First principles of the Reformation : or, The ninety-five theses and the three primary works of Dr. Martin Luther translated into English

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FIRST PRINCIPLES

OF

THE REFORMATION

OR

THE NINETY-FIVE THESES AND THE
THREE PRIMARY WORKS

OF

DR. MARTIN LUTHER

TRANSLATED INTO ENGLISH

WITH THEOLOGICAL AND HISTORICAL INTRODUCTIONS

By HENRY WACE D.D.

PREBENDARY OF ST. PAUL'S PREACHER OF LINCOLN'S INN PRINCIPAL OF KING'S COLLEGE LONDON
CHAPLAIN TO THK ARCHBISHOP OF CANTEKBURT

AND

C. A. BUCHHEIM Ph.D.

PROFESSOR OF THE GERMAN LANGUAGE AND LITERATURE IN KING'S COLLEGE LONDON

WITH A PORTRAIT.

PHILADELPHIA
LUTHERAN PUBLICATION SOCIETY

No. 42 NORTH NINTH STREET

1885

ADVERTISEMENT.

The purpose and plan of this ^publication, which has been
prompted by the celebration of the fourth centenary of
Luther's birth, is explained in the Introductory Essay. Here
it is only necessary to state that, of the works of Luther
contained in it, the " Address to the Nobility of the German
Nation," which was written in German, has been translated by
Professor Buchheim, from the text given in the Erlangen, or
Frankfort, Edition. The translation of this work offered very
great difficulties, as it was written in Luther's earliest German
style, before the language had been improved, and ren-
dered comparatively definite, by his translation of the Bible.
Dr. Buchheim has endeavoured to make it as literal as was
compatible with the genius of the English language, and with
the necessity of modifying, now and then, some obscure or
obsolete expression ; and he has offered a few annotations.
He desires, at the same time, to express his great obliga-
tions to Dr. Wace, who carefully compared his translation
with the original work, and whose suggestions have been
of great service to him. The Theses, and the two Treatises,
" On Christian Liberty," and " On the Babylonish Captivity
of the Church," have been translated from the original Latin
Text, as given in the Frankfort Edition, by the Rev. R. S.
Grignon, to whose generous assistance and accurate scholar-
ship the editors feel greatly indebted.

a 2

AMERICAN PREFACE.

The following work, by special arrangement with the London
publisher, is now introduced for the first time to American readers
by the Lutheran Board of Publication exclusively. It has been
most favorably noticed by some of the most influential and dis-
criminating English Reviews. The authors sustain a high reputa-
tion for talent and learning, and have devoted their combined
strength to the preparation of this work.

Although the last two or three years have been prolific in the'
production of books on the Reformation, yet comparatively few
have appeared in England, and among them this one stands incom-
parably at the head of the list.

On page xxxiii. there occurs the following passage, which, whilst
it does not directly charge our Church with holding the doctrine
of Consubstantiation, yet so nearly approximates it, that it has
been thought expedient to furnish readers with the means of
refuting the accusation if they should ever have occasion so to do.
All intelligent Lutherans know it is false, but they may not
always have at hand the direct means of refutation, with which
they are here furnished for their use. The sentence alluded to
is this :

"It may be worth while to observe, in passing, the position
which Luther assumes towards the doctrine of Transubstantiation.
What he is concerned to maintain is, that there is a real Presence
in the Sacrament. All he is concerned to deny is that Transub-
stantiation is the necessary explanation of that Presence. In
other words, it is not necessary to believe in Transubstantiation
in order to believe in the Real Presence. There seems a clear'
distinction between this view and the formal doctrine of Consub-
stantiation as afterivards elaborated by Lutheran divines; and
Luther's caution, at least in this Treatise, in dealing with so diffi-
cult a point, is eminently characteristic of the real moderation
with which he formed his views, as! distinguished from the energy
with which he asserted them."

(i)

n American preface.

I said that the charge that our Church believes in Consubstan-
tiation is not here directly made, and herein the writers show
their cautious discrimination ; but still many readers will regard it
as equivalent to a charge, and I here furnish them with proofs
drawn from some of our theologians, refuting it most emphatic-
ally ; and this should settle the question. A much larger number
of authorities might be quoted, but surely these are sufficient to
satisfy every honest inquirer.

It seems strange to us that some learned men, who ought to
know better, will still persist in repeating the unfounded accusa-
tion, as has recently been done by an eminent church historian of
Our own country.

The precise meaning of the word Consubstantiation will be
more fully understood from the following extracts than from any
unconnected definition.

EXTRACTS FROM LUTHERAN DIVINES DENYING CONSUBSTANTIATION.

TnE Wittenberg Concord (1536), prepared and signed by
Luther and the other great leaders in the Church, says : " We
deny the doctrine of Transubstantiation, as we also deny that the
body and blood of Christ are locally included in the bread"

The Formula of Concord (Muller's ed., pp. 543, 547), says:
"We utterly deny and condemn the doctrine of a Capernaitish
eating of the body of Christ, which, after so many protestations
on our part, is maliciously imputed to us."

Baier, J. G. (1695), in his Theolog. Positiv., 1750, p. 661,
says : " The Sacramental Union is neither substantial, nor per-
sonal, nor local. Hence it is manifest that Impanation and
Consubstantiation, which are charged upon Lutherans by ene-
mies, are utterly excluded."

Baier published a distinct treatise, which is entirely devoted to
the defence of our Church against the charge of holding this doc-
trine.

Hafenreffer (1609), in his Loci Theolog., says: "The
Sacramental Union is not (1) a Transubstantiation of the bread
into the body of Christ. * * (2) It is not a Consubstantia-
tion or commixture of the substances : but in both the bread and

AMERICAN PREFACE. iii

wine, the substance of the body and blood of Christ remains un-
mixed."

Calovius, System. Loci Theolog. (1655-77) : " We do not
assert any local conjunction, any fusion of essences, or Consub-
stantiation, as our adversaries attribute to us."

Hutter (1611), Libri Christ. Concord, Wittenberg, 1609, p.
669 : " Hence is clear the odious falsity of those who charge our
churches with teaching that the bread of the Eucharist is literally
and substantially the body of Christ ; ' that the bread arid body
constitute one substance,' etc."

Joiin Gerhard (1637). Loci, x. 165. " On account of the
calumnies of our adversaries, we would note that we do not be-
lieve in Impanation, nor in Consubstantiation, nor in any physi-
cal or local presence."

Carpzov (1657). Isagoge, 345. "When the words in,
with, under, are used, our traducers know, . . . that they do
not signify a Con substantiation, local co-existence, or Impanation.
The charge that we hold a local inclusion or Con substantiation is
a calumny."

Mus.eus (1681). De Sacra. Coena. 1664, p. 85. "When
Calvinists attribute this view {Con substantiation) to us, they are
guilty of calumny."

Buddeus (1728). Miscellanea II., 86 seq. "All who un«
derstand the doctrines of our Church know that with our whole

soul we abhor the doctrine of Con substantiation In

either sense, in which the word Consubstantiation can be taken,
the doctrine cannot, in any respect, be attributed to our Church ;
it was always far from the mind of the Church^

Cotta (1779). In Gerhard's Loci, x. 165. " As our theo-
logians reject Impanation, so also they reject the doctrine of
Consubstantiation But in neither sense can that mon-
strous dogma of Consubstantiation be attributed to our Church."

Mosheim denies the charge, and the more modern Reinhard
says : " Our Church has never taught that the emblems become
one substance with the body and blood of Jesus, an opinion com-
monly denominated Consubstantiation, "

We might multiply testimonies of a similar kind from nearly

iv AMERICAN PREFACE.

every one of our eminent theologians who have written on the
Lord's Supper. Even Calvinistic divines, such as Bucer, Mus-
culus, Salmasius, Stapfer, Waterland, D'Aubigne, and others,
declare that the charge is groundless.*

Those who desire to push their researches into this subject
more extensively are referred to Krauth's Conservative Reforma-
tion, to which I am indebted for most of these citations.

March, 1885. J. G. M.

*The Evangelical Lutheran Church employs the term "Sacramental Pres-
ence" to designate her doctrine of the real presence ot the body and blood of
Christ in and with the elements of bread and wine in the Lord's Supper, because
that presence is .peculiar to the Sacrament, and because by that term she does
not attempt nor intend to d dine, th s mil • of Christ's bodily pres shoe.

The conception of the Roman Church, in regard to the bodily presence of
Christ in the Lord's Supper, is that there is a Transubstantiation, or change of
the substances ol the bread and wine into the substances of the body and blood
of Christ : so that what is seen in the consecrated host, is not the substances of
bread and wine, but only their accidents or properties.

The conception which some in the Reformed Churches (Calvinists and Zwing-
Iians) have of the Lutheran doctrine, and which they erroneously attribute to
the Lutheran Church, is that there is a Oonsubstantiation, or mingling of the
substances of the body and blood of Christ, with the substances of the bread
and wine in the Lord's Supper, like a mixing of yeast with hour and honey with
water; or.. as others conceive Of the real presence.it is an Impanation, t. «., a
local inclusion of the body of Christ, like placing a stone in a loaf of bread. The
Lutheran Church rejects these terms, and does not define the mode of Christ's
presence in the Lord's Supper, because the mode is not defined in Scripture, and
is incomprehensible. Nevertheless, she believes, confesses and teaches that
there is a true and real presence of the glorified body and blood of Christ, in
and with the Sacramental elements of bread and wine, as the words of institu-
tion by Christ in the synoptical gospels affirm, "This is my body," "This is my
blood." and reiterated by the Apostle. 1 Cor. x. 1(5 and xi. 24.

The reader's attention is also called to the following remarks from Dr.
Krauth's " Conservative Reformation," p. 5-10-1, in reference to a statement in
the present translation of Luther's work on the Babylonish Captivity, p. 192,
in which there seems to be a preference for immersion as a mode of Baptism :

"In this book on the Babylonish Captivity, which appeared in 1520, he ex-
pressly adds: 'Not that I think it (immersion) necessary,' ('iVon. quod neces-
xttritnit urbitrcr.') But this claim of necessity, and this only, is the very heart of
the baptist doctrine. The strongest expressions in favor of immersion occur in
Luther's earliest works, and his maturer preference, as expressed in later
works, seems to have been no less decided for pouring as an appropriate mode.
Thus in his Commentary on Genesis, one of Ins latest and ripest works, he says :
'The water which is poured (quae funditur) in Baptism is not the water given
by God as the Creator, but given by Cod the Saviour."' Chap, xxviii.

." Again," says Dr. Krauth, "we can give ample proof that ii Luther's mean-
ing in 1519 implies the necessity of immersion, his opinion had undergone a
total change before 1529, when the Larger Catechism, whose words are in
question, was published." Cons, lief., p. 537.

CONTENTS.

THEOLOGICAL INTRODUCTION. By De. Wace . . ix

HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. By Professor Buchheim . xxxix

THE NINETY-FIVE THESES 2

THE THREE PRIMARY WORKS OF LUTHER:—

I. ADDRESS TO THE NOBILITY OF THE GERMAN
NATION.

1. Dedicatory Letter . . . . . . . .17

2. Introduction ......... 18

3. The Three Walls of the Romanists ..... 20

(a) That the Temporal Power has no Jurisdiction over

the Spiritualty . . . . . . 21

(b) That no one may interpret the Scriptures but the

Pope 25

(c) That no one may call a Council but the Pope . . 28

4. Of the Matters to be considered in the Councils . . 31

5. Twenty-seven Articles respecting the Reformation of the

Christian Estate ........ 44

II. CONCERNING CHRISTIAN LIBERTY.

1. Letter to Pope Leo X. ....... 95

2. That a Christian man is the most free Lord of all, and

subject to none ..... ... 104

3. That a Christian man is the most dutiful Servant of all,

and subject to every one. ...... 118

III. ON THE BABYLONISH CAPTIVITY OF THE CHURCH.

1. Introduction ......... 141

2. On the Lord's Supper ........ 148

3. On Baptism .......... 182

4. On Penance .......... 205

5. On Confirmation . . , . . . . . .214

6. On Matrimony ......... 215

7. On Orders 227

8. On Extreme Unction ........ 237

INTRODUCTORY ESSAYS

I
ON THE PRIMARY PRINCIPLES

OF

LUTHEK'S LIFE AND TEACHING

By Dr. WACE

l)N THE PRIMARY PRINCIPLES OF LUTHER'S
LIFE AND TEACHING

The present publication is offered as a contribution to the due
celebration in this country of the fourth Centenary of Luther's
birth. Much has been written about him, and the general
history of his life and work is being sketched by able pens.
But no adequate attempt has yet been made to let him speak
for himself to Englishmen by his greatest and most character-
istic writings. The three works which, together with the 95
Theses, are included in this volume, are well known in Germany
as the Drei Grosse Reformations- Schr if ten, or " The Three
Great Eeformation Treatises " of Luther ; but they seem never
yet to have been brought in this character before the English
public. The Treatise on Christian Liberty has indeed been
previously translated, though not of late years. But from an
examination of the catalogue in the British Museum, it would
appear that no English translation is accessible, even if any
has yet been published, of the Address to the German Nobility
or of the Treatise on the Babylonish Captivity of the Church.
Yet, as is well understood in Germany, it is in these that the
whole genius of the Keformer appears in its most complete and
energetic form. They are bound together in the closest
dramatic unity. They were all three produced in the latter
half of the critical year 1520, when nearly three years'
controversy, since the publication of the Theses, on Oct. 31
1517, had convinced Luther of the falseness of the Court
of Kome, and the hollowness of its claims ; and they were

x LUTHER'S

immediately followed by the bull of excommunication in
the winter of the same year, and the summons to the Diet of
Worms in 1521. Luther felt, as he says at the commencement
of his Address to the German Nobility, that " the time for silence
had passed, and the time for speech had come." He evidently
apprehended that reconciliation between himself and the Court
of Borne was impossible ; and he appears to have made up his
mind to clear his conscience, whatever the cost. Accordingly in
these three works he spoke out with a full heart, and with the
consciousness that his life was in his hand, the convictions
which had been forced on him by the conduct of the Papacy
and of the Papal theologians.

Those convictions had been slowly, and even reluctantly,
admitted ; but they had gradually accumulated in intense
force in Luther's mind and conscience ; and when " the
time for speech had come " they burst forth in a kind of
volcanic eruption. Their maturity is proved by the com-
pleteness and thoroughness with which the questions at issue
are treated. An insight into the deepest theological prin-
ciples is combined with the keenest apprehension of practical
details. In the Treatise on Christian Liberty we have the most
vivid of all embodiments of that life of Faith to which the
Keformer recalled the Church and which was the mainspring
of the Keformation. In the Appeal to the German Nobility
he first asserted those rights of the laity, and of the temporal
power, without the admission of which no reformation would have
been practicable, and he then denounced with burning moral
indignation the numerous and intolerable abuses which were up-
held by Eoman authority. In the third Treatise, on the Baby-
lonish Captivity of the Church, he applied the same cardinal
principles to the elaborate Sacramental system of the Church
of Borne, sweeping away by means of them the superstitions
with which the original institutions of Christ had been overlaid,
and thus releasing men's consciences from a vast network of
ceremonial bondage. The rest of the Beformation, it is not too

FIRST PRINCIPLES xi

much to say, was but the application of the principles vindicated
in these three works. They were applied in different countries
with varying wisdom and moderation ; but nothing essential
was added to them. Luther's genius — if a higher word be not
justifiable — brought forth at one birth, " with hands and feet,"
to use his own image, and in full energy, the vital ideas by
which Europe was to be regenerated. He was no mere
negative controversialist, attacking particular errors in detail.
His characteristic was the masculine grasp with which he
seized essential and eternal truths, and by their central light
dispersed the darkness in which men were groping.

It occurred therefore to my colleague and myself that a per-
manent service might perhaps be rendered to Luther's name,
and towards a due appreciation of the principles of the Eeforma-
tion, if these short but pregnant Treatises were made more ac-
cessible to the English public ; and although they might well
be left to speak for themselves, there may perhaps be some
readers to whom a few explanatory observations on Luther's
position, theologically and politically, will not be unacceptable.
My colleague, in the Essay which follows this, has dealt with
the political course of the Eeformation during his career ; and
in the present remarks an endeavour will simply be made to
indicate the nature and the bearings of the central principles
of the Eeformer's life and work, as exhibited in the accompany-
ing translations.

It is by no mere accident of controversy that the Ninty-five
Theses mark the starting-point of Luther's career as a reformer.
The subject with which they dealt was not only in close connec-
tion with the centre of Christian truth, but it touched the
characteristic thought of the Middle Ages. From the beginning
to the end, those ages had been a stern school of moral and
religious discipline, under what was universally regarded as the
divine authority of the Church. St. Anselm, with his intense
apprehension of the divine righteousness, and of its inexorable
demands, is at once the noblest and truest type of the great school
of thought of which he was the founder. The special mission of

xii LUTHER'S

the Church since the days of Gregory the Great had been to
tame the fierce energies of the new barbarian world, and to
bring the wild passions of the Teutonic races under the control
of the Christian law. It was the task to which the necessities
of the hour seemed to summon the Church, and she roused
herself to the effort with magnificent devotion. Monks and
Schoolmen performed prodigies of self-denial and self-sacrifice,
in order to realise in themselves, and to impose as far as
possible on the world at large, the laws of perfection which
the Church held before their vision. The glorious cathedrals
which arose in the best period of the Middle Ages are but the
visible types of those splendid structures of ideal virtues, which
a monk like St. Bernard, or a Schoolman like St. Thomas
Aquinas, piled up by laborious thought and painful asceticism.
Such men felt themselves at all times surrounded by a spiritual
world, at once more glorious in its beauty and more awful in
its terrors, than either the pleasures or the miseries of this
world could adequately represent. The great poet of the
Middle Ages affords perhaps the most vivid representation of
their character in this respect. The horrible images of the
Inferno, the keen sufferings of purification in the Purgatorio,
form the terrible foreground behind which the Paradiso rises.
Those visions of terror and dread and suffering had stamped
themselves on the imagination of the medieval world, and lay at
the root of the power with which the Church overshadowed it.
In their origin they embodied a profound and noble truth. It
was a high and divine conception that the moral and spiritual
world with which we are encompassed has greater heights and
lower depths than are generally apprehended in the visible expe-
rience of this life ; and Dante has been felt to be in an unique
degree the poet of righteousness. But it is evident, at the same
time, what a terrible temptation was placed in the hands of a
hierarchy who were believed, in whatever degree, to wield power
over these spiritual realities. It was too easy to apply them,
like the instruments of physical torture with which the age was
familiar, to extort submission from tender consciences, or to

FIRST PRINCIPLES xiii

make a bargain with selfish hearts. But in substance the
menaces of the Church appealed to deep convictions of the human
conscience, and the mass of men were not prepared to defy them.
Now it was into this world of spiritual terrors that Luther
was born, and he was in an eminent degree the legitimate
child of the Middle Ages. The turning-point in his history is
that the awful visions of which we have spoken, the dread of
the Divine judgments, brought home to him by one of the
solemn accidents of life, checked him in a career which promised
all worldly prosperity, and drove him into a monastery. There,
as he tells us, he was driven almost frantic by his vivid realiza-
tion of the demands of the Divine righteousness on the one
hand, and of his own incapacity to satisfy them on the other.
With the intense reality characteristic of his nature he took
in desperate earnest all that the traditional teaching and
example of the Middle Ages had taught him of the unbending
necessities of Divine justice. But for the very reason that
he accepted those necessities with such earnestness, he did but
realize the more completely the hopelessness of his struggles
to bring himself into conformity with them. It was not;
because he was out of sympathy with St. Anselm or St. Bernard
or Dante, that he burst the bonds of the system they represented ;
but, on the contrary, because he entered even more deeply than
they into the very truths they asserted. Nothing was more
certain to him than that Divine justice is inexorable ; no con-
viction was more deeply fixed in his heart than that righteous-
ness is the supreme law of human life. But the more he realized
the truth, the more terrible he found it, for it seemed to shut
him up in a cruel prison, against the bars of which he beat
himself in vain. In one of his most characteristic passages, in
the Introduction to his Latin Works, he describes how he was
repelled and appalled by the statement of St. Paul respecting
the Gospel, that ' therein is the righteousness, or justice, of God
revealed.' For, he says, 'however irreprehensible a life I had
lived as a monk, I felt myself before God a sinner, with a most
restless conscience, and I could not be confident that He was

xiv LUTHER S

appeased by my satisfaction. I could not, therefore, love — nay, I
hated — a God who was just and punished sinners ; and if not with
silent blasphemy, certainly with vehement murmuring, I was
indignant against God. As if, I said, it were not enough that
sinners,' miserable and eternally ruined by original sin, should be
crushed with all kind of calamity by the law of the Decalogue, but
God by the Gospel must needs add grief to grief, and by the
Gospel itself must inflict still further on us His justice and anger.
I raged with this savage and disturbed conscience, and I knocked
importunately at Paul in that place, with burning thirst to know
what St. Paul could mean.' Such an experience is not a mere
revolt against the Middle Ages. In great measure it is but the
full realization of their truest teaching. It is Dante intensified,
and carried to the inevitable development of his principles.

But if this be the case, what it meant was that the Middle
Ages had brought men to a deadlock. They had led men up
to a gate so strait that no human soul could pass through it.
In the struggle, men had devised the most elaborate forms of
self- torture, and had made the most heroic sacrifices, and in the
very desperation of their efforts they had anticipated the more
vivid insight and experience of Luther. The effort, in fact,
had been too much for human nature, and the end of it had
been that the Church had condescended to human weakness.
The most obvious and easy way out of the difficulty was to
modify, by virtue of some dispensing authority, the extreme
requirements of Divine justice, and by a variety of half-uncon-
scious, half-acknowledged devices, to lessen the severity of the
strait gate and of the narrow way. Such a power, as has been
said, was an enormous temptation to unscrupulous Churchmen,
and at length it led to the hideous abuses of such preaching
of indulgences as that of Tetzel. In this form the matter
came before Luther in his office as parish priest and confessor ;
and it will be apparent from the Theses that what first revolts
him is the violation involved of the deepest principles which the
Church of his day had taught him. He had learned from it
the inexorable character of the Divine law, the necessity and

FIRST PRINCIPLES xv

blessedness of the Divine discipline of punishment and suffering ;
he had learned, as his first Thesis declares, that the law of
Christian life is that of lifelong penitence ; and he denounced
Tetzel's teaching as false to the Church herself, in full
confidence that he would be supported by his ecclesiastical
superiors. When he found that he was not — when, to his
surprise and consternation, he found that the Papal theologians
of the day, under the direct patronage of the Pope and the
bishops, were ready to support the most flagrant evasions of
the very principles on which their power had originally been
based — then at length, though most reluctantly, he turned
against them, and directed against the corrupted Church of the
close of the Middle Ages the very principles he had learned
from its best representatives and from its noblest institutions.
Luther, in the course of his spiritual struggles, had found
the true deliverance from what we have ventured to call that
deadlock to which the grand vision of Divine righteousness
had led him. He realised that the strait gate was impassable
by any human virtue ; but he had found the solution in the
promise of a supernatural deliverance which was offered to
faith. To quote again his words in the preface to his Latin
works already referred to : 'At length by the mercy of God,
meditating days and nights, I observed the connection of the
words namely " therein is the righteousness of God revealed
from faith o faith, as it is written : The just shall live by
faith." Th> I began to understand the justice of God to be
tnat by whic.i the just man lives by the gift of God, namely,
by faith, and. that the meaning was that the Gospel reveals
that justice of God by which He justifies us beggars through
faith, as it is written : " The just shall live by faith." Here I
felt myself a solutely born again ; the gates of heaven were
opened, and 1 lad entered paradise itself. From thenceforward
the face of tin whole Scriptures appeared changed to me. I ran
through the criptures, as my memory would serve me, and
observed the same analogy in other words — as, the work of
God, that is, I he work which God works in us ; the strength

xvi LUTHER S

of God, that with which He makes us strong ; the wisdom
of God, that with which He makes us wise; the power of God,
the salvation of God, the glory of God. And now, as much as I
had formerly hated that word, the Justice of God, so much did
I now love it and extol it as the sweetest of words to me : and
thus that place in Paul was to me truly the gate of paradise.'
In other words, Luther had realised that the Gospel, while re-
asserting the inexorable nature of the moral law, and deepening
its demands, had revealed a supernatural and divine means of
satisfying and fulfilling it. All barriers had thus been removed
between God and man, and men had been placed in the position
of children living by Faith on His grace and bounty. He offers
to bestow upon them the very righteousness He requires from them,
if they will but accept it at His hands as a free gift. Their
true position is no longer that of mere subjects living under a
law which they must obey at their peril. They may, indeed, by
their own act remain in that condition, with all its terrible
consequences. But God invites them to regard Him as their
Father, to live in the light of His countenance, and to receive
from Him the daily food of their souls. The most intimate
personal relation is thus established between Himself and them ;
and the righteousness which they could never acquire by their
own efforts He is ready to create in them if they will but live with
Him in faith and trust. That faith, indeed, must needs be the
beginning, and the most essential condition, of this Divine life.
Faith is the first condition of all fellowship between persons ;
and if a man is to live in personal fellowship with God, he must
trust Him absolutely, believe His promises, and rest his whole
existence, here and hereafter, upon His word. But tat a man do
this, and then God's law ceases to be like a flaming sword, turning
every way, with too fierce an edge for human hearts to bear. It
assumes the benignant glow of a revelation of perfect righteous-
ness which God Himself will bestow on all who ask it at His hands.
This belief is essentially bound up with a distinction on
which great stress is laid in the Theses. It touches a point at
once of the highest theological import, and of the simplest

FIRST PRINCIPLES xvii

practical experience. This is the distinction between guilt and
punishment ; or, in other words, between personal forgiveness,
and the remission of the consequences of sins. In our mutual
relations, a son may be forgiven by his father, a wrongdoer by
the person whom he has injured, and yet it may neither be
possible nor desirable that the offender should be at once
released from the consequences of his offence. But for all
generous hearts, the personal forgiveness is infinitely more
precious than the remission of the penalty, and Luther had
learned from the Scriptures to regard our relation to God in a
similar light. He realized that he must live, here and hereafter,
in personal relationship to God ; and the forgiveness of God, the
removal from him, in God's sight, of the imputation and the
brand of guilt, his reception into God's unclouded favour — this
was the supreme necessity of his spiritual existence. If this
were assured to him, not only had he no fear of punishment, but
he could welcome it, whatever its severity, as part of the
discipline of the divine and loving hand to which he had trusted
himself. His deepest indignation, consequently, was aroused by
preaching which, under official sanction, urged men to buy in-
dulgence from punishment, of whatever kind, as practically the
greatest spiritual benefit they could obtain ; and he devoted his
whole energy to assert the supreme blessing of that remission
from guilt, of which the preachers of indulgences said practi-
cally nothing. It is this remission of guilt, this personal
forgiveness, which is the essential element in the justification
of which he spoke. It involves of course salvation from the
final ruin and doom which sin, and the moral corruption of our
nature, would naturally entail ; but its chief virtue does not
consist in deliverance from punishment, nor does it in any way
derogate from the truth that " we must all appear before the
judgment seat of Christ, that every one may receive the things
done in his body, according to that he hath done, whether it be
good or bad." What it taught men was to accept all God's
judgments and discipline in perfect peace of soul, as being
assured of His love and favour.

b

xviii LUTHER S

No divine, in fact, has ever dwelt with more intense con-
viction on the blessedness of the discipline of suffering and
of the Cross. The closing Theses express his deepest feelings
in this respect, and a passage in one of his letters, written he-
fore the controversy . about Indulgences had arisen, affords a
most interesting illustration of the manner in which the
principles he came forward to assert had grown out of his
personal experience. " Away," he says, in the 92nd and
93rd Theses, " with all those prophets who say to the people
of Christ, ' Peace, peace,' and there is no peace. Blessed be
all those prophets who say to the people of Christ, ' The
Cross, the Cross,' and there is no Cross." These somewhat
enigmatic expressions are at once explained in the letter re-
ferred to, written to a Prior of the Augustinian order, on the
22nd of June, 1516. 1 He says :—

" You are seeking and craving for peace, but in the wrong
order. For you are seeking it as the world giveth, not as Christ
giveth. Know you not that God is ' wonderful among His
saints,' for this reason, that He establishes His peace in the
midst of no peace, that is, of all temptations and afflictions.' It
is said ' Thou shalt dwell in the midst of thine enemies.' The
man who possesses peace is not the man whom no one disturbs
— that is the peace of the world ; he is the man whom all men
and all things disturb, but who bears all patiently, and with
joy. You are saying with Israel, 'Peace, peace,' and there
is no peace. Learn to say rather with Christ : ' The Cross,
the Cross,' and there is no Cross. For the Cross at once
ceases to be the Cross as soon as you have joyfully exclaimed,
in the language of the hymn,

" ' Blessed Cross, above all other,
One and only noble tree.' "

One other extract of the same import it may be well to
quote from these early letters, as it is similarly the germ of one
of the noblest passages in Luther's subsequent explanation of
1 Letters, editeil by De Wette, i. 27.

FIRST PRINCIPLES xix

the Ninety-five Theses.1 The letter was addressed to a brother
Augustinian on the 15th of April, 1516. Luther says: —

" The cross of Christ has been divided throughout the whole
world, and every one meets with his own portion of it. Do
not you therefore reject it, but rather accept it as the most
holy relic, to be kept, not in a gold or silver chest, but in a
golden heart, that is, a heart imbued with gentle charity. For
if, by contact with the flesh and blood of Christ, the wood of
the Cross received such consecration that its relics are deemed
supremely precious, how much more should injuries, persecu-
tions, sufferings and the hatred of men, whether of the just or
of the unjust, be regarded as the most sacred of all relics —
relics which, not by the mere touch of His flesh, but by the
charity of His most bitterly tried heart and of His divine
will, were embraced, kissed, blessed, and abundantly con-
secrated ; for thus was a curse transformed into a blessing,
and injury into justice, and passion into glory, and the Cross
into joy." 2

The few letters, in fact, in our possession, written by
Luther before he came forward in 1517, are sufficient to
afford the most vivid proof both of the mature thought and
experience in which his convictions were rooted, and of their
being prompted, not by the spirit of reckless confidence to
which they have sometimes been ignorantly ascribed, but by
the deepest sympathy with the lessons of the Cross. The
purport of his characteristic doctrine of justification by faith
was not to give men the assurance of immunity from suffering
and sorrow, as the consequence of sin, but to give them peace
of conscience and joy of heart in the midst'of such punishments.

1 It is a pleasure to be able to refer for this passage to the first volume of the
new Critical Edition of Luther's works, just published in Germany, page 613,
line 21. This magnificent edition, prepared under the patronage of the
German Emperor, is the best of all contributions to the present Commemora-
tion. It must supersede all other editions, and it ought to find a place in all
considerable libraries in England. A translation of the passage in question
will be found in the Bampton Lectures of the present writer, p. 186.

2 Letters, edited by De Wette, i. p. 19.

b 2

xx LUTHER S

What it proclaimed was that, if men would but believe it, they
could at any moment grasp God's forgiveness, and live hence-
forth in the assured happiness of His personal favour and love.
Of this blessing His promise was the only possible warrant,
and like all other promises, it could only be accepted by Faith.
Every man is invited to believe it, since it is offered to all for
Christ's sake ; but by the nature of the case, none can enjoy it
who do not believe it.

The ground, however, on which this promise was based
affords another striking illustration of the way in which
Luther's teaching was connected with that of the Middle Age.
Together with that keen apprehension of the divine judgments
and of human sin just mentioned, the awful vision of our
Lord's sufferings and of His atonement overshadowed the
whole thought of those times. St. Anselm, in the Cur Deiis
Homo, had aroused deeper meditation on this subject than had
before been bestowed upon it ; and in this, as in other matters,
he is the type of the grand school of thought which he founded.
As in his mind, so throughout the Middle Age, in proportion
to the apprehension of the terrible nature of the Divine justice,
is the prominence given to the sacrificial means for averting
the Divine wrath. The innumerable Masses of the later
Middle Ages were so many confessions of the deep-felt need of
atonement ; and formal as they ultimately became, they were
in intention so many cries for forgiveness from the terror-
struck consciences of sinful men and women. Luther was
a true child of the Church in his deep apprehension of the
same need, and it was precisely because he realised it with
exceptional truth and depth that he was forced to seek some
deeper satisfaction than the offering of Masses could afford.
He reasserted the truth that the need had been met and
answered once for all by the Sacrifice on the Cross ; and by
proclaiming the sufficiency of that one eternal offering he
swept away all the " Sacrifices of Masses," while at the same
time he provided the answer to the craving to which they
testified. The doctrine of the Atonement, as asserted at the

FIRST PRINCIPLES xxi

Reformation, is the true answer to that cry of the human
conscience which the Church of the preceding age had vainly
endeavoured to satisfy. The Sacrament, of which the Mass was
a perversion, was thus restored to its true character on a
pledge and an instrument of blessings bestowed by God, instead
of a propitiatory offering on the part of men. The Cross of
Christ, the favourite symbol of the mediaeval Church, was thus
held aloft by the Reformer in still deeper reality, as the central
symbol of the Church's message, and as the one adequate
ground for the faith to which he called men.

Now the view of the Christian life involved in this principle
of Justification by Faith found its most comj)lete and beautiful
expression in the Treatise " On Christian Liberty," translated
in this volume ; and a brief notice of the teaching of that
treatise will best serve to explain the connection between
Luther's cardinal doctrine and the other principles which he
asserted. As is explained at the close of the introductory
letter to Leo X. (p. 101), he designed it as a kind of peace-
offering to the Pope, and as a declaration of the sole objects he
had at heart, and to which he desired to devote his life. " It
is a small matter," he says, " if you look to its bulk, but unless
I mistake, it is a summary of the Christian life in small
compass, if you apprehend its meaning." In fact, it presents
the most complete view of Luther's theology, alike in its
principles and in its practice, almost entirely disembarrassed
of the controversial elements by which, under the inevitable
pressure of circumstances, his other works, and especially
those of a later date, were disturbed. Perhaps the only part
of his works to compare with it in this respect is the precious
collection of his House-postills, or Exposition of the Gospels for
the Sundays of the Christian Year. They were delivered
within his domestic circle, and recorded by two of his pupils,
and though but imperfectly reported, they are treasures of
Evangelical exposition, exhibiting in a rare degree the
exquisitely childlike character of the Reformer's faith, and
marked by all the simplicity and the poetry of feeling by

xxii LUTHER S

which his mind was distinguished. It is by such" works as
these, and not simply by his controversial treatises or com-
mentaries, that Luther must be judged, if we wish either to
understand his inner character, or to comprehend the vast
personal influence he exerted. But in its essence, the Gospel
which he preached, the substance of what he had learned from
the temptations, the prayers, the meditations — tentationes,
orationes, meditationes — of his life as a monk, is sufficiently
embodied in the short Treatise on Christian Liberty.

The argument of the Treatise is summed up, with the anti-
thetical force so often characteristic of great genius, in the two
propositions laid down at the outset. " A Christian man is
the most free lord of all and subject to none : A Christian
man is the most dutiful servant of all, and subject to every
one." The first of these propositions expresses the practical
result of the doctrine of Justification by Faith. The Christian
is in possession of a promise of God, which in itself, and in the
assurance it involves, is a greater blessing to him than all
other privileges or enjoyments whatever. Everything sinks
into insignificance compared with this word and Gospel. " Let
us," he says, " hold it for certain and firmly established that
the soul can do without everything except the word of God,
without which none of its wants are provided for. But, having
the word, it is rich and wants for nothing, since it is the
word of life, of truth, of light, of peace, of justification, of
salvation, of joy, of liberty, of wisdom, of virtue, of grace, of
glory, and of every good thing." If it be asked, " What is this
word ? " he answers that the Apostle Paul explains it, namely
that " it is the Gospel of God, concerning His Son, incarnate,
suffering, risen, and glorified through the Spirit, the Sanctifier.
To preach Christ is to feed the soul, to justify it, to set it free,
and to save it, if it believes the preaching . . . For the word of
God cannot be received and honoured by any works, but by
Faith alone." This is the cardinal point around which not
merely Luther's theology, but his whole life turns. God had
descended into the world, spoken to him by His Son, His

FIRST PRINCIPLES xxiii

Apostles, the Scriptures, and the voice of the Church, and
promised him forgiveness in the present, and final deliverance
from his evil in the future, if he would but trust Him. The
mere possession of such a promise outweighed in Luther's view
all other considerations whatever, and absolute faith was due to
it. No higher offence could be offered to God than to reject or
doubt His promise, and at the same time no higher honour
could be rendered Him than to believe it. The importance and
value of the virtue of Faith is thus determined entirely by the
promise on which it rests. These " promises of God are words
of holiness, truth, righteousness, liberty, and peace, and are
full of universal goodness, and the soul which cleaves to them
with a firm faith is so united to them, nay, thoroughly absorbed
by them, that it not only partakes in, but is penetrated and
saturated by all their virtue. For if the touch of Christ was
health, how much more does that most tender spiritual touch,
nay, absorption of the word, communicate to the soul all
that belongs to the word ? In this way, therefore, the soul
through faith alone, without works, is by the word of God
justified, sanctified, endued with truth, peace, and liberty, and
filled full with every good thing, and is truly made the child of
God ... As is the word, such is the soul made by it ; just as
iron exposed to fire glows like fire on account of its union with
the fire." Moreover, just as it is faith which unites husband
and wife, so faith in Christ unites the soul to Him in indisso-
luble union. For " if a true marriage, nay, by far the most
perfect of all marriages, is accomplished between them — for
human marriages are but feeble types of this one great
marriage— then it follows that all they have becomes theirs
in common, as well good things as evil things ; so that whatso-
ever Christ possesses, the believing soul may take to itself and
boast of as its own, and whatever belongs to the soul, Christ
claims as his . . . Thus the believing soul, by the pledge of its
faith in Christ, becomes free from all sin, fearless of death, safe
from hell, and endowed with the eternal righteousness, life and
salvation of its husband Christ."

xxiv LUTHER S

It is esseutial to dwell upon these passages, since, the force of
the Eeformer's great doctrine cannot possibly be apprehended
as long as he is supposed to attribute the efficacy of which he
speaks to any inherent quality in the human heart itself. It
is the word and promise of God which is the creative force.
But this summons a man into a sphere above this world, bids
him rest upon the divine love which speaks to him, and places
him on the eternal foundation of a direct covenant with God
Himself in Christ. As in the Theses, so in this Treatise,
Luther reiterates that it in no way implies exemption from
the discipline of suffering. " Yea," he says, " the more of a
Christian any man is, to so many the more evils, sufferings, and
deaths is he subject ; as we see in the first place in Christ the
first-born and in all His holy brethren." The power of which
he speaks is a spiritual one " which rules in the midst of
enemies, in the midst of distresses. It is nothing else than that
strength is made perfect in my weakness, and that I can turn
all things to the profit of my salvation ; so that even the cross
and death are compelled to serve me and to work together for
my salvation." " It is a lofty and eminent dignity, a true and
Almighty dominion, a spiritual empire in which there is nothing
so good, nothing so bad, as not to work together for my good,
if only I believe."

If we compare this language with those conceptions of
spiritual terror by which Luther had been driven into a
monastery, and under which, like so many in his age, he had
groaned and struggled in despair, we can appreciate the
immense deliverance which he had experienced. The Divine
promise had lifted him " out of darkness and out of the shadow
of death, and had broken his bonds in sunder." It is this which
is the source of the undaunted and joyful faith which marks
the whole of the Eeformer's public career. " Whose heart,"
he exclaims, " would not rejoice in its inmost core at hearing
these things ? Whose heart, on receiving so great a consola-
tion, would not become sweet with the love of Christ : a love
to which it can never attain by any laws or works ? Who

FIRST PRINCIPLES xxv

can injure such a heart, or make it afraid ? If the conscious-
ness of sin, or the horror of death rush in upon it, it is pre-
pared to hope in the Lord, and is fearless of these evils and
undisturbed, until it shall look down upon its enemies." Such
a conviction, uttered in such burning language, lifted the same
cloud of darkness and fear from the hearts of the common
people of that day, and was welcomed as good tidings of great
joy by multitudes of burdened and terror-stricken hearts. No-
thing is more characteristic of Luther's preaching, and of the
Reformers who follow him, than the sense they display that
they have before them souls " weary and heavy-laden." Their
language presupposes the prevalence of that atmosphere of
spiritual apprehension and gloom already described, and their
grand aim is to lead men out of it into the joy and peace and
liberty of the Gospel. The consequence is that a new confi-
dence, hope and energy is infused into the moral and spiritual
world of that day. The tone of unbounded joy and hope which
marks the earliest Christian literature, particularly in the
Apostolic Fathers, re-appears in such a Treatise as we are
considering, and in the whole religious thought of the Re-
formers ; and it would almost seem as if the long agony of the
Middle Ages had but enhanced the joy of the final deliver-
ance.

It is unnecessary, for our present purpose, to dwell long
upon the second point of the Treatise, in which Luther illus-
trates his second proposition that " a Christian man is the
most dutiful servant of all and subject to every one." It will
be enough to observe that Luther is just as earnest in insist-
ing upon the application of faith in the duties of charity and
self-discipline as upon the primary importance of faith itself.
The spirit of faith, he says, " applies itself with cheerfulness
and zeal " to restrain and repress the impulses of the lower
nature. " Here works begin ; here a man must not take his
ease ; here he must give heed to exercise his body by fastings,
watchings, labour, and other reasonable discipline, so that it
may be subdued to the spirit, and obey and conform itself to the

xxvi LUTHER S

inner man and to faith." Similarly, he will give himself up to
the service of others, and it is partly with a view to rendering
them such service that he will discipline his body and keep it
in due energy and soundness. He starts from the belief that
God, without merit on his part, has of his pure and free mercy
bestowed on him, an unworthy creature, all the riches of
justification and salvation in Christ, so that he is no longer in
want of anything except of faith to believe that this is so.
For such a Father, then, who has overwhelmed him with
these inestimable riches of His, must he not freely, cheer-
fully, and from voluntary zeal, do all that he knows will be
pleasing to Him and acceptable in His sight ? "I will, there-
fore," he says, " give myself as a sort of Christ to my neighbour,
as Christ has given Himself to me ; and will do nothing in this
life except what I see will be needful, advantageous and whole-
some for my neighbour, since by faith I abound in all good
things in Christ." These practical considerations will afford the
measure by which a man determines the discipline to which he
subjects himself, and the ceremonies which he observes. They
will not be observed for their own sake, but as means to an
end, and therefore will never be practised in excess, as though
there were some merit in the performance of them. They are
like the scaffoldings of builders, valuable only as a temporary
assistance, in the construction of the building itself. " We
do not condemn works and ceremonies ; nay, we set the highest
value on them. We only condemn that opinion of works which
regards them as constituting true righteousness." In asserting
these principles, Luther was certainly putting the axe to the
root of the portentous growth of ascetic and ceremonial observ-
ances which prevailed in his day, and which were too generally
regarded as of the very essence of religion. He enabled men, as
it were, to look on such ceremonies from the outside, as a thing
external to them, and to reduce or rearrange them with a
simple view to practical usefulness. But no more earnest exhor-
tations to due self-discipline, and to true charity, could well be
found than are contained in the second part of the De Libertate

FIRST PRINCirLES xxvii

It will be evident, however, what a powerful instrument of
reformation was placed in men's hands by the principles of this
Treatise. Every Christian man, by virtue of the promise of
Christ, was proclaimed free, so far as the eternal necessities of
his soul were concerned, from all external and human condi-
tions whatever. Nothing, indeed, was further from Luther's
intention or inclination than the overthrow of existing order,
or the disparagement of any existing authority which could be
reasonably justified. His letter to Pope Leo, prefixed to the
Treatise we have been considering, shows that while denounc-
ing unsparingly the abuses of the Court of Kome, he was
sincere in his deference to the See of Kome itself. But the
principle of justification enabled him to proclaim that if that
See or any existing Church authority, misused its power, and
refused to reform abuses, then, in the last resort, the soul of man
could do without it. In that day at all events — and perhaps
in our own to a greater extent than is sometimes supposed — this
conviction supplied the fulcrum which was essential for any
effectual reforming movement. As is observed by the Church
historian Gieseler, in his admirable account of the early history
of the Eeformation, the Papacy had ever found its strongest
support in the people at large. In spite of all the discontent
and disgust provoked by the corruption of the Church and
the clergy, an enormous though indefinite authority was still
popularly attributed to the Pope and the ecclesiastical hie-
rarchy. The Pope was believed to be in some sense or other
the supreme administrator of spiritual powers which were
effectual in the next world as well as in the present ; and
consequently when any controversy with the Church came
to a crisis, men shrank from direct defiance of the Papal
authority. They did not feel that they had any firm ground
on which they could stand if they incurred its formal con-
demnation; and thus it always had at its command, in the
strongest possible sense, the ultima ratio of rulers. The con-
victions to which Luther had been led at once annihilated
these pretensions. " One thing and one alone," he declared,

xxviii LUTHER'S

" is necessary for life, justification and Christian liberty, and
that is, the most holy word of God, the Gospel of Christ." As
we have seen, he proclaimed it " for certain, and firmly estab-
lished, that the soul can do without everything except the word
of God." It is the mission of the Christian ministry, in its
administration of the Word and Sacraments, to convey this
Gospel to the soul, and to arouse a corresponding faith. But
the promise is not annexed indissolubly to that administration,
and the only invariable rule of salvation is that " the just
shall live by faith." By this principle, that vague fear of
the spiritual powers of the hierarchy was removed, and men
were endowed with real Christian liberty.

But the principle went still further; for it vindicated for
the laity the possession of spiritual faculties and powers the
same in kind as those of the clergy. All Christian men are
admitted to the privilege of priesthood, and are "worthy to
appear before God to pray for others, and to teach one another
mutually the things which are of God." In case of necessity,
as is universally recognized, Baptism can be validly administered
by lay hands, and English Divines, of the most unimpeachable
authority on the subject, have similarly recognized that the
valid administration of the Holy Communion is not dependent
on the ordination of the minister by Episcopal authority.1
Luther urges accordingly that all Christians possess virtually
the capacities which, as a matter of order, are commonly
restricted to the clergy. Whether that restriction is properly
dependent upon regular devolution from Apostolic authority, or
whether the ministerial commission can be sufficiently conferred
by appointment from the Christian community or congregation
as a whole, becomes on this principle a secondary point.
Luther pronounced with the utmost decision in favour of the
latter alternative ; but the essential element of his teaching is
independent of this question. By whatever right the exercise
of the ministry may be restricted to a particular body of men,

1 See, for instance, Bp. Cosin's Works, Appendix, vol. L, 31, in the
Library of Anglo-Catholic Theology.

FIRST PRINCIPLES xxix

what lie asserted was that the functions of the clergy are
simply ministerial, and that they do but exercise, on behalf of
all, powers which all virtually possess. This principle Luther
proceeded to assert in the first of the Treatises translated in this
volume, the " Address to the Christian Nobility of the German
Nation respecting the Eeformation of the Christian Estate."
This Treatise is perhaps the one which appealed most widely
and directly to the German nation at large. Luther completed
it at the very moment when the Bull of excommunication
against him was being prepared, and it contributed, perhaps
more than anything, to paralyze the influence of that
Bull with the mass of the people and their lay leaders. It
appeared in August, 1520, and by the 18th of that month
more than four thousand copies had been already dispersed — a
prodigious circulation, considering the state of literature at
that day. The reader, however, will not be surprised at this
popularity of the Treatise when he sees with what astonishing
vigour, frankness, humour, good sense, and at the same time
intense moral indignation, Luther denounces in it the corrup-
tions of the Church, and the injuries inflicted by the Court of
Borne on the German people. So tremendous an indictment,
sustained with such intense and concentrated force, could
hardly be paralleled in literature. The truth of the charges
alleged in it could be amply sustained by reference to
Erasmus's works alone, particularly to the Encomium Morise ;
but Erasmus lacked alike the moral energy necessary to rouse
the action of the laity, and the spiritual insight necessary to
justify that action. Luther possessed both ; and it was the
combination of the two which rendered him so mighty a force.
It is this perhaps which essentially distinguishes him from
previous reformers. They attacked particular errors and
abuses, and deserve unbounded honour for the protests they
raised, and Wycliff in particular merits the homage of English-
men as one of the chief motive powers in the first reforming
movement. But they did not assert, at least with sufficient
clearness, the central principle without which all reform was

xxx LUTHER'S

impracticable — that of the equal rights of laity and clergy, and
of the soul's independence of all human power, by virtue of the
truth of Justification by Faith. Luther's doctrine of Christian
liberty was the emancipation alike of individuals and of the
laity at large. It vindicated for the whole lay estate, and for all
ranks and conditions of lay life, a spiritual dignity, and a place in
the spiritual life of the Church. It restored a sense of indepen-
dent responsibility to all natural authorities ; and it reasserted
the sacredness of all natural relations. Practically, even if not
theoretically, the Eoman system had disparaged the ordinary
relations of life as compared with the so-called " religious " or
ecclesiastical. Luther, by placing all men and women on the
same spiritual standing ground, swept away any such privileges ;
and gave men as clear a conscience, and as great a sense of spiritual
dignity, in the ordinary duties of marriage, of fatherhood, and
in the common offices of life, as in any ecclesiastical order.

The " Address to the Nobility of the German Nation "
exhibits these principles, and their application to the practical
problems of the day, in the most vigorous and popular form ;
and if some expressions appear too sweeping and violent, due
allowance must be made for the necessity which Luther must
have felt of appealing with the utmost breadth and force to
the popular mind. But it remains to consider a further aspect
of these principles which is illustrated by the third Treatise
translated in this volume — that on the "Babylonish Captivity
of the Church." Luther, as has been seen, was appealing to
laity and clergy alike, on the ground of their spiritual freedom,
to abolish the abuses of the Soman Church. But it became at
once a momentous question by what principles the exercise of
that liberty was to be guided, and within what limits it was to
be exerted. In a very short time fanatics sprung up, who
claimed to exercise such liberty without any restrictions at all,
and who refused to recognize any standard but that of their
own supposed inspiration. But the service which Luther
rendered in repelling such abuses of his great doctrine was
only second to that of establishing the doctrine itself. The

FIRST PRINCIPLES xxxi

rule of faith and practice on which he insisted was indeed
necessarily involved in his primary principle. Faith, as has
been seen, was with him no abstract quality, but was simply a
response to the word and promise of God. That word, accord-
ingly, in its various forms, was in Luther's mind the sole
creative power of the Christian life. In the form of a simple
promise, it is the basis of justification and of our whole
spiritual existence""; and similarly in its more general form, as
recorded in the Holy Scriptures, it contains all truths, alike of
belief and of practice, which are essential to salvation here and
hereafter. The word of God, in whatever form, whether a
simple promise, or a promise embodied in a Sacrament, or a
series of revelations made by God's Spirit to the soul of man, as
recorded in the Bible, is the grand reality which, in Luther's view,
dwarfed all other realities on earth. It must needs do so, if it
be a reality at all ; but no one has ever grasped this truth with
such intense insight as Luther. Consequently, in his view, the
Anabaptist, who held himself emancipated from the authority
of God's word on the one side, was as grievously in error as the
Komanist on the other, who superseded its authority by that of
the Church ; and in applying his great principle and working out
the Keformation, Luther's task consisted in upholding the due
authority of the Scriptures against the extremes on both sides.
Now in the Treatise on the Babylonish Captivity of , the
Church he applies this rule, in connection with his main
principle, to the elaborate sacramental system of the Church
of Kome. Of the seven sacraments recognised by that church,
he recognizes, strictly speaking, only two, Baptism and the
Lord's Supper ; and the connection of this conclusion with the
central truth he was asserting is a point of deep interest.
Here, too, the one consideration which overpowers every other
in his view is the supreme import of a promise or word of God.
But there are two institutions under the Gospel which are
distinguished from all others by a visible sign, instituted by
Christ Himself, as a pledge of the Divine promise. A sign so
instituted, and with such a purpose, constituted a peculiarly

xxxii LUTHER'S

precious form of those Divine promises which are the life of the
soul : and for the same reason that the Divine word and the
Divine promise are supreme in all other instances, so must
these be supreme and unique among ceremonies. The distinc-
tion, by which the two Sarcaments acknowledged by the Be-
formed Churches are separated from the remaining five of the
Roman Church, is thus no question of names but of things. It
was a question whether a ceremony instituted by Christ's own
command, and embodying His own promise in a visible pledge,
could for a moment be put on the same level with ceremonies,
however edifying, which had been established solely by the
authority or custom of the Church. It was of the essence of
Luther's teaching to assert a paramount distinction between
these classes of ceremonies and to elevate the two Divine
pledges of forgiveness and spiritual life to a height im-
measurably superior to all other institutions. He hesitates,
indeed, whether to allow an exception in favour of Absolution,
as conveying undoubtedly a direct promise from Christ ; but he
finally decides against it, on the ground that it is without any
/ visible and divinely appointed sign, and is after all only an
application of the Sacrament of Baptism.

If, moreover, the force of his argument on this subject is to
be apprehended, due attention must be paid to the efficacy
which he thus attributes to the two Sacraments. The cardinal
point on which he insists in respect to them is that they are
direct pledges from God, through Christ, and thus contain the
whole virtue of the most solemn Divine promises. They are,
as it were, the sign and seal of those promises. They are
messages from God, not mere acts of devotion on the part of
man. In Baptism the point of importance is not that men
dedicate themselves or their children to Him, but that He,
through His minister, gives them a promise and a pledge of
His forgiveness, and of His Fatherly good will. Similarly in
the Holy Communion the most important point is not the
offering made on the part of man, but the promise and
assurance of communion with the Body and Blood of Christ,

FIRST PRINCIPLES xxxiii

made on the part of God. It is this which constitutes the
radical distinction between the Lutheran and the so-called
Zwinglian view of the Sacraments. Under the latter view
they are ceremonies which embody and arouse due feelings on
the part of men. On the former principle, they are ceremonies
which embody direct messages and promises from Grod.

It may be worth while to observe in passing the position
which Luther assumes towards the doctrine of Transubstan-
tiation. What he is concerned to maintain is that there is a
Keal Presence in the Sacrament. All he is concerned to deny
is that Transubstantiation is the necessary explanation of that
Presence. In other words, it is not necessary to believe in
Transubstantiation in order to believe in the Eeal Presence.
There seems a clear distinction between this view and the
formal doctrine of Consubstantiation as afterwards elaborated
by Lutheran divines ; and Luther's caution, at least in this
Treatise, in dealing with so difficult a point, is eminently
characteristic of the real moderation with which he formed his
views, as distinguished from the energy with which he asserted
them. Another interesting point in this Treatise is the
urgency with which he protests against the artificial restraints
upon the freedom of marriage which had been imposed by the
Eoman See. It would have been too much to expect that in
applying, single-handed, to so difficult a subject as marriage,
the rule of rejecting every restriction not expressly declared
in the Scriptures, Luther should have avoided mistakes.
But they are at least insignificant in comparison with the
value of the principle he asserted, that all questions of the
marriage relation should be subjected to the authority of
Holy Scripture alone. That principle provided, by its inherent
force, a remedy for any errors in particulars which Luther or any
individual divine might commit. The Eoman principle, on the
contrary, admitted of the most scandalous and unlimited elasti-
city ; and of all the charges brought by Eoman controversialists
against Luther's conduct, none is marked by such effrontery as
their accusations on this point. While there are few dispensa-

c

xxxiv LUTHER S

tions which their Church is not prepared, for what it considers
due causes, to allow, Luther recalled men's consciences to the
Divine law on the subject. He reasserted the true dignity
and sanctity of the marriage relation, and established the
rule of Holy Scripture as the standard for its due control.

Such are the main truths asserted in the Treatises translated
in this volume, and it is but recognising an historical fact to
designate them " First Principles of the Eeformation." From
them, and by means of them, the whole of the subsequent move-
ment was worked out. They were applied in different countries
in different ways ; and we are justly proud in this country of the
wisdom and moderation exhibited by our Eeformers. But it
ought never to be forgotten that for the assertion of the
principles themselves, we, like the rest of Europe, are in-
debted to the genius and the courage of Luther. All of
those principles — Justification by Faith, Christian Liberty,
the spiritual rights and powers of the Laity, the true character
of the Sacraments, the supremacy of the Holy Scriptures
as the supreme standard of belief and practice — were asserted
by the Eeformer, as the Treatises in this volume bear
testimony, almost simultaneously, in the latter half of the
year 1520. At the time he asserted them, the Eoman Church
was still in full power; and the year after he had to face
the whole authority of the Papacy and of the Empire, and
to decide whether, at the risk of a fate like that of Huss,
he would stand by these truths. These were the truths —
the cardinal principles of the whole subsequent Eeformation,
which he was called on to abandon at Worms ; and his
refusal to act against his conscience at once translated
them into vivid action and reality. It was one thing for
Englishmen, several decades after 1520, to apply these prin-
ciples with the wisdom and moderation of which we are
proud. It was another thing to be the Horatius of that vital
struggle. These grand facts speak for themselves, and need only
to be understood in order to justify the unprecedented honours
now being paid to the Eeformer's memory.

FIE ST PRINCIPLES xxxv

It may not, however, be out of place to dwell in conclusion
upon one essential characteristic of the Keformer's position,
which is in danger at the present day of being disregarded. The
general effect of this teaching upon the condition of the world
is evident. It restored to the people at large, to rulers and
to ruled, to clergy and laity alike, complete independence of
the existing ecclesiastical system, within the limits of the
revelation contained in the Holy Scriptures. In a word, in
Luther's own phrase, it established Christian Liberty. But
the qualification is emphatic, and it would be wholly to mis-
understand Luther if it were disregarded. Attempts are made
at the present day to represent him as a pioneer of absolute
liberty, and to treat it as a mere accident of his teaching and
his system that he stopped short where he did. But on the
contrary, the limitation is of the very essence of his teaching,
because that teaching is based on the supremacy and suffi-
ciency of the Divine word and the Divine promise. If there
were no such word and promise, no such Divine revelation,
and no living God to bring it home to men's hearts, and to
enforce His own laws, Luther felt that his protest against
existing authority, usurped and tyrannical as it might be,
would have been perilous in the extreme. But when men
shrank from the boldness of his proclamation, and urged that
he was overthrowing the foundations of Society, his reply was
that he was recalling them to the true foundations of Society,
and that God, if they would have faith in Him, would protect
His own word and will. The very essence of his teaching is
summed up in the lines of his great Psalm :

" Das Wort sie sollen lassen stakn,
Und kein Dank dazu kaben,
Er ist bei uns wokl auf dem Plan
Mit seinem Geist und Gaben."

Luther believed that God had laid down the laws which were
essential to the due guidance of human nature, that he had
prescribed sufficiently the limits within which that nature
might range, and had indicated the trees of which it could

c 2

xlvi LUTHER'S FIEST PRINCIPLES

not safely eat. To erect any rules beyond these as of
general obligation, to restrict the free play of nature
by any other limitations, he treated as an unjust violation
of liberty, which would provoke a dangerous reaction. But
let men be brought face to face with God, and with His reason-
able and merciful laws, let them be taught that He is their
Father, that all His restrictions are for their benefit, all
His punishments for their reformation, all His restraints on
liberty for their ultimate good, and you have then established
an authority which cannot be shaken, and under which human
nature may be safely left to develop. In this faith, but in this
alone, he let loose men's natural instincts, he taught men that
married life, and lay life, and all lawful occupations, were
holy and divine, provided they were carried on in faith and in
obedience to God's will. The result was a burst of new life
wherever the Reformation was adopted, alike in national
energies, in literature, in all social developments, and in
natural science. But while we prize and celebrate the liberty
thus won, let us beware of forgetting, or allowing others to
forget, that it is essentially a Christian Liberty, and that no
other Liberty is really free. Luther's whole work, and his
whole power, lay in his recognition of our personal relation to
God, and of a direct revelation, promise, and command, given to
us by God. Any influences, under whatever colour, which tend
to obscure the reality of that revelation, which would substitute
for it any mere natural laws or forces, are undoing Luther's
work, and contradicting his most essential principles. If he
was a great Beformer, it was because he was a great divine ;
if he was a friend of the people, it was because he was the
friend of God.

II.
THE POLITICAL COURSE

OF THE

REFORMATION IN GERMANY.

(1517-1546.)
By PKOFESSOK BUCHHEIM,

THE POLITICAL COURSE OF THE REFORMATION.

i.

There is hardly any instance on record in the annals of history
of a single peaceful event having exercised such a lasting and
baneful influence on the destinies of a nation, as the coronation
of Charles the Great at Borne towards the close of the eighth
century. By placing the Imperial crown on the head of the
then most powerful ruler in Christendom, Pope Leo III. sym-
bolically established a spiritual supremacy over the whole
Christian world, but more especially over Germany proper.
It is true it was alleged that the new Caesar was to be con-
sidered the secular head of the Christian world by the side of
the spiritual head, but as it was the latter who crowned the
former, it was evident that the sovereign pontiff arrogated to
himself superior authority over the sovereign monarch.

Another disadvantage which resulted from that coronation
was the peculiar nature of the newly created dignity, which
became manifest by the designation, applied to Germany, of
the " Holy Roman Empire of the German nation." This self-
contradictory title was intended to convey the notion that the
German Emperors were — through transmission from the Greeks
— the heirs and successors of the Eoman Caesars. They were
not to be German sovereigns of the German monarchy, but
Roman Emperors of the German Empire.1

It is true the ancient German institution of royalty was not
actually abolished, but it was so much eclipsed by the more
pompous, though recent dignity, that in the course of time its
1 ^P- PP- 82-85, in this volume.

xl THE POLITICAL COUESE

former existence was almost entirely forgotten, or at least looked
upon with contempt ; so much so, that a German sovereign of
the fourteenth century — Henry VII. — considered it an insult
to be addressed as " King of Germany," instead of as " King
of the Eomans." Even the German Electoral Princes claimed
to exercise the function of "Eoman Senators." The foreign
stamp thus imprinted upon Germany at the time when she
had only just begun to emerge from a state of barbarism had,
therefore, a most pernicious influence on the Germans, divert-
ing as it did the free development of their national character
from its natural course. Thus it may be truly said, that on
Christmas Eve of the year 799, Germany was conquered a
second time, if not by the Eomans, still by Eome.

It was not long before the conflict between the two principal
elements in the government of the world — the secular and
the clerical — broke out in the two-headed Empire. This
antagonism became manifest even under Charles the Great
himself, in spite of the splendour of his reign, and the firm-
ness and circumspection of his government. The encroach-
ments of the clergy soon showed in what sense they under-
stood the division of power. It was the practical application
of the old fable about the lion's share. Everything was to
be done for the clergy, but without it nothing. This ambitious
aim revealed itself more openly and effectively under the
descendants of Charles the Great, the internal dissensions of
whose reigns greatly facilitated the victory of the clerical order
in their interference in secular matters.

Under the powerful rule of Henry I. (919-936), surnamed
" The Fowler," or more appropriately " the founder of the
German Empire" and also under the still more splendid reign
of his son, Otho the Great (936-973), nay, even under the first
Frankish Emperors (1024-1056), the authority of the Eoman
hierarchy was considerably diminished, while on the other
hand the influence of the German clergy at home had greatly
increased; which circumstance was a powerful factor in the
conflict between the iron Pope Gregory VII. and the impetuous

OF THE REFORMATION xli

and vacillating Emperor Henry IV. (1056-1106), and brought
about in conjunction with the high-handed dealings of the self-
dubbed " Koman Senators " of Germany, the degradation of the
German Empire. The Papacy was now in the zenith of its
power and glory, so that Gregory VII. could boastingly
compare the Pope to the sun, and the Emperor to the moon ;
and although Henry IV. ultimately succeeded in taking
revenge for his humiliation at Canossa, he never could wipe
out its shame, and what is more, he was unable to suppress or
eradicate the ideas represented by his defeated enemy, which had
taken a firm hold on the minds of men. People believed in the
supremacy of the Pope, even when he was driven from his seat
of government ; for his realm was of a spiritual kind and he
had his invisible throne, as it were, in the hearts of Christian
believers. An erring Pope was still the visible representative
of the Church. The priests for the most part remained faith-
ful to him under all circumstances. Such, however, was not
the case with the Emperors and the Princes. In the first
instance the former had no absolute power ; secondly, they were
elected by men, who considered themselves their equals, and
lastly from the moment they lost their throne— no matter
what the reasons were — they ceased to have a claim on the
obedience of the people. The priests wished for a powerful
Pope, because he was the natural guardian of their interests,
whilst the German Princes objected to a powerful Emperor,
because they trembled for their own independence and local
authority.

If the German Emperors had not been constantly chasing
the phantom of royal dignity in Italy, in order to be —
plausibly at least — entitled to the vain-glorious designation of
" Eoman Kings," they might have directed their whole energy
to the consolidation of their power at home, and have held their
own against Popes and Prince-Electors. Unfortunately, how-
ever, they were constantly attracted by the delusive brilliancy of
possessions in Italy, as if by an ignis fatuus ; thus leading on
the best forces of Germany to moral and physical ruin, and

xlii THE POLITICAL COURSE

leaving their native country an easy prey to scheming priests
and ambitious nobles. The result was that, towards the end
of the eleventh century, the Emperor of Germany had neither
any influence on the priests, who now depended entirely upon
Kome, nor any power over the nobles, whose fiefs had become
hereditary; nor did he possess any considerable domains, or
actual revenue in his Imperial capacity. He had nothing
but the high-sounding titles of successor of the Caesars and of
ruler of the whole Christian world.

As a matter of course under these circumstances all progress
of national life and culture was impeded. It did not spring
spontaneously from within, nor did it receive any impulse
from without. The Germans did not benefit intellectually in
any way by their contact with the Italians. The conquered
have often times become the teachers of their conquerors ; but
only when the latter settled in the vanquished country and
made it their home. The German hordes, however, who crossed
the Alps at the behests of their sovereigns, and urged on by the
desire for adventure, warfare, and rapine, never permanently
settled, as a body, in the flowery plains and flourishing towns
of Italy. Numbers of those who survived the sanguinary
battles fought in Italy, perished in the unused climate ; the
others returned home, frequently enriched by plunder and
generally tainted by depraved morals. Thus the Germans did
not even derive that small advantage from their connection
with the Italians — who at that time did not themselves possess
any literature or culture in the highest sense of the word
— which a permanent settlement in Italy would have conferred
on them.

The intellectual life of the Germans did not begin to flourish
before the times of the Hohenstaufen (1138-1254). Un-
fortunately both Frederick I. (Barbarossa) and Frederick II.
were almost constantly engaged in warfare with the Popes
and the Italians, and both monarchs, especially the latter,
utterly neglected the internal affairs of Germany, which country
became a prey of the sanguinary contest between Guelphs and

OF THE REFORMATION xliii

Ghibellines. The result was that Conrad IV., the last king
from the Hohenstaufen dynasty in Germany, ruled without
even a shadow of royal authority, and on his death, in 1254,
the dissolution of the old German Empire may be said to have
been complete.

During the lawless times of the Interregnum (1254-1273) the
power of the German Princes consolidated itself more and more
amidst the general anarchy. Order was restored, however, by
Eudolf von Hapsburg (1273-1291), who concerned himself with
the affairs of the country only. He had a right notion of what
a King of Germany should be, and emancipated her — though
temporarily only — from the fatal connection as an Empire with
Rome. More than half a century later the Electoral Princes went
a step further in this direction, by the formation of the Kur-
verein (1338) or " Election Union," of Rhens, when the principle
was adopted that the election of German Kings depended upon
the Electoral Princes alone, and that the Pope had no voice
whatever in the matter. This patriotic proceeding received,
however, a counter-check in the unworthy dealings of the
mercenary Charles IV. (1347-1378), who repaired to Eome to
receive there the crown from the Pope. He little thought that
by resuming the connection with Rome he conjured up the
greatest danger for his own son and successor, Wenceslaus, who
was deposed through the conspiracy of Boniface IX. with
the priests, and his influence over the Electoral Princes.

In the course of time a new power — the third Estate — arose
in Germany ; namely, the Middle Classes as represented by the
thriving cities of the Empire. The burghers generally sided
with the Emperors, to whom they looked up as their natural pro-
tectors against the exactions of priests and nobles. But being
imbued with a true mercantile spirit, they did not give away
their good will for nothing ; they asked for sundry privileges as
compensating equivalents. The Emperors had, therefore, now to
contend against three powerful elements, the clergy, the nobles,
and the burghers. The first were, through their chief repre-
sentatives— as we have seen — at all times the most dangerous

xliv THE POLITICAL COURSE

antagonists to Imperial authority, and generally achieved the
victory in their contests with it. It was only during the time in
which the Papacy had transferred its seat of government to
Avignon, that the Eomish hierarchy received a check, chiefly in
consequence of the depravity of the Papal Court and its surround-
ings. With the return of the Popes to Home by the Decree of
the Council of Constance (1411-1418), the Papacy recovered its
former ground ; but this recovery of the lost authority was ex-
ternal only, for with the cruel execution of John Huss — which
no sensible Eoman Catholic ever thought of justifying — the
Papacy received a most fatal blow. That scandalous crime could
not have been committed at a more unpropitious time both for the
Roman hierarchy and the dignity of the Councils, which latter
pretended, at times at least, to have received their mandate
immediately from Christ, as the sovereign representatives of the
universal Koman Catholic Church. The reforms in the Church,
advocated by the celebrated French theologians Cardinal Peter
d'Ailly and Chancellor John Gerson, had already met with the
approval of numerous thinking men, and the doctrines of Wy cliffe
had also found, through the teaching of John Huss and his
disciples, a sympathetic echo in the hearts of a large portion of
the Christian community. Had the Council of Constance shown
itself, not magnanimous, but merely just, towards the Bohemian
Keformer, the ascendancy of the Councils, in general, over
the Popes, would probably have been for ever established ;
whilst as it was, the next great Council — at Basle (1431-
1449) — had to give way to the Pope, and the Koman hie-
rarchy was once more re-established in its former strength
and power.

The results of the Councils of Constance and Basle were,
however, particularly disastrous to Germany. The former
brought about the terrible wars of the Hussites, while the
latter was the indirect cause of placing the Imperial power in
the hands of Frederick III. (1440-1493), who was a staunch
adherent of the Pope and delivered over to him the few rights
and privileges which were still left to the German Empire. The

OF THE REFORMATION xlv

Imperial dignity existed now in name only ; for Frederick, who,
as Heeren says, " had slumbered away more than half a century
on the throne," cared so little for Germany proper, that he
remained absent from it for the space of full twenty-seven years.
No wonder then that whilst the Imperial authority sank to the
lowest level, the Papal supremacy rose higher than ever, and the
Emperor became nothing more than the satellite of the Pope.
Under these circumstances the German Princes began to raise
the voice of opposition against their sluggish head ; but as he
was supported by the influential and subtle Pius II., all their
efforts to make a stand against the encroachments of the Church
were in vain.

A new order of things arose, however, when Maximilian, the
son of Frederick III., was elected " Roman King " in 1486 by the
Electoral Princes. The young King acquiesced in the consti-
tutional demands of the Estates for concessions in return for
various grants. Feuds were abolished for ever, an independent
Chamber of Justice, Kammergericht, was established, and
Germany received a new Imperial constitution. Nevertheless
there were almost constant conflicts between the adventurous
Maximilian and the Imperial Estates, so that the national
unity, earnestly aimed at by both parties, could not be effected,
in consequence of the absence of any connecting link between
them. The only step which Maximilian took for the partial
emancipation of Germany was his assumption of the title of
"elected King of Rome" without being crowned by the Pope,
and what is more, he also adopted the ancient title of King of
Germany. This designation was, however, not intended to
convey at the same time the notion of a severance from Home
in spiritual matters. This was now soon to be accomplished,
but not by one bearing the imaginary crown of the Caesars, nor
by the decrees of a stately assembly. It was destined for one
lowly born to break the fatal bondage in which Germany had
been for centuries kept in durance vile by Eome.

•

THE POLITICAL COURSE

II.

One of the few blessings which Germany derived in former
times from her otherwise deplorable decentralization, was the
establishment, throughout the country, of educational and
other beneficial institutions, which even found their way into
the most obscure nooks and corners, where under other political
conditions no Government would have thought of founding
any establishment of the kind. This is the reason why culture
and learning — but more especially the latter — spread more
generally in Germany than in other countries. What great
centralized Government would ever have chosen the insigni-
ficant place of "Wittenberg, which resembled more a village
than a town, as the seat of an University ? And this, too, by
the side of the Universities of Leipzig and Erfurt which
already enjoyed a high reputation and were well endowed?
Yet this was done by the Prince Elector of Saxony, Frederick,
surnamed the Wise. He had himself received a learned educa-
tion, and it was his legitimate ambition to see his petty
electoral principality adorned by a High School. The Elector
himself was, as is well known, very poor. The only means at
his disposal for such a learned foundation were the proceeds
from the sale of Indulgences in his Electorate, which had been
collected in 1501 for the purpose of a war against the Turks.
Those moneys were deposited with him, and he refused to
give them up to the Pope even at the intercession of the
Emperor, unless they were employed for the purpose for
which they had been collected. The war against the Turks
was not undertaken at the time, and so Frederick employed
the money for the endowment of the new University. It was
also a significant fact, that Wittenberg was the first German
University which did not receive its " Charter " from the Pope,
but from the then Emperor of Germany — Maximilian I. The
Prince Elector hit further upon the expedient of connecting
several clerical benefices with some of the professorial chairs,

OF THE REFORMATION xlvii

and he hoped, moreover, that the members of the Augustine
Order, settled at Wittenberg, would furnish some teachers for the
learned institution, which was established by him in 1502. The
connection of the new University with that Order was in many
respects an intimate one. It was specially dedicated to St.
Augustine ; and Staupitz, the vicar of that Order at Erfurt,
was the first Dean of the Theological Faculty. Through his
influence it was that several Augustine monks received a
call to the University, and among those who responded was
the monk Martin Luther.

