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Hazlitts in England, Ireland and America Their Friends 
and Their Fortunes. 1725-1896, by W. CAREW HAZLITT. 
With Portraits reproduced from miniatures by JOHN HAZ- 
LITT. Two large and handsomely printed octavo vols. of 
350 pages each (9x6), cloth, uncut. London, 1897. ( Pub. 
$9.60;. $4.00 

It is not at all surprising that the work has been rigidly suppressed in 
England, because it has so many_ truthful allusions derogatory to deceased 
and living celebrities, and contains numerous bits of scabreuses histories, 
besides being terribly outspoken, in many instances, about Statesmen, 
Diplomats, Writers, Artists, Players, Savants, and, indeed, all manner of 
people of public prominence. Both author and publisher were threatened 
with endless suits for libel for wanton defamation of the characters men- 
tioned in the work. 








VOL. I. 





I WAS not only in my own person the fourth genera- 
tion of a family which had been connected with 
literature during upward of a century, and in the 
case of my grandfather had acquired a solid title to 
permanent, if not growing, distinction from such a 
source, but both my predecessors and myself had 
mixed with a number of noted men and women, 
whose names, characters, and works still remain a 
valued part of the household recollections of 
thousands of educated persons in Great Britain 
and the United States. Innumerable traits, which 
do not survive in memoirs or in ordinary books, 
seemed to accumulate on my hands, deriving their 
interest from those who were but lately in our 
midst, from spots in the suburbs of London, con- 
secrated by their hardly yet forgotten presence, or 
from conditions which the swift course of time is 
beginning to modify. 

Among literary people, it seldom, I think, occurs 



that such a continuity of association and sympathy 
is found, as renders one family the storehouse and 
guardian of facts about individuals, and about places 
identified with them, during a space of years extend- 
ing back from the present day to the second quarter 
of the eighteenth century. 

The people who maintained an intercourse and 
friendship with the literary and artistic circles of the 
last quarter of the eighteenth, and the first half of 
the present, century, who were brought into contact 
with those circles either in the way of ordinary social 
relations or in the way of business, or who, again, 
as in my grandfather Hazlitt's case assuredly, were 
prominent members of them at that period these 
were my forerunners and testifiers. My intimates, 
who have often perhaps too often been my 
seniors, represent another fruitful source in the 
development of my design and the enrichment of 
my notebooks. 

My personal knowledge of Old Brompton, as it 
was before 1850, and of the celebrities who made 
it their residence, has constituted one of the 
pleasantest features in my life and thoughts, and in 
my conversation with such as had seen the place 
and its inhabitants under conditions almost in- 
credibly different from those which at present exist. 



At a distance of nearly fifty years from the date 
which I mention, I could, if I were a draughtsman, 
trace on paper a chart of the village from my 
unassisted memory, with little more than an occa- 
sional clue to old landmarks to guide my hand. 

This dual tie, during the last two generations of 
Hazlitt, may explain my wish and ability to impart 
to my enterprise a twofold character, so far as my 
father and myself are concerned, and to incor- 
porate with my biographical experiences of this 
once sequestered hamlet some account of its topo- 
graphical features, before it was parcelled out into 
building-land and virtually effaced. 

It is to be regretted that, while the thing was 
possible, such a survey was not made of Old 
Brompton as Smith made and published of West- 
minster, or as Faulkner has left of all the region 
environing this particular district. Of course, 
Faulkner, in his account of Kensington, has neces- 
sarily approached very near to the immediate sub- 
ject, since a part of Old Brompton is parochially 
within the boundaries of St. Mary Abbots. But a 
considerable residue appears to have been regarded, 
in a literary or descriptive sense, as a sort of No- 
Man's-Land. Several books come within an easy 
stone's-throw of it, and there pause. 


So far as Hazlitt himself is concerned, I do not 
attempt to resuscitate any portion of the Memoirs of 
1867, unless it should happen to be the elucidation 
or correction of some point on which I have 
succeeded since that date in discovering new light. 
The material found here, so far as it is immediately 
relevant to him, may be treated as supplementary to 
what I had to communicate on the former occasion. 

The sources to which those interested in literary 
biography, and in tracing the origin or germ of the 
intellectual superiority which has raised some mem- 
ber of a family above all those of his kindred pre- 
ceding him, and has lent to his name and lineage a 
new interest and importance, have been down to a 
comparatively recent date, in the case of Hazlitt, of 
a peculiarly meagre and unsatisfying kind. But 
within the last thirty years several unpublished 
letters from him to his relatives and to literary 
acquaintances have come, one by one, into the 
market, and in 1884 a very remarkable Diary, com- 
piled by his sister from family papers and recollec- 
tion between 1835 and 1838, added still further to 
the material at my command for any future labours 
in this direction. 

The Diary in question was drawn up expressly 
for the use of Hazlitt's son, but owing to the 



circumstance that it remained in the hands of the 
writer, and was not even communicated to my 
father, or the particulars which it contains disclosed 
to him, while he was engaged in preparing the 
sketch of Hazlitt's life prefixed to the Literary 
Remains in 1836, and that it was wholly unknown 
to me in 1867, the fuller acquaintance with some 
essential points relating to our ancestors and descent 
was reserved for a later epoch of my career, when 
the manuscript was first brought under my notice by 
the daughter of the clergyman under whose roof the 
Diarist passed her last years. 

The two salient features of interest in the Diary 
of Margaret Hazlitt are the notes on the history of 
our family, and the narrative of the visit of her 
father and mother and their children, including 
herself, to North America in 1783. 

The Diary is written in a frank, unaffected style, 
and sets before us vividly enough many interesting 
circumstances which we should not have otherwise 
known, especially as to the aspect of certain spots in 
the United States, as they appeared to an intelligent 
observer immediately after the close of the War of 

This and the new Letters have proved ex- 
ceedingly helpful for the period between 1700 


and 1830, occasionally reinforced by facts collected 
from my relatives and friends. But with the third 
and fourth generation the matter stands of course 
somewhat differently. The class of authority is 
equally beyond impeachment or objection ; but the 
date becomes more recent ; my papers and 
memoranda grow more abundant ; and where my 
main object was to illustrate the relationship of the 
Hazlitts during more than a century to many of the 
most distinguished persons of the time, it cannot be 
supposed that I should be able to avoid altogether 
here and there the mention of some incident which 
may be possibly unpleasant on a personal account 
or as a matter of personal judgment. 

At the same time, there may have been of late, as 
a reaction from the opposite extreme, a tendency to 
a treatment of more or less public characters with a 
leniency at once effeminate and misleading, and to 
the introduction of a school of portraiture in which 
the darker lines are toned down in order to make 
the immediate object pass as the ostensible possessor 
of virtues without any redeeming vices. 

My grandfather lived in days when the current of 
political feeling ran very strong, and when party 
animosities were intense to a degree which we can 
scarcely realize. It unluckily happened that the 


side which he espoused the only one which he 
cared to espouse was not then the winning side, 
and he laboured under the enormous and cruel dis- 
advantage of struggling, with a sensitive and 
irritable temperament, against hopeless odds on 
behalf of a young and weak cause. Nor did his 
own position and prospects alone suffer from his 
election. His descendants have not yet come into 
enjoyment of the full benefit which such writings as 
his should and would have conferred on us all, had 
not he thrown the entire force of his energy as a 
publicist and an essay-writer into the scale against 
the Government of those days. We still live in the 
shadow of that policy. It has coloured more or less 
all our subsequent careers, and it reflects itself in 
many of the following pages. The blood of the 
Peterborough ironmonger, whose beautiful daughter 
Grace married the Rev. William Hazlitt, ran with 
unabated strength in the veins of the author of 
Table Talk. 

It was open to Hazlitt to have followed in the 
footsteps of several of his literary contemporaries, 
who improved their fortunes by changing their 
opinions. But the Loftus blood was in him, and 
he threw in his lot and ours with the claims of 
freedom and truth. 


When I first undertook the Memoirs, I found 
very few persons who could recollect facts relative 
to my grandfather and his family either on the 
father's or mother's side, or who possessed letters 
from him to his friends and literary correspondents. 
I judged it to be barely credible that so little could 
have survived of a man who had done so much, and 
who had so recently died ; it has only been in con- 
sequence of my unwearying pursuit of the matter 
that, after the lapse of so many years, I have 
succeeded in accumulating the means of throwing 
clearer light on the origin of our family, on the 
early history of the most distinguished member of 
it, and on much of his later literary transactions. 
No document has come into the market, I believe, 
in all that long interval, without falling into my 
hands, and being utilized ; and the aggregate result 
is now at length before the reader. 

The paucity of correspondence is not apparently 
attributable to the destruction of letters, since the 
most trivial scraps have been carefully preserved by 
their recipients, except in the case, perhaps, of 
Lamb, who kept nothing, or next to nothing, after 
perusal. This shortcoming, which to a biographer 
is always a serious drawback, arose from the simple 
fact that Hazlitt was not a letter- writer ; and from 


1790 to 1830, the period representing that portion 
of his life when he was in constant touch both with 
his relatives and friends, I have never seen or heard 
of more than fifty or sixty letters, short notes in- 
clusive, as being extant anywhere. 

My grandfather, in point of fact, was par excel- 
lence a thinker, and wrote under protest. Gratuitous 
or private communications were therefore doubly 
against the grain, and the discovery has been made 
that his autograph productions are among the rarest 
of those of the era and circle of which he made part. 

The visit of my ancestors to the United States in 
the very dawn of Independence, and their residence 
there during four years a residence which it had 
been at one moment proposed and wished to make 
a permanent settlement enabled them to form a 
fairly correct notion of the appearance and condition 
of the country while George Washington still lived, 
and while many localities, afterward populous and 
important centres, were still half built, or even un- 
enclosed. The sympathy which Americans often 
manifest with our name and Hazlitt's writings cannot 
be warmer or more sincere than that entertained by 
my great-grandfather with their struggle for freedom 
and their ultimate triumph. This portion of my 
work should possess some features of value and 


importance to Americans at the present time, from 
the numerous references to existing or distinguished 
families and to familiar localities. 

When we come to the matter of more recent 
date, referring to incidents in the career of my 
father and his surroundings, or on the joint and 
parallel lives of him and myself, there will be much, 
I hope, to recommend my book to attention. 

Very few of the personages named in the 
following pages still survive, and every season is 
thinning the ranks of those who were my late 
father's contemporaries or visiting circle. Setting 
aside the generation of which Hazlitt himself formed 
one, and of which the small and scattered salvage 
is, of course, vanishing fast, it is distressing to note 
what a slender proportion even of my father's more 
youthful associates, of his literary and journalistic 
colleagues, of his legal acquaintances, and, in short, 
of the set in which he and I during a considerable 
period of both of our lives mixed, remains ; and I 
can call to mind some whose places have not been 
filled up. 

W. C. H. 


October ) 1896. 





Origin of the Hazlitt family Education of the Rev. William 
Hazlitt and his brother at Glasgow University Shronell 
and Coleraine branches Migration of some of us to 
America Service of two Colonel Hazlitts under Wash- 
ington Researches of the Historical Society of Pennsyl- 
vania on our descent Diffusion of Hazlitts through the 
Union The Loftus family of Wisbeach Their intimacy 
with William GodwinThe Rev. W. Hazlitt's settlement 
at Wisbeach as a Presbyterian minister (1764) His 
marriage to Grace Loftus (1766) Connection between 
the families of Loftus and Pentlow of Oxfordshire 
Removal of the Rev. W. Hazlitt to various places Settle- 
ment at Maidstone Acquaintance with Dr. Priestley, 
Dr. Franklin, and other distinguished persons Mr. 
Hazlitt takes charge of a congregation at Bandon in 
Ireland (1780) - .... i 13 


Intellectual value of the alliance with the Loftuses Troubles 
in Ireland Cruel treatment of American prisoners by 
the British garrison at Kinsale Mr. Hazlitt's active 



interference on their behalf His representations to the 
Government, and change of the garrison His untenable 
position Determination to emigrate Arrival at New 
York (July 26, 1783) Immediate invitation to preach 
before the Jersey Assembly The family proceeds to 
Philadelphia Account of the city Mr. Hazlitt declines 
the presidency of the new college at Carlisle Acquisi- 
tion of friends . - .. ^ 25 


Family sorrows Mr. Hazlitt goes to Maryland His serious 
illness Excessive kindness of his American friends 
Heroic conduct of his eldest son Delivery of lectures at 
Philadelphia Refusal of offers to settle at Charlestown 
and Pittsburg Mr. Hazlitt goes to Boston to preach 
(June, 1784) The family quits Philadelphia (August, 
1784) Description of the journey to Boston Perth 
Amboy An American breakfast more than one hundred 
years since Burlington Mr. Shakespeare Rhode 
Island New York Providence Jamaica Plains - 26 34 



The journey (conti?iued] Miss Hazlitt's narrative Wey- 
mouth Agreeable acquaintances made there Captain 
Whitman The Johnny cakes General Lovell Pictures 
by Copley and West Glimpses of 'little William' 
Description of humming and other birds Lectures at 
Boston Severity of the winter of 1784 Hingham 
Ebenezer Gay Anecdotes of him Visits to Salem 
and Cape Cod Mr. Hazlitt prepares a liturgy for the 


Presbyterian Church at Weymouth He reprints some 
of Dr. Priestley's tracts and his own Visit to Hallowell 
on the Kennebec Wild country Wolves trouble- 
some ------ 3545 



Removal to Upper Dorchester Some account of New 
England A cat-a-mount (puma) Rattlesnakes 
Return of Mr. Hazlitt to England, leaving his family 
behind His kind reception by Mr. David Lewis John 
Hazlitt executes a pastel of Mr. Ebenezer Gay And a 
crayon of his sister, the diarist, a farewell gift to a 
girl-friend Preparation for departure Great fire at 
Boston (April 10, 1787) Affectionate leave-taking 
Offers of pecuniary aid declined Embarkation at 
Boston (July 4, 1787) A fellow-passenger's story 
Arrival at Portsmouth Lodgings taken at Walworth 
The Montpelier Tea-gardens The London print- 
shops ------ 46 59 


Settlement at Wem in Shropshire Fondness of William for 
the place Remarks on the American experiment The 
Rev. Mr. Hazlitt's character and straitened opportunities 
His letter on Sterne Germs of mental development 
in him A letter from William to his mother (1790) 
Reason for its insertion The writer's gradual abandon- 
ment of the ministry as a calling His intellectual 
progress ------ 60 74 





William Hazlitt still at Wem His studies Obscurity of the 
period Meeting with Coleridge Note to his father on 
the subject The Essay on Human Action on the stocks 

Crabb Robinson's extraordinary testimony to his 
genius Sir James Mackintosh's lectures in 1799 Visit 
to the Louvre in 1802 On his return Hazlitt paints 
portraits of Samuel Taylor Coleridge and his son 
Hartley, of Wordsworth, of his own father, of Mr. Shep- 
herd of Gateacre, and of Charles Lamb (1803-5) His 
obligations to his brother John His dissatisfaction 
with himself ...... 77 gp 


Relinquishment of art Early literary work Slender practical 
results The Essay on Human Action completed and 
published (1805) Godwin and Hazlitt meet again 

Hazlitfs obligations to the former Letters from 
Hazlitt to his father and others (1806-8) The theatres 
visited ------ O T01 


Settlement in London Engagement on the press The 
Gallery, past and present Glimpses of the third William 
Hazlitt John Hazlitt's set Attacks upon Hazlitt by the 
Tories Memoirs of Holcroft published - - 102 iti 




Characters of Shakesf ear's Plays Circumstances leading to 
the enterprise Efforts of the Tories to crush it 
Hazlitt's increasing work Letter to Charles Oilier 
(1815) Lectures at the Surrey Institution (1818-20) 
Thackeray and his English Humorists The Political 
Essays (1819) Last days of the Rev. W. Hazlitt His 
death (1820) His works A letter from him to a 
friend (1814) Notices of his family Hazlitt's Lectures 
on poetry and the drama The audience Keats, 
the Landseers, Crabb Robinson, Talfourd, etc. An 
anecdote ..... IJ2 129 

(1821 1823.) 

The rupture with Leigh Hunt Difficulties of Hazlitt's posi- 
tion Letter to Hunt The London Magazine John 
Scott His estimate of Hazlitt Friction between the 
London Magazine and Blackwood (1818) Successful 
action by Hazlitt against Blackwood Keats's account 
Letter to Scott Hazlitt's influential position on the 
London Magazine after Scott's death The second 
Blackwood affair (1823) Letter of Hazlitt to Cadell 
Professor Wilson and Leigh Hunt - - 130 144 


Hazlitt's literary and other associates Some of his personal 
and political drawbacks His brother's influence on the 
formation of his circle The Southampton Arms 
Mouncey, Wells, and other visitors His more habitual 
and intimate acquaintances Godwin, Holcroft, Fawcett, 
Lamb, the Montagus, the Procters, Patmore, Knowles, 



and the Reynells Peculiar importance of the Reynells 
and the Lambs Northcote and the Bowell Redi- 
vivus ------ 145 156 


The subject continued Godwin Wells Some account of 
his last days at Marseilles Home Wainewright 
Joseph Parkes and ' The Fight ? Patmore Anecdotes 
of him The good service performed by Knowles and 
him to Hazlitt in 1822-3 - *57 1 ^7 


The subject continued Henry Colburn The art of puffing 
Colburn and Northcote An anecdote of Leigh Hunt 
The Court Journal and Literary Gazette William 
Jerdan and the paper-knife school of criticism Burke's 
Peerage Hurst and Blackett Thackeray's Jenkins 
Mouncey Cowden Clarke Hessey the publisher 
The Liber Amoris Sheridan Knowles Dedication to 
Hazlitt of his play of Alfred The first Mrs. Hazlitt 
and her relatives Anecdotes of her and them Sir 
John Stoddart Archbishop Sumner My father and I 
The second marriage Hazlitt's tour abroad Meeting 
with L,eigh Hunt, Landor, Medwin, etc. Letters to 
Landor and to his own son The union with the second 
Mrs. Hazlitt determined - - - 168186 


The Life of Napoleon Letters on the subject to Hunt and 
Clarke The parallel Lives by Hazlitt and Scott 
Lamb's estimate of the former A plea for the book 



The author as a man of business Some unpublished 
correspondence Hazlitt's last days and death' Jeffrey's 
kindness Hazlitt and Scott Lamb, Scott, and Godwin 
Soho a fashionable address Home takes the plaster 
cast of Hazlitt Lines on the latter by an American 
lady ------ !8y 204 


Remarks on my grandfather's character and writings 
Alexander Ireland and his publications on him Some 
particulars of John Hazlitt the miniaturist - 205 217 


(1830 1840.) 

Hazlitt's son His exertions to obtain employment Bulwer- 
Lytton The Literary Remains Difficulties in procuring 
material for a biography of his father Engagement on 
the Morning Chronicle Marriage to Miss Reynell 
The Free List Charles Kemble Testimonies from 
literary correspondents Wordsworth Haydon The 
Procters Anecdotes of Procter, Haydon, and Hood 
Robert Chambers - 221 2 


My father's career as a journalist and man of letters His 
contact with Lord Palmerston A curious contretemps 
My co-operation in literary work My father edits a book 
for the Duke of Wellington through Murray How the 



terms were fixed Dinner-hour in those days Tennyson 
referred to My father at Chelsea The German Reeds 
Carlyle His wife Carlyle's reference to my grand- 
father His position as a historian Anecdote of him 
and Tennyson Turner at Chelsea Ruskin's opinion 
of him Hazlitt's judgment of Turner's later style 
Cremorne Gardens John Martin the artist His work 
on Metropolitan drainage Changes in Chelsea The 
Chelsea Bun House The river and my rowing ex- 
periences I join the Merchant Taylors' eight Gordon 
Gumming - 242 260 


The Reynells Their descent and connections The house 
in Piccadilly Some account of the old printing-office, 
its staff, and its surroundings The Racing Calendar 
and the Bellman's Verses printed there The Lounger's 
Commonplace Book and its author George Frederick 
Cooke, the tragedian, a journeyman at Mr. Reynell's 
Origin of Swan and Edgar's TattersalPs Bullock's 
Museum Many of Byron's, Shelley's, and Keats's books 
produced by my grandfather Reynell Benjamin West, 
R.A. My mother Charles Kemble's idea about her 
The Examiner My recollections of the early staff 
Professor Morley My uncle Reynell's youthful associa- 
tionsKeats His Endymion Lamb and the Select 
British Poets John Forster - - - 261278 


The Reynells (continued) Their acquaintance with the Mul- 
readys -Its source S. W. Reynolds the engraver 
Glimpse of Westbourne Grove The two Coulsons 
John Black His connection with the Morning Chronicle 
How he lost it Jeremy Bentham His habits and 



his visitors Voelker's Gymnasium The Reynells meet 
Lord Clarendon and his brother there Place, the tailor 
and pamphlet-collector, who married Mrs. Chatterton 
The Westminster Review Robertson Henry Cole 
Cole and the Exhibition of 1 85 1 Joseph Cundall Neal 
(Brother Jonathan) Sir John Bowring -Lord Brougham 
His first brief Leigh Hunt Account of his last days 
and his death at my uncle Reynell's house Anecdotes 
of him His story about Sheridan Knowles His family 
Thomas Scott of Ramsgate Particulars of his personal 
history His connection with Bishop Colenso - 279 294 






The Court of Bankruptcy My father's legal experiences 
and friends Baron Grant Vice-Chancellor Bacon 
Mr. Commissioner Goulburn Hazlitt Road, West 
Kensington Lord Kenyon Lord Brougham Lord 
Chancellor Westbury Lord Coleridge Mr. Justice 
Hawkins Serjeant Wilkins Street and the Law Courts 
Baxter and the Tichborne case Sir Charles Lewis a 
M.P. Illiteracy of lawyers My father and George 
Henry Lewes John Payne Collier The Second Shake- 
spear Folio- .--_,. 3 22 


The Club founded by Jerrold and his friends Its dis- 
tinguished members and guests Thackeray The 
melodists and other entertainers Charles Dickens the 
younger, my father, Holl, and Dillon Croker Hazlitt's 
Wiltshire songs * The Wiltshire Convict's Farewell ' 
A general favourite Anecdotes of Jerrold Sir B. W. 
Richardson Dr. Diamond Farther glimpses of John 
Hazlitt the painter Sundays at Twickenham House 
Account of the house, its contents and its visitors 



Sir Frederick Pollock Hepworth Dixon Dr. Doran 
The Fasti of Our Club 'Shakespear at Our Club,' 
1860 Evans's - 23 44 



Childhood of the writer Merchant Taylors' School The 
old-fashioned regime What I learned there, and did 
not learn Anecdotes of the place and the masters 
Remarks on University education The treatment of the 
classical writers Dr. Bellamy The Rev. John Bathurst 
Deane The Merchant Taylors' Company The War 
Office in 1854 Sir Robert Hamilton My intimacy 
with him and his family Abuses in the service and 
mismanagement of our military affairs Recollections of 
two years' stay in the War Office My Irish programme 
Hamilton's tale of second-sight My Venetian studies 
Macaulay and Ruskin The librarian at St. Mark's 
A little incident on the Piazzetta My maiden literary 
publication Murray's proposed Dictionary of National 
Biography My Early Popular Poetry - - 47 68 


The Letters of Charles Lamb The two concurrent editions 
by Canon Ainger and the writer Observations on the 
Canon's treatment of the subject, and attitude toward 
me Mischief arising from imperfect and unfaithful texts 
The Canon's lost opportunity His want of care, 
knowledge, and experience Talfourd and the Letters 
My other literary efforts Bibliographical labours 
Samples of my correspondents - - 69 80 




The western suburbs of London Their aspect half a century 
since The made ground in Knightsbridge, Battersea, 
Westminster, and elsewhere Delahaye Street and the 
chief pastrycook of Charles II. Long Ditch Gradual 
formation of highways and growth of buildings The 
ancient waterways in Knightsbridge and Old Brompton 
Carriers' carts, waggons, and coaches Some account 
of the system and its incidence Suggestion as to Shake- 
spear The primitive omnibus That which ran to 
Edmonton in Charles Lamb's time Loneliness and in- 
security of the suburban roads Anecdote of Hazlitt 
Precautions against highwaymen and footpads Netting 
or Nutting Hill Waggon -houses at Knightsbridge, and 
on the Oxford and Uxbridge Roads Changes on the 
northern side of the Metropolis The scattered markets 
Their value That at Knightsbridge Snipe in Tut- 
hill Fields and at Millbank Partridges, snipe, and 
rabbits on Barnes Common The turnpikes Those at 
Hyde Park Corner and Tyburn, etc. The Farmer of 
the Gates ------ 8196 


Knightsbridge Original levels and boundaries Traces of 
it in 1371 and 1526 Knightsbridge Green The old 
watch-house Old Brompton Brompton Row Some 
of its early inhabitants Count Rumford Anecdote of 
the Duchess of Kent Mrs. Lloyd of Crown Court 
Grove House William Wilberforce Elliot's Pine Pits 
John Hunt Some account of Faulkner the historian 
Bell and Horns Lane- Pollard's School Gore Lane 
Charles Math ews Robert Cruiksfeank Sir John 
Fleming's daughters Cromwell House Brompton 
Vale Chelsea Pound Curious discovery there Ves- 
tiges of Chelsea Common Brompton nurseries 

xxviii CONTENTS 


Walnut-tree Walk The Bull Gunter the pastrycook 
Brompton Heath Thistle Grove Little Chelsea 
Purser's Cross - 97 116 


Anecdotes of the Duke of York and Duke of Wellington 
Thomas Wright, F.S.A., and Madame Wright The 
Carter Halls at the Rosery Anecdote about Tennyson 
Guizot at Old Brompton An original letter from him 
to my father Gloucester Lodge George Canning 
Don Carlos Braham the singer Brompton * parlia- 
ment ' A mysterious resident in Brompton Vale The 
Spagnolettis The Holls Henry Holl the actor His 
circle G. V. Brooke Holl as a mimic and story- 
teller Dickens and Forster Some account of the 
latter Frank Holl, R.A. Dr. Duplex - - 117132 


The Byrons H. J. Byron and his family Early develop- 
ment of a dramatic taste As a medical student My 
peculiar intimacy with him Our evenings together 
People I met at his house Story of him and Arthur 
Sketchley Byron's earliest love affair The Bancrofts 
Mary Wilton at the Strand Robertson Anecdotes 
of Byron One of his last sayings Robinson Crusoe and 
Miss Larkin Cupid and Psyche - - - 133 146 


The old actors at Brompton John Reeve Liston The 
Keeleys Mrs. Chatterton Some account of Mr. and 
Mrs. Keeley The Farrens Characters played by old 
Mr. Farren Contretemps at a dinner-party at Thurloe 
Place Durrant Cooper, F.S.A. His canards One 
about the Queen and Prince Albert William Farren 
the younger Sir Henry Irving Webster and Harley 



Anecdotes of both Buckstone As an actor The 
short-petticoat movement Madame Vestris and Miss 
Priscilla Horton Menken's Mazeppa Mrs. Fitzwilliam 
The Spanish Dancers Behind the scenes at Jerrold's 
benefit Charles Mathews and his second wife Edward 
WrightPaul Bedford The Adelphi melodrama The 
more modern pantomime A daily incident at Old 
Brompton The French Plays and Ethiopian Serenaclers 
at the St. James's The Kenneys The Baron de Merger 
His father and Napoleon I. My visit to the Chiteau 
of Plessis-Barbe, near Tours De Merger and the 
Third Empire My first acquaintance with the illus- 
trated French literature Dumas Henri Miirger's Scenes 
de la Vie Bohhne Compared with Du Maurier's Trilby 
Saxe Bannister His Life of Paterson, founder of the 
Bank of England Mrs. Astor at Old Brompton Her 
relationship to the Reynells John Jacob Astor Origin 
of his fortune ----- 147 164 


Kensington A relic of St. Mary Abbot's Norland House 
and its spring Former solitariness of the neighbour- 
hood General Fox Carl Engel The Bowmans 
Fulham Walham Green and the vicinity Primaeval 
forest State of the roads between Fulham and the 

adjacent places C Cottage Captain Webb, the 

highwayman Specimens of the causeries with A. at 

C Cottage Anecdotes related by both of us of 

our professional and other acquaintances Lock 
Sir Matthew Thompson Brunei Cockburn George 
and Robert Stephenson Thomas Brassey Lord 
Grimthorpe Some of my tales - - - 165 180 


Fulham caitseries (continued} Earnshaw the chronometer- 
maker Tom Sayers the pugilist Watch-house in Mary- 
lebone Lane Glyn the banker Laura Bell Skittles 



The Leicestershire set The Bell at Leicester Captain 
Haymes Story of a Bishop at Harrogate An adventure 
at York George Tomline Some account of him and 
his father The Paston Letters Barrington the pick- 
pocket A curious shop in Seven Dials - - 181 197 


Hammersmith Turnham Green Linden House Its asso- 
ciation with a cause cefebre Dr. Griffiths and his dis- 
tinguished friends Origin of his fortune Thomas 
Griffiths Wainewright, the poisoner Putney Ladies' 
Schools The Trimmers Fairfax House Madame 
Daranda's Alterations in the High Street Remains of 
an ancient building The rivulet down the street 
Tokenhouse Yard Morris and his father Anecdote of 
them relative to the occupation of Paris in 1815 
Edward Gibbon's birthplace Roehampton Wands- 
worth The ' Black Sea' Beauties of the neighbourhood 
Wimbledon Common Its historical interest and 
importance Barnes Explanation of the discovery of 
Roman coins there . . . XQ8 212 



The Royal Family The library given by George IV. to 
the nation The Duke of Sussex The Queen The 
Jubilee' coinage Our obligations to Her Majesty 
Orders of Merit for civilians Penalty of a long reign 



The Queen thinks a book too dear The offer of Her 
Majesty to pay income-tax A curious disillusionizing 
glimpse The Royal Family as people of business 
The Prince Consort The Albert Memorial A few 
particulars and anecdotes Princess Beatrice at Darm- 
stadtThe Battenbergs and Batenborgs The Duke 
of Cambridge The Kaiser Le Grand Mo?iarque 
Caroline Bonaparte Louis XVIII. Nicholas of Russia 
and his son Sir Roderick Murchison Napoleon III. 
and my father The Emperor's alleged parentage 215 229 


Sir Robert Peel in 1817 Mr. Gladstone My pamphlet on 
public affairs (1886) General Gordon Illustrations of 
Mr. Gladstone's acquaintance with Ireland and its events 
Sir Henry Taylor General Cunningham Lord Rose- 
bery The Primroses of Adelaide, South Australia A 
Scotish friend's recollections of them and other early 
colonists Draper, the chaplain of the London In- 
stances of longevity The Tollemaches Our great 
families Mr. Evelyn, of Wootton A visit to the house 
The library Martin Tupper Charles Mackay 230 244 


Literary jottings Shakespear The Shakespear Papers 
Shakespear and Bacon The Sonnets Yorick Tenny- 
son Some new particulars of him and his father 
Longfellow Browning The poet and Lord Coleridge 
The Browning Society The arrangements for his 
interment Amusing anecdote The Trinity College 
MS. of Chaucer HalliwelPs Shakespeariana A curious 
episode at his daughter's wedding Dr. Ingleby 
The Hatless Headman G. A. Sala Alexander 
Ireland ------ 245259 




Literary acquaintances The Rev. Thomas Corser His early 
knowledge of our family at Wem Mr. James Crossley 
A Milton anecdote The Rev. Alexander Dyce My 
personal contact with him The Rev. John Mitford 
Henry Bradshaw My obligations to him His 
peculiarities Henry Huth Sketch of his life My 
long and intimate acquaintance with him His earliest 
experiences as a collector His library catalogue Mrs. 
Huth Huth's indifferent health Circumstances of his 
death My conversations with him on various subjects 
Herbert Spencer The Leigh Hunt memorial 
Huth's liberality of character and feeling - 260 284 


Literary acquaintances (continued) The Tyssens F. W. 
Cosens What he said to me about himself His taste 
for Spanish literature and early English books His 
generous contribution to the Stratford-on-Avon Fund 
A strange mistake by a noble lord The first book 
printed at New York Mr. E. P. Shirley Value of 
pamphlets illustrated David Laing His varied acquire- 
ments and disinterested character A member of the 
old Scotish school His literary performances What 
they cost him and what he gained by them- -Sir Walter 
Scott's 'Dear George 'Relics of Sir Walter The 
Britwell Library Its origin and fortunes Samuel 
Christie-Miller His criticisms on the books Indebted- 
ness of the library to the Heber sale Frederic Locker- 
Lampson His advantages as a man of fortune 
Comparison of himself with Henry Huth His vers de 
sodttiAs a man As a buyer Locker's father and 
brother The Mutual Admiration Society - 285 303 

CONTENTS xxxiii 



Robert Herrick and the Perry-Herricks of Beaumanor Park, 
Loughborough My visit to the house Cherry Ripe 
Dorothy King To keep a true Lent Other book-col- 
lectors of my time R. S. Turner E. H. Lawrence 
Story of Ruskin and the Cypriot antiquities of Cesnola 
The Freres of Roydon Hall Their literary associa- 
tions A portion of the Paston Letters sold with the 
library My Cornish acquaintances Llanhydrock Mr. 
and Mrs. Agar-Robartes Thomas Couch of Bodmin 
and Jonathan Couch of Polperro Henry Sewell Stokes, 
the poet My conversation with him about Tennyson 
The pack-horse road and the British huts near Bodmin 
Mr. Aldrich of Iowa, a friend of Jefferson Davis and 
an autograph-collector, at Barnes - - 304 314 


The auction-rooms Development and machinery of sales by 
auction The cataloguer Influence of sale-catalogues 
on prices Origin of my career as a bibliographer 
Sotheby's Account of some of the early sales there 
Strange personality of Mister Sotheby The Wolfreston 
sale in 1856 How it came about - - 315 326 


Persons whom I have met at Sotheby's A recollection of 
1858 George Daniel of Canonbury Some account of 
him and his books His visit to Charles Mathews the 
elder at Highgate He tells me a story of Charles Lamb 
Samuel Addington His extraordinary character as 
a collector His method of buying Compared with 
Quaiitch The Sixpenny Solicitor Booksellers at 
Sotheby's Curious methods of bidding The bundle- 




hunter, past and present His fallen fortunes The 
smaller room at Sotheby's Anecdote of a Bristol 
teapot ------ 327341 


One or two coin-collectors Lord Ashburnham How he 
lost his first collection Edward Wigan Illustration of 
his enthusiasm The Blenheim sale The Marlborough 
gems The Althorp Library The house in Leicester 
Square Its history and development Remarkable 
sales which have been held by Messrs. Puttick and 
Simpson Books Manuscripts Autographs My obli- 
gations to the house The Somers Tracts - 342 351 


The British Museum My recollection of the old building 
and Reading Room Members of the staff whom I have 
known Panizzi and the New General Catalogue Sir 
Henry Ellis George Bullen Grenville Collection 
Mr. Grenville and my father The frequenters of the 
Reading Room Mr. Gladstone's views about the 
Museum staff Proposed insulation of the national 
collections Publishers Different schools or types 
George Routledge Henry George Bohn George 
Willis A literary adventure Some other booksellers 
The Leadenhall and Cornhill schools of painting The 
edition de luxe The Illustrated Copy - - 352 379 



Abacus, ii. 124 
Abingdon, Earl of, i. 263 
Abiuger, Lord, i. 93 ' 

Acton, i. 227 ; 

Actors, old, mentioned, i. 113, 137, j 

230, 231 ; ii. 28, 108, in, 126, 128, 

129, 136-138, 142, 147-159 
Actors, French, ii. 159 
Adams, Presidential family of, 

i. 7 

Addington, Samuel, ii. 332-334 
Addison, Joseph, ii. 323 
Addlestone, i. 127 ; ii. 43 
Admiral Keppel, ii. in 
Agar-Robartes, J., ii. 310 
Agnes, St., Life by D. Pratt, 


Ainger, Canon, ii. 68-75, 258 
Air Street, i. 262 
Albert, Prince, i. 286; ii. 150, 221- 


Aldis family, i. 257 
Aldrich of Iowa, Mr., ii. 314 
Alexander Place, ii. 107 
Alphington, i. 129, 216 
Alsop, Thomas, ii. 10 
Althorp, Lord, ii. 274 
America, i. 14-56, 62-64, 71, 119, 

126, 127, 202, 203, 228; ii. 287, 

Anne, Queen, i. 10 

Antwerp, ii. 176, 177 

Arabian Nights, ii. 10 

Arnold, Mr. (police magistrate), 

ii. 13 

Ashburnham, Earl of, ii. 275, 342 
Astor family, ii. 163, 164, 254 

Athenaeum^ i. 191 ; ii. 34, 122, 279 
Athenaeus, ii. 192 
Ayers, Sir Henry, ii. 237 


Babbage, Charles, ii. 237 

Bacon, Francis, ii. 246 

Bacon, Sir James, ii. 4, 5 

Bagot-Lanes, the, ii. 195 

Bain, Professor, ii. 27 

Baldwin, Cradock and Co., i. 135, 


Banbury, i. 10 ; ii. 195 
Bancrofts, the, ii. 136, 137 
Bandon, i. 12, 13, 17, 18 
Bannister, Saxe, ii. 163 
Barlow, Samuel, ii. 49, 50 
Barnes, ii. 209-212 
Barnet, ii. 93 
Barrington, ii. 195, 196 
Bartrum the pawnbroker, i. 282 
Bass, Michael, ii. 189 
Bath, Zeeland, ii. 177-180 
Bath, U.S., i. 21, 31 
Battenbergs and Batenborgs, ii. 


Battersea, i. 259, 260; ii. 84 
Baxter, Rose, and Norton, ii. 12, 


Bayswater, ii. 90, 96 
Beacon Hill, i. 53 
Beaumont and Fletcher, i. 117 
Beaumont, Sir George, i. 84 
Beckford, W., i. 121 
Bedford, Paul, ii. 157 
Beggi, Dr., i. 272, 273 
Bell, Laura, ii. 184, 185 
Bell and Horns Lane, ii. 108-113 



Bentham, George, i. 287 
Bentham, Jeremy, i. 134, 140, 283- 


Bentham, Sir Samuel, ii. 287 
Bentley, George, i. 144 
Betham, Barbara, i. 238 
Bewick, William, i. 178 
Birmingham, ii. 253 
Blacas, Comte de, ii. 228 
Black, John, i. 225, 281-283 
Black Bear, Piccadilly, i. 265 
Black Lion Lane, Bayswater, ii. 90 
Blackwood' 's Magazine, i. 139, 140, 


Blades, W., i. 228 
Blan chard, Laman, i. 170, 271; 

ii. 144 

Blanchard, Lily, ii. 120, 144 
Blenheim Steps, i. 124 
Blight, J.T., ii. 311 
Bliss, Philip, ii. 315 
Boccaccio, ii. 10 
Bohns, the, i. 243 ; ii. 369-371 
Bonaparte family, ii. 227-229 
Bonaparte. See Napoleon 
Bonne-Maison, Mme., i. i6r 
Bonomi, Joseph, i. 256 
Book-collectors, ii. 327-336 
Booksellers, ii. 335, 336, 373-376 
Boone, General, ii. 91 
Booth, Mrs., i. 254 
Borough, the, ii. 88 
Boston, U.S., i. 6, 30, 37, 41, 42, 


Botfield, Beriah, ii. 191, 192 
Boucicault, Dion, ii. 153 
Bowmans, the, ii. 167 
Bowring, Sir John, i. 286-288 
Bradshaw, Henry, ii. 263-265, 289, 


Braham, John, i. 222 ; ii. 123 
Bramwell, Sir Frederick, ii. 174, 


Brassej r , Thomas, ii. 173 
Brentford, ii. 89 
Bridgewater, Colonel, i. 182 
Bridge water, Isabella, i. 182, 183, 


Bright, Minors, ii. 265 
Bristol, U.S., i. 215 
Brittany, ii. 161 
Brixton, ii. 83 

Brompton. See Old Brompton 
Brompton Heath, ii. 115 
Brompton Row, ii. 96, 102-105 
Brompton Vale, ii. 86, no, in, 

125, 126 

Brooke, G. V., ii. 128 

Brooks the anatomist, i. 124, 169, 


Brooks, Shirley, ii. 24, 38, 42 
Brougham, Lord, i. 284, 288 ; ii. 8, 

9, i?8 

Browne, Armitage, i. 106 
Browning, Robert, ii. 251-253 
Broxbourne, i. 161 
Brussels, ii. 177 
Buckingham, ii. 197 
Buckingham, J. S., i. 188, 189 
Buckstones, the, ii. 28, 148, 153, 


Sullen, George, ii. 265, 358, 359 
Bullock's Museum, i. 267, 268 
Bulwer-Lytton, i. 171, 207, 225- 


Bulwer-Lytton, Ladr, ii. 130 
Bunker's Hill, i. 37 
Burdett, Sir F., i. 167 
Burlington, U.S., i. 21 
Burney, Martin, i. 282 
Burns, Robert, ii. 80 
Burke, Edmund, i. 154 
Butchers' Gild, ii. 98 
Butt, Susan, i. 52 
Byng, Mr., M.P. ; i. 167 
Byron, George, i. 160, 161 
Byron, Henry, ii. 133 
Byron, Henry James, i. 250 ; ii. 1 12, 

123, 133 etseq., 153, 155, 156 
Byron, Lord, i. 170, 185, 269; ii. 141, 



Cadell and Davies, i. 140, 142, 143 
Csesar's Camp, Wimbledon, ii. 209 
Calverts, the, ii. 161, 162 
Camberwell, i. 57, 62 
Cambridge, ii. 263-266 
Cambridge, N.E., i. 43 
Cambridge, Duke of, ii. 61 
Campbell, Lord, i. 103 
Campbell, Thomas, i. 171 
Canning, George, ii. 123, 230 
Cape Cod, N.E., i. 43 
Carlisle, i. 173 
Carlisle, U.S., i. 23 
Carlos, Don, ii. 123 
Carlton House, i. 273 
Carlyle, Thomas, i. 192, 251-254 
Carlyle, Mrs., i. 254 
Carmalt, Mr., ii. 202 
Carnaby Market, i. 264 ; ii. 94 
Carolina, North, i. 29 
Cave, Mr. Justice, ii. 5 
Celeste, Mme., ii. 157 



Chambers, Colonel, ii. 202 
Chambers, Robert, i. 241 ; ii. 258 
Chambers' s Journal, ii. 65 
Chappell, W., ii. 225 
Charles II. of Great Britain, ii. 195 
Charles X. of France, i. 197 
Charlestown, North Carolina, i. 29 
Charlotte Street, Fitzroy Square, 


Charnwood Forest, ii. 195 
Chatham, Earl of, ii. 98 
Chatterton, Mrs., i. 148, 285 
Chatterton, Thomas, i. 119, 250 
Chaucer, i. Si, 117; ii. 55, 167, 168, 

264, 313 

Chauncy, Dr., i. 42 
Chelsea, i. 165, 251-260; ii. 26, 94, 

96, in, 112, 123, 157 
Chelsea bun-houses, i. 258, 259 
Cheyne Row, i. 251 
Cheyne Walk, i. 257, 258 
Chiswick, i. 267 
Clanricarde, Marquis of, ii. 63 
Clarendon, Earl of, i. 284, 285 
Clarke, C. Cowden, i. 150, 174, 

188-191, 198, 235 ; ii. 68 
Cleland, John, ii. 200 
Clockmakers' Gild, ii. 181 
Clun's Hotel, ii. 37 
Cobb, Abiezer, ii. 211 
Cobbett, W., i. 145, 170 
Cockburn, Sir A., ii. 2 
Colburn, Henry, i. 166, 168-173, 


Cole, Sir H., i. 285, 286 
Coleman, J^ohn, ii. 143 
Colenso, Bishop, i. 293 
Coleridge, Lord, ii. 9, 10, 17, 252, 

Coleridge, S. T., i. 78, 79, 81-85, 

90, 91, 109, 117, 145, 150, 217, 

233, 239, 249, 253 ; ii. 10, 22, 309 
Collier, John, i. 102 
Collier, John Pa}*ne, i. 102, 103; 

ii. 17-22 

Colnaghi, i. 138 
Cooke, G. F., i. 266 
Cooper, Durrant, ii. 149, 150 
Cooper, Thompson, ii. 65 
Copley the artist, i. 36, 270 
Corelli, i. 116 
Cornwall, ii. 310-314 
Corry, Montagu, i. 182 
Corser, Rev. T., ii. 260, 261, 292 
Cosens, F. W., ii. 24, 37, 286 
Costello, Dudley, i. 271 
Couch, Jonathan, ii. 311 

Couch, Thomas Q., ii. 311 

Coulson, Miss, i. 9 

Coulson, Walter, i. 103, 105, 134, 

225, 281, 282 

Coulson, William, i. 281, 282 
Courtenays, i. 262 
Court Journal, i. 170 
Cox and Greenwood, ii. 231 
Cox, Tench, i. 20 
Cox's British Gallery^ ii. 163 
Crashaw, Richard, ii. 34 
Crediton, i. 124, 128, 129, 185, 216 
Crernorne Gardens, i. 256 
Croker, Dillon, ii. 24, 28 
Croker, J. W., i. 115, 140, 207 
Cromwell, Oliver, ii. no, 211 
Cromwell, Richard, i. 129 
Cromwell House, Old Brompton, 

ii. 103, no 

Crossley, James, ii. 261, 262 
Cruikshank, George, ii. 109 
Cruikshank, Robert, ii. 109 
Culloden, ii. 35 
Cundall, Joseph, i. 286 
Cunliffe library, ii. 79 
Cunningham, Allan, ii. 234 
Cunningham, General, ii. 234 
Cunningham, Peter, i. 256 ; ii. 39 
Cupid and Psyche, ii. 141 
Curran, i. 167 
Czar of Russia, ii. 217 


Dance, i. 84 
Daniel, George, ii. 270, 278, 292, 

327 329-332 
Daranda, Mme., 11. 203 
Daru, Count, ii. 66 
David family, i. 257 
Davis, Jefferson, ii. 314 
Davison, J. W., i. 246 ; ii. 42 
Davys of Creedy Park, i. 262 
Day, Frederic Holland, i. 42, note 
Dean, Forest of, ii. 192 
Deane, J. Bathurst, ii. 49, 57 
Defoe, D., i. 243,^ 286 ; ii. 261 
Delepierre, O., ii. 39 
Delahaye Street, ii. 85 
De la Haye, Pierre, ii. 85 
De Merger, Baron, ii. 160, 161 
Denman, Lord, i. 93 
Diamond, Dr., ii. 24, 29-34, 210, 

Dickens, Charles, i. 103, 275, 292 ; 

ii. 129, 130, 365 
Dickens, Charles, the younger, 

ii. 24, 36, 40 



Dickin, George, i. 67, 68 
Dilke, C. W., i. 139 
Dilke, Sir Charles, ii. 34, 35, 279 
Diogenes Laertius, i. 253 
Disraeli, Benjamin, i. 182; ii. 

Dixon, Hepworth, ii. 24, 34-36, 41, 

J 33 

Dodsley's Old Plays, i. 116 
Donaldson, Professor, i. 126 
Donne, John, i. 193 ; ii. 333 
Doogood, i. 103 
Doran, Dr., ii. 24, 36, 37, 42 
Dorchester, U.S., i. 37, 52, 54, 56 
Dorchester Heights, i. 37 
Dorchester, Upper, i. 49 
Down and Connor, Precentor of, 

i. 262, 263 
Doyle, John, i. 280 
Drummonds, the, ii. 166 
Dryden, John, i. 116 
Dumas, Alexandre, ii. 152, 153, 


Du Maurier, George, ii. 161 
Dunton, John, ii. 88 
Duplex, Dr., ii. 39, 132 
Durham, Joseph, i. 202 ; ii. 24 
Dyce, Rev. A., ii. 262 


Karl's Court, ii. 112-114 
Earnshaw, Thomas, ii. 181, 182 
Easthope, Sir John, i. 282, 283 
Ebury Farm, ii. 84, 99 
Edgware, ii. 96 
Edmonton, ii. 89 
Efra, ii. 83 
Egan, Pierce, i. 164 
Eliot, George, ii. 17 
Elizabeth, Queen, i. 257 ; ii. 83 
Elliot's Pine Pits, ii. 106 
Ellis, F. S., ii. 371, 376 
Ellis, George, i. 113 
Ellis, Sir Henry, ii. 352, 355 
Emmett, Miss, i. 185, 186 
Emmett, Robert, i. 185 
Engel, Carl, ii. 167 
Ethiopian Serenaders, ii. 155 
Evans, Sir De I/acy, i. 249 
Evans, Man', ii. 17 
Evans's, ii. 44 

Evelyn, John, ii. 202, 242-244 
Examiner, The, i. 113, 124, 205 et 


Exeter, i. 214, 216 
Exhibition of 1851, i. 286; ii. 125 


Fairbrother, Miss, ii. 225 
Fairfax, General, ii. 203 
Fairfax House, Putney, ii. 203 
Falmouth, N.E., i. 49 
Farren, Nelly, ii. 141 
Farrens, the, ii. 149-151 
Faulkner, Thomas, ii. 107 
Fawcett, Rev. Joseph, i. 72, 94, 

150, 158 

Fenn, Sir John, ii. 309 
Ferdinand of Spain, i. 127 
Finnerty, Peter, i. 104, 105 
Fitzclarence, Lady Mary, ii. 166 
Fitzgeorges, the, ii. 225 
Fitzhall, Elsted, ii. 186 
Fitzwilliam, Mrs., ii. 155 
Five Fields, Pirnlico, ii. 94 
Fleming, Sir John, ii. 109 
Flint's in Grafton Street, i. 267 
Flower- Pot at Bishopsgate, ii. 89 
Fonblanque, Albany, i. 271, 272 
Fonblanque, Martin, ii. 7 
Forbes, James, ii. 127, 128 
Forman, Buxton, i. 202 
Forster, John, i. 271, 272, 278; 

ii. 129-131, 351 
Fort William, i. 50, 54 
Forty Thieves^ ii. 23 
Foster, Miss, ii. 106 
Fox, C. J., i. 97, 98, 167 
Fox, General Charles, ii. 166 
Fox, John, ii. 288 
Frampton, Dr., ii. 124 
Franklin, Dr., i. 12, 21 
Free list, i. 138; ii. 229-231 
French Plays, ii. 159 
Freres, the, ii. 309 
Fribourg's snuff-shop, i. 265 
Fulham, ii. 106, 116, 118, 167 

et seq. 

