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Thb Rior Hov. Sib DAVID DUNDAB, Pbsbidbkt. 

MAJOB-QBimuL Sib HENRT RAWLINSON, K.C.B.. P.R.S., C^*"'^*"*'*"*"- 

PBB8.R.Q.S. ^ 


Rbt. Db. QEORGE p. BIDGER, D.C.L.. F.R.S. 

J. BARROW, Esq., F.R.S. 

Viob-Admibal R. OOLLINSON. C.B. 

Caraiv OOLOMB, R.N. 

W. B. FRERE, Esq. 



R. H. MAJOR, Esq., F.S.A. 




Rbab-Asmibal SHERARD OSBORN, C.B. 

Thb Lobd STANLEY of Aldbblbt. 



CLEMENTS R. MARKHAM, Esq., C.B., F.R.S., SBO.R.G.S., Hohobabt Sbcbbtast. 



■J ! 




Teucer Salaraina patremque 

Quutn fugeret, tamen uda Lyseo 
Terapora populea fertiir vinxisae coronS,, 

Sic tristes affatus amicos : 
Quo nos cunque feret melior Fortuna parente, 

Ibimus, o socii comitesque ! 
Nil desperandum Teucro duce et auspice Teucro ; 

Certus enim promisit Apollo 
Ambiguam tcUure nov^ Salamina futuram. 

fortes, pejoraque passi 
Mecum ssepe viri, nunc vino pellite curas : 

Cras ingens iterabimus aequor. 

Though Magellan's enterprise was the greatest ever 
undertaken by any navigator, yet he has been deprived 
of his due fame by the jealousy which has always 
existed between the two nations inhabiting the Pen- 
insula : the Spaniards would not brook being com- 
manded by a Portuguese, and the Portuguese have not 
yet forgiven Magellan for having abandoned them tq 
serve Castile. But Magellan really had no choice ; for 
if the western passage which he expected to discover 
was to be sought for, it could only be under the 
auspices of Spain, within whose demarcation those 
waters lay. 



It would seem that D. Manuel had only himself to 
blame for the loss of Magellan's services ; and, as M. 
Amoretti well observes, D. Manuel ought to have been 
well aware of the value of those services, since 
Charles V knew it, and showed his appreciation of 
them. It is diflScult to believe that the injury of 
which Magellan complained, and which led him to 
seek other service, was merely, as Osorio says, the 
refusal of promotion in palace rank, and which he had 
well deserved, especially since the motive ascribed by- 
Osorio to the king's refusal, namely the necessity of 
avoiding a bad precedent, was not alone a sufficient 
aflFront to account for Magellan's sacrificing all his 
hopes and property in his own country, had he not 
also felt that the king was condemning him to inaction, 
obscurity, and uselessness. Barros, indeed, says that : 

" The favours of princes given for services are a retribu- 
tive justice, which must be observed equally with all, with 
regard to the quality of each man : and that if a man^s por- 
tion be denied him, though he endures it ill, yet he will 
have patience ; but if he see the advancement of those who 
have profited more by artifice and friends than by their own 
merits, he loses all patience ; indignation, hatred, and de- 
spair arise, and he will commit faults injurious to himself 
and others. And what outraged Magellan more than the 
refusal of the half ducat a month, was that some men who 
were with him at Azamor, said that his lameness was feigned 
to support his petition." 

The king, moreover, refused to receive Magellan, and 
showed his ill-will against him. It is therefore highly 
probable that before Magellan took the step of leaving 
Portugal, D. Manuel, prompted by his niggardly dis- 



position, had refused to entertain Magellan's desire for 
employment at sea, or his projects of discovery, from 
which no immediate profit was to be expected. Thia 
ia apparent from the statement of Barroa, Decad. iii, 
lib. V, cap. viii, that letters of Jlagellan to Fnvncisco 
Serrano were found after the death of the latter in 
Maluco, in which llagdlan said that he should soon 
see him ; and, if it were not by way of Portugal, it 
would be by way of Castile, and that Serrano should ■ 
therefore wait for hira there. Further on, Barros says 
that recourse to Castile appears from these letters to 
have been in Magellan's mind some time before the 
occurrence of the king's dismissal of hia business : and 
that this was shown by hia always associating with 
pilots, and occupying himself with sea-charts. 

The Portuguese exaggerated very much the injury 
they expected to result, and, later, which they thought 
had resulted from Magellan's voyage, whieh could not 
chiinge the position of the Moluccas, nor consequently 
tile Portuguese title to them ; but the apprehensions 
which they felt, arose from their fear of others sharing 
in the spice trade, and from the limited geographical 
knowledge of the period, which left both parties very 
much in doubt as to the true position of those islands, 
or as to the extent of the circumference of the globe. 
The question of the exact position of the Moluccas was 
not definitely ascertained till much later, though a 
compromise was arrived at in 1529 by the treaty 
l)etwcen Spain and Portagal, by which Charles V gave 
up whatever rights to the Moluccas he imagined he 
posscBsod, to Portugal, for a sum of three hundred and 


fifty thousaDd ducats.^ Aa late as 1 535, Caspar Coirea 
mentions," torn, iii, p. 661, a Dominican friar in Portu- 
guese India, who was learned in cosmography, and 
who averted that the Moluccas fell within the demar- 
cation of Castile; 

The grounds of complaint of the Portuguese against 
Magellan are, perhaps, best expressed, and in the 
strongest terras, by Bishop Osorio, so it may be well to 
quote from him the following passage. Lib. xi, § 23. 

"Abont this time a slight offence on the part of the king 
(T), Manuel) so grievously exasperated the mind of a certain 
Portuguese, that, forgetful of all faith, piety, and religion, he 
hastened to beti-ay the king who had educated him, and tha 
country which had brought him forth ; and he risked his 
life amongst the greatest perils. Ferdinand Magellan, of 
whom we have before spoken, was a man of noble birth, and 
endued with a high spirit. He had given proofs in India, in. 
warlike affairs, of courage and perseverance in no small de- 
gree. Likewise in Africa ho had performed hia duties with 
great ardour. Formerly it was the custom among the Por- 
tagueso that the king's servants should bo fed in the palace 
at the king's expense ; but when the number of these ser- 
vants had become so great (because tho sons of the king's 
ofBcera retained the same station, and besiJes, many were 
admitted for their services into tho king's household), it was 
aeon to be very difficult to prepare the food of such a multi- 
tude. On this account it was determined by the Kings of 
Portugal that the food which each man was to receive in the 
palace should be provided by himself out of the king's 
money. Thus it was settled that a certain sum of money 
was assigned per month to each man. That money, indeed, 

» See Appendix V, pp. 392-396, to De Morga's Phihppine 
Idandr, Hakluyt Society, with respect to tho negotiations about 
the Moluocns, 


wKen proviaions wore so cheap, provided abundantly for tLe 
loen ; but now that the number of men, and the prices of 
commodities had increased, it huppeued that the sum, which 
formerly was more thau aufficieiit for their daily expenses, 
was now much too small. Moreover, as all the dipnity of 
the Portuguese depends upon the king, this small sum of 
money is as eagerly sought after as though it were much 
more ample. And aa tlie Portuguese think that the thing 
most to be desired is to be euroUed amongst tlie king's 
household, so also, they consider the greatest honour to con- 
sist in an increase of this stipend. For, as there are various 
ranks of king's servants, so the sum of money is assigned 
to each servant according to the dignity of his rank. Ths 
highest class is that of noblemau ; but, as there are distinc- 
tions of nobility, so an equal salary is not given to all. 
Thus it happens that the nobility of each is estimated ac- 
cording to the importance of this stipend, and each one is 
held to be more noble in proportion to the more ample 
stipend which he receives. This judgment, indeed, aa 
human affairs go, is often most false; for many obtain 
through ambition and pertinacity what ought to be assigned 
to deserts and innate nobleness. The Portuguese, however, 
since th(>y are over anxious in seeking this nobility, and 
imagine that their nobility is increased by a small accesaion 
of salary, very often think that they must strive for this 
little sum of money, aa though all thoir well-being and 
dignity depended upon it. Now, AlagelUn contended that 
for his services, his stipend should be increased monthly by 
half a ducat. The king refused it him, lest an entrance 
should bo opened to ambitious persons. Magellan, excited 
by the injury of the refusal of this advantage to him at that 
time, abandoned the king, broke bis faith, and brought the 
State into extreme danger. And whilst we ought to tolerate 
the injuries inflicted by the State, and to endure also the 
outrages of kings, who are the fathers of the republiuk, and 
whilst we onght to lay down our lives for the well-being of 
our conntry, which lives we owe to our oountiy ; this most 


audacious man conceived such despite on account of half a 
ducat^ amounting to five denarii, which was refused to him, 
that he opposed the State ; he offended the king, who had 
brought him up ; and brought his country, for which he 
should have died, into peril. For the affair reached such a 
pitch that the danger of a perilous war impended over tho 
commonwealth. I do not know, indeed, whence so barbar- 
ous a custom has crept into the State : for, whilst the name 
of a traitor is not only hateful and hated, but also burns in 
the stain of everlasting dishonour upon a whole posterity ; 
yet men who determine upon breaking their faith, and op- 
posing their kings or states, may reject the favours they 
have received by formal letters, may abjure their fealty, and 
despoil themselves of the rights and duties of the State; they 
bid the king keep for himself that which belongs to him, 
and they attest that thenceforward they will have nothing in 
common with their country ; then, at length, they contend 
that it is allowable for them to commence war against their 
country. Bo it so: reject favours if it please you; contemn 
the liberality of your country ; grumble as much as you 
please, that a reward equal to your dignity has not been 
granted. But by what means can you betray the faith 
which you have plighted ? My country has inflicted on me 
a severe outrage ; it has inflicted, indeed, the worst. But 
an outrage is not to be avenged, either upon parents or 
upon one^s country. I have abandoned, he says, all that I 
had received from my country. Have you then rejected 
life, disposition, and education ? By no means. But all 
these things ; you received them, in the first place, from 
God, and then from the laws, customs, and institutions of 
your country. It will never be allowable to combat nature, 
to injure your country, or to break faith, even should you 
be laden with every injury. Nay, your life should be given 
up, and the most extreme punishments should be under- 
gone, sooner than break your faith, or betray your duty. 
Abjure fealty as much as you please, attest your perfidy by 
public letters, leave to posterity a notable memory of un- 


speatable wickedness; yet you will not be Me by any suoli 
document to avoid ofFendiug the Deity, nor the Htain of au 
everlasting opprobrium." 

Against this view of Osorio may be set the followiug 
passage from Vattel, which has all the moi-e weight, in 
that it is simply an enunciation of law and right, and 
is not written to support or to denounce any particuhir 

" Many distinctions will be necessary, in order to givo a 
complete solution to the celebratod question, nhether a 
man may quit kia cowntn/, or the Kocieli/ of which he is a 
member. The children are bound by natural ties to the so- 
ciety iu which they were born; they are under an obligation 
to sbcw themselves gratePat for the protection it has afibrded 
to their fathers, and are in a great measure indebted to it 
for their birth and education. They ought, thurufure, to lovo 
itj as wo have already shewn, to express a just gratitude to 
it, and requite its services as fur as possilile by serving it in 
turn. "VVu have observed above, that they have a right to 
enter into the society of which their fnthers were members. 
Bat every man is bom free ; and the son of a citizen, when 
come to tho years of discretion, may examine whether it be 
convenient for him to join the society for which ho was de- 
stined by his-birtfa. If he does not find it advantageous to 
remain in it, he is at liberty to quit it, on uaking it a com- 
pensation for what it has done in hia favour, and preserving, 
as fur as bis new engagements will allow him, tho sentiments 
of love and gratitude he owes it," — Ohitty't translation of 
Viittel, book I, cap, lis, § 220. 

There are also Boiue remarkable passages in a pam- 
phlet by Condorcet, dated October 25tb, 1791, named 
Opinion sur les Emigraiiln. This opinion deserves 
attention, both on account of its author and tho time 
in which it was written, when popular passions and 


prejudices were much excited against those who were 
expatriating themselves from France. 

Condorcet begins with the statement, that : 

''It is a great error to imagine that the public utility is 
not constantly to be found united with the rights of indivi- 
duals, or that the public well-being may demand acts of 
real injustice. This error has everywhere been the eternal 
excuse for the inroads of tyranny, and the pretext for the 
artful manoeuvres employed to establish it.^ 

'' On the contrary, in the case of every measure that is 
proposed as useful, it must first be examined whether it is 
just. Should it not be so, it must be concluded that it had 
only an empty and fallacious appearance of utility. 

" Nature concedes to every man the right of going out of 
his country ; the constitution guarantees it to every French 
citizen, and we cannot strike a blow at it. The Frenchman 
who wishes to leave his country, for his business, for his 
health, even for the sake of his peace and well-being, ought 
to have the fullest liberty to do so : he ought to be able to 
use this liberty, without his absence depriving him of the 
least of his rights. In a great empire, the variety of pro- 
fessions, and inequality of fortunes, do not admit of residence 
and personal service being regarded as a common obligation 
which the law may impose upon all citizens. This rigor- 
ous obligation can only exist in the case of absolute neces- 
sity ; to extend it to the habitual state of society, and even 
to all periods when the public safety or tranquillity may 
seem to be menaced, would be to disturb the order of use- 
ful labours, and to attack the sources of general prospe- 

" Every man, moreover, has the right to change his coun- 
try ; he may renounce that in which he was born, to choose 

^ This opinion may be recommended to those who war on 
" pious founders". 


anotlier. From that momeot, as a citizen of Ins now coun- 
try, bo is only a foreigner in the first; but if some day he 
retoma to it, if he has left any property in it, he ought to 
enjoy there to the full the rights of man j he has only de- 
served to lose those of a citizen. 

"But here a first question presents itself. Is this citizen 
by his sole renunciation released from every obligation to- 
wards the body politic which he abandons? Does the society 
from which he separates himself loso immediately all its 
rights over him ? Doubtless, not j and I do not speak only 
of those sentiments which a noble and grateful soul pre- 
serves for its country, even though it be unjust ; I speak of 
rigorous obligations, of those which & man cannot fail to 
fulfil without becoming guilty of an offence : and 1 say that 
there exists a time during which a man placed between his 
ancient and his new country can only permit himself to ex- 
press hopes as to the ditfercncea which arise between them : 
a time when that one of the two nations against whicb he 
might bear arms would have tho right to punish him as an 
assassin; and when the mau who might employ his riches 
or taleuts against his former countrymen, would really be a 

" I will add that each nation has also the right to fix the 
time after which the citizen who abandons it is to be con- 
sidered as free from all obligation, and to determine what 
are his duties until the expiration of that period, and what 
actions it still preserves the power to forbid him. To deny 
this principle, would be to break alt the social bonds which 
can bind men together. This period, doubtless, is not an 
arbitrary one ; it is that during which the citizen who abdi- 
cates can employ against his country the means which he 
has received from it, and during which he can do it more 
injury than could a foreigner." 

Further on, Cocdorcet proposes two years as the 
period during which a citizen who renounces his 
uiitionality shall engage not to enter the service of any 


foreign power, unless he has been authorised so to do 
by a decree of the national assembly. He also proposes 
various measures for different classes of emigrants, and 
the full enjoyment of their property on the same foot- 
ing as foreigners, by those who sign an engagement 
not to take foreign service for two years, nor during 
that time to solicit the aid of any foreign power 
against the nation or its constituted authorities. 

Magellan fully satisfied the conditions specified by 
Vattel, as may be seen by his conversations with 
Sebastian Alvarez, the Bang of Portugal's agent : at 
this date, also, it is sufficiently clear that Magellan not 
only did no harm to his native country, but that he 
increased its renown by his own services, and by those 
of the other Portuguese officers whom he associated 
with his labours. If his countrymen have preferred 
Gama to him, it is because he only served the interests 
of science, whilst Gama served the passions of his 
countrymen, and aided them to enrich themselves. 
After D. Manuel had refused employment and advance- 
ment to Magellan, and seemed inclined to leave him in 
the obscurity of a small garrison in Africa, the Portu- 
guese would seem to have no more right to complain 
of Magellan's profiting by the opportunities offered by 
Spain, than the Genoese would have had, if they had 
reproached Columbus for availing himself in a similar 
way of the resources of that country. D. Manuel, it 
is true, made offers to Magellan if he would leave Spain 
and return to Portugal, but it was then too late, for 
the great navigator had already pledged his word to 
Charles V. 


There is another circumstance which justifies Ma- 
gcUau still more than if he had been an Euglisbman or 
a Frenchman, a circutuBtance peculiar to Spain and 
Portugal. In the Peninsula, the kingly power was of 
recent origin, and had been divided amongst several 
crowns : the wearers of these crowns had been at first 
only the equals of other great lords, and, after they 
bad acquired these crowns, they were only the first 
amongst their equals ; and such they recognised them- 
selves to be by tbeir coronation oaths, even long after 
the time of Magellan. In these coronation oaths they 
also bound themselves more than did other European 
sovereigns to respect all the privileges of the great 
nobles ; any infraction of which was held to justify 
thL-se in revolt from the sovereign. At the same time 
there existed the custom and tradition of disnaturalisa- 
tiou, in accordance with which any noble who felt 
aggrieved, formally renounced his fealty to the sove- 
reign, and betook himself to some neighbouring state. 
Osorio and Mariana, who wrote when the kingly power 
had become consolidated, ridicule this custom ; but it 
must have had the advantage of giving time and 
oi)portuuity for a peaceable settlement instead of an 
immediate recourse to arms. But whether the custom 
was good or bail, there is no doubt that it was gener- 
ally and constantly acted upon ; and Magelliin was 
following precedents that were generally received in 
the Peninsula. It is unfortunate that the document 
mentioned by historians, by which Magellan formally 
renounced fealty to D. Manuel, is not forthcoming in 
the archives either of Spain or Portugal ; but it niiiy 


their treason, which has plunged Spain in anarchy and 
bloodshed for so many years.^ Rebellions have almost 
always been conducted by minorities ; and as their 
justification does not depend upon the numerical im- 
portance of those engaged in them, it would follow 
that in the case of disnaturalisation, where numbers are 
not requisite, as in the case of armed insurrection, the 
right would exist equally even if the minority con- 
sisted only of one. 

There are some writers on the Law of Nations, with 
whom I am agreed in general, who disapprove of the 
Naturalisation and Disnaturalisation Act of the Session 
of 1869. 1 am compelled to difibr from them with 
respect to that measure, for the foregoing reasons, and 
also because it seems to me that they have lost sight 
of another circumstance which affects the question. 
So long as kingly power was a reality, personal 
allegiance and duty to the sovereign was a reality 
also. But now that modern innovation and corruption 
have substituted the rule of majorities for the kingly 
power, the feeling of the personal duty of the subject 
is almost lost ; and the subject, or citizen, has be- 
come only one of an aggregation of individuals, or of 
an association of persons with equal rights ; and each 
member of such an association has clearly the right to 
choose whether he will form part of it or not : so that 
whatever rights of expatriation may have existed in 

* Thus Hazelrigg, Hampden, Cromwell, and Pym, are said 
to have been prevented by the Government from emigrating to 
New England in 1638. See Palfrey^s Hist, of New England^ vol. 
i, pp. 502, 503. 


tlie times of Magellan, Grotius, and Vattel, have 
become much stronger at the present time, when the 
coQscience of the suhject is no longer considered by 
some as held bound by duty to tbe sovereign, who 
has become almost impersonal : instead of loysdty and 
fealty, we have the duty of fair dealing as between 
partners and associates on equal terms, as is exemplified 
by the argumentation of Condoreet in the passage 
quoted above. That this view is in pi'^jordance with the 
common sense and consent of mankind is shuwii bj* the 
general repudiation of the pretension of the northern 
portion of the United States to term the secession of 
the southern states a rebellion ; and this pretension 
was seen to be especially illogical on the part of those 
who had repudiated the name of rebels when they 
departed from the duty of obedience to their lawful 

Magellan has not had the good fortune of Vasco da 
Gama, whose exploits have been narrated by Canioens 
and Caspar Correa ; he did not survive to give his 
own account of his great voyage, and the only accounts 
preserved were written by two Italians of very small 
literary capacity. There arc, however, raore documents 
concerning Magellan in existence than are to be found 
with respect to Gama, 

The birth-place of Magellan is doubtful ; according 
to his will executed in Lisbon, December 2!)th, 1504, 
in favour of his sister, Theresa de Magalhiies, wife of 
Joan da Sylva Telles, he was bom at Villa de Sabroza, 
in the district of Villa Keal, Traz os Montes ; in his 
will of August 24th, 1519, he calls himself " Vezino dc 


Porto," or «IomiciIeti ar Porro : ADcaments quoted by 
^L Ferdinand Denis make him to be bom at Villa de 
Figueiro in Portuguese Estrema-iura. His family was 
" hidalgo," with a known coat of arms, of which a plate 
is given in this volume. 

The book of noble genealogies of Portugal, by Ber- 
nardo Pimenta do A velar Portocarrero, states, in the 
vol M, done and copierl in the year 1721, fo. 641, that 
Ruy de ilagalhae^, whose parents are unknown, was 
Alc<iide-mOr of Aveiro. He married Alda de Mesquita, 
daughter of Martin Gonzalve.s Pimentel and Ignez de 
Mesquita. Antonio de Lima (another genealogist) re- 
presents her as the wife of Gil de Magalhaes, fifth son 
of Gil de ifagalhaes ; and he gives her the same 
children as others give to Ruy de Magalhaes : who had 

Genebra de Magalhaes, wife of Pei*o Cuo. 

Fernao de Magalhaes, who married Da. Brites Bar- 
bosa, daughter of his relation Diogo Barbosa, alcaide- 
m(3r of Seville, in the absence of D. Alvaro of Por- 
tugal ; he had 

Da. Anna de Magalhaes, his heiress, the wife of D. 
Hernando de Heuao c Avila, from whom his lineacre 
continues. She was his only child. 

This does not agree with the archives of Seville, from 
which it appears that Beatriz Barbosa was daughter of 
Diego Barbosa and Maria Caldera, and that Fernan 
Magalhaes and Beatriz Barbosa had a son named 
llodrigo ; and that after the death of these three, Diego 
liarbosa became their heir; and he having died in 
1525, his son Jayme inherited. 

Fernan Magellan executed a will in Seville on the 


24tli (lay of August, 1519. He instituted by it a 
mayorazgo for Lis son, grandson, or relation, who 
should bear the name of Magalknes, and who should 
Ite bound to live in the kingdoms of Castille. He 
also bequeathed a sura of 12,500 maravedia to the 
Convent of N. S. de la Victoria in Tnana. 

Two facsimiles of the signature of Magellan are 
given, one taken from his signature to the protocol of 
the Council of War. held at Cochlni in 1510 ; there is 
also a facsimile of the signature of another Magellan, 
taken from the book of Moradias or Palace stipends, 
attached to a receipt printed by Navarrete, who appears 
to have supposed it to have been that of the navigator : 
and a facsimile of the signature of Magellan's brother- 
in-law Duarte Barbosa. 

Caspar Correa states, in his Lendas da India, 
torn. II, p. 28, that, in January of 1510, Alfonso 
d'Alboquerque despatched the ships from Cochim to the 

" Two sltips of Bastian de Sonsa and Francisco de Sit 
ronvoyed this fleet, and at night they both struck on the 
ithuula of Piiilua, which are opposite the Maldive Islands, 
and remained ngi-onnd, npright, and without breaking up. 
Upon thia thpy prepared the boats as well as they ^'ould, 
and ruised their sides, and put iDside water and biscuit, and 
victuaia which did not require cooking. The captains and 
pilots, and as many men as conid, got into these boats and 
rotumod to Cochym. The people who remained in the ships 
set shores' on each side of the fihip". with the j'ards, which 
they cut. All this was arrang„u and commanded by an 
hononmble gentleman, who remained as overseer, named 
Foi-nan de Mogalhacs^ who had been much wounded iu 
' " Eacoraa," 



Calccut. He touk much cnro thiit tlio chests shotild uot be 
brokeu, aud that there should be no robbery, becauBe the 
captains were going to request ships of the govprnor, with 
which to return to the shipa to Bare what goods had nob 
been wetted. Tliese captains reache<l Cananor in eight 
dajs, from whence thoy Bent a meaaage to the governor, 
who at once sent Gonzalo dc Crasto iu a caravel, with two 
pilots ; and they went to the ships and put the best things 
on board the caravel, until they could not load it any tnoro, 
and having recovered all the men, they set fire to the ships, 
as they were already full of water. So they returned to 
Cochim, In this Fenian de Magathaes worked hard, and 
did much ser\-ice, and attended well to everything. 

" This Fernan de Magalbfiea was of the king's household, 
and came to India with the Viceroy Dom Francisco [d'AI- 
meida], and ha was in the action with the Turks; and hs 
was always much wounded in the fleets and in Caleout; and 
in these ships he lost his small portion of property,' and he 
went away poor to Portugal, and went about with claims 
for his services, and begged of the king a hundred reis in- 
crease of his palace stipend,' which the king did not choose 
to grant, at which he was aggrieved, and went to Castile to 
live at Seville, where he married. As he had much know- 
ledge of the art of navigation, and enterprise, and devoted 
himself to that, ho came to an understanding with the 
directors of the House of Trade of Seville, so that the em- 
gave him a fleet of five ships, with which he navi- 
gate(V^'^^^'"'^^"°g ^ ^^^ ^^y to Maluco, which was in the 
year 15l?j as I will relate further on in its place; with 
which he catted great difficulties to Portugal." 

Coirea again refers to the incident of Magellan 
remaining with the wreck, in hia tome n, p. d25, 
where he eays ; 

" Fernan de Magalhiios, an honourable gentleman, who 
served in these parts in the time of the Viceroy Afonso 
Pcrdt'o sua jwbreza" * " Moradia." 


d'AIboqnerque, of whom I mat^ mention in the first book, 
with respect to two ships which were ^oihg to thetingdom, 
which were lost on the shoals of Padua, and their captains 
went back to Cochym in their boats, and this Feman do 
Magaihaes remained in the ships with the men taking care 
of the ships until caravela came from Cochim in which 
much propertyj belonging to the king and to private indi- 
viduals, was saved. This Fernan de Magalhiies, on going 
to the kingdom and bringing before the king his services, 
asked in satisfaction for them that he should have an in- 
crease in his palace stipend of a hundred reis a month, which 
the king refused him, because he did not find favour with 
him, or because it was so permitted to be. Feman de 
Magalhiies, ofleudod at this, because he much entreated the 
king to do it, and ho would not, asked his leave to go and 
live with whoever would show him favour, where he might 
obtain more good fortune than with him. The king told 
him to do aa he pleased ; for which he wished to kiss his 
hand, which the king did not choose to give him." 

Castanheda, in relating the wreck on the Padua 
banks, says (lib. in, cap. v) : 

"There were disputes as to who should go away with the 
captains from the grounded vessels, and Magellan said that 
it was clear that all conld not go away, and that to avoid 
strife, which was commencing, let the gentlemen and chief 
men go away with the captains, and he would remain with 
the sailors and other common people, provided they would 
promise to return for him, or get the governor to send for 
him. This they swore to, and Fernan de Magalhaes stayed 
behind, the common people consented to remain, for other- 
wise there must have been strife. As Magalhaes was in the 
boat, when it was nearly ready to go away, a sailor, think- 
ing that he repented himself of remaining, said to him: 
' Sir, did you not promise to remain with us ?' He replied t 
'Tea; and see, I am coming;' and went to them and re- 
mained with them. In this he shewed groat courage, and 
confidence in the men." 


Barros relates the incident of the two vessels wrecked 
on the banks of Padua, and says that Antonio Pacheco 
was sent with a caravel to their assistance ; and that : 

" Aa mnct lionour aa Antonio Pacboco gained in tlie 
method with which he recovered these crews, with the diF- 
ferences which ho had with them on account of some goods 
■which the men took with thein, so much honour also did 
llagellan gain by the good management of theao men, which 
he shewed whilst waiting with them till they came to fetch 
them. And if he had had as much loyalty to his king and 
country, as he observed with a friend of hia, on whose 
account he would not go away in company with Bastian do 
Sousa [the captain]; for they did not tiiko away the other 
man, as he was not a man of much importance, perchance 
he would not have lost himself with a name of iufamy, as 
will be seen further on.'' — fJeeiiJ. II, lib. iv, chap. i. 

Thus Castanheda and Barros, who are both of them 
very hostile to Slagellan, have preserved one of the 
finest traits of his life. Whether the motive of Ma- 
gellan in remaining by the wreck was fidelity to the 
interests of his friend, or devotion to the common sea- 
men, or the repugnance of an officer and a gentleman 
to abandon a ship which had not broken up, this trait 
is alone sufficient to show that he was incapable of dis- 
loyalty, or of being influenced by pique, as the Portu- 
guese historians have represented. 

The next mention we find of Magellan is in the 
following document, preserved in the archives of 
Lisbon, which contains an account of a Council of War 
held by Albuquerque respecting his attack on Goa. 
This document confirms what Correa says of Albu- 
querque's departure from Cochym for Goa. 


Council held by Alfonso d'Albuquerque with the Captains 

with respect to going tn Qoa. 

Torre do Tombo. Corpo Chron. Part 2a, Ma9 23, Doc. 190. 

Thursday, which was the tenth day of tlie month of Oc- 
tober, of &VB hundred and ten, the captain-major ordered 
all the captains of the king our sovereign to be aummoned 
in Cochini, in order to hold a council with them, to which 
council there came those named below, and no others. 
This council was as to whether, whilst the ships of burden 
remained in C'ochim taking iu their cargo, it seemed good 
to them to carry all their crews with them to the action of 
Goa, or not. 

Foman de Magalhaea said that it seemed to him that the 
captain -major ought not to take the ships of burden to Goa, 
inasmuch as if they went thither they could not pass this 
year to Portugal, since we are at the twelfth of October; 
and that, making their shortest course without touching at 
Canauor, nor at any other port, it was not possible to lay 
the fleet before the port of Goa before the eighth of Novem- 
ber,' as the winds were now contrary for that place: and 
with respect to the crows, let his worship say whether it 
was well that they should go, that it seemed to him that he 
ought not to take them, since there did not remain time for 
them to lay out their money, nor to do anything of what 
was necessary for the voyage; and this said Fernan de 

The following gave an opinion : 

Nnno Vaz, captain of the Rumosa. 

Antonio da Costa. ..Rei Pequeoo. 

Duarteda Silva.-.Gale Grande. 
*Simao Martins. 
*D. Joao de Lima...Sta. Maria d'Ajuda. 

' Albuquerque did net arrive before Goti 
r. Correa, torn, ii, p, 115. 

I.ill the 24tli Novem- 


♦Sebastian de Miranda.. .Gal^ I'equeno. 

Fern an de Magalhaes.' 

Jeronimo Teixeira.,,Sta. Maria do Campo. 
♦Jorge da SJlveira. 

Franciaco de Sousa... Boa Ventura. 
♦Manuel da Cunlia. 
♦Garcia de Souaa..,Sta„ Clara. 

Francisco CorviDeI,..Sant-Ittgo. 

Lonren<;.o de Paiva. 

Antonio Real, alcaide-mi1r and captain of Cochim. 

Gonzalo de Sequoira, captain -major of tte fleet 
which had just come from Portugal. 

AfTouso d'Albuquerque said at the end what he de- 
termined to do. 

(S.B. Albuquerque eaid at the end of these opinions that 
he was determined to sail on the following day, the eleventh 
of October, with the captains who wished to accompanj him. 
Therefore, we are at ilte twelfth of October, means that that 
day WHS close at hand, and not that the council was held on 
that day.) 

Gaspar Correa says, tome ii, p. 138 : 

" Wlen this was thus ended, the governor told all the 
captains that he was going immediately, and that he would 
sail from Cananor with all the ships and men that he conld 
take, and go and take Goa, as he trusted in the Lord's 
Passion that He would assist liim; and he gave them notice 
that 80 he would act, and not occupy himself with anything 
else : and he gave them all this notice, because he trusted 
in the Lord, that ho should be able to send news to the king 
in these ships, that he was taking his rest iuside the city of 
Goa : and, as it was already October, whoever had the will 
to serve the king, and win such great honour, as it would 
be to find oneself in such a noble action, would still have 
time enough to witness the action and return to embark in 

^ A fiiuaiiuile of thia signature is given iu the plate. 

his ship, carpyiug away bo mucli honour from having been 
present in the action : and each one was to act according to 
his own will, for ho would give an account of all to the king 
in hia letters. But the captains, occupied with their profits 
of selling and taking in cargo, set little store by this, and 
the governor departed, saying that he was not going to take 
anyone away with him against his will." 

Albuquerque then went to Cananor, which G. Correa 
says he again left on the 3rd October for Goa (torn, ii, 
p. 140) ; Irei is probably an error for treze, the IStli, 
which would be in accordance with the statement of 
the document that Albuquerque sailed from Cochim on 
-the llth of October. Caspar Correa gives the follow- 
ing names of captains who accompanied Albuquerque 
agaiust Goa, 

*Joan de Limn. 

Jerouynto de Lima, Uis bnither. 

Manuel de Lacerda. 

Feman Peres d'Andrade. 

Simao d'Andrade, his brother. 

Diogu Feman dcs de Beja. 
'Manuel da Cunba. 

Duarte de Mcllo. 

Francisco de Tavora. 

Vasco FemandoB UoutiuLa. 
"Ornoift de Sousa. 

Gas^iar Cao. 

Li>ix) Vaz de Sanipayo, 

Ayrea da Silva. 

Diutz Femaudos de Mello. 

juty-eiglit sliipB, 

Joan Serrano. 

Diogo Mendos d« Vuscogon- 

Pero Coresma. 

Baltesar da Sitva. 

Mice Viuete Cerniche. 

Antonio llapoao. 
* Simao Martins. 

Gaspar de Paiva. 

Francisco Pautoja. 
*Bastiau do M iiando, d'Azevedo. 

Afonso Pessoa. 

Jorge Martins de Liao. 

Francisco Peroira. 

id 1,700 Portuguese. 

He also mentions, p. 145, the following geutlemett 
us being with Albuquerque in the attack on Goa : 

• The names marked with an asterisk are among tliose wha 
gave an opinion at the Council of War above nioulioued. 


Feman Gomez de Lemoa. Simao Martins Ueoriqaes. 

Nuno Vaz de Castello Branco. Payo Rodrigues de Sousa. 

•Jorge da Silveira. Diogo Pires de Miranda. 

Ruj de Brita Duarte de Mello. 

Luis CoutinhOy brother of Alraro Pa^anba. 

Yasoo Femandea. Luis Preto. 

Simao d'Andrade, brotber of Pero d'Afonsequa. 

Feman Peres. Antonio de ^latoa. 

Gonzalo d'ALneida. Antonio Diniz. 

And otber gentlemen. 

The supposition may be hazarded that it was this 
opinion which Magellan gave at the Council of War in 
opposition to Alfonso d'Albuquerque, which set D. 
Manuel against him. Such opposition was enough to 
have made Albuquerque write unfavourably of Magellan 
to D. Manuel ; and the ill-will of D. Manuel to Ma- 
gellan, and his refusal to grant him a due recognition 
of his services is not otherwise sufficiently accounted 
for. On the other hand, Gaspar Correa, who was 
Albuquerque's secretary at one time, does not indicate 
this ; but Correa is the most friendly to Magellan of 
all the Portuguese historians, and does not appear, like 
the others, to have taxed Magellan with treason. 

After this, Magellan appears to have left India, and 
to have been stationed at Azamor in Morocco, where, 
in a skirmish with the Arabs, he was wounded in 
the leg by a javelin, which left him somewhat lame. 
After that, some disputes arose as to the distribution 
amongst the townsmen of some cattle that had been 
captured from the Arabs. When Joao Soarez, Captain 
of Azamor, left that place, and was succeeded by 
D. Pedro de Sousa, Magellan left Azamor without 
leave from D. Pedro de Sousa, and came to Portugal ; 


Ilia petition with regard to the increase of his palace 
stipend had already been sent to D. Manuel; but 
D. Pedro de Sousa having written to the king of Ma- 
gellan having left Azamor without kave of abaence, 
and of the complainta made about the cattle, the king 
refused to receive Magellan, and commanded him to 
return at once to Azamor, and there give himself up 
as he was accused. When he arrived there, as Barroa 
says, cither because he was free from blame, or, as was 
mostly asserted, because the frontier officers of Azamor, 
in order not to vex him, would not accuse him, he 
received a sentence of acquittal, and returned with it 
to Portugal ; but the king always bore ill-will to him, 
and, Magellan's requests not being granted, he set about 
that business of which he had written to his friend 
Francisco Serrano, ^vho was in Maluco. 

After Magellan had disnaturalked himself, he took 
refuge in Spain, accompanied by the astrologer Ruy 
Faleiro, and having arrived at Seville on the 20th of 
October, 1517, he entered upon negotiations with the 
ministers of Charles V ; and the Iving of Portugal did 
his utmost, through his agents, to thwart him : Osorio 
says that the king would have succeeded in dissuading 
Charles V from employing Magellan, had not the 
Spanish nobles persuaded him not to lose such an 
opportunity of increasing the Spanish empire. Charles 
V then ordered ships to be provided for Magellan, 
by which he might discover a new way to the east. 

Here follows an abstract of documents, copies of 
which are contained in the Torre do Tombo, relating 
to the appointment of Magellan, and the privileges and 


powers conferred upon him : these documenta are datei 
in the spring of 1518, more than a year before Ma- 
gellan sailed ; and it appears that delay was caused 
pai'tly through the procrastination of the Spanish 
authorities in Seville, who were charged with equipping 
the fleet, and partly by the intrigues of the agents of 
the Iving of Portugal. These intrigues appear to have 
been paftially successful, and to have caused delay. A 
final order for the depaiture of Magellan was given in 
Barcelona, April 19th, 1519, The original of this 
document is preserved in the Lisbon ai'chives, and it 
was probably carried out with the ileet, and fell into 
the possession of the Portuguese in the Moluccas aft 
Magellan's death ; a translation of this order is givt 
below, and the text is in the Appendix. 

After this document, translations are given of two 
letters {the text of which is given in the Appendix) 
from Alvaro da Costa, the Portuguese ambassador iu 
Spain, and from Sebastian Alvarez, the Portuguese 
factor, about the efforts made by them to prevent Ma- 
gellan's expedition. M. Ferdinand Denia, in the Bio- 
grapkie Universclle, mentions that Alvaro da Costa is 
said to have pushed his zeal to the extremity of wish- 
ing to assassinate Magellan, and even his poor asso- 
ciate, Kuy Faleiro ; this, with regard to the latter, 
seems hardly probable, j udging from Costa's own 
letter. Navarrete states that the Portuguese agents 
succeeding in exciting the mob of Seville against 
Magellan on the 22nd of October, 1518, under the 
empty pretext that he was substituting the arms of 
Portugal for those of Castile iu his ships. Faria y 

uto ' 


Sousa, in his Europa Portuguesa, torn. li, pt. iv, cap. i, 
p. 543, says . 

" D. Fernando de VaBconcelloa, Bishop of Lanaego, alone 
expressed the desire that the King of Portugal should either 
grant favours to him (Magellan) or else have him killed, 
because his intentions were most daagerous to the kingdom. 
The result of this (counsel) was that the kingdom received a 
great disappointment, and Magellan glorious and everlast- 
ing fame; since, whilst the norld endures it will endure in 
the monument of his name, which has remained applied to 
all the South Sea and to bis Straits." 

Que uunca se vera tao forte poito, 

Do Gangetioo mar ao Gaditano ; 

Nem das Borcaea ondae ao Estreito, 

Que moatroii o nggravado Loaitano. 

Camoea*, Canto ii, 55, 

And never will their prowess liud its mate, 

Nu, not frutn Guugea to the Gadite shore. 

Not from Aruturus to the Southera Strait 

Which first an injured Lusian will explore. 

Eis aqui as novas portaa do Oriente, 

Que TosoutroH agora ao mundo dais, 

Abrindo a porta ao vasto mar patente, 

Que com tarn forte pcito navegius : 

Mas he tambem razao, que no ponente 

De hum Lusitano hum feito iuda vejais, 

Que de aeu Rey monstrandose agravado, 

Camiabo ha de fazer nunqua cuidado. 

Comotiu, Canto x, 138. 

Thus hast thou all the regioiu of the East, 

Whiuh by tliee giv'n unto the world is now ; 

Opening a way with an undaunted breast, 

Through that vast sea which none before did plough. 

But it is likewise reason, in the West 

That of a Lusian too one oution thou 

Shoutdst understand, who (angry with his king) 
Auliicves a ;irc«t and memorable thing. 



Contract and Agreement made hy the King of Castile with 

Feman Magellan for the discovery which he wa>s to make, 

a copy of which he caiTied with him, signed by the Officers 

of tlte King of Castile, and made by his Secretary 

Feman de los Cobos, and copied word for word} 

Gav. 18, Ma^o 10, No. 4. 

Certificate given in Seville that the commendador Fernan 
de Magallanes, and the bachelor Ruy Faleiro, Portagaese, 
presented themselves at the Audiencia on the foarth of May, 
of 1518, before Dr. Sancho de Matienzo, the contador Jaan 
Lopez de Bicalde, and the factor Juan de Aranda, jadges 
and fi seals of their Highnesses, of the India House, residing 
in this city, in the presence of Juan Gutierrez Calderon^ 
clerk of their H.H., and his Notary public, on behalf of 
Diego de Porras^ chief clerk in civil and criminal causes of 
the said India House ; and they presented to the judges two 
capitulations written on paper and signed by his Highness, 
and one sealed with a seal of coloured wax at the back and 
other necessary signatures, and two royal orders (cedulas) 
of H.H. signed with his royal name, all written by the secre- 
tary Feman de los Cobos, the tenour of all which, one after 
another, is as follows. 

The King : 

'' Since you, Fernando de Magallanes, a knight, native of 
the Kingdom of Portugal, and the bachelor Ruy Faleiro, 
also a native of that kingdom, wish to render us a great 
service in the limits which belong to us in the ocean within 
the bounds of our demarcation, we order the following capi- 
tulation to be established with you for that purpose." 

^ This document has been abridged here; it is taken from a 
copy in the Torre do Tombo, made from another copy, which is very 
illegible. The Spanish is rather antiquated, and much debased, 
apparently by Portuguese copyists, who have mixed up their own 
orthography. The Secretary's name was Francisco, not Feman. 


" Firstly : That you are to go with good luck to discover 
the p&rt of the ocean withia our limits and demarcation, 
and because it would not be in reason that, while you go to 
do the above mentioned, that other persona should cross 
you to do the same, and taking iuto consideration that yon 
undertake the labour of this enterprise, it is my favour and 
will, and I promise that for the first ten following years we 
will not give leave to any person to go and discover by the 
same road and course by which you shall go ; and if anyone 
desire to undertake it and should ask our leave for it, before 
giving it, we will let you know of it in order that if you 
should be ready to make it in that time in which they offer, 
you should do so, providing an equal sufficiency and equip- 
ment, and as many ships as the other persons who may wish 
to make the said discovery ; but, be it understood that, if 
we please to send to discover, or to give leave for it to such 
other persons as we please by way of the sonth-west in the 
parts of tho islands and mainland, and all other parts which 
are discovered towards the part where they are to seek the 
strait of those seas (para LuBcar el estrecho de aquollas 
mares),' we may order it to bo done, or give leiivo to other 
persons to do it, both of the mainland by tho iSouth Sea, 
which is discovered, or from the island of S. Miguel, if 
they wish to go and discover, they may do so. Aho, if the 
governor and people who are now, by our orders, or may in 
future be in the said mainland, or other of our subjects may 
wish to discover in the South Sea, they may do so, notwith- 
standing the above, or any section or clause of this capitula- 
tion. Also, yon may discover in any of those parts what 
has not yet been discovered, so that you do not discover 
nor do anything in the demarcation and limits of the most 
serene King of Portugal, my very dear and well-beloved 
uncle and brother, nor to his prejudice, but only within the 
limits of our demarcation." 

' From this it appears that Magellan aulitipatod tliot Am 
voutd L'ud like ACriua. 

In con ai deration of their good-will aud services, the iisxt 
paragraph gnmts the right to levy upon any isles or coun- 
tiies settled by them after the expenses have been paid, a 
twentieth part, with the title of our Adelantadoa and Gover- 
nors of the said conntries and isles, "yon, and your sons and 
rightful heirs for ever, so that they remain for us and the 
kings that may come after us, and your eons and heirs being 
natives of our realms and married in them ; and of this we 
will Bend yon your formal letter of privileges." 

The neit paragraph grants the right to invest in gooda j 
each year the value of a thousand ducats, cost price, to sell 
in the islands and countries, and bring back the returns, 
paying only a twentieth in duty to the king without other 
payment. This only after the return from the voyage, nob 
during it. 

Also to grant them greater favour, if more than six islands 
should be discovered ; after six have been set apart for the 
king, they might mark out two from which they might take 
the fifteenth part of all the net profits and duties of the 
king after the expenses had been deducted. 

Also of all the net profit that there may be for the kinf^ 
on the return of the fleet, after this first voyage, deducting 
its expense, they may take a fifth part. 

" In order that you may better carry this out, I will order 
the equipment of five ships, two of one hnndred and thirty 
tons each, and two others of ninety, and another of sixty 
tons, provided with men, victuals, and artillery ; that is to 
say, that the said ships shall be supplied for two years, and 
there shall go in them two hundred and thirty- four persona 
for their management : amongst masters, mariners, ship- 
boys, and all other people that are of necessity, according 
to the memorial, and this wo will order to be carried out by 
our officers in Seville." 

Also if either of them died, this agreement was to be kept 
with, and by the other, as it would have been kept with 
both if they were alive. 

The next paragraph says that a factor, a treasurer, an 

nccoiiniant, and clerka of the aaid ships, shall keep the ac- 
counts of all the expenses of the fleet. 

"AU which I promise and plight my faith and royal word 
that 1 will order it to he observed to you, in all and for all. 
Recording rs is contained above, and upon it I have ordered 
this present to be given, signed with my name. Dated in 
Yalladolid, the twenty-second day of March, of five hundred 
and eighteen years. 

" Yo ol Rey. 

" By order of the King, 


Another copy of the same document has the hcad- 

Doiia Juana and Don Carlos, her son, by the grace of 
God, Qoeen and King of Castile, Leon, Aragon, the two 
Sicilies, and -lenisalom, of Navarra, Granada, Toledo, Valen- 
cia, Galicia, the ITallorcas, Seville, Sardinia, Cordova, Cor- 
sica, Murcia, Jaen, the Algarves, of Aljazira, Gibraltar, of 
the Canary Isles, of the Indies, isles and mainland of the 
Ocean-sea, Counts of Barcelona, Lords of Biscay and Molina, 
Dukes of Athens and Neopatria, Connts of Ronssillon and 
Cerdana, Marquises of Euristan and Gociano, Archdukes 
of Austria, Dukes of Bergona and Brabant, Connts of 
Flanders and Tirol, etc. 

Another letter, also dated Valladolid, March 22nd. 
151S, and signed hy the king, and the secretary Fran- 
cisco dc loa Cobos, and signed at the back by Joancs 
Beijamanse, Fonseca Archiepiscopus, Episcopus, regis- 
tered, Johan de Saniana, Guillermo Chancellor, confers 
upon Magellan the power of deciding and executing 
short and summary justice by sea or land in case of 
suits or disputes arising in the fleet. 

Another royal letter of the same date as the above 


onlere the officers of the India House to provide Ma- 
gellan with five ships, crews, provisions, etc^ according 
to the memorial which is signed by our chancellor of 
Bargonha and by the Archbishop of Rosano and Bishop 
of Burgos ; and bids them use all dispatch. 

Another royal letter, dated Aranda, 1 7th of April, 
1 5 1 8, to Magellan and Buy Faleiro, says that if, after 
they shall have sailed, either or both of them should 
die, and that they should have given to the people in 
the fleet instructions and orders which should be neces- 
sary for the discovery ; and if they, profiting by them, 
should discover the isles and parts which they were 
going to discover, then their heirs and successors 
should enjoy the favours and privileges contained in 
the said capitulations. 

The document then states that Magellan and Buy 
Faleiro having presented the capitulations and letters 
and royal orders of his highness to the said judges, they 
summoned and required them to fulfil them according 
to their contents, and they requested this in the pre- 
sence of the witnesses, Francisco de Santa Cruz, alguazil 
Lorenzo Pinelo, and Francisco de Collantes, porter of 
the Audicncia of the said House. Then the judges 
took the letters in their hands, and kissed them, and 
put them on their heads, as the orders of their king, 
and natural sovereign, whom may God suffer to live 
and reign many years ; and they would answer more 
at length in complying with the orders. Witnesses the 

After that, on Monday, at the Audiencia de la Nona, 
on the thirty-first day of May of 1518, the said judges. 


Dr. Sancho de Mutieiizo and the eontiiilor Juan Lopez 
de Ricalde, appeared before me, the said Juau GutieiTez 
Calderon, the above-meiitioued clerk and notary, and 
presented an answer signed with their names to the 
presentation made by the Portuguese captains of the 
royal orders and letters. And this reply ia as follows. 

The said judges state, in reply, that the king's 
Icttera order them to provide five ships, and men and 
provisions as may be necessary, in conformity with a 
memorial which the captains bring, signed by the great 
Chancellor of Burgumly and by the very Reverend 
Archbishop of Rosauo and Bishop of Burgos, which said 
memorial up to this time has not been shown to us, 
and without it we cannot undertake anything ; so let 
his Highness send us orders according to that the said 
despatch signed, as has been said, by the chancellor and 
bishop ; and we are ready to fulfil the orders which his 
Highness sends, having at the time moneys of his High- 
ness in our power. This they said, and gave as their 
answers, and signed it with their names, Doctor 
Matienzo, Juan Lopez de Ricalde, 

Magellan and Ruy Faletro asked from Juan Gutierres 
Calderon, Clerk and Notary Public, a certificate and 
legalised copy of what had passed for the conservation 
of their rights, which he accordingly gave him, dated 
on the said day and month (31st May) of 1518. 

The letter, the text of which is given in the Ap- 
pendix No. Ill, the original of which appears to have 
fallen into the hands of ihe Portuguese at the Moluccfis, 
is as follows : 



Fernando de ITagallaDia and Ruj Foleiro, Knights of 
the Order of St. James, onr captains- general of the fleet, 
which we command to be equipped to go to discover, and 
the other separate captains of the said fleet, and pilots, 
masters, quarter- masters, and seamen of the said fleet : In- 
asmuch as I know for certaiD, according to tfae much in- 
formation which I have obtained from persons who have 
seen it by experience, that there are spices in the islands of 
Maluco ; and, chiefiy, you are goin^ to seek them with this 
said fleet, and my will is that yon should straightway follow 
the voyage to the said islands in the form and gtiise which 
I have said and commaoded to yon, the said Ferdinand 
de Magallaiiis ; moreover, I command yon all and each ono 
of you that in the navigation of the said voyage you follov 
the opinion and determination of the said Ferdinand da 
Kfagallaius, in order that first and foremost, before any other 
part, you should go to the said islands of Maluco, without 
there being any shortcoming in this, because thus it IS fit- 
ting for our service, and after this done, the rest that may 
be convenient may be sought for according to what yoa 
have been commanded, and one and all neither do nor let 
them do anything eUe in anywise, under pain of losing their 
goods and their persons, at our discretion. Done in Barce- 
lona, nineteenth day of April, year of one thousand Eve 
_bnndr6d and nineteen. 

I, the King. 

By order of the King, 



(Dochet). — In order that those of the fleet may follow the 
r opinion and determination of Magallaiis, in order that first 
I Bnd before anything else they go to the spices. 



TMtfr of Ahnro da Costa, giving an Account to the King 

Dom Manuel of what pasted itnth the King of Citatile, 

to tliBBHiiile him from the discovery which ho de- 

tenmned to order thii execution of, by Fcntan 

do Mngalhaes. 

Torre do Tombo. Gav. IS, Ma(;o 8, No. 33. 


With respect to the business of Pernam de Magal- 
haes, I have done and laboured ror^ much, as God knows, 
fts I have written to you at length ; and now, Xobres boing 
ill, I have spoken on this matter very Griuly to the king, 
laying before him all the objections that there were in it, and 
besides other matters, sotting forth how ill- seeming and nn- 
nsual a matter it was for a king to receive the vassals of 
another king his friend, against his will; which w&a a thing 
which was not nsual amongst knights, and was held to be 
a great fault, and a very ill-looking thing: also that I had 
just before offered to him in Valladolid the services of yonr 
royal self, and kingdom and lordships, while he was already 
receiving these men against your pleasure ; and I begged 
him to look well that this was not a time for causing dis- 
content to your Highness, especially in a matter of such 
little importance to him, and of such little certainty, and 
that ho had many vassals and men for making discoveries 
when the time came, without making uso of those who 
came away from your Highness discontented, and that your 
Highness could not fail to suspect that these men would 
labour more to do you a dis-service than for anytfaiug else ; 
and that his Highness had now so much to do with dia* 
covering his own kingdoms and lordships, and settling them, 
that such novelties ought hardly to come into his recollec- 
tion, from which scandals might follow, and other things 
which might well be dispensed with. I also laid before him 


how ill this appeared iu tho year and period of the marriiige, 
arnl increase of family doty and affection, and that it seemed 
to me that yonr Highness would feel deeply the knowledge 
that tliese men asked his leavo to retnm, and that he did 
not give it ; which would be two erils, the receiving them 
against your will, and the retaining them against their own 
wills : and 1 begged him on account of what was fitting for 
his sonrice, and for that of your Highnesa that of two things 
he should do one, either give them leave to go, or lay aside 
this business for this year, by which much would not be 
lost, and snch means might be taken that he might be 
served without your Highness receiving displeasure from 
the manner in which this should be done. 

He, Sire, rcmninod so surprised at what I said to him, 
that I was amazed ; and he replied to me with the best 
words in the world, and that on no account did he desire 
that anything should be done, by which your Highness 
should be displeased, and many other good words ; and be 
told me to speak to tho Cardinal, and to relate everything 
to htm. I, Sire, had already talked it all well over with the 
Cardinal, who is the boat thing here, and this business does 
not seem good to him, and he promised me to labour as 
much as he could to avoid speaking to the king; and for 
this purpose they summoned the Bishop of Burgos, who is 
tho person who upholds this business, and so two of the 
Council again made the king believe that in tliis he was not 
ill fault towards your Highness, because ho was not sending; 
to make discoveries except within his limit, and very far off 
from the affairs of your Highness ; and that yonr Highness 
ought not to take it ill tliat he made use of two of your 
vassals, men of little substance, while your Highness was 
making ose of the services of many natives of Castile; and 
they alleged many other arguments : lastly, the Cardinal 
told me that the Bishop and those men used so much urgency 
in this, that at present the king could not take any other 
mi nation, 
long as Xobrcs was well I coutli.ncd to bct this bnsi- 


nesa before him, as I Lave said, and much more. He puts 
the blame upon these Castiliacs nho lend the Hiig into 
this matter, and withal that, ho will speak to the king. 
Some days past I eutreuted him much about this business, 
and he never took a deter mi nation, and I thiiik that he will 
do likewise now. It appears to me, Sire, that your Higb- 
uesa might get back Fernain de Magalhiiea, which would 
be a great buffet to these people. I do not reckon the 
bachelor [Ruy Faleiro] for much, for he is almost out of bis 
mind. I took steps with Dom Jorge' with respect to the 
going there of bis alcaide, and bo says that he wiU go at 
any rate ; so. Sire, as this is in this manner, for all that, I 
will never desist from striving in this to the extent of my 

Let not your Highness consider that I said much to the 
king in what I did say to bim, because, besides what I said 
being all true, these people, as I say, do not feel anything, 
neither has the king liberty up to this time to do anything 
of himself, and on thiii account what he does {hU aff'airs) 
need to be felt less. The Lord increase the life and State 
of your Highness for His holy service. From Saragoija, 
Tuesday at night, the twenty-eigblh of September [1518].- 

I kiss the hands of your Highness. 

Alvako Da Costa, 

' D. Jorgo of Portugal, Bishop of Siguenza. 

' The date of the year is not given ; however, as the despatch 
mentions this year as the year of the marriage, it must bo assumed 
to have been written in 1518. D. Manuel married the daughter 
or Philip I, Da. Leonor, in Villa do frato, 24ih November, 1518. 
The treaty of the marriage was made at Saragossa 32nd May, 
1518, and ratified in SamgoBsa ISth Jul;*-, 1518. 


Letter from Sebastian Alcarez, Factor of Dom Manuel, to 
the King, dotted Secille, July 18, 1519. 

(Torre do Tombo. Corp. Chronol., Part I. Maqo 18, 

Doc. 20.) 


On the 15tli of this July I receiTed throngli Cha- 
TEScas, the equornr, two letters from your Highness, one 
of the 18th and the other of the 29ch of last month, which 
I understood, and without recapitulating the second one^ I 
answer your Highness. 

There have now arrived together in this city, Christopher 
de Haro and Juan de Cartagena, the chief factor of the 
fleet and captain of a ship, and the treasurer and clerk of 
this fleet ; and in the regulations which they bring there 
are clauses contrary to the instructions of Feman de Magal* 
baes; these having been seen by the accountant and factors 
of the House of Trade, they seek how they can embroil 
the afiairs of Magellan, and they were at once of the opinion 
of those who have recently arrived. 

Together, they sent to summon Feman de Magalhaes^ 
and requested to know from him the order of this fleet, and 
the cause why there was no captain going in the fourth 
ship, but only Carvalho, who was a pilot and not a captain. 
He replied, that he wished to take the ship thus for it to 
carry the lantern, and for him to pass over to it from time 

to time. 

And they said to him that he carried many Portuguese, 
and that it was not well that he should take so many. He 
answered, that he would do what he chose in the fleet with- 
out giving them any account, and that they could not do 
•it without rendering account to him. There passed be- 
tween them so many and such evil words, that the factors 
ordered pay to be issued to the seamen and men-at-arms, 
but not to any of the Portuguese whom Magellan and Ruy 
Faleiro have got to take with them : and at the same time 
a courier was sent to the Court of Castile. 


As I saw the matter was began and the season coDvenient 
for saying that which your Highness bade mo say, I went 
to the lodgings of Magellaiij where I found him arranging 
baskets and boxes with victuals of conserves and other 
things. I pressed him, feigning, that as I found him thus 
occupied, it seemed to me that the undertuking of his evil 
design was settled, and that, as this would be the last con- 
versation I should have with him, I wished to recall to his 
memory how many times, as a good I'ortuguese and his 
friend, I had spoken to himj and opposed the great error 
which he was committing. 

After bogging his pardon, if he should receive from mo 
any otfence in the conversation, I called to his recollection 
how often I had spoken to him, and how well he had always 
answered me, and that, according to his replies, I hod 
always hoped that at the end he would not go to the so 
great dis-service of your Highness; and that what I always 
told him was that he shonld see that this road had as many 
dangers as Saint Catharine's wheel, and that he ought to 
leave it and take the straight road,' and return to his native 
country and the favour of your Highness, where he would 
always receive beuefits. In this conversation I introduced 
all tho dangers which appeared to me, and the faults which 
he was committing. Hi^ said to me, that now he could 
do nothing else, for his honour's sake, except follow hia 
path. 1 said to him, that to acquire honour unduly, and 
when acquired by such infamy, was neither wisdom nor 
honour, but rather deprivation of wisdom and honour, for he 
might be certain that the chief Castilians of this city, when 
speaking of him, held him to be a vile man, of low blood, 
since to the dia-service of his true king and lord ho accepted 
such an enterprise ; and so much the more since it was pre- 
pared, concerted, and requested by him, that he might be 
sure that he was held to be a traitor in going against the 
State of your Highness. Here he answered me that he saw 
the fault bo was committing, but that ho hoped to obsei-vo 

' Literally, ihe road lo Coimhni. 


of yoar Higlmess, atii] to Jo yon great service 
by liis going. I told him that whoever should praise such 
a speech, did not undersland the matter, because, sapposiug 
that ho did not touch any of the conquest of your Highness, 
how was he going to discover what ho talked of; moreover, 
it was to the great detriment of the revenaes of yonr High- 
ness, and this would be sustained by the whole realm and 
by all sorts of persons : and that thought of his bad been 
a more virtuous uno which he had when he said to tne that, 
if your Highness ordered him to retoni to Portugal, be 
would do so without any other assurance of favours, and 
that should your Highness not confer tbem, there was 
always Serradossa and seven etls of serge, and some bends 
of acorns.' It seemed to nie then that hia heart was true 
as to what be6lted his honour and conscience ; that which 
was said was so much that it is not possible to write iL 

Here, Sire, he began to give a sign, telling me to tell 
him more, that this did not come from myself, and that if 
your Highness had bidden me say it, that I should tell him, 
and the favour which you would confer upon him. I told 
him that 1 was not of so mnch tonnage as that your High- 
ness should put me into such a business ; but I said it to 
him as I had done on many other occasions. Here he 
wished to do me honour, saying that if what I had begun 
with him, went forward, without other persons intervening. 
that your Highness would be served ; but that Nuiio Ribeiro 
had told him one thing, and that it was of no importance; 
and Joam Slendez, another, and that these did not agree ; 
and he told me the favour which they promised on behalf 
of your Highness. Here he made a great lamentation, and 
said that he felt it all, but that he did not know of anything 
by means of which he could reasonably leave a king who 
had shown him so much favour. I told him that to do that 
which ho ought and not to lose his honour, and the favour 
which your Highness would confer upon him, would be 
more ct;rtain and accompanied by truer honour: aud that 

' Moaning, he could become a hermit 




he ahonlii weigh his coraiog from Portugal, whioli had been 
for a huudred reals, more or less, of allowances,^ which your 
Highness had not granted him, ao as not to break jour 
ordiuance, and that two regulations had arrived contrary to 
his, and that which he had contracted with the King Don 
Carlos, and he would see whether that neglect weighed 
more, for him to go and do what he ought to do, or come 
here for that which lie had come for. 

Ko wondered much at my knowing so much, and here he 
told me the ti'uth, and that the courier had left: all which 
I knew. And he told me that certainly thero would be no 
reason for his throwing over the undertaking, unless they 
deprived him of anything which had beeu assigned him by 
the contract. But first he had to see what your Higbnesa 
would do. I said to him, what more did ho want to see 
than the instructions, and Uuy Falciro, who said openly that 
he was not going to follow his lantern, and that he would 
navigate to the south, or would not go in the fleet? also, 
that he thought he was going as cap tain- major, whilst I 
knew that othei-s were sent in opposition, whom he would 
noi know of except at a time when he could not remedy his 
honour; and that he should not pay attention to the honey, 
which the Bishop of Burgos put to his lips, and that now 
was the tit time for him to see whether he would do it, and 
that he should give me a letter for your Highness, and that 
1 from affection for him would go to your Highness to act 
on his behalf, because I had no message^ from your High- 
ness to occupy myself with the like, but that X only spoke 
what I thought as at other times 1 bad done. He said to 
me that he would not say anything to me until he saw the 

' This contemporary document confirms Osorio as to the cause 
of Magellan's being disgusted with the King of Portugal; some 
hiutorians have represented thu quarrel aa arising from a distiibu- 
tiou of plundered cattle. Uojjpar Correa uses a similar iihrase to 
that in this despatch, " a hundred reia, more or less", 

' Compare this atatenicut with that iu the second lino of the 
firth paragmiJli of this despatch. 



message irhich the courier brooglit : and with Uiis we nm- 
claded. I will watcb the servioe of your Higliness to the 
fall extent of my power. 

At this junctore, it seems to me well that your Highness 
should know that it is certain that the navigation which 
these men hope to perform is known to the King Don Car- 
los, and Femaa Magellan has told me as mnch, and there 
might be some one to undertake the enterprise who wonld 
do more harm. I spoke to Ruy Faleiro on two occasions. 
He never answered me anything else than, how coold he do 
anything against the king his lord, who did him snch favour. 
To alt that I said to him, he did not reply anything else. 
It seems to me that he is like a man deranged in his senses, 
and that this familiar of his has deprived him of whatever 
knowledge there was in him. It seems to ine that, if Feman 
Magellan were removed, that Buy Faleiro would follow 
whatever Magellan did. 

The ships of ilagellan'a Seet, Sire, are five ; that is to 
Bay, one of a hundred and ten tons, two of eighty tons each, 
and the other two of sixty tons each, a little more or less. 
They are very old and patched up ; for I saw them when 
they were beached for repairs. It is eleven mouths since 
they were repaired, and they are now afloat, and they are 
caulking them in the water. I wcut on board of them a 
few times, and I assure your Highness that I should be ill 
inclined to sail in them to the Canaries, because their knees 
are of touchwood. 

The artillery which they all carry are eighty guns, of a 
very small size; only in the largest ship, in which Magellan 
is going, there are four verj- good iron cannon. All the 
crews whom they take in all the five vessels are two hundred 
and thirty men. The greater number have already received 
their pay; only the Portuguese, who will not accept a 
thousand reis, and who are waiting for the courier to arrive, 
because Magellan told them that he would get their pay in- 
creased, and they cariy provisions for two years. 

The captain of the first ship is Feman Magellan, and of 



the second, Ruy Faleiro ; of ths third, Juan de Cartagona, 
who is the chief factor of the fleet ; of the fourth, Quesada, 
ft dependant of the Archbishop of Seville ; the fifth goes 
without any known captaiu, — Carvnlho, a Portuguese, goes 
iu her as pilot. Here it is said that, as soon aa they are 
out of the mouth of tlie river, he will put into her, as cap- 
tain, Alvaro da Mesquita of Estremoz, who is here. 
The Portuguese who have come here to sail are, 

Carvalho, pilot. 

Estcvan Gomez, pilot. 

Serruo, pilot. 

H Yasco Galego, pilot j he has been living here for some 

H time. 

I Alvaro de Meaquila of Estremoz. 

H Martin da Meaquita of Estremoz. 

■ Francisco d'Afoaseca, eon of the Corregidor of Eos- 

W mauinhal. 

I Christopher Ferreira, son of the Corregidor of Caa- 

I telejo. 

^^^^H Martia Gil, son of the Judge for the Orphans of Lisbon. 

^^^^^V Pero d'Abrcu, a dependent of the Bishop of Zafj. 

^^^^^P Duurte Barbosa, nephew of Diogo Barbosa, a depend- 

^^^^^ ent of the Bishop of Sigueuza. 

Antonio Foniandez, who lived in the Moorish quarter 

of Lisbon. 
Lais Affonso of Beja, who was a dependent of the Lady 

Infanta, whom may God have in His keeping. 
Juan da ISilva, son of Nnno da Silva, of the island of 
Madeira. This man has always told me that he 
would not go unless, if your Kighuess held it to 
be for your service, and he behaves as a concealed 
Faleiro has got here bis father and mother, and brothers, 
one of whom he takes with him. 
Other small people of the servants of these also say that 
they are going, of which I will make a report to your HigU- 
iiuss, if you uommund it, when they go. 


xliv DrrRODCcno^ axd 

The fiftK part of this arauunent Ls from Cristoral de Haro^ 
who has spent on it foar thoa^kiid dncats. Thej say here 
that TOOT Highness had ordered to take &om him there [in 
Portugal] tireatT thoosand cnxzados of propertj. He gives 
here informadoa aboat the fleets of jour Highness, both 
of what is done, and of what is to be done. I learned that 
by a servant of his whom he has got there ; bj obtaining 
from him the letters, joor Highness might be able to know 
by what means he learns these secrets. 

The goods which they take are copper, qnicksflyer^ com- 
mon cloths of coloars, common coloored silks^ and jackets 
made of these silks. 

It is assured that this deet will start down the river at 
the end of this July ; bat it does not seem so to me, nor 
before the middle of Aogast, even though the courier should 
come more quickly. 

The course which it is said they are to take is straight to 
Cape Frio, Brasil remaining on their right hand, until they 
reach the line of the demarcation ; from thence they are to 
navigate to the west and west -north -west, straight to 
Maluco, which land of Maluco I have seen laid down on the 
sphere and map, which the son of Revnell made here, which 
was not completed when his father came here for him; and 
his father finished it all, and placed these lands of Maluco ; 
and after this pattern all the maps are made, which Diogo 
Sibeiro makes, and he makes the compasses, quadrants, and 
globes, but he does not go in the fleet, nor does he wish 
to do more than gain his living by his skill.^ 

From this Cape Frio, until the islands of Maluco through- 
out this navigation, there are no lands laid down in the 
maps which they carry with them. Please God the Almighty 
that they may make such a voyage as did the Cortereals,' 

^ Diego Ribeiro was, later, the cosmographer of Charles V, and, 
with Martin Centurion in 1524, he translated into Spanish the 
Book of Duarte Barbosa and Magellan on the coasts of the Indian 

* Id est, never be heard of again. See Major's Fee, Henrys p. 374. 



and that yoar Higliucss may bo at rest, and for ever be 
envied, as you are, by all princes. 

Sire, another fleet Is being prepared of three small rotten 
ships, in which Andres Niiio goes as captain; he takea 
out, inside these old ships, two other small vessels built in 
pieces ; he goes to the mainland which Pedre Ayroa dis- 
covered, to the port of Larym, and from thence ho is to go 
by land twenty leagues to the South Sea, whither he is to 
carry by land the newly-built ships, with the rigging of the 
old ones, and to lit them out on that South Sea, and vHth 
these vessels he is to discover for a thousand leagues, and 
not more, towards the west of the coasts of the land which 
is named Gataio ; and in these Gil Gonzalez, the accountant 
of the Island of Hispaniola, is to go as captain -major, and 
they are going for two years, When these fleets have sailed, 
another of four ships will then be made to go, as it is said, 
on the track of Magellan ; but, as this is not yet put into 
gear for performance, nothing certain is known : and this 
is arranged by Cliristoval de Hai'o, Whatever more may 
occur, I will make known to your Highness. 

