(navigation image)
Home American Libraries | Canadian Libraries | Universal Library | Community Texts | Project Gutenberg | Children's Library | Biodiversity Heritage Library | Additional Collections
Search: Advanced Search
Anonymous User (login or join us)
Upload
See other formats

Full text of "The forty-eighth annual report of the Vermont Colonization Society : together with the address of Gen. J.W. Phelps, at the annual meeting in Montpelier, October 17th, 1867"

r^ 



\ T,Z 




\ <' >">' 



^( -/ 



TPIK 



FORT V-P:I(1 HTM 



ANNUAL REPOIIT 



UK THt; 



A 



Vermont Colonization Society, 



\ 



TO(iE'n[EU WITH TIIK ADDRESS oi' 



<^ K IV . .1 . \% . P II E li P S 



AT THK 



ANNUAL M E E T I N G 



I N 



M O N T P E L I E R, 



October 17th, 1867. 



BURLINGTON : 

FRE£ PRE SB STEAM PRINT, 

1S(.,7. 



y 






v?*^^. 



A.- 



K, 



-^4. 



PROCEEDINGS 



Of TMK 



ANNUAL MEETING 



The FoRTV EiOHTU Annual Meeting of the Veruiout Colonization 

Society was held in Montpelier on Thursday, the 

17th of October 1867. 



\ .... . . 

At a business meeting, held at two o'clock, P. M., a paper was 
laid before the lioard, containing the Resolutions passed by the Le- 
gislature of Vermont, in 1850, asking Congress to establish a line 
of mail steamers between the^ United States and the Kepublic of 
Liberia ; said paper containing also the form of a petition to (Con- 
gress tor this purpose. 

It was shown that the commerce of Liberia is already large for 
a young nation and is increasing yearly : that England to secure it, 
has established a line of steamers, touching regularly at Monrovia 
and Cape Palmas ; that there are now some 20,000 Americo 
Liberians there including their descendants, who have carried our 
constitution and civil polity and planted them on the African conti- 
nent ; and that we owe it to those hardy pioneers to give them the 
means of communicating with their friends and factors here. 

The subject was referred to a committee, consisting of Gen. J. 
W, Phelps and Rev. J. K. Converse, to consider what farther ac.^ 
tion should be taken. 



1 



The lullowiiig named i^uiitloaieii wci'C tlien elected officers lor 
the ensuing year, viz : 

Prcs'idciii.. — Hon. Danu.i. I>.\I;1>\vin, Montpolier. 

Vice Frr.sidciits. — Hon. .loii.N" UiiECiOiiY Smith, St. Alban.s ; 
Hon. Samukl IvKLi.ocKi, Pittsford. 

Secreiarij. — Kev. .1. J\. (Icnvkkse, Huvlington. 

Trcasunr. — (Jko. A\'. Soivn', 31ontpolicr. 

Auditor. — Sami.'ki, ^VKI,l,^, Muutpelier. 

Ma]uii/c)\s. — Hon. I'aiil Dillingham, Freeman Keyes, Joshua 
A. Hardy, llcv. (ieorge 15. SatVord, Rev. Wni. H. Lord, L>. D., 
James T. Thurston, His Excellency Jno. 15. Page, Gcd. J. W. Phelps, 
llev. Wm. S. Ha/x'ii, Ucv. ,Seth W . .Vinold. 

(jleu. -J. W. Phelps and Kev. J. K. ( 'onverse were appointed 
delegates to the American Colonization Society, and Kev. Wm. H. 
Jjord, i). 1). and (Jeo. W. SruU, K-(|., Mihstitutts. 

The public services were held in the evening in the Hall ot" the 
House of Ptcpresentatives, which was lillcd with an attentive 
audience; the I'resident, the Hon. Haniel Baldwin, in the chair. 

llcv. Leonard Tenney of Thetfbrd. read the following passage 
ot scripture from J)cut. l;j:12 — U>. 

"And if thy brother, a Hebrew man or a Hebrew woman, be 
sold unto thee, and serve thee six years, then in the seventh year 
thou shalt let him go free from thee. 

"And when thou sendest him out i'reo i'rom thee thou ehalt not 
let hiui go away empty. 

" Thou shalt furnish hint liberally out of thy tioek, and out oi 
thy tloor, and out of thy wuie [jre^s ; ot that, wherewith the Lord, 
thy God, hath blessed ihee, thou shalt give unto him. 

"And thou shalt remember that thou wast a bondman in the 
land of iigypt, and the Lord thy God redeemed thee ; therefore, 
I command thee this thing to-day." 

Mr. Tenney then offered prayer. 

llev. Joseph Tracy, D.D., of Boston, had beeu invited to attend 
and address the meeting. A letter was received from him, from 
wliich we take the Ibl lowing extract : 






I 



Colonization Office, Boston, Oct. 15, 1867. 

Her. J. K. Cu)iverse, 

Dkak 8ik : 

It is not at all probable that 1 coukl, 
if I should att(jui[)t it, carry voice enough with nie to Montpclicr, to 
address the oldest auxiliary of the American Colonization Society, 
at its Forty-eighth Annual meeting. I regret it for several rea- 
sons, f. should be glad to meet once more the Society, whose do- 
ings led Gen. Harper to say — it must have been about the year 
1822 — " The American Colonization Society has one auxiliary — 
that of Vermont ;" though the list of auxiliaries on paper was al- 
ready somewhat large. I wish, also, to meet and congratulate the 
only state society that has lived and been active through all peri- 
ods of difliculty, opposition, reproach and discouragement; which 
alone has never needed to be re-organized, resuscitated, or replaced 
by a younger, but has retained its identity unbroken to the present 
time. I wish also to meet the successors of Charles Marsh, Elijah 
Paine, (Chester Wright, Amariah Chandler, Leonard Worcester, 
Jcduthuu Loomis, Chancey Langdon, Kobert Pierpont, John Whee- 
ler, and their worthy and fitting associates ; men whose continuous 
support of any cause is conclusive proof, to all reasonable minds, 
tli;it it deserves to be supported. And I desire to meet such of their 
successors as I personally know, because I know them to be worthy 
of the succession. 

But I do not desire to be there for the sake of giving an ex- 
hortation. A society having such a history must find in its own re- 
miniscences, all the exhorting that it can possibly need. 

Nor shall I be needed to refute recent misrepresentations. 
They are few and feeble, and you understand them alreadv. The 
most important is that report from a Charlestown paper, that a por- 
tion of the emigrants who went out last November, had returned, 
bringing most discouraging reports and letters. You know that the 
number that returned, out of those 600, was exactly tivo ; and that 
the letter brought by them, selected as most discouraging, was from 
a man who was clearing his farm and building a house, and had not 
decided to return, and that one of his most serious complaints was, 
that the circulating currency, government paper, was at 40 per cent 
discount, compared with gold, which is somewhat worse than ours. 
»^ >'■ -^ ^ -f. 

On Uie whole, I think you will not sutfer much from my ab- 
sence. The greatest loss will be my own. 

With my best respects to the society, and to you personally, I 
remain, 

Very truly yours and their.-, 

JOSEPH TRACY. 













:^r 

>,'--='' 



The Troa.surer, George W. Scott, Esq., presented liis report, 
showing that >^1,0;)1 50 luul been paid in during the year IVoni Ver- 
mont, and forwarded to the parent society at Washington. s 

The Secretary, llev. J. K. Converse, read extracts from the 
Report of the l^oard of iManagcrs. This being the fiftieth year 
from the birth of the Colonization enterprise, he connnenccd his re- 
port with a brief review of th(! half century in its results to the ne- 
gro race. 

The facts in the ease show to the conviction of all, that where, 
lifty years ago, there was nothing but barbari.«in, piracy and war 
for victims tor the slave sliips, we now have a well governed 
republic of coloi-ed men, with a territory as large as New England ; 
with 20,000 Americo-T/ibcrians ; over r),OoO reoaptivos, civilized, 
educated and as.-imilatt'd to christian habits and received as citizens 
into the bosom of the state ; a republic with a constitution modeled , 

on our own, embracing under its shelter 300,000 of the natives, | 

cheerfully obedient to the laws and who sjjcak the English language | 

and are very ambitious " to become Americans." | 

The Report gave a briiif account of the schools, the rnberia |, 

colleo'e, with its able faculty of liberally educated colored men ; of ;| 

the churches with G.OOC or 7,000 communicants, near two thousand 
of whom arc converts from the native tribes. It spoke also of the 
progress of agricultui-e, commerce and the mechanic arts, and of en- 
couraging prosperity in all the material interests of the young re- 
public. What then are the facts? 

1. Colonization, as the chief agent, has destroyed the slave 
trade on some .^even hundred miles of the coast. 

!i. The tide of heathen slaves which fifty years ago, flowed 
incessantly from Africa, it now sends back with the word of (Jod, to ^ 

plant there the institutions of the gospel. 

i). Colonization has demonstrated the capacity ot the negro 
race for self government. 

4. It has given to that race a nationality, a thing it never 
had before. 

;'). It has successfully planted the institutions of a christian 
eivilization among a plastic and docile people, ready to receive them 
and to aid in spreading them. 

(t. It has provided an asylum lor the exigencies of our coun- 
try in its present crisis, and so helps to solve the problem presented 



m 



by the presence of two races in the same land, both iree, who can- 
not amalgamate by int^rn-arriage. 

< In short, the scheme of African colonization, in spite of all ob- 
jections, has proved itself to be a grand conception, encircling in its 
wide and benevolent embrace, u nation of slaves and a continent of 
hcatiien, — a plan grand in conception, and wonderful in the success 
of its labors under the blessnig of God. 

In gaining these glorious results, the American Colonization 
Society, in its half century's work, has expended less titan the aver- 
age daily cost of our war in 18(51 o.7id 180;"). The cost has been 
$2,558,907. 

On motion, voted that the thanks of the society be presented to 
(Jen. Phelps for his address and that a copy be requested for pub- 
lication. 

The society then adjourned. 



Address oi- J. W. PITELPvS. 

Mr. President, and Gentlemen of the Vermont Colonization 
Society: 

The colonization of Africa is a matter of peculiar interest to 
the itcople of the United States. It presents a wide field ibr the 
exercise of those higlier aspirations of benevolence and good will to 
air men, which enter so largely into our political creed and our in- 
stitutions. It has for its object not the mere improvement of a sin- 
gle country only, but the reclaiming of numerous millions of human 
beings from the lowest stage of barbarism, and raising tliom to the 
light and life of christian influence and usefulness among the nations 
of the earth. It is a (juestion of the very first importance both as it 
concerns the philanthropic relations of mankind and the civil inte- 
rests and social well-being of our own country. The Hon. Edward 
Everett said of it, that — " whether we look to the condition of this 
country, or the interests of Africa, no more important object could 
engage our attention." 

