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FORTY-FOUR MONTHS IN
GERMANY AND TURKEY
Forty-four Months
IN ^
Germany and Turkey
FEBRUARY 1915 to OCTOBER 1918
A RECORD OF PERSONAL IMPRESSIONS
BY
HAR DAYAL, M.A.
yi
LONDON
P. S. KING & SON, LTD.
ORCHARD HOUSE, WESTMINSTER
1920
PREFACE
The author of the following pages has been well
known for the last ten years as one of the most active
leaders of the Indian revolutionary party.* Born of
a Kayasth family in Delhi in 1884, he was educated
in St. Stephen's College, until he took the B.A. degree
of the Punjab University and was awarded a scholar-
ship tenable in the Government College, Lahore. In
1904 he stood first in the list of the successful candi-
dates for the M.A. degree in English literature, and
on the recommendation of the Punjab University
was given a State scholarship of £200 a year by the
Government of India. He entered St. John's College,
Oxford, in 1905, and began to read for the Honours
School of Modern History, but in 1907 resigned his
Government scholarship and removed his name from
the college books. He associated himself with
Shyamji Krishnavarma, who was at that time the
recognised leader of the Indian revolutionary move-
ment, and in his journal. The Indian Sociologist
(October, 1907), stated that HarDayalhad re ignedhis
scholarship, "as he holds that no Indian who really
loves his country ought to compromise his principles
and barter his rectitude of conduct for any favour
whatever at the hands of the alien oppressive rulers
of India."
* Further details of the history of this movement may be
found in the Report of the East India Sedition Committee.
1918, especially paras. 130 and 132 : price gd.
vi PREFACE
After a visit to India, where he spread the doctrine
of active hostility to the British Government, Har
Dayal in 1908 rejoined Shyamji Krishnavarma in
Paris, but finding him unwilling to adopt violent
methods in the furtherance of political ends, he deter-
mined to transfer the centre of his activities to
America, and in 191 1 settled in San Francisco. Here
he published in several Indian languages a newspaper
called Ghadr (" Mutiny "), in which he advocated
murder and revolution, the formation of secret societies,
and the adoption of every possible means of violence
for the expulsion of the British from India. He also
addressed meetings in various towns in America in
support of the Indian revolutionary movement, until
in March, 1914, he was arrested by the authorities of
the United States Government, with a view to his
deportation as an undesirable alien. Released on
bail, he escaped to Switzerland, and after the war
broke out, joined the Indian National Party, which
worked in Berlin under the directions of the German
Foreign Ofiice. In the following pages he has
described his experiences and the reasons that have
led him to change his attitude towards British rule
in India.
A'.
^y
CONTENTS
SECTION VKOZ
I. General Impressions . . . i
11. In Constantinople . . . .29
III. " Asia Minor '* in Berlin . . 55
IV. The Germans in Asia ... 78
Conclusion 97
FORTY-FOUR MONTHS IN
GERMANY AND TURKEY
SECTION I
GENERAL IMPRESSIONS
"A mad world, my masters."
Shakespeare.
It is not easy to discuss within the limits
of a short essay the sahent characteristics
of German society as it presented itself to
an Oriental traveller during the war. I
have spent about three and a half years in
Germany and Turkey during the war ; and
I now jot down my personal impressions
for the benefit of the people of India and
Egypt. I speak from direct personal ex-
perience. I shall not quote from books and
newspapers. I relate what I have seen with
my own eyes and heard with my own ears.
The history of Germany during the last
forty-eight years has been a record of folly
2 FORTY-FOUR MONTHS
ending in failure ; and this war has been a
German crime ending in a German catas-
trophe. My personal views and reflections
may be useful to the educated classes of
India, Egypt, and other Oriental countries.
Oriental readers may ask how it was
possible that such an active and well-
instructed nation should have made the
mistakes and committed the sins which
have brought a just Nemesis on it. I shall
try to answer this question, extenuating
nothing and setting down naught in malice.
I am a cosmopolitan in spirit, and can judge
and criticise with an unbiassed mind.
The Germans are intellectually not behind
the other European nations, but they are
morally, socially, and politically in a lower
stage of development. They are a well-
instructed, semi-barbarous nation, and re-
semble a Berber or a Kurd, who should
somehow acquire a knowledge of advanced
science and literature without thereby
divesting himself of his primitive habits and
ideas. In Germany one finds a strange and
startling mixture of rampant mediaeval
barbarism and up-to-date modern civilisa-
IN GERMANY AND TURKEY 3
tion. Intellectually the Germans belong
to the twentieth century. Morally, socially
and politically they are still in the Middle
Ages. That is the reason why they are
despised and hated by all foreigners, and
why they must suffer for their numerous sins
of omission and commission. Purged and
purified, they can rise to the level of con-
temporary civilisation, for progress is the
law of social evolution everywhere. The
Germans to-day have nothing to give to the
world except their books and their inven-
tions ; but they must learn a great deal
from England, France, Italy, and America
before they can call themselves a civilised
people.
The most noticeable feature of German
society as a whole is the spirit of excessive
megalomania that pervades it. This atmo-
sphere poisons the whole life of the nation.
The Germans believe that they are the
greatest, wisest, bravest, ablest, noblest and
best people on earth. They not only be-
lieve it but also say so, and proclaim it in
their writings and discourses . As a corollary
they despise all other peoples as incapable
4 FORTY-FOUR MONTHS
and worthless. Even a noted scientist like
Professor Oswald speaks of the Germans as
the " chosen people " (" das aus6rwahlte
Volk "). Of course, he cannot tell by whom
and for what this people has been " chosen ";
but such is the childish vanity of this well-
instructed nation. I remember reading this
sentence in a book about the future of
Germany : " We are the best-educated and
the bravest nation in the world." I need
not quote from the rabid effusions of the
Pan-Germans, with which we are now suffi-
ciently familiar.
I was at first at a loss how to explain that
strange declaration of the King of Bavaria
at the beginning of the war : " We shall win,
whatever may be the number of enemies " !
But I found that every German, high and
low, rich and poor, suffers from this curious
mental derangement. It is not easy to
understand how this psychological con-
dition has arisen. The Germans have no
reason to have such a high opinion of them-
selves. They have not achieved more than
the other civilised nations of the world.
Their position does not warrant such absurd
IN GERMANY AND TURKEY 5
pride and self-esteem. They have not been
the pioneers of human civiHsation, Uke the
Egyptians or the Chinese. They have not
promulgated great religions, like the Jews,
the Arabs, and the Hindus. They have not
created the noblest art, philosophy and
literature, like the Greeks. They have not
discovered and colonised vast continents,
like the Spaniards. They have not led the
way in founding democratic institutions,
Jike the English and the French. They have
not organised wonderful empires, like the
English and the Romans. They are not the
creators of modern art and literature, like
the Italians. The Germans have also con-
tributed their quota to human culture, but
they have not done more than other nations.
They cannot even claim to be the first
among equals. In fact, they have accom-
plished less than other ancient and modern
nations, though it is of course impossible to
compare such different culture-values as
Buddhism, Greek sculpture, Beethoven,
Shakespeare, and the American Declaration
of Independence. The world to-day bears
the impress of Rome, Greece, India, Spain,
6 FORTY-FOUR MONTHS
France, and England; but the German
language practically is not known beyond
the frontiers of Germany and Austria.
England has organised a vast system of
government in Asia and Africa for the
ultimate benefit of backward tribes and
races. French is the second language of the
educated classes in all countries. Italy has
given us Dante and the great artists of the
Renaissance. But Germany's achievements
have been more modest, and cannot be said
to have conquered the world. Why are the
Germans, then, so vain and silly ? Why do
they lack " self-knowledge," which is the
foundation of true virtue in man ? I have
been able to discover only one cause of this
distemper ; it is the delirium of the parvenu,
the arrogance of the upstart, the self-
importance of the nouveau riche, the intoxi-
cation of an. American " potato-king." The
Germans have been spoiled and ruined by
their success in the war of 1 870-1. They
had been accustomed only to defeat and
disaster for a long time. They had been
beaten on many battlefields in their own
country. Their history had been a miserable
IN GERMANY AND TURKEY 7
record of disunion, inefficiency and humilia-
tion. But the war of 1 870-1 suddenly
wrought a change in their fortunes. They
defeated the leading nation of Europe and
had their fill of vengeance against the
ancestral ioe. They established a powerful
national State, which they had never been
able to do since the days of Charlemagne.
They thus emerged from age-long obscurity
and feebleness and became a force in world-
politics. Their success has " turned their
heads," for who can bear prosperity well ?
It has blinded them to the facts and realities
of the life of the world. It has filled their
shallow minds with the fumes and vapours
of puerile pride and reckless ambition. It
has warped their moral sense and hardened
their hearts in sin. It has been their curse
during the last forty-eight years. This
poison has permeated every nerve and fibre
of the social system, and can be eliminated
only through suffering and expiation.
As a consequence of this megalomania,
the Germans have been further demoralised
by their new cult of Force. They have
now unlimited faith in brute Force. They
8 FORTY-FOUR MONTHS
believe only in Might, and idolise the soldier
and the military officer. The nation which
was noted for its idealism a hundred years
ago has fallen so low that it can understand
only the law of the mailed fist. It is one of
the saddest tragedies in the social history
of the world. The war of 1870-1 has re-
sulted in the moral suicide of a whole people.
At present the Germans are hopelessly
materialistic in this respect. They know
that they won the victories of 1870-1 and
proclaimed the new German Empire at
Versailles because they were superior to the
French in force. They believe that they
owe their present security and prosperity to
Moltke, and not to Goethe and Kant. They
have learned that Force alone can protect
a nation against its enemies. This ex-
perience has led them to exaggerate the
virtue of Force as a necessary factor in
evolution in the present imperfect condition
of human society. They have learned a
great truth, but they have so distorted and
misinterpreted it that it has become a
venomous lie in their hands. They have
glorified Force and offered incense to this
IN GERMANY AND TURKEY 9
new god, which has rescued them from their
Egyptian bondage of past centuries. They
have jumped from one extreme to another,
as they have forgotten that virtue lies in the
mean. They have at last come to know the
use of Force, but they are also eager to pro-
ceed to its abuse. I was talking at an
evening party to Graf X , and explaining
to him the importance of securing the good-
will of the Oriental nations for the German
cause, when he suddenly said (in English) :
" We must hack our way through." A
Persian gentleman assured a German diplo-
mat that the Persian people sympathised
with Germany ! but the latter replied :
" Two machine-guns would be more useful
than sympathy " ! A German journalist
said to me : " Everything in this country
turns round war and ' soldiering.' " The
most favourite toy for German children dur-
ing the war was the " dicke Bertha" (" fat
Bertha"), as the 42-centimetre gun employed
by the Germans at the seige of Antwerp was
christened. Models of this gun were bought
and kept by German families with great
piety, like the figure of a tutelary goddess.
lo FORTY-FOUR MONTHS
All Germany seemed to accept it as the
greatest emblem of virtue and glory. In
Germany the universal faith in Force
obtrudes itself on the attention of a foreigner
at every step. This war must now teach the
Germans that those who take up the sword
shall perish by the sword.
The cult of Force has naturally led to
dreams of world-conquest. The Germans
had developed such excessive political
ambition before this war that they aimed
at nothing more or less than a'' Weltreich."
Megalomania and the faith in Force must
breed such monstrous progeny. The Ger-
mans believed that they could easily defeat
England, France, Russia, and the whole
world put together. A German official said
to me : " What can America do to us ? "
The remark convinced me that this nation
was doomed, as blindness and vanity could
not go further. As the German regards all
other nations with utter contempt, he draws
the necessary conclusion that he must rule
over them. A German gentleman, whom I
met in a boarding-house in Wiesbaden, said :
" We must either win a world-empire, or
IN GERMANY AND TURKEY ii
perish." I said to myself: "The latter
alternative is certainly preferable." A Ger-
man lady, who was more modest than the
majority of her countrymen, said : " We
must not think that we can defeat England.