As 10 the news of the fleet which the King Don Carlos 
orders to be built to defend himself from, or to attack 
France, or to go to the Empire, as it is said, I excuse my- 
self from writing of it to your Highness, sinco your High- 
ness will obtain them with more certainty from Nuno 
Hiheiro, who is in Cartagena. But there is certain news in 
this city by letters, that the King of Franco announces that 
the King Don Carlos ia not going to be emperor, and that 
he will be it. The Pope assists the King of France in an 
honest way. He grants to him four cardinal's hats for him 
to give to whomsoever he pleases. It is said that the King 
of France keeps them to give to those whom the electors of 
the empire might wish. There it is assured that either the 
King of France will be emperor or else the person he may 
choose. I will take especial care to inform your Highness 
of what more happens with these fleets, although I had 
become cool in this matter, because it seemed to me that 
your Highness wished to learn it from some one else; for I 



many noUe examples of the opposite virtues antl of 
other qualities of a very higli order. His coDduct 
on the occasion of the shipwreck near the MaJdive 
Islands has been already descnbed; the clemency with 
which he tempered justice when he put down the 
mutiny in Port St. Julian — a mutiny which Sebastian 
Alvarez, the King of Portugal's agent, would appear 
to have been privy to, if indeed he did not prepare it, 
shows great self-restraint, and the whole of his con- 
duct in the islands of Sebu and Matan, where he fell, 
defending the retreat of his companions, is more like 
that of the knights errant of an earlier date, than that 
of hifl contemporaries. Pigafetta, who was with him 
at hia death, was deeply alfected by it, and recounts 
his many virtues and qualities in an appeal to the 
Grand Master of Rhodes not to allow Magellan's 
memory to be lost. 

Most of the captains of ships at this time, and long 
afterwards, were soldiers pnt into naval commands ; 
but Magellan, besides being a military officer, was 
also an experienced and learned navigator, and Piga- 
fetta's Treatise of Navigation may be taken as the 
result of Magellan's instruction in that art.' The 

' A fiiller treatiee of tinvigation, na then practiscfl, is contained 
iu a book writlen by FrRucisoo Fale'iro, probably a brother of Riiy 
Faleiro, thus described by Barbosa Machado, in hia £iblinleea 
Lusitana: — " Fruncieco FiJeiro, wbo waa equally well veraed in 
astronomy and navigation, gave a clear atatomeut of hia science 
in those arts in the following work : Trafailo de la Esftra y del 
ArCe de Marear, con el Sfyivieido de tag Allurus. Sovillo, por Juan 
Cronberger, 1535, 4to." Thia book is very rare ; there is a copy 
in the Hydrograptier's uilioe at Madrid. 

voyage of Columbus, which employed only thirty- 
three days out and tweuty-elght homeward- bound, 
cannot be compared with that of Magellan, and if 
Columbu3 was as good a seaman and navigator as 
Magellan, yet a certain superiority must be allowed 
to the latter on account of his numerous military ex- 
ploits in India and Africa. 

I have not been able to ascertain who waa Juan 
Serrano, who remained in the hands of the Sebn 
islanders after the massacre of Duarte Barbosa and 
his companions, and in Navarretc he is sometimes 
spoken of as an inhabitant of Seville and sometimes aa 
a Portuguese. Pigafetta speaks of him as a Spaniard, 
but the despatch of Sebastian Alvarez leaves no doubt 
as to his being Portuguese, which otherwise might 
have been inferred from his being a compadre of Joan 
Carvalho. It is probable that he was a relation of 
Francisco Serrano, the friend and correspondent of 
Magellan, who died in Temate about eight months 
before the arrival at Tidore of Magellan's ships : it is 
also probable that he was the same Juan Serrano 
whose voyage with Francisco Serrano in 1512 from 
Malacca to the Java Seas is related in the book of 
Duarte Barbosa on the coasts of East iVfrica and 
Malabar (Hakluyt Society). 

Sebastian de Elcauo, a native of Guetaria in Biscay, 
had the good fortune to be in command of the 
Victoria on her return to Seville, and though his 
name is not mentioned during the voyage in any of 
the narratives, he reaped the principal rewards of tJie 
expedition, and on his arrival at C'ourt, received from 

1 ixTi: :»i»rcnox and 

Chru-.t^ V r, y-::isaoii of five hrmdred gold crowns, and 
WA> A.::':.»>:'.>-:'i to xoke for arms a globe, with the 
n.v»::o "i^:n:u> mo c ircumdedistr. Amongst other 

5«::.:.i .> :.-^ his ::".:n:cTy, ra>? the following: 


7. :■.-;».. 1. r. .v-.L.-i T s->: lr*.i,>* puerto, 
r '..:. .'.i is:; :v..:r:.^. s' i:',^** esporto, 

X', ..,..- ,,..».. J ■ "•■ t ' < \ • -• - T- A • 
% .....4 x.*lv ^..k.aVl dA * .^a. « «jl • 

This v.vuni^- coLtains >:x ocntomporary accounts of 
ilaiTrlhii's vovage f-^r the cirvuiuiiavigation of the 
glob?: oLe was wrirton l»y a Ovnooso pilot of the fleet; 
the seeoii 1 by a Poniijziic^o vvnipanion of Duarte 
liarl^osa, wLirii Las Inen pros<TYoi bv Ramusio ; the 
thii\l bv Antonio Pii^'afotta of Vioonza : and the fourth 
is a letter of Maximilian Tninriylvanus, a Secretary of 
the Emperor Charles V : the fifth a log lKH>k of a pilot 
named Francisco Albo or Alvaro : the sixth is taken 
friMU Caspar Corroa's Lcnda^ Ja IhiJin. 

Of Pigafotta's account, four manuscripts are known, 
three of them are in French, and one in Italian. 
Two of the Fivnch manuscripts are in the Biblio- 

Kjue Imperiale of Paris ; one of these, numbered 

5,650, is on paper ; the other, numbered C8, of 
the Lavalliete collection, is on vellum, and is richly 
illuminated ; it does not contain the Brazilian and 
Pabigonian vocabularies given in No. 5,(550, and some 
rather indecent details arc omitted or softened down, 
wliich leads to the conclusion that this copy was the 
one presented by Pigafetta to the Regent, Louise of 
Savoy. The third French manuscript, and the most 
complete, was in the possession of M. Beaupr^ of Nancy 
till 1855, it then passed into the Solar collection, and 
in 1861 was sold for 1,650 francs to a London book- 
seller, and, later, was bought by Sir Thomas Phillipps 
at Libri's sale. 

M. Rd. Thomassy published a memoir in the Bid- 
Utin de la SocielS dc Geographie of Paris, September 
1 843, in which he examines the question whether Piga- 
fetta composed his account of his voyage in French. 
He has come to a conclusion (which M. Ferdinand 
Denis has also adopted) in favour of the French manu- 
script having been originally composed by Pigafetta, 
and not translated from the Italian, on the grounds of 
its being atldressed to the grand master of Rhodes, 
Villiers de I'lle-Adam, who wa,s himself a Frenchman, 
and that Pigafetta had recently been made a Knight 
of Rhodes ; and that Pigafetta used the French language 
for the device which he set up over his paternal bouse 
in the street of la Luna in Viccnza, "11 n'y a pas de 
roses sans 6piues"; that other Indians of the time had 
written in French ; that the Italian MS. of the Am- 
brosian Library of Milan, published in 1800 by Amo- 
retti, is in bad Italian, mixed with Venetian and 


1, 80 that M. Amoretti saw in it rather a copy 
e origioa] of the relation presented to the Pojie 
I the Graod Master; these defects M. Amoretti 
reoiovtKl by translating them into good Italian : also 
that the French edition of Fabre, tboush stated to be 
a tmulatioii from the ItaliaD. was used in 1536 to 
pablish an Italian cditioD ; whereas if an Italinn 
cditJon hail existed before, that of Fabre would not 
1mt« be«n required. Fabre's edition, moreover, is very 
innK-riwjt : and he puts what Pigafetta says in the 
thitvl {wrsoo. M. Thomassy concludes, therefore, that 
^^te vereioD of Fabre was made from some Italian 

^|db addition to the modves niged bj M. Tliomassy 

^Tor believing that Pigafetta himself composed the 
French manuacripta, there is evidence of it in the 
phrasoolog}' of the SISS. ; had these been translatioiis 
from the Italian, eip'erj' word would have been trans- 
lated into French, whereas, instead of thaU we find a 
great many Italian words used, especially in the voca- 
bularies, also some Italian idioms. It was natural that 
Pigafetta, if he had not the French word at command, 
should write down an Italian oue, such as "calcagno" 
for " talou". 

por the same reason, I should be inclined to believe 
t the Ambrosian MS., with its mixture of Spanish 
"wonls, was composed by Pigafetta himself, in whom 
such a mixture of words would be more natural after 
bug a voyage in a Spanish ship, than in an Italian 


^^^^ug a voya 


itta did compose a work in Italian appears 



from a document in the archives of Venice, containing 
a petition of Pigafetta to the Doge and Council of 
Venice, dated August 5th, 1524, applying for leave to 
print hia account of his circumnavigation of the globe, 
and to have a privilege for twenty years. This ia fol- 
lowed by a statement that the prayer of the petition 
was granted by the Doge and 152 of the Council, six 
members of which voted against Pigafetta. The text 
of this document is given in the Appendix ; it was 
communicated to me by the Geographical Society of 
Paris, which haa published a translation of it in its 
bulletin of February 1 869. 

Until M. Amoretti published his edition of Pigafetta 
from the Ambrosian MS. in 1800, there never was a 
complete or an original Italian edition of Pigafetta ; for 
the quarto edition of 1536 (Grenville, 6,977), without 
name of author or printer, is, as is mentioned iu the 
address to the reader, a translation from the edition of 
Jacques Fabre. This edition of 1536 had a privilege 
for fourteen years ; it must be by Ramueio, for the 
address to the reader is almost the same as his more 
abridged " discourse" in his collection of travels of 
Venice, 1550, and Venice, 1G13, folio, 34G v. In 
Piamusio's collection, and in the edition of 1530, Piga- 
fetta's voyage is preceded by the letter of Maximilian 
Transylvanus, Secretary of the Emperor Charles V, to 
the Cardinal of Salzburg. Thia letter of Maximilian's 
ia not quite the same in the two books iu the division 
of tlie paragraphs ; in Pigafetta's voyage there ia 
greater similarity, and the paragraphs are numbered 

liv nrrKODUcnox and 

identically in the edition of 1536 and in Fabre's French 
edition. Eamusio says : 

''Magellan's voyage was written, with details^ by Don 
Pietro Marti re^ of the Council of the Indies of the Empe- 
ror, and that he had examined all those who had survived 
the voyage, and returned to Seville in the year 1522 ; but, 
having sent it to be printed at Borne, in the miserable sack 
of that town it was lost, and it is not yet known where it 
is. One who saw it and read it gives testimony of it, and 
amongst the other things worthy of recollection which the 
above-named Don Pietro noted in this voyage, was that the 
Spaniards having navigated about three years and a month, 
and the greater part of them (as is the custom of those who 
navigate on the ocean) having noted down each day of each 
month, when they rejoined Spain they found they had lost 
one day; that is, when they reached the port of Seville, 
which was on the 7th of September, by the account which 
they had kept it was the 6th. Don Pietro having related 
this particalarity to an excellent and rare man, Sig. Gasparo 
Contarino,^ a Venetian senator, who was then in Spain as 
ambassador to his Majesty from his Republic, and having 
asked him how it could be, he, as a very great philosopher, 
shewed him that it could not be otherwise, as they had 
navigated three years, always accompanying the sun, which 
was going westwards; and he said that the ancients had 
observed that those who navigated to the west greatly 
lengthened their day/' 

This book of Don Pietro's having been lost, says 
Ramusio, he thought of translating the Latin letter of 
Maximilian, and of adding to it the summary of a book 
which was written by the valiant knight of Rhodes, 
Messer Antonio Pigafetta, a Vicentine ; and this said 
book was abridged and translated into French by a 

1 This name is omitted in the prologue of the edition of 1536. 



very loarncd philosopher, named Messer Jacopo Fabri, 
of Paris, at the iastancc of the moat serene mother of 
the most Christain Kiug Francis, Madame Louisa tlie 
Regent, to whom the aforesaid kuight had made a pre- 
sent of one [of his books]. 

This French epitome l)y Fabre is a small octavo of 
seventy-six leaves, in Gothic type (Grenville, 7,065) ; 
it is without date ; the title is as follows : 

" Le Voyage et Navigation, faict par les Espaignolz es 
Isles de Mollucques, des isles quilz ont trouae eudict voyage, 
des Eoys dicellea, de leur gounernment 1 maniere do viure, 
auec plusieura aultrea choses. 

" Cum Priuilegio, fll on les vend a Paris en la inaison do 
Simon de Colines, libraire Sure de luniuei-site de Paris, de- 
meurilt en la rue saiiict Jeban de Beauluais, a leuseigne du 
Soleil Dor." 

Simon de Colines, the printer, issued his last work in 
1546, and his heirs are mentioned on a work of 1550.' 

In 1801, a French translation of Amoretti's editiou 
of Pigafetta was published by H. J. Jausen, who added 
a tran-slation from the German of M. de Murr's Notice 
ou the Chevalier M. Behaira. In this translation, some 
liberties have been taken with the text ; and it is to be 
regretted that this translation was published instead of 
the French text contained in the two MSS. of the 
Bibliotb&que Imp^riale ; these, even were they not 
Pigafetta's own composition, possess a philological 
interest of their own. 

An English translation of Pigafetta by Richard 

' OrcBwcll, 
p. 94. 

A ViriB of t/it Eitrlij farititm Grtek Preti, vol. 


Wren, Londou, 1625, is mentioned in I'Art de Verifier 
les Dates, depuis 1770, folio, vol. iii, p. 333. There 
is no copy of tbia in tlic Btitisli Museum Library. 

The other contetnpo ran eons account of Magellan's 
voyage, a ti'anslation of which precedes that of Piga- 
fetta's account, is by a Genoese pilot. This pilot pro- 
bably was named Mestre Bautista, since Barros men- 
tions him as a Genoese who, on the death of the pilot 
Joan Carvalho, wa.s charged with piloting the Trinidad, 
which got as far as Tcrnat«. Correa (torn, ii, p. G32) 
also mentions that Mestre Joan Bautista was made 
captain instead of Carvalho, after he had allowed the 
son of the King of Luzon to escape at Borneo, 
Of this account, three manuscripts exist ; all three 
are in Portuguese, From two of these MSS. a printed 
edition was published in the Noticias UUramarinas, 
Ko. II, by the Academy of History of Lisbon. The 
text which served for this publication was a MS. 
which belonged to the library of the monks of S. 
Bento da Saude ; and it has been supplemented and 
annotated from another manuscript, which ia in the 
Bibliothfeque Imperiale at Paris, numbered -^. a copy 
of which was made by Dr. Antonio Nunes dc Car- 
valho in 1831, A third manuscript of this pilot's 
narrative exists in the library of the Academy of 
History of Madrid, No. 30, Est. 11a, grada 2a. 

After the Genoese pilot's narrative follows that of 
an anonymous Portuguese taken from Ramusio. 

The letter of Maximilian, the Transylvanian, follows 
Pigafctta'a account ; this has been translated from the 
Latin by Mr. James Bayues, of the Printed Book 


Dcpnrtment of the Britiali Museum. After that comes 
the log-book of Francisco Albo or Alvaro, translated 
from a MS. in the British Museum, whicli is a copy 
from a document in Siraancos. Thia log-book has 
been printed, in Navarrete's collection, apparently from 
the British Museum MS., and it appears to have 
escaped the notice of Captain Burncy. It is especially 
valuable bociuise it helps to fix the position of the 
"Unfoi'tunate Islauda", and because it establishes that 
the Island of Amatenlam in the Southern Indian Ocean 
to tlie North of St. Paul's Island, the discovery of 
which is usually attributed to the Dutch navigator 
Vlaming, in IfiftC, was discovered March 18th, 1522, 
by the Victoria, the fii-at ship which went round the 

There is a confusion as to the names of these two 
islands, which are rightly named in the Admiralty and 
other sea charts, but which are wrongly named in 
common English maps, which place St. Paul to tlie 
north of Amsterdam. The southern island is bare and 
ai'id, and the northern island has bushes and a high 
peak visible eighteen or twenty leagues off. Francisco 
Albo says this Island had no trees ; but the Victoria 
may not have approached near enough to see the 
bushes, which, from the views of the island, appear to 
be near its base ; it is clear that the Victoria ap- 
proached the northern island, or Amsterdam, because 
not only does the latitude given by F. Albo differ 
from that of modern observation by only eight milts, 
but jdso because from the course steered by the Victoria 
on leaving this island, she must have sighted the 


.i.' — « — -I I i 

'' . r- 

.:- ll'-JlllUr; 

-T •■• 

> ^ rc»i^ 

^- 1_H'-. 1»*LL ^11*1*1^X1^ 

I ' 


- r*iir:*: 


f * ■ « ^ • 

• . , 

Jl T T I. - I C - i'l-^ jS -il-c 


> . '• 

'' / ■ -.'■f 




Magellan arrives at Seville - - October 20, 1518 

Magellan's fleet sails from Seville Monday,^ August 10, 1519 

Magellan sails from San Lucar de Barraroeda, 

Tuesday, September 20, „ 

„ arrives at Tenerife - - September 26, „ 

„ sails from Tenerife - Monday, October 3, „ 


arrives at Rio de Janeiro 

- December 13, 



sails from Rio 

- December 26, 



sails from Rio de la Plata 

- February 2, 



arrives at Port St. Julian 

- March 31, 



of Sun 

- April 1 7, 


Loss of Santiago 


Magellan sails from Port St Julian 

- August 24, 



sails from river of Santa Cruz 

- October 18, 



makes Cape of the Virgins, 


of Straits - 

- October 21, 



>n of S<m Anti/nio 

- November 


Magellan issues from Straits into the Pacific, 

Wednesday, November 28, 


* The 10th of August was a Wednesday, and Monday was the 
8th of August : all the other dates of the week and month agree 
and are consistent with each other. 




Magellan fetches San Pablo Island - January 24, 1521 

„ fetches Tiburones Island - February 4, „ 

,, reaches the Ladrone Islands, 

Wednesday, March 6, 

„ reaches Samar Island of the Philip- 
pines - - Saturday, March 16, 

„ reaches Mazzava Island, Thursday, March 28, 

„ arrives at Sebu Island - - April 7, 

Death of Magellan at Matan - Saturday, April 27, 

Burning of Conception - - May, 

Arrival of San Antonio at Seville - ' May 6, 

Arrival of Victoria and Trinity at Tidore, 

Friday, November 8, 

Victoria sails from Tidore - - December 21, „ / 

discovers Amsterdam Island, Tues- 
day, March 18, 1522 

doubles the Cape of Good Hope - May 18,^ 

arrives at Cape Verde Islands, 

Wednesday ,2 July 9, 

arrives at San Lucar Saturday,^ September 6, 

casts anchor at Seville - Monday,^ September 8, 

Thanksgiving at Church of Our Lady of 

Victory - Tuesday,^ September 9, „ 

^ According to Albo's Log-Book ; according to Pigafetta, May 6. 
2 These dates are according to the ship's time, which differed 
by a day from the time at the Cape Verde Islands and Seville. 







• •••• 



• " • 

•• •• 

• ••• 


* a • 

• ^•» 



Vf *^j^^^as^5^ 

7y^(?i- Cj^J,^9Z'U/7n^ 

• ••• 

•I • 

• •• 






(by a gf.moesc pilot.) 

Hk sailed from Seville on the 10th day of August of the said 
year, and remained at the bar until the 2l9t day of Septem- 
ber, and as soon aa be got outside, he steered to the south- 
west to make the island of Tenerife, and they reached the 
said island on the day of St. Michael, which was the 29th of 
September.' Thence ho made his course to fetch the Cap© 
Verde islands, and they passed between the islands and tha 
Cape without Eightitig either the one or the other. Having 
got as far aa this neighbourhood, he shaped his course so as 
to make for Brazil, and as soon as they sighted the other 
coast of Brazil, he steered to the south-east^ along the coast 
as far as Cabo-frio, which is in twenty-throo degrees south 
latitude ; and from this cape he steered to the west, a matter 
of thirty leagues, to make the Rio de Janeiro, which is in 
the same latitude as Cabo-frio, and they entered the said 
Bio on the day of St, Lucy, which was the IStli December, 
ID which place they took in wood, and they remained there 
until the first octave of Christoias, which was the 26tb of 
December of the same year. 

' llgafetta sajB the fleet went out of Seville on the 10th of Aagust, 
1M9; that it sailed frtim S. l.ucur ou the 20th of SeptL-niber, and 
rMchifl Tenorife on the iJ6th, sud contiuucd i« Toynge tiienoc on the 
3nl (if Octub«T, osvii^liug to the South, liiiboa Acadrmy nMc. 

■ The PariH MS. hu >' south -wrat." 'lliis nuist be thi> true reading 
Litbon Ac. neU- llw iltwtrid MS. bIwj hu wiuth-wi»t. 



They sailed from this Rio de Janeiro on the 26111 Decem- 
ber, and navigated along the coast to make the Cape of St. 
Mary, which is in thirty-four degrees and two-thirds ; as 
soon as thoy sighted it, they made their course west-north- 
west, thinking they wonld find a passage for their voyage, 
and they found that they had got into a great river of fresh 
water, to which they gave the nameof river of St. Christopher, 
and it is in thirty-fonr degrees, and they remained in it till 
the 2nd of Febmary, 1520.' 

He sailed from this river of St. Christopher on the 2nd of 
the said month of February ; they navigated along the said 
coast, and further on to the eonth they discovered a point 
which is in the same river more to the south," to which they 
gave the name of Point St, Antony ; it is in thirty-six de- 
grees, hence they ran to the south-west, a matter of twenfr^- 
fivo leagnes, and made another cape which they named Cap© 
St. Apelonia, which is in thirty-six degrees ; thence they 
navigated to the woat-south-west to some shoals,' which 
they named Shoals of the Currents, which are in thirty-nine 
degrees ; and thence they navigated ont to sea, and lost 
sight of land for a matter of two or three days, when they 
again made for the land, and they came to a bay, which they 
entered, and ran within it the whole day, thinking that 
there was an outlet for Maluco, and when night came they 
found that it was quite closed np, and in the same night 
they again stood out by the way which they had come in. 
This bay is in thirty-four degrees ;^ thoy name it the island* 
of St. Matthew. They navigated from this island of St. 

I Figafetta mentions this river, which ta tho Plata, in 34 deg, 20 mio. 
Ziibon Ac. note. 

' Paris MS, "And they fonnd thi'ineclvcs amongEt aome bIukUb." 
Liahsn Ac. nott. The Madrid MS. is the gaxne. 

' Paris MS. " is in 24 degrocB," which seem 
eopjista. IMton A(. noU. 'ITie Madrid MS. i 
the Piiria MS. 

' Paris MS. " the bay," lAAon Ac. noU. Madrid MS. ' 



Mftttliew along the coast until they reached another bay, 
where they caoght many sea-woivea and birds; to this they 
gave the name of " Bay of Labours ;'" it is in thirty-seven 
degrees; hero thoy were near losing the fiag-ship in a 
storm. Thence they navigated along the said coast, and 
arrived on the last day of March of tho year 1520 at the 
Port of St. Julian, which is in forty-nine and one-third de- 
grees,* and here they winteredj and found the day a little 
more or less than seven hours,* 

In this port three of the ships rose up against the Captain- 
major, their captains saying that they iutonded to take him 
to Castile in arrest, as he was taking them all to destruction. 
Here, through the exertions of the said Cap tain -major, and 
the assistance and favour of the foreigners whom ho carried 
with him, the Captain-major went to the said three ships 
which were already mentioned, and there the captain of one 
■of them was killed, who was treasni-er of the whole fleet, and 
named Luis de Mendo^a ; he was killed in hia own ship* by 
stabs with a dagger by tho chief constablo of the fleet, who 
was sent to do this by Fernando de Magalhiies in a boat 
with certain men. The said three ships having thus been 
recovered, five days later Fernando de Magalhaea ordered 
Gaspar do Queixada to bo decapitated and quartered; ho 
was captain of oue of the ships,' and was ono of those who 
had mntinied. 

In this port thoy refitted the ship. Here the captain- 
major made Alvaro de Mesquita, a Portuguese," captain of 

' We bsve not fonnd mention of Uiia name of "Bahiu dos trabolhos" 
in aiiy other writer. Litbon Ac. note- 

• I'igafetU piite this port in 49 il.-g. 30 min. Tlie Traii«jlvnn in 
49 nnd J ; Itnrroa in 50 deg., and sajB thejr urivcd there on tbu 2ud 
of April. liUlion Ac. nole. 

' i'nrie MS. " eiglit houra." hitbon An. note. Tke Madrid MS. lias 

• Tlic ehip Victoria. ' Tbc sltip Concption. 

• Alvaro dcMroquita wa« a cousin of Magellan. 



one of the sUipa tlie captain of which had been killed. There 
Bailed from this port on the 24th of Angnst four ships, for 
the smallest of the ships had been already lost ;' he had sent 
it to reconnoitre, and the weather had been heavy, and had 
cast it ashore, wliere all the crew had been recovered along 
with the merchandise, artillery and fittings of the ship. They 
remained in this port, in which they wintered, five months 
and twenty-four days,* and they were seventy degrees less 
ten minutes to the southward.* 

They sailed ou the 2ith day of the month of Angnst of 
the said year from this port of St. Julian and navigated a 
matterof twenty leagues along the coast, and so they entered 
a river which was called Santa Cruz, which is in fifty degrees,* 
where they took in goods and as much as they could obtain : 
the crew of the lost ship were already distributed among the 
other ships, for they had returned by land to where Fernando 
de Magalhaes was, and they continued collecting the goods- 
which had remained there during August and up to the 18th 
September, and there they took in water and much fish 
which they caught in this river; and in the other, where 

' The ship which wob here loet was the Santiago, the captain of 
which WM JcAo Senso. Luhon Ac. note. 

' There Beems to be Rome niistnke here or trnnacribor's eiror. It is 
Been by the narrative that the aaTigittorai having arrived at Fort St. 
Julian at the end of Marcli, or be^nning of ApKl, aud going out of it 
on the 24tb of August, they wintered there for the space of four moatha 
and twenty-four days, and this is what Pigafetta snys : "they passed 
there nearly five months." Liihon Ac. note. 

• " E haTia dellea ao sull 73 gr, menos 10 miimtos." It has been 
impcanble for us to imdentand the calcnlations of the writer in this 
place. Ziiten Ae. note. A poKeible explanation of this passage may be 
louud in a passage of CnBtauheda, lib. 6, cap. 13, which describea 
Bt. Julian as distant from Seville 71 deg. from North to South, and this 
caliiulation would refer to the distance from Seville. 

' The anonymous Portuguese, the companion of Dunrte Barboan, 
Bays they gave il the naoic of " Santa Cruz," because they arrived there 
the lilh of September, tho day of the Ewdtalion of the Holy Cross. 
Li4bon Ae. note. 



they wintered, there were people like savages, and the men 
are from nine to ten spans iu height, very well made ; they 
have not got houses, they only go about from one place to 
another with their Socks, and eat meat nearly raw: they are 
all of them archers and kill many animals with arrows, and 
with the skins they make clothca, that is to say, they make 
the Hkins very anpplc, and fashion them after the shape of 
tho body, as well as they can, then they cover theuiselvea 
with them, and fasten them by a belt round the waist. 
When they do not wish to be clothed from the waiat up- 
wards, they lot that half fall wbich is above the waist, and 
the garment remains hanging down from the belt which they 
have girt round them.' They wear shoes which cover them 
four inches above the ankle, fnll of straw inside to keep their 
feet warm. They do not possess any iron, nor any other 
ingenuity of wea])ons, only they make the points of their 
arrows with flints, and so also the knives with which they 
cut., and tho adze and awls with which they cut and stitch 
their shoes and clothes. They are very agile people, and 
do no harm, and thus they follow their flocks: wherever 
night finds them there they sleep ; they carry their wives 
along with them with all the chatteb which they possess. 
The women are very small and carry heavy burdens on their 
backs J they wear shoes and clothes just like the men. Of 
these men thoy obtained three or four and brought them la 
tho ships, and they all died except one, who went to Castile 
iu a ship which went thither.' 

They sailed from this river of Santa Cruz on the 18th of 
October:' they continued navigating along the coast until 

' In the nivttraUd A'tvi of March 271h, 1869, there U a drawing of 
some PntogoniikiiB : these are represented alnioet exactly as they are de- 
scribed in the t«xt, for some of them have their sliouldcra baro, and the 
ekias let down below the waist as bero described. 

' Proliably in the abip which fled away, a» will he mentioned later. 
Lilian Ac. noU. 

■ Aiiiurelti, the editor of Pigafctta, obBerreii, that whilst the fleet was 
ill tho riviT o( fknta Cnii. butweeu 50 Ueg, aud 4" do^. South lulitude, 



the 21st day of tho same month, October, wlien they dis- 
covered a capo, to which they gave the name of Cape of 
the Virgins, bectiuae they sighted it on the day of the 
eleven thousand virgins; it is in fifty-two degrees, a little 
more or less, and from this cape a matter of two or three 
leagues distance, we found ourselves at the month of a strait,' 
We sailed along the said coast within that strait which they 
bad reached the mouth of: they entered in it a little and 
anchored, Fernando de Magalhaoa sent to discover what 
there was further in, and they found three channels, that is 
to say, two more in a southerly direction, and one traversing 
the country in the direction of Maluco, but at that time 

thera waa, on tbe 11th of October, an eclipoe of tbe Sun, " uhtck (he 
acjs) the Porluffueu and Spanith terilers rmJUion, and which u rrgialend 
in the ottTonomienl tables:" and he judges it to be aii error of CaHtan- 
Ledn puttiug tliig pbeooincnon on the 17tb of April, and his attributing 
to Ma^^lan ihu calculation of loDgitude of which he epcakE. tiarrov 
alao menlJonB an eclipeo of the aun in April, It is noteworthy that 
ueithur our pilot's narrative nor I'igafetta laenltonB a pljcnoiuenou which 
etill in those times did not happeu without canaing some impreeeion on 
men's miDils, or at least without esciting public curioeitf. Zitbon 
Ac. note. 

1 am indebted to the courteej of the Astronomer Koyal, Mr. G. B. 
Airy, for the following infomiattnu, whieb cotilirioa Caataiiheda and 
BarroB : " 1520, April 17. There was certainly (from our own calcnla- 
tions) a total solar ecIipBe about 1 'M r.u. Greenwich time. Bat in the 
Art de veriiter lee datis, in which tbe extreme Southern eclipses are not 
iududcd, none in mentioned for April 17 ; cou8ei]ueutly tbe eclipse was 
a Southern eclipec, croenng the South Atlnntic," 

^ This ia the famous strait which till this day is named the Strait of 
MngelUn, for tho atvmal and glorious memory of the famous Portugueso 
wbo diacovered it, Castanhcda aaya that Magellan, on account of 
arriving tbero on the Ut of Kovenibi-r, gave it llie name of All Saints' 
boy, and in the answer which Andr£ de S. Martin gave to the inquiries 
■nude to him about that navigation, be also DiimiiB tho channel thut of 
All Saints' (Banvs, Dee. 3, liv. 6, cap. 9). Tbe anonymous Fortugutse, 
the companion of Duart« Barbosa, whom we have quoted above, and 
who tailed in the " Victoria," says that at first the navigatois called it 
the Strait of the Vict^iria, because that ship was the first which aghted 
it (Kamwdo, 3rd cJition, tom, i. page 37U). LUbon Ac. noU. 


this was not yet known, only the throe mouths were seen. 
The boats went thither, and brought back word, and they 
set sail and anchored at theae mouths of the channels, and 
Fernando do Magalhues sent two ships tn learn what there 
was n-ithiii, and these ships went: one returned to the 
Cap tain- major, and the other, of which Alvaro de Mesquita 
was captain, entered into one of the bays which was to the 
south, and did not return any more, Fernan de Magalhaes 
seeing that it did not come bock, set sad,' and the next 
day he did not choose to make for the baye, and went 
to the south, and took another which runs north-west and 
south-east, and a quarter west aud east. He loft letters 
in the place from which he sailed, so that if the other ship 
returned, it might make the course which he left prescribed. 
After this they entered into the channel, which at some 
places has a width of three leagues, and two, and one, and 
in some places half a league, and he went through it ae long 
as it was daylight, and anchored when it was night : and bo 
sent the boats, and tho ships went after the boats, and they 
brought news that there was an outlet, for they already saw 
the great sea on tho other side ; on which account Fernando 

< Alvnro de Mesquita, a Portuguese, and cousia of Alfl^lltui, wm ' 
captHiD of lliii ship which wtftit to e^rplore the paEsagca of the Straibk, 
nnd dul uot rotum, aud its pilot was Est^van (ioiuea, eJbo a Portuguceo. 
This Eeteran (jomcs hod beea ifquvsting the Emperor Charles V. to 
confide to him a fuw coraTeb) to go and discOTcr new lauds; but as the 
proixnat nod eolcrpria^ of Maiellan theo ioterpoeed itself, and was pre- 
f«mMl and accepted. Est«van Gomes continued after that to be a great 
ouetoy of the itlustrioiu captjun, and now profited by tho opportunity to 
revCDgs hiiOBelf on him, and to give vent to his rabid eayj. lie con- 
spired, therefore, with others ogaiust the captuiu of his ship, Alvaro de 
ML-siiuita ; they put him in irons, hud brought him thus to Spain with 
tlic ship, idling the Emperor lAal MagcUan inu craiy, ernd bad litii to 
Hit Majutg, UcauM ht did not tnnie whm Honda tmt, iwr Ma/ue«, 
Beaides this, they broikghl accusations agaiust Mesquita of hsriug couii- 
■oiled and persuaded Magellan to use tlie severity and cruelty with which 
he puntsht-d tho firet conspirators, etc. (V. thi; licttvr of Triuiaylviuiuit 
aud Cuslauh(.-dii, liv. 6, mp. H). LiAan Ae. unit. 


de Magaliiaes ordered much artillery to be fired for rejoicing ;* 
and before tbej went forth from this strait they found two 
i^landa, the first one lai^er, aud the other nearer towards 
the outlet is the smaller one: and they went out hetwegn 
these islands and the coast on the southern side, as it was 
deeper than on the other side. Tliis strait la a hundred 
leagues in length to the outlet ; that outlet and the entrance 
are in fifty-two degrees latitude.* They made a stay in this 
strait from the 21at October to the 26th of November,* 

' The ahipa S. Antonio and Conception were sent on tbia exploration 
of the Straiu ; tlieij were with ditSculty able to donble the Cape Fob- 
Beomon, nameil thus in BougainviUi^'B map, and in others. Ilie; at 
length entered a narrow opening, which in the mspe ia named the firel 
gut, and tbej proceeded thence to anothn' bay, which is named Boacant 
bay, or Boucain. At the end ol this they entered into another strait, 
named the second gut, and having pnsed that, they came out into another 
bay larger than the former onee. Then, seeing that the strait was pro- 
longed and offered an outlet to the ships, they rctomed with the good 
news to Magellan, who wac waiting for them, aud on seeing him, they 
fired off all their artillery and shouted for joy. The fleet then sailifd 
together as far as the third bay, and as they found two channels, 
Magellan dcsjiatehed the two Teasels, S, Antonio and Conerption, to 
examine whether the channel, which took the S.W. direction, would 
isflue into the PacUic eca. Here it was that the ship S./lnfonio deserted, 
going aheoil of its onipanion for thnt purpose. The other two ships, 
Victoria and TVimVy, meanwhile untertd tlie third channel, where tJwy 
waited four days for the explorers. During this interral, Ma^llan 
despatched a well equipped boat to discover the cape with which the 
Btrait ought to terminate : this havingheen sighted, and tiie boat return- 
ing with the news, all sht-d tears of consuktion, and they gave to this 
cape the name of Cape Dmire ; it Is that wliicb is at the outlet of the 
strait on the South side. They then turned bauk to seek for the ships 
Conetplion and iS'. Antonio^ and leaving marks by which this one might 
steer, in case of iU having lost the way (for they were still ignorant of 
its desertion), they sailed forward until they came out into the Pacific 
Ocean. Litlion Ac. note. 

> The Paris Manuscript has "fully iu 52 degrees." Litbon Ac. noU. 

' Pigaiettu remarks : Iii the strait in which tliey were, in the month 
of OctolHir, the night was only of three hoars ; and Transylvao says that, 
in November the navigators found the night of little more tlian five 
hours ; and that on one uiglit they saw to the left haud [iiiiny tires, tt 


which makes thirty -aix daja of the said year of 1520, and 
aa soon as they went out from the strait to sea, they made 
their course, for the most part, to west-north-west, when 
they found that their needles varied to the north-west 
almost two-fourths, and after they had navigated thus for 
many days, thoy found au island in a little more or less than 
eighteen degrees, or nineteen degrees, and also another, 
which was in from thirteen to fourteen degrees, and this in 
south latitude ;' thoy are uninhabited. They ran on until 
thoy reached the line, when Feman de Magalhaes said that 
now thoy were in the neighhourhood of Maluco, ashe had in- 
formation that there were no provisions at Maluco, ho said that 
he would go in a northerly direction aa far as ten or twelve 
degrees, and they reached to as far as thirteen degrees 
north, and in this latitude they navigated to the west, and a 
quarter south-west, a matter of a hundred leagues, where 
on the 6th of March, 1621, they fetched two islands in- 
habited by many people, and thoy anchored at one of them, 
which is in twelve degrees north ; and the inhabitants are 
people of little truth, and they did not take precautions 
against them until they saw that thoy were taking away the 
skitf of the flagship, and they cut the rope with which it 
was made fast, and took it ashore without their being able 
to prevent it. I'hey gave this island the name of Thieves' 
Island frfoa l(idr6esj.* 

is from ihifl that tliat country aunt to be calU-d Ttrra dofvge. LMon 
Ae, note. 

■ I'lio Poria MS. bas, and aIbo others «Iiich were, &c. Pigaft-tta 
plncm these two idfUKis in 16 <leg. aud 9 ileg, Sooth lalJtude. Soe 
Amoretti's note, p. M, npon their situation, in which he Bupposea tbcm 
to Im in the archipolngo of the Society IbIiuiiIs. In wme maps they 
are tlusignated by the name of Infortuaadiu. lAihon Ac. note. 

* Soue wrilera remarlc tliat Ma)^llan gave to thosi.' islouils the name 
of ll/iai daM aria*, ou aeconnt of the mnoj vcaeels with Hails wkieb he 
obecrvud in that Ddgbbourhood. But they cootinued to be commonly 
called Ladronet ; later they look the name of JUariannat, in boaonr of 
lliu yiu*n D. Mariaiina of Anatria, widow of Philip IV, and llcgont 
liming Ihc iiiiiioi'ily of 1). Curlon II. of Citatile. LUboa Ac. note. 




Fornando de Magalbaes seeing tliat the skiff was lost, set 
eail, aa it waa already niglit, tacking about until the nost 
day ; as aoon as it waa morning they anchored at the place 
where tbey haU seen the skiff carried off to, and he ordered 
two boats to be got ready with a matter of fifty or sixty 
men, and ho wont ashore in person, and burned the whole 
village, and they killed seven or eight persons, between men 
and women, and recovei'ed the skiff, and retaraed to the 
ships; and while they were there they saw forty or fiffy' 
paros^ come, which came from the same land, and brought 
mnoh refreshments.* 

Feman do Magalhaea would not make any further stay, 
and at once act sail, and ordered the course to be steered 
west, and a quarter south-west; and so they made land, . 
which is in barely eleven degrees. This land is an island, 
but he would not touch at this one, and they went to toncfa r ' 
at another further on which appeared first.^ Fernando do _ ' 
Magalhaes sent a boat ashore to observe the nature of the 
island ; when the boat reached land, they saw from the ships 
two paraoe come out from behind the point ; then they 
called back their boat. The people of the paraos seeing 
that tho boat vftis returning to the ships, turned back the 
paraos, and the boat reached the ships, which at once set 
sail for another island very near to this island, which is in 
ten degrees, and they gave it the name of the island of 
Good Signs, because they found some gold in it,* Whilst 

' ParCt: to our maniwcripta alwdya write it. In the edition of V\st»r- 
fetta it is coDstADtl; writtea praOa. It is tLu saujv kiud of vcskI tliat 
our writctB of the affairs of Asia naine paraG, which ia of various sixvs, 
KOtl is macb UBud in the South Sea Isloade. Figafctta ea^a it is a kind 
of fuata or tcalliot. Litbon Ac. tiott. 

' The Faria manuBcript hu "much rcfreshueuta of fruit." LUhctt 

' " A primeira ;'' the Paris mauuicript has "dapriraeira;" tbUmcniiA, 
which waa flrit sigbled. See the lUlution of Pigafttta, Amorttti, p. 64, 
filnri'h IG, 1521. Liibon Ac. note. 

* rigafolta Bnya: "W'c itauitJ the waturiu^ plow of G091I Slum, 


thpy were thus anchored at tbis island, tliere camo to thorn 
two ptirdos^ and bruught them fowls and cocoa nuts, and 
told thom that they had already seen there other men like 
them, from which they presumed that these might bo 
Lnqiiios orMogorcs-^ a nation of people who have this name, 
or Cltiigi^ and thence theyeet sail, and navigated further on 
amongst many islands, to which they gave the name of the 
Valley WilhoiU Peril, and alao St. Lazams," and they ran on 
to antithei" island twenty leagues from that* from which they 
sailed, which is iu ten degrees,' and came to anchor at another 
island, which is named Macangor,* which is in nine degrees; 
and in this island they were very well received, and they 
placed a cross in it.^ This king conducted them thence a 
matter of thirty leagues to another island named Cabo,* 

biMzausa here we found two springa of excelleut wat«r, aod the first signs 
of there being gold iu the country." Lidt-jn, Ac. note. 

' Taris MS. Oubtom. LUbon Ac. note. 

» PariH, "Chinas." 

' Piiria MS. : '■ To which llicy gare the name of Archipelago of St. 
Liixanu." We suspect thura is some error of the copyist here in our 
ttit, not only on account of the novelty of the name Vatl Sem Pcrifftio, 
but jtlao on account of ite iuipropriety. Thu Paris US. says amply 
Archipelago of St. l.aiaruB. Pigafetta also nays, "They gave the name 
of Arehijiclttgo of St. Lwarus," as they airivod tlicre on the 5th Sunday 
of Lent, which is named of Lazarus. Now. these Ulauds are named Philip- 
janea, which was givea tUem iu the year 1542, in honour of D. Philip 
of Austria, sou of Cbarlcs V, and of lerw&nls King of CaatUe. 'I'hcy are 
Iwtwi^en i2& deg. and iSb deg. W long, of Forro, conseiiucntly between 
195 deg, and 305 deg, from the line of demarcation. Lisbon Ae. note. 

• Paris MS.; "They ran a matter of 25 Irtguiia from tliat." 
' Madriil MS,. 9 degrees. 

• Paris MS., Ma^aguoa. Madrid MS., Maquamguoa. 

' It appears this crues was set up in the iidaud of ISIiksflana, whera 
Mass wa* celebrated on the last day of March, which in this year wna 
Eiistcr Sunday. The island is set down by Pigafctta in 9 deg. 40 mia., 
tuid the editor puts it in 192 deg. W. long, from the line of demarcation. 

" 'litis islaud, which is named and written Cabo in both &1SS., is the 
island Zebu, one of the Philippiaee, which othen write Cabu, Zabu, 
Siibstitti, Zubut, Cubo, Subo. and Zubo, for it is found in all these forms 
iu diffurout writiuga Lit6on Ac. tiole. 



wUich is in t(!iti degrees, and in this island Fernando de 
Mftgalliiea did wliat he pleased with the consent of the 
country, and in one day eight hundred people became 
Christian, on which account Fernan de Magalhaes desired 
that the other kings, neighbours to this one, ehouhi become 
subject to this who had bocomc Christian : and these did not 
choose to yield such obedience. Feman de Magalhaes seeing 
that, got ready one night wilh his boats, and burned the 
villages of those who would not yield the said obedience j ' 
and a matter of ten or twelve days after this was done he 
Bent to-B village about half a league from that which he had 
burned, which is named Matam, and which is also an isltmd, 
and ordered them to send him at once three gouts, thrco pigs, 
three loads of rice, and three loads of millet for provisions 
for the ships; they replied that of each article which he sent 
to ask thom three of, they would send to him by twos, and 
if he was satisfied with this they would at onco comply, if 
not, it might be as he pleased, but that they would not give 
it. Because they did not choose to grant what he demanded 
of them, Fernan de Magalliacs ordered three boats to bo 
equipped with a matter of fifty or sixty men,' and went 
against the said place, which was on the SSth day of April, 
in the morning;^ there they found many people, who might 
well be as many as three thousand or four thousand men, 
who fought with such a good will that the said Fcman d(^ 
Magnlbaes was killed there, with sis of his men/ in the 
year 1521. 

' PiuTB MS. ; " And burned a vilLig« of tbosc who would not yii>lil 
the said obedience." The narrative of Plgafettn gtalce r " He burned 
twenty or thirty houses of the village." LMen Ac, nott. 

« Pigafctta Buys: " We were 60 srtned men, 48 wont on shore with 
MngeUun ; the 1 1 rumnJDod to guard the boats. Litlon Af. note. 

' Paris MS. ; *' And went against the iaid place, and it was on the 
27th day of April." Pignfctla aleo places tliia event on the 2Tth of 
April, and observes that it was on Satiifdai/, which in truth took place 
that year on the 27Ui, and not on the 28tb of April. LMon Ac. nott. 
iif ulta says; " WiUi eight of our uicu then.' pcruJuti four ludioua 




When Fenian de MagalUiies was dead the Christiana got 
back to the ships, where they thought fit to make two cap- 
tiiins and governors whom they should obey ;' and haying 
done this, they took counsel [and decided] tliat the two cap- 
tains should go aahore where the people had turned Christians 
to ask for pilots to take them to Borneo, and this was on tho 
, first day of May of the said year; when tho two captains went, 
being agreed upon what had been said, the same people of 
the country who had become Christians, armed themselves 
against them, and whilst they reached the shore let them 
land in secnrity as they had done before. Then they attacked 
themj and killed tho two captains and twenty-six gentlemen,' 
and the other people who remained got back to the boats, 
and returned to the ships, and finding themselves again with- 
out captains they agreed, inasmuch as the principal persona 
were killed, that one Joam Lopez," who was the chief trea- 
surer, should be captain-major of the fleet, and the chief 

of those who had become Christmna, and we had many wounded, I being 
one of tliem; of the enemy there fell only fifteen lueu." /mAoh Ae. 

' Pigafetta sa3« : " We then chose inatead of the cnptain, Diinrte Bar- 
boea, a Portugnese, his n-lation, and John .Serrano, a Spaniard. The 
lirHt commanded the flngahip." 

• Paris MS.: "They killed the two captains, and also 26 men with 
them." It was on this occasion that Diiart« Barbosa, a Portuguese, and 
brother-in-law of Mogullan, wiu killed. He was one of the captaiaH 
here mentioned. Some of our writers huTc mid, or conjectnred, that 
Dmirte Barbosa was killed by poison ; but this is a mistake. The bar- 
barians, indeed, drew the CHstiiiaos asliore under tho pretext of giving' 
them a banqaet, but it does not follow from that that ihey pdaooed 
them. The Transylvan Raya : inter epiUandum, ah ti*, jut in t'ntidiu 
eolloeati ftterant, opprimuntur. Fit clamor undtque .■ nuntialar proti- 
I niu >n navibui noitro$ oceitot. See Bairoe, 3, 6, 10. Tho other cap- 
tdn, who was John Serrano, was not killed, but remained alive in the 
bands of the barbarians at the time the boata made off, becanae, not- 
withstandiiig the moat nimmiful sapphuitions which he made from the 
shore for rescue, Joan Lopes de Carvulbo feared further treachery, and 
ordered the anchor to be weighed. Lid«it Ae. n«tt. 
> Paris MS, : '■ Que Yoam Lopex de Carvallia." Litton Ae. note. 


constable of tte fleet should be captain of one of the Bliips ; 
he was named Gonzalo Vaz Despinosa.^ 

Haring done this they sot sail, and ran about twenty-five 
lesgnes with three ships, which they still possessed ; they 
then mastered, and found that they were altogether one 
hundred and eight men^ in all those three ships, and many 
of them wore wounded and sick, on which account tbey did 
not venture to navigate the three ships, and thought it would 
be well to burn one of them — the one that should be most 
suitable for that purpose^ — and to take into the two ships 
those that remained : this they did out at sea, out of sight 
of any laud. While they did this many paraos came to 
Speak to them ; and navigating amongst the islands, for in 
that neighbourhood there arc a great many, they did not 
understand one another, for they had no interpreter, for he 
had been killed with Feman de Magalhaea, Sailing further 
on amongst islets they came to anchor at an island which is 
named Carpyam,* where there is gold enough, and this 
island is in fully eight degrees. 

Whilst at anchor in this port of Capyam,* they had speech 
with the inhabitants of the island, and made pooce with 
them, and Carvalho, who was captain -major, gave them the 
boat of the ship which had been burnt: thia island has three' 
islets in the ofhng; here they took in some rofreshments, 
and sailed further on to west south-west, and fell in with 
another island, which is named Caram, and ia in eleven 1 
degrees; from this they wont on furtlier to west south-west,' 

' Paris MS.: " Gonzalo Gomez Deajiinosft." Lilian Ac. note. 

< UuTM faya ISO men, and thia sceniB more probable, consiilerine the 
number of the men who suited io the Oeet and of those wbo might tbea 
liave bwn lost, and those who were loet later, and also of thoae who at 
lust reached Tiimate and Europe. Zitian Ac. note. The Madrid MS. 
lioB 180 men, written in full, " Semte ho oyteta honifia." 

' Pi^afetta saTB they bnrned the ship Conception, 

* Paria MS., " tjuype." Zi*ion Ac. note. 

* Paris MS. has "two islets." lAtlon At. noU. 

* Paris MS. : -' which ia named Oagujam, and is in seven degrees ; 


IS- 1 

and foil in with a large island, and ran along the coast oPl 
tltia island to the north-east,' and reached as far as nioA % 
degrees and a half,' whero they went ashore one day, with 

the boats equipped to seek for prorisionj 

the ships 

B than for oight days. On reaching 
> land. 

id, and 
1 the fire, i 

there was now not i 

shore the inhabitants would not suffer thei 
shot at tliem with arrows of cane hardened i 
that they returned to the ships. 

Seeing this, they agreed to go to another island, where 
they had had some dealings, to see if they could get some 
provisions. Then they met with a contrary wind, and going 
about a league in the direction in which they wished to go, 
they anchored, and whilst at anchor they saw that people ott ' 
shore were hailing them to go thither ; they went there with 
the boats, and as they were speaking to those people by 
signs, for they did not understand each other otherwise, a 
lan at arms, named Joam de Campos, told them to let him 
on shore, since there were no provisions in the ships, and 
jt might be that they would obtain some means of getting 
provisions; and that if the people killed him, they would- I 
not lose much with him, for God would take thought of his 
eoul; and also if he found provisions, and if tbey didnot kill' 1 
him, he would find means for bringing them to the ships: 
and they thought well of this. So he went on shore, and as" 
soon as he reached it, the inhabitants received him, and took 
him into the interior the distance of a league, and when he 
was in the village all the people came to see him, and they 
gave him food, and entertained him well, especially when 

ffom this they went on further to the West Norlh-wcat." Iiiilurn 
Ae. note. Madrid MS. seven decrees. 

' Paris MS., " to the Norlh-eoat. MniiriJ MS.. " North-casl." Tha i 
Lisbon Academy copyist faae NorUi-wait, and has uiiatukeii the Paris MSk \ 
un tliU point. 

■ This poeiiion eeeiDs to indicate the ittaiid of PnlaTiui, which Pigafctta I 
ploous iu 9 deg. SO min- LMon Ae. note. 


they saw tliat be ate pig's flesh ; becaase )u this island they 
had dealings with the Moors of Borneo, and becaase the 
country and people were greedy, they made them neither 
eat pigs nor bring them up iu the country. This country is 
called Dyguasam,' and is in nine degrees. 

The said Christian seeing that he was favoured and well 
treated by the inhabitants, gave them to understand by 
his signs that they should carry provisions to the ships, 
which would be well paid for. In the country there was 
nothing except rice not pounded. Then the people set to 
pounding rice all tho night, and when it was tnorning they 
took the rice and the said Christian, and came to the ships, 
where they did them great honour, and took in the rioe and 
paid them, and they returned on shore. This man being 
already set on shore, inhabitants of another village, a little 
further on, came to tho ships and told them to go to their 
village, and that they would give them much provisions for 
their money; and as soon as the said Taa,u whom they had 
sent arrived, tliey set sail and went to anchor at the village 
of those who had come to call them, which was named 
Vay Palay Cucara Caubam,' where Cnrvalho made peace 
with the king of the country, and they settled the price 
of the rice, and they gave them two measures of rice which 
weighed one hundred and fourteen pounds^ for three fathoms 
of linen stuff of Britanny ; they took there as much rice aa 
they wanted, and goats and pigs, and whilst they were at 
this place there came a Moor, who had been in the village 

' Paris MS., ■' Degnmefio." IMon Ac. note. Madrid MS., " P7- 

' P&ria MS., "ypalajra cara canlo." Litbon Ac. vote. 1 read lliia, 
" J palaj cu cHTa caDfto : " tliu Mailrid MS. lioe " fulay cucara calmn." 
The word fialay, Togal for rico, and tbe uext eentencc in the text seem 
to indicate that an offer to tmde was mititakvtt for the nuniv of tjiis 

■ Paris MS., " one Ijundredwvi^'lit And (oiirtt.>cii pounds.'' Litton 
Ae. mu. 


of Dygua?ani,' wliich belongs to the Moors of Borneo, aa 
has been said above, and after that he went to his country. 

While they were at anchor near this village of Digua^am,' 
there catne to them a parao in which there waa a negro 
named Bastiam, who asked for a flag and a passport for the 
governor of Digiiavam, and they gave him all this and other 
things as a present. They asked the said Bastiain, who 
spoke Portugueaa sufliciently well, Binre he had been in 
Maluco, where he became a Chriatian, if ho would go with 
them and shew thorn Borneo ; be said be would very will- 
ingly, and when the departure arrived he hid himself, and 
seeing that he did nut come, they set sail from this port of 
Digua^am on the 2Ist day of July' to seek for Borneo. As 
they aet sail there came to them a parao, which was coming 
to the pott of Digun^am, and they took it, and in it they 
took three Moors, who said they were pilots, and that they 
would take them to Borneo- 
Having got these Moors, they steered along this island to 
the south-west, and fell in with two islands at its extremity, 
( and passed between them ; that oa the north side is named 
Bolyna, and that on the south Bamdym.^ Sailiog to the 
west south-west a matter of fourteen leagues, they fell in 
with a white bottom, which waa a shoal below the water, 
and the black men they carried with tlietu told them to draw 
near to the coast of the island, as it was deeper there, and 
that was more in the direction of Borneo, for from that 
neighbourhood the island of Borneo could already be sighted. 
This same day they reached and anchored at some islands, 
to which they gave the name of islets of St. Paul, which 

Diga^iio ;'* it u also written DiganicfL and Digl^A. 
Lidon Ae. wXt. Madrid Ma, 

' Pttria MS 
Lidion Ac. not 

> Paris iAB., " 2\A ^j ot 3x 
" 21bI diiy of June." 

• Paris MS. '■ The ishud to ttie North is nunied Bnl. 
the South BaiDdill," Xi«6on Ae. noU. Madrid MS,, 


was a matter of two and a half or three leagues from tbo 
great island of Borneo, and they were in about seven degreea 
at the south side of these islands. In the island of Borneo 
there ia an exceedingly great monntain, to which they gave 
the name of Mount St. Paul ; and from thence thoy navi- 
gated along the coast of Borneo to the south-west, beween an 
island and tho island of Borneo itself; and they went forward 
on the same course and reached the neighbourhood of 
Borneo,' and the Moors whom they had with thom told them 
that there was Borneo, and the wind did not suffer them to 
arrive thither, as it was contrary. They anchored at an 
island which ia there, and which may be eight leagues from 

Close to this island ia another which has many myrobolane, 
and the next day they set sail for the other island, which ia 
nearer to the port of Borneo; and going along thus they 
saw so many shoals that they anchored, and sent the boata 
ashore in Borneo, and they took the aforesaid Moorish pilota 
on shore, and there went a Christian with them ; and the 
boats went to set them on land, from whence they had to go 
to the city of Borneo, which was throe leagues off, and there 
they were taken before the Shahbender of Borneo, and he 
asked what people thoy were, and for what they came in the 
ships ; and they were presented to the King of Borneo with 
the Christian. As soon as the boats had set the said men 
on shore, they sounded in order to see if tho ships could come 
in closer: and during this they saw three junks which wore 
coming from the port of Borneo from the said city out to 
eea, and as soon as they saw tho ships they returned in- 
shore: continuing to sound, they fonnd the channel by which 
the port is entered ; they tlien set sail, and entered this 
channel, and being within the channel they anchored, and 
would not go further in until they received a messago from 

' Paris MS., '■ the neighbourhood of Ihe port of Borneo." Lition 


the shore, which arrived ucxt day with two paraos: these 
curried certain snivel guns of metal, and a hundred men ia 
each parao, and thoy brought goatu and fowls, and two cows, 
and figs, and other fruit, and told them to enter further in 
opposite the islands which were near there, which was the 
true berth ; and from this position to the city there might 
be three or four leagues. Whilst thus at anchor they esta- 
blished peace, and settled that they should trade in what 
there was in the country, espocially wax, to which they 
answered that they would willingly sell all that there was in 
the country for their money. This port of Borneo ia in 
eight degrees. 

For the answer thus received from the King they sent 
him a present by Gonzalo Mendes Dcspinosa,' captain of the 
ship Victoria, and the King accepted the present, and gave 
to all of them China stufl's ; and when there had passed twenty 
or twenty-three days that they were there trading with tha 
people of the island, and had got five men ou shore in the 
city itself, there came to anchor at the bar, close to them, 
five junks, at the hour of vespers, and they remained there 
tluit evening and the night until next day in the morning, 
when they saw coming from the city two hundred paraos, 
some under sail, others rowing. Seeing in this manner ths 
five juiika and the paraos, it seemed to them that there mighb' 
be treachery, and they set sail for ihe junks, and as soon as 
the crews of the junks saw them under sail, they also set 
sail and made oti' where the wind best served tlicm ; and 
they overhauled one of the junks with the boots, and took it 
with twenty-seven men;^ and the ships wont and anchored 
abreast of the island of the Myrololaus, with the junk made 
fast to the poop of the flagship, and the paraos returned to 
shore, and when night came there came on a squall From the 

I Paris MS., " GoQulo Gomel Des]jTiioKL." 

' Paris MS., "with eeveoteeii men." LiiAon Ae. naU. 1 read Iwctity- 
Beven iu the Puis MS. 


west in which the said jnnk went to the bottom alongside 
the flagahip, without being able to receive any assiatanco 
from it.' 

Next day in the morning they saw a sail, and wont to it 
and took it ; thia was a groat junk in which the son of the 
King of Lucam came as captain, and had with him ninety 
men, and as soon as they took them they seut some of them 
to the King of Borneo ; and they sent him word by these 
men to send the Christians whom they had got there, who 
were seven men, and they would give him all the people 
whom they had taken in the junk; on which account the 
King sent two men of the seven whom he had got there in 
a parao, and they again sent him word to send tl>e five men 
who still remained, and they would send all the people whom 
they had got from the junk. They waited two days for the 
answer, and there came no message ; then they took thirty 
men from the junk, and put them into a parao belonging to 
the junk, and sent them to the King of Borneo, and set sail 
with fourteen men of those they had taken and three women; 
aud they steered along the coast of the said island to the 
north-east, returning backwards; and thoy again passed 
between the islands and the great island of Borneo, where 
the flagship grounded on a point of the island, and ao re- 
mained more than four hours, and the tide turned and it 
got off, by which it was seen clearly that the tide was of 
twenty -four hours.* 

Whilst making the aforesaid course the wind shifted to 
north-east, and they stood out to sea, and they saw a sail 
coming, and the ships anchored, and the boats went to 
it and took it; it was a small junk and carried nothing but 

' Stm It oproveilar nada dtl/e, or, without their haTing made titiy 
use of it. 

' Paris MS. "And bo remained a matter of fourteen houra, for it 
was low water, by whicb it was clearl; seen that the tide vru of fourteen 
houn." Littvn Ae. noU. 


cocoa-nuts ; and they took in water and wood, and aet sail 
along' tLe coast of the island to the north-east, until they 
reached the extremity of the said island, and mot with 
another small island, where thoy overhauled the ships. 
They arrived at this island on tho day of our Lady of 
August, and in it thoy found a very good point for beaching 
the ships, and they gavo it the name of Port St, Mary of 
August, and it is in fully seven degrees. 

As soon as they had taken these precautiona they set 
sail and steered to tho south-west until they sighted the 
island which is named Pagajam,' and this is a course of 
thirty-eight to foity leagues : and as soon as they sighted 
this island they steered to the south-west, and again mada 
an island which is called Seloque,^ and they had iurormation 
that there were many pearls there: and when they had 
already sighted that island the wind shifted to a head-wind, 
and they could not fetch it by the course ihey were sailing, 
and it seemed to them that it might be in six degrees. 
This same night they arrived at the island of Quipe, and 
ran along it to the south-east, and passed between it ond_ 
another island called Tamgym,^ and always running along 
the coast of the said island, and going thus, they fell in with 
a parao laden with sago in loaves, which is bread made of a 
tree which is named cajare,* -which the people of that 
country eat as bread. This parao carried twenty-oue men, 
and the chief of (hem had been in Maluco in the house of 
Francisco Serram, and having gone further along this iRland 
they arrived in sight of some islands which are named 
Semrryn;" they are ih five degrees, a Hltle more or less. 
The inhabitants, of this land came to see the ships, and so 
they had speech of one another, and an old man of these 
people told them that ho woutd conduct them to Maluco. 

' PBrisMa/'Cagainja." LUhn * Puris MS., "TjungyiDB." Ibid. 

Ac. note. ' Paris MS,, "Sagu." Jbid. 

* Pmtb MS., " SoUoque." Ibid, ' Pari» MB.. "Saiuyna." UUl. 


In this muDiier, having fixed a time witli the old c 
agreement was tnade with him, and they gave him a ceil^iia 
price for this ; and when the next day came, and they were 
to depart, the old man intended to escape, and they under- 
stood it, and took him and others who were with him, and 
who also said that they knew pilot's work, and they set sail ; 
and as soon as the inhabitants saw thetn go they fitted out 
to go after them : and of these paraos there did not reach 
the ships more than two, and these reached so near that they 
shot arrows into the ships, and the wind was frosli' and they 
conld not come np with them. At midnight of that day they 
sighted some islands, and they steered more towanls them ; 
and next day they saw land, which was an island ; and at 
night following that day thoy found therasolvea very close to 
it, and when night fell the wind calmed and the currents 
drew them very much inshore ; there the old pilot east him- 
self into the sea, and betook himself to land. 

Sailing thus forward, after one of the pilots had fled, they 
sighted another island and arrived close to it, and another 
Moorish pilot said that Maluco was still further on, and 
navigating thus, the next day in the morning they sighted 
three high mountains, which belonged to a nation of people 
whom they called the Salahos ;' and then they saw a small 
island where they anchored to take in some water, and be- 
caose they feared that in Maluco thoy would not be allowed 
to take it in ; and they omitted doing so, because the Moorish 
pilot told them that there were some four hundred* men in 
that island, and that they were all very bad, and might do 
them some injury, as they were men of little faith ; and that 
ho would give them no such advice as to go to that island ; 
and also because Maluco, which they were seeking, was now 

' Pnris MS,, " ligiit ." Zidon Ac. noU. The PariB SIS. Beeras t« mo 
to hnvc " /rp«]UO," sml not " ffraquo." 
> PiirJB MS., •■ CiililM'B," Liibon J c. ■notr. 
' Poris MS., " fivi' LimtlrcU." Lisbon Ac. note. 



near, and that its kings were good men, who gave a good 
rcCPption to all aorts of men in their country ; and while still 
in tliis neighbourhood' they saw the islands themselves of 
MoincOj and for rejoicing they Cred all the artillery, and 
they arrived at the island* on the 8tli of November of 1521, 
so that they spent from Seville to Ma!uco two yours, two 
uiontha and twenty -eight days, for they sailed on the lOtU 
of August of 151 9,^ 

As soon as they arrived at the island of Tydor,' whiuh is 
iu half a degree, the King thereof did them great houour, 
which could not bo exceeded : there they treated with the 
King for their cai-go, and the King engaged to give them a 
cargo and whatever there waa in the country for their money, 
and they settled to give for the bahar of cloves fourteen ells 
of yellow cloth of twenty-seven tern,' whjuh are worth iu 
Castile a ducat the ell ; of red cloth of the eame kind ten 
ella ; they also gave thirty ells of Brittany linen cloth, and 
for each of these quantities they received a bahar of cloves, 
likewise f^r thirty knives eight bahars :* having thus settled 
all the above mentioned prices, the inhabitants of the country 
gave them information that further on, in another island 
near, there was a Portuguese man. Iliis island might be two 
leagues distant, and it was named Targatell ;' this man was 
the chief person of Maluco ; there wc jioic have ijol ii fotiresB.* 
They then wrote letters to the said Portuguese, to come and 
speak with them, to which he answered that ho did not dare, 

' Pnris MS., '* in these ditcus^ona." Liibon Ac. note. 

' Parifl MS. " of 'HJore." LitionAe. note. 

* Pignfetta «BJ* : " On Fridfty, 8th o{ November, 1621, three hours 
before miDset, wc entered the jtort of aa ielimd called Tadorc . . . 
27 months Ics two dnys had pmaKl that wc had been seeking Maluco. 
J.ithon Ac. note. 

< Pigufettu puts thiH island in di'g. S7 min. LUbon Ae. note. 

* In the Paris MS. this word (nii is wanting. LUbou Ae. nolf. 

* P&ria MS., "another bahar." LUlion Ac. note. 

* Paris MS., " Taruate." Lubon Ae. note. 

* '1 hia clause trviat to have been added to the text \<y llie <:op^t ; 


because the King of tbe conntrjr forbade it ; that if they ob- 
taiued permissioD from tbe King be woald come at once; 
this pertnisaion they soon got, and tbe Portugaese came to 
Bpeak with them.' They gave hira an account of tlic prices 
which they had settled, at which he was amazed, and said 
that on that account tbe King bad ordered bim not to come, 
as they did not know the tratb aboat the prices of the 
oountrj'; and whilst they were thas taking in cargo there 
arrived tbe King of Bambam,^ which ia near there, and stud 
that he wished to be a vassal of the King of Castile, and 
also that he had got four hundred bahars of cloves, and that 
be bad sold it to the King of Portugal, and that they had 
bought it, but that be bad not yet delivered it, and if they 
wiabed for it, he woald give it all to them ; to which the 
captains answered that if be brought it to them, and came 
with it, they would buy it, but othenrise not. Tbe King, 
seeing that tbcy did not wish to take tbe cloves, asked tbem 
for a flag and a letter of safe conduct, which they gave him, 
signed by tbe captains of the ships. 

Wbilo they were thus waiting for the cargo, it seemed to 
tbem, from tbe delay in tbe delivery, that the King was pre- 
paring some treachery against them, and tho greater part of 
the sbipa' crews made an uproar and told tbe captains to go, 
as the delays which tbe King made were for nothing else 
than treachery: as it seemed to them all that it might be so, 
they wore abandoning everything, and were intending to 
depart; and being about to unfurl tbe sails, tbe King, who 
becaiute tbe fortri;sei of Temate v/aa only begun ia the year 1523, on 
St. John'a day, when Antonio de Brito wm captain. (CRetaoheda, I. 6, 
cnp. 12). Lilian An. Tutte. This cknae miiy belong to the writer, the 
pilot, sinco bu mentions the fortress and AuUinio de Brito later, subse- 
quent to July of 1522. 

' 'I he PortugUBwhere mentioned seematij lie Pi-droAffonsodeLourosB, 
wbo liRtmyed the rortiiguiat iind pnBsed over to the Caslilians, accord- 
ing to PipJiitta's Moonnt. Lishon Ac. note. 

' PnrisMS., "Bargao." LUivH Ae. nolc. I read ibis IJachao ; this 
ia tlitf corruvt Bpdliiig, 


liad made the ngreement with them, came to the flagship 
and asked tlio oiiptAio why he wanted to go, because that 
which he had agreed upon with him he intended to fulfil it 
as had been settled. The captain replied that the ships* 
crews said they should go and not remain any longer, aa it 
was only treachery that was being prepared against them. 
To this the King answered that it was not so, and on that 
account lie at once sent for his Koran, upon which he wished 
to make oath that nothing such should be done to them. 
They at onco brought him this Koran, and upon it ho made 
oath, and told them to rest at ease with that. At this the 
crews were set at rest, and he promised them that he would 
give them iheir cargo by the 15th December 1521, which ho 
fulfilled within the said time without being wanting in any- 

When the two ships were already laden and about to 
unfurl their sails, the flagship^ sprung a large leak, and the 
King of the country learning this, he sent them twenty-five 
divers^ to stop the leak, which they were unable to do. 
They settled that the other ship should depart, and that 
this one should again discharge all its cargo, and unload it; 
and as they could not stop the leak, that they [the peopla 
of the country] should give them all that they might be in 
need of. This was done, and thoy discharged the cargo of the 
flagship ; and when the said ship was repaired, they took in 
her cargo, and decided on making for the country of the 
Antilles, and the course from Maluco to it was 2,000 leagues 
a little more or less. The other ship, which set sail first, 
loft on the 21st of December of the said year, and went out 
to sea for Timor, and made its course behind Java, 2,055 
leagues to the Cape of Good Hope.* 

■ The fl&gihip was the Trinidade. Zision Ac. note. 