But being as it is a question of so much importance, why, it 
may be asked, does it not' command more attention from the gov(!rn- 
nient and the political leaders of the Country 't Why is our benevo- 



m 



lent government so indifferent to a niiittor that is so peculiarly wor- 
thy of its especial regard".' In reply to this question, it may be 
said, that political cunning, which is the chief trait of our leading 
men and the main spring of party action among us, is seldom ac 
companied with much capacity or willingness for the treatment of 
philanthropic subjects, or for the management of the nicer, higher, 
and more vital interests of society ; but it is, on the contrary, rather 
prone to sacrifice these interests to motives of expediency and party 
success. In the conflict of parties, philanthropy, which is the love 
of humanity, and which ought to lie, in an especial manner, at the 
very basis of ouv institutions, is not only frequently entirely lost 
sight of. but is often wilfully consigned to ignominy and contempt, 
even as was the Prince of humanity himself, the Saviour of man- 
kind, when presented for the consideration of the crafty, truculent 
Herod, and the cold, politic, and easily acquiescing Pilate. 

We are not to bo surprised, therefore, at the apathy of the 
government and the indifference of parties to the subject of African 
Colonization, nor should we, on this account, be deterred from ma- 
king efforts in its behalf. It ought rather to stimulate us to re- 
newed and untiring exertions. Under institutions like ours, tlie 
citizen should make up as far as possible for the defects of his gov- 
ment. 

\\c are all attached to our peculiar institutions, and there are 
doubtless few among us who would willingly concedo that the cause 
of philanthropy can be better served by a monarchical or despotic 
government than by our own ; yet we may be permitted to draw a 
comparison between the two. ^Ve propose, in the first place, to 
call your attention for a few minutes to some of the philanthropic 
labors in which the Enf^lish trovernment has been engaged on behalf 
of Africa ; and to this end we proceed to give a shoit sketch of the 
/leld in which these labors have been performed 

The continent of Africa, contains some ll,i>00,000,000 square 
miles. It is more than three times as large us the United States, 
and more than twice as largo as the Chinese Empire. It has been 
estimated to" contain all the way from r)0,000,000 to 200,000,000 
inhabitants, though the latter number is probably much too largo. 
Put little is known of the interior, either of the country or of the 
people. The inhabitants of the continent, in a genoral point of view, 
and with the o.\ci'pii''!i of a f(>w Turks and tlu! smnll fiOttlemonttJ 
chieflv of Europonn origin along thr -la co.isf, m.iy be divided into 



r^ 



9 

two great classes, one consisting of Arabians and Africo-Arabians 
extending from the Mediterranean on the North through the great 
Sahara desert to the valley of the Niger, near the Equator on the 
South, abounding in large warlike cities, all being more or less un- 
der the influence of the Mohamedan religion; and the other composed 
of pure Negroes who are wholly barbarous and savage, having but a 
faint idea of God, being a prey to the most darkling superstitions, 
and nearly void of all the elements of civilization. The principal 
islands pertaining to the continent of Africa in the Indian Ocean are 
Madagascar, Bourbon and Mauritius. Of these, Madagascar con- 
tains upwards of 200,000 square miles and some four or five mil- 
lions of inhabitants. These seem to consist of Native Africans, with 
a mixture of Malay colonists, who have entered the island at some 
remote period of time. 

Since the discovery cf this island by the Portuguese in the be- 
ginning of the sixteenth century, many attempts have been made by 
various European nations to colonize it. The Portuguese, Dutch, 
French and English have all tried during the last three hundred 
. years to establish their dominion over it, and all until the present 
century have failed. As it was favorably situated to serve as a de- 
pot for gaining control of the Indian Ocean and the commerce of 
the east, its possession as a colony was for a long time regarded by 
these nations as a great desideratum, so that both trade and policy 
lent powerful inducements to accomplish this design. The condition 
of the country and its inhabitants is not unlike that of the continent 
of Africa itself, so far as it respects susceptibiliiy of receiving 
European civilization. Like Africa, its low lands along 'he coast 
are subject to fatal fevers, while the higher lands of the interior are 
alone comparatively healthy. Not, however, until the early part of 
the present century, have the efforts to civilize the people of the is- 
land been attended with any considerable degree of success. It is to 
the English government, aided and sustained Dy the English people, 
that this success is due ; and it is a remarkable fact, full of signifi- 
cance, that philanthropic designs have been the most ostensible mo- 
tives of their action, and not exclusively or narrowly either views of 
state policy or commerce. 

Even before the close of the French revolutionary wars, as 
early as 1807, the English government, prompted by her leading 
philanthropists, had adopted the humane measure of abolishing the 



10 

slave trade ; and this benevolent act had undoubtedly given her a 
great advantage in her struggles against the French. For though 
the people of France were aiming at democratic rights and privileges, 
their leader, Napoleon I. seemed evidently determined on establish- 
ing a grand military empire, and his mere pretensions of favoring 
popular rights, therefore, formed a striking contrast with the quiet 
yet eflfective philanthropy of the British nation. Between two gov- 
ernments, one of which abolished the slave trade and the other con- 
tinued it in force, there could be no doubt as to which was the real 
friend of human rights. One sought to extend the military glory of 
a single nation, the other to enfranchise the whole human xace. 
Peace found the English in possession of the Mauritius, a small is- 
land some four hundred miles to the eastward of Madagascar, which, 
by one of the last acts of the war they had wrested from the 
French. This island was formerly called the Island of France, and 
is interesting from being the scene of the story of Paul and Virginia. 
While in the possession of the French it was supplied, together with 
the island of Bourbon, with slaves, beef, and rice from the island of 
Madagascar. At the close of the war there fortunately happened to 
be in the governorship of this little island of Mauritius, a man who 
considered the act of the English government in abolishing the slave 
trade as not intended for mere political effect, but for practical and 
rigid execution. Accordingly, on the 12th day of September in the 
year 181G, Sir Robert Farquhar, the Governor of Mauritius, ad- 
dressed a note to Earl Bathurst of the British ministry, in which he 
recommended a system of policy towards Madagascar which should 
not merely make that island an appendage to the British sovereignty 
in the Indian Ocean, but should render it a powerful means for ex- 
tirpating, at its fountain head, the source of the African slave trade 
in that quarter. 

In consequence of this recommendation, a treaty was finally 
entered into with the principal chief of the island, King Kadama, 
in which it was expressly stipulated that the foreign slave trade 
should be totally abolished throughout all his dominions ; and in 
consideration of this conversion, the king was to receive annually 
from the British government effective elements of civilization in the 
shape of a considerable sum of gold, and a certain number of arms, 
uniforms, and equipments. As a means of carrying out these stipu- 
lations an agent was established at the Court of lladama, a number of 
English troops were sent to initiate the King's subjects in the rules 



11 

and principles of European military tactics and discipline, and, at 
the request of the governor, the London Missionary Society sent 
into the island a band of Missionaries to instruct the people in all 
the arts of civilization and peace. 

Military discipline, together with the inculcation of religious 
ideas, blended with the skilful practice of medicine and instruction 
in the useful arts, proved to be powerful agencies for impressing the 
European form of civilization upon a barbarous people. Still, many 
obstacles had to bo overcome, not the least of which arose from the 
prejudice, cupidity and faithlessness of English functionaries them- 
selves, and the progress made was at best but slow. Yet with mili- 
tary discipline at the bottom everything was made sure, and on one 
critical occasion the army seemed to be tlie only power that saved 
the country from a hasty relapse into a hopeless state of barbarism 
and anarchy. The army was armed, organized and disciplined in 
every respect after the manner of the British troops ; and it served 
as an indispensable means of securing the dominion of the entire 
iflland to king Radama and to the influence of the English. 

Yet from the eSorts of the French to regain their position in 
the Madagascar, which they had never entirely abandoned for two 
hundred years, and the dissatisfaction of the pagan spirit of the ru- 
lers who were willing to have all the advantages of chiistianity but 
none of its precepts, and who were as intensely devoted to the slave 
trade — to the sale of their own people — as some of our own fellow- 
citizens have been, the English were finally compelled to quit the 
country, and to leave their work in imminent danger of being swal- 
lowed up in barbarism. The English missionaries had entered the 
island in 1818, and after eighteen years of careful, devoted labor, 
in 1836, the last of them were compelled, by a new administration 
of the government, to withdraw, leaving their native disciples to 
suffer martyrdom under a system of persecution so cruel that it 
threatened their utter extinction. Radama had been a wise and 
liberal minded sovereign who had the sagacity to perceive the value 
of christian civilization as opposed to the dark and degrading super- 
stition of his people, and under his influence the labors of the mis- 
sionaries had been attended with marked success. But on the death 
of this sovereign, he was succeeded in the kingdom by his wife, 
Ranavalona, who proved to be a bigoted pagan and a bitter perse- 
cutor of every one bearing the name of Christian. The native 
chiefs were in favor of restoring the Blav0 trade, and were hence 



12 

opposed to the new religion. Besides, their national jealousies wore > 

aroused, and Christianity seemed to them but another name for sub- ? 

jection to foreign influence and control. European christians of 

whatever sect, of whom there were a few in the country, had to flee 

for their lives, while the native christians were hunted out from 

their secret hiding places and subjected to the most barbarous and 

revolting punishments. 

Eighteen years of unremitted missionary labor were now followed 

by another period of eighteen years, during which the night of bar- 
barism again drew over the land, and the Pagan rule of Ravanalona 
prevailed without a check. The foreign missionary was jealously 
excluded from the island, and the handful of native christians were 
crushed beneath the heavy disfavor of the government. It is not 
improbable that if the English and French had been united in their 
views with respect to the island, the march of Christian progress 
there might have gone on without interruption, but as it was, 
amidst the jealousies of rival states artd policies and opposing chris- 
tian creeds, the Pagan spirit of the country was permitted to main- 
tain the ascendency. During this long period of moral night and 
darkness the only thing that seemed to save the country from utter 
anarchy and barbarism, was, as we have already said, the military 
organization and discipline which had been established by the En- 
glish, and which was still maintained by the pride of the Madagas- 
car government and people. Yet it must be admitted that the reli- 
gious ideas which had taken root could not be wholly suppressed. 
The numerous bibles and other books which had been printed in the 
native tongue and distributed among the people by the missionaries, 
were at work during all the period of darkness as quietly yet effec- 
tively as do the collected warmth of a summer's day and nurturing 
dews during the shades of night. 

At length a new and happier state of things arose. The old 
Queen Ravanalona died, detested for her cruelty by her subjects of 
all classes, and her son succeeded to the crown. This prince adopted 
to some extent the liberal policy of his father. King Radama. He 
favored the christians and the benevolent policy of the English; and 
in consequence the missionaries again returned to the island and re- 
sumed their work. The spirit of the native christians, though 
crushed to earth, and apparently almost entirely extinguished, rose 
up the moment that pressure was removed, and grew with the most 
surprising rapidity. The persecutiops of the late queen seemed 



la 

only to have given it new vigor and strength. Paganism gavo 
way on all sides, and during the last ten years churches and school- 
houses have rapidly increased iu the land ; church-membership has 
multiplied daily, until now it numbers many thousands, and there 
are fair prospects that the progress of Christian civilization will 
soon extend to the whole nation and render it the first established 
christian kingdom of the east. 