Fulham Palace, ii. 168 
Fulham Park, ii. 167 


Gage, Lord, i. 294 
Garcin de Tassy, ii. 65 
Garibaldi, Giuseppe, ii. 202 
Garnett, Rev. Mr., ii. 192 
Garnett, Richard, ii, 353, 361 
Gay, Ebenezer, i. 41, 42, 49-52 
Gayangos, Sefior, ii. 266 
George I., i. 129 
George III., i. 273-275 J "- 93, 99> 

123, 218 
George IV., ii. 169, 215 



German Reeds, the, i. 250, 251 
German Town, near Philadelphia, 

i. 24, 25 

Gibbon, Edward, 11. 204, 205 
Gibbons, Grinling, ii. 256 
Gjfford, W., i. 206 
Gilchrist, Mrs., ii. 76 
Gillott, Joseph, ii. 163 
Gladstone, W. E-, ii. 6, 64, 120, 

232-234, 259, 364 
Gleig, Rev. G. R., ii. 62 
Gloucester, Duke of, ii. 123 
Gloucestershire, ii. 192 
Glyn, ii. 183 
Go'dwin, George, ii. 115 
Godwin, William, i. 9, 10, 72, 94, 

95, 98, 109, 133, 145, 150, 157- 

159, 196, 200, 231, 232 
Goldsmid, Sir Francis, i. 237, 238 
Goldsmith, Oliver, i. 154 ; ii. 149, 


Gomez family of Philadelphia 

and New York, i. 24 
Gomme, G. I/., ii. 199 
Gordon, Dr., i. 34 
Gordon, General, ii. 233 
Goulburn, Mr. Commissioner, ii. 

6, 7 

Grafton, Duke of, i. 174, 175 
Grant, Baron, ii. 4 
Gray, Dr., ii. 363 
Great Russell Street, i. 212, 213 
Greenhill, G. A., ii. 263 
Grenville, Thomas, ii. 352, 360 
Griffiths, Ralph, ii. 200, 201 
Grimani family, i. 257, 258 
Grimthorpe, Lord, ii. 174, 175 
Grote, George, ii. 237 
Groves, Captain, ii. 238 
Guiney, Miss, i. 203 
Guizot, ii. 122 
Gunnings, the, ii. ur 
Gunter the pastrycook, ii. 114, 

Gurney, Sir Goldsworth}*, ii. 113, 


Hackney, i. 71-74 

Hall, Mr. and Mrs. Carter, ii. 

119, I2O 

Halliwell-Phillipps, J. O., ii. 115, 
119, 146, 254, 255, 269, 325 

Hallowell, U.S., i. 44 

Ham House, ii. 79 

Hamilton, Sir Robert, ii. 59, 60, 
63-65, 210 

Hammersmith, ii. 198, 199 

Hammonds of Woodbridge, i. 268,, 


Hampstead, ii. 82, 91 
Hancock, Governor, i. 55 
Handfords, the, i. 257 
Hannay, James, i. 251 ; ii. 41, 144 
Harley, John, ii. 108, 152 
Harrogate, ii. 190 
Harrow, ii. 90 
Haslemere, ii. 128 
Haslett, John, i. 5 
Havre, i. 197 

Hawes, Sir Benjamin, i. 245 
Hawkins, Mr. Justice, ii. n, 172 
Haydon, B. R., i. 119, 174, 234 
Hazlitt family, i. I e t seq. 
Hazlitt Road, ii. 7 
Hazlitt, Elizabeth, of Shronell, 

i. 4 
Hazlitt, Grace, i. 128, 129. See 


Hazlitt, Harriet, i. 6, 7 
Hazlitt, James, of Shronell, J.P., 

i- 4 5 

Hazlitt, James, of Coleraine, i. 4 

Hazlitt, John (Colonel), of Shro- 
nell, i. 5, 23 

Hazlitt, John (Colonel), of Cole- 
raine, i. 6 

Hazlitt, John, miniature-painter, 
i. 7, 26, 36, 51-53, 60, 65, 72-74, 
88, 95, 106, 109, 124-129, 153, 210- 
217, 231 

Hazlitt, Mrs. John, i. 121 

Hazlitt, Joseph, of Coleraine, i. 4 

Hazlitt, Margaret, of Shronell, 
i. 2, 4, 8 

Hazlitt, Margaret, or Peggy (the 
diarist), i. 3, 4, 12, 53, 61, 62, 129, 
210, 213 

Hazlitt, Miss, of New London, 
i. 23 

Hazlitt, William, of Coleraine, 

Hazlitt, William (Rev.), i. 4, 8 et 

seq., 64, 65, 70, 71, 79,. S2-85, 97- 

99, 105, 106, 127, 228 ; 11. 29 
Hazlitt, William (the essayist), 

i. 3-12, 36-38, 43, 51, 60, 65 

et passim. 
Hazlitt, William (the younger), 

i. 6, 221 et seq. 
Hazlitt, Mrs. W. (Sarah Stoddart), 

i. 178-180 

Heaton, Mrs. Charles, ii. 144 
Heber, Richard, ii. 215, 216, 293, 




Hell Gate, i. 33 
Henderson, Mr., ii. 230 
Hendon, i. 164 
Henley-on-Thames, i. 10 
Henry VIII., ii. 202 
Herbert, George, ii. 34 
Herrick, Robert, ii. 202, 304-307 
Hessey, J. A., i. 139 
Hessey, Archdeacon, i. 174 
Highgate, ii. 82, 93 
Highwaymen, ii. 88, 90, 99, 169 
Hingham, N. E., i. 37, 4*, 42 
Hog's Back, i. 33 
Hogg, James, i. 135 
Hogg, Jeafferson, ii. 285 
Hofcroft, - ' - 

110, 145, 

a. 72, 94, 98, 
150; ii. 151, 


159, iGo 
Holcrofts, Fulham, ii. 92, 156, 


Holl, Frank, R.A., ii. 131 
Holl, Henry, i. 250; ii. 24, 28, 34, 

41, 128-131 

Holland Park, ii. 166 
Holloway, ii. 82 
Holyrood, ii. 236 
Hone, W., i. 123, 145 
Hood, Thomas, i. 151, 168, 171, 

172, 239, 240 
Hook, Theodore, i. 171 
Hooks and Eyes, ii. 23 
Hoppner, i 263 
Hornbys, the, i. 257, 258 
Home, R. H., i. 151, 160, 162, 201, 

202, 248, 249 
Horton, Priscilla, i. 251 ; ii. 154, 


Hounslow, ii. 89 
Howe, Henry, ii. 129 
Hue's Travels, i. 247 
Hull, i. 9 
Hume, Joseph, of the Pipe Office, 

i. 97, 98, 228 
Hunt Family, i. 123, 134, 150, 

174, 187-189, 270, 277 
Hunt, John, i. 122, 134, 235, 268, 

288,- ii. 106 
Hunt, Leigh, i. 114, 118-120, 130, 

133-135, 144, 145, 170, 183, 186, 

269, 275 ; ii. 328 

Hunter, Rowland, i. 118 
Hurst and Blackett, i. 172, 173 
Hurst, Chance and Co., i. 173 
Huth, Henry, ii. 266-283, 292, 293, 

299, 378 

Hyde Park, ii. 86, 99 
Hyde Park Corner, ii. 95, 96 


Ingestrie House, ii. 109 
Ingleby, C. M., ii. 256 
Ireland, i. 13, 16-18, 43 ; ii. 63, 64 
Ireland, Alexander, i. 208-210 

ii. 257-259 

Ireland, Thomas, i. 126, 127 
Ireton, Henr3 r , ii. 202 
Irving, Sir H., ii. 151, 152 
Islington, ii. 88, 183 
Isola, Emma, ii. 121 

Jaffrey, Archibald, ii. 235-238 
J ago, Rev. William, ii. 312 
Jamaica Plains, U.S., i. 34 
Jeafferson, J. C., ii. 37, 3^ 
Jeffrey, Francis, i. no, 133, 199, 


Jerdan, William, i. 171 
Jerrold, Douglas, ii. 18, 23, 24, 27, 

28; ii. 120 

Jerrold, W. B., ii. 24, 120 
Jersey, ii. 52, 211 
Jessel, Sir George, ii. 24, 40 
Jocelyn, Sir Giles, i. 8 
Johnson the publisher, i. 93, 95, 

96, 99, 100, 118, 126 
Johnson, Dr., i. 152, 154, 155; 

ii. 200 


Kaiser, the, ii. 217, 225, 226 
Kay, Mr. Justice, ii. 4 
Kean, Charles, ii. 128 
Kean, Edmund, i. 113, 114, 266 
Keats, John, i. 106, 119, 139, 159, 

174, 269, 275, 276 ; ii. 349 
Keeleys, The, ii. 24, 28, 129, 148 
Kelly, W. K., i. 293 
Kenible, Charles, i. 211, 212, 230, 

231, 270 

Kennebec River, U.S., i. 44 
Kenneys, the, ii. 159-162 
Kensington, i. 290; ii. 89, 90, 91, 

100, 101, 103,109, i jo, 113, i [6, 

158, 165-167 

Kensington Gardens, i. 274 
Kent, Duchess of, ii. 104 
Kent, Mrs., i. 118 
Kenyon, Lord, ii. 7 
Keswick, i. 84 
Keymers, the, ii. 144, 145 
King, Dorothy, ii. 305 
King Oak Hill, U.S., i. 37 
King's and Queen's Roads, ii. 96 
Kingsgate Castle, ii. 96 
Kingston, Surrey, ii. 203 



Kinsale, i. 16, 43 
Kippis, Dr., i. 12, 214 
Knaresborough Forest, ii. 190 
Kneller, Sir Godfrey, i. 270 
Knight, Charles, ii. 24, 42 
Knightsbridge, ii. 86, 91, 94, 97. 

101, 183 
KnowlesJ.S., i. 150, 165, 176, 177, 

290 L . 

Lady Teazle, i. 270 
Laing, David, ii. 264, 288-290 
Lamb, Charles, i. So, 85, 94, 97, 
99-101, 113, 114, 117, 128, 130- 

I33> 140, 150, 151, 157, 192, 199, 
200, 207, 213-215, 228, 233, 239, 
240, 276, 282, 297, 331; ii. 19, 
38, 68-77, 121-123, 145 

Lamb, John, i. 162 

Lamb, Mary, i. 151, 238 ; ii. 68, 76 

Lancaster, Joseph, i. 214 

Landor, W. S., i. 150, 173, 174, 183, 
184, 186 

Landseers, the, i. 119, 141 ; ii. 48 

Lansdowne, Lord, ii. 48 

Larkin, Sophia, ii. 142 

Latrop, Dr., i. 126 

Lawrence, E. H., ii. 36, 307 

Lear, i. 85 

Lee, Dr., i. 257 

Leicester, ii. 186 et se#., 305 

Leicestershire, ii. 186 et seq. 

Leigh, Preston, ii. 10.6 

Lemrjri^re family, ii. 52, 53 

Lerwick, ii. 59, 60, 64 

Leslie, ii. 62 

Levi, Jonas, ii. 96 

Levy, Albert, ii. 136 

Levy, Edward, ii. 136, 152 

Levy, J. M., ii. 136, 137 

Lewes, G. H., ii. 17 

Lewis, David, i. 51, 57, 62, 211 

Lewis Family, i. 13, 57, 62 

Lewis, Rev. S. S., ii. 344, 345 

Lewis, Sir Charles, ii. 14, 15 

Lichfield, Earl of, ii. 193 

Ljlburne, John, ii. 202 

Lime Grove, ii. 204, 208 

Listen, ii. 148 

Literary Gazette^ i. 170 

Little Chelsea, ii. 115 

Liverpool, i. 61, 83 ; ii. 236 

Liverpool, Earl of, ii. 216 

Llanhydrock, ii. 310 

Locker, Arthur, ii. 300 

Locker, Edward, ii. 299 

Locker, Frederic, ii. 293-301 

i Lockhart, J. G., i. 140 
Loftus, Grace, i. 8, 128, 129 
Loftus, Thomas, i. 8 
Loftus, Thomas, the younger, i. 97 
Loftus family, i. 8-12, 14, 15, 58, 

65 94, 95 129 ; ii. 106 
London Library, i. 252, 294; ii. 

London Magazine, i. 135 et seq., 

162 ; ii. 48, 201 
Londonderry, Bishop of, i. 262, 


Long Ditch, ii. 85 
Long Island, near New York, 


Long Water, ii. 85 
Longfellow, H. W., ii. 251 
Longman and Co., i. 172 
Louis XIV., ii. 226 
Louis XVIII., i. 293 ; ii. 206, 207, 


Louvre, i. 83 
Lovell, General, i. 38 
Lyndsay, Sir David, ii. 264 
Lyttons, The, i. 227 


Macaulay, Lord, ii. 59, 89, 280 
Macaulay, Rev. Z., ii. 59 
Maceroni, Clara, ii. 216 
Maceroni, Colonel, ii. 106 
Mackay, Charles, ii. 242 
Mackintosh, Sir James, i. Si, 93, 

99 W, 158 

Maclean, Sir John, ii. 312 
Macready, W. C., ii. 129 
Madden, Sir F., ii. 254 
Maidstone, i. 11-13 
Makins, Bathsua, ii. 202 
Manchester,!. 83, 169,214,- ii. 257, 


Mannings, the, 11. 211 
Maria Theresa, ii. 218 
Marie Louise, the Empress, ii. 

Marlborough, Duke of, ii. 223, 


Marseilles, ii. 161 
Marshfield, i. ri, 12, 211 
Martin, John, i. 256 
Martin, Sir Theodore, ii. 53 
Maryland, i. 26 
Marylebone, ii. 183 
Masson, Professor, ii. 24, 41 
Mathews, Charles, ii. 331 
Mathews, Charles, the younger, 

ii. 109, 136, 148, 156, 167 



Maude, Captain, ii. 238 
Mauritius, ii. 129 
Mayer, Townshend, i. 293 
Mayhew, Horace, ii. 24, 40 
McCabes, the, ii. 145 
Meadows, Kenny^, ii. 144 
Meath, Earl of, ii. 234 
Medwin, Captain, i. 185 
Melbourne, "Lord, i. 280, 288 
Mellon, Mrs. Alfred, ii. 137 
Menken, Ada, ii. 155 
Merchant Taylors' Company, ii. 

50, 58, 59 

Merchant Taylors' Bight, i. 259 
Merchant Taylors' School, ii. 43, 

48, et seq. 

Merime*e, M., i. 153 
Mickleham, ii. 85 
Middleton's Witch, i. 117 
Miles, Thomas, ii., 186, et sea. 
Mill, J. S., i. 285 
Mill Hill, Barnes, ii. 210, 212 
Mill Hill, Hendon, i. 164 
Millais, Sir John, ii. 52, 53 
Miller and Christie-Miller, ii. 291- 

Milnes, R. M., i. 119, 276 
Milton, John, i. 106, 120; ii. 53, 262 
Mitford, Rev. John, ii. 263 
Molesworth, Sir William, i. 285 
Mpltino's and other print-shops 

in 1787, i. 59 

Moncrieff, Sir Henry, i. 179, 180 
Montagu, Basil, i. "119, 143, 150, 

I54-I5 6 

Montagu, Hyman, ii. 14 
Montagu, Mrs., i. 119, 150, 152, 

155, 156, 209, 238, 239 
Montaigne, i. 243 ; ii. 16 
Montpelier Tea Gardens, i. 57 
Moor, Dr. James, i. 8 
Moore Park, Fulhani, ii. 167 
Morlaix, i. 161 
Morley, Professor, i. 271, 272 ; ii. 


Morris, Mr., ii. 206, 207 
Mouncey, George, i. 150, 173, 174 
Moxon, Edward, i. 172, 173, 276; 

ii. 121 

Mulreadys, the, i. 279-281 
Murat, Joachim, ii. 106 
Murchison, Sir Roderick, ii. 193, 


Miirger, Henri, ii. 162 
Murray, John, i. 140, 142, 247 ; ii. 

Murray, Lindley, i. 108 

Napoleon I., i. 110, in, 115, 187- 

192, 222, 224; ii. 106, 150, 161, 

179, 226, 227, 323 f 

Napoleon III., i. 247, 293 ; n. 161, 

162, 228, 229 

Neal (Brother Jonathan], i. 287 
Netherlands, ii. 176-180 
Newbur}% i. 162 
Newcastle-on-Tyne, ii. 80 
New England, i. 47, 48 
New London, i. 7, 23 
Newman, i. 266 
New Monthly Magazine, i. 154, 

162, 164, 171, 193, 205 
Newport, i. 33 
New York, i. 15, 18-20, 33, 62, 63 ; 

ii., 164, 351 

Nicholas I. of Russia, 11. 228 
Norland House, ii. 166 
Norland Spring, ii. 166 
Northcote, James, i. 84, 150, 153, 

169, 170, 235; ii. 211 
Noseda, Mrs., ii. 333 
Netting Hill, ii. 90 
Novellos, the, i. 174 
Noviomagians, ii. 27, 170 
Nurserymen in Old Brompton, ii. 

in, 115, 117 

Ogilvy, Charles, ii. 60 _ 

Oglethorpe, General, ii. 34 

Old Brompton, i. 228; ii. 26, 36, 

48, 59, 82 et seq., 98 et seq., 158, 


Old King Cole, ii. 126 
Oliver, Isaac, ii. 333 
Oilier, Charles, i. 114-116; ii. 349 
Orton, Arthur, ii. 13 
Osborn the nurseryman, ii. 106 
Our Club, ii. 23-43* 
Oxendens of Barham, ii. 264 
Oxford, i. 10, 100; ii. 211 
Oxford Market, i. 94 


Packes, the, i. 263 
Paddington, ii. 93, 184 
Palmerston, Lord, i. 243-245; 11. 

231, 232 

Panizzi, Antonio, ii. 352, 355, 356 
Pantomimes, ii. 158 
Paris, i, 198 ; ii. 83, 206 
Parker, J. W., ii. 373 
Parkes, Joseph, i. 150, 162 
Parliament, Brompton, ii. 124 
Parr, Dr., i. 99 



Parson's Green, ii. 116, 168 
Parsons, Nancy, i. 175 
Paston Letters, ii. 193, 309 
Paterson, William, ii. 163 
Patmore, Coventry, ii. 322 
Patmore, P. G.,i. 119, 150, 164-166, 

176, 287; ii. 19 
Paul, Kegan, i. 94, 95 ; ii. 68 
Pearce, Mary, i. 211 
Peel, Sir F.,~ii. 62, 63 
Peel, Sir R., ii. 230, 231 
Penn, William, i. 31 
Pennsylvania, i. 40 
Pennsylvania Historical Societv, 

ii. 287 

Pentlow, Grace, i. 9 
Pepys, John, ii. 181 
Pepys, Samuel, ii. 265, 266 
Percy Street, Tottenham Court 

Road, i. 58, 228 
Perry, James, i. 103 
Perry-Herricks, ii. 304, 305 
Perth Amboy, i. 21, 31 
Peterborough, i. 9 
Peterborough House, Parson's 

Green, ii. 116 
Philadelphia, i. 7, 21, 22, 29, 31, 

62, 63 

Philippe, M., ii. 159 
Phillipps, James O. Halliwell. 

See HalHwell 
Phillips, Sir Richard, i. 158; ii. 


Piccadilly, i. 262-268 
Pickersgill the artist, i. 284 
Piers of Fulhain, ii. 168 
Piggott, Fraser, ii. 186 
Pike Lane, Putney, ii. 203 
Pimlico, ii. 94 
Pitt, William, i. 9 
Pittsburg, U.S.. i. 30 
Place, Francis, i. 285 
Plessis Barbe, ii. 160 
Pollock, Sir Frederick, ii. 17, 26 
Pope, A., i. 116 
Portens, the, ii. 205 
Portman, Mar3% ii. 202 
Portsea, ii. 184 
Powell, Dr., ii. 29 
Prettyman, Dr. George, ii. 194 
Price, Dr., of Newington, i. 12 
Priestley, Dr., i. ii, 29, 44, 162 
Primroses, the, ii. 234, 235 
Prince Regent, the, ii. 105 
Pritchard, Hannah, i. 125 
Procters, the, i. 119, 144, 150, 152, 

155, 202, 209, 236-239 ; ii. 68 

i Providence, U.S., i. 34 

1 Purser's Cross, ii. 116 
Putney, ii. 89, 92, nS, 201-207 
Puttick and Simpson, ii. 346-351 
Pyne, Henry, ii, 368 

Queen, Her Majesty the, ii, 217- 

221, 233 
Queen's Arms Tavern, Cheapside, 

i- 275 

Queen's Dusthole, ii. 137, 138 
Queen's Elm, i. 250 ; ii. 95 
Quimper, i. 161 
Quincy, Presidential family of, i. 

7, 55 


Ranelagh Gardens, ii. 196 
Rathbone Place, i. 211 
Reeve, John, ii. 105, 147, 148 
Reeves and Turner, ii. 367 
Reform Club, ii. 150 
Regent Street, i. 264 ; ii. 94 
Rembrandt, i. 236 
Rennies, the, ii. 175, 177 
Reynell, Catherine, i. 202, 225, 

227, 270, 271 ; ii. 90, 180 
Reynell, Charles W., i. 170, 197, 

261-294; ii. 125, 149, 164, 207, 

Reynell family, i. 151-153, 166, 

221, 224, 225, 261-294; ii. i IT, 

126, 164 

Reynell, Sir George, i. 263 
Reynell, Sir Richard, i. 263 
Reynolds, H., i. 133 
Reynolds, Sir Joshua, i. 87, 153, 

154, 211-213, 263, 281 
Reynolds, S. W., i. 281 
Rhode Island, i. 33, 34 
Richard III., ii. 305 
Richardson, Sir B. W., ii. 24, 28, 


Richardson, D. L,., i. 205, 206 
Richardson, Jonathan, i. 87 
Richmond, Surrey, ii. 13, 32, 95 
Rickman, John, f. 83, 214 
Rickman, Thomas Clio, i. 214 
Rintoul, i. 291 
Ritchie, Joseph, i. 119 
Riviere, Robert, ii. 292 
Robartes, Lord, ii. 310 
Roberts, Lord, ii. 310 
Robertson, A. D., i. 178 
Robertson, John, i. 285 ; ii. 252 
Robertson, Thomas, ii. 136, 138 
Robins, George, ii. 193 



Robinson, Anthony, i. 93, 98 
Robinson, H. Crabb, i. 80, 93, 119 


Robinson, Sir John, ii. 60 
Robinson Crusoe, ii. 142 
Roche, Miss, ii. 358 
Roehampton, ii. 207 
Rogers, Samuel, ii. 292 
Romilly, Lord, ii. 215 
Romney, G., i. 214 
Rose, George, ii. 136, 137 
Rosebery, Lord, ii. 234-236 
Rouen, i. 195 ; ii. 180 
Routledge, George, ii. 368, 369 
Rowland (Odonto], ii. 145 
Rowlandson, T., ii. 323 
Roxburgh, Duke of, ii. 274, 328 
Roy's School at Fulham, ii. 118, 


Royal Academy, i. 83. 162 
Royal Family, i. 168; ii. 104, 117, 

118, 123, 150, 166, 215-226 
Rumford, Count, ii. 104 
Ruskin, John, i. 255 ; ii. 67, 146, 


St. Aubyn family, ii. 204, 205, 

St. Mary Abbot's, Kensington, 

ii. 165 

Sala, G. A., ii. 152, 256 
Salisbury, i. 195 
Salisbury, Marquis of, ii. 61, 62 
Sand's End, ii. 116 
Sandwich, Lord, i. 238 
Sayers, Tom, ii. 182 
Scarlett, Sir James, i. 92, 109 
Schlegel, i. 113 
Schb'nborn, Count, ii. 241 
Scott, John, i. 135-141 
Scott, Paul, i. 138 
Scott, Thomas, i. 293, 294 
Scott, Sir Walter, i. 191, 192, 199, 

229 ; ii. 237, 288, 290, 291 
Severn, Joseph, i. 275 
Shakespear, W., i. 66, 70, 113, 114, 

116-122; ii. 19, 20, 38-42, 53, 141, 
^ 245-50, 255, 313 
Shakespeare, Mr., at Perth 

Atnboy, U.S., i. 32 
Shee, Sir M. A., i. 197 
Shelley, P. B., i. 120, 130, 269, 


Shepherd's Bush, ii. 93 
Shepherd's Market, ii. 94 
Shepherd of Gateacre, Rev. Mr., 

Shepherd, R. H., i. 254 

Sheppen or Skipper, Anne, i. 


Sheridan, R. B., i. 290 
Shetland, ii. 59, 60, 64 
Shirley, B. P., ii. 288 
Shoberl, Mr., 171, 172 
Shuckborough, Sir Charles, ii. 


Siddons, Mrs., i. 230 
Sidney, Sir Philip, i. 121 
Siggers the market-gardener, ii. 

117, 118 

Skelton, John, i. 272 
Sketchley, Arthur, ii. 136, 137 
'Skittles,' ii. 185 
Smedley's Sketches from Venetian 

History, ii. 66 
Smith and Elder, ii. 65 
Smith, John Russell, ii. 367 
Smith, Sir William, ii. 65 
Sotheby and Co., ii. 10, 315 et 


Sotheby, S. Leigh, ii. 323 
Southampton Arms, i. 146, 152, 


Southwark, ii. 86, 88 
Southey, Robert, i. 80, 83-85, 130, 

152, 199, 207, 233 
Spagnolettis, the, ii. in, 126, 


Spanish Dancers, the, ii. 155 
Spectator, The, i. 291 
Spencer, Earl, ii. 345, 346 
Spencer, Herbert, ii. 275, 276 
Spenser, Edmund, i. 117 ; ii. 53, 

Spiers, Mr., of Essex Hall, i. 287, 


Staple Inn, i. 173 
Stephen, Sir James, ii. 234 
Stephens, F. G., ii. 144 
Stephenson, John, ii. 173 
Stephenson, George, ii. 173 
Stephenson, Robert, ii. 173 
Sterne, Laurence, i. 65 
Stevenson, R. L-, i. 237 
Stewart, Captain, i. 216 
Stilton cheeses, i. 187 
Stirling, Edward, i. 112 
Stockport, i. 214, 216 
Stoddart, Sir John, i. 72, 81, 92, 

94, 109, 145, 146, 178-182, 288 
Stoddarts, the, 145, 179, 180 ; ii. 


Stokes, H. S., ii. 313 
Stow, John, ii. 288 



Strawberry Alley, Philadelphia, 

i. 22 

Streatham, ii. 85 
Street the architect, ii. n, 12 
Stuarts, the, i. 129 
Swan and Edgar, i. 265, 267 
Swanboroughs, the, ii. 139, 140 
Swift, J., i. 253 
Swinburne, A. C., ii. 205 
Swinburne, Sir John, i. 280 
Sydney, Lord and Lady, i. 248 


Talfourd, Frank, ii. 43 
Talfourd, Mr. Justice, i. 115, 119, 

143, 151, 207, 225 ; ii. 68, 74, 75 
Tallej-rand, ii. 150 
Tattersall's, i. 267 
Taylor, Sir Henry, ii. 234 
Taylor and Hessey, i. 194 
Tennyson, Alfred, i. 234, 250, 254; 

ii. 121, 250, 251, 293, 295, 313 
Tennyson, Lionel, ii. 297 
Thackeray, W. M., i. 122, 173, 275 ; 

ii. 24, 262 
Theatres, the, a. 97, 101, 103, 113 ; 

ii. 124, 126, 128, 129, 137-141, 

143, 147-159 
Thelwall, John, i. 109 
Thistle Grove, ii. 115, 116 
Thistlethwaite, ii. 184 
Thompson, Sir Benjamin. See 

Rum ford 

Thompson, Sir Matthew, ii. 171 
Thurtell, i. 163 
Thynnes of Longleat, ii. 191 
Tichborne, Sir Roger, ii. 13 
Tillotson, Archbishop, ii. 256 
Timbs, John, ii. 242, 243 
Titian, i. 87, 153 
Todd's Spenser, i. 117 
Tokenhouse Yard, Putney, ii. 206 
Tolleuiaches, the, ii. 239, 240, 330 
Tomline, George, ii. 193-195 
Toole, J. B., ii. 143 
Tours, ii. 160 

Tower, Charlemagne, ii. 287 
Toxophilite Society, ii. 109 
Tracys of Liverpool, i. 67 
Trafalgar, battle of, ii, 104, 182 
Trattle, Marmaduke, ii. 341 
Trevelyan, Sir Charles, ii. 59, 60 
Trevelyan, Lady, ii. 60 
Trimmer, Mrs.,"ii. 202 
Triphook, Robert, ii. 336 
Trundle Hill, Goodwood, ii. 186 
Tufts, Dr., i. 37 

' Tupper, Martin, ii. 242 
Turner, J. M. W., i. 254-256 
Turner, R. S., ii. 266, 307 

, Turnham Green, ii. 89, 199-201 

1 Tussaud's, Mme., ii. 227 
Tu thill Fields, ii. 94 

i Twickenham, ii. 30 et seq. 

\ Tyburn, ii. 96 
Tyrwhitt's Chaucer, i. 117 
Tyssens, the, ii. 285 

Upcott, William, ii. 243 
Upham family, i. 216 
Uxbridge Road, ii. 166 

Vaughan family of Philadelphia, 

i. 24, 25, 44 
Vauxhall, ii. 83 
Venice, ii. 66-68, 202, 273 
Vestris, Mme., ii. 154, 156 
Villiers, Mr., M.P., i. 285 
Vizetelly, Henry, ii. 162 
Voelker's Gymnasium, i. 284 


W n, Alice, i. 282 

Waine wright, T. G., i. 138, 139, 

162, 163 ; ii. 200, 201 
Walbrook, ii. 85, 86 
Waldegrave, Lady, ii. 123 
. Wales, i. 13 

Walham Green, ii. 92, 116, 168 
Wallack, James, ii. 157 
Walnut-tree Walk, ii. 113, 114 
Walpole, Sir R., i. 98 
Walter, John, i. 113 ; ii. 197 
Walton, Izaak, ii. 168 
Walworth, i. 57, 58, 61 
Wandsworth, ii. 207, 208 
Ward, Plumer, i. 166 
Wardour Street, Soho, i. 225 
Warne, Mrs., ii. 106 
Washington, George, i. 5, 23 
Waterloo, i. 115 ; ii. 188, 189, 206 
Watkin, Sir Edward, ii. 127, 128 
Watts, Theodore, ii. 205 
Watts, Thomas, ii. 360 
Weare, i. 163 
Weathercock, Janus, i. 138, 162, 

163 ; ii. 201, 303 
Webb, ' Captain,' ii. 165, 170 
Webster, Benjamin, ii. 28, 109, 

128, 152, 153, 157 
Webster, John, ii. 34 
Wedgwood, Josiah, ii. 200 



Wellington, first Duke of, ii. 118, 

119, 206, 217 
Wellington, second Duke of, i. 

247, 248 

Wells, Charles, i. 150, 151, 159-162 
Wem, Salop, i. 6p, 71, 77, 79, 125- 

127, 150, 211 ; ii. 260 
Wendover, ii. 89 
West, Benjamin, R.A., i. 36, 270 
Westminster, ii. 84-86, 88, 89 
Westminster, Marquis of, ii. 63 
Weymouth, N. E-, i. 35, 4> 4*. 

46-49 54, 56 

Whately, Thomas, i. 113, 114 
Wheatleys, the, ii. 325, 326, 347, 


Whelans, the, 11. 343 
Wheeler's Herodotus, ii. 63 
Whig Club, i. 167 
Whitbreads, the, i. 263 
Whitchurch, ii. 260 
White House, Putney, ii. 118 
Whitman family of New England, 

i. 38, 49 

Whitechapel, ii. 84 
Wigan, Edward, ii. 342, 343 
Wilberforce, William, ii. 106 
Wilkins, Serjeant, ii. n 
Willett, Ralph, i. 201 
William III., i. 262, 263 
William IV., ii. 166 
Williams, David, i. 58 
Willis, George, ii. 373, 574 
Willis's Current Notes, i. 255 ; ii. 


Willow Walk at Pimlico, ii. 94 
Wilson, Professor, i. 140, 144, 207 
Wilton, Mary, ii. 136-138 
Wiltshire Convict's Farewell^ ii. 

25, 26 

Wimbledon, ii. 202, 207, 209, 277 
Windsor, ii. 9.3 
Winterslow, i. 78 
Winterslow Hut, ii. 87 
Wisbeach, i. 8-10, 14, 38, 65 
Wokingham, ii. 32 
Wolfrestons, the, ii. 326 
Woolgar, Miss, ii. 137 
Woolner, Richard, R.A., ii. 24, 38 
Wootton, ii. 241-244 
Worcester, Battle of, ii. 195 
Wordsworth, W., i. So, 84, 113, 

232, 233, 239 
Wrentmore, Mr., i. 251 
Wright, Edward, ii. in, 148, 156, 


Wright, Henry, ii. 178 
Wright, Thomas, F.S.A., ii. 33, 

119, 120 


Yates, Edmund, i. 248, 249 
Yates, Raymond, i. 249 
Yates, Richard, i. 249 
York, ii. 190, 191 
York, Duke of, i. 168 
York Place, Fulham Road, ii. 124 
Young, Arthur, i. 214 ; ii. 163 


Zeeland, ii. 278-280 


VOL. I. 

WILLIAM HAZLITT- - Frontispiece 

MARGARET HAZLITT - - - to face page 56 

REV. W. HAZLITT- - - - 124 

GRACE HAZLITT - - - - 128 

JOHN HAZLITT ----- Frontispiece 


Vol. ii., page 143, for Colman read Coleman, 
371, for worthless read worth less. 



VOL. I. 



Origin of the Hazlitt family Education of the Rev. William 
Hazlitt and his brother at Glasgow University Shronell and 
Coleraine branches Migration of some of us to America 
Service of two Colonel Hazlitts under Washington Re- 
searches of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania on our 
descent Diffusion of Hazlitts through the Union The 
Loftus family of Wisbeach Their intimacy with William 
Godwin The Rev. W. Hazlitt's settlement at Wisbeach as a 
Presbyterian minister (1764) His marriage to Grace Loftus 
(1766) Connection between the families of Loftus and 
Pentlow of Oxfordshire Removal of the Rev. W. Hazlitt to 
various places Settlement at Maidstone Acquaintance with 
Dr. Priestley, Dr. Franklin, and other distinguished persons 
Mr. Hazlitt takes charge of a congregation at Bandon in 
Ireland (1780). 

THE sole trustworthy source to which we have to 
go for an account of the ancestors of HAZLITT is the 
manuscript drawn up by his sister Margaret for the 
use of his only son, her nephew, and comprehending 
within its limits, with a biographical sketch of our 
more immediate precursors, a rather vivid glimpse 
of the state of Ireland in 1780, and a yet more 


striking picture of the condition of the United 
States of America from 1783 to 1787. 

It is to be collected from Margaret Hazlitt's 
narrative, compared with other guides or clues, that 
John Hazlitt and Margaret his wife were residing, 
in more or less humble circumstances, about 1735 
at Shrone Hill, or Shronell, near Tipperary, in 
Ireland, and that there they brought up on a small 
farm a considerable family, of which the eldest was 
a daughter, Elizabeth, and the second a son, 
William (father of the diarist). 

There were at least two other sons, James and 
John. The former took orders, and was chosen on 
the commission of the peace, and we hear that he 
acquired a strong distaste for his magisterial 
functions, because he felt that many who were 
brought before him, and whom he had to punish, 
were objects of compassion rather than of severity. 
He would have given them food and instruction 
instead of stripes and reproaches. The precise 
occupation of John Hazlitt, except that he was 
engaged in the flax trade, is not stated. In 
published* documents of 1756 and 1762 he is de- 
scribed as mercator a somewhat wide and vague 
term, more especially in Ireland at that period. 
* Comp. Memoirs of Hazlitt, 1867, chap. i. 


The sons of John Hazlitt of Shronell were 
probably educated at the village grammar-school, 
but in due course William and his brother James 
had been sent to complete their course of studies at 
the University of Glasgow, where the former, at 
any rate, seems to have passed his time pleasantly, 
as his daughter relates that his college days formed 
a retrospect on which her father loved to dwell in 
later life. John, the remaining son, emigrated to 
America, where he served (with a cousin and name- 
sake) under Washington, both attaining the rank of 
Colonel. He survived the war, but died shortly 
after, worn out by his exertions in the Republican 

I hardly know what credit is to be accorded to 
the statement of Miss Hazlitt from hearsay or 
tradition, that our ancestors had been formerly in a 
more affluent position, and had sustained losses in 
the Civil War of 1641, or during the Jacobite 
troubles of 1690. 

It has been said that the Hazlitts, formerly 
Hasletts, came over to Ireland with William III. 
from Holland ; but the name of John Haslett, a 
vaulter, occurs in the diary of Philip Henslowe in 
the time of Elizabeth. The same form is retained 
by the Irish branches to the present day ; and the 


father of Hazlitt himself seems to have changed the 
orthography in or before 1783. In the registers 
of Glasgow University (1756) Hazelitt is found. 
It was my father's idea that the name is Dutch 

John Hazlitt of Shronell, and his wife, attained 
an advanced age ; they lie in Shronell churchyard. 

As regards the collateral branch of the Hazlitts 
which I have just mentioned, and which left Ireland 
prior to ourselves, to settle in America, I understand 
that, before the war, four brothers, John, Joseph, 
James, and William, quitted Coleraine for the new 
country. Of these John was the senior, and was 
the other Colonel Hazlitt who, engaging in the 
American service, fell at the head of his regiment at 
the Battle of Preston in 1777. 

These four Hazlitt emigrants from Coleraine, who 
were allied to the stock still remaining in Belfast 
and Londonderry, were cousins of those of Shronell, 
the latter having originally belonged to Antrim, and 
having in the first quarter of the eighteenth century 
sought a new home in the South of Ireland. 

When our family visited Boston in or about 1785, 
there was a lady, whom I take to have been the 
widow of Colonel John Hazlitt of Coleraine, living 
there. She was still in the possession of her youth- 


ful beauty, and the miniature-painter, though much 
her junior, was smitten by her personal attractions. 
She subsequently visited England, and John Hazlitt 
painted her portrait. 

Mrs. Harriet Hazlitt must have married very 
early in life, for the miniature, taken somewhere 
about the end of the century, represents her as a 
woman not even yet in her prime. It was through 
the Coleraine branch and this lady that we acquired 
consanguinity with the two Presidential families of 
Quincy and Adams. But from the account which 
succeeds we shall presently see that the Hazlitts in 
or about this time had spread themselves over 
several parts of the Union, and were to be found also 
in Philadelphia and New London. 

One striking fact stands prominently out, how- 
ever, from the rest, and it is that the Irish Hazlitts, 
more than one hundred years since, stanchly sup- 
ported the cause of American Independence, which 
they regarded as closely bound up with the question 
of human liberty ; and we could not perhaps desire 
a prouder testimony to the purity of motive and 
singleness of purpose in my great-grandfather's case, 
if not in that of his kindred, than the readiness of 
the British Government, as we shall presently see, 
to comply with his representations and remonstrances 


in regard to the treatment of American prisoners in 

It now becomes my leading aim to follow and 
narrate the fortunes of the eldest son of John and 
Margaret Hazlitt of Shronell, who had been sent, 
as we have seen, to a Scotish University, with his 
brother James, to complete his studies. 

The certificates of the Professor of Greek at 
Glasgow, Dr. James Moor, testify that William 
Hazlitt, during the years 1757-58-59, acquitted 
himself of all his duties as a student satisfactorily, 
became proficient in Greek, and was a person of 
the most exemplary conduct. On quitting Glasgow 
he came to London, and officiated for different 
ministers of the Presbyterian persuasion, till he was 
able to gain preferment. 

For a short time he was chaplain to Sir Giles 
Jocelyn. In 1764 he was invited to preach before 
the congregation at Wisbeach, in the Isle of Ely, 
and held the place till 1766. It was here that a 
highly-important event in his own life, and, I believe, 
in the intellectual history of the family, occurred ; 
for the Rev. Mr. Hazlitt met during his term of 
ministry his future wife, Grace Loftus ' a very 
beautiful young girl/ says her daughter, ' elegant in 
her person and manners, and beloved by all who 


knew her.' The lady had lost her father shortly 
before the union, which took place at Peterborough 
from the house of her intended sister-in law, Miss 
Coulson, on January 19, 1766. 

Mr. Hazlitt's wife had been born July 21, 1746, 
and was nine years his junior. She used to be 
thought so like William Pitt about the mouth that 
she might have passed for his sister. She had the 
same thinness of lip. 

Defoe, it appears, found the Loftus family in his 
time one of the leading Dissenting houses in Wis- 
beach. Mr. Loftus, Mrs. Hazlitt's father, was an 
ironmonger ; his place of business was in the market- 
place. Miss Hazlitt notes : * He was, I have been 
told, very handsome, and mild and gentle in his 
manners, never being moved to violent anger, 
except when anyone told him a falsehood a thing 
he never could tolerate/ 

Miss Hazlitt continues : 

4 ... The father of Mr. Loftus was a watch- 
maker, and came from Hull in Yorkshire, with the 
grandfather of William Godwin, the author of 
Political Jiistice, to settle in Wisbeach. I have 
heard Godwin speak of a watch in his possession 
made by the elder Loftus .... Mr. Godwin, the 
father of William, was the minister at Wisbeach 


when my mother was a little girl. I have heard 
her speak of going on a Saturday afternoon to draw 
the still younger Godwins in their little coach. 
They all rejoiced to see their friend Grace, and 
William had not yet dreamed of Caleb Williams' 

The Godwins quitted Wisbeach in 1758, and the 
tie between them and the future Mrs. Hazlitt and 
her family had been severed for the time. 

'My grandfather, Thomas Loftus,' pursues the 
author of the narrative, 'in the year 1725, married 
Miss Grace Pentlow, the daughter of a gentleman 
in Oxfordshire. Mr. Pentlow was once possessed 
of an estate of ^"400 a year . . . near Henley-on- 
Thames, and he lived some time at Banbury, and 
afterwards at Oxford ; and I have heard my grand- 
mother tell of two yew-trees cut into the shape of 
giants, standing at the entrance to the Botanical 
Gardens there, of whom she stood in great dread. . . . 
He was twice married. ... My grandmother, who 
was the daughter of the second wife, had nothing 
to recommend her but good sense, prudence, a true 
heart, and a fair face. She was very pale, and her 
hair black, and her figure very good. She was 
eleven years old when Queen Ann[e] died. The 
news of her death came on a Sunday morning, and 
the Dissenters, who were waiting in fear of having 


their meetings shut up, went joyfully to their 
prayers. . . . My grandmother was twenty-two 
when she married Mr. Loftus. . . . They had four 
children, but my uncle and mother only lived to 
grow up. . . . 

* My father and mother soon after their marriage 
w r ent to Marshfield, in Gloucestershire. Here they 
lived four years with a poor but friendly people, 
whom they visited in a simple, old-fashioned manner, 
going without an invitation, when they had leisure 
or inclination to take their tea at whatever house 
they found to be disengaged, the hour four. . . . 
At Marshfield almost all the people were maltsters, 
and found a ready sale in Bristol and Bath for their 
malt. ... At Marshfield John and Loftus were 
born, The latter died at Maidstone, in Kent, at 
the age of two years and a half. . . . 

' In June, 1770, my father removed to Maid- 
stone, where he settled as the pastor of a large and 
respectable society. Here he and my mother were 
much beloved. When I paid a visit to Maidstone 
many years after we left it, I was told, by those 
who had known her when young, of the admiration 
her beauty and the elegance of her manners obtained. 
Here they remained ten years, and acquired the most 
firm and respectable friends (Dr. Priestley, Dr. 


Price, Dr. Kippis, etc.). . . . But my father's 
nearest and most beloved friends were Mr. Wiche, 
a Baptist minister, who lived at Maidstone, Mr. 
Viny of Tenterden, and Mr. Thomas, minister of 
Eustace Street Chapel, Dublin. For these three he 
bore the love of a brother, and no cloud of dissension 
ever cast a shade over their friendship.' 

'At his house (Mr. Viny's) Dr. Franklin was 
often a visitor, and here my father used to meet him. 
. . . Mr. Thomas was about my father's age, and 
died young. He and my father took different views 
of the politics of the time, and the American War 
was a fruitful source of dispute between them. . . . 
Besides these, my father enjoyed the friendship of 
many of his neighbours : Mrs. Lewis, the widow of 
his predecessor (the Rev. Israel Lewis). . . . 

'Soon after my father's settlement at Maidstone 
I was born (December n, 1771), and seven years 
afterwards your father (i.e., her brother William, 
April 10, 1778).' 

After saying that the Rev. W. Hazlitt remained 
at Maidstone till 1780, and left it solely in conse- 
quence of some disagreeable rupture among the 
congregation, his biographer continues : * Accord- 
ingly he removed to Bandon, near Cork, in Ireland. 
This society would have chosen him from the 


character they had heard of him ; but he would not 
accept it without first going to preach to them. We 
left Maidstone in March (1780), and spent a week 
in London at the house of Mr. Lewis. We then 
went on to Chester, and through Wales to Holy- 
head. At St. Asaph the first sight of the Welsh 
peasants, with their felt beaver hats and blue cloaks, 
struck us as singular. The road over Penmaenmawr 
I still recollect, and the grand and terrific appear- 
ance of the cliff that overhung the road, and the 
dreadful depth of the sea beneath. . . . 

'At Bandon began my father's correspondence 
with Mr. Wiche, Mr. Viny, and the rest of his 
Maidstone friends . . . written during the course 
of the American War, and showing the steady and 
conscientious principles by which they were actuated 
both in religion and politics. ... Here my father 
lived three years. 



Intellectual value of the alliance with the Loftuses Troubles in 
Ireland Cruel treatment of American prisoners by the 
British garrison at Kinsale Mr. Hazlitt's active interference 
on their behalf His representations to the Government, and 
change of the garrison His untenable position Determina- 
tion to emigrate Arrival at New York (July 26, 1783) 
Immediate invitation to preach before the Jersey Assembly 
The family proceeds to Philadelphia Account of the city 
Mr. Hazlitt declines the presidency of the new college at 
Carlisle Acquisition of friends. 

THE union in 1766 between the Loftus family and 
our own arose partly out of a conformity in religious 
opinions. The upright and sturdy character of Mr. 
Loftus of Wisbeach, as delineated for us by his 
grand- daughter, and the mental calibre of the son of 
John Hazlitt of Shronell, afforded high promise for 
the offspring of the alliance accomplished in the 
persons of my two ancestors ; but reflection satisfies 
me that there was a good deal more here than a 
mere physiological evolution. An intellectual germ, 


like one of disease, where it is assisted or fostered 
by some favourable agency, prospers and develops, 
while in the absence of any such agency it is apt to 
wither and disappear. Take the illustration at hand. 
We have the sterling moral qualities of Mr. Loftus 
of Wisbeach, and on them in his immediate female 
descendant are engrafted by marriage, in 1766, the 
strong masculine intelligence of William Hazlitt of 
Shronell a man, by general acknowledgment of all 
who knew him, of far more than average brain- 
power ; and the product of this fusion of Irish with 
English blood was my grandfather and his brother, 
the miniature-painter. 

My authority proceeds to describe the successive 
congregations among whom the Rev. Mr. Hazlitt 
made his home from the period of his marriage in 
1766 till the embarkation of the family in 1783 for 
New York. The broad facts are already familiar, 
but there is a good deal of detail which must be 
fresh, and which I imagine not to be without value 
on more than one account ; for it not merely brings 
us nearer to the people by whom Hazlitt was sur- 
rounded and influenced in his earliest youth, but it 
portrays vividly enough the Nonconformist life and 
character of that now rather remote epoch. In the 
second half of the eighteenth century habits of 


thought and education had not materially altered 
since the Stuart time. It was before 1789. The 
French Revolution had yet to lay down that in- 
delible line which was to separate for ever what had 
gone before and what succeeded. 