If we make peace with England, Germany
and England can dominate the whole world
between them." A Spanish student, who
was present, said : " That would be very sad
for the whole world, I think." The Germans
actually believed that they would crush all
their enemies within three months, and
celebrate the Christmas of 1914 at home as
undisputed masters of Europe ! This is not
a joke, but a real fact of German life, how-
ever incredible it may seem to all of us. As
the war dragged on, and the pinch of hunger
began to be felt, I heard this plaint very
often : " We thought that the war would
last only three months, or, at the most,
half a year. But it has turned out other-
wise." In contrast to such fatal folly,
which was due to sheer megalomania, we
may remember Lord Kitchener's forecast
that the war would last three years, though
the Germans laughed at this prophecy at the
12 FORTY-FOUR MONTHS
time. The English knew that they would
win the war in the end, but they did not
underrate their adversaries, as they had a
closer grasp of realities and a better know-
ledge of the world-situation. The Germans
really " ran amok," for they went forth to
fight in a fit of madness. During my
sojourn in Germany I saw that the whole
country was a political Bedlam, and nothing
more. I found no trace of wisdom, insight
or sound judgment anywhere.
It is a wrong idea that only a certain class
or a few statesmen entertained such wild
schemes. The Prussian Junker was the first
to covet his neighbour's goods, but now the
whole nation is infected with such fatuous
ambition. I listened to a discussion on the
Belgian question in a village public-house
near Wiesbaden in January, 1917. The
general opinion seemed to be summed up at
the end by a middle-aged farmer in these
words (spoken in dialect) : " Well, if. we
give up Belgium, all this blood has been
shed in vain." A learned professor, who is
loved and respected by all his friends for his
noble character, said in the spring of 1918 :
IN GERMANY AND TURKEY 13
'' If this great offensive succeeds, there must
be no more talk of evacuating Belgium. All
that must be kept. It was part of the old
German Empire." A German general,
whom I met in a sanatorium in the autumn
of 1917, delivered a speech on Hindenburg's
birthday, and said: "Belgium is a holy
land to us now, as it has been watered by
the blood of thousands of our heroic sons. It
is foolish to talk of giving it up." These
opinions, uttered at wide intervals by repre-
sentatives of different classes of society^
proved to me that German imperialism
really menaced Europe with servitude, and
converted me to President Wilson's view of
the aims and designs of the German Govern-
ment. But I saw that the whole nation was
to blame, and not merely the Government,
which executed the will of the people. The
German press was unanimous in its ap-
proval of the policy of the Government;
and even the Socialists voted all the war
credits up to the last moment. The
Germans clung to their delusions with
desperate tenacity till the final catastrophe
came. In the summer of 1918 a Berlin
14 FORTY-FOUR MONTHS
professor wrote to a colleague that the
people were following with keen anxiety
the course of the offensive on the Western
front, from which they all hoped for " final
victory and a German peace " {" endgiiltigen
Sieg und den deutschen Frieden "). The
peculiar phrase, " a German peace," meant
that Germany should keep all that she had
conquered since August, 1914. This was the
cherished aim of all Germans, without dis-
tinction of class or party, throughout the
war. I know that it was so, whatever the
hypocritical politicians may have said in
their public speeches.
The Germans think that they are really
so superior to other nations that they may
regard themselves as beings of a different
order altogether. They are the real Men ;
all others are specimens for zoological
museums. They deny the existence of a
common bond of humanity between them-
selves and other peoples, as the gulf between
them and the rest of mankind cannot be
bridged by such superficial characteristics as
an erect posture and other peculiarities of
human anatomy. A morbid sense of racial
IN GERMANY AND TURKEY 15
superiority can deaden our finer feelings and
blunt our sympathy with our fellow-men.
Some Americans defended slavery on the
ground that the negroes really belonged to
a different species, and could therefore be
treated like animals. The Germans look
upon all other nations, European and
Oriental, in much the same way. They
fancy that they are as superior to the other
European nations as these latter are above
the semi-civilised Asiatics in the scale of
civilisation. As a consequence of this strange
aberration the Germans hold themselves
bound by no law of humanity in their deal-
ings with other nations. They do not
observe the rules and practices enjoined by
" international law," for this law has been
made by creatures who are no better than
animals. The lords of creation are not to be
controlled by such irrelevant enactments !
The Germans have committed the atrocities
which have exposed them to the wrath of the
entire world because they have learned to
despise all men as brutes. This explanation
at least deserves careful consideration.
They are cruel and brutal towards the con-
i6 FORTY-FOUR MONTHS
quered, as we are cruel to animals, which we
slaughter without remorse or compunction
for our advantage. They violate the honour
of respectable ladies in occupied territory
because they look upon all non-German
women only as females. They burn and
devastate like the Huns and the Mongols
because they have no pity for the sufferings
of others. A German lady bewailed the hard
lot of her countrymen in the regions now
occupied by the armies of the Entente. A
friend remarked : " But the German officers
have .been quartered on the people of
Belgium and France during four years."
The lady replied : " Well, a German officer,
that is a different thing altogether."
A Persian gentleman said to a German
lady in Berlin : "I am deeply touched at
the sight of the wounded soldiers. Can I do
something for them ? " She said : " Why
do you feel for them ? You are not a Ger-
man." This remark reveals the depths of
moral insensibility to which the Germans
have sunk during the last fifty years. Even
a woman could not understand why a
foreigner pitied wounded German soldiers !
IN GERMANY AND TURKEY 17
I am sure that this typical German woman
was incapable of feeling or showing any
sympathy for sick and wounded English,
French or Italian soldiers. She could judge
the Persian gentleman only by the moral
standards in which she herself was trained.
I am not inditing a libel on the German
people when I assert that they regard all
non-Germans as sub-human creatures. I
myself was loth to believe it at first, but I
was compelled to bow to the logic of facts.
We think that the Germans are men ; but
they don't think that we are men. It is
desirable and necessary that all Europeans,
Americans, Asiatics and Africans should
know this fact.
It would not be out of place to mention at
this point that I am opposed to German
colonisation in Africa and Asia even on a
small scale. The Germans are morally unfit
to administer colonies, because they do not
recognise our common human nature at all.
In the colonies the Europeans are absolute
masters of the native population. They
have weapons, organisation and scientific
knowledge, and their will is law. The abuse
i8 FORTY-FOUR MONTHS
of their giant strength is fraught with the
most terrible consequences to the poor
aborigines, who are Uke children or sheep
in the . hands of men wielding irresistible
power. There is no champion of the natives
but the moral law in the soul of the European
rulers and settlers. The weak and helpless
Africans can only say : " We, too, are men,
brothers, and Christians." This appeal is
their only refuge. The European settler can
do good to the natives only in so far as he
obeys his own moral code. The moral
standards of the colonising nation deter-
mine the fate of the inferior race. For this
reason the Germans must not be allowed to
rule over the primitive tribes of Africa or
Asia, for they can manage a colony only as
a meat-packing company manages its cattle
farms. When they treat European peoples
like the Belgians and the French in this
spirit, how would they behave towards the
Herreros and other African tribes, with
which they have nothing in common ?
Colonisation is a sad affair, even under the
best circumstances. There is much cruelty,
exploitation, suffering and injustice in all
IN GERMANY AND TURKEY 19
colonies. But a German colony would cer-
tainly be a dreadful inferno. There is no
more diabolical ogre than a German in
power. The German is utterly unfit to be
entrusted with power over weaker fellow-
men. The English, French, American and
Italian colonists also make mistakes, and are
often guilty of injustice ; but they recognise
the law of humanity and can never trans-
gress certain well-defined limits. A Swedish
gentleman, who has spent twenty years in
Algeria, said to me : " Les Fran9ais sont tres
humains " (" The French are very humane
people "). The English are known all the
world over to be " gentlemen." The Ameri-
cans bear with their negro fellow-citizens,
and even work for their advancement. In
all English, French, American and Italian
colonies the civil rights of the population
and the elementary laws of morality are
scrupulously respected by the white rulers.
But such would not be the case in a German
colony, as the German does not believe that
non-Germans or animals have any " rights "
or " moral laws." So long as the German
nation has this psychology it must not
20 FORTY-FOUR MONTHS
receive a mandate to administer a colony.
If the Germans think we are animals, we
think they are fiends. So we are quits, at
least for the present.
Imperialism has begotten many vices in
the German character, but avarice is the
ruling passion of the German's soul. Gold
is his god in public and private life. In this
respect the aims of the State coincide with
the tendencies of the individual citizen. All
Germans are mad in the pursuit of wealth.
They are all in a hurry to amass a fortune.
I think that this trait explains why the
Germans are unpopular in other countries.
All men, everywhere, wish to earn money,
and it is a duty to work honestly for economic
gain. But the Germans are very mean,
avaricious, stingy, unscrupulous and selfish.
Every foreigner is struck with this character-
istic of all Germans without distinction of
class. Stones may yield oil, but no generous
action can be expected from a German. If
he can save a shilling by sponging on others
or abusing their confidence, he will surely
do so. He has the very disgusting habit of
enjoying hospitality without thinking of
IN GERMANY AND TURKEY 21
returning it. He is very willing to eat your
cakes, but he cannot waste his own cakes on
you. I made the acquaintance of a dis-
tinguished German scholar, whom I also
agreed to help in his literary work. I pre-
sented him with two boxes of good cigars,
and tried to win his friendly sympathy in
other ways. I used to visit him almost
every afternoon. He never offered me a cup
of tea, though he had received my gifts and
was always very affable and talkative. I
noticed that he had his afternoon tea just
before I called. It never occurred to him
that he should at least once or twice ask me
to drink a cup of tea with him. He did not
consider it safe even to mention it, as the
experiment was too risky. Supposing I had
actually accepted the invitation ! It would
have meant an economic catastrophe for
him. Some German politicians visited Con-
stantinople and invited a few Turkish poli-
ticians to see them. It is reported that they
did not offer even a cup of coffee to the
Turkish colleagues because, of course, a cup
of coffee costs a penny, and the German
cannot make such a sacrifice. Such melan-
22 FORTY-FOUR MONTHS
choly meanness throws some light on the
real character of the average German. A
Swedish journalist related how the German
guests at a party took away all the cigars.
I have forgotten the details of the story, but
he ended with these words : " An English-
man never does this sort of thing." The
Germans have really a genius for petty
selfishness of this kind. It is impossible for
a German to make friends. He is an anti-
social, egotistic and unlovable creature. At
present he is interested chiefly in money. A
German gentleman said to me : " This
time France must pay us an indemnity of
45 milliards. We took too little in 1871." I
mentioned to a professor of philosophy the
news that the Bolshevik Government had
delivered to the German officials the first
instalments of the indemnity in gold bars.
He asked me to read the newspaper to him,
and said : " What does it say ? Have the
gold bars been actually delivered ? " I
replied : " Yes. They have been deposited
in the -Reichsbank." The exponent of
philosophy gave a grunt of satisfaction at
this news, and I could see that he was trying
IN GERMANY AND TURKEY 23
to visualise the glittering bars of gold which
Germany had gained as booty. Avarice
has corroded the soul of this nation and
made it unfit for the common offices of
courtesy and friendship. I don't know how
it can be cured of this vice.
While the Germans threaten the whole
world with conquest and " Kultur," their
social and political institutions at home are
of the mediaeval and reactionary type.
Slaves are proper instruments for enslaving
others. Despotism, bureaucracy and caste
are the foundations of German society.
When I was there the air reeked with ser-
vility and snobbery. Those who had lived
in England, France, America or Switzerland
found life in Germany altogether insup-
portable. The worship of the Kaisex was
the creed of half Germany. Fulsome flattery
of the monarch was considered a mark of
patriotism, and reminded me of the age of
the Tudors. The bust of the Kaiser was a
pestilential nuisance in Berlin. It was
crowned with wreaths and flowers in the big
concert house in Mauerstrasse, like the statue
of a heathen god. I entered a chemist's
24 FORTY-FOUR MONTHS
shop, and there it was on the shelf, with its
repellent expression of insolent braggadocio.
Go where you would you could not escape
this ubiquitous bust. The royal family was
also on sale in pictures and cards of all sorts.