The early history of the poor miner's son may, in fact,
serve as an illustration of the wholesome spread of education
throughout Germany. Poor as his parents were, he had
received a learned education, and became, in consequence of the
religious turn of his mind, a monk. It was then in his double
capacity of scholar and priest that he became connected with the
University of Wittenberg (1508), and composed, and sent forth
into the world, his famous 95 Theses,1 against the wholesale
disposal of Indulgences (31st Oct., 1517). Luther issued his
challenge to the theological world from religious motives only,
and it so happened that it fully coincided with the political
views of the Elector ; but, to the credit of both Prince and
monk, it should be remembered that there was no mutual
understanding between them. They had never seen each
other before the publication of the 95 Theses; nor did they
correspond on the subject, although they were of one accord
about it. Frederick always viewed it with disfavour, and
begrudged that such large amounts of money should be sent
to Kome under the cloak of Indulgences, and we have seen
how he had employed the proceeds resulting from their former
sale. Now, however, he must have objected still more to the
attempt to drain his poor country, because the object of the
sale was not a holy war — if ever a war can be so called — but
the alleged erection of St. Peter's Church. If such was really
the case, it might be truly said that Leo X. undermined the
1 Cp. pp. 1-12 in this volume.

xlviii THE POLITICAL COURSE

Chair of St. Peter for the sake of the Church of St. Peter.
But people were incredulous. It was whispered, that the
Pope required the money for the benefit of his family.
Another disagreeable element in the whole transaction was
the then commonly known fact, that the Archbishop of
Mentz had actually " farmed " the sale of the Indulgences
in his own episcopal territory on condition that one half of
the proceeds should fall to his share. He had promised to
bear the expenses of obtaining the Pall himself, and having
borrowed a considerable amount of money from the celebrated
house of Fugger, he allowed their agents to travel about in
company with the notorious Tetzel, as commercial controllers,
and to take possession of half of the proceeds as they came in.
Through this and other circumstances the affair assumed the
ugly aspect of a very worldly and mercenary transaction,
carried on in the meanest spirit. There was, besides, a tension
between Frederick and the Prince Elector of Mentz ; it was,
therefore, natural that the step which Luther had taken should
meet with his tacit approval. More than this Luther did not
expect, for he well knew the lethargic character of Frederick ;
but under the circumstances that was quite sufficient, for the
latter granted him shelter and protection, in spite of the
urgent entreaties of zealots to deliver up the bold Augustinian
monk at once to Eome.

The defence of the 95 Theses, which Luther transmitted
to the Pope, was of no avail ; for Leo X., urged by the
fanatical Dominican Prierias — so notorious from the Keuchlin
trial — cited the Wittenberg monk before an inquisitorial
tribunal at Eome. Now for the first time it was seen how
fortunate it was for Luther and the cause he defended, that he
had found a prudent and humane protector in the Prince who
exercised sovereign power in his own limited territory. To
repair to Rome under the accusation of heresy would have been
like plunging with open eyes into an abyss. Confiding and
courageous as Luther was, he saw this himself very clearly,
and it was at his request that the Saxon Court preacher,

OF THE REFORMATION xlix

Spalatin, who was one of his most constant and zealous friends,
persuaded the Emperor Maximilian as well as the Prince
Elector — both of whom were at that time (1518) at the Diet
of Augsburg — that the accused monk should be arraigned
before a German tribunal. Frederick readily acquiesced,
although, as he repeatedly declared, he did not fully share the
views of Luther; and the Emperor also consented, partly
because he required the moral support of the Prince Elector at
the approaching election of a successor in the Imperial dignity,
and partly because he hoped one day to make use of the
enlightened monk, in his endeavour to bring about the much-
needed reforms in the Church. In this sense it undoubtedly
was, that he said to Frederick's councillor, Pfeffinger : " Luther
is sure to begin a game with the priests. The Prince Elector
should take good care of the monk, as he might one day be of
use." It seems, therefore, that both friends and foes recog-
nised (at an early stage) the great capacity which still lay
hidden in the insignificant-looking monk. The Papal Nuncio,
Cajetan, discovered at once, in his interview with him at
Augsburg (1518), that he had to do with a superior power,
when he heard the conclusive and thoughtful arguments of the
Augustinian monk, and saw the divine fire of genius flashing
from his eyes ; and his friends already considered him of
importance sufficient to induce them to bring about his sudden
escape at night-time.

Urged by the wrathful Papal Legate not to disgrace the
honour of his Electoral house by giving shelter to a heretic
friar, Frederick, encouraged by his own University, drily replied
that as no scholar, either in his own or in foreign lands, had as
yet refuted the theories of Luther, he would continue to give
him shelter until that was dene. This was no subterfuge on
the part of Frederick. It was the key-note of his conduct, from
the beginning of the Eeformation to the end of his own life, to
have the teachings of Luther properly tested by a learned
discussion. The Pope, being desirous of securing the Elector's
co-operation at the impending Imperial election, humoured his

d

1 THE POLITICAL COURSE

learned whim, and tried to win him over by unctuous kindliness.
Frederick was still a staunch Eoman Catholic. He possessed a
regular treasure of reliques — partly brought home from the
Holy Land — which were displayed for the spiritual benefit of
the devout on certain occasions, and it was known that he was
yearning for the acquisition of the Golden Rose. Leo X.
bestowed, therefore, on him that mark of apostolic favour, and
dispatched to him as his Nuncio the Elector's own agent at
Eome, Carl von Miltitz, a native of Saxony.

What the imperious haughtiness of the pompous Papal
Legate was unable to achieve was, partly at least, effected by
the shrewd bonhomie of Miltitz. He imploringly appealed to
Luther's German good-nature, not to create any scandal in the
Church, and after having agreed that the controversy should
be submitted for investigation to the Archbishops of Wiirzburg
and Treves, he obtained the promise of Luther to observe
perfect silence on religious matters, provided his enemies would
do the same, and to write an apologetic letter to the Pope. It
is well known how badly the antagonists of Luther kept faith
with him, and that he was obliged, in consequence, to break
his conditionally promised silence, and to take part in the
great public Disputation at Leipzig, in 1519. He now had to
vindicate against Dr. Eck, his most bitter opponent, not only
his own honour, but also that of his University, and this cir-
cumstance formed the subject of his justification before the
Prince Elector, to whose personal esteem he attached the
highest value. When, however, that Disputation ended, as is
the case with most learned discussions, in something like a
drawn battle, Luther was driven to a declaration virtually
involving his secession from Eome.

III.

About the time when the celebrated Disputation was going
on at Leipzig, in which two peasants' sons — for Dr. Eck was,
like Martin Luther, the son of a peasant — took the most

OP THE REFORMATION li

prominent part, another momentous gathering took place at
Frankfort-on-the-Main. The Emperor Maximilian had died on
12th January, 1519, without being able to secure the succes-
sion in the royal dignity to his grandson Charles, Archduke
of Austria and King of Spain and Naples. More than five
months elapsed before the Electoral Princes assembled for the
election of a new Emperor, and during that interval the
"Vicariate of the Empire," as it was styled, was put into the
hands of Lewis V. of the Palatinate, and of Frederick the "Wise, in
accordance with a provision of the " Golden Bull," which placed
the Eegency of the Empire, during a vacancy, in the hands of
the rulers of those Electorates for the time being. The cir-
cumstance that the seat of the Imperial Government was at
Wittenberg during the present short Interregnum bestowed
not a little lustre both on Frederick and his University ; but
the work of the incipient Eeformation was not particularly
promoted by it, because it coincided with the truce which Luther
faithfully kept until it was faithlessly broken by his antagonists.

There were three aspirants to the Imperial throne of
Germany. First and foremost Maximilian's grandson Charles,
Archduke of Austria ; secondly, Francis I., King of France, and
thirdly, Henry VIII. of England. The last-named monarch
did not, however, seriously press his candidature. It was only
when he saw the two other sovereigns contending for the prize
that he deemed the moment favourable for securing it to
himself. When he received, however, the practical hint that the
barren honour would not be worth the trouble and the necessary
expenditure, and when, moreover, it was taken into account,
that since the introduction of Christianity into England this
country did in no way belong to the " Holy Eoman Empire,"
he prudently retired from all competition. Not so the am-
bitious Francis I., who spared neither promises nor bribes to
secure his election, and obtained a party among the Electoral
Princes.

If it should be asked, how it was actually possible that
foreign kings ever thought of aspiring to a throne to which

d 2

lii THE POLITICAL COURSE

they had not even the shadow of a claim, the reason must be
found in the above-mentioned circumstance, that the Imperial
dignity of Germany was not a national institution, and that
any Christian prince might think himself justified in aspiring to
the crown of the " Holy Eoman Empire," accidentally bestowed
upon the " German nation." Were they not aware that in
the thirteenth century two ecclesiastical Electoral Princes
raised to the German throne, Eichard of Cornwall and King
Alfonso of Castile, respectively, in consideration of great
bribes ? And had not the French King sufficient wealth to
buy the votes of both the secular and ecclesiastic Electoral
Princes ? He had, moreover, the precedent before him, that
Philip VI. of Valois had, about a century before, endea-
voured to transfer the dignity of the " Holy Eoman Empire "
from the Germans to the " Franks," to whom it originally
belonged.

Both the French and Austrians lavishly distributed money
in all directions. Frederick the Wise alone kept his hands
pure, and he strictly prohibited even his officials and servants
from accepting any presents. For a moment the Princes had
turned their eyes to Frederick himself. But he had no confi-
dence in his capability to sustain worthily and efficiently the
functions incumbent upon the Imperial dignity. The Empire,
as such, invested him with no material power and resources,
and his own dynastic power was insignificant. How should he
be able to hold his own against the ambitious and frequently
turbulent Princes ? Why, even under the " Imperial Vicariate,"
the peace of the land was broken. He, therefore, declined the
proffered honour, and the Princes, fearing lest the powerful
French King should curb their independence, suddenly re-
membered that he was a foreign sovereign, and that in order
to keep up the national freedom of the Empire, they should
give the preference to the Archduke Charles, who was,
partially at least, of German descent. The latter, to whom
also Frederick of Saxony finally gave his vote, was accordingly
chosen Emperor, and he soon proved that it is not always the

OF THE REFORMATION liii

kinship which constitutes the sympathetic bond between a
sovereign and his subjects.

The time which elapsed from the election of Charles to his
arrival in Germany, more especially to his presence at the
Diet of Augsburg in 1521, was most propitious for the spread
of the work of Luther. It may be said that during that
interval the Eeformation assumed shape and form. Luther
indefatigably continued to inculcate his religious principles on
the minds of the people by sermons and numerous publications,
and he found adherents so readily everywhere among all classes
of the German nation, that Frederick, who still hoped the
schism might be prevented by learned discussions, was of
opinion, that if it should be attempted to suppress his teachings
by force instead of by refutation, there would arise a great
storm in Germany. Several distinguished members of the
lower nobility, such as the brave Hutten and the martial
Sickingen and many others, placed their swords at the disposal
of Luther ; the former was already active for him with the all-
powerful weapon of the pen. Amidst this general commotion
the humble Augustinian monk sent forth his powerful appeal,
entitled : " To the Christian Nobility of the German Nation
concerning the Eeformation of the Christian Estate." * This
production, which is rightly considered as the manifesto of the
Eeformation, clearly shows that Luther not only saw the
clerical abuses, but also the political disadvantages under which
Germany laboured and groaned. He was not what we should
call a politician, but, unlike so many of his learned country-
men, he had a true patriotic instinct. The mere title of the
appeal seems already to contain a protest against the designa-
tion of Germany as the Holy Eoman Empire. That he
addressed his appeal to the " Nobility " in general is only an
additional proof of the remarkable tact which guided him
throughout his career.

Some historians have blamed Luther for not having appealed
to the " People." But the reproach is wrong. The German
1 Op. pp. 15-92 in this volume.

liv THE POLITICAL COURSE

people in general had no power whatever in those days. It
only obtained in the course of time a voice in the manage-
ment of public affairs through the Eeformation. It was
Luther who proclaimed the freedom of man, or rather the
" Christian man." The acknowledgment of political rights of
the middle classes may, therefore, be said to date from the
Eeformation only. In appealing to the German Nobility,
Luther addressed himself to the legitimate representatives of
Germany ; and he did so in the candid belief, that it was only
necessary to open the eyes of those in power, in order to effect
at once the abolition of any abuses. To address himself to the
people, would have required his placing himself at the head of a
revolution ; but Luther was no revolutionist. It should also be
remembered that a large number of noblemen had offered him
support and shelter. Political power lay mainly in the hands of
the nobles, who alone, in conjunction with the Emperor, could
decide on the destiny of Germany. It is, however, a significant
fact, that he wrote his appeal, not in Latin, but in German.
In this way, indeed, he actually addressed himself to the
German people.

In the meantime Leo X. had hurled his Bull of excommunica-
tion against Luther. When it arrived at Wittenberg both the
University and the Government of the Prince Elector decided
to take no notice of it, and now it again became manifest what
a powerful support Luther had found in Frederick. On his
return journey from the coronation of Charles V. at Aix-la-
Chapelle, in 1520, the Papal Legates Aleander and Caraccioli
demanded of the Elector, at Cologne, in the name of the Pope, to
give effect to the Bull by burning the writings of Luther and
punishing him as a heretic, or to deliver him to the Pope.
The threat uttered on this occasion was certainly curious. In
case the Papal Bull should not meet with ready obedience in
Germany, the Legates menaced the country with the with-
drawal of the title of the " Holy Koman Empire." Germany
would forfeit that dignity in the same way as the Greeks
had lost it after having seceded from the Pope. A more

OF THE REFORMATION Iv

fortunate fate, in truth, could not have befallen the German
Empire than its total political severance from Eome ; but in
those clays the empty glory of the baneful union was still highly
valued, and so the Elector asked time to consider.

Erasmus, whom Frederick consulted, clothed his opinion on
the religious controversy in the humorous reply, " that Luther
had sinned in two points : he had touched the crown of the
Pope and the bellies of the monks." In his interview with
Spalatin he was still more explicit, by expressing his con-
viction, that the attacks against Luther arose simply from
hatred against the enlightenment of science and from tyran-
nical presumption. He further agreed with Luther in in-
sisting on the question being examined and tried by the
tribunal of public discussion. We know that this opinion
fully coincided with the views of the Elector, and his answer
to the threatening Papal Legates ran in accordance with his
views. His additional and often-repeated assurance, that he
had never made common cause with Luther, and that he would
greatly disapprove of it, if the latter wrote anything adverse
to the Pope, was of the greatest importance. This declaration
was more decisive than if he had acknowledged himself openly
in favour of the Keformer ; he would then have been considered
as a biassed partisan, whilst now he only played the part of an
impartial patron, who wished to see his protege judged by a
fair trial. On his return to Saxony, Frederick sent to Luther
a reassuring message, and the latter continued his work by
teaching, writing and preaching, unmolested and without
remission.

In other parts of Germany the Papal Bull was proclaimed
with varying and unequal effect. Luther's works were in the
first instance burnt at Louvain, by command of Charles V., in his
capacity of hereditary sovereign of the Netherlands. The same
fate befell them at Cologne and Mentz. It will, therefore,
readily be acknowledged that it was the Pope and his over-
zealous adherents who drove Luther to the committal of perhaps
the boldest act ever accomplished by a single individual, more

lvi THE POLITICAL COURSE

especially by one in Luther's dependent position. By the
public burning of the Papal Bull before the Elstergate of
Wittenberg (1520), the act of secession from Borne was
consummated. What no Emperor had dared before him, the
humble Augustine monk accomplished courageously and de-
liberately. Well might he do so. He acted on conviction
with that moral courage which knows no fear, and he had the
German people at his back to support him.1

IV.

" Your majesty must go to Germany and show there some
favour to a certain Martin Luther, who is at the Court of
Saxony and causes anxiety to the Boman Court by his sermons."
Such were the words which the shrewd Spanish ambassador,
Don Juan Manuel, addressed to Charles V. from Borne in 1520.
They were written at a time when it was still doubtful
whether Leo X. would side in the impending struggle in Italy
with the King of France or with the Emperor of Germany, and
moreover at a time when the latter had reason to be dissatisfied
with the course the Pope had taken. Leo X. had consented, in
compliance with a petition from the Castilian Cortes, to introduce
some reforms in the exercise of the Inquisition. This con-
cession was, however, entirely opposed to the views of the
young Emperor, who was completely guided by his Dominican
confessor. Under these circumstances it was deemed expedient
to make use of Luther as a kind of bugbear in order to frighten
the Pope. To people not accustomed to the tortuous windings
of politics it seems, of course, bewildering, that a heretic should
be favoured in one country, in order to make it possible to
enforce the rigours of the Inquisition in another country.
In like manner Francis I. acted. In France he persecuted and
burnt mercilessly the opponents of the Boman Catholic Church,

1 In one of his letters to Dr. Eck — communicated in the Documenta
Lutherana recently issued by the Vatican — the Papal Nuncio Aleander con-
fesses, that the excitement in consequence of the burning of Luther's work
was so great among the people, that he trembled for his own safety.

OF THE REFORMATION lvii

whilst in Germany he befriended the adherents of the Re-
formation. This much, however, is certain, had Luther enter-
tained the slightest suspicion at what price it was intended
to extend indulgence to his work, he would have been the first
to scorn that indulgence.

The advice of the diplomatic Spanish ambassador was,
however, not followed. Pope and Emperor came to an amicable
understanding. The former cancelled his concession to the
Castilian Cortes, and promised the coveted assistance against
Francis I., in Italy, whilst the latter pledged himself to crush the
Eeformation and to issue an Edict for the execution of the
Papal Bull against Luther. Now it came to light how ill-
advised was the election of Charles Y. as Emperor of Germany.
At the time when the celebrated Diet of 1521 assembled at
Worms, the Emperor had his whole attention directed across
the Alps. The affairs of Germany had only in so far any im-
portance for him as they had any influence or bearing on the
affairs of Italy. He took no note of the great objects which
then agitated the hearts and minds of the Germans, and had he
been able to recognise them, they would have excited in him no
corresponding sympathy for them. He did not even fully under-
stand the cultured language — as far as it existed in those days
— of Germany, being able to speak Low German only. The
political institutions of the country — the lingering fragments
of the ancient German liberty — were thoroughly distasteful to
him. He was also a bigoted Roman Catholic at heart, and — as
we have seen — entirely opposed to all religious reforms. It
must, therefore, be acknowledged, that among the many histor-
ical misfortunes which have befallen Germany — and no country
perhaps has been tried by so many — the accession of Charles V.
to the throne of the German Empire was one of the greatest.
What might a German sovereign, with a due appreciation of
the political and religious aspirations of the people, not have
achieved at that important epoch, which was the turning-point
in the history of Germany !

After the Emperor had laid his Edict regarding the Papal

lviii THE POLITICAL COUESE

Bull before the Estates, they made him earnest representa-
tions, alleging that the people were throughout Germany so
thoroughly impregnated by the doctrines of Luther, that any
violent measures undertaken against him would call forth the
greatest commotion. They submitted, therefore, to Charles
the opinion that the Eeformer should be summoned to Worms,
not for the sake of any argumentative or learned disputa-
tion, but merely for a summary interrogatory. In case he
should recant his doctrines concerning the Christian faith,
he might further be interrogated about the minor points in his
writings, and whatever was advisable should be adopted. If,
however, he persisted in his refusal to recant, the necessary
steps would be taken against him. We see by this that the
Estates drew a distinction in Luther's doctrines between those
points which concerned the ecclesiastical administration only,
and those which referred to the Christian faith proper and
were chiefly contained in his work ' On the Babylonish Cap-
tivity of the Church.' x

Charles V. consented to this -proposal, by which the Estates
may be said to have betrayed the cause of the Eeformation.
Frederick was charged with the task of summoning Luther to
Worms, but he prudently declined. As he was to be summoned
in the name of the Emperor and the Estates, he ought to receive
the citation direct from them. The stubborn character of the
Elector being well known, the Emperor was obliged to yield
also on this point, and in order to be consistent with official
etiquette, Luther was addressed by Charles V. in the citation,
issued on March 6, 1521, as "honourable, beloved, and pious!"
A safe conduct for the journey to and from Worms accompanied
the citation. A man less endowed with moral courage than
Luther would nevertheless have shrunk from completing the
journey. On his way to Worms he learned that a Mandate for
the confiscation of his writings had been issued by the Emperor,
and the Imperial herald actually asked him, whether he still
intended to continue his journey. The Eeformer undauntedly
1 See pp. 139-243 in the present volume.

OF THE REFORMATION lix

proceeded on his way, although the Imperial Mandate clearly
showed him that his writings had already been uncon-
ditionally condemned, and that he was merely summoned to
declare whether he would recant or not.

Luther's appearance before the Diet of Worms may be
considered as the first official recognition of the German people
as a power ; for it was only by representing the danger which
would arise from the unconditional condemnation of the Eeformer
before being heard, that the Emperor was induced to consent to
the step which was resented by the Papal Legate and his party.
The wrath of Aleander greatly increased, when the Imperial
Estates presented to Charles V. their gravamina respecting the
abuses of the Church, the abolition of which they had a right
to expect in accordance with the capitulation made at the time
of the Emperor's election. That petition, which is generally
regarded as a pendant to Luther's programme of the Keforma-
tion, as contained in his address to the " Christian Nobility of
the German Nation," and which had even obtained the
approval of George, Duke of Saxony (that great opponent of
Luther), was, formally at least, " graciously " received by the
Emperor.

When Luther arrived at Worms both his adherents and
antagonists were startled. The former trembled for his safety,
and the latter feared the influence of his presence — his elo-
quence and the victorious power of inner conviction. The
Emperor's expectations of so remarkable a personage — who was
capable of inspiring such a high degree of enthusiasm and
aversion— must, therefore, have been very great, and we do
not wonder at his disappointment on seeing before him an
insignificant-looking monk. He did not believe in the power
of the mind, and it was quite natural in the young monarch
that he should have looked forward to a commanding, giant-
like figure, with a thundering voice, somewhat like Dr.
Eck, who derived no little benefit from these accessories, so
advantageous both on the political and religious platform.
Even after Luther had produced— on the second day of his

ix THE POLITICAL COURSE

appearance before the Diet — a deep impression on almost all
his hearers, Charles V. could never be brought to believe that
the meek Augustinian monk was the author of all the energetic
and impetuous compositions which passed under his name.

Luther's public refusal to recant unless convinced of his
error through the Scriptures, was the official proclamation of
the Keformation, and well might he exclaim, on the evening of
the 18th of April, on coming home from perhaps the most
memorable sitting of any Diet — " Ich bin durch ! " But the
decision of the Emperor was also taken, and on the morning of
the 19th of April he declared to the Diet — in a French docu-
ment written in his own hand — " that as a descendant of the
most Christian German Emperors, and the Catholic Kings of
Spain, he had resolved to maintain everything which had been
adopted by his ancestors, more especially at the Council of
Constance. . . . That he will not hear Luther again, but let
him go back to Wittenberg in accordance with his safe conduct,
and then he will proceed with him as a heretic."

The fanatic advisers of the Emperor certainly wished that he
should not only strictly adhere to the doctrines confirmed by
the Diet of Constance, but that he also should follow its
example, set by the execution of Huss, with respect to Luther ;
for the simple reason " that there is no need of keeping faith
with heretics." Charles V. had, however, not been informed
in vain of the disposition of the people regarding the Ke-
former. He also took into account the views of the Imperial
Estates.

The times had evidently changed since the Council of Con-
stance. It was no longer safe to burn a heretic after he had
received Imperial protection ; and it may be assumed futhermore
that the young monarch also possessed too much sense of honour
to listen to the ruthless suggestions of his fanatical advisers.
After some more attempts to induce Luther to retract — all of
which, of course, proved futile — he allowed him to depart ;
but as he had uttered the threat to treat the excommunicated
monk as a heretic, after the expiration of his safe conduct,

OP THE REFORMATION lxi

Frederick, who was not undeservedly called the Wise, con-
sidered it expedient to bring Luther, by means of a stratagem,
to a place of safety.

The sudden disappearance of Luther naturally caused great
anxiety among his adherents ; but his opponents seemed to have
instinctively guessed the truth. They knew very well how
little they themselves were to be trusted, and suspected that his
friends had secretly saved him from their clutches. Cardinal
Eleander even went nearer the mark, and expressed his opinion,
that the " Saxon fox " had hidden the monk. Charles V. him-
self took no cognisance of the occurrence; nay, he even cautiously
deferred the promulgation of the Edict against Luther, and it
was only after Frederick the Wise, accompanied by the Palatine
Elector, had left Worms on account of illness, that the Emperor
summoned to his private residence the three clerical Electors,
together with the Elector of Brandenburg, and several other
members of the Imperial Estates, and communicated to them the
long-expected Edict. The Imperial ban was thus promulgated
on May 25, without the formal sanction of the Diet. And in
order to stamp it with the appearance of legality, it was post-
dated to the 8th of May, when the Estates were still together
in good numbers. But it was at the same time an ominous
date ; for on that day an alliance was concluded between the
Emperor and the Pope to the effect " to have the same friends
and without exception the same enemies ; the same willing-
ness and unwillingness for defence and attack."

Another expedient was resorted to in order to gain some
plausibility for the illegally issued Edict. It was sophistically
averred that, as the Diet had already decided that Luther was
to be proceeded against, in case he should not recant, there
was no further necessity for obtaining the additional sanction
of that body for the publication of the Edict. By this decree
the Papal ban was confirmed, and Luther himself was now
outlawed as a heretic, and his books were prohibited. The
Emperor having accomplished this step, which was one of the
most momentous in the eventful course of the Reformation,

lxii THE POLITICAL COURSE

now hastened to the Netherlands, and strengthened by the
league with the Pope and Henry VIII., soon began his great
war asrainst the King of France.

It is an amiable trait in human nature, though frequently
bordering on weakness, to endeavour to find out the good side of
any evil. Thus it has been considered a propitious coincidence
that the German Empire had some " claims " on certain terri-
tories in Italy. For it was, in a great measure, in consequence
of this fact, that the war broke out between the Emperor of
Germany and the King of France, which necessitated the
absence of the former from his German domains for several
years and gave the Eeformation time for its consolidation
and expansion. "We will not deny the advantages which
resulted from that political combination, but it is to a
certain extent counterbalanced by the ill which it produced.
Without the contingency of that war, Charles V. would have
had no occasion for leaguing himself with the Pope, the
Edict of Worms would, in all probability, never have been
issued, and the pressing demand for a General Council would
have been acceded to. Luther would not have been obliged to
hide himself at the Wartburg, and the subsequent troubles at
Wittenberg would certainly never have broken out ; and finally
the firm hand of a sovereign residing in the country would
have stemmed the torrent of the Peasants' War at the outset.
Another drawback resulting from the absence of Charles V.
was his utter estrangement from Germany, whose aspirations
he neither cared for nor understood.

During the first few months after the departure of Charles
from Germany the work of the Eeformation went on undis-
turbed. The Edict of Worms found, in general, no responsive
reception there. Its effect quite vanished before the impression
made by Luther's manly, nay heroic, conduct in presence of the
Diet. The rumour which had got abroad that he had been

OF THE REFORMATION Ixiii

captured by an enemy of the Elector Frederick and perchance
killed, rather promoted than damaged his cause. It aroused
warm sympathy for the Eeformer and increased the hatred
against his enemies, who were alleged to have resorted to
brutal force, because they could not disprove his arguments.
In fact, the adoption of the Keformation was now so general,
that Luther's antagonists hardly dared to denounce them
openly. It is well known, that the Elector of Mentz would
not give permission to the Minorite monks to preach against
Luther. The Edict of Worms was thus practically set at
defiance, and in spite of its prohibition not to publish any
thing in favour of the Keformation, numerous writings in its
favour issued from the German printing presses.

Whilst the seed which Luther had sown on German soil began
to produce a magnificent harvest, and he himself was busy at
the Wartburg, under the disguise of Junker Georg, with various
religious writings, but more especially with the great work of
his life, the translation of the Bible from the original text, some
of his adherents began to precipitate matters at Wittenberg
under the leadership of the impassioned Carlstadt. A time of
general dissolution suddenly came on, in which there was a
violent rupture with the past. Mass was abrogated, monks
left their convents, and priests married. Holy images were
destroyed, and nearly all the usages of the Koman Catholic
Church were abruptly abolished. Other innovations were
introduced, and the movement tended towards the introduction
of a Christian socialism, or rather communism. If Luther had
not been absent, the movement would never have broken out,
and Melanchthon, who was present, was quite perplexed and
not energetic enough to be able to stem the surging tide of the
Eevolution. The Prince Elector, too, looked on quite bewildered,
and, imbued with a sense of unbounded tolerance, he fancied
that, after all, the revolutionary " saints " might be right.

When Luther heard of the local excesses at Wittenberg, he
suddenly left his " Patmos," in order to find out for himself
the real state of things. In travelling to and from Wittenberg,

Ixiv THE POLITICAL COUKSE

where he stayed a few days only, he had to pass the territory
of his great opponent, the Duke of Saxony. This was at the
beginning of December, 1521, consequently only a few months
after the publication of the Edict of Worms, and his con-
duct shows both his moral courage, of which he has given
so many striking proofs, and his anxiety for the cause of the
Keformation.

Soon, however, he was to give still more striking proofs of
both. For after the " prophets of Zwickau," those deluded and
deluding disciples of Thomas Miinzer had chosen the birthplace
of the Eeformation for their field of action, more especially
when he heard of the innovations introduced in his own
community since his furtive visit there, he defied all danger,
and disregarded the remonstrances of the Elector Frederick not
to leave his place of refuge. His heart was so devoid of fear
and he had so much confidence in the righteousness of his
cause, that he actually declared to the Prince Elector that he
might give to the latter greater protection than he could
receive from him. He apologised nevertheless for his dis-
obedience to Frederick, and a few days after his arrival at
Wittenberg at the beginning of March, 1522, he began the
series of sermons by which he soon allayed the storm and
extended both his influence and reputation.

Several of the religious innovations introduced during the
absence of Luther were quite in accordance with his views,
but he chiefly objected to the violent manner in which the
established usages were thrown over. Thus he approved the
abolition of the Mass, but considered that it ought not to have
been done in a way which was vexatious to another portion of
the Christian community. The secular authorities should have
been consulted and everything done in a legal manner. Luther
was, besides, tolerant in the highest degree. He did not wish
to force others to adopt his theories ; he merely wanted to
convince them. His mode of acting was concisely summed up
in the following words, which contain the keynote of his
activity as a Reformer : "I will preach about it, speak about

OF THE REFORMATION lxv

it, write about it ; but I will compel and drive no one by-
force ; for belief is to be accepted freely and spontaneously.
Take me as an example. I have opposed the Indulgences
and the Papists, but not with force. I have only worked,
preached, and written the Word of the Lord ; else I have
done nothing . . . I have done nothing ; the Word has done and
accomplished everything. If I had wished to proceed turbu-
lently, I could have caused great bloodshed in Germany, and
I might have played such a game at Worms, that even the
Emperor would not have been safe," l etc.

These words, which Luther uttered in his celebrated sermons
preached after his return to Wittenberg, not only fully reveal
to us one of his principal characteristics as a Eeformer, but
contain at the same time a full revelation of the cause of the
peaceful course of the Eeformation during his lifetime. He
held the reins in his firm hands, and it would only have re-
quired an encouraging signal on his part, and the furies of civil
war would have been at once let loose. But those words also
confirm the charge which has been brought forward against the
Imperial Estates, that they had betrayed the cause of the Refor-
mation at the Diet of Worms. They had the German people at
their back, and the Emperor, with all his Spanish and Italian
courtiers and Papal Legates, would have been powerless. Had
only some of them given signs of energetic opposition, the
Emperor would, in all probability, have yielded. That the
Princes did not fully answer Luther's expectations caused
him considerable grief, and now he had experienced another
disappointment in the conduct of the middle classes — the
people proper — a jDortion of whom eagerly supported the
violent innovations of the extreme reformers. But the

1 That the above assertion was no mere boast is confirmed — if anything
what so truthful a man as Luther said requires confirmation — by the above-
mentioned Documenta Lutherana, in which we find a letter from the Nuncio
Aleander, describing the great popularity of Luther throughout Germany, and
in particular at Augsburg. " Know then," he writes to Dr. Eck, " there are
so many Lutherans here, that not only the men, but also the very trees and
stones cry : Luther ! "

e

Ixvi THE P0LITC1AL COURSE

greatest disappointment with regard to the healthiest class
of the people — the peasants — was yet in store for hiin.

The effect which resulted from Luther's return to Witten-
berg was doubly beneficial. It allayed the turbulent excite-
ment at home, and prevented the breaking out of a storm
abroad, which had well-nigh been conjured up by Duke George
of Saxony at the " Imperial Kegency," or Beichsregiment ; which
body conducted the government of the Empire in the absence of
the Emperor, and had assembled at Nuremberg during the
troubles at Wittenberg. The Duke actually prevailed upon the
members of the Imperial Eegency to issue an Edict enjoining
the Bishops of Naumburg, Meissen and Merseburg, energeti-
cally to suppress all religious innovations ; but when quiet had
been restored at Wittenberg the tide turned in Luther's favour,
partly owing to the direct and indirect influence of the Elector
of Saxony ; and thus the Edict of Worms was virtually set at
naught. The Imperial Eegency did not rest satisfied, however,
with the tacit approval of the doctrines of Luther, and when
Adrian VI., who had succeeded Leo X. in 1522, demanded
through his Nuncio that a check should be put to the Lutheran
innovations, the Imperial Eegency replied by a Eesolution in
which it declared its refusal to carry out the Edict of Worms.
On the other hand it demanded " the summoning of a General
Council, if possible within a year's time, in a German town and
under the co-operation of the Emperor." It was, of course,
understood that the secular Estates should also take part
in that council, and perfect immunity for a free expression of
opinion was at the same time admitted. Moreover, one hundred
gravamina with respect to the prevailing abuses of the Church
were handed to the Legate.

One of the most remarkable features in the passing of the
above Eesolution was the circumstance that it even obtained the
consent of the adherents of the Pope, and that the views of
the latter regarding the necessity of Church reforms, in some
degree at least, contributed to it. Adrian VI. was in almost
every respect the opposite of Leo X. He had the welfare

OF THE REFORMATION lxvii

of the Church truly at heart, and fully saw the abuses which
had crept in through the depravity of its representatives.
He therefore energetically and earnestly urged the necessity
of reforming the Church, or rather the clergy. He himself
showed the way by setting, in his own person, the example of
a true Apostolic Pontiff, by leading the life of a humble and
austere monk, whereas Leo X. had surrounded himself with
regal pomp and the luxuries of an Asiatic potentate. On the
other hand Adrian was also an orthodox Dominican, and
detested the religious innovations more intensely than his
predecessor did, who, as a true Medici, being an enthusiastic
admirer of art and a zealous cultivator of polite literature, was
quite indifferent to ecclesiastical and religious matters. Leo X.
was opposed to Luther because, as Erasmus expressed it, " he
had touched the Papal crown," whilst Adrian took up the
gauntlet against the Eeformer because, in his opinion, the
latter weakened the corner-stone of the Church and undermined
its very foundations. For this reason he had sent his Nuncio
Chieregati to the Imperial Eegency at Nuremberg with the
demand to have the Edict of Worms carried into effect. This
demand was only consistent with the Pope's line of action ; but
the times had changed, even during the short space which had
elapsed since Charles V. had issued his Edict against Luther
by a shuffling proceeding, and the Imperial Eegency openly
refused to enact it.

That the Estates should have been able thus to act in
defiance of both Pope and Emperor, was in itself the result of
the influence which the Eeformation exercised on the political
status of the German people. The civic element now assumed a
political importance which it never enjoyed before. The
commoner began to feel his dignity, as a man, as a member of
the State. The teachings of Luther had set free human in-
telligence and free thought, which had been so long held
imprisoned and bound by political and religious tyranny,
and the people began — to think and reason for themselves.
From the moment this was done, they were free, and as soon as

e 2

lxviii THE POLITICAL COURSE

they obtained political rights, they well understood how to assert
them. The re-establishment of an Imperial Regency on a
" constitutional basis," formed one of the principal stipulations
at the election of Charles V., and the Deputies having been
chosen by the Electoral Princes and the various " Circles," or
districts into which Germany was then divided, the common-
wealth was for the first time officially represented at a German
constitutional assembly. We have seen how worthily the
members of the Imperial Eegency had discharged their trust ;
and it may be said, that from that moment dates the political
emancipation of Germany.

VI.

The answer of the Imperial Regency to Adrian VI. was the
first political triumph of the Reformation, but its effect was
considerably weakened by several events which occurred shortly
after. First came the rising of the knights — who constituted
the lower nobility — under the banner of the brave and restless
Franz von Sickingen. Grave discontent reigned among the
knights with the doings of the all-powerful " Suabian League,"
formed in 1488 by the Estates of Suabia for the maintenance of
general peace, and also with the encroachments of the Princes ;
and Sickingen, aided by Ulrich von Hutten, united the lesser
nobles into one body with the avowed object of breaking the power
of the higher nobility, and of acknowledging one head only — the
Emperor. It has been plausibly assumed, that Sickingen pursued
a more ambitious aim, and he has therefore been compared with
Wallenstein. Sickingen professed, however, another object in his
enterprise : the furtherance of the cause of the Reformation ; and
at the head of a large and powerful army, he directed his first
attack (Sept. 1522), against the Archbishop of Treves. The
knights were defeated, their leader lost his life, and Hutten
wandered away — outlawed and proscribed — to find an exile's
grave in a small island of Switzerland. The enemies of Luther
considered, or pretended to consider, the Reformation as the

OF THE REFORMATION lxix

main cause of Sickiugen's undertaking, and this circumstance
estranged from the Eeformer a number of his adherents and
confirmed his antagonists in their enmity against him, although
he had no immediate connection with the revolt of the nobles.

The first result of the rising and of the defeat of the knights
was, that several Princes now assumed a somewhat hostile
attitude towards the Imperial Eegency, that had shown itself so
tolerant respecting religious reforms ; but a still severer blow
threatened that body from another quarter. The wealthy Ger-
man cities sent a deputation to Charles V. in Spain, with a
petition against some ordinances which the Imperial Chamber
had decided upon and which were considered detrimental to
their commercial interests. The Emperor, dissatisfied with
that liberal Institution, readily promised a new administration.
This promise was fulfilled at the next Diet, in 1524, at Nurem-
berg, when it was decided to reorganise the Imperial Eegency
by electing for it entirely new members. Those who con-
sented to this proceeding were influenced, partly by political
and partly by commercial reasons, but as regards religious
matters there was still a majority in favour of the Eeforma-
tion. On this account it came to pass that a Eesolution was
carried at the Diet, to convoke another assembly of the Estates
in the same year at Spires, the points to be discussed there
being in the meantime drawn up for the Princes by scholars
and counsellors. Till then the Eesolution of the preceding
Diet, " that the Gospel should be allowed to be freely
preached," was to remain in force. Thus the mission of the
Papal Nuncio Campeggi, who had been sent to Germany by
Clement VII. (the successor of Adrian VI. since 1523) to
bring about the enactment of the Edict of Worms, proved
unsuccessful. It is true the Diet passed a Eesolution, that
the Edict of Worms should be executed, but this decision was
rendered ineffective by the additional elastic clause : " As
far as possible." At the same time the demand for a General
Council was added.

The above Mandate now shared the fate of most com-

lxx THE POLITICAL COURSE

promises ; inasmuch as it satisfied neither party. Luther
himself and his followers saw in it an indirect confirmation
of the Edict of Worms, and he expressed his indignation at
it in an outspoken publication, in which he bitterly re-
proached the Emperor and the Princes for their treatment of
him. He had now lost all confidence in both. But the
Emperor's indignation at the Nuremberg Mandate was not
less strongly marked, and he issued an Edict, in which he
energetically denied the Estates the right of interference in
religious matters, demanding at the same time the strict
execution of the Edict of Worms. The constant recurrence
of the Emperor and the adherents of the Pope to that
Edict must not surprise us. It is the point upon which the
whole movement turned ; for if the condemnation of Luther was
confirmed, all his reforms and his adherents would be com-
prised in that condemnation.

Various circumstances now combined to strengthen the effect
of the Emperor's new Edict. The Papal Nuncio Campeggi
succeeded in inducing several influential forces, hostile to
the Reformation, to form a League for the protection of the old
faith. The Archduke Ferdinand and the Dukes of Bavaria —
Princes who had for some time been conspiring with the
Eoman Curia — together with a number of Prelates, assembled
for that purpose in the summer of 1524 at Ratisbon, and agreed
upon stringent measures against the Reformation. They
decided to give effect to the Edict of Worms, to proscribe
again the works of Luther, and even to forbid to their
subjects the attending of the University of Wittenberg.

The next step of the Ratisbon Convention was now to obtain
the co-operation of Charles V., which was effected easily
enough, inasmuch as the projected measures fully coincided
with his own views ; and being about to attack Francis I. in
France itself, from the direction of Italy, he stood in great
need of the Tope's tacit acquiescence. He issued, therefore, a
stringent Edict, in which the convocation of a General Council
was strictly prohibited, and all interference in religious matters

OF THE REFORMATION lxxi

was energetically forbidden. Those who dared to set at nought
the provision of the Edict, would render themselves liable to a
charge of high treason, and on conviction would be punished
with the highest degree of the Imperial Ban, (Acht- und
Aberacht). In that Imperial Order Luther himself — one of the
noblest men who ever lived — was likened to some loathsome
monster.

The Convention of Ratisbon, which was chiefly brought
about by foreign influence, may be said to have caused the first
violent rupture among the German people, and to be the origin
of all the calamities which befell Germany in the sixteenth and
seventeenth centuries. Without that Convention the projected
General Council would, in all probability, have been held, the
proposed reforms would have been peacefully and legally dis-
cussed, and there would not have occurred that violent disrup-
tion among the Germans, of which the evil effects, not only
from a religious, but also from a political point of view, have not
yet entirely disappeared. The only advantage which resulted
from the Eatisbon Convention was the agreement to introduce
a number of internal reforms in the Church. Thus the im-
proved state of Eoman Catholicism is entirely due to the
doctrines of Luther and his Reformation.

VII.

The year 1525 was perhaps the most trying in Luther's
career. He had hitherto been disappointed in the Princes and
the burghers, and now he experienced the mortification of seeing
that class of people, from which he sprang himself, entering
on a path which must needs prove injurious to themselves, and
to the cause for which he lived and worked. Various risings
of the Peasants had taken place before the time of the Reforma-
tion, in consequence of the inhuman treatment to which they
were subjected by the nobles. The exactions of the priests
were likewise intolerable. Some local risings took place in
1524; but in the following year that terrible contest, known as

lxxii THE POLITICAL COURSE

" The Peasants' War," broke out in the south of Germany with
all the fury of long-pent up despair. The origin of the insur-
rection must therefore be sought solely in the cause, which pro-
duced the risings of slaves or serfs in ancient and modern times.
It was the revolt of men who felt their inner worth, and who
were determined to shake off an unbearable yoke. The enemies
of Luther attributed, however, the outbreak of the war to the
influence of his teachings, in the same way as they attributed
to these any other public calamity which then befell Germany ;
just as in modern times blinded political passions will trace
the cause of the failure of a harvest, for instance, to the fact of
this or that party being in power.

The first programme of the Peasants, as contained in the
well-known Twelve Articles, was moderate enough. Even
Luther did not entirely reject their demands, some of which
he wished to see referred to the decision of legal authorities.
He admonished the Peasants, however, not to have recourse to
brutal violence, and at the same time he exhorted the nobles to
lend a merciful ear to the cries of the sufferers. The last clause
of the Twelve Articles must have struck in his heart a sympa-
thetic chord. The Peasants declared that their demands shall
not stand, in case they should be refuted by Scripture, which
statement seems to be an echo of Luther's own declaration at the
Diet of Worms. But it was just that external similarity which
turned out so fatal for the cause of the Eeformation. The
Peasants borrowed the phraseology, as it were, of Luther ; they
clothed their grievances in the language of the Gospel, and thus
gave to the enemies of the Eeformation the plausible pretext
of confounding it with their own insurrection. It was of little
avail for Luther himself to protest against the allegation of
the insurgents that their rising was founded on a religious basis,
since his enemies persistently took the form for the substance.

If all the rebellious Peasants had strictly adhered to their
first programme, their cause might yet have taken a favourable
turn ; but, as is generally the case with revolutionary move-
ments, there soon arose an extreme party which aimed at the

OF THE REFORMATION lxxiii

total subversion of the existing order of things. Here again it
was unfortunate that some points started in the manifesto of
that party had been previously advocated by Luther, for his
unjust antagonists laid all their demands, which have been
compared to the French revolutionary doctrines of 1783, to his
charge. The climax of the insurrectionary outbreak was, how-
ever, reached by the doings of Thomas Miinzer and his followers,
who preached and practised evangelical communism, and who
accelerated by their fanatic and fantastic conduct the tragic
catastrophe in this sanguinary drama. Luther was now in a
most critical position. He made every effort to stem the tide
of the revolution — he energetically exhorted both Princes and
Peasants, and travelled about as a missionary of peace ; but
all in vain. His influence seemed, for the first time, to have lost
its effect, and friends and foes censured him alike. The former
reproached him with having deserted his own cause, whilst the
latter blamed him as the originator of this fatal war. Thomas
Miinzer and his followers even accused Luther of base servility
towards the Princes ; and one of the grossest calumnies
perhaps ever brought forward against a man of Luther's stamp,
was the charge that he had written his vehement publication,
" against the murderous robber-bands of the Peasants," after
their total defeat. But this was untrue. He wrote it, in fact,
whilst the Peasants were in the ascendancy, and whilst they
disgraced their victory by barbarous acts of cruelty. When
the nobles got the upper hand, and wreaked their vengeance
in a most inhuman manner on the vanquished, the wrath of
Luther was turned against the cruel victors. He pleaded
for mercy even for the guilty, and with some of the Princes
his intercession was successful. Large numbers of defeated
Peasants were allowed, by Landgrave Philip of Hesse and
the Prince Elector John of Saxony, the brother and successor
of the Elector Frederick, to return home unmolested, whilst
the Bishop of Wurzburg and other anti-Lutheran lords dis-
tinguished themselves by a most refined cruelty in their
treatment of the Peasant prisoners.

Ixxiv THE POLITICAL COURSE

VIII.

In addition to the various disasters which befell Luther —
and in him the whole of Germany — in the calamitous year of
1525, he also had the misfortune to lose his friend and
protector, the Elector of Saxony, who died in the spring of
that year. Frederick had looked with true paternal compassion
on the insurgent Peasants, and had life and health been spared
him, he might have quelled the civil war by the dint of
his authority, or at least have mitigated its evils. Besides
him, there was no one in Germany who enjoyed the same
universal respect, and both the Imperial Eegency and the
Estates were, as a body, powerless. If Germany had been
ruled over at that time by a sovereign residing in the country,
and caring for the welfare of his people, the Peasants' War
would never have assumed such gigantic dimensions, nor would
its consequences have been so fatal. But whilst Germany was
convulsed by one of the most sanguinary of intestine wars, the
Emperor resided in Spain, and his army fought and defeated
the King of France before Pavia ; which circumstance may
serve as an additional proof of the evil caused by the election
of Charles V. as head of the German Empire.

The only interest which the Emperor manifested with
reference to Germany consisted in his relentless efforts to
exterminate the Lutheran doctrines. Thus he again and again
issued from Spain energetic admonitions to the Princes and
Bishops to make a firm resistance against the Eeformation;
promising and threatening at the same time to come shortly
to Germany himself, in order to crush the heretics. These acts,
together with the consultation at Mentz at which a number
of priests agreed on the suppression of Lutheran heresy, induced
the Landgrave Philip of Hesse, and John the Elector of Saxony,
in the spring of 1526, to form the so-called " League of
Torgau " for the protection and defence of the Eeformation.
Luther himself, being, in principle, against all armed resistance

OF THE REFORMATION lxxV

to any constituted authority, had consistently opposed the
formation of that or any other League, with a view to revolt.

Luther was of opinion that a bad Prince must be patiently
borne with, like any other scourge or calamity sent by Heaven.
In this sense it was, that he taught " that the badness and
perversity of a government does not justify active resistance or
rebellion." Indeed he considered the sufferings inflicted by a
tyrannical ruler on his subjects as part and parcel of a man's
destiny upon earth. It was his Christian duty to suffer. Ac-
cording to his opinion man was not destined to be happy in
this world, where he has been placed as a martyr. Such were
his honest convictions and his views of life ; his denial of the
right of resistance arose therefore from a purely religious
feeling, and not from any servile instinct. Surely a man who
speaks in the following strain of Princes cannot be accused of
servility : " From the beginning of the world," says Luther, " a
good Prince has been a rare bird and a pious Prince a still rarer
one. They are as a rule the greatest fools and worst knaves
upon earth. If there is a Prince who is a wise and pious man,
or a Christian, it is a great miracle and the best sign of divine
grace for a country. Therefore one must always expect the
worst from them, and not hope for any good from them. They
are the scourges and the executioners of God, and He employs
them to punish the wicked and to maintain external peace."

Luther was well aware of the fact that Germany required a
thorough reform as regards its civic or secular government,
more especially as he had found out that both the Princes
and the Emperor had betrayed the German people. With
that dignified self-consciousness which is quite compatible
with true modesty, he said : " At times it seems to me as if the
Government and the Jurists also required a Luther." If there
had been during his time a great man in Germany, capable of
achieving in politics what he had himself achieved in religion, he
would undoubtedly have co-operated with him. For Luther
was a true German patriot, if ever there was one, as is evi-
dent from so many of his writings, and more especially from

lxxvi THE POLITICAL COUESE

his appeal to the " Christian Nobility of the German Nation."
What he abhorred was the use of brutal force, either by Princes
or by the people, for the acquisition of political freedom, and this
was — as we have seen — in strict accordance with his religious
views. His notions of the individual freedom of man had
also a religious basis. He regarded man as designed to be a
free being, but it was only Christian belief which imparted to
him that stamp of true freedom. This view Luther forcibly
expressed in the well-known antithesis in his Treatise, ' Con-
cerning Christian Liberty : ' "A Christian man is the most free
lord of all, and subject to none ; a Christian man is the most
dutiful servant of all, and subject to every one." l

The liberty of man, as interpreted by Luther, may be regarded
by some persons as only of limited extent, and as having merely
an ideal existence, but at any rate it marks a great progress in
the history of civilization, and may be considered as the germ
of the emancipation of the human race. It was the first step
in the acknowledgment of the right of man as a human being.
The principle of political freedom which now benefits the
adherents of all creeds in civilized society must therefore be
traced back to the Eeformation. If the teachings of Luther
had not first freed the Christian man, the liberty of man, in
general — the equality of men — would scarcely have met with
such a ready recognition in later centuries.

If Luther had not so strenuously opposed all active resistance
against authority, the political course of the Eeformation
would certainly have taken a different turn ; and it was for-
tunate enough for its consolidation, that some of the Princes,
who otherwise followed his teachings, did not share his opinions
on that subject. The formation of the above-mentioned
League of Torgau was the first result of that difference of
opinion ; and when the Diet assembled, in the summer of
1526, at Spires, the Princes John and Philip, strengthened
by their union, could dare to acknowledge and practise openly
the doctrines of the Eeformation in the face of the Diet. In
1 Sec p. 1012 in the present volume.

OF THE REFORMATION lxxvii

vain did the Imperial Commissioners urge the Estates to carry-
out at last the Edict of Worms. The Diet was, however, so
much the less inclined to obey the Emperor's behests on this
point, because he was now himself at enmity with the Pope.
Clement VII. being afraid of the ascendency of Charles Y. after
his victory at Pavia, released the French King from his solemn
oath at the Peace of Madrid, and formed with him and several
Italian Princes the League of Cognac, also blasphemously called
the "Holy League," which was directed against Charles V. The
Estates, therefore, eagerly seized the opportunity of declaring
that the antagonism between Pope and Emperor made it im-
possible for them to give effect even indirectly to the Papal Ex-
communication against Luther. The Turk was also threatening
from the East, and the Estates did not consider it prudent to
cause dissensions among the German people. They resolved
therefore to petition the Emperor, through an embassy, to come
in person to Germany and to convoke a General Council. They
further decided that in matters of religion, perfect freedom and
tolerance should prevail.

The Kesolution of the Diet of Spires in 1526 was of consider-
able moment. The Eeformation was now formally acknow-
ledged and legalised, and had gained full time to recover lost
ground and to obtain a firm footing throughout Germany. It
also was a fortunate coincidence that Charles V. was now
occupied in Italy with his war against the Pope and Francis I.,
whilst his brother Ferdinand, now King of Hungary and
Bohemia, was encumbered by his troubles in those countries.

IX.

In consequence of the absence of both the Emperor and his
locum tenens from Germany, the projected General Council was
not convoked, and the next Diet did not assemble before the
year 1529, at Spires. Till then the Eeformation had full scope
to expand ; but after the armies of Charles V. had captured
Rome, and a terrible pestilence had well-nigh destroyed the

lxxviii THE POLITICAL COURSE

French troops in Italy, the Emperor was again free to terror-
ize over Germany. He concluded peace with Clement VII.
at Barcelona, and with Francis I. at Camhray, and the first
result of the diplomatic union between the three belligerents
was a combination of their efforts to crush the " heresy " in
Germany. Soon after the beginning of the Diet at Spires,
a palpable proof was given that a great change had taken place
in public affairs since 1526. On March 15, 1529, the Imperial
Commissioners laid a Mandate before the Diet to the effect
that the Eesolution of the last Diet at Spires, which granted
free exercise of religion, should be revoked, and that, on the
other hand, the Edict of Worms should be enforced. The
majority, though now consisting of adherents of the Pope, did
not accept the proposal exactly in that form ; but still they
issued a Decree, the general acceptance of which would have
implied a total condemnation of the Eeformation on the part
of its supporters.

In this emergency several German Princes and Imperial
towns gave proof of a most praiseworthy moral courage. John,
Prince Elector of Saxony, Philip, Landgrave of Hesse, George,
Margrave of Brandenburg, Duke Ernest of Brunswick-
Luneburg, Prince Wolfgang of Anhalt, and fourteen Imperial
free towns, having in vain demurred against the decision of the
Diet, laid before it a Protest against the pernicious decree,
declaring at the same time, that in matters of religion and
conscience the decision of majorities was not binding. How
deep was the impression which that remarkable step had
produced on the minds of the German people, may be inferred
from the fact that it gave occasion to single out the adherents
of Luther as a body and to apply to them the name of
Protestants.

The rupture between the two religious parties was now
complete. They no longer formed merely two different shades
of the same party, but were distinguished from each other even
as to the name. Roman Catholics stood opposite Protestants.
In one respect the new appellation was a gain ; for it embraced

OF THE REFORMATION lxxix

all the members of that Christian community, which did not
acknowledge the supremacy of the Pope. On the other hand
the name has the disadvantage that it is like the word
" Eeformation," of a negative character. It is true the Protest
of the Princes actually was a positive assertion of the right
of conscience, but popular interpretation applied to it the
character of an aggressive document, and the adherents of
Luther were consequently regarded henceforth in the light
of a merely malcontent party. The term " Lutherans " —
Lutheraner — does not embrace the whole body of those who
seceded from the Eoman Catholic Church. Luther himself
deprecated, moreover, the distinction of being called a " founder
of a religion," and although one of the greatest theological
authorities of our times is still inclined to consider him as
such, it seems to me — if I may venture to express an opinion
on anything touching a theological subject — that Luther merely
modified and reformed an established religious faith, but did
not found one. The designation " Old Catholic " might perhaps
have been the most appropriate, and would not perchance have
caused such a violent disruption among the members of the
great Christian community.

X,

At the Diet of 1529 the Protestants had gained a moral
victory, but they had suffered a material defeat ; for the govern-
ment of the Empire was now entirely in the hands of their
antagonists. It seemed, therefore, prudent to prepare for
future emergencies, and some of the Protestant Princes began
negotiations with several cities, both German and Swiss. A
comprehensive scheme was devised which, if successfully
carried out, would have entirely changed the political aspect
of Germany, if not of Europe. Unfortunately this plan, the
execution of which could alone have saved the cause of
Protestantism, was frustrated by the well-known theological dif-
ference between the adherents of Luther and Zwingli. Thus,

lxxx THE POLITICAL COURSE

instead of first combining against the common enemy, and
subsequently in firm union settling the theological differences,
or even leaving them unsettled, the logical order of the
proceeding was reversed. The Theologians first assembled to
discuss their religious differences, and the result was that fatal
schism which divided the camp of the Protestants, and perma-
nently damaged their cause. Luther and his more immediate
followers decided that it would not be justifiable to form an
alliance with the Zwinglians, and further, that it would be an
offence against law and religion to offer armed resistance to the
Emperor. The co-operation of Upper Germany, Suabia and
Switzerland was lost in consequence, and— in face of the armed
and threatening enemy — all preparations for defence were
neglected on account of religious scruples. " Surely," says
Eanke, " this was not prudent, but it was grand."

Whilst the German Theologians discussed religious subjects
and the " right of resistance," Charles V. strengthened his
position in Italy, and Clement VII. placed on his head, at
Bologna, the crown of Charles the Great. The Emperor was
surrounded on this occasion chiefly by Italian Princes and
Spanish Grandees, and only one or two German Princes were
present. The coronation was, therefore, against the " ancient
German custom," but Charles was crowned as a Roman and not
as a German Emperor of Germany. He might have been like
Henry the Fowler, another founder or regenerator of the
German Empire, whereas he renovated the Imperial dignity
only so far as his own personality was concerned. This step
was very significant, and may serve as a clue to his subsequent
course of action.

It is well known that the Pope and Emperor distrusted each
other, but they were diplomatic enough to assume the mask of
mutual friendship. There was, moreover, one powerful bond of
union between them, namely, the determination to eradicate
German "heresy." This resolve was one of the principal
motives of the Emperor's journey to Germany, in the summer
of 1530, for the purpose of holding a Diet at Augsburg. The

OF THE REFORMATION. Ixxxi

writ issued on that occasion was peaceful and gracious enough .
His avowed object was " to settle the prevailing discord, and
to learn and graciously to consider everybody's conviction,
opinion, and views, for the benefit of Christian truth."

It may reasonably be assumed that the Emperor was
benevolently disposed, and would have preferred to see his
point carried by gentle means. His benevolence was, how-
ever, of that conditional kind only, which first tries peaceful
means, but subsequently has recourse to arbitrary and violent
measures, should the gentle measures prove futile. He was not
imbued with that absolute benevolence and clemency which
shows mercy even to the guilty, or the supposed guilty. The
Roman Catholic Princes were aware of this disposition of the
Emperor, and of his secret agreement with the Pope, though
the Protestant Princes implicitly believed in his peaceful and
gracious assurances. The latter now hopefully looked forward
to an amicable settlement of the prevailing discord, and at once
proceeded to draw up a Programme, containing the substance
of the reformed creed.

It did not take long however for the Protestants to see their
error. Even before the Emperor's arrival at Augsburg he urged
the Elector John of Saxony not to allow the preachers he had
brought with him to preach in public. This demand was
repeated in Augsburg, in the Emperor's presence, after his
arrival in that city, to the Elector of Saxony, and several other
Protestant Princes. The theological defence of the evangelical
sermons by the Landgrave of Hesse merely served to arouse the
wrath and indignation of Charles. When, however, the aged
warrior, the Margrave George of Brandenburg emphatically
exclaimed : " Sire, before renouncing the word of God, I would
rather kneel down on this spot and let my head be cut off," the
Emperor was deeply moved by this energetic protest, and uttered
in his Low-German vernacular the reassuring words : " No
heads off! no heads off, my dear Prince ! "

The Protestant Princes also declined to join in the public
procession on the festival of Corpus Christi, which was

/

lxxxii THE POLITICAL COURSE

celebrated the following day, in spite of the Emperor's earnest
invitation to attend it. Charles was startled by this stubborn
resistance. He had cherished the hope that the halo of worldly
glory which surrounded him, together with his brilliant entry
into Augsburg, would dazzle and overawe the Protestant
Princes ; but they remained firm. Neither threats nor pro-
mises could move them. They were quite of a distinct caste
from the Princes who had betrayed the cause of the Keforma-
tion at Worms ; they were conscious of the risk they ran, and
were ready to die for their religious convictions. It is true
they were greatly encouraged by Luther, who, in order to be
nearer to them while the Diet was held at Augsburg, had
repaired to Coburg. He addressed to the Prince Elector of
Saxony from his second " Patmos," as it were, letters of exhor-
tation and comfort, full of energy and of that irresistible
eloquence which is the result of inner conviction. Whenever
the Princes and Melanchthon wavered, they were inspired by
Luther's cheering and manly words, which proved particularly
effective during the course of the Diet.

The religious contest being the first subject which was
brought before the Diet, the Protestant Princes presented, on
25th June, 1530, their " Confession of Faith," which had been
prepared by Melanchthon. There were two versions of it,
one in German and another in Latin. The Emperor naturally
desired to have the second version read, but the Protestant
Princes advised him patriotically to admit on German soil
the German version. This step may be considered as one of
the results of the Keformation. Luther had awakened in the
Germans the feelings of nationality and patriotism, and had
also politically freed them from the fetters of Koman bondage.

The profession of faith of the Protestant Princes, known
as the " Augsburg Confession," was drawn up in such a con-
ciliatory spirit and contained so many concessions to Koman
Catholicism, that some kind of agreement seemed to be possible,
if not near at hand. The Protestants had now honestly ful-
filled their duty. In accordance with the Imperial rescript

OF THE REFORMATION lxxxiii

they had laid their profession of faith before the Diet ; and
confidently expecting a similar profession on the part of the
Roman Catholics, they looked forward to the promised mediation
of the Emperor. But instead of drawing up a declaration in
a defensive and conciliatory spirit, as had been done by the
Protestants, the Catholic party at the Diet forming the
majority, issued an aggressive " Refutation," which, receiving
the Emperor's full approval, was issued in his name, with the
appended threat, that in case the Protestants should hence-
forth not obediently return to the Roman Catholic faith,
" the Emperor would proceed against them as befitted a Roman
Emperor — the protector and defender of the Church." Mani-
fest proofs that the admonitions of Charles V. were not mere
empty threats were soon given. He made the Protestant
Princes individually feel his displeasure, and he seemed fully
determined to give effect to his threats by the force of arms.
Fortunately the warning of the Prince Elector of Mentz in
reference to the Turks of Hannibal ad portas, had the desirable
effect of paving the way for mediation.

At the Conference which was held in August, 1530, for the
purpose of effecting an agreement between the contending
parties, a spirit of reconciliation prevailed. Both sides made
concessions, and it was agreed to refer certain points of difference
which were still pending to a General Council ; so that there
was a near prospect of a mutual understanding. Some agree-
ment would, in all probability, have been brought about, but
for the relentless spirit of fanaticism of the Roman Curia, as
represented by the Legate Campeggi. It was he who frustrated
the success of all further attempts at a reconciliation by induc-
ing the Emperor and the majority of the Diet to make such
conditions as the Protestants could not accept. The allied
Princes remained firm, and as the attitude of the Imperial
Court became more and more threatening, and the Theologians
could not agree among themselves, the energetic Landgrave
Philip of Hesse suddenly left Augsburg at the beginning of
August. The Emperor was so startled by this unexpected

9

lxxxiv THE POLITICAL COURSE

event, that lie ordered the gates of the city to be watched by
his soldiers ; but, too late, the bird had already flown. The
Prince Elector of Saxony still remained behind, but his son, the
hereditary Prince, had some time previously returned home and
was now in perfect safety. It was, therefore, useless to attempt
a coup de main against the leaders of the Protestant party.

The Emperor's disappointment was great, and the more so, as
he was indignant against the Protestant Princes on account of
their refusing to consent to the election of his brother Ferdi-
nand as " King of Rome." Charles V. now proceeded to the
last step which made the breach between the two great
portions of the German nation irremediable. On the 22nd of
September, 1530, he communicated to the Estates the draft
of the Decree upon which he had resolved with reference to
the religious contest, and which announced his determination
" to carry out unconditionally the Edict of Worms." The Pro-
testants were treated in that Decree as a mere sect, and their
doctrines — of all shades — were indiscriminately condemned.
All the usages of the old creed were to be maintained intact,
and the rights of the Ecclesiastical Princes were to be fully
restored, under pain of the Imperial ban. This Imperial
Decree, which was virtually a total abolition of the work of
the Reformation, was finally issued on the 19th of November
with the additional clause — which savoured of mockery — that a
time of respite should be granted to the Protestants until the
15th April, 1531, to enable them to declare their adhesion to the
contested points. In the meantime the Emperor was to use his
efforts with the Pope to convene a General Council to discuss
the abolition of certain unquestionable abuses in the Church.

This amounted to an open declaration of war, and the Pro-
testant Princes were prudent enough to take their measures
accordingly.

XL

The Diet of Augsburg in 1530 may be considered, in some
respeets, as the key-stone in the religious and political course

OF THE REFORMATION lxxxv

of the Reformation. The " Augsburg Confession " practically
completed the work of the Reformation from a religious point
of view, whilst the Imperial Edict marked out in distinct
features the line of action which the Papal and Imperial party-
was resolved to pursue towards the Protestants. It was an
ultimatum in due form. All the subsequent events in the
history of the Reformation — even as far down as the Peace
of Westphalia in 1648 — must, therefore, be regarded as
merely the natural sequence of the Diet of Augsburg, and
do not actually belong to the making or unmaking of the
Reformation.

The stern necessity of self-defence caused at last the
Protestant Princes to form the "Convention" or "League of
Smalkald" in December 1530. Even Luther was induced to
approve of it, and some of his writings, more especially his
' Warning to my beloved Germans,' showed that he no longer
viewed self-defence in the light of rebellion. The schism
among the Germans was now political as well as religious. A
compact body stood armed, not against the sovereign power of
the German Empire, but against the Roman Emperor of the
German nation; against the monarch who identified himself
with the Pope. Charles V. fully recognised the drift of the
Protestant opposition, and it is not quite improbable that on
account of it he insisted on the speedy election and coronation
of his brother Ferdinand as " Roman King," which took place
at Cologne at the end of 1530, and at Aix-la-Chapelle at the
beginning of the following year. The Protestant Princes
protested against this proceeding, as being contrary to the Im-
perial Constitution of Germany ; but we have already seen that
Charles cared very little either for the laws or the aspirations
of the German people. The illegal election of Ferdinand
necessarily widened the breach between the Emperor and the
Protestant Princes, who plainly saw the danger impending
from the supremacy of the house of Hapsburg.

The Dukes of Bavaria, who also aspired to the Imperial
dignity, looked grudgingly on the ascendency of the Haps-

lxxxvi THE POLITICAL COURSE

burgs, and seemed inclined — staunch Eoman Catholics though
they were — to make common cause with the Protestants.
Moreover the Turks were again threatening an invasion
of the Austro-German provinces, and all these circumstances
combined, induced the Emperor to conclude with the Pro-
testant Princes, in the summer of 1532, the " Peace of
Nuremberg." Considerable concessions were made to the
Protestants, and the promise of a " General, free and Christian
Council," was again held out ; but of far greater moment was
the fact, that by consenting to the " Peace of Nuremberg," the
Emperor actually recognised the members of the " Smalkaldic
League " as a regularly constituted power, with which it was
desirable to come to an amicable understanding. The political
element, which, as we have seen, had been at work throughout
the course of the Eeformation, became henceforth a more
and more powerful factor in the struggle between the two
hostile camps of the German nation.

After the Diet of Augsburg in 1530, Charles was again oc-
cupied with his military enterprises abroad, and remained absent
from Germany for the space of nine years. His brother, King
Ferdinand I., was likewise prevented from effectively inter-
fering with religious affairs in consequence of the troubles in
his hereditary dominions, and so the Eeformation had^gain free
scope to make its way through the greater portion of Germany.
The indulgence granted to the Protestants was, however,
apparent only. Both Charles and his brother treacherously
bided their time to enter on the struggle of annihilation
against them. That time seemed to them to have arrived
when Charles, in conjunction with Henry VIII., had forced
the King of France to sign the Peace of Crepy in 1544.
It is true the Emperor consented to convene a Council
in December, 1545, and so he did at Trent, but the Princes
of Hesse and Saxony justly declined to attend it. The
Emperor's hostile intentions against the Protestants now
became patent, first by his renewed League with Paul III.,
the successor of Pope Clement VII., and afterwards by the

OF THE REFOKMATION lxxxvii

mustering of his forces. If the Protestants had acted with
energy and concord they might, with the greatest ease, have
defeated the small Imperial forces in the summer of 1545 ;
but instead of this they gave the Emperor full time to collect
a considerable army.

In the meantime Martin Luther, the life and soul of the
Eeformation, had died on the 18th of February, 1546, and
was spared the pain of witnessing the outbreak of the un-
fortunate Smalkaldic War, which laid Germany prostrate at
the feet of the Emperor and his Spaniards. This calamity
was, of course, due mostly to the fact that the old German
Empire identified itself with the Papacy and considered itself
bound to defend its cause. It is, however, a significant fact,
that Charles V. was actually the last Roman Emperor of
Germany crowned by a Pope. When he proceeded for his
coronation, in 1530, to the Church of St. Petronio at Bologna,
through a wooden structure which had been erected to connect
his Palace with the church, the temporary passage gave way a
few steps behind the Emperor. Popular superstition saw in
this an evil omen — for Germany, it proved to be a happy one
— and prophesied that Charles would be the last German
Emperor thus crowned. The prophecy became true, but it
was not in Italy that the link was broken which connected
Germany with Eome. This was done in Germany itself, and
as we have seen, by the humble peasants' son, Maetin Luther.

Luther it was who actually freed Germany from the secular
and spiritual bondage of Rome ; for although the Protestants
had been vanquished in the Smalkaldic war, they were not
entirely crushed. The spirit of the Reformation survived, and
exercised its beneficial influence not only throughout Ger-
many, but over the whole of the civilised world, and it is in this
sense that the Reformation is universally considered as the
beginning of a New Era in the history of the world. The
Reformation is the source, directly or indirectly, by action or
by reaction, of everything great and noble which has taken
place from about the beginning of the sixteenth century.

lxxxviii THE POLITICAL COURSE OF THE REFORMATION"

Through the Keformation alone men of all creeds have become
free and enlightened. And this is the reason why not only
the Theologian, but also the political and literary Historian
hails the work of the Eeformation as one of the greatest
blessings ever bestowed on mankind.

FIRST PRINCIPLES

THE KEFOPtMATION

THE NINETY-FIVE THESES.

INTRODUCTORY LETTEE.

To the most Reverend Father in Christ and most illustrious
Lord, Albert, Archbishop and Primate of the Churches of
Magdeburg and Mentz, Marquis of Brandenburg, etc., his lord
and pastor in Christ, most gracious and worthy of all fear and
reverence —

Jesus.

The grace of God be with you, and whatsoever it is and
can do.

Spare me, most reverend Father in Christ, most illustrious
Prince, if I, the very dregs of humanity, have dared to think of
addressing a letter to the eminence of your sublimity. The
Lord Jesus is my witness that, in the consciousness of my own
pettiness and baseness, I have long put off the doing of that
which I have now hardened my*forehead to perform, moved
thereto most especially by the sense of that faithful duty
which I feel that I owe to your most reverend Fatherhood in
Christ. May your Highness then in the meanwhile deign to
cast your eyes upon one grain of dust, and, in your pontifical
clemency, to understand my prayer.

Papal indulgences are being carried about, under your most
distinguished authority, for the building of St. Peter's. In
respect of these I do not so much accuse the extravagant
sayings of the preachers, which I have not heard, but I grieve
at the very false ideas which the people conceive from
them, and which are spread abroad in common talk on every
ude — namely, that unhappy souls believe that, if they buy
3tters of indulgences, they are sure of their salvation; also,
that, as soon as they have thrown their contribution into the

4 INTRODUCTORY LETTER

chest, souls forthwith fly out of purgatory ; and furthermore,
that so great is the grace thus conferred, that there is no sin
so great — even, as they say, if, by an impossibility, any one
had violated the Mother of God — but that it may be pardoned ;
and again, that by these indulgences a man is freed from all
punishment and guilt.

0 gracious God ! it is thus that the souls committed to your
care, most excellent Father, are being taught unto their death,
and a most severe account, which you will have to render for
all of them, is growing and increasing. Hence I have not
been able to keep silence any longer on this subject, for by no
function of a bishop's office can a man become sure of salvation,
since he does not even become sure through the grace of God
infused into him, but the Apostle bids us to be ever working
out our salvation in fear and trembling. (Phil. ii. 12.) Even
the righteous man — says Peter — shall scarcely be saved.
(1 Pet. iv. 18.) In fine, so narrow is the way which leads
unto life, that the Lord, speaking by the prophets Amos and
Zachariah, calls those who are to be saved brands snatched
from the burning, and our Lord everywhere declares the
difficulty of salvation.

Why then, by these false stories and promises of pardon,
do the preachers of them make the people to feel secure and
without fear ? since indulgences confer absolutely no good on
souls as regards salvation or holiness, but only take away
the outward penalty which was wont of old to be canonically
imposed.

Lastly, works of piety and charity are infinitely better than
indulgences, and yet they do not preach these with such
display or so much zeal; nay, they keep silence about them
for the sake of preaching pardons. And yet it is the first and
sole duty of all bishops, that the people should learn the
Gospel and Christian charity : for Christ nowhere commands
that indulgences should be preached. What a dreadful thing
it is then, what peril to a bishop, if, while the Gospel is passed
over in silence, he permits nothing but the noisy outcry of
indulgences to be spread among his people, and bestows more
care on these than on the Gospel ! Will not Christ say to
them : " Straining at a gnat, and swallowing a camel " ?

Besides all this, most reverend Father in the Lord, in that

TO THE NINETY-FIVE THESES 5

instruction to the commissaries which has been put forth under
the name of your most reverend Fatherhood it is stated —
doubtless without the knowledge and consent of your most
reverend Fatherhood — that one of the principal graces conveyed
by indulgences is that inestimable gift of God, by which man
is reconciled to God, and all the pains of purgatory are done
away with; and further, that contrition is not necessary for
those who thus redeem souls or buy confessional licences.