Miss Hazlitt writes : 

' But though happily situated in many respects, 
some events happened at this time which served to 
strengthen the wish he had long entertained of 
transporting himself and family across the Atlantic, 
and seeking a haven of rest in the Western world. 
The feud between Whigs and Tories ran high, and 
my father, who never disguised his sentiments, gave 
great offence by his freedom in writing and speaking 
at a time when the unbridled license of the army 
(who took liberties in Ireland that they dared not do 
at home) made it dangerous to offend the haughty 
officers, who seemed to think wearing a sword 
entitled them to domineer over their fellow-subjects. 
The American prisoners, being considered as rebels, 
were most inhumanly treated, particularly in Kinsale 
prison, where some officers amused themselves by 
running their swords into the hammocks of the sick. 
These and similar practices my father exposed in 
the newspapers, and he and many friends made fre- 
quent journeys to Kinsale to see and assist the poor 


prisoners, and three of them, escaping, were a long 
time concealed among our friends. 

4 The conduct of the soldiers became so unbear- 
able that Mr. Hazlitt wrote to the War Office. A 
court of inquiry was held, and the regiment was 

Miss Hazlitt notes that, when her father's letter to 
headquarters was read in court, they said, ' Who 
could have thought a Presbyterian parson could 
have written such a letter ?' 

But it appears that Mr. Hazlitt also appealed to 
his friends in London, Dr. Price of Newington, and 
Mr. Palmer, and that at the request of the former, 
the Premier, Lord Shelburne, forwarded a letter 
from him to Colonel Fitzpatrick, the Commandant at 
Kinsale. The matter was settled for that time, but 
the feeling broke out again more strongly and 
bitterly than ever, and it was apprehended that if 
Mr. Hazlitt had not left Ireland, his life would have 
been sacrificed to the violence of party spirit. 

Miss Hazlitt does not omit, at the same time, to 
testify to the cordiality of the circle in which they 
mixed during their stay at Bandon. * Most of the 
young men of our society,' she tells us, * were en- 
rolled in the volunteer corps, their uniforms dark 
green, turned up with black.' While they remained 

VOL. i. 2 


here a son Thomas and a daughter Harriet were 
born ; they both died in infancy. 

The family quitted Bandon and proceeded to 
Cork, where they stayed a fortnight with friends ; 
and on April 3, 1783, the whole party embarked on 
board the Henry, Captain Jeffreys, for New York, 
carrying a very flattering testimonial signed by Dr. 
Price, Dr. Kippis, Mr. Palmer, and Dr. Rees, dated 
March 3, 1783. There were Mr. and Mrs. Hazlitt ; 
John, a boy of fifteen; William, about five; Margaret, 
seven years his senior, and Harriet, an infant. On 
the whole a rather notable group at least, as one 
looks back at it after the lapse of years by the sort 
of dim light which is all that one has, and glances 
aside at very different careers then very possible for 
high names in letters and art in England. Not that 
the members of it entertained any such impression, 
for they were poor, anxious, and sad at the notion of 
leaving, perhaps for ever, the old country ; and the 
future was dark and full of incertitude. Still, the 
small band had a brave leader, a person of rare 
stability and sincerity of disposition, a man as 
strenuous and resolute in character as he was by 
temperament trusting and serene. 

The diarist proceeds : 

* We sailed with a fair wind and fine weather, and 


with mingled feelings of hope and regret. I had 
just been reading the American Farmer, a book 
that gives a most delightful and romantic description 
of that country, and though true in the most 
essential points, was, to say the least, too highly 
coloured. I had formed to myself an ideal terres- 
trial paradise, and, with the love of liberty I had 
imbibed, looked forward to a perfect land, where no 
tyrants were to rule, no bigots to hate and persecute 
their brethren, no intrigues to feed the flame of dis- 
cord and fill the land with woe. Of course, all the 
Americans were to be good and happy, and nothing 
was to hurt or destroy in all that holy mountain/ 

New York was not reached till May 26. The 
story goes that the minister's lady, still in the 
possession of her original comeliness, was an object 
of more special attention on the part of the captain 
of the Henry than her husband quite approved. Just 
a little flirtation to beguile the monotony of the life. 
She was seven-and- thirty, let us remember. Mr. 
Hazlitt, born in 1737, was nine years her senior. 
At the same time, she always entertained the highest 
respect for him ; and in later days, when her sons 
were married, he was my Mr. Hazlitt. 

* As soon as we cast anchor/ the writer observes, 
' we were visited by some of the British officers,' 


who came on board eager to hear the news. Ours 
was the first ship that brought an account of the 
treaty of peace. And then how they raved and 
swore, cursing both the Congress and those at home, 
who had thus put a stop to their ravaging with fire 
and sword their brothers' land, and in this our most 
valiant captain most piously joined them. So much 
were their American brethren transformed in their 
eyes (by that little magical word rebel) into bands 
of lawless banditti, whom it would be meritorious to 

{ We landed at six in the evening, but it was some 
time before we could get a lodging. This was owing 
to an oversight of a friend who had given my father 
a letter to Mr. Tench Cox, a gentleman of New 
York, who was obnoxious to the Americans on 
account of his favouring the British cause ; and his 
walking about with my father and John made us to 
be looked on as refugees, and no one would take us 
in. I remember my mother sitting down in the 
porch of some door with me, the children and ser- 
vant, to wait with no very pleasant feeling the return 
of my father with his most unlucky though kindly- 
intentioried conductor. 

1 At last the mistake was cleared up, and we were 
admitted into the house of Mrs. Gregory. Here we 


stayed two days, in order to receive our goods from 
the ship, and then set off for Philadelphia, that beau- 
tiful city of which we had heard so much. We went 
to Perth Amboy, and next to Burlington, a very 
pretty township by the side of a fine river. On the 
opposite side stood Bath and Bristol, which looked 
beautiful with their green woods on either side. 

1 It was Friday when we arrived there, and on 
Saturday the Jersey Assembly (sitting there at that 
time) sent an invitation to request my father to 
preach to them on the morrow, which he accordingly 

' By what means they knew that a minister of the 
Gospel, and a warm friend to liberty and to them, 
was come over to cast in his lot amongst them, I do 
not know. 

* The room he preached in had no pews, but only 
benches to sit on, as I have seen in some Quakers' 
meetings. Here a house to let, which had belonged 
to a son of Dr. Franklin (who, strange to say, had 
been banished as a refugee), made my mother desire 
to settle, and she proposed to my father to open 
a school. It was an excellent plan, and would 
have succeeded well, but it was his wish to go on ; 
and we took our departure for Philadelphia in a 
stage-waggon (not unlike our long coaches), and 


rode two days through the Jersey woods, full of 
various majestic trees, mingled with the blossoms of 
the wild peach and apricot, and the sweet-scented 
yellow flowers of the locust-trees perfuming the air. 

' We passed through many little towns where the 
ground was cleared away for some miles round each, 
and made a pleasant contrast to the neighbouring 

'When we arrived at the city, we took a lodging 
the first week in Strawberry Alley. My father then 
hired a house in Union Street. This house had a 
parlour, with a door opening to the street, a kitchen, 
two bedrooms, two attics, cupboards in every room, 
and a good cellar ; our only pantry a shelf on the 
cellar stairs, where a colony of ants devoured every- 
thing that did not stand in a pail of water ; the 
kitchen had a door into a bit of a yard, and this, 
with a small plot of ground that had never been dug 
or enclosed, were the whole of our premises, and for 
this 50 a year of their money about thirty English 
was paid/ 

The description which occurs in the manuscript of 
Philadelphia, as it appeared to an intelligent observer 
in 1 783, should possess no slight interest. 

'As we stayed,' notes Miss Hazlitt, 'so long in 
Philadelphia, I have a perfect recollection of this fine 


city. It had nineteen straight streets from north to 
south, crossed by nineteen others from east to west, 
reaching from the Delawar to the Schuylkill. They 
were each two miles long, but were not all finished. 
Those between the rivers were called Water Street, 
Second, Third Street, and so on ; the others were 
named after different fruit, as Walnut, Pine Street, 
etc. There were only three Episcopalian churches 
here, but a great many of Dutch, Presbyterians, and 
Quakers, and some few Catholics. A great part of 
the population of this city were Irish and German. 
My father dined one day with the Society of the 
Cincinnati on the banks of the Schuylkill. 

' He and John went to St. Peter's Church on pur- 
pose to get a sight of General Washington. It was 
on a week-day, on some public occasion, when that 
great and good man was present. In July my father 
went to preach at New London, and here he met 
with some of his own name and kindred, whom we 
afterwards saw in Philadelphia, where also lived, 
with her guardians, Miss Hazlitt, a daughter of 
Colonel Hazlitt, to whose wedding my mother went. 
She was a distant relation. From New London my 
father went to Carlisle, where he spent some time, 
and might have been settled with ^300 a year, 
and a prospect of being president of a college that 


was erecting if he would have subscribed the con- 
fession of faith which the orthodox insisted on ; but 
he told them he would sooner die in a ditch than 
submit to human authority in matters of faith. 

I Some of our neighbours in Union Street/ she 
continues, 'were very friendly. Mr. Gomez and his 
family were much interested about us. They were 
Jews, and had lost much of their property by the 
war, but were still rich. Late in the summer Mr. 
Gomez returned to New York, where his property 
lay, and whence he had been driven by the British 
troops. He often inquired what were my father's 
sentiments, and why the orthodox were so bitter 
against him, and he thought the Unitarian doctrine 
the most reasonable scheme of Christianity he had 
ever heard. Of course the notion of a Trinity must 
ever be a stumbling-block in the way of Jews and 

I 1 forgot to mention, among our friends here, Mr. 
Vaughan and his two sons, English gentlemen of 
large property. They wished my father to take a 
school at German Town, five miles from the city, 
and offered to advance him any money necessary to 
begin with ; but this he declined, as he did not think 
it right to give up preaching entirely. Mr. Vaughan, 
with his wife and daughters, afterwards returned to 


England ; but his sons remained here some years 
longer, and one, that we afterwards met at Boston, 
behaved to us in a very friendly manner. While he 
was in Philadelphia, Mr. Vaughan assisted some 
English ladies to open a boarding-school there. 
German Town is a beautiful village, and it is said 
the yellow fever never reached it, so that it seems a 
pity we did not settle there. But perhaps my father 
was destined to remove the rubbish and to clear the 
way for more fortunate Unitarians, who, coming after 
him, entered into his labours and reaped the fruits 



Family sorrows Mr. Hazlitt goes to Maryland His serious 
illness Excessive kindness of his American friends Heroic 
conduct of his eldest son Delivery of lectures at Philadelphia 
Refusal of offers to settle at Charlestown and Pittsburg 
Mr. Hazlitt goes to Boston to preach (June, 1784) The 
family quits Philadelphia (August, 1784) Description of the 
journey to Boston Perth Amboy An American breakfast 
more than one hundred years since Burlington Mr. Shake- 
speare Rhode Island New York Providence Jamaica 

THE family had not been spared its sorrows since 
the arrival in the States. Little Harriet had been 
taken, and another daughter, Esther, came and went 
like a vision. But a more serious danger seemed at 
one time imminent, and it led to a sublime develop- 
ment of piety and heroism on the part of a mere 

'Soon after [the death of Esther my father was 
invited to preach in Maryland. It was a township 
(as they call their scattered villages, where a field or 


two intervenes between every house). And here, in 
the midst of the forests, and at a distance from the 
cities on the coast, he found a respectable and 
polished society, with whom he would have been 
happy to spend his days, and they were very anxious 
to have him for their pastor. But on the second 
Sunday he was seized with the fever of that country, 
and fainted in the pulpit. Although he might him- 
self, after so severe a seasoning, have been able to 
bear the climate, he feared to take his family there, 
and a stop was put to our being settled with a people 
so very suitable in many respects. I forget the 
name of the place, but to Mr. Earl and his family 
our everlasting gratitude is due. At this gentleman's 
house my father was hospitably entertained, and but 
for the great care and attention with which he was 
nursed he must have died. 

1 Nothing could exceed the kindness with which 
they watched over him, even sending twenty miles 
for lemons and oranges for him, and providing him 
with every comfort. Two black men sat up with 
him every night, and he partly ascribed his recovery 
to a large draught of water that he prevailed on 
them to let him have, which, however, had been 
strictly forbidden. For a long time his family were 
ignorant of his situation, but at last Dr. Ewing and 


Mr. Davidson came to break the matter to my 
mother, who very naturally concluded he was dead, 
and it was some time before they could make her 
believe it was not the case. 

' At length she was convinced that he was re- 
covering, and the next morning my brother John set 
off to go to him. He went alone on horseback. He 
rode through woods and marshes a hundred and 
fifty miles in fifty-six hours, over an unknown 
country, and without a guide. He was only sixteen 
at that time, and how he performed so difficult an 
enterprise astonished everyone who knew it. But 
he was wild with his fears for his father, and his 
affection for him made him regardless of every 
danger. He found him slowly recovering, but 
dreadfully weak, and after staying there some weeks 
they both returned together. How they got on I 
cannot think, but when they came to the door my 
father could not get off his horse without help. 1 1 
was November, and the snow fell for the first time 
that day. My father was very ill and weak for a 
long time after his return. I recollect he looked 
very yellow, and sat by the fire wrapped in a great- 
coat, and taking Columbia root The 23rd of this 
month we felt the shock of an earthquake. 

* This winter proved very severe ; the snow lay 


many feet on the ground, and the cold was intense, 
and more like a New England winter than (to speak 
comparatively) the usually mild frosts of Pennsyl- 

' In the spring my father was well enough to give 
lectures at the college of Philadelphia on the evi- 
dences of Christianity. These lectures were well 
attended, and were of great service to a numerous 
class of young men who, taking it for granted that 
the doctrines of Calvin were those of Christ, were 
ready to renounce the whole system at once. But 
the Unitarian doctrine, being consistent with reason 
and Scripture, brought many of them back to the 
ranks of the believers. Not but there were some 
few Unitarians there before my father arrived in 
that country. But none dared to avow their real 
sentiments, fearing to offend the many. And here 
I cannot help remarking how strange it seems that 
my father, who openly preached the doctrine of the 
Divine unity from Maryland to Kennebec, should 
have been so entirely overlooked, and the whole 
work ascribed to Dr. Priestley, who went there so 
many years after him. But it is so ! 

' In the spring of 1784 my father had an invita- 
tion to settle at Charlestown, in North Carolina ; 
but this he was obliged to decline, for the same 


reason that prevented his staying in Maryland, as 
the heat there is so great that for two months every 
summer the places of public worship are shut up. 
Yet some of our friends wished us to go, as they 
thought it would be an advantageous situation, and 
argued that the sea-breezes at mid-day made the 
heat tolerable. About the same time my father 
had an invitation to Pittsburg, two hundred miles 
from Philadelphia. But this he also declined, on 
account of its being at that time so far back in the 
wilderness. But now it is a very flourishing place, and 
by all accounts most beautifully situated. I remember 
the two farmers coming to talk the matter over with 
my father, and thinking to myself how much I should 
like to go and see those wild and beautiful forests. 

1 In June my father went to preach at Brattle 
Street meeting in Boston, where he was so much 
liked that no doubt was entertained by his friends 
of his being chosen, and they advised him to send 
for his family, and we, of course, prepared to follow 
him, hoping we should at last find a " resting-place 
for the sole of our foot/' But in this we were again 
mistaken, for the persecuting zeal of the orthodox 
sent one of their chosen brethren after him, and thus 
put a stop to his settling there ; but this we knew 
not till afterwards. 


' We then bade farewell to Philadelphia and to 
our own friends there, whose kindness to us, 
strangers as we were, deserves remembrance, and 
casting a last look at this beautiful city of William 
Penn, where so many events had befallen us, and 
where we left my two infant sisters sleeping in their 
early graves, the beloved and the beautiful. 

1 In August, 1784, having lived there fifteen 
months, we took our departure in the stage which 
brought us here the year before, and riding through 
the same woods, now rich with wild peaches instead 
of blossom, ripe grapes, and hickory and other nuts, 
the oak and ash raising their lofty heads above the 
rest, we came the first day to Burlington, and were 
welcomed as old acquaintances by our host. 

* And here we again admired the little towns of 
Bath and Bristol shining in the morning sun, whose 
very names brought back to my mother many sad 
and pleasing recollections of former days. From 
Burlington we went on to Perth Amboy. This is 
a very large inn, said to contain a hundred beds. 
It stands alone, and its green lawn in front gently 
slopes down to the river. From the rising ground 
on which the house stands there is a beautiful and 
extensive view, and more than one river is seen 


' Here we slept one night, my mother and William 
and I, in one room, with a lady and her little girl. 
In the night I awoke, and heard a snoring under 
the bed. I crept softly out to feel, and hoping it 
was only a dog, I made up my mind not to speak, 
but to watch till daylight, when seeing a large 
Newfoundland dog, who was come to guard us, 
stretched at his fqll length under the bed, I went 
quietly to sleep. Early in the morning a very large 
party met at breakfast on the lawn before the door. 
We had tea, coffee, cakes, pastry, eggs, ham, etc., 
for an American breakfast is like a Scotch one. 

* Here/ proceeds the narrator, * what most struck 
me was a puritanical old gentleman, of the name of 
Shakespeare, on whom I looked with great reverence, 
thinking perhaps that with the name he inherited 
the talents of his immortal namesake ; besides, his 
face bore a strong resemblance to all the prints I 
had seen of the great poet of whom I had heard so 
much. He was dressed in a sad-coloured suit, was 
reserved and stately, and took his coffee with the 
air of a prince in disguise. All our company were 
curious to know who he was, some affirming that he 
must be a Jesuit, and others made many different 
conjectures. But we left him there without making 
any discovery. 


* After breakfast we went on board a little sloop to 
proceed to New York. . . . We waited here two 
days for the packet going to Rhode Island, and took 
our lodging at a boarding-house. . . . We left 
New York on Sunday in the packet for Rhode 
Island. . . . We passed through Hell Gate, a 
dangerous whirlpool, and over the Hog's Back, 
safely before sunset. It was a very fine evening, 
and pleasant sailing between the mainland and Long 
Island. The views on each side were very beautiful, 
and we remained on deck until a late hour, enjoying 
the moonlight and the fresh air. About noon the 
next day we arrived at Newport. 

* This is a pretty, neat town, but it had not, at that 
time, recovered from the devastations of the British 
troops, who had not left a tree on the island, and 
many of the floors bore the marks of their axes, 
where they cut up the mahogany furniture of the 
houses for firing. My brother joined a party of 
gentlemen and ladies In riding round the island on 
horseback. It is twelve miles long, and made but a 
desolate appearance then. It had been pretty 
formerly, and I doubt not has since been well 
planted, and has recovered its good looks. We 
stayed here two days, and ate of a most delicious 
fish, of the size of a mackerel ; they are called black 

VOL. i. 3 


fish, and seem to be peculiar to these seas, as we 
never met with them anywhere else. 

1 Our next day's voyage brought us to Providence, 
a very handsome town, on the banks of the river, 
thirty miles from its mouth. The river itself, and 
the scenery on each side, the most beautiful that 
ever was seen, and the clear blue sky over one's 
head, the sun shining in all its glory, set them off to 
the best advantage. Providence, though built on 
the continent, belongs to Rhode Island. Here we 
stayed one night ... At six o'clock the next 
morning we went on in two coaches, and this day's 
journey brought us to Boston. 

'Our road lay through woods abounding with 
every variety of beautiful tree, dressed in their 
most lovely foliage, majestic in stature, and tenanted 
by numberless tribes of the feathered race, whose 
matin and vesper hymns rose sweetly on the ear. 
At intervals we passed by many little townships, 
but I only remember the name of one. It was 
called Jamaica Plains ; it was pleasant, and near 
Boston., Here lived Dr. Gordon, who wrote a 
history of the Revolution, and came over to London 
to publish it 


The journey (continued) Miss Hazlitt's narrative Weymouth 
Agreeable acquaintances made there Captain Whitman 
The Johnny cakes General Lovell Pictures by Copley and 
West Glimpses of ' little William ' Description of humming 
and other birds Lectures at Boston Severity of the winter 
of 1784 Hingham Ebenezer Gay Anecdotes of him 
Visits to Salem and Cape Cod Mr. Hazlitt prepares a 
liturgy for the Presbyterian Church at Weymouth He 
reprints some of Dr. Priestley's tracts and his own Visit to 
Hallowell on the Kennebec Wild country Wolves trouble- 

* THE first object we saw here ' (Weymouth), Miss 
Hazlitt presently goes on to say, * was a very large 
and old picture in oil, of the meeting of Esau and 
Jacob. The embracing of the two brothers, the 
meeting of their followers on either side, with the 
groups of camels and other cattle, and the back- 
ground winding up between the hills and seeming 
to vanish in the air, completed the enchantment. 
On this picture I used to gaze with delight, and 
wondered at the skill of the artist who had made so 


natural and lively a representation of the scene 
But as John never copied or said much about it, I 
suspect it was not so fine a painting as I imagined. 
I have heard it was one of the first attempts of 
Copley ; he was afterwards a painter of some note. 
He and West, who were both Americans, lived 
chiefly in England, and produced most of their 
works there.' 

The house appears to have been commodious; 
there is a minute account of it, for which I cannot 
spare room ; but the writer was particularly struck 
by a peach-tree in the garden, which the humming- 
birds haunted for the sake of the blossom. ' The 
house/ she says, 'stood in a most romantic spot, 
surrounded on three sides by very steep hills that 
sloped down just in sight of the windows, and were 
covered with locust-trees. 

1 These trees grow to a great height, and their 
yellow blossoms, somewhat like the laburnum, per- 
fume the air in spring. On the green before the 
door stood a solitary pear-tree, beyond the shade of 
which in the hot days William was not allowed to 
go until four o'clock, when the sun was in some sort 
shaded by the neighbouring hills. On the pales 
that enclosed this sloping green the woodpeckers 
were wont to sit, and make a noise with their bills 


like a saw. Beyond the garden and lane was a large 
meadow, which in the summer evenings, with its 
myriads of fire-flies, made a brilliant appearance. 

1 On a little low hill to the eastward stood the 
house of prayer, and below it Dr. Tufts's, the road 
to Boston passing close by them ; to the north 
King-Oak Hill, which in the winter, when covered 
with snow, reflected the golden and purple tints of 
the setting sun. Over this hill the road leading to 
Hingham was seen. How often have we stood at 
the window, looking at my father as he went up this 
road with William, in his nankeen dress, marching 
by his side, like one that could never be tired ! The 
hills behind the house are very steep, and it was 
one of our childish exploits, when they were covered 
with ice, to climb up and write our names on the 
frozen snow. 

1 From the top of these hills we had a distant view 
of the Bay of Boston, and many of its islands and 
hills beyond it, with Dorchester heights, famous for 
the Battle of Kegs ; Bunker's Hill, where so many 
British officers fell in the space of five minutes, 
singled out by the sharpshooters of the Yankees ; 
to the south dark and frowning woods, and nearer 
to us the river, with a mill and two houses on its 
banks, and a variety of meadows, fields and trees 


below. Here also was seen the house of Captain 
Whitman, a good friend of ours. He was so fond 
of William that the boy spent half his time in going 
with him to the woods, or to the fields to see them 
plough, or attending the milking of the cows, where 
I, too, was often present . . . 

' We paid frequent visits to Mrs. Whitman, and 
were always glad to see her and her niece Nelly, 
when they came to us at three in the afternoon and 
brought their work with them. A bright wood-fire 
and a clean hearth to bake the Johnny cakes on 
(cakes made of Indian flour without yeast, and 
baked on a pewter plate before the fire) were always 
prepared on the occasion. . . . 

'General Lovell lived in Weymouth. He and 
Captain Whitman, like many of the American 
officers, after the war was over, retired to their farms, 
which in general were large, cultivating them with 
care, and sometimes guiding the plough with their 
own hands, and thus not only directing their 
servants, but giving them an example of in- 
dustry. . . . 

' In the summer a variety of little birds flew about 
us, humming-birds of five or six different kinds, 
some of them brown, others of different colours, all 
pf them very small, with a body an inch and a half 


in length, and a bill like a coarse needle, which 
served them to suck the honey out of the flowers. 
But the most beautiful were dressed in purple, green 
and gold, crimson, and a mixture of white and a 
little black about the head. 

'Some of this sort used to enliven us by their 
visits to the peach-tree, and it was one of them that 
flew into the window, to his own great discomfiture. 
Besides the birds common to Europe, there are 
many others. The blue bird, of a pale sky colour ; 
the scarlet bird, whose name tells of her bright 
plumage ; and the fire-hang-bird, so called from her 
colour and the curious way in which she hangs her 
nest at the end of a bough, suspended by a string of 
her own making. This, it is said, she does to pro- 
tect her young from the monkeys. It is also a pro- 
tection against the boys, for the bough chosen is too 
small to bear the least weight This bird differs 
from the scarlet bird in having some black under its 
wings. There is also the mocking-bird, who de- 
lights in imitating every note he hears ; the Bob 
Lincoln, a very pretty singing-bird ; the red linnet ; 
the Virginia nightingale ; and the king-bird, from 
whom the hawk is glad to escape ; the little snow- 
bird, and many others that I forget. The swallows 
are of a brighter purple than ours; the robins 


are much larger, but their notes and colour the 

' This winter was also a very severe one, and my 
father spent it chiefly in going to and from Boston, 
where he was engaged to give lectures on the evi- 
dences of Christianity, the same that he had de- 
livered at Philadelphia the winter before ; and here 
also they were attended with great success. It was 
fifteen miles, and he was often obliged to walk 
through the snow. But he thought no labour or 
fatigue too much in the cause he had so much at 
heart. Once he and John set out to walk in a most 
tremendous rain. 

4 1 do not recollect my father preaching at Wey- 
mouth more than once, and when he was with us on 
Sunday he had service at home. The congregation 
there was large, and they were Presbyterians of the 
old orthodox stamp. Calvin and the Kirk of Scot- 
land had settled the faith of two out of three of the 
American Churches at that period. There were but 
few Episcopalians, and their churches but poor 
buildings, and often without steeples or trees ; while 
the popular party had both. There were many 
Quakers (but not so many as in Pennsylvania), and 
here and there a very few Catholics. 
. 'When the snow and ice melted, the lowlands 


were threatened with a deluge ; but as I remember 
no damage that ever happened from these thaws, I 
suppose they were properly guarded against. Here 
is also, about February, what they call a middle 
thaw, when the weather is mild for a week or two, 
and the snow seems to have vanished. Yet to this 
other and deeper snows succeed, and the frost is as 
sharp as ever. This winter the melted snow ran into 
our washhouse, and froze so hard that my father and 
John were obliged to cut it up with axes in pieces of 
half a foot thick and throw it out. 

1 My father often went to Hingham to preach for 
Mr. (Ebenezer) Gay, a very pleasant old man above 
ninety years of age. He was fond of a good story, 
and used to tell with great glee how he cured a 
man of a propensity to steal. It seems this man 
was in the habit of making free with his master's 
hay, which Mr. Gay suspecting, he one evening 
took his pipe in his mouth, and, standing behind the 
stable door, softly shook out the ashes of his pipe on 
the hay the man was carrying away on his back, 
and as soon as he got out the fresh air kindled it into 
a flame, at which the poor fellow was so much 
terrified that he came the next morning to confess 
his trespass, saying that fire came down from 
heaven to consume his stolen hay, and promised 


never to steal again. This promise he faithfully 
kept, and though Mr. Gay, in compassion to his 
fears, kindly explained the matter to him, he never 
could believe but that a fire from above had fallen 
on him. 

* Hingham is twenty miles from Boston, and five 
from Weymouth. Here my father met with society 
quite to his mind. 

* My father often spoke of the numbers of fine- 
looking old men between eighty and ninety that 
attended that meeting and sat together before the 
pulpit. This congregation was very large, but in a 
place where there was no other church, and where 
none but the sick or infirm absented themselves 
from public worship, five or seven hundred people 
being assembled together is nothing extraordinary.* 

* At Boston, too, my father had many friends, 
among them Dr. Chauncy, a fine old man above 
ninety ; he was cheerful, and retained all his 

' In the summer of 1785 my father often went to 
Salern, where he sometimes preached for Mr. Barnes/ 

* My Boston friend, Mr. Frederic Holland Day, when I 
shewed him the papers which I had written in the Antiquary on 
the visit of my great-grandfather to the States in 1783, at once 
identified the localities in the neighbourhood which are mentioned 
in the Diary. 


But the English minister stayed with Mr. Derby, 
a merchant, and the son of an acquaintance at 
Hingham. William often accompanied his father in 
his journeys, and sat inside the pulpit with him 
while he preached * John/ she adds, 'spent a great 
deal of his time at Hingham. where he painted 
many portraits, and perhaps some of his first pictures 
are to be seen there even at this present time.' 

Mr. Hazlitt met in this neighbourhood, curiously 
enough, with two of the prisoners in whose cause he 
had interested himself at Kinsale, and they ex- 
pressed the warmest gratitude to him. It had been 
wished that he should succeed old Mr. Ebenezer 
Gay at Hingham, but the latter declined to resign 

'This summer (1785) my father/ continues our 
chronicler, 'visited Cape Cod, and stayed there 
three weeks, but he could not make up his mind to 
settle in so desolate a place. It was a neat little 
town, inhabited chiefly by fishermen, but nothing 
was to be seen but rocks and sands and the bound- 
less ocean. He took William with him, who, child 
as he was, could not help being struck with the 
barren and dreary look of the country, and inquired 
if any robins or Bob Lincolns came there, and being 
told there were none, he said, " I suppose they do 
not like such an ugly place." Stepping into the 


boat, he dropped his shoe into the sea, which he 
lamented because of his silver buckle. 

1 It was while we resided at Wey mouth that my 
father assisted Mr. Freeman in preparing a liturgy 
for his church, which had been episcopal, and fur- 
nished him with a form of prayer used by Mr. 
Lindsey, in Essex Street Chapel, which they adapted 
to suit the Transatlantic Church. He also repub- 
lished many of Dr. Priestley's Unitarian tracts, and 
many other little pieces to the same purpose, such as 
the Trial of Elwall, etc., besides writing much him- 
self. These things took up much of his time, and 
occasioned many journeys to Boston, where John 
often went with his father. 

* In the autumn of this year Mr. Sam. Vaughan 
persuaded him to go to a new settlement on Ken- 
nebec River, called Hallo well, in the province of 
Maine, where Mr. Vaughan had a large tract of land 
and much interest in settling the township. This 
was in the midst of the woods, with a few acres 
cleared round each farm, as usual in all their new 
places, which by degrees are changed from solitary 
woods to a fruitful land. At this time the wolves 
were near neighbours, and sometimes at night would 
come prowling about the place, making a dismal 
noise with their hideous barking ; and as the doors 


were without locks, and my father slept on the 
ground-floor, he used to fasten his door by putting 
his knife over the latch to prevent a visit from these 
wild beasts. In this remote place he found a very 
respectable society, many of them genteel people. 
Here he preached a thanksgiving sermon, which was 
afterwards printed at Boston. It was a custom in 
New England to preach one every year after har- 
vest. He would have had no great objection to 
settling with these people, but it would not have 
been eligible for his sons. John's profession was 
not wanted in the woods, where good hunters and 
husbandmen were more needed. He therefore, 
after spending the winter there, returned to us in the 
spring ; and he narrowly escaped being lost in the 
Bay of Fundy, to which the sailors, for its frequent 
and dreadful tempests, have given the name of the 
Devil's Cauldron/ 


Removal to Upper Dorchester Some account of New England 
A cat-a-mount (puma) Rattlesnakes Return of Mr. Hazlitt 
to England, leaving his family behind His kind recep- 
tion by Mr. David Lewis John Hazlitt executes a pastel 
of Mr. Ebenezer Gay And a crayon of his sister, the 
diarist, a farewell gift to a girl-friend Preparation for 
departure Great fire at Boston (April 10, 1787) Affec- 
tionate leave-taking Offers of pecuniary aid declined 
Embarkation at Boston (July 4, 1787) A fellow-passenger's 
story Arrival at Portsmouth Lodgings taken at Walworth 
The Montpelier Tea-gardens The London print shops, 

AFTER describing a tremendous storm which un- 
expectedly visited them on April i, 1786, Miss 
Hazlitt states that her father and mother saw the 
necessity of moving from Weymouth nearer to 
Boston, where Mr. Hazlitt and John had frequent 
occasion to go. 

'Weymouth/ she writes, 'with its sloping hills 
and woods, beautiful and romantic as it was, yet had 
its inconveniences. The greatest, the distance from 
the city. There was no market or butcher's shop, 


or any baker, in the parish, and only one shop con- 
taining some remnants of linen, a few tapes and 
thread, with a small assortment of grocery. Hard 
sea-biscuits, butter, cheese, some salt beef and pork, 
were our winter's fare. In the summer it was better, 
as we often got a joint of fresh meat from some of 
the farmers, who would spare us some of what they 
provided for their own use. This, when not wanted 
directly, was kept by being suspended over the well. 
Sometimes we had barrels of flour, and made our 
own bread, and when the farmer's wife heated her 
oven, she would kindly bake our bread for us, or any- 
thing else, so that, on the whole, we did very well, 
and thought not of the fleshpots of Egypt. 

* One day I observed the water in the well was 
red. I asked Mr. Beales the reason ; he said, " We 
shall have an earthquake soon ; but," he added, " do 
not tell my wife." The next morning, about seven, 
we felt a smart shock, but not bad enough to throw 
anything down ; yet it made the handles of the 
drawers rattle. To the eastward it was worse, and, 
indeed, it came from the east, It was in February, 
and the weather was very close and cloudy, and not 
a breath of air stirring. 

4 New England abounds more in maize (Indian 
corn) than wheat, and in the country it is much used, 


and is not unpleasant to the taste, though rather too 
sweet ; and it is very convenient, as it requires no 
yeast. Besides maize they have buckwheat, barley, 
and rye, and from the other States they have plenty 
of the finest wheat With the West Indies they 
carry on a considerable traffic, exchanging their cattle 
and lumber for rum and molasses. On the Southern 
States the West Indies chiefly depend for corn and 
other food, and send them in return the finest fruit, 
sugar, rum, pepper, etc. I once saw a cartload of 
pineapples, that were just landed in Philadelphia 
market, that were sold for a half-pistoreen each, 
about ninepence. 

1 The woods are filled with a variety of game ; the 
number of pigeons are incredible ; and the wild 
turkeys are very large and fine, and their colours 
very beautiful ; and they make a grand appearance 
when seen standing, being from four to five feet in 
height. They have also plenty of wild geese, ducks, 
teal, and all the wild and tame fowl that we have in 
Europe ; many kinds of parrots, and the Virginia 
nightingale, of a bright crimson; snakes and monkeys 
more than enough ; foxes, wolves, and bears ; and 
the tiger-cat, very fierce and strong for its size 
about two feet high, I think. The moose deer is 
peculiar to North America. 


* Once while we were there, an animal they call a 
cat-a-mount [or puma] made its appearance near Fal- 
mouth. It was said to be five feet long ; besides, 
the tail was as much more ; and it could mount trees, 
whence its name. It was hunted by eighteen dogs, 
killed six of them, and got off. It was said that only 
one of these animals had been seen before. But no 
one knows what, or how many, unknown creatures 
may be concealed in those endless forests. 

' In July we took our leave of Wey mouth, where 
we had spent a year and eight months, and bad 
farewell to our good friends the Whitmans, and 
others with whom we had begun a friendly inter- 
course, and left our romantic hills and groves, never 
to see them more ; but we did not then know that it 
was a last farewell. 

1 We removed to a small house in Upper Dor- 
chester. It was pleasantly situated, but not to be 
compared to the one we had left. It was five miles 
from Boston, and in the highroad to it. In front, 
on the other side of the road, were some large 
meadows, and beyond, at the distance of a few miles, 
the blue mountains rose to our view. Covered with 
thick woods, they are said to be famous for rattle- 
snakes. It is observed that the rattlesnake is never 
found near the sea-shore. 

VOL. i. 4 


' Behind, and on each side of the house, there was 
a very large orchard, and ascending a little way, we 
had a fine view of Boston, its bay and many islands, 
the same we saw at Weymouth, but nearer and more 
distinct. To the eastward, Fort William and its 
lighthouse, and to the north, a vast extent of country ; 
and behind the city the hill of battle, where so many 
fell in the beginning of that quarrel which in the end 
gave liberty and happiness to millions, who still 
regard England as the land of Father. 

'The last summer my father passed in frequent 
visits to Boston, to Hingham, and to Salem. At 
length he made up his mind to return to England in 
the autumn, and try to get settled before "we arrived, 
and we were to follow him in the spring. Oh, most 
unfortunate resolve ! for but a few months after he 
had sailed, old Mr. Gay died, and Dr. Gordon came 
over to London to publish his book ; and at either 
of these places my father would have been chosen. 

c This last summer passed quickly away, and 
October came ; and the time of my father's departure 
drew near. I recollect his coming to fetch me home 
from Boston, a few days before he sailed. He 
talked to us of our separation and the hope of meet- 
ing again, and charged me, above all things, to be 
careful of and attentive to my mother, and endeavour 


by every means in my power to keep up her spirits 
and soften every care. 

1 From my father's journal it appears that he sailed 
from the Long Wharf, Boston, on October 23 
(1786), on board the Rebecca' His son John saw 
him off. He described the passage to England as 
terrible. The vessel did not sight Plymouth till 
December 9, but did not make for it. On the I4th, 
after beating about, and a good deal more heavy 
weather, the Rebecca was in sight of Dover at noon- 
Mr. Hazlitt spent nine months in London, at the 
house of his old and good friend, Mr. David Lewis. 

After his fathers departure John Hazlitt was busy 
in the pursuit of his professional studies, and our 
narrative says that he painted a picture of two wild 
turkeys for Mr. Vaughan, to send to Germany. He 
also taught his brother William Latin grammar, at 
first, it seems, not with much success, but eventually 
so much so that William nearly killed himself 
through excessive application. 

It was while the Hazlitts were near Boston that 
John painted the portrait of Mr. Gay, a pastel two- 
thirds life-size, for a parishioner, who had asked the 
old man to grant him a favour without saying what 
it was. Mr. Gay had a strong aversion from having 
his likeness taken, but was obliged to keep his 


promise. It represents the head and shoulders only, 
and is stated by a Boston correspondent, a great- 
nephew of General Lincoln, to be rather hard and 
stiff in execution, and to betray the hand of a novice. 
But the fact may be that it was an experiment in a 
new direction. Yet the painter was, of course, quite 
a youth. Ebenezer Gay was the first minister at 
Hingham, and held the living, or charge, from 1718 
to his death in 1787. He relaxed the more austere 
and uncompromising tenets of Calvinism, which the 
first settlers had followed, and embraced the milder 
and more cheerful doctrines of the Unitarians. 

' Dorchester,' the diarist says, ' was a very pleasant 
place to live in. It stood high, and commanded a 
fine prospect on all sides. We had some good 
neighbours, and were so near to Boston as to be 
able to go there at any time. . . . We stayed there 
until the summer, preparing for our departure. At 
the last the time came, and there were some we 
regretted to leave, but from none was I so sorry to 
part as from Susan Butt. She was a good and 
kind-hearted girl, and much attached to me. She 
persuaded my brother to give her a picture he had 
done of me in crayons. . . . How often we have 
looked back with regret on the pleasant evenings 
John and I used to spend with them (at Dorchester) ! 


Our games and songs, and the tumbles we got in the 
snow, coming home by moonlight, when the rain, 
freezing on the ice, made the road slippery as glass. 
'Twas then who best could keep their feet. How 
delightful a ride in a sleigh was then ! How swift 
we cut through the air, going over hedge and ditch ! 
For the snow made all level. 

' This last Christmas I spent at Mr. Boot's. 
There we had a constant round of visits, and I 
was more expert at cards than I have been since ; 
for I was pleased to do as grown-up people did, 
though often tired and weary of cards and sitting 
up late. Whist and palm loo were the games most 
in fashion ; but chess was a favourite with all. . . . 
At the end of three weeks my brother came to take 
me home, and I did not see Boston again till the 

1 On April 10 this year (1787) a most tremendous 
fire broke out in Boston. It made a very grand 
appearance as we viewed it from the orchard, and, 
though at five miles' distance, the light was so 
great that the least thing was visible. The column 
of fire and smoke that rose to the clouds resembled 
a volcano. John got a horse and attempted to go 
in to assist our friends, and bring away anything for 
them. He soon returned, saying it was impossible 


to get into the town, as South Street, the only 
entrance, was burning on both sides. About a 
hundred houses were burnt, and a church. But the 
damage was not so great as we supposed. Some 
rum-stills had served to increase the splendour of 
the blaze. 

' Boston is built on a peninsula, and joins the 
mainland by a narrow neck of land, four, or perhaps 
five, furlongs in length. I know not if it is a natural 
isthmus, or the work of man, but from the swampy 
meadows on either side I should think it to be 
natural. South Street is part of it. The bay in 
which it stands surrounds it on every other side. 

' The entrance into the bay is defended by Fort 
William, and no ship can come into the port with- 
out passing under its guns. The Government keep 
a small garrison here, and a chaplain. Mr. Isaac 
Smyth was the chaplain when we were there. He 
was in England during the war, and settled in 
Sidnjouth, in Devonshire. 

1 Fort William is nine miles from Boston. The 
bay is very extensive, and contains many beautiful 
islands, most of them small and wooded to the top. 
Those we saw from Weymouth and Dorchester had 
two or three hills of a sugar-loaf form, adding to 
the beauty of the scene by the deep indigo of their 


firs, mixed with the bright and ever-varying green 
of the other trees. Perhaps when the country is 
more filled, these untenanted islets will be studded 
with neat cottages and farms. 

' At Cambridge, two miles from Boston, there is 
a .very flourishing college, and, I believe, it is the 
oldest in the United States. A ferry divides 
Cambridge from Boston. 

* Boston is more like an English town in the 
irregularity of its streets and houses than any other 
that I saw on that continent. It had its govern- 
ment or state house, and other public buildings, and 
churches of every denomination, more than I can 
recollect. The people were then in everything 
English ; their habits, their manners, their dress, 
their very names, spoke their origin ; and the names 
given to their towns prove that they still regard the 
land of their fathers. 

c Beacon Hill, just at the edge of the common, 
was a pretty object at a distance, and the house of 
Governor Hancock stood close to it. He was an 
old man then. His lady was of the Quincy family, 
but we did not know it then, though my father often 
visited at the house. 

* The spring brought letters from my father, full 
of hope and anxiety to see us again ; and with 


mingled feelings of expectation and regret we pre- 
pared to follow him. 

' In June (1787) we left Dorchester, and spent a 
fortnight in Boston, paying farewell visits to our 
friends there. More than one inquired of my 
brother if anything was wanted by my mother for 
our voyage, offering to supply her with money or 
other needful assistance. These offers were declined 
with grateful thanks, as we had money enough to 
take us home, and we trusted the future to that kind 
Providence which had guided and supplied us 
hitherto. After passing these last days with our 
friends in Boston as pleasantly as the prospect of so 
soon parting with them would allow, we went on 
board the Nonpareil, ready to sail the next morning, 
July 4, the grand anniversary of American Inde- 

The home voyage to England was prosperous on 
the whole, although the vessel had to avoid the 
Algerine pirates, who at that time seized all American 
vessels which had not a passport from them. Among 
their fellow-passengers was a Mr. Millar, son of a 
farmer in Hampshire, of whom Miss Hazlitt tells 
the following story : 

' At the age of fourteen he had run away from 
home and listed for a soldier, and being sent off 


with the first troops to America, had settled (after 
the war was over) in Nova Scotia, where he had 
left his wife and children, and was to return there 
as soon as the object of his present voyage was 
completed. His chief business in England was to 
implore the blessing and forgiveness of his father, 
whom he had not seen since the day that his boyish 
folly had so unhappily estranged him from the 
paternal roof. We heard afterwards that his father 
had died two days before he reached home/ 

'On Sunday, August 12, 1787, the Hazlitts dis- 
embarked at Portsmouth, and on the following 
morning set out for London in the stage. On 
arriving in London/ Miss Hazlitt tells us, * my father 
met us at the inn, and before I had time to see him, 
took me in his arms out of the coach, and led us to 
our very good friend, David Lewis ; and from him 
and Mrs. Lewis we received the greatest attention 
and kindness. With them we stayed some weeks ; 
but, my mother's health being very indifferent, we 
took a lodging at Walworth, and she was in some 
measure revived by the fresh air. This is near 
Camberwell, where your father saw the garden he 
speaks of in 'his works,* and which had made so 

* 'When I was a boy, my father used to take me to the 
Montpelier Tea Gardens at Walworth. Do I go there now? 


strong an impression on his young mind, and being 
the first gardens he had seen after our long voyage, 
were of course doubly valued. After staying there 
a fortnight, David Williams proposed our taking 
part of a house in Percy Street, which was to be had 
cheap, as it would be more convenient for my father 
to attend to anything that might occur. Here we 
stayed eleven weeks, and my grandmother came up 
from Wisbeach to see us. She stayed with us a 
month. She could walk about two miles, yet she 
must have been eighty-four at that time, and she 
lived about fourteen years after. This was a 
meeting she at one time did not hope for, as she 
was very old when we went to America, and our 
return to England was not intended. I never saw 
her after this time, but my mother paid her a visit 
of nine weeks in 1792. 

My grandfather states in one of his Essays, that, 
years after, the taste of the barberries which he had 
gathered as a child, when they had lain under the 
snow through a long American winter, still lingered 
on his palate, like a sixth sense. 

Miss Hazlitt, while she stayed for a few weeks in 

No ; the place is deserted, and its borders and beds overturned. 
I unlock the casket of memory, and draw back the warders of the 
brain, and there the scene of my infant wanderings still lives un- 
faded or with fresher dyes.' Memoirs of W. H^ 1867, i. 32. 


1787 with her family in London, had the oppor- 
tunity, almost for the first time, of seeing the shops 
and other sights of the Metropolis ; but she seems 
to have been particularly impressed and interested 
by Moltino's print-shop in Pall Mall, which preceded 
Graves's now long-established concern. In 1821 
the three principal London printsellers were Wood- 
burn, Moltino, Colnaghi, and the Smiths. My 
grandfather would say that the study of Colnaghi's 
window was a liberal education. But there was 
also Boydell's, at the Shakespeare Gallery, Pall 
Mall, and it is notable how the taste for art was 
resident in the minister and in his daughter. The 
latter writes : ' Boydell's shop had great attractions 
for me, and I was quite delighted when my father 
took me there to buy a print. It was the Fish- 
Stealers by Moonlight? 

BoydelPs place of business was afterwards occu- 
pied by Moltino and Graves, and is now Graves's. 

(x 7871798.) 

Settlement at Wem in Shropshire Fondness of William for the 
place Remarks on the American experiment The Rev. Mr. 
Hazlitt's character and straitened opportunities His letter on 
Sterne Germs of mental development in him A letter from 
William to his mother (1790) Reason for its insertion The 
writers gradual abandonment of the ministry as a calling 
His intellectual progress. 

THE ample record which the manuscript furnishes of 
those four fruitful years, which resembled a journey 
into the Promised Land and an enforced return to less 
auspicious and congenial scenes, is a notable contri- 
bution to the biographical history of our family. 

On their return to England in 1787, they fixed 
themselves at Wem in Shropshire, as we have all 
repeatedly heard ; and there Hazlitt, a lad of ten or 
so, proceeded to devote his time to those pursuits 
and amusements which were congenial to his age, 
relieving now and then the monotony of a dull 
country town by trips to Liverpool or elsewhere. 


Referring to her young brother, the diarist, how- 
ever, observes : 

' William always liked this old house at Wem 
better than many superior ones that we have lived 
in since ; but he liked Wem better than any of us, 
for it was the scene of his childhood, and where he 
first began to show those talents which have since 
shone so brightly/ 

Of the three surviving children of the Rev. Mr. 
Hazlitt, John, Margaret, and William, the first and 
last sought their fortunes in London ; but their 
sister remained under her parents* roof till a short 
period prior to her death, and had no opportunity of 
developing those talents as an artist and as a thinker 
which she unquestionably possessed. She more than 
once almost repines in her notes at the hard lot, which 
was her father's and her own, of spending their lives 
in an obscure and stagnant provincial town. 

Speaking of 1787, Miss Hazlitt remarks : 

4 This autumn was dry and pleasant. At Wai- 
worth there was a great common, and Camberwell 
Green was near. I never feel the morning air of an 
October day without thinking of that autumn and 
the difference we found between our English fogs 
and the American fall.' 

The American Diary from 1783 to 1787 has 


furnished much both in the way of absolute know- 
ledge and of valuable indications and side-lights. 

The hospitality extended to them while they re- 
mained in the States was of the old-fashioned type, 
but they experienced the same unwearied generosity 
at the hands of their friends at home. The names 
which occur in the subscription - lists of the two 
series of sermons in 1790 and 1808 are those of 
persons in all parts of England, in Ireland, and in 
America. Mr. Hazlitt seems never to have lost a 
friend, and his only enemies were the enemies of 
justice and freedom. 

The family, however, which may be presumed, 
above all others, to have assisted him throughout his 
lengthened pilgrimage was that of Lewis of Maid- 
stone, London, and New York, and Mr. David Lewis, 
more particularly, paid my ancestor an almost fraternal 
devotion. H e not merely performed the ordinary rites 
of friendship, but stood by him in all emergencies, 
and repeatedly placed his home in London at his 
disposal. It was to Mr. Lewis that he committed 
John at the outset of his career as an artist in 
London in 1787, when without such supervision a 
lad of his years might have been exposed to the 
most demoralizing influences. 