* Pignfetta «a^ the King seat five divetB, and afterwaniB thre« more, 
nhn could not itop the wnter. Lithon Ac. nott. 

* rignfultu aailuit id lliiH ship tlic Victoria. Hic Tfinidade, after 



Tbey refitted the ship, and took in the cargo in four 
months and sixteen days : they sailed on the 6th of April 
of the year 1522, and took their coarse for tho maiuland of 
the Aatilles by the strait through which th(>y had come; 
and at first they navigated to the North^ nntil they camo 
ont from the islands of Teraate and Tyiuor;^ afterwards 
tfaey navigated along l]ie island of Betacbinaj ten or eleven 
leagues to the North-east ;^ after that they steered aboat 
twenty leagues to the North-east, and so arrived at an 
island, whieli is namod Doyz,' and is in three and a half 
degrees Soath latitude at its South-Gastern aide : from 
this place they navigated three or four leagues eastwards, 
and sighted two islands, one large and the other small ; the 
lai^ one was named Porquenampello,' and passed between 
it and Batechina, which lay on their starboard side. They 
reached a cape, to which they gave tho name Cape of Palms, 
because they sighted it on the vigil of Palms. This cape is 
in two and a half degrees ; thence they steered to the South 
to make Quimar,' which is land belonging to the King of 
Tydor, and tlie said King had ordered that they should 
receive whatever there was in the country for their monoy> 
and there they took pigs and goats, and fowls and cocoa- 
nuts aud hava :" they remained in this port eight or nine 
days. This port of Camarfya' is in one and a quarter degreo. 

refitting, took the o|)positc coarsa and soiled for YucntAD and tbc isthmiu 
of DBri<.-D, which ia Iiuri? colled land of the AnlilUt; but it foiuid iUi'lf 
obtige<l to [lut buck to the MoiiircAB, and wliilst about M discharge its 
cargo at TiToate, was cast on shore Liibon Ae, noU. 

' Paris MS, "Tjdore." LMon Je. note. ITie convct reading. 

■ Paris MS., " Norlh-unrth-caat." Li'bon Ac. note. 

• Paris MS., " Doniy." Lidoti Ac. note. 

■ PariB MS. "The Inrgo one iB named Chiol, and the email one 
Pylioni." LUbon Ae. note. 

* Paris ATS., '■ Quumsire." Lisbon Ae. ticte. 

■ Paria MS., " affoa,'' water, but liava or ovu ia a Uriu); u^L-d in those 
countries. Liibon Ac. note. 

' PsriE MS., " Cnujorro." Lisluv Ai:, note. 



They sailed from this port on the 20lh' of April, and 
Bteered for about sovcnteon leagues,' and camo out of tie 
chaunel of the island of Butcchina and tho ialand Charam ;* 
and as soon as they were outside, thoy eaw that the said 
island of Charaiu* ran to the South-east a good eighteen or 
twenty leagues, and it was not their course, for their direc- 
tion was to the East' and a quarter North-east; and they 
navigated in the said course some days, and always found 
the winds very contrary for their course. On the 3rd of 
May they made two small islands, which might be in five 
degrees more or less, to which they gave the name of 
islands of St. Antony.* Thence they navigated further on 
to the North-east, and arrived at an island which is named 
Cyco,^ which is in fully nineteen degrees, and they made 
this island on the 11th of July,^ From this island they 
took a man, whom they carried away with them, and they 
navigated further on, tacking about with contrary winds, 
until they reached forty-two degrees North latitude. 

When they were in this neighbourhood, they were short 
of bread, wine, meat, and oil ; thoy had nothing to eat only 
water and rice, without other provisions j and the cold was 
great, and they had not sufficient covering, the crews began 
to die, and seeing themselves in this state, they decided on 
putting back in the direction of Malueo, which they at once 
carried into eSect. When at a distance of five hundred 
leagues from it, they desired to make tho island which is 

' PwiB MS., •' 25th." Liiion Ac. note. 

' Pnris MS., "Hteered ecvcnteen leagues unHtwarJe.'' LiiboH Academ;/ 

' PariaMS., "■Chao." 

' Paria MS., " Batechi 

» Paris MS., "Wail." 

" PariaMS. 

i>6Ui. LMond. 

' Paris MS., " Chyqooni." LiAon Ae. note. 

' Pari* MS., " 1 1tli of June." Litboii Ac. 

nxct reading. 

Lilian Ac- note, 
a." LMoH Ac, tiote, 
Liaioti Ac. note. 
islandR of St. John :" it also says thi'y muilc theiii c 


named Qaamgragam,' and as tfaey sighted it at sight, they 
did not choose to make it; they waited thus till it dawned 
next day, and they were unable to fetch the said island ; 
and the man whom they carried with them, and whom 
before they had taken from that island, told them to go 
further on, and they would make three islands, where there 
was a good port, and this which the black man said, was in 
order to run away at them, as indeed he did run away. On 
arriving at these throe islands, they fetched them with 
some danger, and anchored in the middle of them in fifteen 
fathoms. Of these islands, the largest was inhabited by 
twenty persons between men and women : this island ia 
named Pamo ;^ it ia in twenty degrees more or less: here 
they took in rain-water, as there was no other in tha 
country. Ia this island the black man* ran away. Thence 
they sailed to make the land of CamaTo, and as soon as they 
sighted it they had calms, and the currents carried them 
■ ftway from the land ; and afterwards they had a little wind, 
and they made for the land, but could not fetch it ; they 
then went to anchor between the islands of Domi and 
Bntechina, and while at anchor, a parao passed by them 
with some men who belonged to the King of an island 
named Geilolo,* and they gave them news that the Portu- 
guese were in Malaco making a fortress. Learning this, 
they at once sent the clerk of the ship with certain men* to 
the captain-major of those Portnguese, who was named 
Antonio de Bryto, to ask him to come and bring the ship 
to the place where they were ; because the crew of the ship 
had mostly died, and the rest were sick, and could not 
navigate the ship. As soon as Antonio de Bryto saw the 

' Paria MS., " Magregua." Litbon Ac. note. 

' Paria MS., "Mao." IHd. 

' Paria MS., " the black man and three ChriatiaDS." Ibid, 

' Paris MS., " Gelolo." Ibid. 

' Paria 5IS., " certain men wilh kltcra." Ibid. 



letter and measage, he sent down Dom Gonzalo^ Amriquiz, 
captain of the ship Sam Jorge,' and alao a fusta with some 
country paraos, and they went thna in search of the ship, 
and having fonnd it, they brought it to the fortress, and 
whilst they were discharging its cargo, there came a squall 
from the north,^ which cast it on shore. Where this ship 
turned to put back to Maluco was a Uttle more or leas than 
1050 or 1100 leagues from the island. 

Thia was transcribed from the paper-book of a Genoese 
pilot, who came in the said ship, who wrote all the voyage 
as it is here. He went to Portugal in the year 1624 with 
Dom Amriqui de Menezes.* Thanks be to God, 

' Paris MS 
of this geatlt 

" Dom Gnrcia." Garcia, and not Gonaalo, v 
in. See Barros and Castanheda. 

LiaSon Ac. note. 
Paris MS,, "Sam 3ote." LiAon Ac. note. I read thia "Sam Jorge." 

' Paris MS., "'a equall at night." Lisbon Ae. note. I roail this " do 
norte" from the north, and not *dC|Uoite." 

< It b easil; geeD that this note does not belong to the Rotein, and 
that it was added by the copyist : we hare already noUcwi the difference 
which there ia between it and another similar note of the Paris 5IS. It 
seems that the person who wrote it made some mistake, owing to there 
having been many gentlemen of the name of Menezes at that time in 
India . . . . D. Henrique ile Meuezoa sncoecdod Vasco da Gama, iu 
1524, AB GoTcmoT of India, and therefore could not be the D. Amrique 
de MeneicB wha caiue to the kingdom in l&2't, as the note says, lliia 
deserving Governor died at Cananor on the day of the Purification of 
1626. Lidcn Ae. note. 



IN THE TEAR 1619. (Fkom -RAiirMo".) 

Iif the name of God and gf good Balvotion. Wo departed 
from Seville with five sliips on the tenth of Au^st, in tho 
yenr lol9, to go and discover the MoIucca IslAnds. We 
commenced onr voyage from San Lncar for tie Canary 
Ifllands, and sailed soatfa-west 960 miles, where we found 
ourselves at the island of Tenerife, in which is the harbour 
of Santa Cmz in twenty-eight degrees of north latitude. 
And from the island of Tenerife wo sailed south <varda 
1680 miles, when we found ourselves in four degrees of 
north latitnde. From these four degrees of north latitude 
we sailed south-west, until we found ourselves at the Cape 
of Saint Angustin, which is in eight degrees of south lati- 
tude, having accomplished 1200 miles. And from Cape 
Saint Angustin we sailed south and by south-west 8ti4 
uiilea, where wo found ourselves in twenty degrees of south 
latitude. From twenty degrees of south latitude, being at 
sea, wo sailed 1500 miles south-west, when we found our- 
Bclves near the river, whoao mouth ia 108 miles wide, and 
tics in thirty-6ve degrees of the said south latitude. We 
named it the river of Saint Christopher. From this river 
we sailed 1038 miles south-west by west, where we found 
ourselves at Iho point of the Lupi Marini, which is in forty- 
eight degrees of south latitude. And from the point of the 
Lupi Marini we sailed south-west 350 miles, where ve 
found ourselves in the harbour of Saint Julian, and stayed 
there five months waiting for the sun to return towards us, 
because in Juno and July it appeared for only four hours 
each day. From this harbour of Saint Julian, which is in 
fifty degrees, we departed on the 24th of August, 1620, and 
sailed westward a hundred miles, where we found a river to 


which wo gave the namo of River of Santa Cmz, and there 
we remained until the 18th of October. This river is in 
fifty degrees. We departed thence on the 18th of October, 
and sailed along the coast 378 miies south-west by weBt, 
where we fonnd onrselves in a strait, to which we gave the 
name Strait of Victoria, because the ship Vieloria was the 
first that had seen it : some called it the Strait of Magal- 
haens, because our captain was namt^d Fernando de Ma- 
gathaens. ■ The mouth of this strait is in fifty-three degrees 
and a half, and we Bailed through it 400 miles to the other 
month, which is in the same latitude of fifty-three degrees 
and a half. We emerged from this strait on the 27th of 
November, 1520, and sailed between west and north-weat 
9858 miles, nntil we found ourselves npon the equinoctial 
line. In this course we found two uninhabited islands, the 
one of which was distant from the other 800 miles. To the 
first we gave the name of Saint Peter, and to the other the 
island of the Tiborones. Saint Peter is in eighteen degrees, 
the island of the Tiburones in fourteen degrees of south 
latitude. From the equinoctial line wo sailed between west 
and north-west 2046 miies, and discovered several islands 
between ten and twelve degrees of north latitude. In these 
islands there were many naked people as well men as women, 
we gave the islands the name of the LadroneSj because the 
people had robbed our ship : but it cost them very dear. I 
shall not relate further the course that wo made, because we 
lengthened it not a little. But I will tell yon that to go 
direct from these islands of the Ladrones to the Moluccas it 
is necessary to sail south-west a 1000 miles, and there oc- 
cur many islands, to which wb gave the name of the Archi- 
pelago of Saint Lazams. A little further there are the 
islands of the Moluccas, of which there are five, namely, 
Temate, Tidor, Molir, Machiam, Bachian. In Temate the 
Portuguese had built a very strong castle before I left. 
From the Molucca Islands to the islands of Banda there aro 
throe hundred miles, and one goes thitht-r by different 

32 KAKUTiTK or A PokTrorcsi. 

eoanes, bccaase there are many ifiUnds m between, and 
one nnut Bail hy sight. In these islandB notil joo reach tfao 
ifllaoda of Booda, which are in foar degrees and a half of 
sooth latitude, there are coDected from thirty to forty tlioD- 
scad csQtaros of oatmegs annuaOy , and there is likewise col- 
lected touch tnastic ; asd if yon wish to go to Calicot yoa 
iniwt always sail amidst the islands as fsr as Ualacca, which 
IB distant from the Moluccas 2000 miles, aod &om Malacca 
to Calicut are 2000 miles more. From Calient to Portogal 
there am 14,0>H) miles. If from the islands of Banda yoa 
wish to round the Cape of Good Hope, yon must sail be- 
tween west and south-west until you find yoorself in thirty- 
fonr degrees and a half of south latitude, and from there 
you sail westward, always keeping a good look-out at the 
prow not to run aground on the said Cape of Good Hope or 
iUi neighbourhood. From this Cape of Good Hope one saijb 
north-weat bj west 2400 miles, and there finds the island of 
Saint Helena, wliere Portugnese ships go to take in water , 
sod wood, and other things. This island is in sixteen de- 
grees south latitude, and there is no habitation except th&t ■ 
of a Portuguese man, who has but one hand and one foot> 
no nose, and no ears, and is called Fomam-lopem. 

Sailing 1600 miles north-west from this island of Saint | 
Helena yon will find yourself upon the equinoctial line ; 
from which lino you will sail 3534 miles north-west by i 
north, until yon find yourself in thirty-nine degrees north 
latitudo. And if you wish to go^from these thirty-nine de- 
grees to Lisbon you will sail floO miles eastward, where you 
will find the islands of the Azores, of which there a 
namely, Tcrceira, San Jorge, Pico, Fayal, Graciosa, on the 
oast, the island of Saint Michael, and the island of Saint \ 
Mary, all are between thirty-seven and forty degrees of 
north latitude. Prom the island of Terceirayoa will than | 
sail eastward 1 1 00 miles, where you will find yourself on 
tho land of Lisbon. 





AfjTBONy PioAPHETA, Pitfc/ftaM of VlcGiiza, ami Kni.jhl of 

Rhodes, to the very Uliistnous and very excellent 

LoKD Philip db Tillers Lislsauek, thefamowi 

Qrand Mauler of Rhodes, hU most 

respected Lord} 

Since there are several curiona persona (very illiistricma and 
very reverend lord) who not only are pleased to listen to and 
learn the great and wonderful things wliicli God Las per- 
mitted me to seo and suffer in the long and perilous naviga- 
tion, which I have performed (and which ia written hereafter), 
but also they desire to learn the methods and fashions of the 
road which 1 have taken in order to go thither, [and who do] 
not grant firm belief to the end unless they are firat well ad- 
vised and assured of the com to en cement. Therefore, my lord, 
it will please you to hear that finding myaelf in Spain in the 
year of tho Nativity of our Lord, one thousand five hundred 
and nineteen, at the court of the most serene king^ of the , 
Romans, with the reverend lord, Mons, Francis Cheregato,* 
then apostolic pioto-notary, and ambassador of the Pope 
Leon the Tenth, who, through his virtue, afterwards arrived 
at the biahopriok of Apnitino and the principoJity of 
ITieramo, and knowing both by the reading of many books 
and by the report of many lettered and well-informed persona 
who conversed with the said proto-notary, the very great 
and awful things of tho ocean, I deliberated, with the favour 

' Son Seigneur asHirv«tiiwinie. 

' Chiir1«a V wke i>l«;l«d Eiiiprror Uii: 'Milt June, 1519. 

' CliimcatQ. Miliui editiou. 


of the Emperor and the above-named lord, to experiment 
and go and see with my eyes a part of those things. By 
which means I could satisfy the desire of the said lords, and 
mine own also. So that it might be said that I had per- 
formed the said voyage, and seen well with my eyes the 
things hereafter written. 

Now in order to decypher the commencement of my 
voyage (very illustrious lord) ; having heard that there was 
in the city of Seville, a small armade to the number of five 
ships, ready to perform this long voyage, that is to say, to 
find the islands of Maluco, from whence the spices come : of 
which armade the captain-general was Femand de Mag^- 
glianes, a Portuguese gentleman, commander of St. James of 
the Sword, who had performed several voyages in the ocean 
sea (in which ho had behaved very honourably as a good 
man), I set out with many others in my favour from 
Barcelona, where at the time the Emperor was, and came 
by sea as far as Malaga, and thence I went away by land 
until I arrived at the said city of Seville. There I remained 
for the space of three months, waiting till the said armade 
was in order and readiness to perform its voyage. And 
because (very illustrious lord) that on the return from the 
said voyage, on going to Eome towards the holiness of our 
Holy Father,^ I found your lordship at Monterosa,* where of 
your favour you gave me a good reception, and afterwards 
gave me to understand that you desired to have in writing 
the things which God of His grace had permitted me to see 
ill my said voyage ; therefore to satisfy and accede to your 
desire,^ I have reduced into this small book the principal 
things, in the best manner that I have been able. 

Finally (very illustrious lord), after all provisions had been 
made, and the vessels were in order, the captain-general, a 

» Cloinent VII (Medici) was elected Pontiff in 1523, and died in 1534. 

» ^lonU'rosi. Milan edition. 

» Tho Milan edition attributes this desire to the Pope. 

>]A(li::[,LAJ4 8 SAILING OliDKRS. 


discreet and virtuous man, careful of his honour, woald not 
coiuToence hia voyage without first making some good and 
wholesome ordinances, such as it is the good custom to make 
for those who go to sea. Neverlheleas he did not entirely 
declare the voyage which be waa going to make, so that his ^ 
men should not from amazement and fear be unwilling to ac- 
company him on so long a voyage, as he had undertaken in 
his intention. Considering the great and impetuous storms' 
which are on the ocean sea, where I wished to go ; and for 
another reason also, that is to Bay that the piasters and 
captains of the other ships of his company did not love him : 
of this I do not know the reason, except by cause of his, 
the captain -general, being Portuguese, and tliey were 
Spaniards or Castihana, who for a long time have been in 
rivalry and ill will with one another. Notwithstanding chis 
all were obedient to him. He made hia ordinances such aa 
those which follow, so that during the storm's at sea, which 
often come on by night and day, his ships should not go 
away and separate from one another. These oiHliaances he 
pubhshed and mode over in writing to each master of the 
ships, and commanded tbero to be observed and inviolably 
keptj unless there were groat and legitimate excuses, and 
appearance of not having been able to do otherwise. 

Firstly, the said captain -general willed that the vessel in 
which he himself was should go before the other vessels, ' 
and that the others should follow it; thei'cfore he carried by 
night on the poop of his ship a torch or faggot of burning 
wood, which they called farol, which burned all the night, 
so that his ships should not lose sight of him. Sometimes 
he set a lantern, sometimes a thick cord of reeds* waa 
lighted, which was called trenche.' This is made of reeds 
well soaked in the water, and much beaten, then they are 
dried in the sun or in the smoke, and it is a thing very snit- 
ablo for such a matter. When the captain had made one of 

< FortanM. ■ Jonq. ' tCatrenqne, mule of nparta. 

Us rignab to Im people the; aaswered in the w e wmy. 
In that B Mnn er the; knew wfccUier Ae aUpa were IbUowii^ 
and kevpiag together or not And when he wnbed to 
tike a tadi od aeoooat of the cfaan^ of veatbsr, or if tho 
wind waaoontau;, or if he wished to mabe ieas nj, he had 
two H^ta showo ; and if he wished the others to low^ their 
ninaU Bail,* which was a pnTt of the smil attsfihed to the great 
aail, be ihowed three UgbtA. AUo hy the three lights, not- 
withstaoding that the wind was fair for going taster, he 
^pa&ed that the stttdding sail shoold be lowered ; so that 
the graat sail might be quicker and more easily stmck and 
furled when bad weather shoald saddenlj set in, on acconnt 
of some Mjnnll' or otherwiae. Likewise when the captain 
wished Uie other ships to lower the sail he had four lights 
shown, which shortly after he bad put ont and then showed 
a single one, which was a eigoa] that he wished to atop there 
and tarn, so that the other ships might do as bo did. 
'Witliai, when he discovered any laud, or shoal, that is to 
/ say, a rock at aea, he made several lights bo shown or had 
a bombard fired off. If he wished to make sail, he aignalled 
to the other ships with four lights, so tliat they should do 
oa ho did, and follow bim. He always carried this said 
litiitom suGpendDd to the poop of his vessel. Also when he 
wished the studding sail to be replaced with the great sail, 
hi! showed throe lights. And to know whether uU the ehipa 
followed him and were coming together, ho showed one 
light only besides the fanol, and then each of the ships 
Hliowcd another light, which was an answering signal. 

Ucflidos the above-mentioned ordinances for carrying on 
Boamanship as is fitting, and to avoid the dangers which may 
como upon those who do not keep watch, the said captain, 
who was export in the things required for navigation, 
ordorod tliut thruo watches should bo kept at night. The 

' Itoniii^ttd— Stan sail, ronntn'If added helow the square soil. 
' (itvupBdo. 


first was at the beginning of the night, the second at mid- 
night, and the third towards break of day, which ia commonly 
called La diane, otherwise the star of the break of day. 
Every night these watches were changed ; that is to say, ha 
who had kept the first watch, on the following day kept the 
second, and he who had kept tho second kept the third ; 
and so on they changed continually every night. The said 
captain commanded that his regulations both for the signals 
and the watches should be well observed, so that their 
voyage should be made with greater security. The crews 
of this fleet were divided into three companies ; the first 
belonged to the captain, the second to the pilot or nochier, 
and the third to the master. These regulations having 
been made, the captain -general deliberated on sailing, as 

Monday, the day of St. Laurence, tho 10th of August, in 
the year above mentioned, the Beet, provided with what waa 
necessary for it, and carrying crews of different nations, to 
the number of two hundred and tliirty-seven men in all the ' 
five ships, was ready to set sail from the mole of Se^HUe; and 
firing all the artillery, we made sail ooly on the foremast, 
and came to the end of a river named Bctis, which is now 
called Guadalcavir. In going along this river we passed 
by a place named Gioan de Faras, where there was ' a large 
population of Moors, and there there was a bridge over the 
river by which one went to Seville. This bridge was ruined, 
however there had remained two columns which are at the 
bottom of the water, ou which account it is necessary to 
have people of tho country of experience and knowledge to 
point out the convenient spot for safely passing between 
these two columns, from fear of striking against them. 
Besides that, it is necessary in order to pass safely by this 
bridge and by other places on this river, that the water 
should be rather high. After having passed the two 
' HilttD edition adds hero, /oiinwfy. 


colntnus we canie to another place named Coria, and passing 
by mtmy little villages lying along the said river, at last we 
arrived at a caBtle, which belongs to the Duke of Medina 
Sidonia, named St. Lucar, whore there is a port from which 
to enter the ocean sea. It is entered by the east wind and 
you go out by the west wind. Near there is the cape of St. 
Vincent, which, according to cosmography, is in thirty- 
seven degrees of latitude, at twenty miles distance from the 
said port ; and from the aforesaid town to this port by the 
river there are thirty-five or forty miles. A few days after- 
wards the captain -general cnmc along the said river with 
his boat, aud the masters of the other ships with him, and 
we remained some days in this port to supply the fleet with 
some necessary things. We went every day to hear mass 
on shore, at a church named Our Lady of Ban-ameda, 
towards St. Lucar. There the captain commanded that all 
the men of the fleet should confess before going on any 
further, in which he himself showed the way to the others. 
Besides he did not choose that anyone should bring any 
married woman, or others to the ships, for several good 

Tuesday, the 20th September of the said year,^ we set 
Bail from St, Lucar, making the course of the south-west 
otherwise named Labeiche ;* and on the twcuty-sixtli of the 
said month we arrived at an island of great Canada, named 
Teneriphe, which is in twenty-eight degrees latitude ; there 
we remained three days and a half to take in provisions and 
other things which were wanted. After that we set sail 
thcnco and came to a port named Monterose, where we 
sojourned two days to supply ourselves with pitch, which is 
a thing necessary for ships. It is to be known that among 
the other isles which are at the said great Canaria, there is 
one, where not a drop of water is to be found pi-oceeding 
from a ronstitiu or a river, only once a day at the hour of 
* 1519. ' G&rbin aud Libeccio. 

midday, tliere dpscDnda a. cloud from the sky wliii;!] envelops 
a lurgt- tree which la in this island, and it falls upon the 
leaves of the tree, and a great abundance of water distils 
from theso leaves, so that at the foot of the tree there is so 
large a quantitj of water that it seems as if there was an 
ever-i'Huning fountaio. The men who inhabit this place are 
satisfied with this water ; also the animaU, both domestic 
and wild, drink of it. 

Monday, the third of October of tho said year, at the hour 
of midnight, we set sail, making the course auster, which 
the levantine mariners call Siroc,' entering into the ocean 
sea. We passed the Cape Verd and the neighbouring 
islands in fourteen-and-a-half degrees, and we navigated for 
several days by the coast of Guinea or Ethiopia j whore there 
is a mountain called Sierra Leona, which is in eight degrees 
latitude according to the art and science of cosmography 
and astrology. Sometimes we had the wind contrary and 
at other times sufficiently good, and rains without wind. 
In this manner we navigated with rain for the space of 
sixty days unb^ the equinoctial line, which was a thing very 
strange and unaccustomed to be seen, aceording to the saying 
of some old men and those who had navigated here several 
times. Nevertheless, before reaching this equinoctial line we 
had in fourteen degrees a variety of weather and bad winds, 
as much on account of squalls as for the head winds and cur- 
rents which came in such a manner that we could no longer 
advance. In order that our ships might not perish nor 
broach to* (as it often happens when the squalls conte 
together), we struck our sails, and in that manner we went 
about the sea hither and thither until the fair weather came. 
During the calm there came large fishes near the ships wh ich 
they called Tihnroni (sharks), which have teeth of a terrible 
kind, and cat people when they find them in the sea either 
alive or dead. These fishes are caught with a device which 
' Soutb-nust. • I)i>iiiiass('iit ii Inivi'i-s. 

the n 

s call hai 

, which i 

1 hook of iron. Of these, 

some were caught by our men. However, they are wortli 
nothing to eat when they are iargo ; and even the BOiall ones 
are worth but little. Daring these storms the body of St. 
Anselmo appeared to na several times ; amongst others, one 
night that it was very dark on account of the bad weather, 
the said saint appeared in the form of a fire lighted at the 
summit of the mainmast,' and remained there near two hours 
and a half, which comforted us greatly, for we were in tears, 
only expecting tho hour of periahing ; and when that holy 
light was going away from ua it gave out so great a brilHancy 
in the eyes of each, that we were near a quarter-of-an-hour like 
people blinded, and calling out for mercy. For without &ny 
doubt nobody hoped to escape from that storm. It is to be 
noted that all and as many times as that light which repre- 
sents the said St. Anselme shows itself and descends upon a 
vessel which ia in a storm at sea, that vessel never is lost. 
Immediately that this light had departed tho sea grew 
calmer, and then we saw divers sorts of birds, amongst 
others there were some which had no fundament.* There 
ia also another kind of bird of such a nature that when the 
female wishes to lay her eggs she goes and lays them on the 
back of the male, and there it is that the egga are hatched. 
This last kind have no feet and are always in the sea. 
There ia another kind of bird which only lives on the 
droppings of tho other birds, this is a true thing, and they 
are named Cagaselo, for I have seen them follow the other 
birds until they had done what nature ordered them to do; 
and after it has eat this dirty diet it does not follow any 
other bird until hunger returns to it ; it always does th6^ 
same thing,* Tliere are also fish which fly, and wo saw a 

' La grsiide gabbe. 

' In rcalit; this liinl s 

' N'avoycnt point da fondemcnt. 
Iiu fiHl] wliicb it forc«8 the fishing 


ffrcat quantity of them together, bo many that it seemed 
that it was an island Ju the sea. 

After that we had passed the equinoctial line, towards 
the south, we lost the star of the ti-amontana, and we navi- 
gated between the south and Garbin, which is the collateral 
wind [or point] between south and west ; and we crossed 
as far as a country named Verziu, which is in twenty-four 
degrees and a half of the antarctic sky. This country is from 
the cape St. Au^ustiuo, which is in eight degrees in the ant- 
arctic sky. At this placo we had refreshments of victuals, like 
fowls and meat of calves,^ also a variety of fi-uits, called bat- 
tate, pigne (pine-apples), sweet, of singular goodness, and 
many other things, which I have omitted mentioning, not to 
he too long. The people of the said place gave, in order to 
have a knife, or a hook^ for catching Gsh, Bve or six fowls, 
and for a comb they gave two geese, and for a small mirror, 
or a pair of scissors, they gave so much fish that ten men 
could have eaten of it. And for a bell (or hawk'a-bell)* 
they gave a full basket* of the fruit named battate ; this 
has the taste of a chestnut, and is of the length of a shuttle.^ 
For a king of cards, of that kind which they used to play 
with in Italy, they gave me five fowls, and thought they 
halt cheated me. We entered into this port tho day of 
Saint Lucy" [13th December], before Christmas, on which 
day we had the sun on tho zenith,^ which is a term of astro- 
logy. This zenith is a point in tho sky, according to 
astrologers, and only in imagination, and it answers to over 
our head in a straight line, ns may be seen by the treatise 
of the sphere,' and by Aristotle, in the first book, Se Civlo 
et Montlo, On the day that we had tho sun in the zenith 

■ The Milan editiou has '■ flesh uf the Anta, like thnt of a cow"; nii<l 
a note Bays the tuita li tho tapir. ' Iliiiui. 

' Aiguctllotte, MLtDO as esquiilcttc. * CuHiii. 

* Naveau, for navutte. 

• Ia'. jotir di' SuDctc Liiuie am anaiDtz ile Nwl. 

' Par teait. ' Ur ij( Loepen;. 



we felt greater heat^ as much as when we were on the 
equinoctial line. 

The said country of Verzin is very abundant in all good 
things, and is larger than France, Spain, and Italy together. 
It is one of the countries which the King of Portugal has 
conquered [acquired] . Its inhabitants are not Christians^ 
and adore nothing, but live according to the usage of nature, 
rather bestially than otherwise. Some of these people live 
a hundred, or a hundred and twenty, or a hundred and 
forty years, and more ; they go naked, both men and 
women. Their dwelbngs are houses that are rather long, 
and which they call '^ boy*^; they sleep upon cotton nets, 
which they call, in their language, " amache.^' These nets 
are fastened to large timbers from one end of their house 
to the other. They make the fire to warm themselves right 
under their bed. It is to be known that in each of these 
houses, which they call " boy," there dwells a family of a 
hundred persons, who make a great noise. In this place 
they have boats, which are made of a tree, all in one piece, 
which they call " canoo.^' These are not made with iron 
instruments, for they have not got any, but with stones, 
like pebbles, and with these they plane^ and dig out these 
boats. Into these thirty or forty men enter, and their oars 
are made like iron shovels : and those who row these oars 
are black people, quite naked and shaven, and look like 
enemies of hell. The men and women of this said place 
are well made in their bodies. They eat the flesh of their 
enemies, not as good meat, but because they have adopted 
this custom. Now this custom arose as follows: an old 
woman of this place of Verzim had an only son, who was 
killed by his enemies, and, some days afterwards, the 
friends of this woman captured one of the said enemies 
who had put her son to death, and brought him to where 
she was. Immediately the said old woman, seeing the 

^ Rabotent. 



man wto wna captured, iitid recollecting the Jeuth of her 
child, rushed upon him liko a mad dog. and bit him on 
the ahonlder. However, this man who had been taken 
prisoner found means to mn away, and to)d how they had 
wished to oat hitn, showing the bite which the said old 
woman had made in his shoulder. After that those who 
were caught on one side or other were eaten. Through 
that arose this custom in this place of eating the enemies 
of each other. Bat they do not eat up the whole body of 
the man whom they take prisoner ; they eat him bit by bit, 
and for fear that he should be spoiled, they cut him np into 
pieces, which they set to dry in the chimney, and every day 
they cut a small piece, and eat it with their ordinary vic- 
tuals in memory of their enemies. I was assured that 
thia custom was true by a pilot, named John Carvagio, 
who was in onr company, and had remained four years in 
Ibis place ; it is also to be observed that the inhabitants of 
this place, both men and women, are accnetomod to paint 
themselves with fire, all over the body, and also the face. 
The men are shaven, and wear no beard, because they 
pluck it out themselves, and for all clothing they wear & 
circle surrounded with the largest feathers of parrots,' and 
they only cover their posterior parts, which is a cause of 
langhter and mockery. The people of this place, almost 
all, escepting' women and children, have three holes in the 
lower lip, and carry, hanging in them, small ronnd stones, 
about a finger in length. Tht-so kind of people, both men 
and women, are not very black, but rather brown,* and 
they openly show their shame, and have no hair on the 
whole of their bodies. The king of this country is called 

' Papegnulx. 

■ Fttbre'a French printed edition, and the Italian edition of 159G. 
lK>t)i inclvde tli« troiuen and children : — 

" Quasi toiu taut Louitaque(eiiimcaquo enfuntsont trois pcrtuisun la 
trvri' itrinhox," ftc. " 'I'utti gli huomiiii doiine ot tnni'iulli hnnuu Ik 
hiiclii," etc > Taoi*. 



Cacich, and there are here an infiDite anmber of parrots, 
of which they give eight or ten for a looking-glass ; there 
are also some little cat-monkeys' having almost the nppeur- 
anw of a lion ; they are yellow, and handsome, and agree- 
nblo to look at. The people of this place make brend, 
which is of a ronnd shape, and they take the miirrow 
of certain treea which are there, between the bark and the 
tree, but it is not at all good, and resembles fresh cheese. 
There are also some pigs which have their navel on ths 
back,^ and large birds which have their beak like a spoon, 
and they have no tongue. For a hat«het or for a knife 
they used to give us one or two of their daughters as slaves, 
but their wives they would not give np for anything in the 
world. According to what they say the women of this 
place never render duty to their husbands by day, but 
only at night; thoy attend to businoss out of doors, and 
carry all that they require for their husband's victuals 
insido small baskets on their heads, or fastened to their 
heads. Their husbands go with them, and carry a bow of 
vergin,^ or of black palm, with a handful of arrows of cane. 
They do this because they are very jealous of their wives. 
These carry their children fastened to their neck, and they 
are inside a thing inodo of cotton in the manner of a net. 
I omit relating many other strange things, not to be too 
prolix ; however, I will not forget to say that mass was said 
twice on shore, where there were many people of the said 
country, who remained on their kneos, and their hands 
joined in great reverence, during the mass, so that it was a 
pleasure and a subject of compassion to see them. In a short 
time they built a house for us, as they imagined that we should 
remain a long time with them, and, at our departure thence, 
they gave us a large quantity of verzin. It is a colour 
which proceeds from the troes which are in this cooiitry, 
' Do petilcs chattcs tnaynioiuiee. 
' hear loinbriu aur Ifioiiinp, 
' Miliiii cdiUou cttlli it wckk) of BrHfilc. 



and l.hey are in sach quantity that tUe country ia called from 
it Verziu. 

It is to bo known that it happened that it had not rained 
for two moDtlis befora we came there, and the day that ve 
arrived it be^n to rain, on which account the people of 
the said place said that we came from heaven, and had 
brought the rain with us, which was great simplicity, and 
theae people were easily converted to the Christian faith. 
Besides the above-mentioned things which were rather 
simple, the people of this country showed us another, very 
simple ; for they imagined that the small ships' boats were 
the children of the ships, and that the said ships brought 
them forth when the boats were hoisted out to send the 
men hither and thither ; and when the boats were along- 
side the ship they thought that the shipsVere giving them 

A beautiful young girl came one day inside the ship of our 
captain, where I was, and did not come except to seek for 
her luck : however, she directed her looks to the cabin of 
the master, and saw a nail of a finger's length, wand went 
and took it as something valuable and now, and hid it in 
hor hair, for otherwise she would not have been able to 
conceal' it, because she was naked,* and, bending forwards, 
she went away ; and the captain and I saw this mystery.* 

*•* This pomige is fnua MS. No. 68, tbe Regent Lonin's copy, 
for whom it appears to have been ndapUtd ; tbat in No. 5650, tmii in 
Amoriitti and Fabre's editions, is less lit for publication: the words from 
• t« ■ are omitted in No. 68. 

' The 1536 edition omits the story of the girl, nnd iiwtoad says: — 

" Sella ]irima coeta di terra che ariuomiuo, wl alcunc fomino schinve 
chu lumcunmo Icuate ne Ic nnui d'oltri pnesi, & erano grnuide veniicro 
\e doglie del porto, per il che loro sole si usdrono di uaiie, & smontfiroDo 
iu terra, & pnrtorito che hebbero oon U figluoli in braccio so ne ritoniu- 
rono Bubito in nave." 

Fahru aiys ; — 

" Ku la pruiiii^re cwtv que pnawrL-nt nalcuni« VAclnvra onfanteroiit et 

Some Words op this People of Vermin. 

Milan iU 


■ Au luil 

- Miiize. 


- Fftrine - 

- Hny. 

A book 

- Vug hftim 

- Pinda. 

A knife 

- Ung coatteau 

- Taesae 

- Tane. 

A comb 

- Ungpeigne 

- Chignap 

- Chipag 

A fork 

- Une torcetle 



- UneBODiiette 

> ItemDaraca 

- Uaomar 

Good, more tbao good - Bon, pins que bon turn mareghatoni. 

We romained thirteen days in this country of Verzin, 
and, departing from it and following our course, we went 
as far as thirty-four degrees and a third towards the antarctic 
pole ; there we found, near n river, men whom they call 
" cannibals,"' who eat human flesh, and one of these men, 
great as a giant, came to the captain's ship to ascertain 
and ask if the others might come. This man had a voice 
like a bull, and whiht this man was at the ship his com- 
panions carried off all their goods which they had to a 
castle further off, from foar of us. Seeing that, we landed 
a hundred men from tho ships, and weut nfter them to try 
and catch some others; however they gained in running 
away. This kind of peopie did more with one step than 
we could do at a bound. In this same river there were 
seven little islands, and in the largest of thorn preciona 
stones are found. Tliis 'place was formerly called the Cape 
of St, Mary, and it was thought there that from thence 
thore was a passage to the Sea of Sur ; that is to say, the 
South Sea. And it ia not found that any ship has ever 
discovered anything more, having passed beyond the said 

qu&Dt estoient en tniveil ac mirent liora du kaatpiiu et nprea . 
nu hoatenu et nourrircnt lean enfanB." 

This Btory is improbable, as women wtrc not ullowed 
bonrd sliip. Fabre then relates the elory of the young iptl. 

' Cauibali, 


cape. And now it 13 no longer a cape, but it is a river 
which lins a mouth seventeen leagues in width, by which it 
enters Into the sea. In past time, in this river, these great 
men named Canibali ate a Spanish captain, named John de 
Sola,' and sixty men who had gone to discover land, au we 
were doing, and trusted too much to them. 

Afterwards following the same course towards the Antarc- 
tic pole, going along the land, we found two islands full of 
geese and goslings, and sea wolves, of which geese the large 
number could not be reckoned; for we loaded all the five 
ships with them in an hour. These geese are black, and 
have their feathers all over the body of the same size and 
shape, and they do not fiy, and live npon fish ; and they 
were so fat that they did n^t pluck them, but skinned 
them. They have beaks like that of a crow. The sea 
wolves of these two islands are of many colours, and of 
the size and thickness of a calf, and have a head like that 
of a calf, and the ears small and round. They have large 
teeth, and have no legs, but feet joining close on to the 
body, which resemble a human^band ; they have small nails 
to their feet, and skin between the fingers like geese. If 
these animals could run th^y would be very bad and cruel, 
but they do not stir from the water, and awim and live upon 
fish. In this place we endured a great atorm, and thought 
we should have been lost, but the three holy bodies, that is 
to say, St. Anselmo, St. Nicolas, and Sta. Clara, appeared to 
us, and immediately the storm ceased. 

Departing thence as far as forty nine degrees and a half 
in the Antarctic heavens (as wo were in tlie winter), wo 
entered into a port to pass the winter, and remained there 
two whole months without ever seeing anybody. However, 
one day, without anyone expecting it, we saw a giant, who 
was on the shore of the aea, quite naked, and was dancing 
and leaping, and singing, and whilst singing he put the 
< Solis. 


Band and dust on hia head. Our captain sent one of bis 
men towards Lim, whom he charged to aing and leap like 
the other to reassnre him, and show him friendship. TliiB 
he did, and immediately the sailor led this giant to a little 
island whoro the captain was waiting for him ; and when ho 
was before ns he began to be astonished, and to be afraid, 
and be raised one finger on high,' thinking that we came 
from heaven, lie was so tall that the tallest of us only 
came np to his waist ;- howevei-' he was well built. He bad 
a large face, painted red all round, and his eyes also were 
painted yellow around them, and he had two hearts painted 
on his cheeks ; he had but httle hair on his head, and it 
wan painted white. When ho was brought before the cap- 
tain he was clothed with the skin of a certain beast, which 
skin was very skilfully sewed. This beast* has its head and 
ears of the size of a mule, and the neck and body of the 
fashion of a camel, the legs of a deer, and the tail like 
that of a horse, and it neighs hkc a horse. There is a 
great quantity of these animals in this same pluce. This 
giant had his feet covered with the skin of this animal in 
the form of shoes, and he carried in his hand a short and 
thick bow, with a thick cord made of the gut of the said 
beast, with a bundle of cane arrows, which were not very 
long, and were feathered like ours,^ but they had no iron at 
the end, though they had at the end some small white and 
black cut stones, and tbese arrows were like those which the 
Turks nse. The captain caused food and drink to be given 
to this giant, then they showed him some things, amongst 
others, a steel mirror. When the giant saw bis bbeneas in 
it, be was greatly terrified, leaping backwards, and mads 
three or four of our men fall down. 

' " Ctmtremoiit." 

' Folkner (1774, Ilerefunl) in his account of Pat&gonia, rajshetaw 

men araoDg the Putkhes aevta feet six inobeB bigh. ' " Combien."' 

' The guauaco, o kind of Lama. ■ " Empan^." 



After ttat the captaia ga7B him two bells, a mirror, 
a comb, and a ehnplet of beads, and sent him back on 
shore, having him accompanied by four armed men. One 
of the companions of this giant, who would never come to 
the ship, on seeing the other coming back with our people, 
came forward and ran to where the other giants dwelled. . 
These came one after the other all naked, and began to leap 
and sing, raising one finger to heaven, and showing to onr 
people a certain white powder made of the roots of herbs, 
which they kept in earthen pots, and they made signs that 
they lived on that, and that they had nothing else to eat 
than this powder. Therefore our people made them signs 
to come to the ship and that they would help them to carry 
their bundles.' Then these men came, who carried only 
their bows in their hands; but their wives came after them 
laden like donkeys, and carried their goods. Those women 
are not as tall as the men, but they are very sufficiently 
large. When we saw them we were all amazed and asto- 
nished, for they had tho breasts half an ell* long, and had 
their faces painted, and were dressed like the men. But 
they woro a small skin before them to cover theraselvea. 
They brought with them four of those little beasts of which 
they make thoir clothing, and they led them with a cord in 
the manner of dogs coupled together. When these people 
wish to catch these animals with which they clothe them- 
selves, they fasten one of the young ones to a bush, and 
afterwards the large ones come to play with the little one, 
and the giants are hid behind some hedge, and by shooting 
their arrows they kill the large ones. Our men brought 
eighteen of these giants, both men and women, whom they 
placed in two divisions, half on one side of the port., and 
the other half nt the other, to hunt the said nnimals. Six 
days after, our peoplo on going to cat wood, saw another 
giant, with bis face painted and clothed like the above- 


inentioii3d, he had in his hand a bow and arrows, and ap- 
proaching our people he made some touches on his head 
and then on his body, and afterwards did the same to our 
people. And this being done he raised both his hands to 
heaven. When the captain-general knew all this, he sent 
to fetch him with his ship's boat, and brought him to one of 
the little islands which are in the port, where the shipa 
were. In this island the captain had caused a house to be 
made for putting some of the ships' things in whilst he 
remained there. This giant was of a still better disposition 
than the others, and was a gracious and amiable person, 
who liked to dance and leap. When he leapt he caused tho 
earth to sink in a palm depth at the place where his feet 
touched. He was a long time with us, and at the end we 
baptised him, and gave him the name of John. This giant 
pronounced the name of Jesus, the Pater noster, Avo Maria, 
andhisname as clearly as we did: but he had a terribly strong 
and loud voice. The captain gave him a shirt and a tnnic' of 
cloth, and seaman's breeches,* a cap, a comb, some bells, 
and other things, and sent him hack to where he had coma 
from. He went away very joyous and satisfied. The next 
day this giant returned, and brought one of those large 
animals before mentioned, for which the captain gave him 
aomo other things, so that he should bring more. But 
afterwards he did not return, and it is to be presumed that 
the other giants killed him because he had come to us. 

Fifteen days later we saw four other giants, who carried 
no arrows, for they had hid them in the bushes, as two of 
them showed ua, for we took them all four, and each of 
them was painted in a different way. The captain rotained 
the two younger ones to take them to Spain on his return ; 
but it was done by gentle and cunning means, for otherwise 
they would have done a hurt to some of our men. The 
manner in which he retained them was that be gave tliem 
I " Sayon." ' " Bmguea in 


many knives, forkaj miirors, bells, and glass, and tliey held 
|< all these things in their hands. Then the captain had some 

iruuii brought, such as are put on the Teet of malefactors : 

these giants took pleasure iu seeing the irons, but they did 
] not know where to put them, and it grieved them that they 

could not tako them with their bunds, because they were 
I hindered by the other things which they held in them. The 

other two giants were there, and were desirous of helping 
I the other two, but the captain would not let them, and 

[ made a sign to the two whom he wished to detain that they 

I would put those irons on their feet, and then they would go 

I away : at this they made a sign with their heads that they 

I were content. Immediately the captain had the irons put 

I on the feet of both of them, and when they saw that they 

I were striking with a hammer on the bolt which crosses tlie 

I said irons to rivet them, and prevent them from being 

I opened, these giants were afraid, but th» captain made 

] them a sign not to doubt of anything. Nevertheless when 

il they saw the trick which had been played them, they began 

to be enraged,' and to foam like bulls, crying out very loud 
Setebos,^ that is to say, the great devil, that he should help 
j them. The hands of the other two giants were bound, but 

' il was with great di^culty; then the captain sent them 

l' back ou shore, with nine of his men to conduct them, and 

I to bring the wife of one of those who had remained in 

I irons, because he regretted her greatly, as we saw by signs. 

' But in going away one of those two who were sent away, 

l' untied his hands and escaped, running with such lightness 

I that om' men lost sight of him, and he went away where his 

i companions were staying; but ho found nobody of those 

■ " BoofFer", to be angry, also to blow, to puff- 
' SeteboE, though represuated b; tbe Spanianla as a demoD, would, 
no doubt, be the Falagouitta uame of the Doit;. Shakeepeare bos twice 
brought in Setebos in the TtmpeH, aa invoked by Caliban. There can 
bu no duabt of hia having got the name of SuteboB from the account of 
Magvllau's voyage. 


that lie had left with the women because they had gone to 
huut. However he went to look for them, and found them, 
and related to them all that had been done to them. The 
other giant whose hands were tied struggled as much aa hs 
could to imfaEten himself, and to prevent his doing so, one 
of our men struck him, and hurt him on the head, at whiob 
he got very angry ; however he led our people there where 
their wives were. Then John Cavagio,' the pilot who waa 
the chief conductor of these two giants, would not bring 
away the wife of one of the giants who bad remained in 
irons on that evening, but waa of opinion that they should 
sleep there, because it was almost night. During this time 
the one of the giants who had untied his bauds came back 
from where he had been, with another giant, and they see- 
ing their companion wounded on the head, said nothing at 
that moment, but next morning they spoke in their lan- 
guage to the women, and immediately all ran away together, 
and the smallest ran faster than the biggest, and they left 
all their chattels. Two of tliese giants being rather a long 
way off shot arrows at our men, and fighting thus, one of 
the giants pierced with an arrow the thigh of one of oar 
men, of which he died immediately. Then seeing that he 
was dead, all ran away. Our men had crosa-bowa and 
guns,^ but they never could hit one of these giants, becanse 
they did not stand still in one place, but leaped hither and 
thither. After that, our men buried the man who had been 
killed, and set liro to the place where those giants had left 
their chattels. Certainly these giants run faster than a 
horse, and they are very jealous of their wives. 

When these giants have a atomach-ache, instead of taking 
medicine they put down their throats an arrow about two 
feet long ; then they vomit a green bilo* mixed with blood : 
and the reason why they throw up this green matter is be- 
cause they sometimes eat thistles. When they have head- 
' "CaTTftUio." ' " Escoupptrles." * "Collfere," 



aches tbey make a cut across the forehead, and also on the 
arms and lega, to draw blood from several parts of their 
bodies. One of the two we had taken, and who was in our 
ship, said that the blood did not choose to remain in the 
place and spot of the body where pain was felt. These 
people have their hair cut short and clipped in the manner 
of monks with a tonsure : they wear a cord of cotton round 
their head, to this they hang their arrows when they go 
a-hunting. . . .' 

When one of them dies, ten or twelve devils appear and 
dance all ronnd the dead man. It seems that these are 
painted, and one of these enemies is taller than the others, 
and makes a greater noise, and more mirth than the others: 
that is whence these people have taken tlio custom of paint- 
ing their faces and bodies, as has been said. The greatest of 
these devils is called in their language Setebos, and tlie 
others Cheleule. Besides the above-mentioned things, this 
one who was in the ship with ns, told as by signs that he 
had seen devils with two horns on their heads, and long 
hair down to their feet, and who threw out fire from their 
mouths and rumps. The captain named this kind of people 
Pataghom,* who have no houses, but have hnta made of the J^ 
skins of the animals with which they clothe themselves, and 
go hither and thither with these huts of theirs, as the 
gypsies' do ; they live on raw meat, and eat a certain sweet 
root, which they call Capac. These two giants that we had 
in the ship ate a large basketful* of biscuit, and rata with- 
out skinning them, and they drank half a bucket of water 
at each time. 

We remained in this port, which was called the port of 
St, Julian, about five mouths, during which there happened 
to ua many strange things, of which I will tell a part. One 
was, that immediately that we entered into this port, the 

' " Et lient leur membro dedans le corps pour !e trt» grand froid." 
' On accouut of their large feet. ' " Egiptitui." • Coffia. 


masters of the other four ships plotted treason against the 
captain-gpnoral, in order to put him to death. These were 
thus named ; John of Carthagiue, conductor' of the Beet ; 
the treasurer, Loys de Mendoza ; the conductor,' Anthony 
Cocha ; and Caspar de Casada,' However, the treason was 
discovered, for which the treaaarer was killed with stabs of 
a dagger, and then quartered. This Gaspar de Oasada had 
his head cut off, and afterwards was cut into quarters ; and 
the conductor having a few days later attempted another 
treason, was banished with a priest, and was put in that 
country called Pattagonia.* The captain-general would not 
put this conductor to death, because the Emperor Charles 
had made him captain of one of the ships. One of our 
ships, named St. James, was lost in going to discover the 
coast ; all the men, however, were saved by a miracle, for 
they were hardly wet at all. Two men of these, who were 
Baved, came to us and told us all that liad passed and hap- 
pened, on which the captain at once sent some men with 
sacks full of biscuit for two months. So, each day wo found 
something of the ship of the other men who had escaped 
from the ship which was lost ; and the place where these 
men were was twenty-five leagues from us, and the road 
bad and full of thorns, and it required four days to go 
there, and no water to drink was to be found on the road, 
but only ice, and of that little. In this port of St. Julian 
there wore & groat quantity of long capres,* called Missi- 
glione ; these had pearls in the midst. In this place they 
found incense, and ostriches, foxes, sparrows, and rabbits* 

' Milan edition calla Lim " vehadore", overseer or purTeyor. 

» " Contador." Miku edition. • " Quesada." 

■ Madokilian, the Traiuylvsiii&n, relates that when Gomez abandoned 

MagcUaD ia the SlraiU, he returned b; this spot and picked up thi»e 

two men. 

"Caprae," musaels or oj^stcrs; the Milan edition adds, that Ihey 

were not eatable. • " Conniu. 


a good deal smaller than oura,' We set np at the top of 
tho liigfaest moaataln which was there a, very large cross, as 
a sign that this country belonged to the King of Spain ; 
and we gave to this monntain the name of Mount of Christ. 
Departing thence, we found in fifty-one degrees loss ono- 
third (50° 40' S.)j in the Antarctic, a river of fresh water, 
which was near causing ua to be lost, from the great winda 
which it seat out ; but God, of his favour, aided us. Wa 
were about two months in this river, as it supplied fresh 
water and a kind of fiah an ell long, and very scaly,^ which 
is good to eat. Before going away, the captain chose that 
all should confess and receive the body of our Lord like 
good Christians. 

After going and taking the coarse to the fifty-second 
degree of the said Antarctic sky, on the day of the Eleven 
Thotisand Virgins [October 21], we found, by a miracle, a 
strait which we called the Cape of the Eleven Thousand 
Virgins, this strait is a hundred and ten leagues long, 
which are four hundred and forty miles, and almost as 
wide as loss than half a league,*^ and it issues in another 
sea, which is called the peaceful sea;' it is surrounded by 
very great and high mountains covered with snow. In 
this place it was not possible to anchor* with the anchors, 
because uo bottom was found, on which account they were 
forced to put the moorings' of twenty-five or thirty fathoms 

I "PloBpetitcsaMeiqut^IeaiK 

u pill piecali". Milnn edition. 

> Thv MS, ia thus divid«il, but without numbeis to tlie duptciBL 
' " El qiM^ anloiit dc Urgeur moins de deiny u liuuv." 
* " \a met paiublc." * " Surgir." 

■ ■■ Dc mettre les proyaem en terre." 


leogtli on shore. Tliis strait waa e. round place snrronnded 
by moni) tains, as I bave said, and the greater number of 
the sailors thought that there was no place faj which to go 
out theuco to enter into the peaceful sea. But the captain- 
genera! said that there was another strait for going out, and 
eaid that he knew it well, because he had seen it by a marine 
chart of the Kiug of Portugal] which map had been made 
by a great pilot and manner named Martin of Bohemia.' 
The captain sent on before two of his ships, one named SI. 
Anthony and the other the Concepiion, to seek for and dis- 
cover the outlet of this strait^ which was called the Cape de 
la B&ya. And we, with the other two ships, that is to say, 
the flagship named Ti'initate, and the other the Victory, 
remained waiting for them within the Bay, where in the 
night we had a great storm, which lasted till the next 
day at midday, and during which wo were forced to weigh 
the anchors and let the ships go hither and thither about 
the bay. The other two ships met with such a head wind' 
that they could not weather" a cape which the bay made 
almost at its extremity; wishing to come to ua, they were 
neiir being driven to beach the ships.' But, on approaching 
the extremity of the bay, and whilst oxpectiug to be lost, 
tbey saw a small mouth, which did not resemble a mouth 
but a comer,' and (like people giving np hope*) they threw 
themselves into it, bo that by force they discovered the 
strait. Seeing that it was not a comer, but a strait of land, 
they went fui'ther on, and found a bay, then going still 
further they found another strait and another bay larger 

' Martin Bebaim, irho lived at Fayol and Nuremberg. A globe was 
constructed fit Nuremberg under the Lustructioas of Martin BehiLiin in 
149S, and given \sj him Xa the town of Nuremberg. This globe di»- 
prores the idea that Martin Behaim or his maps hod indicated to 
Magellan any Mraits, tor the whole continent of Ajuerica in sbaeat 

' " Trauerse." ' " Chovaucher." ' " Gatrer k sec." 

» ■' Canton. ■' ' ("Commc abandonnans.") 



than the first two, at which, being very joyona, they sud- 
denly returned backwards to tell it to the captain~geneml. 
Amongst us we thought that they hail perished : tirst, be- 
cause of the great Btorm ; next, because two days had 
passed that we had not seen them. And being thua in 
doubt' we saw the two ships under all sail, with ensigns 
Bpreud, come towards us : these, when near us, suddenly 
dist-harged much artillery, at which we, very joyous, saluted 
them with artillery and shouts. Afterwards, all together, 
thanking God and the Virgin Mary, we went to seek 
further on. 

After having entered inside this strait we found that 
there were two mouths, of which one trended to the Sirocco 
(.S.E.),and the other to the Garbin (S,W.). On that acconnt 
the captain again sent the two ships, Si. AtUhony and Con- 
ception, to see if the mouth which was towards Sirocco had 
an outlet beyond into the said peaceful spa. One of these 
two ships, named St. Anthony, would not wait for the other 
ship, because those who were inside wished to return to 
Spain : this they did, and the principal reason was on 
account of the pilot' of the sud ship being previously dis- 
contentL'd with the said captain -general, because that boforo 
tliia armament was made, this pilot had gone to the Em- 
peror to talk about having some ships to discover countries. 
But, on account of the arrival of the captain-general, the 
Emperor did not give them to this pilot, on account of 
which he agreed with some Spaniards, and the foUowiog 
night they took prisoner the captain of their ship, who was /, 
a brother* of tho captain -general, and who was named 
Alvar de Meschite; they wounded him, and put him in irons. 
So they carried him off to Spain. And in this ship, which 
went awuy and returned, was one of the two above-mentioned 
giants whom we bad takeu, and when he felt the heat he 

' " Souspecon." 
> UiH n: 


' Couain. 


died. The otlier ship, named the Conceptiov, not bcJug able 
to follow that one, wna always waiting for it, and Buttered 
hither and thither. But it lost its time, for the other took 
tho road by night for returning. When this happened, at 
night the ship of the captain and the other ship went to- 
gether to diaeover the other mouth to Garbin (S.W.), where, 
on always holding on our course, we found tho same strait. 
But at the end' we arrived at a river which we named the 
Kiver of Sardines, because we found a great quantity of 
them. So we remained there four days to wait for the 
other two ships. A short time after wd sent a boat well 
supplied with men and provisions to discover tho cape of 
the other sea : these remained three daya in going and 
coming. They told ua that they had found the cape, and 
the sea great and wide. At the joy which the captain- 
general had at this ho began to cry, and he. gave tho name 
•y of Cape of Desire to this cape, as a thing which bad been 
much desired for a long time. Having done that we turned 
back to find the two ships which were at the other side, but 
we only found the Ooiicej'tion, of which ship we asked what 
had become of her companion. To thia tho captain of the 
said ship, named John Serrano (who was pilot of tho first 
ship which was lost) as has been related), replied that he 
knew nothing of her, and that he had never seen her since 
she entered the mouth. However, we sought for her through 
all the strait, as far aa the said mouth, by which she had 
taken her course to return. Besides that, the Captain- 
General sent back the ship named the Vieiorij as far as tlie 
entrance of the strait to see if tho ship was there, and he 
told the people of this ship that if they did not find the ship 
they were looking for, they were to place an ensign on the 
summit of a small hill, with a letter inside a pot placed in 
the ground near the ensign, so that if the ship should by 
ahance return, it might see that ensign, and also find the 
' "A la fin." 


letter which would give information of the course which 
the captain was holding. This manner of acting had been 
ordaiacd by tho captain from the commencement, in order 
to effect the junction of any ship which might be separated 
from the others. So the people of the said ship did what 
the captain had commanded them, and more, for they set 
two ensigns with lettei-s; one of the ensigns was placed on 
a small hill at the first bay, the other on an islet in the third 
bay, where there were many sea wolves and large birds. 
The cap tain -general waited for them with the other ship 
near the river named Isles : and he caused a cross to be 
set upon a small island in front of that river, which was 
between high mountains covered with snow. This river 
comes and falls into the sea near the other river of the 

Ifwehadnot found this strait the captain-general had 
made op his mind to go as far as seventy-five degrees 
towards the antarctic pole; where at that height in the 
summer time there is no night, or very Uttle : in a similar 
manner in the winter there is no day-light, or very little, 
and so that every one may believe this, when we were in 
this strait the night lasted only three hoars, and this was 
in the month of October. 

The land of this strait on the left hand side looted 
towards the Sirocco wind, which is the wind collateral to tho 
Levant and South ; we called this strait Fathagonico. In 
it we found at every half league a good port and place for 
anchoring, good waters, wood all of cedar, and fish like 
sardines, missiglioni, and a very sweet herb named appio 
(celery).' There is also some of tho same kind which is 
bitter. This herb grows near the springs, and from not 
finding anything else we ate of it for several days. 1 think 
that there is not in the world a more beautiful country, or 
better strait than this one. In this ocean sea one sees a 
' "Apiuin dulcc.'' 

very nmnBing chaso of 6sh, which are of three sorts, of an 
ell or more in length, and they call these fish Dorades, Al- 
bftcorea, and Bonitoa ; these follow and purane another sort 
of fish which flies, which they call Colondriny/ which are a 
foot long or more, and are very good to eat. When these 
three sorts of fish find in the water any of these flying fish, 
immediately they make thera come out of the water, and 
they fly more than a cross bow-shot, as long as their wings 
are wet; and whilst these fishes fly the other three run 
after them under the water, seeing the shadow of those that 
fly : and the moment they fail into the water they are seized 
upon and eaten by the others which pursne them, which is 
& thing marvellous and agreeable to see. 

Vocables des Geants Pathagoniens. 

Jftfan Editicn. 

MOan Edition. 


- Her . . idem. 

L«a oreiUes 

■ Sane . . id. 


- Ather , . oter. 

Lea essellea 

- BaJiacbin . . id. 


-Or., id. 

La mamelle 

• Otben . . oton. 


• Occhecbl . . id. 

La poitrine 

- Ocby . . oehii. 

PsupierM dea 

Secheckiel . . id. 




Aux deuxnarioeB Orceclio. . id. 

Lc Tit . 

- Scachet . . sachet. 

La bonche 

- Xiftm . , chiftn. 

Le couillona 

- ScttDcoa . . aachan- 

1*8 li^urea 


La con 

- l»e . . id. [00*. 

hut d^ntz 

- Phor . . /or. 

Le foutre 

- Johoi. 


- Sciiial . . id. 


- Chiaue . . id. 

Lb mentoa 

- Secliea . . secheri. 

I>e genouil 

Lea cheneuli* 

- Ajcliir . . archiz. 






- H07 . . hwi. 

La gorge 

- Ohaincr..ohume£. 

Le bnuE 



) Schialeachin. 


- Ohoy . . hoKon. 


- Peles. 

Lrs jnmbes 

- Chosa . . id. 



I«a pieds 

- Tecbe . . ti. 

La main 

- Cbene. 


-There., tire. 

Lb paulme de la 



' Golondrica in Spaoiab, a rwoIIow. 

• In the Milan edition *' Barba", tbe beard. 



mtan Edition. 

MUan Bdilian. 


U plante on 

Cartschew . . caoU 

sole du pied 


Les onglM - Colim . . colmi. 

Notw - 


Le cueiir - Choi . . tol. 



Le grater • Ghecare. ■ id. 

L-or - 

Pelpdi . . id. 

UuuiD sgueno* - Calischeu . . id. 

Petre lazure" 


Anjeune • Calomi. .id. 

Le aoleil 

Caleichem . . id. 

L'aiu - Oli . . holi. 

I^ Mtoiltea 


Le feu - GMeJeiiie..gialeiii 

e. La mor 

La fu[o6e - Jaiche . . giache. 



L>fortnDe(eti)nii) Ubooe . . id. 

A la pignnto* ^ 

Le poifiBon - Hd . . id. 

Uhelhe . . gheglift. 

Le manger . McechJero . . id. 

Vieo icy 

Haisi . . hai. 

Uoe esouelle - Elo . . etlo. 

Au regardcr 

Conua . . id. 

A combntro - Oamagliei . . oho- 





Alle frene" - Selhe . . aeche. 

A U nef 

ITieu . . id. 1 

Dng chien - HoU . . id. 


Hian)..tiaD). I 

Uag loop - Ani . . id. 

Al Btruzw 

Iloihoi. 1 

A aller loing - ScLieii. 

A eea ceufs' 

-Jan. 1 

A k guide • Anti. 

La pouldre 





Ung papegMlf - Cheche. 

Le bonnet 





Theiche . . faiche. 


Drap rouge - Tcreehai , . id. 


Peperi . . id. 

Al cocioare* - 

Ledinble grand, Setebos. . id. 

La ceincture - CathLTJiiii . .id. 

LespeUtediables, Cheleale . . iJ. 

Uuc oye ~ Cliaulie . . cache. 


■ Tfae Italian words mixed up in 

the French MS. show that this MS. J 

was writleii liy Figaftitta, and not translated from h 

a ItaUaTi. 1 

t None of these words resemble those gixen by 

he Jesuit, Falkner. 1 

from the language of the Molucbc tribe. 


' " Flairer, odoret," to smell. 


< A l-arrot, not in th« Milan edition. 

■ " Lapis ImuII", in the Milan edition " Gemioa". 

• In the Milan edition " nieve", 


• In the Milan edition " coprire, 


• An ostrich, not in the Milan edition. 


' Not in the Milan edition. 

• Foo<l, the 

root used as bretd. A 


All these words are pronounced in the throat, beoanse 
they pronounce them thus. 

These words were given me by that giaut whom we had 
in the ship, because he asked me for capac, that is to eay 
bread, since they thus name that root which they use for 
bread, and oli that is to say water. When he saw me write 
these names after him, and ask for others he understood 
(what I was doing) with my pen in my hand.' Another 
time I made a cross and kissed it in showing it to him j but 
suddenly he exclaimed Setebos ! and made signs to me that 
if I again made the cross it would enter into my stomach 
and make me die. When this giant was unwolF he asked 
for the cross, and embraced and kissed it much, and ho 
wished to become a Christian before his death, and we 
named him Paul. When these people wish to light a fire 
they take a pointed stick and rub it with another until they 
make a fire in the pith of a tree which is placed betweea 
tbeBe sticks. 

(In tin MUan Ediiion hert begin* Book It.) 
Wednesday, the twenty-eighth of November, 1520, we 
came forth out of the said sti'ait, and entei'ed into the 
Pacific sea, where we remained three months and twenty 
days without taking in provisions or other refreshments, 
-^nd we only ate old biscuit reduced to powder, and full of 
grubs, and stinking from the dirt which the rats had made 
on it when eating the good biscuit, and we drank water 
that was yellow and stinking. We also ate the ox hides 
which were under the main-yard,* so that the yard should 
not break the rigging :* they were very hard on account of 

' 'ITiia jinasage is not quite c!'-nr ; — " (Juatid it lue veyt eacripre c« 
Doiiia apr^H \<ij demondimt des aultres il iDouteadoit aiiecq la plume en 

' The printed edition of aiiliin has: " m 
mori." ' •■ AnMaa magiore." 



tha sun, rain, and wind, and we left them for four or live 
days ID tho sea, and tben wo put tbem a little on the om- 
bers, and so ate them ; also the sawdust of wood,' and rats 
whiuh cost half-a-crown* each, moreover enough of them 
were not to be got. Bosidcs the above-named evils, this 
luisfortuDe which I will mention was the worst, it was that 
the upper and lower gums of moat of our men grew so 
much^ that they could not eat, and in this way so many suf- 
fered, that nineteen died, and the other giant, and an Indian 
from the county of Verzin. Besides those who died, tweuty- 
five or thirty fell ill of divers sickuesses, both in the anus and 
legs, and other places, in such manner that very few re- 
mained healthy. However, thanks be to the Loi-d, I had uo 
sickness. During those three mouths and twenty days we 
went in an open sea,* while we ran fully four thousand 
leagues in the Paci6c sea. This was well named Pacific, for 
during this same time we met with no storm, and saw no 
land except two small uninhabited islands, in which we 
found only birds and trees. We named them the Unfortunate 
Islands; they are two hundred leagues apart from one 
another, and there is no place to auchor, as there is no bot- 
tom. Thtre we saw many sharks, which are a kind of brge 
fish which they call Tiburoni. The first isle is in fifteen 
degrees of austral latitude,^ and the other island is in nine 
degrees. With the said wind we ran each day fifty or sixty 
leagues,' or more; now with the wind astern, sometimes on 
a wind' or otherwise. And if our Lord aud bis Mother had 

' " Srgature de ane." " Segatare di taTolc." MiUn, 

' " Eaou, meno-ducato." Milaa edition. 

■ Effeoto of BCiirry. Gama'e seamen suffered in t>ie samo way, after 
piueiiig the Cupe of Good Hope. • " Nona allasmcs on una gnulte." 

> •■ Ivu liraiit au vent haualral." For tbc»' islaoda, see tlie log book 
of Franoiaeo Albo. 

• Tlie Milan edition has here : " According to the* rcokoniug we made 
with the L'haiu aatem." 

' '■ AulcancafoTS a Iofcl' ou autrenient." 


not aided us in giving us good weatlier to refreali oarselv 
with provisions and. other things, wo should aU have died of 
hunger in this very vast sea, and I think that never man 
will undertake to perform such a, voyage. 

When we had gone out of this strait, if we had always 
navigated to the west we should hitve gone' without finding 
any land except the Cape of the Eleven Thousand Virgins, 
which is the eastern head of the strait in the ocean sea, with 
the Cape of Desire at the west in the Pacific sea. These 
two capes are exactly in fifty-two degrees of latitude of the 
antarctic pole. 