But what can I do, excellent Primate and most illustrious
Prince, save to entreat your reverend Fatherhood, through the
Lord Jesus Christ, to deign to turn on us the eye of fatherly
care, and to suppress that advertisement altogether and impose
on the preachers of pardons another form of preaching, lest
perchance some one should at length arise who will put forth
writings in confutation of them and of their advertisements,
to the deepest reproach of your most illustrious Highness. It
is intensely abhorrent to me that this should be done, and yet
I fear that it will happen, unless the evil be speedily remedied.

This faithful discharge of my humble duty I entreat that
your most illustrious Grace will deign to receive in a princely
and bishoplike spirit — that is, with all clemency — even as I
offer it with a most faithful heart, and one most devoted to your
most reverend Fatherhood, since I too am part of your flock.
May the Lord Jesus keep your most reverend Fatherhood for
ever and ever. Amen.

From Wittemberg, on the eve of All Saints, in the year
1517.

If it so please your most reverend Fatherhood, you may look
at these Disputations, that you may perceive how dubious a
matter is that opinion about indulgences, which they dis-
seminate as if it were most certain.

To your most reverend Fatherhood,

Martin Luther.

b 2

THE NINETY-FIVE THESES

DISPUTATION OF DB. MAETIN LUTHEE CONCEBNING
PENITENCE AND INDULGENCES.

In the desire and with the purpose of elucidating the truth,
a disputation will be held on the underwritten propositions at
Wittemberg, under the presidency of the Eeverend Father
Martin Luther, Monk of the Order of St. Augustine, Master of
Arts and of Sacred Theology, and ordinary Eeader of the same
in that place. He therefore asks those who cannot be present
and discuss the subject with us orally, to do so by letter in their
absence. In the name of our Lord Jesus Christ. Amen.

1. Our Lord and Master Jesus Christ in saying : " Eepent
ye," * etc., intended that the whole life of believers should be
penitence.

2. This word cannot be understood of sacramental penance,
that is, of the confession and satisfaction which are performed
under the ministry of priests.

3. It does not, however, refer solely to inward penitence;
nay such inward penitence is naught, unless it outwardly
produces various mortifications of the flesh.

4. The penalty 2 thus continues as long as the hatred of self
— that is, true inward penitence — continues ; namely, till our
entrance into the kingdom of heaven.

5. The Pope has neither the will nor the power to remit
any penalties, except those which he has imposed by his own
authority, or by that of the canons.

6. The Pope has no power to remit any guilt, except by
declaring and warranting it to have been remitted by God ; or
at most by remitting cases reserved for himself; in which
cases, if his power were despised, guilt would certainly remain.

7. God never remits any man's guilt, without at the same

1 In the Latin, from the Vulgate, " agite pcenitentiam," sometimes translated
" Do penance." The effect of the following theses depends to some extent on
the double meaning of "pcenitentia " — penitence and penance.

2 I.e. "Poena" the connection between "poena " and " pcmitewHa " being
again suggestive.

CONCERNING INDULGENCES 7

time subjecting him, humbled in all things, to the authority
of his representative the priest.

8. The penitential canons are imposed only on the living,
and no burden ought to be imposed on the dying, according to
them.

9. Hence the Holy Spirit acting in the Pope does well for us,
in that, in his decrees, he always makes exception of the
article of death and of necessity.

10. Those priests act wrongly and unlearnedly, who, in the
case of the dying, reserve the canonical penances for pur-
gatory.

^1. Those tares about changing of the canonical penalty into
the penalty of purgatory seem surely to have been sown while
the bishops were asleep.

12. Formerly the canonical penalties were imposed not
after, but before absolution, as tests of true contrition.

13. The dying pay all penalties by death, and are already
dead to the canon laws, and are by right relieved from them.

14. The imperfect soundness or charity of a dying person
necessarily brings with it great fear, and the less it is, the
greater the fear it brings.

15. This fear and horror is sufficient by itself, to say nothing
of other things, to constitute the pains of purgatory, since it is
very near to the horror of despair.

16. Hell, purgatory, and heaven appear to differ as despair,
almost despair, and peace of mind differ.

17. With souls in purgatory it seems that it must needs be
that, as horror diminishes, so charity increases.

18. Nor does it seem to be proved by any reasoning or any
scriptures, that they are outside of the state of merit or of the
increase of charity.

19. Nor does this appear to be proved, that they are sure
and confident of their own blessedness, at least all of them,
though we may be very sure of it.

20. Therefore the Pope, when he speaks of the plenary
remission of all penalties, does not mean simply of all, but
only of those imposed by himself.

21. Thus those preachers of indulgences are in error who
say that, by the indulgences of the Pope, a man is loosed and
saved from all punishment

8 THE NINETY-FIVE THESES

22. For in fact he remits to souls in purgatory no penalty
which they would have had to pay in this life according to the
canons.

23. If any entire remission of all penalties can be granted
to any one, it is certain that it is granted to none but the most
perfect, that is, to very few.

24. Hence the greater part of the people must needs be
deceived by this indiscriminate and high-sounding promise of
release from penalties.

25. Such power as the Pope has over purgatory in general,
such has every bishop in his own diocese, and every curate in
his own parish, in particular.

26. The Pope acts most rightly in granting remission to
souls, not by the power of the keys (which is of no avail in this
case) but by the way of suffrage.

27. They preach man, who say that the soul flies out of
purgatory as soon as the money thrown into the chest
rattles.

28. It is certain that, when the money rattles in the chest,
avarice and gain may be increased, but the suffrage of the
Church depends on the will of God alone.

29. Who knows whether all the souls in purgatory desire to
be redeemed from it, according to the story told of Saints
Severinus and Paschal.

30. No man is sure of the reality of his own contrition, much
less of the attainment of plenary remission.

31. Eare as is a true penitent, so rare is one who truly buys
indulgences — that is to say, most rare.

32. Those who believe that, through letters of pardon, they
are made sure of their own salvation, will be eternally damned
along with their teachers.

33. We must especially beware of those who say that these
pardons from the Pope are that inestimable gift of God by
which man is reconciled to God.

34. For the grace conveyed by these pardons has respect
only to the penalties of sacramental satisfaction, which are of
human appointment.

35. They preach no Christian doctrine, who teach that
contrition is not necessary for those who buy souls out of
purgatory or buy confessional licences.

CONCERNING INDULGENCES 9

36. Every Christian who feels true compunction has of right
plenary remission of pain and guilt, even without letters of
pardon.

37. Every true Christian, whether living or dead, has a share
in all the benefits of Christ and of the Church, given him by
God, even without letters of pardon.

38. The remission, however, imparted by the Pope is by eo
means to be despised, since it is, as I have said, a declaration
of the Divine remission.

39. It is a most difficult thing, even for the most learned
theologians, to exalt at the same time in the eyes of the people
the ample effect of pardons and the necessity of true contrition.

40. True contrition seeks and loves punishment ; while the
ampleness of pardons relaxes it, and causes men to hate it, or
at least gives occasion for them to do so.

41. Apostolical pardons ought to be proclaimed with caution,
lest the people should falsely suppose that they are placed
before other good works of charity.

42. Christians should be taught that it is not the mind of
the Pope that the buying of pardons is to be in any way
compared to works of mercy.

43. Christians should be taught that he who gives to a poor
man, or lends to a needy man, does better than if he bought
pardons.

44. Because, by a work of charity, charity increases, and the
man becomes better ; while, by means of pardons, he does not
become better, but only freer from punishment.

45. Christians should be taught that he who sees any one in
need, and, passing him by, gives money for pardons, is not
purchasing for himself the indulgences of the Pope, but the
anger of God.

46. Christians should be taught that, unless they have
superfluous wealth, they are bound to keep what is necessary
for the use of their own households, and by no means to lavish
it on pardons.

47. Christians should be taught that, while they are free to
buy pardons, they are not commanded to do so.

48. Christians should be taught that the Pope, in granting
pardons, has both more need and more desire that devout prayer
should be made for him, than that money should be readily paid.

y

10 THE NINETY-FIVE THESES

49. Christians should be taught that the Pope's pardons are
useful, if they do not put their trust in them, but most hurtful,
if through them they lose the fear of God.

50. Christians should be taught that, if the Pope were
acquainted with the exactions of the preachers of pardons,
he would prefer that the Basilica of St. Peter should be burnt
to ashes, than that it should be built up with the skin, flesh,
and bones of his sheep.

51. Christians should be taught that, as it would be the
duty, so it would be the wish of the Pope, even to sell, if
necessary, the Basilica of St. Peter, and to give of his own
money to very many of those from whom the preachers of
pardons extract money.

52. Yain is the hope of salvation through letters of pardon,
even if a commissary — nay, the Pope himself — were to pledge
his own soul for them.

53. They are enemies of Christ and of the Pope, who, in order
that pardons may be preached, condemn the word of God to
utter silence in other churches.

54. Wrong is done to the word of God when, in the same
sermon, an equal or longer time is spent on pardons than
on it.

55. The mind of the Pope necessarily is that, if pardons,
which are a very small matter, are celebrated with single bells,
single processions, and single ceremonies, the Gospel, which is
a very great matter, should be preached with a hundred bells,
a hundred processions, and a hundred ceremonies.

56. The treasures of the Church, whence the Pope grants
indulgences, are neither sufficiently named nor known among
the people of Christ.

57. It is clear that they are at least not temporal treasures,
for these are not so readily lavished, but only accumulated, by
many of the preachers.

58. Nor are they the merits of Christ and of the saints, for
these, independently of the Pope, are always working grace
to the inner man, and the cross, death, and hell to the outer
man.

59. St. Lawrence said that the treasures of the Church are
the poor of the Church, but he spoke according to the use of
the word in his time.

CONCERNING INDULGENCES 11

60. We are not speaking rashly when we say that the
keys of the Church, bestowed through the merits of Christ, are
that treasure.

61. For it is clear that the power of the Pope is alone
sufficient for the remission of penalties and of reserved cases.

62. The true treasure of the Church is the Holy Gospel of
the glory and grace of God.

63. This treasure, however, is deservedly most hateful,
because it makes the first to be last.

64. While the treasure of indulgences is deservedly most
acceptable, because it makes the last to be first.

65. Hence the treasures of the Gospel are nets, wherewith of
old they fished for the men of riches.

66. The treasures of indulgences are nets, wherewith they
now fish for the riches of men.

67. Those indulgences, which the preachers loudly proclaim
to be the greatest graces, are seen to be truly such as regards
the promotion of gain.

68. Yet they are in reality in no degree to be compared to
the grace of God and the piety of the cross.

69. Bishops and curates are bound to receive the commissaries
of apostolical pardons with all reverence.

70. But they are still more bound to see to it with all their
eyes, and take heed with all their ears, that these men do not
preach their own dreams in place of the Pope's commission.

71. He who speaks against the truth of apostolical pardons,
let him be anathema and accursed.

72. But he, on the other hand, who exerts himself against
the wantonness and licence of speech of the preachers of
pardons, let him be blessed.

73. As the Pope justly thunders against those who use any
kind of contrivance to the injury of the traffic in pardons,

74. Much more is it his intention to thunder against those
who, under the pretext of pardons, use contrivances to the
injury of holy charity and of truth.

75. To think that Papal pardons have such power that they
could absolve a man even if — by an impossibility — he had
violated the Mother of God, is madness.

76. We affirm on the contrary that Papal pardons cannot
take away even the least of venial sins, as regards its guilt.

12 THE NINETY-FIVE THESES

77. The saying that, even if St. Peter were now Pope, he
could grant no greater graces, is blasphemy against St. Peter
and the Pope.

78. We affirm on the contrary that both he and any other
Pope has greater graces to grant, namely, the Gospel, powers,
gifts of healing, etc. (1 Cor. xii. 9.)

79. To say that the cross set up among the insignia of the
Papal arms is of equal power with the cross of Christ, is
blasphemy.

80- Those bishops, curates, and theologians who allow such
discourses to have currency among the people, will have to
render an account.

81. This licence in the preaching of pardons makes it no easy
thing, even for learned men, to protect the reverence due to
the Pope against the calumnies, or, at all events, the keen
questionings of the laity.

82. As for instance: — Why does not the Pope empty
purgatory for the sake of most holy charity and of the supreme
necessity of souls — this being the most just of all reasons — if
he redeems an infinite number of souls for the sake of that
most fatal thing money, to be spent on building a basilica —
this being a very slight reason ?

83. Again ; why do funeral masses and anniversary masses
for the deceased continue, and why does not the Pope return,
or permit the withdrawal of the funds bequeathed for this
purpose, since it is a wrong to pray for those who are already
redeemed ?

84. Again ; what is this new kindness of God and the Pope,
in that, for money's sake, they permit an impious man and an
enemy of God to redeem a pious soul which loves God, and yet
do not redeem that same pious and beloved soul, out of free
charity, on account of its own need ?

85. Again ; why is it that the penitential canons, long since
abrogated and dead in themselves in very fact and not only
by usage, are yet still redeemed with money, through the
granting of indulgences, as if they were full of life ?

86. Again ; why does not the Pope, whose riches are at this
day more ample than those of the wealthiest of the wealthy,
build the one Basilica of St. Peter with his own money, rather
than with that of poor believers ?

CONCERNING INDULGENCES 13

87. Again ; what does the Pope remit or impart to those
who, through perfect contrition, have a right to plenary re-
mission and participation ?

88. Again ; what greater good would the Church receive if
the Pope, instead of once, as he does now, were to bestow these
remissions and participations a hundred times a day on any one
of the faithful ?

89. Since it is the salvation of souls, rather than money,
that the Pope seeks by his pardons, why does he suspend the
letters and pardons granted long ago, since they are equally
efficacious.

90. To repress these scruples and arguments of the laity by
force alone, and not to solve them by giving reasons, is to
expose the Church and the Pope to the ridicule of their
enemies, and to make Christian men unhappy.

91. If then pardons were preached according to the spirit
and mind of the Pope, all these questions would be resolved
with ease ; nay, would not exist.

92. Away then with all those prophets who say to the people
of Christ : " Peace, peace," and there is no peace.

93. Blessed be all those prophets, who say to the people of
Christ : " The cross, the cross," and there is no cross.

94. Christians should be exhorted to strive to follow Christ
their head through pains, deaths, and hells.

95. And thus trust to enter heaven through many tribulations,
rather than in the security of peace.

Protestation.

I, Martin Luther, Doctor, of the Order of Monks at Wittem-
berg, desire to testify publicly that certain propositions against
pontifical indulgences, as they call them, have been put forth
by me. Now although, up to the present time, neither this
most celebrated and renowned school of ours, nor any civil or
ecclesiastical power has condemned me, yet there are, as I hear,
some men of headlong and audacious spirit, who dare to pro-
nounce me a heretic, as though the matter had been thoroughly
looked into and studied. But on my part, as I have often done
before, so now too I implore all men, by the faith of Christ,
either to point out to me a better way, if such a way has been

14 THE NINETY-FIVE THESES

divinely revealed to any, or at least to submit their opinion to
the judgment of God and of the Church. For I am neither so
rash as to wish that my sole opinion should be preferred to
that of all other men, nor so senseless as to be willing that the
word of God should be made to give place to fables, devised
by human reason.

THE THEEE PRIMARY WORKS

OF

DR. MARTIN LUTHER.

i.

TO

THE CHRISTIAN NOBILITY

OF THE

GERMAN NATION

RESPECTING THE KEFORMATION

OF THE

CHKISTIAN ESTATE.

JESUS.

( 17

DEDICATORY LETTER.

To the respected and worthy

NICOLAUS \ON AMSDORF,

Licentiate in the Holy Scriptures and Canon of Wittenberg,1

My particular and affectionate friend.

Dr. MAETIN LUTHER.

The Grace and Peace of God be with you ! Respected, worthy
Sir and dear friend.

The time for silence is gone and the time to speak has come,
as we read in Ecclesiastes (iii. 7.) I have in conformity with
our resolve put together some few points concerning the Refor-
mation of the Christian Estate, with the intent of placing the
same before the Christian Nobility of the German Nation, in
case it may please God to help His Church by means of the
laity, inasmuch as the clergy, whom this task rather befitted,
have become quite careless. I send all this to your worship,
to judge and to amend where needed. I am well aware that
I shall not escape the reproach of taking far too much upon
me, in presuming, insignificant as I am, to address such high
estates on such weighty and great subjects ; as if there were no
one in the world but Dr. Luther, to have a care for Christi-
anity, and to give advice to such wise people.

Let who will blame me, I shall not offer any excuse.
Perhaps I still owe God and the world another folly. This debt
I have now resolved honestly to discharge, as well as may be,
and to be court fool for once in my life : if I fail, I shall at any
rate gain this advantage, that no one need buy me a fool's cap
or shave my poll. But it remains to be seen which shall hang

1 Nicolaus von Amsdorf (1483-1565) was a colleague of Luther at the
University of Wittenberg, and one of his most zealous fellow-workers iii
the cause of the Reformation.

18 LUTHER'S PRIMARY WORKS.

the bells on the other. I must fulfil the proverb : When any-
thing is to be done in the world, a monk must be in it, were
it only as a painted figure. I suppose it has often happened
that a fool has spoken wisely, and wise men have often done
foolishly, as St. Paul says : " If any man among you seemeth
to be wise in this world, let him become a fool, that he may be
wise." (1 Cor. iii. 18.)

Now, inasmuch as I am not only a fool, but also a sworn
doctor of the Holy Scriptures, I am glad that I have an oppor-
tunity of fulfilling my oath, just in this fool's way. I beg you
to excuse me to the moderately wise : for I know not how to
deserve the favour and grace of the supremely wise, which I
have so often sought with much labour, but now for the future
shall neither have nor regard.

God help us to seek not our glory, but His alone. Amen.

From Wittenberg, in the monastery of St. Augustine, on the
eve of St. John the Baptist, in the year 1520.

JESUS.

To his most Serene and Mighty Imperial Majesty, and to
the Christian Nobility of the German Nation.

Db. maetinus luthee.

The grace and might of God be with you, Most Serene
Majesty ! most gracious, well beloved gentlemen !

It is not out of mere arrogance and perversity that I, a
single poor man, have taken upon me to address your lord-
ships. The distress and misery that oppress all the Christian
estates, more especially in Germany, have led not only myself,
but every one else, to cry aloud and to ask for help, and have
now forced me too, to cry out and to ask, if God would give
His Spirit to any one, to reach a hand to His wretched people.
Councils have often put forward some remedy, but through the
cunning of certain men it has been adroitly frustrated, and the
evils have become worse ; whose malice and wickedness I will

ADDEESS TO THE NOBILITY 19

now, by the help of God, expose, so that, being known, they may
henceforth cease to be so obstructive and injurious. God has
given us a young and noble sovereign,1 and by this has roused
hope in many hearts : now it is right that we too should do .
what we can, and make good use of time and grace.

The first thing that we must do is to consider the matter
with great earnestness, and, whatever we attempt, not to trust
in our own strength and wisdom alone, even if the power of
all the world were ours ; for God will not endure that a good
work should be begun, trusting to our own strength and
wisdom. He destroys it ; it is all useless : as we read in the
xxxiii. Psalm. " There is no king saved by the multitude of an
host : a mighty man is not delivered by much strength." And
I fear it is for that reason, that those beloved Princes, the
Emperors Frederick, the First and the Second, and many other
German Emperors were, in former times, so piteously spurned
and oppressed by the Popes, though they were feared by all
the world. Perchance they trusted rather in their own
strength than in God ; therefore they could not but fall : and
how would the sanguinary tyrant Julius II. have risen so
high in our own days, but, that, I fear, France, the Germans
and Venice trusted to themselves ? The children of Benjamin
slew forty-two thousand Israelites, for this reason, that these
trusted to their own strength. (Judges xx. etc.)

That it may not happen thus to us and to our noble
Emperor Charles, we must remember that in this matter we
wrestle not against flesh and blood, but against the rulers of
the darkness of this world (Eph. vi. 12), who may fill the
world with war and bloodshed, but cannot themselves be over-
come thereby. We must renounce all confidence in our natural
strength, and take the matter in hand with humble trust
in God; we must seek God's help with earnest prayer, and
have nothing before our eyes but the misery and wretchedness
of Christendom, irrespective of what punishment the wicked
may deserve. If we do not act thus, we may begin the game
with great pomp ; but when we are well in it, the spirits of
evil will make such confusion, that the whole world will be
immersed in blood, and yet nothing be done. Therefore let us
act in the fear of God, and prudently. The greater the might

1 Charles V. was at that time not quite twenty years of age.

C

20 LUTHER S PRIMARY WORKS

of the foe, the greater is the misfortune, if we do not act in the
fear of God, and with humility. As Popes and Eomanist s have
hitherto, with the Devil's help, thrown Kings into confusion,
so will they still do, if we attempt things with our own Strength
and skill, without God's help.

I.

The Three Walls of the Eomanists.

The Eomanists have, with great adroitness, drawn three walls
round themselves, with which they have hitherto protected
themselves, so that no one could reform them, whereby all
Christendom has fallen terribly.

Firstly, if pressed by the temporal power, they have affirmed
and maintained that the temporal power has no jurisdiction
over them, but on the contrary that the spiritual power is
above the temporal.

Secondly, if it were proposed to admonish them with the
Scriptures, they objected that no one may interpret the Scrip-
tures but the Pope.

Thirdly, if they are threatened with a Council, they pre-
tend that no one may call a Council but the Pope.

Thus they have secretly stolen our three rods, so that they
may be unpunished, and entrenched themselves behind these
three walls, to act with all wickedness and malice, as we now
see. And whenever they have been compelled to call a
Council, they have made it of no avail, by binding the Princes
beforehand with an oath to leave them as they were. Besides
this they have given the Pope full power over the arrange-
ment of the Council, so that it is all one, whether we have
many Councils, or no Councils, for in any case they deceive
us with pretences and false tricks. So grievously do they
tremble for their skin before a true, free Council ; and thus
they have overawed Kings and Princes, that these believe they
would be offending God, if they were not to obey them in all
such knavish, deceitful artifices.

Now may God help us, and give us one of those trumpets, that
overthrew the walls of Jericho, so that we may blow down
these walls of straw and paper, and that we may set free our

ADDEESS TO THE NOBILITY 21

Christian rods, for the chastisement of sin, and expose the
craft and deceit of the devil, so that we may amend ourselves
by punishment and again obtain God's favour.

The First Wall.

Let us, in the first place, attack the first wall.

It has been devised, that the Pope, bishops, priests and
monks are called the Spiritual Estate ; Princes, lords, artificers
and peasants, are the Temporal Estate ; which is a very fine,
hypocritical device. But let no one be made afraid by it ; and
that for this reason : That all Christians are truly of the
Spiritual Estate, and there is no difference among them, save of
office alone. As St. Paul says (1 Cor. xii.), we are all one
body, though each member does its own work, to serve the
others. This is because we have one baptism, one gospel, one
faith, and are all Christians alike ; for baptism, gospel and
faith, these alone make Spiritual and Christian people.

As for the unction by a pope or a bishop, tonsure, ordi-
nation, consecration, clothes differing from those of laymen —
all this may make a hypocrite or an anointed puppet, but never
a Christian, or a spiritual man. Thus we are all consecrated
as priests by baptism, as St. Peter says : "Ye are a royal
priesthood, a holy nation " (1 Peter ii. 9) ; and in the book of
Revelations : " and hast made us unto our God, kings and
priests." (Eev. v. 10.) For, if we had not a higher consecration
in us than Pope or bishop can give, no priest could ever be
made by the consecration of Pope or bishop ; nor could he say
the mass, or preach, or absolve. Therefore the bishop's con-
secration is just as if in the name of the whole congregation
he took one person out of the community, each member of
which has equal power, and commanded him to exercise this
power for the rest ; in the same way as if ten brothers, co-heirs
as king's sons, were to choose one from among them to rule
over their inheritance ; they would, all of them, still remain
kings and have equal power, although one is ordered to govern.

And to put the matter even more plainly ; If a little
company of pious Christian laymen were taken prisoners and
carried away to a desert, and had not among them a priest

c 2

22 LUTHER'S PRIMARY WORKS

consecrated by a bishop, and were there to agree to elect one
of them, married or unmarried, and were to order him to
baptize, to celebrate the mass, to absolve and to preach ; this
man would as truly be a priest, as if all the bishops and all
the Popes had consecrated him. That is why in cases of
necessity every man can baptize and absolve, which would not
be possible if we were not all priests. This great grace
and virtue of baptism and of the Christian Estate, they have
almost destroyed and made us forget by their ecclesiastical law.
In this way the Christians used to choose their bishops
and priests out of the community ; these being afterwards
confirmed by other bishops, without the pomp that we have
now. So was it that St. Augustine, Ambrose,^ Cyprian, were
bishops.

Since then the temporal power is baptized as we are, and
has the same faith and gospel, we must allow it to be priest
and bishop, and account its office an office that is proper and
useful to the Christian community. For whatever issues
from baptism, may boast that it has been consecrated priest,
bishop, and Pope, although it does not beseem everyone to
exercise these offices. For, since we are all priests alike, no
man may put himself forward, or take upon himself, without
our consent and election, to do that which we have all alike
power to do. For, if a thing is common to all, no man may take
it to himself without the wish and command of the community.
And if it should happen that a man were appointed to one
of these offices and deposed for abuses, he would be just
what he was before. Therefore a priest should be nothing
in Christendom but a functionary ; as long as he holds his
office, he has precedence of others ; if he is deprived of it, he
is a peasant and a citizen like the rest. Therefore a priest
is verily no longer a priest after deposition. But now they
have invented characteres indelebiles,1 and pretend that a priest
after deprivation still differs from a simple layman. They
even imagine that a priest can never be anything but a priest,
that is, that he can never become a layman. All this is
nothing but mere talk and ordinance of human invention.

1 In accordance with a doctrine of the Roman Catholic Church the act of
ordination impresses upon the priest an indelible character ; so that he im-
mutably retains the sacred dignity of priesthood.

ADDKESS TO THE NOBILITY 23

It follows then, that between layman and priests, princes
and bishops, or as they call it, between spiritual and temporal
persons, the only real difference is one of office and function,
and not of estate : for they are all of the same Spiritual
Estate, true priests, bishops and Popes, though their functions
are not the same : just as among priests and monks every
man has not the same functions. And this St. Paul says
(Eom. xii. ; 1 Cor. xii.) and St. Peter (1 Peter ii.) ; " we being
many are one body in Christ, and every one members one of
another." Christ's body is not double or twofold, one temporal,
the other spiritual. He is one head, and he has one body.

We see then that just as those that we call spiritual, or
priests, bishops or popes, do not differ from other Christians in
any other or higher degree, but in that they are to be concerned
with the word of God, and the sacraments — that being their
work and office — in the same way the temporal authorities hold
the sword and the rod in their hands to punish the wicked and
to protect the good. A cobbler, a smith, a peasant, every man
has the office and function of his calling, and yet all alike are
consecrated priests and bishops, and every man in his office
must be useful and beneficial to the rest, that so many kinds
of work may all be united into one community : just as the
members of the body all serve one another.

Now see, what a Christian doctrine is this : that the temporal
authority is not above the clergy, and may not punish it. This
is, as if one were to say, the hand may not help, though the eye
is in grievous suffering. Is it not unnatural, not to say un-
christian, that one member may not help another, or guard it
against harm ? Nay, the nobler the member, the more the rest
are bound to help it. Therefore I say : forasmuch as the tem-
poral power has been ordained by God for the punishment
of the bad, and the protection of the good, therefore we must
let it do its duty throughout the whole Christian body, with-
out respect of persons : whether it strike popes, bishops, priests,
monks, or nuns. If it were sufficient reason for fettering the
temporal power that it is inferior among the offices of Christi-
anity to the offices of priest or confessor, or to the spiritual
estate — if this were so, then we ought to restrain tailors,
cobblers, masons, carpenters, cooks, servants, peasants, and all
secular workmen, from providing the Pope, or bishops, priests

24 LUTHER'S PRIMARY WORKS

and monks, with shoes, clothes, houses or victuals, or from paying
them tithes. But if these laymen are allowed to do their work
without restraint, what do the Romanist scribes mean by their
laws ? They mean that they withdraw themselves from the
operation of temporal Christian power, simply in order that
they may be free to do evil, and thus fulfil what St. Peter
said : " There shall be false teachers among you, . . . and
through covetousness shall they with feigned words make
merchandize of you." (2 Peter ii. 1, etc.)

Therefore the temporal Christian power must exercise its
office without let or hindrance, without considering whom it
may strike, whether pope, or bishop, or priest : whoever is guilty
let him suffer for it. Whatever the ecclesiastical law says in
opposition to this, is merely the invention of Romanist arro-
gance. For this is what St. Paul says to all Christians : " Let
every soul " (I presume including the Popes) " be subject unto
the higher powers : for he beareth not the sword in vain : for
he is the minister of God, a revenger to execute wrath upon him
that doeth evil." (Rom. xiii. 1-4.) Also St. Peter : " Submit
yourselves to every ordinance of man for the Lord's sake . . .
for so is the will of God." (1 Peter ii. 13, 15.) He has also
said, that men would come, who should despise government
(2 Peter ii.) ; as has come to pass through ecclesiastical law.

Now I imagine, the first paper wall is overthrown, inasmuch
as the temporal power has become a member of the Christian
body, and although its work relates to the body, yet does it
belong to the spiritual estate. Therefore it must do its duty
without let or hindrance upon all members of the whole body,
to punish or urge, as guilt may deserve, or need may require,
without respect of Pope, bishops or priests ; let them threaten
or excommunicate as they will. That is why a guilty priest is
deprived of his priesthood before being given over to the
secular arm ; whereas this would not be right, if the secular
sword had not authority over him already by divine ordinance.

It is, indeed, past bearing that the spiritual law should esteem
so highly the liberty, life and property of the clergy, as if laymen
were not as good spiritual Christians, or not equally members
of the Church. Why should your body, life, goods, and honour
be free and not mine, seeing that we are equal as Christians, and
have received alike baptism, faith, spirit and all things ? If a

ADDEESS TO THE NOBILITY 25

priest is killed, the country is laid under an interdict : 1 why
not also if a peasant is killed ? Whence conies all this differ-
ence among equal Christians ? Simply from human laws and
inventions.

It can have heen no good spirit, that devised these exceptions,
and made sin to go unpunished. For, if as Christ and the
Apostles bid us, it is our duty to oppose the evil one, and all
his works and words, and to drive him away as well as may
be ; how then should we look on in silence, when the Pope and
his followers are guilty of devilish works and words ? Are we
for the sake of men to allow the commandments and the truth
of God to be defeated, which at our baptism we vowed to
support with body and soul ? Truly we should have to answer
for all souls that are thus led away into error.

Therefore it must have been the archdevil himself who said,
as we read in the ecclesiastical law : If the Pope were so
perniciously wicked, as to be dragging souls in crowds to the
devil, yet he could not be deposed. This is the accursed and
devilish foundation on which they build at Eome, and think
that the whole world is to be allowed to go to the devil, rather
than they should be opposed in their knavery. If a man were
to escape punishment simply because he is above the rest, then
no Christian might punish another, since Christ has com-
manded each of us to esteem himself the lowest and the
humblest. (Matt, xviii. 4 ; Luke ix. 48.)

"Where there is sin, there remains no avoiding the punish-
ment, as St. Gregory says : We are all equal, but guilt makes
one subject to another. Now see, how they deal with Christ-
endom, depriving it of its freedom without any warrant from
the Scriptures, out of their own wickedness, whereas God and
the Apostles made them subject to the secular sword ; so that
we must fear, that it is the work of Antichrist, or a sign of his
near approach.

The Second Wall

The second wall is even more tottering and weak : that
they alone pretend to be considered masters of the Scriptures ;

1 By the Interdict, or general excommunication, whole countries, districts,
or towns, were deprived of all the spiritual benefits of the Church, such
as divine service, the administering of the sacraments, etc.

•

26 luthek's primary works

although they learn nothing of them all their life, they assume
authority, and juggle before us with impudent words, saying that
the Pope cannot err in matters of faith, whether he be evil or
good ; albeit they cannot prove it by a single letter. That is
why the canon law contains so many heretical and unchristian,
nay, unnatural laws ; but of these we need not speak now.
. For whereas they imagine the Holy G-host never leaves them,
however unlearned and wicked they may be, they grow bold
enough to decree whatever they like. But were this true,
where were the need and use of the Holy Scriptures ? Let us
burn them, and content ourselves with the unlearned gentlemen
at Rome, in whom the Holy Ghost dwells, who however can
dwell in pious souls only. If I had not read it, I could never
have believed, that the Devil should have put forth such follies
at Eome and find a following.

But not to fight them with our own words, we will quote
the Scriptures. St. Paul says : " If anything be revealed to
another that sitteth by, let the first hold his peace." (1 Cor.
xiv. 30.) What would be the use of this commandment, if we
were to believe him alone that teaches or has the highest seat ?
Christ Himself says : " And they shall be all taught of God."
(St. John vi. 45.) Thus it may come to pass that the Pope and
his followers are wicked and not true Christians, and not being
taught by God, have no true understanding, whereas a common
man may have true understanding. Why should we then not
follow him ? Has not the Pope often erred ? Who could help
Christianity, in case the Pope errs, if we do not rather believe
another, who has the Scriptures for him ?

Therefore it is a wickedly devised fable, and they cannot
quote a single letter to confirm it, that it is for the Pope
alone to interpret the Scriptures or to confirm the interpreta-
tion of them : they have assumed the authority of their own
selves. And though they say, that this authority was given
to St. Peter when the keys were given to him, it is plain
enough that the keys were not given to St. Peter alone, but
to the whole community. Besides, the keys were not ordained
for doctrine or authority, but for sin, to bind or loose; and
what they claim besides this is mere invention. But what
Christ said to St. Peter : " I have prayed for thee, that thy
faith fail not " (St. Luke xxii. 32), cannot relate to the

ADDRESS TO THE NOBILITY 27

Pope, inasmuch as there have been many Popes without
faith, as they are themselves forced to acknowledge. Nor did
Christ pray for Peter alone, hut for all the Apostles and all
Christians, as He says, " Neither pray I for these alone, but for
them also which shall believe on me through their word."
(St. John xvii.) Is not this plain enough ?

Only consider the matter. They must needs acknowledge
that there are pious Christians among us, that have the true
faith, spirit, understanding, word, and mind of Christ ; why then
should we reject their word and understanding, and follow a
Pope who has neither understanding nor Spirit? Surely this
were to deny our whole faith and the Christian Church.
Moreover, if the article of our faith is right : I believe in the
Holy Christian Church, the Pope cannot alone be right ; else
we must say : I believe in the Pope of Rome, and reduce the
Christian Church to one man, which is a devilish and damnable
heresy. Besides that, we are all priests, as I have said, and have
r all one faith, one gospel, one sacrament ; how then should we
I not have the power of discerning and judging what is right
or wrong in matters of faith ? What becomes of St. Paul's
words : " But he that is spiritual judgeth all things, yet he
himself is judged of no man " (1 Cor. ii. 15) ; and also, " we
having the same spirit of faith." (2 Cor. iv. 13.) Why then
should we not perceive as well as an unbelieving Pope, what
agrees, or disagrees with our faith ?

By these and many other texts we should gain courage
and freedom, and should not let the spirit of -liberty (as
St. Paulhas it) be frightened away by the inventions of the
Popes; we should boldly judge what they do and what they
leave undone, by our own understanding of the Scriptures, and
force them to follow the better understanding, and not their
own. Did not Abraham in old days have to obey his Sarah,
who was in stricter bondage to him than we are to any one
on earth ? Thus too Balaam's ass was wiser than the prophet.
If God spoke by an ass against a prophet, why should He not
speak by a pious man against the Pope ? Besides, St. Paul
withstood St. Peter as being in error. (Gal. ii.) Therefore
it behoves every Christian to aid the faith by understanding
and defending it, and by condemning all errors.

28 LUTHER'S PRIMARY WORKS

The Third Wall.

The third wall falls of itself, as soon as the first two have
fallen ; for if the Pope acts contrary to the Scriptures, we
are bound to stand by the Scriptures, to punish and to con-
strain him, according to Christ's commandment ; " Moreover
if thy brother shall trespass against thee, go and tell him
his fault between thee and him alone : if he shall hear thee,
thou hast gained thy brother. But if he will not hear thee,
then take with thee one or two more, that in the mouth of two
or three witnesses every word may be established. And if he
shall neglect to hear them, tell it unto the church : but if he
neglect to hear the church, let him be unto thee as an heathen
man and a publican." (St. Matt, xviii. 15-17.) Here each
member is commanded to take care for the other ; much more
then should we do this, if it is a ruling member of the com-
munity that does evil, which by its evil doing, causes great
harm and offence to the others. If then I am to accuse him
before the church, I must collect the church together. More-
over they can show nothing in the Scriptures giving the Pope
sole power to call and confirm councils ; they have nothing but
their own laws ; but these hold good only so long as they are
not injurious to Christianity and the laws of God. Therefore,
if the Pope deserves punishment, these laws cease to bind us,
since Christendom would suffer, if he were not punished by a
council. Thus we read (Acts xv.), that the council of the
Apostles was not called by St. Peter, but by all the Apostles and
the elders. But if the right to call it had lain with St. Peter
alone, it would not have been a Christian council, but a
heretical concilidbulum. Moreover the most celebrated Nicene
Council was neither called nor confirmed by the Bishop of
Borne, but by the Emperor Constantine ; and after him
many other Emperors have done the same, and yet the
councils called by them were accounted most Christian.
But if the Pope alone had the power, they must all have
been heretical. Moreover if I consider the councils that the
Pope has called, I do not find that they produced any notable
results.

Therefore when need requires and the Pope is a cause of

ADDRESS TO THE NOBILITY 29

offence to Christendom, in these cases whoever can best do so,
as a faithful member of the whole body, must do what he can
to procure a true free council. This no one can do so well as
the temporal authorities, especially since they are fellow -
Christians, fellow-priests, sharing one spirit, and one power
in all things ; and since they should exercise the office that
they have received from God without hindrance, whenever
it is necessary and useful that it should be exercised. Would
it not be most unnatural, if a fire were to break out in a
city, and everyone were to keep still and let it burn on and
on, whatever might be burnt, simply because they had not
the mayor's authority, or because the fire perhaps broke
out at the mayor's house ? Is not every citizen bound in
this case to rouse and call in the rest ? How much more
should this be done in the spiritual city of Christ, if a fire
of offence breaks out, either at the Pope's government or
wherever it may ! The like happens if an enemy attacks a
town. The first to rouse up the rest earns glory and
thanks. Why then should not he earn glory that announces
the coming of our enemies from hell, and rouses and summons
all Christians ?

But as for their boasts of their authority, that no one must
oppose it, this is idle talk. No one in Christendom has any
authority to do harm, or to forbid others to prevent harm being
done. There is no authority in the Church but for reformation.
Therefore if the Pope wished to use his power to prevent the
calling of a free council, so as to prevent the reformation of the
Church, we must uot respect him or his power ; and if he should
begin to excommunicate and fulminate, we must despise this as
the ravings of a madman, and trusting in God, excommunicate
and repel him, as best we may. For this his usurped power is
nothing ; he does not possess it, and he is at once overthrown
by a text from the Scriptures. For St. Paul says to the
Corinthians, " That God has given us authority for edification
and not for destruction." (2 Cor. x. 8.) Who will set this
text at naught ? It is the power of the Devil and of Anti-
christ that prevents what would serve for the reformation of
Christendom. Therefore we must not follow it, but oppose
it with our body, our goods and all that we have. And even if
a miracle were to happen in favour of the Pope, against

30 luthek's primary works

the temporal power, or if some were to be stricken by a
plague, as they sometimes boast has happened : all this is to
be held as having been done by the Devil, for our want
of faith in God, as was foretold by Christ : " There shall
arise false Christs, and false prophets, and shall shew great
signs and wonders; insomuch that, if it were possible, they
shall deceive the very elect " (Matt. xxiv. 23) ; and St. Paul
tells the Thessalonians that the coming of Antichrist shall be
" after the working of Satan with all power and signs and lying
wonders." (2 Thess. ii. 9.)

Therefore let us hold fast to this : that Christian power can
do nothing against Christ, as St. Paul says : " for we can do
nothing against Christ, but for Christ." (2 Cor. xiii. 8.) But,
if it does anything against Christ, it is the power of Anti-
christ and the Devil, even if it rained and hailed wonders
and plagues. Wonders and plagues prove nothing, especially in
these latter evil days, of which false wonders are foretold in all
the Scriptures. Therefore we must hold fast to the words of
God with an assured faith ; then the Devil will soon cease his
wonders.

And now I hope we have laid the false, lying spectre with
which the Komanists have long terrified and stupefied our con-
sciences. And we have shown that, like all the rest of us, they
are subject to the temporal sword ; that they have no authority
to interpret the Scriptures by force without skill ; and that they
have no power to prevent a council, or to pledge it in accordance
with their pleasure, or to bind it beforehand, and deprive it of
its freedom ; and that if they do this, they are verily of the
fellowship of Antichrist and the Devil, and have nothing of
Christ but the name.

ADDRESS TO THE NOBILITY 31

II.

Of the Matteks to be Consideked in the Councils.

Let us now consider the matters which should be treated in
the councils, and with which popes, cardinals, bishops, and all
learned men should occupy themselves day and night, if they
loved Christ and His Church. But if they do not do so, the
people at large and the temporal powers must do so, without
considering the thunders of their excommunications. For an
unjust excommunication is better than ten just absolutions, and
an unjust absolution is worse than ten just excommunications.
Therefore let us rouse ourselves, fellow-Germans, and fear (rod
more than man, that we be not answerable for all the poor souls
that are so miserably lost through the wicked, devilish govern-
ment of the Komanists, through which also the dominion of the
Devil grows day by day ; if indeed this hellish government can
grow any worse, which for my part I can neither conceive nor
believe.

1. It is a distressing and terrible thing to see that the
head of Christendom, who boasts of being the Vicar of
Christ and the successor of St. Peter, lives in a worldly pomp
that no king or emperor can equal : so that in him that calls
himself most holy and most spiritual, there is more worldliness
than in the world itself. He wears a triple crown, whereas
the mightiest kings only wear one crown. If this resembles the
poverty of Christ and St. Peter, it is a new sort of resemblance.
They prate of its being heretical to object to this ; nay, they
will not even hear how unchristian and ungodly it is. But I
think that if he should have to pray to (rod with tears, he
would have to lay down his crowns ; for God will not endure
any arrogance. His office should be nothing else than to weep
and pray constantly for Christendom, and to be an example of
all humility.

However this may be, this pomp is a stumbling-block, and
the Pope, for the very salvation of his soul, ought to put it off;
for St. Paul says : " Abstain from all appearance of evil "
(1 Thess. v. 21); and again: "Provide things honest in the

32 luther's primary works

sight of all men." (2 Cor. vjii. 21.) A simple mitre would be
enough for the Pope : wisdom and sanctity should raise him
above the rest ; the crown of pride he should leave to Anti-
christ, as his predecessors did for some hundreds of years.
They say : He is the ruler of the world. This is false ; for
Christ, whose vice-gerent and vicar he claims to be, said to
Pilate : " My kingdom is not of this world." (John xviii. 36.)
But no vice-gerent can have a wider dominion than his Lord.
Nor is he a vice-gerent of Christ in His glory, but of Christ
crucified, as St. Paul says : " For 1 determined not to know
anything among you, save Jesus Christ, and him crucified "
(2 Cor. ii. 2) ; and (Phil. ii. 7) : " Let this mind be in you,
which was also in Christ Jesus ; who made himself of no
reputation, and took upon himself the form of a servant."
(Phil. ii. 5, 7.) Again (1 Cor. i.) : " We preach Christ cruci-
fied." Now they make the Pope a vice-gerent of Christ
exalted in heaven, and some have let the Devil rule them so
thoroughly, that they have maintained that the Pope is above
the angels in heaven, and has power over them ; which is
precisely the true work of the true Antichrist.

2. What is the use in Christendom of the people called
" Cardinals " ? I will tell you. In Italy and Germany there are
many rich convents, endowments, fiefs and benefices, and as
the best way of getting these into the hands of Eome, they
created cardinals, and gave them the sees, convents, and
prelacies, and thus destroyed the service of God. That is why
Italy is almost a desert now : the convents are destroyed, the
sees consumed, the revenues of the prelacies and of all the
churches drawn to Eome ; towns are decayed ; the country and
the people ruined, while there is no more any worship of God
or preaching ; why ? Because the cardinals must have all
the wealth. No Turk could have thus desolated Italy and
overthrown the worship of God.

Now that Italy is sucked dry, they come to Germany and
begin very quietly ; but we shall see, that Germany is soon to
be brought into the same state as Italy. We have a few
cardinals already. What the Eonianists mean thereby the
drunken Germans 1 are not to see until they have lost every-

1 The epithet " drunken " was formerly often applied by the Italians to the
Germans.

ADDRESS TO THE NOBILITY 33

thing— bishoprics, convents, benefices, fiefs, even to their last
farthing. Antichrist must take the riches of the earth, as it
is written. (Dan. xi. 8, 39, 43.) They begin by taking off the
cream of the bishoprics, convents, and fiefs ; and as they do
not dare to destroy everything as they have done in Italy,
they employ such holy cunning to join together ten or twenty
prelacies, and take such a portion of each, annually, that the
total amounts to a considerable sum. The priory of Wiirzburg
gives one thousand guilders, those of Bamberg, Mayence, Treves
and others also contribute. In this way they collect one
thousand or ten thousand guilders, in order that a cardinal
may live at Kome in a state like that of a wealthy monarch.

After we have gained this, we will create thirty or forty
cardinals on one day, and give one St. Michael's Mount,1 near
Bamberg, and likewise the see of Wiirzburg, to which belong
some rich benefices, until the churches and the cities are
desolated ; and then we shall say : We are the vicars of Christ,
the shepherds of Christ's flocks ; those mad, drunken Germans
must submit to it. I advise, however, that there be made fewer
cardinals, or that the Pope should have to support them out
of his own purse. It would be amply sufficient, if there were
twelve, and if each of them had an annual income of one
thousand guilders. What has brought us Germans to such a
pass, tnat we have to suffer this robbery and this destruction
of our property by the Pope? If the kingdom of France
has resisted it, why do we Germans suffer ourselves to be
fooled and deceived ? It would be more endurable, if they did
nothing but rob us of our property ; but they destroy the
church and deprive Christ's flock of their good shepherds, and
overthrow the service and word of God. Even if there were
no cardinals at all, the Church would not perish ; for they
do nothing for the good of Christendom ; all they do is to
bargain and traffic in prelacies and bishoprics ; which any
robber could do as well.

3. If we took away ninety-nine parts of the Pope's court
and only left one hundredth, it would still be large enough
to answer questions on matters of belief. Now there is such
a swarm of vermin at Kome, all called Papal, that Babylon

1 Luther alludes here to the Benedictine convent standing on the Monch-
bery, or St. Michael's Mount.

V

34 luther's primary works

itself never saw the like. There are more than three thousand
Papal secretaries alone ; but who shall count the other office-
bearers, since there are so many offices that we can scarcely
count them, and all waiting for German benefices, as wolves
wait for a flock of sheep ? I think Germany now pays more
to the Pope, than it formerly paid the Emperors ; nay, some
think more than three hundred thousand guilders are sent
from Germany to Kome every year, for nothing whatever ; and
in return we are scoffed at and put to shame. Do we still
wonder why princes, noblemen, cities, foundations, convents
and people are poor ? We should rather wonder that we have
anything left to eat.

Now that we have got well into our game, let us pause
awhile and show that the Germans are not such fools, as not
to perceive or understand this Komish trickery. I do not here
complain, that God's commandments and Christian justice are
despised at Eome ; for the state of things in Christendom,
especially at Rome, is too bad for us to complain of such high
matters. Nor do I even complain that no account is taken
of natural or secular justice and reason. The mischief lies
still deeper. I complain that they do not observe their own
fabricated canon law, though this is in itself rather mere
tyranny, avarice and worldly pomp, than a law. This we
shall now show.

Long ago the Emperors and Princes of Germany allowed the
Pope to claim the annates 1 from all German benefices ; that is,
half of the first year's income from every benefice. The object
at this concession was that the Pope should collect a fund with
all this money, to fight against the Turks and infidels, and to
protect Christendom, so that the nobility should not have
to bear the burden of the struggle alone, and that the priests
should also contribute. The Popes have made such use of
this good simple piety of the Germans, that they have taken
this money for more than one hundred years, and have now
made of it a regular tax and duty ; and not only have they
accumulated nothing, but they have founded out of it many
posts and offices at Home, which are paid by it yearly, as out
of a settled rent.

1 The duty of paying annates to the Pope was established by John XXII.
in 1318.

ADDRESS TO THE NOBILITY 35

Whenever there is any pretence of fighting the Turks, they
send out some commission for collecting money, and often send
out indulgences under the same pretext of fighting the Turks.
They think we Germans will always remain such great and in-
veterate fools, that we will go on giving money to satisfy their
unspeakable greed, though we see plainly that neither annates
nor absolution money, nor any other — not one farthing — goes
against the Turks, but all goes into the bottomless sack. They
lie and deceive, form and make covenants with us of which
they do not mean to keep one jot. And all this is done in
the holy name of Christ and St. Peter.

This being so, the German nation, the bishops and princes,
should remember that they are Christians, and should defend
the people, who are committed to their government and pro-
tection in temporal and spiritual affairs, from these ravenous
wolves in sheep's clothing, that profess to be shepherds and
rulers ; and since the annates are so shamefully abused, and the
covenants concerning them not carried out, they should not
suffer their lands and people to be so piteously and unrighteously
flayed and ruined ; but by an imperial or a national law they
should either retain the annates in the country, or abolish
them altogether. For since they do not keep to the cove-
nants, they have no right to the annates; therefore bishops
and princes are bound to punish this thievery and robbery, or
prevent it, as justice demands. And herein should we assist and
strengthen the Pope, who is perchance too weak to prevent this
scandal by himself; or, if he wishes to protect or support
it, restrain and oppose him as a wolf and tyrant ; for he has no
authority to do evil or to protect evil-doers. Even if it were
proposed to collect any such treasure for use against the
Turks, we should be wise in future, and remember that the
German nation is more fitted to take charge of it than the
Pope, seeing that the German nation by itself is able to
provide men enough, if the money is forthcoming. This matter
of the annates is like many other Romish pretexts.

Moreover the year has been divided among the Pope and
the ruling bishops and foundations, in such wise, that the Pope
has taken every other month — six in all — to give away the
benefices that fall in his month ; in this way almost all the
benefices are drawn into the hands of Rome, and especially

D

36 LUTHER'S PRIMARY WORKS

the best livings and dignities. And those that once fall into
the hands of Koine never come out again, even if they never
again fall vacant in the Pope's month. In this way the founda-
tions come very short of their rights, and it is a downright
robbery, by which it is intended that nothing of them should be
left. Therefore it is now high time to abolish the Pope's
months and to take back again all that has thereby fallen
into the hands of Home. For all the princes and nobles should
insist, that the stolen property shall be returned, the thieves
punished, and that those who abuse their powers shall be
deprived of them. If the Pope can make a law on the day after
his election, by which he takes our benefices and livings to
which he has no right ; the Emperor Charles should so much
the more have a right to issue a law for all Germany on the
day after his coronation,1 that in future no livings and benefices
are to fall to Eome by virtue of the Pope's month, but that
those that have so fallen are to be freed and taken from the
Romish robbers. This right he possesses by his office in
virtue of his temporal sword.

But the see of avarice and robbery at Eome is unwilling to
wait for the benefices to fall in one after another by means of
the Pope's month ; and in order to get them into its insatiable
maw, as speedily as possible, they have devised the plan of taking
livings and benefices in three other ways :

First, if the incumbent of a free living dies at Eome or on
his way thither, his living remains for ever the property of the
see of Eome, or I rather should say, the see of robbers, though
they will not let us call them robbers, although no one has ever
seen or read of such robbery.

Secondly, if a servant of the Pope, or of one of the cardinals,
takes a living, or if having a living he becomes a servant of
the Pope or of a cardinal, the living remains with Eome. But
who can count the servants of the Pope and his cardinals, seeing
that if he goes out riding, he is attended by three or four
thousand mule-riders ; more than any king or emperor. For
Christ and St. Peter went on foot; in order that their vice-
gerents might indulge the better in all manner of pomp.
Besides, their avarice has devised and invented this, that in

1 At the time when the above was written — June 1520 — the Emperor
Charles had been elected, but not yet crowned.

ADDRESS TO THE NOBILITY 37

foreign countries also there are many called papal servants, as at
Rome : so that in all parts this single crafty little word " papal
servant " brings all benefices to the Chair of Eome and they
are kept there for ever. Are not these mischievous, devilish
devices ? Let us only wait awhile. Mayence, Magdeburg, and
Halberstadt will fall very nicely to Eome, and we shall have
to pay dearly for our cardinal.1 Hereafter, all the German
bishops will be made cardinals, so that there shall remain
nothing to ourselves.

Thirdly, whenever there is any dispute about a benefice ; and
this is, I think, well-nigh the broadest and commonest road by
which benefices are brought to Eome. For where there is no
dispute numberless knaves can be found at Eome, who are ready
to scrape up disputes, and attack livings wherever they like. In
this way many a good priest loses his living, or has to buy off
the dispute for a time with a sum of money. These benefices,
confiscated by right or wrong of dispute, are to be for ever the
property of the see of Eome. It would be no wonder, if (rod
were to rain sulphur and fire from heaven and cast Eome down
into the pit, as he did formerly to Sodom and Gomorrah. What
is the use of a Pope in Christendom, if the only use made of his \
power is to commit these supreme villainies under his protection
and assistance ? 0 noble princes and sirs, how long will you
suffer your lands and your people to be the prey of these
ravening wolves ?

But these tricks did not suffice, and Bishoprics were too
slow in falling into the power of Eoman avarice. Accordingly
our good friend Avarice made the discovery that all Bishoprics
are abroad in name only ; but that their land and soil is at
Eome ; from this it follows, that no bishop may be confirmed
until he has bought the " Pall " 2 for a large sum, and has

1 Luther alludes here to the Archbishop Albert of Mayence, who was,
besides, Archbishop of Magdeburg, and administrator of the bishopric of
Halberstadt. In order to be able to defray the expense of the Archiepiscopal
tax due to Rome, amounting to 30,000 guilders, he had farmed the sale of
the Pope's indulgences — employing the notorious Tetzel as his agent, and
sharing the profits with the Pope. In 1518 Albert was appointed Cardinal.
See Ranke : Deutsche Geschichte, &c. ; vol. i. p. 309, &c.

2 The Pallium was since the fourth century the symbol of archiepiscopal
power, and had to be redeemed from the Pope by means of a large sum of
money and a solemn oath of obedience.

D 2

38 LUTHER'S PRIMARY WORKS

with a terrible oath bound himself a servant of the Pope.
That is why no bishop dare oppose the Pope. This was the
object of the oath, and this is how the wealthiest bishoprics
have come to debt and ruin. Mayence, I am told, pays 20,000
guilders. These are true Koman tricks, it seems to me. It
is true that they once decreed in the canon law, that the
Pall should be given free, the number of the Pope's servants
diminished, disputes made less frequent, that foundations and
bishops should enjoy their liberty ; but all this brought them
no money. They have, therefore, reversed all this : bishops and
foundations have lost all their power ; they are mere cyphers,
without office, authority or function ; all things are regulated by
the chief knaves at Eome ; even the offices of sextons and
bell-ringers in all churches. All disputes are transferred
to Kome ; each one does what he will, strong in the Pope's
protection.

What has happened in this very year? The bishop of
Strasburg, wishing to regulate his see in a proper way and
reform it in the matter of divine service, published some divine
and Christian ordinances for that purpose. But our worthy
Pope and the holy Chair at Kome overturns altogether this holy
and spiritual order on the accusation of the priests. This is
what they call being the shepherd of Christ's sheep — supporting
priests against their own bishops, and protecting their disobe-
dience by divine decrees. Antichrist, I hope, will not insult
God in this open way. There you have the Pope, as you have
chosen to have him, and why ? Why, because if the Church
were to be reformed, many things would have to be destroyed,
and possibly Rome among them. Therefore it is better to pre-
vent priests from being at one with each other ; they should
rather, as they have done hitherto, sow discord among kings
and princes, flood the world with Christian blood, lest Christian
unity should trouble the holy Roman See with reforms.

So far we have seen what they do with the livings that fall
vacant. Now there are not enough vacancies for this delicate
greed ; therefore it has also taken prudent account of the
benefices that are still held by their incumbents, so that they
may become vacant, though they are in fact not vacant, and
this they effect in many ways :

First, they lie in wait for fat livings or sees which are

ADDRESS TO THE NOBILITY 39

held by an old or sick man, or even by one afflicted by an
imaginary incompetence ; him the Roman See gives a coadjutor,
that is an assistant without his asking or wishing it, Tor the
benefit of the coadjutor, because he is a papal servant, or pays
for the office, or has otherwise earned it by some menial service
rendered to Eome. Thus there is an end of free election on
the part of the chapter, or of the right of him that presents
the living ; and all goes to Eome.

Secondly, there is a little word : commendam, . that is, when
the Pope gives a rich and fat convent or church into the
charge of a cardinal or any other of his servants, just as I
might command you to take charge of one hundred guilders
for me. In this way the convent is neither given, nor lent,
nor destroyed, nor is its divine service abolished ; but only
entrusted to a man's charge : not, however, for him to protect
and improve it, but to drive out the one he finds there ; to
take the property and revenue, and to instal some apostate x
runaway monk, who is paid five or six guilders a year, and sits
in the church all day and sells symbols and pictures to the pil-
grims ; so that neither chanting nor reading in the church goes
on there any more. Now if we were to call this the destruction
of convents and abolition of divine service, we should be accus-
ing the Pope of destroying Christianity and abolishing divine
service — for truly he is doing this effectually— but this would
be thought harsh language at Eome, therefore it is called a
commendam, or an order to take charge of the convent. In
this way the Pope can make commendams of four or more
convents a year, any one of which produces a revenue of more
than six thousand guilders. This is the way divine service is
advanced and convents kept up at Eome. This will be intro-
duced into Germany as well.

Thirdly, there are certain benefices that are said to be
incompatible, that is, they may not be held together according
to the canon law ; such as two cures, two sees and the like.
Now the Holy See and avarice twists itself out of the canon
law by making " glosses," or interpretations, called JJnio,
or Incorporatio, that is, several incompatible benefices are
incorporated, so that one is a member of the other, and the

1 Monks who forsook their order without any legal dispensation were
called " apostates."

40 LUTHER'S PRIMARY WORKS

er

whole is held to be one benefice ; then they are no longer
incompatible, and we have got rid of the holy canon law, so
that it is no longer binding, except on those, who do not buy
those glosses of the Pope, and his Datarius} Unio is of the
same kind : a number of benefices are tied together like a
bundle of faggots, and on account of this coupling together,
they are held to be one benefice. Thus there may be found
many a courtling at Kome who alone holds twenty-two cures,
seven priories, and forty-four prebends; all which is done in
virtue of this masterly gloss, so as not to be contrary to law.
Any one can imagine what cardinals and other prelates may
hold. In this way the Germans are to have their purses
emptied and be deprived of all comfort.

There is another gloss called Administrate, that is, that
besides his see a man holds an abbey or other high benefice, and
possesses all the property of it, without any other title but
administrator. For at Rome it is enough that words should
change and not deeds, just as if I said, a procuress was to be
called a mayoress, yet may remain as good as she is now.
Such Eomish rule was foretold by St. Peter, when he said :
" There shall be false teachers among you . . . and through
covetousness shall they with feigned words make merchandize
of you." (2 Pet. ii. 1,3.)

This precious Roman avarice has also invented the practice
of selling and lending prebends and benefices on condition
that the seller or lender has the reversion, so that if the
incumbent dies, the benefice falls to him that has sold it, lent
it, or abandoned it ; in this way they have made benefices
heritable property, so that none can come to hold it unless the
seller sells it to him, or leaves it to him at his death. Then
there are many that give a benefice to another in name only ;
and on condition that he shall not receive a farthing. It is
now too an old practice for a man to give another a benefice
and to receive a certain annual sum, which proceeding was
formerly called simony. And there are many other such little
things which I cannot recount ; and so they deal worse with

1 The Papal office for the issue and registration of certain documents
was called Dataria, from the phrase appended to them, Datum apud
S. Fetrum. The chief of that office, usually a cardinal, bore the title of
Datarius.

ADDRESS TO THE NOBILITY 41

the benefices than the heathens by the cross dealt with Christ's
clothes.

But all this that I have spoken of is old and common at
Kome. Their avarice has invented other device, which I hope
will be the last and choke it. The Pope has made a noble
discovery, called Pectoralis Reservatio, that is, " mental reser-
vation " — et proprius motus, that is, " and his own will and
power." The matter is managed in this way : Suppose a man
obtains a benefice at Eome, which is confirmed to him in due
form ; then comes another, who brings money, or who has done
some other service of which the less said the better, and re-
quests the Pope to give him the same benefice, then the Pope
will take it from the first and give it him. If you say, that is
wrong ; the Most Holy Father must then excuse himself, that
he may not be openly blamed for having violated justice ; and
he says : " that in his heart and mind he reserved his authority
over the said benefice ; " whilst he never had heard or thought
of the same in all his life. Thus he has devised a gloss which
allows him in his proper person to lie and cheat and fool us all ;
and all this impudently and in open daylight, and nevertheless
he claims to be the head of Christendom ; letting the evil spirit
rule him with manifest lies.

This " mere motion" and lying reservation of the Popes has
brought about an unutterable state of things at Kome. There
is a buying and a selling, a changing, exchanging, and bargain-
ing, cheating and lying, robbing and stealing, debauchery, and
villainy, and all kinds of contempt of God, that Antichrist
himself could not rule worse. Venice, Antwerp, Cairo, are
nothing to this fair and market at Eome, except that there
things are done with some reason and justice, whilst here
things are done as the Devil himself could wish. And out of
this ocean a like virtue overflows all the world. Is it not
natural that such people should dread a reformation and a free
council, and should rather embroil all kings and princes, than
that their unity should bring about a council ? Who would
like his villainy to be exposed ?

Finally the Pope has built a special house for this fine traffic,
that is, the house of the Datarius at Kome. Thither all must
come that bargain in this way for prebends and benefices ; from
him they must buy the glosses and obtain the right to practise

42 LUTHER'S PRIMARY WORKS

Such prime villainy. In former days it was fairly well at
Rome, when justice had to be bought, or could only be put
down by money ; but now she has become so fastidious, that she
does not allow any one to commit villainies, unless he has first
bought the right to do it with great sums. If this is not a
house of prostitution, worse than all houses of prostitution that
can be conceived, I do not know what houses of prostitution
really are.

If you bring money to this house, you can arrive at all that
I have mentioned ; and more than this, any sort of usury is-
made legitimate for money ; property got by theft or robbery
is here made legal. Here vows are annulled ; here a monk
obtains leave to quit his order ; here priests can enter married
life for money ; here bastards can become legitimate ; and dis-
honour and shame may arrive at high honours ; all evil repute
and disgrace is knighted and ennobled; here a marriage is
suffered that is in a forbidden degree, or has some other defect.
Oh, what a trafficking and plundering is there ! one would
think that the canon laws were only so many ropes of gold,
from which he must free himself who would become a Chris-
tian man. Nay, here the Devil becomes a saint, and a God
besides. What heaven and earth might not do, may be done
by this house. Their ordinances are called compositions — com-
positions, forsooth ! confusions rather.1 Oh what a poor treasury
is the toll on the Rhine, 2 compared with this holy house !

Let no one think that I say too much. It is all notorious,
so that even at Rome they are forced to own that it is more
terrible and worse than one can say. I have said and will say
nothing of the foul dregs of private vices. I only speak of
well-known public matters, and yet my words do not suffice.
Bishops, priests, and especially the doctors of the universities,
who are paid to do it, ought to have unanimously written and
exclaimed against it. Yea, if you will turn the leaf, you will
discover the truth.

I have still to give a farewell greeting. These treasures,
that would have satisfied three mighty kings, were not enough
for this unspeakable greed, and so they have made over and

1 Luther uses here the expressions com/positiones and confasiones as a
kind of pun.

2 Tolls were levied at many places along the Rhine.

ADDRESS TO THE NOBILITY 43

sold their traffic to Fugger * at Augsburg, so that the lending
and buying and selling sees and benefices, and all this traffic
in- ecclesiastical property, has in the end come into the right
hands, and spiritual and temporal matters have now become
one business. Now I should like to know what the most
cunning would devise for Komish greed to do that it has not
done ; except that Fugger might sell or pledge his two trades
that have now become one. I think they must have come to
the end of their devices. For what they have stolen and yet
steal in all countries by Bulls of Indulgences, Letters of Con-
fession, Letters of Dispensation 2 and other eonfessionalia, all
this I think mere bungling work, and much like playing toss
with a devil in hell. Not that they produce little, for a
mighty king could support himself by them ; but they are as
nothing compared to the other streams of revenue mentioned
above. I will not now consider what has become of that
Indulgence money ; I shall enquire into this another time, for
Campofiore and Belvedere 3 and some other places probably know
something about it.

Meanwhile since this devilish state of things is not only an
open robbery, deceit and tyranny of the gates of hell, but also
destroys Christianity, body and soul, we are bound to use all
our diligence to prevent this misery and destruction of Christen-
dom. If we wish to fight the Turks, let us begin here, where
they are worst. If we justly hang thieves and behead robbers,
why do we leave the greed of Eome so unpunished, who is the
greatest thief and robber that has appeared or can appear on
earth, and does all this in the holy name of Christ and St. Peter ?
Who can suffer this and be silent about it ? Almost every-
thing that he possesses has been stolen, or got by robbery, as
we learn from all histories. Why, the Pope never bought those
great possessions, so as to be able to raise wellnigh ten hundred
thousand ducats from his ecclesiastical offices, without counting
his gold mines described above, and his land. He did not

1 The commercial House of Fugger was in those days the wealthiest in
Europe.

2 Luther uses the word Butterbriefe, i.e. letters of indulgence allowing the
enjoyment of butter, cheese, milk, etc., during Lent. They formed part only
of the eonfessionalia, which granted various other indulgences.

3 Parts of the Vatican.

44 LUTHER'S PRIMARY WORKS

inherit it from Christ and St. Peter ; no one gave it or lent it
him, he has not acquired it by prescription. Tell me, where
can he have got it ? You can learn from this, what their object
is, when they sent out legates to collect money to be used
against the Turk.

III.

Twenty-seven Articles respecting the Eeformation of
the Christian Estate.

Now though I am too lowly to submit articles that could serve
for the reformation of these fearful evils, I will yet sing out my
fool's song, and will show, as well as my wit will allow, what
might and should be done by the temporal authorities or by a
General Council.

1. Princes, nobles and cities should promptly forbid their sub-
jects to pay the annates and should even abolish them altogether.
For the Pope has broken the compact, and turned the annates
into robbery for the harm and shame of the German nation; he
gives them to his friends ; he sells them for large sums of money
and founds benefices on them. Therefore he has forfeited his right
to them, and deserves punishment. In this way the temporal
power should protect the innocent and prevent wrongdoing, as we
are taught by St. Paul (Kom. xiii.) and by St. Peter (1 Pet. ii.)
and even by the canon law. (16. q. 7. de Filiis.) That is why we
say to the Pope and his followers : tu ora ! " thou shalt pray ; "
to the Emperor and his followers : tu protege ! " thou shalt
protect ; " to the commons : tu labora ! " thou shalt work; " not
that each man should not pray, protect and work ; for if a man
fulfils his duty, that is prayer, protection and work ; but every
man must have his proper task.

2. Since by means of those Eomish tricks commendams,
coadjutors, reservations, expectations, Pope's months, incorpo-
rations, unions, Palls, rules of chancellery, and other such
knaveries, the Pope takes unlawful possession of all German
foundations, to give and sell them to strangers at Eome, that
profit Germany in no way ; so that the incumbents are robbed
of their rights, and the bishops are made mere cyphers and
anointed idols ; and thus besides natural justice and reason the
Pope's own canon law is violated ; and things have come to such

ADDRESS TO THE NOBILITY 45

a pass, that prebends and benefits are sold at Koine to vulgar,
ignorant asses and knaves, out of sheer greed, while pious
learned men have no profit by their merit and skill, whereby
the unfortunate German people must needs lack good, learned
Prelates and suffer ruin — on account of these evils the Christian
nobility should rise up against the Pope as a common enemy
and destroyer of Christianity, for the sake of the salvation of the
poor souls that such tyranny must ruin. They should ordain,
order and decree that henceforth no benefice shall be drawn
away to Eome, and that no benefice shall be claimed there
in any fashion whatsoever ; and after having once got these
benefices out of the hands of Eomish tyranny, they must be
kept from them, and their lawful incumbents must be rein-
stated in them to administer them as best they may, within
the German nation. And if a courtling came from Eome, he
should receive the strict command to withdraw, or to leap into
the Ehine, or whatever river be nearest, and to administer a
cold bath to the Interdict, seal and letters and all. Thus those
at Eome would learn, that we Germans are not to remain
drunken fools for ever, but that we, too, are become Christians,
and that as such, we will no longer suffer this shameful mockery
of Christ's holy name, that serves as a cloak for such knavery
and destruction of souls, and that we shall respect God and
the glory of God more than the power of men.

3. It should be decreed by an Imperial law, that no epis-
copal cloak, and no confirmation of any appointment shall
for the future be obtained from Eome. The order of the most
holy and renowned Nicene Council must again be restored,
namely, that a bishop must be confirmed by the two nearest
bishops, or by the archbishop. If the Pope cancels the decrees
of these and all other councils, what is the good of councils at
all? Who has given him the right thus to despise councils
and to cancel them ? If this is allowed, we had better abolish
all bishops, archbishops and primates, and make simple rectors of
all of them, so that they would have the Pope alone over them ;
as is indeed the case now ; he deprives bishops, archbishops and
primates of all the authority of their office, taking everything
to himself, and leaving them only the name and the empty
title ; more than this : by his exemption he has withdrawn
convents, abbots and prelates from the ordinary authority of

46 LUTHER'S PRIMARY WORKS

the Bishops, so that there remains no order in Christendom.
The necessary result of this must be, and has been, laxity in
punishing, and such a liberty to do evil in all the world, that
I very much fear one might call the Pope " the man of sin."
Who but the Pope is to blame for this absence of all order, of
all punishment, of all government, of all discipline in Chris-
tendom ? By his own arbitrary power he ties the hands of all
his prelates, and takes from them their rods, while all their
subjects have their hands unloosed, and obtain license by gift
or purchase.

But, that he have no cause for complaint, as being deprived
of his authority, it should be decreed, that in cases where the
primates and archbishops are unable to settle the matter, or
where there is a dispute among them, the matters shall then be
submitted to the Pope, but not every little matter ; as was clone
formerly, and was ordered by the most renowned Nicene Council.
His Holiness must not be troubled with small matters, that
can be settled without his help ; so that he may have leisure to
devote himself to his prayers and study, and to his care of all
Christendom, as he professes to do. As indeed the Apostles
did, saying (Acts vi. 2, 4) : "It is not reason that we should leave
the word of God, and serve tables . . . But we will give our-
selves continually to prayer, and to the ministry of the word."
But now we see at Borne nothing but contempt of the Gospel
and of prayer, and the service of tables, that is, the service of
the goods of this world ; and the government of the Pope agrees
©with the government of the Apostles as well as Lucifer with
Christ, hell with heaven, night with day ; and yet he calls him-
self Christ's Vicar, and the successor of the Apostles.

4. Let it be decreed that no temporal matter shall be sub-
mitted to Koine, but all shall be left to the jurisdiction of the
temporal authorities. This is part of their own canon law, though
they do not obey it. For this should be the Pope's office, that
he, the most learned in the Scriptures, and the most holy, not
in name only, but in fact, should rule in matters concerning the
faith and the holy life of Christians ; he "should make primates
and bishops attend to this, and should work and take thought
with them to this end : as St. Paul teaches (1 Cor. vi.),
severely upbraiding those that occupy themselves with the
things of this world. For all countries suffer unbearable

ADDRESS TO THE NOBILITY 47

damage by this practice of settling such matters at Borne, since
it involves great expense ; and besides this, the judges at Eome,
not knowing the manners, laws and customs of other countries,
frequently pervert the matter according to their own laws
and their own opinions, thus causing injustice to all parties.
Besides this, we should prohibit in all foundations the grievous
extortion of the ecclesiastical judges ; they should only be allowed
to consider matters concerning faith and good morals ; but\
matters concerning money, property, life and honour, should
be left to the temporal judges. Therefore the temporal
authorities should not permit excommunication or expulsion
except in matters of faith and righteous living. It is only
reasonable, that spiritual authorities should have power in
spiritual matters ; spiritual matters, however, are not money
or matters relating to the body, but faith and good works.

Still we might allow matters respecting benefices or prebends
to be treated before bishops, archbishops and primates. There-
fore, when it is necessary to decide quarrels and strifes let the
Primate of Germany hold a general consistory, with assessors
and chancellors, who would have the control over the signa-
turas gratiae and justitiae,1 and to whom matters arising in
Germany might be submitted by appeal. The officers of such
court should be paid out of the annates, or in some other way,
and should not have to draw their salaries as at Eome from
chance presents and offerings ; whereby they grow accustomed
to sell justice and injustice, as they must needs do at Eome,
where the Pope gives them no salary, but allows them to fatten
themselves on presents ; for at Eome no one heeds what is right
or what is wrong, but only what is money and what is not
money. But this matter of salaries I must leave to men of
higher understanding and of more experience in these things
than I have. I am content with making these suggestions and
giving some materials for consideration to those who may be
able and willing to help the German nation to become a free
people of Christians, after this wretched, heathen, unchristian
misrule of the Pope.

1 At the time when the above was written the function of the signatura
grattce was to superintend the conferring of grants, concessions, favours, etc. ,
whilst the signatura justitice embraced the general administration of eccle-
siastical matters.