And here we would impress upon your attention the remark- 
able fact, that though it is some three hundred and fifty years since 
the island was first discovered by European enterprise, and though, 
during the greater part of this long period efforts have been made 
to christianize it, especially by the Portuguese and French, yet under 
that politic and crafty manag'^ment which has ever distinguished 
the missionaries of the Romish Church, combined with the baneful 
influence of the slave-trade which both of these nations fostered 
down to within a recent period, but little progress was made in 
christian civilization. In fact, the English, beginning in 181G, 
with the philanthropic act of suppressing the foreign slave-trade of 
the island, have accomplished more towards civilizing Madagascar, 
and rendering it an independent christian nation than ever had been 
done before, by the Romish Church, since its discovery. The sim- 
ple philanthropic idea of the English, loyally sustained by the com- 
bined eflForts of their government and people, has proved more effec- 
tive than all the political schemes and commercial cupidity of the 
Portuguese and French ; — so much more powerful is the spirit of 
philanthropy as a principle of civilization than the greedy rapacity 
of politics and trade. 

Having thus given a general outline of the labors of the En- 
glish towards the christianization of the eastern portions oi Africa, 
we turn now to the efforts of the United States upon the western 
coast of that continent, with the view to a comparison between the 
two. 

It is a historical fact, worthy of particular observation, that at 
the close of the long struggle of the French revolutionary wars, 
which embraced in their operations a large portion of the globe, 
extending from the Indian Ocean in the east to the Mississippi 
river and the Pacific Ocean in the west, the two great nations re- 
presenting the Anglo-Saxon race should both have entered at the 
same time, and totally independently of each other, upon schemes 
for the enfranchisement and elevation of the human family. Bat it 



vl 



m 
1 



m 



^■. 



14 If 

*■'■.''■ " 

is natural, perhaps, that the two greatest commercial peoples of the ^^; 

world should, at the very first respite from war promising a long M 

and stable peace, turn their attention to a continent of barbarians, ^ 

waste, uncultivated and uncivilized, that lay directly in the track of 
the great stream of commerce between the east and west. 

It is certainly to the credit of these nations that the conse- |f 

quent measures pursued by them have been distinguished by features 
of a markedly philanthropic cast. 

On the 21st of December 1816, just three months and thirteen 
days after Farquhar, from the little island of Mauritius, had pro- 

■-■■1 '.■ ■ 

posed to Earl Batburst apian for the civilization of Madagascar, a ..|. 

meeting of American citizens was held in the uapitol at Washing- 
ton, for the purpose nf establishing a colony of our colored popula- ; 
tion on the western coast of Africa. Henry Clay presided at this M 
meeting, and measures were adopted which led to the formation of 
the American Colonization Society, an event which is probably des- 
tined to as much importance in the history of the world as the dis- 
covery of America itself. Judge Bustirod Washington was chosen 
the first President of the Society, and among some of its earliest 
Vice-Presidents, of whom there were thirteen, were Francis S. Key, 
the author of the " Star Spangled Banner," Henry Clay, William 
H. Crawford, John Taylor, Andrew Jackson, and Gen. Mason. 
There was a Board of twelve managers appointed, who were all 
from the District of Columbia, and we may say once for all, that 
among the numerous persons who have acted as officers of the So- ■'§ 
ciety from that day to this, there have been included many, very 
many, of the wisest and best men of the country. Daniel Webster 
was a Vice President of the society through a course of years ; and 
in his 7th of March speech of 1850, he declared himself willing to 
" incur almost any degree of expense to accomplish its objects." 

By the year following, through the exertions of the estimable 
Bishop Meade of Virginia and others, sufficient funds had been 
raised to defray the expenses of a mission to the coast of Africa 
with the view of selecting a suitable location for the colony. The 
Rev. Samuel J. Mills of Connecticut, a gentleman who had devoted 
his life to schemes for the benefit of mankind, volunteered his ser- 
vices for the purpose, and associated with himself an old friend, 
the Bev. Ebenezer Burgess of Dedham, Massachusetts. Those two 
gentlemen set sail for England on their way to Africa in the month 
of November 1817. They were shipwrecked and driven upon the 



15 

coast of France in a violent storm in which the captain of the ship 
and two of his sons were lost ; but finally, reaching England, they 
were favorably received and encouraged in their undertaking by the 
celebrated Wilberforce and other English philanthropists. Again 
setting sail, they reached Sierra Leone on the 22nd day of March 
1818, the same year that the corps of English missionaries first en- 
tered the island of Madagascar. 

The English Colony of Sierra Leone is situated on the West 
Coast of Africa, about eight degrees north of the Equator. Its 
territory, which is small, embracing only about 300 square miles, 
was purchased from native chiefs in 1787, and its earliest colonists 
consisted of ^eg^oes who had abandoned their American masters 
during our revolutionary war and joined the English Army and Na- 
vy. These Negroes followed the British Army on its withdrawal 
from our shores and became settled, some in Halifax, Nova Scotia, 
and others in London. In the streets of London they were leading 
a wretched life of idleness and vice, without amalgamating with the 
people, when their condition drew the attention and the sympathy of 
Granville Sharpe, which led to their being settled in Sierra Leone 
as a refuge from their sufi"erings. To these were subsequently ad- 
ded Negroes from Halifax, and of two other classes, viz : Maroons, 
or free blacks from Jamaica, and recaptured slaves taken by British 
cruisers. The American agents were delighted with the kind re- 
ception which they met with in this colony, and with every thing 
they saw, with the schools, the churches, and the good order and 
industry of the colonists, especially of the recaptured slaves, who 
constituted the best portion of the population. 

From this colony the agents turned their attention to the con- 
tiguous country lying to the south-eastward ; and there quite a dif- 
ferent prospect opened to their view. They looked out upon a land 
which was not only a howling wilderness, in which nature reigned 
in all her most savage mood, and in which not wild beasts alone 
preyed upon each other, but it was a land darkling with barbarism 
in its lowest and most vicious form, where the white man came from 
the christian world not as a messenger of mercy, but with passions 
kindled by infernal greed, to prey like a monster upon his fellow 
man ; a land, in short, rendered horrid by all the heartless, revolt- 
ing atrocity of the slave-trade, a trade which, according to the late 
Commodore Foote, who had served on that coast, was enough to 
make " the devil wonder and hell recognize its own likeness." Along 



16 



I 



the coast for thousands of miles, hundreds of castles and strong-holds 
had been built by various nations of Europe as centers and depots of 
slave traffic. These centers had served their purpose, had enriched 
their builders, and were finally abandoned as the circumstances of 
the trade varied, and were left to go to decay. The christian mind 
at the present day is amazed at the multitude of these castles as they 
arise at point after point along the coast, rendered doubly gloomy 
by their state of desolation, and the inhuman purpose for which they 
were erected, reflecting more discredit upon Christian Europe than 
the Amphitheatre with its bloody sports does upon the memory of im- 
perial Rome. The discovery of America in 1492 had thrown open 
an immense and fertile continent to the white race, and had created 
a SOI did and covetous demand for laborers which the swarming mil- 
lions of Africa were made to supply. These strangely docile men 
easily bent their necks to the yoke offered ihem by European greed 
and cupidity ; and the trade in slaves increased in proportion as 
American soU became opened and settled. The slave trade was 
eagerly sought for by European nations as a rich monopoly ; it was 
contended for by them as an exclusive possessi:n both through di- 
plomacy and arms ; it was transferred from one to another in traffic i| 
and in the settlements for peace, until, at its height, it is estimated '.f 
that not less than 500,000 souls were required annually to meet the j 
loss, the waste, and the demand for labor occasioned by its merciless ■$ 
exactions. Africa was depleted annually of more of her children ;| 
than Europe now is, with her some 300,000,000 of people, by the * 
tide of peaceful emigration to our shores. The monetary returns of 
the trade were immense. It is believed as an axiom in commerce, 
that no trade however nefarious can be stopped either by law or by 
physical force — by any thing short of moral power — whose profits 
amount to 33 1-3 per cent. The profits of the slave trade were sev- 
eral hundred per cent, a negro on the Coast of Africa being often 
purchased for fifteen dollars, and disposed of in Brazil for 250 or 
800 dollars. A trade of such enormous profits could easily afford 
to lose much of its material ; and accordingly, the waste of human 
life attending the African slave trade was revoltingly great. It has 
been estimated as high as ten persons for every one landed on an 
American plantation. 

Such was the condition of that part of the African Coast to- 
wards which the attention of American agents was now directed. 
An intense moral darkness pervaded the land, amidst which the lit- 



17 

tic colony of Sierra Leoiio was like a solitary taper in a vast be- 
nighted wilderness. But there was one other small light — quite 
small indeed in its proportions, yet very great in its illuminating 
power and in the guidance which it lent to men groping in the dark. 
This was a small colony of negroes on the island of Sherboro, about 
120 miles S. S, E. of Sierra Leone, which had been established by 
one John Kizel, a former South Carolina slave, who was one of the 
number that joined the English during the revolutionary war. From 
Nova Scotia, whither the English army had taken him, he sailed 
with a number of his countrymen to Sherboro, where, being pros- 
pered in trade, he built a church, and preached to the people. He 
believed that Afrka was the land for the black man, and that to 
Africa ho must ultimately go. By this little colon? the agents were 
kindly welcomed, and invited to make that point the seat of their 
contemplated settlement; and after such investigations as they were 
enabled to make, they set out on their return to the United States. 
Unfortunately, the enthusiastic, the devoted Mr, Mills took sick on 
the voyage and died. But Mr. Burgess survived; and on his re- 
turn he gave such a favorable account of his mission as to confirm 
the Colonization Society in the prosecution of its designs. 

Accordingly, in the month of February 1820, just two hun- 
dred years after the first African slave had been introduced into the 
English colonies of North America, a company of eighty six colored 
emigrants, accompanied by three white men as agents, embarked at 
New York on board the ship Elizabeth, chartered for the purpose 
by the U. S. government, and set sail for the island of Sherboro, 
where they had obtained permission to reside until a site could be 
purchased on the main land. In consequence of a law of Congress 
passed in 1819, authorizing the president to send out an agency to 
Africa to provide an Asylum for recaptured slaves, the government 
aided this efibrt of the society, and not only furnished agriculturaj 
implements for the emigrants, but sent a ship of war to accompany 
and assist them in efi'ecting a settlement. The government of that 
day, under a pure American administration, found no difficulty in 
aiding an enterprise of this kind, and in returning Africans, though 
they might be recaptured within our own ports, to Africa from 
which they had been stolen, and though there might not appear to 
be much legal difierence in this respect between a recaptured slave 
and the slave who had never yet acquired citizenship upon our soil. 