The life of Boston, Philadelphia, and New York, 


as Miss Hazlitt, to the extent of her opportunities, 
portrays it, offers to us the prepossessing picture of 
a society which had liberated itself from the stern 
and bigoted puritanism of the earliest settlers, and 
was in the enjoyment of a prosperity and freedom 
just beginning to re-awaken after the conclusion of 
the war with the mother-country. Such an experi- 
ence as my ancestors had in 1783, and down to 
1787, would have been equally impossible a few 
years earlier and a few years later. They took the 
tide at the flow ; they presented themselves with the 
highest credentials which it was perhaps possible 
for English people at that precise juncture to 
possess and to shew ; they were introduced to the 
late British colonists then colonists no more as 
among the truest and most zealous of those in the 
old land, whose hearts had been with them all 
through the fratricidal struggle, and who had done 
their part to help forward the issue, setting their 
feet on the quay at New York almost ere the ink of 
the Declaration of Independence was dry. They 
came, moreover, with the fullest intention and desire 
to found a new home in the young Republic, and to 
turn their back for ever on the dominion which gave 
them life, but threatened to deny them that liberty, 
which was at least as dear. 


That my ancestors changed their purpose owing 
to the obstacles which the minister found in securing 
a comfortable congregational settlement, and that 
they retraced their course without regretting the 
determination, grave at the moment as seemed the 
outlook, and dark the future, may be more or less 
matter of history, since two of the party lived to 
achieve in the old country a reputation which is 
common to both sides of the Atlantic, and which 
encourages me, more than a hundred years after the 
event, to commit to paper the story and its moral. 

The intellectual faculties of the Unitarian minister 
the Hazlitt of the first historical ' generation lay, 
in my judgment, nearly dormant from the absence 
of communication and correspondence with minds 
capable of fostering and ripening the germinant 
matter within. Instead of associating with those 
who might have imparted to his bent of thought a 
certain elasticity and breadth, he communed through 
the whole of a protracted career almost exclusively 
with persons who were greatly his inferiors in natural 
power and perception, and who unconsciously re- 
tarded by a generation the display of literary 
capacity awaiting only certain conditions to bring it 
to light. 

I must confess that I have always fancied that in 


the letter of Mr. Hazlitt in 1808 to the Monthly 
Repository, respecting an incident in the life of 
Sterne, we may recognise the latent or slumbering 
aptitude which manifested itself in his younger son, 
and we have to go no farther than the proficiency 
of John Hazlitt as a painter, and the evident talent, 
however undisciplined and rudimentary, of the 
sister, to see, and to be justified in allowing that, so 
far as the taste and turn for the liberal sciences 
went, our obligations were on the Hazlitts' side, 
rather than on that of Mrs. Loftus and her father, 
the Wisbeach ironmonger. 

William Hazlitt inherited from his paternal grand- 
father, John Hazlitt of Shronell, a fervent passion 
for individual liberty, and from his progenitor in the 
same degree on the other side an equally strong 
love of truth and religious toleration. But at the 
same time it is not difficult to believe that with his 
theological studies the Unitarian minister, who was 
one step nearer to him and to us, combined a taste 
for the classics, in which he gained honours at 
college, and for miscellaneous literature. The par- 
tiality for Sterne as a writer, which betrays itself in 
so many passages of my grandfather's books, might 
well have been acquired under the paternal roof, 
and Miss Hazlitt expressly cites Shakespear as 

VOL. T. 5 


the great poet, whom they all knew so well, and 
testifies to her father's affection for the London 

In the published correspondence occur some illus- 
trations of the first state of feeling, which is to be 
treated as a product of home-influence, and which 
externally afforded no manifestation of the vast in- 
tellectual awakening which a few years and a con- 
currence of agencies were to bring about ; and I 
once thought they were adequate for their purpose, 
as in a mere literary respect these compositions are 
of slender interest indeed. But, physiologically 
considered, the letters of Hazlitt's early boyhood are 
unquestionably very valuable relics, for they set him 
before us as he was, fully equipped according to his 
estimable parent's conception for life and the 
ministry, and enable us to take accurate measure- 
ment of the colossal stride which he made between 
the ages of twelve and twenty. At the former there 
was absolutely nothing to denote that he would be 
more than his father before him, or his grandfather 
the flax-factor; at the latter, after the lapse of 
little more than a lustrum, men became aware that a 
new power had arisen in the domain of thought and 
in the annals of intellect a power which, had it 
been developed half a century later, would certainly 


have placed Hazlitt in a widely different position ; 
or, had it been accompanied by other political con- 
ditions, would probably have conferred on him dis- 
tinction and affluence. 

It is on this account that I subjoin the letter 
which he addressed in his thirteenth year to his 
mother while he was staying with the Tracys at 
Liverpool, in company with their neighbour's son, 
George Dickin. 

Friday, gth of July 1790. 

It is with pleasure I now sit down to write to you, and it is 
with pleasure that I do anything, which I know, will please you. 
I hope you have by this time received my letter, which I put in 
the Post Office on Tuesday evening. I intended to have written 
to you, in my last, but, as you see, I had not room for it, and 
therefore I shall fill up this sheet as your correspondent. On 
Tuesday night, after I had been at Mrs. Hudson's to tea, I took 
my Papa's letter to the Post Office. As it was half an hour past 
eight, when I left Mrs. Hudson's and I had a mile and half to go 
in half an hour I went there rather quickly, and got home a good 
while before the rest. As soon as I came home Mrs. Tracey told 
me that a Gentleman, who appeared to be about 2 or 3 and 20 
years old, had been here enquiring after me; he said that he 
saw my brother on Sunday last, and that I must enquire for him 
at the Mail Coach Office, without telling where it was, or what his 
name was, so that it was almost impossible for anybody to find out 
who it was. I accordingly went, about ten o'clock in the morning, 
to the Mail Coach Office to enquire for him ; I told the man how 
it was, who said that it was almost impossible to find out who 
it was, but however he said that if I would stop about an hour he 


would make enquiry. I amused myself about an hour, with look- 
ing at the pictures in the shops and then I went again, but I came 
home without knowing who it was, any more than I did when I 
went On Wednesday I and George Dickin went to Mr. Fisher's 
to dine. He is a very rich man, but The man who is a well- 
wisher to slavery, is always a slave himself. The King, who wishes 
to enslave all mankind, is a slave to ambition ; The man who 
wishes to enslave all mankind, for his King, is himself a slave to 
his King. He like others of his brethren I suppose, wished that 
Mr. Beaufoy was out, or with the Devil, he did not care which. 
You see that he wished to have him out, merely because ' he 
would do to others as he would he done to? The man who is a 
well-wisher to liberty, wishes to have men good, and himself to be 
one of them, and knows that men are not good unless they are so 
willingly, and does attempt to force them to it, but tries to put 
them in such a situation as will induce them to be good. Slavery 
is not a state for men to improve in, therefore he does not wish 
them to be in that condition*. In a state of liberty men improve. 
He therefore wishes them to be in such a state. I have just 
received my Papa's letter, and the other things which I am much 
obliged to him for. I am concerned to hear you have so little 
money, but I hope that your portion is not in this world, you have 
trouble for a few days, but have joy for many. The RICH take 
their fill in a few years, are cut short in the midst of their career, 
and fall into ruin ; Never to rise again. But the good shall 
have joy for evermore. Be sure to tell me if I may sell my old 

Tuesday, 1 3th of July. 

I yesterday received my Papa's kind letter. I am sorry you did 
not receive my letter in due season as I put it in on Tuesday 
according to my directions. I was very glad to hear of Mr. 
Tayleur's present I yesterday began a letter to my sister, and 
finished one to my brother. 

Tell my Papa, to tell John Kynaston that I understand the 
2nd problem, and that the other is very right. Do not forget to 


remember me to him. I have translated 1 1 Fables and written 
1 1 verbs. Remember me to Mrs. and Miss Cottons, and to every 
inquirer. Tell Kynaston I am very sorry Mrs. Tracey has not 
gotten him a place. The person who called on me last Tuesday 
was Isaac Kingston. He called here on Friday after I had written 
the first part of this letter, he stayed about an hour, and drank tea 
here the day following. He said he attempted to get Papa to 
Cork, but found it was useless to attempt it. He was asked by 
a lady to vote against Hind, but he said he would vote against 
no one. He said that those who were against him staid away 
from the Election and that he carried the Election without 

He said that he was sorry that Papa bad not a better place, and 
wished that he would set up a school, that is a boarding school ; 
and that there was no man in the world to whom he would sooner 
send his children. He has 3 Boys, the eldest of which is 5 years 
old, within a few months. 

I shall go to Mr. Clegg's to drink tea on Thursday, and shall 
go to the play on Friday. I shall write to Joseph Swanwick this 
week. I dined at Mrs. Corbett's on Saturday, and at Mrs. 
Chilton's on Sunday, which was not very agreeable. I have told 
you all the news, I know, almost and have not much more paper. 
They were pressing on Saturday evening. The world is not 
quite perfect yet ; nor will It ever be so whilst such practices are 
reckoned lawful Mrs. Tracey says I had better let my arm 
alone, until I come home ; but I wish I could tell how to procure 
grains and then I would foment it in them. Adieu Give my 
love to Papa. Mr. Kingston will call as he returns if he can. 

I am, Your affectionate Son, 


P.S. I like my Balls very well, and have also received the 

[Endorsed] Mr. Hazlitt, 



The reader will perhaps allow that the letter by a 
mere boy of barely thirteen, just given, is all that I 
have claimed for it, and will be of opinion that it is 
nothing more ; yet I fancy that I can readily point 
out another plea for its admission as a document and 
a study. For although the author of this juvenile 
performance underwent at no long interval a pro- 
digious mental transfiguration, he never completely 
outgrew the lines of his paternal culture, and in one 
of his maturest and noblest effusions in his Sketch 
of the origin of the Elizabethan Drama eloquently 
vindicated the influence of the Bible on the revival 
of learning in England ; and it seems to me, although 
he puts the notion into the mouth of Lamb, a farther 
token of his own reverential loyalty to the old Shrop- 
shire home and his excellent father, where, at the 
conclusion of an eclectic account of one of the 
Wednesdays, he says that, if Shakespear could have 
entered the room, every one would have risen to 
meet him, but that if Jesus Christ had appeared, 
they would have all fallen down and tried to kiss the 
hem of his garment. The cast of thought with 
which he had been so familiar at Wem was renewed 
by the then fresh tidings of his father's descent to 
the grave, full alike of years and faith ; it came back 
to him, as the taste of American barberries revisited 
his palate after forty years. 


An unfaltering attachment to his mother lingered 
with him to the latest moment of his sentient exist- 
ence. Does he not tell how, when he was full of 
work and in the zenith of his repute, he longed to 
revisit the town where she was born, and the poor 
farmhouse where she was brought up, and to lean 
upon the gate where she told him she used to stand, 
when a child of ten years old, and look at the setting 
sun ? 

It was while he was at Liverpool, in 1 790, that he 
first fell in with F6nelon's Telemachus, which he read 
with great enjoyment, and which he on his return 
persuaded his sister the diarist to read and to 

In 1793 he was sent to the Unitarian College at 
Hackney, with a view to his education for the calling 
which his admirable father deemed the most honour- 
able and most eligible ; and this change of occupa- 
tion and abode, by throwing him on holidays into 
intercourse with his elder brother John and other 
Londoners, may be taken, in conjunction with his 
clerical studies at Hackney, as having laid the foun- 
dation of a new departure, and tended to open fresh 
trains of thought. To such a mind the potent con- 
trast between the narrow teaching of the college 
and the broad tenets held .by the set to which 
Hazlitt the painter had attached himself Holcroft, 


Godwin, Fawcett, Stoddart, and others was suf- 
ficient as a source of profitable reflection. We have 
been already made familiar with his neglect of the 
ordinary studies prescribed by the curriculum of the 
institution, and his plea for pardon in the shape of a 
thesis which he had spent his time in drawing up. 

The first distinct indication of a revolt from the 
ties and opinions of his youth was his relinquishment 
of the Church as a profession and a call, without an 
immediate view before him of any other employment 
beyond a desultory love of reading and a vague 
admiration for art. The former sentiment was, 
perhaps, at the outset little more than a fondness for 
books inherited from his father, and the latter was 
similarly a boyish spirit of emulation, gradually 
aroused by his elder brother's success as a miniature 
and portrait painter. To the last hour of his life my 
grandfather preserved his profound veneration for 
his parents ; but the artist-brother was, after a cer- 
tain age, the tutelary genius whenever he stayed in 
London, and the directing and controlling agency ; 
and it is in the circle which John Hazlitt had drawn 
round him in Rathbone Place that we have to seek 
the origin of the secession from the Unitarian ministry 
and of the espousal, first of art, and eventually of 
letters, as a means of livelihood. 


The effect of the training at Hackney may perhaps 
be treated as having been diametrically opposite to 
that which Hazlitt's parents anticipated and wished. 
Instead of forming a sequel and a complement to 
home-studies, it served as a fulcrum to divert his 
ideas and aspirations into totally different channels ; 
nor can it be a matter of surprise that the upshot 
should have been what it was that he should, to 
the sincere grief of his father, have asked leave to 
relinquish the project of qualifying for the ministry, 
and should have returned home without any nearer 
approach to a settlement in any profession. 

We have reached 1793 or 1794. He was fifteen 
or sixteen years of age. His father could not fail to 
comprehend that the sojourn at Hackney, with its 
attendant incidence, had wrought a great alteration 
in him since their return from abroad. The hope of 
having a successor in his vocation, when he was 
called away, had become a thing of the past William 
was a child no longer. He was a pensive, abstracted 
youth, with a developing taste for philosophy and 
metaphysics. He had in no wise lost his affectionate 
and dutiful character ; but it was easily perceivable 
that a new intellectual bias was already in course of 
formation. Those who enjoyed the opportunity of 
tracing the phenomenon to its source, may or may 


not have done so ; but it is my persuasion that he 
carried the germ to Hackney, and did not receive it 
there. As far back as 1788 he had corresponded 
with his brother John they were, of course, together 
in America ; and through life he preserved an un- 
changeable regard for him. His sentiments in 1790 
had not yet undergone, so far as it is possible to 
judge, material modification. In 1794 he had 
renounced the Church, and was in incipient mental 
labour with notions and schemes of another tendency 
and of a higher reach. 

The correspondence between Hazlitt and his 
family during his youth and early manhood readily 
divides itself into the portion which precedes the 
introduction to Coleridge in 1798, and that which 
concludes with his letters from the Louvre in 1802. 
Of the changed complexion of the latter everybody 
can judge who has perused them all, so far as they 
survive, in the Memoirs. 




William Hazlitt still at Wem His studies Obscurity of the 
period Meeting with Coleridge Note to his father on the 
subject The Essay on Human Action on the stocks Crabb 
Robinson's extraordinary testimony to his genius Sir James 
Mackintosh's lectures in 1799 Visit to the Louvre in 1802 
On his return Hazlitt paints portraits of Samuel Taylor Cole- 
ridge and his son Hartley, of Wordsworth, of his own father, 
of Mr. Shepherd of Gateacre, and of Charles Lamb (1803-5) 
His obligations to his brother John His dissatisfaction 
with himself. 

THE interval between 1798 and 1808 represents in 
one way and sense the most important period of 
Hazlitt's life. It was the period of labour and mental 
incubation. It was then that he read most assiduously 
and thought most deeply, and stored up the material 
for the literary work which was to follow. This cir- 
cumstance explains what he meant when, in response 
to the secretarial inquiry at the Russell Institution 
whether he had prepared his lectures, he shyly stated 
that he had thought over them, and also where he 


tells us that his object in somewhat later in life going 
down to Winterslow was to ' gather up the fragments 
of his early recollections.' 

The actual traces of the books employed by him 
are very limited, and those casual. He alludes in his 
own works to volumes which had passed through his 
hands, and for which he had a value or a relish. 
But when we scan with any degree of care the pages 
so luminous with his analytical insight and graphic 
power, and observe the wide diversity of subjects 
and the long catalogue of authors with whom he 
establishes his acquaintance, all that we see, if we 
use our eyes well, points to a dark and unexplored 
epoch in his biography, when the toil and application 
must have been almost passionately intense, when 
health was disregarded, when meals were overlooked, 
and when under his father's humble roof he, unknown 
to himself and still more to those around him, set up 
a temple and a religion of his own. 

The most obscure portion of his youth is un- 
doubtedly that which immediately succeeded the 
interview with Coleridge. All that we positively 
know is that he was still living with his father, with 
the exception of occasional visits to his brother in 
Rathbone Place, and perhaps to the Tracys at Liver- 
pool, and desultory excursions on foot, including that 


to Llangollen, of which we have a description from 
his own pen. 

He appears to have been either at Liverpool or in 
London with his brother at all events, away from 
home when he sent his father on the eve of setting 
out for Wem the subjoined : 


I have just time to let you know, that I shall set out on my 
way home this evening. Mr. Coleridge is gone to Taunton to 
preach for Dr. Toulmin. He is to meet me at Bridgewater, and 
we shall proceed from thence to Bristol to-morrow morning. You 
may expect to see me on Saturday, or, perhaps not till the next 
day. I received your letter on Friday. Farewell. 

W. H. 

He was already, about this date, striving, how- 
ever, to produce his Essay on Hiiman Disinterested- 
ness^ and I suppose that it does not require a critical 
scrutiny of the published work to convince anyone 
that it contains, of the prima stamina, as they were 
committed to paper by the most painful effort page 
by page, nothing beyond the bare outline. The 
author doubtless began to make notes for the volume 
as early as 1 798, but the existing text may be taken 
to precede very little in date the year of issue. The 
style is more laboured and hard ; but the book must 
be accepted as a member of the group of literary 


monuments belonging to the first era, and concluding 
with the Grammar in 1 8 to. I do not propose to 
comprise in this cycle the Holcroft and other com- 
pilations merely the original compositions, which 
signalized the transitional state of Hazlitt s mind 
after it had received its first impetus from Cole- 

As this is a singularly difficult epoch in the career 
of Hazlitt, I venture to point out that Crabb Robin- 
son, in his Diary under 1799, describes his first 
acquaintance with my grandfather just a twelve- 
month, apparently, after the meeting with Coleridge. 
He spoke of Hazlitt, who was then one-and-twenty, 
to his sister-in-law as the cleverest man he had met 
or knew. At that date, to be sure, Robinson did 
not know many people of much note. He adds : 
1 1 was under great obligations to Hazlitt as the 
director of my taste. It was he who first made me 
acquainted with the Lyrical Ballads and the poems 
generally of Wordsworth, Coleridge, Lamb, and 

Of what man just of age could such a thing at 
present be predicated ? The testimony, too, is all 
the more precious, since it comes from a quarter 
which was rather grudging of praise or compliment 
in this case. 


A man is, however, as his school is, whatever may 
be the force of his original bent and self-government. 
The precocious aptitude and relish of Hazlitt, as a 
youth of one-and-twenty, for acquiring an intimacy 
with the poets of his day, and imparting it to others, 
had been imbibed from his fellowship with the 
author of the Ancient Mariner and his circle, all 
juvenes fervidi, like himself, and, like the fine 
character whom Chaucer portrays, ' glad to learn and 
eke to teach.' 

From a passage in the Spirit of the Age, we may 
perhaps infer that he attended Sir James Mackin- 
tosh's lectures in 1799; and, if so, this may have 
led him to form speculations on their subject-matter, 
and to draft the essay on Civil and Criminal Legis- 
lation, which was among his early works, and bears 
the impress of his first style, before he acquired free- 
dom and ease in the use of his pen. 

If he was really present at those lectures, it becomes 
highly probable that he was led to go by his brother's 
friend and eventual brother-in-law, Dr. Stoddart. 
The latter was certainly among the audience, for I 
possess his manuscript notes taken at the time, and 
it is so far interesting to regain these scattered and 
almost lost links in the biographical chain, since each 
lends its help to render a little more lucid and con- 

VOL. i. 6 


secutive the transactions of these years, and to ascer- 
tain the sources of the growth of Hazlitt's mind and 
the nature of the stimulants which it received. 

It was about this date, while he was pursuing his 
metaphysical investigations, and writing and re- 
writing the manuscript of his Essay on the Principles 
of Hitman Action, grounded on a study of Hartley 
and Helvetius partly, perhaps, at second-hand from 
Coleridge that his brother induced him to try, col- 
laterally at best, something more practical and, at the 
same time, not uncongenial, and that he made his 
earliest attempts as an artist. While he remained at 
Hackney he had been led, by observing his brother 
at work during his holiday visits to him, to endeavour 
to copy heads, noses, and eyes ; and the employ- 
ment, as he grew older, became more attractive, and 
began towards the end of the century, as he was 
entering on his majority, to share with the problems 
of philosophy his earnest attention. 

I cannot trace to heredity the gift for painting 
possessed by all the. children of the Unitarian minister, 
but the proficiency acquired by Hazlitt himself in 
this fresh direction was positively amazing. For we 
have only to remember that in 1798 he was a youth, 
whose occupation was of the most desultory and 
indecisive character, and we shall appreciate the 


rapidity of progress which enabled him in '1802 not 
merely to secure sitters at Liverpool and Manchester, 
but to obtain a commission to execute for a gentle- 
man' in the latter town ten copies from the old 
masters at the Louvre for ^"105. He was away 
from England on this business from October, 1802, 
to January, 1803, and must have worked inde- 
fatigably the whole time, seeing the trophies (spolia 
opima) with which we know that he returned home. 

The picture of his father was painted in 1804, 
and, probably through his brothers influence, was 
exhibited at the Royal Academy. It is the Rem- 
brandtish composition of which the artist so elo- 
quently discourses in more than one place. It 
represents the minister in his sixty-seventh year : the 
colours have faded a little, and the magilp has over- 
laid the surface, but the likeness is unimpaired. It 
is a striking piece of execution for a young jnan of 
twenty-six, who had had so brief an apprentice- 
ship to the art ; and of all the essays in oils which 
he made, this, and the head of the Old Woman 
which he painted in 1803, near Manchester, appear 
to me to be the most signally characteristic. 

Southey, in a letter to Rickman, of December 14, 
1803, speaks of my grandfather as having been at 
that time lately in his immediate neighbourhood, if 


not at his house. 4 Hazlitt/ says he, ' whom you 
saw at Paris, has been here (at Keswick) ; a man of 
real genius. He has made a very fine picture of 
Coleridge for Sir George Beaumont, which is said to 
be in Titian's manner ; he has also painted Words- 
worth, but so dismally, though Wordsworth's face is 
his idea of physiognomical perfection, that one of his 
friends, on seeing it, exclaimed, ' At the gallows, 
deeply affected by his deserved fate yet determined 
to die like a man/ 

In a letter to Coleridge himself of June n, 1804, 
Southey compares the two likenesses of the former 
by Hazlitt and Northcote. * Hazlitt's,' he says, 
1 does look as if you were on your trial, and certainly 
had stolen the horse ; but then you did it cleverly. 
... But this portrait by Northcote looks like a 
grinning idiot ; and the worst is, that it is just like 
enough to pass for a good likeness with those who 
only know your features imperfectly. Dance's draw- 
ing has that merit at least, that nobody would ever 
suspect you of having been the original.' 

The picture of Coleridge painted for Beaumont 
was probably executed prior to October, 1803, as in 
a letter to Sir George, dated October i, 1803, Cole- 
ridge speaks of Hazlitt in this way : ' We have not 
heard of or from Hazlitt. He is at Manchester, we 


suppose, and has both the portraits with him ' those 
of the writer, apparently, and of his son Hartley. 

These extracts admit us to some knowledge of his 
movements, while he was endeavouring to prove his 
mastery in a new field, by the exhibited likeness of 
his father and other remarkable efforts, and still ad- 
hered to the notion, originally broached by John, of 
making art, rather than, letters, his profession and 
subsistence. He was now five-and-twenty. We 
perceive that he had painted Samuel Taylor and 
Hartley Coleridge, and Wordsworth, and it must 
have been now that he first met Southey. From all 
these sources the practical result was not, perhaps, 
very large, nor can much else be said of his other 
essays, especially the likeness of his father (in my 
possession), of his father's friend, the Rev. Mn 
Shepherd of Gateacre, and of Charles Lamb (in the 
National Portrait Gallery), in the bizarre costume of 
a Venetian senator. I attribute all three to the 
period between 1802 and 1805. The head of Lear, 
mentioned in the Memoirs, 1867, was by his 

There can be little doubt that by assiduity and 
patience the artist might have realized all his hopes 
from the vocation, both in a technical sense and 
otherwise ; and I presume that his brother, who 


was never lacking in readiness to put him forward, 
did not neglect to lend him all the encouragement 
and assistance in his power. But his severest judge 
was found in his own preconceived standard of 
excellence, and an ineradicable sense of inferiority 
to it. Such a consciousness, making its force and 
influence felt, even while he yet held the brush in 
his hand, and continued to accept sitters, was obvi- 
ously prejudicial to improvement and success. His 
beau idtal was his evil genius, but at the same time 
it has often struck me that a second very important 
obstacle to his establishment as a portrait-painter 
was the disparity between his knowledge of the art 
of colour and expression and that of mechanical 
execution. The branch of his profession which he 
should have mastered first he never thoroughly 
mastered at all ; and it was his shortcoming here 
that, I apprehend, produced his discontent with his 
works in the face of much favourable criticism, and 
from a reluctance or inability to devote a further 
apprenticeship to that department led him at last to 
abandon the project for following art as a livelihood. 
He was too impatient and too fastidious. 

Our great painters have usually possessed genius 
and industry in an almost equal degree, and have 
applied themselves laboriously in their noviciate to 


the acquisition of the grammar of their business. If 
not in landscape, where the lines are subject to 
abnormal variation, at least in portrait the study of 
anatomical detail formed an indispensable prelude 
a master's career. I do not contend that Hazlitt 
was ignorant of this deficiency ; on the contrary, I 
plead that his intense appreciation of it was one of 
the primary causes of his relinquishment of the pro- 
fession. In his copies from Titian it has always 
struck me that he has neglected those minutiae 
which in the originals are so truly rendered. 

It has been represented that Hazlitt derived his 
first idea and love of painting from Jonathan 
Richardson, the earliest of the art-critics, who influ- 
enced the modern school, and notably that of Sir 
Joshua. His writings on the subject had appeared 
as far back as 1725, and were much admired by 
Reynolds, upon whom they have been generally 
held to have exercised a powerful influence ; and 
this amounts in some degree to a confirmation of 
the indebtedness to them of the two Hazlitts. A 
new edition of Richardson appeared in 1792, just a 
little prior to my grandfather's earliest visits to his 
elder brother in London, and it was natural enough 
that he should turn to a book enjoying such a 
peculiar prestige. 


Yet, while his obligation to John Hazlitt for most 
of his early knowledge both of men and books 
was undoubtedly very great, my grandfather soon 
learned to form independent opinions on painting in 
common with other subjects ; and while he might 
agree with much that Richardson felt and wrote, it 
was not consonant with his genius to allow any man 
or school to warp his own judgment either upon an 
author or an artist. 

In a knowledge of the rules of art and of the 
practice of painting John Hazlitt doubtless far sur- 
passed his brother, and was equally, or almost 
equally, a prodigy of natural talent, developed by 
observation and experience, rather than by any 
regular course of instruction. But in critical power 
and in judgment of what pictures should be I 
imagine my grandfather to have been the superior 
of the two beyond comparison. John Hazlitt 
rapidly attained the height of his fame and the limit 
of his faculty. His miniatures, by which it is 
fairest to estimate him, were admirable in mechanical 
execution, in colour, and in drapery ; but it was a 
widely different sort and degree of success to which 
his brother aspired and despaired of ever reaching. 
He gazed, sometimes almost with the tears in his 
eyes, at the pictures on the walls of Burleigh, Blen- 


heim, and Stourhead, and, after a few more un- 
successful attempts to emulate them, laid down the 
brush. He knew at once too much and too little. 
We shall see a little further on that my grandfather 
very occasionally returned to the pursuit, and took 
the likenesses of one or two friends even at a quite 
late period of his life. 



Relinquishment of art Early literary work Slender practical 
results The Essay on Human Action completed and pub- 
lished (1805) Godwin and Hazlitt meet again Hazlitt's 
obligations to the former Letters from Hazlitt to his father 
and others (i 806-8) The theatres visited. 

THE vacillation between two courses of employ- 
ment arose from a singular conjunction of circum- 
stances, I think, acting and reacting on each other ; 
from great natural wilfulness after the first period of 
childhood, from a peculiar hardness and dryness of 
understanding in earlier manhood, and from the 
severe struggle, which succeeded the acquaintance 
with Coleridge, of a profound latent power for 
adequate expression either on paper or on canvas. 
The question, however, had narrowed itself to a 
choice between these callings, and the die was 
eventually cast in favour of literature, painting re- 


ceding into the middle distance as a very occasional 

As I have said, I cannot help being convinced 
that it was Hazlitt's dissatisfaction with himself, 
rather than the pecuniary aspect of the matter, which 
produced the ultimate decision. For during many 
years that is to 'say, from 1804 to 1812 his 
literary earnings were insignificant. Let us see 
what they were. From the Essay on Human Action 
he assuredly never derived a fraction. The Free 
Thoughts on Public Affairs (1806) he printed at 
his own expense. The Reply to Malthus, notwith- 
standing Longman's parade that it was * by a 
person of eminence/ the Abridgment of Tucker, 
and the Eloquence of the British Senate, all products 
of 1807, cannot have yielded much. The translation 
of Bourgoyne's Tableau de f Espagne Moderne 
(1808) never found a publisher. There was the 
English Grammar in 1810, and finally, among the 
earlier works, the Memoirs of Holcroft, finished in 
the same year, and only partially printed in 1816. 
Thus in eleven, years we have eight works, which 
can scarcely have represented in the aggregate a fair 
twelvemonth's income ; and the pains bestowed on 
some of them was indisputably very considerable. 
It was no wonder, then, that in 1812, four years 


after his marriage, and one after the birth of a son, 
he determined to settle permanently in London, and 
to embark in journalism or any other more popular 
and remunerative class of work. 

Among those to whom Hazlitt sent copies of the 
Essay on Human Action was Mackintosh, then in 
India. The attention was acknowledged in a flatter- 
ing manner, and I do not think that he is more 
than half serious when he says that Mackintosh's 
satisfaction was a proof ' of the dearth of intellectual 
intercourse in which he lived, which made even a 
dry, tough, metaphysical chokepear' acceptable to 
him. I am afraid that here we have an outcrop 
of that splenetic acrimony, which by the exercise 
of a salutary influence over him at this time might 
have been prevented from becoming a chronic 

It was not precisely, so far as I have understood, 
the same motive which induced him to neglect the 
opening which was promised in a complimentary 
letter from Sir James Scarlett. Scarlett received a 
copy of the Essay, presumably at the suggestion of 
his friend Stoddart, and expressed a highly favour- 
able judgment of it ; but it seems that Hazlitt 's 
father was averse from him becoming a Tory, and 
an incident which might in other hands have proved 


the turning-point in his fortunes was suffered to be 

Scarlett rose to be Attorney-General, but went 
over from the Whigs to the other political party, 
just as his friends were on the point of coming into 
power again ; and my uncle Reynell, who was on 
the jury in a case before Lord Denman, where 
Scarlett was counsel, heard it observed that, instead 
of being on the Bench, he was only conducting an 
action before it. He eventually obtained, however, 
a seat in the Exchequer, and was created Lord 

We shall see farther on that Hazlitt never ex- 
pressed himself favourable to Mackintosh, while 
the latter remained honourably steadfast in his 
acknowledgment of my grandfather's genius and 

Crabb Robinson was, I think, under a misappre- 
hension in supposing that his brother Anthony, 
whom he introduced to Hazlitt, prevailed on John- 
son to publish the Eloquence of the British Senate ; 
nor was that Hazlitt's first work, as the diarist terms 
it. Johnson was not, in the first place, the man to 
be influenced against his own judgment, and, so far 
as that, goes, he had known our family as early as 
1790, when he brought out the Select Discourses of 


the Unitarian minister. Of course, it was he who 
really undertook Hazlitt's maiden literary effort 
the Essay on Human Action but that was in 


Mr. Kegan Paul, in his painstaking and excellent 
biography of Godwin, does not seem to have been 
aware to what a vital extent Hazlitt was indebted to 
that distinguished man, when he found himself about 
the end of the last century under the necessity of 
obtaining a footing among the literary brotherhood 
in London. Nor does the same gentleman mention 
the original source of the connection between the 
two families through the 'Loftuses of Wisbeach, 
where, as we have seen, the parents of Godwin and 
of the mother of Hazlitt were fellow-townsfolk. The 
meeting in London in later years was the renewal of 
an old Cambridgeshire tie. 

It was through Godwin that Hazlitt knew ' not 
only Coleridge, who introduced him to Lamb and 
his sister, but Holcroft, Stoddart, and Fawcett, the 
last-named a man whom I regard as having during 
their intimate, but rather short-lived, intercourse 
imparted to my grandfather s mind and course of 
study, next to Coleridge, a more powerful stimulus 
than any other individual whom he ever met. 

While the indebtedness of Hazlitt to Godwin in 


the earlier stages of his career was so heavy, two 
communications on literary subjects are all that 
Godwin's biographer seems to have succeeded in 
recovering. These were apparently written from 
Wem between which place and John Hazlitt's in 
Great Russell Street the future essayist and critic 
was dividing his time and refer to the English 
Grammar and the Holcroft Memoirs, of which the 
former was out, and the latter had yet to receive 
some final touches. Hazlitt, with that solicitude for 
the careful and conscientious treatment of a subject 
which really belonged to him, but with which he 
has never been properly accredited, wishes to be 
satisfied on some points in Holcroft's life as to 
which he was in doubt. 

But a good deal of information must have been 
elicited from the same quarter by word of mouth, 
and we actually learn from Godwin himself in- 
directly that my grandfather and he saw a great 
deal of each other in the first decade of this 

I introduce here two letters which have reference 
to Hazlitt's literary work and friends in London in 
1806. The first is addressed to Johnson, the pub- 
lisher of the Abridgment of Tucker or Search, from 
Great Russell Street, to which John Hazlitt had 


removed in 1804 from Rathbone Place. He still, 
we perceive, clung to the old familiar neighbour- 


I have sent you the abridgment I have made of the two 
first volumes. The proportion in quantity is, as near as I can 
guess, about 210 pages to 790, that is, considerably less than a 
third. I imagine the 3 last volumes, though much larger, will not 
take more than the 2 first, and that the 3 d and 4th will be about 
400 pages, or perhaps more. If you should think this too much 
in quantity, the sooner you let me know the better. I find that 
going on in the way I have done, I can insert almost everything 
that is worth remembering in the book. I give the amusing 
passages almost entire. In fact I have done little more than leave 
out repetitions, and other things that might as well never have 
been in the book. But whether I have done it properly, or no, 
you will be able to determine better than I. If the first manu- 
script should be awkward to print from being written both ways, I 
could easily have it transcribed. 

I am with great respect, 

Your ob. servant, 

August 3oth (1806). 

109 Great Russell St. 

The second letter, which is of greater importance, 
was evidently written from his own lodgings in 
Southampton Buildings, a locality which he selected 
at this early date for the sake of its convenient 
position, and which, I am proud to learn, is still 
pointed out by the tenant as one of Hazlitt's resi- 


dences. He gives a remarkably full and gossiping 
account (for him) of his doings. He alludes to his 
painting, and we note how he was in touch with his 
brother's circle, and even with others, such as 
Hume, of the Pipe Office, whom he knew through 
Lamb. The criticisms on Fox, Pitt, and others, 
were for the Eloquence of the British Senate^ then 
in preparation, but some of them had previously ap- 
peared in Free Thoughts on Public Affairs. 

The Tom Loftus with whose name the com- 
munication opens was his maternal cousin. From 
a letter of Lamb to Hazlitt of February, 1806, we 
see that Loftus was an occasional visitor at the 
house of the former. 


I have just seen Tom Loftus, who told me to my surprize 
that he left you last Friday. He called last night ; but I was out. 
I was rather surprized, because, though I knew of his going into 
Wales, I did not think of his going your way. He seems much 
pleased with his reception and with his journey altogether. He 
has brought home some Welch mutton with him, which I am 
going to eat a part of to-night. He stopped a whole day -at 
Oxford, which he thinks a finer place than Wem or even Shrews- 
bury. I have just finished the cheeks which I had dressed last 
Friday for my dinner after I had taken a walk round Hampstead 
and Highgate. I never made a better dinner in my life. T. Loftus 
came to help me off with them on Saturday, and we attacked them 
again at night, after going to the Opera, where I went for the first 
time and probably for the last. The fowls I took to Lamb's the 

VOL. I. 7 


night I received them, and the pickled pork. They were very 
good But I found only one tongue in the basket, whereas you 
seem to speak of two. 

The book I took to John's yesterday. The preface to Search* 
is finished and printed to my great comfort. It is very long, and 
for what I know very tiresome. I am going on with my criticisms, 
and have very nearly done Burke. I do not think I have done it 
so well as Chatham's. I showed the one I did of him to Anth. 
Robinson,! who I understand since was quite delighted with it, 
and thinks it a very fine piece of composition. I have only Fox's 
to do of any consequence. Pitt's I shall take out of my pamphlet, 
which will be no trouble. I am to settle with BuddJ to-morrow, 
but I doubt my profits will be small. These four viz. Burke, 
Chatham, Fox, Pitt, with Sir R. Walpole's, will be the chief 
articles of the work, and if I am not mistaken confounded good 
ones. I am only afraid they will be too good, that is, that they 
will contain more good things, than are exactly proper for the 
occasion. Have you seen it in any of the papers ? It was in the 
J/l Chronicle. It is a pretty good one. I might if I was lazy 
take it, and save myself the trouble of writing one myself. I 
supped at Godwin's on New Year's day, and at HolcrofVs on 

I am going to dinner at Hume's to-morrow, where I also was on 
Christmas day, and had a pleasant time enough. It was much 
such a day as it was two years ago, when I was painting your pic- 
ture. Tempus preterlabitur. I am afraid I shall never do such 
another. But all in good time : I have done what I wanted in 
writing and I hope I may in painting. 

My mother I suppose was much pleased to see T. Loftus. He 
said that he intended returning the same day, having no time to 

* The Light of Nature Pursued, by Abraham Tucker, was 
published under the nom de plume of Edward Search. 

t The brother of H. Crabb Robinson, already referred to. 
J The publisher. a 



spare, but that you pressed him so much to stop. Did not you 
think him a good deal like me ? He intends calling on John to 
say that he has seen you. 

I can think of nothing more but my best love to my mother 

and Peggy, and that I am 

Your affectionate son, 


[Endorsed] Revd. Mr. Hazlitt, 

Wem, Salop. Single. 

Whatever Hazlitt might think or say about his 
Abridgment of Tucker, Dr. Parr thought highly of 
the work, while Sir James Mackintosh extolled the 
preface. This, the essay, and the characters of 
Pitt and the rest in the Eloquence of the British 
Senate^ deservedly tended to bring the author into 
notice among the members of the press, as well as 
with an enlarged circle of literary admirers. His 
critical acumen was manifest, and he was at this 
time beginning to feel an interest in the theatre. 
The preface to the British Senate contains a refer- 
ence to some of the old actors, with whom Holcroft 
and Lamb must have assisted in familiarizing him. 

To the same period may be referred a letter from 
Hazlitt to Johnson the publisher, relative to the 
publication of the two-volume collection of sermons 
(1808) by his father. It not only shews the writer 


in a favourable light as taking an interest in a book 
somewhat foreign to his own present line of study, 
but that Johnson had promised to consider the 
question of sitting to the painter for his portrait : 


I have had a letter from ray father, in which he is anxious 
to know what progress is made in the proof sheets. Would you 
have the goodness to let me have one soon ? If you would fix on 
some day to sit for the picture I spoke of, you would also confer a 

favour on your much obliged, 

humble servant, 

Tuesday morning. 

34 Southampton Buildings, 

I insert both here and elsewhere pieces of 
epistolary composition, which in the case either of 
an ordinary person or of a voluminous correspondent 
would not be worth the space which they occupy, 
because it is less their direct and intrinsic value 
which I am regarding than their importance as aids 
to the formation of a more accurate and more 
catholic judgment of the writer. 

It will be useful to remind those who may have 
lost sight of the Memoirs how fruitful in suggestion 
and enlarged experience those years intervening 
between the publication of the Tucker in 1807 and 


the choice of the Metropolis as a fixed centre were. 
They covered the alliance with the Stoddarts, so 
chequered in its consequences ; the famous visit to 
Oxford with Lamb, where in the quadrangles the 
latter 'walked gowned*; and to Blenheim in the 
same company, where they only discovered, when it 
was too late, that they had not seen the Titian 
Room ; the closer intercourse with Godwin, and the 
commencement of a habit, when the opportunity 
presented itself, of frequenting the playhouses in 
London, and imbibing a taste which exerted so 
powerful an influence over his own pursuits and the 
fortunes of some of our most celebrated performers. 


Settlement in London Engagement on the press The Gallery \ 
past and present Glimpses of the third William Hazlitt 
His brother's set Attacks upon Hazlitt by the Tories 
Memoirs of Holcroft published. 

THERE is a note from Lamb to John Collier (Payne 
Collier's father) about this time, soliciting his 
interest in procuring a post for Hazlitt on one of the 
papers ; but, although Hazlitt undoubtedly obtained 
such employment, there is no proof that it was 
through the Colliers. 

This engagement on the press as a Parliamentary 
reporter was the source of much mischief, though it 
did not last long. The habits of the gentlemen who 
took notes of the debates in those days were, to a 
certain extent, from the nature and demands of the 
work, irregular and intemperate, and I shall never 
doubt that Hazlitt contracted during his brief ex- 
perience in the gallery that tendency to take ' the 


other glass ' which necessitated on his part in the 
long-run an abjuration of stimulants in favour 
of tea. 

At the same time, in the old days, when Lord 
Campbell, Dickens, Payne Collier, Walter Coulson, 
and many other distinguished men, made a beginning 
in this way, the Gallery^ as it was termed, was a 
widely different place in other respects than its in- 
ducements to indiscretion from the gallery of to-day. 
The regular staff* on the leading journals was paid 
all the year round, and was engaged by the pro- 
prietors. During the recess there was an occasional 
demand on the members to review a new piece or 
report a Parliamentary election, in which latter con- 
tingency all expenses were defrayed. But at a later 
period a Cornishman, named Doogood, introduced 
the practice of farming the report for several papers, 
and a complete change took place in the position 
and emolument of those employed. Seven guineas 
a week used to be paid by the Chronicle in my 
father's time, and the Times gave even more. 

Since those times the tone and morale of the 
Press and Reporting Gallery have undergone a 
complete change, and it is no longer a signal excep- 
tion to the prevailing rule to find a journalist moder- 
ately provident, or a reporter who studies sobriety 


and decency. It it well within living recollection 
when members of the staffs of the leading London 
papers (the Times included) were notorious for 
their intemperate and extravagant habits ; but 
Bohemianism (as it is euphemistically termed) is 
dying out ; and the institution of the Literary and 
Newspaper Press Funds has done much toward the 
improvement of this important and influential 
feature in our daily life. But if journalism is, as 
they say, to supersede literature in book-form to a 
large extent, It will have to grow better and higher 
in more than one direction and way. 

Hazlitt was not a shorthand writer; he merely 
jotted down the heads of the speeches delivered, and 
reproduced them from memory somewhat differ- 
entiated. He rather made the men say what he 
should have said if he had been in their places. 
There is a volume of his reporting notes which 
bears out my statement ; part of it has been appro- 
priated to the purposes of a sketch-book. 

One of the staff in the gallery, while Hazlitt was 
connected with the Morning Chronicle, was Peter 
Finnerty, of whom my grandfather records the 
anecdote that, when he drew an unfavourable 
character of the Scotch, Finnerty quite concurred ; 
but when it came to the turn of his own countrymen 


the Irishman put on a grave expression, and took a 
different view of the matter altogether. Finnerty 
was a humorist and a practical joker, and stories 
are still current of the tricks which he played his 

It was a free and rough set even in my father's 
day. He used to take me up with him occasionally 
to the office facing Somerset House, and I recollect 
watching the reporters at their work round the table 
in the room upstairs, men of a stamp not much 
altered from those who served under James Perry, 
a noted book-collector, by the way, whose valuable 
library was sold after his death in 1821. 

I have thought that it was through Walter 
Coulson that Hazlitt first heard of the house in 
York Street, Westminster, which he took in 1812, 
soon after the birth of my father. 

We do not gain a great amount of insight into 
the boyhood of the third Hazlitt beyond what I 
have stated in the Memoirs and the glimpses which 
are discernible between the lines of his mother's 
affectionate letters to him at school in 1824, in 
which she sometimes confides to him, mere child as 
he was, matters of business and literary topics ; and, 
again, such casual mentions as the reference by Mrs. 
Procter to having seen him on his father's knee, and 


by Keats, who, in writing to Armitage Browne, tells 
him that he has just seen Mrs. Hazlitt, * and that 
little Nero, her son/ This was allusive, I pre- 
sume, to my father's black curly hair, which he pre- 
served within my personal recollection to a large 

While my father lived as a little boy under the 
paternal roof at York Street, a spot hallowed by the 
earlier footsteps of Milton, and now metamorphosed 
into something new and strange, it was an almost 
daily practice on his part to make one of the crowd 
which yet, as morning succeeds morning, accom- 
panies the Guards to St. James's Palace yard, and 
there witnesses their innocuous operations. His 
features must have been familiar to every one of 
them, for he marched with them going and coming, 
the most steadfast of their admirers, and the young 
heart of the Registrar that was to be, exempt from 
the cares of life and the Bankruptcy Court, leapt to 
the thrilling military music. 

Hazlitt took the important step above mentioned 
with all the advantage derived from his unusual 
opportunities, through his brother's circle, of feeling 
his ground beforehand, and from starting as a 
literary man with a name already beginning to be 
familiar to publishers and editors. But, on the 


other hand, he laboured under the grave drawback 
of belonging to the political minority at a period 
when no quarter was given to the advocates of the 
new and heretical views about liberty of conscience 
and opinion ; and when the envenomed pen of 
Government hirelings had been substituted for the 
gallows and the stake, Hazlitt commenced his ex- 
perience in York Street, with his wife and young 
son, under conditions made infinitely more difficult 
by his staunch and unpalatable doctrines on many 
public questions. 

He set up house in Westminster within bowshot, 
as it were, of Albemarle Street, and with Blackwood 
in the height of its sinister power and meretricious 
renown. It may be borne in mind that a dis- 
tinguished publishing firm five years before had felt 
warranted in describing Hazlitt in an advertisement 
of his Reply to Malthus in very flattering terms, 
and he came to settle finally in the Metropolis 
with this sort of halo round his name. But he had 
not made himself famous without attracting the 
hostile notice of the political phalanx opposed to 
his views. 

Party tactics were conducted at that period on 
principles and in a spirit hardly realizable by those 
whose personal recollection and experience do not 


carry them back beyond the era of the first Reform 
Bill. The fact that a man not merely entertained, 
but boldly expressed, opinions supposed or alleged 
to be constitutionally dangerous, was quite sufficient 
to justify the most inveterate abuse of his literary 
productions and his private character. The word 
was passed to certain organs of the press the 
Quarterly, Blackwood, John Bull to open fire, and 
the editors understood what was meant. In some 
instances the game answered, and where it did 
not actually ruin the object of attack, it cast a 
shadow over his life, and haunted him almost in 
his sleep. 

It would be idle to deny that Hazlitt had given 
the Tories a fair taste of his quality. His Essay on 
Human Action and such matters might have passed 
unchallenged by the professional wreckers ; but 
there was his pamphlet on Public Affairs in 1806, 
his Eloquence of the British Senate, with its political 
criticisms, in the following year, and his Reply in 
Cobbett's Weekly Register in 1810 to the article in 
the Edinburgh Review, after three years' silence, on 
his Malthus. But he was neither to be coaxed nor 
daunted. In a Wem letter of 1810, soon after the 
appearance of his Grammar, with its strictures on 
Lindley Murray, he confesses that he was then 


already ' noted by the reviewers for want of liber- 
ality and an undisciplined moral sense ' whatever 
the latter phrase might signify. 

The political coterie to which his elder brother 
belonged, and with which Hazlitt himself was 
naturally more or less in touch and sympathy, in- 
cluded Scarlett, Thelwall, Stoddart, Godwin, Hoi- 
croft, and probably Coleridge. In its opinions it 
was almost revolutionary; some of its members 
modified their views ; two or three, like Coleridge, 
Stoddart, and Scarlett, crossed over to the other 
camp; but John Hazlitt, Thelwall, Holcroft, and 
perhaps I may add Godwin, remained steadfast to 
their original faith. This kind of atmosphere could 
not fail to exert a strong influence on my grand- 
father during his occasional visits to London be- 
tween 1799 and 1808, and at the same time tended 
to render him a conspicuous object of hostility, not 
as the most violent partisan of Jacobinism, but as 
the man who threatened by his mastery over his 
pen and his denunciation of apostasy to become the 
most formidable advocate of the cause of progress 
and freedom after its desertion by the renegades. 

But it was to be a life-long battle between a man 
very poorly adapted by his ruminant and sensitive 
temper for a militant career and an official organiza- 


tion infinitely more potent than any now existing, or 
even capable of being formed. 