48 LUTHER'S PRIMARY WORKS

5. Henceforth no reservations shall be valid, and no bene-
fices shall be appropriated by Kome, whether the incumbent die,
or there be a dispute, or the incumbent be a servant of the Pope,
or of a cardinal ; and all courtiers shall be strictly prohibited
and prevented from causing a dispute about any benefice, so as
to cite the pious priests, to trouble them and to drive them
into a lawsuit. And if in consequence of this there comes an
interdict from Eome, let it be despised, just as if a thief were
to excommunicate any man because he would not allow him to
steal in peace. Nay, they should be punished most severely,
for making such a blasphemous use of Excommunication and
of the name of God, to support their robberies, and for wishing
by their false threats to drive us to suffer and approve this
blasphemy of (rod's name, and this abuse of Christian authority ;
and thus to become sharers before God in their wrongdoing,
whereas it is our duty before God to punish it, as St. Paul
(Kom. i.) upbraids the Komans for not only doing wrong, but
allowing wrong to be done. But above all that lying mental
reservation (pectoralis reservatio) is unbearable, by which Chris-
tendom is so openly mocked and insulted, in that its head noto-
riously deals with lies, and impudently cheats and fools every
man for the sake of accursed wealth.

6. The cases reserved * (casus reservati) should be abolished,
by which not only are the people cheated out of much
money, but besides many poor consciences are confused and
led into error by the ruthless tyrants to the intolerable harm
of their faith in God, especially those foolish and childish
cases that are made important by the Bull 'In Coena
Domini,'2 and which do not deserve the name of daily
sins ; not to mention those great cases for which the Pope
gives no absolution : such as preventing a pilgrim from going
to Rome, furnishing the Turks with arms or forging the Pope's
letters. They only fool us with these gross, mad and clumsy
matters : Sodom and Gomorrah, and all sins that are committed

1 " Reserved cases " refer to those great sins for which the Pope or the
bishops only could give absolution.

2 The celebrated Papal Bull known under the name of In Coena Domini,
containing anathemas and excommunications against all those who dissented
in any way from the Roman Catholic creed, used, until the year 1770, to be
read publicly at Rome on Maundy Thursday.

ADDRESS TO THE NOBILITY 49

and that can be committed against God's commandments are,
not reserved cases ; but what God never commanded and they
themselves have invented — these must be made reserved cases ;
solely in order that none may be prevented from bringing
money to Eome, that they may live in their lust without fear
of the Turk, and may keep the world in their bondage by
their useless Bulls and Briefs.

Now all priests ought to know, or rather it should be a
public ordinance, that no secret sin constitutes a reserved case,
if there be no public accusation ; and that every priest has
power to absolve from all sin, whatever its name, if it be secret,
and that no abbot, bishop or Pope has power to reserve any
such case ; and lastly, that if they do this, it is null and void,
and they should moreover be punished as interfering without
authority in God's judgment and confusing and troubling with-
out cause our poor witless consciences. But in respect to any
great open sin, directly contrary to God's commandments,
there is some reason for a reserved case ; but there should not
be too many, nor should they be reserved arbitrarily without
due cause. For God has not ordained tyrants, but shepherds
in His Church, as St. Peter says. (I Pet. v. 2.)

7. The Konian See must abolish the Papal offices, and
diminish that crowd of crawling vermin at Borne, so that
the Pope's servants may be supported out of the Pope's own
pocket, and that his court may cease to surpass all royal courts
in its pomp and extravagance ; seeing that all this pomp has
not only been of no service to the Christian faith, but has also
kept them from study and prayer, so that they themselves
know hardly anything concerning matters of faith ; as they
proved clumsily enough at the last Boman Council,1 where
among many childishly trifling matters, they decided " that
the soul is immortal," and that a priest is bound to pray once
every month on pain of losing his benefice.2 How are men to
rule Christendom and to decide matters of faith, who, callous and
blinded by their greed, wealth, and worldly pomp, have only just

1 The council alluded to above was held at Eome from 1512 to 1517.

2 Luther's objection is not, of course, to the recognition of the immortality
of the soul ; what he objects to is (1) that it was thought necessary for a
council to decree that the soul is immortal, and (2) that this question was
put on a level with trivial matters of discipline.

50 LUTHER'S PRIMARY WORKS

decided that the soul is immortal ? It is no slight shame to
all Christendom that they should deal thus scandalously with
the faith at Eome. If they had less wealth and lived in less
pomp, they might be better able to study and pray, that they
might become able and worthy to treat matters of belief, as
they were once, when they were content to be bishops and not
kings of kings.

8. The terrible oaths must be abolished which bishops are
forced, without any right, to swear to the Pope, by which they
are bound like servants, and which are arbitrarily and fool-
ishly decreed in the absurd and shallow chapter, Significasti}
Is it not enough that they oppress us in goods, body, and soul
by all their mad laws, by which they have weakened faith and
destroyed Christianity ; but must they now take possession of
the very persons of Bishops, with their offices and functions,
and also claim the investiture 2 which used formerly to be the
right of the German Emperors, and is still the right of the
King in France and other kingdoms? This matter caused
many wars and disputes with the Emperors until the Popes
impudently took the power by force; since which time they
have retained it; just as if it were only right for the Germans,
above all Christians on earth, to be the fools of the Pope and the
Holy See, and to do and suffer what no one beside would suffer
or do. Seeing then that this is mere arbitrary power, robbery,
and a hindrance to the exercise of the bishop's ordinary power,
and to the injury of poor souls ; therefore it is the duty of the
Emperor and his nobles to prevent and punish this tyranny.

9. The Pope should have no power over the Emperor, except
to anoint and crown him at the altar, as a bishop crowns
a king ; nor should that devilish pomp be allowed, that the
Emperor should kiss the Pope's feet, or sit at _ his feet, or, as
it is said, hold his stirrup, or the reins of his mule, when he
mounts to ride ; much less should he pay homage to the Pope,
or swear allegiance, as is impudently demanded by the Popes,
as if they had a right to it. The chapter Solite, 3 in which

1 The above is the title of a chapter in the Corpus juris canonici.

2 The right of investiture was the subject of the dispute between
Gregory VII. and Henry IV., which led to the Emperor's submission at
Canossa.

3 The chapter Solite is also contained in the Corpus juris canonici.

ADDRESS TO THE NOBILITY 51

the papal authority is exalted above the Imperial, is not worth
a farthing, and so of all those that depend on it or fear it ;
for it does nothing but pervert God's holy words from their
true meaning, according to their own imaginations, as I have
proved in a Latin treatise.

All these excessive, over-presumptuous and most wicked
claims of the Pope are the invention of the Devil, with the object
of bringing in Antichrist in due course, and to raise the Pope
above God ; as indeed many have done and are now doing. It
is not meet that the Pope should exalt himself above temporal
authority, except in spiritual matters, such as preaching and
absolution ; in other matters he should be subject to it, ac-
cording to the teaching of St. Paul (Eom. xiii.), and St. Peter
(1 Pet. iii.), as I have said above. He is not the Vicar of Christ
in heaven, but only of Christ upon earth. For Christ in
heaven, in the form of a ruler, requires no vicar, but there
sits, sees, does, knows, and commands all things. But He
requires him " in the form of a servant " to represent Him as
He walked upon earth, working, preaching, suffering and dying.
But they reverse this ; they take from Christ His power as a
heavenly ruler, and give it to the Pope, and allow " the form
of a servant " to be entirely forgotten. (Phil. ii. 7.) He should
properly be called the counter-Christ, whom the Scriptures
call Antichrist ; for his whole existence, work, and proceedings
are directed against Christ, to ruin and destroy the existence
and will of Christ.

It is also absurd and puerile for the Pope to boast for such
blind, foolish reasons, in his decretal Pastoralis, that he is the
rightful heir to the Empire, if the throne be vacant. Who gave
it to him ? Did Christ do so, when He said : " The kings of the
Gentiles exercise lordship over them, but ye shall not do so " ?
(Luke xxii. 25, 26.) Did St. Peter bequeath it to him ? It
disgusts me that we have to read and teach such impudent,
clumsy, foolish lies in the canon law, and moreover to take
them for Christian doctrine, while in reality they are mere
devilish lies. Of this kind also is the unheard-of lie touch-
ing the " donation of Constantine." * It must have been a

1 In order to legalise the secular power of the Pope, the fiction was in-
vented during the latter part of the eighth century, that Constantine the
Great had made over to the Popes the dominion over Rome and over the
whole of Italy.

E

52 LUTHER'S PRIMARY WORKS

plague sent by God that induced so many wise people to
accept such lies, though they are so gross and clumsy, that
one would think a drunken boor could lie more skilfully.
How could preaching, prayer, study and the care of the poor
consist with the government of the Empire ? These are the
true offices of the Pope, which Christ imposed with such in-
sistence that He forbade them to take either coat or scrip
(Matt. x. 10), for he that has to govern a single house can
hardly perform these duties. Yet the Pope wishes to rule an
Empire and to remain a Pope. This is the invention of the
knaves that would fain become lords of the world in the
Pope's name, and set up again the old Eoman empire, as it
was formerly, by means of the Pope and name of Christ, in its
former condition.

10. The Pope must withdraw his hand from the dish, and
on no pretence assume royal authority over Naples and Sicily.
He lias no more right to it than I, and yet claims to be the
lord of it. It has been taken by force and robbery like almost
all his other possessions. Therefore the Emperor should grant
him no such fief, nor any longer allow him those he has, but
direct him instead to his Bibles and Prayer-books, so that he
may leave the government of countries and peoples to the
temporal power, especially of those that no one has given him.
Let him rather preach and pray ! The same should be done
with Bologna, Imola, Yicenza, Eavenna, and whatever the Pope
has taken by force and holds without right in the Ancontine
territory, in the Eomagna and other parts of Italy, interfering
in their affairs against all the commandments of Christ and St.
Paul. For St. Paul says (2 Tim. ii. 4) : " that he that would
be one of the soldiers of Heaven must not entangle himself in
.the affairs of this life." Now the Pope should be the head
and the leader of the soldiers of Heaven, and yet he engages
more in worldly matters than any king or emperor. He should
be relieved of his worldly cares and allowed to attend to his
duties as a .soldier of Heaven. Christ also, whose vicar he
claims to be, would have nothing to do with the things of this
world, and even asked one that desired of him a judgment
concerning his brother : " Who made me a judge over you ? "
(St. Luke xii. 14.) But the Pope interferes in these matters
unasked, and concerns himself with all matters, as though he

ADDRESS TO THE NOBILITY 53

were a god, until he himself has forgotten what this Christ
is, whose vicar he professes to he.

11. The custom of kissing the Pope's feet must cease. It
is an un-CEFistian, or rather an anti-Christian example, that
a poor sinful man should suffer his foot to be kissed by one
who is a hundred times better than he. If it is done in
honour of his power, why does he not do it to others in honour
of their holiness ? Compare them together : Christ and the
Pope. Christ washed His disciples' feet and dried them, and
the disciples never washed His. The Pope, pretending to be
higher than Christ, inverts this, and considers it a great
favour to let us kiss his feet : whereas if any one wished to
do so, he ought to do his utmost to prevent them, as St. Paul
and Barnabas would not suffer themselves to be worshipped as
Gods by the men at Lystra, saying : " We also are men of like
passions with you." (Acts xiv. 14 seq.) But our flatterers have
brought things to such a pitch, that they have set up an idol
for us, until no one regards God with such fear, or honours Him
with such reverence as they do the Pope. This they can suffer,
but not that the Pope's glory should be diminished a single
hair's-breadth. Now if they were Christians and preferred God's
honour to their own, the Pope would never be willing to have
God's honour despised and his own exalted, nor would he allow
any to honour him, until he found that God's honour was again
exalted above his own.

It is of a piece with this revolting pride, that the Pope is not
satisfied with riding on horseback or in a carriage, but though
he be hale and strong, is carried by men like an idol in
unheard-of pomp. I ask you, how does this Lucifer-like
pride agree with the example of Christ, who went on foot, as
did also all His Apostles ? Where has there been a king who
lived in such worldly pomp as he does, who professes to be the
head of all whose duty it is to despise and flee from all worldly
pomp — I mean, of all Christians ? Not that this need concern
us for his own sake, but that we have good reason to fear
God's wrath, if we flatter such pride and do not show our
discontent. It is enough that the Pope should be so mad and
foolish ; but it is too much that we should sanction and
approve it.

For what Christian heart can be pleased at seeing the Pope,

e 2

54 LUTHER'S PRIMARY WORKS

when he communicates, sit still like a gracious lord and have
the sacrament handed to him on a golden reed, by a cardinal
bending on his knees before him ? Just as if the holy sacra-
ment were not worthy that a Pope, a poor miserable sinner,
should stand to do honour to his God, although all other
Christians, who are much more holy than the Most Holy
Father, receive it with all reverence ? Could we be surprised
if God visited us all with a plague, for that we suffer such
dishonour to be done to God by our prelates, and approve it,
becoming partners of the Pope's damnable pride by our silence
or flattery ? It is the same when he carries the sacrament in
procession. He must be carried, but the sacrament stands
before him like a cup of wine on a table. In short, at Eome
Christ is nothing, the Pope is everything ; yet they urge us
and threaten us, to make us suffer and approve and honour
this Antichristian scandal, contrary to God and all Christian
doctrine. Now, may God so help a free Council, that it may
teach the Pope that he too is a man, not above God as he
makes himself out to be.

12. Pilgrimages to Eome must be abolished, or at least
no one must be allowed to go from his own wish or his
own piety, unless his priest, his town magistrate, or his lord
has found that there is sufficient reason for his pilgrimage.
This I say, not because pilgrimages are bad in themselves,
but because at the present time they lead to mischief; for at
Eome a pilgrim sees no good examples, but only offence.
They themselves have made a proverb : " The nearer to Eome,
the farther from Christ," and accordingly men bring home
contempt of God and of God's commandments. It is said :
" The first time one goes to Eome, he goes to seek a rogue ; the
second time he finds him ; the third time he brings him home
with him." But now they have become so skilful, that they
can do their three journeys in one, and they have in fact
brought home from Eome this saying : — It were better never
to have seen or heard of Eome.

And even if this were not so, there is something of more
importance to be considered ; namely, that simple men are
thus led into a false delusion and a wrong understanding of
God's commandments. For they think that these pilgrimages
are precious and good works ; but this is not true. It is but

ADDKESS TO THE NOBILITY 55

a little good work ; often a bad, "misleading work, for God has
not commanded it. But He has commanded that each man
should care for his wife and children and whatever concerns
the married state ; and should, besides, serve and help his
neighbour. Now it often happens that one goes on a pilgrim-
age to Eome, spends fifty or one hundred guilders, more or less,
which no one has commanded him, while his wife and children,
or those dearest to him, are left at home in want and misery ;
and yet he thinks, poor foolish man, to atone for this dis-
obedience and contempt of God's commandments by his self-
willed pilgrimage, while he is in truth misled by idle curiosity,
or the wiles of the Devil. This the Popes have encouraged
with their false and foolish inventions of Golden Years,1 by
which they have incited the people, have torn them away from
God's commandments and turned them to their own delusive
proceedings, and set up the very thing that they ought to have
forbidden. But it brought them money and strengthened
their false authority, and therefore it was allowed to continue,
though against God's will and the salvation of souls.

That this false, misleading belief on the part of simple
Christians may be destroyed, and a true opinion of good works
may again be introduced, all pilgrimages should be done away
with. For there is no good in them ; no commandment ; but
countless causes of sin and of contempt of God's command-
ments. These pilgrimages are the reason for there being so
many beggars, that commit numberless villainies, taught by
them and accustomed to beg without need. Hence arises a
vagabond life ; besides other miseries which I cannot dwell
on now. If any one wishes to go on a pilgrimage or to make
a vow for a pilgrimage, he should first inform his priest or
the temporal authorities of the reason, and if it should turn
out that he wished to do it for the sake of good works, let
this vow and work be just trampled upon by the priest or
the temporal authority as an infernal delusion, and let them

1 The Jubilees, during which plenary indulgences were granted to those
who visited the churches of St. Peter and St Paul at Rome, were originally
celebrated every hundred years and subsequently every twenty-five years.
Those who were unable to go to Rome in person could obtain the plenary
indulgences by paying the expenses of the journey to Rome into the Papal
treasury.

56 LUTHER'S rRIMARY WORKS

tell him to spend Ins money, and the labour a pilgrimage
would cost, on God's commandments, and on a thousand-
fold better work, namely, on his family and his poor neigh-
bours. But if he does it out of curiosity, to see cities and
countries, he may be allowed to do so. If he have vowed it in
sickness, let such vows be prohibited, and let God's command-
ments be insisted upon in contrast to them ; so that a man may
be content with what he vowed in baptism, namely, to keep
God's commandments. Yet, for this once he may be suffered,
for a quiet conscience sake, to keep his silly vow. No one
is content to walk on the broad high road of God's command-
ments ; every one makes for himself new roads and new vows,
as if he had kept all God's commandments.

13. Now we come to the great crowd that promises much
and performs little. Be not angry, my good sirs, I mean
well. I have to tell you this bitter and sweet truth : Let no
more mendicant monasteries be built ! God help us ! there are
too many as it is. "Would to God they were all abolished, or
at least made over to two or three orders. It has never
done good, it will never do good, to go wandering about over
the country. Therefore my advice is that ten, or as many
as required, may be put together and made into one, which
one, sufficiently provided for, is not to beg. Oh ! it is of much
more importance to consider what is necessary for the
salvation of the common people, than what St. Francis, or
St. Dominic, or St. Augustine,1 or any other man, laid down ;
especially, since things have not turned out as they expected.
They should also be relieved from preaching and confession,
unless specially required to do so by bishops, priests, the con-
gregation or other authority. For their preaching and con-
fession has led to nought but mere hatred and envy between
priests and monks, to the great offence and hindrance of the
people, so that it well deserves to be put a stop to, since
its place may be very well supplied. It does not look at
all improbable that the Holy Koman See had its own reasons
for encouraging all this crowd of monks : the Pope perhaps
feared that priests and bishops, growing weary of his tyranny,

1 The above-mentioned saints were the patrons of the well-known mendi-
cant orders, Franciscans, Dominicans and Augustine.-;.

ADDEESS TO THE NOBILITY 57

might become too strong for him, and begin a reformation
unendurable to his Holiness.

Besides this, one should also do away with the sections and
the divisions in the same order which, caused for little reason
and kept up for less, oppose each other with unspeakable hatred
and malice. The result being, that the Christian faith, which
is very well able to stand without their divisions, is lost on
both sides, and that a true Christian life is sought and judged
only by outward rules, works and manners, from which arise
only hypocrisy and the destruction of souls ; as every one can
see for himself. Moreover the Pope should be forbidden to
institute or to confirm the institution of such new orders,
nay, he should be commanded to abolish several and to lessen
their number. For the faith of Christ, which alone is the
important matter and can stand without any particular Order,
incurs no little danger, lest men should be led away by these
diverse works and manners, rather to live for such works and
manners than to care for faith. And unless there are wise
prelates in the monasteries who preach and urge faith rather
than the rule of the order, it is inevitable that the order
should be injurious and misleading to simple souls, who have
regard to works alone.

Now in our own time all the prelates are dead that had
faith and founded orders. Just as it was in old days with
the children of Israel ; when their fathers were dead, that had
seen God's works and miracles, their children, out of ignorance
of God's work and of faith, soon began to set up idolatry and
their own human works. In the same way, alas ! these orders,
not understanding God's works and faith, grievously labour
and torment themselves by their own rules and laws, and yet
never arrive at a true understanding of a spiritual and good
life ; as was foretold by the Apostle, saying of them, " Having
a form of godliness, but denying the power thereof. . . . Ever
learning, and never able to come to the knowledge " of what a
true spiritual life is. (2 Tim. iii. 2-7.) Better to have no
convents, where there is no truly spiritual prelate, of under-
standing in Christian faith, to govern them ; for such a prelate
cannot but rule with injury and harm, and the greater the
apparent holiness of his life in external works, the greater
the harm.

58 LUTHER'S PRIMARY WORKS

It wr. 'Id be, I think, necessary, especially in these perilous
times, that foundations and convents should again be organised
as they were in the time of the Apostles and a long time after :
namely, when they were all free, for every man to remain there
as long as he wished. For what were they but Christian schools,
in which the Scriptures and Christian life were taught, and
where folk were trained to govern and to preach ; as we read
that St. Agnes went to school, and as we see, even now, in some
nunneries, as at Quedlinburg and other places? Truly all
foundations and convents ought to be free in this way, that
they may serve God of a free will and not as slaves. But now
they have been bound round with vows and turned into eternal
prisons, so that these vows are regarded even more than the
vows of baptism. But what fruit has come of this we daily
see, hear, read and learn more and more.

I dare say that this my counsel will be thought very foolish,
but I care not for this. I advise what I think best ; reject
it, who will. I know how these vows are kept, especially
that of chastity, which is so general in all convents,1 and
yet was not ordered by Christ, and it is given to compara-
tively few to be able to keep it, as He says and St. Paul also :
(Col. ii. 20.) I wish all to be helped, and that Christian souls
should not be held in bondage, through customs and laws
invented by men.

14. We see also how the priesthood is fallen, and how many
a poor priest is encumbered with a woman and children, and
burdened in his conscience, and no one does anything to
help him, though he might very well be helped. Popes and
bishops may let that be lost that is being lost, and that
be destroyed which is being destroyed ; I will save my con-
science and open my mouth freely, let it vex Popes and
bishops or whoever it may be ; therefore I say : According
to the ordinances of Christ and His Apostles every town
should have a minister, as St. Paul plainly says (Tit. i.),
and this minister should not be forced to live without a
lawful wife, but should be allowed to have one, as St. Paul
writes (1 Tim. iii.), saying that "A bishop then must be

1 Luther alludes here, of course,'to the/vow of celibacy, which was curiously
styled the vow of chastity ; thus indirectly condemning marriage in general.

ADDRESS TO THE NOBILITY 59

blameless, the husband of one wife . . . having his children
in subjection with all gravity." For with St. Paul a bishop
and a presbyter are the same thing, as St. Jerome also con-
firms. But as for the bishops that we now have, of these the
Scriptures know nothing ; they were instituted by the Christian
congregations, so that one might rule over many ministers.

Therefore, we teach clearly according to the Apostle, that \
every town should elect a pious learned citizen from the con-
gregation and charge him with the office of minister ; the
congregation should support him and he should be left at liberty
to marry or not. He should have as assistants, several priests
and deacons, married or not, as they please, who should help
him to govern the people and the congregation with sermons
and the ministration of the sacraments, as is still the case in
the Greek Church. In these latter times, where there are
soinany persecutions and conflicts against heretics, there
were many holy fathers, who voluntarily abstained from the
marriage state, that they might study more, and might be
ready at all times for death and conflict. Now the Koman
See has interfered of its own perversity, and has made a
general law by which priests are forbidden to marry. This
must have been at the instigation of the Devil, as was foretold
by St. Paul (1 Tim. iv. 1, 2, seq.), saying that " there shall come
teachers giving heed to seducing spirits . . . forbidding to
marry," etc. This has been the cause of so much misery that
it cannot be told, and has given occasion to the G-reek
Church to separate from us, and has caused infinite disunion,
sin, shame and scandal, like everything that the Devil does or
suggests. Now what are we to do ?

My advice is, to restore liberty, and to leave every man free
to marry or not to marry. But if we did this we should have
to introduce a very different rule and order for property ; the
whole canon law would be overthrown and but few benefices
would fall to Bonie. I am afraid greed was a cause of this
wretched, unchaste chastity ; for the result of it was that every
man wished to become a priest, or to have his son brought up
to the priesthood — not with the intention of living in chastity,
for this could be done without the priestly state, but to obtain
his worldly support without labour or trouble, contrary to
God's command (Gen. iii.) : " In the sweat of thy face shalt

60 LUTHER'S PRIMARY WORKS

thou eat thy bread ; " and they have given a colour to this
commandment as though their work was praying and reading
the mass. I am not here considering Popes, bishops, canons,
clergy and monks, who were not ordained by God ; they have
laid burdens on themselves, and they may bear them. I speak
of the office of parish priest, which God ordained, who must
rule a congregation with sermons and the ministration of the
sacraments, and must live with them and manage their own
worldly affairs. These should have the liberty given them by
a Christian Council to marry and to avoid danger and sin. For
as God has not bound them, no one may bind them, though he
were an angel from heaven — let alone the Pope ; and whatever is
contrary to this in the canon law is mere idle talk and invention.

My advice further is, whoever henceforth is ordained priest,
he should in no wise take the vow of chastity, but should
protest to the bishop that he has no authority to demand this
vow, and that it is a devilish tyranny to demand it. But if
one is forced, or wishes to say, as some do, " so far as human
frailty permits," let every man interpret that phrase as a plain
negative, that is, " I do not promise chastity ; " for human
frailty does not allow men to live an unmarried life, but only
angelic fortitude and celestial virtue. In this way he will
have a clear conscience without any vow. I offer no opinion,
one way or the other, whether those who have at present no
wife should marry, or remain unmarried. This must be settled
by the general order of the Church and by each man's discretion.
But I will not conceal my honest counsel, nor withhold comfort
from that unhappy crowd who now live in trouble with wife and
children, and remain in shame, with a heavy conscience, hearing
their wife called a priest's harlot, and the children bastards.
And this I say frankly, by my fool's privilege.

There is many a poor priest free from blame in all other
respects, except that he has succumbed to human frailty and
come to shame with a woman, both minded in their hearts to
live together always in conjugal fidelity, if only they could do
so with a good conscience, though, as it is, they live in public
shame. I say, these two are surely married before God. I
say, moreover, that when two are so minded, and so come to
live together, they should save their conscience; let the man
take the woman as his lawful wife, and live with her faithfully

ADDRESS TO THE NOBILITY 61

as her husband, without considering whether the Pope approve
or not, or whether it is forbidden by canon law, or temporal.
The salvation of your soul is of more importance than their
tyrannous, arbitrary, wicked laws, which are not necessary for
salvation, nor ordained by God. You should do as the chil-
dren of Israel did, who stole from the Egyptians the wages
they had earned ; or as a servant steals his well-earned wages
from a harsh master ; in the same way do you also steal your
wife and child from the Pope.

Let him who has faith enough to dare this, only follow me
courageously : I will not mislead him. I may not have the
Pope's authority, yet I have the authority of a Christian to
help my neighbour and to warn him against his sins and
dangers. And here there is good reason for doing so.

a. It is not every priest that can do without a woman, not only
on account of human frailty, but still more for his household.
If, therefore, he takes a woman, and the Pope allows this, but will
not let them marry, what is this but expecting a man and a
woman to live together and not to fall ? Just as if one were to
set tire to straw, and command it should neither smoke nor burn.

\h. The Pope having no authority for such a command, any
more than to forbid a man to eat and drink, or to digest or
to grow fat, no one is bound to obey it/ and the Pope is
answerable for every sin against it, for all the souls that it
has brought to destruction, and for all the consciences that
have been troubled and tormented by it. He has long
deserved to be driven out of the world, so many poor souls has
he strangled with this Devil's rope ; though I hope that God
has shown many more mercy at their death than the Pope did
in their life. No good has ever come and can ever come from
the Papacy and its laws.

c. Even though the Pope's laws forbid it, still after the
married state has been entered, the Pope's laws are superseded,
and are valid no longer : for God has commanded that no man
shall put asunder husband and wife, and this commandment is
far above the Pope's laws, and God's command must not be
cancelled or neglected for the Papal commands. It is true that
mad lawyers have helped the Pope to invent impediments or
hindrances to marriage, and thus troubled, divided, and per-
verted the married state : destroying the commandments of

62 LUTHEE'S PRIMARY WORKS

God. What need I say further ? In the whole body of the
Pope's canon law, there are not two lines that can instruct a
pious Christian, and so many false and dangerous ones, that it
were better to treat it as waste paper.

But if you object that this would give offence, and that
one must first obtain the Pope's dispensation, I answer that
if there is any offence in it, it is the fault of the See of Kome,
which has made unjust and unholy laws. It is no offence
to God and the Scriptures. Even where the Pope has power
to grant dispensation for money by his covetous tyrannical
laws, every Christian has power to grant dispensation in the
same matter for the sake of Christ and the salvation of souls.
For Christ has freed us from all human laws, especially when
they are opposed to God and the salvation of souls, as
St. Paul teaches. (Gal. v. 1, and 1 Cor. viii. 9, 10.)

15. I must not forget the poor convents. The evil spirit,
who has troubled all estates of life by human laws, and
made them unendurable, has taken possession of some Abbots,
Abbesses, and Prelates, and led them so to rule their brothers
and sisters, that they do but go soon to hell, and live a
wretched life even upon earth, as is the case with all the
Devil's martyrs. For they have reserved in confession all, or
at least some, deadly sins, which are secret, and from these no
brother may on pain of excommunication and on his obedience
absolve another. Now we do not always find angels every-
where, but men of flesh and blood, who would rather incur all
excommunication and menace than confess their secret sins to
a prelate or the confessor appointed for them ; consequently
they receive the sacrament with these sins on their con-
science, by which they become irregular1 and suffer much
misery. Oh blind shepherds ! Oh foolish Prelates ! Oh
ravenous wolves ! Now I say that in cases where a sin is
public and notorious, it is only right that the Prelate alone
should punish it, and such sins and no others he may reserve
and except for himself; over private sins he has no authority,
even though they may be the worst that can be committed or
imagined. And if the Prelate excepts these, he becomes a
tyrant and interferes with God's judgment.

1 Luther uses the expression irregulares, which was applied to those monks
who were guilty of heresy, apostasy, transgression of the vow of chastity, etc.

ADDRESS TO THE NOBILITY 63

Accordingly I advise these children, brothers and sisters :
if your superiors will not allow you to confess your secret
sins to whomsoever you will, then take them yourself, and
confess them to your brother or sister, to whomsoever you
will ; be absolved and comforted, and then go or do what
your wish or duty commands ; only believe firmly that you have
been absolved, and nothing more is necessary. And let not
their threats of excommunication, or irregularity, or what not,
trouble or disturb you ; these only apply to public or notorious
sins, if they are not confessed : you are not touched by them.
How canst thou take upon thyself, thou blind Prelate, to
restrain private sins by thy threats ? Give up what thou
canst not keep publicly ; let God's judgment and mercy also
have its place with thy inferiors. He has not given them into
thy hands so completely as to have let them go out of His
own ; nay, thou hast received the smaller portion. Consider
thy statutes as nothing more than thy statutes, and do not
make them equal to God's judgment in Heaven.

16. It were also right to abolish annual festivals, processions,
and masses for the dead^or at least to diminish their number ;
for we evidently see that they have become no better than
a mockery, exciting the anger of God, and having no object
but money getting, eating and drinking. How should it
please God to hear the poor vigils and masses mumbled
in this wretched way, neither read nor prayed ? Even when
they are properly read, it is not done freely for the love of
God, but for the love of money and as payment of a debt.
Now it is impossible that anything should please God, or win
anything from Him that is not done freely, out of love for
Him. Therefore, as true Christians, we ought to abolish or
lessen a practice that we see is abused, and that angers God
instead of appeasing Him. I should prefer, and it would be
more agreeable to God's will, and far better for a foundation,
church or convent, to put all the yearly masses and vigils
together into one mass, so that they would every year cele-
brate, on one day, a true vigil and mass with hearty sincerity,
devotion and faith, for all their benefactors. This would be
better than their thousand upon thousand masses said every
year — each for a particular benefactor — without devotion and
faith. My dear fellow-Christians ! God cares not for much

64 LUTHER'S PRIMARY WORKS

prayer, but for good prayer. Nay, He condemns long and
frequent prayers (Matt. vi. 2, seq.), saying : " Verily I say
unto you, they have their reward." But it is the greed that
cannot trust God by which such practices are set up ; it is
afraid it will die of starvation.

17. One should also abolish certain punishments inflicted by
the canon law, especially the interdict, which is doubtless the
invention of the evil one. Is it not the mark of the Devil to
wish to better one sin by more and worse sins ? It is surely
a greater sin to silence God's word and service, than if we
were to kill twenty Popes at once, not to speak of a single
priest or of keeping back the goods of the Church. This is
one of those gentle virtues which are learnt in the Spiritual
law; for the Canon or Spiritual law is so called because it
comes from a spirit— not however from the Holy Spirit, but
from the Evil Spirit.

Excommunication should not be used except where the
Scriptures command it : that is, against those that have not
the right faith, or that live in open sin, and not in matters of
temporal goods. But now the case has been inverted ; each
man believes and lives as he pleases, especially those that
plunder and disgrace others with excommunications ; and all
excommunications are now only in matters of worldly goods.
For which we have no one to thank but the holy canonical
injustice. But of all this I have spoken previously in a
sermon.

The other punishments and penalties — suspension, irregu-
larity, aggravation, re-aggravation, deposition,1 thundering,
lightning, cursing, damning and what not, all these should be
buried ten fathoms deep in the earth, that their very name and
memory may no longer live upon earth. The evil spirit,
who was let loose by the spiritual law, has brought all this
terrible plague and misery into the heavenly kingdom of the
holy Church, and has thereby brought about nothing but the
harm and destruction of souls, that we may well apply to it
the words of Christ (Matt, xxiii. 13) : " But woe unto you,

1 Luther enumerates here the various grades of punishment inflicted on
priests. The aggravation consisted of a threat of excommunication, after a
thrice-repeated admonition, whilst the conserpuence of re-aggravation was
immediate excommunication.

ADDRESS TO THE NOBILITY 65

scribes and Pharisees, hypocrites ! for you shut up the kingdom
of heaven against men : for ye neither go in yourselves, neither
suffer ye them that are entering to go in."

18. One should abolish all saints' days, keeping only Sun-
day. But if it. were desired to keep the festival of Our Lady
and the greater saints, they should all be held on Sundays,
or only in the morning with the mass ; the rest of the day
being a working day. My reason is this : with our present
abuses of drinking, gambling, idling, and all manner of sin, we
vex God more on holy days than on others. And the matter is
just reversed; we have made holy days unholy, and work-
ing days holy, and do no service but great dishonour to God
and His saints with all our holy days. There are some
foolish prelates that think they have done a good deed, if they
establish a festival to St. Otilia, or St. Barbara, and the like,
each in his own blind fashion, whilst he would be doing a much
better work to turn a saint's day into a working day, in honour
of a saint.

Besides these spiritual evils, these saints' days inflict bodily
injury on the common man in two ways : he loses a day's
work and he spends more than usual, besides weakening his
body and making himself unfit for labour, as we see every
day, and yet no one tries to improve it. One should not
consider whether the Pope instituted these festivals, or whether
we require his dispensation or permission. If anything is
contrary to God's will and harmful to men in body and soul,
not only has every community, council or government
authority to prevent and abolish such wrong without the
knowledge or consent of Pope or bishop ; but it is their duty,
as they value their soul's salvation, to prevent it, even though
Pope and bishop (that should be the first to do so) are un-
willing to see it stopped. And first of all we should abolish
church wakes,* since they are nothing but taverns, fairs and
gaming places, to the greater dishonour of God and the dam-
nation of souls. It is no good to make a talk about their
having had a good origin and being good works. Did not God
set aside His own law that He had given forth out of heaven,
when He saw that it was abused ? and does He not now reverse
every day what He has appointed, and destroy what He has
made, on account of the same perverse misuse, as it is written

66 LUTHER'S PRIMARY WORKS

in the eighteenth Psalm (v. 26) : " With the froward thou wilt
show thyself froward."

19. The degrees of relationship in which marriage is for-
bidden must be altered, such as so-called spiritual relations *
in the third and fourth degrees; and where the Pope at
Eome can dispense in such matters for money, and make shame-
ful bargains, every priest should have the power of grant-
ing the same dispensations freely for the salvation of souls.
Would to God that all those things that have to be bought
at Eome, for freedom from the golden noose of the canon
law, might be given by any priest without payment, such as
Indulgences, letters of Indulgences, letters of dispensation,
mass letters, and all the other religious licences and knaveries
at Kome by which the poor people are deceived and robbed !
For if the Pope has the power to sell for money his golden
snares, or canon nets (laws, I should say), much more has a
priest the power to cancel them and to trample on them for
God's sake. But if he has no such power, then the Pope can
have no authority to sell them in his shameful fair.

Besides this, fasts must be_made optional, and every kind of
food made free, aslsrcomnianded in~th!TGospels. (Matt. xv. 11.)
For whilst at Borne they laugh at fasts, they let us abroad
eat oil which they would not think fit for greasing their boots,
and then sell us the liberty of eating butter and other things,
whereas the Apostle says, that the Gospel has given us
freedom in all such matters. (1 Cor. x. 25 seq.) But they have
caught us in their canon law and have robbed us of this
right, so that we have to buy it back from them ; they have
so terrified the consciences of the people, that one cannot
preach this liberty without rousing the anger of the people,
who think the eating of butter to be a worse sin than lying,
swearing and unchastity. We may make of it what we will ;
it is but the work of man, and no good can ever come of it.

20. The country chapels and churches must be destroyed,
such as those to which the new pilgrimages have been set
on foot, Wilsnacht, Sternberg, Treves, the Grimmenthal,
and now Batisbon, and many others. Oh what a reckoning
there will be for those bishops that allow these inventions of
the Devil and make a profit out of them ! They should be the

1 Those, namely, between Sponsors at Baptism and their Godchildren.

ADDRESS TO THE NOBILITY 67

first to stop it; they think that it is a godly, holy thing,
and do not see that the Devil does this to strengthen covet-
ousness, to teach false beliefs, to weaken parish churches, to
increase drunkenness and debauchery, to waste money and
labour, and simply to lead the poor people by the nose. If
they had only studied the Scriptures as much as their accursed
canon law, they would know well how to deal with the matter.

The miracles performed there prove nothing, for the Evil One
can also show wonders, as Christ has taught us. (Matt. xxiv. 24.)
If they took up the matter earnestly, and forbade such doings,
the miracles would soon cease ; or if they were done by God,
they would not be prevented by their commands. And if
there were nothing else to prove that these are not works of
God, it would be enough that people go about turbulently
and irrationally like herds of cattle, which could not possibly
come from God. God has not commanded it ; there is no
obedience, and no merit in it ; and therefore it should be
vigorously interfered with and the people warned against it.
For what is not commanded by God and goes beyond God's
commandments is surely the Devil's own work. In this way
also the parish churches suffer, in that they are less venerated.
In fine, these pilgrimages are signs of great want of faith in
the people; for if they truly believed, they would find all
things in their own churches, where they are commanded to go.

But what is the use of my speaking ? Every man thinks
only how he may get up such a pilgrimage in his own dis-
trict, not caring whether the people believes and lives rightly.
The rulers are like the people — blind leaders of the blind.
Where pilgrimages are a failure, they begin to glorify their
saints ; not to honour the saints, who are sufficiently honoured
without them, but to cause a concourse, and to bring in money.
Then Pope and bishops help them ; it rains indulgences, and
every one can afford to buy them ; but what God has com-
manded no one cares for ; no one runs after it, no one can
afford any money for it. Alas for our blindness, that we not
only suffer the Devil to have his way with his phantoms, but
support him ! I wish one would leave the good saints alone
and not lead the poor people astray. What spirit gave the
Pope authority to " glorify " the saints ? Who tells him whether
they are holy, or not holy ? Are there not enough sins on

68 LUTHER'S PRIMARY WORKS

earth, as it is, but we must tempt God, interfere in His judg-
ment, and make money-bags of his saints? Therefore my
advice is to let the saints glorify themselves ; or rather, God
alone should glorify them, and every man should keep to
his own parish, where he will profit more than in all these
shrines, even if they were all put together into one shrine.
Here a man finds Baptism, the Sacrament, preaching, and his
neighbour, and these are more than all the saints in Heaven,
for it is by God's word and sacrament that they have all been
hallowed.

Our contempt for these great matters justifies God's anger
in giving us over to the devil to lead us astray, to get up
pilgrimages, to found churches and chapels, to glorify the
saints and to commit other like follies, by which we are led
astray from the true faith into new false beliefs ; just as he
did in old time with the people of Israel, whom he led away
from the temple to countless other places ; all the while in
God's name, and with the appearance of holiness, against
which all the prophets preached, suffering martyrdom for
their words. But now no one preaches against it ; and
probably if he did, bishops, Popes, priests and monks would
combine to martyr him. In this way Antonius of Florence
and many others are made saints, so that their holiness
may serve to produce glory and wealth, whereas otherwise
they would have served simply as good examples for the glory
of God.

Even if this glorification of the Saints had been good once,
it is not good now ; just as many other things were good
once and are now occasion of offence and injurious, such as
holidays, ecclesiastical treasures and ornaments. For it is
evident that what is aimed at in the glorification of saints is
not the glory of God, nor the bettering of Christendom, but
money and fame alone ; one church wishes to have an advan-
tage over another, and would be sorry to see another church
enjoying the same advantages. In this way they have in
these latter days abused the goods of the Church so as to gain
the goods of the world; so that everything, and even God
Himself, must serve their avarice. Moreover these privileges
cause nothing but dissensions and worldly pride ; one church
being different from the rest, they despise or magnify one

ADDRESS TO THE NOBILITY 69

another, whereas all goods that are of God should be common
to all, and should serve to produce unity. This, too, is why
they please the Pope, who would be sorry to see all Christians
equal and at one with one another.

Here must be added that one should abolish, or treat as of
no account, or give to all churches alike, the licences, bulls,
and whatever the Pope sells at his flaying-ground at Eome.
For if he sells or gives to Wittenberg, to Halle, to Venice, and
above all to his own city of Eome, special permissions, privi-
leges, indulgences, graces, advantages, faculties, why does he
not give them to all churches alike ? Is it not his duty to do
all that he can for all Christians without reward, solely for
God's sake, nay, even to shed his blood for them ? Why then,
I should like to know, does he give or sell these things to one
church and not to another ? Or does this accursed gold make
a difference in his Holiness's eyes between Christians who all
alike have baptism, gospel, faith, Christ, God, and all things ?
Do they wish us to be blind, when our eyes can see, to be
fools, when we have reason, that we should worship this
greed, knavery and delusion ? He is a shepherd forsooth — so
long as you have money, no further; and yet they are not
ashamed to practise all this knavery right and left with their
bulls. They care only for that accursed gold and for nought
besides.

Therefore my advice is this : If this folly is not done away
with, let all pious Christians open their eyes and not be de-
ceived by these Eomish Bulls and seals, and all their specious
pretences ; let them stop at home in their own churches, and
be satisfied with their Baptism, Gospel, Faith, Christ and God
(who is everywhere the same), and let the Pope continue to
be a blind leader of the blind. Neither Pope nor angel can
give you as much as God gives you in your own parish ; nay,
he only leads you away from God's gifts, which you have for
nothing, to his own gifts, which you must buy ; giving you lead
for gold, skin for meat, strings for a purse, wax for honey,
words for goods, the letter for the spirit ; as you can see for
yourselves though you will not perceive it. If you try to
ride to heaven on the Pope's wax and parchment, your carriage
will soon break down and you will fall into hell, not in God's
name.

f 2

70 LUTHER'S PRIMARY WORKS

Let this be a fixed rule for you, Whatever has to be bought
of the Pope is neither good, nor of God. For whatever conies
from God is not only given freely, but all the world is
punished and condemned for not accepting it freely. So is it
with the Gospel and the works of God. We have deserved to
be led into these errors, because we have despised God's holy
word and the grace of baptism, as St. Paul says : " And for
this cause God shall send them strong delusion, that they
should believe a lie : that they all might be damned who
believed not the truth, but had pleasure in unrighteousness."
(2 Thess. ii. 11, 12.)

21. It is one of the most urgent necessities to abolish all
begging in Christendom. No one should go about begging
among Christians. It would not be hard to do this, if we
attempted it with good heart and courage : each town should
support its own poor and should not allow strange beggars
to come in — whatever they may call themselves : pilgrims or
mendicant monks. Every town could feed its own poor ; and
if it were too small, the people in the neighbouring villages
should be called upon to contribute. As it is, they have to
support many knaves and vagabonds under the name of beggars.
If they did what I propose, they would at least know who
were really poor or not.

There should also be an overseer or guardian who should
know all the poor, and should inform the town • or council, or
the priest, of their requirements ; or some other similar provision
might be made. There is no occupation, in my opinion, in
which there is so much knavery and cheating as among
beggars ; and it could so easily be prevented. This general,
unrestricted begging is, besides, injurious for the common
people. I estimate that of the five or six orders of mendicant
monks, each one visits every place more than six or seven times
in the year ; then there are the common beggars, messengers
and pilgrims ; in this way I calculate every city has a black-
mail levied on it about sixty times a year, not counting rates
and taxes paid to the civil government and the useless
robberies of the Koman See ; so that it is to my mind one of
the greatest of God's miracles how we manage to live and
support ourselves.

Some may think that in this way the poor would not be well

ADDRESS TO THE NOBILITY 71

cared for, and that such great stone houses and convents would
not be built, and not so plentifully, and I think so too. But
there would be no harm in that. If a man will be poor, he
should not be rich ; if he will be rich, let him put his hand to
the plough, and get wealth himself out of the earth. It is
enough to provide decently for the poor, that they may not die
of cold and hunger. It is not right, that one should work that
another may be idle, and live ill that another may live well, as
is now the perverse abuse, for St. Paul says (2 Thess. iii. 10):
" If any would not work, neither should he eat." God has
not ordained that any one should live of the goods of others,
except priests and ministers alone, as St. Paul says (1 Cor. ix.
14), for their spiritual work's sake ; as also Christ says to the
Apostles (Luke x. 7) : " The labourer is worthy of his hire."

22. It is also to be feared that the many masses that have
been founded in convents and foundations, instead of doing any
good, arouse God's anger ; wherefore it would be well to endow
no more masses and to abolish many of those that have been
endowed ; for we see that they are only looked upon as sacrifices
and good works, though in truth they are sacraments like bap-
tism and confession, and as such profit him only that receives
them. But now the custom obtains of saying masses for the
living and the dead, and everything is based upon them. This
is the reason why there are so many, and that they have come
to be what we see.

But perhaps all this is a new and unheard of doctrine,
especially in the eyes of those that fear to lose their livelihood,
if these masses were abolished. I must therefore reserve
what I have to say on this subject until men have arrived at
a truer understanding of the mass, its nature and use. The
mass has, alas ! for so many years been turned into means of
gaining a livelihood, that I should advise a man to become a
shepherd, a labourer, rather than a priest, or monk, unless he
knows what the mass is.

All this, however, does not apply to the old foundations and
chapters ; which were doubtless founded in order that, since
according to the custom of Germany all the children of nobles
cannot be landowners and rulers, they should be provided for in
these foundations, and these serve God freely, study and become
learned themselves, and help others to acquire learning. I

72 LUTHER'S PRIMARY WORKS

am speaking only of the new foundations, endowed for prayers
and masses, by the example of which the old foundations have
become burdened with the like prayers and masses, making
them of very little, if of any use. Through (rod's righteous
punishment they have at last come down to the dregs as they
deserve ; that is, to the noise of singers and organs, and cold,
spiritless masses, with no end but to gain and spend the
money due to them. Popes, bishops and doctors should
examine and report on such things ; as it is they are the
guiltiest, allowing anything that brings them money; the
blind ever leading the blind. This comes of covetousness and
the canon law.

It must, moreover, not be allowed in future that one man
should have more than one endowment or prebend. He should
be content with a moderate position in life, so that others may
have something besides himself; and thus we must put a stop
to the excuses of those that say that they must have more
than one office to enable them to live in their proper station.
It is possible to estimate one's proper station in such a way,
that a whole kingdom would not suffice to maintain it. So it
is that covetousness and want of faith in God go hand in
hand, and often men take for the requirements of their station
what is mere covetousness and want of faith.

23. As for the fraternities, together with indulgences,
letters of indulgence, dispensations, masses and all the rest of
such things, let it all be drowned and abolished ; there is no
good in it at all. If the Pope has the authority to grant
dispensation in the matter of eating butter and hearing masses,
let him allow priests to do the same ; he has no right to take
the power from them. I speak also of the fraternities in
which indulgences, masses, and good works are distributed.
My friend, in baptism you joined a fraternity of which Christ,
the angels, the saints and all Christians are members ; be
true to this, and satisfy it, and you will have fraternities enough.
Let others make what show they wish ; they are as counters
compared to coins. But if there were a fraternity that
subscribed money to feed the poor, or to help others in any
way, this would be good, and it would have its indulgence and
its deserts in Heaven. But now they are good for nothing but
gluttony and drunkenness.

ADDRESS TO THE NOBILITY 73

First of all we should expel from all German lands the Pope's
legates with their faculties, which they sell to us for much
money, though it is all knavery ; as, for instance, their taking
money for making goods unlawfully acquired to be good,
for freeing from oaths, vows, and bonds, thus destroying and
teaching others to destroy truth and faith mutually pledged ;
saying the Pope has authority to do so. It is the Evil Spirit
that bids them talk thus, and so they sell us the Devil's
teaching, and take money for teaching us sins and leading us
to hell.

• If there were nothing else to show that the Pope is Anti-
christ, this would be enough. Dost thou hear this, 0 Pope !
not the most holy, but the most sinful ? Would that God
would hurl thy Chair headlong from heaven, and cast it down
into the abyss of hell ! Who gave you the power to exalt
yourself above your God ? To break and to loose what He has
commanded ? To teach Christians, more especially Germans,
who are of noble nature, and are famed in all histories for up-
rightness and truth, to be false, unfaithful, perjured, treacherous
and wicked ? God has commanded to keep faith and observe
oaths even with enemies ; you dare to cancel this command,
laying it down in your heretical, antichristian decretals, that
you have power to do so ; and through your mouth and your
pen Satan lies as he never lied before, teaching you to twist
and pervert the Scriptures according to your own arbitrary
will. 0, Lord Christ ! look down upon this, let Thy day of
judgment come and destroy the Devil's lair at Eome. Behold
him of whom St. Paul spoke (2 Thess. ii., 3, 4), that he should
exalt himself above Thee and sit in Thy Church, showing
himself as God — the man of sin, and the child of dam-
nation. What else does the Pope's power do, but teach and
strengthen sin and wickedness, leading souls to damnation in
Thy name ?

The children of Israel in old times kept the oath that they
had sworn, in ignorance and error, to the Gibeonites, their
enemies. And King Zedekiah was destroyed utterly with his
people, because he broke the oath that he had sworn to the
King of Babylon. And among us, a hundred years ago,
the noble King Ladislaus V. of Poland and Hungary was slain
by the Turk with so many of his people, because he allowed

74 LUTHER'S PRIMARY WORKS

himself to be misled by Papal legates and cardinals, and broke
the good and useful treaty that he had made with the
Turk. The pious Emperor Sigismond had no good fortune
after the Council of Constance, in which he allowed the knaves
to violate the safe conduct that he had promised to John Kuss
and Jerome ; from this has followed all the miserable strife
between Bohemia and ourselves. And in our own time, God
help us ! how much Christian blood has been shed on account
of the oath and bond which Pope Julius made and unmade
between the Emperor Maximilian and King Lewis of France !
How can I tell all the misery the Popes have caused by such
devilish insolence, claiming the power of breaking oaths between
great lords, causing a shameful scandal for the sake of
money! I hope the day of judgment is at hand; things cannot
and will not become worse than the dealings of the Eoman
Chair. The Pope treads God's commandments under foot and
exalts his own ; if this is not Antichrist I do not know what is.
But of this and to more purpose another time.

24. It is high time to take up earnestly and truthfully
the cause dL_the Bohemians, to unite them with ourselves
and ourselves withTThem, so that all mutual accusations, envy
and hatred may cease. I will be the first, in my capacity of
fool, to give my opinion, with all due deference to those of
better understanding.

First of all, we must honestly confess the truth, without at-
tempting self-justification, and own one thing to the Bohemians,
namely, that John Huss and Jerome of Prague were burnt
at Constance in violation of the Papal, Christian, and Im-
perial oath and safe conduct, and that thus God's commami-
ment was broken and the Bohemians excited to great anger.
And though, no doubt, they ought to have been perfect men,
and have patiently endured this wrong and disobedience to
God, yet we cannot expect them to approve it and think it
right. Nay, even now they should run any danger of life
and limb rather than own that it is right to break an Im-
perial, Papal, Christian safe conduct and act faithlessly in
opposition to it. Therefore, though the Bohemians may be
to blame for their impatience, yet the Pope and his followers
are most to blame for all the misery, all the error and destruc-
tion of souls, that followed this Council of Constance.

ADDEESS TO THE NOBILITY 75

It is not rny intention here to judge John Huss's belief and
to defend his errors ; although my understanding has not been
able to find any error in him, and I would willingly believe
that men who violated a safe conduct and God's commandment
(doubtless possessed rather by the evil spirit than by the Spirit
of God) were unable to judge well or to condemn with truth.
No one can imagine that the Holy Ghost can break God's
commandments ; no one can deny that it is breaking God's
commandments to violate faith and a safe conduct, even
though it were promised to the devil himself, much more
then in the case of a heretic ; it is also notorious that a safe
conduct was promised to John Huss and the Bohemians, and
that the promise was broken and Huss was burnt. I have no
wish to make a saint or a martyr of John Huss (as some
Bohemians do), though I own that he was treated unjustly, and
that his books and his doctrines were wrongfully condemned ;
for God's judgments are inscrutable and terrible, and none
but Himself may reveal or explain them.

All I say is this : Granting he was a heretic, however bad he
may have been, yet he was burnt unjustly and in violation of
God's commandments, and we must not require the Bohemians
to approve this, if we wish ever to be at one with them. Plain
truth must unite us, not obstinacy. It is no use to say, as
they said at the time, that a safe conduct need not be kept, if
promised to a heretic ; that is as much as to say, one may break
God's commandments, in order to keep God's commandments.
They were infatuated and blinded by the Devil, that they
could not see what they said or did. God has commanded us to
observe a safe conduct ; and this we must do though the world
should perish, much more then where it is only a question of
a heretic being let free. We should overcome heretics with
books, not with fire, as the old Fathers did. If there were any
skill in overcoming heretics with fire the executioner would be
the most learned doctor in the world ; and there would be no
need to study, but he that could get another into his power
could burn him.

Besides this, the Emperor and the Princes should send to
Bohemia several pious, learned bishops and doctors, but, for
their life, no cardinal or legate or inquisitor, for such people
are far too unlearned in all Christian matters, and do not

76 LUTHER'S PRIMARY WORKS

seek the salvation of souls ; but like all the Papal hypocrites,
they seek only their own glory, profit and honour ; they were
also the leaders in that calamitous affair at Constance. But
those learned men should inquire into the faith of the Bohemians
to ascertain whether it would be possible to unite all their sects
into one. Moreover the Pope should (for their souls' sake) for a
time abandon his supremacy and, in accordance with the statutes
of the Nicene Council, allow the Bohemians to choose for them-
selves an Archbishop of Prague. This choice to be confirmed
by the Bishops of Olmutz in Moravia, or of Grun in Hungary,
or the Bishop of Gnesen in Poland, or the Bishop of Magdeburg
in Germany. It is enough that it be confirmed by one or two
of these bishops, as in the time of St. Cyprian. And the
Pope has no authority to forbid it ; if he forbids it, he acts as a
wolf and a tyrant, and no one should obey him, but answer his
excommunication by excommunicating him.

Yet if, for the honour of the Chair of St. Peter, any one prefers
to do this with the Pope's knowledge, I do not object, provided
that the Bohemians do not pay a farthing for it, and that the
Pope do not bind them a single hair's breadth, or subject them
to his tyranny by oath, as he does all other bishops, against
God and justice. If he is not satisfied with the honour
of his assent being asked, leave him alone by all means with
his own rights, laws, and tyrannies ; be content with the election,
and let the blood of all the souls that are in danger be upon
his head. For no man may countenance wrong, and we have
already shown enough respect to tyranny. If we cannot do
otherwise, we may consider the popular election and consent
as equal to a tyrannical confirmation ; but I hope this will
not be necessary. Sooner or later some Komans, or pious
bishops and learned men, must perceive and avert the Pope's
tyranny.

I do not advise that they be forced to abandon the sacrament
in both kinds, for it is neither unchristian nor heretical.
They should be allowed to continue in their present way ; but
the new bishop must see that there be no dissensions about
this matter, and they must learn that neither practice is
actually wrong; just as there need be no disputes about the
priests not wearing the same dress as the laity. In the same
way, if they do not wish to submit to the canon laws of the

ADDRESS TO THE NOBILITY 77

Roman Church, we must not force them, but we must content
ourselves with seeing that they live in faith and according to
the Scriptures. For Christian life and Christian faith may-
very well exist without the Pope's unbearable laws ; nay, they
cannot well exist until there are fewer of those laws or none.
Our baptism has freed us and made us subject to God's word
alone, why then should we suffer a man to make us the slaves
of his words ? As St. Paul says : " Stand fast, therefore, in
the liberty wherewith Christ hath made us free, and be not
entangled again with the yoke of bondage." (Gal. v. 1.)

If I knew that the only error of the Hussites * was that
they believe that in the sacrament of the altar there is true
bread and wine, though under it the body and the blood
of Christ ; if, I say, this were their only error, I should not
condemn them ; but let the Bishop of Prague see to this. For
it is not an article of faith that in the sacrament there is bread
and wine in substance and nature, which is a delusion of
St. Thomas and the Pope : but it is an article of faith, that in
the natural bread and wine there is Christ's true flesh and blood.
We should accordingly tolerate the views of both parties until
they are at one ; for there is not much danger whether you
believe there is, or there is not, bread in the sacrament. For
we have to suffer many forms of belief and order that do
not injure the Faith ; but if they believe otherwise, it would
be better not to unite with them, and yet to instruct them in
the truth.

All other errors and dissensions to be found in Bohemia
should be tolerated until the Archbishop has been reinstated,
and has succeeded, in time, in uniting the whole people
in one harmonious doctrine. We shall never unite them by
force, by driving or hurrying them. We must be patient,
and use gentleness. Did not Christ have to walk with His
disciples, suffering their unbelief, until they believed in His
resurrection ? If they had but once more a regular bishop, and
good discipline without Romish tyranny, I think matters would
mend.

The temporal possessions of the Church should not be too

1 Luther uses here the word "Pickarten," which is a corruption of
Begharden, i.e. " Beghards," a nickname frequently applied in those days to
the Hussites.

78 LUTHEK'S PRIMARY WORKS

strictly claimed ; but since we are Christians and bound to help
one another, we have the right to give them these things for
the sake of unity, and to let them keep them, before God and the
world ; for Christ says : " Where two or three are gathered
together in My name, there am I in the midst of them." Would
to God, we helped on both sides to bring about this unity,
giving our hands one to the other in brotherly humility, not
insisting on our authority or our rights ! Love is more, and
more necessary than the Papacy at Kome ; the Papacy can
exist without love, and love can exist without the Papacy. I
hope I have done my best for this end. If the Pope or his
followers hinder this good work, they will have to give an
account of their actions, for having, against the love of God,
sought their own advantage more than their neighbours'. The
Pope should abandon his Papacy, all his possessions and
honours,| if ne c°uld save a soul by so doing. But he would
rather see the world go to ruin than give up a hair's breadth
of the power he has usurped ; and yet he would be our most
holy father ! Herewith am I at least excused.

25. The Universities also require a good, sound Beformation.
I must say this, let it vex whom it may. The fact is that
whatever the Papacy has ordered or instituted is only de-
signed for the propagation of sin and error. What are the
Universities, as at present ordered, but as the Book of Mac-
cabees says : " Schools of ' Greek fashion ' and ' heathenish
manners.' " (2 Maccab. iv. 12, 13) ; full of dissolute living,
where very little is taught of the Holy Scriptures and of the
Christian faith, and the blind heathen teacher, Aristotle, rules
even further than Christ. Now, my advice would be that the
books of Aristotle, the ' Physics,' the ' Metaphysics,' ' Of the
Soul,' ' Ethics,' which have hitherto been considered the best,
be altogether abolished, with all others that profess to treat of
nature, though nothing can be learned from them, either of
natural or of spiritual things. Besides, no one has been able
to understand his meaning, and much time has been wasted,
and many noble souls vexed, with much useless labour, study,
and expense. I venture to say that any potter has more
knowledge of natural things than is to be found in these
books. My heart is grieved to see how many of the best
Christians this accursed, proud, knavish heathen has fooled

ADDRESS TO THE NOBILITY 79

and led astray with his false words. God sent him as a
plague for our sins.

Does not the wretched man in his best book, ' Of the Soul,'
teach that the soul dies with the body ; though many have tried
to save him with vain words, as if we had not the Holy
Scriptures to teach us fully of all things, of which Aristotle
had not the slightest perception. Yet this dead heathen has
conquered, and has hindered and almost suppressed the books
of the living God ; so that, when I see all this misery, I cannot
but think that the evil spirit has introduced this study.

Then there is the ' Ethics,' which is accounted one of the
best, though no book is more directly contrary to God's will
and the Christian virtues. Oh, that such books could be kept
out of the reach of all Christians ! Let no one object that I
say too much, or speak without knowledge. My friend, I
know of what I speak. I know Aristotle as well as you or men
like you. I have read him with more understanding than
St. Thomas or Scotus; which I may say without arrogance,
and can prove if need be. It matters not that so many great
minds have exercised themselves in these matters for many
hundred years. Such objections do not affect me as they
might have done once ; since it is plain as day that many more
errors have existed for many hundred years in the world and
the Universities.

I would, however, gladly consent that Aristotle's books of
Logic, Khetoric and Poetic should be retained ; or they might
be usefully studied in a condensed form, to practise young
people in speaking and preaching ; but the notes and comments
should be abolished, and just as Cicero's Ehetoric is read without
note or comment, Aristotle's Logic should be read without such
long commentaries. But now neither speaking nor preaching
are taught out of them, and they are used only for disputation
and confusion. Besides this there are languages, Latin, Greek
and Hebrew, the Mathematics, History ; but this I leave
to men of higher understanding ; if they seriously strive
after reform, all these things will come of themselves. And
truly it is an important matter ! for it concerns the teach-
ing and training of Christian youths and of our noble people, in
whom Christianity still abides. Therefore I think that Pope
and Emperor could have no better task than the reformation of

80 LUTHER'S PRIMARY WORKS

the Universities, just as there is nothing more devilishly
mischievous than an unreformed University.

Physicians I would leave to reform their own faculty;
Lawyers and Theologians I take under my charge, and say
firstly, that it would be right to abolish the canon law entirely,
from beginning to end, more especially the decretals. We are
taught quite sufficiently in the Bible how we ought to act ; all
this study only prevents the study of the Scriptures, and for
the most part it is tainted with covetousness and pride. And
even though there were some good in it, it should nevertheless
be destroyed, for the Pope having the canon law in scrinio
pectoris,1 all further study is useless and deceitful. At the
present time the canon law is not to be found in the books,
but in the whims of the Pope and his sycophants. You
may have settled a matter in the best possible way according to
the canon law, but the Pope has his scrinium pectoris, to which
all law must bow in all the world. Now this scrinium is often-
times directed by some knave, and the devil himself, whilst it
boasts that it is directed by the Holy Ghost. This is the way
they treat Christ's poor people, imposing many laws and keeping
none ; forcing others to keep them, or to free themselves by
money.

Therefore since the Pope and his followers have cancelled
the whole canon law, despising it and setting their own will
above all the world, we should follow them and reject the books.
Why should we study them to no purpose ? We should never
be able to know the Pope's caprice, which has now become the
canon law. Let it fall then in God's name, after having risen
in the devil's name. Let there be henceforth no doctor
decretorum, but let them all be doctor es scrinii papalis, that is,
the Pope's sycophants. They say that there is no better
temporal government than among the Turks, though they have
no canon nor civil law, but only their Koran ; we must at least
own that there is no worse government than ours with its
canon and civil law, for no estate lives according to the
Scriptures, or even according to natural reason.

The civil law, too, good God ! what a wilderness it is become !
It is, indeed, much better, more skilful and more honest than
the canon law, of which nothing is good but the name. Still

1 In the shrine of his heart.

ADDRESS TO THE NOBILITY 81

there is far too much of it. Surely good governors, judging
according to the Scriptures, would be law enough, as St. Paul
says : " Is it so, that there is not a wise man among you ? No,
not one that shall be able to judge between his brethren ? "
(1 Cor. vi. 5.) I think also that the common law and the usage
of the country should be preferred to the law of the Empire,
and that the law of the Empire should only be used in
cases of necessity. And would to God that, as each land has
its own peculiar character and nature, they could all be
governed by their own simple laws, just as they were governed
before the law of the Empire was devised, and as many are
governed even now ! Elaborate and far-fetched laws are only
burdensome to the people, and a hindrance rather than a help
to business. But I hope that others have thought of this, and
considered it to more purpose than I could.

Our worthy Theologians have saved themselves much trouble
and labour by leaving the Bible alone and only reading the
Sentences.1 I should have thought that young Theologians
might begin by studying the Sentences and that Doctors
should study the Bible. Now they invert this : the Bible is
the first thing they study ; this ceases with the Bachelor's
degree; the Sentences are the last, and these they keep for
ever with the Doctor's degree ; and this too under such sacred
obligation that one that is not a priest may read the Bible,
but a priest must read the Sentences ; so that, as far as I can
see, a married man might be a Doctor in the Bible, but not in
the Sentences. How should we prosper so long as we act so
perversely, and degrade the Bible, the holy word of God?
Besides this, the Pope orders with many stringent words that
his laws be read and used in schools and courts ; while the law
of the Gospel is but little considered. The result is that in
schools and courts the Gospel lies dusty on the shelf, so that
the Pope's mischievous laws may alone be in force.

Since, then, we hold the name and title of teachers of the
Holy Scriptures, we should verily be forced to act according to
our title, and to teach the Holy Scriptures and nothing else.

1 Luther refers here to the ' Sentences ' of Petrus Lomhardus, the so-
called magister sententiarum, which formed the basis of all dogmatic inter-
pretation from about the middle of the 12th century down to the Reforma-
tion.

82 LUTHER'S PRIMARY WORKS

Although, indeed, it is a proud, presumptuous title, for a man
to proclaim himself teacher of the Scriptures, still it could be
suffered, if the works confirmed the title. But as it is, under
the rule of the Sentences, we find among Theologians more
human and heathenish fallacies than true holy knowledge of
the Scriptures. What then are we to do ? I know not, except
to pray humbly to God to give us Doctors of Theology. Doctors
of Arts, of Medicine, of Law, of the Sentences, may be made by
Popes, Emperors and the Universities ; but of this we may be
certain, a Doctor of the Holy Scriptures can be made by none
but the Holy Ghost, as Christ says : " They shall all be taught
of God." (John vi. 45.) Now the Holy Ghost does not consider
red caps or brown, or any other pomp ; nor whether we are
young or old, layman or priest, monk or secular, virgin or
married ; nay, he once spoke by an ass against the prophet that
rode on it. Would to God we were worthy of having such
Doctors given us, be they laymen or priests, married or virgin !
but now they try to force the Holy Ghost to enter into Popes,
Bishops or Doctors, though there is no sign to show that He is
in them.

We must also lessen the number of theological books, and
choose the best ; for it is not the number of books that make

the learned man ; nor much reading, but good books often
read, however few, make a man learned in the Scriptures and
pious. Even the Fathers should only be read for a short time
as an introduction to the Scriptures. As it is, we read nothing
else, and never get from them into the Scriptures, as if one
should be gazing at the sign-posts and never follow the road.
These good Fathers wished to lead us into the Scriptures by
their writings, whereas we lead ourselves out by them, though
the Scriptures are our vineyard in which we should all work
and exercise ourselves.

Above all, in schools of all kinds the chief and most common
lesson should be the Scriptures, and for young boys the Gospel ;
and would to God each town had also a girl's school in which
girls might be taught the Gospel for an hour daily, either in
German or Latin ! In truth, schools, monasteries and convents,
were founded for this purpose, and with good Christian inten-
tions ; as we read concerning St. Agnes, and other saints ; l then
1 See above/ p. 58.

ADDKESS TO THE NOBILITY 83

were there holy virgins and martyrs ; and in those times it was
well with Christendom ; but now it has been turned into nothing
but praying and singing. Should not every Christian be
expected by his ninth or tenth year to know all the holy
Gospels, containing as they do his very name and life? A
spinner or a seamstress teaches her daughter her trade, while
she is young, but now even the most learned Prelates and
Bishops do not know the Gospel.

Oh, how badly we treat all these poor young people that
are entrusted to us for discipline and instruction ! and a heavy
reckoning shall we have to give for it that we keep them from
the word of God ; their fate is that described by Jeremiah :
" Mine eyes do fail with tears, my bowels are troubled, my liver
is poured upon the earth, for the destruction of the daughter of
my people; because the children and the sucklings swoon in the
streets of the city. They say to their mothers, Where is corn
and wine ? when they swooned as the wounded in the streets
of the city, when their soul is poured out into their mothers'
bosom.'"' (Lamen. ii. 11, 12.) We do not perceive all this
misery, how the young folk are being pitifully corrupted in the
midst of Christendom, all for want of the Gospel, which we
should always read and study with them.

However, if the high schools studied the Scriptures diligently
we should not send every one to them, as we do now, when
nothing is considered but numbers, and every man wishes to
have a Doctor's title ; we should only send the aptest pupils,
well prepared in the lower schools. This should be seen to by
princes or the magistrates of the towns, and they should take
care none but apt pupils be sent. But where the Holy
Scriptures are not the rule, I advise no one to send his child.
Everything must perish where God's word is not studied
unceasingly ; and so we see what manner of men there are
now in the high schools, and all this is the fault of no one
but of the Pope, the Bishops and the Prelates, to whom the
welfare of the young has been entrusted. For the High
Schools should train men simply to be of good understanding
in the Scriptures, fit to become bishops and priests, and to
stand at our head against heretics and the Devil and all the
world. But where do we find this ? I greatly fear the
High Schools are nothing but great gates of hell, unless

84 LUTHER'S PRIMARY WORKS

they diligently study the Holy Scriptures and teach them to
the young people.

26. I know well the Eoniish mob will object and loudly
pretend that the Pope took the Holy Eoman Empire from the
Greek Emperor and gave it to Germany, for which honour and
favour he is supposed to deserve submission and thanks and all
other kinds of returns from the Germans. For this reason
we are not to presume to make any attempt to reform them, and
we are to consider nothing but these gifts of the Eoman Empire.
This is also the reason why they have so arbitrarily and proudly
persecuted and oppressed many good Emperors, so that it were
pity to tell, and with the same cleverness have they made
themselves lords of all the temporal power and authority, in
violation of the holy Gospel ; and accordingly I must speak of
this matter also.

There is no doubt that the true Eoman Empire, of which the
prophets (Num. xxiv. 24) and Daniel (ii. 44) spoke, was long ago
destroyed, as Balaam clearly foretold, saying : " And ships
shall come from the coast of Chittim, and shall afflict Asshur,
and shall afflict Eber, and he also shall perish for ever."
(Num. xxiv. 24.) 1 And this was done by the Goths, and more
especially since the empire of the Turks was formed, about one
thousand years ago, and so gradually Asia and Africa were
lost, and subsequently France, Spain, and finally Yenice arose,
so that Eome retains no part of its former power.

Since, then, the Pope could not force the Greeks and the
Emperor at Constantinople, who is the hereditary Eoman
Emperor, to obey his will, he invented this device to rob him of
his empire and title, and to give it to the Germans, who were
at that time strong and of good repute ; in order that they
might take the power of the Eoman Empire and hold it of the
Pope ; and this is what actually has happened. It was taken
from the Emperor at Constantinople, and the name and title
were given to us Germans, and therewith we became subject
to the Pope, and he has built up a new Eoman Empire on the
Germans. For the other Empire, the original, came to an end
long ago, as was said above.

1 Luther here follows the Vulgate, translating the above verse by : " Es
werden die Romer kommen und die Juden verstoren : und hernach werden
sie auch untergehen."

ADDRESS TO THE NOBILITY 85

Thus the Roman See has got what it wished : Rome has been
taken possession of, and the German Emperor driven out and
bound by oaths not to dwell in Rome. He is to be Roman
Emperor and nevertheless not to dwell in Rome ; and moreover
always to depend on the Pope and his followers, and to do their
will. We are to have the title, and they are to have the lands
and the cities. For they have always made our simplicity the
tool of their pride and tyranny, and they consider us as stupid
Germans to be deceived and fooled by them as they choose.

Well, for our Lord God it is a small thing to toss kingdoms
and principalities hither and thither ; He is so free with them,
that He will sometimes take a kingdom from a good man and
give it to a knave ; sometimes through the treachery of false,
wicked men ; sometimes by inheritance, as we read concerning
Persia, Greece, and nearly all kingdoms ; and Daniel says :
" Wisdom and might are His : and He changes the times and
the seasons, and He removeth Kiugs and setteth up Kings."
(Dan. ii. 20, 21.) Therefore, no one need think it a grand
matter, if he has a kingdom given to him, especially if he be a
Christian ; and so we Germans need not be proud of having
had a new Roman Empire given us. For in His eyes, it is a
poor gift, that He sometimes gives to the least deserving ; as
Daniel says : " And all the inhabitants of the earth are rejmted
as nothing ; and He does according to His will in the army of
heaven, and among the inhabitants of the earth." (Dan. iv. 35.)

Now although the Pope has violently and unjustly robbed the
true Emperor of the Roman Empire, or its name, and has given
it to us Germans, yet it is certain that God has used the Pope's
wickedness to give the German nation this Empire and to raise
up a new Roman Empire, that exists now, after the fall of the
old Empire. We gave the Pope no cause for this action, nor
did we understand his false aims and schemes; but still,
through the craft and knavery of the Popes, we have, alas ! all
too dearly, paid the price of this Empire with incalculable
bloodshed, with the loss of our liberty, with the robbery of our
wealth, especially of our churches and benefices, and with un-
speakable treachery and insult. We have the Empire in name,
but the Pope has our wealth, our honour, our bodies, lives and
souls, and all that we have. This was the way to deceive the
Germans, and with a double deceit. What the Popes wished

g 2

86 LUTHER'S PRIMARY WORKS

was,, to become Emperors ; and as they could not do this, they
put themselves above the Emperors.

