FOUR YEARS
COURT OF HENRY VIII.
SELECTION OF DESPATCHES
WRITTEN BY THE VENETIAN AMBASSADOR,
SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN,
AND ADDRESSED TO THE SIGNORY OF VENICE,
JANUARY I2TH 1515, TO JULY 26TH 1519.
TRANSLATED BY RAWDON BROWN.
IN TWO VOLUMES.
VOL. II.
LONDON:
SMITH, ELDER, & CO., 65, CORNHILL.
1854.
London :
Printed by STEWART & MURRAY,
Old Bailey.
SUMMARY OF CONTENTS.
VOL. II.
A.D. 1516 — 17.
November 13 to January 28.
Presents bestowed on the Swiss Cardinal — A ride in Westminster-park — Turkish
victories — The siege of Verona — Speculations concerning the treaty of Noyon
— Proposals to Leo X. in favour of Lorenzino de' Medici — The stipendiaries
of Henry VIII. — Naval command destined for the Marquis of Dorset —
Return to court of the Bishop of Winchester — Attention of Cardinal Wolsey
exclusively engrossed by Italian politics — His belief in the power of his elo-
quence over the Venetian Senate — Possibility of his heading a crusade —
Fisticuffs at York House — Literary society at the Venetian embassy — Device
for creating enmity between the Swiss Cardinal and Cardinal Wolsey — Threats
against France and Venice — Imputations by Henry VIII. against Francis I.
— Reported embassy of Lord Worcester and Dr. Clif — Reserve of the English
ministry towards Sebastian Giustinian .... pp. i — 29
A.D. 1517.
February 10 to April 13.
Difficulty of communication, by land or water, between London and Greenwich
— Announcement made to Henry VIII. and Cardinal Wolsey of the recovery
of Verona by the Republic of Venice — Effect on the English cabinet of this
intelligence, which is mourned in cloth of frieze by the Imperial ambassadors
— Specific proposals of "the doughty Duke of Albany" — Congratulations
received by Sebastian Giustinian — Reports of Venetian aggression in the
Romagna, and of a partition of the territory of Venice — Table-talk by Car-
dinal Wolsey — Hostile attitude of England — Visit from Sebastian Giustinian
declined by the Spanish ambassador — Trade with Venice — Duties on Sack —
A loan for the Emperor — Flattery lavished on Henry VIII. — Friar Schom-
berg in London — Truce with Scotland .... pp. 30 — 61
IV CONTENTS.
A.D. 1517.
April 23 to June 17.
The Congress at Cambrai — Talk of Sultan Selim and the Soldan on St. George's
Day — News from Scio, received by the English knights of Rhodes —
Charles Duke of Guelders— Leo X. "in the pocket" of Henry VIII.—
Death of the outlaw Coppo — The Archbishops of Malmsey, Erasmus, and
the Venetian secretary — Evil-May-Day — Meeting at Richmond between the
ambassadors of the rival grocers — Catharine of Aragon at Granada — Four
desert-ships on camel-back — St. Thomas in India — Spice stores at Lisbon —
The Italian Bishop of Bath and Wells — English treasure remitted to Rome
— Arrival in London of the brother of the Imperial prime minister — Object
of his mission — Alarming illness of Cardinal Wolsey, and its effect on the
courtiers and members of the Privy Council . . . pp. 63 — 92
A.D.
June 30 to August 17.
Contradiction of the death or capture of Sultan Selim — Pierre de la Guiche and
his colleague — Three ambassadors from the King of Spain — Return to Lon-
don of Friar Schomberg — League between the Empire, England, and Spain
— Honours paid to Jacques de Luamburg — A dinner, a concert, a joust, a
banquet, and a ball — Travelling expenses of the future Emperor Charles V.
defrayed by his uncle Henry VIII. — Cardinal Wolsey's jaundice — Chieregato
superseded — The galleys of Venice and their freights — The sweating sickness
— Scene between Cardinal Wolsey, Sagudino, and Giustinian — The ambas-
sador's son and the Bishop of Winchester — The Cardinal's cane recorded by
John Skelton — Bath and Wells in commendam — The new palace of the Eng-
lish embassy at Rome ....... pp. 93 — 126
A.D. 1517 1 8.