The Empress, the Crown Prince, his children,
their cousins, their nurses and the relatives
of the nurses were all very much in evidence
in the bookshops and at the street corners.
The whole show was very disgusting and
ludicrous. But it was an important social
institution of Germany. Let us hope that
the Germans have now got rid of the
Hohenzollerns for ever. The monarchy may
be abolished, but German society cannot be
freed so easily from bureaucracy and the
spirit of caste. In Germany everything is
done for the people, and nothing by the
people. As there are no democratic institu-
tions, the functionaries fear no control or
criticism. They meddle with everything,
and plague the people in a thousand different
ways. All Germans who have lived for
some time in England or America refuse to
return to their native land. They have
breathed the free atmosphere of English and
IN GERMANY AND TURKEY 25
American society, and detest the bureau-
cratic system of Germany. I met a German
merchant who had Hved for more than ten
years in England. We were at the dinner
table in a sanatorium at Partenkirchen, in
Bavaria. The talk turned on the merits and
demerits of the English people. A patriotic
German lady said : " The French are our
old enemies. But why have the English
joined them ? They are a gang of robbers."
I remained silent. The merchant replied :
" But England has much better political
institutions. There, in London, I am I "
(" Ich bin ich "), " but here. . . ." At this
point he put both his hands on his ears as
the most effective method of expressing what
he meant. That phrase, " Ich bin ich," sums
up centuries of English history. It is curious
that the uneducated merchant could find no
other words to pay his tribute of praise for
English freedom. In the summer of 1917 a
lady wrote to me from Berlin : " All our
rights are being taken away. It is a miser-
able time here." The Junker class had
established a reign of terror in order to
stifle adverse criticism. Many Liberals and
26 FORTY-FOUR MONTHS
Socialists were in " Schutzhaft " during the
war. The Germans seemed to be quite
unconscious of their slavery. They had
known only this system in their lives. A
German journalist said to me : " What do
you mean by talking of free America ? We
have as much freedom here as the Ameri-
cans." I tried to explain to him the dif-
ference between German and American
institutions ; but he did not see the point.
Another German friend said : " You must
be born a German in order to understand
our system." I thanked my stars that I was
not born a German. Germany is several
centuries behind the other European coun-
tries in social evolution. This war is per-
haps the beginning of the end of the old
system.
The spirit of caste is more prevalent in
German society than in other countries.
Every man must have his * • Tit el," which is
always prefixed to his name. It would be
very impolite to omit the " Titel " in writing
or speaking to a person. Thus it often
happens that a man's name is never heard
in conversation. He is always " Herr Pro-
IN GERMANY AND TURKEY 27
fessor," or " Herr Postdirektor," or " Herr
Geheimrat," or even " Herr Baumeister."
The mania for a " Titel " goes so far that
some people coin curious titles indicating
their social position, like " Herr Brauerei-
Besitzer " ("Mr. Brewery-Owner "). The
enormous number of " Rats " of different
species in German society spread the plague
of snobbery and servility. Thus there are
Geheimrats, Kommerzienrats, Hofrats, etc.,
etc. A woman will put the husband's
title before her name, and call herself
" Hofratsgattin " (a Hofrat's wife). One
comes across such names as " Lawyer 's-
widow Mrs. Meyer." A lady chose to call
herself " Baron's-mother-in-law Mrs. So-
and-So." The spirit of caste leads to strange
freaks, which sometimes show bad taste. A
learned professor dedicated his book to his
wife, but added " Baron's-widow " to her
name, as she had married a baron before our
lucky professor won her heart and her
money. Society must know that the pro-
fessor's wife was no ordinary person but a
Baron's widow ! Germany needs a breath
of Democracy in order to disperse these
28 FORTY-FOUR MONTHS
miasmic vapours of mediaeval feudalism
which choke her spirit and smother her
moral life. It is to be hoped that caste will
also relax its hold on German society after
the expulsion of the HohenzoUerns and the
establishment of democratic institutions.
The history of Germany during the last
fifty years may be described as the tragedy
of a whole society. This nation is utterly
sick in head and heart. It has lost its wits,
and it has killed its conscience. " Whom
the gods destroy, they first make mad." It
will take a very long time to restore this
demented and demoralised people to health
and sanity.
SECTION II
IN CONSTANTINOPLE
" Where every prospect pleases,
, And only man is vile."
Bishop Heber.
It is a great day in a young man's life
when he first sees one of the ancient historic
cities of the world, such as Rome, Athens,
Benares or Constantinople. As I walked
up the street leading from the railway
station to the hotel in Stamboul my mind
was in an ecstasy of delight and wonder.
It was not what I saw, but what I thought
of, that worked like magic in the brain. To
a student of history Constantinople (which,
fortunately, preserves its Greek name, in
spite of the unspeakable Turk,) is a place of
pilgrimage. Of course, the joy at the fulfil-
ment of a long-cherished dream was mixed
with deep sadness at the fate of the city,
from which the scholars had gone forth to
Italy with the balm of Greek learning for
the sick and weary mediaeval world. But it
30 FORTY-FOUR MONTHS
was well that I could see it, even in its
misery and degradation. The Turk will
pass away, so said I, but the glory of this
city will remain. Sooner or later it will be
restored to its only rightful claimants, the
Hellenes, whose name it bears. In the
meantime I might learn what life here has
to teach me.
It was in the spring and summer of 1915,
when the loveliness of Nature stood in
strange contrast to the carnage on the battle-
fields of Gallipoli. The Bosphorus, perhaps
the most beautiful spot on earth, was a
haven of calm and peace in the midst of this
warring world of brute force and more
brutish intrigue. But it was my business to
watch the operation of political forces and
to meet all types of characters in the course
of the daily routine, for I was supposed to
carry on political propaganda. I should
have liked to live on the Bosphorus as a
poet or a painter ; but, as I was neither the
one nor the other; I had to make the best of
the situation and figure as " a politician."
I shall write about the chief lessons that I
learned during my six months' sojourn in
IN GERMANY AND TURKEY 31
that Dar-i-Saadat, the seat of the CaUphate.
I trust that all Orientals, and especially the
Muslims of India and Egypt, will ponder
well the meaning of my words.
I shall begin with the Turks. And the
first thing I have to say is tfeat the Turks, as
a nation, are utterly unfit to assume the
leadership of the Muslim world. They have
been, and are, only a predatory tribe, without
culture and political capacity. It was an
evil day for the Muhammadan world when
the Turk was entrusted with the Caliphate.
The Turks have no brains ; that is the plain
truth. They can fight well, but they cannot
administer or organise. They have been in
possession of a vast empire for several cen-
turies ; but they have no great or noble
national literature. All nations have pro-
duced great literature as the spiritual sign
and symbol of their political ascendancy.
Athens, Rome, Spain, Portugal, Eliza-
bethan England and Vikram's India are
now more familiar to us through the names
of iEschylus, Sophocles, Virgil, Calderon,
Camoens, Shakespeare and Kalidasa than
those of the statesmen and warriors who
32 FORTY-FOUR MONTHS
flourished during the periods of their poHtical
expansion. Political success has always led
to the complete self-expression of a gifted
nation in literature, art and philosophy.
But we look in vain for these fruits of empire
in Turkey. The Turks could not sing or
speculate, as they are really very low in the
scale of mental evolution. Nature has not
endowed them with brains. They have also
been the rulers of Greece ; but they have
learned nothing from their subjects, whose
language is the key to the highest wisdom
and culture. The Romans were also rude
barbarians when they conquered Greece.
But they yielded to the spell of Greek
genius, and " conquered Greece conquered
her conquerors," as the Roman poet truly
declared. Rome produced great poets and
thinkers under the tutelage of Greece, but
the Turkish mind has been a barren soil
which has brought forth nothing but the
thorns and thistles of superstition and
ribaldry. History has clearly demonstrated
that the Turk has no intellectual potentiali-
ties. He is therefore really unfit for leader-
ship of any kind, as a leader is distinguished
IN GERMANY AND TURKEY 33
by his intellectual pre-eminence over his
colleagues. How can such gifted peoples as
the Egyptians and the Indians follow the
guidance of the uncivilised and uncivilisable
Turk ? The Turk cannot guide ; he is abso-
lutely incompetent and helpless on account
of his mental inferiority. An Egyptian
gentleman, speaking of the Turks, said;
" They know only two things, war and
mosques." This is the opinion of a culti-
vated Muslim, who has lived about six
years in Turkey. Another Muslim journa-
list said to me : " The Turks are the little
brothers of the Prussians ; they are stupid
and arrogant."
Further, the Turks cannot administer or
organise. Turkey has become the by-word
of the modern age, because Turkish rule has
been characterised by the grossest corrup-
tion, oppression and disorder. I speak of
Turkish rule in countries inhabited chiefly
by Muslims. Self-indulgence and indolence
are the principal aims of the Turkish
magnate. The Turks cannot govern little
Syria well : how can they help other
Muhammadans to acquire the capacity of
34 FORTY-FOUR MONTHS
self-government ? I once asked a Muslim
physician in Berlin : " Why is there such
misrule in Syria ? Can't the Turkish Govern-
ment organise an efficient police force ? "
He replied: " Yes ; but the chief of police
will himself join the robbers and highway-
men of the country ! '* I then understood
that it was really a hopeless case of de-
generacy. Another Muslim politician, in
the course of a discussion, said : " Yes,
Syria is a very rich country ; but the organi-
sation of government " and here he
stopped short, as he did not wish to criticise
the Ottoman Government adversely. But
his sudden silence was more eloquent than
any words could be. There was a painful
pause, till I turned the conversaltion to other
topics.
As the Turks are a barbarous tribe, the
Muslims of India and Egypt make a great
mistake in identifying their cause with the
fortunes of the Ottomans. The Turks have
repeatedly given proof of their brutality and
depravity by organising massacres of peace-
ful Armenian and Greek populations and
violating hundreds of Greek women, even
IN GERMANY AND TURKEY 35
with the sanction of the poHce authorities.
If this be Islam, I should blush for the faith
of 70,000,000 of my Indian fellow-citizens.
The civilised Muslims of India and Egypt
lose immensely in the estimation of the
Western world by associating with this
semi-savage horde. Europe is free from
religious fanaticism at present ; but Europe
and America will " always be at war with
Ottomanism," as President Taft has well
said. If the Muslims of India wish to appear
in company with their Hindu brethren on the
public platforms of the civilised world,
they must first wash their hands clean of
Ottomanism in all its shapes and disguises.
The Turkish system of ruling by massacre
and rape is neither Islamic nor rational ; it
is pure, unadulterated Ottoman savagery,
worthy of Chengiz Khan and Halaku. We
cannot make common cause with such
marauders simply because they live east of
Suez and profess Islam. The Muslims of
India and Egypt must realise their own
privileged position, and disclaim all connec-
tion with Central Asian freebooters.'
During my stay in Constantinople I
36 FORTY-FOUR MONTHS
learned that the Turks have no real sym-
pathy with other MusHm nations. They
are not Pan-Islamists ; they are Ottoman
nationalists. But they wish to exploit and
use other Muslim peoples for their own pur-
poses with the cry of Pan-Islamism. Pan-
Islamism is one of the most curious farces
of the last decade. It simply means that
other Muslim nations should sing the praises
of the Turk and acknowledge his overlord-
ship, and a few adventurers and charlatans
from every Muslim land should swagger
about in Stamboul on an allowance of £io
to £50 a month from the Turkish Govern-
ment. This was all I could discover of the
famous Pan-Islamic movement, which was
supposed to be paving the way for the
unification and revival of Islam under the
leadership of the pious hero, Enver Pasha.
The Turks care only for their own tribe ; they
have no interest in the affairs or destinies
of the millions of Muslims scattered in all
parts of the world, from Java to Senegal.
They must set their own house in order, and
their policy is quite sound. They know that
it is impossible to embody the spiritual unity
IN GERMANY AND TURKEY 37
of Islam in an external political institution
embracing all the Muslims of the world.