Since, then, we have received this Empire through God's
providence and the schemes of evil men, without our fault, I
would not advise that we should give it up, but that we should
govern it honestly, in the fear of God, so long as He is pleased
to let us hold it. For, as I have said, it is no matter to Him
how a kingdom is come by, but He will have it duly governed.
If the Popes took it from others dishonestly, we, at least, did
not come by it dishonestly. It was given to us through evil
men, under the will of God, to whom we have more regard
than the false intentions of the Popes, who wished to be
Emperors and more than Emperors, and to fool and mock us
with the name.

The King of Babylon obtained his kingdom by force and
robbery. Yet God would have it governed by the holy princes,
Daniel, Ananias, Asarias and Misael. Much more then does
He require this Empire to be governed by the Christian
princes of Germany, though the Pope may have stolen
or robbed, or newly fashioned it. It is all God's ordering,
which came to pass before we knew of it.

Therefore the Pope and his followers have no reason to
boast, that they did a great kindness to the German nation in
giving them this Koman Empire. Firstly, because they in-
tended no good to us in the matter; but only abused our
simplicity to strengthen their own power against the Koman
Emperor at Constantinople, from whom, against God and
justice, the Pope has taken what he had no right to.

Secondly, the Pope sought to give the Empire, not to us, but
to himself, and to become lord over all our power, liberty,
wealth, body and soul, and through us over all the world, if
God had not prevented it ; as he plainly says in his decretals,
and has tried with many mischievous tricks in the case of
many German Emperors. Thus we Germans have been
prettily taught German : Whilst we expected to become lords,
we have become the servants of the most crafty tyrants ; we
have the name, title and arms of the Empire, but the Pope has
the treasure, authority, law and freedom ; thus whilst the Pope
eats the kernel, he leaves us the empty shells to play with.

Now may God help us (who, as I have said, assigned us

ADDRESS TO THE NOBILITY 87

this kingdom through crafty tyrants, and charged us to govern
it) to act according to our name, title and arms, and to secure
our freedom ; and thus let the Komans see at last what we
have received of God through them. If they boast that they
have given us an Empire ; well, be it so, by all means : then,
let the Pope give up Eome, all he has of the Empire, and free
our country from his unbearable taxes and robberies, and give
back to us our liberty, authority, wealth, honour, body and soul,
rendering to the Empire those things that are the Empire's ;
so as to act in accordance with his words and pretences.

But if he will not do this, what game is he playing with all
his falsehoods and pretences ? Was it not enough to lead this
great people by the nose for so many hundred years ? Because
the Pope crowns or makes the Emperor, it does not follow that
he is above him; for the prophet, St. Samuel, anointed and
crowned King Saul and David, at God's command, and was
yet subject to them. And the prophet Nathan anointed King
Solomon, and yet was not placed over him ; moreover St. Elisha
let one of his servants anoint King Jehu of Israel ; yet they
obeyed him. And it has never yet happened in the whole
world that any one was above the king, because he consecrated
or crowned him, except in the case of the Pope.

Now he is himself crowned Pope by three cardinals; yet
they are subject to him and he is above them. "Why then,
contrary to his own example, and to the doctrine and prac-
tice of the whole world and the Scriptures, should he exalt
himself above the temporal authorities and the Empire, for no
other reason than that he crowns and consecrates the Emperor ?
It suffices that he is above him in all divine matters, that is
in preaching, teaching and the ministration of the sacrament,
in which matters, however, every priest or bishop is above all
other men; just as St. Ambrose in his Chair was above the"
Emperor Theodosius, and the prophet Nathan above David,
and Samuel above Saul. Therefore let the German Emperor
be a true free Emperor, and let not his authority or his sword
T^overborne by these blind pretences of the Pope's sycophants,
as if they were to be exceptions, and be above the temporal
sword in all things.

27. Let this be enough about the faults of the spiritual
Estate, though many more might be found, if the matter were

88 LUTHER'S PRIMARY WORKS

properly considered : we must now consider the defects of the
temporal Estates. In the first place, we require a general
law and consent of the German nation against profusion and
extravagance in dress, which is the cause of so much poverty
among the nobles and the people. Surely God has given to us,
as to other nations, enough wool, fur, flax, and whatever else
is required for the decent clothing of every class; and it cannot
be necessary to spend such enormous sums for silk, velvet,
cloth of gold and all other kinds of outlandish stuff. I think
that even if the Pope did not rob us Germans with his unbearable
taxes, we should be robbed more than enough by these secret
thieves, the dealers in silk and velvet. As it is we see that
every man wishes to be every other man's equal, and that this
causes and increases pride and envy among us, as we deserve ;
all which would cease, with many other misfortunes, if our
self-will would but let us be gratefully content with what God
has given us.

It is similarly necessary to diminish the use of spices, which
is one of the ships in which our gold is sent away from
Germany. God's mercy has given us more food, and that both
precious and good, than is to be found in other countries. I
shall probably be accused of making foolish and impossible
suggestions, as if I wished to destroy the great business of
commerce. But I am only doing my part ; if the community
does not mend matters, every man must do it himself. I do
not see many good manners that have ever come into a land
through commerce, and therefore God let the people of Israel
dwell far from the sea and not carry on much trade.

But without doubt the greatest misfortune of the Germans
is buying on credit. But for this, many a man would have
to leave unbought his silk, velvet, cloth of gold, spices and
all other luxuries. The system has not been in force for more
than one hundred years, and has already brought poverty,
misery, and destruction on almost all princes, foundations,
cities, nobles and heirs. If it continues for another hundred
years Germany will be left without a farthing, and we shall
be reduced to eating one another. The Devil invented this
system, and the Pope has done an injury to the whole world
by sanctioning it.

My request and my cry, therefore, is this : Let each man

ADDRESS TO THE NOBILITY 89

see to the destruction of himself and his family, which is no
longer at the door, but has entered the house ; and let Emperors,
Princes, Lords and Corporations, see to the condemnation and
prohibition of this kind of trade, without considering the
opposition of the Pope and all his justice and injustice, nor
whether livings or endowments depend upon it. Better a
single foundation in a city based on a freehold estate or honest
interest, than a hundred based on credit ; yea, a single endow-
ment on credit is worse and more grievous than twenty based
on real estate. Truly this credit is a sign and warning, that
the world has been given over to the Devil for its sins ; and
that we are losing our spiritual and temporal welfare alike;
yet we heed it not.

Doubtless we should also find some bridle for the Fuggers
and similar companies. Is it possible that in a single man's
lifetime such great wealth should be collected together, if all
were done rightly and according to God's will ? I am not skilled
in accounts. But I do not understand how it is possible for
one hundred guilders to gain twenty in a year, or how one
guilder can gain another, and that not out of the soil, or by
cattle, seeing that possessions depend not on the wit of men,
but on the blessing of God. I commend this to those that are
skilled in worldly affairs. I as a theologian blame nothing
but the evil appearance, of which St. Paul says : " abstain from
all appearance of evil." (1 Thess. v. 22.) All I know is that
it were much more godly to encourage agriculture and lessen
commerce ; and that they do the best who, according to the
Scriptures, till the ground to get their living, as we are all
commanded in Adam : " Cursed is the ground for thy sake.
. . . Thorns also and thistles shall it bring forth to thee. . . .
In the sweat of thy face shalt thou eat bread." (Gen. iii. 17-19.)
There is still much ground that is not ploughed or tilled.

Then there is the excess in eating and drinking, for which
we Germans have an ill reputation in foreign countries, as
our special vice, and which has become so common, and gained
so much the upper hand, that sermons avail nothing. The loss
of money caused by it is not the worst ; but in its train
come murder, adultery, theft, blasphemy and all vices. The
temporal power should do something to prevent it ; otherwise
it will come to pass, as Christ foretold, that the last day shall

90 LUTHER'S PRIMARY WORKS

come as a thief in the night, and shall find them eating and
drinking, marrying and giving in marriage, planting and
building, buying and selling (Matt. xxiv. 38 ; Luke xvii. 26) —
just as things go on now ; and that so strongly, that I appre-
hend lest the day of judgment be at hand, even now when we
least expect it.

Lastly, is it not a terrible thing that we Christians should
maintain public brothels, though we all vow chastity in our
baptism ? I well know all that can be said on this matter, that
it is not peculiar to one nation, that it would be difficult to alter
it, and that it is better thus than that virgins, or married women,
or honourable women should be dishonoured. But should not
the spiritual and temporal powers combine to find some means
of meeting these difficulties without any such heathen practice ?
If the people of Israel existed without this scandal, why should
not a Christian nation be able to do so? How do so many
towns and villages manage to exist without these houses ?
Why should not great cities be able to do so ?

In all, however, that I have said above, my object has been
to show how much good temporal authority might do, and
what should be the duty of all authorities, so that every man
might learn what a terrible thing it is to rule and to have the
chief place. What boots it though a ruler be in his own
person as holy as St. Peter, if he be not diligent to help his
subjects in these matters ? His very authority will be his
condemnation ; for it is the duty of those in authority to seek
the good of their subjects. But if those in authority con-
sidered how young people might be brought together in
marriage, the prospect of marriage would help every man, and
protect him from temptations.

But as it is, every man is urged to become a priest or a
monk ; and of all these I am afraid not one in a hundred has
any other motive, but the wish of getting a livelihood, and
the uncertainty of maintaining a family. Therefore they
begin by a dissolute life and sow their wild oats (as they
say), but I fear they rather gather in a store of wild oats.1
I hold the proverb to be true : " Most men become monks and

1 Luther uses the expression ausbuben in the sense of sich austoben, viz.,
" to storm out one's passions," and then coins the word sich einhubm, viz., " to
storm in one's passions."

ADDRESS TO THE NOBILITY 91

priests in desperation." That is why things are as we see
them.

But in order that many sins may be prevented that are
becoming too common, I would honestly advise that no boy or
girl be allowed to take the vow of chastity, or to enter a
religious life, before the age of thirty years. For this requires
a special grace, as St. Paul says. Therefore, unless God
specially urge any one to a religious life, he will do well to
leave all vows and devotions alone. I say further : If a man
has so little faith in God as to fear that he will be unable
to maintain himself in the married state, and if this fear is the
only thing that makes him become a priest, then I implore
him, for his own soul's sake, not to become a priest, but
rather to become a peasant, or what he will. For if simple
trust in God be necessary to ensure temporal support, tenfold
trust in God is necessary to live a religious life. If you do
not trust to God for your worldly food, how can you trust
to Him for your spiritual food ? Alas, this unbelief and want
of faith destroys all things, and leads us into all misery, as we
see among all conditions of men.

Much might bo said concerning all this misery. Young
people have no one to look after them, they are left to go
on just as they like, and those in authority are of no more use
to them than if they did not exist ; though this should be the
chief care of the Pope, of Bishops, Lords and Councils. They
wish to rule over everything, everywhere, and yet they are
of no use. Oh, what a rare sight, for these reasons, will a
lord or ruler be in Heaven, though he might build a hundred
churches to God and raise all the dead ! But this may suffice
for the present.

For of what concerns the temporal authority and the nobles,
I have, I think, said enough in my tract on ' Good Works.'
For their lives and governments leave room enough for
improvement ; but there is no comparison between spiritual
and temporal abuses, as I have there shown. I dare say I have
sung a lofty strain, that I have proposed many things that will
be thought impossible, and attacked many points too sharply.
But what was I to do ? I was bound to say this : if I had the
power, this is what I would do. I had rather incur the world's
anger than God's ; they cannot take from me more than my

92 LUTHER'S PRIMARY WORKS

life. I have hitherto made many offers of peace to my adver-
saries. But, as I see, God has forced me through them to
open my mouth wider and wider, and, because they do not
keep quiet, to give them enough cause for speaking, harking,
shouting and writing. Well, then, I have another song still to
sing concerning them and Borne ; if they wish to hear it, I will
sing it to them, and sing with all my might. Do you under-
stand, my friend Koine, what I mean ?

I have frequently offered to submit my writings for inquiry
and examination, but in vain ; though I know, if I am in the
right, I must be condemned upon earth, and justified by Christ
alone in Heaven. For all the Scriptures teach us, that the
affairs of Christians and Christendom must be judged by God
alone ; they have never yet been justified by men in this world,
but the opposition has always been too strong. My greatest
care and fear is, lest my cause be not condemned by men ; by
which I should know for certain that it does not please God.
Therefore let them go freely to work, Pope, bishop, priest,
monk, or doctor ; they are the true people to persecute the
truth, as they have always done. May God grant us all a
Christian understanding, and especially to the Christian nobility
of the German nation true spiritual courage, to do what is
best for our unhappy Church. Amen !

At Wittenberg, in the year 1520.

II.
CONCERNING CHRISTIAN LIRERTY

( 95 )

DEDICATORY

LETTEE OF MAETIN LUTHEE TO POPE LEO X.

Among those monstrous evils of this age, with which I have
dow for three years been waging war, I am sometimes compelled
to look to you and to call you to mind, most blessed father
Leo. In truth, since you alone are everywhere considered as
being the cause of my engaging in war, I cannot at any time
fail to remember you ; and although I have been compelled by
the causeless raging of your impious flatterers against me to
appeal from your seat to a future council — fearless of the futile
decrees of your predecessors Pius and Julius, who in their
foolish tyranny prohibited such an action — yet I have never
been so alienated in feeling from your Blessedness as not to
have sought with all my might, in diligent prayer and crying
to God, every best gift for you and for your See. But those
who have hitherto endeavoured to terrify me with the majesty
of your name and authority, I have begun quite to despise and
triumph over. One thing I see remaining, which I cannot
despise, and this has been the reason of my writing anew to
your Blessedness ; namely, that I find that blame is cast on me,
and that that rashness, in which I am judged to have spared
not even your person, is imputed to me as a great offence.

Now, to confess the truth openly, I am conscious that,
whenever I have had to mention your person, I have said nothing
of you but what was honourable and good. If I had done
otherwise, I could by no means have approved my own conduct,
but should have supported with all my power the judgment of
those men concerning me ; nor would anything have pleased
me better, than to recant such rashness and impiety. I have
called you Daniel in Babylon ; and every reader thoroughly
knows with what distinguished zeal I defended your conspicuous
innocence against Silvester, who tried to stain it. Indeed the
published opinion of so many great men, and the repute of your

96 LUTHER'S PRIMARY WORKS

blameless life, are too widely famed and too much reverenced
throughout the world to be assailable by any man of however
great name, or by any arts. I am not so foolish as to attack
one whom everybody praises ; nay, it has been and always will
be my desire not to attack even those whom public repute
disgraces. I am not delighted at the faults of any man, since
I am very conscious myself of the great beam in my own eye,
nor can I be the first to cast a stone at the adulteress.

I have indeed inveighed sharply against impious doctrines,
and I have not been slack to censure my adversaries on account,
not of their bad morals, but of their impiety. And for this I
am so far from being sorry, that I have brought my mind to
despise the judgments of men, and to persevere in this vehement
zeal, according to the example of Christ, who, in his zeal, calls
his adversaries a generation of vipers, blind, hypocrites, and
children of the devil. Paul too charges the sorcerer with being
a child of the devil, full of all subtlety and all malice ; and
defames certain persons as evil workers, dogs, and deceivers.
In the opinion of those delicate-eared persons, nothing could
be more bitter or intemperate than Paul's language. What
can be more bitter than the words of the prophets ? The ears
of our generation have been made so delicate by the senseless
multitude of flatterers, that, as soon as we perceive that any-
thing of ours is not approved of, we cry out that we are being
bitterly assailed ; and when we can repel the truth by no other
pretence, we escape by attributing bitterness, impatience, in-
temperance, to our adversaries. What would be the use of
salt, if it were not pungent ? or of the edge of the sword, if it
did not slay ? Accursed is the man, who does the work of the
Lord deceitfully.

Wherefore, most excellent Leo, I beseech you to accept my
vindication, made in this letter, and to persuade yourself that I
have never thought any evil concerning your person ; further,
that I am one who desires that eternal blessing may fall to
your lot, and that I have no dispute with any man concerning
morals, but only concerning the word of truth. In all other
things I will yield to any one, but I neither can nor will
forsake and deny the Word. He who thinks otherwise of me
or has taken in my words in another sense, does not think
rightly, and has not taken in the truth.

•LETTER TO POPE LEO X 97

Your see, however, which is called the Court of Eome, and
which neither you nor any man can deny to be more corrupt
than any Babylon or Sodom, and quite, as I believe, of a lost,
desperate, and hopeless impiety, this I have verily abominated,
and Lave felt indignant that the people of Christ should be
cheated under your name and the pretext of the Church of Eome ;
and so I have resisted, and will resist, as long as the spirit of
faith shall live in me. Not that I am striving after impossi-
bilities, or hoping that by my labours alone, against the furious
opposition of so many flatterers, any good can be done in that
most disordered Babylon, but that I feel myself a debtor to my
brethren, and am bound to take thought for them, that fewer of
them may be ruined, or that their ruin may be less complete, by
the plagues of Eome. For many years now, nothing else has
overflowed from Eome into the world — as you are not ignorant
— than the laying waste of goods, of bodies, and of souls, and
the worst examples of all the worst things. These things are
clearer than the light to all men ; and the Church of Eome,
formerly the most holy of all churches, has become the most law-
less den of thieves, the most shameless of all brothels, the very
kingdom of sin, death, and hell ; so that not even Antichrist,
if he were to come, could devise any addition to its wickedness.

Meanwhile you, Leo, are sitting like a lamb in the midst of
wolves, like Daniel in the midst of lions, and, with Ezekiel, you
dwell among scorpions. What opposition can you alone make
to these monstrous evils ? Take to yourself three or four of
the most learned and best of the Cardinals. What are these
among so many ? You would all perish by poison, before you
could undertake to decide on a remedy. It is all over with the
Court of Eome ; the wrath of God has come upon her to the
uttermost. She hates councils, she dreads to be reformed, she
cannot restrain the madness of her impiety, she fills up the
sentence passed on her mother, of whom it is said, " We would
have healed Babylon, but she is not healed ; let us forsake her."
It had been your duty and that of your Cardinals, to apply a
remedy to these evils, but this gout laughs at the physician's
hand, and the chariot does not obey the reins. Under the
influence of these feelings I have always grieved that you,
most excellent Leo, who were worthy of a better age, have been
made Pontiff in this. For the Eoman Court is not worthy of

98 LUTHER'S PRIMARY WORKS'

you and those like you, but of Satan himself, who in truth is
more the ruler in that Babylon than you are.

0 would that, having laid aside that glory which your most
abandoned enemies declare to be yours, you were living rather
in the office of a private priest, or on your paternal inheritance !
In that glory none are worthy to glory, except the race of
Iscariot, the children of perdition. For what happens in your
court, Leo, except that, the more wicked and execrable any man
is, the more prosperously he can use your name and authority
for the ruin of the property and souls of men, for the multipli-
cation of crimes, for the oppression of faith and truth, and of
the whole Church of God ? 0 Leo ! in reality most unfortunate,
and sitting on a most perilous throne — I tell you the truth,
because I wish you well ; for if Bernard felt compassion for his
Anastasius at a time when the Koman See, though even then
most corrupt, was as yet ruling with better hope than now, why
should not we lament, to whom so much additional corruption
and ruin has happened in three hundred years ?

Is it not true that there is nothing under the vast heavens
more corrupt, more pestilential, more hateful than the Court of
Borne ? She incomparably surpasses the impiety of the Turks,
so that in very truth she, who was formerly the gate of heaven,
is now a sort of open mouth of hell, and such a mouth as, under
the urgent wrath of Grod, cannot be blocked up ; one course
alone being left to us wretched men, to call back and save some
few, if we can, from that Boman gulf.

Behold, Leo my father, ' with what purpose and on what
principle it is that I have stormed against that seat of pesti-
lence. I am so far from having felt any rage against your
person, that I even hoped to gain favour with you, and to aid
in your welfare, by striking actively and vigorously at that
your prison, nay, your hell. For whatever the efforts of all
intellects can contrive against the confusion of that impious
Court will be advantageous to you and to your welfare, and to
many others with you. Those who do harm to her are doing
your office ; those who in every way abhor her are glorifying
Christ ; in short, those are Christians who are not Bomans.

But, to say yet more, even this never entered my heart, to
inveigh against the Court of Borne, or to dispute at all about
her. For, seeing all remedies for her health to be desperate, I

LETTER TO POPE LEO X 90

looked on her with contempt, and, giving her a bill of divorce-
ment, said to her, " He that is unjust, let him be unjust still ;
and he that is filthy, let him be filthy still; " giving myself up
to the peaceful and quiet study of sacred literature, that by
this I might be of use to the brethren living about me.

While I was making some advance in these studies, Satan
opened his eyes and goaded on his servant John Eccius, that
notorious adversary of Christ, by the unchecked lust for fame,
to drag me unexpectedly into the arena, trying to catch me in
one little word concerning the primacy of the Church of Rome,
which had fallen from me in passing. That boastful Thraso,
foaming and gnashing his teeth, proclaimed that he would dare
all things for the glory of God, and for the honour of the holy
apostolic seat ; and, being puffed up respecting your power,
which he was about to misuse, he looked forward with all
certainty to victory ; seeking to promote, not so much the
primacy of Peter, as his own pre-eminence among the theologians
of this age ; for he thought it would contribute in no slight
degree to this, if he were to lead Luther in triumph. The result
having proved unfortunate for the sophist, an incredible rage
torments him ; for he feels that whatever discredit to Eome
has arisen through me, has been caused by the fault of him-
self alone.

Suffer me, I pray you, most excellent Leo, both to plead my
own cause, and to accuse your true enemies. I believe it is
known to you in what way Cardinal Cajetan, your imprudent and
unfortunate, nay, unfaithful legate, acted towards me. When,
on account of my reverence for your name, I had placed myself
and all that was mine in his hands, he did not so act as to
establish peace, which he could easily have established by one
little word, since I at that time promised to be silent and to
make an end of my case, if he would command my adversaries
to do the same. But that man of pride, not content with this
agreement, began to justify my adversaries, to give them free
licence, and to order me to recant ; a thing which was certainly
not in his commission. Thus indeed, when the case was in the
best position, it came through his vexatious tyranny into a
much worse one. Therefore, whatever has followed upon this
is the fault, not of Luther, but entirely of Cajetan, since he
did not suffer me to be silent and remain quiet, which at that

H

100 LTJTHEK'S PRIMARY WORKS

time I was intreating for with all my might. What more was
it my duty to do?

Next came Charles Miltitz, also a nuncio from your Blessed-
ness. He, though he went up and down with much and varied
exertion, and omitted nothing which could tend to restore the
position of the cause, thrown into confusion by the rashness
and pride of Cajetan, had difficulty, even with the help of that
very illustrious prince the Elector Frederick, in at last bringing
about more than one familiar conference with me. In these
I again yielded to your great name, and was prepared to keep
silence, and to accept as my judge either the Archbishop of
Treves, or the Bishop of Naumburg ; and thus it was done and
concluded. While this was being done with good hope of
success, lo ! that other and greater enemy of yours, Eccius,
rushed in with his Leipsic disputation, which he had under-
taken against Carlstadt, and, having taken up a new question
concerning the primacy of the Pope, turned his arms unex-
pectedly against me, and completely overthrew the plan for
peace. Meanwhile Charles Miltitz was waiting, disputations
were held, judges were being chosen, but no decision was
arrived at. And no wonder ; for by the falsehoods, pretences,
and arts of Eccius the whole business was brought into such
thorough disorder, confusion, and festering soreness, that,
whichever way the sentence might lean, a greater conflagration
was sure to arise ; for he was seeking, not after truth, but
after his own credit. In this case too I omitted nothing
which it was right that I should do.

I confess that, on this occasion, no small part of the corrup-
tions of Eome came to light ; but, if there was any offence in
this, it was the fault of Eccius, who, in taking on him a
burden beyond his strength, and in furiously aiming at credit
for himself, unveiled to the whole world the disgrace of Borne.

Here is that ene,my of yours, Leo, or rather of your Court ;
by his example alone we may learn that an enemy is not more
baneful than a flatterer. For what did he bring about by his
flattery, except evils, which no king could have brought about ?
At this day the name of the Court of Borne stinks in the nostrils
of the world, the papal authority is growing weak, and its
notorious ignorance is evil spoken of. We should hear none of
these things, if Eccius had not disturbed the plans of Miltitz

LETTER TO POPE LEO X 101

and myself for peace. He feels this clearly enough himself, in
the indignation he shows, too late and in vain, against the
publication of my books. He ought to have reflected on this
at the time when he was all mad for renown, and was seeking
in your cause nothing but his own objects, and that with the
greatest peril to you. The foolish man hoped that, from fear of
your name, I should yield and keep silence ; for I do not think he
presumed on his talents and learning. Now, when he sees that
I am very confident and speak aloud, he repents too late of his
rashness, and sees — if indeed he does see it — that there is One in
Heaven who resists the proud, and humbles the presumptuous.

Since, then, we were bringing about by this disputation
nothing but the greater confusion of the cause of Eome, Charles
Miltitz for the third time addressed the Fathers of the Order,
assembled in chapter, and sought their advice for the settlement
of the case, as being now in a most troubled and perilous state.
Since, by the favour of God, there was no hope of proceeding
against me by force, some of the more noted of their number were
sent tome, and begged me at least to show respect to your person,
and to vindicate in a humble letter both your innocence and
my own. They said that the affair was not as yet in a position
of extreme hopelessness, if Leo X., in his inborn kindliness,
would put his hand to it. On this I, who have always offered
and wished for peace, in order that I might devote myself to
calmer and more useful pursuits, and who for this very purpose
have acted with so much spirit and vehemence, in order to put
down by the strength and impetuosity of my words as well as
of my feelings, men whom I saw to be very far from equal to
myself — I, I say, not only gladly yielded, but even accepted it
with joy and gratitude, as the greatest kindness and benefit, if
you should think it right to satisfy my hopes.

Thus I come, most blessed Father, and in all abasement
beseech you to put to your hand, if it is possible, and impose a
curb upon those flatterers, who are enemies of peace, while
they pretend peace. But there is no reason, most blessed
Father, why any one should assume that I am to utter a
recantation, unless he prefers to involve the case in still
greater confusion. Moreover, I cannot bear with laws for the
interpretation of the Word of God, since the Word of Godr
which teaches liberty in all other things, ought not to be

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102 LUTHER'S PRIMARY WORKS

bound. Saving these two things, there is nothing which I am
not able, and most heartily willing, to do or to suffer. I hate
contention ; I will challenge no one ; in return I wish not to
be challenged ; but, being challenged, I will not be dumb in
the cause of Christ my Master. For your Blessedness will be
able by one short and easy word to call these controversies
before you and suppress them, and to impose silence and peace
on both sides ; a word which I have ever longed to hear.

Therefore, Leo my Father, beware of listening to those
Sirens, who make you out to be not simply a man, but partly a
God, so that you can command and require whatever you will.
It will not happen so, nor will you prevail. You are the
servant of servants, and, more than any other man, in a most
pitiable and perilous position. Let not those men deceive you,
who pretend that you are Lord of the world ; who will not
allow any one to be a Christian without your authority ; who
babble of your having power over heaven, hell, and purgatory.
These men are your enemies and are seeking your soul to
destroy it, as Isaiah says : " My people, they that call thee
blessed are themselves deceiving thee." They are in error, who
raise you above councils and the universal Church. They are
in error, who attribute to you alone the right of interpreting
Scripture. All these men are seeking to set up their own
impieties in the Church under your name, and alas ! Satan has
gained much through them in the time of your predecessors.

In brief, trust not in any who exalt you, but in those who
humiliate you. For this is the judgment of God : " He hath
cast down the mighty from their seat, and hath exalted the
humble." See how unlike Christ was to His successors, though
all will have it that they are His vicars. I fear that in truth
very many of them have been in too serious a sense His vicars,
for a vicar represents a prince who is absent. Now if a Pontiff
rules while Christ is absent and does not dwell in his heart,
what else is he but a vicar of Christ ? And then what is that
Church but a multitude without Christ ? What indeed is such
a vicar but Antichrist and an idol ? How much more rightly
did the Apostles speak, who call themselves the servants of a
present Christ, not the vicars of an absent one.

Perhaps I am shamelessly bold, in seeming to teach so great
a head, by whom all men ought to be taught, and from whom,

LETTER TO POPE LEO X 103

as those plagues of yours boast, the thrones of judges receive
their sentence ; but I imitate Saint Bernard in his book
concerning " Considerations " addressed to Eugenius, a book
which ought to be known by heart by every Pontiff. I do
this, not from any desire to teach, but as a duty, from that
simple and faithful solicitude, which teaches us to be
anxious for all that is safe for our neighbours, and does not
allow considerations of worthiness or unworthiness to be
entertained, being intent only on the dangers or advantage of
others. For since I know that your Blessedness is driven and
tossed by the waves at Eome, while the depths of the sea press
on you with infinite perils, and that you are labouring under
such a condition of misery that you need even the least help from
any the least brother, I do not seem to myself to be acting
unsuitably, if I forget your majesty till I shall have fulfilled the
office of charity. I will not flatter in so serious and perilous a
matter ; and if in this you do not see that I am your friend and
most thoroughly your subject, there is One to see and judge.

In fine, that I may not approach you empty handed, Blessed
Father, I bring with me this little treatise, published under
your name, as a good omen of the establishment of peace, and
of good hope. By this you may perceive in what pursuits I
should prefer and be able to occupy myself to more profit, if
I were allowed, or had been hitherto allowed, by your impious
flatterers. It is a small matter, if you look to its exterior,
but, unless I mistake, it is a summary of the Christian life i
put together in small compass, if you apprehend its meaning.
I, in my poverty, have no other present to make you ; nor do you
need anything else than to be enriched by a spiritual gift. I
commend myself to your Paternity and Blessedness, whom may
the Lord Jesus preserve for ever. Amen.

Wittenberg ; 6th September, 1520.

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CONCERNING CHRISTIAN LIBERTY

Christian faith has appeared to many an easy thing ; nay,
not a few even reckon it among the social virtues, as it were ;
and this they do, because they have not made proof of it
experimentally, and have never tasted of what efficacy it is.
For it is not possible for any man to write well about it, or to
understand well what is rightly written, who has not at some
time tasted of its spirit, under the pressure of tribulation.
While he who has tasted of it, even to a very small extent, can
never write, speak, think, or hear about it sufficiently. For it
is a living fountain, springing up unto eternal life, as Christ
calls it in the 4th chapter of St. John.

Now, though I cannot boast of my abundance, and though I
know how poorly I am furnished, yet I hope that, after having
been vexed by various temptations, I have attained some little
drop of faith, and that I can speak of this matter, if not with
more elegance, certainly with more solidity than those literal
and too subtle disputants who have hitherto discoursed upon
it, without understanding their own words. That I may open,
then, an easier way for the ignorant — for these alone I am
trying to serve — I first lay down these two propositions,
concerning spiritual liberty and servitude.

A Christian man is the most free lord of all, and subject to
none ; a Christian man is the most dutiful servant of all, and
subject to every one.

Although these statements appear contradictory, yet, when
they are found to agree together, they will be highly ser-
viceable to my purpose. They are both the statements of
Paul himself, who says : " Though I be free from all men, yet
have I made myself servant unto all " (1 Cor. ix. 19), and : " Owe
no man anything, but to love one another." (Rom. xiii. 8.) Now
love is by its own nature dutiful and obedient to the beloved
object. Thus even Christ, though Lord of all things, was yet
made of a woman ; made under - the law ; at once free and a

ON CHRISTIAN LIBERTY 105

servant ; at once in the form of God and in the form of a
servant.

Let us examine the subject on a deeper and less simple
principle. Man is composed of a twofold nature, a spiritual
and a bodily. As regards the spiritual nature, which they
name the soul, he is called the spiritual, inward, new man ; as
regards the bodily nature, which they name the flesh, he is
called the fleshly, outward, old man. The Apostle speaks of
this : " Though our outward man perish, yet the inward man is
renewed day by day." (2 Cor. iv. 16.) The result of this diver-
sity is, that in the Scriptures opposing statements are made
concerning. the same man ; the fact being that in the same man
these two men are opposed to one another ; the flesh lusting
against the spirit, and the spirit against the flesh. (Gal. v. 17.)

We first approach the subject of the inward man, that we
may see by what means a man becomes justified, free, and a
true Christian ; that is, a spiritual, new, and inward man. It,
is certain that absolutely none among outward things, under
whatever name they may be reckoned, has any weight in
producing a state of justification and Christian liberty, nor, on
the other hand, an unjustified state and one of slavery. This
can be shown by an easy course of argument.

What can it profit the soul, that the body should be in good
condition, free, and full of life ; that it should eat, drink, and
act according to its pleasure ; when even the most impious
slaves of every kind of vice are prosperous in these matters ?
Again, what harm can ill-health, bondage, hunger, thirst, or
any other outward evil, do to the soul, when even the most
pious of men, and the freest in the purity of their conscience,
are harassed by these things ? Neither of these states of
things has to do with the liberty or the slavery of the soul.

And so it will profit nothing that the body should be
adorned with sacred vestments, or dwell in holy places, or be
occupied in sacred offices, or pray, fast, and abstain from
certain meats, or do whatever works can be done through the
body and in the body. Something widely different will be
necessary for the justification and liberty of the soul, since the
things I have spoken of can be done by any impious person,
and only hypocrites are produced by devotion to these things.
On the other hand, it will not at all injure the soul that the

106 LUTHER'S PRIMARY WORKS

body should be clothed in profane raiment, should dwell in
profane places, should eat and drink in the ordinary fashion,
should not pray aloud, and should leave undone all the things
abovementioned, which may be done by hypocrites.

And, to cast everything aside, even speculations, meditations,
and whatever things can be performed by the exertions of the
soul itself, are of no profit. One thing, and one alone, is
necessary for life, justification, and Christian liberty ; and that
is the most holy word of God, the Gospel of Christ, as He says :
" I am the resurrection and the life ; he that believeth in me
shall not die eternally " (John xi. 25) ; and also (John viii. 36)
" If the Son shall make you free, ye shall be free indeed ;. " and
(Matt. iv. 4), " Man shall not live by bread alone, but by every
word that proceedeth out of the mouth of God."

Let us therefore hold it for certain and firmly established,
that the soul can do without everything, except the word of
God, without which none at all of its wants are provided for.
But, having the word, it is rich and wants for nothing ; since
that is the word of life, of truth, of light, of peace, of justifica-
tion, of salvation, of joy, of liberty, of wisdom, of virtue, (if
grace, of glory, and of every good thing. It is on this account
that the prophet in a whole psalm (Ps. cxix.), and in many
other places, sighs for and calls upon the word of God with so
many groanings and words.

Again, there is no more cruel stroke of the wrath of God
than when He sends a famine of hearing His words (Amos
viii. 11) ; just as there is no greater favour from Him than the
sending forth of His word, as it is said : " He sent his word
and healed them, and delivered them from their destructions."
(Ps. cvii. 20.) Christ was sent for no other office than that of
the word, and the order of apostles, that of bishops, and that
of the whole body of the clergy, have been called and instituted
for no object but the ministry of the word.

But you will ask : — " What is this word, and by what means
is it to be used, since there are so many words of God ? " I
answer, the Apostle Paul (Bom. i.) explains what it is, namely,
the Gospel of God, concerning His Son, incarnate, suffering,
risen, and glorified through the Spirit, the sanctifier. To
\s preach Christ is to feed the soul, to justify it, to set it free,
and to save it, if it believes the preaching. For faith alone,

ON CHRISTIAN LIBERTY 107

and the efficacious use of the word of God, bring salvation.
" If thou shalt confess with thy mouth the Lore] Jesus, and
shalt believe in thine heart that God hath raised hiin from the
dead, thou shalt be saved." (Rom. x. 9.) And again : " Christ
is the end of the law for righteousness to every one that
believeth " (Eom. x. 4) ; and " The just shall live by faith."
(Eom. i. 17.) For the word of God cannot be received and
honoured by any works, but by faith alone. Hence it is clear
that, as the soul needs the word alone for life and justification,
so it is justified by faith alone and not by any works. For if
it could be justified by any other means, it would have no need
of the word, nor consequently of faith.

But this faith cannot consist at all with works ; that is, if
you imagine that you can be justified by those works, whatever
they are, along with it. For this would be to halt between
two opinions, to worship Baal, and to kiss the hand to him,
which is a very great iniquity, as Job says. Therefore, when
you begin to believe, you learn at the same time that all that
is in you is utterly guilty, sinful, and damnable ; according to
that saying : " All have sinned, and come short of the glory
of God." (Eom. iii. 23.) And also : " There is none righteous,
no, not one ; they are all gone out of the way ; they are
together become unprofitable ; there is none that doeth good,
no, not one." (Eom. iii. 10-12.) When you have learnt this,
you will know that Christ is necessary for you, since He has
suffered and risen again for you, that, believing on Him, you
might by this faith become another man, all your sins being
remitted, and you being justified by the merits of another,
namely, of Christ alone.

Since then this faith can reign only in the inward man, as it
is said : " With the heart man believeth unto righteousness "
(Eom. x. 10) ; and since it alone justifies, it is evident that by
no outward work or labour can the inward man be at all
justified, made free, and saved; and that no works whatever
have any relation to him. And so, on the other hand, it is
solely by impiety and incredulity of heart that he becomes
guilty, and a slave of sin, deserving condemnation ; not by any
outward sin or work. Therefore the first care of every
Christian ought to be, to lay aside all reliance on works, and
strengthen his faith alone more and more, and by it grow in

108 LUTHER'S PRIMARY WORKS

the knowledge, not of works, but of Christ Jesus, who has
suffered and risen again for him ; as Peter teaches, when he
makes no other work to be a Christian one. Thus Christ, when
the Jews asked Him what they should do that they might
work the works of (rod, rejected the multitude of works, with
which He saw that they were puffed up, and commanded them
one thing only, saying : " This is the work of God, that ye
believe on him whom He hath sent, for him hath God the
Father sealed." (John vi. 27, 29.)

Hence a right faith in Christ is an incomparable treasure,
carrying with it universal salvation, and preserving from all
evil, as it is said : " He that believeth and is baptized shall be
saved ; but he that believeth not shall be damned." (Mark xvi.
16.) Isaiah, looking to this treasure, predicted: "The con-
sumption decreed shall overflow with righteousness. For the
Lord God of hosts shall make a consumption, even determined,
in the midst of the land." (Is. x. 22, 23.) As if he said: —
" Faith, which is the brief and complete fulfilling of the law, will
fill those who believe with such righteousness, that they will
need nothing else for justification." Thus too Paul says : " For
with the heart man believeth unto righteousness-." (Rom. x. 10.)

But you ask how it can be the fact that faith alone justifies, and
affords without works so great a treasure of good things, when
so many works, ceremonies, and laws are prescribed to us in
the Scriptures. I answer : before all things bear in mind what
I have said, that faith alone without works justifies, sets free,
and saves, as I shall show more clearly below.

Meanwhile it is to be noted, that the whole Scripture of God
is divided into two parts, precepts and promises. The precepts
certainly teach us what is good, but whalrthey teach is not
forthwith done. For they show us what we ought to do, but
do not give us the power to do it. They were ordained,
however, for the purpose of showing man to himself; that
through them he may learn his own impotence for good, and
may despair of his own strength. For this reason they are
called the Old Testament, and are so.

For example: " thou shalt not covet," is a precept by which
we are all convicted of sin ; since no man can help coveting,
whatever efforts to the contrary he may make. In order
therefore that he may fulfil the precept, and not covet, he is

ON CHRISTIAN LIBERTY 109

constrained to despair of himself, and to seek elsewhere and
through another the help which he cannot find in himself; as
it is said : " 0 Israel, thou hast destroyed thyself ; but in me is
thine help." (Hosea xiii. 9.) Now what is done by this one
precept, is done by all ; for all are equally impossible of fulfil-
ment by us.

Now when a man has through the precepts been taught his
own impotence, and become anxious by what means he may
satisfy the law — for the law must be satisfied, so that no jot or
tittle of it may pass away ; otherwise he must be hopelessly
condemned — then, being truly humbled and brought to nothing
in his own eyes, he finds in himself no resource for justification
and salvation.

Then comes in that other part of Scripture, the promises of
God, which declare the glory of God, and say : " If you wish to
fulfil the law, and, as the law requires, not to covet, lo ! believe
in Christ, in whom are promised to you grace, justification,
peace, and liberty." All these things you shall have, if you
believe, and shall be without them, if you do not believe. For
what is impossible for you by all the works of the law, which
are many and yet useless, you shall fulfil in an easy and
summary way through faith ; because God the Father has made
everything to depend on faith, so that whosoever has it, has
all things, and he who has it not, has nothing. " For God hath
concluded them all in unbelief, that He might have mercy upon
all." (Kom. xi. 32.) Thus the promises of God give that
which the precepts exact, and fulfil what the law commands ;
so that all is of God alone, both the precepts and their fulfil-
ment. He alone commands. He alone also fulfils. Hence the
promises of God belong to the New Testament ; nay, are the
New Testament.

Now since these promises of God are words of holiness, truth,
righteousness, liberty, and peace, and are full of universal
goodness ; the soul, which cleaves to them with a firm faith, is
so united to them, nay, thoroughly absorbed by them, that it
not only partakes in, but is penetrated and saturated by, all
their virtue. For if the touch of Christ was healing, how much
more does that most tender spiritual touch, nay, absorption of
the word, communicate to the soul all that belongs to the
word. In this way, therefore, the soul, through faith alone,

110 LUTHER'S PRIMARY WORKS

without works, is from the word of God justified, sanctified,

endued with truth, peace, and liberty, and filled full with every

good thing, and is truly made the child of God ; as it is said :

" To them gave he power to become the sons of God, even to

them that believe on his name." (John i. 12.) ■

From all this it is easy to understand why faith has such

great power, and why no good works, nor even all good works

put together, can compare with it ; since no work can cleave

to the word of God, or be in the soul. Faith alone and the

word reign in it ; and such as is the word, such is the soul

made by it ; just as iron exposed/ to fire glows like fire, on

account of its union with the fire/ It is clear then that to a

Christian man his faith suffices for everything, and that he has

no need of works for justification. But if he has no need of

works, neither has he need of the law ; and, if he has no need of

the law, he is certainly free from the law, and the saying is

true : "The law is not made for a righteous man." (1 Tim. i. 9.)

This is that Christian liberty, our faith, the effect of which is,

<-not that we should be careless or lead a bad life, but that no
(j ....

one should need the law or works for justification and salvation.

Let us consider this as the first virtue of faith ; and let us
look also to the second. This also is an office of faith, that it
honours with the utmost veneration and the highest reputa-
tion him in whom it believes, inasmuch as it holds him to be
truthful and worthy of belief. For there is no honour like
that reputation of truth and righteousness, with which we
honour him, in whom we believe. What higher credit can we
attribute to any one than truth and righteousness, and absolute
goodness ? On the other hand, it is the greatest insult to
brand any one with the reputation of falsehood and unright-
eousness, or to suspect him of these, as we do when we
disbelieve him.

Thus the soul, in firmly believing the promises of God, holds
Him to be true and righteous ; and it can attribute to God no
higher glory than the credit of being so. The highest worship
of God is to ascribe to Him truth, righteousness, and whatever
qualities we must ascribe to one in whom we believe. In
doing this the soul shows itself prepared to do His whole will ;
in doing this it hallows His name, and gives itself up to be
dealt with as it may please God. For it cleaves to His

ON CHRISTIAN LIBERTY 111

promises, and never doubts that He is true, just, and wise, and
will do, dispose, and provide for all things in the best way. Is
not such a soul, in this its faith, most obedient to God in all
things ? What commandment does there remain which has
not been amply fulfilled by such an obedience ? What fulfil-
ment can be more full than universal obedience ? Now this is
not accomplished by works, but by faith alone.

On the other hand, what greater rebellion, impiety, or insult
to God can there be, than not to believe His promises ? What
else is this, than either to make God a liar, or to doubt His
truth — that is, to attribute truth to ourselves, but to God
falsehood and levity ? In doing this, is not a man denying
God and setting himself up as an idol in his own heart ?
What then can works, done in such a state of impiety, profit us,
were they even angelic t)r- apostolic works ? Kightly hath
God shut up all — not in wrath nor in lust — but in unbelief; in
order that those who pretend that they are fulfilling the law
by works of purity and benevolence (which are social and human
virtues), may not presume that they will therefore be saved ;
but, being included in the sin of unbelief, may either seek
mercy, or be justly condemned.

But when God sees that truth is ascribed to Him, and that
in the faith of our hearts He is honoured with all the honour ,
of which He is worthy ; then in return He honours us on
account of that faith ; attributing to us truth and righteousness.
For faith produces truth and righteousness, in rendering to
God what is His ; and therefore in return God gives glory to
our righteousness. It is a true and righteous thing, that God
is true and righteous ; and to confess this, and ascribe these
attributes to Him, is to be ourselves true and righteous. Thus
He says : " Them that honour me I will honour, and they that
despise me shall be lightly esteemed." (1 Sam. ii. 30.) And
so Paul says that Abraham's faith was imputed to him for
righteousness, because by it he gave glory to God ; and that to
us also, for the same reason, it shall be reputed for righteous-
ness, if we believe. (Kom. iv.)

The third incomparable grace of faith is this, that it unites ~]
the soul to Christ, as the wife to the husband ; by which
mystery, as the Apostle teaches, Christ and the soul are made
one flesh. Now if they are one flesh, and if a true marriage —

112 LUTHER'S PRIMARY WORKS

nay, by far the most perfect of all marriages — is accomplished
between them (for human marriages are but feeble types of
this one great marriage), then it follows that all they have
becomes theirs in common, as well good things as evil things ;
so that whatsoever Christ possesses, that the believing soul
may take to itself and boast of as its own, and whatever
belongs to the soul, that Christ claims as his.

If we compare these possessions, we shall see how inestimable
is the gain. Christ is full of grace, life, and salvation ; the
soul is full of sin, death, and condemnation. Let faith step in,
and then sin, death, and hell will belong to Christ, and grace,
life, and salvation to the soul. For, if he is a husband, he
must needs take to himself that which is his wife's, and, at the
same time, impart to his wife that which is his. For, in
giving her his own body and himself, how can he but give her
all that is his ? And, in taking to himself the body of his wife,
how can he but take to himself all that is hers ?

In this is displayed the delightful sight, not only of com-
munion, but of a prosperous warfare, of victory, salvation, and
redemption. For since Christ is God and man, and is such a
person as neither has sinned, nor dies, nor is condemned, — nay,
cannot sin, die, or be condemned ; and since his righteousness,
life, and salvation are invincible, eternal, and almighty ; when,
I say, such a person, by the wedding-ring of faith, takes a
share in the sins, death, and hell of his wife, nay, makes them
his own, and deals with them no otherwise than as if they were
his, and as if he himself had sinned ; and when he suffers, dies,
and descends to hell, that he may overcome all things, since
sin, death, and hell cannot swallow him up, they must needs
be swallowed up by him in stupendous conflict. For his
righteousness rises above the sins of all men ; his life is more
powerful than all death ; his salvation is more unconquerable
than all hell.

Thus the believing soul, by the pledge of its faith in Christ,
becomes free from all sin, fearless of death, safe from hell, and
endowed with the eternal righteousness, life, and salvation of
its husband Christ. Thus he presents to himself a glorious
bride, without spot or wrinkle, cleansing her with the washing
of water by the word ; that is, by faith in the word of life,
righteousness, and salvation. Thus he betrothes her unto

ON CHRISTIAN LIBERTY 113

himself " in faithfulness, in righteousness, and in judgment,
and in lovingkindness, and in mercies." (Hosea ii. 19, 20.)

Who then can value highly enough these royal nuptials ?
Who can comprehend the riches of the glory of this grace ?
Christ, that rich and pious husband, takes as a wife a needy and
impious harlot, redeeming her from all her evils, and supplying
her with all His good things. It is impossible now that her
sins should destroy her, since they have been laid upon Christ
and swallowed up in Him, and since she has in her husband
Christ a righteousness which she may claim as her own, and
which she can set up with confidence against all her sins,
against death and hell, saying : " If I have sinned, my Christ,
in whom I believe, has not sinned ; all mine is His, and all His
is mine ; " as it is written, " My beloved is mine, and I am
his. (Cant. ii. 16.) This is what Paul says :" Thanks be to God,
which giveth us the victory through our Lord Jesus Christ ; "
victory over sin and death, as he says : " The sting of death is
sin, and the strength of sin is the law." (1 Cor. xv. 56, 57.)

From all this you will again understand, why so much
importance is attributed to faith, so that it alone can fulfil the
law, and justify without any works. For you see that the first
commandment, which says, " Thou shalt worship one God
only," is fulfilled by faith alone. If you were nothing but
good works from the soles of your feet to the crown of your
head, you would not be worshipping God, nor fulfilling the
first commandment, since it is impossible to worship God,
without ascribing to Him the glory of truth and of universal
goodness, as it ought in truth to be ascribed. Now this is not
done by works, but only by faith of heart. It is not by
working, but by believing, that we glorify God, and confess
Him to be true. On this ground faith is the sole righteous-
ness of a Christian man, and the fulfilling of all the command-
ments. For to him who fulfils the first, the task of fulfilling
all the rest is easy.

Works, since they are irrational things, cannot glorify God ; ^
although they may be done to the glory of God, if faith be
present. But at present we are enquiring, not into the quality
of the works done, but into him who does them, who glorifies
God, and brings forth good works. This is faith of heart, the
head and the substance of all our righteousness. Hence that is

114 LUTHER'S PRIMARY WORKS

a blind and perilous doctrine which teaches that the command-
ments are fulfilled by works. The commandments must have
been fulfilled, previous to any good works, and good works
follow their fulfilment, as we shall see.

But, that we may have a wider view of that grace which our
inner man has in Christ, we must know that in the Old
Testament God sanctified to Himself every first-born male.
The birthright was of great value, giving a superiority over
the rest by the double honour of priesthood and kingship. For
the first-born brother was priest and lord of all the rest.

Under this figure was foreshown Christ, the true and only
first-born of God the Father and of the Virgin Mary, and a true
king and priest, not in a fleshly and earthly sense. For His
kingdom is not of this world ; it is in heavenly and spiritual
things that He reigns and acts as priest ; and these are
righteousness, truth, wisdom, peace, salvation, &c. Not but that
all things, even those of earth and hell, are subject to Him —
for otherwise how could He defend and save us from them ? — but
it is not in these, nor by these, that His kingdom stands.

So too His priesthood does not consist in the outward display
of vestments and gestures, as did the human priesthood of
Aaron and our ecclesiastical priesthood at this day, but in
spiritual things, wherein, in His invisible office, He intercedes for
us with God in heaven, and there offers Himself, and performs
all the duties of a priest ; as Paul describes Him to the Hebrews
under the figure of Melchizedek. Nor does He only pray and
intercede for us ; He also teaches us inwardly in the spirit with
the living teachings of His Spirit. Now these are the two
special offices of a priest, as is figured to us in the case of
fleshly priests, by visible prayers and sermons.

As Christ by His birthright has obtained these two dignities,
so He imparts and communicates them to every believer in
Him, under that law of matrimony of which we have spoken
above, by which all that is the husband's is also the wife's.
Hence all we who believe on Christ are kings and priests in
Christ, as it is said : "Ye are a chosen generation, a royal
priesthood, an holy nation, a peculiar people ; that ye should
shew forth the praises of him who hath called you out of
darkness into his marvellous light." (1 Pet. ii. 9.)

These two things stand thus. First, as regards kingship,

ON CHRISTIAN LIBERTY 115

every Christian is by faith so exalted above all things, that, in
spiritual power, he is completely lord of all things ; so that
nothing whatever can do him any hurt ; yea, all things are
subject to him, and are compelled to be subservient to his
salvation. Thus Paul says : " All things work together for
good to them who are the called " (Rom. viii. 28 ) ; and also ;
" Whether life, or death, or things present, or things to come :
all are yours ; and ye are Christ's. (1 Cor. iii. 22, 23.)

Not that in the sense of corporeal power any one among
Christians has been appointed to possess and rule all things,
according to the mad and senseless idea of certain ecclesiastics.
That is the office of kings, princes, and men upon earth. In
the experience of life we see that we are subjected to all things,
and suffer many things, even death. Yea, the more of a Christian
any man is, to so many the more evils, sufferings, and deaths is
he subject; as we see in the first place in Christ the first-born,
and in all His holy brethen.

This is a spiritual power, which rules in the midst of enemies,
and is powerful in the midst of distresses. And this is nothing
else than that strength is made perfect in my weakness, and
that I can turn all things to the profit of my salvation ; so that
even the cross and death are compelled to serve me and to
work together for my salvation. This is a lofty and eminent
dignity, a true and almighty dominion, a spiritual empire,
in which there is nothing so good, nothing so bad, as not to
work together for my good, if only I believe. And yet there is
nothing of which I have need — for faith alone suffices for my
salvation — unless that, in it, faith may exercise the power and
empire of its liberty. This is the inestimable power and liberty
of Christians.

Nor are we only kings and the freest of all men, but also
priests for ever, a dignity far higher than kingship, because by
that priesthood we are worthy to appear before God, to pray for
others, and to teach one another mutually the things which are
of God. For these are the duties of priests, and they cannot
possibly be permitted to any unbeliever. Christ has obtained
for us this favour, if we believe in Him, that, just as we are His
brethren, and co-heirs and fellow kings with Him, so we should
be also fellow priests with Him, and venture with confidence,
through the spirit of faith, to come into the presence of God,

i

116 LUTHER'S PRIMARY WORKS

and cry " Abba, Father ! " and to pray for one another, and to
do all things which we see done and figured in the visible and
corporeal office of priesthood. But to an unbelieving person
nothing renders service or works for good. He himself is in
servitude to all things, and all things turn out for evil to him,
because he uses all things in an impious way for his own
advantage, and not for the glory of God. And thus he is not
a priest, but a profane person, whose prayers are turned into
sin ; nor does he ever appear in the presence of God, because
God does not hear sinners.

Who then can comprehend the loftiness of that Christian
dignity which, by its royal power, rules over all things, even
over death, life, and sin, and, by its priestly glory, is all
powerful with God ; since God does what He Himself seeks
and wishes ; as it is written : " He will fulfil the desire of
them that fear Him : He also will hear their cry, and will save
them" ? (Ps. cxlv. 19.) This glory certainly cannot be attained
by any works, but by faith only.

From these considerations any one may clearly see how a
Christian man is free from all things ; so that he needs no
works in order to be justified and saved, but receives these gifts
in abundance from faith alone. Nay, were he so foolish as to
pretend to be justified, set free, saved, and made a Christian, by
means of any good work, he would immediately lose faith
with all its benefits. Such folly is prettily represented in the
fable, where a dog, running along in the water, and carrying in
his mouth a real piece of meat, is deceived by the reflection of
the meat in the water, and, in trying with open mouth to seize
it, loses the meat and its image at the same time.

Here you will ask : " If all who are in the Church are priests,
by what character are those, whom we now call priests, to be
distinguished from the' laity ? " I reply : By the use of these
words, " priest," " clergy," " spiritual person," " ecclesiastic,"
an injustice has been done, since they have been transferred
from the remaining body of Christians to those few, who are
now, by a hurtful custom, called ecclesiastics. For Holy
Scripture makes no distinction between them, except that those,
who are now boastfully called popes, bishops, and lords, it
calls ministers, servants, and stewards, who are to serve the
rest in the ministry of the Word, for teaching the faith of Christ

ON CHRISTIAN LIBERTY 117

and the liberty of believers. For though it is true that we are
all equally priests, yet we cannot, nor, if we could, ought we all
to minister and teach publicly. Thus Paul says : " Let a man
so account of us as of the ministers of Christ, and stewards of
the mysteries of God." (1 Cor. iv. 1.)

This bad system has now issued in such a pompous display
of power, and such a terrible tyranny, that no earthly govern-
ment can be compared to it, as if the laity were something else
than Christians. Through this perversion of things it has
happened that the knowledge of Christian grace, of faith, of
liberty, and altogether of Christ, has utterly perished, and has
been succeeded by an intolerable bondage to human works and
laws ; and, according to the Lamentations of Jeremiah, we
have become the slaves of the vilest men on earth, who abuse
our misery to all the disgraceful and ignominious purposes of
their own will.

Eeturning to the subject which we had begun, I think it is
made clear by these considerations that it is not sufficient, nor
a Christian course, to preach the works, life, and words of
Christ in a historic manner, as facts which it suffices to know
as an example how to frame our life ; as do those who are now
held the best preachers : and much less so, to keep silence
altogether on these things, and to teach in their stead the laws
of men and the decrees of the Fathers. There are now not
a few persons who preach and read about Christ with the
object of moving the human affections to sympathise with
Christ, to indignation against the Jews, and other childish and
womanish absurdities of that kind.

Now preaching ought to have the object of promoting faith
in Him, so that He may not only be Christ, but a Christ for you
and for me, and that what is said of Him, and what He is
called, may work in us. And this faith is produced and is
maintained by preaching why Christ came, what He has brought
us and given to us, and to what profit and advantage He is to
be received. This is done, when the Christian liberty which we
have from Christ Himself is rightly taught, and we are shown
in what manner all we Christians are kings and priests, and how
we are lords of all things, and may be confident that whatever
we do in the presence of God is pleasing and acceptable to Him.

Whose heart would not rejoice in its inmost core at hearing

i 2

118 LUTHER'S PRIMARY WORKS

.
these things ? Whose heart, on receiving so great a consola-
tion, would not become sweet with the love of Christ, a love
to which it can never attain by any laws or works ? Who can
injure such a heart, or make it afraid ? If the consciousness of
sin, or the horror of death, rush in upon it, it is prepared to
hope in the Lord, and is fearless of such evils, and undisturbed,
until it shall look down upon its enemies. For it believes that
the righteousness of Christ is its own, and that its sin is no
longer its own, but that of Christ, for, on account of its faith
in Christ, all its sin must needs be swallowed up from before
the face of the righteousness of Christ, as I have said above.
It learns too, with the Apostle, to scoff at death and sin, and to
say: " 0* death, where is thy sting? 0 grave, where is thy
victory ? The sting of death is sin, and the strength of sin is
the law. But thanks be to Grod, which giveth us the victory
through our Lord Jesus Christ." (1 Cor. xv. 55-57.) For
death is swallowed up in victory ; not only the victory of
Christ, but ours also ; since by faith it becomes ours, and in it
we too conquer.

Let it suffice to say this concerning the inner man and its
liberty, and concerning that righteousness of faith, which
needs neither laws nor good works ; nay, they are even hurtful
to it, if any one pretends to be justified by them.

And now let us turn to the other part, to the outward mam

Here we shall give an answer to all those who, taking offence at

the word of faith and at what I have asserted, say : " If faith does

everything, and by itself suffices for justification, why then are

good works commanded ? Are we then to take our ease and do

. no works, content with faith ? " Not so, impious men, I reply ;

fi not so. That would indeed really be the case, if we were

] thoroughly and completely inner and spiritual persons; but

1 that will not happen until the last day, when the dead shall be

raised. As long as we live in the flesh, we are but beginning

and making advances in that which shall be completed in a

future life. On this account the Apostle calls that which we

have in this life, the first-fruits of the Spirit. (Horn, viii, 23.)

In future wc shall have the tenths, and the fulness of the

Spirit. To this part belongs the fact I have stated before, that

the Christian is the servant of all and subject to all. For in

that part in which he is free, he does no works, but in that in

ON CHRISTIAN LIBERTY 119

which he is a servant, he does all works. Let us see on what
principle this is so.

Although, as I have said, inwardly, and according to the
spirit, a man is amply enough justified by faith, having all that
he requires to have, except that this very faith and abundance
ought to increase from day to day, even till the future life ;
still he remains in this mortal life upon earth, in which it is
necessary that he should rule his own body, and have inter-
course with men. Here then works begin ; here he must not
take his ease ; here he must give heed to exercise his body by
fastings, watchings, labour, and other moderate discipline, so
that it may be subdued to the spirit, and obey and conform
itself to the inner man and faith, and not rebel against them
nor hinder them, as is its nature to do if it is not kept under.
For the inner man, being conformed to God, and created after
the image of God through faith, rejoices and delights itself in
Christ, in whom such blessings have been conferred on it ; and
hence has only this task before it, to serve God with joy and
for nought in free love.

In doing this he offends that contrary will in his own flesh,
which is striving to serve the world, and to seek its own
gratification. This the spirit of faith cannot and will not
bear ; but applies itself with cheerfulness and zeal to keep it
down and restrain it ; as Paul says : "I delight in the law of
God after the inward man ; but I see another law in my
members, warring against the law of my mind, and bringing
me into captivity to the law of sin." (Koin. vii. 22, 23.) And
again : " I keep under my body, and bring it into subjection,
lest that by any means, when I have preached to others, 1
myself should be a castaway." (1 Cor. ix. 27.) And : " They
that are Christ's have crucified the flesh with the affections
and lusts." (Gal. v. 24.)

These works, however, must not be done with any notion
that by them a man can be justified before God — for faith,
which alone is righteousness before God, will not bear with
this false notion — but solely with this purpose, that the body
may be brought into subjection, and be purified from its evil
lusts, so that our eyes may be turned only to purging away
those lusts. For when the soul has been cleansed by faith and
made to love God, it would have all things to be cleansed in

120 LUTHER'S PRIMARY WORKS

like manner ; and especially its own body, so that all thing
might unite with it in the love and praise of God. Thus it
comes that, from the requirements of his own body, a man
cannot take his ease, but is compelled on its account to do
many good works, that he may bring it into subjection. Yet
these works are not the means of his justification before God ■
he does them out of disinterested love to the service of God ;
looking to no other end than to do what is well-pleasing to Him
whom he desires to obey most dutifully in all things.

On this principle every man may easily instruct himself in
what measure, and with what distinctions, he ought to chasten
his own body. He will fast, watch, and labour, just as much
as he sees to suffice for keeping down the wantonness and
concupiscence of the body. But those who pretend to be
justified by works are looking, not to the mortification of their
lusts, but only to the works themselves ; thinking that, if they
can accomplish as many works and as great ones as possible,
all is well with them, and they are justified. Sometimes they
even injure their brain, and extinguish nature, or at least make
it useless. This is enormous folly, and ignorance of Christian
life and faith, when a man seeks, without faith, to be justified
and saved by works.

To make what we have said more easily understood, let us
set it forth under a figure. The works of a Christian man,
who is justified and saved by his faith out of the pure and
unbought mercy of God, ought to be regarded in the same
light as would have been those of Adam and Eve in Paradise,
and of all their posterity, if they had not sinned. Of them it
is said : " The Lord God took the man, and put him into the
garden of Eden to dress it and to keep it." (Gen. ii. 15.) Now
Adam had been created by God just and righteous, so that he
could not have needed to be justified and made righteous by
keeping the garden and working in it ; but, that he might not
be unemployed, God gave him the business of keeping and
cultivating Paradise. These would have indeed been works of
perfect freedom, being done for no object but that of pleasing
God, and not in order to obtain justification, which he already
had to the full, and which would have been innate in us all.

So it is with the works of a believer. Being by his faith
replaced afresh in Paradise and created anew, he does not need

;s

ON CHRISTIAN LIBERTY 121

works for his justification, but that he may not be idle, but may
keep his own body and work upon it. His works are to be done
freely, with the sole object of pleasing God. Only we are not
yet fully created anew in perfect faith and love ; these require
to be increased, not however through works, but through them-
selves.

A bishop, when he consecrates a church, confirms children,
or performs any other duty of his office, is not consecrated as
bishop by these works ; nay, unless he had been previously
consecrated as bishop, not one of those works would have any
validity ; they would be foolish, childish, and ridiculous. Thus
a Christian, being consecrated by his faith, does good works ;
but he is not by these works made a more sacred person, or more
a Christian. That is the effect of faith alone ; nay, unless he
were previously a believer and a Christian, none of his works
would have any value at all ; they would really be impious and
damnable sins.

True then are these two sayings : Good works do not make a
good man, but a good man does good works. Bad works do
not make a bad man, but a bad man does bad works. Thus it
is always necessary that the substance or person should be
good before any good works can be done, and that good works
should follow and proceed from a good person. As Christ says :
"A good tree cannot bring forth evil fruit, neither can a
corrupt tree bring forth good fruit." (Matt. vii. 18.) Now it is
clear that the fruit does not bear the tree, nor does the tree
grow on the fruit ; but, on the contrary, the trees bear the fruit
and the fruit grows on the trees.

As then trees must exist before their fruit, and as the fruit
does not make the tree either good or bad, but, on the
contrary, a tree of either kind produces fruit of the same kind ;
so must first the person of the man be good or bad, before he can
do either a good or a bad work ; and his works do not make him
tad or good, but he himself makes his works either bad or good.

We may see the same thing in all handicrafts. A bad or
good house does not make a bad or good builder, but a good or
bad builder makes a good or bad house. And in general, no
work makes the workman such as it is itself; but the workman
makes the work such as he is himself. Such is the case too
with the works of men. Such as the man himself is, whether

122 LUTHER'S PRIMARY WORKS

in faith or in unbelief, such is his work ; good if it be clone in
faith, bad if in unbelief. But the converse is not true — that,
such as the work is, such the man becomes in faith or in
unbelief. For as works do not make a believing man, so
neither do they make a justified man ; but faith, as it makes a
man a believer and justified, so also it makes his works good.

Since, then, works justify no man, but a man must be justified
before he can do any good work, it is most evident that it^|s
faith alone which, by the mere mercy of God through Christ,
and by meaus of His word, can worthily and sufficiently justify
and save the person ; and that a Christian man needs no
work, no law, for his salvation ; for by faith he is free from
all law, and in perfect freedom does gratuitously all that
he does, seeking nothing either of profit or of salvation —
since by the grace of God he is already saved and rich in all
things through his faith— but solely that which is well-pleasing
to God.

So too no good work can profit an unbeliever to justification
and salvation ; and on the other hand no evil work makes him
an evil and condemned person, but that unbelief, which makes
the person and the tree bad, makes his works evil and con-
demned. Wherefore, when any man is made good or bad, this
does not arise from his works, but from his faith or unbelief,
as the wise man says : " The beginning of sin is to fall away
from God ; " that is, not to believe. Paul says : " He that
cometh to God must believe " (Heb. xi. 6) ; and Christ says
the same thing : " Either make the tree good, and his fruit
good ; or else make the tree corrupt, and his fruit corrupt."
(Matt. xii. 33.) As much as to say : He who wishes to have
good fruit, will begin with the tree, and plant a good one;
even so he who wishes to do good works must begin, not by
working, but by believing, since it is this which makes the
person good. For nothing makes the person good but faith, nor
bad but unbelief.

It is certainly true that, in the sight of men, a man becomes
good or evil by his works ; but here " becoming " means that
it is thus shown and recognised who is good or evil ; as Christ
says : " By their fruits ye shall know them." (Matt. vii. 20.)
But all this stops at appearances and externals ; and in this
matter very many deceive themselves, when they presume

ON CHRISTIAN LIBERTY 123

to write and teach that we are to be justified by good works,
and meanwhile make no mention even of faith, walking in their
own ways, ever deceived and deceiving, going from bad to
worse, blind leaders of the blind, wearying themselves with
many works, and yet never attaining to true righteousness ; of
whom Paul says : " Having a form of godliness, but denying
the power thereof ; ever learning, and never able to come to the
knowledge of the truth." (2 Tim. iii. 5, 7.)

He then, who does not wish to go astray with these blind
ones, must look further than to the works of the law or the
doctrine of works ; nay, must turn away his sight from works,
and look to the person, and to the manner in which it may be
justified. Now it is justified and saved, not by works or laws,
but by the word of God, that is, by the promise of His grace ;
so that the glory may be to the Divine majesty, which has saved
us who believe, not by works of righteousness which we have
. done, but according to His mercy, by the word of His grace.

From all this it is easy to perceive on what principle good
works are to be cast aside or embraced, and by what rule all
teachings put forth concerning works are to be understood.
For if works are brought forward as grounds of justification,
and are done under the false persuasion that we can pretend to
be justified by them, they lay on us the yoke of necessity, and
extinguish liberty along with faith, and by this very addition
to their use, they become no longer good, but really worthy of
condemnation. For such works are not free, but blaspheme
the grace of God, to which alone it belongs to justify and save
through faith. Works cannot accomplish this, and yet, with
impious presumption, through our folly, they take it on them-
selves to do so ; and thus break in with violence upon the office
and glory of grace.

We do not then reject good works ; nay, we embrace them
and teach them in the highest degree. It is not on their own
account that we condemn them, but on account of this impious
addition to them, and the perverse notion of seeking justification
by them. These things cause them to be only good in outward
show, but in reality not good ; since by them men are deceived
and deceive others, like ravening wolves in sheep's clothing.

Now this Leviathan, this perverted notion about works, is
invincible, when sincere faith is wanting. For those sanctified

124 LUTHEE'S PRIMARY WORKS

doers of works cannot but hold it, till faith, which destroys it,
comes and reigns in the heart. Nature cannot expel it by her
own power ; nay, cannot even see it for what it is, but considers
it as a most holy will. And when custom steps in besides, and
strengthens this pravity of nature, as has happened by means
of impious teachers, then the evil is incurable, and leads astray
multitudes to irreparable ruin. Therefore, though it is good to
preach and write about penitence, confession, and satisfaction,
yet if we stop there, and do not go on to teach faith, such
teaching is without doubt deceitful and devilish. For Christ,
speaking by His servant John, not only said : "Kepent ye ;" but
added : " for the kingdom of heaven is at hand." (Matt. iii. 2.)
For not one word of God only, but both, should be
preached; new and old things should be brought out of the
treasury, as well the voice of the law, as the word of grace.
The voice of the law should be brought forward, that men
may be terrified and brought to a knowledge of their sins, and
thence be converted to penitence and to a better manner of life.
But we must not stop here ; that would be to wound only and
\ not to bind up, to strike and not to heal, to kill and not to
'make alive, to bring down to hell and not to bring back, to
humble and not to exalt. Therefore the word of grace, and of
Ithe promised remission of sin, must also be preached, in order
vto teach and set up faith ; since, without that word, contrition,
penitence, and all other duties, are performed and taught in
Tain.

There still remain, it is true, preachers of repentance and
grace, but they do not explain the law and the promises of God
to such an end, and in such a spirit, that men may learn
whence repentance and grace are to come. For repentance
comes from the law of God, but faith or grace from the promises
of God, as it is said : " Faith cometh by hearing, and hearing
by the word of God." (Bom. x. 17.) Whence it comes, that a
man, when humbled and brought to the knowledge of himself
by the threatenings and terrors of the law, is consoled and
raised up by faith in the Divine promise. Thus " weeping may
endure for a night, but joy cometh in the morning." (Ps. xxx.
5.) Thus much we say concerning works in general, and also
concerning those which the Christian practises with regard to
his own body.

ON CHRISTIAN LIBERTY 125

Lastly, we will speak also of those works which he performs
towards his neighbour. For man does not live for himself
alone in this mortal body, in order to work on its account, but
also for all men on earth ; nay, he lives only for others and not
for himself. For it is to this end that he brings his own body
into subjection, that he may be able to serve others more
sincerely and more freely ; as Paul says : " None of us liveth
to himself, and no man dieth to himself. For whether we live,
we live unto the Lord ; and whether we die, we die unto
the Lord." (Kom. xiv. 7, 8.) Thus it is impossible that he
should take his ease in this life, and not work for the good of
his neighbours ; since he must needs speak, act, and converse
among men ; just as Christ was made in the likeness of men,
and found in fashion as a man, and had His conversation among
men.

Yet a Christian has need of none of these things for justi-
fication and salvation, but in all his works he ought to entertain
this view, and look only to this object, that he may serve and
be useful to others in all that he does ; having nothing before
his eyes but the necessities and the advantage of his neighbour.
Thus the Apostle commands us to work with our own hands,
that we may have to give to those that need. He might have
said, that we may support ourselves ; but he tells us to give to
those that need. It is the part of a Christian to take care of
his own body for the very purpose that, by its soundness and
wellbeing, he may be enabled to labour, and to acquire and pre-
serve property, for the aid of those who are in want ; that thus
the stronger member may serve the weaker member, and we may
be children of God, thoughtful and busy one for another, bearing
one another's burdens, and so fulfilling the law of Christ.

Here is the truly Christian life ; here is faith really working
by love ; when a man applies himself with joy and love to the
works of that freest servitude, in which he serves others volun-
tarily and for nought ; himself abundantly satisfied in the
fulness and riches of his own faith.

Thus, when Paul had taught the Philippians how they had
been made rich by that faith in Christ, in which they had
obtained all things, he teaches them further in these words —
" If there be therefore any consolation in Christ, if any comfort
of love, if any fellowship of the Spirit, if any bowels and mercies,

126 LUTHER'S PRIMARY WORKS

fulfil ye my joy, that ye be like-minded, having the same love,
being of one accord, of one mind. Let nothing be done through
strife or vainglory ; but in lowliness of mind let each esteem
other better than themselves. Look not every man on his
own things, but every man also on the things of others."
(Phil. ii. 1-4.)

In this we see clearly that the Apostle lays down this rule
for a Christian life, that all our works should be directed to the
advantage of others ; since every Christian has such abundance
through his faith, that all his other works and his whole life
remain over and above, wherewith to serve and benefit his
neighbour of spontaneous good will.

To this end he brings forward Christ as an example, saying :
" Let this mind be in you, which was also in Christ Jesus : who,
being in the form of God, thought it not robbery to be equal
with God : but made himself of no reputation, and took upon
him the form of a servant, and was made in the likeness of men ;
and being found in fashion as a man, he humbled himself, and
became obedient unto death." (Phil. ii. 5-8.) This most
wholesome saying of the Apostle has been darkened to us by
men who, totally misunderstanding the expressions: "form. of
God," " form of a servant," " fashion," " likeness of men," have
transferred them to the natures of Godhead and manhood.
Paul's meaning is this : Christ, when He was full of the form
of God, and abounded in all good things, so that He had no
need of works or sufferings to be justified and saved — for all these
things He had from the very beginning — yet was not puffed up
with these things, and did not raise Himself above us, and
arrogate to Himself power over us, though He might lawfully
have done so, but on the contrary so acted in labouring,
working, suffering, and dying, as to be like the rest of men,
and no otherwise than a man in fashion and in conduct, as if he
were in want of all things, and had nothing of the form of God ;
and yet all this He did for our sakes, that He might serve us,
and that all the works He should do under that form of a servant,
might become ours.