August l'] to February 17.
Henry VIII. in retirement at Windsor — His estrangement from the Empire ana the
Swiss cantons — Cardinal Wolsey on a pilgrimage to Our Lady's Shrine at
Walsingham — Loan demanded by Maximilian — Evil Michaelmas Eve —
Reconciliation of Cardinal Wolsey to Sebastian Giustinian — Arrival in Galizia
of the King of Spain— M. de la Guiche and the Bishop of Paris in London—
The King, the plague, and the Venetian organist — Wrecks in the Channel
Talk of the surrender of Tournai — Pacific bias of the English cabinet — " One
Richard Pace," in the Bucintor — The Turk, the Mamelukes, and the
Sophy — The successor of Sebastian Giustinian — Call made at York House by
Henry VIII. — Refusal of money to the Emperor — European politics
pp. 127—157
CONTENTS. V
A.D. 1518.
February 28 to May 22.
Sebastian Giustinian at Windsor — Doubts entertained by Henry VIII. concerning
the crusade of Francis I., and the marriage of Madelaine de la Tour — Mary
Tudor and Dionisius Memmo — John Kite and the translator of Froissart —
" The sage and virtuous" Sir Thomas More — The plague at Richmond palace
— A diplomatic peace-maker — The Duke of Albany — Birth of the Dauphin,
Francois de Valois — The Christian Turk — Anti-Ghibelline demonstrations
in England — Baby marriages devised by '< the corner stone " — English
negotiations at Rome — Cardinal Wolsey's opinion of French sovereigns —
The Duke of Guelders and the Easterlings — Sack and bow-staves — "The
Danish Sword" pointed at England and parried by Spain — Arrival at South-
ampton of the Venetian galleys pp. 158 — 1 88
A.D.
"June 6 to September 18.
1 Interesting situation" of Catharine of Aragon — The Venetian ambassador home-
sick— The new Legate a latere — Latin oration by a merchant-captain — A
lunch on galley board — Slack-rope feats, fireworks, and gunnery — Cardinal
Wolsey's " Wealth of Nations"— Carpets for York-house— Talk of the
betrothal of the Lady Mary to the Dauphin — Entry into London of Cardinal
Campejus* — The Legates at Greenwich — Negotiations with France — Table-
talk with Cardinal Campejus — Henry VIII. at Eltham — Sir Thomas More
made privy councillor — Wreck of tilt-staves . . . pp. 189 — 217.
A.D. 1518.
September 24 to December 3.
The "riding" in Chepe of Admiral Bonn! vet — Poncher, Bishop of Paris, com-
posing an oration — Formal demand at Greenwich for the hand of the Lady
Mary — Reply by the son of a baker — Death of the Commodore of the
Flanders galleys — Henry VIII. at St. Paul's — Oration there by Dr. Pace —
Supper, ball, and gambling at York House — Quadrille of " the Nymphs,"
and their names — The first wedding-ring of Mary Tudor — The washing of
hands preparatory to a royal banquet — Articles of peace — Presents bestowed
by Henry VIII. — An allegorical pageant — The old English game of Mom-
chaunce — The most learned man in England — An English Knight of
Rhodes, ambassador to Francis I. — Birth of the sister of Mary Tudor — Tran-
quillizing effect produced by seven Turkey carpets — Hungarian recollections
of Sebastian Giustinian — False news from Augsburg — Price of Tournai —
Scotch politics — Improvement in the affairs of " White Rose " — Matri-
monial alliance between Spain and Portugal . . . pp. 2 1 8 — 247
VI CONTENTS.
A.D.
January 13 to June 28.