3 



18 ■ 

In the course of a few mcntbs after these first pioneers of 
African Colonization had arrived at Sherboro, all of the white men 
and about qnc fourth of the emigrants died, and the remainder 
sought shelter in Sierra Leone. The following year their number 
was increased by another company consisting of thirty threo emi- 
grants, and four white men to serve as agents of the society and of 
the United States government. And wo may add here, as an evi- 
dence of the steady constancy and fidelity, as well as of the practi- 
cal ability of the Colonization Society, that through numerous ad- 
verse circumstances and discouragements of various kinds, the emi- 
gration once thus commenced has been regulari^r continued every 
year since, sometimes as many as six or eight parties being sent out 
a year ; and to this constant, unfailing supply is the prosperity and 
probably cveu the existence of the colony due. Good faith, earn- 
estness, and sympathy on tho part of the society has served to in- 
spire the colonists with confidence, strengthen their hopes, and en- 
courage them to renewed eflforts in the great, difficult, yet important 
work which they have undertaken, which is nothing less than the 
christianization of an immense continent. 

At length, in 1821, the Upited States government sent out 
Lieutenant (since Commodore) Stockton, together with Dr. Eli 
Ayres of Philadelphia, to procure a situation for the colonists more 
favorable than that of Sherbor9. The eye of the Lieutenant was 
arrested, as he sailed along the coast, by a beautiful, bold headland, 
called Cape Mesurado, which is bituated some 140 miles south east- 
erly fron. Sierra Leone, and about six degrees north of the Equator, 
and he immediately resolved on making that the site of the colony. 
In treating with the native chiefs for its possession, he found that 
they were averse to soiling it, because of its value to them for the 
slave trade ; but the application of a pistol by the Lieutenant ta the 
ear of one of the principal chiefs, together with other inducements, 
secured a legal transfer of the title, signed and sealed by six native 
kings ; and in the month of April 1822, the colonists were trans- 
ferred to that point, and the American flag was given to the breeze 
upon its summit. This cape is an elevated mass of earth rising from 
a generally low coast to the height of some two hundred and fifty 
feet above the level of tho sea, and is ten miles in circumference. It 
is probably the most beautiful site for a city in all Western Africa ; 
and it is tliere that has gradually grown up the present Capital of 
lii')('ri;i, wliich is caHed Monrovia al'tor IVo.sidont Monroe. The 



19 

name Jjiboria, we scarcely need add, is iroin the . liatiti word lihcr, 
Hignifying free aiul not a slave, and it has been given to a colony in 
Africa on the same principle that the Israelites on crossing the Jor- 
dan into the promised land gave to their first lodgement there the 
name of Gilgal, which, according to Josephus, means liberty. 

To the small territory thus acquired, additions have been made 
from time to time, partly by purchase and partly by the peaceful 
absorption of native tribes, until Liberia now extends along the coast 
nearly sLx hundred miles, and inland an indefinite distance. The 
country along the coast is low and subject to fevers, but inland, at 
the distance of some twenty miles, it rises into hills and mountains, 
which can be seen in fair weather by vessels sailing along the coast, 
and the climate there becomes healthy for the black man. The wa- 
ter is pure and crystalline, the birds sing more sweetly than in the 
low-lande, and the air to one from the coast is fresh and invigora- 
ting. The rivers are short, not sufficiently deep at their mouths to 
admit vessels of any considerable size, and are navigable only some 
fifteen or twenty miles ; for at that distance from the sea they are 
usually obstructed with rapids and falls. But their banks are of- 
ten elevated, and of a very rich, alluvial soil ; and from amidst the 
dark forests with which they were covered, and overtopping them, 
rose the tall and graceful palm. There are few bays and harbors 
sheltered from the sea and winds, but in fact they are hardly needed, 
for vessels with good ground tackling can anchor all along the coast 
at all seasons. The temperature is very equable, not varying more 
than 18 degrees during the entire year, ranging during the wet sea- 
sons from 70 to 76 degrees, and during the dry, from 78 to 84 de- 
grees. The temperature of 70 ° , which occurs in June, is felt to 
be quite cool by the native Liberian, and as a defeace against it, he 
wears warm winter clothing, and sleeps beneath several blankets. 
The soil abounds in all the tropical productions, many of which are 
of indigenous growth, such as the sugar cane, cofi'ee tree, cotton, 
rice, indigo, ginger, cassada, sweet potatoes, pepper, oranges, lemons, 
coca-nuts, pine apples, plantains, etc., etc. One half acre of plan- 
tains, it is said, will provision fifty laborers for a whole year. Cot- 
ton, sugar cane, lima beans, and sweet potatoes will yield several 
years in succession without replanting, and two crops of corn may 
be produced each year. Two hours labor a day will produce more 
than a whole day of twelve hours in the United States, so that the 
labor of one negro in Africa may make as much sugar, cotton, or 



20 

• 

tobacco as that of the most energetic white man in our southern 
states. A few acres planted with coffee trees, each of which will 
yield six pounds a year, worth fifteen cents per pound, and which 
hardly any one is too humble to possess, would make one indepen- 
dently wealthy. Cows and horses are brought down from the inte- 
rior, and agricultural labor can be had for only twenty five cents a 
day. In this respect Africa presents a peculiar inducement to emi- 
grants over the United States, or in fact, over any other quarter of 
the globe. The country abounds in fine timber, with dye-woods 
whose hues are never changed or weakened either by acids or the 
sun ; vast palm forests which yield the valuable palm oil, stretch in 
beautiful luxuriance along the coasts, and the land is rich in iron, 
gold, and other minerals. 

But a country which is so beautitiil and productive, and which 
was wrested from the native chiefs so much against their will, was- 
not to remain a long time in the possession of a handful of intrusive 
colonists without being hotly contested. There are several tribes 
and parts of tribes of native negroes within the limits of Liberia, 
the Veys, tho Deys, the Bassas, the Kroos, the Queaghs, the Man- 
dingoes, etc. The Mandingoes are Mahommedans and have schools 
in which Arabic is taught. The Veys are a bright, intelligent peo- 
ple who, taking the idea from the Mandingoes, and like our Chero- 
kee Indians, have invented an alphabet of their own. The Kroos 
are among the best sailors of the world, and are frequently found on 
board of ships sailing to South America, to New York, Liverpool 
and other ports. The chiefs of some of these tribes resolved to drive 
the new intruders from their country, 

Mr. Ashmun of Champlain, New York, had now become agent 
of the Colonization Society, and finding that the chiefs were bent on 
war, he visited them in person ; but his proposals for peace were 
coldly received. He offered to buy a peace, and agreed to pay two 
or there hundred bars of iron, each bar being worth 75 cents ; but 
there wap a man belonging to the colony, Elijah Johnson by name, 
who, though a colored man, had been connected with our army du- 
ring the war with Great Britain of 1812, and who dissented from 
tho bargain, declaring that the price would be thrown away, for he 
knew enough of the native character to convince him that nothing 
but a fight would settle the difiiculty. The whole number of colo- 
nists amounted to 130, only 35 of whom were capable of bearing 
arms. Thirteen of these, most of whom knew nothing about a mus» 



21 

ket, were daily exercised in the use of arms. Ammunition waa pre- 
pared, a tower planned, five iron cannon and one brass one were 
dragged up from the beach where they lay buried in sand and 
mounted on rude carriages, the surrounding thickets were cleared 
away, and every possible preparation was made for defence. There 
were forty muskets in all, and two swivels besides the cannon, all of 
which were brought into requisition, and the position was surround- 
ed by a picket fence as well as by heaps of brush. 

Mr. Ashmun in the meantime was taken sick, and his wife lay 
upon a mat, beneath a leaky roof, in a dying condition. Yet he at- 
tended to all his duties, in which he received great assistance from 
Mr. Johnson and another American negro by the name of Lott Ca- 
sey. At length, at break of day, the savages made their long threat- 
ened attack, and at first it seemed as if it would prove disastrous to 
the colonists. An immense body issued from the forest, fired, and 
then rushed forward upon the post with horrid yells. Taken by sur- 
prise, several of the colonists were killed, while the rest fell back in 
confusion. But the savages, instead of following up their advan- 
tage, stopped to plunder and capture some women and children who 
were in the most exposed houses. Mr. Ashmun rushed to the point 
assailed, and, assisted by the determined boldness of Lott Casey, 
rallied the broken settlers to their abandoned posts. Two of the 
cannon, doubly charged and directed upon the assailants, did rapid 
and effective execution. The enemy began to waver and give way, 
and the settlers seeing their advantage, pushed forward and decided 
the repulse. Directing their cannon so as to rake tlie enemy's whole 
line, every shot told ; while the old soldier Johnson, passing around 
the enemy's fiank with a few musketeers, completed their consterna- 
tion. With a savage yell of disappointment echoing through the 
lone forest, the savage horde fell back and disappeared amidst the 
gloomy wilds. Though their onset had been furious, yet in half an 
hour they had met with a decided defeat. 

In this fight considerable injury was inflicted upon the colo- 
nists. Besides the killed and wounded, among which several wo- 
men were included, a number of children were carried off captives 
One old man seventy years of age saw two grandsons fall before his 
eyes, five carried off" into captivity, and a son-in-law maimed in the 
shoulder for life. Though victory had declared for the colonists, 
and though it had made them friends among the natives, yet their 
condition was unpromising in the extreme. Their provisions had 



oo 



buconic reduced to a iit'teeii days' HUpjily, while tlicir anuiiuiiition 
would hardly prove sufficient tor another attack, which seemed very 
likely to be made. Every effort at opening negotiations for peace 
with the natives was scornfully rejected. 

A day of humiliation thanksgiving and prayer was appointed 
November 23rd, and the colonists were gratified by the arrival of a 
ship commanded by Captain Brassey of Liverpool, who shewed a 
generous interest in their behalf. He gave them all the stores that 
he could spare, did all he could to relieve the sick and wounded' 
and even went into the interior and tried lo conciliate the chiefs and 
gain their good will. But, though known by them, and usually 
having great influence over them, they were determined upon anoth- 
er attack. 

Accordingly, on the second of December the savages again 
opened a brisk fire upon the post. It was promptly returned from 
the cannon, and the assailants were for a moment staggered. But 
they soon rallied, and were again driven back. A third time they 
rushed to the assault, and for the third time were they routed. Still 
for a fourth time they made their attack, and for the fourth and last 
time they were driven back over their dead and dying comrades. 
The handful of colonists stood firmly to their posts like veterans. 
After an hour and a half of hard fighting, a yell of defeated and 
thwarted rage rang out upon the early morning air ; the savages 
fled to their dark retreats, and once more the settlers stood victo- 
rious ! They had worthily attested the sterling purpose of Araeiica 
to plant civilization upon the soil of Africa darkling with barbarism 
for many thousands of years. It was thought that nearly a thou- 
sand natives had attacked the post ; and their loss, though not fully 
ascertained, was considerable. Of the colonists only one was killed 
and but a few were wounded. 