This fantastic idea finds no favour among
Turkish patriotic circles. But they do not
frankly say so. They think that they can
gain some sympathy (and sometimes money,
too) by posing as the leaders of Islam, the
custodians of the holy places, and the heirs
of the traditions of the Caliphate. They
pay a few pounds a month to several Indian,
Eg3^tian, Algerian, Tunisian, Sudanese,
and other Muslim enthusiasts to carry on
Pan-Islamic propaganda for the glory of
Turkey and the ministers of the Young
Turk party. But they are not prepared to
make any sacrifices for the common cause.
If they get something as high priests of
Pan-Islamism, well and good ; but they
will not risk anything for the sake of the
other Muslim peoples. The Muslims of
India and Egypt must realise that they
worship a false idol when they waste their
sympathies on Turkey as the head of Islam.
Of course, the Turks were very glad to pocket
a few lakhs of Indian money during the
Balkan wars ; and they sent a holy (or
38 FORTY-FOUR MONTHS
ordinary) carpet with a message of thanks,
which did not cost much. But there are
milhons of starving MusUm labourers in
India who could have been helped with this
money. We should know that charity
begins at home. But it is the fashion of
some Muslims to be enthusiastic about
everything out of India, and to remain in-
different to the claims and needs of their
co-religionists at home. Such an atti-
tude is fostered by the hollow cant of Pan-
Islamism. I have been at the heart and
centre of Islam, in the innermost court of
the shrine of Pan-Islamism ; and I declare
that it is all a fraud and a hoax, designed
to impose upon credulous Muslims in
distant lands.
The Turks are very unpopular among all
free Muslims. The only Muslims who swear
by them seem to be those waifs and strays
who have no country of their own. The
Turks have shown themselves to be cruel,
selfish, and arrogant. It is impossible to
work with them. The most significant
commentary on the Jihad proclaimed by
the Turks has been furnished by the revolt
IN GERMANY AND TURKEY 39
of the Arabian tribes against Ottoman rule.
If the Turks were really faithful !Pan-
Islamists and worthy successors of the
Caliphs, why should the pious Arabs try to
overthrow Turkish rule in Arabia and Syria
with the aid of the English, who are non-
Muslims ? This fact must open the eyes of
all Muslims to the true situation. The
Turks have even attempted to suppress the
Arabic tongue in their dominions, as they
have pursued the " patriotic " policy of
" Ottomanising " all their subjects in lan-
guage and thus securing uniformity in their
much-divided empire. But the folly of
such experiments is obvious, as the small,
unlettered Turkish tribe cannot assimilate
the numerous and cultured Arab nation.
The Turks have thus no special claim on the
sympathy of other Muslim patriots on the
ground of " Pan-Islamic " interests. There
is no such thing as Pan-Islamism.
Nationalism is a living force in Persia,
Arabia, Egypt, Turkey and Afghanistan.
The Turks wish to stifle the national senti-
ment of the Egyptians and the Arabs, while
they try every means of keeping Ottoman
40 FORTY-FOUR MONTHS
patriotism alive ! Such is their boasted love
of Islam. A Persian gentleman said to me :
" These Turks are great humbugs. They
wish that we should bow to them and serve
their interests in the name of the Caliphate."
For some time there was a big tempest in
the teapot of Egyptian nationalism in
Turkey. Some leaders proposed that the
Egyptians should take up a Pan-Islamic
position and lose their national identity as
subjects of the Caliphate. Other more
enlightened leaders opposed this mediaeval
policy and stood up for the traditions of the
Egyptian National Party, which had
adopted the motto : " Egypt for the
Egyptians." These people wore buttons
bearing the device of the Egyptian National
Party (in addition to the Ottoman symbols) ;
and this practice exposed them to the wrath
of some Turkish ministers, as I heard from
a reliable source. The pure " Nationalists "
branded the other group as mercenaries, who
had sold themselves to Turkey. This taunt
seemed to derive further justification from
the fact that most " Pan-Islamists " have
been in the pay of the Turkish Government.
IN GERMANY AND TURKEY 41
The " Pan-Islamists " retorted by stigma-
tising the Nationalists as infidels and
thoughtless visionaries, who played into the
hands of the English. The Turkish Govern-
ment was even reported to have withdrawn
its financial assistance from some Egyptian
Nationalist leaders in Berlin, who found
themselves in difficult circumstances on
account of the exigencies of the war. The
Turks did not like the national propaganda
of the sincere Egyptian patriots, who in-
sisted that Egypt was not a part of Turkey
but an independent nation. The " Pan-
Islamist " party had, of course, more money
at its disposal and started a monthly
journal in Berlin. But the majority of the
contributors were always Germans, literary
hacks, as far as I could see. This proved
that the pro-Turkish group kept up an
artificial existence bolstered with Turkish
gold, but that the ablest Muslims held aloof
from this mischievous movement.
An Egyptian physician once said to me :
" You must not confound us with the Turks.
We have nothing in common with them
except religion. We are an entirely different
42 FORTY-FOUR MONTHS
people." There was much anxiety and
trepidation among Egyptian patriots when
it was known that the Turks were preparing
an expedition against Egypt. Ottoman
ambition ran high in the first year of the
war. Every Turkish general compared
himself to Saladin and Tarik, I heard that
Djemal Pasha, who was in charge of the
projected Egyptian expedition, had uttered
this heroic sentiment : "I will conquer
Egypt, or die." I remarked : " Well, we
shall be very sorry to mourn his loss." The
Egyptians were full of fears and misgivings.
Egypt had had enough experience of Turkish
inroads in the past. An Egyptian leader
said to his colleague : " Les Turcs mangeront
I'Egypte " (" The Turks will eat up Egypt ").
The other replied, in a fit of Pan-Islamic fer-
vour: " Qu'ils mangent " ("Let them do so").
But, on second thoughts, he admitted that
a Turkish invasion would be a great mis-
fortune for his fertile country. Such is the
real opinion of enlightened Muslims about
the Turks. It is also the opinion of the
entire civilised world.
It is an open secret that there is no love
IN GERMANY AND TURKEY 43
lost between the Turks and the Persians.
During the war it was reported that Ger-
many was frequently asked to act as arbi-
trator in, disputes. The Turkish troops
levied heavy contributions on the Persian
towns which they occupied for some time
in the early period of the war. The Turkish
official reports spoke of the occupied Persian
territory as " conquered regions " (" mama-
lik-i-maftuha "). This circumstance em-
bittered the Persian Nationalists and re-
vealed the real psychology of these self-
styled friends of Islam. I heard that the
Turks were hated by the population of the
Persian provinces, which temporarily fell
into their hands. It was the same old story
of rapine, violence, and cruelty everywhere.
The Persians came to the conclusion that the
Turk was unteachable, and so he is.
I have come across several pathetic in-
stances of waste of energy and enthusiasm
due to the illusions of Pan-Islamism. A
young man from Bombay, who had been an
engineer in India, came to Turkey in order
to take part in the " Holy War," as the law
enjoined. He is a sincere and honest
44 FORTY-FOUR MONTHS
Muslim. He distributed all his money
among the poor, and went forth with the
Turkish soldiers into the Sinai desert to
strike a blow for the faith. His consistent
idealism elicited the admiration of all his
friends (who, however, did not follow his
example). Our knight-errant fell ill and
had to return to Damascus. He then dis-
covered that the realities of Ottoman ad-
ministration did not agree exactly with the
dreams of ardent Pan-Islamists. . No one
cared for him as he lay sick in a small hotel
in Damascus. He had given away all his
hard-earned savings before donning his
armour, but now the Caliphate did not help
him in his distress. The sick hero was
rescued from his woeful plight by some
Hindu patriots, who heard about him from
his friends in Constantinople. They im-
mediately wired him money and asked him
to join them after recovery — surely " a
sadder and a wiser man." I wonder what
this intelligent Muslim now thinks of the
" Caliphate." I know several hot " Pan-
Islamists " who refused to be naturalised as
Ottoman subjects, as they were afraid of
IN GERMANY AND TURKEY 45
being called upon to fight for the holy cause !
They are willing to spend their breath, but
cannot do the first duty of a zealous " Pan-
Islamist." Of such calibre are some noisy
fanatics made ! The Indians resident in
Turkey are generally wanderers or adven-
turers, who are not held in high esteem. A
few old men live in the " takiya " (the poor-
house). Some of them have married Turkish
wives and speak Hindi mixed up with
Turkish. They have lost touch with the
Mother Country. They are almost always
quarrelling among themselves from jealousy
and selfishness. The Turkish Government
has set apart a few pounds a month for
Indian propagandists ; and there is a
general scramble for this prize of indolent
charlatanism. Invitations to dinner at the
houses of some influential Turks also furnish
an occasion for explosions of personal
j ealousy and uncharitableness . Nothing can
be hoped for from this set. They will stew
in their own juice for some time, till they are
replaced by other Indian fugitives and
sturdy vagabonds, who roam about in all
Islamic lands.
46 FORTY-FOUR MONTHS
I learned one lesson in Constantinople
which I shall not easily forget. I have
learned that good administration is a very
rare thing in Asia. I could judge of the
merits and demerits of Turkish rule by
examining the state of affairs in Stamboul
and its neighbourhood. Poverty broods
over the whole place. Several quarters of
the city present a shapeless mass of charred
ruins, as they have not been rebuilt after a
conflagration. I thought of San Francisco
as I saw these tokens of Turkish lethargy
and incompetence. No official is ever in a
hurry to finish his work. Every little thing
takes an interminably long time. It is the
reign of " Yavash ! Yavash!" (gently!
gently!) I had the melancholy satisfaction
of witnessing one of the big fires which are a
regular feature of Constantinople life. The
fire blazed away for ten hours. The small
wooden houses of the poor were consumed
and reduced to cinders in one street after
another. The unlucky denizens fled into the
big bazaar with bundles under their arms or
small boxes on their shoulders — ^perhaps
their entire earthly belongings. But what
IN GERMANY AND TURKEY 47
was the Government doing ? I saw a few
ragged policemen and firemen running along
the street several hours after the reddening
sky had announced the danger to the whole
town. This rabble of official rescuers was
manipulating some antiquated apparatus
and pouring a thin stream of water on the
roaring sea of flames. It was a spectacle
which was tragic and ludicrous at the same
time. At last the fire abated ; but I believe
that it was due more to Nature than to the
exertions of the Imperial Ottoman Govern-
ment. I heard that conditions were still
worse in the interior of the country. A
patriotic Indian gentleman expressed this
opinion as the outcome of his experiences of
travel in Turkey : " After two years, I have
come to the conclusion that the country
should be annexed by some European
Power ! " And this gentleman is a sincere
opponent of European imperialism in
general. But he apparently thought that
even European Conquest was preferable in
the interests of the people to Turkish " self-
government." I was touched with deep
pity as I saw the ranks of Turkish soldiers
48 FORTY-FOUR MONTHS
marching past in the streets of Stamboul and
Pera day after day in that eventful summer.
These ignorant peasants and working men
were torn from their homes and turned into
food for cannon to gratify the ambition of a
small class of Pashas and Beys, who had
lived for generations on the plunder of sub-
jugated countries, I noticed that Enver
Pasha was reported in the papers to be
always present at the weekly Selamlik,
whether from piety or policy I could not
judge. These demoralised bourgeois classes
were trading on the religious idealism of a
brave peasantry ! 1 learned that more than
half a million Turkish soldiers were slain on
the peninsula of Gallipoli ; but I believe that
the ministers who drove them to the sham-
bles are still living. They have fled from their
country after having ruined it in their folly.
The ambition of Turkish imperialists has laid
Turkey in the dust. It was not necessary
for Turkey to join the war as an enemy of
England. The Entente was always ready even
to grant important concessions to Turkey at
the outbreak of the war. But the criminal
stupidity of a few swashbucklers, who had
IN GERMANY AND TURKEY 49
been educated in Germany, has brought this
disaster on the Turkish people. This is the
last sad consequence of inefficient adminis-
tration. A land governed by fools cannot
prosper.
The Muslims of India, Egypt, Java and
Persia should learn that they must look
after the affairs of their own countries in a
practical spirit instead of dreaming of the
Caliphate. There is nothing but dirt, and
dead dogs, and scheming rascals in Stam-
boul. It is only distance that lends en-
chantment to the view in this case. Each
Muslim nation should organise itself, and
also, of course, sympathise with other Mus-
lim countries. But every Muslim's duty
lies at home, in the corner of the world
where he is born.