The autarctic pole is not so covered with stars as the 
arctic, for there are to be seen there many small stars oon- 
gregated together, which are like to two clouds a httle 
separated from one another, and a little dimmed,' in the 
midst of which are two stars, not very large, nor very bril- 
liant, and they move but little:^ these two stars are the 
antarctic pole. Our compass needle still pointed a httle to 
its arctic pole ; nevertheless it had not as much power as on 
its own side and region.* Yet when wo were in the open 
sea,' the captain-general* asked of all the pilots, whilst still 

' The Miliiii edition baa here the words: "All round the earth," 
which makeB the meaning clearer. 

' '* Car on y vcoit plilsieura ertoillcB petitea c 
soni en guise <le deux nueea ung pen aeparSea 
pcu obfuBqu^a." The Alagollaiiic clouds. 

' " An niilipu dwqinjlli'S sonl deux estelleB a 
reluysantCB, et petittment se monvent." The Milan edition has : " Duo 
Btello molto gmnde e rilucenti, che hanno poco moto." 

' ■' Noatre calaniite ung peu tiroit toujoura a son pol arctiqae. Neant- 
nioius navoit point tant de force comine de son coat« et sa bande." 
Ktilao edition has ; " La nostra cakmita volgeasi aeinpre al polo ajliro, 
devinndo per6 alcun poco dal punto del Bettentrione." 

' " Goulfe, in mezxo al mflre^" 

* " Le captaine- general deuiauila n tons lea pillotz nllant louaioun a 
la vojle far guel cbemyn nauigant on puutoaat ea cartes, Leequelt 
toua respoiidirent par sa vuye piinctuellenieiit donii£«. Et il respoudit 
quik punctuojeut faulsement (cboae qui estoit aiiiai). et quil cwnuenoit 

ingregiea onscmble qui 

,'une de Tautre, et ung 

a trop grandes ne moult 



going ander sail, in what direction they were navigating 
and pointing the charts. They all replied, by the coarse he 
had given, punctually [pricked in] ; then he answered, that 
they were pointing fidsely (which was ao), and that it was 
fitting to arrange the needle of navigation, because it did 
not receive so much force as in its own qunrter. When 
we were in the middle of this open sea we saw a cross of 
five stars, very bright, straight, in the west, and they are 
straight one with another.' 

During this time of two months and twelve days we 
navigated between west and north-west (maestral), and a 
quarter west of north-west, and also north-west, until we 
came to the equinoctial line, which was at [a point] one 
hundred and twenty-two degrees distant from the line of 
repartition. This line of delimitation is thirty degrees dis- 
tant from the meridian,' and the meridian^ is three degrees 
distant from the Gape Verd towards the east.* In going 
by this course ws passed near two very rich islands ; one is 
in twenty degrees latitude in the antarctic pole, and ia called 
Cipanghu ; the other, in fifteen degrees of the same pole, is 
named Sumbdit Pradit. After we had passed the equinoc- 
tial line we navigated between west, and north-west and a 
quarter west, by north-west. Afterwards we made two 

nuiater laigueille dananiguerporceqnenprecepnoit tout de force comma 
desspBit." The Milan oditioD has: " Cio ben sapeva il no«tro capi- 
tuDD gcoentle, e percib, quaiido ci troranDO veleggiando in meuo t,\ 
tnnre, egti domando a lutti i piloti. ai qiudi gik indicato aveva il punto 
a cui doveano tenderp, per qnal cammjuo puotaisero nelle loro carte ; 
riaposer tutti, che pantavano a1 luogo da liii cirdinalor ed egli diBSe che 
puritavano fabo ; e cbe confeniva ajutare I'ago calunilato, il quale in 
Ml iMieiiione noa era attrato cod tanta fona, qnanto \o A dalla aoa parte, 
dot nell' emisfero boreale.'' 

avecques laultre." Milan: " Ed esatta- 
'oce." Dante may have heard of the S. 

' *' Et 80Dt trea justea I'u 
mente dinpoate in fnrma di 
Croes through Slareo Polo. 

' '■ Da vent demidy." 

' " Vert le lenant"i it ahonld be " ponant. 

f 2 

hundred leagnea to westwards, then changed the coarse to 
a qriarter of south-west, until in thirteen degrees north 
latitude, in order to approach the land of Cape Gaticara,' 
which cape (under correction of those who have made cos- 
mography), (for they have never seen ifc), is not placed 
where they think, but ia towards the north, in twelve 
degrees or thereabouts. 

After having navigated sixty leagues^ by the said course, 
in twelve degrees latitude, and a hundred and forty-six of 
longitude, on Wednesday, the Ctb of March, we dis- 
covered s small island in the north-west direction,' and two 
others lying to the sonth-west. One of these islands was 
larger and higher than the other two. The cap tain -general 
wished to touch at the largest of these three islands to get 
refreshments of provisions ; bnt it was not possible bocausa 
the people of these islands entered into the ships and robbed 
UH, in snch a way that it was impossible to preserve oneself 
from them. Whilst we were striking and loweiing the sails 
to go ashore, they stole away with much address and dili- 
gence the small boat called the skiff, which was made fast 
to the poop of the captain's ship, at which he was mach 
irritated, and went on shore with forty armed men, burned 
foi'ty or fifty houses, with several small boats, and killed 
aeven men of the island ; they recovered their skiff, Al'ter 
this we set sail suddenly, following the same course. Before 
wo went ashore some of our sick men begged us that if we 
killed man or woman, that we should bring them their 
entrails, as they would see themselves suddenly cured. 

' Cattigara. Cnpe Comorin, in R deg. S7 miu. N. latitude. 
■ 'I'tie MiUn edition boia seTcntf . 
" Ia volte da vent de maestral." 


It must be kaowu that when we wounded any of tliia kind 
of people with our arrows, which entered inaido their 
bodies, they looked at the arrow, and then drew it forth 
with much astonishment, and immediately afterwards they 
died.' Immediately after we sailed from that island, follow- 
ing our course, and those people seeing that we were going 
away followed us for n league, with a hundred small boats, 
or more, and they approached our ships, showing to ns fish, 
and fuigning to give it to us. But they threw stones at us, 
and then ran away, and tn their fiight they passed with 
their little boats between the boat which is towed at the 
poop and the ship going under full sail ; but they did this 
BO quickly, and with such skill that it was a wonder. And 
we saw some of these women, who cried out and tore their 
hair, and I believe' that it was for the love of those whom 
we had killed. 


These people live in liberty and according to their will, 
for they have no lord or superior ; they go quite oaked, and 
some of them wear beards, and have their hair down to the 
waist. Thoy wear small hats, after the fashion of the Al- 
banians ; these hats are made of palm leaves. The people 
are as tall as us, and well made : they adore nothing, and 
when they are born they are white, later they become brown, 
and have their teeth black and red. The women also go 
- naked, except that they cover their nature with a thin bark, 
pliable hke p^er, which grows between the tree and the 

■ Tlie Mil&n ediUou bu here : " Wliich did not fiiil tu cituae cou- 
• The Milan ediliuu htw for " I beliere", " ctstttiutv". 



bark of the palm. They are beautiful and delicate, and 
whiter than the men, and have their hair loose and flowing, 
very black and long, down to the earth. They do not 
go to work in the fields, nor stir from their houses, 
making cloth and baskets of palm leaves. Their proWsions 
are certain fruits named Cochi, Battato ; there are birds, 
figs a palm long,' eweet canes, and flying fish. The women 
anoint their bodies and their hair with oil of cocho and 
giongioli (aesame). Their houses are constructed of wood, 
covered with planks, with fig leaves, which are two ells in 
length : they have only one floor : their rooms and bisds are 
furnished with mats,^ which we call matting,' which are made 
of palm leaves, and are very beautiful, aud they lie down on 
palm straw, which is soft and fine. These people have no 
arms, but use isticks,* which have a fish boue at the end. 
They are poor, but ingenious, and great thieves, and for the 
> sake of that we called these three islands the Ladrone 
Islands. The pastime of the men and the women of this 
place, and their diversion, is to go with their little boats to 
catch those fish which fly, with hooks made of fish bones. 
The pattern of their small boats is painted here-after, they 
are hke the fuseleres,' bat narrower. Some of them black 
and white, and others red. On the opposite side to the sail, 
they have a large piece of wood, pointed above, with poles 
across, which are in the water, in order to go more securely 
under sail : their sails are of palm leaves, aewod together, 
and of the shape of a lateen sail, fore and aft. Thej 
have certain shovels like hearth shovels," and there is no 
difference between the poop and the prow in these boats, 
and they are like dolphins bounding from wave to wave. 
These thieves thought, according to the signs they made, 

' Bannus, or plantaiuB. ' Stores. 

• " Nattes." * " Baatoo." 

' Milan edition, " turiniere": boate namcfl after Fuaine, from which 
people are ferried to Venice. • For poddies. 


that there were no other meu in the world besides 

Saturday, the litlh of March, 1521, we arrived at day- 
break in sight of a high island, three hundred leagues 
distaot from the before-mentioned Thieves' island. This isle 
is named Zamal.' The next day the cap tain -general wished 
to luiid at another uninhabited island near the first,' to be 
in greater securitj and to take water, also to reposo there 
a few days. He set up there two tents on shore for the 
sick, and had a sow^ killed for them. 

Monday, the I8tb of March, after dinner, wo saw a boat 
come towards ua with nine men in it : upon which the cap- 
tain-general ordered that no one shoiild move or speak 
without his permission,* When these people had come into 
this island towards us, immediately the principal' one 
amongst them went toivards the captain- general with du- 
monstrations of being very joyous at our arrival. Five of 
the most showy" of them remained with us, the others who 
remained with the boat went to call some men who were 
fishing, and afterwards all of them came together.^ The 
captain seeing that these people were reasonable," ordered 
food and drink to be given them, and he gave ihem some 
red caps, looking glasses, combs, bells, ivory, and other 
things. When these people saw the politeness of the captain, 
they presented some fish, and a vessel of palm wine, which 

' Now callud Samar, la the Philippine group. 

' lostead of IheBs words the Milan edition hu: " Wliich later we 
learned was named lliiinunii." .\nioretti aays tbii Uland ia situated 
near Cape Guigsn of the Iilund of Sniuar. 

* Anioretti presunica this row wob broaght from the LadrotteB. Dee- 
bronei, t. ii, p. Ii6. 

• " Cougfi," • " Appnrant." Milan edition, " principalu". 

* " Apparaut." Milan edition, "oruati". 

' The Milan edition adda here; " We learned that the island which 
tliey canie from was named Zuluan, and il is a small iaUnd.'' 

• Milan: "SociabU." 

72 cocoa-sriTT i-AUfS. 

&ej call in their laaj^oage Cnca ;' figs more Uttn a fbotf 
long, and others smaller snd of & better savour, and two 
cochos.* At that time tbey hnd nothing to give him, and 
thejr made signs to ns with their bands that in fonr d^s 
thejr would bring ns Umai, which is rice, cooofi, and many 
other victaals. 

To explain the kind of fniits above-named it moat be 
known that the one which they call cochi, is the fruit which 
the palm trees hear. And as we bare bread, wine, oil, and 
vinegar, proceeding from different binds, so these people 
have those things proceeding from these palm trees only. 
It most be said that wine proceeds from the snid palm trees 
in the following manner. They make a hole at the summit 
of the tree as far as its heart, which is named palmito, from 
which a liquor comes out in drops down the tree, hke white 
roust, which is sweet, bnt with somewhat of bitter.* They 
have canes as thick as the leg, in which they draw off thta 
liqnor, and they fasten them to the tree from the evening till 
next morning, and from the morning to the evening, because 
this liquor comes bttio by little. This palm produces a 
fruit named cocho, which is as largo as the head, or there- 
abouts : it« first husk is green, and two fingers in thickness, 
in it they find certain threads, with which they moke the 
cords for fastening their boats. Under this husk there is 
another very hard, and thicker than that of a walnut. They 
born this second rind, and make with it a powder which 
is useful to thorn. Under this rind there is a white marrow 
of a Gnger's thickness, which they eat f^ei^h with meat and 
iish, as wo do bread, and it has the taste of an almond, and 
if anyone dried it° he might make bread of it. From the 
middle of this marrow there comes out a clear sweet water. 

■ ppnfrn^a The Milan edition baa : " More than a palm in length." 

• Cocoa-nutR. ' ■' Vordeur," 

• Here the Milan edilion adds : " And reduced it to floor." 

and rery cordial, which, when it has rested a little, and 
settled, congeals and becomes like an apple.' When they 
wish to make oil they take this fruit, the coco, and let it get 
rotten, and they corrupt this marrow in the water, then they 
boil it, and it becomes oil in the manner* of butter. When 
they want to make vinegar, they let the water in the cocoa- 
nut get bad, and they put it in tho sun, when it turns to 
vinegar like white wine. From this fruit milk also can be 
made, as we experienced, for we scraped this marrow and 
then put it with its water, and passed it through a cloth, 
and thus it was milk like that of goats. This kiud of palm 
tree is like tho date-palm,^ but not so rugged. Two of 
these trees can maintain a family of ton persons: but they 
du not draw wine as above-mentioned always from one tree, 
but draw from one for eight days, and from the other as 
long. For if they did not, otherwise the trees would dry 
up. In this manner they last a hundred years.* 

These people became very familiar and friendly with us, 
and explained many things to us in their language, and told 
us the names of some islands which we saw with our eyea 
before us. *Thu island where they dwelt is called Zuluam, 
and it is not large.** As they were sufficiently agreeable 
and conversible we had gi-eat pleasure with them. The 
capttiin seeing that they were of this good condition, to 
do them greater honour conducted them to the ship, and 
Ebowed them all his goods, that is to say, cloves, cinnamon, 
pepper, ginger, nutmeg, mace," gold, and all that was in the 
ship. He also had some shots Gred with his artillery, at 
which they were so much afraid that they wished to jump 

■ AliUn editioD has: " Takes the consutencj of boaef." 
* MiUo edition ha«: "Thick as butter." 

' Here tlie Milan edition adds: "But its trunk, without being smooth, 
IB lem knotty." 

' ilWaa edition has : " Wc were tu!<l lliitt one of these trees tisln," 

■ licrc oiuittcd iii Miliin edition 

" Maliii. 


rnnn the ship into Uie sea. Tber^ made ngns that tW 
tJuogs which the captaia bad ibowii them grew there where 
we were ^ng-. VTbea they wished to leave as thej took 
learc of the captaia and of us with Teiy f^ood mannera and 
grscefiilness, promising Da to come back to see as. The 
island we were at was Darned Hamnaa; Qeverthele^ becaose 
we foand there two springs of very fresh water we named it 
the Watering Place of good signs,' and because we foDod 
here the first signs of gold. There is mnch white coral to 
be foand here, and large treea which bear fruit smaller thaa 
■a almond, and which are like pines. There were also many 
palm treea both good and bad. Id this place there were 
many circDmjacent islands, on which account we named 
them the archipelago of St. Lazams, because we stayed 
there OD the da; and feast of St. Lazams. This region and 
archipelago is id ten degrees north latitude, and a hundred 
and sixt^'ODe degrees longitude from the line of demar- 

Friday, the 22iid of March, the above-mentioned people, 
who had promised us to return, came about midday, with 
two boats laden with the said fruit cochi, siveet oranges, a' 
▼esse! of palm wine, and a cock, to give ua to nnderstand 
that thoy bud poultry in thoir country, so that we bought 
all thnV thoy brought. The lord of these people was old, 
and bad ni^ face painted, and had gold rings suspended to 
his ears, whi^b^hey name Schionc,* and the others had many 
bracolets and rings of gold on their arms, with a wrapper 
of linen round their head. We remained at this place eight 
days : the captain went there every day to see his sick 
men, whom he had placed on this island to refresh them : 
and he gave them himself every day the water of this aaid 
fruit the cocho, which comforted them much. Near thia 

isle is another where there are a kiud of people who wear 

' "- A']iM(le des boiiB Bignes," 

> 'l'hi« word ia not in the Milan odiliou, nor in the Ttigal Dictionary. 



holes' in their ears so large that they can pass their arms 
through them ; these people are Caphre, that is to say, 
Gentiles, and they go naked, except that ronnd their 
middles thoy wear cloth made of the bark of trees. Bat 
there are some of the more remarkable of them who wear 
cotton stuff, and at the end of it there is some work of silk 
done with a needte. These people are tawny,* fat, and 
painted, and they anoint themselves with the oil of coco 
nuts and sesame,^ to preserre them from the sun and the 
wind. Their hair is very black and long, reaching to the 
waist, and they carry small daggers and knives, ornamented 
with gold, and many other things, snch as darts,* harpoons, 
and nets to hsh, like ,^ and their boats are like ours. 

The Monday of Passion week, the 25th of March, and 
feast of our Lady, iu the afternoon, and being ready to 
depart from this place, I went to the aide of our ship to fish, 
and putting my feet on a spar to go down to the store 
room,* my feet slipped, because it had rained, and I fell into 
the sea without any one seeing me, and being near drowning 
by luck I found at my left hand the sheet of the large sail 
which was in the sea, I caught hold of it and began to cry 
out till they came to help and pick me up with the boat. I 
was assisted not by my merits, but by the mercy and grace 
of the fountain of pity. That same day we took the course 
between west and southwest,^ and passed amidst four small 
islands, that is to say, Cenalo, Huinanghar, Ibusson, and 

Thursday, the 28th of March, having seen the night 
before fire apon an island, at the morniog we came to 

" Picqnct«", not in Bte. Palaye's Glo»ary. 
"Tanoi." ■ " Giongioli," 

"Fasdnes," " faxina." " FoBcino," Milan edition. 
* MiUn editioQ : '■'■ like oar rizali.'* 
■■Chambn; des mnnilimu." "BIei» de guarnigione." Mibto cOilii 
■■ rcimutnt ct 1c gnrbia," 

A KIS« tism TBI i 

tioM takad; wbere w« ■>« a ■ 
Hm^ on Boloto, »ith Mgfal Ben inside, « 
tlie iliip of the ciptiia gi'OCiir«l Then « dB*v of ihe cBp> 
Uta'a, who wu &on SoaatrSfO&erwiaeumedTnproiMBK, 
■pokfl from a£tr to tbeie peoplt^ lAo BDdentood his talk,' 
aod CMoe near to the side ot the liap, but tk^ wiihdrarw' 
immediKtelf , and would not enter tihe sbip fran fear of ds. 
So the CBptain seanf; that they would oot trust to as 
■bowed them a red cap, and other things, which he bad tied 
aod pEaeed on a little plank,' and the people in the bo«t 
took them immediately and joyoasW, and then retomed to 
advise their king. Two honn afterwards, or tbereaboata, 
we aaw come two long boats, which they call Ballaogbai, 
foD of men. In the largest of them was their king sitting 
nnder an awning of mats ; when they were near the ship of 
the captain-genera), the said slave spoke to the king, who 
onderstood him well, because is these coantries the kings 
know more languages than the common people. Then the 
king ordered aomc uf hia people to go lo the cupbiln's sLip, 
whilst be wonld not move from his boat, which was near 
enough to us. This was done, and when bis people retaracd 
to the boat, he went nwaj at once. The captain gave good 
eutcrtaiument to the men who came to bis ship, and gave 
them all sorts of things, on which account the king wished 
to give the captuiu a rather large bar of solid gold, and a 
cbust" full of ginger. However, the captain thanked him 
very uucb but would not accept the present. After that, 
when it was late, wo went with the ships near to the houses 
uuil abode of the king. 

The next day which was Qood Friday, the captain sent 
on shore the bofure-mentioned slave, who was our interpre- 
ter, to tho king to beg him to give him for money some 
proviHiona for liis ships, sending him word that he had not 

' Miilnf. ' " Acj'-ais." Milan edition : " Tavola." 

• " 8j)i>ri*", MiJHU vditioii : "bnjikcl." 


come to Bia conntry as an enemy, but as a friend. The 
king on hearing this came with seven or eight men in a 
boat, and entered the ship, and embraced the captain, and 
gave him throe china dishes covered with leaves full of 
rice, and two dorades, which are rather large fiab, and of the 
sort above-mentioned, and he gave him several other things. 
The captain gave this king a robe of red and yellow cloth, 
mode in the Turkish fashion, and a very fine red cap, and 
to his people he gave to some of them knives, and to others 
mirrors. After that refreshments were served up to them. 
The captain told the king, through the said interpreter, 
tbat he wished to be with him, eassi} casm, that is to say, 
brothers, To which the king answered that he desired to 
be the same towards him. After that the captain showed 
him cloths of ditferent colours, linen, coral, and much other 
(Tierchandiao, and all the artillery, of which he had some 
pieces fired before him, at which the king was much asto- 
nished ; after that the captain had one of his soldiers anncd 
with white armour, and placed him in the midst of three 
comrades, who struck him with swords and daggers. The 
king thought this very strange, and the captain told him, 
through the interpreter, that a man thus in white arnionr 
was worth a hundred of his men ; he answered that it was 
true ; he was further informed that there were in each ship 
two hundred hke that mau. After that the captain 
showed him a great number of swords, cuirasses, and 
helmets, and made two of the men play with their swords 
before the king ; he then showed him the sea chart and the 
ship compass, and informed him how he had found the 
strait to come there, and of the time which he had spent in 
coming ; also of the time he had been without seeing any 
land, at which llie king was astonished. At the end the 
captain asked' if he would be pleased that two of his people 

' '• Intimate friendg," Tajral Diutionaxy. 

■ 'llie Milan nliliun rcpn-wiiU the King u making tho rtqueat, and 
till' capital u-ifi'iii; nil uoiiEvutiiig to it. 



sboold go witk him to the places where they lived, to see 

some of the thioge of his conntiy. This the king granted, 
and I went with another. 

When I had landed, the king raised his hands to the skj, 
and tamed to us two, and we did the same as he did ; after 
that he took me by the hand, aod one of bis principal people 
look my companion, and led us under a place covered with 
canes, where there was a baHaDghai, that is to sar, a boat, 
eighty feet long or tbereabouts, resembling a fusta. We 
eat with the king npon its poop, always conversing with him 
by eigos, and his people stood up aronnd us, with their 
swords, spears, and bucklers. Tbeu the king ordered to be 
brought a dish of pig's flesh and wine.' Their fashion of 
drinking is in this wise, they first raise their bands toheAren, 
then take the drinking vessel in their right band, and 
extend the left band closed towards the people. This the 
king did, and presented to me his fist, so that I thoagbb 
that he wanted to strike me ; I did the same thing towards 
him ; so with this cereroonj-, and other signs of friendship, 
we banqueted, and afterwards sapped witb him. 

I ate flesh on Good Friday, not being able to do other- 
wise, and before the hour of supper, I gave several things 
to the king, which I had brought. There I wrote down 
several things as they name them in their language, and 
when the king and the others saw me write, and I told them 
their manner of speech, they were ail astonished. When 
the hour for supper had come, they brought two large china 
dishes, of which one was full of rice, and the other of pig's 
flesh, with its broth- and sauce. We snpped witb the same 
signs and ceremonies, and then went to the king's palace, 
which was made and built like a hay grange, covered with 

' Tfae MSan edition »Ads here; " At each moothful we drank a cup 
of vine, and wbatever remained in the cup, thoagh thai rare); happened, 
ws« pot into another vane." 

< '' Bmnet." " Brodo," Alilan cditioa. 

; and palm leaves. It was built on great timbers hifjrli 
above the gi-uuad, and it waa necessary to go up stops and 
ladders to it. Tlieu the king made us sit od a cane mat, 
with our legs doubled as was thecustnm; after half an hour 
there was brought a dish of fish roast in pieces, and ginger 
fresh gathered that moment, and some wine. The oldest son 
of the king, who was the prince, came where we were, and 
the king told him to sit down near us, which he did; then 
two ilishes were brought, one of fish, with its sance, and tho 
other of rice, and this was done for us to eat with the 
prince. My companion enjoyed the food and drink so much 
that he got drunk. They use for candles or torches the gom 
of a tree which is named Anim^, wrapped up in leaves of palms 
or fig trees. The king made a sign that he wished to go 
to rest, and left with us the prince, with whom we slept on 
a ciine mat, with some cushions and pillows of leaves. Next 
morning the king came and look me by the hand, and 30 we 
went to the place where we had supped, to breakfast, but the 
boat came to fetch us. The king, before we went away, was 
very gay, and kissed our hands, and we kissed his. There 
came with us a brother of his, the king of another island,' 
accompanied by three men. The cap tain -general detained 
him to dine with us, and we gave hiia several things. 

In the island belonging to the king who came to the ship 
there are mines of gold, which they find in piec^-s as big as 
a walnut or an egg, by sueking in the ground. All the 
vessels which ho makes use of are made of it, and also some 
parts of liis house, whioli was well fitted up according to the 
casiom of the country, and he was the handsomest man that 
we saw among these nations. He had very black hair com- 

' It will be Kcu further on tli»t theae brotlins were kinj^ or lordt of 
two oitieB on tiie coiut of Mindttnno, o( whicli one vae n&uipil Itutumi, 
Ihn other Calagan, Tbe first place rutaina iu name, lihe other is Danied 
CHra^'iw. The Kiojc of Itatuan was aluu Kiiij; of tlie lEland of MAsaaut, 
between Miixliuiao and Soiuar. NoK. Milan edition. 


ing down to his alioutders, with a silk cloth on his head, 
and two large gold rings hanging from bis ears, he had a 
cloth of cotton worked with silk, which covered him from 
the waist to the knees, at his side he wore a dagger, with a 
long handio which was all of gold, its sheath was of carved 
wood.' Besides he carried upon him scents of storax and 
benzoin. He was tawny and painted all over. The island 
of this king is named Zuluan and Calngan, and when theso 
two kings wish to visit one another they como to hunt in 
this island where we were.' OF these kings the painted 
king is called Raia Calambu, and the other Rata Siani.^ 

On Sunday, the last day of March, and feast of Easter, 
the captain sent the chaplain ashore early to say mass, and 
the interpreter went with him to tell the king that they 
were not coming on shore to dine with him, but only to hear 
the mass. The king heaiing that sent two dead pigs. 
When it was time for saying mass the captain went ashore 
with fifty men, not with their arms, but only with their 
swords, and dressed as well as each one was able to dress, 
and before the boats reached the shore our ships fired six 
cannon shots as a sign of peace. At our landing the two 
kings were there, and received our captain in a friendly 
manner, and placed him between them, and then wc wont 
to the place prepared for saying mass, which was not far 
from the shore. Before the mass began the captain threw 
a quantity of musk rose water on those two kings, and when 
the offertory of the mass came, the two kings went to kiss 
the cross like us, but they offered nothing, and at the eleva- 
tion of the body of our Lord they were kneeling like us, 
and adored our Lord with joined hands. The ships fired all 
their artillery at the elevation of the body of our Lord. 
After mass had been said each one did the duty of a Chris- 

■ The Milan edition adds here : " Un each of liLs te<jtb liK had three 
epota of gold, so that hia teeth appeared to be bound witli gold." 
aaua. * Milnn edition : " Slaj 


tian, receiving/>tir Lord, After that the captain had some 
sword-play by his people, which gave great pleasure to tbe 
kings. Then he had a cross brought, with the naila and 
crown, to which the kings made reverence, and the captain , 
had them told that these things which he showed them 
were the sign of the emperor his lord and master, from 
whom he had charge and commandment to place it in all 
places where he might go or pass by. He told them that 
he wished to place it in their country for their profit, because 
if there came afterwards any ships from Spain to those 
islands, on seeing this cross, they would know that we had 
been there, and therefore they would not cause tliem any 
displeasure to their persons nor their goods; and if they 
took any of their people, on showing them this sign, they 
would at once let them go. Besides, this, the captain told 
them that it was necessary that this cross should be placed 
on the summit of the highest mountain in their country, so 
that seeing it every day they might adore it, and that if they 
did thus, neither thunder, lightning, nor the tempest could 
do them hurt. The kings thanked the captain, and said they 
would do it willingly. Then he asked whether they were 
Moors or Gentiles, and in what they believed. They an- 
swered ^that they did not perform any other adoration, but 
only joined their hands, looking up to heaven, and that 
they called their God, Aba. Hearing this, the captain was 
very joyful, on seeing that, the first king raised his hands to 
the sky and said that he wished it were possible for him to 
be able to show the affection which he felt towards him. 
The interpreter asked him for what reason there was bo 
little to eat in that place, to which the king replied that he 
did not reside in that place except when he came to hunt 
and to see his brotJier, but that he lived in another island 
where he had all his family. Then the captain asked him if he 
had any enemies who made war upon him, and that if he had 
any he wonld go and defeat them with his men and ships, to 

t^ra^ V^ **^ 'x^rjaniruT ^mimiL J-ie^ ymiRt 

7'ii*jt ti*» r.n/r» t»C»:i*»it '*. r^^- inn -nlina ai in "h 

jna'A^rwAr^^ tatt At* JCvta. toii uhiinfi. il. ant -a* 
^.i^ ♦/u% iUi^ 7!u*a -p**^ w^srs, ai^nn leiirir 5ff -v^kr 
v.4^^ irtrt 7^i*y* "irt: k^ir* ifct tirnnric fcnn* if ms- 

-4*;^ /.\ '^ *u',r?i''a^. ia%i£/^ lie r-Tfg 5:r lie tucss w- 

lAd^^^At /;4^ tfc^ti'^tf^'T*^^ idid lias igt wtfSjA jfisre cq» cf ks 
v»f^ lA^^ M % h'/ffJUJsrr. TLe £70 irrr^g aaSd da: ke vo«U 

• . > 

( 01' ISLANnEBS. 


go himself and conduct him to this port, and bo his pilot, 
but that he should wait two days, until he had had hia rice 
gathered in and done other things which he had to do, 
begging him to lend him some of his men so as to get done 
sooner. This the captain agreed to. 

This kind of people are gentle, and go naked, and are 
painted. They wear a piece of cloth made from a tree, like 
a linen cloth, round their botly to cover their natural parts : 
they are great drinkera. The women are dressed in tree 
cloth from their waists downwards ; their hair is black, and 
reaches down to the ground ; they wear certain gold rings 
in their ears. These people chew most of their time a fruit 
which they call areca, which is something of the shape of a 
pear; they cut it in four quarters, and after they have 
chewed it for a long time they spit it out, from which after- 
wards they have their months very red. They find them- 
selves the better from the use of this fruit becanse it re- 
freslies them much, for this country is very hot, so that they 
could not live without it. In this island there is a great 
quantity of dogs, cats, pigs, fowls, and goats, rice, gingerj 
cocos, figs, oranges, lemons, millet, wax, and gold mines. 
This island is in nine degrees and two-thirds north latitude, 
and one hundred and sixty-two longitude' from the line of 
demarcation : it is twenty-five leagues distant from the 
other island where we found the two fountains of fresh 
water. This island is named Mazzava. 

We remained seven days in this place ; then we took the 
tack of Maestral, passing through the midst of five isles, 
that is to say, Ceylon, Bohol, Canighan, Baibai, and Sati- 
ghan.' In this island of Satighan is a kind of bird* called 
Barbastigly, which are as lai^e aa eagles. Of these we 

' t( MasBOUti ti the island Limaawva of Bellin's map, it is in 9 deg. 
4{r niin. N. Utitudc, but in 190 deg. W. Inngitudo from tiio line of de- 
iiiRrcHtion. Note, Milan edition. 

' ■■Gntighftti." Milan edition. ■ "PipiBtrelli." Mibui edition. 


killed only one, because it waa late. Wo ate it, and it lisj 
the taste of a fowl. There are also in this islacd doi 
tiOrtoiaes, parrots, and certain black birds as large as a fc 
with a long tail. They lay eggs aa large as those of a gooi 
These they put a good arm's length' undor the sand ii 
SUD, where they are hatched by the great heat which the 
hftiited sand gives out ; and when these birds are hatched 
they push up^ the sand and come out. These eggs are good 
to eat. From this island of Mazzabua^ to that of Satighan 
there are twenty leagues, and on leaving Satighan we went 
by the west; but the King of Mazzabua could not follovr 
ns ; therefore we waited for him near three islands, that is 
to say. Polo, Ticobon, and Pozzon. When the king arrived 
he was much astonished at our navigation, the captain- 
general bade him come on board his ship with some of his 
principal people, at which they were much pleased. Thus we 
went to Zzubu, which is fifteen leagues off from Satighan. 

Sunday, the 7th of April, about midday, we entered the 
port of Zzubu, having passed by many villages. There* we 
saw many houses which wore built on trees. On approaching 
the principal town the captain -gen oral commanded all his 
ships to hang out their flags. Then we lowered the sails in 
the fashion in which they are struck when going to fight, 
and he had all the artillery fired, at which the people of this 
place were greatly frightened. The captain sent a young 
man whom he had brought up,'' with the interpreter to the 
king of this island Zzubu. These having come to the town, 
found a great number of people and their king with them, 
all alarmed by the artillery which had been fired. But the 
interpreter reassured them, saying that it waa the fashion 
and costom to fire artillery when thoy arrived at ports, to 
show signs of peace and friendship ; and also, to do more 
honour to the king of the countiy, thoy had fired all the ar- 

' " Bien Que brass^e." ' " naubent." ■ " MaaBava." 

" lUecqueft." ' " NDnrry." Milan edition ; " Un 

NEG0TIATinN9, 8." 

tillery. Tlio king and all his people were reassured. He 
tben bade one of bis principal men ask what we wore seek- 
ing. The interpreter answered him that his master was 
enptain of the greatest king in the world, and that he was 
going bjf the command of the said sovereign to discover tha 
Molucca islands. However, on account of whnt he had 
heard where he had passed, and espeeinlly from the King of 
Mazzava, of his oonrtesy and good fame, be had wished to 
pass hj his countrj- to visit him, and also to obtain some 
refreshment of victuals for his merchandise. The king an- 
swered him that he was welcome, but that the custom was 
that all ships which arrived at his countiy or port paid 
tribute, and it was only four days since that a ship called 
the Junk of Oiama,' laden with gold and slaves, had paid 
him his tribute, and, to verify what he said, he showed 
them a merchant of the said Ciama, who had remained 
there to trade with the gold aud slaves. The interpreter 
said to him that this captain, on account of being captain of 
so great a king as his was, would not pay tribute to any 
sovereign in the world ; and that if he wished for peace he 
wonld have peace, aud if he wished for war he would have 
war. Then the merchant above-mentioned replied to the 
king in his own language, " Look well, oh king,* what you 
will do, for these people are of those who have conquered 
Calient, Molacca, and all greater India ; if you entertain 
them well and treat them well you will find yourself the 
belter for it, and if ill, it will be so much the worse for you, 
as they have done at Calicut and Malacca." The inter- 
preter, who understood all this discourse, said to them that 
the king, his master, was a good deal more powerful in 
ships and by land than the King of Portugal, and declared 
to him that he was the King of .Spain and Emperor of all 
Christendom, wherefore, if he would not be his friend and 
treat his sulijocta well, he would another time send against 
' Siam. ' '* Cutii itaja cliitii." Milui chUIJou. 

■ Bp —ny aw wm to Juiliuj fcim. 1 
Mrend th«t he voald ipcat to bis eomcfl, aod gira an 
aimrar the next d*f . Aflenravde tlie Idsg ocdend a ooQ»- 
tWB to bebroo^tof aeranl riaiids, all of n e a t, in {mtcb- 
laiB diibea, with a gnat taaay venels of wiae. When tbs 
repaat wu orer, oar people ntoraed, and nJaloi all to tka 
captaia ; and tbe Kiog of Maoaboa, who was oa board the 
eaptaio's ship, and who wu the first king after ham of 
Zxabo, and the lord of semal ialea, wiahed to go ob ebore to 
relate to the king the pditeaeas aad oooite^ of oar captaia. 

Ifonday mmiiiig oar desk went with the intcapreier to 
tbe town of Zzobo, and the king, Bcoompanied bjr the pris- 
cipaJ men of his kingdom, came to the open space, where 
wo made our people ait down near him, and he asked 
whether there waa more than one captain in aQ those BhipSt 
and whether be wiahed that the king should paj tribute to 
the emperor, hU master, to which oar people answered, no, 
bot that tbe captain only wished to trade with the things 
which he had brought with the people of his cooaCrv, and 
not with others. Then the king said that he was content, 
and as a greater sign of affection he sent him a little of his 
blood from hiH right arm, and wished he should do the like. 
Oar people answered that he would do it. Besides that, he 
said that all the captains who came to his coantiy bad been 
accuMtomed to make a present to him, and he to them, and 
therefore tboy should ask their captain if be would observe 
the custom. Onr people answered that he would; but as 
the king wished to keep up the custom, let him begin and 
moke a prcDont, and then the captain would do his duty. 

Tuesday morning following the King of Mazzava, with the 
Moor, came to the ship, and sainted the captain on behalf of 
the King of Zztibu,and said that the king was preparing a 
ciuantity of provisions, as much as he could, to make a pre- 
sent of to him, and that after dinner he would send two of 
hia nepbuWM, with others of hie principal people, to make 


peacewithhim. Then the captain had one of hia menarmed 

with his own armour, and told him that ail of ua would 

fight armed in that manner, at which the Moorish merchant 

was rather astonished ; but tho captain told him not to be 

afraid, and that our arms were soft to our friends and rough 

to our enemies ; and that as a cloth wipes away the sweat 

L from a man, so our arms destroy tho enemies of our faith. 

L The captain said this to the Moor, because he was more in- 

I telligont than the others, and for him to relate it all to the 

I King of Zzubu. 

After dinner, the nephew of this king, who was a prince,' 
with the King of Mazzava, the Moor, the governor, and the 
chief of police,^ and eight of the principal men, came to 
' the ship to make peace with us. The cap tain -general was 
I sitting in a chair of red velvet, and near him were the prin- 
I oipal men of the ships sitting in leather chairs, and the 
Lpthera on the ground on mats. Then the captain bade the 
I interpreter ask the above-mentioned persons if it was their 
I custom to speak in secret or in public, and whether the 
I .prince who was come with them had power to conclude 
I peace. They answered yes, that they would speak in public, 
' and that they had the power to conclude peace. The cap- 
tain spoke at length on the subject of peace, and prayed God 
to confirm it in heaven. These people replied that they had 
I neverheardsuch words oa these which the captain had spoken 
I to them, and they took great pleasure in bearing them. The 
I .captain, seeing then that those people listened willingly to 
1 what was said to them, and that they gave good answers, 
\ began to say a great many more good things to induce 
I' them to become Christians. After many other subjects, the 
»ptain asked them who would succeed tho king in their 
L country after his death. They answered that the king had 
>n, but several daughters, and that this prince was his 

' Til 

ihp hcnxiitary princo, 
ItnrtBi'IV." Mil&D i-dition : " Itur^lli' nio^uiv." 



iiopliew, and had for a wife the king's eldeat daaghter, and 

for the sake of that they called him prince. They also said 
that when the father and mother were old they took no far- 
ther account of them, but their children commanded them. 
Upon which the captain told them how God had made 
heaven and earth and all other things in the world, and 
that Ue had commanded that everyone should render 
honour and obedience to his father and mother, and that 
whoever did otherwise was condemned to eternal fire. He 
then pointed out to them many other things concerning our 
faith. The people heard these things willingly, and be- 
sought the captain to leave them two men to teach and 
show them the Christian faith, and they would entertain 
them well with great honour, To this the captain answered 
that for the moment he could not leave them any of his 
people, but that if they wished to be Christians that hia 
priest would baptise them, and that another time he would 
bring priests and preachers to teach them the faith. They 
then answered that they wished first to speak to their king, 
and then would become Christians. Each of ua wept for the 
joy which we felt at the goodwill of these people, and the 
captain told them not to become Christians from fear of 
us, or to please us, but that if they wished to become Chris- 
tian they must do it willingly, and for the love of God, for 
even though they should not become Christian, no displea- 
sure would be done them, but those who became Christian 
would bo more loved and better treated than the others. 
Then they all cried oat with one voice, that they did not 
wish to become Christians from fear, nor from complai- 
sance, but of their free will. The captain then said that if 
they became Christians he would leave them the arms which 
the Christiana use, and that his king had commanded him 
so to do. At lost they said they did not know what more 
to answer to so many good and beautiful words which he 
spoke to them, but that they placed themselves in his 


hands, and that he should do with them as with his own 
servants. Then the captain, with teavs in his eyes, embraced 
them, and, taking the hand of the prince and that of the 
king, said to him that by the faith he had in God, and to hii) 
master the emperor, and by the habit of St. James which he 
wore, he promised them to cause them to have perpetual 
peace witli the King of Spain, at which the prince and the 
others promised him the same. After peace had been con- 
cluded, the captain had refreshments served to them. The 
prince and the King of Mazzava, who was with him, pre- 
sented to the captain on behalf of his king large baskets 
full of rice, pigs, goats, and fowls, and desired the captain 
to be told he should pardon them that their present was 
not as fiue as was fitting for him. The captain gave to 
the prince some very fine cloth and a red cap, and a quan- 
tity of glass and a cup of gilt glass. Glasses are luach 
prized in this country. To the other people belonging to 
the Prince he gave various things. Then he sent by me and 
another person to the King of Zznbu a robe of yellow and 
violet silk in the fashion of a Turkish jubbeh, a red cap, 
very fine, and certain pieces of glass, and had all of them put 
iu a silver dish, and two gilt glasses. 

When we came to the town we found the King of Zzubu 
at his ptiluce, sitting on the ground on a mat made of palm, 
with many people about him. He was quite naked, except 
that he had a cloth round his middle, and a loose wrapper 
round hia head, worked with silk by the needle. He had a 
very heavy chain round hia neck, and two gold rings hung 
in his ears with precious stones. He was a small and fat 
man, and hia face was painted with fire in dilfcrent ways. 
Ho was eating on the ground on another palm mat, and 
was then eating tortoise eggs in two china dishes, and he 
had four vessels fuil of palm wipe, which he drank wiih a 
cane pipe.' We made our obeisance, and presented to him 

' The usage of drinking throa^ 3 tube wu also obeetved by Vwi 
Nonrt among thur pi^oplea. Note. Miinn edition. 


what the captaJD bad sent bim, and told him throngh 1; 
interpreter that it was not as a return for his preseut which 
be had sent to the captaiii) but for the affection which he 
bore him. That done, bis people told him all tbe good 
words and explanations of peace and religiou which he had 
spokea to them. The king wished to detain us to supper, 
but we made our excuses and took leave of him. The prince, 
nephew of the king, conducted us to his house, and showed 
us four girls who played on four instruments, which were 
strange and veiy soft, and their mannor of playing is rather 
musical. Afterwards he made us dance with thorn. Those 
girls were naked except from ihe waist to the knees, where 
tbey wore a wrap made of the palm tree cloth, which covered 
their middles, and some were quite naked. There we made 
a i^past, and then returned to the ships. 

Wednesday morning, because the night before one of our 
men had died, tbe interpreter and I, by order of tbe captain, 
went to ask the king for a place where we might bury the 
deceased. We found tbe king accompanied by a good 
many people, and, after paying him due honour, we told him 
of the death of our man, and that the captain prayed him 
that he might be put into the gi-ound. He rephed that if 
he and his people were ready to obey our master, still mora 
reason was there for his land and country being subject to 
him. After that we said we wished to consecrate the graye 
in our fashion and place a cross on it. The sovereign said 
that he was content, and that he would worship that croBB 
as we did. The deceased was buried in the middle of the 
open space of the town, as decently as possible, and per- 
forming the above-mentioned ceremonies to set them a good 
example, and in the evening we buried another. This done, 
we brought a good quantity of merchandise into the town 
of this king, and placed it in a house, and be took it under 
his charge and promised that no one would do barm or 
injury to the king. Four of our men wci-o chosen to des- 

patch and sell this merchandiao. Those people live with 
jiiatico, and good weight and measure, loving peace, and 
are people wlio love ease and pleasure. ' They have wooden 
scales, after the fashion of those of north of the Loire,' for 
weighing their merchandixe. Their houses are made of 
wood and beams and canes, founded on piles, and arc very 
high, and must be entered by means of ladders; their 
rooms are like ours, and underueatli they keep their cattle, 
such as pigs, gouts, and fowls. The young people sound 
biig-pipea,' mado like ours, and call them Subin.* 

In this island of the king's there is a kind of animal car- 
rying a shell called camioUe, fine to look nt, which cause 
the whale to die. For the whale swallows them alive ; then, 
when they are inside its body, they come out of their shell 
and go and eat the whale's heart ; and the people of this 
country iind this animal alive luside the whale. These 
animals, the caniiolles, have the teeth and skia black, and 
their shell is white. Their flesh is good to eat, and they call 
them Laghan.^ 

The following Friday we showed them a shop full of our 
mercfaaiidise, which was of various strange sorts, at which 
they were surprised. For metal, iron, and other big goods 
they gave us gold, and for the other small and sundry goods 
they gave us rice, pigs, goats, and other provisions. They 
gave us ten weights of gold for fourteen pounds of iron : 
each weight is a ducat and a half. The captain-general 
would not allow a large quantity of gold to be taken, so 
that the sailors should nob sell what belonged to them too 

' " Gens de bon temps." 

' '• Parde^;" that ia toMj, "Parde 511 la Ijoirp,"or"Lj«ngue d'oil." 
I«ii|niiid»e was called "Far de la." Tliu Milan olition describes the 
scalis as a wooden pole Biupended in the middle, with a basin aiupcudi'd 
by lliree cords at odo end, and a cord at the other end with a weight 
i-qual to the boun to which Tcights are attached. 

* " Sonuont de umpi^pe." 

■ Perhaps thin should be Sulin. Vide Marsdeu, Malay Dietioiiar^. 

• Lagun, H liiige seaenail. Taij'il Dictionir;/. 


cheap From thirst for gold, und lest by that means he might 
be constrained to do lilcewise with Ma murchandise, for he 
wished to sell it better. 

Saturday following a scaflblding was made in the open 
8pACe, fitted with tapostiy and palm branclies, because the 
king had promised our captain to become Christian on 
Sunday. He told him not to be afraid when our artillery 
fired on that day, for it was the custom to load it on those 
feasts without firing stones or other balls. 

Sunday morning, the fourteenth day of April, we went on 
shore, forty men, of whom two were armed, who marched 
before us, following tha standard of our king emperor. 
When we landed the ships discharged all their artillery, and 
from fear of it the people ran away in all directions. The 
captain and the king embraced one another, and then joy- 
ously we went near the scaflblding, where the captain and 
the king sat on two chairs, one covered with red, the other 
with violet volvot. The principal men sat on cushions, and 
the others on mats, after the faahion of the country. Then 
the captain began to speak to the kinj^ through the inter- 
preter to iucite him to the faith of Jesus Christ, and told 
him that if he wished to be a good Chriatiuu, aa he had said 
the day before, that he must burn nil the idols of his coun- 
try, and, instead of them, place a cross, and that everyone 
should worship it every day on their knees, and their hands 
joined to heaven : and he showed him how he ought every 
day to make the sign of the cross, To that the king and 
all his people answered that they would obey the commands 
of the captain and do all that he told them. The captain 
took the king by the hand, and they walked about on the 
acafiblding, and when he was baptised he said that he 
would name him^ Don Charles, as the emperor his sove- 
reign was named ; and he named the prince Don Fernand, 
after the brother of the emperor, and the King of Mazzava 
1 The Milun edition gays he wiis before named Kajh Itumnbon. 


Jehfti) : to the Moor ho gave the name of Christopher, and 
to the others each a name of his fancy. Thus, before mass, 
there were fifty men baptised. After mass had been heard 
tho captain invited the king and his other principal men to 
dine with him, but he would not. He accompanied the 
captain, however, to the beach, and on his arrival there the 
ships fired all their artillery. TheOj embracing one another, 
they took leave. 

After dinner our chaplain and some of ua went on shore to 
baptise the queen. She came with forty ladies, and wo con- 
ducted them on to the scafiolding ; then made her ait down 
on a cushion, and her women around her, until the prieafc 
waa ready. During that time they showed her an image 
of our Lady, of wood, holding her little child, which waa 
very well made, and a cross. When she saw it, she had a 
greater desire to be a Christian, and, asking for baptism, she 
was baptised and named Jehanne, like the mother of the 
eraperor. The wife of the prince, daughter of this qneen, 
had the name of Catherine, the Queen of Mazzava Isabella, 
and the others each their name. That day we baptised A 
eight hundred persons of men, women, and children. The 
Queen was yonng and handsome, covered with a black and 
white sheet; she had the mouth and nails very red, and 
wore on her head a large hat made of leaves of palm, with 
a crown over it made of the same leaves, like that of the 
Pope. After that she begged us to give her the little wooden 
boy to put in the place of the idols.' Thia wo did, and she 
went away. In the evening the king and queen, with 
several of their people, came to the sea beach, where the 
captain had some of the large artillery fired, in which they 

' After the death of Magellan the image of the Inf&nt Jesua wtu pre- 
served u ftn idol notil the jrenr 1&9S, in which the Spaniards retamed 
to that pbce wiUi mimioti Aries, who, having found it, not onl; placed it 
in T«DerBtion, but gave U) the city which they founded there the nftme 
of City of JeauB, which it itill preaerrea. Nolv of Milan edition. 



took great pleasure.' The captain and the king oallBd\ 
another brother. 

At last, in eight days, all the inhabitants of this islasd 
were baptised, and some belonging to the neighbouring 
islands. In one of these we burned a village because the 
inhabitants would not obey either the king or ua. There 
we planted a cross because the people were Gentiles : if they 
had been Moors, we should have erected a column, as asi^ 
of their hardness of heart, because the Moors are more diffi- 
cult to convert than the Gentiles. The cap tain -general went 
ashore every day to hear mass, to which there came many 
of the new Christians, to whom he explained various points 
of OUT religion. One day the qoeen came with all her state. 
She was preceded by three damsels, who carried in their 
hands three of her hats : she was dressed in black and 
white, with a hirge silk veil with gold stripes, which co- 
vered her head and shoulders. Very many women followed 
her, with their heads covered with a small veil, and a liat 
above that : the rest of their bodies and feet were naked, 
except a small wrapper of palm cloth which covered their 
natural parts. Their hair fell flowing over their shoulders. 
The queen, after making a bow to the altar, sat upon a 
cushion of embroidered silk, and the captain sprinkled over 
her and over some of her ladies rose water and musk, a 
periiime which pleases the ladies of this country very much. 
Tlie captain on that occasion approved of the gift which I 
bad made to the queen of the image of the Infant Jeans, 
and recommended her t-o put it in the place of her idola, 
because it was a remembrancer of the Son of God. She 
promised to do all this, and to keep it with much care. 

In order that the king might be more respected and 
obeyed, the cap tain -general got him to come one day at the 
hour of mass with his silk robe, and summoned his two 
brothers, one named Bondara, who was the father of the 

' Here ends the trandatio 
a front the Milan cdiCiou. 

luadi- from the French MS. ; what fi)llo\ 


princo, and the oLher namGil Cadaro, and some of his chief 
men, whose names were Simiut, Sibuaia, Sisacai,' Magalibe, 
and otliers whom it is unnecessary to name separately ; and 
he made tliem all swear to be obedient to their king, 
whose hand they all of them kissed. He then asked the 
king to swear that he would always be obedient and faithful 
to the King of Spain, and he took the oath. Then the 
captain drew a sword before the image of the Virgin Mary, 
and said to the king that when an^h an oath had been taken 
by anyone, he should rather die than be wanting to his 
oath. After that ho himself promised to be always faithful 
to him, swearing by the image of our Lady, by the life 
of the emperor his sovereign, and by the habit which ha 
wore. He then made a present to the king of a velvet chair, 
and told him that wherever he went he should always have 
it carried before him by some of his attendants, and showed 
him the way in which it should be carried. The king told 
the captain tliat he would do all this on account of the 
affection which he bore him, of which he wished to give him 
a token, preparing for that pui-pose some jewels to present 
to him ; these were two rather large gold rings for the 
ears, two others for the arms, and two for the ancles, all of 
them adorned with precions stones. The finest ornaments 
of the kings of these countries consist in these rings, for 
otherwise they go naked and barefooted, with only a piece 
of cloth from the waist to the knees. 

The cap tain- gen oral, who had informed the king and all 
tliofifl who had been baptised of the obligation they were 
under of burning their idols, which they had promised to do, 
seeing that they retained tbem and made them offerings of 
meat, reproved them severely for it. They thought to excuse 
themselves sufficiently by saying that they did not do that 
now on their own account, but for a sick person, for tho 
idols to restore him his hcuUh. This sick man was a brother 
of the prince, and was reputed to be the most valiant and 
' " Si" ia a prpfin of lioiioiir lo n imjixtr iianiL'. 


wise man in the island, and his illness was so severe that for 
foar days lie had not spoken. Having heard this, the cap- 
tain, seized vith zeal for religion, said that if they had a 
true faith in Jesus Christ, thoy should bum all the idols, 
and the sick man should be baptised, and he would be im- 
mediately cured, of wliich he was so certain that he con- 
sented to lose his head if the miracle did not take place. 
The king promised that all this should be done, because ho 
trnly believed in Jesus Christ. Then we arranged, with all 
the pomp that was possible, a procession from the place to 
the house of the sick man. We went there, and indeed 
found him nnable to speak or to move. We baptised him, 
with two of his wives and ten girls. The captain then 
asked him how he felt, and he at once spoke, and said that 
by the grace of Our I/jrd he was well enough. This great 
miracle was dono nnder our eyes. The captain, on hearing 
him speak, gave great thanks to God. Ho gave him a re- 
freshing drink to take, and afterwards sent to his house a 
mattress, two sheets, a covering of yellow wool, and a 
cushion, and he continued to send him, until he was quite 
well, refreshing drinks of almonds, rosewater, rosoglio, and 
some sweet preserves. 

On the fifth day the convalescent rose from his bed, and 
as soon as he could walk, he had burned, in the presence of 
the king and of all the people, an idol which some old women 
had L-oncealod in his house. lie also caused to be destroyed 
several temples constructed on the sea shore, in which 
people were accustomed to eat the meat offered to the idols. 
The inhabitants applauded this.and, shouting "Castile, Cas- 
tile," helped to throw them down, and declared that if God 
gave them life they would bum all the idols they could find, 
even if they were in the king's own honse. 

These idols are made of wood, they are concave or hol- 
lowed out behind, they have the anna and legs spread out, 
and the feet turned upwards; ihey have a large face, with 


four very large teetb like those of a wild boar, and they are 
all painted. 

Since I bare spoken of the idols, it maj please your 
illustrious Highness to have an account of the ceremony . 

with which, iu this island, they bless the pig. They begin 
by sounding some great drums (tambun), they then bring . 

three large dishes, two are filled with cakes of rico and cooked 
millet rolled up in leaves, and roast fish, in the third are 
Cambay clothes, and two strips of palm cloth. A tloth of 
Carabay is spread out on the ground : then two old women 
come, each of whom has in her hand a reed trumpet. They 
step upon the cloth and make an oboisance to the Sun : they 
then clothe themselves with the above mentioned cloths. 
The first of these puts on hor head a handkerchief which 
she ties on her forehead so as to make two faorns, and tak- 
ing another handkerchief in her hand, dances and sounds ^ 
her trumpet, and invokes the Sun. The second old woman i 
takes one of the strips of palm cloth, and dances, and also 
sounds her trumpet; thus they dance and sound their i 
trumpets for a short space of time, saying several things to 
the sun. The first old woman then drops the handkerchief 
she has in her hand, and takes the other strip of cloth, and 
both together sounding their trumpets, dance for a long 
time round the pig which is bound on the ground. The 
first one always speaks in a low tone to the aun, and the i 
second answers her. The second old woman then presents ' 
a cup of wino to the first, who, whilst they both continue 
their address to the sun, brings the cup four or five times 
near her mouth as though going to drink, and meanwhile 
sprinkles the wine on the heart of the pig. She then gives J 
up the cup, and receives a lance which she brandishes, I 
whilst stiJl dancing and reciting, and four or five times I 
directs the lance at the pig's heart, at last with a sudden \ 
and well aimed blow she pierces it through and through. 
She withdraws the lance from the wound, which is then 


dosed and dressed with herbs. During the ceremony 
torch is always burning, and the old woman who pierced the 
pig takes and puts it out with her mouth, the other old 
woman dips the end of her trumpet in the pig's blood, and 
with it marks with blood the forehead of her husband, and 
of her companion, and then of the rest of the people. But 
they did not come and do this to us. That done the old 
women took off their robes, and ate what was in the two 
dishes, inviting only women to join them. After that thoy 
get the hair off the pig with fire. Only old women are able 
to consecrate the boar in this manner, and this 
never eaten unless it is killed in this manner.^ 

{Here folltywK an account of a custom, for a ilescription 
which see De Morga's Philipjiine Islands, j>. 304.) 

When our people went on shore by day or by night, they 
always met with some one wno im'ited them to eat and 
drink. Thoy only half cook their victuals, and salt them 
very much, which makes them drink a gi-eat deal ; and they 
drink mucli with reeds, sucking the wine from the veflsela. 
Their repasts always last from five to six hours, 

When one of their chiefs dies they always use the follow- 
ing funeral ceremonies, of which I was witness. The most 
respected women of the country came to the house of the 
deceased, in the midst of which lay the corpse in a chest ; 
ronnd which were stretched cords after the manner of an 
enclosure, and many branches of trees were tied to these 
cords : a strip ofcotton was fastened to each of these branches 
like a pennant, tinder these the women I have mentioned 
sat down covered with white cotton cloth. Each of them 
had a damsel who fanned her with a palm fan. The other 
women sat sadly round the room. Meanwhile a woman cut 
off by degrees the hair of the dead man with a knife : 
another who had been his principal wife, lay e.\tended on 
him, with her month hands and feet on the mouth hands 



and feet of tlio dead man. When the first woman cut off 
the hair, she Wept, and when she stopped cutting, she sung. 
Round the room there wore many vases of porcelain, with 
embers in them, on which, from time to time, they threw 
myrrh, storax, and benzoin, which gave out a good and 
strong smell in the room. These ceremonies last for five or 
sis days, during which the corpse is kept in the house, and 
I believe that they anoint it with oil of camphor to preserve it. 
They afterwards put it in a chest, closed with wooden bolts, 
and place it in an enclosed place covered with logs of wood. 
The islanders told us that every evening towards mid- 
night, there used to co^o to the city, a black bird of the 
Bizo of a crow, which perching on the houses whistled, and 
caused all the dogs to howl, and these double cries lasted 
four or five hours. They would never tell us the causo of 
that phenomenon, of which we also wero witnesses. 

Friday, the 26th of April, Zala, ^ho was one of the priii' 
cipal men or chiefs of the island qf Matan, sent to the 
captain a son of hia with two goats to make a present of 
them, and to say that if lie did not do all that he had pro- 
mised, the cause of that was another chief named Silapulapu, 
who would not in any wav obey the King of Spain, and had 
prevented him from doing so : but that if the captain would 
send him the following night one )}oat full of men to give 
him assistance, be would fight and subdue his rival. On 
the receipt of this message, the Captain decided to go him- 
self with three boats. We entreated lum much not to go 
to this enterprise in person, but be as a good shepherd would 
not abandon his flock. ' 

We set out from Znbu at midnight, we were sixty men 
anned with corslets and helmets ; there were with us the 
Christian king, the prince, and some of the chief men, and 
many others divided among twenty or thirty balangai. W© 
arrived at Matan three hours before daylight. The captain 
before attacking wished to attempt gentle means, and sent 



on shore the Moorish merchant to toll those islanders who 
were of the party of Cilapulapu, that if they would recognise 
the Christian king as tUeir sovereign, and obey the King of 
Spain, and pay us the tribute which had been asked, tha 
captain would becomo their friend, otherwise we should 
prove how our lances wounded. The islanders were not 
terrified, they replied that if we had lances, so also had they, 
although only of reeds, and wood hardened with fire. They 
asked however that we should not attack them by night, 
but wait for daylight, because they were expecting rein- 
forcements, and would be iu greater number. This they 
said with cunning, to excite us to attack them by night, 
supposing that we were ready ; but they wished this because 
they had dug ditches between their houses and the beach, 
and they hoped that we should fall into them. 

We however waited for daylight; we then leaped into tho 
water up to our thighs, for on account of the shallow water 
and the rocks the boats could not como close to the beach, 
and we had to cross two good crossbow shots through the 
water before reaching it. Wo were forty-nine in number, 
the other eleven remained in charge of the boats. When we 
reached land we found the islanders fifteen hundred in num- 
ber, drawn up in three squadrons ; they came down upon 
ns with terrible shouts, two squadrons attacking us on the 
flanks, and the third in front. The captain then divided 
his men in two bands. Our musketeers and crossbow-men 
fired for half an hour from a distance, but did nothing, since 
the bullets and arrows, though they passed through their 
shields made of thin wood, and perhaps wounded their arms, 
yet did not stop them. The captain shouted not fo fire, but 
he was not listened to. The islanders seeing that the shots 
of our guns did them littlo or no harm would not retire, bat 
shouted more loudly, and springing from one aide to the Other 
to avoid our shots, they at the same time drew nearer to as, 
throwing arrows, javelins, spcara hardened in fire,stou6s, and 


even mud, so that we could hardly defend ourselves. Somo 
of them cast lances pointed with iron at the captain-general. 
He then, in order to disperse this multitude and to terrify 
them, sent some of our men to set fire to their houses, but 
this rendered them more ferocious. Some of them ran to 
the fire, which consumed twenty or thirty houses, and there 
killed two of our men. The rest came down upon us with 
greater fury ; they perceived that our bodies were defended, ^ 
but that the legs were eiqiosed, anS they aimed at them 
principally, The captain had his right leg pierced by a 
poisoued arrow, on which account he gave orders to retreat 
by degrees ; but almost all our men took to precipitate 
Bight, so that there remained hardly six or eight of us with 
him. We were oppressed by the lances and stones which 
the enemy hurled at us, and we could make no more resist- 
ance. The bombards which we had in the boats were of no 
assistance to us, for the ahoal water kept them too far from 
the beach. Wo went thither, retreating little by little, and 
still fighting, and we had already got to the distance of a 
crossbow shot from the shore, having the water up to oar 
knees, the islanders following and picking up again the 
spears which they had already cast, and they threw the 
same spear five or six times ; as they know the captain they 
aimed specially at him, and twice they knocked the helmet 
off his head. He, with a few of us, like a good knight, 
remained at his post without choosing to retreat further. 
Thus we fought for more than an hour, until an Indioa 
succeeded in thrusting a cane lance into the captain's face. 
He then, being irritated, pierced the Indian's breast with hia i_^ 
lance, and left it in his body, and trying to draw his sword 
he was unable to draw it more than halfway, on account of 
a javehn wound which he had received in the right arm. 
The enemies seeing tliis all'rushed against him, and one of 
them with a great sword, like a groUt scimetar' gave him a 
' Spear, lito a portisan, but largtr, French MS, of Kiuicy, 


great blow on the left leg, which broupht the captain down 
on hia face, then tho Indiana threw themselves upon him, 
and ran him through with lances and scimetars, and all the 
other arms which they had, bo that they deprived of life onr 
mirror, light, comfort, and true guide. Whilst the Indians 
were thus overpowering him, several times he turned round 
towards na to see if we were all in safety, as though hia obsti- 
nate fight had no other object than to give an opportunity for 
the retreat of hia men. We who fought to extremity, and 
who were covered with wounds, seeing that he was dead, 
proceeded to the boats which were on the point of going 
away. This fatal battle was fought on the 27th of April of 
1521, on a Saturday; a day which the captain had choaea 
himself, because he had a special devotion to it. There 
perished with him eight of our men, and four of the Indians, 
who had become Christians ; we had also many wounded, 
amongst whom I must reckon myself. Tho enemy lost only 
fifteen men. 

Ho died; but I hope that your iUuatrions highness will 
not allow his memory to be lost, so much the more since I 
flee revived in you the virtue of so great a captain, since one 
of hia principal virtues was Constance in the most adversQ 
fortune. In the midst of the sea he was able to endure 
hunger better than we. Most versed in nautical charts, he 
knew better than any other the tmo art of navigation, of 
which it is a certain proof that he know by hia genius, and 
hia intrepidity, without any one having given him the 
example, how to attempt the circuit of the globe, which he 
had almost completed.' 

The Christian king conid indeed have given na aid, and 
would have done so ; but our captain far from forseeing that 
which happened, when he landed with his men, had charged 
him not to come out of his balangai, wishing that he ehonld 

' Tha text of this appeal has beon given by M, Denis in the I'niverM 
PittortiqiK, from the BIS. of Naucy, now of Sir Thomaa Phillipje' library. 


stay there to see how we fought. When ho knew how the 
captain hnd died ho wept bitterly for him. 

In the afternoon the king himaelfj with our consent, sent 
to tell the inhabitants of Hatan, that if they would give up 
to ns the body of our captain, and of our other companions 
who were killed in this battle, we would give them as much 
merchandise as they might wish for; but they answered 
that on no account would they ever give up that man, but 
thoy wished to pi^serve him as a monument of their triumph. 
When thu death of the captain was known, those who were 
in tho city to trade, IiaU all the merchandise at onco trans- 
ported to the ships. We then elected in tho place of the 
captain, Duarte Barbosa, a Portuguese, and a relation of the 
captain's, and Juan Serrano a Spaniard. 

Onr interpreter, who was a slave of the captain -general, 
and was named Heni^-, having been slightly wounded in the 
battle, would not go nshoro any more for the things which 
we required, but i-emuined all day idle, and wrapped up iu 
his mat (Schiaviua). Duarte Barbosa, the commander of 
tho Gag ship, found fault with him, and told him that though 
his mastor was dead, he had not become free on that ac- 
count, but that when we returned to Spain he would return 
him to OoHa Beatrice, the widow of tho cap tain -general ; at 
the same time ho threatened to have him tlogged, if he did 
not go on shore quickly, and do what was wanted for the 
service of the ships. The slave rose up, and did as though 
he did not care much for these affronts and threats; and 
having gone on shore, ho informed the Cliristian king that 
we were thinking of going away soon, but that if he would 
follow his advice, ho might become master of all our goods 
''and of the ships themselves. The King of Zubu listened 
favourably to him, and they an-unged to betray us. After 
that the slave returned on board, and showed more intelli- 
gence and attootion than ho had done before. 

We<fncaday morning, the 1st of May, the Christian king 


sent to tell tte two commaDdera that tlie jewels prepared as 
presents for the King of Spain were ready, and he invited 
tbem to come that same day to dino with him, with some of 
his iDoat honoured companions, and be would give them over 
to them. The commanders went with twenty-four others, 
and amongst them was our astrologer named San Martin of 
Seville. I could not go because I was swelled with a 
wound from a poisoned aiTow in the forehead. Juan Cai-- 
valho, with the chief of police, who also were invited, tnnied 
back, and said that they had suspected some bad business, 
becanse they had seen the man who had recovered from ill- 
ness by a miracle, leading away the priest to his own house. 
They had hardly spoken these words when we heard great 
lamentations and cries. We quickly got up the anchors 
and, coming closer to the beach, we fired several shots with 
the cannon at the houses. There then appeared on the 
beach Juan Serrano, in his shirt, wounded and bound, who 
entreated us, as loudly as he could, not to iire any more, or 
else he would be massacred. We asked liim what had be- 
come of his companions and the interpreter, and he said 
that all had been slain except the interpreter. He theu 
entreated us to ransom him with some merchandise; but 
Juan Carvalho, although he was his gossip, joined with 
some others, refused to do it, and they would not allow any 
boat to go ashore, so that they might remain masters of tbo 
ships. Serrano continued his entreaties and lamentations, 
saying, that if we departed and abandoned him there, he 
would soon be killed; and after that he saw his lamentations 
were useless, he added that be prayod God to ask for an 
account of his life at the day of Judgment from Juan Car- 
valho, his gossip.' Notwithstanding, we sailed immediately; 
and I never heard any more news of him. 

In this island of Zuhu there are dogs and cats, and other 
animals, whose flesh is eaten ; there is also rice, millet, 
panicum, and maize ; there are also figs, oranges, lemons, 
' ' ' Compadn;." 


Bogar-canes, cocoa, gourds, ginger, honey, and otKer sucli 
things; they also make palm-wme of many qnalities. Gold 
is abundant. The island is large, and haa a good port with 
two entraocea : one to the west, and the other to the eaat- 
north-east. It is in ten degrees north latitude and 154 east 
longitude from the line of demarcation. 

In this island there are several towns, each of which has 
its principal men or chiefs. Here are the names of the 
towns and their chiefs : — 

Cingapola: its chiefs are Cilaton, Cignibucan, Cimaninga, 
Cimatioat, CicanbuU 

Mandani : its chief is Aponoaan. 

Lalan : its chief ia Teten, 

Lalutan : its chief is Japau. 

Lubucin : its chief is Cilumai. 
All those countries were in obedience to ue, and paid a kind 
of tribute. 

Near to Znbu there ia, as we said, the island of Matan, 
the moat oonsiderable town of which is called Matan, and 
its chit^fs are Zula and Cilapulapu, The village, which wo 
burned on the occasion of the fatal battle, is named Bulaia. 

In this island, before we lost our captain-general, we had 
news of Malnco, 

(Book III of the MUaa Edition.) 


When we were at a distance of eighteen leagues from the 
island of Zubn, near the head of another island called Bohol,* 
in the midst of that archipelago, seeing that our crews were 
too much reduced in number, so that they were not suffi- 
cient for managing all the three ships, we burned the Con- 
ception after transporting into the other two all that it con- 
■ Sns NoU, p. OS, * llii* tslanH is ttiU oamoil Boliol. 



tained that was een-iceablo. We thDn took tto S.S.W, 
coarse, coasting along an island called Panilongon,^ where 
the people were black as in Ethiopia. 