During the following night a rustling in the thickets alarmed 
one ot the out-pests, a cannon was discharged, and several random 
musket shots were fired. It proved to be a false alarm, but the re- 
port of the cannon was heard by the crew of a vessel which then 
happened to be rounding the Cape. It was a British schooner la- 
den with supplies for Cape Coast Castle, and had on board Major 
Laing, the African traveller. The otficers of the vessel lent the co- 
lonists every assistance in their power ; and Major Laing offered to 
use his influence wiih the hostile chiefs to secure a treaty of peace 
The savages, humbled by their repeated failures, were ready to 



23 

yield a favorable response, and a treaty was entered into between 
the natives and the colonistfi. Midshipman Gordon and twelve Bri- 
tish sailors volunteered to remain and assist the settlers while ob- 
serving the working of the treaty. Of these generous men, the 
midshipman and twelve sailors were taken down by the fever and 
died. 

It is needless to go into all the details and incidents, however 
interesting, attending the growth of Liberia from its earlier stages 
up to the present time — from its precarious condition of a email 
feeble colony of returned Africans struggling for a hold against the 
wild and hostile people of their own father-land, up to its present 
condition of a free and independent republic, recognized and res- 
pected by the leading nations of Christendom. Suffice it to to say, 
that the military spirit of the colonists became developed in propor- 
tion as its exercise was called for, until finally the efforts of whole 
organized regiments were directed both upon the strongholds of the 
hostile chiefs of the interior and the barracoons of the slave dealers 
along the coast. In these military operations the Liberians were 
assisted and at times had their troops transported by the war ships 
of both England and France. As a means of suppressing the slave 
trade it is allowed that Liberia and the English colonies along the 
coast of Africa, have been more effective than all the immensely 
costly fleets of cruisers of the various nations of Europe which have 
been employed for that purpose. The total cost of the (Colony of 
Liberix up to the year 1850, had been only about 800,000 dollars, 
which is not very considerably greater than the cost of the American 
squadron on the coast of Africa at that period for one single year. 
The total cost of Great Britain for the maintainance of her squadrons 
upon the Western African Station, is estimated at over 100,000,000 
pounds sterling; and yet it is probable that the single colony of 
Jjiberia alone has contributed as much towards destroying the slave 
trade as have all these squadrons put together. 

Other settlements besides Monrovia became gradually sca'ttered 
over the land, until by the year 1839, or less than twenty years af- 
ter the landing of the first colonists, there were nine towns, twenty 
churches, two day schools, and many Sabbath schools, four printing 
presses, thirty ministers and two newspapers, the Liberia Herald 
and a religious paper called the African Luminary. These towns 
were then formed into one constitutional government, with a gover- 
nor appointed by the society. It is worthy of note that the consti- 



^... 
■# 



•11 
tution prohibited any white man from holding land in the common- %( 

wealth. I- 

Eight years afterwards, in 1847, the commonwealth thus con- 
stituted, was declared by the people to be a free, sovereign, and in- 
dependent state, by the name and title of " The Republic of Libe- '-- 
ria." Joseph T. Roberts, a negro born in Virginia, yet educated, it | 
may be said, in Liberia, having grown up with its growth, was cbo- C 
sen the first president for the constitutional period of two years, and r 
the first session of the Legislature was held in 1848. The Consti- ^ 
tution of Liberia is very similar to our own, and it contained a pro- 
vision, which, from the unhealthiness of the climate to the Caucasian 
race, . seemed merely to re-enact a law of Nature : it prohibited 
white men from becoming citizens of the country. 

The first message of President Roberts to the Legislature is ^ 

marked by as much ability as those of any of our own presidents. 
Not long after his election he visited the United States in company 
with two Commissioners, Beverly R. Wilson and James S. Payne, 
who were appointed by the Republic of Liberia, to efi"ect a settle- 
ment with the Colonization Society, rendered necessary by the new | 
character assumed by the colony. The Board of Directors of the So- f 
ciety met the Commissioners at ^ew York, where arrangements ; 
were made satisfactory to all parties, the Society ceding all its '■ 
lands to the Republic, reserving only such rights in them as were 
necessary for performing its obligations to former emigrants, and an 
appropriation often per cent on the proceeds of sales of public land 
for all time to come for purposes of education. Re-captured Afri- 
cans .were to be admitted as before; the U. S. government making 
provision for their support. The following important articles were 
also stipulated, viz : 

Art. 6. The Society shall retain the right of locating emi- 
grants in any of the present settlements. 

Art. 7. New settlements are to be formed by the concur-" 
rence-and agreement of the government of Liberia and the Coloni- 
zation Society. i: 

From what we have said, the chief objects of the American ^ 

Colonization Society will appear obvious. They are : % 

1st, To rescue the free people of color of the United States ^ 

from their political ;ml sop'.al disadvantage.^. ^ 



■i 



25 

2nd. To place then i ia a country where they may enjoy the 
benefits of free government, with all the blessings \yhich it brings in 
its train; and r 

3rd. To spread civilization, sound morals and true religion 
throughout the continent of Africa. . . _. . . . .• ; . ,.; 

The efforts of the Society thus far towards these objects may be 
summed up as follows : Under its auspices and at its expense, over 
12,000 emigrants have been deported from our shores to Liberia. 
To these arc to be added 5,722 recaptured Africans, mostly taken 
on the high seas by the men of war of the United States, and to 
which the settlements of the society have furnished an asylum. It 
has brought within its influence 200,000 of the native inhabitants 
who are willingly and gradually acquiring the tastes and habits of 
civilized life. It possesses a college, numerous schools and semina- 
ries, and some fifty churches of different denominations. .Its college, 
which has but just gone into operation, is the first, we believe, that 
has been established on the Western Coast of Africa. Among its 
faculty is one whom we may be proud of as a graduate of Middlebu- 
ry College, Professor Freeman, who occupies the chair of Mathema- 
tical and Physical Sciences. The first graduating class consisted of 
but one person, yet there are now the names of fourteen on the rolls 
of the College proper, besides twenty one in the preparatory depart- 
ment, making in all thirty five, and the institution may be regarded 
as in a flourishing condition. It will doubtless be patronized by the 
English settlements and the native tribes for eomp eighteen hundred 
miles along the coast. Another of its faculty, Professor Blyden, a 
man of marked learning and ability, has recently returned. from the 
Protestant college at Mount Lebanon, Syria, where he went to per- 
fect himself in the Arabic language, with the view of teaching it to 
his classes. He was led to this step by learning that the Mahom- 
medans of the interior were greatly delighted with a box of, -^ew 
Testaments iu Arabic which had been sent to them from Syria by 
the way of the United States and Liberia. We may remark here 
that as the inland boundaries of Liberia become extended, they will 
gradually bri'og the Liberians into direct contact with the powerful 
military Africo-Arabian governments of the interior of the conti- 
nent, and it seems important therefore, that together with other civi- 
lizing agencies, that of military organization and disdipline should be 
more carefully looked to than it has hitherto been. There .is 

4 



20 

no greater or more direct opposition between any two systems of 
civilization than that existing between Christianity and Mahomme- 
danism. The future conflict between these two systems in Africa 
must inevitably become as hostile as it is direct; and unless there is 
due military preparation made on the part of Liberia, the conse- 
quences may yet prove disastrous. We have only to reflect how 
long the French have been in subduing the Mahommedan spirit of 
Algiers, to convince us that there is great danger to be apprehended 
to our colony in Africa fiom the neighborhood of Mahommedan na- 
tions, and that one of the best possible preparations to meet this 
danger, would be to locate our African soldiers on African lands on 
the inner frontiers of Liberia. 

We have thus drawn a comparison, in outline, between the 
philanthropic labors of the British in Madagascar, and those of the 
Americans in Liberia. Both have made gratifying progress, but 
probably the eSbrta of the British, though contending against far 
greater obstacles, have thus far been crowned with the greatest suc- 
cess. The British government has lent ita strong arm, and given 
more eff^ective a&sistance to the London Missionary Society than has 
been given by our government to the American Colonization Society. 
Our political parties, unfortunately, both tend to impede the opera- 
tions of the society rather than aid them. The abolitionists were 
suspicious of the society as a scheme for serving the designs of the 
slave holder, whose interests might be supposed to be endangered by 
the presence of a large number of free negroes amidst his slaves, and 
who was therefore alone, on that account, desirous of getting rid of 
all free persons of color ; and the slave power, on the other hand, 
became jealous of the society, because, in fact, a benevolent, philan- 
thropic in stitution, like that of the Colonization Society, could not 
fail to prove dangerous to slavery ; for slavery must necessarily die 
where true philanthropy exists. Hence, between the two parties, 
as between the upper and nether millstones, the interests of the So- 
ciety and of the African race in the United States, have often seemed 
in danger of being ground to powder. An idea of the assistance 
which has been lent by our government to the benevolent designs of 
its subjects with regard to Africa, in comparison with that lent to- 
wards the same object by other nations, may be drawn from the fol- 
lowing table, which shows the work done by national armed vessels 
in suppressing the slave trade during the year 1840. In that year 



■:^-ft 



27 

the number of hUvc ships captured and destroyed by varioua na- 
tions was as follows : 

13y the British, 40 

" '« French, 12 

" " Portuguese, 10 

" " Americans, 2 

. In fact, during the reign of the slave power among us, our na- 
tion, at times, seemed even to be lending its flag to the interests of 
the slave trade ; and of all the nations of Christendom, when it 
should have been first and foremost in recognizing the independence 
of the African republic, it has in reality been among the very last. 
That it has lent some assistance to the designs of the Colonization 
Society is true ; that it could have lent much more than it has done 
and is doing, is quite certain ; and even in its present attitude to- 
wards colonization, at a period when colonization is a matter of the 
first interest to the country, it seems to be governed more, we are 
sorry to say, by the passions and prejudices, by the party tradi- 
tions and biases of the people, than by those elevated considera- 
tions of philanthropy which are alone becoming to the character of 
a great christian government. During the war little or nothing was 
done for colonization by the administration, though the scheme was 
highly favored by Congress ; and the means placed at the disposal 
of the Executive, among which were several hundred vessels, would 
have enabled him to carry it into initiatory execution. The small 
and feeble attempt which he made in that direction, was directed to- 
wards the West Indies and not to Liberia, and was limited to the 
narrow and contracted view of merely getting rid of the African 
race from our shores, instead of being extended to the nobler object 
of making use of them for christianizing Africa and bettering the 
condition of the entire human family. 