" The old order changeth, yielding place to
new." The Caliphate has had its day. The
stream of history does not flow backward.
Islam, as a religion, cannot be bound up
with any particular theory of political
organisation. We live in the twentieth
century of the Christian era, not in the
eighth. The MusUms should get rid of
50 FORTY-FOUR MONTHS
these mediaeval rags — ^the Caliphate and the
Jihad. Islam, too, will pass away, for the
world moves forward and will not wait for
Islam or Hinduism or Buddhism. The
Muslims should modernise themselves and
learn the new ideas and ideals of the Western
world. The vanguard of humanity to-day is
in Europe and America, not in Arabia,
Mesopotamia or Tibet. A new heaven and a
new earth will be fashioned in the future, but
not out of the debris of outworn creeds and
formulae. The educated Muslims should
take the lead in assimilating modern modes
of thought. This is not the time to live and
die by dispensations which were great and
new forces centuries ago. Prophets may
come and prophets may go, but Humanity
goes on for ever in its pursuit of truth and
virtue. The Muslims should also advance
with the times, and must not " attempt the
future's portals with the past's blood-rusted
key."
The sad fate of the Turkish people proves
that there is no magic in national " self-
government " as such. It all depends on
the character and capacity of the governing
IN GERMANY AND TURKEY 51
class, for the peasants and the working men
cannot take part in the administration.
They pay taxes, and expect to receive the
benefits of a sound administration in return.
The upper and middle classes of Egypt,
India and Persia cannot administer suc-
cessfully without European control and
guidance. They are wanting in energy,
public spirit and technical knowledge. They
can neither organise the defence of the
country nor establish a good system of
internal government. A mixed European
and Oriental administration is the best for
these countries, as the European officials
are honest, energetic and capable, while the
Orientals know the customs and traditions
of the people. There is no harm in admitting
that the upper and middle classes of Asia
are not fit for all the tasks of progressive
administration in this age. The Turkish
Government had to employ European engi-
neers for the Hedjaz railway. The Persians
invited an American to put their finances in
order, and paid Swedish officers to organise
a police force for them. Such a mixed
administration already exists in countries
52 FORTY-FOUR MONTHS
which form part of the British and the
French colonial empires, though the Euro-
pean element is perhaps unnecessarily large
and the Oriental colleagues are not given
their due. These are minor faults, but the
principle of the mixed personnel is sound.
Among European nations, England has been
already in the field for a century, and
France has also acquired vast dependencies
in Asia and Africa. It is, therefore, wise
to co-operate with these nations for the
establishment and continuance of good
government in Asiatic countries, whatever
colour the flag may have. The interests of
the peasants and working men of Asia
require peace, order, justice, education,
organisation, and permanent contact with
Europe and America. A purely national
administration in an Oriental country, com-
posed of the effeminate sons of the land-
owners, lawyers, bankers, manufacturers,
priests and other parasitic classes, cannot
secure these blessings for the people. They
must be trained, controlled and inspired by
European officials, or worse than Turkish
disorder would ensue. The people of Asiatic
IN GERMANY AND TURKEY 53
countries cannot pay the high price of per-
petual misrule and stagnation for the satis-
faction of seeing a national flag float over
the public buildings of the capital. For
purposes of external defence, co-operation
between Englishmen and the Indians or the
Egyptians is also imperatively necessary.
Egypt, Persia and India would be again
overrun by barbarians if England were to
withdraw from Asia, as the Britons were
enslaved by the Teutons as soon as the
Roman garrisons left the country. It is,
therefore, necessary to readjust our views
to the actual circumstances of the situation
as this war has revealed them to us. We
should think of the British (and the French)
Empires as single political units, which
must be preserved in their integrity for a
long time to come. We must fight for the
defence of these States against external
invasion, for the dissolution of these Empires
can result only in a change of masters for us.
At the same time, we should try to educate
and elevate the people by teaching them to
appreciate English and French ideals and
setting on foot popular movements for the
54 FORTY-FOUR MONTHS
extension of democratic institutions in Asia
and Africa. " Self-government " under a
purely Oriental governing class would be no
blessing for the peasants and the working
men, and would finally lead to conquest by
some European power. The system of
mixed administration seems to be the only
natural and necessary solution of the pro-
blem. Then the fires in Constantinople
would be extinguished promptly and effec-
tively by trained firemen working under
European leadership. And that is what the
people of Asia ask for.
SECTION III
" ASIA MINOR " IN BERLIN
"The best-laid plans of mice and men
Gang aft a-gley."
R. Burns.
Oriental life in Berlin during the war
was quite picturesque and many-sided. But
it was something of a tragedy, as I shall
have occasion to show in the sequel. There
were all nations of the East in the streets of
Berlin : conceited Young Turks, fussy Egyp-
tians, acute but pessimistic Persians, nonde-
script Arabs, handsome Georgians and
others, who fancied that the triumph of
German arms would redress the wrongs of
their countries. Berlin was the Mecca of
Oriental patriots of all shades of opinion.
Their common bond was hatred of England
and France. Every one formed plans for
the regeneration of bis Fatherland after the
war. Their optimism was rather premature,
as the ruthless logic of events has demon-
strated. But during the first two years of
56 FORTY-FOUR MONTHS
the war these Oriental nationalists were
elated with high hopes and went about in a
state of political intoxication produced by.
a too ample dose of the Pan-Germanic
"hasheesh." Thus a noted middle-aged
Egyptian politician said on one occasion :
" The liberation of Egypt is certain. I am
100 per cent, sure of it." A party of young
Egyptian students met in solemn conclave
one day to discuss the measures to be taken
immediately after the end of the war ! It
is worth remembering as a joke of the war-
time that some Egyptian politicians had
even nominated themselves in imagination
to the highest offices of state in free Egypt !
The Turks were all chauvinistic, and it was
their habit to decry other Islamic nations.
Thus a young Turkish official said to me :
*' You know it is pure Turkish blood,
Anatolian blood, that has been shed at
Gallipoli. We Turks have thus saved the
cause of Islam. Others have done nothing.
We pity poor India and the Indian people."
The supercilious tone of these remarks well
illustrates the spirit of the new Turkish
imperialists. Some Algerians also carried
IN GERMANY AND TURKEY 57
on their " propaganda " in bad French.
One of them deUvered a public lecture, which
was insufferably dull, and which really
proved that the people of Algeria were not
discontented with French rule. But the
obtuse patriot could not see the point.
Unbounded optimisna and sincere faith in
the power and professions of Germany were
common to all these Oriental " National-
ists." As I contemplated their somewhat
sad countenances and heard their plaintive
accents, I was touched with pity, as I knew
that they sighed for an irrevocable past.
They talked of the " Caliphate," of the age
of the Crusades, of the Jihad-i-Akbar ! I
could not tell them all I thought. They
were the rearguard of a vanishing host, not
the pioneers of a new generation. They fed
themselves on words, words, words. And
they rejoiced at the German victories, as if
they could sustain themselves by vicarious
strength. And at last that bubble, too,
burst !
There were influences at work which
began to mar the joy and weaken the self-
confidence of this carnival of hope. As
58 FORTY-FOUR MONTHS
usual, these Muslim patriots and Pan-
Islamists could not get on with the Prus-
sians. No one can get on with the Prussians.
It is, of course, dangerous to deal in general
maxims ; but I give a safe rule for all
Orientals to follow : " Never have anything
to do with a Prussian." The chances are
that you will rue your folly if you disregard
this precept. These Orientals, thus gathered
together in Berlin, soon found out that they
lived in a society of snobs, bullies, boors,
churls and cads. An Arab gentleman was
once heard to say, " The English are at
least gentlemen," and this utterance was
reported against him. A Turkish journalist
arrived one day in high glee, visited some
Prussians, and left for Constantinople the
same evening ! He had had enough of Ger-
many and the Germans in the course of
twelve hours. Some rude affront or arro-
gant phrase had revealed the true Prussian
to him, and he was disgusted and dis-
heartened beyond measure. An Egyptian
patriot, who was an enthusiastic admirer of
the Germans before he came to Berlin, at
last uttered this remarkable sentiment :
IN GERMANY AND TURKEY 59
" When peace comes, I shall leave this
country the same evening without waiting
to take my luggage with me ! " On other
occasions he would grumble and say, " They
treat us like dogs." He also related to me
that a high Egyptian official, who was
invited to Berlin, left with this commentary
on the situation : " They play with us like
children. Do they think I am a boy ? " A
Persian gentleman was once talking to me
of his future plans of work. I said, in a
tone of banter, " Well, you will surely marry
a pretty German girl, and settle in this
country." To my surprise, he said : " Je
n'aime pas les AUemands " (" I do not like
the Germans"). We spoke French on this
occasion. I did not pursue the conversation
further. If I had asked him, he would un-
doubtedly have told me his story. There is
a world of meaning in that short and pithy
remark : " Je n'aime pas les AUemands."
The reason is not far to seek. The Prussians
are a selfish, rude, and arrogant people.
They look upon themselves as demi-gods, as
veritable super-men. They suffer from in-
curable megalomania. Their success in the
6o FORTY-FOUR MONTHS
war of 1870-1 has turned their heads. They
beheve that they are the greatest nation on
earth, and that all others are miserable
worms and mannikins. They are not bound
to show courtesy to inferior creatures. They
must teach these Orientals that they are not
the equals of the divine German race. The
German is born to rule, and all others to
serve. This inordinate pride must estrange
all friends and alienate the sympathies of
colleagues and fellow- workers. The course
of events has in this case proved the wisdom
of the old saying : " Pride goeth before
destruction, a haughty spirit before a fall."
The Germans could not win over the
Orientals in Berlin because their frog-in-
the-well pride robbed them of manners . The
Orientals are noted for their politeness,
which they even carry to excess. But the
Germans are extremely deficient in this
common virtue. Courtesy is the lubricant
of social life, and the absence of it in German
society naturally led to continual friction. I
know of no Oriental who left Berlin with
feelings of esteem and friendship for the
Germans. I used to laugh and say : " If
IN GERMANY AND TURKEY 6i
you want to make a man anti-German, send
him to Berlin." It was a most curious and
instructive phenomenon. All persons who
have lived in Paris or London love France
and England ever afterwards. They have
pleasant memories of their sojourn among
cultivated and sociable gentlemen. But
every foreigner who spends some time in
Prussia feels as if he were living in a
menagerie. He meets only with insults and
rebuffs on all sides ; he is robbed, over-
reached, and exploited by every one whom he
encounters. These Oriental patriots were
not by any means peculiarly unfortunate
in their experiences. A Spanish gentleman
expressed this opinion in the presence of
several Germans : "I admire Germany as a
powerful State ; but I don't like the indi-
vidual Germans " (" aber die einzelnen
Deutschen Hebe ich nicht "). He related to
me how he had to suffer at the hands of
these unscrupulous, greedy, and intolerable
Berlin people during his stay in Germany. I
am sure that that young Spaniard will never
say a good word for Germany in his life.
The same result was produced by similar
62 FORTY-FOUR MONTHS
circumstances in the case of the Orientals
who flocked to BerHn in such a devout spirit
in the first year of the war. That was surely
a sad disappointment. But worse was to
follow.
Want of manners is not the only fault
through which the Germans have lost the
sympathy of the Oriental representatives in
Berlin. There are other vices in the German
character which have made personal confi-
dence and co-operation impossible. I
generalise from numerous single incidents,
as I have been an amused spectator of many
a tragi-comic affair in this little Oriental
world, this " Asia Minor " of Berlin. The
root of the whole trouble is that the Ger-
mans have no character. They are a mean
and dishonourable people ; in fact, they are
singularly devoid of the sense of honour.
They work hard, and are patriotic, but that
is perhaps their only virtue. Their best and
best-educated men tell lies and break their
promises in the most important affairs of
life. They seem to think that they are
really " above good and evil," if one may
judge from the nonchalant spirit in which
IN GERMANY AND TURKEY 63
they deal with questions involving the
gravest consequences to others. They
never think of the other persons, always of
themselves. Self is their god, and they
have no regard for anybody where their
interests or even their whims are concerned.