One error of judgment, as I must term and think 
it, he never repeated. The answer in Cobbett's 
Register to the criticism on his Malthus in the 
Edinburgh Review was the first and the last occa- 
sion on which he employed his pen in antagonism 
to Jeffrey, and he was soon to find himself on the 
roll of contributors to the new Liberal organ, which 
he enriched with some of his and its finest papers 
down to the very last. 

I do not place such considerations as these before 
the public in disparagement of my relative, but in 
order to render it clearer than I think it has yet been 
made, that he had to reckon with hostile agencies of 
an equally powerful and relentless character when 
he definitely started as a journalist and author in 
London, and that their presence was due to his 
courageous and unflinching espousal of a side in 
politics then and long after taken by a weak and 
disunited minority. 

The Memoirs of Holcroft were eventually pub- 
lished in 1816, and even then only three volumes, 
out of four appeared. This work may be regarded, 
with the exception of the Life of Napoleon, as con- 
cluding the second period, which comprises the gpm- 


piled and translated matter. Nor can the biography 
of Napoleon be properly classed with this group, 
for it stood out by itself a labour and a monument of 
love, a link between the events and buoyant hopes 
of the author's youth and the darker and soberer 
realities of his latest experience. 



Characters of Shakesf ear's Plays Circumstances leading to the 
enterprise Efforts of the Tories to crush it Hazlitt's in- 
creasing work Letter to Charles Oilier (1815) Lectures at 
the Surrey Institution (1818-20) Thackeray and his English 
Humorists The Political Essays (1819) Last days of the 
Rev, W. Hazlitt His death (1820)- His works A letter 
from him to a friend (1814) Notices of his family Hazlitt's 
Lectures on poetry and the drama The audience Keats, the 
Landseers, Crabb Robinson, Talfourd, etc. An anecdote. 

THE power of analysis and composition, which was 
evident to anyone who chose to compare the 
original work by Tucker with Hazlitt's Abridgment, 
carried with it the promise of that critical gift which 
he was soon to exercise with equal advantage to the 
public and himself. In his contributions of various 
kinds to the papers, he commenced, as it seems, 
with the Illustrations of Vetus> or an exposure of 
the fallacies contained in certain articles written by 
Sterling under that name in the Times in 1813, f 


which Walter thought highly enough to offer their 
author a place on the permanent staff. 

The Morning Chronicle, the Champion, and the 
Examiner successively opened their columns to 
Hazlitt's pen, which ranged over polities, poetry, 
and the drama. In the Chronicle the review of the 
first appearance of Edmund Kean sounded the 
double keynote of a new actor and a new critic of 
actors. In the Examiner a paper on Wordsworth's 
Excursion indicated the rise of a judge of poetry, 
who had his own opinions, and was not afraid of 
expressing them. These exploits in journalism, so 
far as readers were concerned, marked a new era in 
the annals of literary criticism. 

So far back as 1785 Whately had brought out his 
Remarks on two of Shakespear's plays, and the 
book was reprinted in 1808. An English version 
of Schlegel had also tended to draw attention to the 
subject, and in the same year in which the republi- 
cation of Whately took place, Charles Lamb's 
Specimens of Dramatic Pods rendered the interest 
and curiosity in such productions still more keen. 
Something like a revival of the old writers had set 
in, and in 1811 Ellis published an enlarged edition 
of his Specimens of the Early English Poets. This 

VOL. I. 8 


movement, with the reappearance of Shakespear on 
the stage under the auspices of Kean, upheld by the 
verdict of the New Critic in the Chronicle, favoured 
the idea on the part of Hazlitt of a book, of which 
the/rzVwa stamina existed in some measure in the 
newspaper articles, on the lines of Whately, but 
handled from an original point of view, and of 
course covering the whole series of plays. The 
reviewer of Kean in the press had identified himself 
in a favourable manner with the topic, and in the 
same hands a complete portrait-gallery of Shake- 
spear's dramatis persona might be reasonably ex- 
pected to prove a successful venture. 

The completion of such a book as the 
Characters was attended by an amount of patient 
and careful thought, and by a degree of close appli- 
cation, which, taken with the engagement on the 
Morning Chronicle as a reporter and dramatic critic, 
easily accounts for the straitened opportunities for 
visiting friends, of which we get a glimpse in the 
subjoined note to Charles Oilier. We not only 
discern the encroachment which literary work was 
making on his leisure, but the anxiety, on which I 
feel it important to lay special stress, to conciliate a 
man of business, whom he probably knew through 
Lamb or through Hunt, and whose name is favour- 


ably recollected as that of a publisher with a genuine 
sympathy for books. 

I much regret the absence of more testimony of 
this class for the particular period, for I should have 
liked to demonstrate more convincingly than maybe 
I actually can the frank and un warped temper in 
which Hazlitt was prepared to approach all falling 
in contact with him in business or private inter- 
course, where politics were not concerned or intro- 

Talfourd describes his first impression of him in 
1815 the very year of this letter to Oilier and 
speaks of him as * staggering under the blow of 
Waterloo/ The defeat and ruin of Napoleon 
doubtless gave him a momentary shock ; but that 
which operated far more powerfully on his character 
and the bias of his mind was the strategy by which 
his political opponents violated all the canons of 
legitimate warfare, and, not content with combating 
his views on public affairs, assailed and vituperated 
his literary efforts without justice and without 

The letter to Oilier leaves the writer under such 
a pressure of work, that he pleads inability to accept 
an invitation to a musical party. There is no date, 
but the postmark bears October 4, 1815 : 



I feel myself exceedingly obliged by your kind attention 
with respect to your musical treat. I am afraid from unavoidable 
circumstances I shall not be able to avail myself of it. I have to 
get something done by the end of next week, which obliges me to 
practise a great deal more self-denial than I like. If I do not pay 
my respects to Corelli, it is because I am held fast by half a 
dozen of his countrymen. If I can, however, I will escape from 


I am, Dear Sir, 

Your obliged very humble servant, 

19 York Street, 

Saturday morning. 

The general neglect of Shakespear and other 
English writers during the lengthened period which 
witnessed the supremacy of the Restoration and 
Queen Anne schools had at last been followed by a 
reaction arising from agencies apparently in their 
inception scarcely calculated to produce such a 
result. In the course of the latter half of the 
eighteenth and the commencement of the present 
century a group of scholarly and laborious men had 
addressed themselves to the task of restoring to 
public notice the works of the great poets who lived 
before Dryden and Pope. The editions of Shake- 
spear by various learned commentators, the collected 
body of old English plays by Dodsley, the reprint of 


Beaumont and Fletcher, the recovery of the manu- 
script of Middleton's Witc/t, a supposed prototype 
of scenes in Macbeth^ and the presentation of 
Chaucer and Spenser in a more accessible shape by 
Tyrhwitt and Todd these circumstances tended 
together to favour an inquiry and taste for the 
earlier masters, and developed a market for literature 
illustrative of them and their lives. 

But it was reserved for men of a different type to 
turn to a really fruitful purpose the change of feeling, 
and to conduct the scientific branch of the investiga- 
tion. The faculty of critical insight and analysis did 
not reside in the pioneers of the movement. That 
portion and aspect of the matter devolved on 
Schlegel in Germany, and on Coleridge, Lamb, and 
Hazlitt in England ; and it is to be suspected that 
the German- philosophy formed the underlying 
source and mainspring of this interesting renaissance, 
although the more imaginative temperament and 
local opportunities of our own countrymen assisted 
most importantly in accentuating points and reveal- 
ing beauties barely perceptible to a foreigner. 

It seemed expedient and serviceable to specify the 
contributory causes which preceded and promoted 
the rise of modern dramatic criticism, and which in- 
duced Hazlitt to commit himself to an elaborate 


monograph on what, some years prior, would have 
hardly been a popular and saleable topic, 

Johnson the publisher's nephew, Mr. Rowland 
Hunter, succeeded him in business, and was for 
some time in partnership with Mr. Miles. Hunter 
was connected by marriage with Leigh Hunt, having 
married Mrs. Kent, Mrs. Leigh Hunt's mother. 

It was Hunter who eventually undertook the 
publication of the Characters of Shakespears Plays, 
which were originally issued with a title-page desti- 
tute of any indication where the book was to be 

The first edition, however, had been sold off, and 
just as a second was ready, an adverse notice ap- 
peared in a Tory organ, and stopped the demand 
for the book by assuring the public that the author 
knew little or nothing about his subject. Hazlitt 
held the belief that the individual responsible for 
this iniquitous tissue of falsehood and folly in the 
Quarterly was the 'Talking Potato,' the Right 
Honourable John Wilson Croken To describe 
such a piece of scurrilous imbecility as a criticism is, 
of course, an abuse of terms, and it may be an 
error, after all, to speak of it as imbecile, since it 
answered the mercenary object of the writer and his 


It is worth noting that Leigh Hunt felt the same 
gratification at learning that his Story of Rimini had 
been printed in America, as Hazlitt expressed, when 
a copy of his book, printed at Boston in 1818, 
reached him. Both treated the piracy as a compli- 
ment. Hazlitt presented the copy to his son in 
1820, and it is now before me. 

Among those of his literary acquaintance who 
patronized the series of lectures on the English 
Poets, Comic Writers, and Elizabethan Drama, 
delivered between 1818 and 1820 at the Surrey 
Institution, were Talfourd, Patmore, Keats, Crabb 
Robinson, John and Thomas Landseer, Joseph 
Ritchie, the African explorer, and Haydon. A lady, 
probably Mrs. Montagu or her daughter, who was 
present, described the appearance of Keats to 
Monckton Milnes, and spoke of his eyes as blue. 
In a letter to his two brothers, Keats says that he 
heard Hazlitt's lectures regularly, and met many 
whom he knew there. This was under date of 
February 21, 1818. Keats was disappointed at 
the treatment of Chatterton. If Mrs. Montagu 
attended, it is likely enough that Montagu himself 
was there, and the Procters. 

Leigh Hunt, it appears, did not go at all events, 
to the later series in 1818 and it transpires in the 


letter which I shall give by-and-by, from Hazlitt to 
Hunt in 1821, on the Shelley business, that Hunt 
thought that it would not do for him, after the 
laudatory notice of his Rimini in the Edinburgh 
Review, to praise the author of that criticism, lest 
the world should suspect some collusion ! A 
singular refinement of delicacy ! 

Crabb Robinson notes, under date of January 27, 
1818: *I went to the Surrey Institution, where I 
heard Hazlitt lecture on Shakespear and Milton. 
He delighted me much by the talent he displayed, 
but his bitterness of spirit broke out in a passage in 
which he reproached modern poets for their vanity 
and incapacity of admiring and loving anything but 
themselves. He was applauded at this part of his 
lecture, but I know not whether he was generally 

Robinson refers here to his * bitterness of spirit ' 
toward his poetical contemporaries. He admits 
that the lecturer's observations on this point were 
received with approval, but even there he does his 
best to neutralize the effect by doubting whether 
the applause was discriminating. All that appears 
after necessary deductions to Hazlitt's credit is his 
talent, in which generic phrase the diarist sums up 
the meritorious treatment of the subject-matter. 


While Hazlitt was delivering the series on the 
English poets, he came one day to Great Russell 
Street, and saw Mrs. John Hazlitt. * Now/ he said, 
* Mary, what do you know about Sir Philip Sidney's 
Arcadia? Do you know the book? 1 'Yes,' she 
replied. ' Then tell me all about it/ he said. So 
she gave him the best account of Sidney's book she 
could, and he went away, and a night or two after 
an elaborate disquisition on the subject was de- 
livered at the Surrey Institution. 

I reproduce this anecdote as it was actually 
delivered to me some five-and-twenty years since by 
the niece of Hazlitt ; but I have adduced more than 
sufficient testimony to cast a doubt on his exclusive 
obligation to his brother's wife for an account of Sir 
Philip Sidney, of whom he had eloquently dis- 
coursed at the Lambs' in the Temple a decade 

It may be worth while to transcribe what Beck- 
ford wrote in his copy of the old edition of the 
Comic Writers^ which formed another of the series 
of lectures, in conveying his estimate of the book 
and its author : * A richer vein of bold original 
criticism and sparkling allusions than is contained in 
these lectures is not to be found in any volume I 
am acquainted with/ 


When Thackeray began to set about his English 
Humorists, his first thought was to despatch 
George H odder in search of a copy of the earlier 
work. It is only just, however, to the author of 
Vanity Fair to add that he pens a very warm 
eulogium on his precursor, and ungrudgingly testi- 
fies to his rare critical faculty. 

The lectures on the Elizabethan Drama and 
Poetry were chiefly written at Winterslow in 1820, 
the year of their delivery at the Surrey Institution, 
and of their publication in book-form. The grass 
was not just now allowed to grow much under the 
author's feet. 

Hazlitt prefixes to his Political Essays in 1819 
a Confession of Faith, in which he starts by de- 
claring that he is no politician, and he inscribes 
the volume, which is by no means so well known 
as it deserves to be, to John Hunt, ' the tried, 
steady, zealous, and conscientious advocate of the 
liberty of his country and the rights of mankind/ 
After adding other eulogistic mention of him, 
he concludes by summing him up as 'that rare 
character, a man of common sense and common 

It is vain to speculate what might have happened 
to the author, had he indeed been no politician, as 


he here alleges. What he really signified was, not 
that he took no interest in the affairs of the country, 
or that he was ignorant of the general principles 
underlying government, but that he did not profess 
to be initiated into the scientific and professional 
mysteries of the employment But no one, I 
apprehend, can turn over the pages of the book, now 
scarcely remembered, without perceiving that the 
two mental currents deriving their sources from 
Hazlitt of Shronell and Loftus of Wisbeach had at 
last joined each other, and that the strong manly 
sense of personal independence almost latent in the 
earliest generation, where we recognise it, and 
sensibly developed in the Unitarian divine, my 
great-grandsire, found for the first time its full out- 
ward expression in Hazlitt himself. 

The Political Essays represent the occasional 
contributions to the press between 1813 and the 
date of Issue. They constitute as proud a monu- 
ment to the writer's name as anything which he left 
behind him ; for, considering the state of society and 
feeling under which they were given to the world, 
their freedom of language and tone is remarkable ; 
for we bear in mind that William Hone, who was 
the responsible publisher of these papers, and the 
Hunts, who founded the Examiner, where many of 


them were originally inserted, suffered cruel and 
cowardly persecution for their opinions. 

I must take the present opportunity of mentioning 
that my paternal great-grandfather, of whom we 
have heard so much that should be interesting In 
the opening chapters, and who had passed with 
patient resignation through many heavy trials, died 
at Crediton in Devonshire July 16, 1820, in his 
eighty-third year. In the Examiner newspaper of 
August i he is described as 'a man who through 
his whole life was a friend to truth and liberty/ 

I understand from local inquiries which I instituted 
a long while ago that he became latterly very feeble 
and broken, though, like his son the miniature- 
painter, he had been originally a robust and strongly- 
built man. Among his last foibles was that addic- 
tion to snuff and sugar-candy of which I have 
spoken in the Memoirs, and he at length acquired 
the habit of mixing the two together in the same 
waistcoat pocket. It was the fashion in his day for 
people to have their waistcoats furnished with 
leathern pockets for snuff. Brooks, the celebrated 
anatomist, whose dissecting-room was at Blenheim 
Steps, was in the habit, while he was engaged in his 


occupation, of wiping his fingers on his breeches 
and taking a pinch of snuff out of his pocket. 

We have already heard of the letter which Mr. 
Hazlitt wrote in 1782 respecting the outrages at 
Bandon and Kinsale, and we are indebted to the 
Monthly Repository for having preserved a second 
of a totally different tenor addressed to it by him in 
1808. These two incidents furnish some slight key 
to his philanthropic character and catholic interest 
in public affairs and literary history ; and it may not 
be inopportune to add that he was by no means 
deficient in a taste for those theatrical amusements 
and distractions with which his name in the next 
generation was so intimately bound up ; for his 
son incidentally mentions the minister's liking for 
Mrs. Pritchard's style Hannah Pritchard, a great 
favourite with the playgoers of the age immediately 
prior to Hazlitt ; and, indeed, the minister himself 
must have gained his knowledge of her as a young 
man before his marriage, since Mrs. Pritchard died 
in 1768. His visits to the printsellers in 1787 in 
company with his daughter, after their return to 
England from America, I have already noticed. 
He was in more senses than one the father of his 

It was during his ministerial sojourn at Wem that 


Mr. Hazlitt brought out by subscription in 1790 
Discourses for the Use of Families, the publisher 
being Mr. Johnson, of St. Paul's Churchyard. The 
most interesting feature about this volume is the list 
of names which occurs at the beginning, and which 
serves to shew that the author still retained the con- 
fidence and respect of all his old associates; and 
here, too, he specifies Dr. Latrop, of West Spring- 
field, N.E., and Professor Donaldson, of Phila- 
delphia, as persons willing to receive subscribers 1 
names- The 1790 volume, however, was not the 
author s first appearance in print, as he had already 
published two discourses or sermons separately in 
1783 and 1786. 

The original correspondence of the Unitarian 
minister has become even rarer than it would other- 
wise have been through the unfortunate destruction 
(with one exception) of all the manuscripts used for the 
memoir of Hazlitt in the Literary Remains in 1836. 
The letter addressed by the Rev. W. Hazlitt in 
1808 to the Repository \ to which I was the first to 
draw attention in 1867, and a second now first given 
below, are the only relics of the kind known to me 
outside the Remains. The present to Mr. Thomas 
Ireland, of Wem, is of no slight interest from its 
allusions ; the writer at this time had removed from 


Wem to Addlestone in Surrey, but, as usual, his 
former flock did not forget or desert him : 


Three weeks of my brittle life passed away last Saturday, 
since I received your friendly epistle. May God assist me so to 
spend the remainder of it, that death will be to me a passage to a 
new and eternally happy life. I should have written to you sooner, 
if I had supposed that you wished me to do so. I now thank you 
for your favour, and for your kindness in forwarding to me a letter 
from one of my old friends in America. I thank you also for the 
potatoes, though I never received them, as you did not direct 
them, according to my desire, to my son William's, as, John being 
at Manchester, his servant, probably thinking them for the use of 
the family, I presume made use of them. This being the case, do 
you think no more of them. We were all pleased to hear from 
you that all our former friends were well. We continue here in 
much the same style, in which we were, when I wrote to you last. 
Your having been at London lately, and not calling upon us here, 
was a disappointment to us. When you arrive there again, I hope 
that you will find or make time to gratify us. I should not be 
sorry, if the inquisitor Ferdinand was once more in his old prison 
in France, and that any other person was King of Spain, who had 
any justice or humanity. Having nothing of consequence to com- 
municate, I only add that we all unite in friendly respects to all 
your family and to all those, whose remembrances you transmitted 
to me, besides Mr. J. Coofce of Nonelly and Mrs. Keay. I 
remain, my dear friend, most affectionately yours, 

Addlestone, 9th August 1814. 



The letter in which Lamb furnishes, in 1808, to 
the Rev. Mr. Hazlitt an explanation of his son's 
movements, so far as he purported to be acquainted 
with them, has a new light cast on it by the hitherto 
unnoted presence of a memorandum in the original 
manuscript, from which we are left at liberty to con- 
clude that the said epistle was the joint composition 
of the actual writer and the missing author-artist 

Mr. Hazlitt, when he first settled at Crediton, 
lived in a house near the church, which was tra- 
ditionally believed to have once formed part of the 
old episcopal palace. But he subsequently re- 
moved to Winswood. There were in 1867 two or 
three old people who recollected him in his infirm 
state ; but he does not appear to have officiated at 
Crediton, merely to have resided there during his last 
years. His widow, the Grace Loftus of the American 

W. HAZLITT (1811-1893), 1824. 

diary, survived till June 10, 1837. She resided 
during her closing days in a small house facing the 



church.* She had 
nearly attained the 
ripe age of ninety-one, 
and her mother, Mrs. 
Loftus, of whom we 
have already heard, 
survived till 1801. 
There is an oil-paint- 
ing of the latter, exe- 
cuted by John Hazlitt 
in 1798. Mrs. Loftus 
was nine years old 
when the Protector 
Richard Cromwell 
died, and eleven when 
George I. succeeded 
to the throne of the 
last of the Stuarts. Her 
parents might well ^ 
have witnessed the re- X 
storation of that family vj 
in 1660. She had a - ^ 
brother born in 1699. 

* The old lady removed 
some time after her hus- 
band's death to Alphing- 
ton, where she was living 
in 1824. But she returned 
to Crediton in that year. 

VOL. I. 


The rupture with Leigh Hunt Difficulties of Hazlitt's position 
Letter to Hunt The London Magazine John Scott His 
estimate of Hazlitt Friction between the London Magazine 
and Blackwood (1818) Successful action by Hazlitt against 
Blackwood Keats's account Letter to Scott Hazlitfs 
influential position on the London Magazine after Scott's 
death The second Black-wood affair (1823) Letter of 
Hazlitt to Cadell Professor Wilson and Leigh Hunt. 

IT has been stated very fully in the Memoirs, 1867, 
how the difference between Leigh Hunt and 
Hazlitt arose out of the strictures by the latter on 
Shelley, and the alleged attitude toward his political 
and literary friends. The feeling on the part of 
Hunt seems to have gradually intensified, and to 
have sought relief, like the pent-up resentment of 
Lamb against Southey, in a formal epistolary at- 
tainder, of which the ink was scarcely dry when, on 
the receipt of an elaborate defence of himself by the 
subject of his remarks, his anger melted away like 


Lamb's again and led to the preparation and dis- 
patch of a second letter, couched in a gentler strain. 

The original letter to Hazlitt of 1821 constitutes, 
perhaps, the most remarkable feature in the Hunt 
correspondence. But it is only a recent discovery 
that Hunt wrote two letters, both of which are 
before me, and of which the final text the only one 
seen by Hazlitt was softened by some rumour that 
his friend projected a concession. The variations 
are mainly verbal, but I have no space to enter 
more at large on this part of the matter, for the 
composition occupies nearly six quarto pages ; nor 
was I aware, till I obtained from the same source 
the original autograph of Hazlitt's answer, occupying 
four folio pages, that any formal cognizance was 
taken by him of the matter, or that he departed 
from his customary practice of declining private 
correspondence so far and so signally as to commit 
to paper the longest unpaid contribution which he 
had ever made since his boyhood to literature and 
to literary history. 

The letter of Hazlitt to Hunt is undoubtedly by 
far the most vital and interesting of all the surviving 
correspondence of the writer. It is impossible to 
refrain from feeling sorry for the isolated position 
which such a man as Hazlitt held in every respect 


at this time, after having been recognised by his 
contemporaries as one of the foremost intellects of 
the age ; but regarding the question judicially, we 
cannot shut our eyes to the natural umbrage arising 
from his policy of carrying his genius for portraiture 
when he relinquished art as a profession into another 
sphere, and painting his friends on paper instead of 
on canvas. There is something very apposite to 
this in the account of the Fight, where he says, f It's 
the devil for anyone to tell me a secret, for it's sure 
to come out in print. I do not care so much to 
gratify a friend, but the public ear is too great a 
temptation to me.' 

It necessarily militated against Hazlitt that he 
carried with him into the political and literary arena 
that stubborn and ineradicable persistence in pro- 
claiming at all costs his view of truth and right 
which proved so fatal a bar to success and fortune 
in his father's case ; and assuredly, if we estimate 
the powerful agencies which were kept in motion 
during so many years to crush his spirit and his 
efforts, we must grant that, altogether, his intel- 
lectual force and prestige must have been great 
indeed to enable him to withstand even as long and 
as courageously as he did the malignant combination 
against him. 


Here is the letter to Hunt : 

Saturday night (April 21, 1821). 

I have no quarrel with you, nor can I have. You are one 
of those people that I like, do what they will ; there are others 
that I do not like, do what they may. I have always spoken well 
of you to friend or foe, viz, I have said you were one of the 
pleasantest and cleverest persons I ever knew ; but that you teazed 
any one you had to deal with out of their lives. I am fond of a 
theory, as you know : but I will give up even that to a friend, if he 
shews that he has any regard to my personal feelings. You pro- 
voke me to think hard things of you, and then you wonder that I 
hitch them into an Essay, as if that made any difference. I pique 
myself on doing what I can for others ; but I cannot say that I 
have found any suitable returns for this, and hence perhaps my 
outrageousness of stomach ! For instance, I praised you in the 
Edinburgh Review* and when in a case of life and death I tried to 
lecture, you refused to go near the place, and gave this as a reason, 
saying it would seem a collusion, if you said any thing in my 
favour after what I had said of you. 2. I got Reynolds to write 
in the Edinburgh Review, at a time when I had a great reluctance 
to ask any favour of Jeffrey, and from ,that time I never set eyes 
on him for a year and a half after. 3. I wrote a book in defence 
of Godwin some years ago, one half of which he has since stolen 
without acknowledgment, without even mentioning my name, and 
yet he comes to me to review the very work and I write to Jeffrey 
to ask his consent, thinking myself, which you do not, the most 
magnanimous person in the world in the defence of a cause. 
4. I have taken all opportunities of praising Lamb, and I never 
got a good word from him in return, big or little, till the other 
day. He seemed struck all of a heap, if I ever hinted at the 
possibility of his giving me a lift at any time. 5. It was but the 
other day that two friends did all they could to intercept an article 
about me from appearing in the said E. R^ saying * it would be 


too late,' 'that the Editor had been sounded at a distance, and 
was averse,' with twenty other excuses, and at last I was obliged to 
send it myself, graciously and by main force^ as it were, when it 
appeared just in time to save me from drowning. Coulson had 
been backwards and forwards between my house and Bentham's 
for between three or four years, and when the latter philosophically 
put an execution in my house, the plea was he had never heard of 
my name ;* and when I theorized on this the other day as bad 
policy, and JU* de se on the part of the Radicals, your nephewt 
and that set said: 'Oh, it was an understood thing the execution, 
you know !' My God, it is enough to drive one mad. I have not 
a soul to stand by me, and yet I am to give up my only resource 
and revenge, a theory I won't do it, that's flat Montagu \ is, I 
fancy, cut at my putting him among people with one idea, and yet 
when the Blackwoods (together with your) shirking out of that 
business put me nearly underground, he took every opportunity to 
discourage me, and one evening, when I talked of going there, I 
was given to understand that there was *a party expected.' Yet 
after this I am not to look at him a little in dbstracto. This is 
what has soured me, and made me sick of friendship and acquaint- 
anceship. When did I speak ill of your brother John ? He 
never played me any tricks. I was in a cursed ill humour with 
you for two or three things when I wrote the article you find fault 
with (I grant not without reason). If I had complained to you, 
you would only have laughed ; you would have played me the 
very same tricks the very next time; you would not have cared 
one Earthing about annoying me ; and yet you complain that I 

* Could Bentham have been ignorant? I have heard that he 
would make his visitors do obeisance to the tablet in honour of 
Hilton, let by my grandfather into the garden wall of the house 
the earliest example of a practice now become common in 

f Mr. Henry Leigh Hunt, of the firm of Hunt and Clarke. 

I Mr. Basil Montagu. 


draw a logical conclusion from all this, and publish it to the world 
without your name. As to Shelley, I do not hold myself respon- 
sible to him. You say I want imagination. If you mean in- 
vention or fancy, I say so too ; but if you mean a disposition to 
sympathise with the claims or merits of others, I deny it. I have 
been too much disposed to waive my own pretensions in deference 
to those of others. I am tired with playing at rackets all day, and 
you will be tired with this epistle. It has little to do with you ; 
for I see no use in raising up a parcel of small, old grievances. 
But I think the general ground of defence is good. 

W. H. 

I have given Hogg's papers to Baldwin, and wish you would 
write a character of me for the next number. I want to know why 
everybody has such a dislike to me. 

A somewhat new light is cast on the origin of the 
connection of Hazlitt with the London Magazine by 
an unpublished letter of January 20, 1820, from John 
Scott, its first editor, to the proprietors. It seems 
that Scott had met Hazlitt at the house of a common 
friend, and, the conversation probably turning upon 
literary matters and the new venture of Baldwin, 
Cradock and Co., Hazlitt placed in the hands of his 
acquaintance, by way of sample, something which 
he had by him. The specimen struck Scott as dis- 
playing talent, but as not suited, as it stood, to the 
columns of the magazine. Scott writes to his 
principals as follows on this subject : 

* I am sorry to say that I cannot honestly tell you 


that Mr. Hazlitt's manuscript is likely to suit us in 
the mag. It falls into all those errors which I 
know are his besetting ones, but which I hope to 
keep him clear of when he is directed to particular 
topics, such as the drama, etc. His talent is un- 
doubted, and his wish to serve us, I believe, at 
present very sincere. Since I last saw you, the 
friend at whose house I met Hazlitt on Sunday has 
called upon me to make a sort of semi-authorized 
communication from that gentleman. The fact is, 
as you surmized, that Mr. H. is in want of a certain 
sum of money, and he says that, this sum in his power, 
he would be very free in every respect, and would 
devote the whole power of his mind to the preparation 
of the dramatic (articles), or anything else we might 
suggest. If so, he would be a very valuable con- 
tributor. What the sum is I do not know, but I 
apprehend the terms he asked for the volume (of 
which I am ignorant) reach the mark. If I could 
have told you that the Essays, of which a specimen 
has been forwarded, would surely suit us, the difficulty 
probably would be small ; but although very anxious 
to find it so, I would not act fairly by you were I to 
give this as my opinion. At the same time, I will 
engage for the gentleman, from what I know of his 
character, that he would be most ready to listen to 


suggestions, and to strain every nerve for us in 
return for a service. He is naturally grateful, & 
though an original, is an honest one. I have not 
spoken to him for several years until Sunday last, 
but I see that in a very short time I shall be able to 
influence him to proper subjects and to a proper 
manner of handling them I mean proper in regard 
to the magazine, as, generally speaking, I should 
have little claim to be his judge or guide. Would 
it therefore suit you to say to him that, with regard 
to the Essays, of which one has been sent, you beg 
leave to think a little farther over the matter, and 
claim the privilege of suggesting what may occur to 
you ; but that on the general score of dramatic 
articles, and such other contributions as might here- 
after be arranged between himself and you on 
mutual agreement, you have no objection to treat as 
for the volume immediately. I do not know what 
he has asked for the vol. Of course my recom- 
mendation must have a reference to the reasonable- 
ness of his demand, of which you will judge and 
decide as seems to you proper. 

* But I think him a desirable man to secure, and 
will be responsible for his fully meriting any service 
you may deem it right to render him. 

* He wished me to ask of you to write Elliston a 


note, enclosing the magazine, and stating in dry 
official language that if it falls within the usual 
arrangements of his theatre to furnish the common 
ticket of admission to your dramatic correspondent, 
you would be glad to have it for his use. He says 
if he does not get this (as he has from Covent 
Garden) he is afraid he will find twenty reasons 
(independent of expense) for keeping away from 
Drury Lane ; for such, he says, is human nature. I 
think you may do this for him without conceding 

Mr. John Scott was a gentlemanly and good- 
looking man. He married a daughter of Colnaghi, 
the printseller, and had an only son Paul, who died 
abroad, Scott wrote an elegy upon him, and some 
other poems. He had been at an earlier period of 
his life editor of the Champion, which explains his 
antecedent knowledge of Hazlitt. 

I do not know what my grandfather submitted to 
the editor of the London, but we see that the latter 
regarded his specimen paper or papers with qualified 
confidence, which strikes one as curious, if not 
almost laughable, by the side of Scott's eagerness, 
when the magazine started, to secure the services of 
Wainewright (Janus Weathercock) as a critic on 
art, and of the actual appearance in those columns 


of his flimsy and pedantic contributions under that 
head. At present the tables are turned, but the 
same comedy, if it is a comedy, is being constantly 
repeated ; and the periodicals are yet leavened with 
poor matter by writers who have contrived by play- 
ing the bon garfon to edge themselves into notice, 
and even obtain a queue. 

Keats, in one of his letters of 1819, refers to the 
* sickening stuff' which was printed in one of the 
forgotten ephemerides of that day (Literary Pocket- 
Book) ; and the trash inserted by Wainewright in 
the London was nothing better. Yet Scott evi- 
dently had not the misgivings about him that he 
owns to having had about Hazlitt. There can be no 
question that the magazine from the outset owed its 
brevity of existence to such editorial obliquity ; and 
had it not been for the support of Lamb and my grand- 
father, it must have collapsed even sooner than it did. 

In a letter from Keats to C W. Dilke, Sep- 
tember 21, 1818, the writer observes: *I suppose 
you will have heard that Hazlitt has on foot a 
prosecution against Blackwood. I dined with him 
a few days since at Hessey's there was not a word 
said about it, though I understand he is excessively 
vexed.' And in a note the editor of the Letters 
calls attention to the gross and indecent attacks on 


Hazlitt. As we learn from Smiles's Life of John 
Murray \ the action really proceeded, Patmore acting 
for the plaintiff; but it was finally compromised 
by the defendants, who agreed to pay all the 
expenses incurred on both sides. The affair, how- 
ever, was the proximate cause of the secession of 
Murray from the London agency of the magazine, 
and its transfer to Cadell and Davies. 

Blaekwood, under the auspices of Wilson, Lock- 
hart, and Croker, did not abandon the personalities 
which Murray had so wisely deprecated and 
censured. In a letter from Hazlitt to John Scott of 
April 12, 1820, there is a reference to the growing 
friction between Blackwood and the London Maga- 
zine, and we see that Hazlitt was not for making 
any concessions : 


I return the proof which I prefer to the philippic against 
Bentham. Do you keep the Past and Future? You see Lamb 
argues the same view of the subject That 'young master' will 
anticipate all my discoveries, if I dont mind. The last No. was 
a very good one. The Living Authors was spirited and fine. 
Don't hold out your hand to the Blackwoods yet, after having 
knocked those blackguards down. My address after you receive 
this will be Winterslow Hut, near Salisbury. Send me the article 
on Past and Future, if you can spare it Ask Baldwins, if they 
would like the articles on Modern Philosophy, 8 in number, at 
5 guineas apiece* 

\T. 1. 


I judge from a letter directed by them to Hazlitt 
on March 5, 1821, that the proprietors of the 
London Magazine, after the fall of Scott in the duel 
with Lockhart, entertained some idea of proposing 
to the former the vacant editorial chair. This com- 
munication, written only six days after the loss of 
their able and lamented friend, marks the rapid 
growth of Hazlitt's influence on the concern, and of 
his employers' sense of the value of his services. 
Mr. Baldwin suggested that he should proceed with 
the series of ' Living Poets/ and hoped to see him 
personally in a day or so respecting the choice of an 
editor; and that there was at one time a current 
idea that he might succeed Scott, a note to him 
from John Landseer, soliciting information as to the 
insertion of something sent by him, seems pretty 
clearly to show. But Hazlitt did not, at all events, 
undertake the work, for which he was, indeed, in- 
differently qualified by his temper and habits, 
though so long as he remained on the staff his 
papers were gladly accepted ; and he is credited 
with having further enriched and strengthened the 
magazine by introducing Lamb. 

HazKtt has been charged with having been 
almost an accessory before the fact to the cata- 
strophe of which poor Scott was the victim. He had 


been in 1818 the central and prominent figure in the 
prosecution against Blackwood which led to the 
magazine losing Murray as its London agent ; but 
the attacks on him and his friends were not discon- 
tinued, and five years later there came to the new 
representative of the Tory organ in the Metropolis 
a communication foreshadowing a renewal of hos- 

April 17, 1823. 

Unless you agree to give up the publication of BlackwoocTs 
Magazine* I shall feel myself compelled to commence an action 
against you for damages sustained from repeated slanderous and 

false imputations in that work on me. 

4, Chapel Street West, 

Curzon Street 

[Endorsed] Mr. Thomas Cadell, 


The complaint here made is general, and does 
not specifically refer to any article in the magazine 
as having been the immediate ground for the 
menace. Whether Cadell sent any reply to Hazlitt, 
or whether the Blackwoods took any cognizance of 
the representation, it is so far out of my power to 
state ; but with the peremptory summons to Cadell 
there fell into my hands his letter to the Edinburgh 


firm, forwarding a copy of Hazlitt's communication, 
and rather anxiously soliciting instructions. The 
cartel which had been sent to him could not be said 
to be either intemperate or redundant, but the 
recipient, from what had occurred on a previous 
occasion, clearly apprehended the possibility of mis- 
chief, while at the same time he signified his dislike 
even to indirect implication in such charges. Here 
is what he wrote to his employers : 

Strand, Saturday, 3 o'clock, 

April 18, 1823. 

Annexed is a copy of a letter I have just received, the 
contents of which certainly make me feel somewhat uncomfort- 
able. This is the first appeal to me, accompanied with a threat, 
as publisher of your Magazine, and though Mr. H, may be con- 
sidered deserving of censure upon most occasions, my feelings 
would not be of the most agreeable nature, were my name brought 
before the publick by him as disseminator of slanderous & false 
imputations. I shall therefore be glad if you will now suggest the 
mode best calculated to avert the impending storm, and I will 

take care to act accordingly. 

Yours in haste, 

(Signed) T. CADELL. 
Mr. W. Blackwood, Bookseller, 


The curtain falls at this point. The terms of the 
incisive little note lead one to surmise that it was 
written after consultation with Montagu, Talfourd, 


or Procter, It breathes the air of a lawyer's 

It was the special cue of Blackwood and such 
publications to give currency to any calumny or 
misstatement which might have got abroad or was 
susceptible of being fabricated about Hazlitt or any 
other member of the Liberal party. 

Professor Wilson's nephew, in seeing his papers 
through the press, retained, I understand, all the 
offensive passages about Leigh Hunt, without so 
much as a qualifying note, although ' Christopher 
North ' had expressed his great regret to Hunt before 
his death at the asperities of the articles which he 
contributed to the magazine or sanctioned in his 
capacity as editor. But the late Mr. George 
Bentley informed me that some papers contributed 
to Household Words were intended as a reparation 
to Hunt when reparation was futile. 


Hazlitt's literary and other associates Some of his personal and 
political drawbacks His brother's influence on the formation 
of his circle The Southampton Arms Mouncey, Wells, and 
other visitors His more habitual and intimate acquaintances 
Godwin, Holcroft, Fawcett, Lamb, the Montagus, the 
Procters, Patmore, Knowles, and the Reynells Peculiar 
importance of the Reynells and the Lambs Northcote and 
the Boswcll Rediinvus. 

THERE was much in the life and society which sur- 
rounded Hazlitt in these later days which was no 
doubt calculated to recompense him for the laborious 
task- work of his youth and the disgraceful persecu- 
tion to which he was exposed in the beginning of 
his regular career as a journalist and author. But 
there was ^Iso much which fretted his spirit and 
made him avert his eyes from the generation to 
which he by lapse of time belonged, to the land of 
milk and honey the Canaan which he saw in his 
mind's eye mapped out behind him ; the period of 
his first associations and dreams divested of all its 

VOL. I. 10 


practical discomforts, and fondly idealized in retro- 
spect as halcyon days of contemplative reverie and 
uncoined thought never to return. This was a 
paradise of the past to which Hazlitt repaired as a 
haven in moments of spleen and discontent. His 
brain was the alembic to which this creation of the 
fancy owed a certain proportion of its form, its 
colour, and its beauty ; he built to a large extent 
out of his own imagination a world to which he 
could withdraw at will, and live over again his boy- 
hood and adolescence. 

In Advice to a Schoolboy he sounds the keynote 
of his own disappointment in marriage and of the 
failure of his early hope of happiness. It was an 
ill-starred union for both those immediately con- 
cerned. With the details I prefer to have nothing 
further to do ; but behind and beyond its productive- 
ness of mischief and discomfort I discern the value 
of the Scotish blood of the Stoddarts. For my 
grandmother Hazlitt combined with a certain 
neglect of conventionalities much of her brother the 
doctor's eye and aptitude for business and respect 
for economy. 

Hazlitt inherited from his father a constitutional 
tendency to meditate and brood over questions, and 
to prefer to think about a subject than to write about 


it. It was offering a violence to his nature to enter 
the arena of action and compete for the prizes of 
life. I hold it to be more than likely that, had he 
been a man of fortune like the author of the Light 
of Nature Pursued^ or even the possessor of a 
competence like Jeremy Bentham, the world would 
have heard nothing of his lectures and essays, 
and that he would have lived and died a meta- 
physician. But, as he says himself, he found 
himself in London with responsibilities, and with 
nothing but his pen as a resource ; and he had to 
sink or swim. 

Hazlitt, who so far back as 1806 had set his foot 
down and proclaimed himself, if no politician, an 
enemy to despotism or arbitrary rule, incurred the 
animosity of those in power, and was perpetually 
reminded in unequivocal language that, because his 
political views were not in consonance with those 
of the King's or Regent's friends, argal his ideas 
on all other subjects were unworthy of credit and 

He brought to London with him certain inherited 
principles and convictions, and his necessitated rela- 
tions with the Press and Parliament after 1812 lent 
form, colour, and publicity to them. The Examiner^ 
established in 1808, became familiar to my grand- 


father through several channels. Nevertheless, his 
earliest essays as a political controversialist occur, 
not there, but in Cobbett's Weekly Register, while, 
if we seek the fountain-head of his collision with the 
Government critics, we have to go to the Morning 
Chronicle and the Champion. He did not join the 
Examiner till 1814, and even then his articles were 
chiefly of a literary cast. 

But the natural influence of his brother, in the 
first place, carrying farther in the direction of 
Jacobinism the liberal prepossessions of the father 
and grandfather, laid the foundation, no doubt, 
of his dualism as a politician and man of letters ; 
and this training was assisted by the intercourse 
from 1798 with such thinkers as Coleridge, Holcroft, 
Godwin, Cobbett, and Stoddart, long before he be- 
came acquainted with Hone or the Hunts. 

Hazlitt's adolescence witnessed and endured a 
painful struggle for the faculty of coining into 
language the feelings of which he was rather the 
receptacle than the possessor, and when his tongue 
and pen were unbound, and he could write 'with 
freedom and with power/ he found himself, by 
the force of instinct and education, in conflict 
with prevailing authority, and exposed to the 
attacks of subsidized and unscrupulous opponents, 


who naturally aimed at the most vulnerable 

There was, perhaps, no passage or allusion in 
Hazlitt's political writings which could have been, 
even by a stretch of ingenuity or sophistry, con- 
strued into treason or lese majesty and he laid far 
greater stress on his purely literary productions than 
on his ephemeral diatribes in the morning papers. 
The true policy of the enemy was therefore obvious. 
To hold up his views on philosophy, art, and letters 
to ridicule and obloquy was the most effectual 
method of crushing him ; and that the iniquitous 
and dastardly game did not exactly answer its pur- 
pose, and only embittered and shortened his life, he 
owed in part to his own superlative gifts, and in 
part to an already commencing revolution in public 
opinion. That revolution arrived too late, alas ! to 
save him. Had the eyes of men been opened ten 
years sooner, the difference to him would have been 

A large miscellaneous group of distinguished men 
stands outside the inner circle of Hazlitt's intimates, 
either on account of the temporary or occasional 
character of their relations with him, or of their 
less material influence on his career. The visits to 
the Southampton Arms, in Chancery Lane, also 


yielded a few additions to the casual acquaintances, 
such as Mouncey, Wells, and a few others, who 
made up the coterie there about seventy seasons 
since a coterie unique in its way, simply because 
the central figure drew thither company to see and 
hear him in his familiar moods. 

His habitual literary associates may be classified 
or ranged under two general heads : those with 
whom he became acquainted through Coleridge's 
visit to Wem in 1798 and through his brother, and 
those, secondly, who belong to the' prime of his life 
and the height of his prestige, subsequently to the 
publication of all his most important works. 

The former category, in addition to Coleridge, 
included Godwin, Holcroft, Northcote, Fawcett, and 
Lamb. The latter brings before us the names of 
the Hunts, the Montagus, the Procters, Patmore, 
and Knowles. I must be understood to enumerate 
only such as at these two epochs were most influ- 
ential as aids or agents in contributing to the de- 
velopment of his genius, the formation of his 
opinions, and the promotion of his happiness. 
There were, of course, many others even during his 
not too prolonged career with whom he found him- 
self brought into contact casually or incidentally, 
such as Cowden Clarke, Savage Landor, Joseph 


Parkes, Charles Wells, Home, Hood, Talfourd ; and, 
perhaps, after all, a family, which was eminently 
entitled to consideration as instrumental during a 
long series of years in alleviating his troubles and 
sympathizing with his successes, stood technically 
outside the literary pale. I, of course, refer to the 
Reynells, the relatives and life-long intimates of the 
Hunts. Their house and table were at all times 
open to Hazlitt, to his wife, and to his son ; and if 
we except the ephemeral episode of the Liber 
Amoris and its attendant circumstances, when Pat- 
more and Knowles acquired a momentary promi- 
nence, I am disposed to place the Reynells and the 
Lambs in the first rank as sources of consolation 
and encouragement on the one hand, and of intel- 
lectual pleasure on the other. Both, besides, pre- 
sented the characteristic in common of having been 
loyal to Hazlitt from first to last ; Lamb and his 
sister were living witnesses to the rise of four suc- 
cessions of our name and blood. From the first 
hour of their friendship to the sad moment when he 
beheld the committal of his remains to the earth, 
Lamb was true to the man* 

With Lamb there were occasional cases of 
friction, never of lengthened duration, nor of very 
grave significance. Something which the author of 


Elia did or said gave temporary umbrage. We 
discern this in the Letter to Southey, 1823. It was 
so when Hazlitt and his son looked in one day at 
Lamb's, and the latter expressed his regret that he 
could only offer them roast kid for dinner. My 
father took his chance, and found that it was a joke 
that there was roast beef; but Hazlitt went on to 
the Reynells in a tantrum. By the way, Boswell 
says that Johnson and he ate kid in the Highlands, 
and that Johnson liked the dish. 

One explanation which offers itself of the close- 
ness and durability of the tie in these cases is the 
homely and informal footing on which it was 
possible for Hazlitt to maintain his intercourse. 
These were the roofs under which he was apt to 
feel a congeniality of atmosphere. The conditions 
of his early training and experience made him 
averse from frequenting circles where conventional 
etiquette was studied ; and a visit to the Montagus 
and the Procters always, it may be suspected, cost 
an exertion, and partook more or less of the nature 
of an ordeal. Hazlitt liked to be at his ease, and 
to be sensible of an absence of constraint ; and this 
recommended to him the evenings at the South- 
ampton, where he sat, like a modern Dryden or 
Johnson, and talked ex cathedrA to willing and de- 


lighted listeners. The Southampton, indeed, served 
as a substitute for a pied-a-terre, where he could 
occupy a more independent standpoint than at the 
firesides of others, however dear and intimate those 
others might be, and was the nearest approach, at 
any rate in later years, to the discharge of the rites 
of private hospitality. 

On the same basis in one respect as the Lambs 
and Reynells, yet in almost perfect contrast from 
every other point of view, stood Northcote, whose 
relationship to Hazlitt spread over the whole term 
of the London career of the latter. Northcote was 
acquainted with John Hazlitt at a very early date 
probably before the death of Sir Joshua Reynolds 
in 1792, as it is likely to have been Reynolds who 
introduced them to each other. In 1802 we find 
Northcote giving my grandfather a letter to Meri- 
me, when he started on his professional visit to 
Paris : and the two continued more or less on a 
friendly footing to the last, the old painter having 
just toward the dose of Hazlitt's career handed him 
the materials which he had collected for a Life of 

The intercourse, however, though always friendly, 
was never cordial ; the domestic arrangements of 
Northcote and his sister were almost miserly ; and 


it was a house to which no one would have dreamed 
of repairing in the absence of some specific object. 
It is very possible that Hazlitt may have at first 
paid occasional visits to his own and his brother's 
old acquaintance for the sake of the congenial dis- 
course and the recollections of famous persons 
whom Northcote had known, Sir Joshua included, 
just before Hazlitt's day. But the notion of 
turning the conversations to account, if it was an 
afterthought, became the main inducement ; and I 
have offered what I consider substantial proof that 
Northcote, whatever he might have affected to feel, 
was an accessory before the fact, and was really 
flattered by the Boswell Redtvivus in ih^ New 
Monthly Magazine. 

The Boswell Redimvus, or, as it was called when 
it reappeared in book-form, the Conversations of 
Northcote^ strikes me as being a standard source of 
instruction and amusement No one writing on the 
literary history of the time which intervened be- 
tween the period of Johnson, Burke, Goldsmith, 
and Reynolds, and that of the men whom North- 
cote and Hazlitt themselves knew, could neglect 
with impunity to consult these pages, pregnant and 
luminous as they are with the life of genera- 


Northcote was, of course, the repository of a mass 
of Information which would never have reached us, 
had it not been for my grandfather. He furnished 
the nucleus and the lay-figure ; all beside is Hazlitt's. 
The latter, as he had done with less happy results, 
perhaps, and less strict propriety in reporting 
speeches in Parliament for the Morning Chronicle, 
took the raw material and realized it to us upon 
paper in his own embodiment The original Bos- 
well was incapable of doing more than set down 
what his hero said totidem verbis, and he fortunately 
appreciated the essentiality of exactitude. But in 
the other case the biographer was the stronger man 
of the two the greater Ajax, and the joint pro- 
duction owes its form and texture mainly to him, as 
it does its value. 