During a great struggle for one of the highest of all objects, 
for human rights, like that which our people have gone through in 
the late war, and are even now undergoing, when colonization of 
the African race in Africa would seem not only due to the unfortu- 
nate people whom _our politics has wronged and oppressed, but as 
the best means for a permanent settlement of our difficulties, it ap. 
pears strange that our government should have confined its attention 
so exclusively to the interests of the white race instead of extend- 
ing it more liberally to the black race. Our administration has in- 
deed established a colony, and it is a very valuable one, we are 



28 

iLade to believe ; but it is not in the tropical regions of Africa, and 
for the benefit of our African population ; no, it is. on the contrary, 
in the icy regions of the Arctic circle, and is for the use of the 
white race alone. Our administration, instead of turning its atten- 
tion to a tropical colony in the South East, has got away as far as 
it could towards an Arctic colony in the North West, As if it 
feared that Africa and Liberia should receive some of its assistance ! 
Such a course of procedure as this appears to us something like 
that hardness and obtuscness which formerly characterized the politi- 
cal power and cunning of Egypt, in a similar case, when called on 
by moral power to relax its greedy, selfish grasp from an oppressed 
subject race. 

As a christian people we are taught to believe that tho living 
germ of our holy religion may be traced directly to the successful 
struggle of a great moral idea against political cunning — to the act 
of wresting human beings, even against their own will, from the ra- 
pacity of the oppressor, and restoring them to their moral rights, to 
their manhood, and to the possession of their fatberland. To this 
act of high principle as opposed to low and selfish motive, are we in- 
debted for all the civil and religious liberty, for all the light and 
christian life which we now enjoy. And if we are not capable of a 
similar degree of moral strength to insist upon the negro's having 
the possession of his fatherland and the preservation of his religious 
idiosyncrasy ; if our idea of right and fitness of things does not pre- 
vail over that greed which teaches us to keep the negro among us 
for the purely selfish consideration of his labor and his vote, then 
it 13 doubtful whether we have sufficient moral strength to maintain 
either the system of christian civilization which wo have inherited, 
or that peculiar form of government which has grown out of it, and 
of which wo are now so justly proud. 

The sacred scriptures, practically viewed, plainly teach us that 
God himself, through the exhibition of miracles, which are very like- 
ly to occur where the laws of nature are violated by the will of 
man, commanded, in a case similar to ours, the entire separation of 
the enslaved race from the dominant one. We are taught that tho 
Israelitish slave had to be baptized by the Red Sea, again by the 
cloud, and still again by tho waters of the Jordan, before he could 
bo worked entirely clean of the stains of degradation incurred whilst 
in bondage, and be fitted to enjoy perfect manhood in the land of 
promise ; and so we may readily believe that the late African slave 



MHH 



29 

of the United Sttitcs will have need of the broad waters of the Atlan- 
tic intcrveninf^ between him and his former degradation and abase- 
ment before ho can rise to the full dignity of manhood in the land of 
his fathers. The question arises whether, as practical believers in 
our religion, we have a right to set aside the example which it has 
given us, and hold on to the weaker race among us, from un- 
worthy considerations of material profit and political power. We 
ought to ask ourselves in all sincerity and directness, whether it is 
not for a mere selfish and political object that we keep the African 
here, instead ot for those higher reasons upon which the safety, 
power, and dignity of states must depend. 

Our negro population have been taught to think by the cun- 
ning politician, as well as by the unthinking white citizen, that, as 
they were born in America, they theretore have a right to remain 
here. These are the first words that the negro, on being born into 
the world of liberty, is taught to lisp. " We were bom in America, 
therefore we have a right to remain here." But these words aro in 
no respect different in spirit from those which the freed Israelite 
used when he asked — " Are there no graves in Egypt that we 
should be brought into the desert to die ?" Had we not acquired a 
right to die and be buried in Egypt ? We have a right to remain 
in America, says the negro. The dangerous fallacy conveyed by such 
words consists in the Jeffersonian doctrine of impressing upon men 
a notion of their rights before teaching them their dtities. By teach- 
ing men their rights first before their duties, they are rendered ex - 
acting, turbulent, obdurate, and well fitted for despotic government. 
Bui men must know and perform their diUies to society before they 
can properly understand and exercise their 7%^^^. The essence of 
civil liberty consists in the performance of moral duty. What would 
have become of our moral code and of our system of civilization, if 
the Israelites had maintained the position, that as they were born in 
Egypt, in Egypt therefore they would remain? Or what even, 
would have become of our civil and religious liberties if the Puri- 
tans had said the same thing of their right to remain in England '? 
No, what the negro should be taught is this — we have a right to 
Africa, and to Africa we will go. We maintain that it is the duty 
of the negro of the United States, to redeem his brethren of Africa 
from their unhappy barbarism ; for he is the only suitable agent for 
accomplishing this grand and beneficent object. No other heathen 
or pagan race of the world has won the advantage through its mis- 



ao 

fortunes of having so largo a number of its own people in the bosom 
of a christian community, as has Africa. While China and Japan 
must begin the slow work of christianization by sending a few of 
their youths to our schools, by introducing our school books, and by 
establishing seminaries for the inculcation of western learning, Afri- 
ca has in our midst four millions of her children who might act as 
missionaries and convert to Christianity the hundred millions of her 
barbarous people. I« a material point of view we have in our midst 
four millions of laborers, who have learned how to raise the tropical 
productions of the earth, such as rice, sugar, coffee and cotton, which 
have become necessities to the world, and which, by stimulating 
their growth in Africa, might be brought within the reach of every 
poor man at a low rate. The higher principles of economy as well 
as of morality and religion, teach us that we should let the negro go ; 
the white man, who is thronging to our shores from over crowded 
Europe, can raise most of the tropical productions grown in the 
United States to a better advantage than the negro can, and it is 
only the negro who can bring the tropical lands of Africa under 
cultivation. But still our administration hold on to him with a greedy 
grasp, and pursue a course that would render it very difficult for 
him to go to Africa even if he should wish lo do so. Both the 
planter and the politician find his services valuable ; and the negro 
seems as quiescently willing to serve their purposes now, as he ever 
was when a slave ; — he is as willing that we shall rule him to our 
own hurt now as ho ever was. 

To shew what one of the first and ablest men of the negro race 
thinks ot his countrymen in this connection, we may here quote 
from the inaugural address of President Roberts of Liberia, deliv- 
ered on the 3rd day of January 1848. It was the first inaugural to 
the first republic of Africa since the days of Carthage — since the 
days of that ancient republic, which has the honor of producing a 
man whose wise saying will stand as long as gladiatorial Rome will 
stand : — that TwthiTuj in the shape of humanity was foreign to him. 
•• But if there be any among us," says President Roberts in his first 
inaugural "if there be any among us dead to all sense of honor and love 
of their country; if deaf to all calls of liberty, virtue and religion; 
if forgetful of the benevolence and magnanimity of those who have 
procured this asylum for them, and the future happiness of their 
children ; if neither the examples nor success of other nations, the 
dictates of reason and nature,- or the great duties they owe to their 



N 



\ 



\. 



31 

God, themselves and their posterity, have "any effect upon them ; — if 
neither tlie injuries which they received in the land whence they 
came, the prize they are contending for, the future blessings or curses 
of their children, the applause or reproach of all mankind, the ap- 
probation or displeasure of the great judge, or the happiness or 
misery consequent upon their conduct in this and a future state, 
can move them ; then let them be assured that they deserve to be 
slaves, and are entitled to nothing but anguish and tribulation. Let 
them banish forever from their minds the hope of ever obtaining that 
Ireedom, reputation, and happiness, which, as men, they are entitled 
to. Let them forget every duty, human and divine, remember not 
that they have children, and beware how they call to mind the jus- 
tice of the Supreme Being : let them return into slavery, and hug 
their chains, and be a reproach and a by-word among all nations." 

Another \vriter says : " they ought to be made to feel that it is 
their highest privilege, as well as their imperative duty, to cast in 
their lot with the pioneers in the work of Africa's civil, social, and 
religious redemption, and sacrifice themselves, if need be, in the stu- 
pendous work of spreading free government and civil institutions over 
all Africa, and bringing her uncounted population all under the do- 
minion of the Kingdom of Heaven." 

If the negro cannot feel this degree of enthusiasm, cannot en- 
tertain this sense of duty, and arrive at this pitch of heroic devotion 
10 a great cause, it may well be f[uestioned whether he is a fit mem- 
ber of a republic any where, cither in America or Liberia. His 
gtay in this country must ever be attended with such depressing in- 
fluences as to dwarf and stunt his faculties, and render his condition 
anything but desirable to high minded men, of whom it is said that 
states are constituted. The spirit that becomes relieved from some 
great oppression like that of slavery, and does not feel in response 
an ardent glow of benevolence and good will to all men, and a desire 
to carry this good will into practical operation towards his fellow 
beings, can be of hut little use to our system of civilization any- 
where, whether in America or Africa. The negro who clings to 
the United States acts from mere selfish considerations, proposing to 
benefit himself alone, while in Jjiberia he would benefit not only 
himself but many millions of his fellow beings. White men say 
that his labor is needed here ; but why should he be under the 
least obligation to serve the purposes of white men in America and 
neglect those of his own race in Africa who need his assistance ? 
Ethiopia is indeed stretching forth her hand unto God, but only a 



32 



few of God's ministers go to her assistance. America is the only 
part of the world that can freely supply that kind of christian emi- 
gration which is needed for th'. settlement of Africa, and still our 
administration, the administration of our troubles and our necessity, 
withholds it with a covetous grasp I 

With regard to the policy of keeping the negro among us by 
forcible detention — for where no suitable facilities are offered for 
his going he is in a measure forced to remain — we may say that 
such a course tends to the loss of our national identity, and conse- 
quently of our national character. Our institutions were not de- 
vised for Africans, Asiatics, Europeans, oi Indians ; they were espe- 
cially framed to suit the condition of a certain kind of people who 
had grown uo under peculiar circumstances in the forests of a new 
world, and were setting a new and worthy example for the corrupt 
nations of the old world. Neither the African nor Indi-.ui, nor 
Coolie, nor modern Euiopean,had any voice in the compact by which 
these institutions were established. Just iti proportion theretbre, as 
we adapt these institutions^ to the peculiarities of other men than 
those for whom they were fashioned, in that same proportion must 
their spirit and character become changed. If we admit other races 
and nations into the national partnership with us, we nmst expect to 
adapt our institutions to them instead of fashioning them wholly to 
our institutions. The great fault of our war administration has 
been that it did not make use of the war power to assert the auprc- 
many of the American constitution and of the American character 
over the heterogeneous elements of which our people have come to bo 
composed, instead of pursuing , the weak course of altering the con- 
stitution to suit it to our degenerate condition. 