Thus a Christian, like Christ his head, being full and in
abundance through his faith, ought to be content with this
form of God, obtained by faith ; except that, as I have said, he
ought to increase this faith, till it be perfected. For this

ON CHRISTIAN LIBERTY 127

faith is his life, justification, and salvation, preserving his
person itself and making it pleasing to God, and bestowing on
him all that Christ has ; as I have said above, and as Paul
affirms : " The life which I now live in the flesh I live by the
faith of the Son of God." (Gal. ii. 20.) Though he is thus free^
from all works, yet he ought to empty himself of this liberty,
take on him the form of a servant, be made in the likeness of
men, be found in fashion as a man, serve, help, and in every
way act towards his neighbour as he sees that God through
Christ has acted and is acting towards him. All this he
should do freely, and with regard to nothing but the good
pleasure of God, and he should reason thus :

Lo ! my God, without merit on my part, of His pure and
free mercy, has given to me, an unworthy, condemned, and
contemptible creature, all the riches of justification and salva-
tion in Christ, so that I no longer am in want of anything,
except of faith to believe that this is so. For such a Father
then, who has overwhelmed me with these inestimable riches
of His, why should I not freely, cheerfully, and witji my
whole heart and from voluntary zeal, do all that I know will
be pleasing to Him, and acceptable in His sight? I will
therefore give myself, as a sort of Christ, to my neighbour, as
Christ has given Himself to me ; and will do nothing in this
life, except what I see will be needful, advantageous, and
wholesome for my neighbour, since by faith I abound in all
good things in Christ.

Thus from faith flow forth love and joy in the Lord, and
from love a cheerful, willing, free spirit, disposed to serve our
neighbour voluntarily, without taking any account of gratitude
or ingratitude, praise or blame, gain or loss. Its object is not
to lay men under obligations, nor does it distinguish between
friends and enemies, or look to gratitude or ingratitude, but
most freely and willingly spends itself and its goods, whether
it loses them through ingratitude, or gains good will. For
thus did its Father, distributing all things to all men abun-
dantly and freely ; making His sun to rise upon the just and
the unjust. Thus too the child does and endures nothing,
except from the free joy with which it delights through Christ
in God, the giver of such great gifts.

You see then that, if we recognise those great and precious

128 LUTHER'S PRIMARY WORKS

gifts, as Peter says, which have been given to us, love is
quickly diffused in our hearts through the Spirit, and by love
we are made free, joyful, all-powerful, active workers, victors
over all our tribulations, servants to our neighbour, and never-
theless lords of all things. But for those who do not recognise
the good things given to them through Christ, Christ has
been born in vain ; such persons walk by works, and will never
attain the taste and feeling of these great things. Therefore,
just as our neighbour is in want, and has need of our abun-
dance, so we too in the sight of God were in want, and had
need of His mercy. And as our heavenly Father has freely
helped us in Christ, so ought we freely to help our neighbour
by our body and works, and each should become to other a
sort of Christ, so that we may be mutually Christs, and that
the same Christ may be in all of us ; that is, that we may be
truly Christians.

Who then can comprehend the riches and glory of the
Christian life ? It can do all things, has all things, and is in
want of nothing ; is lord over sin, death, and hell, and at the
same time is the obedient and useful servant of all. But
alas ! it is at this day unknown throughout the world ; it is
neither preached nor sought after, so that we are quite
ignorant about our own name, why we are and are called
Christians. We are certainly called so from Christ, who is
not absent, but dwells among us, provided, that is, that we
believe in Him, and are reciprocally and mutually one the Christ
of the other, doing to our neighbour as Christ does to us. But
now, in the doctrine of men, we are taught only to seek after
merits, rewards, and things which are already ours, and we
have made of Christ a task-master far more severe than Moses.

The Blessed Virgin, beyond all others, affords us an example
of the same faith, in that she was purified according to the law
of Moses, and like all other women, though she was bound by
no such law, and had no need of purification. Still she
submitted to the law voluntarily and of free love, making
herself like the rest of women, that she might not offend or
throw contempt on them. She was not justified by doing
this ; but, being already justified, she did it freely and
gratuitously. Thus ought our works too to be done, and not in
order to be justified by them ; for, being first justified by

ON CHRISTIAN LIBERTY 129

faith, we ought to do all our works freely and cheerfully for
the sake of others.

St. Paul circumcised his disciple Timothy, not because he
needed circumcision for his justification, Tmt that he might not
offend or contemn those Jews, weak in the faith, who had not
yet been able to comprehend the liberty of faith. On the
other hand, when they contemned liberty, and urged that
circumcision was necessary for justification, he resisted them,
and would not allow Titus to be circumcised. For as he would
not offend or contemn any one's weakness in faith, but yielded
for the time to their will, so again he would not have the
liberty of faith offended or contemned by hardened self-
justifiers, but walked in a middle path, sparing the weak for
the time, and always resisting the hardened, that he might
convert all to the liberty of faith. On the same principle we
ought to act, receiving those that are weak in the faith, but
boldly resisting these hardened teachers of works, of whom we
shall hereafter speak at more length.

Christ also, when His disciples were asked for the tribute
money, asked of Peter, whether the children of a king were not
free from taxes. Peter agreed to this ; yet Jesus commanded
him to go to the sea, saying : " Lest we should offend them, go
thou to the sea, and cast a hook, and take up the fish that first
cometh up ; and when thou hast opened his mouth, thou shalt
find a piece of money ; that take, and give unto them for me
and thee." (Matt. xvii. 27.)

This example is very much to our purpose ; for here Christ
calls Himself and His disciples free men, and children of a king,
in want of nothing ; and yet He voluntarily submits and pays
the tax. Just as far then as this work was necessary or useful
to Christ for justification or salvation, so far do all His other
works or those of His disciples avail for justification. They are
really free and subsequent to justification, and only clone to serve
others and set them an example.

Such are the works which Paul inculcated ; that Christians i \ •
should be subject to principalities and powers, and ready to ||
every good work (Tit. iii. 1) ; not that they may be justified I
by these things, for they are already justified by faith, but that in k
liberty of spirit they may thus be the servants of others, and Sj
subject to powers, obeying their will out of gratuitous love.

130 LUTIIEll'S PRIMARY WORKS

Such too ought to have been the works of all colleges,
monasteries, and priests ; every one doing the works of his own
profession and state of life, not in order to be justified by them,
but in order to bring his own body into subjection, as an
example to others, who themselves also need to keep under
their bodies ; and also in order to accommodate himself to the
will of others, out of free love. But we must always guard
most carefully against any vain confidence or presumption of
being justified, gaining merit, or being saved by these works ;
this being the part of faith alone, as I have so often said.

Any man possessing this knowledge may easily keep clear of
danger among those innumerable commands and precepts of the
Pope, of bishops, of monasteries, of churches, of princes, and of
magistrates, which some foolish pastors urge on us as being
necessary for justification and salvation, calling them precepts
of the Church, when they are not so at all. For the Christian
freeman will speak thus : I will fast, I will pray, I will do this
or that, which is commanded me by men, not as having any
need of these things for justification or salvation, but that I
may thus comply with the will of the Pope, of the bishop, of
such a community or such a magistrate, or of my neighbour as
an example to him ; for this cause I will do and suffer all
things, just as Christ did and suffered much more for me,
though He needed not at all to do so on His own account, and
made Himself for my sake under the law, when He was not
under the law. And although tyrants may do me violence or
wrong in requiring obedience to these things, yet it will not
hurt me to do them, so long as they are not done against God.

From all this every man will be able to attain a sure
judgment and faithful discrimination between all works and
laws, and to know who are blind and foolish pastors, and who
are true and good ones. For whatsoever work is not directed
to the sole end, either of keeping under the body, or of doing
service to our neighbour — provided he require nothing contrary
to the will of God — is no good or Christian work. Hence I greatly
fear that at this day few or no colleges, monasteries, altars, or
ecclesiastical functions are Christian ones ; and the same may
be said of fasts and special prayers to certain Saints. I fear
that in all these nothing is being sought but what is already
ours ; while we fancy that by these things our sins are purged

ON CHRISTIAN LIBERTY 131

away and salvation is attained, and thus utterly do away with
Christian liberty. This comes from ignorance of Christian faith
and liberty.

This ignorance, and this crushing of liberty, are diligently
promoted by the teaching of very many blind pastors, who stir
up and urge the people to a zeal for these things, praising such
zeal and puffing up men with their indulgences, but never .
teaching faith. Now I would advise you, if you have any wish
to pray, to fast, or to made foundations in churches, as they call
it, to take care not to do so with the object of gaining any
advantage, either temporal or eternal. You will thus wrong your
faith which alone bestows all things on you, and the increase of
which, either by working or by suffering, is alone to be cared
for. What you give, give freely and without price, that others
may prosper and have increase from you and from your good-
ness. Thus you will be a truly good man and a Christian.
For what do you want with your goods and your works, which
are done over and above for the subjection of the body, since
you have abundance for yourself through your faith, in which
God has given you all things ?

We give this rule : the good things which we have from
God ought to flow from one to another, and become common
to all, so that every one of us may, as it were, put on his
neighbour, and so behave towards him as if he were himself
in his place. They flowed and do flow from Christ to us ; he
put us on, and acted for us as if he himself were what we are.
From us they flow to those who have need of them ; so that
my faith and righteousness ought to be laid down before God
as a covering and intercession for the sins of my neighbour,
which I am to take on myself, and so labour and endure
servitude in them, as if they were my own ; for thus has Christ
done for us. This is true love and the genuine truth of
Christian life. But only there is it true and genuine, where
there is true and genuine faith. Hence the Apostle attributes
to Charity this quality, that she seeketh not her own.

We conclude therefore that a Christian man does not live in \ '
himself, but in Christ and in his neighbour, or else is no
Christian ; in_Chji&tJby-4aith,,in.-his_ndghbojir^ lave. By
faith he is carried upwards above himself to God, and by love
he sinks back below himself to his neighbour, still always

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132 LUTHER'S PRIMARY WORKS

abiding in God and His love, as Christ says : " Verily I say
unto you, hereafter ye shall see heaven open, and the angels
of God ascending and descending upon the Son of man."
(John i„ 51.)

Thus much concerning liberty, which, as you see, is a true
and spiritual liberty, making our hearts free from all sins, laws,
and commandments ; as Paul says : " The law is not made for
a righteous man" (1 Tim. i. 9) ; and one which surpasses
every other and outward liberty, as far as heaven is above earth.
May Christ make us to understand and preserve this liberty.
Amen.

Finally, for the sake of those to whom nothing can be stated
so well but that they misunderstand and distort it, we must
add a word, in case they can understand even that. There are
very many persons, who, when they hear of this liberty of faith,
straightway turn it into an occasion of licence. They think
that everything is now lawful for them, and do not choose to show
themselves free men and Christians in any other way than by
their contempt and reprehension of ceremonies, of traditions, of
human laws ; as if they were Christians merely because they
refuse to fast on stated days, or eat flesh when others fast, or
omit the customary prayers ; scoffing at the precepts of men,
but utterly passing over all the rest that belongs to the Christian
religion. On the other hand, they are most pertinaciously re-
sisted by those who strive after salvation solely by their obser-
vance of and reverence for ceremonies ; as if they would be saved
merely because they fast on stated days, or abstain from flesh,
or make formal prayers ; talking loudly of the precepts of the
Church and of the Fathers, and not caring a straw about those
things which belong to our genuine faith. Both these parties
are plainly culpable, in that, while they neglect matters which
are of weight and necessary for salvation, they contend noisily
about such as are without weight and not necessary.

How much more rightly does the Apostle Paul teach us to
walk in the middle path, condemning either extreme, and
saying : " Let not him that eateth despise him that eateth not ;
and let not him which eateth not judge him that eateth."
(Kom. xiv. 3.) You see here how the Apostle blames those
who, not from religious feeling, but in mere contempt, neglect
and rail at ceremonial observances ; and teaches them not to

ON CHRISTIAN LIBERTY 133

despise, since this " knowledge puffeth up." Again he teaches
the pertinacious upholders of these things not to judge their
opponents. For neither party observes towards the other that
charity which edifieth. In this matter we must listen to
Scripture, which teaches us to turn aside neither to the right
hand nor to the left, but to follow those right precepts of the
Lord which rejoice the heart. For just as a man is not
righteous, merely because he serves and devotes himself to
works and ceremonial rites, so neither will he be accounted
righteous, merely because he neglects and despises them.

It is not from works that we are set free by the faith of
Christ, but from the belief in works, that is, from foolishly
presuming to seek justification through works. Faith redeems
our consciences, makes them upright and preserves them, since
by it we recognise the truth that justification does not depend
on our works, although good works neither can nor ought to be
wanting to it ; just as we cannot exist without food and drink
and all the functions of this mortal body. Still it is not
on them that our justification is based, but on faith; and yet
they ought not on that account to be despised or neglected.
Thus in this world we are compelled by the needs of this
bodily life ; but we are not hereby justified. " My kingdom is
not hence, nor of this world," says Christ ; but He does not
say : " My kingdom is not here, nor in this world." Paul too
says : " Though we walk in the flesh, we do not war after the
flesh " (2 Cor. x. 3) ; and : " The life which I now live in the
flesh I live by the faith of the Son of God." (Gal. ii. 20.)
Thus our doings, life, and being, in works and ceremonies, are
done from the necessities of this life, and with the motive of
governing our bodies ; but yet we are not justified by these
things, but by the faith of the Son of God.

The Christian must therefore walk in the middle path, and
set these two classes of men before his eyes. He may meet
with hardened and obstinate ceremonialists, who, like deaf
adders, refuse to listen to the truth of liberty, and cry up,
enjoin, and urge on us their ceremonies, as if they could justify
us without faith. Such were the Jews of old, who would not
understand, that they might act well. These men we must
resist, do just the contrary to what they do, and be bold to give
them offence ; lest by this impious notion of theirs they should

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134 LUTHER'S PRIMARY WORKS

deceive many along with themselves. In the sight of these
men it is expedient to eat flesh, to break fasts, and to do in
behalf of the liberty of faith things which they hold to be the
greatest sins. We must say of them : "Let them alone ; they
be blind leaders of the blind." (Matt. xv. 14.) In this way
Paul also would not have Titus circumcised, though these men
urged it ; and Christ defended the Apostles, who had plucked
ears of corn on the Sabbath day ; and many like instances.

Or else we may meet with simple-minded and ignorant
persons, weak in the faith, as the Apostle calls them, who are
as yet unable to apprehend that liberty of faith, even if willing
to do so. These we must spare, lest they should be offended.
We must bear with their infirmity, till they shall be more fully
instructed. For since these men do not act thus from hardened
malice, but only from weakness of faith, therefore, in order to
avoid giving them offence, we must keep fasts and do other
things which they consider necessary. This is required of us
by charity, which injures no one, but serves all men. It is not
the fault of these persons that they are weak, but that of their
pastors, who by the snares and weapons of their own traditions
have brought them into bondage, and wounded their souls,
when they ought to have been set free and healed by the
teaching of faith and liberty. Thus the Apostle says: "If
meat make my brother to offend, I will eat no flesh while the
world standeth." (1 Cor. viii. 13.) And again : " I know, and
am persuaded by the Lord Jesus, that there is nothing unclean
of itself ; but to him that esteemeth anything to be unclean, to
him it is unclean. It is evil for that man who eateth with
offence." (Eom. xiv. 14, 20.)

Thus, though we ousfht boldlv to resist those teachers of
tradition, and though those laws of the pontiffs, by which they
make aggressions on the people of God, deserve sharp reproof,
yet we must spare the timid crowd, who are held captive by the
laws of those impious tyrants, till they are set free. Fight
vigorously against the wolves, but on behalf of the sheep, not
against the sheep. And this you may do by inveighing
against the laws and lawgivers, and yet at the same time
observing these laws with the weak, lest they be offended ;
until they shall themselves recognise the tyranny as such, and
understand their own liberty. If you wish to use your liberty,

ON CHRISTIAN LIBERTY 135

do it secretly, as Paul says : " Hast thou faith ? have it to thy-
self before God." (Bom. xiv. 22.) But take care not to use
'it in the presence of the weak. On the other hand, in the
presence of tyrants and obstinate opposers, use your liberty in
their despite, and with the utmost pertinacity, that they too
may understand that they themselves are tyrants, and their
laws useless for justification ; nay, that they had no right to
establish such laws.

Since, then, we cannot live in this world without ceremonies
and works ; since the hot and inexperienced period of youth has
need of being restrained and protected by such bonds ; and
since everyone is bound to keep under his own body by
attention to these things ; therefore the minister of Christ
must be prudent and faithful in so ruling and teaching the
people of Christ in all these matters that no root of bitterness
may spring up among them, and so many be denied, as Paul
warned the Hebrews ; that is, that they may not lose the faith,
and begin to be defiled by a belief in works, as the means of
justification. This is a thing which easily happens, and defiles
very many, unless faith be constantly inculcated along with
works. It is impossible to avoid this evil, when faith is passed
over in silence, and only the ordinances of men are taught, as
has been done hitherto by the pestilent, impious, and soul-
destroying traditions of our pontiffs, and opinions of our theo-
logians. An infinite number of souls have been drawn down to
hell by these snares, so that you may recognise the work of
Antichrist.

In brief, as poverty is imperilled amid riches, honesty amid
business, humility amid honours, abstinence amid feasting,
purity amid pleasures, so is justification by faith imperilled
among ceremonies. Solomon says : " Can a man take fire in
his bosom, and his clothes not be burned? " (Prov. vi. 27.) And
yet, as we must live among riches, business, honours, pleasures,
feastings, so must we among ceremonies, that is, among perils.
Just as infant boys have the greatest need of being cherished
in the bosoms and by the care of girls, that they may not die ;
and yet, when they are grown, there is peril to their salvation
in living among girls ; so inexperienced and fervid young men
require to be kept in and restrained by the barriers of cere-
monies, even were they of iron, lest their weak mind should

136 LUTHER'S PRIMARY WORKS

rush headlong into vice. And yet it would be death to them
to persevere in believing that they can be justified by these
things. They must rather be taught that they have been thus
imprisoned, not with the purpose of their being justified or
gaining merit in this way, but in order that they might avoid
wrong doing, and be more easily instructed in that righteous-
ness which is by faith ; a thing which the headlong character
of youth would not bear, unless it were put under restraint.

Hence in the Christian life ceremonies are to be no other-
wise looked upon than builders and workmen look upon those
preparations for building or working which are not made with
any view of being permanent or anything in themselves, but only
because without them there could be no building and no work.
When the structure is completed, they are laid aside. Here
you see that we do not contemn these preparations, but set
the highest value on them ; a belief in them we do contemn,
because no one thinks that they constitute a real and permanent
structure. If any one were so manifestly out of his senses
as to have no other object in life but that of setting up
these preparations with all possible expense, diligence, and
perseverance, while he never thought of the structure itself,
but pleased himself and made his boast of these useless prepa-
rations and props ; should we not all pity his madness, and
think that, at the cost thus thrown away, some great building
might have been raised ?

Thus too we do not contemn works and ceremonies ; nay, we
set the highest value on them ; but we contemn the belief in
works, which no one should consider to constitute true right-
jeousness ; as do those hypocrites who employ and throw away
(their whole life in the pursuit of works, and yet never attain
to that for the sake of which the works are done. As the
Apostle says, they are " ever learning, and never able to come
to the knowledge of the truth." (2 Tim. iii. 7). They appear
to wish to build, they make preparations, and yet they never
do build ; and thus they continue in a show of godliness, but
never attain to its power.

Meanwhile they please themselves with this zealous pursuit,
and even dare to judge all others, whom they do not see adorned
with such a glittering display of works ; while, if they had been
imbued with faith, they might have done great things for their

ON CHRISTIAN LIBERTY 137

own and others' salvation, at the same cost which they now
waste in abuse of the gifts of God. But since human nature
and natural reason, as they call it, are naturally superstitious,
and quick to believe that justification can be attained by any
laws or works proposed to them ; and since nature is also
exercised and confirmed in the same view by the practice of all
earthly lawgivers, she can never, of her own power, free herself
from this bondage to works, and come to a recognition of the
liberty of faith.

We have therefore need to pray that God will lead us, and
make us taught of God, that is, ready to learn from God ; and
will Himself, as He has promised, write His law in our hearts ;
otherwise there is no hope for us. For unless He himself teach
us inwardly this wisdom hidden in a mystery, nature cannot but
condemn it and judge it to be heretical. She takes offence at
it and it seems folly to her ; just as we see that it happened of
old in the case of the prophets and apostles ; and just as blind
and impious pontiffs, with their flatterers, do now in my case
and that of those who are like me ; upon whom, together with
ourselves, may God at length have mercy, and lift up the
light of His countenance upon them, that we may know His
way upon earth and His saving health among all nations, Who
is blessed for evermore. Amen. In the year of the Lord
MDXX.

Ill

ON THE BABYLONISH CAPTIVITY OF THE
CHUKCH

( 141 )

ON

THE BABYLONISH CAPTIVITY OF THE CHURCH.

Jesus.

Martin Luther, of the Order of St. Augustine, salutes his
friend Hermann Tulichius.

Whether I will or not, I am compelled to become more
learned day by day, since so many great masters vie with each
other in urging me on and giving me practice. I wrote about
indulgences two years ago, but now I extremely regret having
published that book. At that time I was still involved in a
great and superstitious respect for the tyranny of Koine, which
led me to judge that indulgences were not to be totally
rejected, seeing them, as I did, to be approved by so general a
consent among men. And no wonder, for at that time it was I
alone who was rolling this stone. Afterwards, however, with the
kind aid of Sylvester and the friars, who supported indulgences
so strenuously, I perceived that they were nothing but mere
impostures of the flatterers of Koine, whereby to make away with
the faith of God and the money of men. And I wish I could
prevail upon the booksellers, and persuade all who have read
them, to burn the whole of my writings on indulgences, and in
place of all I have written about them to adopt this proposition :
Indulgences are wicked devices of the flatterers of Rome.

After this, Eccius and Emser, with their fellow-conspirators,
began to instruct me concerning the primacy of the Pope.
Here too, not to be ungrateful to such learned men, I must
confess that their works helped me on greatly ; for, while I
had denied that the Papacy had any divine right, I still
admitted that it had a human right. But after hearing and
' - reading the super-subtle subtleties of those coxcombs, by which
they so ingeniously set up their idol — my mind being not
entirely unteachable in such matters — I now know and am sure

142 LUTHER'S PRIMARY WORKS

that the Papacy is the kingdom of Babylon, and the power of
Nirnrod the mighty hunter. Here moreover, that all may go
prosperously with my friends, I entreat the booksellers, and
entreat my readers, to burn all that I have published on this
subject, and to hold to the following proposition :

The Papacy is the mighty hunting of the Bishop of Eome.

This is proved from the reasonings of Eccius, of Emser, and
of the Leipzig lecturer on the Bible.

At the present time they are playing at schooling me con-
cerning communion in both kinds, and some other subjects of
the greatest importance. I must take pains not to listen in
vain to these philosophical guides of mine. A certain Italian
friar of Cremona has written a " Kevocation of Martin Luther to
the Holy See " — that is to say, not that I revoke, as the words
imply, but that he revokes me. This is the sort of Latin that
the Italians nowadays are beginning to write. Another friar,
a German of Leipzig, Lecturer, as you know, on the whole
canon of the Bible, has written against me concerning the
Sacrament in both kinds, and is about, as I hear, to do still
greater and wonderful wonders. The Italian indeed has
cautiously concealed his name ; perhaps alarmed by the
examples of Cajetan and Sylvester. The man of Leipzig,
however, as befits a vigorous and fierce German, has set forth
in a number of verses on his title-page, his name, his life, his
sanctity, his learning, his office, his glory, his honour, almost
his very shoe-lasts. From him no doubt I shall learn not a
little, since he writes a letter of dedication to the very Son
of God ; so familiar are these saints with Christ, who reigns in
heaven. In short, three magpies seem to be addressing me, one,
a Latin one, well ; another, a Greek one, still better ; the third,
a Hebrew one, best of all. What do you think I have to do
now, my dear Hermann, but to prick up my ears ? The matter
is handled at Leipzig by the Observants of the Holy Cross.

Hitherto I have foolishly thought that it would be an
excellent thing, if it were determined by a General Council, that
both kinds in the Sacrament should be administered to the
laity. To correct this opinion, this more than most learned
friar says that it was neither commanded nor decreed, whether
by Christ or by the Apostles, that both kinds should be
administered to the laity ; and that it has therefore been left

THE BABYLONISH CAPTIVITY

to the judgment of the Church, which we are bound to obey,
what should be done or left undone on this point. Thus
speaks he. You ask, perhaps, what craze has possession of the
man, or against whom he is writing ; since I did not condemn
the use of one kind, and did leave it to the judgment of the
Church to ordain the use of both kinds. And this he himself
endeavours to assert, with the object of combating me by this
very argument. I reply, that this kind of argument is a
familiar one with all who write against Luther; namely, either
to assert the very thing which they attack, or to set up a
figment that they may attack it. Thus did Sylvester, Eccius,
Emser, the men of Cologne too, and those of Louvain. If this
friar had gone back from their spirit, he would not have
written against Luther.

A greater piece of good fortune, however, has befallen this
man than any of the others. Whereas he intended to prove
that the use of one kind had neither been commanded nor
decreed, but left to the decision of the Church, he brings
forward Scriptures to prove that, by the command of Christ,
the use of one kind was ordained for the laity. Thus it is
true, according to this new interpreter of Scripture, that the
use of one kind was not commanded, and at the same time was
commanded, by Christ. You know how specially those logicians
of Leipzig employ this new kind of argument. Does not
Emser also, after having professed in his former book to
speak fairly about me, and after having been convicted by me
of the foulest envy and of base falsehoods, confess, when
about to confute me in his later book, that both were true, and
that he had written of me in both an unfair and a fair spirit ?
A good man indeed, as you know !

But listen to our specious advocate of one species, in whose
mind the decision of the Church and the command of Christ
are the same thing ; and again the command of Christ and the
absence of his command are the same thing. With what
dexterity he proves that only one kind should be granted to
the laity, by the command of Christ, that is, by the decision of
the Church ! He marks it with capital letters in this way,
" AN INFALLIBLE FOUNDATION." Next he handles with
incredible wisdom the sixth chapter of the Gospel of St. John,
in which Christ speaks of the bread of heaven and the bread of

± LUTHER'S PRIMARY WORKS

life, which is Himself. These words this most learned man not
only misapplies to the Sacrament of the Altar, but goes farther,
and, because Christ said : " I am the living bread," and not :
" I am the living cup," he concludes that in that passage the
sacrament in only one kind was appointed for the laity. But
the words that follow : " My flesh is meat indeed, and my
blood is drink indeed ; " and again, " Unless ye eat the flesh of
the Son of Man and drink his blood" — since it was evident to
this friar's brains that they tell irrefutably in favour of
reception in both kinds, and against that in one kind — he
evades very happily and learnedly in this way : " That Christ
meant nothing else by these words, than that he who should
receive one kind, should receive under this both the body and
the blood." This he lays down as his infallible foundation of a
structure so worthy of holy and heavenly reverence.

Learn now, along with me, from this man, that in the sixth
chapter of St. John Christ commands reception in one kind,
but in such a manner that this commanding means leaving the
matter to the decision of the Church ; and further, that Christ
in the same chapter speaks of the laity only, not of the
presbyters. For to us this living bread from heaven, that is,
the sacrament in one kind, does not belong, but^ perchance the
bread of death from hell. Now what is to be done with the
deacons and sub- deacons ? As they are neither laymen nor
priests, they ought, on this distinguished authority, to use
neither one nor both kinds. You understand, my dear
Tulichius, this new and observant manner of handling Scripture.
But you must also learn this, that Christ, in the sixth chapter
of St. John, is speaking of the sacrament of the Eucharist ;
though He Himself teaches us that He is speaking of faith in
the incarnate word, by saying : " This is the work of Grod, that
ye believe in him whom He hath sent." But this Leipzig
professor of the Bible must be permitted to prove whatever he
pleases out of any passage of Scripture he pleases. For he is
an Anaxagorean, nay, an Aristotelian theologian, to whom
names and words when transposed mean the same things and
everything. Throughout his whole book he so fits together
the testimonies of Scripture, that, if he wishes to prove that
Christ is in the sacrament, he ventures to begin thus : " The
Lesson of the book of the Eevelation of the blessed John." And

THE BABYLONISH CAPTIVITY 145

as suitably as this would be said, so suitably does be say
everything, and thinks, like a wise man, to adorn his ravings
by the number of passages he brings forward. \ I

I pass over the rest, that I may not quite kill you with the 1/
"v dregs of this most offensive drain. Lastly he adduces Paul
(1 Cor. xi.), who says that he had received from the Lord
and had delivered to the Corinthians the use both of the
bread and of the cup. Here again, as everywhere else, our
advocate of one species handles the Scriptures admirably, and
teaches that in that passage Paul permitted — not " delivered "
— the use of both kinds. Do you ask how he proves it ? Out
of his own head, as in the case of the sixth chapter of John ;
for it does not become this lecturer to give a reason for what
he says, since he is one of those whose proofs and teachings all
come from their own visions. Here then we are taught that
the Apostle in that passage did not write to the whole church
of Corinth, but only to the laity, and that therefore he gave no
permission to the priests, but that they were deprived of the
whole sacrament ; and next, that, by a new rule of grammar,
" I have received from the Lord " means the same thing as " It
has been permitted by the Lord ; " and "I delivered to you" the
same thing as " I permitted to you." I beg you especially to
note this. For it follows hence that not only the Church, but
every worthless fellow anywhere will be at liberty, under the
teaching of this master, to turn into permissions the whole
body of the commandments, institutions, and ordinances of
Christ and the Apostles.

I see that this man is possessed by an angel of Satan, and
that those who act in collusion with him are seeking to obtain
a name in the world through me, as being worthy to contend
with Luther. But this hope of theirs shall be disappointed,
and, in my contempt for them, I shall leave them for ever
unnamed, and shall content myself with this one answer to the
whole of their books. If they are worthy that Christ should
bring them back to a sound mind, I pray him to do so in his
mercy. If they are not worthy of this, then I pray that they
may never cease to write such books, and that the enemies of
the truth may not be permitted to read any others. It is a
common and true saying : " This I know for certain, that if I
fight with filth, whether I conquer or am conquered, I

146 LUTHER'S PRIMARY WORKS

am sure to be defiled." In the next place, as I see that they
have plenty of leisure and of paper, I will take care that
they shall have abundant matter for writing, and will keep in
advance of them, so that while they, in the boastfulness of
victory, are triumphing over some one heresy of mine, as it
seems to them, I shall meanwhile be setting up a new one.
For I too am desirous that these illustrious leaders in war
should be adorned with many titles of honour. And so, while
they are murmuring that I approve of communion in both
kinds, and are most successfully engaged on this very important
subject, so worthy of themselves, I shall go farther, and shall
now endeavour to show that all who deny to the laitv com-

/munion in both kinds are acting impiously. To do this the
more conveniently, I shall make a first essay on the bondage of
the Church of Eome ; with the intention of saying very much
more in its own proper time, when those most learned papists
shall have got the better of this book.

This, moreover, I do in order that no pious reader who may
meet with my book may be disgusted at the dross I have
handled, and have reason to complain that he finds nothing
to read which can cultivate or instruct his mind, or at least
give occasion for instructive reflection. You know how dis-
satisfied my friends are that I should occupy myself with the
paltry twistings of these men. They say that the very
reading of their books is an ample confutation of them, but
that from me they look for better things, which Satan is
trying to hinder by means of these men. I have determined
to follow the advice of my friends, and to leave the business of
wrangling and inveighing to those hornets.

Of the Italian friar of Cremona I shall say nothing. He is a

I simple and unlearned man, who is endeavouring to bring me
v back by some thongs of rhetoric to the Holy See, from which I
am not conscious of having ever withdrawn, nor has any one
proved that I have. His principal argument in some ridiculous
passages is, that I ought to be moved for the sake of my
profession, and of the transfer of the imperial power to the
Germans. He seems indeed altogether to have meant not so
much to urge my return as to write the praises of the French

j and of the Eoman pontiff, and he must be allowed to testify

A> his obsequiousness to them by this little work, such as it is.

THE BABYLONISH CAPTIVITY 14.

He neither deserves to be handled severely, since he does not
seem to be actuated by any malice, nor to be learnedly confuted,
since through pure ignorance and inexperience he trifles with
the whole subject.

To begin. I must deny that there are seven Sacraments, **■"
and must lay it down, for the time being, that there are only
three, baptism, penance, and the bread, and that by the Court
of Ebme all these have been brought into miserable bondage,
and the Church despoiled of all her liberty. And yet, if I were
to speak according to the usage of Scripture, I should hold that
there was only one sacrament, and three sacramental signs. 1 ^1
shall speak on this point more at length at the proper time ;
but now I speak of the sacrament of the bread, the first of all
sacraments.

I shall say then what advance I have made as the result of
my meditations in the ministry of this sacrament. For at the
time when I published a discourse on the Eucharist I was still
involved in the common custom, and did not trouble myself
either about the rightful or the wrongful power of the Pope.
But now that I have been called forth and become practised in
argument, nay, have been dragged by force into this arena, I
shall speak out freely what I think. Let all the papists laugh
or lament against me alone.

In the first place, the sixth chapter of John must be set
aside altogether, as not saying a single syllable about the
sacrament ; not only because the sacrament had not yet been
instituted, but much more because the very sequence of the
discourse and of its statements shows clearly that Christ was
speaking — as I have said before — of faith in the incarnate
Word. For He says : " My words, they are spirit and they are
life ; " showing that He was speaking of that spiritual eating,
wherewith he who eats, lives ; while the Jews understood
Him to speak of a carnal eating, and therefore raised a dispute. /
But no eating gives life, except the eating of faith, for this is
the really spiritual and living eating ; as Augustine says :
" Why dost thou get ready thy stomach and thy teeth ?
Believe, and thou hast eaten." A sacramental eating does not
give life, for many eat unworthily, so that Christ cannot be
understood to have spoken of the sacrament in this passage.

There are certainly some who have misapplied these words

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i48 LUTHER'S PRIMARY WORKS

to the sacrament, as did the writer of the decretals some time
ago, and many others. It is one thing, however, to misapply
the Scriptures, and another to take them in their legitimate
sense ; otherwise, when Christ says : " Except ye eat my flesh,
and drink my blood, ye have no life in you," He would be
condemning all infants, all the sick, all the absent, and all
who were hindered in whatever manner from a sacramental
eating, however eminent their faith, if in these words He had
meant to enjoin a sacramental eating. Thus Augustine, in his
second book against Julianus, proves from Innocentius that
even infants, without receiving the sacrament, eat the flesh
and drink the blood of Christ ; that is, partake in the same
faith as the Church. Let this then be considered as settled,
that the sixth chapter of John has nothing to do with the
matter. For which reason I have written elsewhere that the
Bohemians could not rightfully depend upon this passage in
their defence of reception in both kinds.

CONCERNING THE LORD'S SUPPER

There are ^twojmssages which treat in the clearest manner of
this subject, and at which we shall look, — the statements in the
Gospels respecting the Lord's Supper, and the words of Paul.
(1 Cor. xi.) Matthew, Mark, and Luke agree that Christ
gave the whole sacrament to all His disciples ; and that Paul
taught both parts of it is so certain, that no one has yet been
shameless enough to assert the contrary. Add to this, that
according to the relation of Matthew, Christ did not say
concerning the bread, " Eat ye all of this," but did say con-
cerning the cup, " Drink ye all of this." Mark also does not
say, " they all ate," but " they all drank of it." Each writer
~ attaches the mark of universality to the cup, not to the bread ;
as if the Spirit foresaw the schism that should come, and
should forbid to some that communion in the cup which Christ
would have common to all. How furiously would they rave
against us, if they had found the word " all " applied to the
bread, and not to the cup. They would leave us no way of
escape, would clamour us down, pronounce us heretics, condemn

THE BABYLONISH CAPTIVITY 149

us as schismatics. But when the word stands on our side against
thern, they allow themselves to he bound by no laws of logic,
these men of freest will, whHe they change, and change again,
and throw into utter confusion even the things which are
of God.

But suppose me to be standing on the other side and
questioning my lords the papists. In the Supper of the Lord,
the whole sacrament, or the sacrament in both kinds, was
either given to the presbyters alone, or at the same time to the
laity. If to the presbyters alone (for thus they will have it to
be), then it is in no wise lawful that any kind should be given
to the laity ; for it ought not to be rashly given to any, to
whom Christ did not give it at the first institution. Other-
--rwise, if we allow one of Christ's institutions to be changed, we
make the whole body of His laws of no effect ; and any man
may venture to say that he is bound by no law or institution
of Christ. For in dealing with Scripture one special exception
does away with any general statement. If on the other hand
it was given to the laity as well, it inevitably follows, that
reception in both kinds ought not to be denied to the laity ;
and in denying it to them when they seek it, we act impiously,
and contrary to the deed, example, and institution of Christ.

I confess that I have been unable to resist this reasoning,
and have neither read, heard of, nor discovered anything to be
said on the other side, while the words and example of Christ
stand unshaken, who says — not by way of permission, but of
commandment — " Drink ye all of this." For if all are to drink
of it, and this cannot be understood as said to the presbyters
alone, then it is certainly an impious deed to debar the laity
from it when they seek it, were it even an angel from heaven
who did so. For what they say of its being left to the decision
of the Church which kind should be administered, is said with-
out rational ground, is alleged without authority, and is as
easily contemned as proved ; nor can it avail against an
adversary who opposes to us the word and deed of Christ, and
whose blows must therefore be returned with the word of
Christ ; and this we have not on our side.

If, however, either kind can be denied to the laity, then by I
the same decision of the Church a part of baptism or of
penance might be taken from them, since in each case the

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reason of the matter and the power are alike. Therefore as
the whole of baptism and the whole of absolution are to be
granted to all the laity, so is the whole sacrament of the bread,
if they seek it. I am much astonished, however, at their
assertion that it is wholly unlawful, under pain of mortal sin,
for presbyters to receive only one kind in the mass ; and this
for no other reason than that (as they all unanimously say) the ^_
two kinds form one full sacrament, which ought not to be ^
divided. Let them tell me, then, why it is lawful to divide it
in the case of the laity, and why they alone should not be
granted the entire sacrament. Do they not admit, on their
own showing, that either both kinds ought to be granted to the
laity, or that it is no lawful sacrament which is granted to them
under one kind ? How can the one kind be a full sacrament
in the case of the laity, and not a full one in the case of the ^
presbyters ? Why do they vaunt the decision of the Church and
the power of the Pope in this matter ? The words of God and
the testimonies of truth cannot thus be done away with.

It follows further that, if the Church can take from the
laity the one kind, the wine, she can also take from them the
other kind, the bread, and thus might take from the laity the
whole Sacrament of the Altar, and deprive the institution of
Christ of all effect in their case. But, I ask, by what
authority ? If, however, she cannot take away the bread, or
both kinds, neither can she the wine. Nor can any possible
argument on this point be brought against an opponent, since
the Church must necessarily have the same power in regard to
either kind as in regard to both kinds ; if she has it not as
regards both kinds, she has it not as regards either. I should
like to hear what the flatterers of Kome may choose to say on
this point.

But what strikes me most forcibly of all, and thoroughly
convinces me, is that saying of Christ : " This is my blood,
which is shed for you and for many, for the remission of sins."
Here you see most clearly that the blood is given to all for
whose sins it is shed. Now who will dare to say that it was
not shed for the laity ? Do you not see who it is that He
addresses as He gives the cup ? Does He not give it to all ?
Does He not say that it was shed for all ? " For you," He says.
Let us grant that these are priests. " And for many," He

THE BABYLONISH CAPTIVITY 151

continues. These cannot be priests ; and yet He says : " Drink
ye all of it." I also could easily trifle on this point, and turn
the words of Christ into a mockery by my words, as that trifler
my opponent does. But those who rest upon the Scriptures
in arguing against us, must be refuted by the Scriptures.
These are the reasons which have kept me from condemning
the Bohemians, who, whether they be good or bad men,
certainly have the words and deeds of Christ on their side,
while we have neither, but only that idle device of men : " 'I he
Church hath thus ordered it ; " while it was not the Church,
but the tyrants of the churches, without the consent of the
Church, that is, of the people of God, who have thus ordered it.

Now where, I ask, is the necessity, where is the religious
obligation, where is the use, of denying to the laity reception
in both kinds, that is, the visible sign, when all men grant
them the reality of the sacrament without the sign ? If they
grant the reality, which is the greater, why do they not
grant the sign, which is the less ? For in every sacrament the
sign, in so far as it is a sign, is incomparably less than the reality
itself. What then, I ask, should hinder the granting of the
lesser thing, when the greater is granted ; unless indeed, as it
seems to me, this has happened by the permission of God in
His anger, to be the occasion of a schism in the Church ; and
to show that, having long ago lost the reality of the sacrament,
we are fighting on behalf of the sign, which is the lesser thing,
against the reality, which is the greatest and only important
thing ; just as some persons fight on behalf of ceremonies
against charity. This monstrous perversion appears to have
begun at the same time at which we began in our folly to
set Christian charity at nought for the sake of worldly riches,
that God might show by this terrible proof that we think
signs of greater consequence than the realities themselves.
What perversity it would be, if you were to concede that the
faith of baptism is granted to one seeking baptism, and yet
deny him the sign of that very faith, namely, water.

Last of all stand the irrefutable words of Paul, which must
close every mouth (1 Cor. xi.) : "I have received of the Lord
that which also I delivered unto you." He does not say, as this
friar falsely asserts out of his own head, " I permitted to you."
Nor is it true that he granted the Corinthians reception in

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both kinds on account of the contentions among them. In the
first place, as the text itself shows, the contention was not
about the reception in both kinds, but about the contemptuous-
ness of the rich and the envy of the poor, as is clear from the
text, which says : " One is hungry and another is drunken," and,
" Ye shame them that have not." Then too he is not speaking
of what he delivered as if it were for the first time. He does
not say : " I receive from the Lord and I deliver to you," but
" I have received and I have delivered," namely, at the
beginning of his preaching, long before this contention arose,
thus signifying that he had delivered to them the reception in
both kinds. This " delivering " means " enjoining," as he
o elsewhere uses the same word. Thus the smoke clouds of
assertion which this friar heaps together concerning per-
mission, without Scripture, without reason, and without cause,
go for nothing. His opponents do not ask what his dreams
are, but what the judgment of Scripture is on these points ;
and out of it he can produce not a tittle in support of his
dream, while they can bring forward so many thunderbolts in
defence of their belief.

Rise up then in one body, all ye flatterers of the Pope, be
active, defend yourselves from the charge of impiety, tyranny,
and treason against the Gospel, and wrongful calumniation of
your brethreD, ye who proclaim as heretics those who cannot
approve of the mere dreams of your brains, in opposition to
such plain and powerful Scriptures. If either of the two are
to be called heretics and schismatics, it is not the Bohemians,
not the Greeks, since they take their stand on the Gospels ;
1 but you Romans who are heretics and impious schismatics, you
who presume upon your own figments alone, against the
manifest teaching of the Scriptures of God.

But what can be more ridiculous, or more worthy of the
head of this friar, than to say that the Apostle wrote thus and
gave this permission to a particular church, that of Corinth,
but not to the universal Church ? Whence does he prove this ?
Out of his usual store — his own impious head. When the
universal Church takes this epistle as addressed to itself, reads
it, and follows it in every respect, why not in this part of it ?
If we admit that any one epistle of Paul, or one passage in any
\ one epistle, does not concern the universal Church, we do

THE BABYLONISH CAPTIVITY 153

away with the whole authority of Paul. The Corinthians
might say that what he taught concerning faith, in writing to
the Eornans, did not concern them. What could be more
blasphemous or more mad than this mad idea ? Far be it from
us to imagine that there can be one tittle in the whole of Paul,
which the whole of the universal Church ought not to imitate
and keep. Not thus thought the Fathers, nor any until these
perilous times, in which Paul foretold that there should be
blasphemers, blind and senseless men ; among whom this friar
is one, or even the foremost.

But let us grant this intolerably wild assertion. If Paul
gave permission to a particular church, then, on your own
showing, the Greeks and the Bohemians are acting rightly, for
they are particular churches, and therefore it is enough that
they are not acting against the' teaching of Paul, who at least
gives them permission. Furthermore, Paul had not power to
permit of anything contrary to the institution of Christ.
Therefore, on behalf of the Greeks and the Bohemians, I set up
these sayings of Christ and of Paul against thee, Borne, and all
thy flatterers ; nor canst thou show that power has been given
thee to change these things by one hair's breadth ; much less to
accuse others of heresy, because they disregard thy presump-
tuous pretensions. It is thou who deservest to be accused of
impiety and tyranny.

We also read the words of Cyprian, who by himself is
powerful enough to stand against all the Bomanists, and who
testifies in his discourse concerning the lapsed in the fifth book,
that it had been the custom in that church for both kinds to be
administered to laymen and even to children ; yea, for the body
of the Lord to be given into their hands ; as he shows by many
instances. Among other things he thus reproves some of the
people : " And because he does not immediately receive the body
of the Lord with unclean hands, or drink the blood of the Lord
with polluted mouth, he is angry with the priests as sacrile-
gious." You see that he is here speaking of certain sacrilegious
laymen, who wished to receive from the priests the body and the
blood. Have you here, wretched flatterer, anything to gabble ?
Say that this holy martyr, this teacher of the Church, so highly
endowed with the apostolic spirit, was a heretic, and availed
himself of a permission in his particular church !

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He relates in the same place an incident which had oc-
curred in his own sight and presence, when he writes in the
plainest terms that as deacon he had given the cup to an infant

m , girl, and when the child struggled against it, had even
• poured the blood of the Lord into its mouth. We read the
same thing of St. Donatus, whose broken cup how dully does
this wretched flatterer try to get rid of. " I read," he says,
" that the cup was broken, I do not read that the blood was
given." What wonder that he who perceives in the Holy
Scriptures what he wills to perceive, should also read in his-
torical narratives what he wills to read ! But can he in this
way at all establish the power of the Church to decide, or can
he thus confute heretics ? But enough said on this subject ;
for I did not begin this treatise in order to answer one who is
unworthy of an answer, but in order to lay open the truth of
the matter.

I conclude, then, that to deny reception in both kinds to the
laity is an act of impiety and tyranny, and one not in the
power of any angel, much less of any Pope or Council what-
ever. Nor do I care for the Council of Constance, for, if its
authority is to prevail, why should not also that of the Council
of Basle, which decreed on the other hand that the Bohemians
should be allowed to receive in both kinds ? a point which was
carried there after long discussion, as the extant annals and
documents of that Council prove. This fact that ignorant
flatterer brings forward on behalf of his own dreams, so wisely
does he handle the whole matter.

— The first bondage, then, of this sacrament is as regards its
substance or completeness, which the tyranny of Rome has
wrested from us. Not that they sin against Christ, who use
one kind only, since Christ has not commanded the use of any,
but has left it to the choice of each individual, saying : " This
do ye, as oft as ye shall do it, in remembrance of me ; " but
they sin who forbid that both kinds should be given to those
who desire to use this freedom of choice, and the fault is not in
the laity, but in the priests. The sacrament does not belong to
the priests, but to all ; nor are the priests lords, but servants,
whose duty it is to give both kinds to those who seek them, as
often as they seek them. If they have snatched this right from
the laity, and forcibly denied, it to them, they are tyrants, and

THE BABYLONISH CAPTIVITY 155

the laity are free from blame, whether they go without one or

both kinds ; for meanwhile they will be saved by their faith,

and by their desire for a complete sacrament. So too the

ministers themselves are bound to grant baptism and absolution

to him who seeks them ; if they do not grant them, the seeker

has the full merit of his own faith, while they will be accused

before Christ as wicked servants. Thus of old the holy Fathers

in the desert passed many years without communicating in

either kind of the sacrament.

Y I am not, therefore, advocating the seizing by force on both

kinds, as if we were of necessity commanded and compelled to

receive them, but I am instructing the conscience, that every

v man may endure the tyranny of Eome, knowing that he has

been forcibly deprived of his right in the sacrament on account

of his sins. This only I would have, that none should justify

the tyranny of Eome, as if she had done right in denying one

kind to the laity, but that we should abhor it, and withhold

our consent from it, though we may bear it, just as if we were

in bondage with the Turk, where we should not be at liberty to

use either kind. For this reason I have said that it would be

a fine thing, in my opinion, if this bondage were done away

with by the decree of a general council, and Christian liberty

restored to us out of the hands of the tyrant of Eome ; and if

to each man were left his own free choice about seeking and

using it, as it is left in the case of baptism and penance. Now,

however, by the same tyranny, he compels one kind to be

received year by year ; so extinct is the liberty granted us by

Christ, and such are the deserts of our impious ingratitude.

The other bondage of the same sacrament is a milder one, ,
inasmuch as it regards the conscience, but one which it is byi
far the most perilous of all things to touch, much more tol
condemn. Here I shall be a Wicklifnte, and a heretic under;
six hundred names. What then ? Since the Bishop of Eome hasi
ceased to be a bishop and has become a tyrant, I fear absolutely;
none of his decrees, since I know that neither he, nor even a
general council, has power to establish new articles of the faith.

Formerly, when I was imbibing the scholastic theology, my
lord the Cardinal of Cambray gave me occasion for reflection, by
arguing most acutely, in the fourth book of the Sentences, that
it would be much more probable, and that fewer superfluous

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*£

miracles would have to be introduced, if real bread and real
wine, and not only their accidents, were understood to be upon
the altar, unless the Church had determined the contrary.
Afterwards, when I saw what the church was, which had thus
determined, namely, the Thomistic, that is, the Aristotelian
Church, I became bolder, and whereas I had been before in
great straits of doubt, I now at length established my con-
science in the former opinion, namely, that there were real
bread and real wine, in which were the real flesh and real
blood of Christ, in no other manner and in no less degree than
the other party assert them to be under the accidents. And
this I did, because I saw that the opinions of the Thomists,
whether approved by the Pope or by a council, remained
opinions, and did not become articles of the faith, even were an
angel from heaven to decree otherwise. For that which is
asserted without the support of the Scriptures, or of an
approved revelation, it is permitted to hold as an opinion, but
it is not necessary to believe. Now this opinion of Thomas is
so vague, and so unsupported by the Scriptures, or by reason,
that he seems to me to have known neither his philosophy nor
his logic. For Aristotle speaks of accidents and subject very
differently from St. Thomas ; and it seems to me that we
ought to be sorry for so great a man, when we see him striving,
not only to draw his opinions on matters of faith from Aristotle,
but to establish them upon an authority whom he did not
understand ; a most unfortunate structure raised on a most
unfortunate foundation.

I quite consent then that whoever chooses to hold either
opinion should do so. My only object now is to remove scruples
of conscience, so that no man may fear being guilty of heresy, if
he believes that real bread and real wine are present on the
altar. Let him know that he is at liberty, without peril to his
salvation, to imagine, think, or believe in either of the two
ways, since here there is no necessity of faith. In the first
place, I will not listen to those, or make the slightest account
of them, who will cry out that this doctrine is Wickliffite,
Hussite, heretical, and opposed to the decisions of the Church.
None will do this but those whom I have convicted of being
themselves in many ways heretical, in the matter of indulg-
ences, of free will and the grace of God, of good works and

THE BABYLONISH CAPTIVITY 157

sins, etc. If Wickliff was once a heretic, they are themselves
ten times heretics, and it is an excellent thing to be blamed
and accused by heretics and perverse sophists, since to please
them would be the height of impiety. Besides, they can give
no other proof of their own opinions, nor have they any other
way of disproving the contrary ones, than by saying : " This is
Wicklifnte, Hussite, heretical." This feeble argument, and no
other, is always at the tip of their tongue ; and if you ask for
Scripture authority, they say : " This is our opinion, and the
Church has decided it thus." To such an extent do men who are
reprobate concerning the faith, and unworthy of belief, dare to
propose to us their own fancies, under the authority of the
Church, as articles of the faith.

There is, however, very much to be said for my opinion ;
in the first place this — that no violence ought to be done to
the words of God, neither by man, nor by angel, but that, as far
as possible, they ought to be kept to their simplest meanings
and not to be taken, unless the circumstances manifestl
compel us to do so, out of their grammatical and propel
signification, that we may not give our adversaries an
opportunity of evading the teaching of the whole Scripture
For this reason the ideas of Origen were rightly rejected, when,
in contempt of the plain grammatical meaning, he turned the
trees, and all other objects described as existing in Paradise,
into allegories ; since hence it might be inferred that trees
were not created by God. So in the present case, since the
Evangelists write clearly that Christ took bread and blessed it,
and^since thebook of Acts and the Apostle Paul also call itJ
bread, real bread and real wine must be understood, just as the
cup was real. For oven these men _do_not sa^that ^he cugjs,
transubstantiated. Since then it is not necessary to lay it
downThatTa transubstantiation is effected by the operation of
divine power, it must be held as a figment of human opinion ;
for it rests on no support of Scripture or of reason. It isJ
forcing on us a novel and absurd usage of words, to take bread as
meaning the form or accidents of bread, and wine as the form
or accidents of wine. Why do they not take all other things as
forms or accidents ? Even if everything else were consistent
with this idea, it would not be lawful thus to enfeeble the word
of God, and to deprive it so unjustly of its proper meaning.

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The Church, however, kept the right faith for more than*
\. twelve centuries, nor did the holy EaJLh£rs_ever or anywJiexe|
make mention of this transubstantiation (a portentousjKord-and \
dream indeed), untlPtlie counterfeit Aristotelian philosophy
began to make its inroads on the Church within these last
three hundred years, during which many other erroneous
conclusions have also been arrived at, such as : — that the
Divine essence is neither generated nor generates; that the
soul is the substantial form of the human body ; and other
like assertions, which are made absolutely without reason or
cause, as the Cardinal of Cambray himself confesses.

They will say, perhaps, that we shall be in peril of idolatry if
we do not admit that bread and wine are not really there. This
is truly ridiculous, for the laity have never learnt the subtle
philosophical distinction between substance and accidents ; nor,
if they were taught it, could they understand it ; and there is
the same peril, if we keep the accidents, which they see, as in
the case of the substance, which they do not see. For if it
is not the accidents which they adore, but Christ concealed
under them, why should they adore the substance, which they
do not see ?

But why should not Christ be able to include His body
within the substance of bread, as well as within the accidents ?
i and iron, two different substances, are so mingled in red-
hot iron, that every part of it is both fire and iron. Why may
not the glorious body of Christ much more be in every part of
the substance of the bread ?

Christ is believed to have been born of the inviolate womb
of his mother. In this case too let them say that the flesh of
the Virgin was for a time annihilated ; or, as they will have it
to be more suitably expressed, transubstantiated, that Christ
might be enwrapped in its accidents, and at length come forth
through its accidents. The same will have to be said respecting
the closed door and the closed entrance of the tomb, through
both of which He entered, and went out without injury to them.
But hence has sprung that Babylon of a philosophy concerning
continuous quantity, distinct from substance, till things have
come to such a point, that they themselves do not know what
are accidents, and what is substance. For who has ever
proved to a certainty that heat and cold, colour, light, weight,

THE BABYLONISH CAPTIVITY 159

and form are accidents? Lastly they have been driven to
pretend that Grod creates a new substance additional to those
accidents on the altar, on account of the saying of Aristotle,
that the essence of an accident is to be in something ; and
have been led to an infinity of monstrous ideas, from all of
which they would be free, if they simply allowed the bread on
the altar to be real bread. I rejoice greatly, that at least
among the common people there remains a simple faith in this
sacrament. They neither understand nor argue whether there
are accidents in it or substance, but believe with simple faith
that the body and blood of Christ are truly contained in it,
leaving to these men of leisure the task of arguing as to what
it contains.

But perhaps they will say that we are taught by Aristotle
that we must take the subject and predicate of an affirmative
proposition to signify the same thing ; or, to quote the words
> of that monster himself in the 6th book of his Metaphysics,
" An affirmative proposition requires the composition of the
extremes ;" which they explain as their signifying the same
thing. Thus in the words, " This is my body," they say that
we cannot take the subject to signify the bread, but the body
of Christ.

What shall we say to this? Whereas we are making
Aristotle and human teachings tlfce censors of such sublime and
divine matters, why do we not rather cast away these curious
enquiries ; and simply adhere to the words of Christ, willing to
be ignorant of what is done in this sacrament, and content J
to know that the real body of Christ is present in it by virtue]
of the words of consecration ? Is it necessary to comprehend'
altogether the manner of the Divine working ?

But what do they say to Aristotle, who applies the term
"subject" to all the categories of accidents, although he takes.
the substance to be the first subject ? Thus, in his opinion,
" this white," " this great," " this something," are subjects,
because something is predicated of them. If this is true,
and if it is necessary to lay down a doctrine of tran-
substantiation in order that it may not be asserted of the
bread that it is the body of Christ; why, I ask, is not a
doctrine of transaccidentation also laid down, that it may not
be affirmed of an accident that it is the body of Christ ? For

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the same danger remains, if we regard " this white thing,"
or " this round thing " as the subject. On whatever principle
transubstantiation is taught, on the same ought transacci-
dentation to be taught, on account of the two terms of the
proposition, as is alleged, signifying the same thing.

If, however, by a high effort of understanding, you make
abstraction of the accident, and refuse to regard it as signified
by the subject in saying : " This is my body," why can you not
as easily rise above the substance of the bread, and refuse to
let it be understood as signified by the subject ; so that " this
is my body " may be true in the substance no less than in the
accident ? Especially so since this is a divine work of almighty
power, which can operate to the same extent and in the same
way in the substance, as it can in the accident.

But, not to philosophize too far, does not Christ appear to have
met these curious enquiries in a striking manner, when He
said concerning the wine, not, " Hoe est sanguis mens" but
" Hie est sanguis meus." He speaks much more clearly still
when He brings in the mention of the cup, saying : " This cup
is the New Testament in my blood." (1 Cor. xi.) Does He
not seem to have meant to keep us within the bounds of simple
faith, just so far as to believe that His blood is in the cup ?

/"if, for my part, I cannot understand how the bread can be the
body of Christ, I will bring my understanding into captivity
to the obedience of Christ, and firmly believe, in simple adher-
ence to His word, not only that the body of Christ is in the

\bread, but that the bread is the body of Christ. For so shall
\ be kept safe by his words, where it is said : " Jesus took
bread, and blessed it, and brake it, and said, Take, eat, this
(that is, this bread, which He had taken and broken) is my
body." Paul also says : " The bread which we break, is it not
the communion of the body of Christ ? " He does not say that
the communion is in the bread, but that the bread itself is the
communion of the body of Christ. What if philosophy does
not understand these things ? The Holy Spirit is greater than
Aristotle. Does it even understand the transubstantiation
which these men speak of, seeing that they themselves confess
that all philosophy breaks down on this point ? The reason
why, in the Greek and Latin, the pronoun this is referred to
the body, is that the genders are alike ; but in the Hebrew,

THE BABYLONISH CAPTIVITY 161

where there is no neuter gender, it is referred to the bread ;
so that we might properly say : " This (bread) is my body."
Both the usage of language and common sense prove that the
subject points to the bread, and not to the body, when He
says, Hoe est corpus meum, that is, this bread is my body.

As then the case is with Christ Himself, so is it also with ^
sacrament. For it is not necessary to the bodily indwelling o\
the Godhead thaTthe "human n^ture'shouhT be transubstantiated,,
that so the Godhead may be contained beneath the accidents
of the human nature. But each nature is entire, and we can
say with truth: This man is God ; this God is man. Though
philosophy does not receive this, yet faith receives it, and
greater is the authority of the word of God, than the capacity-
of our intellect. Thus too in the sacrament, it is not neces-
sary to the presence of the real body and real blood, that the
bread and wine should be transubstantiated, so that Christ
may be contained beneath the accidents ; but while both bread
and wine continue there, it can be said with truth, " this breaj,
is my body, this wine is my blood," and conversely. Thus
will I understand this matter in honour of the holy words of
God, which I will not allow to have violence done them by the
petty reasonings of men, or to be distorted into meanings alien
to them. I give leave, however, to others to follow the other
opinion, which is distinctly laid down in the decretal, provided
. only (as I have said) they do not press us to accept their
! opinions as articles of faith.

The third bondage of this same sacrament is that abuse of it
■ — and by far the most impious — by which it has come about
that at this day there is no belief in the Church more generally
received or more firmly held than that the mass is a good
work and a sacrifice. This abuse has brought in an infinite
flood of other abuses, until faith in the sacrament has been j
utterly lost, and they have made this divine sacrament a mere J '
subject of traffic, huckstering, and money-getting contracts./
Hence communions, brotherhoods, suffrages, merits, anni-
versaries, memorials, and other things of that kind are bought
and sold in the Church, and made the subjects of bargains and
agreements ; and the entire maintenance of priests and monks
depends upon these things.

I am entering on an arduous task, and it may perhaps be

162 LUTHER'S PRIMARY WORKS

impossible to uproot an abuse which, strengthened by the
practice of so many ages, and approved by universal consent,
as fixed itself so firmly among us, that the greater part of the
ooks which have influence at the present day must needs be
done away with, and almost the entire aspect of the churches
be changed, and a totally different kind of ceremonies be
brought in, or rather, brought back. But my Christ lives, and
e must take heed to the word t>f God with greater care, than
o all the intellects of men and angels. I will perform
my part, will bring forth the subject into the light, and will
impart the truth freely and ungrudgingly as I have received
it. For the rest, let every one look to his own salvation ; I
will strive, as in the presence of Christ my judge, that no man
may be able to throw upon me the blame of his own unbelief
and ignorance of the truth.

Concerning the Sacrament of the Altar. To begin, — if we
wish to attain safely and prosperously to the true and free
knowledge of this sacrament, we must take the utmost care to
put aside all that has been added by the zeal or the notions
of men to the primitive and simple institution ; such as
vestments, ornaments, hymns, prayers, musical instruments,
lamps, and all the pomp of visible things ; and must turn our
eyes and our attention only to the pure institution of Christ ;
and set nothing else before us but those very words of Christ,
with which He instituted and perfected that sacrament, and
committed it to us. In that word, and absolutely in nothing
else, lies the whole force, nature, and substance of the mass.
All the rest are human notions, accessory to the word of
Christ ; and the mass can perfectly well subsist and be kept up
without them. Now the words in which Christ instituted this
sacrament are as follows : — While they were at supper Jesus
took bread, and blessed it, and brake it, and gave it to His
disciples, and said : " Take, eat ; this is my body which is given
for you." And He took the cup, and gave thanks, and gave it
to them, saying : " Drink ye all of this ; this cup is the New
Testament in my blood, which is shed for you and for many for
the remission of sins ; do this in remembrance of me."

These words the Apostle Paul (1 Cor. xi.) also delivers to
us and explains at greater length. On these we must rest, and
build ourselves up as on a firm rock, unless we wish to be

THE BABYLONISH CAPTIVITY 163

earned about with every wind of doctrine, as we have hitherto
been, through the impious teachings of men who pervert the
truth. For in these words nothing has been omitted which
pertains to the completeness, use, and profit of this sacrament ;
and nothing laid down which it is superfluous or unnecessary
for us to know. He who passes over these words in his medi-
tations or teachings concerning the mass will teach monstrous
impieties ; as has been done by those who have made an opus
operatum and a sacrifice of it.

Let this then stand as a first and infallible truth, that the
mass or Sacrament of the Altar is the testament of Christ, ""*
which He left behind Him at His death, distributing an inherit- p£S$
ance to those who believe in Him. For such are His words : |
" This cup is the new testament in my blood." Let this truth,
I say, stand as an immovable foundation, on which we shall
erect all our arguments. You will see how we shall thus
overthrow all the impious attacks of men on this sweetest
sacrament. The truthful Christ, then, says with truth, that
this is the new testament in His blood, shed for us. It is not
without cause that I urge this ; the matter is no small one, but
must be received into the depths of our minds.

If then we enquire what a testament is, we shall also learn
what the mass is; what are its uses, advantages, abuses. Aj j
testajii^nlJs^certainlyj^promise made by a man about to die,/ J
by" which he assigns his inheritance and appoints heirs. Thus/ /
the idea of a testament implies, first, the death of the testator, '
and secondly, the promise of the inheritance, and the appoint-
ment of an heir. In this way Paul (Rom. iv. ; Gal. iii., iv. ;
Heb. ix.) speaks at some length of testaments. We also see
this clearly in those words of Christ. Christ testifies of His
own death, when He says : " This is my body which is given ;
this is my blood which is shed." He assigns and points out
the inheritance, when He says : " For the remission of sins."
And He appoints heirs when He says : " For you and for
many ; " that is, for those who accept and believe the promise
of the testator ; for it is faith which makes us heirs, as we
shall see.

You see then that the mass — as we call it — is a promise of ~"^_
the remission of sins, made to us by God ; and such a promise
as has been confirmed by the death of the Son of God. For a

M

164 LUTHER'S PRIMARY WORKS

promise and a testament only differ in this, that a testament
implies the death of the promiser. A testator is a promiser
who is about to die ; and a promiser is, so to speak, a testator
who is about to live. This testament of Christ was prefigured
in all the promises of God from the beginning of the world ;
yea ! whatsoever value the ancient promises had, lay in that
new promise which was about to be made in Christ, and on
which they depended. Hence the words, " agreement, cove-
nant, testament of the Lord," are constantly employed in the
Scriptures ; and by these it was implied that God was about to
die. " For where a testament is, there must also of necessity
be the death of the testator." (Heb. ix. 16.) God having
made a testament, it was necessary that He should die. Now
He could not die, unless He became a man ;. and thus in this
one word " testament " the incarnation and the death of Christ
are both comprehended.

From all this it is now self-evident what is the use, and
what the abuse, of the mass ; what is a worthy or an unworthy
preparation for it. If, the mass is a promise, as we have said,
we can approach to it by no works, no strength, no merits, but
by faith alone. For where we have the word of God who
promises, there we must have faith on the part of man who
accepts ; and it is thus clear that the beginning- of our-~sal-
vation is faith, dependingjm theworo^ of a promising God, who,
independently of any efforts~oT~ours7 prevents Us by" His free
and undeserved mercy, and holds out to us the word of His
promise. " He sent His word and healed them." (Ps. cvii. 20.)
He did not receive our works and so save us. First of all
comes the word of God ; this is followed by faith, and faith _hy
love, which -in its turn does every good work, because it
worketh no evil, yea, it is the fulfilling of the law. There is
no other way in which man can meet or deal with God but by
faith. It is not man by any works of his, but God, who by
His own promise is the author of salvation ; so that everything
depends, is contained, and preserved in the word of His power,
by which He begot us, that we might be a kind of first-fruits of4
His creation.

Thus, when Adam was to be raised up after the fall, God
gave him a promise, saying to the serpent : "I will place
enmity between thee and the woman, and between thy seed

THE BABYLONISH CAPTIVITY 165

and her seed ; she shall bruise thy head, and thou shalt bruise
her heel." In this word of promise, Adam with his posterity
was, as it were, borne in the bosom of God, and preserved by
faith in Him ; waiting patiently for the woman who should
bruise the head of the serpent, as God had promised. In this
faith and waiting he died ; not knowing when and how the
promise would be accomplished, but not doubting that it would
be accomplished. For such a promise, being the truth of God,
preserves even in hell those who believe and wait for it. This
promise was followed by another, made to Noah ; the bow in
the cloud being given as a sign of the covenant, believing in
which he and his posterity found God propitious. After this,
God promised to Abraham that in his seed all the kindreds of
the earth should be blessed. This is that bosom of Abraham into
which his posterity have been received. Lastly to Moses, and
to the children of Israel, especially to David, God gave a most
distinct promise of Christ ; and thus at length revealed what
had been the meaning of the promise made to them of
old time.

Thus we come to the most perfect promise of all, that of the
new Testament, in which life and salvation are freely promised
in plain words, and are bestowed on those who believe the
promise. Christ conspicuously distinguishes this testament
from the old one, by calling it the " New Testament." The old
testament given by Moses was a promise, not of remission of
sins, nor of eternal blessings, but of temporal ones, namely,
those of the land of Canaan ; and by it no one could be renewed
in spirit, and fitted to receive a heavenly inheritance. Hence
it was necessary that, as a figure of Christ, an unreasoning
lamb should be slain, in the blood of which the same testament
was confirmed ; thus, as is the blood, so is the testament ; as is
the victim, so is the promise. Now Christ says, " The new
testament in my blood," not in another's, but in His own blood,
by which grace is promised through the Spirit for the remission
of sins, that we may receive the inheritance.

The mass then, as regards its substance, is properly nothing
else than the aforesaid words of Christ, " Take, eat," etc. He
seems to say : — " Behold, 0 man, sinner and condemned as thou
art, out of the pure and free love with which I love thee,
according to the will of the Father of mercies, I promise to

m 2

V

166 LUTHER'S PRIMARY WORKS

thee in these words, antecedently to any merits or prayers of
thine, remission of all thy sins, and eternal life. That thou
mayest be most certain of this, my irrevocable promise, I will
confirm it by my very death ; I will give my body and shed my
blood, and will leave both to thee, as a sign and memorial of
this very promise. As often as thou shalt receive them, re-
member me; declare and praise my love and bounty to thee;
and give thanks."

From this you see that nothing else is required for a worthy
reception of the mass than faith, resting with confidence on
this promise, believing Christ~toBe truthful in these words of
His, and not doubting that these immeasurable blessings have
been bestowed upon us. On this faith a spontaneous and most
sweet affection of the heart will speedily follow, by which
the spirit of the man is enlarged and enriched ; that is, love,
bestowed through the Holy Spirit on believers in Christ. Thus
the believer is carried away to Christ, that bounteous and bene-
ficent testator, and becomes altogether another and a new man.
Who would not weep tears of delight, nay, almost die for joy
in Christ, if he believed with unhesitating faith that this in-
estimable promise of Christ belongs to him? How can
he fail to love such a benefactor, who of His own accord offers,
promises, and gives the greatest riches and an eternal in-
heritance to an unworthy sinner, who has deserved very
different treatment ?

Our one great misery is this, that while we have many masses
in the world, few or none of us recognise, consider, or apprehend
the rich promises set before us in them. Now in the mass the
one thing that demands our greatest, nay, our sole attention, is
to keep these words and promises of Christ, which indeed
constitute the mass itself, constantly before our eyes; that we
should meditate on and digest them, and exercise, nourish,
increase, and strengthen our faith in them by this daily com-
memoration. This is what Christ commands when He says,
" Do this in remembrance of me." It is the work of an
evangelist faithfully to present aB3|»|ommend that promise
to the people and to call forth faith^m it on their part. As
. it is — to say nothing of the impious faWBWl^ those who teach
human traditions in the place of this great promise — how many
are there who know that the mass is a promise of Christ?

THE BABYLONISH CAPTIVITY 167

Even if they teach these words of Christ, they do not teach
them as conveying a promise or a testament, and therefore call
forth no faith in them.

It is a deplorable thing in our present bondage, that nowa-
days the utmost care is taken that no layman should hear ;'
those words of Christ, as if they were too sacred to be com-
mitted to the common people. We priests are so mad that we
arrogate to ourselves alone the right of secretly uttering the
words of consecration — as they are called ; and that in a way
which is unprofitable even to ourselves, since we never look at
them as promises or a testament for the increase of faith.
Under the influence of some superstitious and impious notion
we do reverence to these words instead of believing them. In
this our misery Satan so works among us that, while he has
left nothing of the mass to the Church, he yet takes care that
every corner of the earth shall be full of masses, that is, of
abuses and mockeries of the testament of God ; and that the
world shall be more and more heavily loaded with the gravest
sins of idolatry, to increase its greater damnation. For what
more grievous sin of idolatry can there be, than to abuse the
promises of God by our perverse notions, and either neglect or
extinguish all faith in them. *^<r^^

God (as I have said) never has dealt, or does deal, with men U j
otherwise than by the word of promise. Again, we can never ' I
deal with God otherwise than byfaith in the word of His «J
promise. He_takes no_heed of our works, and has no need of
^hem, — though it is by these we deal with other men and with .
ourselves ; — but He does_require to be esteemed by us truthful 1
in His promises, and to be patiently considered as such, and I
thus worshipped in faith, hope, and love. And thus it is that
He is glorified in us, when we receive and hold every blessing
not by our own efforts, but from His mercy, promise, and
gift. This is that true worship and service of God, which we
are bound to render in the mass. But when the words of the
promise are not delivered to us, what exercise of faith can
thqafe be ? And without faith who can hope ? who can love ?
without faith, hope, and love, what service can there be ?
There is no doubt therefore that, at the present day, the whole [
body of priests and monks, with their bishops and all their
superiors, are idolaters, and living in a most perilous state,

168 LUTHER'S PRIMARY WORKS

through their ignorance, abuse, and mockery of the mass, or
sacrament, or promise of God.

It is easy for any one to understand that two things are
necessary at the same time, the promise and faith. With-
oj2nr|)roD^^ faith

the promise is useless,. sinc£_it_is--4h*ouglr faith that it" is
established and fulfilled. Whence we easily conclude that
the mass, being nothing else than a promise, can be approached
and partaken of by faith__alorie ; without which whatever
prayers, preparations, works, signs, or gestures are practised,
are rather provocations to impiety than acts of piety. It
constantly happens that when men have given their attention
to all these things they imagine that they are approaching the
altar lawfully ; and yet, in reality, could never be more unfit
to approach it, because of the unbelief which they bring with
them. What a number of sacrificing priests you may daily see
everywhere, who if they have committed some trifling error,
by unsuitable vestments, or unwashed hands, or by some
hesitation in the prayers, are wretched, and think themselves
guilty of an immense crime ! Meanwhile, as for the mass
itself, that is, the divine promise, they neither heed nor
believe it ; yea, are utterly unconscious of its existence. 0,
unworthy religion of our age, the most impious and ungrateful
of all ages !