Of the Montagus and Procters I find that I have 
reserved for another place some brief notices. Both 
Mrs. Montagu and her daughter, the wife of 
Procter, created by their unfailing welcome of 
Hazlitt, whenever he directed his steps toward their 
houses, and by their loyal deference to his intel- 
lectual claims, a valuable and salutary diversion 
from passing annoyances, and presented an accept- 
able variety of scene and atmosphere from time to 
time. These two families belonged to a kind of 


outer circle, to which Hazlitt was not displeased to 
resort, either to bring and carry back the gossip of 
the day, or to pour into the ear of Mrs. Montagu 
some little point in which another friend had vexed 
him, or to exchange with Montagu himself views on 
politics and jurisprudence. 


The subject continued Godwin Wells Some account of his 
last days at Marseilles Home Wainewright Joseph Parkes 
and * The Fight ' Patmore Anecdotes of him The good 
service performed by Knowles and him to Hazlitt in 1822-3. 

NOR must we overlook Godwin, that very early 
friend, to whose agency I have ascribed an important 
share in the first introduction of Hazlitt to London 
life. The commercial enterprise in Skinner Street, 
which proved in the long run so disastrous, seems 
to have thrown Godwin a good deal into the back- 
ground down to 1822, when the crisis arrived, and 
friends had to come forward with pecuniary assist- 
ance to save the family from titter ruin. A fund 
was raised, to which Lamb, to his eternal honour, 
was the largest contributor. 

Two years later I find Sir James Mackintosh 
writing to Godwin, and advising him to ask Hazlitt 
to review his novels in the Edinburgh. Mackintosh, 
whose thoughts went back to 1805, when he praised 


the Essay on Human Action, and to 1807, when he 
praised the Tucker, even if he was not aware that 
Hazlitt attended his lectures in 1799, speaks here 
very highly of him, ' though I know/ says he, * he 
is no panegyrist of mine/ He was pleased to think 
that a criticism from such a quarter would be ex- 
tremely beneficial to Godwin, and would even pro- 
mote the interest of literature. 

It was Godwin who conferred on Hazlitt the 
undoubted benefit of an introduction to the 
Rev. Joseph Fawcett, with whom the intercourse 
of my grandfather was highly influential, as he 
himself admits. Fawcett lived latterly and died 
at Walthamstow, in Essex. He must, from 
Hazlitt 's account of him, have been an extraordinary 

We chiefly know from the Lamb and Shelley 
correspondence how ill Godwin's commercial specu- 
lation on Snow Hill prospered ; some have thought 
that it was, as in the case of Sir Richard Phillips, 
through his distasteful political opinions ; but I con- 
jecture that he had no aptitude for the sort of 

The recommendation to Godwin by Mackintosh 
that he should induce my grandfather to do him a 
good turn in the Edinburgh Review bore no fruit at 


the time it was offered in 1824 ; but a paper On 
Godwin and his Writings from Hazlitt 's pen ap- 
peared in that periodical in April, 1830, and was the 
writer's last contribution to its columns. 

Hazlitt occasionally met Keats, as I elsewhere 
show. He doubtless came across him at Leigh 
Hunt's, Ollier's and elsewhere. Keats mentions 
calling on my grandfather, but preserves no record of 
what passed. He evidently had a liking and regard 
for him. A copy of his poems, 1820, exists, with an 
inscription on the title-page : *To Wm. Hazlitt, Esq., 
with the author's sincere respects.' 

The expressions ' By God * and 4 My God ' (the 
French Par Dieu and Mon Dieu] were very usual 
in Hazlitt's day, and were habitually in the mouths 
of both men and women. Yet in one of his letters 
Keats introduces the former, with the added remark, 
as it were in self-exculpation, 'As Hazlitt would 
say/ The sole real peculiarity in Hazlitt, however, 
was that, in the nervous indecisive manner which 
often distinguished him, he would come out with a 
sort of inconsequential ' By God, sir, you know 
what I mean !' which it was not invariably the case 
that you did. 

Of Charles Wells, the solicitor, whom Hazlitt, in 
kind-heartedly praising him for something which he 


had written, advised on one occasion to stick to his 
profession, I retain a tolerably vivid remembrance. 
He visited us in Great Russell Street, but I subse- 
quently identified him as the author of two books, 
produced before I was born, not under his own 
name, but under the nom de plume of Howard. Of 
these, Joseph and his Brethren, a scriptural drama 
as it is termed, is the more celebrated. I will not 
enter farther into the question of literary merit ; but 
I see that in a copy which belonged to R. H. Home 
the owner has added a manuscript gloss not over 
favourable to his friend. He particularly objects to 
a passage where Potiphar is improperly reticent, and 
suggests a stage direction, 4 Potiphar twiddles his 
thumbs/ Wells is understood to have composed the 
affectionate epitaph on Hazlitt in St. Anne's, Soho. 
He had, no doubt, a reverential regard for him. I 
remember him coming to my father's house in Great 
Russell Street, opposite the dead wall of the British 
Museum. It was about 1846, while I was still at 
Merchant Taylors', and just about the same time 
we had a visit from George Byron, as he called him- 
self, the reputed son of Byron by the Maid of 
Athens. I was at home recovering from an attack 
of brain-fever, and, my father being out, I saw 
Byron, who disgusted me by the small interest 


which he manifested in my sufferings. He was a 
short dark man, and, I have been told, remarkably 
like the poet. 

Wells married one of the daughters of Mr. Hill, 
who kept a school at Broxbourne, in Hertfordshire. 
We knew the family intimately. Mrs. Wells stayed 
at my father's house more than once in fact, when- 
ever she came over from Quimper to England. 
Wells did not accompany her. I never saw him 
after 1846 or 1847. He was a low-built man, and 
struck me as looking elderly even then ; but I was 
a schoolboy. 

He died at Marseilles, whither he had removed 
from Quimper in Brittany. 

I saw Madame Bonne-Maison, who had adopted 
one of his daughters, at Quimper in 1 893. She was 
in her ninety-sixth year, upright, cheerful, and intelli- 
gent. She spoke of Wells as plein & esprit, and 
complimented me on my Breton accent. She re- 
ferred me to his daughter at Morlaix in the Car- 
melite Convent, and I went to pay her a visit in 
October. She was Mary Wells, and said she was 
sixty-four years of age. Her father had latterly 
been obliged to give lessons to make out his income. 
When they thought that he was no more, he revived, 
and said, * Ah I you thought that the little man had 



gone, but he has come back again, and you're all 
caught. 1 He was eighty- six. 

Home, who had also known Hazlitt, was a far 
more voluminous and a far more pretentious writer 
than Wells, and affected both prose and verse. We 
saw much of him at Alfred Place, Old Brompton, 
about 1840. I confess that I have often tried to 
appreciate his Farthing Epic and other effusions, 
but I have laid the books down, wondering that 
such works should meet with appreciation, save on 
some principle of mutual insurance. 

Yet infinitely more flimsy and empirical than 
Wells or Home was Wainewright, the ' Janus 
Weathercock ' of the London Magazine^ who, like 
John Lamb, had the hardihood to pose as a fine-art 
critic side by side with Hazlitt, and to hang his 
cattle-subjects at the Royal Academy. He was a 
genuine disciple of the Dandy School. 

Joseph Parkes, a parliamentary agent, who came 
from Birmingham, and was connected with Dr. Priest- 
ley, was another of the set in which Hazlitt moved. 
Parkes is chiefly associated with him in connection 
with the prize-fight at Newbury between Hickman 
and Neate, a description of which in the New Monthly 
Magazine illustrates in my opinion most triumphantly 
Hazlitt 's unsurpassed faculty in literary portraiture, 


and marks his successful treatment of a topic which 
could not but be new to him. Parkes, Patmore, and 
Thurtell, the same who was tried in 1824 for the 
murder of Weare, met my grandfather on the scene 
of action or on the road Thurtell, the Turtle of the 
paper at Reading. Parkes, the Joe Toms of the 
narrative, and Hazlitt were to have gone down 
together, but they missed each other. Patmore was 
the original instigator of the notion, and the prospect 
of gathering the material for an article was an irre- 
sistible inducement to his companion. 

The visit of my relative to such a scene, and his 
graphic and appreciative account of it, formed in 
itself an essay on the disadvantages of mental 
superiority, just as he speaks of having been put out 
of conceit of something which he had once written by 
witnessing a performance of Indian jugglers. Both 
these examples illustrated the wilful and weaker side 
of Hazlitt's character and his proneness to paradox. 

It was what Master * Janus Weathercock r might 
nave termed a divertissement, but in fact the forcible 
antithesis proved for a moment a beneficial relief 
from the habitual tension of intellectual labour. So 
the jaded politician seeks relaxation in cricket or 
golf, and the overworked clerk recruits himself by 
rowing or walking for a wager. 


It was the same thing with his more familiar 
passion for fives, which his friends used to see 
Hazlitt play, not with the self-possessed coolness 
and tact of an expert, but with the irritable and 
nervous impatience of an amateur. He seemed to 
be intent on severing himself for the moment as 
much as possible from his customary associations 
and the daily wear and tear of thought. 

I observe that Pierce Egan, in his Lectures on 
the Art of Self-Defence, refers to the printed text 
of the Fight, but speaks of it as having been 
inserted in Table-Talk. It first appeared in the 
New Monthly Magazine, and subsequently in the 
Literary Remains. 

The end of Parkes was sad enough. He was 
buried in the catacombs at Kensal Green, and the 
officials having left a candle burning, some of the 
cerements or other coverings caught fire, and several 
of the bodies were burnt, in Parkes's case the lower 
extremities only being charred. 

I was once taken by my father to see Peter 
George Patmore at a little old-fashioned house 
which he rented at Hendon, or more properly 
speaking at Mill Hill. He lived there with his wife 
and his mother and some of his children. There 
was a considerable piece of ground attached to the 


house, including a field, which I was told that Pat- 
more had turned at least once to good account by 
selling the produce two or three times over to 
different parties. 

Patmore's mother, the pawnbroker's widow, laid 
hold of me, I recollect, and shewed me all over the 
domain the very evening I arrived. 

Patmore himself was at one time a dandy, and 
affected two sorts of nether garments, one pair for 
walking, and another for sitting down. He once 
sat down with unhappy results in the promenading 

He came at the time of the railway mania to my 
father in a state of great dismay and asked his 
advice. ' Hazlitt,' he said, ' what, in God's name, 
am I to do ? I am in for a million F * Do ?* re- 
turned my father, ' why, stay where you are ; they 
know well enough you haven't got it/ 

We saw him last at Church Street, Chelsea, about 
1848. He had known us intermittently since, as 
secretary to the Russell Institution, he arranged 
with my grandfather for the series of lectures de- 
livered there in 1812. But his real significance to 
Hazlitt was the so far serviceable part which he and 
Knowles played in the Liber Amoris business by 
furnishing a vent for the momentary volcanic frenzy, 


Patmore was an original character. While he 
was at Mill Hill his circumstances appear to have 
been unusually flourishing, and he not only had 
land in hay, but an excellent garden with wall-fruit, 
which the members of his family were forbidden to 
touch. He reconnoitred the ground after breakfast 
in the season to count his peaches and plums. 

He was the author, I understand, of the volume 
anonymously issued by Colburn in 1826, under the 
title of Rejected Articles. One of these papers is on 
Hazlitt. That on Plumer Ward's Tremaine was 
withdrawn, or is not, at all events, in most copies. 

Patmore was the first who essayed to dissipate 
the absurd illusion that Hazlitt was habitually and 
by nature listless and inert. Those who had studied 
him under unfavourable circumstances, and who 
were ignorant of his power of endurance as a 
pedestrian, and of his proficiency in the Fives 
Court, might entertain and circulate such an opinion ; 
but nothing could be farther from the truth. Almost 
all his early excursions in the country were made on 
foot, and even Patmore testifies how, at the com- 
paratively late date when he became intimate with 
him, he 'devoured the ground' in walking, and 
seemed to feel a zest and enjoyment in the exercise. 

It was my grandfather Reynell who saw Hazlitt 


dressed to go to Curran's in black silk smalls and 
blue coat and gilt buttons, and he observed how 
well he looked. The blue coat and gilt buttons 
were much affected by the Whig Club sixty or 
seventy years ago, and were worn by Fox and 
Burdett. Mr. Byng, M.P. for Middlesex, was one 
of the last public men who retained the fashion ; but 
I remember my father wearing such a coat ; perhaps 
he took to injure patris. 


The subject continued Henry Colburn The art of puffing 
Colburn and Northcote- An anecdote of Leigh Hunt The 
Court Journal and Literary Gazette William Jerdan and the 
paper-knife school of criticism Burke's Peerage Hurst and 
Blackett Thackeray's Jenkins Mouncey Cowden Clarke 
Hessey the publisher The Liber Amoris Sheridan 
Knowles Dedication to Hazlitt of his play of Alfred The 
first Mrs. Hazlitt and her relatives Anecdotes of her and 
them Sir John Stoddart Archbishop Sumner My father 
and I The second marriage Hazlitt's tour abroad Meeting 
with Leigh Hunt, Landor, Medwin, etc. Letters to Landor 
and to his own son The union with the second Mrs. Hazlitt 

A MAN who had relations with many of the literary 
folks of a past generation, Hazlitt and Northcote 
included, and whose portrait has been painted on 
paper by Hood, was Henry Colburn the publisher, 
the reputed natural son, by one of his numerous 
mistresses, of that famous military chieftain, the 
Duke of York, who supplied him with the means 
of starting in business. 


Colburn was one of the worthy fraternity of 
tricksters who used to make a tolerably handsome 
succedaneum out of authors' advertisements, for 
which he received payment many times over by 
sending in the aggregate cost of a group to each 
individual. Both Northcote and Procter had reason 
to complain of this dishonest treatment, and it still 
continues to be extended to men of letters, who do 
not happen to be also men of business, by firms 
whose fine pretensions assist, of course, in disarming 

Colburn was an early master of the art of puffing, 
and was among the earliest, I believe, who sent 
round to the Press specimens of a new work on a 
slip for an anticipatory notice. He occupied part of 
the extensive premises with a frontage to Great 
Marlborough Street, which had formerly been fitted 
up by Brooks for his School of Anatomy. But in 
Brooks's time they extended back to Oxford Street, 
and in the rear of the house was a yard, where 
Brooks kept his ravens, besides a wolf, a vulture, etc., 
which used to be fed on the remains of the bodies 
employed in the anatomical lectures. The resur- 
rection-men sold bodies to Brooks, and my uncle 
recollects seeing there that of a young woman, which 
had been sent in a hamper from Manchester. When 


the allied sovereigns were in London in 1814 they 
visited Brooks's, and were amused by his habit of 
talking French ; he was acquainted with the foreign 
words, but pronounced them as if they had been 

Northcote, who had something at one time to 
do with Colburn, and who was notoriously parsi- 
monious, once became terribly frightened at the 
prospect of having to pay a heavy printer's bill, with 
all the garnishing additaments, which none knew so 
well as Colburn how to smuggle into an account. My 
father remembers the old artist saying, * That little 
wretch Colburn wants to rob me of all my money !' 

Leigh Hunt told Mr. Reynell that Colburn had 
applied to him for a portrait to illustrate one of his 
books the Byron and his Contemporaries, 1828 
and that he had one eventually engraved, which 
made Hunt look as if he had stolen a tankard ; and 
when the latter complained of the unsatisfactory 
character of it, Colburn clasped his hands together, 
and declared that it must stand, ' For/ said he 
pathetically, ' / have paid for it f 

At one time I understand that Colburn held both 
the Court Journal and the Literary Gazette. The 
former was edited by P. G. Patmore, and subse- 
quently by Laman Blanchard ; the latter by William 


Jerdaru Through these channels Colburn had ex- 
cellent opportunities of advertising his books, and 
obtaining favourable notices. He thought himself 
a crack hand at a title-page and a puffing paragraph. 
It was Jerdan who was said to acquire a knowledge 
of a work sent for review to the Gazette by cutting 
open the leaves and smelling the paper-knife. 
Colburn and Jerdan were two of the apostles of that 
school of literary criticism which has now attained 
so rank a growth, and been improved to an extent 
of which the originators could have barely dreamed. 
But a yet more important enterprise and property 
lay in the New Monthly Magazine, to which 
Hazlitt was for some time a contributor. The 
more or less nominal editorship was held succes- 
sively by Campbell, Bulwer, Hook, and Hood, but 
at last devolved on Mr. Shoberl, author of a pleasant 
little volume on Greenwich. After Hood had left 
the concern, someone addressed a letter to him at 
the office, which was returned with the endorsement, 
' Not known to Mr. Colburn/ which occasioned the 
following squib : 

For a couple of years, in the columns of Puff, 
I was rated a decentish writer enough 

But alas ! for the favours of Fame 1 
Since I quitted her seat in Great Marlborough Street 
My decline in repute is so very complete 

That a Colburn don't know me by name ! 


Now, a Colburn I knew, in his person so small, 
That he seem'd the half-brother of no one at all, 

Yet in spirit a dwarf may be big ; 
But his mind was so narrow, his soul was so dim, 
Where's the wonder if all I remember of him 

Is a suit of boy's clothes, and a wig ! 

Colburn paid for the name, and ShoberTs nephew 
tells me that his uncle long had the practical super- 
intendence of the magazine. 

Burke's Peerage was originally published by this 
firm. Burke, who lived in Thistle Grove, Old 
Brompton, was father of Sir Bernard, and my uncle, 
who was his near neighbour, recollects the latter 
being sent round to him as a boy by his father on 
some passing matter of business. 

The successors of Colburn were Messrs. Hurst 
and Blackett, a firm which now only exists in name. 
Hurst had been useful to Colburn as a writer of 
accounts of fashionable parties in the Court Journal, 
just as Foster, Thackeray's Jenkins, was to the pro- 
prietor of the Morning Post. 

It was Jenkins who wrote in the Post the account 
of Stowe, afterward republished as a pamphlet 

Both Patmore and Moxon were during many 
years attached in the capacity of readers or assist- 
ants to publishing houses ; the former to Colburn, 
the latter to Longman and 'Co., and Hurst, Chance 


and Co. In 1827 we find Lamb giving Moxon a 
letter of introduction to Colburn. Hurst, Chance 
and Co. were unconnected with Hurst and Blackett, 
who did not start till 1851, on the retirement of 
Colburn. Hurst was a man with some capital, but 
took no active part in the business ; he was a bill- 
discounter. Colburn himself, as we elsewhere per- 
ceive, was addicted to meddling in every detail, and 
took nearly the entire management into his own 
hands, from the editorship of the New Monthly to 
the sweeping out of the shop. He died in or about 
1853, I believe, in Bryanston Square. 

As he found a patron in a Royal Highness, so 
Moxon in a banker, who was also a poet. 

I have heard my father say that George Mouncey, 
who is mentioned in the Memoirs, was a tall, gaunt 
man, much addicted to nips of ale and gin. His 
chambers in Staple Inn were remarkable for their 
unsavouriness, an effect partly occasioned by a 
menagerie of cats. Mouncey was a well-to-do man, 
and had an estate near Carlisle. He took a good 
deal of notice of my father at that time a little 
fellow and once tried to make him drink a whole 
bottle of port. 

He was a good listener, however, a feature which 
recommended him to Hazlitt. It is possible that 


the latter knew Mouncey at a comparatively early 
period. I find his autograph on the title of a copy 
of the Abridgment of Tucker, 1807. 

Through the Hunts, Hazlitt secured the acquaint- 
ance of Mr. Charles Cowden Clarke, the friend of 
Lamb and the Novellos. Writing from Maida 
Hill, July i, 1817, to Clarke, Leigh Hunt says, 
1 1 saw Mr. Hazlitt here last night, and he apolo- 
gises to me, as I doubt not he will to you, for 
having delayed [the opera - ticket] till he cannot 
send it at all/ I merely quote this because it is 
the earliest record of an intercourse which lasted 
till the end, and was fruitful of important conse- 

There was also Hessey the publisher, father of 
my old schoolmaster, the late Archdeacon of Middle- 
sex. There, as well as at Haydon's, Hessey s, 
Ollier's and Hunt's, he met Keats, and altogether 
he could hardly complain of any lack of companion- 
ship, so far as his visiting circle went. 

On the delicate subject of the Liber Amoris I 
feel, as I felt thirty years ago, that this was em- 
phatically a case in which a suppressio veri was at 
the very least a suggestio falsi. The simple truth 
appeared to be preferable to hypothesis and misap- 
prehension. The incident bore in some of its 


features a resemblance to the story of the Duke of 
Grafton and Nancy Parsons, who was also a tailor's 

From a variety or concurrence of circumstances it 
is inferrible without risk that the Liber Amoris, for 
which the receptacle in the form of a tradesman's 
account-book was purchased, as we know, at Stam- 
ford early in 1822, was to a large extent a literary 
and artificial composition, rather than a faithful 
transfer of the actual conversations. The writer 
began the task in Scotland far away from the scene 
and locality which witnessed the incidents, and 
anticipated that the volume would prove ' nice read- 
ing. 1 He evidently prepared the manuscript with 
a direct eye to the press and the public, and in a 
letter to Patmore he betrays the same purpose, 
where he requests the latter to keep the letters. As 
everyone has at present the means of perceiving, 
the original printed text by no means accurately or 
fully represented the original manuscript, and this 
divergence, as far as the Liber itself is concerned, 
leads me to remark that the manuscript, although it 
is the only one traceable, is not in the author's hand, 
while on certain pages there are additions and 
corrections evidently made by him. The fact seems 
to be that this red butterman's book really contains 


the sole existing written text, and is a copy by 
somebody else possibly Patmore of a lost holo- 
graph, subsequently submitted to the author's ap- 
proval, and in the end published with certain 
omissions and modifications. Again, it is likely 
enough that the real original by Hazlitt was in a 
form which demanded editorship, and that Patmore 
executed the task. The whole affair is a mystery, 
and is likely to remain so. 

It was while Hazlitt was in Scotland on business 
arising out of this episode that he met Sheridan 
Knowles at Glasgow or Edinburgh, and took him 
into his confidence. Both Knowles and Patmore 
lent a sympathetic ear to the tale of love and despair, 
and the former appears to have been strongly pre- 
possessed by Hazlitt's flattering criticism and 
friendly counsel. They visited the Highlands 
together, and three or four years later the author of 
the Hunchback, in looking round for a patron for his 
new play of Alfred^ recalled the agreeable days 
which he had spent with my grandfather, and the 
thoughtful kindness which the great critic had shown 
him, and decided on inscribing the production to 
him. As I believe that this has never appeared in 
type, and as it is mutually honourable, I subjoin it 
entire : 




In dedicating this play to you, I acknowledge a debt, which 
I can never repay. I will not say how many years ago it was, 
while I was the boy whose attempts at dramatic composition you 
had the patience to peruse and criticize, and the good nature to 
cheer. How happy your approbation used to make me how 
gratefied (sic) I felt for your strictures, given with an anxiety and 
kindness that effectually guarded self-love from being painfully 
chafed, and ensured deference and improvement by convincing 
me of their sincerity. I could show you some of my Juvenile per- 
formances which I have kept by me to this day, with your pencil 
marks upon them to me, believe me, their highest value ; and I 
could repeat to you a passage or two which you once recited to 
me from the works of a common-respected friend, * as an example 
of the solid strength that gives sinews to simplicity. 

Never do I reflect on the success that has attended my plays 
without attributing the better half of it to you ; and sweet is the 
sense of obligation, for you have ever displayed the most steadfast 
friendship and single hearted disinterestedness towards your devoted 



May, 1826. 

One of Hazlitt's latest efforts in portrait must 
have been the likenesses of Knowles and his 
daughter, as he was not acquainted with the author 
of Virginius much before 1820. 

* * Charles Lamb^ Esq.? in Knowles's hand at the foot of the 

VOL. I. 12 


When Hazlitt was at Glasgow in 1822, there was 
a Shakespear Club there to which he was introduced. 
Among its members were William Bewick, the 
American artist, and Mr. A. D. Robertson. To the 
former my grandfather sat for his likeness, which 
Bewick executed in crayons, much more to his 
sitter's satisfaction than to that of some who knew 
the original. Mr. Robertson was so ill pleased with 
Bewick's work, that he made a second drawing from 
a careful study of the first, assisted by personal 
recollection. But I must say that I prefer the 

I think that it is due to my paternal grandmother 
to mention that she laboured under many disadvan- 
tages. Her bringing-up had been rather irregular, 
and her mother's illness, which kept her a prisoner 
in a dull country town, without society and congenial 
friends, had undoubtedly a very prejudicial effect on 
her character and temper. 

A lady once told me that when she lived at Kentish 
Town, Mrs. Hazlitt would come to see her, with a 
sort of satchel round her waist, and beg the loan of 
a few books to read. I have heard of my grand- 
mother borrowing of others in the same way. She 
found books a great resource in her rather mono- 
tonous life, especially when rheumatism had some- 


what affected the use of her fingers in sewing and 
knitting. The circulating library system was yet an 
imperfect development. 

I remember Mrs. Hazlitt staying with us at Alfred 
Place, Old Brompton, about 1840. She had then 
nearly lost the use of her hands. She died three or 
four years later at her lodgings in Pimlico, whither 
she had been probably attracted in the first instance 
by the neighbourhood of the Reynells ; and Leigh 
Hunt at one time lived under the same roof there 
with the latter. The spot commended itself to 
aspiring parents by the immediate vicinity of Dr. 
Duncan's ' Ciceronian Academy/ an educational 
establishment for young gentlemen under a some- 
what grandiose title. 

She was most warmly attached to her son, and in 
1830, the year of Hazlitt 's death, Brougham being 
then Chancellor, she, good lady, who remembered 
him as her brother Stoddart's fellow-collegian and 
intimate, saw no harm in writing to his lordship on 
behalf of my father. But the letter, commencing 
* My dear Harry/ was somehow intercepted. 

Sir John Stoddart, who had a son of the same 
name, a colonial judge and knight, married Isabella 
daughter of the Rev. Sir Henry Moncrieff, Bart. 
He had a genealogical tree, in which it was proved 


that the Moncrieffs were one of three families exclu- 
sively entitled to trace their descent from Charle- 

My father, who was thus connected on his mother's 
side with the Moncrieffs and Charlemagne, was 
charged with the duty, many years ago, of escorting 
one of his Scotish kinswomen to the theatre. The 
crowd was very great, and they had a rather serious 
difficulty in forcing their way to the point where the 
corridor led to the boxes, when the lady suddenly 
exclaimed, to my father's utter consternation, 'Ay, 
I've lost my slapper !' 

Stoddart, who is not much remembered to-day, 
was of Lincoln's Inn, and in 1797 translated from 
the French of Joseph Despaze an Account of the 
Committee of Public Safety, consisting of Barras 
and four others (Les Cinq). He was at this time 
a Jacobin in politics, but subsequently went over to 
the more winning side, and in the long run became 
Chief Justice of Malta. His work on Scotish 
Scenery, 1 804, with aquatint engravings, is tolerably 
well known. He amused his old age with philo- 
logical researches and publications, of which his 
limited acquaintance with languages weakened the 
value. He was a thoroughly upright man and, 
like his sister the first Mrs. Hazlitt, methodical ; and 


It was from this source that came, I feel sure, all the 
virtue of that class which may belong to us. 

Sumner, Archbishop of Canterbury, who was 
related to the Stoddarts, while still a curate, obtained 
an appointment as tutor to a young nobleman, and 
was his bear-leader to Paris. There the pupil 
became enamoured of a young lady, and engaged 
himself to her, to the utter discomfiture of his mother. 
Sumner was charged to break off the match at any 
-cost, and told that, if he succeeded, his promotion in 
the Church would be secured. Great difficulty was 
experienced in achieving the desired object for the 
family ; but at last Sumner prevailed, and married, 
the girl himself, to make sure that his negotiation 
should not miscarry. This episode is said to have- 
laid the foundation of the fortunes of his brother of 
Winchester and himself. 

My father inherited from his uncle Stoddart a 
certain old-fashioned formalism, which he unsuc- 
cessfully endeavoured to instil into me ; it was the 
idea that persons of rank expected to have letters, 
addressed to them by those in an inferior position, left 
at their doors by hand, and not sent through the post. 
I have frequently acted as the messenger on these 
occasions, and, until I became a free agent, had only to 
hear and obey. My respect for my parent's wishes 


over-rode my instinctive dislike to the employment. 
Yet I am afraid that, as I grew up, I occasionally 
vexed the Registrar by my latter-day independence ; 
and he was once almost angry with me because I 
referred to Montagu Corry as Disraeli's footman. 
He declared that, if I persisted in making myself 
objectionable, I should never prosper. 

Stoddart and his sister were both remarkable for 
their florid complexions, and my father, as a young 
man, favoured his mother and uncle in this respect. 
Hazlitt on one occasion, being vexed with his son, 
then a youth of about eighteen, called him an apple- 
face, in reference to this ruddy look. 

The second marriage of Hazlitt, closely succeeding 
the divorce, of which copious particulars occur in the 
Memoirs, was followed by a tour in France, Italy, 
Switzerland, and part of Holland, in 1824, with his 
new wife, the widow of Colonel Bridgewater. 
Colonel Bridgewater is described in his will, dated 
December 8, 1819, as * Henry Bridgewater, Esquire, 
of the Island of Granada/ He left his widow, 
Isabella Bridgewater, an annuity of ^300. 

I may here note that an advertisement for his 
next-of-kin appeared in the papers in 1879. The 
second Mrs. Hazlitt, however, had died in Sep- 
tember, 1869. 


During Hazlitt's absence he forgot neither his 
first wife, whom he continued at intervals to supply 
with money, nor his little son at school, nor his 
family down in Devonshire. I hope that he recol- 
lected how poor his mother had grown, and his 
brother John too ; for his literary commissions and 
his wife's fortune for the moment gave him the com- 
mand of unusually ample funds. 

At Florence he met Leigh Hunt, who introduced 
him to Savage Landor, of whom he seems to have 
formed a very pleasant impression. While he was 
at Rome he wrote to him the following letter, inviting 
him to stay with him, if he arranged to remain awhile 
at Albino : 

Rome, April 9 [1824]. 

I did not receive your obliging letter till a day or two ago. 
Mrs. H. and myself crossed the mountains pretty well, but had 
rather a tedious journey. Rome hardly answers your expectations; 
the ruins do not prevail enough over the modern buildings, which 
are commonplace things. One or two things are prodigiously fine. 
I have got pleasant lodgings, but find everything very bad and 
dear. I have thought of going to spend a month at Albino, but 
am not quite sure. If I do not, I shall return to Florence next 
week and proceed to Venice. I should be glad, if I settle at 
Albino, if you could manage to come over and stop a little. I 
have done what I was obliged to write for the Papers, and am now 
a leisure man, I hope, for the rest of the summer. I am much 
gratified that you are pleased with the Spirit of the Age. Some- 
body ought to like it, for I am sure there will be plenty to cry out 


against it I hope you did not find any sad blunders in the 
second volume ; but you can hardly suppose the depression of 
body and mind under which I wrote some of these articles. I 
bought a little Florentine edition of Petrarch and Dante the other 
day, and have made out one page. Pray remember me to Mrs. 
Landor, and believe me to be, Dear Sir, 

Your much obliged friend and servant, 

33 via Gregoriana. 

Jacobo III. 
Jacobo II. Magnae Brit. Regis Filio. 

Karolo Edwardo, 
Et Henrico Decano Patruum Cardinalem, 

Jacobi III. Filiis, 
Regiae Stirpis Stuardiae Postremis, 

Anno M.V.CCC.XIX. 
Beati Mortui qui in Domino moriuntur. 

What do you think of this inscription on Canova's monument 
to the Stuarts in St Peter's . . . ordered by the R. Revd. 
Sufperior?] . . . Southey for his opinion. 

[Endorsed] Walter Savage Landor, Esq., 
Poste Restante, 

Lander's Imaginary Conversations, by which he is 
chiefly known, were doubtless suggested by Fon- 
tenelle's Dialogues of the Dead, and Mr. Andrew 
Lang has employed his facile pen in a sort of sequel 
to Landor. 

In the little volume of posthumously published 
essays, called Winterslow, one of the papers is on 
a Sun-dial. This dial, on which there was the 


inscription, ' Horas non numero nisi serenas,' was 
observed by Hazlitt near Venice. 

He had an interesting interview at Vevey, on his 
return journey, with Captain Medwin, the friend of 
Byron ; and thence he addressed a note to his son, 
who was spending his holidays down at Crediton 
with the grandmother and aunt. The little fellow 
was deeply attached to his mother, and was much 
distressed and hurt at the second marriage. We 
have heard a good deal of the odd way in which 
Hazlitt used the term Sir in speaking even to those 
with whom he was more or less intimate, and he 
extended the practice to the child. It amounted 
to what Mercier says in his Tadleau de Paris, * Le 
Pere appelle son fils monsieur.' But in the note 
before us he figures as Baby. 

This communication, had it no other claim, is the 
only known relic of the kind t and the sole surviving 
specimen of any correspondence which may have 
passed between the two. 

Miss Emmett, whose death had been made known 
to him, was the sister of the Irish patriot who was 
concerned in the insurrection of 1798- 

Vevey, near Geneva [1824]. 

We are got as far as Vevey in Switzerland on our way 
back. I propose returning by Holland in the end of August, and 
I shall see you, I hope, the beginning of September. 


The journey has answered tolerably well. I was sorry to hear 
of poor Miss Emmett's death, and I hope Grandmother and 
Peggy are both well I got your letter at Florence, where I saw 
Mr. Leigh Hunt and Mr. Landor. I have a very bad pen. 

The Table-talk and the Spirit of the Age have been reprinted at 
Paris ; but I do not know how they have succeeded. The Advice 
to a School-boy is in the first. If you should be in London, 
remember me to all friends, or give my love to rny Mother and 


I am, dear Baby, 

Your ever affectionate father, 


We are stopping here. Write to me, and tell me all the news. 

Master Hazlitt, 

at Mrs. Hazlitt's, 

Near Exeter, 

We here see how the father, as well as the mother, 
took the child into confidence, 

It was shortly after this that the union, so hastily 
contracted, was informally dissolved by the intima- 
tion of the lady that she declined to rejoin heir hus- 
band in England. The dream of an unearned 
competence had therefore proved illusory, and the 
pen once more, and for good, remained the sole 



The Life of Napoleon Letters on the subject to Hunt and Clarke 
The parallel Lives by Hazlitt and Scott Lamb's estimate 
of the former A plea for the book The author as a man 
of business Some unpublished correspondence Hazlitt's 
last days and death Jeffrey's kindness Hazlitt and Scott 
Lamb, Scott, and Godwin Soho a fashionable address 
Home takes the plaster cast of Hazlitt Lines on him by an 
American lady. 

THE subjoined correspondence relating to the ill- 
fated Life of Napoldon, from which we perceive 
that the author anticipated, as he certainly deserved, 
a very different issue, was addressed to Hunt and 
Clarke, the publishers of the work, while Hazlitt 
was exerting his utmost efforts to complete it at 
Winterslow. He was, as we know from a letter 
already printed in fat . Memoirs^ in a very indif- 
ferent state of health, and had gone down in the 
country to combine the effects of change of air and 
of freedom from interruption. His distance from 
books explains his request to Henry Hunt, in the 


first communication, to verify certain points ; the 
second letter is to Cowden Clarke. It might 
almost be augured from the latter, if not from both, 
that there was no adequate precaution taken to 
secure the co-operation of the press. 

It is highly curious that, in writing to Clarke in 
1828, he reverts to the subject-matter of his notable 
letter in 1821 to Leigh Hunt, and reproduces what 
we find there as to Hunt's refusal to attend or 
notice his lectures almost totidem vtrbis. 


I am obliged by the 2 and am glad the account is no 
more against me. The Appendix, Nos. 4 & 5, must be given at 
the end of vol. 4 (to be said so in a note). No. 6, Character of 
Marat by Brissot, will be found infallibly at the end of one of Miss 
Williams's volumes from France, year 1794, which can be had at 
any library, Saunders and Ottley's certainly. Also, I sent it up to 
Clarke some time ago. Tell him, I received the letter, and am much 
gratified by it, vanity apart. I am not surprised at what you tell me ; 
but drowning men catch at Buckinghams. Still so far, so good. 
What follows is important, not a drowning, but a shooting matter. 
You must give me one cancel at p. 209, vol. ii., and alter the word 
Buccaneer to cruiser. An Erratum won't do. Second, do learn 
the width of the valley of the Nile from some authentic person 
(forsan Travels in Mesopotamia), and if it be more than five 
leagues (which I suspect it must be), cancel and change to fifteen, 
fifty, or whatever be the actual number. It is five in Napoleon's 
Memoirs, followed by Thibaudeau in vifd. Is the Preface to go ? 
You'll see I can bear it out, and perhaps play the devil with some 
people. Don't you think an account in the Examiner would tell 
in just now, alter the London Review and Athen&um, and give us 


a kind of prepossession of the ground ? Tell St. John I wrote to 
thank him last week ; but I find I directed the letter wrong to 
150 instead of 159. Have the kindness (if you have room) to 
insert the inclosed paragraph. I see your leader of Sunday con- 
firms my theory of good-natured statesmen. 

Yours ever very truly, 

W. H. 

P.S. I won't send Clarke any more of my Georgics Bucking- 
ham had an article the day before, which I dare say he has yet, 
unless he has given it to Colburn to keep. Pray send me down 
the second vol. corrected in a day or two. I won't send any more 
to Buckingham] unless he remits, which he does not seem in- 
clined to do. I think this book will put your uncle's head above 
water, and I hope he will keep it there to vex the rogues. I 
wish he had not spoken so of Hook, but Colburn has a way with 
him ! 

January 18, 1828. 

In spite of Hazlitt's determination to write no 
more to Cowden Clarke on this point, we find that 
his irresistible persuasion that nothing adequate was 
being done to bring the forthcoming work, on which 
he had lavished so vast an amount of thought and 
manual labour, before the world in such a manner 
as to make it answer the purpose of all concerned, 
forced his hand a fortnight later, and elicited the 
annexed categorical appeal to Hunt's partner. 

DEAR CLARKE, t Februar y ' 

' To you Duke Humphrey must unfold his grief ' in the 
fallowing queries. 

i. Is it unworthy of our dignity and injurious to our interest to 


have the Life noticed favourably in a journal that is not the pink 
of classical elegance ? 

2. Are we to do nothing to secure (beforehand) a favourable 
hearing to it, lest we should be suspected or charged with being 
accomplices in the success of our own work by the Charing Cross 
Gang who would ruin you and me out of their sheer dogmatism 
and malignity? 

3. Must we wait for Mr. Southern to give his opinion, before 
we dare come before the public even in an extract ? Or be first 
hung up by our enemies, in order to be cut down by our zealous 
Whig and Reform friends ? 

4. When the house is beset by robbers, are we to leave the 
doors open, to shew our innocence and immaculateness of iriten- 
tion ? 

5. Were you not pleased to see the extracts from Hunt's book 
in the Athmc&um ? and do you not think they were of service ? 
Why then judge differently of mine ? 

6. There is a puff of Haydon in the Examiner ; like blue ruin, 
out of pure generosity. But with respect to ourselves we shut our 
mouths up like a maidenhood, lest it should look like partiality. 
So Hunt said he could not notice my lectures, or give me a good 
word, because I had praised him in the Edinburgh^ and it would 
be thought a collusion. 

7. You sent me L. H.'s letter in the Chronicle^ which I was glad 
to see, particularly that part relating to a literary cut-throat ; but 
why, my dear Clarke, did you not send me the puff of myself in 
the London Review^ which I was perhaps perhaps not more 
pleased to see ? 

If you continue to use me so ill, I shall complain to your sister. 
Think of that, Master Brook. I like the Companion* very well. 
Do not suppose I am vexed ; I am only frightened. 

Yours ever very truly, 

W. H. 

* Leigh Hunt's work so called., 


It is evident that Hazlitt felt a good deal of 
solicitude about the success of the Life. Much 
depended on it, and, coming in the wake of the one 
by Scott, which, whatever its relative merit may 
appear to us at the present moment to be, enjoyed 
the double advantage of his prestige and of chrono- 
logical precedence, every exertion seemed desirable 
to secure a favourable reception by the public. 

In a farther appeal to Clarke, which has survived 
in a mere fragment, the author asks, ' Do you think 
it would be amiss to give Buckingham the first vol. 
for next week's Athenaum^ though Hunt, etc., do 
not write in it ? The public are to be won like a 


c "With brisk attacks and urging, 
Not slow approaches, like a virgin." ' 

The failure of the publishers of the Life involved 
that of their undertaking, and the disappointment 
and worry accelerated and embittered the end. 

The nearly parallel biographies of Napoleon by 
Sir Walter Scott and by Hazlitt had so much in 
common, that they were both referable to a political 
origin, and displayed throughout a party complexion 
and bias. But than their treatment and point of 
view nothing could well be more different. Scott 
wrote to the English Tory and the French- Legiti- 


mist; Hazlitt recognised in Bonaparte only the 
symbol and champion of those principles of popular 
liberty .which the Revolution of 1789 professed to 
establish, and a hero of democracy, who assumed 
imperial honours in self-defence and for the good of 
his country. Both were elaborate essays in the 
form of historical biography, and neither can be 
implicitly quoted as documentary authorities, any 
more than Carlyle's Frederick or his French 
Revolution; but it is generally allowed that 
Hazlitt's book carries away beyond comparison the 
palm of superiority as an effort of composition and 
as a noble tribute of admiration and homage to 
perhaps the most remarkable man who ever lived. 

Lamb, in a letter to Cowden Clarke of February, 
1828, refers to the Speculative episodes' in the 
Life by his old friend as capital, but tells him that 
he ' skips the battles.' The four volumes certainly 
abound with magnificent passages, and when we 
look at the amount of technical detail and the fund 
of information brought together from scattered 
sources, we can hardly fail to admire the literary 
workmanship and intellectual penetration which are 
conspicuous throughout, and the power of the book 
is the more impressive when we recollect that it 
was produced under immense disadvantages and in 


declining health. He had never attempted any- 
thing on the same scale before ; and he happened 
to undertake the task when he was, physically 
speaking, least qualified to carry it successfully out. 

It is very probable that some will wonder why 
one should print such scraps as the following. It 
is simply because they demonstrate very signally 
and uniquely Hazlitt's assiduity in securing as 
perfect accuracy as possible in the excerpts which 
he made for his lectures, and in the text of his 
publications in general. They dispel the old mis- 
apprehension, that he was slovenly and indifferent 
with regard to such minutiae. The first item is 
addressed to Colburn, and refers to the volume on 
the English Poets : 


Did you receive the extracts from Donne in good time for 
the Essay, as I feel uneasy about it ? Could I see the proof? 

Your obliged humble servant, 

The second item of this description was seemingly 
sent to the same person, and asks for a proof of 
the Fight, which originally appeared in the New 

Monthly Magazine : 


Could you favour me with a proof of the Fight, this even- 
ing, or on Monday? I wish you would desire the printer to 

VOL. I. 13 


return me the copy. I hope to leave for Scotland next week, 
and shall begin the new volume of the Table-talk, as soon as I set 


I am, Dear Sir, 

Your much obliged 

humble servant, 

Saturday evening. 

Both the morfeau just given and that which 
follows are significant of the temporary sovereignty 
of the passion so vividly and luridly portrayed in the 
Liber Amoris. The writer was now apparently 
on his return to England from his Scotish tour in 

7822 : 


Will you oblige me by letting me [have] the following, 
prettily bound : viz., Vicar of Wakefield, Man of Feeling, and 
Nature 6" Aril I am here for a day or two, but am going to 
Salisbury. I have been to New Lanark. 

Yours ever truly, 


I wish you could send me a small gilt memorandum book, 
green with gold stiles. 

Messrs. Taylor & Hessey, 
91 Fleet Street. 

The eye for practical detail, which has not been 
usually recognised as characteristic of Hazlitt, 
equally displays itself in a letter to the postmaster 
at Salisbury in respect to the local postal service : 



Winterslow, near Salisbury, 

Oct. 6, 1828. 

I live at this place, the distance of which from Winterslow 
Hut is a mile and a half, and from Winterslow Hut to Salisbury 
six miles and a half. Each letter or newspaper I receive (brought 
out from Salisbury) is charged 4d. additional, which I understand 
is too much. This imposition is accompanied with impertinence 
and collusion, which make it worse. I sent a man down last night 
for a newspaper, which I was particularly anxious to see, and it 
was refused to be given up, because the messenger had not 
brought the 2d, though the landlady has in her possession ad. of 
mine that had been left as change out of a letter paid for yester- 
day. This happens, whenever the landlady at the Hut (Mrs. 
Hine) is in the humour, and the object is to keep the ad. for the 
letter-carrier the next day. Nor is this all. The letters received 
in so unpleasant manner do not reach Winterslow till the morning 
or middle of the next day after they arrive in Salisbury. They 
are brought out by the Guard at night, and sent up to the village 
at their leisure the next morning. For the additional 4d. many 
persons would be glad to fetch them out from Salisbury the same 
day, so. that they would be received here two hours after they 
reach Salisbury, which would be a great convenience, and in some 
cases an object of importance. 
I am, Sir, 

Your, very obedient, humble servant, 

If this was not the only letter of the kind ever 
Written by Hazlitt, no other at least has ever come 
under my eyes. It was a class of composition 
which was peculiarly distasteful to him, nor could 
there be much in common between his correspondent 
and himself beyond the dim insight and limited 


compliment possibly implied in the redemption of 
the piece of paper from the waste-basket or the fire. 
The recipient dockets on the back of the original 
that he answered it on the 1 1 th of the month. 

In his earlier correspondence with Godwin, which 
is in type, the same point is still further illustrated 
and confirmed. There, too, we are introduced to 
Hazlitt as the man of affairs and the world ; and he 
was both in the best sense. Those who could form 
an estimate of him only when his health and spirits 
had succumbed to disappointment and worry were 
necessarily very indifferent judges of his tempera- 
ment and carriage, while the hopes of his youth 
were unshattered, and his whole heart and thought 
were in his work. 

The two remaining notes belong to 1830, and to 
the Frith Street days, where the scene was so soon 
to close : 


I should feel most extremely obliged if you could possibly 
favour me with a couple of orders for to-morrow-night (Tuesday). 

I remain, Dear Sir, 

Very respectfully yours, 

Monday i4th June, 

6 Frith Street, Soho. 

[Endorsed] Hartley Esq. 

Covent Garden Theatre. 


Mr. Hazlitt takes the liberty to leave this little work with Mr. 
Shee, but would feel obliged to have it returned to him at No. 6, 
Frith Street. When the vol. is published, Mr. H. will have the 
honour of leaving a perfect copy of it with Mr. Shee. 

[6 Frith Street, Soho. 

The note to the President of the Royal Academy 
was found inside the paper cover of an incomplete 
copy of the Conversations of Northcote, 1830, which 
the author thus appears to have forwarded for Shee's 

My uncle Reynell says : ' I went after the Revo- 
lution of July, 1830, to congratulate your grand- 
father on the triumph of Liberalism ; but I found 
him in no very sanguine humour about the ultimate 
result. "Ah," said he, "I am afraid, Charles, 
things will go back again." ' 

Among the family papers is a long news-letter, 
sent from Havre, July 30, 1830, in which the com- 
mencement of the revolt against the government of 
Charles X. is graphically and minutely described. 
The revolutionary movement had not yet reached 
Havre ; but there was great excitement and solici- 
tude, and the National Guard was prepared, at a 

* Comp. Essays on the Fine Arts, 1873, P 37 (the short paper 
entitled Royal Academy). 


moment's notice, to march for Paris, in order to 
fraternize with their brethren in arms in the 
metropolis, where the most terrible scenes of 
violence and bloodshed were being enacted. 

In the autumn of 1830 Hazlitt's health and 
strength gradually failed. There is no occasion 
here to enter into the details. Cowden Clarke, 
among others, came to see him, and talked to him 
in an undertone. But he said to him, ' My sweet 
friend, go into the next room, and sit there for a 
time, as quiet as is your nature ; for I cannot bear 
talking at present.' Mr. Clarke observes : ' Under 
that straightforward, hard - hitting, direct - telling 
manner of his, both in writing and speaking, Hazlitt 
had a depth of gentleness even tenderness of 
feeling on certain subjects ; manly friendship, 
womanly sympathy, touched him to the core ; and 
any token of either would bring a sudden expres- 
sion into his eyes very beautiful as well as very 
heart-stirring to look upon. We have seen this 
expression more than once, and can recall its ap- 
pealing charm, its wonderful irradiation of the strong 
features and squarely-cut, rugged under-portion of 
the face/* 

That Hazlitt, or anyone else, in such a state, 

* Recollections of Writer s> 1878, p. 63. 


should not have been able to bear the conversation 
of Clarke, was owing to that loud voice and boisterous 
manner to which his friends were accustomed, but 
which a dying man could not endure. 

My grandfather laid Jeffrey under not incon- 
siderable obligations to him by the splendid panegyric 
in the Spirit of the Age ; and the editor of the 
Edinburgh had the opportunity of requiting the 
service when Hazlitt on his death-bed, without any 
real title, wrote to him, requesting him to send him 
in his extremity ^"50. Jeffrey's kindness and 
liberality on this occasion won, as Talfourd tells us, 
Lamb's admiration, nor did it affect the argument, 
that the money arrived too late to be of any use. 