Now this trait in the German character
must make all co-operation impossible.
Society is based on truth and mutual regard.
If a man in authority is known to be unre-
liable, the State, which he represents, must
fail in its plans and enterprises, as no one
will work for or with him for a long time.
The Germans can never inspire confidence
in others, for they are a dishonourable
people. They will injure others without
remorse or compunction in order to serve
their interests even in small matters. Thus
a distinguished scholar was prevented from
leaving Berlin for Constantinople, pre-
sumably because some petty subaltern
wished to exploit him in Berlin. Of course,
that man has a grievance against Germany.
A gentleman was asked to come all the way
from the United States at considerable per-
sonal sacrifice to himself ; but he was left
64 FORTY-FOUR MONTHS
in the lurch after his arrival in Europe
because the little Prussian despot of the
office had changed his mind. An energetic
Oriental gentleman was requested to under-
take some very important work in a neutral
country ; but he found that the German
had not fulfilled his part of the bargain, and
he was in a difficult and even dangerous
situation for some time. A noted Egyptian
leader was at first asked to write an article
for a semi-official paper ; but the German
editor refused to publish it or to return it to
him after he had spent much time and
money on it ! He was told that his article
had been disposed of in a proper manner !
When he asked me how I explained such
absurd tomfoolery, I said: " How can I tell
you ? I am not a German." These are
small matters, but a multitude of small
matters constitute the business of life every-
where. And character is often revealed in
small affairs. But the Germans have dis-
played the same disregard for truth and
fair-play in very serious matters, in which
the lives and fortunes of their friends were
at stake. Such consistent and invariable
IN GERMANY AND TURKEY 65
meanness is suicidal, and to-day one may
say that Germany has not a single friend in
Asia. On this occasion I confine my remarks
to the daily happenings in the piebald,
polyglot circle in Berlin, which I actually
frequented for a long time. In fact, the
unaccountably mean ways of the Germans
formed a staple subject of conversation
among the Orientals. There was always
some scandal going on. It was not a ques-
tion of personalities. It was always the
same, whoever the parties concerned hap-
pened to be. Every one complained, sooner
or later, that he had been exploited, or
deceived, or insulted, or otherwise ill-treated
by some German with whom he had to deal.
I at first thought that these accusations
could not be taken seriously, as misunder-
standings often arise in the course of affairs,
and these Orientals might possibly be vain
and sensitive young men. But I was led to
inquire further, when the cases multiplied
with lapse of time. I noticed that Oriental
gentlemen of the most diverse types of
character had the same thing to say. I
finally came to the conclusion that the evil
5
66 FORTY-FOUR MONTHS
lay in the character of the nation, and not
in the incapacity or idiosyncrasy of particu-
lar Germans here and there. I could not
find any other explanation of this remarkable
phenomenon. I shall have occasion to
revert to this question in discussing the
failure of the German agents in Turkey and
Persia, for it may be affirmed that the Ger-
mans have lost the war because they de-
served to lose it. The Germans themselves
are the worst enemies of Germany. It is not
primarily the blockade or the American
Army that has ruined Germany ; it is the
German character, or rather the character-
lessness of the German people, that has led
to this national catastrophe.
The iniquitous treaty of Brest-Litovsk,
which marked the culmination of Germany's
military successes during the war, also
caused a reaction in the attitude of most
Orientals towards Germany. A few far-
sighted politicians among them had begun
to dread German supremacy in Asia ever
since the conquest of Servia in the winter of
1915-16. The " Balkanzug " (train) made
the first journey to Constantinople in
IN GERMANY AND TURKEY 67
January, 1916, I believe. There was great
jubilation in the German press. Huge
placards with the words " Hamburg-Bag-
dad " could be seen in the windows of the
newspaper offices. I read an article in a
review on " The Way to India." The land
route to Asia had been secured. German
legions could now really march from " Ham-
burg to Bagdad " without let or hindrance.
This cry sounded ominous in our ears. It
was more than we had bargained for. The
Germans had succeeded too well. The
Oriental patriots wished that Germany
should help them, but no one desired such
dangerous proximity. A German Empire in
Asia was the last thing they would tolerate.
I also began to doubt if I had been following
the right policy in working with the Ger-
mans. Germany went on from victory to
victory, till the collapse of Russia in the
winter of 1917-18 seemed to crown her
wildest hopes with success. Many super-
ficial observers thought that Germany had
won the war. At this time an Egyptian
gentleman said to me : " From this day,
this country is a menace to the whole
68 FORTY-FOUR MONTHS
world." I said (for I could not speak
frankly) : " Oh, no. I don't think so." He
rejoined : " They can even conquer Egypt
now. For who will prevent them ? " I
said : " Well, let us hope for the best."
With regard to the Indian Nationalists in
Berlin, I observed that the greater part of
their time and energy was spent in quarrel-
ling among themselves and telling lies
against one another. They had not much
work ; and idle hands always find mischief
to do. Some of the leading members came
from words to blows on one occasion, and
each party averred that the other had com-
menced the attack. Such a combination of
pugilistic and " patriotic " activity caused
quite a scandal in Berlin. One of them
went about slandering his colleagues every-
where, and told his German and Oriental
acquaintances that the other Indians were
thieves, swindlers and impostors. These
gentlemen were supposed to be members of
an association, or " Gesellschaft " ; but they
could never work together harmoniously.
I had no direct knowledge of the cor-
porate activities of this association after
IN GERMANY AND TURKEY 69
the winter of 1915-16 ; but I learned some-
thing now and then from the conversation
and correspondence of a few friends. There
were all kinds of people in that association :
sincere' but misguided patriots/unprincipled
adventurers, self-indulgent parasites, schem-
ing notoriety hunters, simple-minded stu-
dents, and some victims of circumstance.
The number was never very large. Some
pamphlets were written, and some foolish
intrigues were set on foot . On the whole, the
group made a very unfavourable impression
on Berlin society on account of its perpetual
quarrels and splits. The Germans also paid
money for their own selfish purposes, but
they had no respect for such needy
" patriots." Some of the members tried to
ingratiate themselves with the German
officials by acting as mercenary German
agents and meddling with matters which
were not related in any way to the Indian
movement. There was much hobnobbing
with Irishmen, Egyptians and other anti-
English agitators. But nothing came out of
it. A deputation visited Constantinople,
but could not get on with the Turks. It
70 FORTY-FOUR MONTHS
returned to Berlin without achieving any
results. Some young men went to Bagdad
and Persia, but, as usual, there was more
quarrelling than work even there. Some
of them complained bitterly of the bigotry
of the Turks. At the end a few young men
remained in Berlin without any definite aims
or plans.
The story of the Indians in Berlin only
proves that the upper and middle classes of
Indian society cannot be expected to lead
the country forward. These men have a
smattering of European knowledge, and the
contact with European civilisation rouses
their pride and ambition to a certain degree.
But they have no faith or capacity. They
belong to no organised Church, in India or
abroad. They do not know much about
their national literature and history. They
are denationalised and demoralised through
the influence of their unnatural environ-
ment . Their whole life is a hothouse growth.
Nothing great or noble can come from this
effete class, wherever its representatives
may try to work. They will always be
indolent, vain, egotistic and incompetent.
IN GERMANY AND TURKEY 71
Their character has no deep roots in reUgious
principles or national institutions. Religion
and nationality are the two great forces
that mould human character. A healthy
and normal society is organised as a Church
and a State. The upper and middle classes
of India do not belong to any Church or
State. They have lost faith in the old
Indian creeds, and have found no new
evangel. They have lost their national
independence, but they have not yet learned
to love and cherish the institution known as
the British Empire. Their souls must
therefore languish and wither in a spiritual
vacuum. I cannot suggest any infallible
remedies for this distemper ; but I have
here supplied a sound diagnosis. Time will
show if the malady is curable. Of course,
these remarks do not apply to the people
living in the semi-independent Indian States.
The experience of the Indian Nationalists
in Berlin confirms my opinion that the Ger-
mans are an anti-social and unreliable
people, especially the Prussians, who occupy
the position of leadership. After four years
of unremitting activity for the German
72 FORTY-FOUR MONTHS
cause, one of them wrote : " The Germans
treat even their best friends as mere agents."
Another prominent member of the associa-
tion said : " You may give your Ufe for
them, but they never trust you." On
another occasion he remarked : " I am
sorry I came to Berlin " (from the United
States). " I have lost my last chance of re-
turning to India." A young Indian gentle-
man served the German Government so
faithfully in the Near East that he was
awarded the Iron Cross. But our hero had
the unpleasant experience of being put in
prison some time after his return to Berlin,
probably because he had criticised some
German officials or quarrelled with one of
the " bosses " of the association. I do not
know all the facts of the case, but such
amenities of the Indo-Germanic life in
Berlin gave the Indians a bad name in
Oriental society. It may be affirmed that
all the Indians are thoroughly disgusted
with the Germans, but they cannot say so.
India should know that the few Indians
who have worked with the Germans during
the war have not the slightest desire to
IN GERMANY AND TURKEY 73
repeat the experiment. We have learned
much, and we do not wish to have anything
to do with the Germans again.
I may be excused for adding an auto-
biographical note at this point. I spent
about forty-four months in Germany and
Turkey, from February, 1915, to October,
1918. I went from Switzerland to Berlin
in the last week of January, 1915, and
worked earnestly till February, 191 6, with
the Germans and the Turks for what I then
believed to be the common cause of India
and Germany. During that one year I
learned that the triumph of Germany would
be a great calamity for Asia and the whole
world. On account of differences of opinion
I made up my mind to return to Switzer-
land. During the winter of 191 5-16 I twice
asked the responsible German official for a
passport for the journey to Switzerland,
politely adding that I wished to return to
Switzerland for the benefit of my health.
Of course, he knew why I had decided to
leave Germany. At first he said that he
advised me as a friend to stay in Germany.
But he threw off the mask the second time.
74 FORTY-FOUR MONTHS
and replied in these words : " You will on
no account be allowed to leave Germany."
I then knew how matters stood. I found
myself in a very dangerous position, as I
was evidently regarded as an " anti-Ger-
man " Oriental. In the summer of 1916
even my local correspondence was inter-
cepted by the Berlin police. I was, of course,
very anxious about the future, as these
German bureaucrats might treat me as an
enemy, and I was completely in their power.
During three years, from February, 1916, to
February, 1919, I was compelled to resort
to falsehood and dissimulation in self-
defence, and I look back upon that time as a
period of utter degradation. But I was not a
free agent. At last I persuaded the German
officials that my persecution was really due
to a misunderstanding, and obtained per-
mission in November, 1917, to go to Stock-
holm for propaganda. For a long time I
could not get the Swedish " visa " for the
journey. Circumstances beyond my control
also prevented me from writing, speaking,
or working openly according to my real con-
victions during four months after my arrival
IN GERMANY AND TURKEY 75
in Stockholm on October loth, 1918. At
last I was happy to be able to sever all con-
nection with the German Government on
February 20th, 1919, when I voluntarily
returned my German passport to the Ger-
man Legation in Stockholm. As I was
detained in Germany during nearly one and
a half years, and could not go to a neutral
country, my health suffered very much on
account of the scarcity of food in Germany.
All the other Orientals and Indians went to
neutral countries from time to time for a
short holiday ; and the German official him-
self ran to Switzerland to eat and drink.
But I was not allowed to go, as I was under
the of&cial ban from February, 1916, to
November, 1917. The German Government
inflicted all this loss of time and health on
me by keeping me against my will in Ger-
many after the winter of 1915-16. This
incident also illustrates German autocratic
and bureaucratic methods. I insert these per-
sonal details only because I believe that my
Indian friends may be interested in them.
I think I may here mention my visit to Sir
Roger Casement in Berlin. He was staying
76 FORTY-FOUR MONTHS
at the Hotel Continental. I was introduced,
with other friends, by a common acquaint-
ance. Sir Roger was very affable and made
a favourable impression on all who saw him.