There is no instance in either ancient or modern times, says an 
able writer, of two separate and distinct races of men living togeth- 
er, in which one or the other has not become inferior, and in no one 
case have the members of the inferior race been able to shew them- 
selves as capable of getting along\in the world as the superior race. 
But where the races have been separated, the inferior race has then 
been able to display quite as much aptitute in all that is essential 
to the growth and support of society as any other race of men have 
done. The separation of two such races is indispensable to the sue 
cess , of the inferior race. We might, as well try to raise a good 
crop of apples in a thick grovo of oai^s or pines, as to cause one race 
to thrive under the overshadowing influence of a more powerful one. 
If this be true, as it undoubtedly is, then our institutions cannot 



possibly extend eijuul riglits and privileges to the African race with. 
out losing some of their original force and character. We are in- 
deed stretching the capacities of our government too far, when we 
force it to include heterogeneous elements that do not properly belong 
to it. For wise purposes God has made a diversity of races and na- 
tions, and men must conform their political theories to this law, or 
else expect discord and trouble. 

For our own part we arc one who believed that when our gov- 
ernment became invested with the extraordinary powers inevitable 
to a state of war, it ought to have made use of those powers for es- 
tablishing the colonization of Africa as our policy with respect to 
our African population. We thought that the government should 
enter into an agreement, or contraci, with every negro regiment 
which it raised, to serve for a certain time and receive its lands in 
Africa. No state could subsequently annul this compact, and it 
would have been a much better method of abolishing slavery than 
the wretched course of tinkering the Constitution for this purpose 
which was pursued by the administration. It was but a narrow 
view to take of our national obligations to suppose that these obli- 
gations were satisfied by the mere knocking off the chains from our 
slaves. Tne blood and treasure so profusely lavished in the wai 
should have brought a much higher return than this. It should 
have insured the best possible good, not only to ourselves, but to 
Africa, and to all mankind. It should have insured an ultimate se- 
paration of the races and an end to the predominating influence of 
the unhomogeneous elements from the old world that are intruding 
upon our nationality. But unfortunately our national energies had 
become so much relaxed under the long prevalence of loose demo- 
cratic sentiments that our political managers could not lift them- 
selves up to a level with this view of the duties and responsibilities 
of government, although the generous efforts of the people, aroused 
as they were by war, would have amply sustained them in such a 
course. 

We believed that a college ought to have been established in 
the District of Columbia at the beginning of the war, to prepare 
colored youths for introducing into Africa our Vermont system of 
township division of territory and goverment, without which no de- 



34 

mocratic republican government can possibly exist for any consider- 
able length of time any where ; that the lands of Liberia, with its 
six hundred miles of interior frontier, should be laid off into such 
townships, and that our negro troops should be located upon them 
as a reward for their services, as a peaceful and ready way of mer- 
ging them into a useful citizcn.'hip of Liberia, of giving that new 
Republic a sure system of defence, and as an expeditious way of re- 
claiming and civilizing Africa. The sum of 400,000,000 of dollars 
would serve to transfer every man, woman and child of our negro 
population to Africa — to the land of their ancestors. If they were 
not willing to enter into an agreement to this effect, then they should 
have been allowed to remain, as President Roberts said, "in slavery, 
and hug their chains and be- a reproach and a by-word among all 
nations." 

It would have been far better to regard every slave that fell 
into the hands of the government troops, as a recaptured slave, and 
to treat him accordingly-, as all recaptured slaves are treated, viz : 
return him to Africa, than to leave him as he is, a melancholy prey 
ta the party contests, the cupidity, the prejudices, and the conve- 
nience of the whites. It is plain to see that the offering him a vote, 
is like giving money and whiskey to the Indian for his lands ; that 
he is merely made use of as an evil to counterbalance that other 
evil, the European vote, and that he is ultimately to fall a sacrifice 
to the rougher nature of the white race, to our final hurt. 

It is needless to say that neither of the courses here indicated 
was followed by the administration. On the contrary, it permitted 
the efforts of the people to spend themselves on vague and indefinite 
objects. It gave no sufficient direction to the popular energies, no 
elevation of sentiment to the popular enthusiasm, no wide scope to 
the sphere (if national power and influence. It allowed precious op- 
portunities to pass which can never be recalled. The time has pro- 
bably passed when it was possible to adopt the colonization policy 
which we have indicated; but still, much might be accomplished by 
the government even now, by favoring emigration generally, and es- 
pecially by establishing a regular line of steam-ships between the 
United States and Jjibcria. Such a line was proposed and received 
pretty general favor, particularly from Vermont, fifteen years ago 
or more ; and indeed the state became pledged to it by legislative 
action, a fact which from our course of late ycar.s, would seem to 
have been forgotten. While some of our politicians were giving 



MMMMIIMaMMia^HHMMMi 



constitutional reasons why such a line could not be established, En- 
gland, as usual, proceeded to act at once. She established a line of 
steamers between one of her ports and the Western (]oast of Africa, 
consisting of the Fore-runner, the Faith, Hope and Charity, and 
while thus securing the valuable trade of that coast, she has been 
contributing largely to spread there the ideas, habits, and advant- 
ages of regular civilized government ; for among material agencies 
there are few more powerful civilizers than a regular line of steam- 
ships. 

When we consider that there are some 20,000 people in Liberia 
who have connexions, relatives and friends in the United States, and 
that they do not possess facilities of communication with them equal 
to those, even, which have been provided by our government for Rio 
Janeiro, we can only wonder that such results could possibly flow 
from the operations of a great, enlightened and christian nation. 
There is not an Irishman, German, nor even a Chinaman in the 
United States, who cannot hear frequently and regularly from his 
friends in the Old World by steamship communication, while the 
African of Liberia receives no comfort, consolation, or support, from 
such a source. Should the African of the United States wish to go 
to Liberia, he has no assurance that the private ship by which he 
might sail would not sell him into Slavery. The administration by 
its policy seems determined to compel the negro to stay among us, 
and to force him as a citizen upon all the states, whether they want 
him or not. It furnishes no facilities to the negro to return to his 
father land ; but in fact, rather offers inducements to the Liberian 
to emigrate to the United States. It seeks to make the negro an 
element of political power, merely as a check to the aristocratic ten- 
dencies coming from the presence of the European population among 
us, its policy amounting only to the vulgar, helpless notion that one 
wrong may be made to counterbalance another wrong, not reflect- 
ing that both wrongs must inevitably be inflicted upon the country. 

It might be thought that it is a great undertaking to attempt to 
remove four millions of Africans from our shores, but a great nation 
can, and ought to do great things. In view of what our energies and 
powers ought to be half a century hence under the stimulus of our 
free institutions, the Atlantic should become as a mere steam-ferry 
to us. 

It would seem to be an evident truth, and only need to be as- 
serted to be received, that a race which has become unsuitably placed 



36 

by the covetous passions t: f men, ought to r)e restored to a suitable 
location ; for the laws of Nature are superior to those of men. The 
negro belongs to a tropical race, and the necessities for tropical pro- 
ductions, as we have already pointed out, now require his presence 
in the tropics as imperatively as the vacant lands of America ever 
called for his exit from his African home. It is a heartless mockery 
to offer the negro the same rights in any one state of the American 
Union as in all the others, for there are some states of so cold and 
rude a climate that he could not dwell in them. As a citizen of the 
republic he must inevitably be sectional in his character, for it is 
only in a certain section of the country that he could possibly thrive. 
He could not even become national as the citizen of a country of 
white men, for Nature has imprinted upon him an i'lentity of na- 
tionality which cannot be made to represent any other nationality ; 
nor can he claim the respect of mankind until his own nation has as- 
sumed a respectable place among the nations of the world. 

The dominant partv in the United States doubtless claim phi- 
lanthropic motives in seeking to extend political rights to the ne- 
gro, but it is an empty endowmeno to offer him mere political equa- 
lity, without an eligibility to social equality, without an eligibility to 
inter-marry with our race and to hold high stations of honor and 
profit with them in the Army and Navy, and in civil life, which few 
believe that he will ever enjoy. Jiut which is the higher order of 
philanthropy, to give the negro mere political eights in the United 
States, without landed possessions and without social or civil equal- 
ity, or to give him a country where he can enjoy all, not only politi- 
cal equality, but the possession ot land, and social and civil equality, 
and national life and character ? 

We have, it must be acknowledged, many able colored men 
among us : but why do they persist in staying here where their abi- 
lity is looked upon with disfavor, and where it is not needed, and 
not enter upon the great and inviting field of labor in Africa where 
their abilities are needed ? When there is such a demand for able 
men in Liberia, why has our administration held out fallacious 
inducements to able colored men to remain here where there is no 
need of their services ? 

But is it indeed thought by our politicians that we have need 
of the negro to complete the subjugation of the rebellion, and that 
we cannot do without him ? Do they admit that all our armed 
hosts, all our immense treasure, and all the republican qualities of 



the white race have not been tsutttcient to conduct the war of the re- 
bellion to a successful issue, but that to accomplish this end we are 
dependent upon the black race ? If bo, we are indeed in a very 
humiliating condition. Nothing could be more so than to owe our 
safety to the race which wo have so long oppressed. 
-?-\ In drawing our remarks to a close, we may be permitted to 
make a few <iuotatious from Henry Clay and Daniel Webster — al- 
most the last act of whose lives was the presiding over the deliber- 
ations of the Colonization Society — as well as from other eminent 
; .men, both black and white, to shew the propriety of separating the 
■-■-.^vAfrican from the Caucasian race in the United Htates, and the power 
/'"of our government to aid this object. During the compromise meas- 
i' xires of 1850 and the troublous times occasioned by them, the Colo- 
,J t i JiJ^isizatiou Society was looked to with a great deal of interest by our 
' ;' S -political men, as a means which offered the best prospect for settling the 
;.. difficulties arising from the presence among us of the African race, 
• '.■':-<? and it received more iiivorable attention then, than it has since done. 
^ : -And this is one good evidence, we think, of the value of the Coloni- 
y-vv zation Society, that in an hour of national danger and trouble it has 
/.:>.. been looked to by the first intellects of the land as a source of relief 
, ■ - ;viiand safety. That this source of safety should have been overlooked 
'■"^^ii-in a time of war, when the nation was wholly absorbed in the de- 
fence of its existence, is not perhaps unnatural, though it may not 
-„^; -^appear either wise or considerate. 

'ii^^fv.*?-' Mr. Clay, in his address to the Society as the President, in 
^4>1848, said : " It is not our office to attempt impracticabilities, to 
, amalgamate two races which God himself, by difference of color, be- 
■ ;;;;S^ rBides other inherent distinctions, has declared must be separate and 
.- ■ remain separate from each other." He concluded this address as 
follows: " I shall soon leave you and this stage of human action 
forever. I may never occupy this chair again ; but * * * 
From this auspicious hour, even to the end of time, or until the 
great object of the amicable separation of the two races shall have 
been fully effected, may others spring up to take your places, and 
to tread in your steps. And, finally, invoking on this great and 
good cause the blessings of that God without whom nothing is strong, 
nothing is holy, and whose smiles, I believe, have hitherto been ex- 
tended to it, I bid you a cordial farewell." 

