterunt. Nos equidem profitemur ingenue, uoluntatem tibi deditissi-
mam nobis adesse, maioremque semper aiFuturam, referendi autem facultatem prope
nullam. Atque ut huius nostre uoluntatis extet apud te nonnullum indicium, munusculi
quiddam tua: destinamus offerimusque prestantie, quod profedto speramus tibi maxime
condudlurum gratumque futurum. Est enim humane speculum uite his fere diebus
a doclissimo patre Rodorico zamorensi episcopo Rome conditum editumque nuperrime.
Quod potissimum tua causa, nunc omnibus Parisiis quam emendatissimum impressimus,
ut qui te certo scimus de moribus uariisque statibus hominum (quos opus istud omnes
particulatim districat) libenter le&urum. Ea nanque perlegimus auidius que cognitu
dignissima usuque iudicamus oportuna. Atqui nullus est uel latissimi princeps imperii
cui plures et dissimiliores quam tibi sint mores pernoscendi. Omnis nempe status,
omnis professio, omnisque natio, tanquam in orbe quodam, in urbe Parisea praeposito
tibi proponitur, tuoque paterno subicitur imperio. Etenim nunc ea uidetur Parisiorum
ciuitas qua? quondam Roma fuit, quam qui uidissent, non urbem quidem aliquam, sed
ipsum terrarum orbem se plane fatebantur intuitos. Quin ut cyneas Pyrrhi legatus
ipsi epyrotarum regi de urbe Roma interroganti respondit, ciues romanos omnes
senatores, urbem senatum, ipsum denique senatum sibi regum conuentum uideri. Nos
quoque nunc eadem de ciuitate (quam sapientissime iustissimeque gubernas) loqui
possumus. De te uero tanquam de altero Fabricio, qui turn Romse summus in Re
Publica princeps erat, cum elogium illud singulare quidem de Romana Re Publica Pyrrho
cyneas coram dixit. Suscipies itaque fru&iferum tibi iocundum a tuis mancipiolis
obseruantie nostre pignus. Tuorum quidem, cum in omnes, turn in nos ipsos iustitiae
et beneficentiae meritorum monumentum. Vale.

Que tua nos pietas conseruat clare Roberta
Suscipiat munus quod tibi sit placitum.

XII.

RODERICUS, SPECULUM VITJE HUMANE, 1472.
Letter of presentation to the Duke Jean de Bourbon.

Epistola Commendatoria. 1

Inuidtissimo principi lohanni bourbonii - atque aluernie duci, comiti Claromontcnsi,
forensi, insulaeque lordane, domino belliioci, pari atque camerario franciae, librorum
Parisii impressores germani sese perpetuo seruituros liberalissime offerunt.

Etsi scimus, illustrissime dux, nos indignos esse quibus tua ducalis dignitas ita se

' This title is not printed, but written in red by a contemporary hand.

3 Jean II., Duke de Bourbon and Auvergne, Count of Clermont, Forez, and Isle-en-Jourdain, Lord
of Beaujeu, peer and great chamberlain of France, surnamed by his contemporaries " Le Bon." Died
on the ist of April, 14.88.