Sultan Selim asking peace of Hungary — Projects for a crusade — Commotions at
Genoa — The Court in the country — Last remittance of Henry VIII. to the
Emperor Maximilian, and announcement of the Emperor's death — Close
friendship between England and France — Unpopularity in England of the sur-
render of Tournai — " The field of the cloth of gold" — Return from Spain of
Lord Berners and " John Kitte, Londoner, natyffe " — Their intimacy with
Francesco Cornaro, now at Northumberland House — Loading of the galleys
at Southampton — Embassy from Charles of Spain, and his formal inclusion in
the league — Haughty tone assumed by Henry VIII. distasteful to the French
ambassador — Oration by Dr. Pace — Banquet at Greenwich — Count Horn
and the Legates at the King's table — Electioneering gossip — The Venetian
galleys on their homeward voyage — Press of business in the English cabinet
— Dr. Pace on his way to Frankfort — Disgrace of " the Kynge's minions "
— Christening of Francois de Valois — Reports of the wherabouts of Dr.
Pace — Arrival in England of the new Venetian ambassador — Corpus Christi
Day at Windsor — Presentation to Henry VIII. and Queen Catharine of the
LL.D. and Knight Antonio Surian, and leave taken of their Majesties by
Sebastian Giustinian ....... pp. 248 — 278
A.D. 1519.
June 30 to July 26.
Surian's first interview with Cardinal Wolsey — A reminiscence of Launcelot
Gobbo — Visits paid to " bounteous" Buckingham and the Duke of Norfolk
— The election of Charles V. announced in London — His aunt, the Lady
Margaret, accused of making mischief — Prevention of rejoicings in the city
— Civic officials sent to the Tower and threatened with the gibbet — The
"Te Deum" at St. Paul's, and proclamation at "the Cross" of the
Emperor — His boyhood and youth — Sack, '* deceitful cloth," and galley
halfpence — Last words of Cardinal Wolsey to Sebastian Giustinian — His
baker's son — Marriage by proxy in Notre Dame of the Lady Mary Tudor —
The royal pages beneath the windows of the Palais des Tournelles — Jousting
by Francis I. and M. de S. Pol — A banquet and ball at the Bastille —
Madame de Chateaubriand (the favourite of Francis I.) and the Fran-
ciscan departure from England — Voucher of his secretary Nicolo Sagu-
dino . . pp. 279 — 295
APPENDIX I.
The English embassy at Paris — Francis I. and his plain cloth cap — A scene in
the Palais de Justice, and oration delivered there by Nicholas West, the
monk, Cardinal Aracceli (the confessor of Louise of Savoy), at supper together
CONTENTS. Vll
— The Duchess of Alencon, Countess Borromeo, and the dancing girls of
the French court — The King in a magician's gown, and Queen Claude and
her mother-in-law in a gallery — The perquisites of heralds for proclaiming
supper — Temptation of the Grand Prior of St. John's and the Bishop of Ely
by young ladies in full ball costume — Munificence of Francis I. pp. 297 — 308
APPENDIX II.
" Report " of Sebastian Giustinian.
Sebastian Giustinian " at home " — The Prior and Abbot of the Garter — The
old story of " the Fishermen" — The trouble of trimming — The halcyon
days of Mary Tudor — Who made her Dauphiness — Admiral Bonnivet a
prisoner of war — Henry VIII. content with his own — New Year's gifts an
item in the revenue — The finest royal wardrobe in the world — A sketch of
Catharine of Aragon — Who Orion was — The Wolsey brothers — I by myself
I — The poor man's friend — The furniture of York House — Cardinal
Wolsey at table — The secular and regular clergy in England — "Poor Edward
Bohun" — Electioneering gossip with one Dr. Pace at Dover — The English
archer in the field, and the English pilgrim at Venice — Recollections of the
Piombi by Mons. de Reuss — Friskiball and Co. trading on the capital of
Henry VIII. — Curiosity of Francis I. — His opinion of the duties of Kings
and their prime ministers — The treasure of Louise of Savoy — Her own un-
popularity and that of her son — Love borne to Queen Claude — The merits
of Nicolo Sagudino — Sale of his grandfather's Xenophon to an English
bookseller — Fate of a chain given by Henry VIII. to Sebastian Gius-
tinian, and ofHce conferred on his son by the Grand Council of Venice —
Lament for the loss of a recent Titian — A present from the Signory
of Venice ........ pp. 309 — 322
INDEX pp. 323—338
ERRATA IN VOL. II.