There is then no worthy preparation for the mass, or
rightful use of it, except faith, by which it is believed in as a
divine promise. Wherefore let him who is about to approach
the altar, or to receive the sacrament, take care not to appear
before the Lord his God empty. Now he will be empty, if he
has not faith in the mass, or New Testament ; and what more
grievous impiety can he commit against the truth of God than
by this unbelief ? As far as in him lies, he makes God a liar,
and renders His promises idle. It will be safest then to go to
the mass in no other spirit than that in which thou wouldst
go to hear any other promise of God ; that is, to be prepared,
not to do many works, and bring many gifts, but to believe
and receive all that is promised thee in that ordinance, or is
declared to thee through the ministry of the priest as promised.
Unless thou comest in this spirit, beware of drawing near ; for
thou wilt surely draw near unto judgment.

THE BABYLONISH CAPTIVITY 169

I liave rightly said then, that the whole virtue of the mass
consists in those words of Christ, in which He testifies that
remission is granted to all who believe that His body is given
and His blood shed for them. There is nothing then more
J necessary for those who are about to hear mass than to
meditate earnestly and with full faith on the very words of
Christ ; for unless they do this, all else is done in vain. It is
certainly true that God has ever been wont, in all His promises,
to give some sign, token, or memorial of His promise ; that it
migEf Tie" kept more faithfully and tell more strongly on men's
minds. Thus when He promised to Noah that the earth
should not be destroyed by another deluge, He gave His bow in
the cloud, and said that He would thus remember His covenant.
To Abraham, when He promised that his seed should inherit
the earth, He gave circumcision as a seal of the righteous-
ness which is by faith. Thus to Gideon He gave the dry and
the dewy fleece, to confirm His promise of victory over the
Midianites. Thus to Ahaz He gave a sign through Isaiah, to
confirm his faith in the promise of victory over the kings of
Syria and Samaria. We read in the Scriptures of many such
signs of the promises of God.

So too in the mass, that first of all promises, He gave a
sign in memory of so great a promise, namely, His own hodj
and His own blood in the bread and wine, saying, " Do this in
remembrance of me." Thus in baptism He adds to the words
of the promise the sign of immersion in water. Whence we
see that in every promise of God tAVO-thioga are sot bofore -41S}
the word and thejsigu. The word we are to understand aj
beingThe' testanientf~and the sign as being the sacrament ;
thus, in the mass, the word of Christ is the testament, the
bread and wine are the sacrament. And as there is greater
power in the word than in the sign, so is there greater power
in the testament than in the sacrament. A man can have and
use the word or testament without the sign or sacrament.
" Believe," saith_Augustine, " and thou hast .eatenj " but in
what do we believe except in the word of Him who promises?
Thus I can have the mass daily, nay hourly ; since, as often as
I will, I can set before myself the words of Christ, and nourish
and strengthen my faith in them ; and this is in very truth
the spiritual eating and drinking.

170 LUTHER'S PRIMARY WOEKS

Here we see how much the theologians of the Sentences have
done for ns in this matter. In the first place, not one of them
handles that which is the sum and substance of the whole,
namely, the testament and word of promise ; and thus they do
awav with faith and the whole virtue of the mass. In the
next place, the other part of it, namely, the sign or sacrament,
is all that they deal with ; but they do not teach faith even in
this, but their own preparations, ojpera operetta, participations
and fruits of the mass. At length they have reached the very
depth of error, and have involved themselves in an infinity of
metaphysical triflings concerning transubstantiation and other
points ; so that thay have done away with all faith, and with
the knowledge and true use as well of the testament as of the
sacrament ; and have caused the people of Christ — as the
prophet says — to forget their God for many days. But do
thou leave others to recount the various fruits of hearing mass,
and apply thy mind to saying and believing with the prophet,
that God has prepared a table before thee in the presence of
thine enemies — a table at which thy faith may feed and grow
strong. Now it is only on the word of the divine promise that
thy faith can feed ; for man shall not live by bread alone, but
by every word that proceedeth out of the mouth of God. (Matt,
iv. 4.) Wherefore, in the mass, thou must look above all
things most closely to the word of promise as to a most
sumptuous banquet, full of every kind of food and holy
nourishment for thy soul ; this thou must esteem above all
things ; in this thou must place all thy trust, and cleave firmly
to it, even in the midst of death and all thy sins. If thou dost
this, thou wilt possess not only those drops as it were and
littlenesses of the fruits of the mass, which some have super -
stitiously invented, but the main fount of life itself, namely,
that faith in the word from which every good thing flows ; as
Christ said, " He that believeth on me, out of his belly shall
flow rivers of living water." (John vii. 38) ; and again, " Whoso-
ever drinketh of the water that I shall give him shall never
thirst ; but the water that I shall give him, shall be in him a
well of water springing up into everlasting life." (John iv. 14.)

There are two difficulties which are wont to beset us, and
prevent our receiving the benefits of the mass. The one is,
that we are sinners and unworthy, from our utter vileness, of

THE BABYLONISH CAPTIVITY 171

such great blessings. The other is — even if we were worthy —
the very greatness of the blessings themselves, which are such
that weak nature cannot dare to seek or hope for them. Who
would not be struck in the first place with amazement rather
than with the desire for the remission of sins and eternal life,
if he rightly estimates the greatness of the blessings which
come through these — namely, the having God as his Father, and
being a child of God, and heir of all good things ? To meet
this double weakness of nature, thou must take hold of the
word of Christ, and fix thine eyes much more strongly on it,
than on these cogitations of thine own infirmity. For the
works of the Lord are great, and He is mighty to give, beyond
all that we can seek or comprehend. Indeed, unless His works
surpassed our worthiness, our capacity, our whole comprehen-
sion, they would not be divine. Thus too Christ encourages us,
saying : " Fear not, little flock ; for it is your Father's good
pleasure to give you the kingdom." (Luke xii. 32;) This
incomprehensible exuberance of God's mercy, poured out on us
through Christ, makes us, in our turn, to love Him above all
things, to cast ourselves upon Him with the most perfect trust,
to despise all things, and be ready to suffer all things for
Him. Hence this sacrament has been rightly called the
fountain of love.

Here we may draw an example from human affairs. If some
very rich lord were to bequeath a thousand pieces of gold to
any beggar, or even to an unworthy and bad servant, such a
one would certainly demand and receive them confidently,
without regard either to his own unworthiness or to the
greatness of the legacy. If any one were to set these before
him as objections, what do you think he would reply ? He
would certainly answer : " What is that to you ? It is not
by my deserving, nor by any right of my own, that I receive
what I do receive. I know that I am unworthy of it, and that
I am receiving much more than I deserve ; nay, I have
deserved the very contrary. But what I claim, I claim by
right of a testament, and of the goodness of another ; if it was
not an unworthy act to leave such a legacy to me who am so
unworthy, why should my unworthiness make me hesitate to
accept it ? Nay, the more unworthy I am, the more readily
do I embrace this free favour from another." With such

172 LUTHER'S PRIMARY WORKS

reasonings we must arm our own consciences against all their
scruples and anxieties, that we may hold this promise of Christ
with unhesitating faith. We must give the utmost heed not
to approach in any confidence in our own confessions, prayers,
and preparations ; we must despair of all these and come in a
lofty confidence in the promise of Christ— since it is the word
of promise which alone must reign here — and in pure faith,
which is the one and sole sufficient preparation.

We see from all this, how great the wrath of God has been
which has permitted our impious teachers to conceal from us
the words of this testament, and thus, as far as in them lay, to
extinguish faith itself. It is self-evident what must necessarily
follow this extinction of faith, namely, the most impious super-
stitions about works. For when faith perishes and the word
of faith is silent, then straightway works, and traditions of
works, rise up in its place. By these we have been removed
from our own land, as into bondage at Babylon, and all that
was dear to us has been taken from us. Even thus it has
befallen us with the mass, which, through the teaching of
wicked men, has been changed into a good work, which they
call opus operatum, and by which they imagine that they are
all powerful with God. Hence they have gone to the extreme
of madness ; and, having first falsely affirmed that the mass
is of avail through the force of the opus operatum, they have
gone on to say, that even if it be hurtful to him who offers
it impiously, yet it is none the less useful to others. On this
basis they have established their applications, participations,
fraternities, anniversaries, and an infinity of lucrative and
gainful business of that kind.

You will scarcely be able to stand against these errors, many
and strong as they are, and deeply as they have penetrated,
unless you fix what has been said firmly in your memory, and
gi^e the most stedfast heed to the true nature of the mass.
You have heard that the mass is nothing else than the divine
promise or testament of Christ, commended to us by the Y
sacrament of His body and blood. If this is true, you will see
that it cannot in any way be a work, nor can any work be per-
formed in it, nor can it be handled in any way but by faith
alone. Now faith is not a work, but the mistress and life of all
works. Is there any man so senseless as to call a promise he

THE BABYLONISH CAPTIVITY 173

has received, or a legacy that has been bestowed on him, a good
work done on his part towards the testator ? What heir is
there, who thinks that he is doing a service to his father when \
he receives the testamentary documents along with the inheri-
tance bequeathed to him ? Whence then this impious rash-
ness of ours, that we come to receive the testament of God as
if we were doing a good work towards Him ? Is not such
ignorance of that testament, and such a state of bondage of
that great sacrament, a grief beyond all tears ? Where we
ought to be grateful for blessings bestowed on us, we come in
our pride to give what we ought to receive, and make a
mockery, with unheard-of perversity, of the mercy of the Giver.
We give to Him as a work of ours what we receive as a gift
from Him ; and we thus make the testator no longer the
bestower of His good gifts on us, but the receiver of ours.
Alas for such impiety !

Who has ever been so senseless as to consider baptism a i^\
good work ? What candidate for baptism has ever believed he /
was doing a work which he might offer to God on behalf of '
himself and others ? If then in one sacrament and testament
there is no good work communicable to others, neither can
there be any in the mass, which is itself nothing but a testa-
ment and a sacrament. Hence it is a manifest and impious —
error, to offer or apply the mass for sins, for satisfactions, for
the dead, or for any necessities of our own or of others. The
evident truth of this statement you will easily understand, if
you keep closely to the fact, that the mass is a divine promise,
which can profit no one, be applied to no one, be communicated
to no one, except to the believer himself; and that solely by
his own faith. Who can possibly receive or apply for another
a promise of God, which requires faith on the part of each
individual ? Can I give another man the promise of God, if he
does not believe it ? or can I believe for another man ? or can
I make another believe ? Yet all this I must be able to do if I
can apply and communicate the mass to others ; for there are
in the mass only these two things, God's promise, and man's
faith which receives that promise. If I can do all this, I can
also hear and believe the gospel on behalf of other men, I can
be baptized for another man, I can be absolved from sin for
another man, I can partake of the Sacrament of the Altar

174 LUTHER'S PRIMARY WORKS

for another man ; nay, to go through the whole list of their
sacraments, I can also marry for another man, be ordained
priest for another man, be confirmed for another man, receive
extreme unction for another man.

Why did not Abraham believe on behalf of all the Jews?
Why was every individual Jew required to exercise faith in the
same promise which Abraham believed ? Let us keep to this
impregnable truth : — where there is a divine promise, there
every man stands for himself ; individual faith is required ;
every man shall give account for himself, and shall bear his
own burdens ; as Christ says : " He that believeth and is
baptized shall be saved ; but he that believeth not shall be
: damned." (Mark xvi. 16.) Thus every man can make the
'■ mass useful only to himself, by his own faith, and can by no
means communicate it to others ; just as a priest cannot
administer a sacrament to any man on behalf of another, but
administers the same sacrament to each individual separately.
The priests in their work of consecration and administration
act as ministers for us ; not that we offer up any good work
through them, or communicate actively ; but by their means we
receive the promise and its sign, and communicate passively.
This idea continues among the laity ; for they are not said
to do a good work, but to receive a gift. But the priests
have gone after their own impieties and have made it a good
work that they communicate and make an offering out of the
sacrament and testament of God, whereas they ought to have
received it as a good gift.

But you will say : " What ? will you ever overthrow the
practices and opinions which, for so many centuries, have
rooted themselves in all the churches and monasteries ; and all
that superstructure of anniversaries, suffrages, applications,
and communications, which they have established upon the
mass, and from which they have drawn the amplest revenues ? "
I reply: It is this which has compelled me to write concerning
the bondage of the Church. For the venerable testament of
God has been brought into a profane servitude to gain,
through the opinions and traditions of impious men, who have
passed over the Word of God, and have set before us the
imaginations of their own hearts, and thus have led the world
astray. What have I to do with the number or the greatness

THE BABYLONISH CAPTIVITY 175

of those who are in error ? Truth is stronger than all. If
you can deny that Christ teaches that the mass is a testament
and a sacrament, I am ready to justify those men. Again, if
you can say that the man who receives the benefit of a
testament, or who uses for this purpose the sacrament of
promise, is doing a good work, I am ready and willing to
condemn all that I have said. But since neither is possible,
why hesitate to despise the crowd which hastens to do evil,
whilst you give glory to God and confess His truth, namely,
that all priests are perversely mistaken, who look on the mass
as a work by which they may aid their own necessities, or
those of others, whether dead or alive ? My statements, I
know, are unheard of and astounding. But if you look into
the true nature of the mass, you will see that I speak the
truth. These errors have proceeded from that over-security,
which has kept us from perceiving that the wrath of God was
coming upon us.

This I readily admit, that the prayers which we pour forth
in the presence of God, when we meet to partake of the mass,
are good works or benefits, which we mutually impart, apply,
and communicate, and offer up for one another ; as the Apostle
James teaches us to pray for one another that we may be
saved. Paul also exhorts that supplications, prayers, inter-
cessions, and giving of thanks, be made for all men ; for kings,
and for all that are in authority. (1 Tim. ii. 1, 2.) These
things are not the mass, but works of the mass ; — if, indeed, we
can call the prayers of our hearts and our lips works — because
they spring from the existence and growth of faith in the
sacrament. The mass or promise of God is not completed by
our prayers, but only by our faith ; and in faith we pray and
do other good works. But what priest sacrifices with the
intention and idea of only offering up prayers ? They all
imagine that they are offering Christ himself to God the
Father as an all-sufficient victim ; and that they are doing a
good work on behalf of all men, who, as they allege, will profit
by it. They trust in the opus operatum, and do not attribute
the effect to prayer. Thus, by a gradual growth of error, they
attribute to the sacrament the benefit which springs from
prayer ; and they offer to God what they ought to receive as
a gift from Him.

176 LUTHER'S PRIMARY WORKS

We must therefore make a clear distinction between the
testament and sacrament itself, and the prayers which we offer
at the same time. And not only so, but we must understand
that those prayers are of no value at all, either to him who
offers them, or to those for whom they are offered, unless the
testament has been first received by faith, so that the prayer
may be that of faith, which alone is heard, as the Apostle
James teaches us. So widely does prayer differ from the mass.
I can pray for as many persons as I will ; but no one receives
the mass unless he believes for himself; and that only so far
as he believes ; nor can it be given either to God or to men,
but it is God alone who by the ministry of the priest gives it
to men, and they receive it by faith alone, without any works
or merits. No one would be so audaciously foolish as to say
that, when a poor and needy man comes to receive a benefit
from the hand of a rich man, he is doing a good work. Now
the mass is the benefit of a divine promise, held forth to all
men by the hand of the priest. It is certain, therefore, that the
mass is not a work communicable to others, but the object of
each man's individual faith, which is thus to be nourished and
strengthened.

"We must also get rid of another _ggandal3 which is a much
greater and a very specious one ; that is, that the mass is
universally believed to be a sacrifice offered to GoJ. With this
opinion the words of the canon of the mass appear to agree,
such as — "These gifts; these offerings; these holy sacrifices;" and
again, " this oblation." There is also a very distinct prayer that
the sacrifice may be accepted like the sacrifice of Abel. Hence
Christ is called the victim of the altar. To this we must add
the sayings of the holy Fathers, a great number of authorities,
and the usage that has been constantly observed throughout
the world.

To all these difficulties, which beset us so pertinaciously,
we must oppose with the utmost constancy the words and
example of Christ. Unless we hold the mass to be the promise
or testament of Christ, according to the plain meaning of the
words, we lose all the gospel and our whole comfort. Let us
allow nothing to prevail against those words, even if an angel
from heaven taught us otherwise. Now in these words there is
nothing about a work or sacrifice. Again, we have the example

THE BABYLONISH CAPTIVITY 177

of Christ on our side. When Christ instituted this sacrament
and established this testament in the Last Supper, he did not

offer himself to God the Father, or accomplish any work on
behalf of others, but, as he sat at the table, he declared the
same testament to each individual present and bestowed on each
the sign of it. Now the more any mass resembles and is akin to /
that first mass of all which Christ celebrated at the Last Supper,/
the more Christian it is. But that mass of Christ was most
simple ; without any display of vestments, gestures, hymns,
and other ceremonies ; so that if it had been necessary that it
should be offered as a sacrifice, His institution of it would not
have been complete.

Not that any one ought rashly to blame the universal
Church, which has adorned and extended the mass with many
other rites and ceremonies ; but we desire that no one should
be so deceived by showy ceremonies, or so perplexed by the
amount of external display, as to lose the simplicity of the
mass, and in fact pay honour to some kind of transubstantiation ;
as will happen if we pass by the simple substance of the mass,
and fix our minds on the manifold accidents of its outward
show. For whatever has been added to the mass beyond the
-word and example of Christ, is one of its accidents; and none^
of these ought we to consider in any other light than we now
consider monstrances— as they are called — and altar cloths,
within which the host is contained. It is a contradiction in
terms that the mass should be a sacrifice ; since we receive the /
mass, but give a sacrifice. Now the same thing cannot be
received and offered at the same time, nor can it be at once
given and accepted by the same person. This is as certain
as that prayer and the thing prayed for cannot be the same ;
nor can it be the same thing to pray and to receive what we
pray for.

What shall we say then to the canon of the mass and the
authority of the Fathers ? First of all I reply :— If there were
nothing to be said, it would be safer to deny their authority
altogether, than to grant that the mass is a work or a sacrifice,
and thus to deny the word of Christ and to overthrow faith and
the mass together. However, that we may keep the Fathers
too, we will explain (1 Cor. xi.) that the believers in Christ, when
they met to celebrate the mass, were accustomed to bring with

178 LUTHER'S PRIMARY WORKS

them portions of food and drink, called " collects," which were
distributed among the poor, according to the example of the
Apostles (Acts iv.), and from which were taken the bread and
wine consecrated for the sacrament. Since all these gifts were
sanctified by the word and prayer after the Hebrew rite, in
accordance with which they were lifted on high, as we read in
Moses, the words and the practice of elevation, or of offering,
continued in the Church long after the custom had died out of
collecting and bringing together the gifts which were offered
or elevated. Thus Hezekiah (Isaiah xxxvii. 4) bids Isaiah to lift
his prayer for the remnant that is left. Again, the Psalmist
says : " Lift up your hands to the holy place ; " and — " To thee
will I lift up my hands ; " and again — " That men pray every-
where, lifting up holy hands." (1 Tim. ii. 8.) Hence the

expressions " sacrifice " or " oblation " ought to be referred, not

to the sacrament and testament, but to the " collects " them-
selves. Hence too the word collect has remained in use for
the prayers said in the mass.

For the same reason the priest elevates the bread and the
cup as soon as he has consecrated them ; but the proof that he
is not therein offering anything to God is that in no single
word does he make mention of a victim or an oblation. This
too is a remnant of the Hebrew rite, according to which it was
customary to elevate the gifts which, after being received with
giving of thanks, were brought back to God. Or it may be
considered as an admonition to us, to call forth our faith in that
testament which Christ on that occasion brought forward and
set before us ; and also as a display of its sign. The oblation of
the bread properly corresponds to the words : " This is my
body ; " and Christ, as it were, addresses us bystanders by this
very sign. Thus too the oblation of the cup properly corre-
sponds to these words : " This cup is the New Testament in
my blood." The priest ought to call forth our faith by the
very rite of elevation. And as he openly elevates the sign or
sacrament in our sight, so I wish that he also pronounced the
word or testament with loud and clear voice in our hearing ;
and that in the language of every nation, that our faith might
be more efficaciously exercised. Why should it be lawful to i
perform mass in Greek, and Latin, and Hebrew, and not also in' A
German, or in any other language ?

THE BABYLONISH CAPTIVITY 179

Wherefore, in this abandoned and most perilous age, let the
priests who sacrifice take heed in the first place that those
words of the major and minor canon, with the collects, which
speak only too plainly of a sacrifice, are to be applied, not to
the sacrament, but either to the consecration of the bread and
wine themselves, or to their own prayers. For the bread and
wine are presented beforehand to receive a blessing, that they
may be sanctified by the word and prayer. But after being
blessed and consecrated, they are no longer offered, but are
received as a gift from God. And in this matter let the priest
consider that the gospel is to be preferred to all canons and
collects composed by men ; but the gospel, as we have seen,
does not allow the mass to be a sacrifice.

In the next place, when the priest is performing mass publicly,
let him understand that he is only receiving and giving to others
the communion in the mass ; and let him beware of offering up
at the same moment his prayers for himself and others, lest he
should seem to be presuming to offer the mass. The priest also
who is saying a private mass must consider himself as adminis-
tering the communion to himself. A private mass is not at all
different from, nor more efficient than, the simple reception of
the communion by any layman from the hand of the priest,
except for the prayers, and that the priest consecrates and
administers it to himself. In the matter itself of the mass and
the sacrament, we are all equal, priests and laymen.

Even if he is requested by others to do so, let him beware of
celebrating votive masses — as they are called — and of receiving
any payment for the mass, or presuming to offer any votive
sacrifice ; but let him carefully refer all this to the prayers
which he offers, whether for the dead or the living. Let him
think thus : — I will go and receive the sacrament for myself
alone, but while I receive it I will pray for this or that person,
and thus, for purposes of food and clothing, receive payment for
my prayers, and not for the mass. Nor let it shake thee in
this view, though the whole world is of the contrary opinion
and practice. Thou hast the most certain authority of the
gospel, and relying on this, thou mayest easily contemn the
ideas and opinions of men. If however, in despite of what I
say, thou wilt persist in offering the mass, and not thy prayers
only, then know that I have faithfully warned thee, and that I

N

180 LUTHER'S PRIMARY WORKS

sliall stand clear in the day of judgment, whilst thou wilt bear
thine own sin. I have said what I was bound to say to thee, as
a brother to a brother, for thy salvation ; it will be to thy
profit if thou take heed to my words, to thy hurt if thou neglect
them. And if there are some who will condemn these statements
of mine, I reply in the words of Paul : " Evil men and seducers
shall wax worse and worse, deceiving, and being deceived."
(2 Tim. iii. 13.)

Hence any one may easily understand that often-quoted
passage from Gregory, in which he says that a mass celebrated
by a bad priest is not to be considered of less value than one
by a good priest, and that one celebrated by St. Peter would
not have been better than one celebrated by the traitor Judas,
Under cover of this saying some try to shelter their own
impiety, and have drawn 'a distinction between the opus
operatum and the opus operans ; that they might continue
secure in their evil living, and yet pretend to be benefactors
to others. Gregory indeed speaks the truth, but these men
pervert his meaning. It is most true that the testament and
sacrament are not less effectively given and received at the
hands of wicked priests than at tho;:;o of the most holy.
Who doubts that the gospel may be preached by wicked
men ? Now the mass is a part of the gospel ; nay, the very
sum and compendium of the gospel. For what is the whole
gospel but the good news of the remission of sins ? Now
all that can be said in the most ample and copious words
concerning the remission of sins and the mercy of God, is all
briefly comprehended in the word of the testament. Hence
also sermon3 to the people ought to be nothing else but
expositions of the mass, that is, the setting forth of the divine
promise of this testament. This would be to teach faith, and
truly to edify the Church. But those who now expound the
mass make a sport and mockery of the subject by figures of
speech derived from human ceremonies.

As therefore a wicked man can baptize, that is, can apply the
word of promise and the sign of water to the person baptized,
so can he also apply and minister the promise of this sacra-
ment to those who partake of it, and partake himself with
them, as the traitor Judas did in the supper of the Lord.
Still the sacrament and testament remains always the same ; it

THE BABYLONISH CAPTIVITY 181

performs in the believer its own proper work, in the unbeliever
it perlorins a work~foreign to itself. But in the matter of
oblatJionsTihe case is quite different ; for since it is not the mass
but prayers which are offered to God, it is evident that the
oblations of a wicked priest are of no value. As Gregory
himself says, when we employ an unworthy person as an
advocate, the mind of the judge is prejudiced against us. We
must not therefore confound these two things, the mass and
prayer,~sacrament and work, testament and sacrifice. The
one comes from God to us through the ministry of the priest,
and requires faith on our part ; the other goes forth from our
faith to God through the priest, and requires that He should
hear us ; the one comes down, the other goes upwards. The
one therefore does not necessarily require that the minister
should be worthy and pious, but the other does require it,
because God does not hear sinners. He knows how to do us
good by means of wicked men, but He does not accept the
works of any wicked man, as He showed in the case of Cain.
It is written : " The sacrifice of the wicked is an abomination
to the Lord." (Prov. xv. 8) ; and again : " Whatsoever is not of
faith is sin." (Eom. xiv. 23.)

We shall now make an end of this first part of the subject,
but I am ready to produce further arguments when any one
comes forward to attack these. From all that has been said
we see for whom the mass was intended, and who are worthy
partakers of it ; namely, those alone who have sad, afflicted,
disturbed, confused, and erring consciences. For since the
word of the divine promise in this sacrament holds forth to us
remission of sins, any man may safely draw near to it who is
harassed either by remorse for sin, or by temptation to sin.
This testament of Christ is the one medicine for past, present,
and future sins ; provided thou cleavest to it with unhesitating
faith, and believest that that which is signified by the words of
the testament is freely given to thee. If thou dost not so
believe, then nowhere, never, by no works, by no efforts, wilt
thou be able to appease thy conscience. For faith is the
sole peace of conscience, and unbelief the sole disturber of
conscience.

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182 LUTHER'S PRIMARY WORKS

CONCEBNING THE SACEAMENT OF BAPTISM

Blessed be the God and Father of our Lord Jesus Christ,
who according to the riches of His mercy has at least
preserved this one sacrament in His Church uninjured and
uncontaminated by the devices of men, and has made it free to
all nations and to men of every class. He has not suffered it
to be overwhelmed with the foul and impious monstrosities of
avarice and superstition ; doubtless having this purpose, that
He would have little children, incapable of avarice and super-
stition, to be initiated into this sacrament, and to be sanctified
by perfectly simple faith in His word. To such, even at the
present day, baptism is of the highest advantage. ( If this
sacrament had been intended to be given to adults and those
of full age, it seems as if it could have hardly preserved its
efficacy and its glory, in the presence of that tyranny of avarice
and superstition which has supplanted all divine ordinances
among us. In this case too, no doubt, fleshly wisdom would
have invented its preparations, its worthinesses, its reserva-
tions, its restrictions, and other like nets for catching money ;
so that the water of baptism would be sold no cheaper than
parchments are now.

Yet, though Satan has not been able to extinguish the
virtue of baptism in the case of little children, still he has had
power to extinguish it in all adults ; so that there is scarcely
any one nowadays who remembers that he has been baptized,
much less glories in it ; so many other ways having been found
of obtaining remission of sins and going to heaven. Occasion
has been afforded to these opinions by that perilous saying of
St. Jerome, either misstated or misunderstood, in which he
calls penitence the second plank of safety after shipwreck ; as if
baptism were not penitence. Hence, when men have fallen
into sin, they despair of the first plank, or the ship, as being no
longer of any use, and begin to trust and depend only on the
second plank, that is, on penitence. Thence have sprung those

THE BABYLONISH CAPTIVITY 183

infinite loads of vows, religious dedications, works, satisfactions,
pilgrimages, indulgences, and systems ; and from them those
oceans of books and of human questionings, opinions, and tradi-
tions, which the whole world nowadays cannot contain. Thus
this tyranny possesses the Church of God in an incomparably
worse form than it ever possessed the synagogue, or any nation
under heaven.

It was the duty of Bishops to remove all these abuses, and
to make every effort to recall Christians to the simplicity of
baptism ; that so they might understand their own position,
and what as Christians they ought to do. But the one busi- --,
ness of Bishops at the present day is to lead the people as
far as possible away from baptism and to plunge them all
under the deluge of their own tyranny ; and thus, as the
prophet says, to make the people of Christ forget Him for
ever. Oh wretched men who are called by the name of
Bishops ! they not only do nothing and know nothing which
Bishops ought, but they are even ignorant what they ought to
know and do. They fulfil the words of Isaiah : " His watch-
men are blind ; they are all ignorant ; they are shepherds that
cannot understand ; they all look to their own way, every one
for his gain, from his quarter." (Is. lvi. 10, 11.)

The first thing then we have to notice in baptism is the j \
divine promise, which says : He who believes and is baptized I J
shall be saved. This promise is to be infinitely preferred to:
the whole display of works, vows, religious orders, and what-
ever has been introduced by the invention of man. ( On this J
promise depends our whole salvation, and we must take heed
to exercise faith in it, not doubting at all that we are saved,
since we have been baptized. Unless this faith exists and is
applied, baptism profits us nothing ; nay, it is hurtful to us, not
only at the time when it is received, but in the whole course of
our after life. For unbelief of this kind charges the divine pro-
mise with falsehood ; and to do this is the greatest of all sins.
If we attempt this exercise of faith, we shall soon see how difficult
a thing it is to believe this divine promise. For human weak-
ness, conscious of its own sinfulness, finds it the most difficult
thing in the world to believe that it is saved, or can be saved ;
and yet, unless it believes this, it cannot be saved, because it
does not believe the divine truth which promises salvation.

184 LUTHER'S PRIMARY WORKS

This doctrine ought to have been studiously inculcated upon
the people by preaching; this promise ought to have been
perpetually reiterated ; men ought to have been constantly
; reminded of their baptism ; faith ought to have been called
' forth and nourished. When this divine promise has been once
conferred upon us, its truth continues even to the hour of our
death ; and thus our faith in it ought never to be relaxed, but
ought to be nourished and strengthened even till we die, by a
- perpetual recollection of the promise made to us in baptism.
Thus, when we rise out of our sins and exercise penitence,
we are simply reverting to the efficacy of baptism and to
faith in it, whence we had fallen ; and we return to the pro-
mise then made to us, but which we had abandoned through
our sin. "For the truth of the promise once made always
abides, and is ready to stretch out the hand and receive us
when we return. This, unless I mistake, is the meaning of
, that obscure saying, that baptism is the first of sacraments
and the foundation of them all, without which we can possess
none of the others.

Thus it will be of no little profit to a penitent, first of
all to recall to mind his own baptism, and to remember with
confidence that divine promise which he had deserted ; rejoic-
m l,ing (that he is still in a fortress of safety, in that he has been
baptized \ and detesting his own wicked ingratitude in having
fallen away from the faith and truth of baptism. His heart
will be marvellously comforted, and encouraged to hope for
mercy, if he fixes his eyes upon that divine promise once
made to him, which could not lie, and which still continues
entire, unchanged, and unchangeable by any sins of his; as
Paul says : " If we believe not, yet He abideth faithful ; He
cannot deny Himself." (2 Tim. ii. 13.) This truth of God
will preserve him ; and even if all other hopes perish, this, if
he believes it, will not fail him. Through this truth ho will
have something to oppose to the insolent adversary ; he will
have a barrier to throw in the way of the sins which disturb
his conscience ; he will have an answer to the dread of death
and judgment ; finally, he will have a consolation under every
kind of temptation, in being able to say : God is faithful to
His promise ; and in baptism I received the sign of that
promise. If God is for me, who can be against me ?

THE BABYLONISH CAPTIVITY 185

If the children of Israel, when returning to God in repent-
ance, first of all called to mind their exodus from Egypt, and
in remembrance of this turned back to God, who had brought
them out — a remembrance which is so often inculcated on
them by Moses, and referred to by David — how much more
ought we to remember our exodus from Egypt, and in remem-
brance of it to return to Him who brought us out through the
washing of the new birth. Now this we can do most advan-
tageously of all in the sacrament of the bread and wine. So
of old these three sacraments, penitence, baptism, and the
bread, were often combined in the same act of worship ; and
the one added strength to the other. Thus we read of a
certain holy virgin who, whenever she was tempted, relied on
her baptism only for defence, saying, in the briefest words : " I
j am a Christian." The enemy forthwith felt the efficacy of
baptism, and of the faith which depended on the truth of a
promising God, and fled from her.

We see then how rich a Christian, or baptized man, is ; \\
since, even if he would, he cannot lose his salvation by any I
sins however great, unless he refuses to believe ; for no sins
whatever can condemn him, but unbelief alone.. All other
sins, if faith in the divine promise made to the baptized man
stands firm or is restored, are swallowed up in a moment
through that same faith ; yea, through the truth of God,
because He cannot deny Himself, if thou confess Him, and
cleave believingly to His promise. "Whereas contrition, and
confession of sins, and satisfaction for sins, and every effort
that can be devised by men, will desert thee at thy need, and
will make thee more miserable than ever, if thou forgettest
this divine truth and puffest thyself up with such things as
these. For whatever work is wrought apart from faith in the
truth of God is vanity and vexation of spirit.

We also see how perilous and false an idea it is that
penitence is a second plank of refuge after shipwreck ; and
how pernicious an error it is to suppose that the virtue of
baptism has been brought to an end by sin, and that this ship
has been dashed to pieces. That ship remains one, solid, and
indestructible, and can never be broken up into different
planks. In it all are conveyed who are carried to the port of
salvation, since it is the truth of God giving promises in the

186 LUTHER'S PRIMARY WORKS

sacraments. What certainly does happen is that many rashly
leap out of the ship into the sea and perish ; these are they who
abandon faith in the promise and rush headlong into sin. But
the ship itself abides, and passes on safely in its course ; and
any man who, by the grace of God, returns to the ship, will be
borne on to life, not on a plank, but on the solid ship itself.
Such a man is he who returns by faith to the fixed and
abiding promise of God. Thus Peter charges those who sin
with having forgotten that they were purged from their old
sins (2 Peter i. 9) ; doubtless meaning to reprove their
ingratitude for the baptism they had received, and the impiety
of their unbelief.

What profit then is there in writing so much about baptism,
and yet not teaching faith in the promise ? All the sacraments
were instituted for the purpose of nourishing faith, and yet so
far are they from attaining this object, that men are even
found impious enough to assert that a man ought not to be sure
of the remission of sins, or of the grace of the sacraments. By
this impious doctrine they deprive the whole world of its
senses, and utterly extinguish, or at least bring into bondage
that sacrament of baptism, in which the first glory of our
conscience stands. Meanwhile they senselessly persecute
wretched souls with their contritions, their anxious confes-
sions, their circumstances, satisfactions, works, and an infinity
of such trifles. Let us then read with caution, or rather despise
the Master of Sentences (Book iv.) with all his followers ; who,
when they write their best, write only about the matter and
form of the sacraments, and so handle only the dead and
perishing letter of those sacraments, while they do not even
touch upon their spirit, life, and use ; that is, the truth of the
divine promise, and faith on our part.

See then that thou be not deceived by the display of works,
and by the fallacies of human traditions, and so wrong the
^_ truth of God and thy own faith. If thou wilt be saved, thou
must begin by faith in the sacraments, without any works.
Thy faith will be followed by these very works, but thou must
not hold faith cheap, for it is itself the most excellent and
most difficult of all works, and by it alone thou wilt be saved,
even if thou wert compelled to be destitute of all other works.
For it is a work of God, not of man, as Paul teaches. All

THE BABYLONISH CAPTIVITY 187

other works He performs with us, and hy us ; this one work
He performs in us and without us.

From what has been said we may clearly distinguish the
difference between man the minister and God the Author of
baptism. Man baptizes and does not baptize ; he baptizes,
because he performs the work of dipping the baptized person ;
he does not baptize, because in this work he does not act upon
his own authority, but in the place of God. Hence we ought
to receive baptism from the hand of man just as if Christ
Himself, nay, God Himself, were baptizing us with His own
hands. For it is not a man's baptism, but that of Christ and
God ; though we receive it by the hand of a man. Even so
any other creature which we enjoy through the hand of
another is really only God's. Beware then of making any
such distinction in baptism, as to attribute the outward rite to
man, and the inward blessing to God. Attribute both of them
to God alone, and consider the person of him who confers
baptism in no other light than as the vicarious instrument
of God, by means of which the Lord sitting in heaven dips
thee in the water with His own hands, and promises thee
remission of sins upon earth, speaking to thee with the voice
of a man through the mouth of His minister.

The very words of the minister tell thee this, when he
says : " I baptize thee in the name of the Father, and of the
Son, and of the Holy Spirit. Amen." He does not say :
" I baptize thee in my name ; " but says, as it were : " "What
I do, I do not by my own authority, but in the place and in
the name of God; and thou must look upon it as if the Lord
Himself did it in visible shape. The Author and the minister
are different, but the work of both is the same ; nay, rather it
is that of the Author alone through my ministry." In my
judgment the expression, " In the name," relates to the person
of the Author, so that not only is the name of the Lord
brought forward and invoked in the doing of the work, but
the work itself is performed, as being that of another, in the
name and in the place of another. By the like figure Christ
says: "Many shall come in my name." (Matt. xxiv. 5.)
And again : " By whom we have received grace and apostle-
ship, for obedience to the faith among all nations, for his
name." (Eom. i. 5.)

188 LUTHEE'S PRIMARY WORKS

I most gladly adopt this view ; because it is a thing most
full of consolation, and an effective aid to faith, to know that
we have been baptized, not by a man, but by the very Trinity
Itself through a man, who acts towards us in Its name. This
brings to an end that idle contention which is carried on about
the " form " of baptism — as they call the words themselves—
the Greeks saying : " Let the servant of Christ be baptized ; "
the Latins : " I baptize." Others also, in their pedantic trifling,
condemn the use of the expression : " I baptize thee in the
name of Jesus Christ " — though it is certain that the Apostles
baptized in this form, as we read in the Acts of the Apostles —
and will have it that no other form is valid than the follow-
ing : " I baptize thee in the name of the Father, and of the
Son, and of the Holy Spirit. Amen." But they strive in
vain ; they prove nothing ; they only bring forward their own
dreams. In whatever manner baptism is administered, pro-
vided it is administered, not in the name of a man, but in the
name of the Lord, it truly saves us. Nay, I have no doubt
that if a man received baptism in the name of the Lord, even
from a wicked minister who did not give it in the name of the
Lord, he would still be truly baptized in the name of the
Lord. For the efficacy of baptism depends not so much on the
faith of him who confers it, as of him who receives it. Thus we
read an instance of a certain player who was baptized in jest.
These and similar narrow questions and disputes have been
raised for us by those who attribute nothing to faith, and
everything to works and ceremonies. On the contrary, we
owe nothing to ceremonies, and everything to faith alone,
which makes us free in spirit from all these scruples and
fancies.

, Another thing which belongs to baptism is the sign or
sacrament, which is that dipping into water whence it takes its

) name. For in Greek to baptize signifies to dip, and baptism
is a dipping. We have said already that, side by side with the
divine promises, signs also are given us, to represent by a
figure the meaning of the words of the promise ; or, as the
moderns say, the sacrament has an effectual significance.
"What that significance is we shall see. Very many have
thought that in the word and the water there is some occult
spiritual virtue, which works the grace of God in the soul of

TH'J BABYLONISH CAPTIVITY 189

the recipient. Others deny this, and declare that there is no
virtue in the sacraments, but that grace is given by God alone,
who, according to His covenant, is present at the sacraments
instituted by Himself. All however agree in this, that the
sacraments are effectual signs of grace. They are led to this
conclusion by this one argument, that it does not otherwise
appear what pre-eminence the sacraments of the new law would
have over those of the old, if they were only signs. Hence
they have been driven to attribute such efficacy to the
sacraments of the new law, that they have stated them to be
profitable even to those who are in mortal sin ; and have
declared that neither faith nor grace are requisite, but that it
is sufficient that we do not place any impediment in the way,
that is, any actual purpose of sinning afresh.

We must carefully avoid and fly from these doctrines, for
7 they are impious and unbelieving, repugnant to faith and to
the nature of the sacraments. It is a mistake to suppose that
the sacraments of the new law differ from the sacraments of
the old law as regards the efficacy of their significance. Both
are on an equality in their significance ; for the same God who
now saves us by baptism and the bread, saved Abel by his
sacrifice, Noah by the Ark, Abraham by circumcision, and all
the other Patriarchs by their own proper signs. There is no
difference then between a sacrament of the old and of the new
law, as regards their significance ; provided we understand by
the old law all the dealings of God with the Patriarchs and other
Fathers in the time of the law. For those signs which were
given to the Patriarchs and Fathers are completely distinct
from the legal figures which Moses instituted in his law ; such
as the rites of the priesthood, in relation to vestments, vessels,
food, houses, and the like. These are as different as possible,
not only from the sacraments of the new law, but also from
those signs which God gave from time to time to the Fathers
who lived under the law ; such as that given to Gideon in the
fleece, to Manoah in his sacrifice ; such also as that which
Isaiah offered to Ahaz. In all these cases alike, some promise
was given which required faith in God.

In this then the figures of the law differ from signs new or
old, that the figures of the law have no word of promise
annexed to them, requiring faith, and therefore are not signs

190 LUTHER'S PRIMARY WOBXS

of justification, inasmuch as they are not sacraments of faith,
which alone justify, but only sacraments of works. Their

L whole force and nature lay in works, not in faith ; for he who
did them fulfilled them, even if his work was without faith.
Now our signs or sacraments and those of the Fathers have
annexed to them a word of promise, which requires faith, and
can be fulfilled by no other work. Thus they are signs or
sacraments of justification, because they are sacraments of
justifying faith and not of works ; so that their whole efficacy
lies in faith itself, not in working. He who believes them
fulfils them, even though he do no work. Hence the saying :
\lt is not the sacrament, but faith in the sacrament which
Justifies. Thus circumcision did not justify Abraham and his
seed ; and yet the Apostle calls it a seal of the righteousness of
faith, because faith in that promise with which circumcision
was connected did justify, and fulfilled the meaning of circum-
cision. Faith was that circumcision of the heart in spirit,
which was figured by the circumcision of the flesh in the letter.
Thus it was evidently not the sacrifice of Abel which justified
him, but the faith by which he offered himself entirely to God ;
of which faith the outward sacrifice was a figure.

Thus it is not baptism which justifies any man, or is of any

j advantage; but faith in that word of promise to which
baptism is added ; for this justifies, and fulfils the meaning of
baptism. For faith is the submerging of the old man, and the
: emerging of the new man. Hence it cannot be that the new
\ sacraments differ from the ancient sacraments, for they both
alike have divine promises and the same spirit of faith ; but
they differ incomparably from the ancient figures, on account

— of the word of promise, which is the sole and most effective
means of difference. Thus at the present day the pomp of
vestments, localities, meats, and an infinite variety of cere-
monies, doubtless figure excellent works to be fulfilled in the
spirit ; and yet, since no word of divine promise is connected
with them, they can in no way be compared with the signs
of baptism and the bread. Nor can they justify men nor
profit them in any way, since their fulfilment lies in the
very practice or performance of them without faith ; for
when they are done or performed, they are fulfilled. Thus
the Apostle speaks of those things, " which all are to perish

\

THE BABYLONISH CAPTIVITY 191

with the using ; after the commandments and doctrines of
men." (Col, ii. 22.) Now the sacraments are not fulfilled by
being done, but by being believed.

Thus it cannot be true that there is inherent in the Sacra- *
ments a power effectual to produce justification, or that they are
efficacious signs of grace. These things are said in ignorance of
the divine promise and to the great detriment of faith ; unless
indeed we call them efficacious in this sense, that, if along with
them there be unhesitating faith, they do confer grace most
certainly and most effectually. But that it is not this kind of
efficacy which those writers attribute to them is evident from
this, that they assert them to be profitable to all men, even
the wicked and unbelieving, provided they put no obstacle in
the way ; as if unbelief itself were not the most persistent of
all obstacles, and the most hostile to grace. Thus they have
endeavoured to make out of the sacrament a precept, and out
of faith a work. For if a sacrament confers grace on me,
merely because I receive it, then it is certainly by my own
work and not by faith that I obtain grace ; nor do I apprehend
any promise in the sacrament, but only a sign instituted and
commanded by Gk>d. It is evident from this how utterly
the sacraments are misunderstood by these theologians of
the Sentences, inasmuch as they make no account either of
faith or of the promise in the sacraments, but cleave only
to the sign and the use of the sign, and carry us away from
faith to works, from the word to the sign. Thus, as I
have said, they have not only brought the sacraments into
bondage, but, as far as in them lay, have entirely done away
with them.

Let us then open our eyes, and learn to look more to the
word than the sign, more to faith than to the work or use of
the sign ; and let us understand that wherever there is a
divine promise, there faith is required ; and that both of these
are so necessary that neither can be of any effect without the
other. We can neither believe unless we have a promise, nor is
the promise effectual unless it is believed ; while if these two
act reciprocally, they produce a real and sure efficacy in the
sacraments. Hence to seek efficacy in the sacrament inde-
pendently of the promise and of faith is to strive in vain
and to fall into condemnation. Thus Christ says : " He that

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192 LUTHER'S PRIMARY WORKS

believeth and is baptized shall be saved, but he that believeth
not shall be damned." (Mark xvi. 16.) Thus He shows that
in the sacrament faith is so necessary that it can save us
even without the sacrament ; and on this account when He
says : " He that believeth not," He does not add : " and is not
baptized."

Baptism then signifies two things, death and resurrection ;
that is, full and complete justification. When the minister
dips the child into the water, this signifies death ; when he
draws him out again, this signifies life. Thus Paul explains
the matter : " Therefore we are buried with him by baptism
into death; that like as Christ was raised up from the dead by
the glory of the Father, even so we also should walk in
newness of life." (Rom. vi. 4.) This death and resurrection we
call a new creation, a regeneration, and a spiritual birth ; and
these words are not only to be understood allegorically, as
they are by many, of the death of sin and the life of grace,
but of a real death and resurrection. For baptism has no
fictitious meaning, nor does sin die or grace rise fully within
us, until the body of sin which we bear in this life is destroyed ;
for, as the Apostle says, as long as we are in the flesh, the
desires of the flesh work in us and are worked upon. Hence
when we begin to believe, we begin at the same time to die to this
world, and to live to God in a future life ; so that faith is truly
a death and resurrection ; that is, that spiritual baptism in
which we are submerged and emerge.

"When then the washing away of sins is attributed to
baptism, it is rightly so attributed ; but the meaning of the
phrase is too slight and weak to fully express baptism, which
is rather a symbol of death and resurrection. For this reason
I could wish that the baptized should be totally immersed,
according to the meaning of the word and the signification of
the mystery ; not that I think it necessary to do so, but that
it would be well that so complete and perfect a thing as
baptism should have its sign also in completeness and perfec-
tion, even as it was doubtless instituted by Christ. For a
sinner needs not so much to be washed as to die, that he may
be altogether renewed into another creature, and that there
may thus be a correspondence in him to the death and resur-
rection of Christ along with whom he dies and rises again in

THE BABYLONISH CAPTIVITY 193

baptism. For though we may say that Christ was washed
from His mortality when Pie died and rose again, yet it is a
weaker expression than if we said that He was totally changed
and renewed ; and so there is more intensity in saying that
death and resurrection to eternal life are signified to us by
baptism, than that we are washed from sin.

Here again we see that the sacrament of baptism, even in .
respect to the sign, is not the mere business of a moment, but ]
has a lasting character. For though the transaction itself
passes quickly, the thing signified by it lasts even until death,
yea, till the resurrection at the last day. For as long as we
live we are always doing that which is signified by baptism ;
that is, we are dying and rising again. We are dying, I say,
not only in our affections and spiritually, by renouncing the
sins and vanities of the world, but in very deed we are
beginning to leave this bodily life and to apprehend the future
life, so that there is a real (as they call it) and also a bodily
passing out of this world to the Father.

We must therefore keep clear of the error of those who
have reduced the effect of baptism to such small and slender
dimensions that, while they say that grace is infused by it,
they assert that this grace is afterwards, so to speak, effused by
sin ; and that we must then go to heaven by some other way,
as if baptism had now became absolutely useless. Do not thou
judge thus, but understand that the significance of baptism
is such that thou mayest live and die in it ; and that neither
by penitence nor by any other way canst thou do aught but
• return to the effect of baptism, and do afresh what thou wert
baptized in order to do, and what thy baptism signified.
-_ . Baptism never loses its effect, unless in desperation thou refuse
to return to salvation. Thou mayst wander away for a time
from the sign, but the sign does not on that account lose its
effect. Thus thou hast been baptized once for all sacramentally,
but thou needest continually to be baptized by faith, and must
continually die and continually live. Baptism hath swallowed
up thy whole body and given it forth again ; and so the
substance of baptism ought to swallow up thy whole life, in
body and in soul, and to give it back in the last day, clothed
in the robe of brightness and immortality. Thus we are
never without the sign as well as the substance of baptism ;

194 LUTHEE'S PRIMARY WORKS

nay, we ought to be continually baptized more and more,
until we fulfil the wliole meaning of the sign at the last
day.

We see then that whatever we do in this life tending to
»*-~i jthe mortifying of the flesh and the vivifying of the spirit is
connected with baptism ; and that the sooner we are set free
^ I from this life, the more speedily we fulfil the meaning of our
baptism ; and the greater the sufferings we endure, the more
happily do we answer the purpose of baptism. The Church
was at its happiest in those days when martyrs were daily
put to death and counted as sheep for the slaughter ; for
then the virtue of baptism reigned in the Church with full
power, though now we have quite lost sight of it for the
multitude of human works and doctrine. The whole life which
we live ought to be a baptism, and to fulfil the sign or
sacrament of baptism ; since we have been set free from all
other things and given up to baptism alone, that is, to death
and resurrection.

To whom can we assign the blame that this glorious liberty
of ours and this knowledge of baptism are nowadays in bondage,
except only to the tyranny of the Koman Pontiff? He most of
all men, as becomes a chief shepherd, ought to have been the
preacher and the asserter of this liberty and this knowledge ;
as Paul says : " Let a man so account of us, as of the ministers
of Christ, and stewards of the mysteries of God." (1 Cor. iv. 1.)
But his sole object is to oppress us by his decrees and laws,
and to ensnare us into bondage to his tyrannical power. Not
to speak of the impious and damnable way in which the Pope
fails to teach these mysteries, by what right, I ask, has he
established laws over us? Who has given him authority to
bring into bondage this liberty of ours, given us by baptism ? /
One purpose, as I have said, we ought to carry out in our
whole lives, namely, to be baptized, that is, to be mortified,
and to live by faith in Christ. This faith alone ought to liave
been taught, above all by the chief shepherd. But now not a
word is said about faith, but the Church is crushed by an
infinite number of laws concerning works and ceremonies ; the
virtue and knowledge of baptism are taken away ; the faith of
Christ is hindered.

I say then, neither Pope, nor bishop, nor any man what-

THE BABYLONISH CAPTIVITY 195

'ever has the right of making one syllable binding on a /
Christian man, unless it is done with his own consent. What
ever is done otherwise is done in a spirit of tyranny ; and thus
the prayers, fastings, almsgiving, and whatever else the Pope
ordains and requires in the whole body of his decrees, which
are as many as they are iniquitous, he has absolutely no right
to require and ordain ; and he sins against the liberty of the
Church as often as he attempts anything of the kind. Hence
it has come to pass that while the churchmen of the present
day are strenuous defenders of church liberty, that is, of wood,
stone, fields, and money (for in this day things ecclesiastical
are synonymous with things spiritual), they yet, by their false
teaching, not only bring into bondage the true liberty of the
Church, but utterly destroy it ; yea, more than the Turk
himself could ; contrary to the mind of the Apostle, who says :
" Be not ye the servants of men." (1 Cor. vii. 23.) "We are
indeed made servants of men, when we are subjected to their
tyrannical ordinances and laws.

This wicked and flagitious tyranny is aided by the disciples
of the Pope, who distort and pervert to this end the saying of
Christ : " He who heareth you heareth me." They swell out
these words into a support for their own traditions; whereas
this saying was addressed by Christ to the Apostles when they
were going forth to preach the gospel, and therefore ought to
be understood as referring to the gospel alone. These men,
however, leave the gospel out of sight, and make this saying
fit in with their own inventions. Christ says : " My sheep
hear my voice, but they know not the voice of strangers."
For this cause the gospel was bequeathed to us, that the
pontiffs might utter the voice of Christ ; but they utter their
own voice, and are determined to be heard. The Apostle also
says of himself that he was not sent to baptize, but to preach
the gospel ; and thus no man is bound to receive the traditions
of the pontiff, or to listen to him, except when he teaches the
gospel and Christ ; and he himself ought to teach nothing but
the freest faith. Since, however, Christ says : " he who hears
you hears me," why does not the Pope also hear others ? Christ
did not say to Peter alone : " he who hears thee." Lastly,
where there is true 4aith, there must also of necessity be the
word of faith. Why then does not the unbelieving Pope listen

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— to his believing servant who has the word of faith ? Blindness,
blindness reigns among the pontiffs.

Others however, far more shamelessly, arrogate to the Pope
the power of making laws ; arguing from the words : " Whatso-
ever thou shalt bind on earth shall be bound in heaven ; and
whatsoever thou shalt loose on earth shall be loosed in heaven."
(Matt. xvi. 19.) Christ is speaking there of the binding and
loosing of sins, not of bringing the whole Church into bondage
! and making laws to oppress it. Thus the papal tyranny acts
in all things on its own false maxims ; while it forcibly wrests
and perverts the words of God. | I admit indeed that Christians
must endure this accursed tyranny, as they would any other
violence inflicted on them by the world, according to the
saying of Christ : " Whosoever shall smite thee on thy right
cheek, turn to him the other also." (Matt. v. 39.) But I
'complain of this, that wicked pontiffs boast that they have a
rightful power to act thus, and pretend that in this Babylon
of theirs they are providing for the interests of Christendom ;
an idea which they have persuaded all men to adopt. If they
did these things in conscious and avowed impiety and tyranny,
or if it were simple violence that we endured, we might mean-
while quietly reckon up the advantages thus afforded us for the
mortification of this life and the fulfilment of baptism, and
should retain the full right of glorying in conscience at the
wrong done us. As it is, they desire so to ensnare our con-
sciences in the matter of liberty that we should believe all that
they do to be well done, and should think it unlawful to blame

A or complain of their iniquitous actions. Being wolves, they
v wish to appear shepherds ; being antichrists, they wish to be
honoured like Christ.

^ i I cry aloud on behalf of liberty and conscience, and I
/ proclaim with confidence that no kind of law can with any
[ justice be imposed on Christians, whether by men or by
I angels, except so far as they themselves will ; for we are free
from all. If such laws are imposed on us, we ought so to
endure them as still to preserve the consciousness of our
liberty. We ought to know and stedfastly to protest that a
wrong is being done to that liberty, though we may bear and
even glory in that wrong ; taking care neither to justify the
tyrant nor to murmur against the tyranny. " Who is he that

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THE BABYLONISH CAPTIVITY 197

will barm you, if ye be followers of tbat wbicb is good ? "
(1 Peter iii. 13.) All tbings work together for good to the
elect of God. Since, bowever, tbere are but few wbo under-
stand tbe glory of baptism and tbe bappiness of Christian
liberty, or wbo can understand tbem for tbe tyranny of tbe
Pope — I for my part will set free my own mind and deliver
my conscience, by declaring aloud to^Jjbe Pope and to all
papists, tbat, unless they shall throw a»de all their laws and
traditions, and restore liberty to the cjjurches of Christ, and
cause that liberty to be taught, they aBguilty of the death of
all the souls which are perishing in thMwretched bondage, and
that the papacy is in truth nothing Be than the kingdom of
Babylon and of very Antichrist. FJB who is tbe man of sin
and tbe son of perdition, but be whofpy his teaching and bis
ordinances increases tbe sin and perdition of souls in the
Church ; while he yet sits in tbe Church as if he were God ?
All these conditions have now for many ages been fulfilled by
tbe papal tyranny. It has extinguished faith, darkened the
sacraments, crushed the gospel ; while it has enjoined and
multiplied without end its own laws, which are not only wicked
and sacrilegious, but also most unlearned and barbarous.

Behold then the wretchedness of our bondage. " How doth
the city sit solitary, tbat was full of people ! How is she
become as a widow ! She that was great among the nations,,
and princess among the provinces, how is she become tributary !
Among all her lovers she bath none to comfort her ; all her
friends have dealt treacherously with her." (Lam. i. 1, 2.)
Tbere are at this day so many ordinances, so many rites, so
many parties, so many professions, so many works to occupy
the minds of Christians, tbat they forget their baptism. For
this multitude of locusts, caterpillars, and cankerworms, no man
is able to remember tbat be was baptized, or what it was that
he obtained in baptism. We ought to have been like babes
when they are baptized, wbo, being preoccupied by no zeal
and by no works, are free for all tbings, at rest and safe in tbe
glory of their baptism alone. We also ourselves are babes in
Christ, unremittingly baptized.

In opposition to what I have said, an argument will perhaps
be drawn from tbe baptism of infants, who cannot receive the
promise of God, or have faith in their baptism; and it will be

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198 LUTHER'S PRIMARY WORKS

said that therefore either faith is not requisite, or infants are
baptized in vain. To this I reply, what all men say, that '
infants are aided by the faith of others, namely, that of those
who bring them to baptism. For as the word of God, when it
is preached, is powerful enough to change the heart of a
wicked man, which is not less devoid of sense and feeling than
any infant, so through the prayers of the Church which brings
the child in faith, to which prayers all things are possible, the
infant is changed, cleansed, and renewed by faith infused into
it. Nor should I doubt that even a wicked adult, if the Church
were to bring him forward and pray for him, might undergo
a change in any of the sacraments ; just as we read in the
gospel that the paralytic man was healed by the faith of others.
In this sense too I should readily admit that the sacraments
of the new law are effectual for the bestowal of grace, not
only on those who do not place any obstacle in the way, but
on the most obstinate of those who do. What difficulty cannot
the faith of the Church and the prayer of faith remove, when
Stephen is believed to have converted the Aj>ostle Paul by this
power ? But in these cases the sacraments do what they do,
not by their own virtue, but by that of faith ; without which,
as I have said, they have no effect at all.

A question has been raised whether a child yet unborn, but
of which only a hand or a foot appears, can be baptized. On
this point I would give no hasty judgment, and I confess my
own ignorance. Nor do I know whether the reason on which
they base their opinion is sufficient, namely, that the whole soul
exists in every part of the body ; for it is not the soul, but the
body, which is outwardly baptized. On the other hand, I
cannot pronounce that, as some assert, he who has not yet
been born, cannot be born again ; though it is a very strong
argument. I leave this question to the decision of the Spirit,
and meanwhile would have every man to be fully persuaded
in his own mind.

I will add one thing, of which I wish I could persuade every
one ; that is, that all vows, whether those of religious orders,
or of pilgrimages, or of works of any kind, should be entirely
done away with, or at least avoided, and that we should remain
in the liberty of baptism, full as it is of religious observances
and of good works. It is impossible to express to what an

THE BABYLONISH CAPTIVITY 199

extent this far too much extolled belief in vows detracts from
baptism, and obscures the knowledge of Christian liberty ; not
to mention the unspeakable and infinite danger to souls which
is daily increased by this immoderate passion for vows, and
thoughtless rashness in making them. Oh ye most wicked
Bishops and most unhappy pastors, who slumber at your
ease and disport yourselves with your own desires, while
ye have no pity for the grievous and perilous affliction of
Joseph !

It would be well either to do away by a general edict with
all vows, especially those which are perpetual, and to recall all
men to their baptismal vows, or at least to admonish all to
take no vow rashly ; and not only to invite no vows, but to
place delays and difficulties in the way of their being taken.
We make an ample vow at baptism, a greater _one than we can
fulfil ; ancL we shall have enough to do if we give all our
efforts to this alone. But now we compass sea and land to
make many proselytes ; we fill the world with priests, monks,
and nuns ; and we imprison all these in perpetual vows. We
shall find those who will argue on this point, and lay it down
that works performed under the sanction of a vow are better
than those performed independently of vows, and will be
preferred in heaven and meet with far higher reward. Blind
and impious Pharisees ! who measure righteousness and holi-
ness by the greatness and number of works, or by some
other quality in them ; while in God's sight they are
measured by faith alone ; since in His sight there is no
difference between works, except so far as there is a difference
in faith.

By this inflated talk wicked men create a great opinion
of their own inventions, and puff up human works, in
order to allure the senseless multitude, who are easily led
by a specious show of works ; to the great ruin of faith,
forgetfulness of baptism, and injury to Christian liberty. As /
a vow is a sort of law and requires a work, it follows that, as
vows are multiplied, so laws and works are multiplied ; and by (
the multiplication of these, faith is extinguished, and the liberty J
of baptism is brought into bondage. Not content with these im-
pious allurements, others go further, and assert that entrance into i
a religious order is like a new baptism, which may be successively /

200 LUTHER'S PRIMARY WORKS

renewed, as often as the purpose of a religious life is renewed.
Thus these devotees attribute to themselves alone righteous-
ness, salvation, and glory, and leave to the baptized absolutely
no room for comparison with them. The Eoman pontiff, that
fountain and author of all superstitions, confirms, approves,
and embellishes these ideas by grandly worded bulls and
indulgences ; while no one thinks baptism worthy even of
mention. By these showy displays they drive the easily
•^ j led people of Christ into whatever whirlpools of error they
will ; so that, unthankful for their baptism, they imagine
ithat they can do better by their works than others by their
■faith.

Wherefore God also, who is froward with the froward, resolving
to avenge Himself on the pride and unthankfulness of these
>: devotees, causes them either to fail in keeping their vows, or to
; keep them with great labour and to continue immersed in
them, never becoming acquainted with the grace of faith and
of baptism. As their spirit is not right with God, He permits
them to continue to the end in their hypocrisy, and to become
at length a laughing-stock to the whole world, always follow-
ing after righteousness, and never attaining to it; so that
they fulfil that saying: "Their land also is full of idols."
(Is. ii. 8.)

I should certainly not forbid or object to any vow which a
man may make of his own private choice. I do not wish
altogether to condemn or depreciate vows; but my advice

— - would be altogether against the public establishment or
confirmation of any such mode of life. It is enough that
every man should be at liberty to make private vows at his
own peril ; but that a public system of living under the
constraint of vows should be inculcated, I consider to be a
thing pernicious to the Church and to all simple souls. In the
first place, it is not a little repugnant to the Christian life,
inasmuch as a vow is a kind of ceremonial law, and a matter of
human tradition or invention ; from all which the Church
has been set free by baptism, since the Christian is bound by

\ j no law, except that of God. Moreover there is no example of

— : it in the Scriptures, especially of the vow of perpetual chastity,

obedience, and poverty. Now a vow of which we have no

example in the Scriptures is a perilous one, which ought to be

THE BABYLONISH CAPTIVITY 201

urged upon no man, much less be established as a common and
public mode of life ; even if every individual must be allowed
to venture upon it at his own peril, if he will. There are some
works which are wrought by the Spirit in but few, and these
ought by no means to be brought forward as an example, or as
a manner of life.

I greatly fear, however, that these systems of living under
vows in the religious, are of the number of those things
of which the Apostle foretold : " Speaking lies in hypo-
crisy ; forbidding to marry, and commanding to abstain
from meats, which God hath created to be received with
thanksgiving." (1 Tim. iv. 2, 3.) Let no one cite against me
the example of St. Bernard, St. Francis, St. Dominic, and such
like authors or supporters of religious orders. God is terrible
and wonderful in His dealings with the children of men. He
could preserve Daniel, Ananias, Azarias, and Misael holy, even
as ministers of the kingdom of Babylon, that is, in the very
midst of wickedness ; He may also have sanctified the men of
whom I have spoken in their perilous mode of life, and have
guided them by the special working of His Spirit ; while
yet He would not have this made an example for other men. It
is certain that not one of these men was saved by his vows or
his religious order, but by faith alone, by which all men are
saved, but to which these showy servitudes of vows are espe-
cially hostile.

In this matter let every man be fully persuaded in his own
mind. I shall carry out my undertaking, and speak on behalf
of the liberty of the Church and of the glory of baptism ; and
I shall state for the general benefit what I have learnt under
the teaching of the Spirit. And first I counsel those who are
in high places in the Church to do away with all those vows
and the practice of living under vows, or, at the least, not to
approve or extol them. If they will not do this, then I
earnestly advise all who desire to make their salvation the
safer — particularly growing youths and young men — to keep
aloof from all vows, especially from such as are extensive and
life-long. I give this advice in the first place because this
mode of life, as I have already said, has no evidence or
example in the Scriptures, but rests only on the bulls of the
pontiffs, who are but men ; and secondly, because it tends to

202 LUTHER'S PRIMARY WORKS

lead men into hypocrisy through its singularity and showy

/ appearance, whence arise pride and contempt of the ordinary

Christian life. If there were, no other cause for doing away

with these vows, this one by itself would have weight enough,

\ that by them faith and baptism are depreciated, and works are

V magnified. Now these cannot be magnified without ruinous

consequences, for among many thousands there is scarcely

one who does not look more to his works as a member of a

. religious order, than to faith ; and under this delusion they

claim superiority over each other as being stricter or laxer, as

they call it.

Hence I advise no man, yea, I dissuade every man from
entering into the priesthood or any religious order, unless
he be so fortified with knowledge as to understand that, how- )
ever sacred and lofty may be the works of priests or of the
religious orders, they differ not at all in the sight of God from
the works of a husbandman labouring in his field, or of a
woman attending to her household affairs, but that in His eyes
all things are measured by faith alone ; as it is written : "In
all thy work believe with the faith of thy soul, for this is the
keeping of the commandments of God." (Eccles. xxxii. 23.)
Nay, it very often happens that the common work of a
servant or a handmaiden is more acceptable to God than all the
fastings and works of a monk or a priest, when they are done
without faith. Since, then, it is likely that at the present day
vows only tend to increase men's pride and presumption in
their own works, it is to be feared that there is nowhere less of
. faith and of the Church than in priests, monks, and bishops ;
' and that these very men are really Gentiles and hypocrites,
who consider themselves to be the Church, or the very heart of
the Church, spiritual persons, and rulers of the Church, when
they are very far indeed from being so. These are really the
people of the captivity, among whom all the free gifts bestowed
in baptism have been brought into bondage ; while the poor
and slender remnant of the- people of the land appear vile in
their eyes.

From this we perceive two conspicuous errors on the part of

i the Roman Pontiff. The first is, that he gives dispensations in

the matter of vows, and does this as if he alone possessed

authority beyond all other Christians. So far does the rashness

THE BABYLONISH CAPTIVITY 203

and audacity- Of wicked men extend. If a vow can be dis-
pensed with, any brother can dispense for his neighbour, or
even for himself. If he cannot grant such dispensations,
neither has the Pope any right to do so. "Whence has he
this authority ? From the keys ? They are common to all,
and only have power over sins. But since the Pope himself
confesses that vows have a divine right, why does he cheat
and ruin wretched souls by giving dispensations in a matter
of divine right, which admits of no dispensation ? He prates
of the redemption of vows, and declares that he has power to
change vows, just as under the law of old the first-born of an
ass was exchanged for a lamb ; as if a vow, which requires to
be fulfilled everywhere and constantly, were the same thing
with the first-born of an ass ; or as if, because God in His own
law ordered an ass to be exchanged for a lamb, therefore the
Pope, who is but a man, had the same power with respect to
a law which is not his, but God's. It was not a pope who
made this decretal, but an ass which had been exchanged for a
pope, so utterly mad and impious was he.

The Pope commits a second great error again, in decreeing \
that the bond of marriage may be broken through, if one of the
parties, even against the will of the other, desires to enter a
monastery, provided the marriage has not yet been consum-
mated. What devil inspires this portentous decree of the Pope ?
God commands men to keep faith and observe truth towards
one another, and that every man should bring gifts out of his
own substance ; for He hates robbery for burnt-offering, as He
declares by the mouth of Isaiah. Now husband and wife owe
fidelity to each other by their compact, a fidelity which can be
dissolved by no law. Neither can say : " I belong to myself,"
or can do without robbery whatever is done against the will of
the other. Else why not also have a rule that a man who is
in debt, if he enter into a religious order, shall be freed from
his debts, and be at liberty to deny his bond ? Ye blind ! ye
blind ! Which is greater — good faith, which is a command of
God, or a vow, invented and chosen by men? Art thou a
shepherd of souls, 0 Pope ? Are ye doctors of sacred theology,
who teach in this way ? Why do ye teach thus ? Because ye
extol a vow as being a better work than marriage ; but it is
not faith, which itself alone can magnify anything, that ye

204 LUTHER'S PRIMARY WORKS

magnify, but works, which in the sight of God are nothing, or
at least all equal as concerns their merit.

I cannot doubt then that from such vows as it. is right to
make, neither men nor angels can give a dispensation. But I
have not been able to convince myself that all the vows made
in these days fall under the head of rightful vows ; such as
that ridiculous piece of folly, when parents devote their child
yet unborn, or an infant, to a life of religion or to perpetual
chastity. Nay it is certain that this is no rightful vow ; it
appears to be a mockery of God, since the parents vow what
it is in no wise in their power to perform. I come now to
members of the religious orders. The more I think of their
three vows, the less I understand them, and the more I wonder
how the exaction of such vows has grown upon us. Still less
do I understand at what period of life such vows can be taken,
so as to be legitimate and valid. In this all are agreed, that
such vows, taken before the age of puberty, are not valid.
And yet in this matter they deceive a great number of youths,
who know as little of their own age as of what it is they are
vowing. The age of puberty is not looked to when the vows
are taken, but consent is supposed to follow afterwards, and the
professed are held in bondage and devoured by dreadful scruples
of conscience ; as if a vow in itself void could become valid by
the progress of time.

To me it seems folly that any limit to a legitimate vow
should be laid down by others, who cannot lay one down in
their own case. Nor do I see why a vow made in a man's
eighteenth year should be valid, but not if made in his tenth or
twelfth year. It is not enough to say that in his eighteenth
year a man feels the impulses of the flesh. What if he
scarcely feels them in his twentieth or thirtieth year; or
feels them more strongly in his thirtieth year than in his
twentieth ? Why, again, is not a similar limitation placed on
the vows of poverty and obedience ? What time shall we assign
for a man to feel himself avaricious or proud, when even the
most spiritually minded men have a difficulty in detecting
these affections in themselves ? There will never be any sure
and legitimate vow, until we shall have become thoroughly
spiritual, and so have no need of vows. We see then that vows
are most uncertain and perilous things. It would be a

THE BABYLONISH CAPTIVITY 205

salutary course to leave this lofty manner of living under vows
free to the spirit alone, as it was of old, and by no means
to convert it into a perpetual mode of life. We have now,
however, said enough on the subject of baptism and liberty.
The time will perhaps come for treating [more fully of vows,
and in truth they greatly need to be treated of.

CONCEBNING THE SACEAMENT OF PENANCE

In this third part I shall speak of the sacrament of penance.
By the tracts and disputations which I have published on this
subject I have given offence to very many, and have amply
expressed my own opinions. I must now briefly repeat these
statements, in order to unveil the tyranny which attacks us on
this point as unsparingly as in the sacrament of the bread. In
! these two sacraments gain and lucre find a place, and therefore ,
the avarice of the shepherds has raged to an incredible extent
against the sheep of Christ; while even baptism, as we have
seen in speaking of vows, has been sadly obscured among adults,
that the purposes of avarice might be served.

The first and capital evil connected with this sacrament
is, that they have totally done away with the sacrament
itself, leaving not even a vestige of it. Whereas this, like
the other two sacraments, consists of the word of the divine
promise on one side and of our faith on the other, they have ^
overthrown both of these. They have adapted to the purposes
of their own tyranny Christ's word of promise, when He says :
" Whatsoever thou shalt bind on earth shall be bound in
heaven : and whatsoever thou shalt loose on earth shall be
loosed in heaven " (Matt. xvi. 19); and : " Whatsoever ye shall
bind on earth shall be bound in heaven : and whatsoever ye
shall loose on earth shall be loosed in heaven" (Matt, xviii. 18) ;
and again : " Whose soever sins ye remit, they are remitted
unto them ; and whose soever sins ye retain, they are retained."
(John xx. 23.) These words are meant to call forth the faith
of penitents, that they may seek and obtain remission of their .
sins. But these men, in all their books, writings, and dis-
courses, have not made it their object to explain to Christians

206 LUTHEE'S PRIMARY WORKS

the promise conveyed in these words, and to show them what
they ought to believe, and how much consolation they might
have, but to establish in the utmost length, "breadth and depth
their own powerful and violent tyranny. At last some have
even begun to give orders to the angels in heaven, and to boast,
with an incredible frenzy of impiety, that they have received
the right to rule in heaven and on earth, and have the power
of binding even in heaven. Thus they say not a word about
the saving faith of the people, but talk largely of the tyranni-
cal power of the pontiffs ; whereas Christ's words do not deal
, at all with power, but entirely with faith.

It was not principalities, powers, and dominions that Christ
instituted in His Church, but a ministry, as we learn from the
words of the Apostle : " Let a man so account of us, as of the
ministers of Christ, and stewards of the mysteries of God."
(1 Cor. iv. 1.) When Christ said : " Whosoever believeth and
is baptized shall be saved," He meant to call forth faith on the
part of those seeking baptism ; so that, on the strength of this
word of promise, a man might be sure that, if he believed and
were baptized, he would obtain salvation. No sort of power is
here bestowed on His servants, but only the ministry of baptism
is committed to them. In the same way, when Christ says :
" Whatsoever ye shall bind," etc., He means to call forth the
faith of the penitent, so that, on the strength of this word of
promise, he may be sure that, if he believes and is absolved,
he will be truly absolved in heaven. Evidently nothing is said
here of power, but it is the ministry of absolution which is
spoken of. It is strange enough that these blind and arrogant
men have not arrogated to themselves some tyrannical power
from the terms of the baptismal promise. If not, why have
they presumed to do so from the promise connected with
penitence ? In both cases there is an equal ministry, a like
promise, and the same character in the sacrament ; and it can-
not be denied that, if we do not owe baptism to Peter alone, it
is a piece of impious tyranny to claim the power of the keys
for the Pope alone.