8 4

humanam tacikmque przbcat,ut nos externos tibique ignotos tua~humanitate(quac summa
est) proscquereris, nun tamen satis mirari possumus tantam in tamo principe quantum
omnis te gallia admiratur pietatem, ut humilcs nostras casas, stridentesquc impressorias
formulas cum parisii esses sponte uisendo ad laborem reddere uolueris alacriorcs et eas
ita iocundissimo tuo intuitu reficere ut sese fcelices formas cunda in secula futuras
sperarcnt. Obseruas princeps fcelicissime egregium illud philosophorum dictum, quanto
superiores sumus, tanto nos geramus summissius. Nam cum inter christianissimi
huius regni principes dignissimus sis, et summus ipse deus summa tibi corporis animique
bona cumulatissime dcderit, tamen ita te cunftis humanum, pium, placabilem, mitcm-
queostendis, ut solus is tue beniuolentie, benencentist atque magnificentise copiam non
habeat qui non dignc petierit. Quart- illud uere dici in te a nobis potest, dux inclyte,
quod lysandrum lacaedcmonium Cyro minori persarum regi dixisse Cicero scribit, cum ad
cum uisendum Sardis uenisset ; rede (inquit) Cyre, te beatum homines ferunt quoniam
uirtuti tue fortuna coniundta est. Tu uero longe felicior es cyro. Quippe cum te
uultus honestat, non dedecorant mores, cum te animus iustitiam in homines et pietatem
in deos colens ornat, non te destituit corpus. Bellis insignis es, nee uitiis pacem foedas.
Rcsplendes gloria martis et plus egisti inermis. Sed quid nos parum do&i laudum
tuarum precones ease nitimur, o dux, o princeps, o galliae commune decus ? Prodeant
domestic! tui uiri doftissimi qui maiorcs ac pene diuinas in te sitas extollant uirtutes.
Kuocet e caelo suo sibique notissimis astris Conradus ille tuus astrorum, medicine,
omniumque disciplinarum peritissimus camcnas, que te dignas per secula laudes modu-
lentur. Nos uero cum pro summa tua in nos humanitate pares tuo nomini gratias non
refcrre sed ne quidem agere ualemus. Primum nos totos tue magnificentic iamdudum
deditos, iterum atque iterum dedimus, ut nobis ex tua sententia ducalis tua dignitas
semper utatur. Deinde si quid nostro labore, studio atque industria hoc in rcgno (te
duce) foclicissimo ualemus, id omne ad celebrandum illustrandumque clarissimum tuum
nomen omni studio conferemus. At uero ut integerrimc nostre uoluntatis aliquod
faciamus pcriculum, suscipies frugiferum tibique (ut speramus) non futurum iniocun-
dum operis nostre munusculum : humane speculum uite, his pene diebus a do&issimo
patre Rodorico zamorensi episcopo romar conditum. Quod omnium reipublice rectorum
nomine (quorum tu, et dux et princeps et moderator es)impressimus, quo uarios hominum
multorum status atque mores dinoscerent, quo* liber hie officioiissime perstringit.

XIII.

RODERICUS, SPECULUM VITA HUMANE.
Letter of presentation to the King.

Kpistola commendatoria principi.'

Principibus posse placere, non ultimam urns essc laudem philosophorum testatur
sententia, rex inclyte. Qua inducti, nos longe futures speraremus fcrlicissimos, si

1 Title not printed, but written in red.
85

nostra industria muneris quippiam regali tua maiestate dignum et effingere et formatum
regie tue sublimitati satis digne possemus offerre quo tibi primario huius regni principi
placuisse nostris animis id expetentibus laetari ualeremus. Quippe qui tanta in nos
beneficentia es ut nihil unquam satis dignum tuae magnificentie aut agere aut referre
possimus. Nam (ut diuinas regii tui sceptri laudes nobis doflioribus extollendas
relinquamus) tanta est in te, turn in omnes, turn in nos pietas atque dementia, ut alii
regia tua benignitate placidissime foueantur, nos uero in regni tui principe urbe parisia,
non ut inquilini, non ut incole, non ut hospites sed ut conciues liberi traclemur, et ita
quidem benigne ut nusquam nobis gratior extet libertas quam sub te rege piissimo, qui
sola tua freti dementia libris imprimendis regnum hoc te rege foelicissimum illustrare
magnopere desyderamus. Quo studio etsi placere tibi non satis digne ualemus,
profitebimur tamen ingenue, uoluntatem nobis summam non deesse regie tue subli-
mitati inseruiendi, maiorem semper affuturam, facultatem autem prope nullam. Quid
enim summo prindpi gratum satis agant externi, humilesque artis impressorie
professores ? Quid potentissimo regi, inopes ? Summa tamen innata tibi pietas
audadam nobis prestat nos, nostramque industriam regiae celsitudini tuae dedicandi,
rex dementissime. Nempe quid te monet uel poenis hominurn uel sanguine pasci,
turpe fcedumque putare ? dementia tibi innata. Quid facit ut deponas odus iram
quam moueas ? Summa in te dementia, quae te deo proximum efficit. Quid tandem
te docet predbus nunquam inplacabilem esse, obuia prosternere, prostrataque leonis
instar despicere ? dementia. Hac das ueniam uidlis, rex inuiftissime. Hac exortante,
martis horrificos coerces calores, etherei patris imitatus exemplum, qui sonoro tonitrui
cunfta concutiens, cyclopum spicula in scopulos et monstra maris e summa caeli arce
iaculatur, nostri parcus cruoris. At uero (dignissime rex, cuius laudem uox humana
non capit) ut tibi non quas debemus, sed quas possumus gratias agamus, nostre quoque
uoluntatis quam spondemus semperque exhibebimus emineat apud te aliquod indicium,
obseruantiae nostrae pignus, quod nostris effinximus manibus, tibi offerimus summa
cum reuerentia. Sperantes id tue benignitati non ingratum futurum. Est nanque
Vite speculum humanae, in quo et regii tui solii et hominum tuo sceptro subieftorum
uarios casus, uaria quoque rerum discrimina quandoque per ocium non summo sine
fruftu, maiore cum iocunditate speculabere. Quod suscipias oramus a nobis tuis
mancipiolis, non pro numeris specie quod perquam exiguum est, sed pro animi
nostri uoluntate quo regium tuum numen obseruare, uenerari et colere studemus,
semperque maiorem in modum l studebimus. Tua in Lutetia, x kal. maii Anni
millesimi quadringentesimi secundi supra septuagesimum, manibus tibi deditissimorum
Martini, Vdalrici atque Michaelis impressum.