He had made Jeffrey's personal acquaintance, it 
appears, at Edinburgh in 1822, while he was there 
for the first and last time on private business. At 
least there is no apparent record of an earlier meet- 
ing ; and it was then that Jeffrey wished to introduce 
him to Sir Walter Scott, and that Hazlitt declined 
the offer. It seems almost a pity that he did so ; 
for he had spoken, on the whole, favourably of Scott 
as an author, and the latter, like Southey, was a man 
of more liberal temper than many of the Tory party. 
In that very year, when Hazlitt was in Scotland, 
Scott had privately forwarded to Lamb ^10 for 


Godwin, then in real distress, with an injunction to 
refrain from mentioning the donor, lest political 
friends might think him inconsistent, and even more 
than that. 

Jeffrey, however, did not permit this circumstance 
to militate against his friendly intercourse and literary 
relations with my grandfather, who never lost his 
footing as a writer in the Edinburgh from 1815 to 
the time of his death. The tone of the paper in the 
Spirit of the Age, 1825, two or three years after the 
refusal to meet Scott, is a sufficient assurance that 
this scruple on Hazlitt J s part in no way weakened 
the tie between Jeffrey and himself. No doubt the 
suggestion was delicately put, and the ground of 
objection was purely political. 

There is a letter from the younger Hazlitt to his 
future wife, which dates itself about this point of 
time, when his father was fast failing, yet apparently 
rallying a little now and then, in which the writer 
observes : ' My father is much better, and ate a 
chicken for dinner, but he was disappointed, as he 
had ordered a fowl, chickens being injurious to 
him/ This otherwise unimportant communication is 
characteristically addressed to ' Miss C. Reynell, 

Hazlitt died, as it is well known, at No, 6, Frith 


Street, Soho, on Saturday, September 18, 1830. 
At that date Soho appears to have preserved some 
share at least of its gentility ; for one finds that 
Ralph Willett of Merly, about the same time, 
having occasion to bring his wife up to London to 
be attended in her confinement by some particular 
medical man, at first took apartments in Berners 
Street ; but, before the event took place, on hearing 
that Berners Street was not a fashionable locality, 
he engaged other rooms in Dean Street, Soho, 
whence the accouchement was duly announced in 
the papers. 1830, however, marked nearly the 
close of the retention by Soho of its old character. 
Ever since the last quarter of the seventeenth 
century it had been a favourite resort of the nobility 
and gentry, before the West End was extended 
further toward Piccadilly and the Parks. 

A good deal has been said and written of my grand- 
father s love of tea. He drank the finest Souchong 
first at fourteen shillings, and after at twelve 
shillings per pound, and used two ounces for his 
breakfast and two for his tea, with cream. He got 
it at Robinson's in Piccadilly. At the beginning 
of the century the price had been a guinea. 

After Hazlitt's death, Home, who is not mentioned 
by Mrs, Hazlitt in the memorandum left behind her, 


and printed in the Memoirs, as having been in the 
room at the time, superintended the taking of the 
cast, which was used by Durham in his bust, and 
cut off a lock of hair, which he gave to Mr. Buxton 
Forman. The latter informed the writer that it was 
black. The plaster cast, which I possess, and 
which shews terrible emaciation of the features, 
was made by an Italian employed by Home, I 
understand. The bust, which Durham executed 
for my father gratuitously, was modelled after the 
cast and portraits, assisted by the suggestions of the 
Procters. Four copies were done, of which at 
least one was broken. The Procters pronounced 
it a satisfactory likeness. 

An illustration of the gross illiteracy of most of 
our inferior clergy was afforded, when an American 
gentleman of my acquaintance went to St. Ann's, 
Soho, to see the burial-place of Hazlitt. On in- 
quiring of a person of clerical aspect whether he 
could direct him to the spot, 'Ah, yes/ replied 
the individual, ' I believe that there is someone of 
that name buried here the author, I think, of 
Old Cookery Books' 

There was far more in this trait of ignorance than 
the mere want or deficiency of knowledge as to 
Hazlitt's writings or literary merits ; for here was 


the local clergyman, or his deputy, who almost 
seemed to plume himself on his uncertainty of 
information respecting well-nigh the only person of 
any note lying within the precincts of the church ; 
and this is the class which sets itself up as specially 
qualified by education and culture to enlighten and 
improve the community. 

A second American pilgrim more recently called at 
No. 6, Frith Street Soho, and inquired of a German 
woman, who opened the door to him, whether 
she had been there long. She replied, * Sixteen 
years/ He asked once more, * Had she ever heard 
anyone mention Mr. Hazlitt?' l Hazlitt Hazlitt ?' 
she repeated after him thoughtfully. * Was he a tailor ?' 
! I should like to be permitted to append as an 
antidote the graceful and appreciative lines written 
on Hazlitt by Miss Louise Imogen Guiney, of 
Norwood, Massachusetts : 

FOR W. H., 17781830. 

Between the wet trees and the sorry steeple 
Keep, Time, in dark Soho what once was Hazlitt, 
Seeker of Truth, and finder oft of Beauty ; 

Beauty's a sinking light, ah ! none too faithful, 
But Truth, who leaves so here her spent outrider, 
Forgets not her great pawn : herself shall claim it. 

Therefore sleep safe, thou dear and battling spirit ! 

'Safe also on our earth, begetting ever 

Some one love worth the ages and the nations. 


Nothing falls under to thine eyes eternal, 
Sleep safe in dark Soho : the stars are shining ; 
Titian and Wordsworth live \ the People marches. 




Remarks on my grandfather's character and writings Alexander 
Ireland and his publications on him Some particulars of 
John Hazlitt the miniaturist. 

As regards Hazlitt's later and latest work, apart 
from that in book form, the channels for his artistic, 
theatrical, and miscellaneous productions continued 
to the end to be fairly numerous and lucrative. The 
London Magazine ceased to exist about 1826 ; and 
before that date my grandfather had discontinued 
his papers there. On the other hand, the Morning 
Chronicle, the Examiner, and the Edinburgh Review, 
which he had joined at an early stage of his career, 
willingly opened their columns to him down to a few 
months of his death ; and he acquired fresh outlets 
in the New Monthly Magazine, the Atlas, and 
Richardson's London Weekly Review. Mr., sub- 
sequently Major, D. L. Richardson spent a portion 
of his later life in India ; he revisited England, and 
remained here some years, during which I made 


his personal acquaintance ; but he ultimately settled 
at Calcutta, I believe, as the editor of the Eng- 
lishman. I lost sight of him thenceforward. The 
curious part of the matter was that he volunteered 
to procure me the editorship, and then wrote to 
say that he had changed his mind, and taken it 

Hazlitt, in common with all men of obscure and 
humble origin, who raise themselves above mediocrity 
by high and varied attainments under trying con- 
ditions, was exposed to all the inconveniences and 
annoyances which every aspiring literary adventurer 
must reckon on encountering ; and there was in his 
day the added element of political bitterness and 
animosity. Had he been a purely literary character, 
the ground for hostility would have ceased ; the 
Tories of the time did not care what he thought 
about Shakespear and Milton, or whether his 
criticisms on art and the drama were good or bad ; 
they merely looked at what he had to say about 
them ; and that he did not spare them, and was 
beyond a bribe, is the true reason, after all, why his 
name and writings so long suffered obloquy. Until 
the state of political parties underwent a complete 
revolution, the general public did not think of taking 
up his books to judge for themselves if what Gifford, 


Croker, and Wilson had said about them was the 
truth, or a wicked calumny, and of his personal 
history they had no means of knowing anything 
beyond the barest outline and a few more or less 
apocryphal anecdotes. An occasional review of one 
of his works by an unprejudiced pen, the noble and 
pathetic allusion of Lamb in the letter to Southey, 
and the notice prefixed by Bulwer and Talfourd to 
the Literary Remains, were long all that could enable 
the ordinary reader to suppose the real Hazlitt to be 
something different from the caricatures in the Tory- 
press ; and it was only when the present writer 
collected together a large body of new biographical 
data in the Memoirs of 1867, that, nearly forty years 
after his death, the first systematic attempt was made 
to present my grandfather's chequered career in an 
approximately true light, and to shew that he is 
added to the catalogue of distinguished Englishmen, 
whom t it is an -injustice and an absurdity to estimate 
by any normal standard. Every great man becomes 
his own prototype. 

A failure or contempt of tact, accompanied by 
certain infirmities of temper, arising in part from the 
conflict of early training with the ulterior evolution 
of new ideas and projects, obviously tended very 
much to aggravate his position, and to render its 


tenure more arduous. He was baited by opponents 
of every class and grade, from the Quarterly to John 
Bull, all the more cruelly because he had not the 
art of disguising his exasperation and chagrin ; and 
the violence of political warfare, with the almost 
unceasing cross - current of literary antagonism, 
coloured and darkened his private life, as they did 
those of so many others. Parties and names have 
long changed their relative positions; and the 
Liberalism which Hazlitt espoused, and for which 
he suffered, would be too narrow for a modern 
Conservative. He lived and died under the old 
regime ; but although he witnessed two revolutions 
in France and one in America, he became neither a 
Radical nor a Socialist. His young associations led 
him rather to fraternize with the doctrine of personal 
liberty, which underlay the birth of American in- 
dependence. His writings may now be judged 
and appreciated apart from collateral elements and 
agencies ; and his full measure of fame has yet to 
come to him. Sic vos non vobis. 

Mr. Ireland, in his recent book (1889), has detailed 
all the known circumstances which attended the last 
moments of Hazlitt It is no part of my design 
to transcribe or reprint from easily accessible 
authorities ; and anyone can perceive by glancing 


over Mr. Ireland's pages, that several friends exerted 
themselves to mitigate the distressing incidents 
of the scene, and contributed to pay a final tribute 
of respect to the dying man. I find myself, how- 
ever, unable to refrain from applying a moral 
To what did all this homage and succour amount, 
but a tardy and meagre recognition on the part of 
some, at least, of those present on this sad occasion ? 
Why should Montagu, with all his own, and his 
wife's, and the Procters', rapturous appreciation of 
Hazlitt, have waited till the object of it could only 
receive it, as it were, as a sort of viaticum when it 
was practically little better than a posthumous act ? 
They, one and all, admittedly comprehended the 
wayward and almost childishly froward nature of 
their friend, and they permitted him to die under a 
pressure of petty worries, which by a concerted 
movement among themselves, at the proper time, 
might have been removed. His failure of strength 
was gradual ; it extended over some months ; even 
for a year or so he had complained of his health 
being indifferent, and a source of anxiety on his 
little son's account ; and, nevertheless, all these well- 
wishers forbore to take the initiative in averting the 
catastrophe, which most of them ought to have dis- 
VOL. i. 14 


cerned long beforehand. It was a case of sheer 
bqdily and mental exhaustion. 

Mr. Ireland furnishes a highly acceptable selection 
of representative extracts, helping to familiarize the 
general reader with Hazlitt's name and merits ; and 
the memoir prefixed embraces all the known facts 
within the editor's reach, as the latter was un- 
fortunately not aware that I had accumulated a 
large assortment of new matter since 1867, and 
had been thus enabled to supply important correc- 
tions and additions to a narrative which was, at the 
time of its appearance, very far in advance of any- 
thing yet attempted or to be hoped for. 

It seems to me regrettable that of JOHN HAZLITT, 
to whom his brother owed so much at the outset 
of his career, we are able to regain so little. Very 
few clues to the circumstances which attended his. 
establishment in the Metropolis after the return from 
America have come under my notice ; his repre- 
sentatives are destitute of any memorials of him, 
nor have I met with a single scrap of his hand- 
writing. As a mere boy he must have acquired 
an elementary proficiency in the art of painting, 
and we ascertain from his sister's Diary that he 
executed a good deal of work of all kinds during 


the stay in the States, and that on the settlement of 
the family at Wem in 1787, he, being then hardly 
of age (for he was born at Marshfield in Gloucester- 
shire, as we know, in 1767), was left behind in 
London, under the charge of his father's tried and 
affectionate friend, Mr. David Lewis, in order to 
pursue his studies and earn his subsistence. 

That he accomplished these objects, married a 
Miss Mary Pearce, of Portsea, of whom I possess 
several portraits on ivory, and settled in Rathbone 
Place, is clear enough ; but the details are lament- 
ably scanty. His progress and success in his calling 
as a miniaturist must have been extraordinary. 

In 1788, only a twelvemonth subsequent to his 
arrival in the Metropolis, he exhibited at the Royal 
Academy four miniatures after pictures by Sir 
Joshua in one frame ; and he not merely continued 
to hang his productions down to 1819, but had 
sufficient interest and reputation to procure the 
admission of their father's likeness by his younger 
brother in 1804, and to draw round him many of 
the eminent literary men and artists of the time. 
Among his professional performances in my hands 
are the miniatures of his father and mother, brother, 
sister, and himself (engraved in the present volume), 
and many others, particularly a portrait of Charles 


Kemble, painted in 1809, and a copy on ivory of 
Sir Joshua's Robinetta, of which (then in the posses- 
sion of the Honourable William Tollemache) there 
is a well-known print by T. Jones. 

Leaving England as a lad of sixteen, he had 
remained in America with his parents four years, 
and during the last twelvemonth or so followed his 
profession. He must have been, to a large extent, 
self-taught, like his brother ; yet at a period of life 
when he was a comparatively young man he had 
secured a connection which enabled him to main- 
tain a household, to receive friends, and to remove 
to more fashionable quarters in Great Russell 

This was in 1804, and he notified his change of 
address in a circular, of which I transcribe the 
terms, on the plea of its possible uniqueness and the 
meagre knowledge which we otherwise have of the 
person concerned : 

MR. HAZLITT, Miniature Painter, begs leave 
respectfully 1o inform his friends and the 
public, that he is removed to No. 109, Great 
Russell Street, Bloomsbury, where he flatters 
himself with a continuance of their favour. 

He hopes that his miniatures will justify the 
high encomiums passed upon them by the late 


Sir Joshua Reynolds, by whom he was warmly 

recommended to many of his friends before his 

Specimens of his pi^ires may be seen at his 

house in Great Riissell Strett. 
His price for the usual sizes is seven guineas. 

Great Russell Street^ 

Feb. 2otti, 1804. 

This rather interesting document goes no farther 
than to state that John Hazlitt's work had met 
with the approbation of Sir Joshua, which, seeing 
that several of the specimens were from his own 
originals, might have been complimentary ; for we 
are expressly informed that the deceased painter 
recommended his young contemporary to his friends. 
I have not seen any evidence of the elder Hazlitt 
having copied Sir Joshua's works in the original 

We gather from the Lamb correspondence certain 
traits and vestiges of the establishment in Great 
Russell Street. Lamb, writing to Hazlitt on 
February 19, 1806, refers to the show-cupboard 
there, and expresses his high estimation of John's 
ability. He particularly specifies the miniature of 
Margaret Hazlitt as having been done prior to this 
date, and as being of special excellence. 


He executed, concurrently with his practice as 
a miniature-painter, a considerable number of por- 
traits, including several of his brother between the 
ages of nineteen and thirty, one of his sister 
Margaret, one of Joseph Lancaster (now in the 
National Portrait Gallery), and one of Thomas 
Clio Rickman, the bookseller, a kinsman of Lamb's 
early friend and correspondent ; and in the decline 
of life, while he resided successively at Exeter and 
Stockport, I believe that, owing to failing sight, he 
confined himself entirely to this class of work. The 
likeness in oils of his sister is almost worthy of 
Romney. From a letter of his father, written to 
a friend in 1814, we casually learn that the artist 
was then at Manchester, possibly on tour through 
the old familiar country, where both his brother 
and himself had in former days found so many 

Some of his miniatures and portraits have been 
engraved. Among the former I may mention those 
of Dr. Kippis, his father's early and steadfast friend, 
and of Arthur Young, the agriculturist and traveller. 
The only portrait which I have seen copied is the 
likeness of Clio Rickman, of which the print by 
James Holmes is dated 1800. But, owing to the 
absence of distinct clues, an exhaustive catalogue of 


his works would, I fear, be a task no longer 
susceptible of satisfactory treatment. The likenesses 
of his wife are numerous ; and there are some of 
himself, of which I own two. 

Lamb, in his letter of February, 1806, to Hazlitt, 
deprecates the seduction of his brother by ignes 
fatui in the shape of Madonnas. He was then 
engaged in painting a Virgin and Child from his 
wife and infant son ; and he once undertook a 
recumbent Aphrodite on an unprecedentedly large 
canvas. It furnished a proof of his capacity, at 
any rate, for producing works small enough to 
wear as a brooch, or large enough to occupy one 
side of a room. 

A man of such undoubted genius, working so 
many years as a miniaturist in a then tolerably 
fashionable neighbourhood, ought in the very nature 
of things to have left fuller memorials of his pro- 
fessional life behind him than the entries in the cata- 
logues of the Royal Academy, and such traditional 
items as have been handed down to his descendants. 
His political views, which were almost Jacobinical, 
were as antagonistic to his success as an artist as 
those of his brother were to his favourable recep- 
tion by certain sections of the literary world ; and 
the two resembled each other, and the father from 


whom they derived them, in a radical incapacity for 
disguising what they felt. 

My father recollected the cottage, which stood 
above and overlooked the road, about half a mile 
out of Exeter, where his uncle first went to live 
on his retirement from London ; it was a neighbour- 
hood to which he was naturally drawn by the 
proximity to Crediton or Alphington, where his 
mother and sister were about the same time, and 
whence we find old Mrs. Hazlitt directing a letter 
in 1824. 

He died, at Stockport, May 1 6, 1837. I never 
heard whether his brother ever actually assisted 
him in his later days, when his resources were, I 
fear, straitened ; but more than once he expressed 
his desire to be in a position to do something for 
him ; this was evidently a thought constantly in my 
grandfather's mind, and the allusion to the subject 
in 1822, when the Scotish business was sufficient to 
absorb all attention, proves the strength and sincerity 
of the sentiment, while it is the last distinct trace 
which we gain of the object of fraternal solicitude. 
It was at Exeter that his eldest daughter Harriet, 
after the death of her first husband, Captain Stewart, 
met with Mr. Upham, a bookseller, whom she 
married ; and the Uphams may have helped her 


father. I like to think that they did. The painter, 
when Hazlitt first settled at York Street, shewed a 
natural kindness of heart in sparing a portion of his 
own effects toward the new establishment. 

The singular obscurity in which John Hazlitt's 
career is involved, from the absence of letters and 
other data } tempts me to add here that, in settling 
at Stockport in May, 1832, his inducement was the 
neighbourhood of the Carlingfords, connections of 
Harling the artist, and a leading family at that time 
in the town, with whom my great-uncle not impos- 
sibly contracted an acquaintance during his earlier 
provincial tours. He executed between 1832 and 
1837 a considerable number of likenesses and other 
works, and acquired a reputation for conversational 
ability, though, like his brother, he was said to be 

His London career extended over about six-and- 
thirty years (1788-1824), and we hear only of three 
addresses : 288 High Holborn, Rathbone Place, 
and Great Russell Street. 

Coleridge notes that John Hazlitt told him that a 
picture never looked so well as when the palette was 
by the side of it ' Association, with the glow of 
production/ The essayist reports a saying of his, 
that no young man thinks he shall ever die; this 

VOL. I, 


may have formed the germ of Hazlitt's paper On 
the Feeling of Immortality in Youth, where it is 

It has always been understood that my great- 
uncle might in or about 1809 have taken the 
appointment of miniature-painter to the Czar, and 
that he declined it Despotic government, even as 
it existed in England at that date, was not to his 
taste; he would have probably been drafted to 



Hazlitt's son His exertions to obtain employment Bulwer- 
Lytton The Literary Remains Difficulties in procuring 
material for a biography of his father Engagement on the 
Morning Chronicle Marriage to Miss Reynell The Free 
List Charles Kemble Testimonies from literary cor- 
respondents Wordsworth Haydon The Procters Anec- 
dotes of Procter, Haydon, and Hood Robert Chambers. 

VARIOUS schemes had been propounded for arranging 
some settlement in life for Hazlitt's only son, now 
nineteen years of age, and without any provision 
beyond such slender assistance as his mother could 
render him out of her own modest income and the 
friendly hospitality of a few intimate associates, fore- 
most among whom stood the Reynells. 

From the time of leaving school about 1824, my 
father spent a very considerable share of his time at 
Broad Street, which became a second home to him 
under the peculiar conditions in which he was placed 
after the unfortunate separation of his parents in 


1822. This roof, and one or two others, alleviated 
what might have been a still more comfortless 
position. His father appears to have cherished to 
the last a hope of leaving him sufficient to make 
any occupation unnecessary ; but the best that can 
be said for such a notion is that he did not antici- 
pate so early a close of the scene, or the financial 
collapse of the firm which had engaged to pay him 
a handsome amount for the Life of Napolton. 

Even before Hazlitt's death, but while it required 
very little foresight to augur the worst, my father's 
ever-thoughtful mother endeavoured through Martin 
Burney and others to prevail on him to exert 
himself to procure his son some employment ; and 
as he seemed to have a taste for singing, it was 
proposed to Hazlitt that John Braham should be 
asked to take him as a pupil But nothing was 
done, and my father found himself in 1830 without 
a profession and without a subsistence. That he 
accomplished what he did under almost every con- 
ceivable drawback and difficulty, and that, with the 
steadfast help in their several ways of his mother, 
Sir John Stoddart, and the Reynells, he succeeded 
at length in winning a recognition of the claims of 
Hazlitt to public gratitude, is a piece of the romance 
of life, which reflects honour on him and on his 


memory. Perhaps the recompense, which came to 
him in 1854, was barely adequate to the load of 
anxiety which he suffered in the interval, and 
certainly in one respect the boon arrived too late ; 
for, had it been conceded ten years sooner, it might 
have saved my mother from a premature grave. 
She was our good genius through all these troubled 
times, and was only spared, as it were, to look for a 
short season on the land of Canaan. I feel confi- 
dent, from what my mother once told me, that her 
husband did his best in those early days of trial and 
straits, before I understood how narrow and how 
precarious were our means, to sustain her courage 
and his own ; I remember her speaking of one 
occasion, when he was unusually silent and thought- 
ful, and when, at length, he owned to her that he 
had lost his engagement on the press and their only 
source of livelihood. I am relating over again the 
experience of many and many of some whose 
careers have been full of -such incidents to heart- 

When the genius of Hazlitt himself had gradually 
overcome all obstacles, his original associations and 
boyish culture still remained an inalienable part of 
his nature, and in some respects assisted in account- 
ing for apparent contradictions in his character and 


conduct. The scanty resources on which his young 
home at Wem had been perforce maintained, and 
the sparing expenditure to which he was accustomed, 
even when he had quitted the paternal roof, and 
until his connection with the press proved more 
remunerative, gave place in a not unusual manner 
to habits of prodigality and improvidence. This 
reaction may partly explain his dislike to encouraging 
parsimony in young people. He had not merely 
had actual experience of the disadvantages of want 
of money in his early days, but I feel almost con- 
vinced that he was self-conscious of the pernicious 
effect which it was calculated to produce by the 
force of subsequent contrast. In the case of my 
father, he was not quite so extreme as the Prince 
de Conde, who flung indignantly away his boy's 
unspent pocket-money ; but he was generally vexed 
if my father had not got rid of all the change last 
given to him. This was an idiosyncrasy, with a 
philosophical solution at the root of it. 

The commercial disaster which had befallen the 
publishers of the Life of Napoleon, and had rendered 
that work a barren labour, unhappily involved the 
Reynells, and cast a cloud over the fortunes of a 
family which had become doubly endeared to my 
father by the proposed alliance between him and 


one of the daughters of Mr. Carew Henry Reynell. 
This complicated, and in every sense untoward, 
catastrophe necessitated the reconstruction of the 
printing business. 

The engagement to Catherine Reynell, however, 
had been contracted antecedently to Hazlitt's death, 
and had been cordially approved both by him and my 
grandmother, whose letter on the subject I print else- 
where. Through the influence of Walter Coulson, 
my father had obtained a berth on the Morning 
Chronicle, then edited by John Black, and he was 
already busy in devoting intervals of leisure from 
the press in collecting material for a suitable literary 
memorial to Hazlitt. He had apartments at this 
juncture at No. 15, Wardour Street, Soho, and the 
replies of some of his correspondents to his appeal 
for information and assistance in his task are directed 
to him there. 

Unquestionably he had been led into entering 
on such a votive enterprise by the advice of well- 
wishers, who discerned the importance of keeping 
the name before the world, and of the younger 
Hazlitt identifying himself with his father's works 
and services. 

The Literary Remains, introduced by biographical 
and critical notices from the pens of Bulwer, Talfourd, 

VOL. I. 15 


and the Editor, represent the fruit of some years' 
intermittent work succeeded by the difficulty of 
6nding a publisher willing to undertake the book. 
Hazlitt had been dead six years when this tribute to 
his memory appeared at length in 1836. 

At first sight there is a sentiment of regret that 
such a delay should have occurred, as interest and 
sympathy are usually apt to suffer modification from 
lapse of time ; yet in the particular case it is impos- 
sible to judge whether prompter action, had it been 
feasible, would have been more effectual, and would 
have spared my father many long years of anxiety. 
Bulwer stood well with the Melbourne Cabinet, and 
when we cast our eyes over the glowing periods 
in which he testifies his unbounded admiration fof 
Hazlitt, it seems unaccountable on ordinary prin- 
ciples that he could not have spoken a word in 
season for Hazlitt's son. 

I have quite a series of letters from Bulwer- 
Lytton to my father ; but they are of no permanent 
or general interest. Though a man of considerable 
fortune and influence, he never assisted us in any 
shape or way. He was notoriously, and even self- 
consciously, penurious, and used to explain this by 
saying that he had the blood of Elwes the miser in 
his veins; but he was at the same time totally 


deficient in real sympathy with anyone. He was a 
word-painter and ideologist. One of Hazlitt's latest 
projects was to review his novels in the Edinburgh. 
He had read Paul Clifford, and wanted, rather 
characteristically, a practical inducement to go 
through the rest. -But the notion was never 
carried out. 

I have always understood that the Lyttons were 
connected with Rackery Hall, Llay, near Wrexham, 
an old house where I have often stayed with the 
more recent owners. 

My father called on Lytton one day at the Priory, 
Acton, a mansion standing in large grounds on the 
left hand at the entrance to the village as one came 
from London, and found him seated before the fire, 
with his feet on the mantelshelf and a long pipe in 
his mouth. He invited my father to take a cigar 
and sit by him, and for some time the two smoked 
in silence. At length Lytton, removing the pipe 
from his mouth, and turning round to my father, 
said, with a gloomy smile, ' This is cheerful, Hazlitt, 
isn't it ?' 

Meanwhile, the Morning Chronicle supplied the 
means of support, and in 1833 m y f at her and Miss 
Reynell were married, at St. James's, Piccadilly, at 
first taking lodgings over Warren's, a cabinet-maker, 


at No. 76, Charlotte Street, Fitzroy Square, where 
I was born, August 22, 1834. They subsequently 
shifted their quarters to two successive sets of apart- 
ments in Percy Street, Tottenham Court Road, 
where they continued to live till, in 1838, they settled 
in Alfred Place, Old Brompton. 

At one of our addresses in Percy Street, our land- 
lord was a Mr. McComie, a bookbinder. I did not 
recognise him as such, of course, till long subse- 
quently ; but he was one of the enemies of books, 
and I have copies of many volumes which were 
desecrated by this villainous artist, for whom Mr, 
Blades would probably have recommended capital 
punishment. Percy Street may be recollected as 
the locality where the Rev. Mr. Hazlitt lodged in 
1787, after his return from America, and where 
Lamb visited his friend Hume. 

The love of the theatre, which had developed in 
Hazlitt from his early visits to London, before he 
regularly resided there, and which I have traced to- 
the Presbyterian minister himself in a modified 
degree, descended to his son, with whom it doubtless, 
proved a valuable resource at a period when his 
purse was thinly lined, and an instructive and 
amusing evening was attainable, in company with 
the Reynells, without any appreciable expense. 


One of the great old-fashioned institutions con- 
nected with the drama sixty or seventy years ago 
was the Free List. Of course, this usage is still in 
force as regards persons belonging to the press, and 
more or less directly associated with the staff ; but 
at one time, while the modern practice of papering 
the theatres was comparatively unknown, compli- 
mentary tickets and admissions by signing the book 
were far more general. It is unnecessary to mention 
that Hazlitt himself enjoyed a sort of carte-blanche 
at all the principal houses, where his dramatic 
criticisms were apt to be such influential agents in 
deciding the fortunes of a new piece ; and at one or 
two theatres I have understood that his place was 
kept for him. 

My father had a free admission at Covent Garden 
at a very early age (he used to say at twelve), and 
went there some thirty times to see a piece called 
Ivanhoe; or, The Black Knight the Noir Faineant 
of Sir Walter. Some of the gentlemen connected 
with the press took half a dozen or more of their 
friends in with them gratis, when he was a boy. 

By a sort of prescriptive sufferance, he probably, 
if he had no actual entrde on the same lines else- 
where, experienced no difficulty in procuring orders 

But it seems to have been thought even at Covent 


Garden, by some of the subordinates, that the death 
of the critic himself determined the old relationship, 
and my father, one evening early in November, 
1830, was refused admission at the barrier. He 
therefore wrote to Charles Kemble, and received 
instant attention and redress, as the subjoined letter 
establishes : 

T. R. C. Garden, 

loth November 1830. 

There must be some mistake : but where it lies I cannot 
tell. I certainly ordered your name to be put upon our free-list 
and on referring to it this morning, there I found the name, and 
Mr. Notter assured me it had been there ever since I had spoken 
concerning it I can only regret that you should have been dis- 
appointed, and request that should the Door-keeper make such 
another blunder, you will immediately enquire for Mr. Notter, who 
is always to be found at the Theatre till nine or ten o'clock, and 
he will take care to rectify the mistake. 

I am, Dear Sir, 

Very truly yours, 


It would not be quite proper to dismiss this letter 
without explaining the peculiar obligations under 
which Mrs. Siddons and the Kembles lay to Hazlitt, 
whose services in bringing their merits before the 
public contributed most importantly to their profes- 
sional success. These criticisms of his later life 
appeared, for the most part, in the Atlas newspaper, 


and have not hitherto been reprinted. But our 
family had known Charles Kemble at a much earlier 
period, and in 1809, or thereabout, John Hazlitt 
executed a very striking miniature of this distin- 
guished performer. It was perhaps through Godwin, 
again, that we became acquainted with them. They 
had taken the leading part in his Antonio so far back 
as 1 800. My grandfather was probably as valuable 
an aid to this gifted family as he had formerly been 
to the elder Kean. 

As regards the Free List, it nominally exists no 
longer ; but, as a matter of fact, the system is carried 
out under different conditions. My father and myself 
never dreamed of paying for admission in the old days. 

The meagre co-operation and light which my 
father obtained in the years succeeding Hazlitt's 
death, in aid of a connected narrative of the Life, 
and the failure to gain from those in office a favour- 
able hearing for his own inherited pretensions, were 
accompanied by a tolerably bountiful supply of 
evidences from all quarters of grateful and admiring 
enthusiasm for the writings and gifts of the departed 
man. With the most limited experience of the 
world, and a slender livelihood of precarious tenure, 
my father found himself brought into contact with 
many who were almost strangers to him personally, 


and who, with the fewest possible exceptions, pos- 
sessed in common' one property that of being 
unable to serve him. 

The distasteful ordeal of candidature for some 
official post of a permanent character constituted an 
incident of my father's career from his nineteenth 
to his forty-third year. In the intervening time he 
was, on the whole, enabled by his industry and 
ability to earn a fair competence ; but it was a per- 
petual struggle in quest of work, and his health must 
have been seriously shaken if the strain had lasted 
much longer. 

In the memoir before the Remains I confess that 
I do not trace Godwin's helping hand, yet I see from 
a letter in my possession that an application was 
addressed to him, and that he acknowledged it. He 
says, under date of May 24, 1831 : 

' I should be very happy to render you any service 
that it lay in the way of so old and poor a man to 
confer. But I am afraid I can do little in the matter 
to which your letter relates. I knew your father 
perhaps earlier than most persons now living. In 
the meanwhile, if you will favour me with a call at 
one o'clock either Thursday or Friday next, I shall 
have pleasure in our comparing our recollections and 
ideas on the subject.' 


Among those to whom my father not unnaturally 
applied in his quest for information and assistance in 
connection with a contemplated memoir of Hazlitt, 
was Wordsworth, whose reply is dated May 23, 
1831, and testifies that he (Hazlitt), whom he had 
first met in Somersetshire (i.e., at Nether Stowey), 
in the autumn of 1797 or the summer of 1798, * was 

then remarkable for analytical power, and for acute- 

ness and originality of mind ; and that such intel- 
lectual qualities characterized him through life, his 
writings, as far as I am acquainted with them, 
sufficiently prove/ 

Wordsworth, I apprehend, was rather niggard of 
praise of others. In a letter of 1816 to John Scott, 
then editor of the Champion, he dismisses the 
literary exploits and merits even of his more 
particular friends Lamb, Coleridge, and Southey in 
a couple of lines, and then breaks off to ask his 
correspondent if he would like to see his c Thanks- 
giving Ode ' before publication. There was a good 
library at Rydal Mount, and one would have thought 
that in 1831 Wordsworth must have fallen in with 
the printed lectures, the Characters of Skakespear, 
the Round Table, the Table-Talk, and many another, 
to have made it possible for him to requite in some 
measure the high tribute to his genius which 


Hazlitt had paid him in his lifetime. But the verse- 
writer, at all events perhaps every author prefers 
compliment and homage to discriminating apprecia- 
tion, and it is to be feared that the critic had given 
offence by not allowing Tennyson's predecessor 
the bard who ' uttered nothing base ' all points. 

Haydon the painter, returning a copy of the 
Literary Remains to a friend, says : ' I return you 
Hazlitt. I have had great pleasure in it I remem- 
ber his talking the greater part. Nowhere did he 
unbend with more pleasure than with me. ... I 
remember with great feeling his noble character of 
me in a criticism he wrote on my Agony of Christ in 
the New Monthly, 1821 : " The more you give him 
to do, the better he does it. Order, energy, bound- 
less ambition, are the categories of his mind and the 
springs of his enterprise. He bestrides his Art like 
a Colossus. Impossibility is the element in which 
he glories." There's a character ! Enough to make 
a man forgive a host of faults, and overlook the age 
of malice. I forgive him all for that, and consider 
accounts are balanced.' Generous creature ! Words- 
worth over again ! 

In the Memoirs I have accumulated, as far as 
possible, every item of information shedding light on 
the relations and intercourse between these two con- 


temporaries. Hazlitt must have fallen in with 
Haydon immediately after his fixture at York Street, 
as the painter described from actual observation the 
circumstances attending the christening of my father 
in 1812. Whether they had been brought together 
by Northcote I cannot say ; but the intimacy con- 
tinued to the end, notwithstanding occasional friction 
and coolness, which must be set down, I believe, to 
Haydon's superlative egotism and the inadequate 
panegyrics of the critic on his periodical productions. 
It is tolerably notorious that in one or two instances 
my grandfather did violence to his own conscience 
by overpraising the work of a friend, purely because 
he knew that the pecuniary realization was of 
momentous importance. 

It was Haydon who once met Hazlitt returning 
from the Fives Court with his shirt in his pocket, 
because he had been playing with such energy that 
it was like a wet rag. 

Cowden Clarke, writing to me from Genoa in 
1867, says: * With respect to the relics of his 
artistic career, I wish I had only thought to have 
sent you a characteristic anecdote communicated to 
me by John Hunt. You no doubt knew that he for 
a long while had in his possession that very remark- 
able (I believe first} portrait of the Old Woman. 


One morning Hay don called, and, observing the 
picture, exclaimed : " Hallo ! where did you get that 
Rembrandt? It looks like an early performance." 
When Hunt told him who was the artist, poor 
Haydon uttered not a single word.' 

In an odd little letter from Procter, under date of 
1852, he explains the origin of his Effigies Poeticce> 
which had appeared about five-and-twenty years 
before : 4 Nearly thirty years ago I agreed to edit an 
edition of the English poets (adopting a different 
plan to that generally in use), for which I was to 
receive about ^1,000. After I had taken an 
enormous deal of trouble not so much in writing 
as in searching the booksellers found their funds 
insufficient, and sent me a cheque for ^10 with, 
their best compliments. Previously to this, how- 
ever, I had framed a sort of catalogue raisonnd 
of the portraits of the English poets, which was 
afterwards published, A.D. 1824, by Carpenter and 
Son, Bond Street, In this I ventured upon such 
portraits (about one hundred in number), about twenty 
or thirty lines, sometimes a page, sometimes less, of 
matter, partaking somewhat of the biographical and 
critical brief, as you will see ; but in my case I fear 
that brevity was not the soul of wit. Your father 
liked some of those that I read to him, and this is 


the best that I can say of them. This book, or 
catalogue, upon which the bookseller inflicted the 
title of Effigies Poetics, is, I suppose, easily attain- 
able. If not, I have a copy which I can lend you, 
but you must be good enough to take care of it and 
return it, as it is the only evidence I possess of my 
incompetency at that particular period of my life.' 

Both Procter, his wife, and the Montagus had 
undoubtedly a very high respect for Hazlitt. Mrs. 
Montagu, in writing to my father about some point 
in relation to my grandfather's manuscripts, says : * I 
could do nothing respecting Mr. Hazlitt in which I did 
not consider his own wish, and I think I know his 
mind in this matter.' And, again, Mrs. Procter, re- 
ferring to the fourth generation of the family, and to 
the approaching publication by myself of the Memoir3 
(1867), writes as follows : 'What an old woman it 
makes me to receive instruction from the son of the 
little boy whom I have seen sitting on the knee of 
one whom I have never ceased to regret ! When I 
read a fine piece of modern writing, my greatest 
expression of praise is, " Almost as good as Hazlitt" ' 
Does not the last sentence remind us a little of what 
the late Louis Stevenson said ? 

This excellent lady once tried to befriend me by 
recommending me to Sir Francis Goldsmid, M.P., as 


a sort of secretary. I do not know that I should 
have been of much use to him ; but I perpetrated 
the appalling indiscretion on the threshold of suggest- 
ing that I could, I thought, draw up his speeches for 
him. Our acquaintance w&s ephemeral 

I was informed by Mrs. Procter some years ago 
that her maiden name was Sheppen. Hazlitt always 
spoke of her as Anne Skipper. 

In a letter from Miss Lamb to Miss Barbara 
Betham, of 1814, just ten years before the marriage 
to Procter, the writer says : ' Miss Skepper is out of 
town.' But the Lambs on orthographical points are 
never conclusive. 

It was in 1824 that she married Procter, with 
whom she had become acquainted in 1820. In their 
early married life they resided at Merton ; but when 
my father took me to see them about 1860, they 
were living in Weymouth Street. Mrs. Sheppen or 
Skipper, Mrs. Procter's mother, married Basil 
Montagu about 1806. She had previously taken 
lodgers, and possibly in this way met with her 
future husband and son-in-law. Montagu was a 
son of Lord Sandwich, and held during many years 
the post of Commissioner of Bankrupts. 

Procter wrote some spirited songs, but his poetry, 
notwithstanding the laudations which his friends were 


pleased to lavish on it as a matter of compliment, 
is of the thinnest and poorest quality. Lamb charac- 
terized it as redundant, like the wen which once 
appeared on the author's neck. 
Procter as a young man had a way of twitching 
his ears, and when he was courting Miss Sheppen, 
who was reputed to have a will of her own, Hazlitt 
said that, when they were married, she would make 
him twitch his ears still more. 

Mrs. Procter used to say that Patmore's statement 
as to Hazlitt's going to Montagu's ill dressed, or 
being disconcerted by M.'s footman, was rubbish. 
He always, she said, came properly dressed, though 
not, perhaps, in rigorous evening attire. 

Another slight testimonial from one of Charles 
Lamb's later acquaintances, Thomas Hood, lies 
before me in the shape of a note to my father on a 
matter of business. Hazlitt met Hood at the house 
of their common friend. The former was associated 
in his host's recollection with those early days when 
he, and Coleridge, and Wordsworth, and the rest of 
the Temple coterie, and the whist-boys, were young, 
poor, and happy together. The latter, with his 
geniality and wit, came in brighter times, when 
resources were ampler and fame had been realized ; 
but the old set was scattered, and new faces formed 


almost a need to distract Lamb from melancholy 
reflections and depressing home scenes. 

The allusion to the devolution of the New 
Monthly is a characteristic touch of Colburn, of 
whom we have heard a good deal in an anterior 
section : 

17 Elm Tree Road, 

St. John's Wood, 


I have so often enjoyed the conversation and writings of 
your Father that, predisposed to look favourably on your own 
MS., it would have given me great pleasure to find you a con- 
tributor to the New Monthly Magazine. 

You would therefore have heard from me sooner but for an 
uncertainty, which is resolved by my renouncing my own con- 
nexion with the New Monthly. 

I am, Sir, 

Yours very truly, 


I return your paper for your own disposal, as there is no suc- 
cessor appointed to the Editorship, which is to be managed, I 
understand, * in the house ' or by the publisher and his clerks. 

W. Hazlitt, Esq. 

One of the lessons taught by these later pieces of 
correspondence is the admission by more than one 
eminent man of the next succeeding generation of the 
indebtedness to Hazlitt for much that he knew, and 
much which had promoted his success and repute. 


Robert Chambers*, writing in 1842, in respect to 
the Cyclopedia of English Literature, and the utility 
to him of my grandfather's Select British Poets of 
1824, delivers this significant and complimentary 
testimony : 4 I beg to mention to you, wishing much 
that it were possible to mention it to your father, 
that to him I was indebted for my first acquaintance 
with the beauties of the Elizabethan period, and 
perhaps to him originally is to be traced the design 
which now occupies me. Humbly offering to you 
the gratitude due to him/ etc. 

VOL. I. 


My father's career as a journalist and man of letters His contact 
with Lord Palmerston A curious contretemps My co-opera- 
tion in literary work My father edits a book for the Duke of 
Wellington through Murray How the terms were fixed 
Dinner-hour in those days Tennyson referred to My father 
at Chelsea The German Reeds Carlyle His wife 
Carlyle's reference to my grandfather His position as a his- 
torian Anecdote of him and Tennyson Turner at Chelsea 
Ruskin's opinion of him Hazlitt's judgment of Turner's 
later style Cremorne Gardens John Martin the artist His- 
work on Metropolitan drainage Changes in Chelsea The 
Chelsea Bun House The river and my rowing experiences- 
I join the Merchant Taylors' eight Gordon Cumming. 

THE mainstay of my father during the first period 
of his sojourn at Brompton for he quitted it and 
returned to it was journalism. It is immaterial to 
the present undertaking to enter into the particulars 
of his successive engagements on the Morning 
Chronicle^ Daily News, and Times ; all men who 
have to live by their labour have their pot-boilers ;. 
and my father had his. As I have taken occasion 
elsewhere to explain, the competition was less severe 
at that time, and better terms were obtainable ; and 


my father always found a succedaneum in miscel^ 
laneous literary work. 

Here, again, there is no necessity for dwelling. 
During a succession of years he worked hard for 
David Bogue in Fleet Street, for John Templeman, 
and for Ingram and Cooke. H. G. Bohn told my 
father that Bogue's Eitropean Library, edited by 
the younger Hazlitt, and on the same (then novel) 
lines as regarded price, had been a loss to him 
(Bohn) of thousands. But the two capital under- 
takings were Defoe and Montaigne. The former 
was never completed ; the latter has run through 
several editions, and with certain improvements, 
introduced in 1877, is still the standard English 
text. What we really want, however, is a direct 
transfer from the author's Gascon 6riginal. Cotton's 
translation, adopted by my father, is indifferent 
enough, and Florio's still more so, although among 
people who do not read the old provincial French it 
has become the fashion to applaud it. You hear the 
jeunes prfaieux of London speaking rapturously of 
Florio. If he were living, and did not belong to 
their circle, how different it might be ! 

It was while he was on the staff at the Chronicle 
that my father was twice thrown into contact with 
Lord Palmerston, and in both instances personally 


experienced a pleasing and forcible illustration of 
that easy affability and ingenuous straightforward- 
ness, for which the former Premier was so remark- 

On the first occasion, my father having gone 
down in the recess to attend the election at Tiverton 
for the paper, he was by some accident the only 
London reporter present, and took notes of his 
lordship's speech to his constituents. The speech 
contained some rather strong remarks upon certain 
proceedings of the then French Government, and 
the reporter took upon himself, at the conclusion 
of the address, to ask his lordship whether he desired 
those remarks to be given, or whether they were 
not rather merely designed ad captandum (as it 
were). Lord Palmerston smiled, and said : ' I thank 
you for the alternative, but what I say here I say 
for everywhere ;' and he added, in his own kindly 
manner, ' How are you going up ? I am going up 
to town at once, to take part in the London elec- 
tion. 1 The reporter replied (this was before rail- 
ways) : * If your lordship will take up my report 
and send it for me to the Morning Chronicle office 
in time for publication, I shall be much obliged, for 
that will enable me to proceed West/ His lord- 
ship accepted the mission, and ere he left Tiverton 


took charge of the report, which was duly delivered 
at the Chronicle office in time for press. 

On the other occasion, when Lord Palmerston, 
as Foreign Minister, had made on the last day of 
the session an important speech, Sir Benjamin 
Hawes, then his Under- Secretary, meeting my 
father ' outside the House, said: * That was a fine 
speech of Palmerston's ; I hope the reporters have a 
full note of it.' The answer was that, if they had 
no more notes of it than he himself had, in con- 
sequence of the darkness, the probabilities were 
there would be excessively little in the papers. The 
much alarm of Mr. Hawes as he was then at this 
doubt suggested a proposition that, if it was so 
desired, my father would take down such notes of 
the speech as his lordship might dictate. This 
being accepted, he and the Foreign Secretary pro- 
ceeded to Downing Street, where, my father being 
seated at a table, and the noble lord being requested 
to regard him as the Lower House of Parliament, 
Palmerston, pacing up and down, and with a good- 
natured smile from time to time, repeated his 
address. By this means an important Ministerial 
statement was rescued from oblivion. 

On the Morning Chronicle they arranged to pay 
certain members of the staff all the year round, and 


to provide work for them to do, as I have just 
indicated, in the Parliamentary recess. My father 
occasionally reviewed a book or undertook a 
theatrical criticism. On one occasion, a new piece 
at one of the houses, of which he had gleaned the 
general character and knew the cast, was announced, 
and he was asked to furnish a notice. But he 
thought he had all the facts before him, and sent in 
an article based on his imagination. The perform- 
ance was unfortunately postponed. The same thing 
once happened to Davison, musical critic on the 
Times, in the case of a new opera at the house in 
the Haymarket, 

These days, until employment grew more and 
more difficult to procure, and certain classes of work 
ceased to be remunerative, seem to me, as I look 
back wistfully at them, to have been brighter and 
happier than those when relief arrived, and my 
father no longer suffered the tension and suspense 
of a precarious and inadequate livelihood. I cannot 
help feeling and saying that he bore up bravely 
against his trials and annoyances ; and I was too 
young and inexperienced to aid him in his literary 
tasks till toward the critical juncture, when his 
health and spirits, and those of my poor mother, 
began to give way, and the fruit of a longer post- 


ponement of Government patronage must have been 
calamitous. The earliest books in which I co- 
operated were the translations of Hue's Travels 
in Tartary and of the Works of Napoleon III. in 
1852 and 1853. I am prouder of the bit of money 
which I then made for my parents than of any 
which I have since made for myself. 

I retain a very vivid impression of a cabinet 
council, at which \ was present as a lad, about this 
period, when money was scarce and precious. The 
second Duke of Wellington intimated his wish to 
Murray of Albemarle Street that my father should 
edit a volume connected with the series of the old 
Duke's Despatches ; and the question was, what to 
ask ; for no price was fixed either by the Duke or 
by Murray. My father and mother and I sat 
accordingly in conclave upon this weighty matter. 
My father held that 50 would be ample. 

* Oh,' put in my mother, ' these folks have plenty ; 
why not make it sixty ?' 

4 Seventy would only be ten more,' suggested I. 

'Egad!' cried my father, taking courage, 'I'll try 

4 I should go as far as ninety, if I were you/ 
was my counsel. My father and mother looked at 
each other ; my view carried the day, and ninety 


sovereigns, rather easily earned, my dear father 

About that time my father saw a good deal of the 
second Duke/ While Apsley House was under 
repairs, his Grace hired a residence in Belgrave 
Place. My father called one morning early, and 
found him at breakfast on a bit of cold mutton, 
bread-and-butter, and tea. A servant came in, when 
they were together, and brought some message 
from the Duchess, who was not on the most cordial 
terms with her husband. The same thing was said 
of Lord Sydney and his wife, and the same reason 
was given. Lady S. used to travel abroad with 
her maid and footman, and leave Sydney to shift 
for himself. 

He and Wellington were very intimate, and had 
travelled together. Hinc ilia lackryma. I saw the 
Duke my father's acquaintance more than once 
in Piccadilly, and recall his shabby dress and his 
silver watch-chain, which impressed my youthful 
imagination as derogatory to a man of such high 

It was during our stay at Alfred Place that we 

saw most of R. H. Home, author of Orion, who 
has been already mentioned, and of Raymond Yates, 
son of an Indian Colonel, and relative of the more 


celebrated Edmund and of the great actor; both 
these gentlemen grew, and long remained, very 
intimate with my father. On the latter's authority, 
I mentioned in the Memoirs of Hazlitt that Home 
had once commenced a notice of my grandfather, 
but proceeded no farther than the exordium, * Man 
is a STONE.' Home, however, repudiated this 
allegation ; yet from other traits of him I can 
believe the story to have been perfectly true. It 
was very characteristic of him that, during his 
lengthened stay in Australia, he sent nothing over 
to his wife, whom he had left behind, and who had to 
go back to her own family, but portraits of himself. 