At the Annual Meeting of tlie Society in 1851, Mr. Clay, still 
its President, made the last speech that he was ever destined to 



make to the society, lie was almost the only survivor ot ail who. 
thirty live years before, had contributed to the fbrniation of the so- 
ciety; and his stay among the living was now short, lor he died in 
June of the following year. In this speech he approved highly of a 
line of steamers to Liberia on behalf of the interests of Colonization, 
and said that in his opinion — " the Constitution of the United States 
grants ample authority for the performance of this common benelit 
of the country," which sentiment was applauded by the audience. 

Mr. Webster expressed himself willing, as we have before stated, 
to appropriate almost any amount of the public money ior the pur- 
pose of African Colonization ; and in the last days of his life, which 
were sadly overclouded and disturbed by concern for his country, 
ho shewed a marked interest in its success. 

Mr. Clay, in his address already alluded to, mr.de the followin-^ 
emphatic declaration. " I have said and said recently upon another 
occasion, what I sincerely believe, that of all the projects of the ex- 
isting age, the scheme of colonization of the African race upon the 
shores of Africa is the greatest." 

He still faither added — " Gentlemen, I have thought audi 
said, that if there ever was a scheme presented to the consideration 
and acceptance of men which in all its parts, when analyzed and re- 
duced to all its elements, presents nothing but commendation, it is 
the scheme of African Colonization." 

" As it respects the free people of color, therctbre, nothing but 
good, and unmixed good, can result from their separation from a 
community with which, in spite of all the philosophers of Europe an.l 
America, from the nature of our feelings and prejudices if ynu 
please, they never can be incorporated and stand on an 0(|ual plat- 
form." 

Edward Everett has fully endorsed these sentiments of Hcniy 

Clay with his own opinions. 

President Humphrey of Amherst College wrote on this subject 
as follows: — "By giving different constitutions and complexions tu 
great branches of the human family, God evidently intended that 
they should be kepi separate. The unhappy state of things in llu' 
United States has grown out of the enormously wicked infringement 
of this divine allotment. The black man never ought to have been 
brought to America. They do not belong here, God gave thcin ;i 
better home in Africa." 



39 

We have no very high estimate of the opinions of Horace 
Greeley on any subject whatever, for where one exhibit,s so little ad- 
herence to principle as he has done, it is of but little conse<iuence 
what his opinions are ; but still, we add his testimony for what it is 
worth. A writer tor the N. Y. Tribune in 1851, (doubtless Mr. 
Greeley,) says: " But while it is clear that all citizens should be 
ecjual before the law, it does not follow that it is best that Blacks 
and Whites, Malays and Choctaws, Moors and Chinese, should be 
mixed up in the same community. We think it iiot best, but condu- 
cive to many social and moral evils ; the majority of our people still 
more decidedly think so." 

Thomas Jefferson said, — " nothing is more surely written in the 

, book of fate than that these people will sometime be free, and being 

; free, that the two races cannot live together on a footing of equality." 

We might add still farther testimony from other leading white 

'• men of the country, but we will now bring forward the evidence of 

black men. 
i^ Governor llusswurm of the Maryland Colony in Africa, who 

% was at one time opposed to the Colonization Society, subsequently 
^^•. changed his views, and came to express himself as follows: "We 
''^'L; have carefully examined the different plans now in operation for our 
'>^' benefit, and none, we believe, can reach half so efflciently the mass 
as the plan of Colonization on the Coast of Africa." 

Kcv. R. E. Murray, a colored emigrant from Charleston South 
Carolina, writing from Liberia in 1843, said : " I care not what any 
man, or any party of men may say about their friendly feelings for 
people of color in the United states ; all I ask is this — is he or they 
friendly to the cause of Colonization ? If the reply is in the nega- 
' tive, there exists no true friendship in their bosom for the colored 

race." 

^ : Dr. J. S. Smith, a colored physician who was educated in Pitts- 

^/^: field, Mass., wrote from liiberia, Dec. 2nd, 1851, as follows : "1 

p-fl;:. believe, sir, that Africans will never be respected as men^x\\\^\. Afri- 

?'r -"^ ca mamtawis a res[iectable standing among the nations of the earth.'' 

■ A colored man writing for the Tribune in 1851, to use his own 

words, is " driven to the conclusion that the friendly and mutual se- 

.; paration of the two races is not only necessary to the peace, happi- 

^^ ness and prosperity of both, but indispensable to the preservation of 

one and the glory of the other." 



%'ls:'^. 

1-f'';:" 



40 

Such evidence as this from black men might be multiplied from 
the very first days of the colony down to the present time, and 
more if it is needed. 

We pass DOW to a series of resolutions which were recommended 
by a joint select committee of the Legislature of Connecticut at its 
session of 1^52, which embody the true sentiment of our du- 
ties and our relations to the negro race, and which, we think, ought 
to govern the policy of the country in that respect. These resolu- 
tions are admirably expressed and read as follows : 

Resolved, That as Americans, we owe a debt to Africa, and to 
her oppre.ssed and injured children, whether in this or other lands, 
which we should endeavor to discharge with all fidelity in all suit- 
able ways. 

Resolved, That the American Colonization Society happily 
unites Christian philanthropy and political expediency — our obli- 
gations to the Union and to God ; and that its principles and opera- 
tions are most benevolent, not only towards our colored population, 
but towards both races in this country, and towards two quarters of 
the globe. 

Resolved, That this assembly recognize with gratitude, the 
hand of God in the past success and growing interest manifested in 
behalf of this cause. 

Fro u these resolutions we pass to those which were adopted 
by the Legislature of Vermont at its session of 1851, in favor of a 
line of steamers between the United States and Liberia, but it is un- 
necessary to repeat them ; it is sufficient to say that in our opinion 
the legislature of the state has never passed a wiser or better set of 
refolutions, or one that does it more honor lor sound philanthropy 
and pure, exalted statesmanship. They were a happy inspiration of 
the earnest, practical republican character of the State, amidst the 
difficult circumstances in which the country was then placed from 
the presence of the African element of our population. 

The state could never offer a more disinterested, peaceful, less 
politic or less selfish means of adjusting our national difficulties than 
those recommended by these resolutions. And the (juestion arises 
whether it is wise in us to forget them so soon, and let them stand 
as dead letters in the statute book, as if they had never been adopt- 
ed. To neglect the teachings of the past, and draw no rules from 
them for our future guidance, to enact laws and pass resolutions 
merely to express the fleeting ideas of the day, and not draw from 
them direction, purpose, and aim Tor our public life, is to live mere- 
ly in the present, to be " like dumb, driven cattle" impelled only by 



-inr" — naili'lMiii rmiinrTHMU'i— 



41 

the necessities of the occasion as they arise, without thought or re- 
flection. It is to be the mere sport of party passion without any 
serious plan or design, and to leave the interests of society to a 
course of accident and hazard. The sentiment-s and spirit of these 
resolutions of 1851, are as true and forcible now as they were then, 
and our character as a reasoning, reliable people, bound by our own 
acts, require, of us our earnest efforts to effect as far as possible their 
execution. It should never be said nor permitted that our legisla- 
tors pass resolutions on great (juestions of state policy for mere tran- 
sient effect, without intending to carry them out. 

Our statute books should never be desecrated to such a purpose. 
For if tliey are, then that republican government of which we boast 
so highly, and to enjoy which, we retain the negro in our midst, is 
' destined but for a short duration. 

Your delegation in Congress for the last ten years have been 
very delicate, as it appears to us, very soft and glovo handed to- 
wards the slaveholder, have shewn a great willingness to conciliate 
hivi, when it was his part to conciliate the laboring men of the 
North, upon whom he has so long sought to inflict the premeditated 
insult of disgracing labor — your delegation have been so exceed- 
ingly conciliating to the slaveholder as even to forego in his behalf 
the execution of the most so'enm laws of the Republic, thus hazard- 
ing the very life of the nation in his favor ; but how mucti better 
would it have been, even on the score of conciliation, if they had 
adopted the spirit ot these resolutions of your legislature as their 
%. guide, and based their efforts at conciliation, not on the grounds of 

% annulling the law, but on the high, philanthropic grounds of the 

"M colonization of Liberia with our African population, to which the 

"m whole South stand committed, and where they must have met us, on 

their manhood and sincerity, at least half way, in a spirit of unity, 
conciliation and concord ? 

mi As a proof of what the real sentiments of the South are on this 

*■% . . . , 

subject, we here give the opmions of the leading states, Virginia 

i • and Kentucky. The opinions of Kentucky were truly expressed by 

|. Mr. Robinson in an address to the Colonization Society of that 

# state in 1849, who said that " the almost universal feelinfr of tho 

'^ people is against emancipation without removal." 

i At the annual meeting of the Colonization Society of Virginia 

p in 1851, Mr. Tazewell Taylor moved the following resolution, which 

was unanimously adopted : 



* 






"iS. 

t 



^ 



" Resolved, That the scheme of colonization, originating in the 
Legislat'uri3 of 1770, and sustained by six succeeding legislatures, 
and by the authority of Jefferson, Madison, Monroe and Marshall, 
is entitled lo. be regarded as a measure of Virginia policy having 
high claims to the confidence of all Virginians." 

In conclusion we would be permitted to say that the State of 
Vermont has some reason to be proud of the agency which it has 
thus far lent in the cause of African Colonization. The lamented 
Ashraun who taught the colonists the use of arras, and under whose 
heroic leadership they were first enabled to gain an assured foothold 
upon the soil of Western Africa against the assaults of the native 
barbarians, was a graduate of our University at Burlington, and for 
sometime a resident of that city previous to his going to Africa. 
The state has contributed more funds for the support of colonization 
in proporiion to the number of its inhabitants than the rest of the 
Union, per capita ; and it has thje enviable honor of being the first 
among all the states to establish a State Colonization Society, the 
society whose members we arc now addressing, having been estab- 
lished in 1819, three years after the organization of the National 
Colonization Society. The establishment of the College of Liberia 
is greatly due to the efforts of our fellow statesman the Rev. Dr. 
Tracy. Let us hope that the honor thus won by the state may still 
be maintained, and that she may continue to be first and foremost 
in forwarding the work to which her citizens have thus far given 
such effective aid. The best and most suitable return that we can 
make to the African for his long years of unrec^uited toil in our be- 
half, is indeed to secure to him political rights and equal .'X)cial, 
civil and religious liberties, not here in the United States, but in the 
more genial native land of his race. 



if- 



MJ i flLgaf y ita* > i? <