Christianissimo francorum regi diuo Ludouico quarto (sic) Germani
librorum impressores Parisienses perpetuo se deuouent seruituros.

1 Printed " immodum."

XIV.

PLATON1S EPISTOLjE.
Letter of presentation to Jean Choard.

Guillertnus Fichetus Parisicnsis thcologus doctor lohanni Choardo canccllario
Calabric uiro clarissimo salutem.

Magni diuinique Platonis cpystolas meo nomine iussi tibi reddi quas ad reipublicz
redioncm magno tibi fore adiumento non dubito. Si tamen (quod te fadturum certe
cognosce) eas crcbra ledtio tibi familiarcs reddiderit, has si quidem ut tibi uel domi uel
run facile in manibus esscnt enchyridionis instar transcribi feci. Ac ne fortassis ut
soles de referenda gratia pluribus agas aut cauponari mecum amicitiam contendas, non
equidem te sed in qua tu commode uersaris rempublicam platonicis meis epystolis dono.
Rogo pace tua dicam quod ingenue do, mutua nostra necessitudine sentio. Si pergis
mercatorio more mecum agere et res rebus ultra citraque librarc, nunc profefto finem
fecisti amicitie nostrc. Vale. lam exploder tua domo. Sin meo me more uersari
tecum patieris, non alii solum egregii mei scriptorcs apud te platonem sequentur, sed
ctiam ego quom dabitur occasio te tuisque copiis longe maioribus utar. A quibus
aperte sane me reiicis nisi gratis meus Plato tecum fucrit exceptus hospitio. Vale et
for tun is te serua sccundis. Apud parisiensem Sorbonam quinto Kalendas maias scriptum.

Disticon fichcteum.

he mee platonis opes ad uota loannis
Vultu qui placido uos quoque suscipiet.

(Bibliotheque Nationale, Latin MSS., N 16,580.)

FACSIMILES.

GVILLERMVS Ficbctus pariftenM
theologuf doftotjloanni Lapidano Sot/
boncnfts fcbobe priori falutem *
Mififti nupct ad me fuauifCtmas Gafpa'
rini pergamenfif epiftolaf ^no a termodo
diligent emedatas- fed a tuis qucx^gec//
mams imprefCoribus nitide & tertc tra x /
fcaptas*Magnam tibi gcacia gafparinus
habcac qucm plunbus tuis uigiltis ex
cottupto mteg^t cci(liMaiore uero C2E'
tus dofto^ hoim'<^ no tm facas Utterit
([qoae tua proutcia dQmagnopcce ftudeC'
fed redintcgcldis ctla lacm'ts fcptonbiis
inf:gnem opccam nauaf Ref fane te utro
doctiftimo & optimo dignaut cj cu lau'/
de d gloria forboniro certamlni dux p'/
fuifti-'tum Utmis quocf Iris quas^etatif
noftcx ignoratio tcnebns obumbraaic^)
tua luraen effundas induflria Nam praec
aliaf compluref.lray grauloref bmraf t
hanc ctia a*ccepcnic- ut libra tio^ uitiis/
efEe(ffcc pcne barbat* uidcant At juero

LETTER or FICHET TO
(DOCUMENT I.)
FROM THE "EPISTOLA GASPARINI."