This was in 1915, in the early period of the
war. I had no discussion with him, as the
disparity of age was a bar to familiarity.
But I'can assert without fear of contradic-
tion that Sir Roger Casement was deeply
disappointed at the close of his stay in
Germany. At first his friends commented
on his habit of spending much time in
Munich instead of Berlin, where political
questions were supposed to be settled. He
had come on a political mission, and was
expected to be in close touch with the highest
authorities of the realm. But it was gene-
rally known that Sir Roger " did not like "
Berlin. This strange " dislike " of the
capital of the Empire, whos.e support he
solicited for his Fatherland, appeared to me
to betoken want of tact. But how could an
experienced man like him be wanting in
tact ? I was rather puzzled till I heard
some one say : " They did not treat him
well here in Berlin." Thus I learned that
IN GERMANY AND TURKEY 77
it was the same old story of arrogance and
rudeness. Truly, the Prussians are no
respecters of persons in these matters !
Finally, a German friend of Sir Roger's said
to me : "He had no high opinion of the
Germans. He used to say * They don't know
their own mind. They make promises which
they do not keep. They are dishonourable.'
He was very much disappointed." When I
listened to these words I was confirmed in
my own views on the question. Sir Roger
Casement, the elderly gentleman and much-
travelled diplomat, who had seen the world
and known much more about it than a»
studious youth like myself, has expressed
this opinion as his verdict against Germany.
The Orientals may distrust my judgment,
but they cannot surely dismiss Sir Roger's
severe indictment with contempt. Sir Roger
Casement must be heard, and his testimony
is given against these Germans.
SECTION IV
THE GERMANS IN ASIA
" As when a prowling wolf,
Whom hunger drives to seek new haunt for prey.
Watching where shepherds pen their flocks at eve,
In hurdled cotes amid the field secure.
Leaps o'er the fence with ease into the fold."
Milton: " Paradise Lost."
The German adventure in Asia has ended
in complete disaster. Friends of freedom
can now survey the world with less dismay
than in the winter of 1917-18. The Ger-
mans got their chance through the un-
accountable folly of the Turks. Germany
conquered Turkey without a blow, for the
Turks themselves opened the doors for these
greedy birds of prey. Personal influence
played an important part in Turkey, and
two or three men were really responsible for
this rash step. The Turks were also too
much in a hurry. They declared war on
the Entente only three months after the
IN GERMANY AND TURKEY 79
outbreak of hostilities in Europe. They
could not judge who would win the war.
It was the puerile short-sightedness and
impetuosity of hot-headed youths. The
older men advised a policy of waiting and
watching. Turkey knew that she had some
moral influence in the Islamic world ; and
that England and France had millions of
Muhammadan subjects. But she deliber-
ately allied herself with the German Imperial-
ists, and deserves no sympathy now.
History cannot undo what has been done.
As Lowell says : —
" Once to every man and nation comes the moment
to decide,
In the strife of Truth with Falsehood, 'twixt the
good and evil side :
Some great Cause, God's new Messiah, offering each
the bloom or blight,
Parts the goats upon the left hand and the sheep
upon the right.
And the choice goes by for ever 'twixt that Dark-
ness and that Light."
The Turks allowed the Germans to enter
Asia in their thousands. But the result has
been just the reverse of what was expected.
The Germans have failed miserably, not
8o FORTY-FOUR MONTHS
only from the military standpoint, but also
in a naoral sense. They are now hated and
despised wherever they have shown them-
selves during the war, from Stamboul to
Kabul, and from Medina to Teheran. This
is the outcome of four years of German
intrigue and diplomacy in Asia. Whatever
may happen in future, no German is likely
to inspire confidence in the East, and Ger-
many will never be able to carry out any
programme of Oriental politics. Germany
is to-day morally bankrupt in Asia.
The causes of this interesting phenomenon
are various and manifold. The Germans
soon showed that they were no friends of
Turkey and Persia. They were discovered
to be wolves in sheep's clothing. They
professed to come as allies and champions of
the Orient, but they could not even conceal
their selfish designs in the Near East. They
convinced all Orientals that their real ob-
jects were plunder and conquest. They did
not sincerely wish that Turkey and Persia
should be helped to free themselves from
the incubus of European imperialism for
ever. They only wanted that the Germans
IN GERMANY AND TURKEY 81
should rule and exploit the Asiatics instead
of the Russians. It was the old story of the
horse, the stag, and the man over again.
Falsehood and hypocrisy in this essential
matter alienated all who were at first dis-
posed to welcome them in spite of their
faults. German ambition was so impatient
that it could not even adopt the language
of courtesy and amity. The Germans, by
their words and deeds, repelled every Orien-
tal patriot, and caused a revulsion of feeling
in favour of England. During the war the
Germans have been the worst enemies of
Germany everywhere. A German officer,
who was travelling with an Egyptian
Nationalist leader, said in course of conver-
sation : " Would you prefer a German
occupation of Egypt ? " This characteristic
remark was, of course, repeated and passed
from mouth to mouth. I took a trip on the
Bosphorus with a young Gemran official,
and we talked of the future of Turkey. I
said: " When Turkey has a better Govern-
ment and more money the Bosphorus will
grow into a much-frequented summer resort.
It is more beautiful than the Riviera in
82 FORTY-FOUR MONTHS
winter." To my surprise, the German
replied : " Yes, but the Turks can't do any-
thing. We should rule here." I didn't
know what to say to this indiscreet im-
perialist after such a cynical confession. I
can cite only such incidents as came under
my personal observation. I guess that the
official courier of the German Embassy must
have transmitted interesting correspondence
with regard to the aggressive plans of Ger-
man statesmen in Asia. Those documents
must be in the German archives, and may be
given to the world some day. I can speak
only as a private person, whose sources of
information were limited to occasional con-
versation with friends and acquaintances.
A Turkish official said to me : " The Ger-
mans have refused to build a modern arsenal
for us here, as they do not wish to make us
strong. Their idea is that they may rule
over us in future if we remain weak." Such
was the much-trumpeted friendship of the
Germans for the Turks ! I am sure that the
Germans must have divulged their real
intentions in a thousand different ways,
as they worked with the Turks and the
IN GERMANY AND TURKEY 83
Persians at that time. The German press
did not take care to be reticent or hypo-
critical. The newspapers wrote in tones
of exultation about German expansion in
Mesopotamia and the bright prospects in
Persia. All this incriminating testimony
convinced the Turks and the Persians
that they had to deal with very dangerous
enemies.
The Germans could not get on with the
Turks, the Arabs and the Persians, especially
as the majority of them were Prussians.
The incurable boorishness and tactlessness
of the Prussians made co-operation impos-
sible. A Hungarian officer related to me
how some German officers threw Turkish
gentlemen out of a railway carriage in order
to get seats for themselves. Such incidents
must have occurred very frequently, as it
was the general opinion that the Germans
had no manners. This fault is enough to
ruin a man in Asia, for we Orientals believe
that courtesy is the beginning of morality,
and I think we are right. A man who can-
not even be polite must certainly be an
unsociable creature. The Prussians failed
84 FORTY-FOUR MONTHS
at Bagdad on account of their inability to
work with the Turks there. There was
nothing but continual friction and personal
bickering all the time.
" The churl in spirit, howe'er he veil
His want in forms for fashion's sake,
Will let his coltish nature break
At seasons through the gilded pale."
With the Germans, however, the " coltish
nature " was very much on the surface.
Such people may be in their element at
Potsdam, but they are utterly unfit for
political enterprises in Asia. The German
cannot divest himself of his character simply
by crossing the Hellespont ; for who can
escape from himself ? A Muslim scholar,
who travelled with a German mission to a
distant country, at last wrote that the " ill-
tempered " Prussian officer, who was his
colleague, had marred all chances of success
at the court of the Asiatic ruler. Another
Oriental gentleman, who also took part in
this mission, was so deeply offended with
the Prussian officer that he ceased to be on
speaking terms with him after a short time,
and subsequently drew up an indictment
IN GERMANY AND TURKEY 85
consisting of more than sixty articles against
him ! He also wrote from Bagdad, which
was only the first stage on the journey: " I
cannot bear slights all the time." This
Prussian hero did not know how to behave
towards others ; he was so full of self-
importance and German conceit that he lost
all sense of proportion. The Prussians are
experts in the art of losing friends. They
have great projects of world dominion, but
they don't know that diplomacy without
manners cannot succeed.
The Germans have not only behaved like
uncultivated barbarians in personal inter-
course in Asia, but they have also acted like
false and unprincipled scoundrels. This is
a much more serious matter, which touches
the very kernel of the question. The Ger-
mans do not keep faith with their colleagues ;
they are untruthful and untrustworthy.
Their word cannot be trusted. In spite of
their much-advertised " Kultur," they have
not learned the simple virtue of truthfulness.
They also do not know that " honesty is the
best policy " in the long run. They set out
on a campaign of world-empire and pitted
86 FORTY-FOUR MONTHS
their strength against the English. But
they did not provide themselves with the
armour that the Englishman wears in the
East. The English are on the whole a truth-
ful people ; that is perhaps their character-
istic virtue. Whatever policy the State may
adopt, the individual Englishman is a
reliable person. He keeps his word. And
the English Government also keeps faith
with its friends, partly from policy, and
partly from the national habit of truthful-
ness. The Englishman has acquired a
reputation for truthfulness in Asia. Several
years ago a hotel proprietor in a small
island in the West Indies said to me : " The
English are different from other people. If
an Englishman says he will do a thing, you
may be sure that he will do it." The
Englishman also trusts others, as he wishes
that he should be trusted. An Egyptian
Nationalist, who is a violent anti-British
agitator, said to me : " If a man works
with the English they will never believe
anything against him." This virtue of
truthfulness gains friends and makes co-
operation possible. But with the Germans
IN GERMANY AND TURKEY 87
it is all the other way. They wish only to
exploit their Oriental colleagues and then
to desert or ill-treat them. They make
promises and never keep tjiem, as Sir Roger
Casement also found out too late. A
Government must never cheat its friends,
or it will soon have no friends at all. And
a diplomat's word must be as good as his
bond. The Germans have acted like a dis-
honest, short-sighted business man. But
they could not help it ; they could not
change their national character in a day. A
German promised a reward of £60 to a poor
Indian who had saved his life in Arabia ; he
gave the promise in writing. But the Ger-
mans in Constantinople thought that they
need not pay so much, seeing that the officer
was now in safety. After much haggling they
paid a small amount (perhaps £20). These
are the methods of the mighty German
Imperial Government in Asia ! A German
induced some Persian chiefs to come to
Constantinople, but when they arrived
there no one cared for them. They regretted
very keenly that they had accepted the
invitation. At last the Turks heard that
88 FORTY-FOUR MONTHS
they were in a difficult situation, and helped
them with money and other necessaries. A
German officer promised to take a young
Indian with him to Persia, and told him that
he should make preparations for the journey.
After a few days I learned that the German
had already left ! The young Indian
enthusiast was very angry and lost much
of his ardour for the German cause. The
Englishman never plays such tricks in his
dealings with individuals. I had no oppor-
tunity of travelling in Turkey and Persia
during the war ; but I am sure that the
Germans have left behind them a damning
record of broken promises, unfulfilled en-
gagements, and unredeemed pledges all over
the Near East. They will live in Oriental
tradition as liars and swindlers for a long
time to come, for the East does not easily
forget. A Persian politician said to me :
" They gave us all sorts of promises, and
now we are in a worse position than before.
We counted upon them, but they have
done nothing." The German's unscrupulous
methods have set off the Englishman's
habitual truthfulness to greater advantage
IN GERMANY AND TURKEY 89
than ever before. The people have had the
opportunity of comparing the two nations
with each other. It may be affirmed that
the Germans would have a much better
reputation in Asia to-day if they had never
gone there. In their case that fallacious
proverb is certainly true : " Familiarity
breeds contempt." And the reason is that
they are really contemptible.