Thus also when Christ says : " Take, eat, this is my body
which is given for you ; this is the cup in my blood," He means -
to call forth faith in those who eat, that their conscience may be
strengthened by faith in these words, and that they may feel

/

THE BABYLOXISH CAPTIVITY 207

sure that, when they eat, they receive remission of sins. There
is nothing here which speaks of power, but only of a ministry.
The promise of Baptism has remained with us, at least in the
case of infants, but the promise of the Bread and the Cup has
been destroyed, or brought into servitude to avarice, and faith
has been turned into a work and a testament into a sacrifice.
Thus also the promise of Penance has been perverted into
a most violent tyranny, and into the establishment of a do-

j minion that is more than temporal.

\ / Not content with this, our Babylon has so utterly done away
with faith as to declare with shameless front that it is not
necessary in this sacrament ; nay, in her antichristian wicked-
ness, she pronounces it a heresy to assert the necessity of
faith. What more is there that that tyranny could do, and has
not done ? Verily " by the rivers of Babylon, there we sat
down ; yea, we wept, when we remembered Zion. We hanged
our harps upon the willows in the midst thereof." (Psalm
cxxxvii. 1, 2.) May the Lord curse the barren willows of those
rivers ! Amen. The promise and faith having been blotted
out and overthrown, let us see what they have substituted for
them. They have divided penitence into three parts, con-
trition, confession, and satisfaction ; but in doing this they
have taken away all that was good in each of these, and have
set up in each their own tyranny and caprice.

^7/ / In the first place, they have so taught contrition as to make
it prior to faith in the promise, and far better as not being a
work of faith, but a merit ; nay, they make no mention of
faith. They stick fast in works and in examples taken from
the Scriptures, where we read of many who obtained pardon
through humility and contrition of heart, but they never think
of the faith which wrought this contrition and sorrow of
heart ; as it is written concerning the Ninevites : " The people
of Nineveh believed God, and proclaimed a fast, and put on
sackcloth." (Jonah iii. 5.) These men, worse and more auda- '
cious than the Ninevites, have invented a certain "attrition,"
which, by the virtue of the keys (of which they are ignorant),
may become contrition ; and this they bestow on the wicked
and unbelieving, and thus do away entirely with contrition.
0 unendurable wrath of God, that such things should be taught
in the Church of Christ ! So it is that, having got rid of faith

iJ

208 LUTHER'S PRIMARY WORKS

and its work, we walk heedlessly in the doctrines and opinions
of men, or ratherJperish in them. A contrite heart is a great
matter indeed, anil can only proceed from an earnest faith in
the Divine promises and threats — a faith which, contemplating
the nnshakeable truth of God, makes the conscience to tremble,
terrifies and bruises it, and, when it is thus contrite, raises it
up again, consoles, and preserves it. Thus, the truth of the
threatening is the cause of contrition, and the truth of the
promise is the cause' of consolation, when they are believed; and
by this faith a man merits remission of sins. Therefore faith
above all things ought to be taught and called forth; when
faith is produced, contrition and consolation will follow of their
own accord by an inevitable consequence.

Hence, although there is something in the teaching of those
iwho assert that contrition is to be brought about by the
{ collection — as they call it — and contemplation of our own sins,
still theirs is a perilous and perverse doctrine, because they do
not first teach the origin and cause of contrition, namely, the
unshakeable truth of the Divine threatenings and promises, in
order to call forth faith ; that so men might understand that
they ought to look with much more earnest attention to the
truth of God, by which to be humbled and raised up again,
than to the multitude of their own sins, which, if they be
looked at apart from the truth of God, are more likely to
renew and increase the desire for sin, than to produce con-
trition. I say nothing of that insurmountable chaos of labour
which they impose upon us, namely, that we are to frame a
contrition for all our sins, for this is impossible. We can
know but a small part of our sins ; indeed even our good
works will be found to be sins ; as it is written : " Enter
not into judgment with thy servant : for in thy sight shall
no man living be justified." (Psalm cxliii. 2.) It is enough
that we sorrow for those sins which vex our conscience at
the present moment, and which are easily recognised by an
effort of our memory. He who is thus disposed will with-
out doubt be ready to feel sorrow and fear on account of all
his sins, and will feel sorrow and fear when in future they
are revealed to him.

Beware then of trusting in thine own contrition, or attribu-
[ting remission of sins to thy own sorrow. It is not because

THE BABYLONISH CAPTIVITY 209

of these that God looks on thee with favour, but because of
the faith with which thou hast believed His threateniugs and
promises, and which has wrought that sorrow in thee. There-
fore whatever good there is in penitence is due, not to the
diligence with which we reckon up our sins, but to the truth
of God and to our faith. All other things are works and
fruits which follow of their own accord, and which do not
make a man good, but are done by a man who has been
made good by his faith in the truth of God. Thus it is
written : " Because he was wroth, there went up a smoke
in his presence." (Psalm xviii. 8.) The terror of the
threatening comes first, which devours the wicked ; but faith,
accepting the threatening, sends forth contrition as a cloud
of smoke.

Contrition, though it has been completely exposed to wicked
and pestilent doctrines, has yet given less occasion to tyranny
and the love of gain. But confession and satisfaction have been
^ turned into the most noted workshops for lucre and ambition.
I To speak first of confession. There is no doubt that confession
of sins is necessary, and' is commanded by God. " They were
baptized of John in Jordan, confessing their sins." (Matt. iii. 6.)
" If we confess our sins, he is faithful and just to forgive us our
sins. If we say that we have not sinned, we make him a liar,
and his word is not in us." (1 John i. 9, 10.) If the saints
must not deny their sin, how much more ought those who are
guilty of great or public offences to confess them. But the
most effective proof of the institution of confession is given
when Christ tells us that an offending brother must be told of
his fault, brought before the Church, accused, and finally, if he
neglect to hear the Church, excommunicated. He " hears "
when he yields to reproof, and acknowledges and confesses
his sin.

The secret confession, however, which is now practised,
though it cannot be proved from Scripture, is in my opinion
highly satisfactory, and useful or even necessary. I could not
wish it not to exist ; nay, I rejoice that it does exist in the
Church of Christ, for it is the one great remedy for afflicted
consciences ; when, after laying open our conscience to a
brother, and unveiling all the evil which lay hid there, we
receive from the mouth of that brother the word of consolation

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210 LUTHER'S PRIMARY WORKS

sent forth from God ; receiving which by faith we find peace in
a sense of the mercy of God, who speaks to us through our
brother. What I protest against is the conversion of this
institution of confession into a means of tyranny and extortion
by the bishops. They reserve certain cases to themselves as
secret, and then order them to be revealed to confessors named
by themselves, and thus vex the consciences of men ; filling the
office of bishop, but utterly neglecting the real duties of a
bishop, which are, to preach the gospel and to minister to the
poor. Nay, these impious tyrants principally reserve to them-
selves the cases which are of less consequence, while they leave
the greater ones everywhere to the common herd of priests,
— cases such as the ridiculous inventions of the bull " In Coena
Domini." That their wicked perverseness may be yet more
manifest, they do not reserve those things which are offences
against the worship of God, against faith, and against the
chief commandments, but even approve and teach them ; such
as those journey ings hither and thither on pilgrimage, the
perverted worship of saints, the lying legends of saints, the
confidence in and practice of works and ceremonies; by all
which things the faith of God is extinguished, and idolatry is
nourished, as it is at this day. The pontiffs we have nowadays
are such as those whom Jeroboam established at Dan and
Beersheba as ministers of the golden calves — men who are
ignorant of the law of God, of faith, and of all that concerns
the feeding of the sheep of Christ, and who only thrust their
own inventions upon the people by terror and power.

Although I exhort men to endure the violence of these
reservers, even as Christ bids us to endure all the tyrannical
conduct of men, and teaches us to obey such extortioners ;
still I neither admit nor believe that they have any right of
reservation. By no jot or tittle can they prove this ; while I
can prove the contrary. In the first place, if, in speaking of
public offences, Christ says that we have gained our brother,
if he hears us when told of his fault, and that he is not to be
brought before the Church, unless he has refused to hear us,
and that offences may thus be set right between brethren ;
how much more true will it be concerning private offences, that
the sin is taken away, when brother has voluntarily confessed
it to brother, so that he need not bring it before the Church,

THE BABYLONISH CAPTIVITY 211

that is, before a prelate or priest, as these men say in their
foolish interpretation. In support of my opinion we have again
the authority of Christ, when he says in the same passage :
" Whatsoever ye shall bind on earth shall be bound in heaven ;
and whatsoever ye shall loose on earth shall be loosed in
heaven." (Matt, xviii. 18.) This saying is addressed to all
Christians and to every Christian. Once more he says to the
same effect : " Again I say unto you, that if two of you shall
agree on earth as touching anything that they shall ask, it
shall be done for them of my Father which is in heaven."
(Matt, xviii. 19.) Now a brother, laying open his secret sins to
a brother and seeking pardon, certainly agrees on earth with
that brother in the truth, which is Christ. In confirmation of
what he had said before, Christ says still more clearly in the
same passage : " Where two or three are gathered together in
my name, there am I in the midst of them." (Matt, xviii. 20.)
From all this I do not hesitate to say that whosoever,
voluntarily confesses his sins privately, in the presence of
any brother, or, when told of his faults, asks pardon and
amends his life, is absolved from his secret sins, since Christ j
|haj_manjfestly bestojve(LJ'Iie_J30wgr_^ on every^

believer in Hvm, with whatever violence the pontiffs may rage
against this truth. Add also this little argument, that, if any
reservation of hidden sins were valid, and there could be no
salvation unless they were remitted, the greatest hindrance to
salvation would lie in those things which I have mentioned
above — even those good works and idolatries which we are
taught at the present day by the pontiffs. While, if these
most weighty matters are not a hindrance, with how much less
reason are those lighter offences so foolishly reserved ! It is
by the ignorance and blindness of the pastors that these
portents are wrought in the Church. Wherefore I would warn
these princes of Babylon and bishops of Beth-aven to abstain
from reserving cases of any kind whatever, but to allow the
freest permission to hear confessions of secret sins to all
brethren and sisters ; so that the sinner may reveal his sin to
whom he will, with the object of seeking pardon and consola-
tion, that is, the word of Christ uttered by the mouth of his
neighbour. They effect nothing by their rash presumption,
but to ensnare needlessly the consciences of the weak, to

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establish their own wicked tyranny, and to feed their own
avarice on the sins and perdition of their brethren. Thus
they stain their hands with the blood of souls, and children
are devoured by their parents, and Ephraim devours Judah,
and Syria Israel, as Isaiah says.

To these evils they have added circumstances — mothers,
daughters, sisters, relatives, branches, fruits of sins, all devised
at complete leisure by the most subtle of men, who have set up,
even in the matter of sins, a sort of tree of consanguinity and
affinity. So fertile of results are ignorance and impiety ; for
these devices of some worthless fellow have passed into public
law, as has happened in many other cases. So vigilantly do
the shepherds watch over the Church of Christ, that what-
ever dreams of superstition or of new works these senseless
devotees indulge, they forthwith bring forward, and dress them
up with indulgences, and fortify them with bulls. So far
are they from prohibiting these things, and protecting the
simplicity of faith and liberty for the people of God ; for what
has liberty to do with the tyranny of Babylon ?

I should advise the total neglect of all that concerns circum-
stances. Among Christians there is but one circumstance,
and that is, that a brother has sinned. No character is to
be compared to Christian brotherhood ; nor has the observa-
tion of places, times, days, and persons, or any other such
superstitious exaggeration, any effect but to magnify things
which are nothing, at the expense of those things which are
everything. As if there could be anything greater or more
weighty than the glory of Christian brotherhood, they so tie
us down to places and days and persons, that the name of
brother is held cheap, and instead of being freemen we are
slaves in bondage — we to whom all days, places, persons, and
all other outward things, are equal.

How unworthily they have treated the matter of satisfaction.
I have abundantly shown in the case of indulgences. They
have abused it notably, to the destruction of Christians in
body and in soul. - In the first place, they have so taught it
that the people have not understood the real meaning of
satisfaction, which is a change of life. Furthermore, they so
urge it and represent it as necessary, that they leave no room
for faith in Christ ; but men's consciences are most wretchedly

THE BABYLONISH CAPTIVITY 213

tortured by scruples on this point. One runs hither, another
thither ; one to Bonie, another into a convent, another to some
other place ; one scourges himself with rods, another destroys
his body with vigils and fasting ; while all, under one general
delusion, say : Here is Christ, or there ; and imagine that the
kingdom of God, which is really within us, will come with
observation. These monstrous evils we owe to thee, See of
Rome, and to thy homicidal laws and rites, by which thou hast
brought the world to such a point of ruin, that they think
they can make satisfaction to God for their sins by works,
while it is only by the faith of a contrite heart that He is
satisfied. This faith thou not only compellest to silence in
the midst of these tumults, but strivest to destroy, only
in order that thy avarice, that insatiable leech, may have
some to whom to cry : Bring, bring ; and may make a traffic
of sins.

Some have even proceeded to such a length in framing
engines of despair for souls, as to lay it down that all sins, the
satisfaction enjoined for which has been neglected, must be
gone over afresh in confession. What will not such men dare,
men born for this end, to bring everything ten times over into
bondage ? Moreover, I should like to know how many people
there are who are fully persuaded that they are in a state of
salvation, and are making satisfaction for their sins, when they
murmur over the prayers enjoined by the priest with their lips
alone, and meanwhile do not even think of any amendment of
life. They believe that by one moment of contrition and
confession their whole life is changed, and that there remains
merit enough over and above to make satisfaction for their
past sins. How should they know better, when they are
taught nothing better ? There is not a thought here of morti-
fication of the flesh ; the example of Christ goes for nothing ;
who, when he absolved the woman taken in adultery, said to
her : " Go, and sin no more ; " thereby laying on her the cross
of mortification of the flesh. No slight occasion has been
given to these perverted ideas by our absolving sinners before
they have completed their satisfaction ; whence it comes that
they are more anxious about completing their satisfaction,
which is a thing that lasts, than about contrition, which they
think has been gone through in the act of confession. On the

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214 LUTHER'S PRIMARY WORKS

contrary, absolution ought to follow the completion of satisfac-
tion, as it did in the primitive Church, whence it happened
that, the work being over, they were afterwards more exercised
in faith and newness of life. On this subject, however, it must
suffice to have repeated so far what I have said at greater length
in writing on indulgences. Let it also suffice for the present
to have said this much in the whole respecting these three sacra-
ments, which are treated of and not treated of in so many mis-
chievous books of Sentences and of law. It remains for me to
say a few words about the remaining sacraments also, that I
may not appear to have rejected them without sufficient reason.

OF CONFIRMATION.

It is surprising that it should have entered any one's mind to
make a Sacrament of Confirmation out of that laying on of
hands which Christ applied to little children, and by which
the apostles bestowed the Holy Spirit, ordained presbyters,
and healed the sick ; as the Apostle writes to Timothy :
"Lay hands suddenly on no man." (1 Tim. v. 22.) Why not
also* make a confirmation out of the sacrament of bread, be-
cause it is written : " And when he had received meat, he
was strengthened " (Acts ix. 19) ; or again : " Bread which
strengthened man's heart ? " (Ps. civ. 15.) Thus confirmation
would include three sacraments, of bread, of orders, and of
confirmation itself. But if whatever the apostles did is a
sacrament, why has not preaching rather been made into a
sacrament ?

I do not say this, because I condemn the seven sacraments,
but because I deny that they can be proved from the Scriptures.
I wish there were in the Church such a laying on of hands as
there was in the time of the Apostles, whether we chose to
call it confirmation or healing. As it is, however, none of it
remains, except so much as we have ourselves invented in order
to regulate the duties of the bishops, that they may not be
entirely without work in the Church. For when they had
left the sacraments which involved labour, along with the
word, to their inferiors, as being beneath their attention (on

I HE BABYLONISH CAPTIVITY 215

the ground, forsooth, that whatever institutions the Divine
majesty has set up must needs be an object of contempt to men),
it was but right that we should invent some easy duty, not too
troublesome for the daintiness of these great heroes, and by
no means commit it to inferiors, as if it were of little
importance. What human wisdom has ordained ought to be
honoured by men. Thus, such as the priests are, such should be
the ministry and office which they hold. For what is a bishop
who does not preach the gospel, or attend to the cure of souls,
but an idol in the world, having the name and form of a bishop ?
At present, however, we are enquiring into the sacraments
of divine institution ; and I can find no reason for reckoning
confirmation among these. To constitute a sacrament we /'
require in the very first place a word of divine promise, on
whicnfaith may exercise itself. But we do not read that
Chmt-erer gave any promise respecting confirmation, although
he himself laid hands upon many, and although he mentions
among the signs that should follow them that believe : " They
shall lay hands on the sick, and they shall recover." (Mark xvi.
18.) No one, however, has interpreted these words of a
sacrament, or could do so.( It is enough then to consider
confirmation as a rite or ceremony of the Church ; of like ,
nature to those other ceremonies by which water and other
things are consecrated. For if every other creature is sanctified
by the word and prayer, why may not man much more be
sanctified by the same means, even though they cannot be
called sacraments of faith, inasmuch as they contain no divine
promise ? Neither do these work salvation ; while sacraments
save those who believe in the divine promise.

OF MATBIMONY.

It is not only without any warrant of Scripture that
matrimony is considered a sacrament, but • it has been turned
into a mere mockery by the very same traditions which vaunt
it as a sacrament. Let us look a little into this. I have said
that in every sacrament there is contained a word of divine
promise, which must be believed in by him who receives the

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216 LUTHER'S PRIMARY WORKS

sign; and that the sign alone cannot constitute a sacrament.
Now we nowhere read that he who marries a wife will receive
any grace from God ; neither is there in matrimony any sign
of divine institution, nor do we anywhere read that it was
appointed of God to be a sign of anything; although it is
true that all visible transactions may be understood as figures
and allegorical representations of invisible things. But figures
and allegories are not sacraments, in the sense in which we
are speaking of sacraments.

Furthermore, since matrimony has existed from the begin-
ning of the world, and still continues even among unbelievers,
there are no reasons why it should be called a sacrament of
the new law, and of the Church alone. The marriages of the
patriarchs were not less marriages than ours, nor are those of
unbelievers less real than those of believers ; and yet no one
calls them a sacrament. Moreover there are among believers
wicked husbands and wives, worse than any Gentiles. Why
should we then say there is a sacrament here, and not among
the Gentiles ? Shall we so trifle with baptism and the Church as
to say, like those who rave about the temporal power existing
only in the Church, that matrimony is a sacrament only in the
Church ? Such assertions are childish and ridiculous, and by
them we expose our ignorance and rashness to the laughter of
unbelievers.

It will be asked however : Does not the Apostle say that
"they two shall be one flesh," and that "this is a great
sacrament ; " and will you contradict the plain words of the
Apostle ? I reply that this argument is a very dull one, and
proceeds from a careless and thoughtless reading of the
original. Throughout the holy Scriptures this word " sacra-
mentum" has not the meaning in which we employ it, but an
opposite one. ' For it everywhere signifies, not the sign of a
sacred thing, but a sacred thing which is secret and hidden.
Thus Paul says : " Let a man so account of us, as of the
ministers of Christ, and stewards of the mysteries (that is,
sacraments) of God." (1 Cor. iv. 1.) Where we use the Latin
term " sacrament," in Greek the word " mystery " is employed ;
and thus in Greek the words of the Apostle are : " They two
shall be one flesh ; this is a great mystery." This ambiguity
has led men to consider marriage as a sacrament of the new

THE BABYLONISH CAPTIVITY 217

law, which they would have been far from doing, if they had
read the word " mystery," as it is in the Greek.

Thus the Apostle calls Christ himself a " sacrament,"
saying : " And without controversy great is the sacrament
(that is, mystery) of godliness. God was manifest in the flesh,
justified in the spirit, seen of angels, preached unto the
Grentiles, believed on in the world, received up into glory."
(1 Tim. iii. 16.) Why have they not deduced from this an
eighth sacrament of the new law, under such clear authority
from Paul? Or, if they restrained themselves in this case,
where they might so suitably have been copious in the inven-
tion of sacraments, why are they so lavish of them in the
other? It is because they have been misled by their ignorance
as well of things as of words ; they have been caught by the
mere sound of the words and by their own fancies. Having
once, on human authority, taken a sacrament to be a sign,
they have proceeded, without any judgment or scruple, to
make the word mean a sign, wherever they have met with it
in the sacred writings. Just as they have imported other
meanings of words and human habits of speech into the sacred
writings, and transformed these into dreams of their own,
making anything out of anything. Hence their constant
senseless use of the words : good works, bad works, sin, grace,
righteousness, virtue, and almost all the most important words
and things. They use all these at their own discretion,
founded on the writings of men, to the ruin of the truth of God
and of our salvation.

Thus sacrament and mystery, in Paul's meaning, are the
very wisdom of the Spirit, hidden in a mystery, as he says :
" Which none of the princes of this world knew ; for had they
known it, they would not have crucified the Lord of glory."
(1 Cor. ii. 8.) There remains to this day this folly, this stone
of stumbling and rock of offence, this sign which shall be
spoken against. Paul calls preachers the stewards of these
mysteries, because they preach Christ, the power and wisdom
of God ; but so preach him that unless men believe, they
cannot understand. Thus a sacrament means a mystery and a
hidden thing, which is made known by words, but is received
by faith of heart. Such is the passage of which we are
speaking at present : " They two shall be one flesh ; this is a

218 LUTHER'S PRIMARY WORKS

great mystery." These men think that this was said concern-
ing matrimony ; but Paul brings in these words in speaking of
Christ and the Church, and explains his meaning clearly by
saying : " I speak concerning Christ and the Church." See
how well Paul and these men agree ! Paul says that he is
setting forth a great mystery concerning Christ and the
Church ; while they set it forth as concerning male and female.
If men may thus indulge their own caprices in interpreting
the sacred writings, what wonder if anything can be found in
them, were it even a hundred sacraments ?

Christ then and the Church are a mystery, that is, a great
and hidden thing, which may indeed and ought to be figured
by matrimony, as in a sort of real allegory ; but it does not
follow that matrimony ought to be called a sacrament. The
heavens figuratively represent the apostles ; the sun Christ ; the
waters nations ; but these things are not therefore sacraments ;
for in all these cases the institution is wanting and the divine
promise ; and these it is which make a sacrament complete.
Hence Paul is either, of his own spirit, applying to Christ the
words used in Genesis concerning matrimony, or else he teaches
that, in their general sense, the spiritual marriage of Christ is
also there declared, saying : " Even as the Lord cherisheth the
Church ; for we are members of his body, of his flesh, and of his
bones. For this cause shall a man leave his father and mother,
and shall be joined unto his wife, and they two shall be one flesh.
This is a great mystery, but I speak concerning Christ and the
Church." (Eph. v. 29-32.) We see that he means this whole
text to be understood as spoken by him about Christ. He
purposely warns the reader to understand the " Sacrament " as
in Christ and the Church, not in matrimony.

I admit, indeed, that even under the old law, nay, from the
beginning of the world, there was a sacrament of penitence ;
but the new promise of penitence and the gift of the keys are
peculiar to the new law. As we have baptism in the place of
circumcision, so we now have the keys in the place of sacrifices
or other signs of penitence. I have said above that, at different
times, the same God has given different promises and different
signs for the remission of sins and the salvation of men, while
yet it is the same grace that all have received. As it is
written : " We, having the same spirit of faith, believe, and

THE BABYLONISH CAPTIVITY 219

therefore speak." (2 Cor. iv. 13.) " Our fathers did all eat the
same spiritual meat, and did all drink the same spiritual drink ;
for they drank of that spiritual rock that followed them, and
that rock was Christ." (1 Cor. x. 3, 4.) " These all died in
faith, not having received the promises ; God having provided
some better thing for us, that they without us should not be
made perfect." (Heb. xi. 13, 40.) For Christ himself, the same
yesterday, and to-day, and for ever, is the head of his Church
from the beginning even to the end of the world. There are
then different signs, but the faith of all believers is the same ;
since without faith it is impossible to please God, and by it
Abel pleased Him.

Let then matrimony be a figure of Christ and the Church,
not however a sacrament divinely instituted, but one invented
in the Church by men led astray by their ignorance alike of
things and of words. So far as this invention is not injurious
to the faith, it must be borne with in charity ; just as many
other devices of human weakness and ignorance are borne
with in the Church, so long as they are not injurious to
faith and to the sacred writings. But we are now con-
tending for the firmness and purity of faith and of Scripture ;
lest, if we affirm anything to be contained in the sacred
writings and in the articles of our faith, and it is after-
wards proved not to be so contained, we should expose our
faith to mockery, be found ignorant of our own special business,
cause scandal to our adversaries and to the weak, and fail to
exalt the authority of holy Scripture. For we must make the
widest possible distinction between those things which have
been delivered to us from God in the sacred writings, and
those which have been invented in the Church by men, of
however eminent authority from their holiness and their
learning.

Thus far I have spoken of matrimony itself. But what shall
we say of those impious human laws by which this divinely
appointed manner of life has been entangled and tossed up and '
down ? Good God ! it is horrible to look upon the temerity of
the tyrants of Eome, who thus, according to their own caprices,
at one time annul marriages and at another time enforce them.
Is the human race given over to their caprice for nothing but
to be mocked and abused in every way, and that these men

220 LUTHER'S PRIMARY WORKS

may do what they please with it for the sake of their own fatal

A gains?

There is a book in general circulation and held in no slight
esteem, which has been confusedly put together out of all the
dregs and filth of human traditions, and entitled the Angelic
Summary ; while it is really a more than diabolical summary.
In this book, among an infinite number of monstrous state-

i ments, by which confessors are supposed to be instructed, while
jthey are in truth most ruinously confused, eighteen impediments
I to matrimony are enumerated. If we look at these with the
just and free eye of faith, we shall see that the writer is of the
number of those of whom the Apostle foretold that they should
" give heed to seducing spirits and doctrines of devils ; speak-
ing lies in hypocrisy ; forbidding to marry." (1 Tim. iv. 1-3.)
What is forbidding to marry, if this is not forbidding it — to
invent so many impediments, and to set so many snares, that
marriages cannot be contracted, or, if they are contracted, must
be dissolved ? Who has given this power to men ? Granted that
such men have been holy and led by a pious zeal ; why does the
holiness of an© ther encroach upon my liberty ? Why does the
zeal of another bring me into bondage ? Let whosoever will
be as holy and as zealous as he will, but let him not injure
others, or rob me of my liberty.

I rejoice, however, that these disgraceful laws have at length
attained the glory they deserve, in that by their aid the men of
Eome have nowadays become common traders. And what do
they sell ? The shame of men and women ; a merchandise
worthy of these traffickers, who surpass all that is most sordid
and disgusting in their avarice and impiety. There is not one
of those impediments, which cannot be removed at the inter-
cession of Mammon ; so that these laws seem to have been

" made for no other purpose than to be nets for money and
snares for souls in the hands of those greedy and rapacious
Nimrods; and in order that we might see in the holy place,
in the Church of God, the abomination of the public sale of
the shame and ignominy of both sexes. A business worthy of
our pontiffs, and fit to be carried on by men who, with the
utmost disgrace and baseness, are given over to a reprobate
mind, instead of that ministry of the gospel which, in their
avarice and ambition, they despise.

THE BABYLONISH CAPTIVITY 221

But what am I to say or do ? If I were to enter upon
every particular, this treatise would extend beyond all bounds ;
for the subject is in the utmost confusion, so that no one can
tell where he is to begin, how far he is to go, or where he is
to stop. This I know, that no commonwealth can be pros-
perously administered by mere laws. If the magistrate is
a wise man, he will govern more happily under the guidance
of nature than by any laws ; if he is not a wise man, he will
effect nothing but mischief by laws, since he will not know
how to use them, or to adapt them to the wants of the time. In
public matters, therefore, it is of more importance that good and
wise men should be at the head of affairs, than that any laws
should be passed ; for such men will themselves be the best of
laws, since they will judge cases of all kinds with energy and
justice. If, together with natural wisdom, there be learning
in divine things, then it is clearly superfluous and mischievous
to have any written laws ; and charity above all things has
absolutely no need of laws. I say, however, and do all that in
me lies, admonishing and entreating all priests and friars,
if they see any impediment with which the Pope can dispense,
but which is not mentioned in Scripture, to consider all those
marriages valid which have been contracted, in whatever way,
contrary to ecclesiastical or pontifical laws. Let them arm
themselves with the Divine law which says : What God hath
joined together, let not man put asunder. The union of
husband and wife is one of divine right, and holds good, how-
ever much against the laws of men it may have taken place,
and the laws of men ought to give place to it, without any
scruple. For if a man is to leave his father and mother and
cleave to his wife, how much more ought he to tread under
foot the frivolous and unjust laws of men, that he may cleave
1 to his wife ? If the Pope, or any bishop or official, dissolves
i any marriage, because it has been contracted contrary to the
papal laws, he is an antichrist, does violence to nature, and is
guilty of treason against God ; because this sentence stands :
Whom God hath joined together, let not man put asunder.

Besides this, man has no right to make such laws, and the
liberty bestowed on Christians through Christ is above all the
laws of men, especially when the divine law comes in, as Christ
says : " The Sabbath was made for man, and not man for the

222 LUTHER'S PRIMARY WORKS

Sabbath ; therefore the Son of man is Lord also of the Sabbath."
(Mark ii. 27-28.) Again, such laws were condemned before-
hand by Paul, when he foretold that those should arise who
would forbid to marry. Hence in this matter all those rigorous
impediments derived from spiritual affinity, or legal relationship
and consanguinity, must give way, as far as is permitted by
the sacred writings, in which only the second grade of con-
sanguinity is prohibited, as it is written in the book of Leviticus,
where twelve persons are prohibited, namely : — mother, step-
mother, full sister, half sister by either parent, grand- daughter,
father's sister, mother's sister, daughter-in-law, brother's wife,
wife's sister, step-daughter, uncle's wife. In these only the
first grade of affinity and the second of consanguinity are pro-
hibited, and not even these universally, as is clear when we
look carefully at the subject ; for the daughter and grand-
daughter of a brother and sister are not mentioned as prohibited,
though they are in the second grade. Hence, if at any time
a marriage has been contracted outside these grades, than which
no others have ever been prohibited by God's appointment, it
ought by no means to be dissolved on account of any laws of
men. Matrimony, being a divine institution, is incomparably
above all laws, and therefore it cannot rightfully be broken
through for the sake of laws, but rather laws for its sake.

Thus all those fanciful spiritual affinities of father, mother,
brother, sister, or child, ought to be utterly done away with in
the contracting of matrimony. What but the superstition of
man has invented that spiritual relationship ? If he who
baptizes is not permitted to marry her whom he has baptized,
or a godfather his god-daughter, why is a Christian man
permitted to marry a Christian woman ? Is the relationship
established by a ceremony or by the sign of the sacrament
stronger than that established by the substance itself of the
sacrament ? Is not a Christian man the brother of a Christian
sister ? Is not a baptized man the spiritual brother of a
baptized woman ? How can we be so senseless ? If a man
instructs his wife in the gospel and in the faith of Christ, and
thus becomes truly her father in Christ, shall it not be lawful
for her to continue his wife ? Would not Paul have been at
liberty to marry a maiden from among those Corinthians, all
of whom he declares that he had begotten in Christ ? See,

THE BABYLONISH CAPTIVITY 223

then, how Christian liberty has been crushed by the blindness
of human superstition ! •

Much more idle still is the doctrine of legal relationship ;
and yet they have raised even this above the divine right of
matrimony. ( Nor can I agree to that impediment which they
call disparity of religion, and which forbids a man to marry an
unbaptized woman, neither simply, nor on condition of converting
her to the faith. Who has prohibited this, God or man ? Who
has given men authority to prohibit marriages of this kind ?
Verily the spirits that speak lies in hypocrisy, as Paul says ; of
whom it may be truly said : The wicked have spoken lies to
me, but not according to thy law. Patricius, a heathen,
married Monica, the mother of St. Augustine, who was a
Christian ; why should not the same thing be lawful now ? A
like instance of foolish, nay wicked rigour is the impediment
of crime ; as when a man marries a woman previously polluted
by adultery, or has plotted the death of a woman's husband, that
he may be able to marry her. Whence, I ask, a severity on the
part of men against men, such as even Grod has never exacted ?
Do these men pretend not to know that David, a most holy
man, married Bathsheba the wife of Uriah, though both these
crimes had been committed ; that is, though she had been
polluted by adultery and her husband had been murdered ? If
the divine law did this, why do tyrannical men act thus against
their fellow servants ?

It is also reckoned as an impediment when there exists what
they call a bond ; that is, when one person is bound to another
by betrothal. In this case they conclude that if either party
have subsequently had intercourse with a third, the former
betrothal comes to an end. I cannot at all receive this doctrine.
In my judgment, a man who has bound himself to one person
is no longer at his own disposal, and therefore, under the pro-
hibitions of the divine right, owes himself to the former, though
he has not had intercourse with her, even if he have afterwards
had intercourse with another. It was not in his power to give
what he did not possess ; he has deceived her with whom he has
had intercourse, and has really coniniitwd adultery. That which
has led some to think otherwise is that they have looked more
to the fleshly union than to the divine command, under which
he who has promised fidelity to one person is bound to observe

224 LUTHER'S PRIMARY WORKS

it. He who desires to give, ought to give of that which is his
own. God forbid that any man should go beyond or defraud
his brother in any matter ; for good faith ought to be preserved
beyond and above all traditions of all men. Thus I believe
that such a man cannot with a safe conscience cohabit with a
second woman, and that this impediment ought to be entirely
reversed. If a vow of religion deprives a man of his power over
himself, why not also a pledge of fidelity given and received ;
especially since the latter rests on the teaching and fruits of
the Spirit (Gal. v.), while the former rests on human choice ?
And if a wife may return to her husband, notwithstanding any
vow of religion she may have made, why should not a betrothed
man return to his betrothed, even if connexion with another have
followed ? We have said, however, above that a man who has
pledged his faith to a maiden is not at liberty to make a vow of
religion, but is bound to marry her, because he is bound to
keep his faith, and is not at liberty to abandon it for the sake
of any human tradition, since God commands that it should be
kept. Much more will it be his duty to observe his pledge to
the first to whom he has given it, because it was only with a
deceitful heart that he could give it to a second ; and therefore
he has not really given it, but has deceived his neighbour,
against the law of God. Hence the impediment called that of
error takes effect here, and annuls the marriage with the second
woman.

The impediment of holy orders is also a mere contrivance of
; men, especially when they idly assert that even a marriage already
contracted is annulled by this cause, always exalting their own
traditions above the commands of God. I give no judgment
respecting the order of the priesthood, such as it is at the
present day ; but I see that Paul commands that a bishop
should be the husband of one wife, and therefore the marriage
of a deacon, of a priest, of a bishop, or of a man in any kind of
orders, cannot be annulled ; although Paul knew nothing
of that kind of priests and those orders which we have at the
present day. Perish then these accursed traditions of men,
which have come in for no other end than to multiply perils,
sins, and evils in the Church ! Between a priest and his wife,
then, there is a true and inseparable marriage, approved by the
divine command. What if wicked men forbid or annul it of their

THE BABYLONISH CAPTIVITY 225

own mere tyranny ? Be it that it is unlawful in the sight of
men ; yet it is lawful in the sight of God, whose commandment,
if it be contrary to the commandments of men, is to be preferred.

Just as much a human contrivance is the so-called impedi-
ment _of_public propriety, by which contracted marriages are
annulled. I am indignant at the audacious impiety which is
so ready to separate what God has joined together. You may
recognise Antichrist in this opposition to everything which
Christ did or taught. What reason is there, I ask, why, on the
death of a betrothed husband before actual marriage, no relative
by blood, even to the fourth degree, can marry her who was /
betrothed to him ? This is no vindication of public propriety,
but mere ignorance of it. Why among the people of Israel,
which possessed the best laws, given by God himself, was there
no such vindication of public propriety ? On the contrary,
by the very command of God, the nearest relative was com-
pelled to marry her who had been left a widow. Ought the
people who are in Christian liberty to be burdened with more
rigid laws than the people who were in legal bondage ? And
to make an end of these figments rather than impediments, I
will say that at present it is evident to me that there is no
impediment which can rightfully annul a marriage already con-
tracted, except physical unfitness for cohabiting with a wife,
ignorance of a marriage previously contracted, or a vow of
chastity. \ Concerning such a vow, however, I am so uncertain
even to the present moment, that I do not know at what time
it ought to be reckoned valid ; as I have said above in speaking
of baptism. Learn then, in this one matter of matrimony, into
what an unhappy and hopeless state of confusion, hindrance,
entanglement, and peril all things that are done in the Church
have been brought by the pestilent, unlearned, and impious
traditions of men ! There is no hope of a remedy, unless we
can do away once for all with all the laws of all men, call back
the gospel of liberty, and judge and rule all things according
to it alone. Amen.

It is necessary also to deal with the question of physical
incapacity. But be it premised that I desire what I have said
about impediments to be understood of marriages already
contracted, which ought not to be annulled for any such causes.
But with regard to the contracting of matrimony I may brieflv

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repeat what I have said before, that if there be any urgency

of youthful love, or any other necessity, on account of which

the Pope grants a dispensation, then any brother can also grant

a dispensation to his brother, or himself to himself, and thus

snatch his wife, in whatever way he can, out of the hands of

tyrannical laws. Why is my liberty to be done away with by

another man's superstition and ignorance ? Or if the Pope gives

dispensation for money, why may not I give a dispensation to

my brother or to myself for the advantage of my own salvation ?

Does the Pope establish laws? Let him establish them for

himself, but let my liberty be untouched.

# * * * * *

The question of divorce is also discussed, whether it be
lawful. I, for my part, detest divorce, and even prefer bigamy
to it ; but whether it be lawful I dare not define. Christ
himself, the chief of shepherds, says : " Whosoever shall put
away his wife, saving for the cause of fornication, causeth her
to commit adultery ; and whosoever shall marry her that is
divorced committeth adultery." (Matt. v. 32.) Christ therefore
permits divorce only in the case of fornication. Hence the
Pope must necessarily be wrong, as often as he permits divorce
for other reasons, nor ought any man forthwith to consider
himself safe, because he has obtained a dispensation by ponti-
fical audacity rather than power. I am more surprised,
however, that they compel a man who has been separated from
his wife by divorce to remain single, and do not allow him to
marry another. For if Christ permits divorce for the cause of
fornication, and does not compel any man to remain single, and if
Paul bids us rather to marry than to burn, this seems plainly to
allow of a man's marrying another in the place of her whom he
has put away. I wish that this subject were fully discussed
and made clear, that provision might be made for the number-
less perils of those who at the present day are compelled to
remain single without any fault of their own ; that is, whose
wives or husbands have fled and deserted their partner, not to
return for ten years, or perhaps never. I am distressed and
grieved by these cases, which are of daily occurrence, whether
this happens by the special malice of Satan, or from our neglect
of the word of God.

I cannot by myself establish any rule contrary to the

THE BABYLONISH CAPTIVITY 227

opinion of all ; but for my own part, I should exceedingly
wish at least to see applied to this subject the words : " But
if the unbelieving depart, let him depart. A brother or
a sister is not under bondage in such cases " (1 Cor. vii. 15).
Here the Apostle permits that the unbelieving one who
departs should be let go, and leaves it free to the believer
to take another. Why should not the same rule hold good,
if a believer, that is, a nominal believer, but in reality just
as much an unbeliever, deserts husband or wife, especially
if with the intention of never returning ? I cannot discover
any distinction between the two cases. In my belief, how-
ever, if in the Apostle's time the unbeliever who had departed
had returned, or had become a believer, or had promised
to live with the believing wife, he would not have been
received, but would himself have been authorised to marry
another woman. Still, I give no definite opinion on these
questions, though I greatly wish that a definite rule were laid
down, for there is nothing which more harasses me and many
others. I would not have any rule on this point laid down by
the sole authority of the Pope or the bishops ; but if any two
learned and good men agreed together in the name of Christ,
and pronounced a decision in the spirit of Christ, I should
prefer their judgment even to that of councils, such as are
assembled nowadays, which are celebrated simply for their
number and authority, independently of learning and holiness.
I therefore suspend my utterances on this subject, until I can
confer with some better judge.

OF OEDERS.

Of this sacrament the Church of Christ knows nothing ; it
was invented by the church of the Pope. It not only has
no promise of grace, anywhere declared, but not a word is
said about it in the whole of the New Testament. Now it is
ridiculous to set up as a sacrament of God that which can
nowhere be proved to have been instituted by God. Not that
: I consider that a rite practised for so many ages is to be
! condemned ; but I would not have human inventions established

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228 LUTHER'S PRIMARY WORKS

in sacred things, nor should it be allowed to bring in anything
as divinely ordained, which has not been divinely ordained ;
lest we should be objects of ridicule to our adversaries. We
must endeavour that whatever we put forward as an article of
the faith should be certain and uncorrupt and established by
clear proofs from Scripture ; and this we cannot show even in
the slightest degree in the case of the present sacrament.

The Church has no power to establish new divine promises
I of grace, as some senselessly assert, who say that, since the
Church is governed by the Holy Spirit, whatever she ordains
; has no less authority than that which is ordained of God.
The Church is born of the word of promise through faith, and
is nourished and preserved by the same word ; that is, she herself
is established by the promises of God, not the promise of God by
her. The word of God is incomparably above the Church, and
her part is not to establish, ordain, or make anything in it, but
only to be established, ordained, and made, as a creature. What
man begets his own parent ? Who establishes the authority by
which he himself exists ?

This power the Church certainly has — that she can dis-
tinguish the word of God from the words of men. So Augus-
tine confesses that his motive for believing the gospel was the
authority of the Church, which declared it to be the gospel.
Not that the Church is therefore above the gospel ; for, if so,
she would also be above God, in whom we believe, since she
declares Him to be God ; but, as Augustine says elsewhere,
the soul is so taken possession of by the truth, that thereby
it can judge of all things with the utmost certainty, and yet
cannot judge the truth itself, but is compelled by an infallible
certainty to say that this is the truth. For example, the mind
pronounces with infallible certainty that three and seven are ten,
and yet can give no reason why this is true, while it cannot deny
that it is true. In fact the mind itself is taken possession of,
and, having truth as its judge, is judged rather than judges.
Even such a perception is there in the Church, by the illumina-
tion of the Spirit, in judging and approving of doctrines ; a
perception which she cannot demonstrate, but which she holds
as most sure. Just as among philosophers no one judges
of those conceptions which are common to all, but everyone
is judged by them, so is it among us with regard to that

THE BABYLONISH CAPTIVITY 229

spiritual perception which judgeth all things, yet is judged
of no man, as the Apostle says.

Let us take it then for certain that the Church cannot
promise grace, to do which is the part of God alone, and
therefore cannot institute a sacrament. And even, if she had
the most complete power to do so, it would not forthwith
follow, that orders are a sacrament. For who knows what is
that Church which has the Spirit, when only a few bishops and
learned men are usually concerned in setting up these laws
and institutions ? It is possible that these men may not be of
the Church, and may all be in error ; as councils have very
often been in error, especially that of Constance, which has
erred" the most impiously of all. That only is a proved article
of the faith which has been approved by the universal Church,
and not by that of Eome alone. I grant therefore that orders
may be a sort of church rite, like many others which have been
introduced by the Fathers of the Church, such as the consecra-
tion of vessels, buildings, vestments, water, salt, candles, herbs,
wine, and the like. In all these no one asserts that there is
any sacrament, nor is there any promise in them. Thus the
anointing of a man's hands, the shaving of his head, and other
ceremonies of the kind, do not constitute a sacrament, since
nothing is promised by these things, but they are merely
employed to prepare men for certain offices, as in the case of
vessels or instruments.

But it will be asked : What do you say to Dionysius, who
reckons up six sacraments, among which he places Orders, in
his Hierarchy of the Church? My answer is : I know that he
is the only one of the ancient authorities who is considered
as holding seven sacraments, although, by the omission of
matrimony, he has only given six. We read nothing at all in
the rest of the Fathers about these sacraments, nor did they
reckon them under the title of sacrament, when they spoke of
these things, for the invention of such sacraments is a modern
one. Then too — if I may be rash enough to say so — it is
altogether unsatisfactory that so much importance should be
attributed to this Dionysius, whoever he was, for there is
almost nothing of solid learning in him. By what authority or
reason, I ask, does he prove his inventions concerning angels in
his Celestial Hierarchy, a book on the study of which curious

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and superstitious minds have spent so much labour ? Are
they not all fancies of his own, and very much like dreams, if
we read them and judge them freely ? In his mystic theology
indeed, which is so much cried up by certain very ignorant
theologians, he is even very mischievous, and follows Plato
rather than Christ, so that I would not have any believing
mind bestow even the slightest labour on the study of these
books. You will be so far from learning Christ in them that,
even if you know Him, you may lose Him. I speak from ex-
perience. Let us rather hear Paul, and learn Jesus Christ and
Him crucified. For this is the way, the truth, and the life ;
this is the ladder by which we come to the Father, as it is
written : " No man cometh unto the Father, but by Me."

So in his Hierarchy of the Church, what does he do but
describe certain ecclesiastical rites, amusing himself with his
own allegories, which he does not prove, just as has been done
in our time by the writer of the book called the Bationale of
Divine things ? This pursuit of allegories is only fit for men
of idle minds. Could I have any difficulty in amusing myself
with allegories about any created thing whatever? Did not
Bonaventura apply the liberal arts allegorically to theology ?
It would give me no trouble to write a better Hierarchy than
that of Dionysius, as he knew nothing of popes, cardinals, and
archbishops, and made the bishops the highest order. Who,
indeed, is there of such slender wits that he cannot venture
upon allegory ? I would not have a theologian bestow any atten-
tion upon allegories, until he is perfectly acquainted with the
legitimate and simple meaning of Scripture; otherwise, as it
happened to Origen, his theological speculations will not be
without danger.

We must not then immediately make a sacrament of any-
thing which Dionysius describes ; otherwise why not make a
sacrament of the procession which he describes in the same
passage, and which continues in use even to the present day?
Nay, there will be as many sacraments as there are rites and
ceremonies which have grown up in the Church. Besting,
however, on this very weak foundation, they have invented
and attributed to this sacrament of theirs certain indelible
characters, supposed to be impressed on those who receive
orders. Whence, I ask, such fancies ? By what authority, by

THE BABYLONISH CAPTIVITY 231

what reasoning are they established ? Not that we object to
their being free to invent, learn, or assert whatever they
please ; but we also assert our own liberty, and say that they
must not arrogate to themselves the right of making articles
of the faith out of their own fancies, as they have hitherto
had the presumption to do. It is enough that, for the sake of
concord, we submit to their rights and inventions, but we will .
not be compelled to receive them as necessary to salvation,
when they are not necessary. Let them lay aside their
tyrannical requirements, and we will show a ready compliance
with their likings, that so we may live together in mutual
peace. For it is a disgraceful, unjust, and slavish thing for a
Christian man, who is free, to be subjected to any but heavenly
and divine traditions.

After this they bring in their very strongest argument,
namely, that Christ said at the last supper : " Do this in
remembrance of me." " Behold ! " they say, " Christ ordained
them as priests." Hence, among other things, they have also
asserted that it is to priests alone that both kinds should
be administered. In fact they have extracted out of this text
whatever they would ; like men who claim the right to
assert at their own free choice whatsoever they please out
of any words of Christ, wherever spoken. But is this to
interpret the words of God ? Let us reply to them that in
these words Christ gives no promise, but only a command that
this should be done in remembrance of Him. Why do they not
conclude that priests were ordained in that passage also where
Christ, in laying upon them the ministry of the word and of
baptism, said : " Go ye into all the world, and preach the
gospel to every creature, baptizing them in the name of the
Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost " ? It is the
peculiar office of priests to preach and to baptize. Again,
since at the present day it is the very first business of a priest,
and, as they say, an indispensable one, to read the canonical
Hours ; why have they not taken their idea of the sacrament
of orders from those words in which Christ commanded His
disciples— as he did in many other places, but especially
in the garden of Gethsemane — to pray that they might not
enter into temptation ? Unless indeed they evade the difficulty
by saying that it is not commanded to pray, for it suffices to

232 LUTHER'S PRIMARY WORKS

read the canonical Hours ; so that this cannot be proved to be a
priestly work from any part of Scripture, and that consequently
this praying priesthood is not of God ; as indeed it is not.

Which of the ancient Fathers has asserted that by these
words priests were ordained ? Whence then this new interpre-
tation ? It is because it has been sought by this device to set
up a source of implacable discord, by which clergy and laity
might be placed farther asunder than heaven and earth, to the
incredible injury of baptismal grace and confusion of evangeli-
cal communion. Hence has originated that detestable tyranny
of the clergy over the laity, in which, trusting to the corporal
unction by which their hands are consecrated, to their tonsure,
and to their vestments, they not only set themselves above the
body of lay Christians, who have been anointed with the Holy
Spirit, but almost look upon them as dogs, unworthy to be
numbered in the Church along with themselves. Hence it is
that they dare to command, exact, threaten, drive, and oppress,
at their will. In fine, the sacrament of orders has been and is
a most admirable engine for the establishment of all those
monstrous evils which have hitherto been wrought, and are
yet being wrought, in the Church. In this way Christian
brotherhood has perished; in this way shepherds have been
turned into wolves, servants into tyrants, and ecclesiastics into
more than earthly beings.

How if they were compelled to admit that we all, so many
as have been baptized, are equally priests ? We are so in fact,
and it is only a ministry which has been entrusted to them, and
that with our consent. They would then know that they have
no right to exercise command over us, except so far as we
voluntarily allow of it. Thus it is said : " Ye are a chosen
generation, a royal priesthood, a holy nation." (1 Pet. ii. 9.)
Thus all we who are Christians are priests ; those whom we
call priests are ministers chosen from among us to do all
things in our name ; and the priesthood is nothing else than a
ministry. Thus Paul says : " Let a man so account of us as of
the ministers of Christ, and stewards of the mysteries of God."
(1 Cor. iv. 1.)

From this it follows that he who does not preach the
word, being called to this very office by the Church, is in
no way a priest, and that the sacrament of orders can be

THE BABYLONISH CAPTIVTTY 233

nothing else than a ceremony for choosing preachers in the
Church. This is the description given of a priest : " The
priest's lips should keep knowledge, and they should seek the
law at his mouth ; for he is the messenger of the Lord of
hosts." (Malachi ii. 7.) Be sure then that he who is not a
messenger of the Lord of hosts, or who is called to anything
else than a messengership — if I may so speak — is certainly
not a priest ; as it is written : " Because thou hast rejected
knowledge, I will also reject thee, that thou shalt be no priest
to me." (Hosea iv. 6.) They are called pastors because it is
their duty to give the people pasture, that is, to teach them.
Therefore those who are ordained only for the purpose of
reading the canonical Hours and offering up masses are popish
priests indeed, but not Christian priests, since they not only do
not preach but are not even called to be preachers ; nay, it is
the very thing intended, that a priesthood of this kind shall
stand on a different footing from the office of preacher. Thus
they are priests of Hours and missals, that is, a kind of living
images, having the name of priests, but very far from being
really so ; such priests as those whom Jeroboam ordained in
Beth-aven, taken from the lowest dregs of the people, and not
from the family of Levi.

See then how far the glory of the Church has departed. The /

^ whole world is full of priests, bishops, cardinals, and clergy ; of ;

^ whom however, (so far as concerns their official duty) not one I
preaches — unless he be called afresh to this by another calling
besides his sacramental orders — but thinks that he amply fulfils
the purposes of that sacrament if he murmurs over, in a vain
repetition, the prayers which he has to read, and celebrates masses.
Even then, he never prays these very Hours, or, if he does pray,
he prays for himself ; while, as the very height of perversity, he
offers up his masses as a sacrifice, though the mass is really the
use of the sacrament. Thus it is clear that those orders by
which, as a sacrament, men of this kind are ordained to be clergy,
are in truth a mere and entire figment, invented by men who
understand nothing of church affairs, of the priesthood, of the
ministry of the word, or of the sacraments. Such as is the sacra-
ment, such are the priests it makes. To these errors and blind-
nesses has been added a greater degree of bondage, in that, in
order to separate themselves the more widely from all other

234 LUTHER'S PRIMAKY WORKS

\

Christians, as if these were profane, they have burdened

themselves with a most hypocritical celibacy.

It was not enough for their hypocrisy and for the working of
this error to prohibit bigamy, that is, the having two wives at
the same time, as was done under the law — for we know that
that is the meaning of bigamy — but they have interpreted it to
be bigamy, if a man marries two virgins in succession, or a widow
once. Nay, the most sanctified sanctity of this most sacrosanct
sacrament goes so far, that a man cannot even become a priest
if he have married a virgin, as long as she is alive as his wife.
And, in order to reach the very highest summit of sanctity, a
man is kept out of the priesthood, if he have married one who
was not a pure virgin, though it were in ignorance and merely
by an unfortunate chance. But he may have polluted six
hundred harlots, or corrupted any number of matrons or virgins,
or even kept many Ganymedes, and it will be no impediment
to his becoming a bishop or cardinal, or even Pope. Then the
saying of the Apostle : " the husband of one wife," must be
interpreted to mean : " the head of one church ; " unless that
magnificent dispenser the Pope, bribed with money or led by
favour — that is to say, moved by pious charity, and urged by
anxiety for the welfare of the churches — chooses to unite to
one man three, twenty, or a hundred wives, that is, churches.

0 pontiffs, worthy of this venerable sacrament of orders ! 0
princes not of the Catholic churches, but of the synagogues of
Satan, yea, of very darkness ! We may well cry out with
Isaiah : " Ye scornful men, that rule this people which is in
Jerusalem" (Isaiah xxviii. 14) ; and with Amos : " Woe to
them that are at ease in Zion, and trust in the mountain of
Samaria, which are named chief of the nations, to whom the
house of Israel came ! " (Amos vi. 1.) 0 what disgrace to the
Church of God from these monstrosities of sacerdotalism !
iWhere are there any bishops or priests who know the gospel,
not to say preach it ? Why then do they boast of their
priesthood ? why do they wish to be thought holier and better
and more powerful than other Christians, whom they call the
laity? What unlearned person is not competent to read the
Hours ? Monks, hermits, and private persons, although laymen,
may use the prayers of the Hours. The duty of a priest is to
preach, and unless he does so, he is just as much a priest as

THE BABYLONISH CAPTIVITY 235

the picture of a man is a man. Does the ordination of such
babbling priests, the consecration of churches and bells, or the
confirmation of children, constitute a bishop ? Could not any
deacon or layman do these things ? It is the ministry of the
word that makes a priest or a bishop.

Fly then, I counsel you ; fly, young men, if ye wish to live
in safety ; and do not seek admission to these holy rites, unless
ye are either willing to preach the gospel, or are able to
believe that ye are not made any better than the laity by this
sacrament of orders. To read the Hours is nothing. To offer
the mass is to receive the sacrament. What then remains in
you, which is not to be found in any layman ? Your tonsure
and your vestments ? Wretched priesthood, which consists in
tonsure and vestments ! Is it the oil poured on your fingers ?
Every Christian is anointed and sanctified in body and soul
with the oil of the Holy Spirit, and formerly was allowed to
handle the sacrament no less than the priests now do ; although
our superstition now imputes it as a great crime to the laity, if
they touch even the bare cup, or the corporal ; and not even a
holy nun is allowed to wash the altar cloths and sacred
napkins. When I see how far the sacrosanct sanctity of these
orders has already gone, I expect that the time will come when
the laity will not even be allowed to touch the altar, except
when they offer money. I almost burst with anger when I
think of the impious tyrannies of these reckless men, who
mock and ruin the liberty and glory of the religion of Christ
by such frivolous and puerile triflings.

Let every man then who has learnt that he is a Christian
recognise what he is, and be certain that we are all equally
priests ; that is, that we have the same power in the word, and
in any sacrament whatever ; although it is not lawful for any
one to use this power, except with the consent of the com-
munity, or at the call of a superior. For that which belongs
to all in common no individual can arrogate to himself, until
he be called. And therefore the sacrament of orders, if it is
anything, is nothing but a certain rite by which men are called
to minister in the Church. Furthermore, the priesthood is
properly nothing else than the ministry of the word — I mean
the word of the gospel, not of the law. The diaconate is a
ministry, not for reading the gospel or the epistle, as the

236 LUTHER'S PRIMARY WORKS

practice is nowadays, but for distributing the wealth of the
Church among the poor, that the priests may be relieved of the
burden of temporal things, and may give themselves more
freely to prayer and to the word. It was for this purpose, as
we read in the Acts of the Apostles, that deacons were
appointed. Thus he who does not know the gospel, or does
not preach it, is not only no priest or bishop, but a kind of
pest to the Church, who, under the false title of priest or
bishop, as it were in sheep's clothing, hinders the gospel, and
acts the part of the wolf in the Church.

Wherefore those priests and bishops with whom the Church
is crowded at the present day, unless they work out their
salvation on another plan — that is, unless they acknowledge
themselves to be neither priests nor bishops, and repent of
bearing the name of an office the work of which they either
do not know, or cannot fulfil, and thus deplore with prayers
and tears the miserable fate of their hypocrisy — are verily
the people of eternal perdition, concerning whom the saying
will be fulfilled : " My people are gone into captivity,
because they have no knowledge ; and their honourable men
are famished, and their multitude dried up with thirst.
Therefore hell hath enlarged herself, and opened her mouth
without measure ; and their glory, and their multitude, and
their pomp, and he that rejoiceth, shall descend into it."
(Isaiah v. 13, 14.) 0 word of dread for our age, in which
Christians are swallowed up in such an abyss of evil !

As far then as we are taught from the Scriptures, since what
we call the priesthood is a ministry, I do not see at all for what
reason a man who has once been made priest cannot become a
layman again, since he differs in no wise from a layman,
except by his ministerial office. But it is so far from im-
possible for a man to be set aside from the ministry, that even
now this punishment is constantly inflicted on offending priests,
who are either suspended for a time, or deprived for ever of
their office. For that fiction of an indelible character has long
ago become an object of derision. I grant that the Pope may
impress this character, though Christ knows nothing of it, and
for this very reason the priest thus consecrated is the lifelong
servant and bondsman, not of Christ, but of the Pope, as it is
at this day. But, unless I deceive myself, if at some future

THE BABYLONISH CAPTIVITY 237

time this sacrament and figment fall to the ground, the Papacy
itself will scarcely hold its ground, and we shall recover that
joyful liberty in which we shall understand that we are all
equal in every right, and shall shake off the yoke of tyranny
and know that he who is a Christian has Christ, and he who
has Christ has all things that are Christ's, and can do all
things — on which I will write more fully and more vigorously
when I find that what I have here said displeases my friends
the papists.

ON THE SACRAMENT OF EXTREME UNCTION.

To this rite of anointing the sick our theologians have made
two additions well worthy of themselves. One is, that they call
it a sacrament ; the other, that they make it extreme, so that
it cannot be administered except to those who are in extreme
peril of life. Perhaps — as they are keen dialecticians — they
have so made it in relation to the first unction of baptism,
and the two following ones of confirmation and orders. They
have this, it is true, to throw in my teeth, that, on the authority
of the Apostle James, there are in this case a promise and a
sign, which two things, I have hitherto said, constitute a
sacrament. He says : " Is any sick among you ? let him call
for the elders of the church, and let them pray over him,
anointing him with oil in the name of the Lord ; and the
prayer of faith shall save the sick, and the Lord shall raise him
up ; and if he have committed sins, they shall be forgiven
him." (James v. 14, 15.) Here, they say, is the promise of
remission of sins, and the sign of the oil.

I, however, say that if folly has ever been uttered, it has
been uttered on this subject. I pass over the fact that many
assert, and with great probability, that this epistle was not
written by the Apostle James, and is not worthy of the
apostolic spirit ; although, whosesoever it is, it has obtained
authority by usage. Still, even if it were written by the
Apostle James, I should say that it was not lawful for an
apostle to institute a sacrament by his own authority ; that is,
to give a divine promise with a sign annexed to it. To do this

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belonged to Christ alone. Thus Paul says that he had received
the sacrament of the Eucharist from the Lord ; and that he
was sent, not to baptize, but to preach the gospel. Nowhere,
however, in the gospel do we read of this sacrament of extreme
unction. But let us pass this over, and let us look to the
words themselves of the Apostle, or of whoever was the author
of this Epistle, and we shall at once see how those men have
failed to observe their true meaning, who have thus increased
the number of sacraments.

In the first place — if they think the saying of the Apostle
true and worthy to be followed, by what authority do they
change and resist it? "Why do they make an extreme and
special unction of that which the Apostle meant to be general ?
The Apostle did not mean it to be extreme, and to be ad-
ministered only to those about to die. He says expressly : "Is
any sick among you ? " He does not say : '" Is any dying ?
Nor do I care what Dionysius's Ecclesiastical Hierarchy may
teach about this ; the words of the Apostle are clear, on which
he and they alike rest, though they do not follow them. Thus
it is evident that, by no authority, but at their own discretion,
they have made, out of the ill-understood words of the Apostle,
a sacrament and an extreme unction ; thus wronging all the
other sick, whom they have deprived on their own authority
of that benefit of anointing which the Apostle appointed for
them.

But it is even a finer argument, that the promise of the
Apostle expressly says : " The prayer of faith shall save the
sick, and the Lord shall raise him up." The Apostle commands
the use of anointing and prayer for the very purpose that the
sick man may be healed and raised up, that is, may not die, and
that the unction may not be extreme. This is proved by the
prayers which are used even at this day during the ceremony
of anointing, and in which we ask that the sick man may be
restored. They say, on the contrary, that unction should not
be administered except to those on the point of departing ;.
that is, that they may not be healed and raised up. If the
matter were not so serious, who could refrain from laughing at
such fine, apt, and sound comments on the words of the Apostle ?
Do we not manifestly detect here that sophistical folly which,
in many other cases as well as in this, affirms what Scripture

THE BABYLONISH CAPTIVITY 239

denies, and denies what it affirms ? Shall we not render thanks
to these distinguished teachers of ours? I have said rightly
then, that nowhere have they displayed wilder folly than in
this instance.

Further — if this unction is a sacrament, it must be beyond
doubt an effectual sign (as they say) of that which it seals and
promises. Now it promises health and restoration to the sick,
as the words plainly show : " The prayer of faith shall save the
sick, and the Lord shall raise him up." Who does not see,
however, that this promise is seldom, or rather never fulfilled ?
Scarcely one among a thousand is restored ; and even this no
one believes to be effected by the sacrament, but by the help of
nature or of medicine ; while to the sacrament they attribute
a contrary effect. What shall we say then? Either the
Apostle is deceiving us in this promise, or this unction is not
a sacrament ; for a sacramental promise is sure, while this in
most cases disappoints us. Nay — to recognise another example
of the prudence and carefulness of these theologians — they will
have it to be extreme unction in order that that promise may
not stand ; that is, that the sacrament may not be a sacrament.
If the unction is extreme, it does not heal, but yields to the
sickness ; while if it heals, it cannot be extreme. Thus,
according to the interpretation of these teachers, James must
be understood to have contradicted himself, and to have insti-
tuted a sacrament, on purpose not to institute a sacrament ;
for they will have it to be extreme unction, in order that it
may not be true that the sick are healed by it, which is
what the Apostle ordained. If this is not madness, what, I ask,
is madness ?

The words of the Apostle : " Desiring to be teachers of the
law ; understanding neither what they say, nor whereof they
affirm" (1 Tim. i. 7.), apply to these men; with so little
judgment do they read and draw conclusions. With the same
stupidity they have inferred the doctrine of auricular confession
from the words of the Apostle James : " Confess your faults
one to another." They do not even observe the command of
the Apostle, that the elders of the Church should be called for,
and that they should pray over the sick. Scarcely one priest
is sent now, though the Apostle would have many to be present,
not for the purpose of anointing, but for that of prayer ; as he

240 LUTHER'S PRIMARY WORKS

says : " The prayer of faith shall save the sick." Moreover, I
am not sure that he means priests to be understood in this case,
since he says elders, that is, seniors in age. Now it does not
follow that an elder must be a priest or a minister, and we may
suspect that the Apostle intended that the sick should be
visited by the men of greater age and weightier character in
the Church, who should do this as a work of mercy, and heal
the sick by the prayer of faith. At the same time it cannot
be denied, that of old the churches were ruled by the older
men, chosen for this purpose on account of their age and long
experience of life, without the ordinations and consecrations
now used.

I am therefore of opinion that this is the same anointing as
that used by the Apostles, of whom it is written : " They
anointed with oil many that were sick, and healed them." (Mark
vi. 13.) It was a rite of the primitive Church, long since
obsolete, by which they did miracles for the sick ; just as Christ
says of them that believe : " They shall take up serpents ; they
shall lay hands on the sick, and they shall recover." (Mark
xvi. 18.) It is astonishing that they have not made sacraments
out of these words also ; since they have a like virtue and
promise with those words of James. This pretended extreme
unction, then, is not a sacrament, but a counsel of the Apostle
James, taken, as I have said, from the Gospel of Mark ; and one
which any one who will may follow. I do not think that it
was applied to all sick persons, for the Church glories in her
infirmities, and thinks death a gain ; but only to those who bore
their sickness impatiently and with little faith, and whom the
Lord therefore left, that on them the miraculous power and the
efficacy of faith might be conspicuously shown.

James, indeed, has carefully and intentionally provided against
this very mistake, in that he connects the promise of healing and
of remission of sins, not with the anointing, but with the prayer
of faith ; for he says : " The prayer of faith shall save the sick,
and the Lord shall raise him up ; and if he have committed
sins, they shall be forgiven him." (James v. 15.) Now a
sacrament does not require prayer or faith on the part of him
who administers it, for even a wicked man may baptize
and consecrate the elements without prayer ; but it rests solely
on the promise and institution of God, and requires faith on

THE BABYLONISH CAPTIVITY 241

the part of him who receives it. But where is the prayer
- of faith in our employment of extreme unction at the present
day ? Who prays over the sick man with such faith as not
to doubt of his restoration? Such is the prayer of faith
which James here describes ; that prayer of which he had
said at the beginning of the epistle : " Let him ask in faith,
nothing wavering ; " and of which Christ says : " What things
soever ye desire, when ye pray, believe that ye receive them,
and ye shall have them." (Mark xi. 24.)

There is no doubt at all that, if even at the present day such
prayer were made over the sick — that is, by grave and holy
elders, and with full faith — as many as we would might be
healed. For what cannot faith do ? We, however, leave out of
sight that faith which apostolic authority requires in the very
first place ; and moreover by elders, that is, men superior to
the rest in age and in faith, we understand the common herd of
priests. Furthermore, out of a daily or free anointing we make
an extreme unction ; and lastly, we not only do not ask and
obtain that result of healing promised by the Apostle, but we
empty the promise of its meaning by an opposite result.
Nevertheless we boast that this sacrament, or rather figment,
of ours, is founded on and proved by the teaching'of the Apostle,
from which it is as widely separated as pole from pole. Oh,
what theologians !

Therefore, without condemning this our sacrament of extreme
unction, I steadily deny that it is that which is enjoined by the
Apostle James, of which neither the form, nor the practice,
nor the efficacy, nor the purpose, agrees with ours. We will
reckon it, however, among those sacraments which are of our
own appointing, such as the consecration and sprinkling of salt
and water. We cannot deny that, as the Apostle Paul teaches
us, every creature is sanctified by the word of God and prayer ;
and so we do not deny that remission and peace are bestowed
through extreme unction ; not because it is a sacrament divinely
instituted, but because he who receives it believes that he
obtains these benefits. For the faith of the receiver does not
err, however much the minister may err. For if he who
baptizes or absolves in jest — that is, does not absolve at all, as
far as the minister's part is concerned — yet does really absolve
or baptize, if there be faith on the part of the absolved or

242 LUTHER'S PRIMARY WORKS

baptized person, how much more does he who administers
extreme unction bestow peace; even though in reality he
bestows no peace, if we look to his ministry, since there is no
sacrament. The faith of the person anointed receives that
blessing which he who anointed him either could not, or did
not intend, to give. It is enough that the person anointed hears
and believes the word ; for whatever we believe that we shall
receive, that we do really receive, whatever the minister may
do or not do, whether he play a part, or be in jest. For the
saying of Christ holds good : " All things are possible to him
that believeth ; " and again : " As thou hast believed, so be it
done unto thee." Our sophists, however, make no mention of
this faith in treating of the sacraments, but give their whole
minds to frivolous discussions on the virtues of the sacraments
themselves ; ever learning, and never able to come to the
knowledge of the truth.

It has been of advantage, however, that this unction has been
made extreme, for, thanks to this, it has been of all sacraments
the least harassed and enslaved by tyranny and thirst for gain ;
and this one mercy has been left to the dying, that they are
free to be anointed, even if they have not confessed or com-
municated. Whereas if it had continued to be of daily employ-
ment, especially if it had also healed the sick, even if it had
not taken away sins, of how many worlds would not the pontiffs
by this time have been masters — they who, on the strength of
the one sacrament of penance, and by the power of the keys, and
through the sacrament of orders, have become such mighty
emperors and princes ? But now it is a fortunate thing that, as
they despise the prayer of faith, so they heal no sick, and, out
of an old rite, have formed for themselves a new sacrament.

Let it suffice to have said thus much concerning these four
sacraments. I know how much it will displease those who
think that we are to enquire about the number and use of
the sacraments, not from the holy Scriptures, but from the See
of Kome ; as if the See of Uome had given us those sacraments,
and had not rather received them from the schools of the
Universities ; to which, without controversy, it owes all that it
has. The tyranny of the popes would never have stood so high
if it had not received so much help from the Universities ; for
among all the principal sees, there is scarcely any other which

THE BABYLONISH CAPTIVITY 243

has had so few learned bishops. It is by force, fraud, and
superstition alone that it has prevailed over the rest ; and those
who occupied that see a thousand years ago are so widely
diverse from those who have grown into power in the interim,
that we are compelled to say that either the one or the other
were not pontiffs of Eome.

There are besides some other things, which it may seem that
' we might reckon among sacraments — all those things, namely,
to which a divine promise has been made, such as prayer, the
word, the cross. For Christ has promised in many places to
hear those that pray ; especially in the eleventh chapter of the
Gospel of St. Luke, where he invites us to prayer by many
parables. Of the word he says : " Blessed are they that hear
the word of God and keep it." (Luke xi. 28.) And who
can reckon up how often he promises succour and glory to
those who are in tribulation, suffering, and humiliation ?
Nay, who can count up all the promises of God? For it is
the whole object of all Scripture to lead us to faith ; on
the one side urging us with commandments and threatenings,
on the other side inviting us by promises and consolations.
Indeed all Scripture consists of either commandments or
promises. Its commandments humble the proud by their
requirements ; its promises lift up the humble by their re-
missions of sin.

It has seemed best, however, to consider as sacraments,
properly so called, those promises which have signs annexed to
them. The rest, as they are not attached to signs, are simple
promises. It follows that, if we speak with perfect accuracy;
there are only two sacraments in the Church of God, Ba-ptiem
andJlL&-JBread ; since it is in these alone that we see both a
sign divinely instituted and a promise of remission of sins.
The sacrament of penance, which I have reckoned along with
these two, is without any visible and divinely appointed sign ;
and is nothing else, as I have said, than a way and means of
return to baptism. Not even the schoolmen can say that
penitence agrees with their definition ; since they themselves
ascribe to every sacrament a visible sign, which enables the
senses to apprehend the form of that effect which the sacra-
ment works invisibly. Now penitence or absolution has no
such sign ; and therefore they will be compelled by their own

it

244 LUTHER'S PRIMARY WORKS

definition either to say that penitence is not one of the
sacraments, and thus to diminish their number, or else to bring
forward another definition of a sacrament.

Baptism, however, which we have assigned to the whole of life,
will properly suffice for all the sacraments which we are to use in
life ; while the bread is truly the sacrament of the dying and
departing, since in it we commemorate the departure of Christ
from this world, that we may imitate Him. Let us then so
distribute these two sacraments that baptism may be allotted
to the beginning and to the whole course of life, and the bread
to its end and to death ; and let the Christian, while in this
vile body, exercise himself in both, until, being fully baptized
and strengthened, he shall pass out of this world, as one born
into a new and eternal life, and destined to eat with Christ in
the kingdom of his Father, as he promised at the Last Supper,
saying : "I say unto you, I will not drink of the fruit of the
vine until the kingdom of God shall come." (Luke xxii. 18.)
Thus it is evident that Christ instituted the sacrament of the
bread that we might receive the life which is to come ; and
then, when the purpose of each sacrament shall have been
fulfilled, both baptism and the bread will cease.
^ I shall here make an end of this essay, which I readily and
joyfully offer to all pious persons, who long to understand
Scripture in its sincere meaning, and to learn the genuine use of
the sacraments. It is a gift of no slight importance to " know
the things that are freely given to us of God," and to know in
what manner we ought to use those gifts. For if we are
instructed in this judgment of the Spirit, we shall not deceive
ourselves by leaning on those things which are opposed to it.
Whereas our theologians have not only nowhere given us the
knowledge of these two things, but have even darkened them, as
if of set purpose, I, if I have not given that knowledge, have
at least succeeded in not darkening it, and have given others
an inducement to think out something better. It has at least
been my endeavour to explain the meaning of both sacraments,
but we cannot all do all things. On those impious men, however,
who in their obstinate tyranny press on us their own teachings
as if they were God's, I thrust these things freely and con-
fidently, caring not at all for their ignorance and violence. And
yet even to them I will wish sounder sense, and will not

THE BABYLONISH CAPTIVITY 245

despise their efforts, but will only distinguish them from
those which are legitimate and really Christian.

T hear a report that fresh bulls and papal curses are being-
prepared against me, by which I am to be urged to recant,
or else oe declared a heretic. If this is true, I wish this little
book to be a part of my future recantation, that they may not
complain that their tyranny has puffed itself up in vain.
The remaining part I shall shortly publish, Christ being my
helper, and that of such a sort as the See of Rome has never
yet seen or heard, thus abundantly testifying my obedience
in the name of our Lord Jesus Christ. Amen.

Hostis Herodes impie,
Christum venire quid times ?
Non arripit mortalia
Qui regna dat ccelestia.

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