re intelliga amatl^ttullu ego modii offtf
cut meif /aut amou meo in illu faciaSed
nc ab onibus te defertu effc indices/ ego
(quern forte in numcro amko^ no habe/
bas)potliceoc eibi opera mca d(q^illi
non fine fcetete neglexerut)ego paratus
fum deEenfione tuam fufaperc * Tu uero
adnronebtSjquibusadlumentis opus tibi
fitd ^go neq? peoroWne^ confiUo titi
deeto Vale ;

lnl

Vt fol lumen'fic doflttham fundif teocbem

Mufarum nutox^regia parrfiuf ;
Hinc prope diuinam j to qua germania wotlit

Artem foribendt/fufape promertta;
Primos ecce tibrof* quos bxc induttria fttixit

Francorum in temf acdibuf at(| tutf j
Michael VdalricufyMartinufc| magifta

Hot irnpreffccuntac facient aliof;

LAST PAGE, WITH COLOPHON, FROM THE
GASPARINI."

9 2

LLFRMVS fichetus Patif ienfis the
ologus doftotj Roberto Gaguinoyuiro do*
(fhfftmo falutem ;

M agna me uotuptas captt ecuditirfime Ro
bcrce^qxiu mufas/ d omes eloqntix Cartes
quas por aetas ignorauit)in bac urbe f lo/
rcrc confpicioNam ut me pnmu adotcfcc/
nbus anntsjbotco ex agco lutcctam contult
(idqi Anftoteleac difciptinae caufa^mica'/
bar fane oratortjaut pocta pbocnicc ratiore
lutecta tota tnucnin-Nemo Ciccronc(^utt
pleucp nuc faciut^tKX^na uerfabat mau- ucc
fabat diurnaNcmo carme fingcbat legtti^
inunemo fuftu ab alioyC^furts nouecat U x /
Jbrarc fuis defuefafta fi^dem a ladnicacc
fclxjla panftcnfiSyad fermonis tufttcitatcm/
ocnis penc dcaderat* At lapillo longe me/I
Itore dies noftn numetantquippe quibus
diydeaEXp omcs (ut pocte loquut)bcnedice^
di artcsyindtcs magis magtfcp afpirant-Stqi
.dcm( ut milfos Faaam ahos )tu ufqueadeo
mufisyd omi cantiis genere pftas-'ut ft ncm
f olu iltt ^dc tutcj nobiliflumfoibulus/Lu |

LSTTIK or FICHIT TO GxcuiN, f. i.

(DOCUMENT II.)
FKOM THK "ORTHOCRAPHIA."