We then arrived at a large island,* the king of which 
having come on board our ship, in order to show that he 
made alliance with us and would he friendly, drew blood 
from his left baud, and stained with it hia breast, his face, 
and the tip of his tongue. We then did likewise, and when 
the king went away, I alone accompanied him on shore to 
see the island. 

We entered a river^ where we met many fishermen, who 
presented some of their fish to the king- He then took off 
the cloth which covered his middle, and some of hia chief 
men who were with him did the same, they then all began 
to row and to sing. Passing near many houses, which 
were on the brink of the river, we arrived at two hours of 
the night* at the house of the king, which was two leagues 
from the mouth of the river where the ships were. 

When we reached the house, people came to meet ua with 
many torches, made of canes and palm leaves, full of the 
before-mentionod gum, called anime. Whilst supper was 
being got ready, the king, with two of his chiefs, and two 
rather handsome ladies, drank a large vase full of palm 
wine, without eating anything. I, excusing myself saying 
that I had already supped, only drank once. In drinking 
they use the ceremony which I have already described in 
speaking of the King of Mossava^ Then the supper was 
brought, which consisted of rice and fish, very much salted, 
in porcelain dishes. Rice with them takes the place of 
bread. They cook it in the following manner, which ia 
common to all these conntnes. They place inside an earthen 

' raniloDgon, now called Paulao. 

' Mindanao, The French edition of the year IX calls it " Butuan". 

■ A river which comes into the Bn; of Kipit. 

' t'robabl; two hours after nightfall. ' Soc p. 78, 

T131T TO THE KINO. 107 

pot like ours, a large leaf which lines it all round iuternally, 
then they put in the water and the rice, and cover up the 
pot. They let it boil until the rice has taken the conaist-ency 
of bread, and then they take it out iu pieces. 

When the supper was over the king had.bronght a cane 
mat, and a mat of palm leaf, with a cushion of leaves, and 
this was to be my bed, I slept there with one of his chiefs. 
The king with the two ladies went to sleep in another place. 

When it was day, whilst breakfast was being prepared, E 
went to take a turn in the island, and entered several 
houses, constructed like those of the neighbonring islands ; 
I saw there a good many utensils of gold, but very little 
victuals. I ceturned to the king's house, and we breakfasted 
with rice and fish. I succeeded iu making the king nndei- 
stand by signs, that I should like to see the queen ; and he 
made a sign to me that ho was content, and we set out 
together to the top of a hill, under which her house was 
placed. I entered the house and mado her an obeisance, she 
did likewise to me. I sat down by the side of her ; she 
was weaving a palm mat to sleep upon. Throughout her 
house were seen porcelain vases suspended to the walls, 
and four motal timbals, of which one was very large, 
another of middle size, and two small ones, and she amused 
herself by playing on them. There were many male and 
female slaves for her service. We asked leave and returned 
to the king's house, who immediately ordered a refreshment 
of sugar canes. 

After midday, as I wished to return to the ships, the 
king, with the other chief men of the island, desired to ac- 
company me in the same balanyai, going by the same river ; 
on its right bank I saw on an eminence three men hanging 
to a tree, the branches of which had been cut off, I asked 
of the king what those unhappy people were, he answered 
me that tlioy were malefactors and thieves. These people 
go naked like their neighbours. In this island arc found 



pigs, goata, fowls, rice, ginger, nnd otter things which 
were common to the iahinda named before. That which ia 
moat abundant is gold. They showed me certain palleys, 
making signs that there was more gold there than hairs on 
' the head, hat that as they had not iron to dig it out, it re- 
quired great labour to acquire it, and which they did not 
choose to undergo. I'he king ia named Raja Calanao. 

This part of the island called Chipit is the same land as 
Butnan and Calagan, it passes above Bohol, and borders on 
Maasava. Its port is good enough ; it is in 8" N. latitude, 
and 107° of longitude from tho line of demarcation; it is 
fifty leagues distance from Zubu. Towards the Korth-west 
is the island of Lozon,' which is at two days' distance ; a 
large island, to which come to trade every year six or eight 
junks of the people called Lequii,' / 

On leaving this place, and taking our coarse between 
west and south-west, we touched at an almost uninhabited 
island, which afterwards we learned was named Cagayan. 
The few people there are Moors, who have been bouiahed 
from an island called Bum^,* They go naked like the 
others, and carry blow-pipes with small quivers at their 
sides full of arrows, and a Lerb with which they poison 
them. They have daggers, with hilts adorned with gold 
and precious atones, Iimces, bucklers, and small cuirasses 
of buffaloes' hide. These people took us for something 
Divine or holy. There are some very large trees in this 
island, but little victuals. It is in 7° 30' North latitude, 
and forty-three leagues from Chipit. 

Continuing our voyage wo changed our course to be- 
tween West and Korth-west, and after running twenty-five 
leagues, we arrived at a large island, which we found well 
provided with victuals, and it was great good foitune for ua 

* The nutlior spctika of tbis nation further on. 



since we were bo reduced by liunger and so badly supplied, 
that we were several times on tho point of abandoning the 
sliipa, and establiabing ourselves on somo land, in order to 
live. Id this island, which we learned was named Falaoan, 
we found pigs, goats, fowls, yams, bananas of various kinds, 
some of which are half a cpbit long, and as thick as the arm, 
others are only a span long, and others are still smaller, and 
these are the best ; they have cocoa nuts, sugEtr cnnes, and 
certain roots like turnips, Thej' cook rice under the fire in 
bamboo canes, or wooden vessels, and it keeps longer than 
that cooked in earthen pots. They draw from tho rice with 
a kind of alembic a wine that is better and stronger than 
the palm wine. In short we found this island to be a pro- 
mised land. 

We presented ourselves to the king, who contracted 
alliance and friendship with us, and to assure us of it, he 
Hsked for one of our knives, with which ho drew blood from ^ 
his breast, with which ho touched his forehead and longne. 
We repeated the same ceremony.' 

The people of Palaoan go naked like the other islanders, 
they almost all till their own fields. They have blow-pipes, 
with thick arrows more than & span in length, with a point 
like that of a harpoon ; some have a point made with a fish 
hone, and others are of roed, poisoned with a certain herb ; 
the arrows are not trimmed with feathers, but with a soft 
bglit wood. At the foot of the blow-pipe they bind a piece 
of iron, by means of which, when they have no more arrows, 
they wield tho blow-pipe like a lance. They like to adorn 
themselves with ringsand chains of gimp and with little bells, 
but above all they are fond of brass wire, with which they 
bind their fish hooks. They have somo rather large domes- 
tic cocks, which, from some superstition, they do not eat, 
but they keep them for fighting; on such occasions they 

110 AliR17AL AT 

make bets and offer prizes, wbicli are acquired by the owner 
of the conquering cock. 

Going from Paiaoan towards the South-west, after a mn 
of ten leagues, we reached another island.' Whilst coasting 
it, it seemed in a certain manner to go forward f we 
coasted it for a distance of fully fifty* leagues, until we 
found a port. We had hardly reached the port when the 
heavens were darkened, and the lights of St, Elmo appeared 
on our masts. 

The next day tbe king of that island sent a probu to the 
ships ; it was very handsome, with its prow and stem orna- 
mented with gold ; on the bow fluttered a white and blue 
flag, with a tuft of peacock's feathers at the t(ip of the staff ; 
there were in the prahu some people playing on pipes and 
dram?, and many other porsons. Two almadias followed 
tbe priihu ; these are fishermen's boats, and a prahu is a 
kind of fusta. Eight old men of the chiefs of the island 
came into the ships, aud sat down upon a carpet on the 
poop, and presented a painted wooden vase full of betel and 
areca {fmits which they constantly chew), with orange and 
jessamine flowers, and covered ovei" with a cloth of yellow 
silk. They also gave two cages full of fowls, two goats, 
three vessels full of wine, distilled from rice, and some 
bundles of sugar cane. Thoy did the aarae to the other 
ship ; and embracing us they departed. Their rice wine is 
clear like water, but so strong that many of our men were 
intoxicated. They call it arak. 

Six days later the king again sent three very ornamented 
prahus, which came playing pipes and drums and cymbala, 
and going round the ships, their crews saluted ua with their 

' Borneo. 

' Thnt is to aay, " To more agaiust the streoia on account of the 
contrary currente." Note to Amoretti'a edition. 

' Ruruuaio boa Ave lenguei, but the Milan MS. has tifty, which is the 
mil ilislauce. 



clolVi caps, wLich hardly corer the tops of their heads. We 
saluted thorn, firing the bombards without stones. Then 
they made us a present of various victuals, but all made with 
rice, either wrapped in leaves in the form of a long cylin- 
der, or in the shape of a sugar lonf, or in the shape of 
a cake, with eggs and honey. They then said that their 
king was well pleased that we should make provisions here 
of wood and water, and that wo might traffic at oar pleasure 
with the islanders. Having hoard this, seven of us entered 
one of the prahus, taking with us presents for the king, and 
for some of his court. The present intended for the king 
consisted in a Turkish coat of green velvet, a chair of violet 
coloured velvet, five ells of rod cloth, a cap, a gilt goblet, 
and a vase of glass, with its cover, three packets of paper, 
and a gilt pen and ink case. We took for the queen three 
ella of yellow cloth, a pair of slippers, ornamented with 
silver, and a silver case full of pins. For the king's gover- 
nor or minister three ells of red cloth, a cap, and a gilt 
goblet; and for the herald who had come in the prahu, a 
coat of the Turkish fashion, of red and green colonrs, a cap 
and a packet of paper, for tho other seven chief men who 
had come with him, we prepared presents ; for one cloth, for 
another a cap, and for each a packet of paper. Having 
made these preparations, we entered the prahu, and de- 

When we arrived at the city, we were obliged to wait 
about two honrs in tho prahn, until there came thither two 
elephants covered with silk, and twelve men, each of whom 
carried a porcelain vase covered with silk, for conveying 
and wrapping np our presents. Wo mounted the elephants, 
and those twelve men preceded us, carrying the vases with 
our presents. Wo went as far as the house of tho governor, 
who gave na supper with many sorts of viands. There we 
slept through the night, on mattresses filled with cotton, 
and covered with silk, with sheets of Cambay stutT. 


On the following day wo remained doing nothing in the 
house till midday, and after that we set out for the king's 
palace. We were again mounted upon the elephants, and 
the men with the presents preceded ua as before. From tho 
governor's house to that of the king, an the streets wero 
full of men armed with swords, spears, and bucklers, the 
king having so commanded. We entered the palace still 
mounted upon the elephants ; we then dismounted, anil 
ascended a staircase, accompanied by the governor and 
some of the chief men, and entered a largo room full of 
courtiers, whom we should call the barons of the kingdom ; 
there we sat upon a carpet, and the vases with the presents 
were placed new na. 

At tho end of this hall there was another a little higher, 
but not so large, all hung with silk stufis, among which 
were two curtains of brocade hung up, and leaving open 
two windows which gave light to the room. 

There were placed three hundred men of the king's guard 
with naked daggers in their hands, which they held on their 
thighs. At the end of this second ball was a great opening, 
covered with a curtain of brocade, and on this being raised 
we saw the king sitting at a table, with a little child of his, 
chewing betel. Behind him there were only women. 

Then one of the chief men informed us that we could not 
speak to the king, but that if we wished to convey anything 
to him, we were to say it to him, aud he would say it to a 
chief or courtier of higher rank, who would lay it before a 
brother of the governor, who was in the smaller room, anil 
they by means of a blow pipe placed in a fissure in the wall 
would communicate our thoughts to a man who was near 
the king, and from him tho king would understand them. 
Ho taught us meanwhile to make throe obeisances to the 
king, with the hands joined above the head, raising first one 
then the other foot, and then to kiss tho hands to him. 
This is the royal obeisance. 


Then by the mode which had beeu indicated to us, we 
gave him to understand that wo belonged to the King of 
i^pain, who wished to be in peace with him, and wished for 
nothing else than to be able to trade with his island. The 
kiag caused an an^cr to be givi^n that ho was most pleased 
that the king of Spain was his friend, and that we could 
take wood and water in his states, and traffic according to 
our pleasure. That done we offered the presents, and at 
each thing which they gave to him, he made a slight incli- 
nation with hia head. To each of ua was then given sotuo 
brocade, with cloth of gold, and aorao silk, which they 
placed upon one of our shoulders, and then took away to 
take care of them. A collation of cloves and cinnamon was 
then served to us, and after that the curtains were drown 
and the windows closed. All the men who were in the 
palace had their middles covered with cloth of gold and silk, ^ 
they carried in their hands daggers with gold hilts, adorned 
with pearls and precious stones, and they had many rings 
on their fingers. 

We again nionnted the elephants, and returned to tlie 
house of the governor. Seven men preceded us there, car- 
rying the presents made to us, and when wo reached the 
house they gave to each one of us what was for him, putting 
it on our lefl shoulder, as had been done in the king's 
palace. To each of these seven men we gave a pair of knives 
in recompense for their trouble. 

Afterwards there came nine men to the governor's house, 
sent by the king, with as many largo wooden trays, in each 
of which were ton or twelve china dishes, with tlio flesh of 
various animals, such as veal, capons, fowls, peacocks, and 
others, with various sorts of fish, so that only of flesh there 
were thirty or thirty-two different viands. We supped on 
the groand on a palm mat; at each mouthful we drank a 
little china cup of the sizo of an egg full of the distilled 
liquor of rice : wo then ate some rice and some things made 



of Bugnr, using gold spoons made like ours. In tlie pUce 
in which we passed the two nights there were two candles 
of white wax always burning, placed on high chandeliers of 
silver, and two oil lamps with four wicks each. Two men 
kept watch there to take care of them. The nest morning 
we came upon the same elephants to the sea shore, where 
there were two prahns ready, in which we were taken bock 
to the ships. 

This city is entirely built on foundations in the saltwater, 
except the houses of the king and some of the princes : it 
contains twonty-five thousand fires or families.' The houses 
are all of wood, placed on great piles to raise them high up. 
When the tide rises the women go in boats through the city 
spiling provisions and necessaries,- In front of the king's 
house there is a wall made of great bricks, with barbicans 
like forts, upon which were fifty-six bombards of metal, and 
six of iron. They fired many shots from them during the 
two days that we passed in the city. 

The king to whoin wc presented ourselves is a Moor, and 
ia named Raja Siripada : he is about forty years of ago, and 
is rather corpulent. No one serves him except ladies who 
are the daughters of the chiefs. No one speaks to him except 
by means of the blow-pipe as has been described above. He 
has ten scribes, who write down his affairs on thin bark of 
trees, and are called cliirUoies.^ Ho never goes out of his 
house except to go hunting. 

On Monday, the 29th of July, we saw coming towards us 
more than a hundred prahus, divided into throe squadrons, 
and as many tungulia, which are their smaller kind of boats. 
At this sight, mid fearing treachery, we hurriedly set sail. 

' This number seems exaggerated. Now it, hu onl^ two or threo 
thousaud housta. Hitt, Oinirale det Voyagu, torn, xv, p. 138. Note, 
Milan edition. 

* The; do likewise now at high tide. Note, Milnn cdiiiuii. 

• " ChcritA-talJB," writen of narrfttivts. 



rvnd left behind an anchor in the aea. Oar suspicions in- 
creaBod when wo observed that behind us wero certain juiks 
which had come the day before. Our first oporation waa to 
fi-ee ouraolvos from the junka, against which we fired, cap- 
turing four and killing many people: three or four other 
junks went aground in escaping. In one of those which we 
captured was a son of the king of the isle of Luzon, who waa 
cap tain -general of the King of Bum^, and who was coming 
with the junks from the conqueafc of a great city named 
Laoe, sitnated on a headland of this island opposite Java 
Major, He had made this expedition and sacked that city 
because its inhabitants wished rather to obey the King of 
Java than the Moorish King of Burnt-. The Moorish king 
having heard of the ill-treatment by ua of his junks, has- 
tened to send to say, by moans of one of our men who was on 
shore to trafBc, that those vessels had not come to do any 
harm to us, but were going to make war against the Gentiles, 
in proof of which they showed us some of the heads of those 
they had slain. 

Hearing this, we sent to tell the king that if it was so, that 
he should allow two of our men who were still on shore, with 
a son of our pilot, Juan Carvalho, to come to the ships : 
this son of Carvalho's had been bom during hia first resi- 
dence in the country of Brazil : but the king wonid not con- 
sent, Juan Carvalho was thus specially pnnishod, for with- 
out communicating the matter tons, in order to obtain a largo 
sum of gold, as we learned later, he had given his liberty to 
the captain of the junks. If he had detained him, the King 
Siripada would have given anything to get him back, that 
captain being exceedingly dreaded by the Gentiles who are 
moat hostile to the Moorish king. 

And, with respect to that, it is well to know and under- 
stand that in that same port where we were, beyond the city 
of the Moors of which I have spoken, there is another inha- 
bited by Gentiles, larger than this one, and also built in the 

11(3 PAGAN ropri.ATio\ OF BRrui. 

8&It water. So great is the enmity between the two nations 
that every clay tiere occurs strife, The king of the Gentiles 
is aa powerful as the king of the Moore, but he is not so 
proud ; and it seems that it would not be BO difficult to in- 
troduce the Christian religion into his country.' 

As we could not got back our men, we retained on board 
sixteen of the chiefs, and three ladies whom wo had taken 
on board the junks, to take them to Spain, We had dea- 
tiued the ladies for the Queen ; but Juan Carvalho kept them 
for himself. 

The Moors of Bum^ go caked like the other islaodera. 
They esteem quiekailver very much, and swallow it. They 
pretend that it preserves the health of those who are well, 
and that it cures the sick. They venerate Mahomed and 

follow his law. They do not eat pig's flesh * With 

their riglit hand they ^I'ash their face, but do not wash their 
teeth with their fingers. They are circumcised liko the Jews, 
They never kill goats or fowls without first speaking to the 
Bun.* They cut off the ends of the wings of fowls and the 
skin under their feet, and then split them in two. They do 
Doteat any animal which has not been killed by themselves. 

In this island is produced camphor, a kind of balsam 
which exudes from between the hark and the wood of the 
tree. These drops are smalt as grains of bran. If it is left 
exposed by degrees it is consumed : here it is called caper. 
Here is found also cinnamon, ginger, mirabolans, oranges, 
lemons, sugarcanes, melons, gourds, cucumbers, cabba^, 

' 'rho Portuguese introduced Christianity into ihie couotry, which 
lasted tit) 1590. Now the Gentiles bave been obliged to aijandoii llie 
sea-coast, and bave retired to the mountains. Sonntral, Note of Milau 

' Here BOine dttaila are omitted, whicli, with the whole ot thia para- 
graph, have been H-ritten by Pigafetta, bocause lie ivbs an Itulinn, and 
not a Spaniard or Portuguese, in whicb chho be woitld have been bett«r 

' Au error iiBtiinil enougb in uu Italian. 

HKICKti AT BEUNl. 117 

ODIOUS. There are also many animals, bucIi as elepliants, 
horses, buifaloes, pigs, goats, fowls, gocse, crows, and others. 

They say that the King of Burn^ has two pearls as large 
as a heu's eggs, and so pprfectly round that if placed on a 
smooth tablo they cannot be made to stand stOl. When we 
took him the presents I made signs to him that I desired 
to see them, and ho said that he would show them to me, 
but be did not do so. On the following day some uf the chief 
men told me that they had indeed seen them. 

The money which tho Moors use in this conntiy is of 
uietal,'and pierced for stringing together. Ou one side only 
it has four signH, which are four letters of the great King 
of China : they call it PicU.* For one catbil (a weight equal to 
two uf our pounds) of quicksilver they gave us six porcelain 
dishes, for a cathil of metal tliey gave one small porcelain 
vase, and a largo vase for three knives. For a band of paper 
they gave one hundred picis. A bakar of wax (which is 
two hundred and three catbils) for one hundred and sixty 
catliils of bronze : for eigbty catbils a bahar of salt : for forty 
outhils a bahar of aiiivio, a gum which ihey use to cauik 
ships, for in these countries they have no pitch. Twenty 
tnhil make a catbil. The merchandise which is most es- 
teemed here is bronze, quicksilver, cinnabar, glass, woollen 
stuffs, linens ; but above all they esteem inm and spectacles. 

^ince I saw such use made of porcelain, I got some in- 
I'ormatiou respecting it, uud I leai-ned that it is made with a 
kind of very white earth, which is loft underground for fully 
lifly years to refine it, so that they are in the habit of saying 
that the father buries it for his sou. It ia said that if poison 
is put into a vessel of fine porcelain it breaks immediately. 

The junks mentioned several times above are their largest 

vessels, and they Jire constructed in this manner. The lower 

part of ibu ships and the sides to u bright of two spans above 

' liiaM or liroiiiB, N.-u-, MiUu clition. 

■ " I'itia", Buiall cum, SOU tu a duUtLr at Auliui. 


water-line aro built of plaoks joined together with wooden 
bolts, and they are well enough put together. The upper 
works are made of very largo canea for a counterpoiee.' One 
of these juuks carries as much cargo as our ships. The 
masts are of bamboo, and the sails of bark of trees. This 
islaud is so large that to sail rouud it with a prahu would re- 
quire three months. It is in 5° 1 5' north latitude and 1 76° 40' 
of longitude from the line of demarcation.* 

On leaving this island we returned backwards to look for 
a convenient place for caulking our ships, which were leak- 
ing, and one of them, tlirough the negligence of the pilot, 
stnick on a shoal near an island named Bibalon ;^ but, by the 
help of God, we got her off. We also ran another great 
danger, for a sailor, iu aouffing a candle, threw the lighted 
wick into a chest of gunpowder ; but he was so quick in 
picking it out that tho powder did not catch fire. 

On our way wo saw four prahus. We took one laden with 
cocoanuts on its way to Burne; but the crew escaped to a 
small island, and the other three prahus escaped behind 
some other small islands. 

Between the northern cape of Burn^ and the island named 
Cimbonbon, situated in 8° 7' N. latitude thero is a very cou- 
vonient port for refitting ships, and we entered it ; but as 
wo were wanting many things necessary for our work, we 
had to spend there forty-two days. Kach one worked at oue 
thing or another according; to the best of his knowledge or 
ability ; but our greatest labour was going to get wood in 

' The Milan edition hoa added to the text, "vkieK project ouUide for 
a counterpoise"; and supposes this refers to an outrigger. Junks have 
110 outriggera ; prahus have projecting gunwales, which widen tho deck, 

* This ktitude is that of tho northern point of Borneo; the longitude 
ia much dimiuifhed, as usiml. I'igofotta has taken care to mark in bis 
map of the island of Borneo, his voyage of fifty leagues from tho point 
to the port, and has placed Laiic at the soutliorn point of the island, 
^ote, Milan edition. 

* Now named Balaha. Note, Milan edition. 



the tbickots, as the ground was covered with briars and 
tliomy shrubs, and we had no shoes. 

In this island there are some very large wild boara. Whilst 
we were in a boat we killed one which was crossing from 
one island to another. Its head was two and a half spans 
long, and its tuaka were exceedingly long.' Here also are 
crocodiles ; those of the land are larger than thoso of the 
eea-coast. There are oysters and very large turtles ; of these 
we caught two. The flesh alone of one of thom weighed 
twenty pounds, and of the other forty-four pounds. We 
canght a kind of fish with a head like that of a pig, and 
which had two boms ; its body was all covered with bonsi 
and on its back it had a kind of saddle : this was a small 
one. In this island are also found certain trees, the leaves 
of which, when they fall, are animated, and walk. They 
are like the leaves of the mulberry tree, but not so long; 
they have the leaf stalk* short and pointed, and near the 
leaf stalk they have on each side two feet. If they are 
touched they escape, but if crushed they do not give out 
blood.* I kept ono for nine days in a bos. When I opened 
it the leaf went round the box. I believe they live npon air. 
The island in which we were is called Pulaoan. 

On leaving this island— that is to say, the port which is 
at the extremity of it — we met a junk which was coming 
from Borneo. We made signals to it to strike its sails; bnt 
aa it would not obey we overtook it, captured and pillaged 
it. It had on board the Governor of Fulaoan, with a son 
and a brother of his. We made them all prisoners, and put 
ihcm to ransom to give within seven days four hundred 
s of rice, twenty pigs, as many goats, and four hun- 

' The Bftbi-ruaii, or hog dfur. ' " I'icciulo," 

■ Other travollera have seen EimitAr luuvis, und bviii^ iDoru rerseil in 
natural hutor; than oar Pignfettn, ttooa kiu-w tUut llit; motion of these 
Itaives camo from the insect which lived inaiilc. {lliit. Ofn. dtt Voy., 
tuiu. XT, p. 58.) Note, Hilnn edition. 


dred and &!ty Fowls. They cnnsed all this to bo given tie, 
aud besides added spootaneouslj cocoanats, figs, augar- 
canes, and vessels full of palm wine. We, in conseqaeuce 
of bis generosity, restored to him some of bis daggers and 
arquebuses ; we also gave him a flag, a garment of yellow 
damask, and fifleen ells of linen. We gave to bis eon a cloak 
of blue cloth, and to his brother a garment of green cioth, 
and to the others other things, and wo parted good friends. 

We turned backwards, passing between the island of 
Cagayan and the port of Cipit,' taking a course east and a 
quarter south-east, to seek the islands of Maluco. We 
passed between certain little mountains,- around which we 
fooud many weeds, although there was there a great depth. 
Passing between these islets it seemed that we were in 
another sea. 

Having left Cipit to tlie oast, we saw to the west two 
islands called Zolo'' and Taghima,' near which islands pearia 
are found. The two pearis of the King of Burnt^, of which 
I have spoken, were found there, aud this is the manner in 
which he obtained them, according to the account which 
was given me of it. The King of Bumi; married a daughter 
of the King of Zolo, who told him that her father had these 
two big pearls. He desired to have them, aud decided on 
getting them by any means, and one night he set out with 
five hundred prahus full of armed men, and went to Zolo, and 
took the king with hia two sons, and brought them to Burn^, 
and dill not restore them to liberty until they gave him the 
two pearls. 

Continuing our course east and a quarter north-east wa 
passed near two inhabited places called Cavit and Subantn, 
and passed near an island called Moiioripa, ten leagues dis- 
tant from the before- mentioned islets. The inhabitants of 
this island always live in their vessels, and have no houses 

' In the isl« of Mindaoao, 

■ Mow Diuiitid Basilan. 


on sliorQ. In tbese two districts of Cavit and Sabanin, 
which are situated in the same island' aa that in which are 
Butuau and Catagan, the beat cinnamon of any grows. If 
we could have remained here only two days, we could have 
la<lE>n tho ships with it ; but we did not wish to lose time, 
but to profit hv- the favourable wind, fur wo had to donble a 
cape and some islets which were around it. Wherefore, re- 
maiuiug under sail, we made a little barter, and obtained 
seventeen pounds of cinnamon for two big knives, which we 
had taken from the Governor of Pulaoan. 

Having seen the ciunamon tree, I can give some descrip- 
tion of it. It is a small tree, not more than three or four 
cubits high, and of the thickness of a man's finger, and it 
has not got more than three or four little branches, lis leaf 
ia like that of the laurel. The cinnamon for uae which 
comes to us, is its bark, which is gathered twice in the 
year. Its wood and leaves when they are green have the 
tasto and force of the bark itself. Here it is called Cain- 
mans, since cam means wood and mana sweet.' 

Having set the head of the ship to north-east, we made 
for a large city called Maingdanao, situated in the same 
island in which are Butuan and Calagan, in order to get 
precise information of the position of Maluco. Following 
this course we took posseKsion of a biijnailay, a vessel similar 
to a prahu, and being obhged to have i-ecourse to force and 
violence, we killed seven out of eighteen men who formed 
the crew. These men were belter made and more robust 
than all those we had seen hitherto, and they wero all ohiuf 
men of Mindanao. There was among ihem a brother of 
the king who said that he well knew whore Maluco was. 
Afterwards, following his indications, we left tlje north-east 
course which we held, and took a south-cast course. We 

' MiodAiiao. 

* (^om tliis probably ci 


were then in 6° 7' N, latitude and thirty leagues distant fVom 

Wo were told that at a cape of this island near to a river 
there are men who are rather hairy, great warriors, and 
good archers, armed with swords a span broad. When 
they make an enemy prisoner they eat hia heart only, and 
they eat it raw with the juice of oranges or lemons,' This 
cape is called Benalan.^ 

Making for the sonth-eaat we found four islands, named 
Ciboco, Birabam Batolac, Sarangani, and Candigar. Satur- 
day, tho 26th of October, about nightfall, whilst coast- 
ing the island of Birabam Batolac, we met with a veiy 
great storm, before which we lowered all our sails, and 
betook ourselves to prayer. Then our three saints appeared 
upon the masts and dispersed tho darkness. St, Kluio stood 
fur more than two hours at tho mainmast bead like a flame. 
St. Nicholas at tho head of the foremast, and St, Clara 
on the mizcnmast. In gratitude fur thoir assistance we 
promised a slare to each of the saiuts, and we gave to 
each an offering. 

Continuing onr voyage we entered a port between tho 
two islands Sarangani and Candigar, and cast anchor to the 
east, near a villago of Sarangani, where pearls and gold ore 
found. This port is in 5° 9' N. latitude, and fifty leagues 
fi-om Cavit. The inhabitants are Gentiles and go naked 
like the others. 

Having remained here a day we compelled by force two 
pilots to come with us to show us the way to Maluco. We 
were directed to take a south -south- west course, and passed 
between eight islands partly inhabited, partly uninhabited, 
which formed a kind of street. These were named Cheava, 

' ThtE receipt was recently attributeil, in some ue^'iipai>ur puraipiiplj, 
to the Battos of Sumatra, 1»74. 

' Cape fieiiuinii is the most norlheni cnpv of the ielaud, and hiis i-till 
the Eamu naiiii-. Note. Milau I'ditiou. 



Caviao, Cftbiao Camanuca, CabalazaOj Cheai, Lipan, and 
Nuza. At the end of these we reached an island whicli 
was very beautiful, uamed Sanghir.^ But having a con- 
trary wind, which did uot allow us to double the cape, we 
tacked about backwards and fonvards near it. 

On this occasion, profiting by the darkness of the night, 
one of the pilots whum we had caught at Saraugani, and 
with him the brother of the king of Mindanao with his little 
soUj escaped by swimming and reached that island ; but we 
learned later that the son not being able to hold on well to 
his father's shoulders, was drowned. 

Seeing that it was impossiblo to double the head of this 
island we passed below it, where wc saw many small islands. 
This large island has four kings whose names are Raja 
Matandatu, Raja Laga, Raja Bapti, and Rsja Parabu. 
These are Gentiles. It is in 3° 30' N. latitude and twenty- 
seven leagues from Saraugani. 

Continuing our course in the same direction we passed 
near five islands named Cheoma, Carachita, Pare, Zangalura, 
and Cian.' This last is ten leagues distant from Sanghir. 
In this island thero is a rather high mountain, but not one 
of great extent. Its king is named Rnja Ponto. We came 
next to the island Paghinzara,^ which has three high moun- 
tains, and in it tho king is Raja Babintan. We saw at 
twelve leagaes to the east of Paghinzara another island. 

' The islauda liere UK'ntiuaed bcIoiiK tg that group in which luodern 
gpogniphera reckon Knrnrotsn, Liuop, anil Cabrocana ; afUsr which is 
fouiiit Sanghir. the beautifnl island of the author : othen Dome it San- 
guil. lliis island htm lunnj iaiuts to the S.W., which Pigafetta niciitiona 
\Mer, CAbiu, Cabal tUBU. Limpoiig, and Nubbu, arc mentioned iu tho 
list of iHlnnds which in lii^'i belonged to the King of Ternnte. Note, 
Milan edition. 

) In the list of ielnnds belonging to Ibu King of Tematv, arc found 
Karkitung. Parn. Simgaluhan, Siuu. 

' I'ungituUB. I'ltbut, aud Maliouo, are in Thi' above luotvd IIeI. 

Talant, and alao two inlands, not large but inlmbitod, calk-d 
Zoar and Mean. 

Wednesday, the 6th of November, having passed beyond 
these two iBJauds, we discovered fonr other rather high 
islands at a distance of fourteen leagnes towards the eaat. 
The pilot who had remained with us told us those were the 
Maluco islands, for which we gave thanks to God, and to 
comfort ourselves we discharged all our artillery. It need 
not cause wonder that we were so much rejoiced, einco we 
had passed twenty-seven months less two days always in 
search of Maluco, wandering for that object among the 
immense number of islands. But I must say that near all 
these islands the least depth that we found was one huudred 
fathoms, for which reason attention is not to he given to all 
that the Portuguese have spread, according to whom the 
islands of Maluco are situated in seas which cannot be 
navigated on account of the shoals, and t^e dark and fogg^ 

Friday, the 8th November of 1621, three hours before 
snnsot, we entered a port of the island called Tadore,' and 
having gone near the shore, we cast anchor in twenty 
fathoms, and discharged all our artillery. Next day tbo 
king came to the ships in a prahu, and went round theui. 
We went to meet him with a boat to show him honour, and 
he made ns enter his prahu, and sit near him. He was 
sitting under a silk umbrella, which sheltere<l him. In front 
of him was his son with the royal sceptre, there were also 
two men with gold vases to give him water lor his hands, 
and two others with gilt caskets full of betel. 

The king gave us a welcome, and said that a loug time 
buck he hud dreamed that some ships wci-o coming to 
Maluco from distant countries, and that to assui-o himself 
with respect to this, ho had examined iho moou, and he had 
seen that they were really coming, and that indeed they 
' Tuhrv. 



were oar ships. After that he came on board our ships, 
and we all kissed his hand : we then conducted him to the 
poop, but he, in order to avoid stooping, would not enter 
the cabin except by the upper opening. Wo made him sit 
down on a chair of red velvet, and placed on him a Turkish 
robe of yellow velvet. In order to do him more honour we 
aat down before him on the ground. When ho had heard 
who we were, and what was the object of our voyage, he said 
that he and nil his people were well content to be the most 
faithful friends and vassals of the King of Spain ; that he 
received ua in this island as his own sons ; that we might 
go on shore and remain there as in our own houses ; and 
that his island for the fiitnro should not be named Tadore, 
but Castile, in proof of the great love he bore to the king 
our master. Then we presented to him the chair on which 
he aat, and the rube which we had put on him, a piece of 
fine linen, funr ells of scarlet cloth, a robe of brocade, a 
cloth of yellow damask, a piece of the whitest Carabay 
linen, two caps, six strings of glass beads, twelve knives, 
three large mirrors, six scissors, six combs, some gilt 
goblets, and other things. We gave to his son an Indian 
cloth of gold and silk, a large mirror, a cap and two knives. 
To each of the nine chief men of his suite we made a present 
of a piece of silk, a cap and two knives ; and to many 
others of his suite wc made a present, to one of a cap, to 
another of a knife, until the king told us not to give any 
more presents. He then said that he had got nothing 
worthy to be sent us a present to our king, unless he sent 
himself, now that he considered him as his lord. He invited 
us to come closer to the city, and if any one attempted to 
come on board the ships at night, he told us to fire upon 
him with our guns. He came out of the stern cabin by the 
same way by which he had entered it, without ever bending 
his head. At his departure we bred all the cannon. 

This king is a Moor, of ahout forty-five years of age. 




ol a handBome prespnco. He is a 
His drcRS consisted of a shirt of 

rather well mailo, and 
very great astrologer, 
very fine white stnfT, with the ends of the sleeves em- 
broidered with gold, and a wrapper which came down from 
his waist almost to the ground. He was barefooted ; round 
his head he had a silk veil, and over that a garland of Sowers. 
He is named Raja Sultan Manzor. 

On the 10th of November — a Sunday — we had another 
conversation with the king, who wished to know how long 
a time we had been absent from Spain, and what pay and 
what rations the Icing gave to each of us ; and we told him 
all this. He asked us for a signature of the king and a 
royal standard, since be desired that both his island of 
Tttdore, and also that of Tarenate (where he intended to 
have his nephew named Calanogapi, crowned king) should 
become subject to the King of Spain, for whose honour he 
would fight to the death ; and if it should happen that he 
should be compelled to give way, he would take refuge in 
Spain with all his family, in a now junk which he was having 
constructed, and would take with him the royal Bignatnre 
and standard. 

He begged us to leave with him some of our men, who 
would always keep alive his recollection of us and of our 
king, as he would more esteem having some of lis with him 
than our merchandise, which would not last him a long time. 
Seeing our eagerness to tako cloves on board, he said that 
for that purpose he would go to an island called Bachian, 
where he hoped to find as much of them as were wanted, 
since in his island there was not a quantity sufficient of dry 
cloves to load the two ships. On that day there wna no 
traffic because it was Sunday. The holidny of these people 
is on Friday. 

It may please yonr illustrious lordship to have some 
description of the islands where the cloves grow. Thoy 
are five — Tarenate, Tador, Mutir, Machian, and Bachian, 



Taronate is tlie principal island. Its king) whilst he lived, 
had almost entire dominion over the other four. Tadore, 
the island in which we were, has its own king. Mutir and 
Machian have no king, but are governed by tho people ; and 
when the kings of Tarenate and Tidoro aro at war, they 
furnish them with combatants. Tho last is Bachian, and 
it has a king. All this province in which the cloves grow 
is culled Maluco. 

When we arrived here, eight months had not elapsed 
since a certain Portnguese, Francisco Serrano, had died in 
Tarenate. He was captain-general of the King of Tarenate 
when he was making war on the King of Tadore ; and he 
acted so strenuously that this king was compelled to give 
his daughter in marriage to the King of Tarenate, who 
also received as hostages almost all the sons of the chief 
men of Tadore. Peace was then made, and from that 
daughter was born tie nephew Calanopagi, of whom I have 
spoken. 13ut the King of Tadore never forgave Sermno 
in his heart; and he having come several years later to 
Tadore to traffic in cloves, the king had him poisoned with 
some betel leaves, so that he snrvived hardly four days. 
The King of Tarenate wished to have him buried according 
to their own nsnge, but three Christian servants that 
SiTrano had with him did not consent to it. In dying ho 
left a little son and a little girl that ho had of a lady ho 
had taken in Java major, and two hundred bahars of cloves. 

I'ranciseo Serrano was a great friend and a relation of our 
unfortunate captain-general, and he it was who induced him 
to undertake that voyage, for when Magellan was at Malacca, 
he had several times learned by letters from Serrano that he 
was here. Therefore, when D, Manuel, King of Portugal, 
refused to increase his pension by a single testoon' per 
mouth, an increase which he thought he had well deserved, 
ho came to Spain and made the proposal to his Sacred Ma- 
■ A toetooii WW worth Lalf a ducat, NoU', AliUn i-ditiaii. 


jesty to come here by way of the west, and he obtained all 
that, he asked for. 

Ten days after the death of Serrano, theKingof TapenatCj 
namod Raja AbiileJs,' drove out from his kingdom his son- 
in-law the King of Bachian, whoso wife, the daughter of the 
King of Tareuatt, came to Tarenate under the pretext of 
concluding peace, and gave him (her father) such a poison 
that he only survived two days, and dying left nine sons, 
whose names were told to me as follows : Chochili'^-Momuli, 
Jadore Vunghi, Chechilideroix, Cilimanzur, Cilipagi, Chia- 
linchechilin, Cataravajecu, Serich, and Calanopagi. 

Monday, the 1 1th of November, Chechilideroix, one of the 
above-mentioned sons of the King of Tarenate, came with 
two prahns to the ships sounding drums : he was dressed in 
red velvet. We learned tiiat he had near him the widow 
and Bona of Francisco Sorrano. When wc knew him, being 
aware that he was an enemy of the King of Tadore, we sent 
to ask him whether we might receive him in the ships, 
which, as we were in his port, we would not do without his 
consent. The king sent us word to do whatever we pleased. 
But meantime Chechilideroix, seeing our hesitation, had 
some suspicion, and moved further off from the ships. We 
then went to him in a boat, and made him a present of an 
Indian cloth of gold and silk, with some looking-glasses, 
kuivcM, scissors, etc. ; these things he accepted but disdain- 
fully, and soon after departed. He had with him an Indian 
who had become a Christian, named Manuel, the servant of a 
certain Pedro Aifouzo de Lorosa, a Portuguese, wlio, after 
the death of Serrano, had como from Bandan to Tarenate. 
Manuel being able to spe.ik Portugaesc, c.imo on board the 
afaips, and told us that aitbougb the sons of the King of 
Tarenate were enemies to the King of Tadore, yet they were 

When tho Fortugucse, Brito, was seut to govern the Moluccas in 
1I>11, tliis Rnja Abuk'is lived, and he names him Raja Beglif. Note, 
Milan ciiition. • " Chechil" or '' Cachil", a title. 

f tidore's \ 


disposed towards the servico of Spain, Then, by meaDB of 
him, we wrote to De Lorosa to come to onr ships mthont 
any suspicion or fear. 

These kings have as many ladies as they please, but one 
only is the principal wife, and all the others are subject to 
her. The King of Tadora had a largo house outside the city, 
where there were two hundred of the ladies ho was most 
fond of, and as many itiore to serve them. The king cats 
alone, or with his principal wife, on a kind of raised dais, 
from which he can see all the others :iitting ronnd, and he 
decides upon the one who moat pleases hira to come to him. 
When the king's dinner is finished, the ladies all eat together 
if he permits it, or else each one goes to eat in her own room. 
No one without special permission from tho king can see 
those ladies, and if anybody by day or by night were found 
near their house he would be killed immediately. Each 
family is bound to give one or two daughters to the king. 
Bajah Sultan Manzonr had twenty-six children, of whom 
eight were boys and eighteen girls. In the island of Tadore 
there is a kind of bishop, and the one that was there in our 
time had forty ladies and very many children. 

On Tuesdayj the 12th of November, the king had a hou?e 
built in the city for our merchandise, and it waa built in ono 
day. Thither we carried all that we had to barter, and placed 
it in tho custody of three of our men, and the trade began at 
once. It was carried out in this manner. For ten ells of red 
cloth of pretty good quality thoy gave a bahar of cloves. A 
bahar is four quintals' and six pounds. For Sfteen ella of 
middling quality a bahar, for fifteen hatchets a babar, for 
thirty-five glass cups a bahar ; and the king in this manner 
had from us almost all our goblota : for seventeen cathils of 
cinnabar a bahar ; the same for as much quicksilver. For 
twenty-six ells of common liuen a bahar, and the same for 
twenty-five ells of finer linen ; for a hundred and fifty knives 
< A bi 1 n(l red w fight. 


R baLar ; for fifty scisaors a baliar ; for forty caps a l»har ; 
for ten Guzerat cloths a bahar; for three of their cymbals 
two bahars : for a quintal of bronze a buhar. Almost all 
our mirrors were broken, and the few that rernaineil entire 
the king wished to have. Many of the above-mentioned 
goods had been obtained by us by the capture of the junks, 
which I have related ; and the haste we were in to retam to 
Spain caused ua to sell our goods at a lower price than we 
should have done had we not been in a Lurry, 

Every day there came to the ships many boats laden with 
goats, fowls, plantains, cocoanuts, and other victnals, that 
it was a wonder to see. We supplied the ships with good 
water taken from a spring whence it issued hot, but if it re- 
mains only one hour in the open air it becomes very cold. 
They say that it comes out like that because it issues from 
the mountain of the cloves. It may bo seen from this how 
those lied who said that frosh water had to be brought to 
Maluco from distant countries. 

The next day the king sent hia son named Mossahap to 
the island of the Mutir for cloves with which to freight our 
ships. We had spoken to the king that day of some Indians 
wliom we had captured, and he entreated us to make a pre- 
sent of tbem to him, as he had the intention of sending tliem 
back to their native country, accompanied by five men of 
Tadore, who, on restoring them to their (muntry, would praise 
and commend the King of Spain and make a good name 
for the Spaniards. Wo gave him the three ladies whom we 
had destined for the queen, as has been eaid above, and all 
the men except those of Bura^ : he very much appreciated 
this gift. 

The king then asked another favour — that was, that we 
should kill all the pigs we bad on board, for which he would 
give an ample compenantion in fowls and goats. We gave 
him satisfaction in this, cutting their throats and hanging 
them up under the deck, so that the Moors should not have 


t to see thorn, since if by accident they aeo any pig 
rered their faces not to see it or perceive ita smell. 
^e evcninfi; of the same day Pedro Alfonso,' the Portu- 
guese, came in a prahu, but before he came on board the 
ghips the king sent to call him, and said to him, that although 
he belonged to Tarenate he should take good care not to 
answer falsely to the questions we were going to ask him. 
He indeed, afler coming on board, told us that he had coma 
to India sixteen years ago, and of these years he had passed 
ten in Maluco ; and it was just ten years since those islands 
had been discovered by the Portuguese, who kept the dis- 
covery secret from ns. He then related to us that a year, less 
fifteen days, had elapsed since a large ship had come hither 
proceeding from Malacca, and had gone away laden with 
cloves ; but thatj on account of the bad weather, she bad 
been obliged to remain some mouths at Bandam. He added 
that her captain was Tristan de Menesos, a Portuguese, from 
whom, on asking what news there was in Europe, he had 
heard that a squadron of live ships had sailed from Seville to 
discover Maluco in the name of the King of Spain, and that 
the captain of this squadron was Ferdinand Magellan, a Por- 
tuguese, for which reason the King of Portugal, being angry 
that a subject of bis should attempt to do a thing so opposed 
to him, bad sent some ships to the cape of Good Hope, and 
others to the Cape Sta. Maria,' where the cannibals are, to 
impede their passage, but they had not fallen in with them. 
Having learned later that Magellan had passed by another 
sea, and was making for Maluco by way of the west, he had 
written to his Captain-Major of the Indies, named Diogo 
Lopez de Soqneira, to send six ships to Maluco against the 
Spanish squadron. But the captain -major, having at that 
tame received information that the Grand Turk was planning 
ui expedition against Malacca, was obliged to send against 

' Pedro Alfonso dv I^rosa. 

' The northeon cape st tlie mouth of the Rio do la Plata. 


him sixty sail to tho Straits of Mekltah, in the conntry of 
Jidflali, where, however, they only found a few galleys which 
bad grounded noiir the bcautifu] and strong city of Aden, and 
they set fire to them. 

This enterprise, added De Lorosa, had prevented the 
cnptain-mnjor from immediately sending an espodition 
against Magellan ; but a. little later he 'had sent to Malnoo 
u great galloon with two rows of cannon, commanded by 
Francisco Faria, a Portuguese : but neither did tbia one 
come, for on account of the aboals and currents which are 
near Malacca, and the contrary winds, it was unable to pasa 
that promontory, and was compelled to tnm back. 

He also related that a few days before a caravel with two 
junks had come to these parts to get news of us. The junks 
had sailed to Bachian to load cloves, with seven Portuguese 
on board. These men, who did not respect the wives of the 
inhabitants, nor even those of the king, notwithstanding the 
warning they had received from the king himself, were all 
kiilod. Tho men of the caravel, on hearing of this, returned 
in haste to Malacca, abandoning the junks with four hundred 
bahars of cloves and as much merchandise as would have 
purchased another hundred bahars. Ho also related that 
every year many junks go from Malacca to Bandan to buy 
mace and nutmeg, and go thence to Maluco to purchase 
clovos. They mako the voyage from Bandan to Maluco in 
three days, and employ fifteen in the voyage from Bandan to 
Malacca. He said, lastly, that since ten years back the King 
of Portugal had derived great profit from these islands, and 
-^ he took especial care to keep these countries concealed from 
and unknown to tho Spaniards. He related many other simi- 
lar things, passing several hours in conversation with us: 
and we said and did so much, offering him a large salary, that 
we made him determine on coming with us to Spain. 

Friday, the 15th of November, the king told ns that 
he thought of going himself to Bachian to get the cloves 

which the Portngnose had loft there, and asked us for pre- 
Bcnl^^s to give to the two governors of Mutir in the name of 
the King of Spain. Moaawhile, having come cloHe to our 
ships, he wished to see how we shotwith the cross-bow, with 
guns, and with a swivel gun, which is a weapon larger than 
an arquebuse. He himself fired three times with a cross- 
bow, but he did not cure to fire with a gun. 

Opposite Todore there is another very lai^e island, called 
Giailolo', and it is so large that n prahu can with difficulty 
go round it iu four months. It is inhabited by Moors and 
Gentiles. The Moora have two kings, one of whom, accord- 
ing to what the King of Tadore related to us, lias had six 
hundred children, and tho other has had five hundred and 
twonty-five. The Gentiles have not got so many women 
as the Moors, and are less enperstitious. The first thing 
they meet in the morning when they go out of their houses is 
the object which they worship throughout that day. The 
king of these Gentiles is named Riijah Papua. He is very 
rich in gold, and inhabits the interior of the island. There 
grow here among the rocks bamboos as thick as a man's leg, 
full of water, which is very good to drink. We purchased 
many of them. 

On Saturday the Moorish King of Giailolo came to the 
ships with many pmhus, and wc made him a present of a 
green damask robe, two ells of red cloth, some looking- 
glasses, scissors, knives, combs, and two gilt goblets, which 
things pleased him very much, and he said to us that, as we 
were friends of the King of Tadore, we were also his friends, 
since he loved that king like one of his own sons. He in* 
vited us to come to his country, promising to do us great 
honour. This king is powerful, and held in sufficient respect 
throughout all these islands. He is very old, and his name 
is Raja JuSEU. 

Snndtty morning this same king came on board the ships 
' Gilolo. 


and wished to seo how wo fought, and bow we discharged 
tho bombards, at which ho was greatly pleased, for in hia 
j-OKth he had been a great warrior. 

The same day I went on shore to see how the cloves grow, 
and this is what I observed. The tree from which they are 
gathered is high, and its trunk is as thick as a man's body, 
more or less, according to the ago of the plant. Its branches 
spread out somewhat in the middle of the tree, but near the 
top they form a pyramid. The bark is of an olive colour, 
and tho leaves very hke those of the laurel. The cloves 
grow at the end of tittlo branches in bunches of ten or 
twenty. Theao trees always bear more fruit on one side 
than on the other, according to the seasons. The cloves are 
white when they first sprout, they get red as thoy ripen, and 
blacken when dry. They aro gathered twice in the year, 
once about Christmas and the other time about St. John's 
day, when the air in these countries is milder, and it is still 
more 80 in Deoember. When the year is rather hot, and 
there is little rain, they gather in each of these islands from 
three to fonr hundred bahara of cloves. Tho clove tree does 
not live except in the mountains, and if it is transferred to 
the plain it dies there.' The leaf, the bark, and the wood, 
as long as they aro green, have the strength and fragrance 
of the fruit itself. If those are not gathered when just ripe 
they get so largo and hard that nothing of them remains 
good except the rind. It is said that the mist renders them 
perfect, and indeed we saw almost every day a mist descend 
and surround one or other of the above-mentioned moun- 
tains. Among those people everyone possesses some of 
these trees, and each man watches over his own trees and 
gathers their fruit, but does not do any work round them to 
cultivate them. This tree does not grow except in the five 
mountains of the five Maluco islands. There are, however, a 

' The Dutch obacrved later that this does not happen. Not«, Milan 


few trees to (liallolo and in a smul) islaail Ijotwecii Tadore 
and Mutir uamed Mare, but tbey are not good. 

Tbere are in this island of Giailolo some trees of nutmegs. 
Tlieae are like our walnuts, and the leaves also are similar. 
The natmeg, when gatLered, is liko the quince in furm and 
colour, and the down which coyors it, but it is smaller. The 
outside rind is as thick as the green riud of our walnuts, 
beneath which is a thin web, or rather cartilage, under 
which ia the mace, of a very bright red, which covers and 
surrounds the rind of the nuts, inside which is the nutmeg 
properly so called. 

There also grows in Tadore the' ginger, which we used to 
ent green, instead of bread. Ginger ia not a tree, but a 
shrnb, which sends ont of the earth shoots a span long liko 
the shoots of cnnes, which they also resemble in the shape of 
the leaves, only those of the ginger are narixiwer. The shoots 
are good for nothing; that which makes ginger is the root. 
When greei), it is not so strong as when it is dry, and to 
dry it they use lime, or else it would not keep. 

The houses of these people are built like those already 
described, but are not so high above the ground, and are 
surrounded with canes after the fashion of a hodge. The 
women here are ngly, and go naked like the others, having 
only their middles covered with cloth made of bark. The men 
also are naked, and notwithstanding that their women are 
ugly, they are exceed i ngly jealous ; and amongst other things 
which displeased them, was that we came ashore without 
cloaks,' because they imagined that might cause temptation 
to their wives. Both men and women always go barefoot 

Sinco I have spoken of cloth, 1 will relate how they make 
it. They take a piece of bark and leave it in water until it 
has grown soft ; they then beat it with wooden ciuba to 
extend it in length and breadth, as much as they please; 

' Thia nters U> the dress of lueu at arms of the period, which was 
not deoent, 


thus it becomes like a veil of raw silk with filaments enlaced 
within it, so that it appears as if it was woven. 

1'heir bread is made with the wood of a tree like a palm 
treo, and they make it in this way. They take a piece of this 
wood, and extract from it certain long black tlioms ' which are 
situated there ; then they pound it, and make bread of it 
which they call aagn. They make provisions of this bread 
for their sea voyages. 

Every day there came from Tarennte many boats laden 
with cloves, but we, because we were waiting for the king, 
would not traffic for those goods, but only for victuals : and 
the men of Tarenate complained much of this. 

On Sunday night, the 24th of November, the king 
ai-iived, and on entering the port had his drums sounded, 
and passed between our ships. We fired many bombards 
to do him bonoav. He told us tliat for four days we should 
be continually supplied with cloves. 

In effect, on Monday ho sent seven hundred and ninety 
ono catils, without taking tare. To take tare means to 
take spice for less than what it weighs, and the reason of 
this is becaose when they are fresh, every day they diminish 
in weight. As these were the first cloves which we took 
on board, and»the principal object of our voyage, we fired 
our bombards for joy. Cloves are called Gomude in t&ia 
place ; in Sarangani where we took the two pilots they are 
called Bonglanan, and in Malacca Chlanche? 

Tuesday the 26th November the King came to tell na 
that for us he hud done what a King never cioes here, that 
was to leave his own island ; but ho had gone to show the 
afl'ection he had for the King of Castile, and because when 
we had got our cargo, we coald sooner return to Spain, and 
afterwards return with grcator forces to avenge the death 

' Fcrlukpa these ure what Die Malaya ubi 
' Chingkfi, Ctuaese for "odoroiu nuk". 

for p 


of his father, who had been killed in an island called Bnm, 
and hia body had been thrown into the sea. 

He afterwards added that it was the cuatom in Tadore, 
when the first cloves were embarked in a vessel, or in 
junks, that the king gave a feast to their crews and mer< 
chants, and they made prayers to God to bring them in 
safety to their port. He wished to do the same for ua, and 
at the same time the feast would serve for the King of 
Eachian, who was coming with a brother of his to pay him 
a visit, and on that account he had the streets cleaned. 
Hearing this, some of us began to suspect some treachery ; 
all the more because we learned that, not long before, three 
Portuguese of the companions of Francisco Serrano had 
been assassinated at the place whore we got water, by some 
of the islanders concealed in the thickL-ts ; also we often saw 
them whispering with the Indians whom wo had made 
prisoners. Therefore, although some of us were incliuod 
to accept the invitation, we concluded not to betake our- 
selves thither, recollecting the unfortunate feast given to 
our men in the island of Znbu, and we decided on a speedy 

Meantime a message was sent to the king to thank him, 
and to ask him to corne soon to the ships, where we would 
deliver to him the four men wo had promised him, with 
the goods which wo had destined for him. Tlie King came 
soon, and on entering the ship, as though he had observed 
that we had doubts, said that he entered with as much 
oonfidcnce and security as into his own house. lie made 
us feel how much he was displeased by our nnexpccted 
haste to depart, since ships used to employ thirty daya 
in taking in their cargo ; and that if he had made a journey 
out of the island, he certainly had not done it to injure 
ns but to assist us, so that we might more speedily ob- 
tain the cloves which we required, and a part of which 
wo were still expecting. Ho added that it was not thon 


a fit season for navigating in those seas, on account of the 
inauy shoals near Bandan, and besides it would be a 
likely thing that we should fall in with some Portuguese 
ships. When, in spite of what he had said, he saw we 
were still determined on going away, he said that we mast 
take back all that we had given him, since the Kings, 
his neighbours, would consider him as a roan without 
reputation for rooeivJng so many presents in the name of 
HO great a king as the King of Spain, and he had given 
nothing in return, and perhaps they would suspect that 
tho Spaniards had gone away in such haste for fear of 
some treachery, so that they would fix upon him tho name 
of traitor. Then, in order that no suspicion might remain 
in our minds of his honesty and good faith, he ordered 
his Koran to be brought, and kissing it devoutly he placed 
, it four or five times on hia hend whilst whispering certain 
words to himself, with a rito which they call Zambehan,' 
and he said in the presence of us all, that he swore by 
Allah and by the Koran, which he held in his hand, that 
he would ever be faithful and a friend to the King of 
Spain. Ho said all this almost weeping and with so great 
an appearance of sincerity and cordiality, that we promised 
to prolong our sojourn at Tadore for another fortnight. 
We then gave him the Hoyal signature and standard. 
We learned later, by a sure and certain channel, that 
some of the chiefs of those islands had indeed counseiled 
him to kill all of us, by which thing he would have acquired 
for himself great merit with the Portuguese, who would 
have given him good assistance to avenge himself on the 
King of Bachian, but he, loyal and constant to the King 
of Spain, with whom ho had sworn a peace, had answered 
that he would never do such an act on any account what- 

Weduusday, the 27th November, the king issued a pro- 
' "Subkan", or giving praiK. 


clumation that whoever hod cloves might freely sell them 
to us. For which rooson all that and the foiiowing day, 
we bought cloves like mad.' 

Friday, in the aftumoon, the goTemor of Machian came 
with many prahua, but he would not come on shore, 
because his father and bis brother, who had been banished 
from Machian, had taken refuge here. 

The following day the King of Tadore, with hia nephew, 
the governor, named Uumai, a man of twenty-five years of 
age, came on board the ships, and the king, on hearing 
that we had no more cloth, sent to fetch from his house six 
ells of red cloth, and gave them to ns in order that we 
might, by adding other objects, make a 6tting present to 
the governor. We made him the present, and he thanked 
us much, and said that soon he would send us plenty of 
cloves. At his departure from the ship we dred several 

Sanday the 1st day of December, the above-mentioned 
governor departed from Tadore ; and we were told that the 
king had made him a present of some silk cloths and drums, 
for him to send us the cloves sooner. On Monday, the king 
himself went again out of the island for the some object. 
Wednoaday morning, as it was the day of Ht. Barbara,' 
and on account of the King's arrival all the artillery was 
discharged. The king came to the beach to see how we 
fired rockets and fire balls, and took great pleasure in them. 

Thurday and Friday we purchased a good many cloves 
both in the city and at the ships at a tnnch lower price, aa 
the time of our departure grew nearer. For four elU of 
riband' they gave a bahar of cloves, for two little chains of 

' S. Bub&ra is the patroiicai o( powder nmgiwinea. whioii on hoard 
Freneh ahipe are cuiivA Saint* Barbe. 

• "FriiBUi," " naan." or "scUuceia." "ribion." m bo tailed now in 
Genocae. Note, Milan edition. 


brass which were worth a marrello,' they gave ns a 
htmdred pounds ; and at last each man being dosiroas of 
baring his portion of the cargo, and as tbera were no more 
goods to give in exchange for cloves, one gave his cloak, 
another bis coat, and another a shirt or other clothes to 
obtain them. 

On Saturday three sons of the King of Tarenate, with 
their wives, who were daoghtere of onr King of Tadore, 
and afterwards Pedro Alfonso, the Portuguese, came to 
the ships. We gave a gilt glass goblet to each of the 
brothers, and to the three, wives scissors and other 
things; and when they went away we fired several bom- 
bards in their honour. We afterwards sent on shore a 
present of several things to the widow of the King of 
Tarenate, daughter of the King Tadore, who had not ven- 
tured to come on board the ships. 

Sunday the 8th December, we fired many bombards, 
rockets, and fireballs to celebrate the Conception of our 
Lady. Monday in the afternoon, the King came to the 
ships with three women who carried his betel. It is to bo 
observed that no one can take women about with him 
except the king. Afterwards the King of Oiailolo came 
to see again our gun exercise. 

Some days later, as the day of our departure grew near, 
the king showed n3 a sincere atTection, and among other 
obliging things, said to us that it seemed to him that ho 
was a sucking child whom its mother was about to Icavo, 
and that he remained disconsolate all the more now that he 
had become acquainted with us and liked several things 
of Spain, for which reason he entreated us not to delay our 
return thence to Tadore. Meantime, he begged us to leave 

' Marcello, a coiu struck at Veuioe by the Doge Nicolb Marcello iu 
1473, of silver, weigliiiig as uiucb aa a suqu'tn, and vrorth ubout siipciice. 
Not«, Uilan edition. 



hira some of our swivel ^una' for hi3 own defence. He 
wnmed as at the same time not to navigate except by day- 
light, on account of the shoals and reefs which exist in 
these seas ; hot we answered him that because of onr need 
to arrive in Spain as soon as possible, we were obliged to 
navigate night and day : he then added that, being unable 
to do anything else, he would pray God every day to bring 
ua home in safety. 

During this time Pedro Alfonso de Lorosa had come to 
the ships with his wife and property to return with us. 
Two days after, Kcchilideroix, son of the King of Tarenate, 
came with a praha well filled with men, and approaching 
the ships requested Lorosa to corae into his prahu ; but 
Lorosa, who suspected him, refused to do so, and told him 
ho had determined on going away with those ships to 
Spain. For the same suspicion he advised us not to 
receive him in the ships; and we did not choose that he 
should come on board when he asked to do so. It wus 
known later that Kechili was a great friend of the Portu- 
gaese captain of Malacca, and had the intention of seiz- 
ing Lorosa and of conducting him thither; and on that 
acconnt he severely reprimanded those persons with whom 
this Portuguese lived, for having let him depart Tvithout 

The king had informed us that the King of Bachian 
would soon arrive, with a brother of his who was going to 
marry one of his daughters, end hod asked us to do him 
honour by firing bombards on his arrival. He arrived on 
Sunday the 15th of December, in the afternoon, and we 
did him honour as tho king hud desired ; wo did not, how- 
ever, discharge the heavier cnanon, as we were heavily 
laden. The king and his brother came in a prahu with 
three banks of rowers on each side, a hundi-cd and twenty 
in number. The prahii was adorned with many streamers 
made of white, yellow and red parrot's feathers They were 


sonnding many cymbals, and that sound Ber\'ed to give the 
measure to the rowers to keep time. In two other pi-ahus 
were the damsels who were to be presented to the bride. 
They returned ns the salute by going round the ships and 
round the port. 

As it is the custom that no king disembarks on the land 
of another king, the King of Tadore came to visit him of 
Bachian in his own prahu: this one, seeing the other 
coming, rose from the carpet on which he was sitting, and 
placed himself on one side to make way for the king of 
the countiy ; but he, out of ceremony, would not sit on 
the carpet, but sait on the other side of it, leaving the 
carpet between them. Then the King of Bachian gave to 
him of Tadore five hundred palot, as if in payment of the 
daughter he was giving as a wife to his brother. Patole are 
cloths of gold and silk worked in China, and are very much 
prized in these islands. Each of these cloths is paid for 
with three bahars of cloves more or less, according as they 
are moi-e or less rich in gold and embi-oidery. Whenever 
one of the chief men die, his relations put on these cloths 
to do him honour. 

Monday, the King of Tadore sent a dinner to the king 
of Bachian, carried by filty women clothed with silk 
from their waists to their knees. They went two and two 
with a man between in the midat of them. Each one car- 
ried a large dish upon which were small dishes with various 
viands; ten of the oldest of these women were the mace-bear- 
ers. They proceeded in this WHy to the prahu, and presented 
everything to the king who was sitting on a carpet under 
a red and yellow canopy. As they were returning, they 
caught some of onr men who had come out of curiosity 
and who were obliged to make them presents of some trifle 
to get free. After that the king sent also to us a present 
of goats, cocoanuts, wine, and other things. 

This day we bent on the ships new sails, npon which was 



tlie cross of St. Jaraea, of Gallicia, with letters wliich 
said : " This ia the figure of our good fortune." 

Tuesday, we preseated to the king aorae pieces of artil- 
lery ; that is some arquebuses which we had taken as 
prizes in tho Indies, and some of our swivel-guns with four 
barrels of powder. We took on board each ship eighty 
barrels of water. Wood we were to find at the island 
of Mare, where the king had already five days ago sent 
a hundred men to prepare it, and near which we were to pass. 

Thia day, the King of Bachian, with the consent of the 
fCing of Tailore, came on shore, preceded by four men 
holding up daggers in their hands, to make alliance with 
ns : he said, in the presence of the King of Tadore and of 
all his suite, that he would always be ready for the service 
of the King of Spain, that he would keep in his name the 
cloves left in his island by the Portuguese, until another 
Spanish squadron arrived there, and bo would not give 
them up without his consent. He sent through us to the 
King of Spain a present of a stave and two bahars of 
uloves. He would have wished to have sent ten bshara, 
but our ships wero so heavily laden, that we could not 
receive any more. 

He also gave ns for the King of Spain two most beautiful 
dead birds. 'ITiese birds are as large as thrushes j tbey 
have small heads, long beaks, legs slender bke a writing 
pen, and a span in length ; thpy have no wings, but instead 
of them long feathers of different colonrs, like plumes : 
their tail is like that of the thrush. All the feathers, except 
those of the wings, are of a dark colour ; they never fly, 
except whon the wind blows. They told ns that these 
birds come from the terrestrial Paradise, and they call them 
" bolon dinata" that is divino birds. 

The King of Bachian was a man of about seventy years 
of aga Not only did tho King of Bachian recognise 
the King of Spain as his Sovereign j but every king of 


MalDCO wrote to him tbat he desired always to be his faithfiiT 

One day the King of Tadore sent to tell onr men, who 
dwelt in the magazine for the merchandise, that they should 
take care not to go out of the house by night, since there 
were certain men, natives of the country, who by anointing 
themselves, walk by night in the shape of men without 
heads : and if they meet anyone to whom they wish ill, they 
toach his hand and anoint his palm, and that ointment 
causes him soon to grow ill, and die at the end of three or 
four days. But if they meet three or four persona together 
they do not touch them, but make them giddy. He added 
that he had a watch kept to discover them, and he had 
already had several executed. 

When they build a new house, before going to inhabit 
it, they make a fire round it, and give many feasts there. 
Then they fasten to the roof of the house a pattern or 
sample of everything that is to be found in the island, 
persuaded that by that means none of those things will be 
ever wanting to whoever inhabits the house. 

Wednesday morning everything was prepared for our 
departure from Maluco, The Kings of Tadore, of Giailolo, 
and of Bachian, and a son of the King of Tarenate had come 
to accompany us as far as the island of Mure. The ship 
" Victoria" made sail and stood out a little, waiting for the 
ship " Trinity"; hut she had much difficulty in getting up 
r the anchor, and meanwhile tho sailors perceived that she 
was leaking vcrj' much in the hold. Then the "Victoria" 
returned to anchor in her former position. Thoy began to 
discharge the cargo of the "Trinity" to see if the leak 
could be stopped, for it was perceived that the water came 
in with force as through a pipe, hut we were never able to 
find out at what part it came in. All that day and the next 
we did nothing else but work at the pumps, but without 
any advantage. 


Hearing this, the King of Tadore came at once to the 
ships, and occnpied himself with us in searching for the 
leak. For this purpose he sent into the sea five of his men, 
who were accustomed to remain a long time under the 
water, and although they remained more than half-an-hour 
they could not find the fissure. As the water inside the 
ship continnaily increased, the king, who was as much 
affected by it as we were, and lamenting this misfortune, 
sent to the end of the island for throe other men, more 
skilful than the first at remaining under water. 

Be came with them early the next morning. These men 
dived under water with their hair loose, thinking that their 
hair, attracted by the water which penetrated into the ship, 
would indicate to them the leak, but though they remained 
more than an hour in the water, they did not find it. 
The king, seeing that there was no remedy for it, said with 
lamentation, " Who will go to Spain to take news of me to 
the king our lord ?" We answered him that the " Victoria" 
would go there, and would sail at once to take advantage 
of the east winds, which had already commenced. The 
"Trinity," meanwhile, would be refitted and would wait for 
the west winds and go to Darien, which is on the other 
side of the sea, iu the country of Diucatan.' The king 
approved our thoughts, and said that he had in his service 
two hundred and twenty-five carpenters who would do all 
the work under the direction of our men, and that those 
who should remain there would be treated as his own 
children, and he said this with so much emotion that he 
moved as all to tears. 

We, who were on board the " Victoria," fearing that she 
might open, on account of the heavy cargo and the long 
voyage, lightened her by discharging sixty hundred 
weight of cloves, which we had carried to the house where 
the crew of the "Trinity" were lodged. Some of onr own 
■ YncaUii. 


crew preferred to remftin at Maluco rather than go with 
iia to Spain, because they feared that the Bhip could 
not endure so long a voyage, and because, mindful of how 
much they had suffered, they feared to die of hunger in 

Saturday, the Slst December, day of St, Thomas the 
Apostle, the King of Tadore came to the ships anil brought 
iiB the two pilots, whom we had already paid, to conduct us 
out of these islands. They said that the weather was then 
good for sailing at once, but, having to wait for the letters 
of our companions who remained behind, and who wished 
to write to Spain, we could not sail till midday. Then the 
ships took leave of one another by a mutual discharge of 
bombards. Our men accompanied us for some distance 
with their boat, and then with tears and embraces we sepa- 
rated. Juan Carvalho remained at Tadore with fifty-three 
of our men ; we were forty-seven Europeans and thirteen 

The king's governor* came with us as far as the island 
of Mare : we had hardly arrived there when four prahua 
Indeu with wood came up, which in leas than an hour we 
got on board. We then took the south-west course. 