The Germans have forfeited the sympathy
of the Orientals not only through their arro-
gance and their unreliable character, but
also because they have shown themselves
to be inconceivably greedy locusts. They
have taken to plunder and extortion, while
they pretended to come as friends and
deliverers ! A Turkish official said to me :
" They are too greedy, and they have the
wrong psychology." An Indian colleague
told me that the Germans had looted banks
in Persia on the pretext that they were
English banks. The Persians thought that
the Germans would help them to organise
their country ; but they found that the
newcomers were bent only on carrying
booty home. It is almost incredible that
90 FORTY-FOUR MONTHS
" honourable " German officers should even
be accused of such rapacious conduct in
countries where they wished to acquire
prestige and influence. But the German is
capable of committing every crime in dealing
with other peoples, especially as he thinks
that he himself is a being of another species.
He does not admit that any moral law is
binding on him in his relations with
foreigners, Europeans or Orientals. He
pursues what he calls his " nigger-politik "
towards them and treats them like primitive
savages or irrational brutes. A German
official actually expressed these sentiments
in a letter, which was intercepted by the
Persians by a lucky chance. The worthy
Teuton was obliged to explain away his
contemptuous remarks about the Orientals ;
but it may be imagined that he could never
again be popular among the Persians. An
Indian gentleman, who knows Persia well,
told me that the Germans had behaved like
unprincipled freebooters and blackmailers
in Persia. He related several stories of
their brutality and avarice in dealing with
the helpless people of that unfortunate
IN GERMANY AND TURKEY 91
country. Well may the Orientals exclaim :
*' Save us from our friends."
The Germans cannot trust others, as they
themselves are untrustworthy. They are
always suspicious of their friends. They
have very peculiar methods of work. One
German is sent out to spy upon another
German. I think that half the German
officials or agents working in neutral coun-
tries were spying on the other half. A
German journalist once said to me : "A
German never trusts another German." I
asked : " Is it because you know one
another so well ? " He also said of the offi-
cials of a certain department : " They are
all working very hard ; but they are work-
ing against one another." When the Ger-
mans treat one another in this way it is
easy to understand why they cannot trust
foreigners. Being themselves devoid of the
sense of honour, they think that others are
also like them, as every man judges his
neighbours by his own standard. The entire
German system of government is based on
the principle of mutual spying and back-
biting. When such methods are adopted in
92 FORTY-FOUR MONTHS
intercourse with the Orientals the conse-
quences are ruinous. In such co-operation
the slightest rift in the lute will make the
music altogether mute. I shall relate an
amusing story to illustrate German methods
of work. A German official received certain
letters from some Persian Nationalists to
forward them to other members of the
party. He first opened them, thus proving
that he was not a gentleman. He then gave
them to another Persian journalist to trans-
late them for him . Now it so happened that
the Nationalists had warned their comrade
in those letters against the wiles of this very
journalist, who was regarded by them as an
unscrupulous and unpatriotic charlatan. It
may be imagined that the journalist was
not quite pleased to read what was written
about him and to see himself as the others
saw him. He read the letters to the German
official, perhaps omitting the passages that
referred to himself. I believe he subse-
questly protested to the Nationalists against
the aspersions on his character. The mean,
underhand ways of the German official were
thus made known to all the Orientals. We
IN GERMANY AND TURKEY 93
all enjoyed the joke, but also learned a
lesson. Who would entrust this German
again with confidential letters ? And these
Germans are all alike ; they all act in the
same manner. We have found it out in the
course of prolonged experience of their
habits. They can never gain the esteem or
good- will of Oriental gentlemen. An Oriental
gentleman, who joined a German mission to
an Asiatic Court, was placed in a very
undignified position on his arrival in that
distant land, as the German officer did not
supply him with money, and he was finally
treated as a guest by his new friends. He
had come as one of the diplomatic repre-
sentatives of the German Empire, but had
to stay as a beggar. He had sacrificed much
for the Germans, but he did not receive a
single farthing for his work from the Ger-
man officer. I am sure he would never
have come to Berlin if he had known the
Germans before. But we were all ignorant
of German aims, methods and moral stan-
dards, as the Germans had never come into
close contact with the Orientals before the
war. German ingratitude and baseness can
94 FORTY-FOUR MONTHS
go so far that the Prussian officer even tried
to get him locked up as a lunatic on his
return to Berlin in the spring of 191 8, after
a journey full of great hardships and perils !
And a responsible German official conveyed
to him the comforting message that he would
not be allowed to leave the countries of
Germany's allies. Thus he was practically
interned by the Germans, after he had made
such enormous sacrifices for what we in 1915
erroneously believed to be the common cause
of India and Germany ! Such is the guerdon
of all who work for or with the Germans. It
is necessary that all India should know this
sequel of the story. The German autocrats
must not fancy that they can exploit and
persecute honest Orientals with impunity.
There is nothing hidden that shall not be
made public, so long as I have the power to
speak and write. I have heard from an
Indian Nationalist that the Germans are
also responsible for the prosecution of the
Indian Nationalists in the United States, as
the German officials gave over to the
American police the cypher with which
documentary evidence against our mis-
IN GERMANY AND TURKEY 95
guided and impulsive young patriots could
be obtained. In plain words, the Germans
betrayed their Indian colleagues ! The
American Government must be praised for
the leniency with which our countrymen
have been treated by the liberal-minded
judges of that great Republic, for they had
put themselves in a very dangerous pre-
dicament by intriguing with the Germans.
The Americans knew that the Germans were
characterless adventurers, but the Indians
did not. If my information is correct no
words can measure the depths of infamy
to which the Germans can sink. They
must be shunned as utterly unsociable and
immoral bipeds. It is to be hoped that these
young Indian enthusiasts will also give up
the fruitless revolutionary methods which
have made them the dupes of cunning Ger-
man imperialists during this war.
The Orient has learned that it made a bad
bargain when it accepted the German
alliance. A leading Turkish newspaper
recently wrote : " We do not like the Ger-
mans. And the Germans themselves are to
blame for this." These words sum up the
96 FORTY-FOUR MONTHS
judgment of the Turks on their allies. The
Germans have had a great chance, but they
have lost it, because they are morally unfit
for such great tasks. This is the lesson of
the four years' work in common. The Ger-
man inroad into Asia will remain in the
memory of Oriental nations as a troubled
dream. Now they must be awaked to the
sober reality, which teaches them that their
destiny is linked with that of the English
people for a very long time to come.
CONCLUSION
Every tale must have a moral. And my
garrulous war notes are also intended to
emphasise certain truths which have been
brought home to us during the war. No
thinking man can remain the same after
this war as he was before it. As Lowell says,
" New occasions teach new duties."
We must now learn that England has a
moral and historical mission in Asia. The
English people have built up an empire in
Asia and Africa during the last two hundred
years. They had previously prepared them-
selves for this task by establishing free
institutions at home and developing a great
and noble literature. This empire has its
roots deep in the historical forces and move-
ments of the past. It is not a mushroom
growth. It is not based on the quicksands
of mere ambition and exploitation. It has
shown itself to be a solid structure founded
on the rock of historical necessity and
7
98 FORTY-FOUR MONTHS
British wisdom. The Germans counted
upon a revolt in Ireland and South Africa, a
general insurrection of all the Muslims, and
a rebellion in India. They also hoped that
some Allies would desert the Entente. None
of these hopes have been fulfilled. Irish
" Nationalism," the great Jihad, and Indian
and Egyptian " extremism " have been found
to be puny forces compared with British
imperialism. England has also managed to
keep her Allies together in spite of the re-
verses and vicissitudes of the military
struggle during four years. A nation's
character and wisdom are put to the test
in such crises. Germany has been weighed
in the balance and found wanting. Great
Britain has vindicated her title to her vast
empire. The English colonies have loyally
responded to the call of the Mother Country ;
the Asiatic colonies have rendered assist-
ance, or created no difficulties at such a
perilous time. The Boers have stood faith-
fully by England. A nation that can save
such an empire in the face of various and
enormous difficulties must be recognised as
the trustee of the future of Asia and Africa.
IN GERMANY AND TURKEY 99
British character and British statesmanship
will preserve this heritage for a long time,
and the storms of jealousy and intrigue will
beat against it in vain. The British Empire
is an institution that has come to stay.
In this respect it resembles the ancient
Roman Empire and the Spanish Empire
in America. We can have our different
plans and programmes for the development
of this empire ; but the institution will
remain a single political unit during several
centuries. It will of course undergo a pro-
cess of evolution in the right direction, for
progress is the law of life for all organisa-
tions. The stability of the British Empire
is a salient fact that emerges from the dust
and smoke of the war.
We have also learned that the dissolution
of the British and the French Empires in Asia
and Africa would result only in a change of
masters for the people of those regions. The
Germans wished to acquire the French
colonies and the territory of the Ottoman
Empire. The world is a battlefield for the
powerful imperialists of all nations ; and
the weak and disorganised Oriental nations
100 FORTY-FOUR MONTHS
are only the pawns in the game. They
cannot establish or maintain free national
States in this era of armed imperialism.
They must live and die as friends and
proteges of the great Powers. Under these
circumstances, English and French im-
perialism is a thousand times preferable to
German or Japanese imperialism. The
English and the French have free institu-
tions at home ; and they are morally the
most advanced of all the great nations of
the world. The peoples of Asia and Africa
must make common cause with these two
nations, and try to assimilate their culture
and ideals. In course of time they will be
admitted as equal citizens of these States.
Intrigue with the enemies of England and
France will lead only to disaster. If the
other nations, which may set up as rivals of
England and France, succeed in their aims,
they will rule over us, and our last state
will be worse than the first. If they fail
they will betray us, and we shall suffer. In
either case, the will-o'-the-wisp of intransi-
gent " nationalism " and race-hatred would
land us in the bogs of misery and misfortune.
IN GERMANY AND TURKEY loi
The Ukrainians intrigued with the Germans
in order to " free " themselves from Russian
" tyranny " ; but they found that the Ger-
mans were worse masters than the Russians.
They repented bitterly of their folly when
they began to perceive the ruinous effects
of their policy. The Turks refused to come
to terms with England and France, and
to-day they curse the Germans. Experi-
ence teaches us that the feeble peoples
should work with the great nations which
have already organised the vast empires in
Asia and Africa. Disruption can only
expose them to much greater evils than
those from which they suffer under the
present system. Co-operation and evolu-
tion should be our watchwords. The policy
of separation and intrigue is futile and
fallacious.
The Muslims of India and Egypt should
lay aside their religious bigotry and work
with the English and the French for the
acquisition of modern citizenship. Religion
is a private affair in the modern world. The
Jihad has been found to be a vain cry. The
mountain of Islamic fanaticism has brought
102 FORTY-FOUR MONTHS
forth the Uttle mouse of local riots and
tumults. The Caliphate is in liquidation.
The Muslims should learn that London and
Paris are the centres of world-politics to-day.
They should give up the dreams of Pan-
Islamism, and set to work as loyal British
and French citizens to raise themselves to
the level of European civilisation. They
should let the dead past bury its dead, and
prepare themselves for the glorious tasks
that await them in the States to which they
now belong.
East and West must unite for the realisa-
tion of these new ideals. The English and
the French must get rid of race-prejudice
and pride. The Orientals must lay aside
distrust and rancour. The two languages
in which the message of freedom was first
delivered to the modern world should be
studied and loved in Asia and Africa.
English and French will serve to unite the
Orient and the Occident in indissoluble
bonds of comradeship. For us, Indians and
Egyptians, English literature should be a
treasure of untold worth. English history
should be a mine of the noblest wisdom for
IN GERMANY AND TURKEY 103
US and our children. England has much to
give us besides protection and organisation.
We are now heirs to all that the Englishman
holds in fee as his birthright. England is
free and great, and we can share in this free-
dom and greatness as worthy citizens of the
greatest State that the world has yet seen.
England will achieve what Alexander
dreamed of and what Rome partially accom-
plished. We, too, are called to this work. If
we help to realise this ideal, generations yet
unborn will bless our names. The future
keeps its secret, but we must do our duty in
this spirit, looking forward to the advent of
the time —
" When the war-drum throbs no longer, and the
battle-flag is furled
In the Parliament of Man, the Federation of the
World."
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