ccecius /Moratius/Nafo^Statius / Lucanus /

Maraahs/PcrftusjluucnaUs^fed tia loge

pvinzeps ViigiUus/ ab helifeis campis ad

nos remcarcnt'^fedto tuu carme^fuu cffc at

bitiavent>Quid cm Maronl tuo carrme fi/

rnilius'quod dc Ludouico regc noftco for//

tiffimo /c pximis diebuscedniftt^ Quid Ulo

quadratius-'quod dtalogo^ inftatyunu aut

altcijx cfflnxtfl^Tacco ciuitatlsparifese lau

dcsqu3e adeo Cut a te ucrbo^ uenuftate^d

ifcntcncia^t grauitate referre * ut utF^t utct

la tide pferac*iudicavc fit difftcilePrftereo

qiiae de galtix byfpaniarCf preftantia foluta

prone fccipfiftiNo cm eft hutus teponsydc

( tuts (ludiisypfertim ad te fcdbcrcDe (ludi/

;p^ bumanitattf reftitutoe loquor* Quibuf

' (c|tu tpf e conielura capio")magnu lumc no

uo^i libvario^ genus attulitquos nta me/

motU(ficat qdam equus ttoianus)quoquo'/

luecfo eftudit germania*Ferut em illtc/baut

iprocut a duitate Maguncia^ Joanne quenda

fuiffeycui. cognome bonemotano.g pmus oitrj

impreffotia atte excogitauetit*q no calamo

LETTER or FICHET TO GAGUIN, p. 2.
94

(ut ptifci qdem ttli)neq? penna^ut nos fin
gimus)fed xreis tris libn fingunt*d qdem
expedite /politCjd pulchteDignuf fane hie
uir fuiticj omes nuifa^omes artes/onifq! eoi^
lingua^q tibns delediant* diuinis laudibp
ornent* coq: magis dis/deabufc^ anteponat';
quo <ppius ac pfenttus tvis ipfis/ac ftudtof\f
homibuS|fuffcagtu tulit* Si r;dcm deificanc
liber d alma cercsiUe gppc dona tici inuei
nir/ pocutaq) inutcis acbeloia mtfcuit uuis.'
hare cbaoniam pingui glandem mutauit an*
fta- Atcp(ur poeta utamur alcero^prima cc'
res unco glebam dimouit aratro* prima dev
dit fcugesj alimcntamitia terns At bone
motanus ille^ logc gcatiora diuinioraq? in'/
uenitqutppe g Iras ciufmoi exailpftt-'qbus
quidquid dia/aut cogttaci potcft-' propedic
fotbi/ac trafcabty d pofteritatis madan me//
monac pdTit Neq? prcfcrtim hoc loco nros
fileboqui fupcrat tarn artc magtftiy* quo^t
\dalucus Michael ac Mattinus pcmcipes
eKc dicunt* q lam/ptidc Gafprini pgamen/

fif epidolas imDieflerunt-'quas toanncs lapt-
A. * *__

LBTTIR OF FICHIT TO G\cvix t r. 3.
05

danus emendauit* cjn illius auftorts ortho*
gphia(cjua hie etia accurate corcexit) fc acci
gut petficerc*opus mea qdem fcntencia egce
giu nec| aunbus folu iuuetutis gtiftimu'fcd
do&ioi^ quoq? ftudiis oportunuNo cni(^qd
pace multoi^ ditu effe uclim^cef eft ortho/
gpbia fcuftu puo ac tenuiue^ pgcandiygca'
tifCitno/appme neceffauoyd iocudofi gde re/
ftc fccibedt ratio^qua othogphise fonat tnt//
ptacio^)nobis in 01 liguaygc^ca latta uctnacta
c| fuffiagatqua fine nil emedatCyac pure fcci
bi' nit loa* nil nifi contorte cffem pofftt*

%J ^ ! -

Quotu cm quenc|^fiue gcamaticujfiue prato/
reyfiue philofophu exceUuifCe inuenias^qai
no hutc diuinse arti maiorc inmpdu (ludue/
ntf Nempe(^ut hinc inctpuQdidimus cu ora*
ne^ tu bane gcamatiCf ptem libris gplurimig
exornauit quo fit ut pmibo_ artis gcamattcae
^>fe(toribo(quiqdem effetyac fuiffet) Macro//,
bio eu iure ptulerit* Nigidius^quoq? cui fi/
gulo fuit cognome^anli Gelii fentecia fcdrn
Marcu Varrone locu eft confecuto* Cur ita^
q multus in orthogphix prxccptioe

LETTER OF FICHET TO GAGUIN, p. 4.
(For conclusion see pp. 73-75-)

Can Oof pi Saluftu/de Lutit

Catiline coniutatione liber
faltdtcc indpic

M N 1 5 homtnes qut (efe Oudet
pzaeftare ccteris animaltbus fuma
opt rod decet ' ne ul tarn filentto
ttanfigantyueluti pecoza-que natuta p2Otu atcp
uencd obedienda finnt-Sed noftca omnis utf
in animo & cozpott fita eft* ammt impeno '
cozporis (eruitio magis utimur .alterum nobis
cum dis-'altoy aim beluls commune eft* Quo
mibi cofhus uide?.'ingenti ^ uitiam opibus
glozia fltrrC'cS^qxionia tnca ipa qua {ruimur
bxais e)memo2ia nn qmaxime longa efEcece
Nam diuiriajy d fozraf fta/fluxa atcg fcagvlii
eft'uittii clata 5tttrnac| Tabetnr Scd dm
magnu inter moztalef certamHult-'ui ne car
ponf ( an uirtute animi^tcf militarif magif p-
cederet^4a pnufg indpiaf.'a{ultod: ubi ofu-
lucnf -'mature facto opuf eft* Ira utnkjf p Ce
tndigens-'alreru alterius auxilto eget IgiC
in\tio oegcs^nam in tenif nomen imperil id

Frr PAGE or THE "SALLUIT."

eft-quo metu onus italia contcemuerat.IU 19
& tnde ufcpad noftca memoria tomani fie ba/
buere* Alia omia uirtuti fuae <pna effc- Cum
gall is p falute-no <p gloria cettare ;

Ed poftcj in numidta bellu confcftufd la
gurcba utnftu addud roma nuciatu eft'mari H
us conful abfcns fabs cft.cJ ei decceta ^put
cia gallia*ifc| katJan-magna gloria coCul tn
umphauit'Ex ea tempeftate fpes atcg opes ti>
uicatis in illo f itae f unt j