In all the above-mentioned islands of Maluco are to be 
found cloves, ginger, sagu, which is their bread made of 
wood, rice, cocoa-nuts, plantains, almonds larger than ours, 
sweet and bitter pomegranates, sugar-canes, oil of cocoa 
and of sesame, melons, cucumbers, pumpkins, comilicai,' 
which is a refreshing fruit the size of awatcr-melon, another 
fruit like a peach called guavo, and other eatable vegetables. 
They also have goats and fowls, honey produced by beea 
not larger than ants, which make their hives in trunks of 
trees. There are also parrots of many kinds, and amongst 
them there are wlute ones called Catara, and red ones called 

' Or mnuater. 

' A kind of AnoriBB. Note, Milan editiou. 



Nori, wbich are the most sought after, not ao much for the 
beacty of their plumage, as because they talk more clearly. 
One of these is sold for a bahar of cloves. 

It is hardly fifty years since the Moors conquered Maluco 
and dwelt there. Before that, these islands were inhabited 
only by GontUes, who did not care for the cloves. There 
are still some families of them who have taken refofi^ in 
the mountains, where the cloves grow. 

The island of Tadore is in deg, 27 min. North latitude, 
and 161 deg, west of the line of demarcation ;' it is 9 deg, 
80 min. distant from the first island of this arcliipelago, 
named Zamal, to the south-east and a quarter south. The 
island of Tarenate is in deg. 40 min. of N. latitude. 
Mntir is exactly under the equinoctial line. Machian is in 
deg. 15 min. S. latitude, and Bachian in 1 dog. of the 
same latitude. Tarenate, Tadore, Mutir, and Machian, 
are like four high and pointed mountains,* upon which the 
clove trees grow. Bachian is not visible from these four 
islands, bnt it is a larger island than any of those. Its 
clove mountain is not so high nor so pointed as those of 
the other islands, but it has a larger base. 

(Book IV of the Milan Edition.) 
Beturn from th£ Moluccas to Spaiv. 

Pursuing our voyage, after having taken in wood at the 
islet of Mare, we passed between the following islands : — ■ 
Caioan, Laigoma, Sico, Giogi, Cafi, Laboan,^ Tollman, 

' He longitude it wrong, kb usual. Not«, Milan edition. 

» The volcanoes of Temate and Machian, -whieb, caused nich havoc 
in the last century by their eiplonons, did not then emit flames or 
smoke, since Pigafetta would not have omitted to mention them. 

■ Lahoan. an islet considered now a« part of Bachian. Note, Milan 



Titameti, BachiaD, Latalata, Jabobi, Mata, and Batntiga. 
They tolil ua that in the island of Cafi the people were small 
and dwarfed like the Pigmiea ; they have been subjected by 
force by the King of Tadore. We passed ontside of Bata- 
tiga to the west, and we steered between west and south- 
west, and wo discovered some islets to the south, on which 
account the pilots of Maluco said it would be better to cast 
anchor so as not to drift at night among many islets and 
shoals. We, therefore, altered our course to south-east, and 
went to an island situated in 2 deg. S. latitude, and fifty- 
three leagues from Maluco. 

THis island is named Sulach ;' its inhabitants are Gentiles, 
and have not got a king. They eat buman flesh ; both men 
and women go naked, except a piece of the bark of a tree 
of two fingers' breath before their natural parts. There 
are many other islands around here inhabited by anthro- 
pophagi. These are the names of some of them : — Silan, 
Noaelao, Biga, Atulabaon, Leitimor, Tonetum.Gonda, KaiJa- 
ruru, Mandan and Benaia.' We left to the east the ialanda 
named Laiuatola and Tenetnm. 

Having run ten leagues from Sulacb in the same direction, 
we went to a rather large island named Burn, in which we 
found plenty of victuals, such as pigs, goats, fowls, sugar- 
canes, cocoa-nuts, sagn, a certain food of theirs made of bana- 
nas called kanali,and chiacare, which here they call Nanga." 
The chiacare are fruit like water-melons, but knotty on 

' "Xolla" of Robert's Atlas, and "Xoiila" of the Dutch. Not«, 
Milan edition. 

I Comparing this with what the author writes a little further on, there 
is another proof that ho took down the names of the ieUnds, and lud 
down their poaitious. as he thought he understood the pilots who spoka 
a langioage which he little understood. Ho here notes ten islanda, and 
he has drawn six without names to the North of Sulacb, where other 
geogntpbcTB also ky down a few islets ; but of tbeae ten, Tenetum 
Kalttitum, Mandan, aud Bensift, ore again named and drawn furtberon; 
sad Lejtimor is a psninsula attached to Amboina. Note, Milan edition. 
^ * The jiick fruit, collod Nanjjka throughout the Malay seas. 

iMBOINA. 149 

the ontside ; inside they have soms small red frait like 
plums, they have not got a stone in the middle, but instead 
of that have a certain pith like a white bean, but larger, 
they are tender to eat like cheBtnuts. We fonnd here ano- 
ther fruit which externally is like a pine cune, and it is 
yellow, but white inside; on cutting, it is something Uke 
a pear, bat much softer and better tasted. Here it ia called 
comilicai. The inhabitants of this island are Gentiles, and 
have no king : they go naked hke those of Sulach. The 
island of Bum is in 3 deg. 30 min. S. latitude, and seventy- 
five leagues from Malnco. 

To the east of this island, at a distance of ten leagues, 
there is another one larger, and which borders on Giailolo, 
and it is named Ambon.' It is inhabited by Moors and 
Gentiles, but the former are on the sea shore, and the 
others in the interior; these are also anthropophagi. The 
products of this island are the same as those of Bara^ 
Between Burn and Ambon, there are three islands sur- 
rounded by reefs named Vudia, Kailarnm and Ben&ia. To 
the south of Burn, at a distance of four leagues, ia another 
small island named Ambalao. 

At thirty-five leagues from Bnru, south and a quarter 
sontb-west, ia Bandon, with thirteen other islands. In six 
of them grow mace and nutmeg. Zoroboa ia the largest 
of them, Chelicel, Saniananpi, Pulai, Puluru, and Rasoghin, 
the other six are Unuveru, Pulanbaracan, Lailaca, Mamica, 
Mao, and Ment. In these ialands nutmegs are not found, 
but onlysogu, rice, cocoanuts, bananas, and other fruits, and 
they are near one another. The inhabitants of these are 
Moors, and have no king. Bandan is in 6 deg. of S. lati- 
tnde, and 1t)<{ deg. 30 min. longitude from the line of 
demarcation. As this island was a little out of uur course, 
we did not go to it, 

I Amboina. Pignfettu appeaw lo refer lt> thi< Urgv inlaiirt of Cerimi. 
»ot«, Miliui edition. 


Leaving the island of Burn in the direction Honth-wert 
and a quarter west, about eight degrees of latitude,' we 
arrived at three other iaianda near each other named Zolot,' 
Nocemamor, and Galian. Whilst we sailed amidst these 
islands, a great storm fell upon us, for which we made a vow 
of a pilgrimage to our Lady della Guida. We put the ship 
before the storm and made for a rather high island, which 
afterwards we learned was named Mallua, bnt before we 
could reach it, we had to struggle much with the squalls 
of wind which descended from the mountains and with the 
currents. The inhabitants of this island are savages, and 
more beasts than men j they eat human £esb ; they go 
naked, except the usual piece of bark to cover their natnral 
parts. But when they go to fight they wear on the back, 
the breast, and the flanks, pieces of bnffalo hide, orna- 
mented with shells,' and boars' tasks, and tails of goat 
skins, hanging before and behind. They wear the hair 
raised high up by means of caue comha with long teeth, 
which go through it. They wrap up their beards with 
leaves, and enclose them in cases or tubes of reed, a thing 
which seemed to us very ridiculous. In one word these 
were the ugliest men we had seen in these Indies. Both 
their bows and arrows are made of reeds, and they carry 
their food in bags made of leaves. When their women 
saw us they came towards us with their bows drawn, but 
when we had given them some presents we soon became 

We passed fifteen days in this island in caulking the 
sfaipwhose sides had sufi'ered. We found here goats, fowls, 
wax, cocoanuts, and pepper. For a pound of old iron they 
gave fifteeii pounds of wax or of pepper. 

There are two kinds of pepper here, the long and ths 
round. The long pepper is like the fiower of the hazel tree 

' The Milan MS. sujb " longitude"', which must be an error of the 
scribe. Note, Mtlao edilioa. ' ' Solor. ' "Cwniwli." 


in winter; itn plant is likeivy,aDd like it clings to trees; its 
leaves are like tliose of the mulberrj tree ; it is called lull. 
The round pepper grows like the other, but its fruit ia 
in efti'8 like Indian com, and the grains are pulled off in 
the same manner; it is called lada. The fields here are 
full of pepper plants. 

Here we took a man to conduct n3 to some island where 
we could find plenty of victuals. 

The ifiland of Mallua is in 8 deg. 30 min. S. latitude, and 
169 deg. 40 min. longitude from the line of demarcation. 

The old pilot from Maluco related to us, whilst sailing, 
that in this neighbourhood there waa an island named 
Aruchele, the inhabitants of which, men and women, are 
not more than one cubit high, and they have ears as large 
and as long as themselves, so that when they ho down one 
serves them for a mattress, and with the other they cover 
themselves.' The; are shorn and uakpd, their voices are 
shrill, and they run very swiftly. They dwell under ground, 
live on fish and a certain substance which grows between 
the bark and the wood of a tree, which is white and round 
like coriander comfits, and which is named ambulon. We 
would have gone there willingly, but the shoals and cur- 
rents did not allow of it. 

Saturday the 25th of January, (1522), at 22 o'clock,* we 
left the island of Mallua ; and the following day, having run 
five leagues to the south -south- east, we arrived at a large 
island called Timor. I went ashore alone to speak to the 
head man of a village named Amaban, about his providing 
us with victuals. He offered me butfnloea, pigs, and goats, 
but when it was a question of the goods which he wanted 
in exchange, we could not come to nn agreement, because 
he aaked a great deal, and we had got very little to give. 
Then m we were constrained by hmigcr, we took the 

■ Stnbo {Oeoyr., Iil>. xv). 

■ 'llic Italiau tuetliixl lA rL-ukoning IJiuc. 

152 TUIOB. 

measure of detainiug on board tbe ship tbe chief of another 

villago named Balibo, who had come there in good faith 
with a son of his ; and we imposed upon him iia a ransom 
for recovering hia liberty, to give six buflaloes, ten pigs, 
and ten goats. He, being mut:h afraid that we should kill 
him, quickly gave orders to have all this brought to us ; 
aud as there were only five goats and two pigSj they gave 
us instead an additional buffalo. We then sent him ashore 
with his son, and he was well pleased when wo not only 
left him free, but also gave him some linen, some Indian 
cloths of silk aud cotton, some hatchets, some Indian knives, 
si;is8ors, looking-glasses, and some of our knives. 

The chief man, whom I went to speak to first, has only 
women in his service; all were naked like those of the 
neighbouring islands, and wear in their cars small gold 
rings with tufts of silk bauging from them ; on their arms 
they wear many rings of gold and copper, which often 
cover them up to the elbow. The men are naked like the 
women, and wear attached to their necks round plates of 
gold, and on their heads reed combs oruameuted with gold 
ringa. Some of them, instead of gold rings, wore in their 
ears dried necks of gourds. 

In this island there are buffaloes, pigs, and goats, as has 
been said ; there are also fowls and parrots of various 
colours. There is also rice, bananas, ginger, sugar canea, 
oranges, lemons, beans and almonds. 

We had approached that part of the island where there 
were some villtiges with their chiefs or head men. On the 
other side of the island are the dwellings of four kings, and 
their districts are named Oibich, Lichsana, Suai, and Cabanaza, 
Oibicli is the largest place. We were told that in a moun- 
tain near Cabanaza, very much gold is found, and its 
inhabitants buy whatever they want with small pieces of 
gold. All the trade in sandal wood and was, carried on 
by the people of Malacca and Java, is done here; and 

TIHOB. 158 

indeed, we found here a junk which had come from Lozon' 
to trade in eandal wood ; for white saudal wood only grows 
in this country'. 

These people are Gentiles ; we were told that when they 
go to cut sandal wood, the devil appears to them in various 
forms, and tells them that if they want anythiug they 
should aak him for it ; but this apparition frightens them 
so much, that they are ill of it for some days.^ The sandal 
wood is cut at a certain phase of the moon, and it is 
asserted that if cut at another time it would not be good. 
The merchandise most fitting for bartering here for sandal 
wood is red cloth, linen, hatchets, iron, and naUa. 

This island is entirely inhabited. It extends a long way 
from east to west, and little from north to south. Its south 
latitude is in 10 deg., and the longitude 174 deg. 30 min. 
from the line of demarcation. 

In ait these islands that we visited in this archipelago, 
the evil of Saint Job prevailed, and more here than in any 
other place, where they call it " for franki", that is to say, 
Portuguese illness.* 

We were told that at a day's voyage, west-north-west 
from Timor, there was an island iu which much cinnamon 
grows, called Ende ■* its inhabitants are Gentiles, and have 
no king. Near this are many others forming a series of 
islands as far as Java Major, and the Cape of Malacca. 
The names of these islands are Eude, Tanabuton, Crenu- 
chile, Bimacore, Azanaran, Main, Zubava, Lombok, Chorum, 
and Java Major, which by the inhabitants is not called 
Java but Jaoa. 

* Bomare aaya that those who cat sandal wood fall ill from the miuaiiia 
exhaled bj the wood. Note, Milan edition. 

• A note to the Milan edition suggMla that it was too early In Ibc 
century for this to bo the Frank diaeaae, and that it mast have been 
leproey. This ia more probable. 

' Eudc, or t'lorcB, 

"""•■ &.».<. „f ,, 7* '«"' comb. ";* '°°°'i ptaie, „; 
•»<« .,„/ °,>"',.w„. v;.':""'"-.s...„.dc:f 

154 BAT) IN JAVA. 

In thia island of Java ai-e the largest towns; the principal 
of tham is Magcpalier,' the king of which, when he hved, 
was the greatest of all the kings of the neighbouring 
islands, and he was named Raja Patiunus Sunda, Much 
pepper grows there. The other towns are — ^Dahadama, 
Gagiamada, Minatarangam, Ciparafidain, Tuban, Cressi,^ 
and Cirubaja,^ At half a league from Java Major are the 
islands of Bali, called Java Miaor, and Madura, these ars 
of equal size. 

They told ua that in Java Major, it was the custom when 
one of the chief men died, to burn hia body ; and then his 
principal wife, adorned with garlands of flowers, has her- 
self carried in a chair by four men throughout the town, 
with a tranquil and smiling countenance, whilst comforting 
her relations, who are afflicted because she is going to 
bum herself with the corpse of her husband, and encourag- 
ing them not to lament, saying to them, " I am going thia 
evening to sup with my dear hnsbaud, and to sleep with . 
him this night." Afterwards, when close to the place of 
the pyre, she again turns towards the relations, and after 
again consoling them, casts herself into the fire and is 
burned. If she did not do this she would not be looked 
upon as an honourable woman, nor as a faithful wife. 

Our old pilot related to us other extravagant things. He 
told ua that the young men of Java .... and that in 
an island called Ocoloro, below Java Major, there are only 
women who become pregnant with the wind, and when 
they bring it forth, if the child is a male, they kill it, and 
if a female, they bring it up ; and if any man visits their 
island, whenever thoy are able to kill him, they do so. 

They also related to us that beyond Java Major, towards 
the* north in the Gulf of China, which the andents named 
8inus Magnus, there is an enormous tree named Campang- 

' Majapuhit. ' Grceik, ' Kunilmyn. 


anghi,' in wbich dwell certaia birds named Garudo,* so 
large that they take with their claws, and carry away flying, 
a buffalo, and even an elephant, to the place of the tree, 
which place is named Puzathaer. The fruit of this tree is 
called Buapanganghi, and is larger than a water melon. 
The Moors of Bum4, whom we had with ua in the ships, 
told as thoy had seen two of theso birds, which had been 
sent to their king from the kingdom of Siam. No jank, 
or other vessel, can approach this tree within three or four 
leagues, on account of the great whirlpools which the water 
makes there. They related to us, moreover, how in a 
wonderful manner what is related of this tree became 
known, for a junk, having been carried there by the whirl- 
pools, was broken np, and all the seamen perished, 
except a child who attached himself to a plank and was 
miraculously borne near the tree, upon which he mounted. 
There he placed liinaself under the wing of one of these 
birds, which was asleep, without its perceiving him, and 
next day the bird having taken Sight carried him with 
it, and having seen a buffalo on the land, descended to take 
it ; the child took advaatago of the opportunity to come 
out from under its wing, and remained on the ground. In 
this manner the story of these birds and of the tree be- 
came known, and it was understood that those fruits which 
are frequently found in the sea came from that place. 

We were told that there were in that kingdom, on the 
banks of the rivers, certaia birds which feed on carrion, 
but which will not touch it unless another bird has first 
eBt«n its heart. 

The Cape of Malacca is in 1 deg. 80 min. of S. latitude. 
To the east of that Cape are many cities and towns, of a 
few of which I will note the names — Singapola, which is 
at the Cape, Pahan, Kalantan, Patani, Bradlini, Bennu, 

' " Canii>oiig anghin," the place ut wind. 
■ Sausurit and Malay, b j;rilBu. 



Lagon, Cheregigharan, Trombon, Joraii, Cia, Brabri, Bbh- 
ga, ludia, Jandibum, Laun, Langonpifa. All these cities 
are conatmcted like ours, and are aubject to the King of 
Siam who is named Siri Zacabedera, aod who inhabits 

Beyond Siam is situated C'amogia; its king U named 
Saret Zacabedera ; nest Chierapa, the king of which is 
named Baja Brahami Martu. There grows the rhubarb, 
and it is found in this manner : men go together in com- 
panies of twenty or twenty-five, to tlie woods, and at night 
ascend the trees, both to get out of the way of the lions, 
the elephants, and other wild beasts, and also to be -able 
better to smell the odonr of the rhubarb borne to tljem 
by the wind. In the morning thoy go to that quarter 
whence they have perceived that the odour comes, and 
seek for the rhubarb till they find it. This is the rotten 
wood of a large troe, which acquires ita odour by putrefac- 
tion.' The best part of the tree is the root, but the trunk 
is also good, which is called Calama, 

The kingdom of Cocchi* lies nest, its sovereign is named 
Baja Seri Bummipala, After that follows Great China, the 
king of which is the greatest sovereign of the world, and 
is called Sautoa raja. He has seventy crowned kings under 
his dependence ; and some of these kings have ton or 
fifteen lesser kings dependent on them. The port of this 
kingdom is named Guantan,^ and among the many cities 
of this empire, two are the most important, namely Kaukin 
and Comlaba, where the king usually resides. 

He has four of his principal ministers close to his 
palace, at the four sides looking to the four cardinal winds, 
that is, one to the west, one to the east, to the sonth, and 

> Figafetta has confounded rhubarb with the decayed wood of s tree 
found in Siam, which, wbea biunt, gives a very sweet perfume, and 
which sella at a high price. 

* Cochiii. ' Kwantuiig at Canton. 

CHINA. 157 

to the DOTtt. Each of these gives andience to those that 
come from his quarter. All the kiDgs and lords of India 
major and superior obey this king, aod in token of their 
vassalage, each is obliged to have in the middle of the 
principal place of his city the marble figure of a certain 
animal named Cbinga, an animal more valiant than tho 
lion ; the figure of this animal is also engraved on the 
king's seal, and all who wish to enter his port must carry 
the same emblem in wax or ivory. 

If any lord is disobedient to him, he is flayed, and his 
fikin, dried in the sun, salted, and stuffed, is placed in an 
eminent part of the ^blic place, with the head inclined 
and the hands on the head in the attitude of doing zongn, 
that is obeisance to the king. 

He is never visible to anybody ; and if he wishes to see 
his people, he is carried about the palace on a peacock 
most skilfully manufactured, and very richly adorned, with 
fiix ladies dressed exactly like himself, so that he cannot 
be distinguished from them. He afterwards passes into a 
richly-adorned figure of a serpent called Naga, which haa 
a large glass in the breast, through which he and the ladies 
are seen, but it is not possible to distinguish which is the 
king. He marries his sisters in order that his blood should 
not mix with that of others. 

His palace has seven walls round it, and in each circle 
there are daily ten thousand men on guard, who are changed 
every twelve hours at the sound of a hell. Each wall has 
its gate, with a guard at each gate. At the first stands 
a man with a great scourge in his hand, named Satuhoran' 
with Satubagan ; at the second a dog called Satuhain ;' 
at tho third, a man with an ii-on mace, called Satuhoran with 
pocumbecin f at the fourth, a man with a bow in his hand, 
called Satuhoran with anatpanan ;* at the fifth, a man with 

" Suln orang," one moD, 
" PokoK biai," club of ir 

* " Aajing," a dog. 

* " Panah," n how. 


The boat, having returoed for rice a aocond time to the 
shore, was detained, with thirteen men^ who wore in it. As 
we Baw that, and, from the movement in certain caravels, 
suspected that they might wish to capture us and oar ship, 
we* at once eet sail. We afterwards learned, some time 
after our return, that our boat and men had been arrested, 
because one of our men had discovered the deception, and 
said that the cap tain -general was dead, and that onr ship 
was the only one remaining of Magellan's fleet. 

At last, when it pleased Heaven, on Saturday the 6th of 
September of the year 1522, we entered the bay of San 
Lucar; and of sixty men who composed our crew when we 
left MaluM, wo wore reduced to only eighteen,' and these 
for the most part aick. Of the others, some died of hunger, 
some had run away at the island of Timor, and some had 
been condemned to death for their crimes- 
Prom the day when wo left this bay of San Lucar until 
our return thither, wo reckoned that we had run more than 
fourteen thousand four hundred and sixty leagues, and we 
had completed going round the earth from East to West. 
^ Monday the 8th of September, wo cast anchor near the 
mole of Seville, and discharged all the artillery. 

Tuesday, we all went in shirts and barefoot, with a taper 
in our hands to visit the shrino of St. Maria of Victory, 
and of St. Maria de Antigua. 

Then, leaving Seville, I went to Valladolid, where I pre- 
sented to his Sacred Majesty Don Carlos, neither gold nor 
silver, but things much more precious in the eyes of so 
great a Sovereign. I presented to him among otlier things, 
a book written by ray hand of all the things that had 
occurred day by day in onr voyage. I departed thence aa I 
was best able, and went to Portugal, and related to King 
John tlie things which I had seen. Returning through 
Spain, I came to France, where I presented a few things 
■ Si-tf eUiteraent of UiTToni, p. 176. 


from the other hemisphere to Madam the Regent^ mother 
of the most Christian King Don Francis.^ Afterwards, I 
tamed towards Italy, where I established for ever my abode, 
and devoted my leisure and vigils to the very illustrious 
and noble lord, Philip de Villiers Lisleadam, the very worthy 
grand master of Rhodes. 

The Chevalier, 

* Francis I. 

.-> .-^ 

jn ^ 

The armillary sphere, of wliicb. the anthor gives a draw- 
ing, serves to explain the system of the world according to 
Ptolemy, and could also serve as an astrolabe, for one sues 
at the top of it a kind of handle or ring, by which to hold 
it suspended, as is seen in the above-mentioned drawing. 
He begins his treatise by giving ns an idea of that system, 
as have done all those after him, who have written of. the 
elements of the nantical art and of pilotage. 

"The earth is round," he says, "and remains suspended and 
immovable in the midst of all the celestial bodies. The 
first index fixed on two poles, the arctic and antarctic, which 
are snpposed to correspond vrith the poles of the earth. It 
runs from East to West, and transports with itself all the 
planets and stars. Besides this there is the eighth sphere, 
the poles of which are at 23 deg. 33 miu.,^ it runs from 
West to East. 

" It is snpposed that all the circnmference of the earth is 
divided into 360 degrees; and each degree is of 17 leagues 
and a half, consequently the circumference of the earth is 
6,300 leagues. Laud leagues are of three miles and sea 
leagues of four miles.' 

< Now the deolinatkiQ of the ecliptic, which answers to the polea of 
the eighth epbere of figafetta, is S3 deg. 28 min, 30 sec. Note, Mitui 

■ Snppoaiug that the surface of the glolie under the equator were 


" The ten circles of the armillary sphere, of which the six 
major pass through the conter of the earth, serve to deter- 
mine the situation of countries and climates. The Ecliptic 
determinea the movement of the sun and the planets : the 
two Tropics indicate the point to which the sun declines 
from the equator towards the North in summer, and towards 
the South in winter. The Meridian, always variable, because 
it passes through all points of the equator, cutting it per- 
pendicularly, designates the longitude, and it is on it that 
the latitudes are marked." 

Or Latituuk. 

After having well explained the armillary sphere with all 
its parts, and their uae according to the system of Ptolemy, 
the author goes on to teach the method of taking the alti- 
tude of the pole, on which the latitude is calculated ; fixing 
the pole at 0" and the equator at 90°. 

" The Polar star," he says, " is not precisely on the point 
corresponding to the axis of the earth ; but it turns round 
it, as do all the other stars. In order to know its tme 
positiou with regard to the pole, it must be observed where 
the Guard stars' stand. If these are on the western arm,* 
the polar star stands one degree above the pole : if they 

half land and haU sea, and then giving to each league three and a half 
miles, we should have 2^,050 miles for the drciunf<irGnc« of the earth : 
a measure very little differing from that which results fruoi giving to 
each degree at the equator aixt; Italian miles, by which the circua- 
fereaoe is 21,600 miloB. Note. MiUii edition. 

' The guard rtars are 6 aud y of Uraa Minor, which form a triwiglB 
with the pole and pole atiir ; now y at the belt of Cassiopeia is used. 
Not«. MiUn edition. 

> This means the arm of the iostrument tMed; it might be the mete- 
oroecope of Uegiomontauo, wbicb had a crass in the middle : or an astro- 
labe like it; or the cummuu utrolabv wiUi u ilioptrou, or niediclino, aa 
Pigafetta calls it, placed ou the equator. Not<', Milan i-ditloii. 



are on the line' the pole star etanda 3 deg, 80 niin.' below 
the pole : if they are on the eastern arm the pole star is one 
degree below the pole. When one wishes to take tlie 
altitude of the pole star, in whichever of the above-men- 
tioned four places the Guard stars may be, the degrees 
which the pole star has above the pole will be subtracted 
from its altitude, or those which it has below the pole will 
be added to it. 1 have spoken in the account of the voyage 
of the stars of the Antarctic Pole. 

"The latitude of the place may also be ascertained by 
the sun's altitude. 1. If you find yourself between the 
equinoctial and the arctic pole and the shadovf falls towards 
that pole, look how many degrees aud minutes meridianal 
declination the sun has that day ; and this yon will subtract 
from the altitude of the sun which you have taken : after- 
wards, deducting the remaining degi-eea from 90 deg., you 
will have in the residue the number of degrees of North 
latitude, that is your distance from the equator. 2. If 
the sun has a boreal declination, in such a manner that the 
shadow falls towards the south, take the sun's declination 
uu that day, aud add it to the sun's altitude which yoa 
have taken, from that sum subtract 90 degs., and the 
remaining degrees will indicate your boreal latitude. 3. If 
the sun is between the equinoctial and the antarctic, and 
the shadow falls towards the antarctic, observe the sun's de- 
clination for that day, subtract it from the altitude taken, 
according to the first rule, and you will have the degrees of 
south latitude. 4. If, when you and the sun are between 
the equinoctial and the antarctic pole, the shadow falls to- 

' Tbnl is tho nicridiait Udg from the pole to the equator. Note, 
Milun t'ditiun. 

' 'niough tde mdiuB of the circle which the pole alar goes round ia 
now little more than a degree and a half, in Uie time of I'igafetta it was 
3 deg. 17 min. 37 sec,, bo that if he reckoned it at 3 deg. 30 mia. it ia 
wouderful that he should have made ao amull itn error, notwithstanding 

the imperfec 

Not«, Milan edition. 



wards tbe north, you wilt add the altitude yon have taken to 
the sun's declination that day, and act according to the 
second rale. 5. When you have an altitude of 90 deg., you 
vill be so many degrees distant from the equator as there 
are degrees of the sun's declination, and if the sun has no 
declination you will he under the equator. 6, If you are to 
tho noi-th of the equator, und the sun is in the sonthcrn 
signs you will look what is its dLicIination, you will add these 
degrees of declination to those of the altitude observed, and 
aa many degrees as are wanting from 90 deg., so many will 
you be distant from the equinoctial. 7. You will do the 
same when you find yourself to the south of tho equinoctial, 
whilst the sun is in the northern signs. 

"Of LoNorrODE. 

"Longitude indicates the dej^eos from east to west: I 
have considered many methods or means for ascertaining it, 
and I have found three methods' fitting for that object, 
Tho last is the most convenient for those who do not know 
astrology. At the present time the pilots content theni- 
selves with knowing the latitude; and are so proud that 
they will not hear speak of longituda 

" I. From the latitude of the moon the longitude is Calcu- 
lated of the place in which the observation is made. The 
distance of the moon from the ecliptic is called its latitude : 
the ecliptic is the path of the sun. The moon, in its move- 
ment, always increases its distance until it reaches the 
furthest point of its distance : and thence it returns back, 
to diminish, so to say, its latitude, until it is with the head 
or tail of the dragon ■* there it cuts the ecliptic. And since 

' These three mothoda are probably those vhich, according Ui Cu- 
tauedft, Fftleiro tauj^t to ftUgellan. Note, Milnn (.■ditioii. 

> That is to snj, the knot where the orbit of thv iiioou cuts the 
ooliptic. Note, Milan editiou. 


ifae noofi, whilst it leogtliens its distauce from tlie ecliptic, 
haa more degrees towards the west than towards the east, 
it mnst necessarily have more latitude on one side {of Uie 
globe) than on the other: and when the latitude ia known, 
by measuring the degrees and minutes with the astrolabe, 
it will be known whether it is found, and how far it is found 
towards the east or the west. But in order to ascertain 
the longitude, you must know in what latitude the moon 
ought to be at that same moment in the place from which 
you sailed, for instance, in Seville. By knowing the lati- 
tude and longitude of the moon at Seville in degrees and 
minutes, and seeing also the latitude and longitude which 
it haa in the place where you are, you will know how many 
hours and miuutes you are distant from Seville ; and after- 
wards you will calculate the distance in east or west longi- 

" II. The moon furnishes another method for ascertaining 
the longitude, but that is when I knew the precise hour in 
which the moon observed at Seville ought to be in conjunc- 
tion with a given star or planet, or ought to be in a certain 
opposition to the sun, of which the degrees are determined: 
aud this I can know by means of an almanack. And since 
that happens in the east before it happens in the west, as 
many as may be the hours and minutes that may elapse 
from the time when the conjunction took place at Seville, 
till the time in which I observe it to take place, ho much 
will be my longitude west of Seville. But if I should see 
the conjunction take place before the hour in which it ought 
to happen with respect to Seville, then my distance in longi- 
tude will be east. For each hour, fifteen degrees of longitude 
are calculated. 

"To understand this does not require any great genius. 
It should be borne in mind that the moon has a motion 
opposed to the general motion of the heavens; that is, it 
goes from west to east, and in every two hours it progresses 


a degree and a few minutea j and since it is in the first 
heaven, and the stars are in the eighth, it certainly never 
enters in conjunction with them ; but sometimes it inter- 
poses itself before the raya which come from them to our 
eye : but this does not happen at o 

the same time to those who are at ft 

Seville, and to those who are at Valen- / \ 

cia. The annexed figure will give an / ; 

idea of this, from which it is seen that • ■. 

the ray of the star D is intercepted ■' ; 

by the moon C for those who are at -^ i 

A, and not for thoso who are at b, for ■ ■. 

whom it was intercepted when the ■ ■ 

moon was at B, / i 

" III. The compass can also supply ,' I 

a method, still easier, for finding the / '. 

longitude of the place in which you 3-^" ' — i..^^ 

are. It is known that the compass, ^\ 

or the magnetised needle which is in it, directs itself to a 
given point, becsnse of the tendency which the loadstone 
has towards the pole. The reauon of this tendency is 
because the loadstone does not find in the hciivena any 
other spot in repose except the pole, and on tliat account 
directs itself towards it. This is an explanation of the 
phenomenon which I propose j and I believe it to be true, 
so long as experience does not inform us of some better ex- 

" In order to know, by means of the needle, the degrees of 
longitude, form a large circle, in which place the compass, 
and divide it into 360 dog. : and having placed the needle 
at 860 deg., where it indicates the arctic pole ; when the 
needle is in repose, draw a thread, which should pass from 
the arctic pole, pointed out by the needle to the antarctic 
polo, and let tliis thrca<l be longer than the diameter. After 
that lake the south, which you will know by the greatest 


altitudo of the sun. Tarn the corapaas, unti) the thread 
which ti-averses it coincides with the direction ol' the meri- 
dian shade ; then, from the antarctic poie of the neodle, wilh 
the threud which remained over, draw anotlier thread to 
the arctic pole, that is, to the flower;^ and you will thaa 
find how many degrees the needle of the compass is distant 
from the meridian line, that is, from the true pole. So 
many will be tho degrees of longitude, which you will have 
from the place where the compass begins to set itself in 
motion.' Therefore, with the moro accuracy you take the 
true meridian so much the more exactly will you be able to 
Bscertain the degrees of longitude. And from this it may 
be seen that the meridian should never be taken with tho 
compass, because it north-easts or north-wests,^ as soon as 
it goes out of the true meridian ; but take an observation 
of the sonth^ with the astrolabe, and judge that it is mid- 
day when the sun is at its greatest height. 

" If it is not possible to take the sun's altitude at midday, 
that can bo determined with an hour-glass of sand, taking 
the hours of the night from sunset till the moment of its 
rising. Having learned tho hours of the night, you will 
know how many ore wanting of the twenty-four, and these 
you will divide into two etiual parts. When half of this has 
elapsed, be sure that it is midday, and that the shadow in- 
dicates to you the true meridian. But since the sand clock 
may often be inexact, it will be better to take the sun's alti- 
tude with the astrolabe by means of its mediclino.'' 

< The fleur-de-)ys placed at the nortb. 

* That is, whore it coiacidea with the meridian and begine to deviab: 
or vary. Note, Milau edition. 

» That is, varies east or west. ' Or of midday. 

° I do not find any mention of tho medidmo iu any writer of tha tinieB 
near that of Pigafetta who have treated of the astrolabe, such b& Rugio- 
montanuB, Appianua, Gimma Friaiua, Danti, C'laviua, etc. ; but from 
what our author says beri; and clBcwlu're, it itppears that the mediclino 
m that uiuvalilc rule, fixed on the centre of tlie astrolabe, which turns 


" The trne meridian may also be ascortaiDed, or rather the 
e(|uinoctial line, which cuts the meridian at right anglea, by 
observing the points whore the sun risea and sets, and by 
observing how much they are distant from the equinoctial 
either to the north or to the south. For this purpose an 
astrolabe is formed with the globe ', that is, a circle is made 
representing the earth's circumference, divided into 3ti0 
deg. At sunrise fix two pins in the circumference, in auch 
a manner that a line drawn from one to the other should 
pass through the centre, and place the pins so that both 
should bo in a line opposite the sun's center. Place two 
other pins in the same way in the circumference when tho 
sun sets. You will thus see how much the snn declines 
from the equinoctial line, cither to the north or to the south. 
And as many degrees as the pina are distant from the equi- 
noctial, BO many degrees ai'e the smi's declination. Having 
found the sun's rising and setting, you will also find tho 
medium distance ; that is, the meridian hue, and afterwards 
you will see how much the compass or magnetic noodle 
north-easts or north-wests. Ton will infer from this how 
far you are from the Fortunate islands; that is, from Tenerife 
towards the east or the west. This method has been tried 
by experience.^ 

raund it, and U named sometinicH alhidade, or dioptron, or tragusrda, 
or Udhi dt liduda. Note, AlUau editioD. 

' Amoretti, in liie iatroductiuu to this TrenliBC of Narigntion, in the 
blilao edition, obserTce tbat Pignfetta vme misled by a fulBe theory when 
he auppoBis that there is in the heaveiiB a point in repa«u to which the 
maguiitic needli^ temls, but that tho exact direction of tlic magactic 
iiuodle coiacided, or at least approiimatcd, to the meridian of the isle of 
Kcrro, irhich ia not non the case ; and that in aomc other placee the 
Tariationa of the coinpaw had been observed to corratpond vitli that of 
the loDgitndc. By the table of varintiong of the compass publiahed by 
Lambert in the Kpbcuieridee of Berlin (A»tronomt4che JaArhmh) for 
the year 1779, it ia aeen by an easy calculation that at the brgiuDiog of 
the uittieuth century the magnetju rqiintor or zuro of deviatiou was 
very near the iale of Tooerife. Now it is further off, and the dittauuv 



" If you wish to navigate to any place, you must first know 
its position ; that is, its latitude and longitudo. Then, by 
neans of the compass you will point directly to that place. 
And since the compass varies to east and west, you must, by 
the methods above described, ascertain its variation, aud 
subtract or add that which is necessary, bo that the ship's 
head, regulated by the compass, may have the required 

" Shonld the compass be lost, or if its variation east or west 
is Bot known, you may regulate yourself by the sun at mid- 
day. When you have lixed the meridian in such a manner 
that it cuts the ship in its width, it will be easy to direct 
the prow wherever you wish. Here is an example: suppose 
you wish to go from north-east to aouth-west, place the 
chart in such manner that the ship should have her head to 
west and the poop to the east; then on the circle of tho 
winds, divided into 360, or in four times 90, fix two pins, 
one at 45 degrees between east and north, the other at ib 
degrees between west and south j bring the two pins on the 
line of the meridian by turning the ship's head for that 
purpose, and the prow will be directed to the place to which 
you are going. If the pins do not come in a line with tho 
meridian, it is a sign that yon are navigating in a false 
direction, and you must rectify the course. When you 
reach laud, you will see that what I have said itj true. 

" With an astrolabe made with plates,' observations may 
be taken of the meridian Hue, the poles, and the equinoctial 

incn»8«8, M. de BougamvUI« foand Uieri^ the deviation to tbu west to 
bu 14 deg. 41 min. ; and Staunton, the companioD of Lurd Macartney, 
found it to be 17 deg. 85 min, 

> We have two astrolabes in our muBCum constructed with aeveral 
plates : one ie of braaa, aud another of card, fur uioru easy uuuii^ulatiou. 
Note, Milan edition. 


line, at any hour of the day or night, looking at the moon 
or any star ; and for these, place in the middle of the astro- 
lahe instead of the venjhezUa or sight,' two straight bars 
between which you will observe the star." 

Thus the method being known by which the required 
direction is given to the ship, the author teaches the method 
for determining the point or dcgi-ee on the chart of the 
winds,* to which the ship on leaving a place to go to a given 
country should be directed. For clearness, he gives some 
esamplea of this. "Do yon wish/'he says, "to go from south 
to north, or mte vrrsA, on the same longitude ? always pro- 
ceed on the same meridian. Do yon wish to go from 
eiist to west, or vii'.a vfrxd, in the same latitude? always 
proceed on the same parallel. Do you wish to go from 
one place to another as many degrees distant in longi* 
tilde as it is different in latitude ? Then take the course of 
45 degrees either to the south-west or south-east, or north- 
west or north-east. If the latitude is greater than the 
longitude, then add to the 45 degrees as many degrees to- 
wards the nearest pole, as the number of degrees by which 
the latitude exceeds the longitude. For instance, if I wish 
to go from Cape St. Vincent to Cape Bojador, I reckon 
the degrees of longitude and those of latitude to know the 
diflerence between these two capes. I find that the degrees 
of longitude are five and n half, and those of latitude are 
eleven, from which 1 subtract the degrees of longitude and 
there remain 5 deg. 30 min. Then, instead of going in the 
direction of from north-east to south-west (as I should do if 
the longitude were equal to the latitude], I go from 5 deg. 30 
min. above north-east towards north, to 5 deg. 30 min. below 
south-west towards south. If the longitude is greater than the 
lutitude.thelesser number is still subtracted from the greater; 
and the direction will be 45 deg. after deducting the residue. 

" Tnigiuido, 
" Rom dei venti. 


For inatance, do you want to go from the island of Feirn 
to Guadeloupe; yon know that the first is in 27 deg. lati- 
tude and the aecoud in 15 deg, ; then take their difference, 
which is 12 deg. : look at the map for their longitude, and 
yOD see that Ferro is in 1 deg. and Guadeloupe iu 45 deg., 
■whence their difference ia 44 dog. : subtract from these 
the 12 deg. residue of latitude, and there remain 32 deg. 
Then yon must subtract these 32 deg. from 45 deg., and 
thare will remain 13 deg. Therefore your course will be 
from north-east 13 deg. north to south-west 13 deg, south. 

' DiBECri 

( OF THE Winds. 

" The rose of the winds, divided into 360 deg., will give 
a clearer idea of what has been here said ; it being well 
understood that the pilot must place the center of the winds 
on the point from which he starts, or from which he takes 
the course, and he must fix the pole to the trne pole ob- 
serred from tho sun, and not trusting to the compassj which 
north-easts or north-wests. 

" Then, to ascertain whence comes tho wind, place a little 
ntick with a little sail' in the centre of your rose or circle of 
winds, divided into 360 deg,, and placed in such a manner 
that north and south stand on the true Solar meridian. 
The direction of the vane moved by the wind will indicate 
exactly which wind blows: on the equinoctial is east and 
west; at 45 deg. there is north-east, south-west, north-west, 
and south-east ; at 22J deg. towards north you have north- 
north-east, and so on with the others." 

' Ot lUg, xs iipiiairB from the (Iraning. 



Hebrfra (Deijade irij lib. iv, cap. 4) mentiona the arriva! of J 

the Victoria, and says that an 

accountant and thirteen Caa- J 

tllians had remained behind, 

arrested at Cape Verde, and 1 

that the King of Portugal's 

actor sent them on to Lisbon " 

in a ship whieh came at that time from Cahcut. 

1 Herrera then gives the na 

3ies of those who came in the 

Victoria, and who went to Court. They were— 

1. Miguel de Rodas, maater. *^ 

19. Juan do Ortega. 

2. Mania de iDMurntga, pilot. 

20. Pedro de Indarclii. 

3. Miguel de Bodaa, seaman. 

21. Rnger C»rpiot*!t^ 

4. Nicoka Griego. 

22. Pedro Gasco. 

6, Juan Rodriguet*^ 

23. Alfonso Domingo, seaman. 

6. Va«w> Gallego (Portugoeite). «-- 

84. Diego Garcia. 

7. Mwtin de Judiciboa. t 

25. Pedro de Volpucsta. 

8. Juan de Santander.>,- 

26. Xiraeao da Porgos. 

9. Hernando do Buatimante. "^l. 

27. Jimu Martin. 

11). AnloDioLo[nbardo(/'i>a/'irtte). 

11. Franciaco Kodriguci -^ 

29. Francisco AJvaro (probablf 

12. Antonio Feniandez. 

Albo, the pilot). ^ 

i;i. Diego GaUego. ^ 

.10. EoldttU de Argote (from whom 

14. Juan de Arratia. t^ 

must be named the moDntaiu, 

15. Jnan do Aptga. 

which in the Strait of Ma- 

IG. JuandeAcurio. v^ 

gclLm, ia now colled the 

17. JuandeZubieta.*^ 

Campafia de Roldan). 

1«. Lorenwj de Irufla. 

:it. Juan SebsBtian del Cano. ^ 

This number, 31, will agree with Pigafetta'a 13, who re- 

mained at Cape Venle, and 18 who hindod from the Victoruu . 

Sebastian del Cano was very well received by the em- ■ 

peror, and Herrera mentions the safe arrival of some of the 1 

Molucca Indiana : " One of whom," he says, " was so sharp, 1 


that the first thing ho did was to inquire how many reals a 
dacat was worthy and a real how many maravedises^ and 
how much pepper was given for a maravedi ; and he went 
from shop to shop to get information of the value of spices, 
and with this he gave cause that he did not return to his 
country, although the others returned." This probably 
means that he was not allowed to return, lest he should 
raise the price of spices in the Molucca Islands. 


Oiven in Ute Straitu, which fell into Iho hands of the Porta- 

yuene, along with the Papers of the Astrologer 

AxDRKS DE San Mabtin, at the Moluccas : 

talcr-n from Bakhos, Decade in, 

Liv. T, Caj'. 19. ' 

"I Pernan db Maoalhaes, Kuiglit of tlie Order of St. 
James, and cap tain -general of this lleot, witich his majesty 
sent for tlie discovery of the spices, etc. I make known to 
you, Duarte Barbosa, captain of tlio ship Victoria, and to the 
pilots, maaterB, and qnarter-ra asters of that ship, as I have 
understood that it seems to you all a serious matter, that I 
am determined to go forward, because it seems to you that 
the weather is little fitted for this voyage on which we are 
going ; and inasmuch as I am a man who never rejected the 
opinion or counsel of any one, but rather all s^ aSaira are 
discussed and communicated generally to all, without any 
person being affronted by me ; and since, because of that 
which happened in the port of S. Julian with respect to 
the death of Luis de Mondoqa, Caspar de Quexada, and the 
banishment of Juan de Cartagena and Pero Sanches ds 
Reinu, the priest, you, from fear, desist from telling me, 
and couasolling all that may appear to you to be for the 
service of his majesty, and the safe conduct of this fleet, 
Bud you have not told it me nor counselled it : you err in 
the service of the emperor and king our sovoreiga, and go 
against the oath and plighted homage which you have made 
to me; for which I command you on the part of the said 


sovereign, and on ray part beseech you and charge you, 
that with respect to all that you think is fitting for our 
voyage, both as to going forward, and as to turning back, 
that you give me your opinions in writing each one for him- 
self : declaring the circumstances and reasons why we ought 
to go forward or turn back, nob having respect to anything 
for which you should omit to tell the truth. With which 
reasons and opinions, I will say mine, and my decision for 
coming to a conclusion as to what we have to do. Done in 
the Channel of All Saints, opposite the river of the islet, on 
Wednesday, twenty-first of November, in fifty-three degrees, 
of the year one thousand five hundred and twenty.'* 

Andres de San Martin replied, giving his opinion that, 
though he doubted there being any opening in the channel 
by which to go to the Moluccas, yet he thought they should 
go forward till the middle of January, as long as the sum- 
mer and long days lasted. 

Magellan, having received this and the other opinions, 
which he had asked for only to please and content his people, 
gave a full answer, with long reasons for going forward ; 
and he swore by the habit of St. James, which he wore, that 
so it seemed to him to be for the good of the fleet. This 
opinion was notified to the fieet, and next day he set sail. 











A Letter of Maximilianna TraiiflylvaimB, Secretary to His Majesty the 

Emperor, written to the Most Ulustrions and Reverend Lord 

the Cardinal of Salzburg, concerning the wonderful and 

astonishing Voyage made by the Spaniards in the 

Year 1519, round the World. 





The voyage made hj the Spaniards round tlie world in tbe 
space of three years is one of tbe greatest and most marvel- 
loua tiiiags which have been heard of in our times; and, 
althongh iu many things we surpass the ancients, yet thia 
expedition far excels every other that has been made up till 
now. The voyage was doscnbed very minutely by Peter 
Martyr, who belonged to the Council of the Indies of His 
Majesty the Emperor, and to whom was entrusted tbe duty 
of writing thia history ; and by him were examined all those 
who remained ahve of that expedition, and who reached 
Seville in the year 1522. But, as it was seat to bo printed 
in Rome, it was lost in the miserable socking of that city ; 
and nothiug is known even now as to where it is. And he 
who saw it, and read it, bears testimony to the same ; and, 
amongst other things worthy of recollection that the afore* 
said Peter noted concerning the voyage, was this, that the 
Spaniards, having sailed about three years and one month, 
and the greater part of thom, as is usual amongst seafaring 
men, having noted down the days of the months one by one, 
found, when they arrived in Spain, that they had lost a day, 
for the day on which they arrived at Seville, which was the 
7th of .September, was, by their reckoning, the 6th, And 
tlie aforesaid Peter having mentioned this peculiarity to a 
certain excellent and extraordinary man, who was at that 


time ambassador for his fiepublic to His Majesty; and, 
having asked him how it could be, ho, who was a great 
philosopher and learned in Greek and Latin literature, so 
that for his singnlar learning and rare excellence, he was 
afterwards promoted to much higher mnk, gavo this ex- 
planation : That it could not have fallen out otherwise, aa 
they had travelled for three years continuonaly and always 
accompanied the sun, which was going westward. And he 
told him besides, that those who sailed due westwards to- 
wards the sun, lengthen their day very much, as the ancients 
also had noticed. Now, the book of the aforesaid Peter 
having disappeared. Fortune has not allowed the memory 
of so marvellous an ontorpriso to be entirely lost, inasmuch 
as a certain noble gentleman of Viconza called Messer 
Antonio Pigafotta (who, having gone on the voyage and 
returned in the ship Vitloria, was made a Knight of Rhodes), 
wrote a very exact and full account of it in a book, one copy 
of which he presented to His Majesty tho Emperor, and 
another he sent to the most Sorene Mother of the most 
Christian King, the Lady Regent. She entrusted to an ex- 
cellent Parisian philosopher called Jacomo Fabre, who had 
studied in Italy, the work of translating it into French.' 
This worthy person, I suppose to save himself trouble, made 
only a summaiy of it, leaving out what seemed fit to him ; 
and this was printed, very incorrectly, in Franco, and has 
now come into our hands ; and along with it a letter from 
one called Maximilianus of Transylvania, a secretary of His 
Miijesty the Emporor, to the most Reverend Cardinal of 
Salzburg, And this wo have wished to add to this volume 
of travels, as one of the greatest and most remarkable that 
there has ever been, and one at which those groat philoso- 
phers of old, hearing of it, would have been atupified and 
beside themselves. And the city of Vicensia may well boast^ 
among the other cities of Italy, that in addition to its nobility 
' It was writtca ia Friincli. Sen Introduction. 

DiaCOtlHBE OF BAMD3I0. 183 

and high qualities ; in addition to its many raro and excel- 
lent geniuses, both in letters and arms, there has been a 
genttcman of such courage as tho aforesaid Mosser Antonio 
Pigafetta, who has circnm navigated the whole globe, and 
has described it so exactly. There is no doubt that the 
ancients would have erected a statue of marble to him, and 
would have placed it in an honourable position, as a memo- 
rial and example to posterity of his great worth, and in 
acknowledgment of so stupendous an enterprise. But if, in 
this letter or in the summary, there be seen any discrepancy 
of names or things, let no one be astonished ; for the bent 
of men's minds is various, and one notices one thing and 
one another, just as the things appear most deserving of 
attention. Let it snffice if, in the principal things they 
agree, and many parts which are left out in one can be read 
at length in the other. Fabulous stories, too, are noted for 
what they are. This may be safely atEroied by anyone, that 
the ancieuta never bad such a knowledge of the world, 
which the snn goes round and examines every twenty-four 
hours, as we have at present, through the industiy of tfae 
men of those our times. 

Most Reverend and lUnstriona Lord, my only Lord, to you 
I most humbly commend myself. 

One of those five ships has lately returned which Cassar 
sent in former years, when he was living at Saragossa, to a 
strange, and for so many ages, an unknown world, in order 
to search for the islands where apices grow. For though 
tho Portuguese bring a great quantity of them from the 
Golden Chersonesus, which we now suppose to be Malacca, 
yet their own Indies produce nothing but pepper. Other 
spicoSj such as cinnamon, olovos, and tho nutmeg, which 


we call muscat, and its coveriog (mace), whicli we call mas- 
cat flower, are brought to their owa Indies from distant 
islands till now only known by name, and in ships which 
are fastened together not by iron but by palm leaves. The 
Bails of these ships are round and woven, too, of the palm- 
flbro. This sort of ships they call junks, and thoy only asa 
them with a wind directly fore and aft. 

It is no wonder that these islands should be unknown 
to any human beings almost up to our time. For what- 
ever we road concerning the native soil of the apices has 
been told ns by ancient authors, and is partly, certainly, 
fabulous ; and, partly, so far from the truth, that even the 
very countries in which they said that they grew naturally, 
are but little less distant from those where it is now 
known that they grow, than wo are. For to omit others, 
Herodotus, in other respects a most famed author, has said 
that cinnamon is found in birds' nests, to which the birds 
have brought it from most distant regions, and specially 
the Phoenix, and I know not who has seen his nest. But 
Pliny, who thought himself able to give more certain in- 
formation, because, before his time, many things had been 
made clear by the voyages of the fleets of Alexander the 
Great and of others, relates that cinnamon grows in ..lEthio- 
pia on the borders of the land of the Troglodytfe, whilst 
now it is known that cinnamon is produced very far from 
any part of Ethiopia, and specially from the Troglodytra 
(that is, the dwellers in subterranean caverns). But onr 
men, who have now returned, and who were perfectly ac- 
quainted with v^thiopia, have been obliged to make a com- 
plete circuit of the world, and that a very wide one, before 
they could find the islands and return. As this voyage may 
be considered marvellous, and not only unaccomphshed, but 
even unattempted either in our age or in any previous one, 
I have resolved to write as truly as possible to your Reve- 
rence the course (of the expedition) and the sequence of the 



whole matter. 1 have t^ken care to have everything related 
to me most exactly by the captain aud by the individual 
Bailors who have returned with him. They have also related 
each separate event to Cteaar and to others with such good 
faith and sincerity, that they seemed not only to tell nothing 
fabulous themselves, but by their relation to disprove and 
refute all the fabulous stories which had been told by old 
authors. For who can believe that those were Monosceli, 
ScyopodM, SyritEB, Spitamei, Pygmies, and many others, 
rather monsters than men. Aud as so many places beyond 
the Tropic of Capricorn have been sought, found, and care- 
fully examined, both by the Spaniards in the Bouth-west 
and by the Portuguese sailing eastwards, and ae the re- 
mainder of the whole world has now been sailed over by our 
countrymen, and yet nothing trustworthy has been heard 
concerning these man-monsters, it must be believed that the 
accounts of them are fabulous, lying, and old women's tales, 
handed down to us in some way by no credible author. 
But lest I, who have to travel over the whole world, should 
seem too diffuse in my introduction, I return to my story. 
When, nearly thirty years ago, the Spaniards in the west, 
and the Portuguese in the east, began to search for new 
and unknown lands, their two kings, lest one should be a 
hindrance to the other, divided the whole globe between 
them by the authority, most likely, of Pope Alexander tho 
Sixth, in this manner : that a straight line should be drawn 
300 miles, which they call leucte, west of the islands of the 
Hesperides, which are now called the islands of Capo Verd ; 
towards the north, and another towards the south Pole, till 
they should meet again, and so divide the world into two 
equal parts. And whatever strange land should bo dis- 
covered eastwards (of this line) should be ceded to the Por- 
tuguese, and whatever west of it to tho Spaniards. In this 
maunor it happened that tho Spaniards always sailed south, 
west, and there they discovered a very large continent and 


very groat and innnmorablo islandB, rich in gold and poarla 
and in other wealth, and doWj quite lately, have they dis- 
covered the vast Mediterranean city, Tenosticaj' situated in 
a lake, like Venice. About this city Peter Martyr, an 
author more careful about his facts than the elegance of his 
style, has written many wonderful, and yet true, things. 
Bat the Portuguese, passing southwards by the shores of 
the Hesperides, and of the ichthyophagous j^thiopians, and 
crossing the equinoctial line and the Tropic of Capricorn, 
sailed eastward, and discovered many great and uuknowa 
islands, and afterwards the sources of the Nile and the land 
of the Troglodytte, Thence they sailed past the Arabian 
and Persian Gulfs to the shores of India, within the Qangea, 
where there ia now the mighty emporium and kingdom of 
Calicut. Thence they sailed to Taprobanes, which they now 
call Zamatara. For there ia now no island which either 
can be, or cjin be supposed to be, Taprobanes, in the position 
in which Ptolemy, Pliny, and the other cosmogi-aphera 
placed it. Going thence, they arrived at the Golden Cher- 
Boneaus, where now is situated that most famous city of Ma- 
lacca, the greatest emporium of the East. After this they 
entered the Groat Gulf,^ which reaches as far as the country 
of the Sinaa, which they now call Schinee, where they found 
a white aud tolerably civilised people, like our Germans. 
They believe that the Seres and the Asiatic Scythians ex- 
tend as far as there. And though there was a certain 
rumour afloat that the Portuguese had progressed so far to 
the east as to cross their own limits and enter the territory 
of the Spaniards, and that Malacca and the Great Bay were 
within our limits, still all these things wore said rather than 
believed, until four years ago Ferdinand Magellan, a distin- 
guished Portuguese, who, for many years had explored tho 
coasts of the whole of the Elast as Admiral, took a groat 
hatred to his king, whom he complained of as being most 
I " I'euistitAU," Ramudo. ■ Gulf of HUm, 


nngrateful to him, aEil came to Cieaar, Christoplier Haro, 
too, my own father-in-law's brother, who had traded for 
many years in the East by means of his agents, he himself 
staying in tJIysstpone, commonly called Ltsboa, and who 
had lastly traded with the Chinese, so that he has groat 
practice in such things, having also been unjustly treated by 
the King of Portugal, came also home to Spain. And they 
both showed Ccesar that though it was not yet quite suro 
whether Malacca was within the confines of the Spaniards 
or the Portuguese, because, as yet, nothing of the longitode 
had been clearly proved, yet that it was quite plain that the 
Great Gulf and the people of Sinffl lay within the Spanish 
boundary. This, too, was held to be most certain, that the 
islands which they call the Moluccas, in which all the spices 
are produced, atid are thence exported to Malacca, lay 
withiu the Spanish western division, and that it was pos- 
sible to sail there; and that spices could be brought thence 
to Spain more easily, and at less expense and cheaper, aa 
they came direct from their native place. 

Their course would be this, to sail westward, coasting the 
southern hemisphere (till thoy came) to the East. The 
thing seemed almost impossible and useless, not because it 
was thought a difficult thing to go from the west right to 
the east under the hemisphere, but because it was uucerlaia 
whether ingenious nature, which has done nothing without 
the greatest foresight, had not so dissevered the east from 
the west, partly by sea and partly by land, as to make it 
impossible to arrive there by either land or sea travelling. 
For it had not then been discovered whether that great 
region which is called Terra Firma did separate the western 
sea from the eastern ; it was clear enough that that conti- 
nent, in its BQutheni part, trended southwards and after- 
wards westwards. It was clear, also, that two regions had 
been discovered in the North, one of which they called 
Regio Bacalcarum (Cod-Gsh Land), from a now kind offish; 


and tho other Terra Floridii. And if these two were united 
to that Terra Firma, it was impoasible to get to the east by 
going from the west, as nothing had ever been discovered of 
any channel throngh this land, though it had been sought 
for moat diligently and with great labour. And they con- 
eidered it a very doubtful ond most dangerous enterprise to 
go through the limits of the Portuguese, and so to the east. 
For which reason it seemed to Ctesar and to his counsellora 
that these men were promising a thing from which much 
was to be hoped, but atill of great difScnlty. When they 
wore both brought to an audience on a certain day, Magel- 
lan offered to go himself, but Christopher offered to fit out 
a fleet at his own expense and that of his friends, but only 
if it were allowed to sail under the authority and protection 
of Cresar. Whilst they both persisted rather obstinately in 
their offers, Ccesar himself equipped a fleet of five ships, and 
appointed Magellan its admiral. Their orders were, to sail 
southwards along the coast of Terra Firma till they found 
either its termination or some channel through which they 
might reach tho epice-bearing Moluccas. So Magellan set 
Bail on the 10th of August, 1519, with five ships from 
Seville, A few days after ho reached tho Fortunate Islands, 
which are now sometimes called tho Canaries. Thence 
they arrived at the Islands of the Hesperides,' from which 
they took a south-weatom course towards that continent 
which wo mentioned before ; and after some days' fair sail- 
ing they sighted a promontory, to which the name of Santa 
Maria has been given. Here Juan Ruy Diaz Solis had 
been oaten, with some of his companions, by tho anthropo- 
phagi, whom the Indians call cannibals, whilst, by order of 
Ferdinand the Cathohc, he was exploring the coast of this 
continent with a Beet. Sailing thence, our men coasted in 
an unbroken course along tho coasts of this continent, which 
extend a very long way aonth, and tend a little west, ao that 
' Cape Vuiilo Isluuds. 


tboy crossed tbe Tropic of Capricorn by uiany degrees, I 
tliink tliat this continent should be called tliiit of tbe South- 
ern Polo. But it was not so easy as I have said; for not 
till the last day of March of the following year did they 
reach a bay, to which they gave the name of Saint Julian. 
Here they found the Antarctic Pole star 40^ degrees above 
their horizon, both by the altitude and declination of the 
sun from the Equinoctial, and also by the altitude of the 
Antarctic {Pole star) itself. This star our sailors generally 
make nse of mora than of any other. They state also that 
the longitude was 56 deg. west of the Fortunate Isles. 
For, as the ancient cosmographera, and specially Ptolemy, 
reckoned the longitude from the Fortunate Islands east- 
ward to Cotigara at 180 deg., so our men, sailing as 
far as they could westward also, began to reckon another 
180 deg. westward to Cutigara, aa was right. Yet our 
sailors seem to me rather to be mistaken in the calculation 
of the longitudes (of distances ?) than to have fixed them 
with any certainty, because in so long a voyage, and being 
so distant from the land, they cannot fi.t and determine any 
marks or signs for the longitude. Still I think that these 
acconnts, whatever they be, should not be cast aside, but 
rather accepted till more certain information be discovered. 
This Gulf of Saint Julian seemed verj' groat, and had tho 
appearance of a channel. Wherefore Admiral Magellan 
ordered two ships to explore the Gulf and anchored the rest 
outside. After two days, information was brought to him 
that the Gulf was full of shoals, and did not extend far in- 
land. Our men, on their way back, saw some Indians pick- 
ing up shell-fish on the shore j for they call tho natives of 
all unknown lauds Indians, They were of extraordinary 
height, that is to say, about ten spans, were clothed in the 
skins of wild beasts, and seemed darker than would be ex- 
pected from the aituation of the country. When some of 
our men went on shore to tliem and showed them bells 


and pictures painted on paper, thoj bepan a hoarse chant 
and an unintelligible song, dancing round onr men, and, in 
order to astonish them, they passed arrows a cubit and a 
half long down tlieir throats to the bottom of their stomachs, 
and without being sick. And forthwith drawing them out 
again, they seemed to rejoice gi-eatly, as having shown their 
bravery by this exploit. 

At last three came as ambassadors, and prayed our men, 
by certain signs, to go further inland with thom, as if they 
would receive them with all hospitality. Magellan sent 
seven men, well armed, with thom, to investigate as care- 
fully as possible both country and people. When they had 
gone with them about soven miles inland, they came to a 
thick and pathless wood. 

Here was a rather low hut, covered with skins of wild 
beasts. There were two apartments in it ; in one lived the 
women with their children, in the other the men. There 
were thirteen women and children, and 6ve men. These re- 
ceived their guests with a (ferali apparatu') barbarous 
pomp, which seemed to them a royal one. An animal was 
alaugbtered, which seemed to differ little from the onager, 
and they served it up half roasted to onr men, without any 
other food or drink. Our men were obliged, contrary to 
their custom, to sleep under skins, on account of the severity 
of the snow and wind. Wherefore, before they slept, they 
set watch. The Indians did the same, and lay down near 
our men, snoring horribly. 

Wten the day had broken, our men asked them to re- 
turn with them to the ships, with the whole family. When 
the Indians had refused for a considerable time, and our 

' Literally, with fnnoreal or luguliriouB state ; but Maximilian and 
bis traiLslAtorB appear to have thought tlint feralit is derived from fera. 
narousion tninalal«8 : " Dando loro a mangiar came di fiere;" and the 
Spanisli veraion iu Navarrete has : " Cou su aparato j cerimouias bes- 
tialoB." Ducange boa an adverb, /eru/tMr, with the sense of beastly. 



men had insisted upon it rather impcrionsly, tho men entored 
tlie den-like' women's apartment. The Spaniards thought 
that they were consulting with their wivoa concerning this 
expedition ; but they returned covered, from the sole of 
their feet to the crown of their heads, with different horrible 
skins, and with their faces painted in different colours, and 
equipped in this terrible and horrible garb with bowa and 
arrows for battle, and (seemingly ?) of much greater stature 
than before. The Spaniards, who thought that it would 
come to a 6ghfc, ordered (a shot) to be fired. Though this 
shot was harmless, still the giants, who looked just before 
fit to contend with Jove, were so frightened by this sound, 
that they began forthwith to speak of peace. The upshot 
was, that three men returned with our fellows to the ships, 
having sent away the rest of the family. So they started 
for the ships, But, as our men could not only not keep up 
with these almost giants when the latter were running, but 
could not, even by running, keep up with them walking, 
two of them escaped upon tho march, on the pretext of pur- 
suing an onager, which they saw feeding at a distance upon 
a mountain. The third was brought to the ship, but died, 
within a few days, of fasting, which he had imposed upon 
himself, according to the habit of the Indiana, throngh home- 
sickness. And though the admiral sent again to that hut, 
in order to catch some one of these giants to take to Cfcaar 
on account of their novelty, yet no one was found there, but 
all had gone elsewhere with the hut. Whence it seems clear 
that that race is a wandering one, nor did our men ever see 
another Indian on that coast, though they remained in that 
bay for many days, as we shall mention farther on. They 
did not think that there was anything in that region of 
sufficient importance to justify their exploring it and the 
interior any farther. Though Magellan perceived that any 
longer stay there was nseless, yet, aa the sea for several 
' " Fcrnlis," ag.»in. 


days was stormy and the sky tfareatening, and tbe land 
Btretclied continuously southwards, so that the farther they 
went the colder they would find that region, his departure 
was necessarily put off from day to day, till the month of 
May was close upon them, from which time the winter there 
begina to be moat severe, so that it became necessary to 
winter at the very time when we have our summer, Magel- 
lan foreseeing that the voyage would be a lon;T one, ordered 
provisions to be served out more sparingly among hia crews, 
so that the stock might last longer. When the Spaniards 
had borne this patiently for some days, fearing the severity 
of the winter and the barrenness of the country, thoy at last 
petitioned their admiral, Magellan, that, as he saw that the 
land stretched uninterruptedly to the south, and that no 
hope remained of its terminating or of the discovery of a 
Btrait through it, and that a severe winter was imminent, 
and that many of them were dead of starvation and hard- 
ships ; and declared that they could no longer bear the rule 
which ho had made about the allowance of provisions (lex 
Bumptuaria), and begged that he would increase the allow- 
ouce of provisions, and think about going home ; that 
Cfeaar never intended that they should too obstinately 
attempt what nature itself and otber obstacles opposed; 
that their exertions wore already sufficiently known and 
approved of, — for they had gone farther than either the 
boldness or rashness of mortals had ever dared to go as yet; 
and that they could easily reach some milder shore, if they 
were to sail south (north ?) for a few days, a south wind be- 
ing then blowing. But in reply, Magellan, who had ab-eady 
made up hia mind either to die or to complete his enter- 
prise, said that his coarse had been laid down for him by 
Cfesar himself, and that he neither could nor would depart 
from it in any degree, and that he would in consequence 
sail till he found either the end of the land or some strait 
(through it] . 

Magellan's keasons for ooiko forwahp. 193 

That though they could not at present succeed whilst 
winter was agaitiat them, yet that it would be easy in the 
suinrocr of that region. Bat tlmt, if they would continue 
towards the Autarctic portion of this country, the whole of 
its summer would be one peqietual day. That there were 
means if they would only try them, by which they might 
avoid famine and the rigour of the winter, inasmuch as 
there was abundance of wood, and the sea provided shell- 
fish and many sorts of the very best fish. The springs 
there were wholesome, and birdfowling and hunting would 
supply many wants ; and neither bread nor wine had as yet 
been lacking, nor would they lack in future if they would 
only bear that they should be served out when needed, or 
for health's sake, and not for pleasure or fur luxury. They 
had douo nothing as yet worthy of admiration, or which 
could serve as an excuse for their return, inasmuch aa the 
Portuguese crossed the tropic of Capricorn by as much as 
12 deg, not only every year, but almost every day, when 
they were sailing eastwards. They would be thought 
worthy of very little praise who had gone only 4 deg, 
southwards. Ue had certainly made up his mind to endure 
the worst rather than return ignominiously to Spain, and 
he trusted that all his comrades, or at least those in whom 
the noble Spanish spirit wa» not yot dead, would be of the 
same mind. 

He advised them to bear at least the remainder of tho 
winter patiently, and said that their rewards would be tho 
more abundant the more difficulties and dangers they had 
endured in opening to Cresar a new unknown world, rich in 
spices and gold. Magellan thought that the minda of his 
crews were soothed and cheered by this harangue, but 
within a few days was harassed by a shameful and foul 
conspiracy. For talking began amongst the crews about 
the old eternal hatred betsveen the Portuguese and the 
Spaniards, and about Magellan's being a Portuguese. Ue, 


they said, could do nothing more glorious for his own 
country than to cast away this fleet, with so many men. 
Nor waa it credible that he should wish to discover the 
Molnccas, even if he wore able; but he would think it 
Bufficiont if he could lure Ceesar on for some years with a 
vain hope, and meanwhile something new would turn up, 
by which the Spaniards would for the future be diverted 
from the search for spices. Nor even had their course 
began to tarn towards those happy Moluccas, but rather to 
distant snows and ice, and to perpetual storms. 