Yates, who so far followed in his father the 
Colonel's footsteps that he joined the Spanish 
Legion under Sir De Lacy Evans, although I 
never heard any good account of his military exploits, 
was a professed admirer of Coleridge and Hazlitt, 
and in a modest way collected original editions of 
both. I lost sight of him after 1867, when I left at 
his house in Chelsea a copy of the Memoirs. His 
wife had no literary sympathy, and poor Yates's 
treasures, including a few autograph letters, were 
stowed away in a disused oven. I suspect that they 
and their owner have long since gone their several 


When we lived at Old Brompton, three o'clock 
was a very usual hour for dinner, and friends, such 
as the Byrons and the Rolls, came to tea and early 
supper, with a game of cards and music. There 
was something like friendship and neighbourhood, 
whereas at present there is little else than make- 
believe and formality ; and each housekeeper seeks 
to outvie the other with paltry little soirees and 
dinner-parties, where Nobody meets Nobody. One 
result of the earlier dinner-hour was that places 
of amusement opened sooner. When Tennyson 
wrote about 1850 the verses on the Cock Tavern, 
the dinner-hour appears to have advanced to four, 
and since then it has moved forward to five, six, 
seven, eight, nine, till dinner practically stands in 
the place of supper. 

My father had three or four residences in Chelsea 
between 1847 and 1857, when we returned to 
Brompton. At Church Street we lived opposite 
the Rectory, then standing in large grounds, and 
facing us was a charming paddock. At the other end 
of the thoroughfare, nearer the Queen's Elm, the 
German Reeds had a house, and gave musical 
evenings, to one of which I was taken. 

This was some time prior to the opening by the 
Reeds, in 1859, of the public entertainment at the 


Gallery of Illustration, in which they associated with 
them the late John Parry. Mrs. German Reed 
(Miss Priscilla Horton) I had often seen at the 
Haymarket. An attempt was made at the outset 
without success to quash the undertaking by injunc- 
tion, on the ground that it was an unlicensed stage- 

Church Street was at that period about 1848 
fairly rural ; all the old houses still remained, and 
Chelsea Park was intact. 

Our house in Cheyne Row was dated 1708; we 
were within a few doors of Carlyle. Another 
neighbour was Mr. Wrentmore, who shewed me 
an odd letter he had had from the Sage about 
certain cocks and hens, which he (Mr. W.) kept, 
and which broke Carlyle's rest. 

My father, who had not then yet received his 
official appointment (he obtained it in November, 
1854), undertook a Life of Cromwell about this 
time, and wrote respectfully to Carlyle, asking his 
leave to use the latter's biography in some matters 
of detail, but got no answer. 

It was while Carlyle and ourselves resided near 
each other in this neighbourhood that James 
Hannay and some other admirers of the former 
presented themselves one night outside his house 


and performed some mysterious rites denoting their 
profound sympathy and veneration. 

I recall being in Hyde Park one day, and seeing 
Carlyle leaning against the railing by Rotten Row. 
He stared at me, as a cow does at a dog. I used 
often to meet him on horseback in his long brown 
great-coat and his slouched hat, while the fancy for 
this sort of exercise lasted. 

I have watched his wife clambering up a ladder 
at the London Library in quest of the books of 
which he was in want. He made the committee 
buy a mass of German stuff utterly useless to any- 
one else, t and a good deal of which he never even con- 
sulted himself, Mr. Harrison told me, when acquired. 

It is a trait conclusive of Carlyle' s Northern 
extraction and want of delicate subtlety in criticism, 
where, in that letter to Emerson, mentioning 
Hazlitt's first meeting with Coleridge at Wem, he 
quotes, as an illustration of the boy's election of his 
future master, the lines from Burns : 

c Wi' sic as he, where'er he be, 
May I be sav'd or damn'd.' 

It goes without saying that Carlyle was a 
vigorous, able writer and a zealous advocate ; but 
as a historical critic, I scarcely think that he stands 


very high. The references in his Cromwell and 
French Revolution are often of a very flimsy and 
second-hand cast, and I was terribly vexed at 
having been led to insert in a little book of 
anecdotes a letter from the Protector on the strength 
of his biographer having given it, but which is 
almost unquestionably a forgery. 

Carlyle strikes me, indeed, as having been very 
undiscriminating in the choice of his authorities, and 
the reason may be that he mainly used them as 
pegs to hang his own ideas upon, couched in his 
peculiar Anglo - Teutonic phraseology. I suspect 
that more than one of the letters in the Cromwell 
book is spurious. 

I do not think that it is generally known that the 
germ of Sartor Resartits is in Swift's Tale of a Tub. 
Some persons have taken me to task, and even 
bestowed uncomplimentary epithets on me, because 
it has been my cue to trace ideas back to their 
apparent sources. Thus, the saying of Coleridge 
about Lamb, that his was a mind as incapable of 
receiving pollution as is the sun when it shines on a 
dunghill,' may be found in a Life of St. Agnes, by 
Daniel Pratt, 1677, and occurs long before that 
in Diogenes Laertius, whence perhaps Coleridge 
borrowed it. 


I formerly threw into book-form what I termed 
Studies in Jocular Literature ; it was an effort to 
trace out these anecdotes, and discover their real 
sources or prima stamina ; and I recollect that I 
was described by one of the reviewers as a ghoul for 
my pains, just as the late Mr. R. H. Shepherd was 
on a somewhat similar account characterized by the 
ever-genial Athenwnn as a chiffonier. 

A. B. related to me a curious instance of uncon- 
scious or spontaneous sympathy and the freemasonry 
of tobacco. Carlyle and Tennyson spent an evening 
together at Cheyne Row, and sat opposite each 
other, pipe in mouth, saying scarcely anything. 
Carlyle, when the Laureate had left, remarked to 
his wife what a capital fellow the latter was, and 
Tennyson made the same comment at home about 
his entertainer. 

The Magpie and Stump story in the Glasgow 
Heraldic 1888 has the air of an elaborate hoax. 

Just by us at Chelsea was the little cottage on the 
riverside where Turner the painter passed his last 
days as a lodger with Mrs. Booth, he taking her 
name. He left her a liberal annuity. When the 
woman asked for references, Turner drew out a 
bundle of bank-notes. I recollect that he used to 
travel by the steamboat from Battersea Bridge, and 


if he perceived that he was noticed, he got off at the 
next pier. 

There is a portrait of him, which is a sort of carica- 
ture, yet not offensively so, in Willis's Current Notes. 

I dare say that this anecdote of Turner is well 
. known. He sent his picture of a ship in a snow- 
storm to Ruskin for the opinion of that great expert. 
Ruskin, on looking at it, confessed that the snow 
had much the look of soapsuds ; but he added this 
graceful saving clause, that he believed the painter 
to be so true to Nature, that he doubted not that the 
scene was a faithful representation of what he had 

Hazlitt, by the way, did not relish Turner's later 
style. But it was a heresy in art when he wrote, 
and I do not think that he had given himself 
sufficient opportunity of well considering the matter. 
But no doubt there was a good deal of trick about 
the effects produced, and in one or two cases, on 
unlining the pictures, the mode in which the painter 
had produced them was revealed. 

Honour has been paid to Carlyle in a monument 
and a museum. But a greater man than he died 
not very far away from Cheyne Row in that humble 
cottage, yet standing, and where is the public 
enthusiasm ? 


The cottage in which Turner died lay only 
about two hundred and fifty yards from my father's 
residence in Lindsey Row, and we used to hear 
occasional anecdotes of his eccentricities. These 
have doubtless been made public elsewhere. 

Not far off lay Cremorne Gardens, once a private 
mansion, now covered by buildings and streets, 
in our time a place of popular resort of a not 
very elevated or elevating character, where the 
aeronauts occasionally made their ascents. One 
day I saw a man rush up in breathless haste, and 
spring into the car just as the balloon was cut 
adrift. He was pursued by a second, who arrived 
a moment too late. It was a new method of escape 
from arrest. 

While we resided at Chelsea, an occupant of one 
of the houses in Lindsey Row was John Martin the 
artist, whose handsome features I perfectly recollect, 
and with whom I have frequently played at whist. 
Two of his daughters married Joseph Bonomi and 
Peter Cunningham. Martin, apart from his pro- 
fessional work, took an interest in public affairs, and 
prepared a scheme for the drainage of the Metro- 
polis, which he lent to my father, and which does not 
seem to have been returned as I have it still by me 
with his autograph note, forwarding it for perusal. 


I recollect my father telling me, about this time, 
that he had been dancing the evening before with a 
lady who was so thin that he was afraid she would 
have worn his coat into holes. 

In one of the best houses in Cheyne Walk resided 
in these days Mr. and Mrs. Handford. She had 
been a Mrs. David, and her son by the former 
husband produced one of the earliest Turkish 
Grammars in this country. The Handfords enter- 
tained a good deal, and we met under their roof 
Dr. Lee of Hartwell, the book-collector ; Sir Charles 
Aldis, and his son Dr. Aldis. The latter wore his 
white hair ; but Sir Charles, with the help of enamel, 
stays, and a wig, contrived to pass off as the junior 
of the twoin fact, the Doctor seemed to have been 
born many years before his father. In the Hand- 
fords 1 garden, which robbed all the others, was one 
of the numerous mulberry- trees planted by Queen 
Elizabeth, who must have spent much of her time 
in this employment. 

In another house the Venetian ducal family of 
Grimani settled in the person of Mrs. Hornby, 
daughter of a gentleman of that once illustrious 
name, who followed the profession of a teacher of 
Italian in London, and wife of a solicitor. Their 
younger son, Sir Edmund Grimani Hornby, carried 

VOL. i. J/ 


down a step farther the distinguished provenance^ 
although Hornby himself had, in a far greater degree 
than Miss Grimani, the air of a descendant of Doges. 

A striking contrast between the busy thorough- 
fare which traverses the entire length of the way 
from Cheyne Walk to Pimlico, and the road as it 
was fifty years ago, must be immediately evident to 
any one old enough to recall the aspect of the locality 
so far back, when a private path ran by the Military 
Hospital and was open only in the daytime. Such 
antique bits as the Archway, Turks' Row, and Jews* 
Row, had their picturesque side, especially before 
the population overflowed all reasonable limits ; but 
at present, notwithstanding certain improvements, 
Chelsea has dropped to a low general level, and is a 
district blocked from nearly every point by squalid 

A good deal of confusion appears to have arisen 
out of the existence at different times of two or three 
so-called Chelsea bun-houses. One of the childish 
reminiscences of a personal acquaintance is a visit 
to that which was once known as Bath House, 
toward the old church and in the portion of Cheyne 
Walk fronting what was once the old China Factory,, 
and subsequently Wedgwood's depot. The bun was 
given to him so hot that he could hardly hold it in hia 


hand. My informant adds that it was here that they 
first made the Bath buns, which I used as a school- 
boy to prefer out of a particular shop in Orange 
Street, Red Lion Square, as I did the three-cornered 
tarts from one in St. Swithin's Lane. 

But this was not the real original house, which 
lay much further eastward in the Queen's Road, at 
the end of Jews 1 Row, near Ranelagh Creek, and 
which was taken down in 1839, The buns were 
square, without plums, very greasy, and served hot, 
being baked on iron plates in the shop itself. They 
were adapted only for folks with elastic digestions, 
and, like many other characteristics of the bygone 
time, would not suit the present taste. 

The ordinary books of reference mention the 
changes which Lindsey Row has undergone. ,In 
my father's time, behind our residence and the 
others lay the Distillery Garden, with its Clock 
House, It was a large piece of ground devoted 
to the growth of lavender and other plants, or of 
herbs ; and I more than suspect that it originally 
formed part of the demesne of Old Lindsey House,, 
as well as of the conventual establishment which is 
supposed to have preceded that. Our own cellarage 

toward the river was very extensive, and ran under 


the front garden and part of the road ; and it was 

VOL. I. 


said that in one of the houses a secret subterranean 
passage, long since stopped up, once existed, crossing 
the Thames to the Battersea shore, as a means of 
escape for the nuns in case of danger. The Dis- 
tillery Garden had a long dead wall abutting on the 
King's Road at the bend opposite the Man in the 
Moon tavern at the corner of Park Walk. Mr. 
Whistler the artist, who subsequently occupied our 
house, threw that and the adjoining premises to the 
east into one. 

All our residences at Chelsea were at or near the 
waterside ; and those were the rowing days of the 
writer. The chief points for hiring boats were 
Searle's at Lambeth, Greaves's at Chelsea, and 
Biffen's at Hammersmith. I joined the Merchant 
Taylor's eight, and the only occasion on which, as 
an oarsman, I got into trouble was when, owing to 
the negligence of our coxswain, our boat was nearly 
capsized off* Battersea Reach one day by the swell 
of two steamers. One of the patrons of Greaves, 
when I hired his boats, was Gordon Gumming, the 
African explorer, who was fond of exhibiting his 
muscular strength by holding out a pair of oars 
(not sculls) horizontally. The river has since my 
time undergone a complete change in its rowing 
aspects not for the better. 


The Reynells Their descent and connections The house in 
Piccadilly Some account of the old printing-office, its staff, 
and its surroundings The Racing Calendar and the Bell- 
man's Verses printed there The Lounger's Commonplace 
Book and its author George Frederick Cooke, the tragedian, 
a journeyman at Mr. Reynell's Origin of Swan and Edgar's 
Tattersall Bullock's Museum Many of Byron's, Shelley's, 
and Keats's books produced by my grandfather Benjamin, 
West, R.A, My mother Charles Kemble's idea about her 
The Examiner My recollections of the early staff 
Professor Morley My Uncle Reynell's youthful associations. 
Keats His Endymion Lamb and the Select British Poets 
John Forster. 

THE Reynells of Devonshire, who intermarried with 
the Carews, were a notable family from the time of 
Magna Charta down to the end of the seventeenth 
century. They claim Walter Reynolds, the Walter 
de Reynel of Hume, as a progenitor. They sump- 
tuously entertained Charles II. on one occasion. 
The Rector of Wolborough, a Reynell, was the 
first in England, it has been said, to proclaim 
William of Orange. 


Mr. Henry Reynell, born in 1746, had been 
apprenticed to the King's printer in the Savoy, and 
subsequently acquired the business of Mr. Towers in 
Piccadilly, whose premises he considerably enlarged. 
He was one of the sons of Dr. Richard Reynell, of 
Air Street, medical officer to the parish of St. James, 
in which appointment he was succeeded by his son 

Dr. ReynelFs house in Air Street was, I under- 
stand from his grandson, on the right-hand side 
as one goes from Piccadilly one of those with 
bow-windows. Here he occasionally entertained at 
dinner his relatives, the Bishop of Londonderry ; 
the bishop's son, Precentor of Down and Connor, and 
other eminent connections. The doctor published 
three now-forgotten professional tracts between 1735 
and 1743, the last-named a communication to the 
Philosophical Transactions. 

Mrs. Henry Reynell was Rebecca, daughter of 
the Precentor. Both her husband and herself were 
of the Reynells of Ogwell and Newton Abbot, at 
one period the most distinguished, and one of the 
wealthiest, families in the county. A portion of the 
property went through heiresses to the Courtenays 
of Powderham Castle, a portion to the Davys of 
Greedy Park, a portion to the Packs, and finally 


some to the Whitbreads, of which stock there are 
portraits by Hoppner and Reynolds. 

In the old drawing-room over the office, and 
looking on Piccadilly, were long preserved an 
interesting series of family portraits, including Sir 
George Reynell, Marshal of the King's Bench 
temp. James L, of whom there is a very curious 
glimpse in fas. Economy of the Fleet, with an account 
of the mutiny there in 1620 ; the Right Honourable 
Sir Richard Reynell, Chief Justice of Ireland temp. 
William III. ; the Bishop of Londonderry, and the 
Precentor of Down and Connor. Most, or all of 
these, are still in the possession of representatives 
of the family. But the likenesses from the hands 
of the two masters above mentioned belonged to 
the Whitbreads, till they were quite recently sold 
by auction. 

The Earl of Abingdon, to whom the printer was 
distantly related, called on him here, inspected the 
little picture-gallery, and borrowed the family 
pedigree, which he did not return. 

Mr. H. Reynell was the first member of his 
ancient house who had been engaged in trade, and 
both his wife and himself were quite members of the 
old school in dress and deportment. Mrs. Reynell 
considered it a cruel degradation to have to go into 


her kitchen, and not to ride in her coach. She died 
in 1807, her husband in 1811. The house was 
demolished in 1817 to make room for the New 
Street^ as it was originally called the modern 
Regent Street and the business was removed to 
Broad Street, with which the important and intimate 
associations between the Reynells and ourselves are 

Mr. Henry Reynell used to buy his fruit and 
vegetables in Carnaby Garden, as he called it, 
behind the present Regent Street. This was before 
1817. There was then also in the same locality an 
emporium for the purchase or sale of that figurative 
vegetable, tailor's cabbage. The death of the gentle- 
man referred to has been described to me as pro- 
bably accelerated by the villainous drainage of the 
locality and [the insanitary atmosphere of the 
business premises. One of the delectable features 
of the place in those days was the practice of 
1 bishoping the balls ' that is, of steeping the balls, 
which were employed to ink the rollers, in urine to 
keep them moist The process was a sort of baptism, 
and the term perhaps owed itself to the resentment 
6f the printers at the old animosity of the episcopal 
order against the typographical art, of which they 
foresaw the fatal influence. 


The shop No. 21, Piccadilly, where the premises 
of Messrs. Swan and Edgar now stand, or imme- 
diately thereabout, had been originally of very 
humble pretensions, and acquired only by degrees 
the area and importance which it eventually 
possessed by taking in the adjoining tenements. 

But the site had been partly occupied since 1735 
or so by the Black Bear Inn, which was flanked on 
the eastern side by a narrow court leading into a 
labyrinth of mean streets in the rear. The printing 
premises, prior to 1817, extended back into Castle 
Street. Mr. Henry Reynell not only enlarged 
them, but added a storey; and in his time (1780- 
1811) it was an old-fashioned house two or three 
steps above the footway, which was still more or 
less at its original level, with a bow-window on 
either side of the door, somewhat like Fribourg's 
old snuff-shop at the top of the Haymarket, only 
that the bars to the basement windows, instead of 
being perpendicular, were oblique, Of course, the 
exact situation of the buildings on this spot has been 
slightly changed; but I understand that Mr. Henry 
ReynelVs printing-office stood almost precisely where 
the stationer's shop now is. 

Here, during a long series of years, were printed 
the Racing Calendar and the Bellman's verses for 


St. James's, Westminster, of which latter there are 
some early examples in a volume belonging to the 
Huth Library. It was here also that Newman, at 
first a Foxite, and afterward a Tory, printed his 
Loungers Commonplace Book (1805-7), conditionally 
on the preservation of the strictest incognito. Nor 
was his name known even to Mr. Reynell at the 
time. He passed among the staff as ' The Lounger.' 

As a place of business this was during, perhaps, 
more than half a century one of the leading firms at 
the West End, The waggons used to bring orders 
from all parts, and take the work, when completed, 
to its destination. A gentleman till lately among 
us vividly recollected them standing opposite his 
grandfather's premises with six or eight horses 
furnished with bells, and the driver in his smock- 
frock, with a whip long enough to enable him to 
reach the leaders. It was a picturesque sight. 
Tempora mutantur / 

George Frederick Cooke, the great actor who 
preceded Edmund Kean, and played many of 
Kean's parts, worked originally as a journeyman 
in Mr. Reynell's office ; he left it to go on the 
stage, and he made his name in Dublin. It is still 
well recollected that, after his acquisition of celebrity, 
Cooke took the earliest occasion when he came to 


London of calling at No. 21, Piccadilly, and paying 
his respects to his old employer. 

The house of Swan and Edgar was founded by 
Mr. Swan, one of the staff at Flint's establishment, 
Grafton House, Newport Market, the favourite 
shop three - quarters of a century ago. People 
came from long distances to make their purchases 

It is an apt illustration of the more frugal notions 
of many well-to-do folks in former days, that some 
ladies at Chiswick in good circumstances were in 
the habit of walking from Chiswick to Flint's and 
back again, and only partook of a bun and a glass 
of water by way of refreshment. Of course, there 
were no cheap conveyances, and they did not happen 
to keep a carriage. 

Nearly opposite No. 2 r were Robson and Hale, 
decorators. The former had several daughters, of 
whom one married Mr. Tattersall of the Corner, 
Next to Mr. Reynell's westward (No. 22, Piccadilly) 
lay a house on the first-floor of which was preserved 
Bullock's Museum of Natural History, partly formed 
out of the Leverian at Liverpool. 

Bullock had shot some of the specimens himself. 
He told my grandfather Reynell that he once brought 
home from Norway a pony so diminutive that he 


conveyed it to his place from the ship in a hackney 
coach. He afterward removed to the Egyptian 
Hall ; and at a later date, when a very old man, he 
had a small catalogue printed of a collection of 
pictures he had for sale. He was then residing at 

He seems to have been the first to introduce the 
practice of presenting the fauna in their natural 
aspects as far as possible the monkeys on trees, 
etc. His collection was very select, but limited. 
The first object which met the eye was a deer with 
a boa coiled round its body. The room was fitted 
with cases for birds, smaller animals, and other 
items, and in the centre were grouped the larger 
specimens. There was a very good catalogue of 
the museum. A depot for military accoutrements 
lay a few doors off. It had been established by 
Mr. Hawkes. It was there that Mr. H. Reynell's 
eldest son took lodgings for his young wife and 
himself in 1797. 

Mr. Carew Henry Reynell, my maternal grand- 
father, married a Miss Ann Hammond, Mr. John 
Hunt, Leigh Hunt's elder brother, becoming the 
husband of her sister. The Hammonds were toler- 
ably prosperous corn-factors, I have heard, at Wood- 
bridge in Suffolk, and were connected in blood with* 


the Ridleys of Bury St. Edmunds, who had a tan- 
yard, and were in good circumstances. It is a 
somewhat curious coincidence that, according to an 
accepted tradition, the Hazlitts of Antrim (before 
their removal to the South) were flax-factors and 

Mr. Reynell, who, as a printer, was in constant 
relationship with the publishers of the works of 
Byron, Shelley, Keats, Leigh Hunt, and in some 
instances with the writers themselves, frequently 
lamented his neglect to preserve the manuscripts 
which passed through his hands, and which were 
generally destroyed. So little did that generation 
foresee the value which we, with all the develop- 
ment of American enthusiasm, would set on such 
relics. Yet it is to be said that the sacrifice of the 
bulk has made the residue all the more precious, 

The constitutional indifference of many people to 
associations and ties was never more forcibly exem- 
plified than in the case of my grandfather Reynell, 
who was absolutely destitute of sentiment toward 
the existing relics and memorials of his family. He 
had in his possession by accident the portraits which 
I have just specified ; but when his cousin, the 
Rev. Henry Reynell, of Hornchurch, offered to 
enlarge the collection by presenting him with those 


which he held, Mr. Reynell took no action in the 
matter, and the paintings were probably thrown into 
the market. Even if they still exist, they may be un- 
recognisable ; yet, like those formerly in Piccadilly, 
they portrayed personages belonging to an eminent 
Devonshire race, and were possibly from the hand 
of Sir Godfrey Kneller, or some other distinguished 

The Reynell family was acquainted through the 
Hunts with Benjamin West, R.A., who, as well as 
Copley, has been already mentioned in the American 
Diary of 1783-87, and who resided in Newman 
Street, Oxford Street, in the house subsequently 
occupied by Kirby the chemist. Kirby's shop had 
been West's book-room. It and the rooms upstairs 
as well were still adorned in 1890 with the hand- 
some mantelpieces belonging to the house in the 
artist's time. My uncle Reynell recollects being 
taken as a boy to call on West with Mr. Robert 
Hunt; and in the picture of the Centurion and his 
Family, the Centurion was painted from Mr. John 
Hunt, and the young girl in the foreground from my 
mother, then about eight years old. This was about 

Charles Kemble used to say that my mother, who 
died June 12, 1860, would have made a capital Lady 


Teazle. She was remarkable in her youth for beauty 
and graceful dignity, and she preserved much of 
these to the last. She was the best of wives and 
of mothers. I possess, and greatly value for her 
sake, the pencil drawing of her by William 
Mulready, taken when she was about five-and- 

Her moral influence over my father, who was left 
very young and very ill provided for at Hazlitt's 
death in 1830, and her excellent domestic training, 
accomplished, I am sure, wonders for her husband 
and for all of us. It is to her frugality and intelli- 
gence that I feel myself indebted beyond the power 
of repayment, for while her practical observance of 
home lessons did so much to save her husband from 
ruin, her precept and example have been through 
life a precious treasure to myself. 

From 45, Broad Street, the Reynells' printing 
establishment migrated to Little Pulteney Street, in 
the same neighbourhood. The Examiner, till its 
extinction some years ago, was retained at the office, 
and in my own occasional visits there I have met 
several distinguished men who were successively on 
the staff. Albany Fonblanque was before my time, 
but I knew Laman Blanchard, John Forster, Dudley 
Costello, and Henry Morley. 


Morley was a disciple of Forster, and wrote 
several books outside periodical literature. The 
most memorable are his biographies of Cardan and 
Cornelius Agrippa, which, at Forster's instance, he 
recast. He subsequently worked for Routledge, and 
became a professor at University College, where he 
had a class or classes. Mr. Reynell told me one 
day that Morley had a lecture on Skelton, the 
Henry VIII. poet, and famous antagonist of 
Wolsey, to deliver, and had borrowed his copy of 
the Works by Dyce, This was an hour or so 
prior to the delivery of the address, and my uncle 
said that the teacher seemed as if he had all his 
lesson to learn. 

One of the men, when Fonblanque used to go to 
Little Pulteney Street to see his proofs, called him 
* Death on the Pale Horse/ from his cadaverous 
complexion and the colour of the animal on which 
he came mounted. Fonblanque had a marvellously 
retentive memory. On one occasion the copy which 
he had sent to the office was lost, and on his arrival 
he set to work, and from recollection rewrote the 

There was a rather droll incident in connection 
with a furious philippic against the Papacy by 
Dr. Beggi. The. author, when he had printed it at 


Mr. Reyneirs, and had sent out a few copies for 
presents, was so alarmed at the consequences of the 
indignation and vengeance of the Holy See, that he 
shaved off his beard to disguise his identity with the 
portrait prefixed to the book, in case the Pope 
should send over emissaries to track and assassinate 
him. But he was left unmolested, and his book too, 
for it became waste-paper. 

One generation has been said to stand on the 
shoulders of another. The father often lives to see the 
son, whom he may have rocked in the cradle, a man 
of middle years and the head of a grown-up family. 
But it is rarely the case that a man of ninety-four 
can look on one whom he held in his arms as a child 
in swaddling clothes, and who lived to stand side by 
side with him an octogenarian ; yet such was the 
relationship between my maternal uncle and my late 
father. The latter was born in i S i J . The former 
recollected how, in 1809, the Jubilee year of 
George III., he mounted up to the top of the 
house in Piccadilly, which was higher than some 
of those which surrounded it, to see the bonfires 
and illuminations in Hyde Park. He had seen the 
gigantic Irish porter at Carlton House look over 
the outer entrance-door to discover who was claim- 
ing admittance before he took the trouble to open it. 

VOL, i, 1 8 


The ornamental enclosure in St. James's Park was 
in his remembrance a mere field with some fine elms 
and broken sheets of water. It used to have deer 
till Farmer George placed beeves in it instead 
There was a half-witted fellow appointed to tend 
them, whom the boys called Lai, and impishly 

In Kensington Gardens, too, there were deer at 
one time, and they were similarly replaced in that 
case by some Merino sheep which had been sent 
over to the King. 

My uncle, of course, recollected the destruction of 
the old Houses of Parliament in 1834, and, indeed, 
witnessed the scene, and picked up at Millbank some 
of the charred paper belonging to documents which 
perished in the flames. 

The greater part of the grounds of Buckingham 
Palace was a conveyance by His Majesty George III. 
from the Green Park, and a further encroachment 
was made in the present reign in order to form a 
forecourt on the side of St. James's Park. These 
seigniorial spoliations used to be carried out under 
the old regime without an eye to the public interests 
or wishes ; now the scale is more modest, and there 
is usually some specious plea put forward. It is 
possible that hereafter the entire enclosed area, 


palace inclusive, may be thrown back into the park 
to which it belonged. 

In George III.'s time the whole area occupied by 
Grosvenor Place and Belgrave Square might have 
been purchased for ^20,000. George III. wished 
Parliament to vote the money in order to secure him 
greater privacy ; but the royal views were not 

My uncle Reynell, as a young man, met Keats at 
Leigh Hunt's lodgings in the New Road. He 
produced the impression upon him of being dressed 
in a sort of naval costume. This must have been 
about 1817. Some forty -five years later I met 
Joseph Severn at Hunt's cottage in Hammersmith, 
and received an invitation from him to go over and 
see him at his temporary residence in Eccleston 

Keats lodged for a short time at the Queen's 
Arms Tavern in Cheapside, and is said to have 
written some of his poems within its walls. It 
has lost all its old character with its name, and 
is how known as Simpson's. It is the place to 
which both Dickens and Thackeray refer. 

I have shown above that the author of Endymion 
knew and admired Hazlitt, and it is remarkable 
enough that the latter made a blank leaf of that 


poem serve as a receptacle for one of his rhap- 
sodical effusions about the heroine of the Liber 

A gentleman named Higgs, connected with the 
Family Herald, and a buttonholer on the Currency 
Question, gave me the original manuscript of 
Keats's sonnet, beginning ' Happy is England/ 
Moxon, when he presented my mother with a copy 
of the poems edited by Milnes, 1854, told my father 
that the illustrations cost him ^"500. 

Edward Stibbs, the bookseller, mentioned that, 
when he was in business in Holywell Street, he 
bought the remainder of Ollier's original edition of , 
Endymion at three-halfpence a copy in quires, paid 
twopence-halfpenny for boarding, and sold the lot 
very slowly at eighteenpence. 

It was to Broad Street, while Mr. Reynell was 
printing for Whiting the Select British Poets in 
1824, that Charles Lamb came to bring the corrected 
proofs, for although the title-page bears the name of 
Hazlitt, the latter was abroad just then, and, in fact, 
did nothing to the work but indicate what was to be 
printed, and write the preliminary notices. Lamb is 
recollected as a little spare man in black clothes and 
knee-breeches, much as he appears in Brook Pulham's 
etching. This work was originally undertaken by 


Whiting, and the earlier sheets set up at his office ; 
but he handed over the business to Mr. Reynell's 
father* with the type. The latter was afterward 
used for the Examiner. My uncle composed a good 
deal of the volume with his own hands, as he was 
then a young man learning the practical side of the 

The original edition of 1824, which I have 
already described in the Memoirs as a suppressed 
book and of very rare occurrence, is larger in size 
than that of 1825, and contains about a third 

It was characteristic of John Forster that he 
almost bullied Miller the bookseller, because he 
once had a copy of this publication, and Forster 
was too late to secure it. He never succeeded in 
obtaining one. The British Museum has not till 
quite lately possessed it. 

We had no complete copy ourselves till one 
memorable morning (March 25, 1869) I looked in at 
Heath the bookseller's, in New Oxford Street, and 
he brought forward a book, remarking that of course 
I must have it. I took it In my hand, and it was 
the Select British Poets, 1824. When I reached 
home with my prize, I discovered that it wanted a 
leaf, and I mentioned this fact to Heath the next 


; day. 'Oh,' said he, '/ have another copy f He 
tendered it, and I saw that that wanted a leaf, too, 
but would make mine perfect. So I bought the 
duplicate, and became the master of a rarity for 
which the late John Forster Esquire sighed in 


The Reynells (continued) Their acquaintance with the Mulreadys 
Its source S. W. Reynolds, the engraver Glimpse of 
Westbourne Grove The two Coulsons John Black His 
connection with the Morning Chronicle How he lost it 
Jeremy Bentham His habits and his visitors Voelker's 
Gymnasium The Reynells meet Lord Clarendon and his 
brother there Place, the tailor and pamphlet-collector, who 
married Mrs. Chatterton The Westminster Review Robert- 
son Henry Cole Cole and the Exhibition of 1851 Joseph 
Cundall Neal (Brother Jonathan) Sir John Bo wring 
Lord Brougham His first brief Leigh Hunt Account of 
his last days and his death at my uncle Reynell's house 
Anecdotes of him His story about Sheridan Knowles His 
family Thomas Scott of Ramsgate Particulars of his 
personal history His connection with Bishop Colenso. 

THE Reynells during their residence in Black Lion 
Lane, Bayswater, formed the acquaintance of the 
Mulreadys, who lived in Orme Square, a block of 
buildings erected about the commencement of the 
century by a partner in the firm of Longman and 
Co. My uncle Carew Reynell was constantly at 
the house when he was a boy. The friendship 
between the families began by Mulready seeing my 

VOL, I. 


uncle, who was a good boxer, fighting with another 
boy, bigger than himself, in the street ; he was very 
handsome, and the artist founded on the circum- 
stance his picture of the Wolf and the Lamb, which 
H. B. (John Doyle) subsequently caricatured in 
illustrating the quarrel between Lord Brougham 
and Lord Melbourne, the family name of the latter 
being Lambe. 

William Mulready, one of the sons, executed 
pencil or crayon likenesses of my uncle and of my 
mother. The picture to which I have referred came 
into the possession of Absolon the painter. 

I have heard that Mulready himself was a 
singular character. He spent the greater part of 
his time with Sir John Swinburne; who would hardly 
bear him out of his sight. A portion of the year 
he would be with Sir John in the country, and a 
portion with him at his residence in London, Mul- 
ready was separated from his wife, but kept a home 
for his children. He gave his son Peter proper 
clothes to wear, but the others went anyhow. He 
said that he did this to keep them from gadding 
about, and if one of them obtained leave to go out, 
he had to borrow Peter's clothes, and Peter stayed 
at home till he returned. 

For the current pronunciation of the name a 


weak jeu de mots may yield some sort of authority ; 
it used to be suggested, when the artist had finished 
a new work, that he had another mull ready. 

Another neighbour was S. \Y. Reynolds, who 
engraved the graphic works of his namesake, Sir 
Joshua, as well as the vignette on the title-page of 
the Liber Amoris. 

In these days there were only two or three 
cottages in Westbourne Grove, which really deserved 
its name. 

Walter Coulson and his brother William, the 
eminent surgeon, with both of whom the Reynells 
were acquainted, and of whom the former, probably 
through this channel, befriended my father in early 
days, were the sons of a master-painter in the dock- 
yard at Plymouth or Devonport Walter was the 
elder, and paid for his brother's medical education, 
I have understood. William came to London ip 
1820, but did not finally settle there till 1823* He 
was, from his own account, quite a self-made man> 
nor was he ashamed to relate how he first found 
himself in the great Metropolis a ragged boy. He 
4ied in May, 1877. Walter was in early life a pupil 
and amanuensis of Jeremy Bentham. , 

Both the brothers were constant visitors at 1 my 
grandfather's at York Street, and at John Slack's 


-at Millbank, two houses long since pulled down, 
and William sometimes put the other out of temper 
by bringing home 'a subject* wrapped up in his 
dissecting apron. Walter became a reporter on the 
Morning Chronicle, editor of the Globe, and, finally, 
a Parliamentary draughtsman. He was considered 
a good lawyer. He and Martin Burney were my 
father's sponsors. 

Coulson the surgeon married one of the daughters 
of Bartrum, a pawnbroker, who is not otherwise 
famous or historical than as the husband of Alice 

W n, the heroine of an episode in the earlier 

life of Charles Lamb, mentioned by me in my Mary 
and Charles Lamb^ 1874. 

When John Black lost the editorship of the 
Morning Chronicle, through his indiscreet remarks 
about Sir John Easthope in an after-dinner speech, 
Walter Coulson befriended him, and not only 
allowed him the use of a cottage, first somewhere 
in Kent, and subsequently in the New Forest 
district, but gave him a pension of ^200 a year. 
Black was a good pedestrian, and sometimes walked 
up to town to receive his quarterly money, and on 
one occasion, my father told me, was cozened out 
of the whole of it on his way back by a fascinating 


, The rupture between Black and Easthope arose 
from the former, at a banquet given in his employer's 
honour, being so candid as to tell the company that 
both of them came up to London to seek their 
fortunes, and that he believed the only difference 
was that he had shoes to his feet and Easthope had 
not. This was a case where honesty was not the 
best policy, or was it honesty ? 

While he remained at his post, and collected 
books, he used to ramble about after breakfast to 
ransack the stalls, then more fruitful of bargains 
than now. He was generally accompanied by his 
large dog Brutus. I do not know, nor did the 
person who was more nearly concerned remember, 
whether it was Brutus, or another dog, Platoff, who 
once rescued my father from the river at Millbank. 

During his sojourn with Bentham, Coulson lived 
in a small tenement formed out of the stable of 
Bentham's residence) and Henry Leigh Hunt, a 
nephew of the author of Rimini, at one time shared 
the quarters with him. A very constant visitor to 
Coulson was Jeafferson Hogg, who became known 
at a later date by his book on Shelley. 

A relative tells me that the only time she heard 
Bentham speak was when she went to witness the 
athletic performances at the place he had taken for 


Voelker in the Marylebone Road, opposite St. 
Mary's Church. He was speaking of his picture 
by Pickersgill, and said he never possessed the 
crimson dressing-gown in which he is painted. 

Bentham only took two meals a day a late 
breakfast in the French fashion, and dinner at eight. 
He usually had company. Brougham was often 
there. He had his bed made once a month, and 
had it sewed up to prevent untucking. 

He would often be seen trotting up and down his 
garden, his stick Dapple in hand, and generally 
with one of his admirers or pupils at his side, who 
had some difficulty in keeping pace with him. This 
was what he described as 'maximizing relaxation 
and minimizing time.' He would say 'that he had 
a great deal to do, and not long to do it in.' Ars 
longa } vita brevis* 

VoeJker's Gymnasium was first established at 
North Bank, Regent's Park, but was subsequently 
removed to more spacious premises in the New 
Road. My uncle, William Reynell, drew up the 
regulations for Voelker. There was a scheme for 
opening a similar institution for ladies under the 
management of a Miss Mason, but I am not sure 
whether it came to anything. 
. The Reynells met at the Gymnasium the Earl of 


Clarendon and his brother, Mr. Villiers, M.P. for 
Wolverhampton. One of them recollected that 
both these gentlemen were laughed at, because they 
went through the exercise in gloves, from fear of 
spoiling their hands. 

There is a singular account of Bentham and his 
friend Place, the tailor and pamphlet-collector, who 
afterward lived in Brompton Square, and who 
married Mrs. Chatterton the actress. The two 
went out together one day, and Bentham arranged 
to wait for Place while the latter went into some 
house. Bentham sat down on the doorstep, and 
a worthy lady, passing by and struck by his 
venerable aspect, offered him a small gratuity, 
taking him for a mendicant. Bentham translated 
the White Bull from the French of Voltaire, 
and in the preface he seems to refer to the 
author as if he had been personally acquainted 
with him. 

The Westminster Review was originally projected 
by Bentham, and was subsequently the property 
in succession of Sir William Molesworth, Mr. John 
Stuart Mill, and Mr. Hickson, of Fairfield, Kent. 
While it was in the hands of Molesworth, John 
Robertson edited it, and Henry Cole was among 
the contributors. It was Cole who prepared the 


illustrated Cruikshank number. Robertson lived 
near my uncle Reynell in Brompton Vale, 

There is no doubt that Cole was the real originator 
of the Exhibition of 1851. When my uncle ques- 
tioned him on this point, and said that it was 
generally understood that Prince Albert threw out 
the first idea, he laughed, but made no reply. It 
suited him to let the Prince enjoy the credit 

In connection with Cole, many "may still recollect 
the name of Joseph Cundall, the bookseller and 
publisher of Old Bond Street, a man of great taste 
and feeling for art, and whose shop was in my 
boyish days a treasury of interesting books for 
young and old, attired in all sorts of fanciful bindings, 
composed of papier-mache, stamped in imitation 
of leather and other materials, of which the novel 
singularity and the weightiness impressed my 
juvenile fancy, and are yet palpable to my sight 
and touch. Cundall was led to bring out a new 
edition of Robinson Crusoe with Stothard's plates 
by a copy which my father lent to him of that 
of 1820. 

Bentham left his body for dissection ; but under 
the direction, I believe, of Bowring, the remains 
were reunited and presented to University College. 
I conclude that his property, which he must have 


improved by his frugality, went to his nephew 
George, son of Sir Samuel Bentham. 

Another notability, who was to be met at 
Bentham 's, was Neal, who wrote Brother Jonathan^ 
and contributed during his stay in England to the 
London and other magazines. He came over here 
to endeavour by judicious articles in the press to 
improve the state of feeling between us and the 
States, and Mr. Reynell used to see him at the 
Gymnasium. Neal was a man of middle height, 
and looked like a sailor. My uncle remembered 
his yellow suit. There is an imitation of his style 
of writing in Patniore's Rejected Articles, 1826. 

John Bowring, who was afterward knighted, and 
became Governor of Hong Kong, was intimate 
with the Reynells as a young man, and frequently 
dined at my grandfather Reynell's table. He was 
also one of the set which Bentham collected round 
him, and edited his works, in which he took the 
liberty of expunging or altering passages. He was 
very civil to my brother when he visited Hong 
Kong as a midshipman, and sent a special messenger 
to . the ship aboard which my brother lay, to invite 
him to his house. 

, A curious thing was mentioned to me by Mr, 
Spiers, of Essex Hall, as having occurred after 


Bowring's death. His widow wished to print a 
memoir and some inedited poems, but she was 
assured that the book would not answer. She did 
not object, however, to put 10 or 20 into the 
venture, and Mr. Spiers worked the oracle so well 
among Bowring's friends and admirers that 8,000 
copies were sold. 

The Reynells persuaded Bowring, then in Parlia- 
ment, to intercede about 1838 on behalf of Leigh 
Hunt, who was then in great distress, and Bowring 
went to Lord Melbourne, to see if he could obtain 
a pension for Hunt. But Melbourne told him that 
he could not recommend the Queen to assist a 
man who had libelled her uncle, the Adonis of fifty. 

Through Hazlitt and the Stoddarts the Reynells 
came in professional contact with Brougham, who 
was an early acquaintance of Stoddart, and remained 
intimate with him to the end ; and my mother 
always averred that it was through her father that 
Brougham had his first brief. I hold a number 
of letters which Sir John Stoddart received from 
the ex-Chancellor, while my father was canvassing 
successive Governments for official employment. 

Leigh Hunt died at my uncle Reynell's residence, 
Chatfield House, High Street, Putney, on Sunday, 
August 28, 1859. On the Saturday previous my 


cousin Ada heard him coughing in his bedroom 
just beneath her, and went down to him. He 
was very feverish, and she gave him some water. 
His daughter Jacintha told her that she had felt 
his feet and legs, and that they were already getting 
cold. He was then dying. His eyes were brilliant. 

On that night his son Thornton had arrived from 
Paris. He or someone else read the Examiner 
to Mr. Hunt, who manifested a warm interest in 
the last news from France. 

He had always delighted in music, and his 
daughter Julia played on the piano for him in 
the adjoining room the little chamber assigned 
him for writing. 

I paid several visits to Mr. Hunt while he was 
at Putney, and recollect well the small apartment 
facing the street, where I sat and conversed with him. 

One of the old clerks in the War Office told 
me many years ago that he remembered Leigh 
Hunt when he was there, and described him to 
me as a very indifferent official, though doubtless 
'a very ingenious person.' It was this same 
functionary who had two set phrases always ready 
at hand. If he was put out, he invariably ' damned 
his sister's shirt ' ; and his other expression, signifi- 
cant of modified regard or confidence, was that he 

VOL. i. 19 


valued you as an acquaintance, but declined you 
as a son-in-law. What a congenial atmosphere 
poor Hunt must have been in among such creatures 
as these ! They might have put it contrariwise. 
Who knows ? 

Leigh Hunt used to tell a story of Sheridan 
Knowles. Knowles was expatiating on the ingrati- 
tude of the Prince Regent toward his former boon- 
companion Sheridan in his last days how he 
only sent ^100 to him 'to this expiring angel/ 
exclaimed Knowles but observing a titter among 
the company, he corrected himself * to this expiring 
angel of a ganius !' 

The notes from Leigh Hunt written to us in his 
later and latest years from Kensington and Hammer- 
smith have never hitherto been published many 
of them may be more or less trivial and I pro- 
pose to limit myself to one addressed to me in 
connection with the edition of his poems issued by 
Routledge, which I had had a hand in arranging for 
him with the firm. This was in 1859. The lines 
were written about two months prior to his death. 

Hammersmith, June n, 

(For I being old, and your father's old friend, and you 
therefore an everlasting young gentleman in my eyes, I shall 
never be able to settle into calling you 'Mr,'), I happen this 


moment to be greatly driven for time, but nevertheless I cannot 
lose a moment in thanking you for the letter which this moment 
I have received. You have done all that I hoped, and more than 

I expected, and I am 

Your truly obliged 

and faithful 


I trust to have the pleasure of thanking Mr. Reynell personally 
to-morrow, My state of body is mending, and this good news 
will help it 

Thornton Hunt, Leigh Hunt's eldest son, was a 
man of very considerable acquirements, but very 
diffident and retiring. When Rintoul established 
the Spectator, the younger Hunt contributed a good 
deal to its success, although Rintoul took the credit. 
As Albany Fonblanque said at the time, the latter 
was not capable of writing such papers as appeared 
in this periodical ; in fact, they were Hunt's. 

Robert Hunt, a grandson of John Hunt, Leigh 
Hunt's elder brother, became Master of the Mint at 
Sydney, and it was arranged, after a time, that his 
two sisters should join him there. The vessel in 
which these poor girls sailed went down not far 
from its destination, and only one on board escaped. 
He was said at the time to have been providentially 
saved. He was the greatest rascal among the crew. 

Leigh Hunt and his elder brother John owed a 
good deal of annoyance and misrepresentation to the 


twofold fact of having relatives of the same names 
and of not very reputable character ; and there was 
another respect in which the accomplished essayist 
suffered injustice. I refer to the report which 
spread abroad after the appearance of Dickens's 
Bleak House, that the creation of Harold Skimpole 
was borrowed from Hunt. The prevalence of this 
impression naturally afforded much pain to the 
individual most concerned, and his feelings were 
communicated to the author, who came down to 
Hammersmith in order to tender Hunt his solemn 
assurance that he had not designed anything of the 
kind, and that he would do anything in his power to 
make reparation for the unintentional wrong. Hunt 
told my informant that Dickens was affected almost 
to tears ; but I never heard of any public or direct 

My father would say of Leigh Hunt that he did 
not excel as a housekeeper or economist, and that 
while his circumstances were indifferent, if his wife 
placed hot-house grapes on the table for dessert, her 
husband would not question the proceeding, but 
apparently treated the costly dish as a gift from the 

Among the guests at Maida Hill, when Mr. John 
Hunt's family resided there, was Mr. Stephen Hunt, 


John Hunt's eldest brother, and a lawyer. He has 
been described to me as a tall man of the most 
courtly and agreeable manners, but of a most violent 
temper. Hazlitt and he used to have frequent 
argumentative duels on religion 'and politics, and an 
eyewitness has said that, if a reporter had been 
present to take down Hazlitt's remarks, he would 
have made his fortune. 

I was much struck by Hunt's friend and literary- 
executor, Townshend Mayer, who lived and died at 
Richmond, characterizing the park there as 'a 
desert/ He was terribly afflicted, and could not 
enjoy that beautiful place. So far as sentiment 
went, he was prepared to deny its general claim to 

Mr, Thomas Scott, of Ramsgate, a deputy-lieu- 
tenant for Sussex, the collaborates of Bishop 
Colenso, and a very intimate acquaintance of my 
uncle during tnany years, served in his boyhood as 
a page at the Court of Louis XVIII. When he 
was quite a young man, he went on a surveying 
expedition in Canada, and used to say that for seven 
years he never slept in a bed. 

His father had considerable property in Brighton, 
including the ground on which Mahomet's Bath 
stood. That was the earliest Turkish bath, I 


believe, in England. Walter Keating Kelly, in 
his Syria and the Holy Land, 1843, gives a very 
vivid account of one which he experienced in the 

Scott and the late Emperor Napoleon III., who 
were of the same age, acted as squires to Lord 
Gage at the Eglinton Tournament. 

I used to see Mr. Scott occasionally, when I 
happened to be at Ramsgate, and was instrumental 
in procuring for the London Library in St. James's 
Square a considerable number of his pamphlets oh 
theological topics, printed by Mr. Reynell. He 
told me that it would scarcely be credited to what 
a large extent the clergy was really at one with 
him, and how many correspondents he had among 
members of the Establishment, who desired to 
express to him their concurrence in his views," and 
at the same time to keep their names out of print 
from fear of losing their preferments. 



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Date Due 

Otmeo JM-S 



Four generations 
a .litsrajc faintly