GC nfpi S aluftii dc bello logut*

tbino liber fcelicitcr fmit

De moite I ugurthf difticon
Q ui cupif ignotum/Iugurtbae nofcete letum*
T atpeix rupifytrufus ad ima ruit

N unc parat arma uirofc^ fit rex maxlmuf ozbif*

H oftibuf untiquif cxicium minitanf*
N unc igitur bello (hideaf genf parif eoium*

C ui martif quondam gloria magna fuit_
E xemplo tibi fmt nunc fo2tia fafb uirozum*

Q vac digne mcmo2at Crifpuf in hoc opere*
A rmigerifcf tuif alemannof adnumeref- qui

H of pzeffere Ubzof arma Cutura tibi

LAST PAGE, WITH COLOPHON, FROM THE "SALLUST."

pndpi lohannl kmrbonu atcf aluermf doo>
cortriti cUtomontefijforenfi infulaecg lordanf'dno belltior
d-'pm atcf camzratio fcantix ' libroy Farifri tmptefTotes
germanijfefe ppetuo fetuicuros UberaliKimt offeruntf

{jlEtfifamus tllufbirtiroe dux nos indignos effc^buC tua ducal
digincaslta fe humana bcileracg prxbeat* 1 ut nos externos^d'
bicj ignotos tua hum-inicare^ux Cuma eft}^fequerens 'no ta
faris micari poffumusytanw in Canto pclncipey quantu GDIS te
gallia admiraSypietate /at humiles noftcaf oifaC/ ftridctefoj irti
preitorias formulas/cum parifii eftes fponte uifendo/ad labott
reddete uolueiis alacciotes'^r eas tta iocudift imo Cuo intoitti
reficeuc- ut fete fcxltces formas cunfla in fgcuU Futuras fpera'
tent^bfecuaf pnccpf fatiti(time egcegiu illud pbitotopbotu
dtftum^uanto fuptores fumusytanto DOS geurnus fummiffiuf
Nam cum inter cbdftianifTimi buius tcgni pncipes dLgnilfimut
fis ' A f umus tpfe dcus (uma tibt corpons aimicj bona cumula
tiftime dededt-jrame ita te ennuis humznu
tcmc^ o(lcndis't olus is
gnificentiae copiara no habeat'qui no digne

illud uece did in te a nobif poteft dux inclyte'^uod lyfandcu
lacedacmonluyCTyTo mtnorl petfa$t reji dixiCCe (Eicero fccibit-
cum ad earn uifendum tudis ueniffet 'cedlc (unqui t)(Cyre te
beatu homines fetunt'quonil ulttutt tug foctum oi unfla eft*
Tu ueco longe fodtdoc es cyto ^utppe cum tc uultos honc^
flat- no dedecoc5trmarescum te animus tuftitia in bominesd
ptetate in deos colens omat-'no te deftituit corpus* belli s fa'
fignis cs -nee uitlis pacem fogjas* Refptendes gloria nmtU'dl
plus egidi inermis; 41 Sed quid nos pa^i dofti laudom tcotu
piccones eflc intimur , dux ; princepC ; galliae omune decas

DEDICATORY LBTTIR TO THE Due DE BOURBON.

(DOCUMENT XII.)
FROM THE " RODERICUS ZAMORENSIS."

ABCDEFGHIKLMNOP

QRSTVXXZ R V//. 7 ;
abcdefgbifclninopqtfstuffyjz

C no R> ^2 v <$*.' cim

ALPHABET OF THE SORBONNE TYPES.

100

CORRIGENDA ET ADDENDA.

P. 6, 1. 23,/ffr 221 leaves, nod 220 leaves.

P. 6, I. 27, for 237 leaves, read 236 leaves.

P. 17, 1. 2,/r 202 leaves, read 284 leaves.

P. 1 8, L >3,/*r 124 leaves, read 126 leaves.

P. 1 8, 1. 72, for first letter, read second letter.

P. 19, 1. 8, for second letter, read first letter.

P. 50. Add to copies known of Gaiparini Epistol* : Bibliotheque de Rodez, imperfect.

P. 65. Add to copies known of Jwtnain et Pertius a copy of the Persius only in the

Grenville Library, British Museum, without the tetrastich at end.
P. 87, 1. 7,/w do, read de.

IOO

CHMWICK rM : CMAWJB WHITTINOHAM AMD CO.
TOOK! COOET, CHAKC*V IAK, LONDON.

U5
P3C6

Claudin, Anatole

The first Paris press

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