Magellan, very much enraged by these sayings, punished 
the men, but rather more harshly than was proper for a 
foreigner, especially when commanding in a distant coun- 
try. So, having planned a conspiracy, they seize upon a 
ship, and make ready to return to Spain. But he, with the 
rest whom he had still obedient to his commands, attacked 
that ship, and put to death the head man anil the other 
ringleaders, those even who could not lawfully be so treaterl 
sharing the same fate. For these were certain sei-vanta of 
the king, upon whom no one but C;usar and his Council 
conld lawfully pronounce a sentence of death. Neverthe- 
less, no one from that time dared to disparage the power of 
the commander. Still, there were not wanting some who 
whispered that Magellan would, in the same manner, mur- 
der all the Spaniards to the last man, until he, having got 
rid of them all, might return with the few Portuguese with 
the fleet to his own country. And so this hatred settled 
more deeply in the hearts of the Spaniards. 

As soon as ever Magellan saw the storminess of the sea 
and the rigour of the winter mitigated, ho set sail from the 
gulf of St, Julian on the 24th of August. And, as before, 
he followed the coarse of the coast southwards for many 
days. A promontory was at last sighted, which they called 
Santa Cruz, when a severe storm, springing from the east, 
suddenly caught them, and one of the five ships was cast 


on shore, the men being all saved, with the merchandise 
and equipment, except one Ethiopian slave, who was 
caught and drowned by the waves. After this the land 
eeemed to bear a little east and south, and this they began 
to coast along as usual, and on the 26th of November 
certain inlets of the sea were discovered, which had the 
appearance of a strait. Magellan entered them forthwith 
with the whole fleet, and when he saw other and again 
other bays, he gave orders that they should bo all carefully 
examined from the ships, to see if anywhere a passage 
might be discovered; and said that he would himself wait 
at the mouth of the strait till the fifth day, to hoar what 
might happen. 

One of the ships, which Alvarns Meschito, his nephew, 
commanded, was carried back by the tide to the sea, to 
the very place where they entered the gulf. But when the 
Spaniards perceived that they were far away from the other 
ships, they made a plot to return home, put Alvarus, their 
captain, in irons, bent their course northwards, and were 
at last carried to the coast of Ethiopia (Guinea), and, 
having victualled there, they reached Spain eight months 
after they had deserted the rest. There they compel 
Alvarus to stand his trial in chains (causam ex vinculis 
dicere faciunt quasi), for having, by his counsel and advice, 
inductd his nncle Magellan to practise such harshness on 
the Spaniards. 

But when Magellan had waited for this ship some days 
longer than the time fixed, another returned, which had 
discovered nothing but a bay full of shoals and shingle, and 
very lofty clifis. The third ship, however, reported that 
the largest bay had the appearance of a strait, as in three 
days' sail they had found no way out ; but the farther they 
had gone the narrower the sea was, and they had not been 
able to sound the depth of it in many places by any length 
of line, and that they had also noticed that the tide was 



rather stronger tban the ebb, and that so thoy were per- 
suaded that a passage was open in that direction to some 
other sea. He made up liia uiiiid to sail through it. This 
channel, which they did not then know to be a channel, was 
at one place three Italian miles wide, at another two, some- 
times ten, and sometimes five, and pointed a little west- 
ward. The altitude of the southern pole was found to 
be 52 deg., and the longitude to be the Bume, as at St. 
Julian's Bay. The month of November was upon theni 
(Aderat jam mensis Novombria), the night was rather more 
than five hours long, and they had never seen any human 
beings on the shore. 

But one night a great number of fires were seen, mostly 
on their left hand, from whicb they guessed that they had 
been seen by the natives of the region. But Magellan, see- 
ing that the countiy was rocky, and also stark with eternal 
cold, thought it useless to waste many days in examining 
it; and so, with only three ships, he continued on his 
course along the channel, until, on the twenty-second day 
after he had entered it, hs sailed out upon another wide 
and vast sea. The length of the channel they attest to be 
nearly a hundred Spanish miles. 

There Ja no doubt that the land which they had upon 
their right was the continent of which wo have spoken, 
but they think that the land on tho loft was not a main- 
land, but islftuda, because sometimes on that side they heard 
on a still farther coast tho beating and roaring of the sea. 

Magellan saw that the continent stretched northwards 
again in a straight line; wherefore, leaving that huge con- 
tinent on the right hand, he ordered them to sail through 
that vast and mighty sea (which I do not think had ever 
seen either our or any one else's ships) in the direction 
whence the wind called Corus' generally blows — that is, 
'twixt north and west — so that he might, by going through 
' Or, Caurus. 


west to east, again arrive at the torrid zone j for lie thought 
that it was proved sufficiently clearly that the Moluccas 
were iu the most remote oast, and could not be far from 
the equator. They kept this course uninterruptedlyj nor 
did they ever depart from it, except when rough weather 
or violent winds compelled them to diverge ; and when 
tbey had in this manner been carried for forty days by a 
strong and generally favourable wind, and had seen no- 
thing but sea, and everywhere sea — when they had almost 
reached the tropic of Capricorn once more, two islands 
were sighted, but small and barreu. These they found 
uninhabited when they tried to land ; still, they stopped 
there two days for their health's sake, and general rccruil- 
iug of their bodies, for there was very fair fishing there. 
They named these the Unfortunate Islands by common 
consent. Then they a^uin set sail thence, following their 
origiual course and direction of sailing. And when, for 
three months and twenty days, they had been sailing over 
this ocean with great good fortune, and had traversed an 
immense part of the sea — more vast than mind of man can 
conceive, for they had been driven almost continuously by 
a very strong wind — they were now at last arrived ou this 
side of the ecjuinoctial hue, and at last they saw an island, 
called, as tbey learnt afterwards, luuagana by the natives. 
When they had approached uearer, they discovered the 
altitude of the Arctic pole to be II deg. The longitude 
tlioy thought to be 158 deg. west of Gades. Then they 
&aw other and still more islands, so that they knew they 
had arrived at some vast archipelago. When they reached 
Inuagana, the island was discovered to bo uninhabited. 
They then approached a rather small island, where they 
saw two Indian canoes — for that is the name by which this 
&trange kind of boat is called by the Indians. The canoes 
are cut and hallowed out of a single trank of a tree, and 
liold one, or, at most, two men ; and they usually speak by 

193 ABRIVAI. AT PHlLlHriNE 18LiND3. 

geRtnres and eigns, aa if the dumb were talkiof; wiui tlu 

They asked the IndiaoB the namea of the islands, and 
where they could get provisions, of which thej were in 
great want. They uuderatoud that the island in whidi 
thuy had boon was called Inuagana, and that the one where 
they now were was Acaca, bat both of them uninhabited. 
They said that there was an island not far off, which was 
called Selani, and which thoy almost showed with their 
liuger, and that it was inhabited, and that an abundance of 
everything necessary for life was to be found there. 

Our men, having taken in water in Acuca, sailed towards 
Selaui ; here a storm took them, so that they could not 
bring the ships to that island, but were driven to another 
island called Maasauu, where lives a king of (the?) three 
islands, after tlmt they arrived at Subuth, This is an 
excellent and large island, and, having made a treaty with 
its chieftain, they landed immediately to perform divine 
service, aC(.'ording to the manner of Christiana, for it was 
the feast of the resurrection of Him who was our salvation. 
Wherefore they built a small chapel of the sails of the ships, 
and of boughs, and in thiit they built an altar according to 
the Christian rites, and performed service after thetr home 
fashion. The chieftain came up with a great number of 
Indians, who seemed in every way delighted by this wor- 
ship of the gods. They led the admiral and some of the 
officers to the chief's hut, and put before them whatever 
food they had. Thii-ir bread, which they call sago, was made 
of tho trunk or wood of a tree, rather like a palm. This, 
when cut in pieces, and fried in oil in a pan, supplies them 
with bread, a small piece of which I send to your reverence. 
Their drink was a liquor which flows and trickles from the 
boughs of the palm-trees when cut. Fowling, too, supplied 
the feast, and the rest was the fruit of that region. 

Magellan beheld, in the chief's hut, one sick, and almost 


at the last gasp. He asked who he was, aud what illaesa 
he was suiTeriug from. He learut that he was tho chief's 
gi-audtiou, aod liad now Buffered for two jeara from a raging 
fever. But he told him to be of good cheer, aud that he 
would immediately recover his health and former strength, 
if he would only become a Christian. The Indian accepted 
the condition, and, having adored the Cross, ho received 
baptisin, aud the next day declared that he was well, rose 
from bis bed, walked, aud took food like the rest. He told 
I know nut what vi^iiuQS to the Indians. What need I say 
more ? The chief himself, with two thousand two hundred 
Indians, was baptized, and professed the name and religion 
of Christ. Hut Magellan, judging this island to abound in 
gold and ginger, and, besides, to be convenient from its 
position with respect to the neighbouring islands, for 
e.xpluring with ease their wealth aud produce of the earth, 
goes to the Chief of iSubuth, and persuades him that as he 
had abandoned that vain and impious worship of the gods, 
aud had turned to tho religion of Christ, it was only fair 
tlia^the kings of the neighbouring isles shuidd be subject 
to hiu rule and command ; and he said that be had resolved 
to sL-nd ambassadors concerning this, and compel by ai-ma 
those who did not listen to his command. 

This proposition pleased the savage, and the ambaesodora 
were scut. The chiefs came in one by one, and did homaga 
The nearest island was called llauthan, the king of which 
esL'elled the others in number of soldiers and in arms, and 
he refused to do homage to one whom he had been accus- 
tomed for so long lo command. 

Magellan, who desired to finish what be bad once begun, 
gave orders that forty of his men, whose bravery and 
jirowess he hud proved, should arm, aud he crossed over to 
Mautban in boats, for the island was very near. The Chief 
of SubuCb added some of his own men to show bim the 
situation of the island, and lo fight, if matters came to that. 

200 DRATH or HAUtlLLAN. 

The King of Mauthun, seciag our men coming, draws up 
about three ihousaud of his suhjects in the field, aud Ma- 
gellau draws up his on the plioro, with their gnna and war- 
like engines, though only a few ; and tbouyh ho saw that 
he was far inferior to the enemy in number, yet ho thought 
it better to fight this warlike race, which niado use of 
lances and other long weapons, than either to return or to 
nee the soldiers from Subntb. So bo orders his men to be 
of good cheer and brave hearts, and not to be alarmed at 
tlie number of the enemy, for they had often seen, as for- 
merly, BO in quite recent times, two hundred Spaniards in 
the island of Yucatan put sometimes two or three hundred 
thousand men to flight. But he pointed out to the Suliuth 
islanders that bo had brought them, not to fight, but tu 
watch their bravery and fighting power (robur in acie), 
So, baring charged the enemy, both sides fought valiantly : 
but, as the enemy were more numerous, and used longer 
weapons, with which they did our men much damage, 
Magellan himself was at last thrust through aud slain. But 
the rest of our men, though they did not seem quite con- 
quered, yet retreated, having lost their leader. And the 
enemy dared not follow them, as they were retreating in 
good order, 

So the Spaniards, having lost their admiral, Magellan, 
and seven of their commdes, returned to Subutli, where 
they chose another commander, John Serrano, a man not to 
he despised. He immediately renewed with fresh gifts 
tho alliance that had been made with the King of Subuth, 
aud promised to subdue tho King of Mauthun. 

Magellan had a slave, bom in the Moluccas, whom he 
had bought in Malacca some time back; this man was a 
perfect master of the Spaaiah language, and, with the 
assistance of one of the inlanders of Subuth as interpreter, 
who knew the language of the Moluccas, our men managed 
all their communications. This slave had been present at 


the battle of MauUian, aud bad received soma slight 
wounds in it. For which reason he lay all day long nurs- 
ing himself. Serrano, who could manage nothing without 
him, spoke to him very harshly, and told him thut he had 
not ceased to be a slave and bondsman because Magellan 
was dead, but that the yoke of slavery would be heavier, 
and that he would be severely flogged unless he did the 
eervices required of him more zealously. 

This slave conceived an intense hatred of ua from these 
words ; but, concealing his anger, he wont a few days after 
to the Chief uf Siibuth, and told him that the greed of the 
Spaniards was insatiable, that they had resolved and deter- 
mined, after they had conquered the King of Mauthan, to 
make a quarrel with him and take him awuy pnsuuer, and 
there was uo other remedy possible than to anticipate their 
treachery by treachery. The savage believed it all. Ho 
made peace secretly with the King of Mauthau and the 
others, and they plotted our destruction. Serrano, the 
commander, with all the rest of his officers, who were about 
twenty-seven in nnmber, were inWted to a solemn banquet. 
They* suspecting no evil — for the savages had cunningly 
dissimulated in everj'thing — land, careless and unsuspecting, 
as men who were going to dine with the chief would do. 
Whilst they were feasting they were set upon by those 
who had been placed in ambush. Shouts wore raised on 
all sides, and news flew to the ships that our men were 
murdered, and that everything on the island was hostile to 
ns. Our men see from the ships that the beautiful cross 
which they had hoisted on a tree vras hurled to the ground, 
and kicked to pieces by the savages with great fury. But 
the remaining Spaniards, who had stopped on board, when 
they knew of their comrades' murder, feared some stiU 
greater treachery. Wherefore, when they had weighed 
anchor, they begin to set sail quickly. Shortly after, 
Serrano was brought down to the shore buund most ci'uelty. 


aod be begged tbein to redeem blin from so harsb a capti- 
vity. He said ho had prevailed npon them to permit his 
bein^ ransomed, if our men would only do it. 

Though our men thought it Bhameful to leave theii- com- 
mander iu this way, yet, fearing fraud and treachery, they 
put out to sea, leaving Serrano on the shore, weepiug 
bitterly, and imploring the help and assistance of his fellow- 
countrymen with great and grievous lamentation. The 
Spaniards sailed along, sad and anxious, having lost their 
commander and their shipmates, not only alurmed by their 
loss and by the slaughter of their mates, but because their 
number was reduced so low that it was quite insufKcient for 
the tuauagement of three ships. Wherefore they hold a 
council, and, haviug taken the votes, they agree that there 
was nothing bettor to do than to burn some one of the three 
ships, and keep only two. 

So they go to an island near, Cohol' by name, and transfer 
the equipment to the other two ships, and buru the third. 
Then they sailed to the island culled (libeth. Though they 
found that it was rich iu gold and ginger uud many other 
things, yet they thought it better not to stay there long, 
because they could not, by any kindiietis, attract the Indians 
to them. And theii- scantiness of number prevented their 
fighting. Thence they went to the island Porno (Borneo), 
There are two great and rich islands in this archipelago, ons 
of which was called Siloli, the king of which had six hundred 
children ; and the other Pome. 

tiiiloH was greater than the one called Pome. For it takea 
nearly six mouths to sail round it, but Pome only three. 
But just so much as the former is larger, so much is the 
latter better situated as regards fortibty of soil, and more 
famed also for the size of a city of the same name aa itself. 
And, as Porue must be considered of more importance than 
any of the other islands which they hud exumiueil, and 
' Uuliol. 


seemed to be the eource wheoro the others received their 
good fuatoins and c-ivilizatioa (cultiiiu vitas), I have roaolved 
to touch, in a few words, npou the customs aud laws of these 
jieoplcs. All these ialaudera are Caphra3, that is, heathen, 
and woi-ahip the sun and moon. Tbey ascribe the rule of 
the day to the son, but that of the night to the moon ; the 
former they call maloj and the latter female; and them, too, 
they call the paronts of the stars, which they deem to be 
all gods, though email ones. They salute the rising sua 
with certain hymns befuro thay worship it. This thoy do 
also to the moon, when it shines at night, to whom they 
pray for children, and fruitful increase ofcattle, and abundant 
fruits of the earth, and other things of that sort. 

But they practise justice and piety, and specially do they 
love peace and quiet, but war they greatly detoat, and they 
honour their king as a god whilst he is bent upon peace. 
But if he be too doairuus of war, they rest not till he has 
fallen by the hand of the enemy in battle. Whenever ho 
has determined to wage war, which is rarely done, he is 
placed by his subjects in the vanguard, where he is com- 
pelled to bear the whole onslaught of the enemy. Kor do 
they figlit against the enemy with any spirit until they 
know that their king is dead ; then, first do they begin to 
tight for their hberty and for their future king, nor has 
there ever been seen among them a king who began a war 
who has not died in battle. Wherefore they rarely wage 
war, and think it unjust to extend their territories j but the 
special care of all is not wantonly to attack either the 
neighbouring or the distaut peoples. But if at any time 
they are attacked, they meet force by force (par pari re- 
ferunt]. But lest the mischief should spre.-id farlher they 
look immediately to making peace. There can be nothing 
more houourablo among them than to be the first to ask for 
peace, nor more disgraceful than to be anticipated in asking 
fur it, and they think it shameful uud hutcful to refuse it to 




anvone, even if he had attacked them withoDt prorocation. 
And ail the neighbouring people unite against the one (who 
refuses peace) for his destruction, as against a cruel and 
impious man. Whence it happens that tbcy almost always 
enjoy quiet and repose. There is no robbery among them, 
and no murder. No one but his wives and children may 
speak to the king, except by means of canes, which they 
place to his ear from a distance, and whisper what they 
wish through them. They say that man, after hia death, 
has no feeling, as he had none before his birth. They have 
small houses, built of logs and of earth, partly roofed with 
rubble, and partly with palm leaves, [^des habcnt exiles 
ex lignis & teri-a conatructas, partim mJere, partim palaia- 
tia frondibua coopei-tas.] It is, though, quite certain that 
in Pome there are twenty thousand houses. They marry 
as many wives as they can afford, and live on food, which 
bird-fowling or fishing aupphea them with. They make 
bread of rice, and a drink which drops from the severed 
branches of the palm, as we said before. 

Some carry on traffic in the neighbouring islands, to 
which they go in junks; some devote themselves to hunt- 
ing; some to fishing; and others to agriculture. They 
have dresses of cotton, and almost all the animals that wo 
have, except the sheep, the ox, and the ass; but their horses 
are very small and feeble. The produce of camphor, of 
ginger, and of cinnamon, is great among them. Thence 
our men, having saluted this king, and heaped him with 
presents, directed their course to the Moluccas, which had 
been pointed out to them by the same king. They came to 
the shores of the island of Solo, where they heard that there 
were pearls as big as dove's eggs, and sometimes aa hen's 
eggs, but which can only be fished up from the very deepest 
sea. Our men brought no large pearl, because the season 
of the year did not allow of the fishery. But they testify 
that they Lad taken an oyster in that region, the flesli of 

r-Anoi: prarls. SOS 

which weighed forty-seven pounds. For which reason I 
could easily believe that pearls of that great size are found 
there ; for it is clearly proved that pearls are the product of 
shell-fish. And to omit nothing-j our men constantly affirm 
that the islanders of Porne told them that the king wore in 
his crown two pearls of the size of a goose's egg. Hence 
they wont to the island of Gilo, where they saw men with 
ears so long and pendulousj that they reached to theip 
shoulders. When our men were mightily astonished at this, 
they leamt from the natives that there was another island 
not far off where the men had ears not only pendulous, but 
BO long and broad, that one of them would cover the whole 
head, if they wanted it (cum ex usu esaet). But our raon, 
who sought not monsters but spices, neglecting this non- 
sense, went straight to the Moluccas, and they discovered 
them eight months after their admiral, Magellan, had fallen 
iu Mauthan, The islands are five in number, and are called 
Tarante, Muthil, Thidore, Mare, and Matthien: some on this 
side, some on the other, and some upon the equinoctial line. 
One produces cloves, another nutmegs, and another cin- 
namon. All are near to each other, but small and rather 

The kings (off) Marmin began to believe that souls were 
immortal a few years ago, induced by no other argument 
than that they saw that a certain most beautiful small bird 
never rested upon the ground nor upon anything that grew 
upon it J but they sometimes saw it fall dead upon the ground 
from the sky. And as the Mahometans, who travelled to 
those parts for commercial purposes, told them that this 
bird was born in Paradise, and that Paradise was the abode 
of the souls of those who had died, these kings (reguli) em- 
braced the sect of Mahomet, because it promised wonderful 
things concerning this abode of souls. Bub they call the 
bird Mamuco Diata, and they hold it in such reverence 
aud religious esteem, that they believe that by it their 


kings arc safo in war, even though they, according to c 
torn, are jilaced in the fore front of battie. The c 
folk are Caphraa, and of almost the eamo manners and laws 
aa the ialaniSera of Porae; thoy are rather poor, as would be 
likely with people in whose laud nothing grows except 
spices. These they willingly barter for poisons, namely, 
arsenic and what is commonly called sDblimate of mercury, 
and for linens, in which they generally are dressed ; but for 
what purpose they use these poisons, we have not yet found 
out. They live on sago bread and fish, and sometimes on 
parrots, and they shelter in low huts, Wliat need of many 
words. Everything there is humble, and of no value, but 
peace, quiet, and spices. The best and noblest of which, 
and the greatest good possible, namely, peace, seems to 
have been driven by men's wickedness from our world to 
theirs. But avarice and the insatiable greed of tho belly, 
have driven us to seek for spices iti their unknown world. 
(Adeo hominum protervia salubria qunoque hand loogius 
satis nequet protudere neque qua; luxus et libidinis appetere.) 
But, our men having carefully inspected the position of tha 
Moluccas and of each separate island, and also having in- 
quired about the habits of tho kings, went to Thedori, be- ' 
cause they learnt that in that island the supply of cloves 
was far above that of the others, and that its king also sur- 
passed the other kings in wisdom and humanity. So, 
having prepared their gifts, they land, and salute the king, 
and they offer the presents as if they had been sent by 
Ciesar. He, having received the presents kindly, looks up 
to heaven, and says: "I have known now for two years 
from the course of the stars, that you were coming to seek 
these lands, sent by the most mighty King of Kings. 
Wherefore your coming is the more pleasant and grateful 
to me, as I bad been forewarned of it by the signification 
of the stars." 

And, aa I know that nothing ever happens to any man 


which has not been fixed long before by the decree of fate 
and the stars. I will not be the one to attempt to withstand 
cither the fates or the signification of the stars, 'but willingly 
and of good cheer, will henceforth lay aside the royal pomp 
and will consider myself as managing the administration of 
this island only in the name of your king. Wherefore draw 
j'oar ships into port, and order the rest of your comrades 
to land ; so that now at last, after such a long tossing upon 
the seag, and so many dangers, you may enjoy the pleasures 
of the land and refresh your bodies. And think not but 
that yon have arrived at your king's kingdom. Having 
said this, the king, laying aside hia crown, embraced them 
one by one, and ordered whatever food that land afforded to 
be brought. Oar men being overjoyed at this, retnmed to 
their comrades, and told them what had happened. They, 
pleased above measure with the friendly behaviour and 
kindness of the king, take possession of the island. And 
when their health was completely restored, in a fow days, 
by the king's munificence, they send envoys to the other 
kings, to csaminG the wealth of the islands, and to conciliate 
the other kings. Tarante was the nearest, and also the 
smalleat, of the islands ; for it has a circumference of a littls 
more than six Italian miles. Mathien is next to it, and it, 
too, is small. These three produce a great quantity of 
cloves, but more every fourth year than the other three. 
These trees only grow on steep rocks, and that so thickly 
as frequently to form a grove. This tree is very like a laurel 
(or bay tree) in leaf, closeness of growth, and height; and 
the gariophile which they call clove from its likeness (to a 
nail, clavus) grows on the tip of each separate twig. First a 
bnd, and then a flower, just like the orange Sower is produced. 
The pointed part of the clove is fixed at the extreme end 
of the branch, and then growing slightly longer, it forms a 
spike. It is at first red, but soon gets black by the heat of 
the sun. The natives keep the plantations of these trees 

Beparate, as we do oiir vinos. They hary the cloves in pits 
till they are taken away by tlie traders. 

Muthil, the fourth island, is not larger than the rest, and 
it produces cinnamon. The tree is full of shoots, and in 
other respects barren ; it delights in dryness, and is very 
like the tree which bears pomegranates. The bark of this 
splits under the influence of the sun's heat, and is stripped 
off the wood ; snd, after drying a little in the sun, it is cin- 
namon. Near to this is another island, called Buda,' larger 
and more ample than the Moluccas. In this grows the nut- 
meg, the tree of which is tall and spreading, and ia rather 
like the walnut tree, and its nut, too, grows like the wal- 
nut ; for it is protected by a double husk, at 6rst like a 
furry calix, and under this a thin membrane, which om- 
braoes the nut liko network. This is called the Muscat 
flower with us, but by the Spaniards mnco, and is a noble 
and wholesome spice. The other covering is a woody shell, 
like that of hazel-nut, and in thnt, as we have already said, 
is the nutmeg. Ginger grows here and there in each of the 
islands of the archipelago. It sometimes grows by sowing, 
and sometimes spontaneously ; but that which is sown is 
the more valuable. Its grass is like that of the saiTi-on, and 
its root is almost the same too, and that is ginger. Our 
men were kindly treated by the chiefs in turn, and they, 
too, submitted freely to the rule of Cfesar, like the King of 
Thidori. But the Spaniards, who had but two ships, re- 
solved to bring some of each (spice) home, but to load the 
ships with cloves, because the crop of that was most abun- 
dant that year, and our ships could contain a greater quantity 
of this kind of spice. Having, therefore, loaded the ships 
with cloves, and having received letters and presents for 
Cajsar from the kings, they make ready for their departure. 
The letters were full of submission and respect. The gifts 
were Indian swords, and things of that sort. But, best of all, 
■ Bnudan. 


the Mamuco Dinta ; tbat is, tlie Bird of God, by which tliey 
believo tliemselvea to be safe and invincible in battle. Of 
which 5ve were sent, and one I obtained from the captain 
(con gran prieghi), which I send to your reverence, not that 
your revoreneo may think yonraelf safe from treachery and 
the sword by means of it, as they profess to do, but that 
yon may bo pleased by its rareness and beauty, I send also 
some cinnamon and uatmeg and cloves, to show that our 
spicoa ana not only not worse, but more valuable than those 
which the Venetians and Portuguese bring, because thoy 
are fresher. When our men had sot sail from Thodori. one 
of the ships, and that the larger one, having sprung a leak, 
began to make water, so that it became necessary to put 
buck to Thedori, When the Spaniards saw that this mis- 
chief could not be remedied without great labour and much 
time, they agreed that the other ship should sail to the 
Capo of Cattigara, and afterwards through the deep as far 
as possible from the coast of India, lest it should be soen 
by the Portuguese, and until they saw the Promontory of 
Africa, which projects beyond the Tropic of Capricorn, and 
to which tho Portuguese have given the namo of Good 
Hope ; and from that point the passage to Spain would be 
easy. But as soon as the other ship was re&tted, it should 
direct its course through the archipelago, and that vast 
ocean towards tho shores of the continent which we men- 
tioned before, till it found that coast which was in the 
neighlwJurhood of Darien, and where the southern sea was 
separated from tho western, in which are the Spanish Is- 
lands, by a very narrow space of laud. So tho ship sailed 
again from Thodon, and, having gone twelve degrees ou 
the other side of the eijninoctial line, they did not find tho 
Cape of Cattigara. which Ptolemy supposed to extend even 
beyond tho equinoctial bno ; but when they had traversed 
an immense space of sea, they came to Hie Capo of Goofi 
Hope and afterwards to the Islands of the Uespcrides. 



And, as tliis ship let in water, being mucli knocked e 
by this long voyage, the sailors, many of whom had died by 
hardships by land and by aea, conld not clear the ship of 
the water. Wherefore they landed upon one of the islands, 
which is named after Saint James, to buy slaves. But as 
our men had no money, they offered, sailor fashion, cloves 
for the slaves. This matter having' come to the ears of the 
Portuguese who were in command of the island, thirteen of 
our men were thrown into prison. The rest were eighteen 
iu number. Frightened by the strangeness of this be- 
haviour, they started straight for Spain, leaving their ship- 
mates behind them. And so, in the sixteenth mouth after 
leaving Thedori, they arrived safe and sound on the sixth 
of September, at the port near Hispalis (Seville). Worthier, 
indeed, are our sailors of eternal fame than the Argonauts 
who sailed with Jason to Colchis. And much more worthy 
was their s]iip of being placed among the stars thun that old 
Argo ; for that only sailed from Greece through Pontns, 
but ours from Hispalis to the south ; and after that, 
through the whole west and the southern hemisphere, 
penetrating into the east, and again returned to the west. 
I commend myself most humbly to your Reverence. 
Given at Valllsoleti, on the 23rd of October, 1 5-22. 

Your most Reverend and Illustrious Lordship's 
Most humble and constant servant, 


(Printed at) Cologne, in the house of Eucliarius Cervicor- 
nus, in the year of the Virgin's Child, 1523, in the month 

of January. 






Copied from the Original in '' Simancas en un legajo 8uelto\ 

Additional MS., British Museum, 17, 621. 

("Published by Navarrete.) 

Tuesday, 29th day of November, I began to take the alti- 
tude of the sun whilst following the said voyage; and 
whilst in the vicinity of Cape St. Augustine, and in 7** alti- 
tude on the S. side, and at a distance from the said cape a 
matter of 27 leagues to S.W. Wednesday, 30th of said 
month, I took the sun in 76®, and its declination was 
22** 59', and its polar altitude was 8** 59', and the course 
was S.S.W. 

On the 1st December, Thursday, the sun had 78® meri- 
dian altitude, and 23® 4' declination, and our distance (from 
the equator) 11® 4', and the course was S.S.W. 

Friday, the 2nd of the said month, I took the sun in 
barely 80®, and its declination was 23® 8', the altitude was 
just 13®, and the course S.S.W. 

Saturday, the 3rd of the said month, I took the sun in 
82® 15', which had 23® 13' declination, and our distance 
was 14® 58', and the course was S.S.W. 

Sunday, the 4th of the said month, the sun had 83® alti- 
tude, and 23® 17' declination ; and our distance came to be 
16® 17', and the course was S.S.W. 



Monday, 5th of tlio aaid month, I took the suu in barely 
84", aud it had 23° 21' declination; and our distance to 
the South came to be 17° IS', and the courBe was 
S.S.W. iW. 

Toesday, Cth of the said month, the sun had 85" meri- 
dian alUtude, and 23" 25' declination ; and the height to 
the S. Polo caino to bo 18" 25' ; the course waa S.W.iS. 

Wednesday, 7th of the said month, I took the sun in 
8C" 30', and it had 23" 29' declination ; our distance from 
the line camo 18° 57', and the course was to W.S.W. 

Thursday, 8th of the said month, I took the sun in 
86° 30', and it had 23" 29' declination ; and so our altitndu 
came to bo 19" 5!)', and the course was S.W., and wo 
sounded here, and found bottom at 10 fathoms; and tliia 
day we saw land, flat beaches, and it was the day of tlio 
Conception of our Lady. 

Friday, 9th of the said month (December), I took the sun 
in 88", and its declination was 23° 31'; and our distance 
from the equinoctial line towards the South part came to be 
21" 31', and the course was S.S.W., and we arose in the 
morning to the right of St. Thomas, on a great mountain, 
and south elopes along the coast in the S.S.W. direction ; 
and on this coast, at 4 leagues to sea, we found bottom at 
25 fathoms, free from shoals ; and the mountains are sepa> 
rated one from another, and have many reefs round thorn ; 
and in Branil and St. Thomas there are many rivers and 
ports ; and going along the coast 13 leagues there are many 
shoals 2 leagues out to sea, and there ia a depth of 12 
fathoms on them, and 10, and 8; but the coast runs N.E, 
and S.W. to Cape Frio, and there are many islands and 

At Capo Frio there ia a very large river, and to the N.B., 
at three leagues distance, there is the peak of a high moun- 
tain and three islands ; and the cape is in 23", and at the 
said cape there arc throe islands, and you leave them out- 

Ai.vo'ti LO(i-iioi)sr. 213 

Btdo. Passiug tlio snid capo tlicre is a largo bny, mid 
at its CDtraDCO thero is a low ialaail, and tliQ bay witlim 
is very largo, with many porta; it extends two (endues 
from the mouth, and it is called Bay of St. Lucy ; and 
if you wish to pass the island, you leave it on tho loft 
tand, and (the entrance) is narrow ; but thero is a depth 
of 7 fathoms, and a foul bottom ; but outside thore is 
a depth of 20 to 25 fathoms, aud within, whore there is 
anchorage, there are IS fathoma. In this bay there are 
good people, and plenty of them, and they go naked, and 
bai-ter with fish-hooks, and looking-glasses, and little bolts, 
for victuals. There is a good deal of brazil wood, and this 
bay is in 23", and wo entered here the day of St. Lucy, and 
remained till the day of St. John, which is tho 27th of tho 
month of December ; and we set sail the same day, and 
went to W.S.W,, Emd found seven islets, and to the right 
of them there is a bay, and it is called the Bay of Kings ; 
it has a good entrance, and in thia neighbourhood, on tho 
31st of the month, I took tho sun in 86° 4b', and its decHr 
f nation was 22° 8', and onr latitude came to be 25° 2S'. 

Sunday, Ist of January of the year 1520, 1 took the sna 
in 84°, and it had 21° 23' declination ; and the altitude 
from tho polo came to be 27* 29'; and on tho days after tho 
first day wo went to S.W., and the other to W., and tho 
fourth day to S.W. J S, Thursday, the 5th, the sun was in 
85° 30' of altitude, and 23° 19' of declination ; bo that our 
distance from tho lino came to be 20° 40', and the course 
was S.W. I S. 

On tho Gth, the day of the Kings, the sun was in barely 
80°, and had 21° 8' of declination; and the altitude from 
the pole came to be 31°, and the course was S.W.J W, 

Saturday, the 7th, I took tho sun in 78"; it had 20° 5G' 
of declination, and onr paralk-l was 32° 5(3' ; the course wns 
to S.W. JS., and wo wont along the coast, 

Ou the 8th I did not tuku thu suu, but wu wont to 


.\'0 TUB pilot's LOO-TIOOK. 

S. W, \ S., and at iiiylit wo sounded and found 50 fathoms j 
and wo altered the course, and went on tho 9th of the 
said month to W.S.W. ; and m tho morning we sounded, 
find found 15 fathoms, aud we went till midday, and saw 
Innd, and there I took the sun in 76°, and it had 20° 31' of 
declination ; and at night we anchored in a bottom of 
12 tathoma— 3 1" 31'. 

Tuesday, 10th January (1520), T took the sun in 75°; it 
had a declination of 20°, and our latitude came to So". Wo 
were to the right of the Capo of Sta. Maria. Thence for- 
ward the coast runs Knst and, and the land iu sandy ; 
we gave it the name of Montevidi (now they call it cori-ectly 
Santovidio), and between it and tho Capo S" Maria thoro 
is a river which is called (de los Patos) Duck River. From 
thence we went on forward through fresh water, and the 
coast runs E.S.E, and W.N.W, for ten leagues distance; 
after that it trends N.E. and S.W. as far as 34J", with a 
depth of 5, 4 and 8 fatlioras; there wc anchored, aud sent the 
ehip Santiago along the coast to see if there was a road- 
stead, and tho river ia in 33^°. To the N.E. we found some 
islets, and tho mouth of a very largo river (it was the rivt'r 
of Solis), and it went to the N. Here they turned back to 
the ships, and the said ship was away from us a matter of 
25 leagues, and they were 15 days in coming; and during 
tliistime two other of our ships went in a southerly direc- 
tion to sea if there was a roadstead for staying at ; and 
those went in the space of two days, and the Captain- 
Iteneral went thithor, and thoy found land to the S.S.W., 
30 leagues distance from us, and they were four days in 
coming; and on returning wo took in water and wood, and 
wo went away from there, tacking from one tack to the 
other with contrary winds, until we came in sight of Monte- 
vidi ; and this was on the 2nd day of tho month of Febni- 
Bi-y, tho day of our Lady of the Candlcoms; and at night 
nu auchurod ut 6 leagues from tho uiuuuluiu, aud it hiy to 

AI.Vo's LOG-BOOK. 215 

the S.E. ftud a quarter S. of as, Afterwards, on tha mora- 
ing of tlie 3rd, we set sail for the South, and we sounded, 
and found 4, 5, G, aud 7 fathoms, always increasing in 
depth ; and this day wo took the sun in 68° 30' ; it had 
13° 35' declination, and our latitude came to 35°. 

Saturday, 4th February, we anchored in a depth of seven 
fathoms, tho ahip San Antonio having got leaky, and wo 
were there till the 5th, and afterwards we weighed on the 
6th, and stood on ths south course, and at night we anchored 
in eight fathoms, and remained there till next day. 

Tho 7th we set sail to reconnoitro better the coast, and 
we saw that ib trended S.E. \ S. ; after that we took another 
tack and anchored in 8 fathom?), and there wo took the sun 
in 6li° 30', and it had 12° 15' declination, with which our 
distance from tho equinoctial line to the south came to be 
363°; *fter that we sailed tho same day, and at night wo 
anchored in 9 fathoms, and stood for Capo Santanton [Cabo 
Blanco] it was to the south in 30°, and this was Tuesday, 
the 7th. 

On the 8th we set sail from the satd point, and it is north 
and south with Montevidi, and 27 leagues distant from it ; 
this coast runs N, and S. [the width of the Rio de la Plata 
is 27 leagues] ; from that place forward we went along the 
coast round the cape of St. i'olonia ; after that tho coast 
trends from N.E. to S.W, The said capo is in 37^ and the 
land sandy and very low, it has sea of shallow depth fur 
a distance of two leagues from land, of 8, 9, and 10 fathoms; 
so we ran ail this day to tho S.W., and the night and day. 

Thursday, 9th of February, 1 took tho sun in fiSJ"; it 
had 11 J" declination, and tho altitude came to bo 38° 30'; 
the coast can be sounded, and not very high nor moun- 
tainous, and we made out many smokes along the coast ; 
this coast runs E.W. J N.W. S.E., and tho point is called 
Pnnta do las Arenas. 

Ou Iho 10th 1 took the snn in (>2° i, and it had 11" 8' 


declination^ our distance from the equinoctial came to bo 
38° 48', and the coast runs E. W., and it is a very pretty 
coast for running in one or other direction. 

On the llth of the said month, I took the sun in 62% it 
had 10** 47' declination, and the altitude came to be 38° 47', 
and the course was W. J N.W., and the coast ran east and 
west from the Point de las Arenas ; to this place there is a 
very good coast, with soundings, with many little green 
hills and low land. 

Sunday the 12th, we did not take the sun, but from the 
day before till midday we began to run to S.W. and to 
S.W. and a quarter W., and to W.S.W., and W. and a 
quarter S.W., but I calculate that the whole course was 
W.S.W., and this run was from midday of the llth, till 
nightfall of the 12th, and at that hour we anchored in 9 
fathoms, and further on in 13 fathoms, and after that wo 
had anchored we saw land, and we set sail to the N., and 
this was on the 13th, and in the morning we were alongside 
of some shoals, where the Victoria bumped several times. 

Item, the same day we were at anchor, and we did not 
take the sun's altitude, and we were in soundings of 7 
fathoms, and we remained there till the 14th, and the said 
day I took the sun in 60^°, and it had 9° 41' declination, 
and our altitude came to 39° 11'. 

On the 15th of the said month I took the sun in 60°, and 
it had 9° 13' declination, and our distance came to bo 
39° 19', and we sailed a south course. 

Thursday the 16th, we could not take the sun until the 
18th, and on that day we were in 39^°; and the next day, 
the 19th, we were in 39 J°, and this day we went to S.W., 
and we went by this course, and could not take the sun 
until the 20th of the month. 

On the 20th I took the sun in 57°, it had 7° 27' declina- 
tion, and our distance to the south came to 40^ 17'. 

On the 21st, I took the sun in 55^ it had 7° 4' declina- 

Ai.vo's ix;a-BooK. 217 

tion, our altitude came to 42" 4', the courso waa S.W, J W., 
and wo sounded and fouod bottom at S5 fathoms. 

Wednosday tho 22nd, I took the sun in 53", it had 6" 41' 
declination, and our distance came to 43" 20', tho coarse 
waa S.W. J W, ; at night we sounded and found bottom at 
&5 futhonis. 

On the 23rd I took the snn in SSJ", it had 6" 18' declina- 
tion, oui- distaDce from tho line came to be 43° S', the 
courso waa W.N.W, 

On tho 24th I took the sun in 53", it had 5" 54' declina- 
tion, our altitude from tho pole came to 42° 54', and our 
course was W.N.W., and we were to the right of a very 
large bay, to which we gave tho name of Bay of St. 
Matthew, because we fouud it on his day ; we entered well 
in, and could not End bottom until wo were outirely inaide, 
and wo found 80 fathoms, and it has a circnit of 50 leagues, 
and tho mouth is to tho N.W., and it is in the altitude of 


On the 25th t did not take the sun, but I took it on the 
2()lh, in 51 §", and it had b" T declination, by which we 
found ourselves in 43° 27' to the south of the line, and tho 
coast runs N.W. S.E. \ N.S. 

On tho 27th I took tho 8un in SOJ", and it had 4J» de- 
clination, and BO our altitude came to bo 44° ; and here to 
the right hand wo found a bay, and three leagues before it 
thoro are two rocks, and they lie East and West with tJie 
said bay, and further on we found another (bay), and thero 
were in it many sea wolves, of which wo caught eight, and 
on this land there are no people, but it is vcrj- good laud, 
with pretty plains without trees, and very flat country. 

Toeaday, 28th, I took the enn in 4Si°, and it had 4" 21' 
docliuatiou, and so we found ourselves in 44° 21', aud the 
course was to the south, and at uight we saw laud to 

Ou the 2£tlh I took the sun io 46^", and this day it had 

218 ALVu's L( 

4' decliiiHtioii, by which we found oursulvos m 45.J*, and the 
course was to S.S.W. and to W.S.W, and to W.N.W., and 
I give the whole of the run as to W.S.W. until I took the 
ann, and afterwards we were two days that we could not 
take it. 

On Friday, 2nd of March, I took the sun in 43° 50', it 
had 3" 10' declination, with which our distance came to bo 
47° ; and after that we did not take the Bnn again until we 
entered a port called St. Julian, and we onterod there on 
the last day of March, and remained there till the day of 
St. Bartholomew, which is the 24th of August, and the 
said port is in 493°, ^^d there we caulked the ships, and 
many Indiana came there, who go covered with skins of 
antas, which are like camels without humps, and they cairy 
some bowa of canes very email like the Turkish, and the 
an'ows are like theirs, and at the point they have a dint tip 
for iron, and they are very swift runners, and well made 
men, and well fashioned. We sailed tbonco on the 24th of 
the said month of August, and went along the coast to 
S.W. \ W., a matter of 30 leagues, and found a river called 
Santa Cmz, and we entered there on the 2Gth of August, 
and i-emained till the day of S. Luca 
the month of October, and there we 
wo took in water and wood, and this 
and with good marks. 

Thursday, the 18th of October, we sailed from the said 
river of Santa Cruz, with contrary winds, we went for two 
days tacking about, and then wo had a fair wind, and went 
to the S.S.W. for two days, and in that time we took the 
sun in 501°, and it was on the 20th. 

Oa the 21st of the said month, I took the snn in exactly 
&2°, at 6vo leagues from the land, and there we saw an open- 
ing like a bay, and it has at the entrance, on the right 
hand a very long spit of sand, and the capo which we dis- 
covered before this spit, is called the Cupe of the Virgins, 

, which is the I6th of 
aught much Qsh, and 
coast is well de&nu<l 

ALVu's LOO-BOOK. 219 

and the spit of sand is in 52° lutitudc, and 52J° longitude, 
aud from the spit of sand to tho otber part, tliere xouy be a 
matter of 5 Icagiies, and within this bay we found a strait 
whicli may be a league in width, and from this mouth to 
the spit you look East and West, and on tho left hand 
side of tho bay there is a great elbow, within which aro 
many shoals, but when you enter the strait, keep to tho 
North side, and when you are in the strait go to the S.W,, 
in the middle of the channel, and when you are in the 
strait, take care of some shallows less than three leagues 
from tho entrance of the straits, and after them you will 
tind two islets of sand, and then you will find the channel 
open, proceed in it at your pleasure without hesitation ; 
and passing this strait we found another small bay, aud then 
wo found another strait of tho same kind as tho first, and 
from one mouth to the other runs Kast aud West, and the 
narrow part runs N,E. and S.W,, and after we had como 
uut of tho two straits or narrows, we found a very large 
bay, and we found some islands, and we anchored at one of 
them; and took the sun, and found ourselves in 52^", and 
thence we came in S.S.E, direction, and found a spit on the 
loll hand, and from thence to tho first mouth there will be 
a matter of 30 leagues ; after that wo went to S.W. a 
matter of 20 leagues, and there we took tho sun, and we 
were in o'Sl", and from there wo returned to N.W., a matter 
of lo leagues, and there anchored in 53° latitude. In this 
strait there are a great many elbows, and the chains of 
mountains aro very high aud covered with snow, with much 
forest. After that we went to N.W. and a quarter W., and 
in this course there are many islets; and issuing from this 
strait the coast turns to the north, and on the left hand we 
saw a cape with an island, and we giive them the name of 
Cape Fermoso and Capo Deseado, and it is in the same 
latitude as tho Capo of the Virgins, which n at the bogiu- 
niiig of ilie stmils, aud from tho said Cupe Fermoso we 



afterwards wont to N.W. and to N., and to N.N.E., and wo 
went in this course two days and three nights^ and in tho 
morning we saw land of pointed hills^ and it runs North 
and South (thus runs tho coast of the South sea) and from 
this land to Capo Fermoso there is a matter of 20 leagues^ 
and we saw this land the 1st December. 

Now I will commence the course and latitude of this 
voyage after this land, and the 1st day of Decemberj when 
we were opposite to it ; it is in latitude 48°. 

On the 2nd of December we did not take the sun^ but 
we went to the N.N.B., and wore in 47J**, and this day we 
found ourselves that much ahoad^^ as all this country is in 
the same altitude. 
On tho 3rd, we went N.W., and found ourselves in 46** 30'. 
4th, to N.W., „ 45i 

5th, to N. i N.W. „ 44i 

6th, to N.E. i E. „ 44 

7th, to N.E. J E. „ 43§ 

8th, to N.E. i N. „ 43i 

9th, to N.N.E. „ 42§ 

10th, to N.E. 1 E. „ 42 12'. 

nth, to N.E. iE. „ 41 1 

12th, to N.E. iE. „ 41 J 

13th, to N.E. i N. „ 40 

14th, to N. „ 38 J 

15th, to N. i N.E. „ 38 

16th, to N. 1 N.W. „ 36i 

17th, to N.W. I N. „ 34 J 

18th, to N. 1 N.W. „ 33J 

19th, to N.W. „ 32 J 

20th, to N.W. „ 31 J 

21st, to N.W. „ 30 J 

» '* Taiito abaute.'' Theac words arc doubtful. 






On the22nd,to W. i S.W., and found ourselves in 80J** 

„ 23rd, to W.N. W, „ 30 

„ 24th, to W.N. W. „ 29} 

„ 25th, to W.N.W. „ 29i 

„ 26th, to N.W. i W. „ 28} 

„ 27th, to N.W. i W. „ 27S 

„ 28th, to N.W. i W. „ 26§ 

„ 29th, to W.N.W. „ 26J 
„ 30th, to W., 12 leagues. 

„ 31st, to N.W. „ 25 J 

Year 1521 — January — 

On the 1st, to W. i N.W. „ . 25 

2nd, to W.N.W. „ 24 

3rd, to N.W. i W. „ 23J 

„ 4th, to W.N.W. „ 22 

5th, to W. i S.W. „ 23 




6th, to W. i NW. „ 22 

7th, to W., 25 leagues. 

8th, to W., 23 leagues. 

9th, to W. \ N.W. „ 22 J 

10th, to W. \ N.W. „ 22 

11th, to W. i N.W. „ 21} 

12th, to W. i N.W. „ 21 J 

13th, to W. i N.W, „ 21 

14th, to N.W. i W. „ 20J 

15th, to W.N.W. „ 19i 

16th, to W.N.W. „ 19 

17th, to W.N.W. „ 18J 

18th, to W.N.W. „ 17J 

19th, to N.W. i W. „ 16J 

20th, to N.W. \ W. „ 15 

21st, to S.W. „ 155 

22nd, to S.W. „ 16} 

23rd, to W. i N.W. „ 16 J 

24th, to W. \ N.W. „ 16J 


ALVO'S LOG -boob:. 

And in this neighbourhood we found an islet with trees on 
it; It is uninhabited; and we took soundings at it^ and found 
no bottom, and so we went on our course. We called this 
islet San Pablo, having discovered it on the day of his con- 
version, and it is ^ leagues from that of Tiburones. 

On the 25th of the said month, to N.W. i W., in 15f 

February — 
On the 1st 




















to N.W. i W., in 15i 
to N.W. i W., in 15 
to W.N.W., in 14^ 
to W.N.W., in 13f 
to W. i N.W., in 13 J 
to W. i N.W., in 13 J 

to N.W., 
to N.W., 
to N.W., 

to N.W., 

in 13 

In this latitude we found an uninhabited island, where we 
caught many sharks, and therefore we gave it the name of 
Isle of Tiburones, and it is with the Strait N.W. and S.E. \ 
E. and W., and it is in 10|° S. latitude, and is distant . . . 
leagues from the Ladrone Islands. 

On the 5th Feb., to N.W., in 10° 












to N.W., 




to N.W., 




to N.W., 




to N.W. i 


, in 



to N.W., 




to N.W., 




to N.W., 




to N.W., 


- 30' N. of the line. 


to N.W., 


1 N. latitude. 


to N.W., 



' The MS. of tbe British Museum lias *'9", which must be an error. 


On the 16th Feb. 

, to W.N.W., 

in 2r 



to W.N.W,, 

in 3i 




in 5 



to W.N.W., 

in 5| 



to W.N.W., 

in 6J 



to W.N.W., 

in 8 



to W.N.W., 

in 9J 

23 rd 


to W.N.W., 




to W. \ N.W.. 

, in 12 



to W. J N.W., 




to W., 

in 12 



to VV., 

in 12 



to W. \ KW, 

, inl3 

March, 1521 


On the Ist March, to W., 

in 13 




to W., 

in 13 




to W., 

in 13 





in 13 





in 13 


On the 6th (March), to W., in 13<>. This day wo saw 
land, and went to it, and there were two islands, which were 
not very large ; and when we came between them, we turned 
to the S.W., and left one to the N.W., and then we saw a 
quantity of small sails coming to us, and they ran so, that 
they seemed to fly, and they had mat sails of a triangular 
shape, and they went both ways, for they made of the poop 
the prow, and of the prow the poop, as they wished, and 
they came many times to us and sought us to steal whatever 
they could ; and so they stole the skiff of the flag-ship, and 
next day we recovered it; and there I took the sun, and 
one of these islands is in 12§^, and the other in 13^ and 
more (N. latitude) ; and this island of 12° is with that of 
Tiburones W.N.W. and E.S.B. (and it appears to be 20 
leagues broad at the N. end), from the island of 12° wo 



sailed on the 9th of March, in the morning, and went W. J 

The islands of Ladrones are 300 leagues from Gilolo. 

On the 9th of March, to W. i S.W., in 12° 
. „ 10th „ to W. i S.W., in 12^ 

„ 11th „ to W. i S.W., inllj 

12th „ to W. i S.W., in 11 

14th „ to W. i S.W., in 10§ 

15th „ to W. i S.W., in 10 

On the 16th (March) we saw land, and went towards it 
to the N.W., and we saw that the land trended north, and 
that there were many shoals near it, and we took another 
tack to the south, and we fell in with another small island, 
and there we anchored : and this was the same day, and 
this island is called Snluano, and the first one is named 
Tunnguan ; and here we saw some canoes, and we went to 
them, and they fled ; and this island is in 9§<» N. latitude and 
in 189° longitude from the meridian. To these first islands, 
from the archipelago of St. Lazarus. ... 

Ytem. From the Strait of All Saints and Cape Fermoso 
to these two islands, there will be 106° 30' longitude, which 
strait is with these islands in a straight course W.N.W. 
and E.S.E., which brings you straight to them. From here 
we went on our course. 

Leaving these islands, we sailed W., and fell in with the 
island of Gada, which is uninhabited, and there we provided 
ourselves with water and wood. This island is very free 
from shoals. 

From here we departed and sailed W., and fell in with a 
large island called Seilani, which is inhabited, and contains 
gold; we coasted it, and went to W.S.W., to a small in- 
habited island called Mazaba. The people are very good, 
and there we placed a cross upon a mountain ; and from 
thence they showed us three islands in the W.S.W. direction, 
and they say there is much gold there, and they showed us 

*i,vo s L0G-ni"iOK. 225 

how they gather it, and they found small pieces like beans 
and like lentils; and thia island is in OJ" N. latitude. 

Wo departed from Ma?.nba and went N., making for the 
island of Seilani, and afterwards coasted the said island to 
the N.W. as far as 10°, and there we saw fhreo islets; and 
we went to the W., a matter of 10 lengnes, and then we fell 
in with two islets, and at nij^lit we stoppeJ ; and on the 
morrow we went S.W, and J S., a ointtor of 12 leagues, as 
far as lOJ", and there we entered a channel between two 
islands, one called Matan, and the other Subo; and Snbo, 
with the isle of Mazaba and Suluan, are E.W. J N.W.S.E. ; 
and between Snbo and Seilani we saw a very high land to 
the north, which is called Baibai, and they say that there ia 
in it much gold and provisions, and much extent of land, 
that the end of it is not known. 

From Mozaba and Seilani and Subo, by the course which 
we came, towards the south part, take care; for there are 
many shoals, and they are very bad ; for this a canoe wonld 
not stop which met us in this course. 

From the mouth of the channel of Snho and Matan we 
went west in mid-channel, and met with the town of Snbu, 
at which we anchored, and made peace, and there they gave 
ns rice and millet and flesh j and wo romnined there many 
days; and the king and the quoen, with man}- people, be- 
came Christians of thoir free will. 

We sailed from Subu, and went S.W. till OJ" between 
the head of Subu and an island called Bohol; and on the 
W. side of the head of Subu there is another, which ia 
named Fanilongo, and it belongs to black men; and this 
island and Subn contain much gold and mnch ginger, and 
it is in OJ", and Subu in 10^°; and SO we came out of the 
channel, and came ton leagues to the S., and anchored off 
the island of Bohol, and there of the three ships we made 
two, and burned the other, not having crews enough; and 
this island is in OJ". 


We sailed from Bohol to Quipit to the S.W., and came to 
anchor at the same anchorage to the right of a river ; and 
in the oflSng to the N.W. part there are two islets, which 
are in 8J®, and there we could not get provisions, for there 
were none, but we made peace with them ; and this island 
of Quipit has much gold, ginger, and cinnamon, and so wo 
decided on going to seek provisions ; and from this head 
of Quipit to the first islands there will be a course of 112 
leagues; it lies with them E.W.JN.E. S.W., and this 
island lies due East and West. 

From thence we sailed and went to W.S.W., and to S. W. 
and W., until we fell in with an island in which there were 
very few people, and it was named Cuagayan ; and here 
we anchored on the N. side of it, and we asked where the 
island of Poluan was, to get provisions of rice, for there is 
much of it in that island, and they load many ships for 
other parts ; and so they showed us where it was, and so 
we went to the W.N.W., and fell in with the head of the 
island of Poluan. Then we went to N.JN.E., coasting 
along it until the town Saocao, and there we made peace, 
and they were Moors ; and we went to another town, which 
is of Cafres ; and there we bought much rice, and so we 
provisioned ourselves very well ; and this coast runs 
N.E. S.W., and the cape of the N.E. part is in 9J°, and the 
part of S.W. is in 8J°; and so we returned to S.W. as far as 
the head of this island, and there we found an island, and 
near it there is a shoal, and in this course, and along Pol- 
uan, there are many shoals, and this head lies E.W. with 
Quipit, and N.W. S.E.JE.W. with Cuagayan, 

From Poluan we sailed for Bomey, and we coasted tho 
above-named island, and went to its S.W. head, and near 
there found an island which has a shoal on the E.; and in 
7J° we had to change the course to W., until running 15 
leagues; after that we ran S.W., coasting the island of 
Boniei until the city itself; and you must know that it is 

necessary to gn closo to land, because oatsiile there are 
niauy shoals, und it is npcossary to go with tbo sonnding 
lead iu your hand, becatiap it ia a very vile coast, and 
Bomei is a large city, aud has a very largo bay, and inside 
it and without it there are many shoals ; it is, therefore, 
necessary to have a pilot of the country. So we remained 
here several days, and began to trade, and wo made good 
agreements of peace; and after that they armed many 
canoes to taka ns, which were 260 in number, and they 
were coming to us, and as we saw them we sailed in great 
hasle, and wo went outside aud wo saw some junks coming, 
and we went to thorn, aud we captured one, in which was 
a son of the King of Luzon, which is a very large island, 
and also the captain let him go without the counsel of any- 

Bomey is a large island, and there ia also in it cinnamon, 
mirabolams, and camphor, which is worth much in these 
countries ; and they say that when they die they embalm 
themselves with it. Borncy ia in 5" 25' latitude — that ia, 
the port itaelf — and 201° 5' of longitude from the line of 
demarcation, and from here we sailed and returned by the 
same road; and this port of Borncy lies E.N.E. W.S.W. 
with tho isle of Mazaba, and in this course there are many 
islands ; and from the cape at the N.hi. of Borooi to Quipit 
iaE.W-iN.B. S.W. 

We sailed from Bomoy, and returned by the same course 
which we had come, and so wo passed between tho head of 
the isle of Bornei and Poluau ; and we went to the W.,' to 
fall in with the isle of Cuagayan ; and so we wont by the 
same conrao to make for the ialnnd of Quipit on the S. aido, 
and in this course, between Quipit and Cuagayan, we saw 
to the S, an island which they call Solo, in which there ars 
many pearls, very large — they say that the king of this 
island has a pearl like on egg. This island is in 6° latitude; 

' Query, eaat. 



and so, going on tbis course, wc foil in with three small 
islands; and furthei' on vre mot with an island named 
Tagima, and thoy say there are many pearls there ; aiid 
this island lies with Solo N.E, S.W.JE.W., and Tagima is 
in 61". It is opposite tho Cape or Quipit, and the said 
cape is in 71", and lies with Paluan E.S-E. W.N.W. 

From here we coasted the island of Quipit on the south 
side, and we went to E.JS.E. as far as some islets; and 
along the coast there are many villages, and there is much 
good cinnamon in this island, and we bought some of it ; 
and there is much ginger on this coast ; and so we wont to 
E.N.E., until wo saw a gulf; then we went to S.E. until we 
saw a large island, and thence to the cape at the east of the 
island of Quipit, and at tho cape of this island there is a 
very large village, which collects much gold from a very 
large river, and this cape is 191 J" of tho meridian. 

We sailed from Quipit to go to Maluco, and went to S.E,, 
sighting an island called Sibuco ; after that we went to 
S.S.E., and saw another island, called Virano Batolagae ; 
and we went by the same course as far as the cape of this 
island, and after that we saw another, which they call Can- 
dicar; and we went to the E. between the two, until we 
went ahead of it ; and there we entered a channel between 
Caudicar and another, which they call Sarangani ; and at 
this island we anchored and took a pilot for Molnco ; and 
these two islands are in i^", and the capo of Quipit in 71°, 
and the Cape of Sibuco, on the south side, is iu 6°, and the 
Cape of Viranu Batologno in 5", and from the Cape of 
Quipit and Candicar the run is from N.N.W. to S.S.E., 
without touching any cape. 

We sailed from Sarangani, and went S.^S.E., until we 
came opposite an island called Hangnin, and between the 
two are many islets, and they are on the West side, and 
this island is in 3§°. Prom Bangui we went S.J S.E. to an 
iel&ad called Sian ; between them th<:re are many islets, 


and this island is in just 3®. From Sian we went to 
S-JS.W., as far as an island called Paginsara, it is in IJ**; 
and from this island to Sarangani the run is N.S JN.E. S.W. 
in sight of all these islands. 

From Paginsara we went to S.JS.E., until we came be- 
tween two islets, which lie together, N.B. and S.W., and 
that one to the N.E. is named Suar, and the other is named 
Atean, and one is in P 45', and the other in 1 J**. 

From Atean we went S.S.E. until we sighted the Molucos, 
and then we went to East, and entered between Mare and 
Tedori, at which we anchored, and there we were very well 
received, and made very good arrangements for peace, and 
made a house on shore for trading with the people, and so 
we remained many days, until we had taken in cargo. 

The islands of the Malucos are these : Terrenate, Tidori, 
Mare, Motil, Maquian, Bachian, and Gilolo, these are all 
those which contain cloves and nutmeg ; and there are also 
several others among them, the names of which I will men- 
tion, and in what altitude they are, and the first is Ter- 
renate, which is on the side of the equinoctial line. 

Terrenate is in altitude of - - 

Tidori „ „ - - 

Mare „ „ - - 

Motil is on the line - - 

Maquian is to the south - - 

Cayoan „ „ - - 

Bachian „ „ - - 

La Talata „ „ - - 

La Talata (Lata-lata) lies north of Terrenate N.N.E. and 
S.S.W., and that which is on the equinoctial line is 190** 30' 
of longitude from the line itself, and the island of Motil 
itself with Cagayan lies N.W. and S.E., and with Tagima, 
which is opposite the island of Quipit, it lies N.E. and 
S.W. \ N.S., but in these courses one cannot venture to 
pass, for they say there are many shoals, and so we came 












by another course, coasting the said islands. From the 
islands of Maluco we sailed Saturday, 21st December, of 
the said year 1521, and we went to the island of Mare, and 
there took in wood to burn, and the same day we sailed 
and went to S.S.W., making for Motil, and thence we went 
by the same course, making for Maquian, and thence we 
went to S.W., running by all these islands, and others, 
which are these : — Cuayoan, Laboan, Agchian, Latalata, 
and other small islands, which remain in the N.W. quarter, 
and now I will say in what latitude and longitude are each 
one separately, and which are those which contain cloves 
and other spices. The first to the North is Terrenate, 
which is in l'^ North, and Tidore 40' and Mare 15', and 
Motil on the equinoctial line, and these lie North and 
South. The others to the South are these : Maqui is 
in 20', Cuayoan in 40', and Laboan in 1°, and Latalata 
in 1** 15', and Bachian lies with Terrenate E.N.B. and 
W.S.W. ; and to the S.E. of all these islands there is a very 
large island called Gilolo, and there are cloves in it, but 
very few ; therefore there are seven islands which contain 
cloves, and those which have a large quantity are these : 
Terrenate, Tidore, Motil, Maqui, and Bachian, which are 
the five principal ones, and some of them contain nutmeg 
and mace. Motil is on the line, and is in longitude of the 
meridian of lOl** 45'. 

From Latalata we went to S.W. J W., and fell in with 
an island which is called Lumutola, it is in If**, and on the 
W. side there is another island called Sulan, and at these 
islands there are many shoals, and from hence we took the 
course to the South, towards an island named Buro, and 
between these three, there is another island which is named 
Fenado, it is in 2 J**, and Buro is in 3|**, and it lies with 
Bachian N.E. and S.W. i N.S. in longitude 194°; and to the 
East of Buro there is a very large island called Ambon, in 
which they make much cotton cloths, and between it and 


Baro there are some islets ; take care of them, for this it is 
necessary to coast the island of Buro to the East, and to 
the South of it. I took the sun in 70° 24', it had 22« 36' 
declination, and so the latitude came to be 3°. I was in 
the Southern part of the island, and this was on the 27th 
of December, on Friday. On the 28th of the said month, 
I did not take the sun, but we were in the neighbourhood 
of the said isle of Buro, and Bidia, which lies to the east- 

Sunday, 29th, I took the sun in 71^^ it had 22** 21' de- 
clination, and our distance came to be 3® 51', and we were 
opposite the isle of Ambon. 

On the 30th I took the sun in the altitude of the day 
before, in calm, it was Monday. 

On the 31st I did not take the sun, we were a matter of 
12 leagues from the Isle of Ambon E.N.E. and W.S.W., 
the day was Tuesday. 


The 1st day of January, 1522, I took the sun in barely 
73°, it had 21° 54' declination, the altitude came to be 
4° 45'. 

On the 2nd of the month, I took the sun in 73f °, it had 
21J° declination, our distance came to be 5J°, the course 
was to S.W., and it was Thursday. 

Friday, 3rd, I did not take the sun, but the ship made 
the course of S.S.W., in latitude of 6^°, after that we took 
the course to N.W. 

On the 4th of the month I did not take the sun, but 
we were in 5J°, the course was to N.W., and the day 

Sunday, the 5th, I took the sun in 75°, it had 21° 14' 
declination, the latitude came to 6° 14'. 

On the 6th, Monday, I took the sun in 76°, it had 21° 2' 
declination, the latitude came to be 7° 2'. 

On the 7th, I took the sun in 76§°, it had 20** 50' decli- 


nation, the latitude came to be 7^**, and the course was to 
S.W. Tuesday. 

On the 8th of the month, I took the sun in 77^^ it had 
20** 37' declination, and the latitude came to be 8° 7', the 
course was to S.W., and the day Wednesday, and this day 
we saw some islands, which lie East and West, and this 
day we entered between two of them, which are these, 
Lamaluco and Aliguom ; between them are two little ones 
which you will leave on the right hand after entering the 
channel, they are inhabited ; this channel lies N.E. S.W. ^ 
E.W., with Buro, and all these islands are ten in number, 
and they lie E.W. J N.E. S.W., and they have of longitude 
a matter of 50 leagues ; we ran along them, with very bad 
weather from the South; we coasted them and anchored 
oflf the last, which is called Malua, which is in 8J**, the 
others are named Liaman, Maumana, Cui, Aliguira, Bona, 
Lamaluco, Ponon, Vera. We sailed from Malua and went 
to the South, and found the island of Timor, and wo coasted 
the coast from east to west, on the north side of this 
island, which is in the latitude of 9"*, and the nearest laud 
on the north side, and this land will have 10 leagues 
journey, and this coast lies with Buro N.E. S.W. \ N.S., 
in longitude of 197'* 45', and of this island of Timor we 
coasted all the coast from east to west, as far as the village 
of Manvai ; and first we came near the village of Queru, 
and from Queru to Manvai, the coast runs N.E. S.W. ^ 
N.S., and here I took the sun on the 5th day of February, 
in 86§'', and it had 12® 44' declination, so that the latitude 
came to be 9® 24', and this island is very large and popu- 
lous, and all the island has much sandal wood, and there 
are many towns in it. 

On the 8th of February I took the sun in 87J°, and it 
had 1 1 ° 42' of declination, with which our distance came to 
be 9J'', and we were at the head of the island of Timor, at 


the West end^ and from here to the Eastern cape the coast 
runs E.N.E. to W.S.W., and it was Saturday. 

Sunday, 9th of the said month, I took the sun in 88J®, 
and it had 11 J** declination. Our latitude came to be 9** 35', 
and we were at the most salient cape of all the island, and 
from there it goes falling oflf to the S.W. and S. 

On the 10th of the same month I took the sun in 88 J**, 
it had 10° 58' declination ; our latitude came to be 9** 28', 
and the head of the island lay to the south, and the day 
was Monday. 

On the 11th, Tuesday, I took the sun in 88 J°, it had 
9^** declination ; the latitude came to 9° 35', and we were in 

Wednesday, the 12 th, I did not take the sun, but we 
were becalmed in the neighbourhood of where we were the 
the day before, or a little more. 

On the lath I took the sun in 895^ j it had 9° 52' de- 
clination ; the latitude came to 10** 32', and we were in the 
neighbourhood of islands of which we do not know the 
names, nor whether they are inhabited. They lie E.S.E. 
and W.N.W. with the west cape of Timor, and from here 
we took our course to the Cape of Good Hope, and went to 

[After this the course was W.S.W, for several days, 
and there is nothing worthy of note till Tuesday, the 18th 
of March, when the Victoria discovered Amsterdam Island.] 

On the 18th of the said month (March), I took the sun in 
49^°, it had 2° 55' declination, the latitude came to be 
37** 35', and whilst taking the sun we saw a very high 
island, and we went towards it to anchor, and we could not 
fetch it ; and we struck the sails and lay to until next day, 
and the wind was W. ; and we made another tack to the 
north under storm sails j^ and this was on the 19th, MH&we 
could not take the sun ; we were east and west|flp the 

» **Papahigo6." 



island, and it is in 38^ ^ to the south, and it appears that 
it is uninhabited, and it has no trees at all, and it has a 
circumference of a matter of six leagues. 

On the 20th of the said month, Thursday, I did not take 
the sun, but we were east and west with the island, and we 
went to N.W. and to N.N.W. and J N.W., and for the whole 
course I put down a matter of 15 leagues to the N.N.W., 
and in the latitude of 35 J°. 

On the 22nd of the said month I took the sun in 50 J*» : it 

had 4'> 27' declination; the latitude came to 36° 18'. The 

day before we had struck the sails until the morning of the 

said Saturday, and this day we set sail and went to the 


• . . . • 

On the 8th of the said month (May) I did not take the 
Bun ; but, according to the run we had made, we thought 
we were ahead of the Cape, and on this day we saw land, 
and the coast runs N.B. and S.W. and a quarter east and 
west; and so we saw that we were behind the Cape a 
matter of 160 leagues, and opposite the river Del Infante,^ 
eight leagues distant from it in the offing ; and this day we 
were lying to with winds from the west and west-north- 
west, and it was Thursday. 

On the 9th I did not take the sun, but we made land 
and anchored, and the coast was very wild, and we re- 
mained thus till next day; and the wind shifted to W.S.W., 
and upon that we set sail, and we went along the coast to 
find some port for anchoring and taking refreshments for 
the people who were most suffering, which we did not find. 
And we stood out to sea, to be at our ease ; and we saw 
many smokes along the coast, and the coast was very bare, 

* It is 37° 62' . This is the northeramost of the two islands, St. 
Paul\^jM Amsterdam. The Dutch call the N. Island Amsterdam, and 
the En^Kl call it St. Paul's in ordinary maps. 

« The Great Fish River. 


without any trees, and this coast runs N.E. and S.W. : it is 

in 33** latitude, and it was Saturday, 10 th of May. 

• • • • • 

Friday, the 16th (May), I took the sun in 33^°; it had 
21** 6' decUnation ; the latitude came to 35° 39', and we 
were E.S.E. and W.N.W., with the Cape of Good Hope 
twenty leagues off from it; and this day we sprung our 
fore-mast and fore-yard, and we were all day hove to, and 
the wind was W. 

[The Victoria doubled the Cape of Good Hope between 
the 18th and the 19th of May, and arrived] on the 9th of the 
month of July, and anchored in the port of Rio Grande in 
Santiago [of the Cape Verde Islands], and they received us 
very well, and gave us what provisions we wanted; and 
this day was Wednesday, and they reckoned this day as 
Thursday, and so I believe that we had made a mistake of 
a day; and we remained there till Sunday in the night, and 
we set sail for fear of bad weather and the difficulty of the 
port ; and on the morrow we sent our boat on shore to get 
more rice, which we wanted, and we were standing off and 
on till it came. 

On the 14th of July, Monday, we sent our boat on shore 
for more rice, and it came at midday, and returned for more, 
and we were waiting for it till night, and it did not come; and 
we waited till next day, and it never came ; then we went 
near the port to see what the matter was, and a boat came 
and told us to give ourselves up, and that they would send 
us with a ship which was coming from the Indies, and that 
they would put some of their people in our ship, and that 
the gentlemen had so ordered. We required them to send 
us our boat and men, and they said that they would bring 
an answer from the gentlemen ; and we said we would take 
another tack, and would wait : and so we took another tack, 
and we made all sail, and went away with twenty-tw0 j|^n^ 
sick and sound, and this was Tuesday, the I5t||*of th< 

juftaai f ^.i;r 

JUL z "»T& "I :iai- 

--T*. * 

- X#* 

rr» 1 "SiL Zfczt-x. 

rJiJaL »»:« s*^ :=. 

■*« fi< J t^sm 

Z- Tr ^grtt. 





After she parted company vnth the ** Victoria", 

From Navarrete, 

Aptkr the Victoria left Tidore, the crew of the Trinity com- 
menced careening their ship, and took out of her and placed 
in the store-house in Tidore their goods and the guns of 
the Conception, which they had burned, and of the Santiago, 
which was lost. Gonzalo Gomez de Espinosa determined to 
leave in charge of these goods and factory the accountant, 
Juan de Campos, as clerk ; the officer, Luis del Molino ; the 
servants, Alonso de Cota, Genoese, and Diego Arias ; and 
Master Pedro^ a bombardier. 

Taking leave of the King of Tidore, the Trinity sailed 
thence on the 6th of April 1522, with fifty men on the 
muster-roll, and a cargo of nine hundred quintals of cloves. 
The Trinity sailed for forty leagues to an island named 
Zanufo, in 2 deg. 30 min. N. latitude, belonging to the King 
of Tidore, thence to the open sea, where they calculated 
they had two thousand leagues to run to Panama. In 20 
deg. they fell in with an island, where they took in a native, 
and continuing a northerly course to 42 deg., they met with 
a storm which lasted five days, and they had to cut away the 
castle at the prow ; their poop was broken; their mainmast 
was broken in two. The crews fell sick, and they returned 
to seek the island from which they had taken the native ; 
but, not being able to fetch it, they arrived at another 


twenty leagues distant from it. This island was named 
Mao, and is to the north of the island Botaha ; they are 
in 12 deg. and 13 deg. This island was three hundred 
leagues from the Moluccas, and they were a month and a 
half in getting there ; many of the crew died. When they 
arrived and anchored at the first land, which was Zanufo, 
a vessel passed by which informed them that a fortnight 
after the Trinity sailed, five or seven Portuguese sail had 
arrived at Terrenate, whose captain was Antonio de Brito, 
and that they were building a fortress there. Barros states 
that the first stone of this was placed by Antonio de Brito 
June 24th, 1522. The captain of the Trinity begged the 
people of this vessel to take a man to Terrenate, who was 
Bartolome Sanchez, the clerk of the ship, by whom he sent 
a letter to the Portuguese captain, begging him, on the 
part of His Majesty, to send him succour to prevent the 
ship being lost, for his crew was sick and reduced in num- 
ber. Gonzalo Gomez, seeing that this was delayed, weighed, 
and came to anchor in the port of Benaconora. Simon 
Abreu, and Duarte Roger, clerk of the King of Portugal's 
factory, came there, with other people, in a caracora, and 
after that came a fusta and caravel, with other armed Por- 
tuguese, who entered the Trinity, and gave to the captain a 
letter from Antonio de Brito in answer to his, dated October 
21st, 1522, which only said that people were going to 
bring in his ship. By an order which they brought from 
Antonio Brito, they at once took from Gonzalo Gomez all 
the letters, astrolabes, quadrants, and log-books which he 
had made; they took the vessel and anchored her in the port 
of Talangomi. There were seventeen Castilians of sound and 
sick in the vessel, and they took those that were well with 
Gonzalo Gomez to the fortress, and next day took the sick 
to the hospital. 

Gonzalo Gomez complained of the violence done in taking 
that which belonged to the emperor, and in his country. 


They replied that he hatl done what the emperor, hia lord, 
had comuianded him ; and they, what they ought to do by 
the iustmctions from the king, their lord. They askod him 
to give up the royal standard of Castile, and he answered 
that he could not do so, ueither could he defend it, since 
ho was in thoir power. Upon which they drew up some 
documents before a notary; and when Ihcy discharged the 
cargo of the ship, ho asked tho Portuguese to give him a 
certificate of what was in it, for him to render an account 
to His Majesty ; and they replied that, if he asked for this 
often, they would give it him on a yai-d arm. In the fortross 
we found Juan de Campos, Diego Arias, and Alonzo, the 
Genoese, sick, who were throe of those who Lad remained 
in Tidore with tho goods of His Majesty. They said that 
the Portugucso had knocked down the factory-bouse and 
taken the cloves and receipts for cloves which were paid 
for, and all the rigging and fittings of the ships; Luis del 
Molino had fled, and Gonzalo Goraez colled him to como to 
the fortress under safe conduct, but when in !t they put 
him in irons ; Master Pedro had died. 

When the ship was in Tidore, the pilot, Juan Lopes Car- 
valho, died on the llth February, 1522 ; and, between sail- 
ing thenco and anchoring at Benaconora, there died in 
August, September, and October, thirty-one individuals, 
without counting three who ran away in the isle of Mao of 
the Ijidronos. 

The twenty-one Casttlians of the ship and factory re- 
mained about fonr months as prisoners in Tcrrenate, nntil, 
at tho end of February 1523, Captain Antonio de Brito gave 
them a passage to India, sending them to the island of 
Danda, which was a hundred leagues off, excepting tho 
carpenter Antonio, and the caulker Antonio Basazaval, 
whom ho said that lie required. The clerk of the factory, 
Juan de Campos, and three other Castitians, went in a junk, 
of which nothing was known nor what became of those per- 

240 THE CREW OK THE "TltrSITr", 

eons. The Castilians remamed in Baada about four months; 
from thence they were conducted to Java, and coasting it 
they arrived at a city named Agrazue. Agrazue was a town 
of thirty thousand inhabitants, Musanlmans, of great trade, 
to which porcelain, silks, and othor Chinese goods were 
brought from Borneo and other parts. 

From Agrazue they went to Malacca, two hundred lesgaes 
distant, where Jorge de Albuquerque was captain. 

They were about five months at Malacca. Four Castiliana 
died there at the end of November 1624, Tho ahip-boy, 
Anton Moreno, remained there, who was, they said, the 
slave of a sister of Jorge de Albuquerque, and the rest went 
on to India. They were twenty -five days in reaching 
Ceylon, which was three hundred leagues, and they went a 
hundred leagues more to Cochin. The clerk, Bartolom^ 
Sanchez, and two others, went in a junk, of which nothing 
more was heard. In Cochin they found that the ships for 
Portugal had sailed a short time before their arrival, and 
they had to wait a year for the passage of the spice ships. 

After thoy had been ten months in Cochin, without ob- 
taining leave to embark, tho seaman, Leon Pancaldo, and 
Bautista Poncero, master of the ship Tritiily, fled secretly 
in the ship Sta. Catallna, which left them in Mozambique. 
There they were arrested and put on board the ship of 
Diego de Melo to be taken to the Governor of India, but 
contrary winds did not permit her departure; and, having 
been allowed to go ashore, Bautista Poncero died, and Leon 
Pancaldo hid himself in the ship of Francisco Pereira, which 
was going to Portugal. He remained hid till tliey got a 
hundred leagues from Mozambique, When thoy arrived at 
Lisbon thoy put him in prison, from which the king com- 
manded him to be set free. 

At this time, P. Vasco da Gama arrived in India as Vice- 
roy, and the Castilians begged for leave to embark in the 
ships which were going to Portugal, but he would not give 



it. The Viceroy died in twenty days, and they elected 
in his Btead D. Enrique de Meneses governor of Goa, who 
caiiie to Cochin. Two Castilians died there, and those that 
rcmaioed had to wait for another year. 

Gonzftlo Gomez had done homage and could not get away 
until after constant recourse and petitions to the governor, 
D. Enrique de Meneaes, who gave him leave, as also to the 
seaman, Ginea do Mafra, and to Master Hans, a bombar- 
dier, when it was known there that the King of Portugal 
was married to Da. Catalina, sister of His Majesty the Em- 
peror, These throe individuals left Cochin in the Portu- 
guese ships, and when they arrived at Lisbon they put them 
in the Limoneiro or public prison, where Master Hans died. 
Gonzalo Gomez and Gines de Mafra remained there ahoat 
seven months, until they were set free by letters from Hia 
Majesty ; but Gonzalo Gomez' was set free twenty-seven 
days before Gines, whom they supposed to be a pilot, having 
found Bomo log-books in his box and two other (books), 
which Andrea do San Martin, pilot of His Majesty, had 
made, which books and other writings they took, and would 
not return to Lim. 

From their departure from Terrenate, in the Moluccas, 
to Lisbon, inclusively, there died eight individuals. What 
became of seven was unknown j two remained in the 
Moluccas ; one in Malacca ; and three reached Spain, be- 
sides the licentiate and priest, Morales. 

Caspar Correa says (tome iii, p. 109) : — 

" In this year 1527, one Sebastian Gabato, a Basque, 
and a great pilot, sailed from Seville aa captain-major of 
two ships and a caravel, who was ordered by the Viceroy of 
the Antilles to go and take in cargo at Maluco, and recover 

■ lliis Goiiiec wna the alguaiil who assisted Magellnn h 
putting down the mutiny ia the part of St. Julian. 


the property of the C&stilians, which be might find belongs 
ing to the ship of the fleet of Feman de Magalhaes which 
put in in distress ; and if he foand any things in the pos- 
session of the Portugneso, he was to ask for them and re- 
quire them from the captains on behalf of the emperor, with 
rU urbanity : and if they did not choose to give them ap, 
he was to ask for documents, with protests, which he waa 
to bring to the emperor for liim to do in the matter what 
might be for his service. This fleet sailed from Seville^ 
and never more was any news board of what became of itj 
nor what end it had. This only was known, that this fleek 
had thus sailed this year, through other Castilians, who 
later arrived at Maluco in another fleet, as I will relate' 
fiirther on in its place." ' 

[Cortet reUtea, in ha Tom. iii, cap. xiv, that Charicfl V sent a : 
of five ibips in 15l'T U> Alaluco under Fra; Garcia dc LoftyBk, 

that onl; one Bbip uniler C'tptain Martim Inliigo reached Maluoo 
then describes the disputes aud skimuahea between the Caatiliaiu 

: b« 




Navabbetb gives, No, XX of his documents relating to 
Magellan, a copy of a document presented on Wednesday, 
the 22nd of May, 1521, by a servant of Diego Barbosa, on 
behalf of Alvaro de Mezquita, to the Alcalde of Seville, 
dated April 26th, 1520, which were the informations taken 
in Port St. Julian by Martin Mendes, clerk of the Victoria ; 
Sancho de Heredia, king s notary ; Gonzalo Gomes de 
Spinosa, Alguazil-mayor or chief constable of the fleet : he 
could not write, and Domingo de Barruty signed for him. 

These informations were taken in consequence of a peti- 
tion from Alvaro de Mezquita, captain of the S. Antunio, 
to Magellan, complaining of Gaspar de Quesada, captain of 
the Conception, and Juan de Cartagena, with about thirty 
armed men, having seized him the night of Palm Sunday, 
April Ist, 1520, and having locked him up in the cabin of 
Geronimo Guerra, the clerk of the S, Antimio, This petition 
was presented to Magellan when he was on sliore, alter 
hearing Mass on Sunday, the 15th of April, and he gave 
orders to the two clerks and Alguazil to make an inquiry 
on board the 8. Antonio. His order was dated April 17th, 
and signed by himself and Leon de Speleta, clerk of the 
flag-ship. The informations taken on board the 8. Antonio 
were dated Thursday, the twenty-sixth April, 1520. 

No. XXI of Navarrete is a letter from Juan Lopez de 
Becalde to the Bishop of Burgos, of May 12th, 1521, giving 
him an account of the arrival of the 8. Antonio at Seville, 





6th May, 1521, commftndcd by Geronimo Guerra, a relation 
and servant of Chnstoval do Haro, and of the execution of 
Gaspar de Quoaadu and others. This letter folates the story 
of the mutineers and those who turned back from difficulty 
and danger, and is naturally unfavounible to Magollan. 

Aocordiug to Navarrete, the desertion of Maj^llan's fleet 
by the ship S. Aidonio, was caused by Eateban Gomez, a 
Portuguese pilot, who, from rivalry with Magellan, and 
envy at seeing others promoted instead of himself, after tho 
executions, got up a conspiracy on board the S. Antonio, 
and proposed to return to Spain. The mutineers put 
Alvaro do Mezquita in irons ; they then went to the coast 
of Guinea, and thence to Spain. When the S. Antonio 
arrived at Seville, Alvaro de Mezquita was handed over to 
the authorities and kept in prison until tho ship Yidoriit 
arrived. Esteban Gomez, Juan de Chinchilla, Gei-onimo 
Guerra, and Francisco Angulo, were also arrested ; and 
Magellan's wife and family were put under surveillance to 
prevent their going away to Portugal. Aocordiug to 
Herrera, Juan do Cartagena and the priest, who were left 
behind, did not como away with the S. Antonio, and orders 
were given to send and look for them. 

More ample details of the suppression of the mutiny are 
given by Gaspar Correa in the following account of Magel- 
lan's voyage, in his Lendaa ila Ituiia (tome n, cap, xiv) : — 

" Ferdinand Magellan wont to Castile to the port of Seville, 
where ho married the daughter of a man of importance, with 
the dosign of navigating on the sea, because he was very 
learned in the art of pilots, which is that of the aphero. The 
emperor kept the House of Commerce in Seville, with the 
overseers of the treasury, with great powers, and much sea- 
faring trafiie, and fleets for abroad. Magellan, bold with 
his knowledge, and with the readiness which he had to annoy 
the King of Portugal, spoke to the overseers of this House 


of Commerce, and told them tbat Malacca, and Malnco, the 
ialnnda in which clovea grew, belonged to the emperor ou 
account of the demarcation drawn between them both [tho 
Kings of Spain and Portugiilj : for which reason tho King 
of Portugal wrongfully possessed these lands : and that he 
would make this certain before all the doctors who might 
contradict him, and would pledge bis head for it. The 
ovorseera replied to birn, tbat they well know that he 
was speaking truth, and that tho emperor also knew it, 
but tbat the emperor bad no navigation to that part, be- 
cause he could not navigate through the sea within the 
demarcation of the King of Portugal. Magellan said to 
them : 'If you would give me ships and men, I would show 
you navigation to those parts, without touching any sea or 
land of the King of Portugal ; and if not, they might cut otF 
his bead.' The overseers, much pleased at this, wrote it to 
the emperor, who answered them that he had ploasuro in 
the speech, and would have much more with the deed ,- and 
that they were to do everj-thing to carry out his service, 
and the affairs of the King of Portugal, which were not to 
bo meddled with; rather than tbat everything should bo 
lost. With this answer from the emperor, tbey spoke with 
Magellan, and became much more convinced by what he 
said, tbat ho would navigato and show a course outside of 
the seas of the King of Portugal ; and that if they gave him 
the ships ho asked for, and men and artillery, he would ful- 
fil what ho had said, and would discover new lands which 
were in the demarcation of the emperor, from which be 
would bring gold, cloves, cinnamon, and other riches. The 
overseers hearing this, with a great desire to render so great 
a service to the emperor as the discovery of this navigation, 
and to make this matter more certain, brought together 
pilots and men learned in the sphere, to dispute upon the 
matter with Magellan, who gave such rcasona to all, that 
they agreed with what bo said, and affirmed tbat he was & 

2i6 coerka's account of Magellan's 

very learned man. So the overseers at once made agree- 
ments with him, and arrangements, and powers, and regula- 
tions, whicli they sent to the emperor, who confirmed evury- 
thiug, resurving Hpecially iho navigation of the King of 
Portugal ; thus he commanded and prohibited, and ordered 
that everything which Magellan asked for should be given 
him. Ou this account, Mageilau went to Burgos, where the 
emperor was, aud kissed his hand, and the emperor gave 
him a thousand crnzados alimony for the expenses of his 
wife whilst he was on his voyage, set down in the rolU 
of Seville, and he gave him power of life aud death' over 
all persons who went in the fleet, of which he should be 
captain -major, wiib regard to which he assigned him large 
powers. So, on his return to Svville, they equipped for 
him five small ships, such as he asked for, equipped and 
armed as he chose, with four hundred men-at-arms, and 
they were laden with the merchandise which he asked for. 
The oversGers told him to give the captaincies, with regard 
to which he excused himself, saying that he was new in the 
country and did not know the men; aud that they should 
seek out men who would be good and faithful in the em- 
peror's service, aud who would rejoice to endure hardships 
in his service, and the bad life which they would have to go 
through in the voyage. The overseeifi were obliged to him 
for this, and held it to be good advice, and decided to inform 
the captains they might make, and the crews they might 
take, of the powers which he hud received from the emperor. 
This they did, and they sought in Seville for trustworthy 
men for captains, who were Juan do Cartagena, Luis do 
Mendo9t, Juan Serrano, Pero de Quesada. This fleet 
having been fitted out, and the crews paid for six mouths, 
he sailed from San Lucar de Barrameda in August of the 
year 1519. So he nuvignted to the Canary Islands, and 
took iu water; whilst he was there a vessel arrived with 
' Utemll;, of cotd and knife. 

coKBEA'a AccousT OK uaoelun's tovagb. 247 

letters from Iiis father-in-law,^ in which he warned him to 
keep a good watch for his personal safety, because ho had 
learned that the captains whom he took with him had eaid 
to their friends and relations, that if he annoyed them they 
would kill him, and would rise up against him. To this he 
replied, that ha would do them no injuries bo that they 
should have reaBon to act thus; and on that account he bad 
not appointed tfaem, hot the overseers, who knew them, had 
given them ; and whether tiiey were good or bad, he would 
labour to do the service of the emperor, and for that they 
had offered their Uvea, The father-in-law showed thia 
answer to the overseers, who greatly praised the good heart 
of Magellan. 

"He sailed from the Canaries of Tanarife, and made 
the Capo Verde, whence he crossed over to the coast of 
Brazil, and there entered a river which is named Janeiro, 
There went, as chief pilot, a Portuguese named Joan Lopes 
Carvaihinho, who had already been in this river, and took 
with him a son whom he had gotten there of a woman of 
the countiy. From this place they went on sailing until 
they reached the Cape of Santa Maria, which Joan of Lisbon 
had discovered in the year 1514; thenco they wont to the 
river San Julian. While they wei-e there taking in water 
and wood, Juan de Cartagena, who was sub -cap tain -major, 
agreed with the other captains to rise up, saying that 
Magellan had got them betrayed and entrapped. As they 
understood that Gaspur de Quesada was a friend of Magel- 
lan's, Juan de Cartagena got into his boat at night, with 
twenty men, and went to the ship of Caspar Quesada, and 
went iu to speak to him, and took him prisoner,' and made 

' Piogo BarboBB. 

' Correa seems to have modti a mistake here. Qavsadu helped to 
make Alvaru de Klezquita, ftlugelUo's ri'lation, mid captain of the 
S. Antonio, a priaoiier ; but what Correa rtlateB may have b«en part of 
the plot aad a BtraUgem of Juan de Cartbsgeaa. 


a relation of hia captain of the ship, in onlor that all three 
might go ot onco to board Magellan and kill him, and after 
thiit they would redace the other ship of Joan Serrano, and 
would take the money and goods, which they would hide, 
and would return to the emperor, and would tell him that 
Magellan had got thorn entrapped and deceived, having 
broken faith with his instructions, since he was navigating 
in seas and countries of the King of Portugal : for which 
deed they would get first a aaf^ conduct from the emperor. 
So they arranged matters for their treason, which turned 
out ill for them. 

" Magellan had some §uspicion of this matter, and before 
this should happen, he sent his skiff to the ships to tell the 
captains that the masters were to arrange their ships for 
beaching them to careen them; and with this pretext he 
warned a servantof his to notice what the captains answered. 
When this skiff came to the revolted ships they did not let 
it come alongside, saying that they would not execute any 
orders except those of Juan de Cartagena, who was their 
captain -major. The skiff having returned with this answer, 
Magellan spoke to Ambrosio Pernandos,' his chief constable, 
a valiant man, and gave him orders what he was to do, and 
to go secretly armed ; and Le sent a letter to Luis de Men- 
do<;a by him, with six men in the skiff, whom the chief 
constable selected. And the current sot towards the ships, 
and Magellan ordered his master to bend a long hawser,* 
with which he might drop down to the ships if it suited 
him. All being thus arranged, the skiff went, and coming 
alongside of Luiz do Mondoi;-a, they would not let him como 
on board. So the chief constable said to the captain that 
it was weakness not to bid him enter, as he was one man 
alone who was bringing a letter. Upon which the captain 
bade him enter. lie came on board, and giving him the 

' Ili^ oaniG wns UiiTualo (ionics de S^iinoaa ; be rvturuuil U> Spaiu. 
' " Que &ii:sic gnuule Uia." 


letter, took him ia his arms, ahoating: 'Oa behalf of the 
emperor, you are arrested I " At this the men of the skiff 
came on board with their swords drawn ; then the chief 
constable cut the throat of Luis de Mendo^a with a dag- 
ger, for he held him thrown down under him, for so Magel- 
lan had given him orders. Upon this a tumult arose, and 
llagellan hearing it, ordered the hawser to be paid out, and 
with hia ship dropped down upon the other ships, with hia 
men under arms, and the artillery in readiness. On reaching 
the ship of Mondo<;a, he ordered sis men to be bung at tho 
yard-arms, who bad risen up against the chief const able, and 
these were seized npon by the sailors of the ship, of which 
be at onco made captain, Duarte Barbosa, a Portuguese, and 
a friend of his : and he ordered the corpse of Mendo^a to 
be hung up by the feet, that they might see him from the 
other ships. He then ordered Barbosa to prepare tho men 
for going and boarding one of the other ships; and to avoid 
doiug the harm which it was in its power to have done, and 
since be was a Portuguese, and the crews belonged to tha 
emperor, he used a stratagem, and spoke secretly to a sailor, 
whom be trusted, who fled to the ship of Cartagena, where, 
at night when the current set for Magellan's ship, which 
was astern, the sailor seeing his opportunity, cut the cable 
or loosed the ship of Cartagena, so ttiat it drifted upon that 
of Magellan, who came up, shouting : ' Treason I treason 1* 
Upon which ho entered the ship of Cartagena, and took 
him and his men prisoners, and made captain of the ship 
one Alvaro de Mesquita, whom Cartagena bad arrested and 
put in irons, because he found fault with him for the mutiny 
which he was making. Seeing this, tho other ship at once 
surrendered. He ordered Cartagena to bo quartered, having 
him publicly cried as a traitor ; and tho body of Luis de 
Mendoi^a also was quartered ; and be ordered tho quarters 
nod the executed men to be set on ahore, spitted on poles. 
Bo the CastUians had groat fear of him, for ho top t the 



mutineers prisoners in irons, and set to the pumps, Juring 
three luontlis that he remained in this rivcFj iu which he 
careened and refitted his ships very well. 

"When he was about to set sail, he ordered the prisoners 
to he set at liberty, and pardoned them, and he sent them 
to go along the shore, following the bank of the river nntil 
they found the headland from which they could see the eea 
on the other aide; and whoever returned to him with this 
news he would give him a hundred ducats as a reward for 
good news. These men went for more than forty leagues, 
and returned without news ; and they brought back two 
men, fifteen spans high, from a village which thoy found. 
He then sent Serrano, because his vessel was the smallest, 
to go along the river to discover its extremity ; and he went 
with a strong current, which carried him without wind. 
And, going along thus, his ship grounded on some rocks, 
on which it was lost, and the boat returned laden with the 
crew. Magellan sent the boats thither, and they saved 
everything, so that only the hull was lost. Then he ordered 
two priests, who had taken part in the mutiny, to be set on 
shore, and a brother of Cartagena, whom ho pardoned at 
the petition of Mesquita, and he left them thus banished. 

" Then he sailed from the river and ran along the coast 
until he reached a river, to which they gave the name of 
Victoria, and which had high land on either side. From 
this river Meaquita's ship ran away, and it was not known 
whether they had killed him, or if he had gone of his own 
accord ; but au astrologer and diviuer told him that the 
captain was a prisoner, and that they were returning to 
Castile, but that the emperor would do them an injury. 

"Then Magellan, with the three ships which he had, 
entered the river, through which he ran for more than a 
hundred leagues, and came out on the other aide into the 
open sea, where he had a stern wind from the east, with 
which tliay ran fur more than five mouths without lowering 

corbea's accodnt of Magellan's toyaoe. 251 

their sails, and they fetched some uninliabited isWds, in 
one of which thpy found some savages, who lived in huts 
underground. They went to another island where they gave 
thorn gold for its weight of iron, by which means they col- 
iected much gold : the people also were of a good diapo- 
Bition, and had a king. They were well governed people, 
who were at war with other neighbours who were more 
poWL'rful than themselves; for which reaaon the king be- 
came Christian, with all his people, io order that Magellan 
might assist him against bis enemies. This Magellan offered 
to do, and with his armed men, and the people of the coun- 
try, he went against the enemy, of whom he killed many, 
and burned a village. The enemy got assistance from 
others, aud many came to fight with Magellan, who defeated 
them, and the struggle was a severe one. They acted with 
cunning, for they had placed ambuscades of men hidden in 
the bush, who, seeing the Castilians wearied, came out 
against them aud killed many, and another ambuscade came 
out of the bush to seize the boats, which were on the beach 
without men : then the king came out, and fought with 
them, and defended the boats, and brought off the men. 

"The king who hod fled, seeing himself defeated, plotted 
treachery with the Christian king, and made an agreement 
with him to give him his daughter in marriage, and plighted 
his troth to him, that when he died, for he was already old, 
all would remain to him, aud they would always hve as 
friends ; because the Custilians would depart, and if be did 
not act thus he would always make war on him : and this 
was with tlie condition that he was to find him means for 
killing the Castilians. And the Christian king, like a 
brutal umn, consented to the treachery, and prepared a 
great and bautjuet for carrying it out, to which he 
invited Magellan, who went to the banquet with thirty men, 
of the most honourable and well dressed: while thoy were 
enjoying themselves at tho banquet, tho armed enemies 

252 corhka's account op maoellan's votaob. 

entered, and killed Mngeilan, and all tbe Castilians, and 
none of them escaped, and tbey stripped Serrano, and drao-- 
ging him along, brought him to the beach, where tbey 
executed him, and killed him thrown down on the ground.^ 

"Those wbo wore in the shipa, seeing the misfortuno on 
shore, which the sailors who bad gone in the boats related 
to them, raised up from among tbom as captain, Carvalhinho, 
tbe pilot of the flag-ship, whom all obeyed. He ordered 
one of the shipa, which was very leaky, to be stripped, 
and set fire to it in tbe midst of the sea, so that tbe people 
on shore should not profit by the iron, and lie made captain 
of the ship of Serrano one Gonzalo Gomez d'Espinnsa, who 
was a relation of the astrologer,^ who also died with Magel- 
lan, and did not divino the evil which befel him. 

" The two ships departed thence, running between many 
islands, and they weut to one which had much very fine cin- 
namon. From this place they went rnnning through many 
islands to the island of Borneo, where they found in the port 
many merchant juuks from all tbe parts of Malacca, which 
made frequent visits to Borneo. Here Carvalhinho sent a 
present to the king of scarlet cloth, and coloured silks, and 
other things, with which the king was much pleased, and 
bo did bim great honour, aud gave bim leave and safe con- 
duct to remain on shore for twenty days, for such was thoir 
custom to give to new people, the first time that they came 
to their port, in which tbey could buy and sell freely as 
much as tbey pleased. Bat the king, knowing how much 
goods the ships contained, got up a plot to kill them, and 
take the ships. This treachery was concerted by the king 
with the Javanese who were in the port in large junks; aud 
for this object the king showed great honour to ihoao who 
went on shore, and sent refreshments to the shipa, and leave 

' The reader will observe tliat this account of Magellan's deatb is 
> Andrea de Sua Martin. 



to remain in the port as long as they pleased. Cnrvulhinho 
bfcamo suspicions at this, anJ ordered good watch to be 
kept day and night, and did not allow more than one or 
two meu to go ashore. The king perceiving this sent to 
beg Carvalhinho to send him his son who had brought the 
present, because his little children who had seen him, were 
crying to see him. He sent him, very well dressed, with 
four men, who, on arriving where the king was, were 
ordered by him to be arrested. When Carvalhinho knew 
this he raised his moorings, and with armed men went to 
board a junk which was filled with many people and ready 
to sail. They entered this junk and plundered much gold 
and rich stuSs, and captured a son of the King of Luzon, 
who was captain of the junk and of three others which were 
in the port, and who had come in them to marry a daughter 
of this King of Borneo, They found in this junk valuable 
things of gold and jewellery which he had brought for his 
wedding ; and they found there three girls of extreme 
beauty, whom Carvalhinho took caro of, saying that he 
would take them to the emperor : at which all rejoiced. 
Itut he did not act thus, but slept with them, so that the 
Castitians were near killing him ; but be divided with the 
Castilians so liberally that they became friends; for he 
agreed with the bridegroom, that he and his people should 
escape by night, and for that should give htm much wealth 
of precious stones, and by night they got away by swim- 
ming ; and Carvalhinho pretended to have boon asleep, and 
woke np complaining of the watch. But the Castihana 
understood the deceit, and took Carvalhinho and put him 
in irons, and took from him all he had, and raised np as 
captain one Juan Bautista, master of the ship, because he 
understood pilot's work,' 

"Thence they sailed and wont to Malaco, Temate, and 

> Probably tlie Guiioeso ])ilul, u-lioao narrative commencea thia 

254 corhea's account op maoellan'^ votaqe. 

TiJore, where they took to the kings the presents which 
Magellan had set npart for them. They paid them great 
honour, and received them hospitably, for they also gave to 
their ministers ; and to the kings they gave an embassage 
OB the part of the emperor, relating to thorn hia magnifi- 
cence, BO that both soon obeyed him, and did homage as 
vassals for ever ; and they estabhahed trade and prices for 
buying and selling, and estabhahed factories on shore, and 
began to collect cloves, and very much was brought to 
them, because the CaatiJians gave what they asked, for they 
had a snpei-fluity of morchaadiae ; thn they became lords 
of the land. As the Bhipa were much injured, thoy patched 
them np a little, the best they could, and hastened to fill 
both ships with cargo, which they did in one month. 
When they were about to sail there came to the Caatitians a 
Portuguese, named Juan de la Rosa, who had come to 
Ternato, saying he was a pilot, and would take them to 
Castile, upon which they agreed with him to give him fifty 
quintals of cloves in each ship, because he said ho would 
take them to the island of Banda, which had more riches 
than Maluco. So the Castilians rejoiced greatly at taking 
this man back to the emperor, for the greater certainty as 
to their discovery. This Juan de la Rosa warned the 
CastiltauB that they would come from India and seek for 
them, and kill them all, for this was spoken of in India. 
To this the Castilians gave much credit, and on that ac- 
count did him great honour. They settled with the King 
of Tidore to leave with him a factor with the merchandise, 
which they had, because many ships would soon come, sent 
by the emperor; for which reason thoy should have much 
cloves collected together. They then set sail, making de 
la Rosa captain of the ship of Carvalhinho. 

" When they were at sea they freed him from his irons, 
from the need they felt for bis navigation, and they went to 
the island oT Uanda, where they restored to Carvalhinho 

"trinity at ternate. 


his captaincy, and tliej went to Banda, where thoy took 
samples of nutmeg aud mace, as ttey had nowhere to take 
in cargo of it. All having been consulted, tJiey set sail to 
make for the Cape of Good Ilope, and navigate thence to 
Castile, for they did not dare take any other course. Set- 
ting sail with this design, they met with hard weather, with 
which the ship of Carvalhinho put into port, and that of 
Iti Kosa continued her course. Carvalhinho put into 
Maluco, where he discharged half the ship's cargo, and 
hcfiod her over, and repaired her as well as possible; this 
he did in twenty days, and again set to taking in cargo 
and departing ; but he fell ill with the labour, and died on 
setting sail. Thoy made Gonzalo Gomez d'Espinosa cap- 
tain of the ship again, and he, by the instrnctions of 
Carvalhinho, took a conrse to search for the river (strait) 
through which they had come ; but when at sea, the ship 
again took in so much water, that they ran before the wind 
to beach her on the first land they made, which was in 
Batochina, where they beached the ship, and saved from 
her no great qnantity of goods. Whilst they were at thia 
juncture D. Gracia Aoriques arrived at Maluco, with a ship 
to take in cloves, which came from Malaca, and learning 
how these Castilians woi-e there he sent to call tbcm under 
his safe conduct, that they should all come, because if they 
did not ho would hold them as enemies, and would go at 
once and fetch them. The Castilians therefore, constrained 
by fortune, went to where D. Gracia was, like as men who 
were lost, so that D. Gracia had compassion upon them, 
and gave them a good reception, and supplied them with 
necessaries, and having laden his ship, he embarked them 
all with him, and they were more than thirty, and he took 
them to Malaca, where Jorge d' Albuquerque was captain, 
who ordered the factor to give thom provisions for their 
maintenance, and in the monsoon to send them to India, 
where D. Duarto [do Meneses] was governor. He com- 


manded those who chose to be written down in the rolls for 
pay^ and he forbade the ships of the kingdom to take them, 
that they might not return to Castile ; and in fact all died, 
only Gonzalo Gomes d'Espinosa passed to Portugal in the 
year 1525, and he was made a prisoner in Lisbon, and set 
at liberty by a letter which the empress sent to the king. 

" The other ship followed its course, so that la Bosa made 
the Cape of Good Hope, and while she was going near the 
land Pero Coresma, who was going to India in a small ship, 
met her, and spoke her ; and he was told she belonged to 
the emperor, and came from Maluco, and it did not come 
into his understanding to send her to the bottom, that she 
might not return to Castile, and the ship entered the 
watering place of Saldanha, and thence fetched Cape Verde, 
where they went ashore to get wood and water; there 
some Portuguese, learning that the ship came from Maluco, 
took the boat when it came ashore, with twenty Castilians ; 
and as there was no ship in the port they got into a boat to 
go and capture the ship ; but the ship seeing the boat come 
with armed men, for the arms glittered, weighed and set 
sail for Cape St. Vincent, and thence entered San Lucar 
with thirteen men, for now there were no more, and it 
arrived in the year 1521. From Cape Verde they wrote to 
the king about the Castilians, who remained there; the 
king ordered that they should let them go till they died, 
but never to allow them to embark for any port ; and so it 
was done/' 


From N'avarrete, Document No. XVIL 

The Conception was of ninety tons. 

Victoria „ eighty-five tons. 

S. Antonio „ a hundred and twenty tons. 
Trinity ,, a hundred and ten tons. 

Santiago „ seventy-five tons. 


Summary : w j • 

Five ships, with rigging, artillery, and arms, cost 3,912,241 
Five ships, of 445 tons, five more or less, which 

makes each ton come to a cost of 8,791^ 

Various necessaries ... 415,060 

Provisions, biscuit, wine, oil, fish, meat, cheese, 

vegetables, and barrels - - 1,585,551 

Four months pay for 237 persons - - 1,154,504 

Merchandise - - . . 1,079,769 

Total - - - 8,751,125 





Acprqua do negocoo do furnam ili; mnpiilhuGs on tciilio 
feito o trahftlhiulo qtmiito deus salio, puino llio liirframonU! 
tenho eeprito, u hjt"™ ostando xebroa dociite fulei niso 
muito rjjo a el Rei aprosentando llio todoloa onconniniontos 
que neste caso aula, aprci^eDtando Uie alem das outras 
cousas, quam fca cousa era e quaoi desacostumada recobor 
liiini Kci OS uasalos douti'O Rei seu amigu contra sua vontado 
quo ora cousa quo antre caualeii-os so nom acustumaua e so 
aiiift por mui graudo erro o cousa mui foia o que en nom 
acabaua em ualhadoly do llio ororecer nosa posoa e reinos o 
Bcnhorios quando ele ja recebya estes contra uoao prazor 
({lie Ihe pedia que oulliase que nom era tempo pcra descon- 
toiitar uosalteza o maia em cousa que Iho tarn pouco in- 
portaua e tam incorta e quo muitos uasalos e omens tinha 
pora fazor aeuos deacobrimentoa quando fore tempo e nam 
c 03 que do uosalteza uinham descootcntcs e de quo uos- 
iilteza nom podia do doixar de ter sospeita quo auiam de 
trabalhar maia por uos dessoruir quo por ninhiia outra 
cousa e que su albeza tinha ainda agora lauto quo fazer em 
descobrir souos reinos e senhonos o om os ascntar quo Ibo 
nom douiam do lembrar taes nouidadea do quo se podiam 
seguir eacandolos o outras cousas (]ue se beui podiam 
eacuaar aprosentando Ihe tambem quam mal isto parocia cm 
aimo e Icinpo de tal casamonto o acroccntamento de divido 
o amor. E quo mo parecia que uoaalteza ayutiria muito 
saber que ostcs omens llie podoui liocn^i o nom tba dar pora 


se torDarcm que erara ja douos males rccebedos contra sua 
uontado e telos contra uontadc deles que eu Ihc pedia polo 
que compria a sen serui90 e de uosalteza que de dnas fizese 
hua. ou Ibe dese 1icen9a ou sobre-esteuese neste negocio 
este anno em que se nom perderia muito e se poderia 
tomar tal meio como ele fore seruido e uosalteza nom 
recebese desprazcr do mode com que se isto faz. 

Ele senhor fycou tarn espantado do que Ihe dyse que ea 
me espantei e me respondco as milhores palauras do mundo 
e que ele per ninbtia cousa nom queria que se fizese cousa 
de que uosalteza recebese desprazer e muitas outras boas 
palauras e que eu falase com bo cardeal e que Iho fizese 
rela^am de tudo. 

Eu senbor o tynba ja bem praticado com bo cardeal que 
he a milbor cousa que qua ha e Ibe nom parece bem este 
ncgoceo e me prometeo de trabalbar qnanto podese per se 
escusar Falou com el Bei e cbamaram per isto bo bispo de 
burgos que be o quo sostem este negocio. E asy buns 
douos do conselbo tornaram a fazer crer a el Bei que ele nom 
eraua nisto a uosalteza porque nom mandaua descobrir 
senam dcntro no seu lemite e mui longe das cousas de 
uosalteza e que uosalteza nom auia dauer por mal de se 
seruir de douos uasalos seuos bomens de pouca sustancia 
seruindo se uosalteza de muitos dos naturaes de castela 
alegando outras muitas raz5es. In fim me dise o cardeal 
que o bispo e aqueles insistiam tanto nisto que por ora el 
Bei nom podya tomar outra detrimina9am. 

Tanto quo xebres foi sam Ibe tomei a presentar este 
negoceo como digo e muito mais ele da a culpa a estes 
castelbanos que poi el Bei nisto e com tudo que ele falara a 
el Bey e nos dias pasados o requeri muito sobre isto e 
nunca tomou detrimina^am e asi creio que fara agora a mim 
senbor parece me que uosalteza pode recolber femam de 
magalhaes que sera grande bofetada pera estes que polo 
bacbarel nom dou eu muito que auda casi fora de seu syso. 


E fiz diligencia com dom jorge acerqua da yda laa do seu 
alcayde e ele diz que hira em toda maneira asy senhor que 
isto esta desta maneira e com tudo eu nunca deixarei de 
trabalhar nisto o que poder. 

E nom cuide vosalteza que dise moito a el Rei no que Ihe 
dise porque alem de ser tudo verdade o que dise esta gente 
corao dygo nom seote nada nem el Bei tem liberdade pera 
dy sy fazer ate ora nada e por iso se deue de syntyr menos 
suas cousas. noso senhor a uida e estado de vosalteza acre- 
cente a sen santo seruigo. de sarag09a ter^a feira a noyto 
xxviii dias de setembro [1518]. 

Beijo as maos de uosa alteza^ 

AlUABO da C08TA. 

(Torre do Tombo, Gav. 18, Ma<;. 8, No. 38.) 

No. II. 


em XV doste Julho p chavascas mo90 dest^beyra R. 
duos cartas do vosa alteza hua de xviij e outra 
do xxix do mes pasado que entendy e sem a seg^* 
Bcsumyr Respondo a vosa alteza. 

Sam agora vindos em companhia a esta cidade xpova 
do hardo e J® de cartajena feitor moor darmada 
e capitam de hu navio e o tesourey** e esc'va 
desta armada e nos Regim^ que trazem ha 
cap** contraries ao rregm*** de fma de magalhaes 
E vistos pUo contador e feitores da casa da cont^- 
ta9am como posam mall engulyr as cousas 
de magalhaees foram logo da opiniam dos 
que nova"*^ viorani. 

B juutos maudarii cliamar fruu du mftgulliiiecB o 
qsoram dole sabr a ordeta tlesta armadii e b ubiis» 
por que na q'ta naaa no ya capita sum" 
carvalho (juo om piloto e no capitam, diso 
que elle a queria asy levar pa levar o f'oroU 
o as VCZC3 BO posar aela. 

E llie diseram quo levava m'" portugoaea o qiiu 
nil era bom quo lovase tautos ReBpondeo quo 
ele faria na armada o q q,seao eem Ihe dar co'" 
e quo elloa o no podiam faz' aem a dare a olle pa- 
saranso tantas e tarn mas llczoees q os fcitoros 
mandara pagar soldo a jente do maar e durmas 
e no a neliuea dos portugeees q frfia de ma- 
galhaeea e Ruy faleiro tern pa levar o 
a yato ae fez correco a corte de castela. 

E por cu vr a materia aberta e tpo be coiive- 
nioute pa diz' o que me voaa alteza mudo 
me fuy a pouaada do magalhaves oodo o achcy 
confertando corticoa e areas com vitoallia do cou«'- 
vas ont"* couaas ap'tey o fingindo quo 
pllo Rchar naquole acto que me pare9ia 
conclusa da obra de sou miiao ppoayto o por 
cguc esta Boria a dorradr* fala q Ibe faria lliu 
quoria rreduzir a memoriam qnantas vezes 
como bom portagea o seu amy go the a via 
falado cont"riando Iho o tam grande erro 

E doapois de Ibo pedir pdam se alguo cscandalo 
do my Re^ebeae na ptica, Ihe trouxo a memoria 
quantaa vezea Ihe avia falado e qim bem mc 
aenp Rospoiidia e qne aeguudo sua Reposta 
soDp eu eaperey q' o 6m nii foso con ta. 
grando doasTipo do vosa alteza e o quo Iho 
scujV diaera era que vibso que esto caminho ti- 
Hha tautos perigos como a Roda di' Hanta V" 


que o devya deixar e tomar o cojr'braao^ e tor- 
nar se a sua natureza e a gga de vosa alteza 
donde senp Be^eberia m^. nesta fala entrou 
meter Ihe todolos temores q me pare^era e orros 
que fazia dise me q elle no poderia ja all 
faz' por sua honrra sena seguir seu caminho, ou 
Ihe disse que ganhar onrra indyvidam^ e adqri- 
da com tanta infamia no era sab' ne honrra 
mas antes p^ya9a de sab*^ e d onrra por que foso 
ferto q a jente castelhana p'^n9ipall desta 9idade 
falando nele o aviam por home vyll e de maao 
sangue poys em des8'vi90 de seu vdad'** Rey 
e senor aceptava tall enpsa quanto mais semdo 
p ele levantada e ordenada e Bequerida, que 
fose ele certo que era avida por treedor 
por hyr cont^ o estado de vosa alteza^ aquy 
me Bespondeo que ele via o erro que fazia 
porem que ele esperava gdar muyto o sryi- 
90 de vosa alteza e faz' Ihe muito s''yi90 em sua 
yda. Eu Ihe dise que que Ihe louvase tall 
diz' o no entenderia^ por que caso q ele no 
tocase a conqsta de vosa alteza como qr q 
achasso o q dizia luogo era em grande dano 
das rrendas de vosa alteza^ e que este Be9ebia to- 
do o rregno e jenero de p" ^ e que mais virtuoso 
pensam^^ era o que ele tinha quando me 
disse que se vosa alteza mandase q se 
tomasse a portugall q o faria som out^ 
9erteza de mer9ee e que quando Iha no fizeso 
quo hy estava essa serradoosa e sete v~* 
do pardo e huas contas de bugalhos que 

^ lload to Coimbra — straight road. 
' Pefisoas. 
' Varas. 


entii me parc9ia q seu cora9a estava na 
v'dade do que compria a sua honnra e con^y- 
eD9ia^ o q se falou foy tanto q se no po- 
de escver. 

a q' s^' me come9ou a dar synall dizendo que Iho 
dissese mais que ysto no vinha de my e que 
se v. alteza mo mandava q Iho dissese e a m^ 
q Ihe faria^ eu Ihe disse q eu no era de tantas 
toneladas p q v. alteza me metese em tall 
acto mas eu como out" m^ vezes Iho dezia 
aquy me q*s honrrar dizendo q se o q eu come- 
9ey com ele levara avante sem ant^vir out*' 
p«8 q> YQQ2k alteza fora ivido mas q' n®^ Bibeiro 
Ihe disera hua cousa e q' no fora nada e Joam 
mendez out^ q^ no atara e diseme a mer9ee q^ 
Ihe prometian da pte de vosa alteza^ aq* ouve 
grande amiserarse e diz' que bem sentia tudo mas 
que n5 sabia cousa pa que co rrezam deixase 
huu Rey que tanta m*^* Ihe avia feito. e eu 
Ihe disse q' por faz' o que devia e no pder 
sua honrra e a m^® q' vosa alteza Ihe faria 
que seria mais 9erta e co mais verdadeira 
onrra. E que pesasse ele se a vinda de pur- 
tugall q' fora por 9em rres mais ou menos 
de morida q' v. alteza Ihe deixara de dar por 
no quebrar sua ordenan9a^ com virem 
dous rregm'°' contrarios ao seu, e ao q' ele 
capitolou CO el Rey do carlos, e veria se 
este desp'^zo pessa mais pa se hyr e faz*" 
o que deve so vyr se por o q' se veeo. 

fez grande admira9a de eu tall sabr e aquy 
me disse a v^'dade e como o correo era p'^tido 
q' eu ja tudo sabia. E me disse quQ 
gerto no aberia cousa por q' clle desse co 

* Nuuo. 


a carga em trra sena tirando Ihe algua 
coussa do capitolado; porem q' p'm** abia 
de veer o que Ihe vosa alteza faria, eu Ihe 
disse q' mais q'ria veer q' os rregm***" e Ruy 
faleiro q' dezia abertam*® q' n5 avia de seguir 
seu foroll e que avia de navegar ao suU 
ou no hira na armada^ e que ele cuidara 
q' hia por capita moor e que eu sabia quo 
avia out"* mandados em conf^iro os quaees 
elle no saberia sena a tpo que no pudese 
Remedea' sua onrra ; e que no curasse do mell 
que Ihe punha pllos bei90S o bpo de burgos 
e quo agora era tpo por ysso q' visse se 
o queria faz'* e que me desse carta pa vossa 
alteza e que eu por amoor dele yria a vossa 
alteza a faz*" seu p''tido, por que eu n'o tinha 
nehuu Becado de vosa alteza pa em tall ente- 
der som** falava o q' me pare^ia como out** vezes 
Ihe avia falado. dyseme que no me dezia na- 
da ate veer o rrecado q^ o correo trazia e nisto 
concludymos eu vigiarey com toda minha 
posybilidade o s''vi90 de v alteza. 

neste paso me parece bem que saiba vosa alteza 
que he 9erto que a navega^a q' estes espeni 
fazi* el Bey dom carlos a sabe e ferna de 
magalhaces asy mo tem dito e pode aveer 
quem tome a emp^sa que fa9a mais dano. 
faley a rruy faley"* p duas vezes nunca me all 
Bespondio sena que como faria tall cont^ 
el Bey seu senor q^ Ihe tanta m^* fazia a todo 
o que Ihe dezia n5 me rrespondia all^ pare9e 
me que esta como home torvado do Juizo 
e que oste seu famyliar Ihe despontou 
alguu sabr se o nele avia pare9eme 
q' movido ferna de magalhaees q^ Buy faley*^"* 
seguira o q' magalhaees fiz''. 


s^*^ OS navioa da capitania de magalhaoes sam cinq" 
*s. huu de ex toneladas os dons de Ixxx cada 
huu o OS dous de Ix cada hu pouco mais ho 
menos, sam muy vclhos e Bemedados por 
que OS vy em monte corregeer, ha onze 
messes que se correjeram e esta na agoa 
agora calafetam asy nagoa en entrey 
neles alguas vezes e gertefico a vosa alteza 
que pa canari* navegaria de maa vonta- 
do neles^ por q' sous liames sam de sebe. 

hartelharia que todos 9inq'^ leva sam Ixxx tiros 
muy pequenos som** no maior em q^ ha de hyr 
femam de magalhaes estam quat® y^''90s de ferro 
n5 boos p toda a jente que leva em todos 
9inq'" sam ii^xxx homes todo los mais tern 
ja Re^ebido o soldo som'* os portugeses quo 
no quere Be^ebr a mill Bs^ ag'^dan que venha 
o correo por que Ihes disse magalhaees que 
ele Ihes farya acreeetar o soldo e leva ma- 
tym^' pa dous anos. 

capitam da p''m* naao fema de magalhaees o 
do segunda Buy faley® da 3~ J® de cartagena 
q' he feitor moor darmada da 4*^ quesada 
c'^ado do ar^obpo de sevilha a 5* vay sem ca- 
pitam sabido vay nella por piloto carvalho 
portugues^ nesta se diz que ha de moteer 
por capita desque fore de foz e fora ha 
alv^ da mizq*ta d esf^moz que caa estaa 
OS portugeses que ca vejo pa hirem 
§ o caiTalho piloto 
§ esteva gomez piloto 
§ o sserraao piloto 

§ v«o p™to galego piloto ha dias q^ caa vivo 
§ alv** da myzq'ta d estmoz 
§ marty da myzq*ta d cstremoz 


§ fr«« d a*^ seca f* do c^**' do rrosmaninhall 

§ xpova ferr' f» do c^°' de castelejo 

§ martim gill f^ do Juiz dos orfaaos de lixboa 

§ po d abreu c'^ado do bpo de 9afy 

§ duarte barbosa sob'''iilio de di** barbosa c^ado do bfo de 

§ anto frrz q' vivia na mouraria de lixboa 
§ luis a® de beja q^ foy c''ado da s'* Ifante q' ds tem 
§ J^ da silva f^ de n® da silva da ilha da madeira 
este me disse senp q' n'o avia de hyr salvo se 
vosa alteza o ouvese por sea s*'vi90 e anda como 
di^ipulo encuberto. 

§ o faleiro tem caa sen pay e may e irmaaos hu 
deles leva consigo. 

out*^* jente miuda de mo90S destes tambe dize 
q' am de hyr de que farey memoria a vosa 
alteza se mandar quando fore, 
a q^nta pte desta armada he de xpova de haroo 
q nela meteo fnj^ ducados Diz caa q vosa 
alteza Ihe mado la tomar xx^ + **• de faze- 
da elle daa caa os avisos d armada de 
vosa alteza asy da feita como da que 
se faz soube q p huu C'ado sea q la 
tem. avendo se as cartas deste podria vosa 
alteza sabr p que via sabia estes sec'Hos. 

as mercaderias que leva sam cobre azouge 
panes baxos de cores sedas baxas de cores 
e marlotas feitas destas sedas. 

certificasse qae ptira esta armada pa baxo 
em fim deste Julho mas a my no mo pare9e 
asy ne ate meado agosto^ posto que o correo 
venha mais ^edo. 

a rrota que se diz quo han de levar he dir** 
ao cabo fryo ficando Ihe o brasy a mao dir^ 

^ 4,000. « 20,000. 



ate pasar a linha da pti9a e daly navegar 
ao eloeste e loes noroeste dir**** a inaluco 
a quail trra de inaluco eu yy asentada na 
poma^ e carta que ca fez o f" de Reynell 
a quail n5 era acabada quando caa seu pay 
veo por ele, e seu pay acabou tudo e 
pos estas trras de maluco e p este pa- 
deram se fazem todallas cartas as 
quaees faz di® Ribeiro e faz as agulhas 
quadrantes e esperas porem no yay nar- 
mada nem qr mais q ganhar de conieer 
p seu engenho. 

desd este cabo frio ate as Ilhas de maluco p 
esta navega^am no ha nehuas trras asentadas 
nas cartas que leva p'^za a d's todo poderoso 
que tall viajem fa^a como os corterraes, e vosa 
alteza fique descansado. e seja senp*^® asy e- 
vejado como he do todolos p''*n9ipes. 

Sennor ouf^^ armada se faaz de tres navios 
podres peqnos em que vay por capitam 
andres ninho este leva out^ dous navios 
pequenos lavrados em pee^as detro nestes 
velhos este vay a tf ra fyrme q descob'^o p® 
ayres, ao porto de larym e daly ha de 
hyr por trra xx legoas ao maar do sull 
donde se ha de levar p trra os navios 
lavrados com a enxarfeea dos velhos e 
armalos neste maar do sull e descob'^r 
com estes navios mill legoas e mais na 
cont" o eloeste, as costas da trra q 
se chama gataio e nestas ha de hyr 
por capitam moor gill gltz contador 
da Ilha espanhola e vam p dous anos. 

parti ndo estas armadas se faz loguo 

» Globe. 


outra de quat® navios pa hyr segundo 
se diz na estcira de magalhaees pore 
como ainda ysto no este posto em go^o 
de se faz' no sc sabe cousa^ coasa^ 9erta 
e esto ordona xpova do haroo o que se 
mais pasar eu o farey sabr a vosa 

as novas da armada que el Rey dom carlos ma- 
da faz'' pa se defender ou ofender a fran9a 
ou hyr ao empereeo como se diz escuso esc'^ver 
a vosa alteza por que de n® Ribeiro que ho 
em Cartagena as tera vosa alteza mais certas 
mas ha nova 9erta nesta cidade p cartas quo 
el Rey de fran9a divulga que el Rey do carlos 
no ha de seer emperador e que ele o ha do 
sscr o papa ajuda el Rey de fran9a p via 
onesta con9ede Ihe quat® capelos pa que 
OS desse a que ele q'sosse diz se que el Roy 
de fran9a os tem pa daar a que os ele- 
gedores do emporoo q^*serem donde se 9crte- 
fica que ou el Rey de fran9a sera emperador 
ou que ele q*s% o que mais pasar nestas 
armadas eu tcrey especiall cuidado de o faz' sabr 
a vosa alteza ainda q eu estava ja frio nisto por 
que me pare9eo q vosa alteza o qria p outre sabr 
por que vy caa n® Ribeiro e out^ p** q comigo 
falava p modo disymulado querendo sabr 
de iny. beeso as maaos do vosa alteza^ de sevilha 
a xviij do Julho de 1519. 

Sebastia Alukz. 
« Sic. 



























c: o 




s •>. 










No. IV. 
Moradias da casa real — Ma9. 1 — L®. 7, f<». 47, v®. 

foman de magalhaes f^ de p® de 

magalliaes avera onze dias de Jan*^® 

deste ano e deze seys dias de mayo e 

todo Junho a dous mill e trezentoa 

e doze rs p' mes co c'** arq** p' dia v Ixvi rs 

R® o sobrino e xiiij den"* de v« xx v 

pa e pte de tres meses q Ihe 

ainda deve do ano de vynte e tres 

dos qtro meses ij Ihe mada- 

va dar de q te avydo hu mes 

seg*° se tudo qte e hu escryto 

sen q Ihe deles e de mays tpo 

den de q ja he pago som^ dos tres 

meses q Ihe ainda devia R® os cynq^* 

mill e sesenta e seys R' ecyma 



Da COSTA. xiii ij<» Ixxxiij 

Febna Roiz. 


No. V. 

M D. zxiv de mense Angusti. 

Serenissimo Principe^ et excellentissimi Sig^nori^ 

Supplico jo Antonio Pigafetta Vicentino Cavallier hiero- 
solimitano che desiderando yeder del mondo nelli anni 
passati^ ho navicato cam le caravelli de la Maiesta Cesarea^ 
che sono andate a trovar le Isole^ dove nascono le specie 
nelle nove Indie^ nel qoal viazo ho circnmdato tatto il 
mondo k tomo et per esser cosa^ che mai homo Iha &tta^ ho 
composto on libreto de tutto el ditto viazo^ qoal desidero 
far stampir. Et per ho saplico de gratia che per anni xx 
alcan non possi stampirlo^ salvo chi voro io^ sotto pena ^ 
chi el stampasse^ o stampato altrove el portasse qui^ oltra e^ 
perder li libri de esser condenato lire tre per libro, et la 
executione possi esser fatta per qnalanqae magistrate de 
qaesta cita k chi sara fatta la conscientia et sia divisa la 
pena^ un terzo al arsenal de la snblimita vostra^ nn terzo 
al acusador^ et an terzo ^ quelli che farano la executione^ 
alia gratia sua humiliter mi ricomando. 

Die v^ Augusti. 

Aloys de priolis 
m' dan d eq's 
jo Emiliano 
Lazar. mocenigo 

+ de parte 152 
de Non 6 

non sync 2 

(Senate Terra, reg. 23, p. 12 i.) 



I t 

f :' 



^^^^r ^^^^M 

^^F Atnboiii&. 149 

FnbiiloiiB otoriea, 165 ^^H 

Ainoretti. li liii 

Fleet of Andres Nino, liv ^^H 

Anmterdam takiid. Ivii. S33 

UogelUn. ilii, 2^7 ^^H 

Astronomer Eojol, 6 

BachiMt iBlKQd, 34, 142 

Bftiitiata, Mestre Juan, pilot of tlie 
■■Trinity", Iri, MS. See Poncero 

Gaticara, or Cape Comorin. 68, 189. ^^H 

20D ^^H 

Bird of PnrodiBe, 143, 2115. 2^9 

Qilolo Island, 29, 133, 2<I2. 230 ^^1 

Borneo. 13, 18. 2il. ll.i-118, 202-205, 

Kechil Deroix, son of King of Tor> ^^1 


nate, 123, 141 ^^H 

Braail, 43-48 

Tocabiilmy. 48 

India, 150, 1011 ^H 

Bui-niag of the " Conception". 106. 


Lndrone Inlands, Oiecovery of, 9. 69. ^^1 


CannibaU, M. 49, 122. 149. 188 

Cape of'ODDd Hope doubled, 160, 

MageUon, birth-place, X7 ^H 


genenlogj, ivl ^H 

Chins. 167, 168 

Cloves, 134 

discontent, ii. xviii, ziv ^^^| 

« Cochin China, 166 

^^H Cocoa-not palmi, 73. 73 

marriage, xvi ^^H 

^^K "Conception", bnroinic of. 106. 202 

children, ivi. x*ii ^H 

^^H . Captain OoRpBr do QiiesHla. 

will. I*, xrii ^H 

^^^■Conveniion of islanders, Hi. 9^, 94, 

ordinanOM, 37 39 ^^M 

^^H ?9. 226 

order of the day, 177. 193 ^^1 

charaatcristict, xviU-xx. xlviii, ^^1 

^^K Hi 

98 ^^1 

^^HCnrions snimolB, 119 

death, aaturdoy. April 27th, ^^M 

^^V- birds. 42, 83, S4. 09, 143, 146, 

1521, 12.101,102.200,251,262 ^^M 

^^^ 156, 205, 2(19 

— — tame, iivii, xlvii ^^^| 

people. 1*8,160, 151,154 

shell-fish, 91 

virtues, Sli, 11)2 ^^1 

Magellanic clouds, (HJ ^^M 

More Uland, 14S ^^M 

JUaseawa tdand, 11.16.83,198 ^H 

Desertion of the "San Antonio", 7, 

Mutan Island, 12. 00. 100 ^H 

61f. 196. -^60 

Mindanao lalaod »r Qiiipit, 1.16, 121 ^H 

Diane, la, rooming call, early use of 

Moluccas, 147, 2<.>5 ^^M 

_ the term, 3H 

disputes as to them, iii,iT, 205, ^^1 

220 ^H 

^^^K DianatnraliBaCion, iv-iv 

HonU'vidoo, 216 ^^M 

^ earUesl case of, I'eacer, i 

Matk, 158 ,^^M 

^^^KB«li|iae of 6 

acute. 3, 51j. 104. 243. 244. S47-25il ^^H 



Naire of Malabar, 160 

Navigation, treatise of by Piga- 

fetta, 164-174 
by Francisco Faleiro, xlviii 

Palawan Island, 109, 110 
PatAgonians, 5, 49-55, 64, 189-191, 

vocabulary, 62, 63 

Pearls, 117 

Philippine Islands, 71, 1(>5 

customs, 97-99 

idols 96 

planting of a cross, 81, 82 

IHgafetta, 75, 104, 163, 175, 182 
petition to Doge and Council 

of Venice, lii ; Appendix, xiv 
Porcelain, 107, 117 

Eamusio's discourse, 181-183 

St. Elmo's light. 42, 49 

St. Julian Port. 3, 4, 49, 55, 189 

St. Paul's Island, Ivii 

San Pablo's Island. See Unfortu- 

natt* Islands 
St a. Cruz river, 57 
•'Santiago", loss oP, 4, 56 

Captain Juan Serrano, 

Sati, or Suttee, 154 

StMirvv, (>."> 

Sobu ishiud, 11, 84, 198 

Sorrados>a convent, xl 

Sotobos. o3 

Siaui, So. ir)(> 

Skiruiish with islanders, 69, inl 

Spioos, i:U. L>(»S 

Straits, discovery of, 7, 8.T)0, 219 

Southern CroM, 67 

Sulo Islands, 120 

Sumatran slave of Magellan, 103 

Sumdit and Pradit, 67, 159 

Tenerife Island, 40, 41 

Temate Island, 23, 127 

Tiburones Island. See IJnfortunat 

Tidore Island, 23, 124, 144 
Timor Island, 151 
Trade, 91,129, 139, 176 
"Trinity", flag-ship, springs a leali 

25, 144, 209 

her subsequent yoya^ aii< 

loss, 26-29, 237-242 

Captains — Magellan 

Duarte Barbosa 
Joan Carvalho 
Juan Bautista 
Joan Carvalho 
Gonzalo Gomez d 

Unfortunate Islands, 9, 31, 65, Wt 

Variations of the Compass, 67 
•'Victoria" speaks Pero Coresma* 
ship, 256 

doubles Cape of Qood Hop< 


arrest by Portuguese at Cap 

Verde Islands of part of her crevi 
1(52, 210,235,256 

returns to Seville, 162 

Captains — Luis de Mendo<^a 

Juan Serrano 
Sebastian del Can 

^vlUT^:us quoted. 

Anioretti, ii i Lima, Antonio de, genealogist, xv. 

Harros, ii, iii, xx. 14 Maebado, Barbosa, xlviii 

Cauioons, xxvii, xlvi, xlvii Mariana, xii 

CaslanUeda. xix . Mostjuera (Numantia^).! 

CoDcbita (Arte de Navegacion\ xlix ' Xavarrete, xlix, 243, 244,257 

Condon'ot. viii, ix (^sorio, iv, v 

Corroa, iv, xvii, xviii, xxii, hi, Iviii, Pinionta, Bernardo, genealogist, x\ 

241. 212. 21i-2r)t> Quintana, xii. xiii 

Deuis, Fordinand, xvi. xxvi Iv'amusio, liii 

Documents, xxviii-xlvi j rh«.»inassy, Kicbard, Ii 

Faria y Soiisa, xxvii ■ Vattel, vii 

llerreni, 175, 176 



AhaleiB, Sultan of Ternate, 128 
Albuquerque, i»i-iiiv 

Jorge de. 2*0, 255 

Alvarei, Sebantian, iiivi, ilriii 
Aivnro. Fr&Dcisco, or Alvo, pilot, 

Wi, 175 
Angulo, Frmciico. 244 
AnriqucB, D. Qarcia ie, :J9, 235 
Antonio, carpenter. '-;39 
Ariu, Diego, 237, 239 

B&rboRa, Beitrice, ivi 

Diogo, xvi, Iviii. 343, 247 

DuoTte, ivii, xliii, ilii, 13, H 


BtuTuty. Domingo de. 243 
Buazaval, Antonio, 230 
BautLBtu, Juan, Ivi. 9,^3 
Rpbniiu. Martin. Iv, 68 
Brito, Antonio de, 28, 126, 238 



CarapoB, Jo&m de, IS, 237. 2:il) 
Cartna^eBa, Jnan de, 13, 60, 177 
Carvulbo, Dr. Antonio Nunt^a. Ni 

Joam Lopes de, iliii. 13. 16. 45. 

64. 10*. 115, 116, 146, 239, 243, M«, 

CerTiaomaa, Enchariiis, 210 
ChiericBto Monagr.. 35 
Cbincbill*, Jubji de, S44 

Elcano. Sehaalian, xlix, I, 17K 

EapinoBa, Oonzalo Oompz de, 14, IS, 
237, 238, 241 , 243, 248, 262, 266 

Pabre'a edition of voyage, liv. It 
Faleiro, Francisco, ilviii 

Eu7, ixTJ, iiiiii, iiivii, 

Falkner, Jcsnit, 63 

Gabato, Sebastian, 241 

Gam a, Th«co da, S40 

Gomez, Eatebon. iliii, 244 

GoazaleB. Gil, Ut 

Onerra, Oernnimo, clerk of "San 

Antonio", 243, 244 
Ouzinan ul Bueno, lii, liii 

Hans, bombardie' 
Uaro, Criatoval d 

188. 244 
Diago de, li 


l,oroBa, Pero Aronaa da, S4, 1 

131, 140 
Louiec, Regent, I, 47, 163, 182 

IfiMo, Diefo do, 240 
Mesdea, Martin. SiS 
Mendofa, Luisde. 3, 66, 177 
Menesi^s. Duarte de, 255 

Heariiiue de. 29, 241 

Tristan de, 131 

Mcsqnilft, Alvaro de, 3, 7, 50, 19S, 

— — Martin de, iliii 
Miilino, Luia del, 237 
Moroltia. liuentiate. 241 
Moreno, Anion, aLip boy, M*0 

Names of Captains who ocmnipanied 
Albuquerque to Goa, ixii, ixiii 

of flrat circumnaTigatora, 175 

of Fbilippine tow na and c^teb, 


Pacheco, Antonio, n 
PHBcaldo, Leon, 240 
Pedro, bombardier, 237, 23B 
Pereim, Franciaco, 240 
PigaretU,75, 104. Ili3, 175, ISB 
Pinelo. Lorenao, xxtii 
Ponooro, BoBtiflln. 240 
Prim, General. liii 

Reina, Pero F<an obex dci, pri oat, 177 
Bevuell, coHmcigraplier. xlir 
Kibeiro, Diego, uoBmograpber, ili>r 
Qii-aUU, Juan Lopax de, xxviii. 

Roger. Duarte, 238 

Jtoiw I**. K ag it LiiwMilw. Hi 

a«mwi>.. Vrmaa'*. fit. ilo. tS7. 137 1 TatatTm, km 

_ — Jnka. aoii, iltiig ilisi SI, IfO, Tlunutg, 1*11 

""*-* Dn<pe ik U Tom. 

uu Wteo, UitfhArd, I*, In 

ftll .u»r. 


FEB-7 a* /•'O 

JUN 1 1 193/ 
Cm 2 7 



^ A1 >) V3j: 


ifCV 1 1 K 



JCT;; »i34l: 







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