64,
67,
81,
95»
126,
142,
222,
3*>f°r
24th
read 4th.
19, „
Ransou,
„ Kansou.
1 8, „
his,
„ this.
*9> »
Adolphus,
„ Charles.
15, „
Ransou,
,, Kansou.
9» »
Lanch,
„ Dr. Karl Lanz.
8, „
Tortonia,
„ Torlonia.
16, j,
thus,
„ this.
19, „
Bartholomea,
„ Bartolomeo.
16, ,,
his,
„ is.
31, „
morals,
„ morality.
16, „
1551-52,
j» I531-4-
34> j>
Me Montpenat,
„ De Montpezat.
DESPATCHES
OF
SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN.
London, November 13, 1516.
The Cardinal of Sion departed on the 8th, the King
having made him a handsome present, worth, I hear, 3,000
ducats ; from the Cardinal of York he also received a gift
estimated at 1,000 : and he is going to the Catholic King,
with whom he will possibly remain a fortnight, to make
arrangements for carrying their new treaty into effect.
Not having visited Cardinal Wolsey previously, owing to
his constant occupation, I went to-day to his right reverend
lordship, who had me conducted to a certain orchard at a
short distance from his dwelling, where I found him, and
being thus both of us on horseback, his lordship asked me
whether I had any news : I told him I had none other than
about the Turkish affairs, and that I was come to pay my
respects to him, in the first place, having been many days
away from his right reverend lordship, and, secondly, to
impart to him said news, which had been sent me by the
VOL. II. B
2 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN
most noble Badoer from France. He listened attentively,
and having stated to him the extreme importance of these
movements, and the haughty nature of the great Turk, who
pants for glory and empire more than any other potentate,
and how intent he is on military matters and well skilled
therein, I told his right reverend lordship that he was greatly
to be feared, should he make peace with the Soldan and the
Sophy, or prove victorious in the present expedition j and
that I perceived the affairs of Christendom to be in manifest
peril, and I alluded, moreover, to the Turkish armada, and
all the other forces of the Ottoman empire, expatiating
thereon by so much the more, as it seemed to me expedient
for the matters now negotiating in Christendom.
The Card inal'answered that he regretted this news, by rea-
son of the peril which threatened the Christian religion, and
that his most serene King, clearly perceiving this peril, had
prescribed an opportune remedy for the ills of Christendom,
by establishing friendship and confederacy with his Holiness,
the Emperor, his Catholic Highness, and the Switzers, for
the defence of the common states, all said potentates being
bound conjointly to oppose with all their might and main
whoever might attack them or their territories ; and should
those now molesting them abstain from hostilities, his lord-
ship said he doubted not but that a general expedition might
be made against the infidels. An intimation, consequently,
will be made to them in the name of the whole league,
charging them within one month to make peace, as otherwise
open war will be declared against them by all the potentates
aforesaid. This, he said, was a matter which concerned
your Highness, who ought to ponder well your interests, and
not run the risk, for Verona alone, of entering on so fierce a
war, and exposing yourself to the risk of losing the whole of
your territory 3 and he declared to me there was no doubt
FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 3
soever but that if, after the term assigned, your Excellency
should persist in besieging Verona, all said princes will wage
war both against the most Christian King and your Excel-
lency, or against that one of the two who shall choose to
persist in said siege ; and not merely by land, but moreover
by sea, this league having determined to act in such wise
that all be compelled to rest satisfied with their own.
I thought fit to answer briefly, it seeming to me that my
words could avail but little against the decision already
formed, and told him that I, in the first place, thanked his
right reverend lordship for so unreserved a communication,
and that were it intended, as stated, that all should remain
satisfied with their own, every difficulty would vanish at
once, since I entertained no doubt but that, in like manner
as the most Christian King, so would your Sublimity also
become a party to the general peace, provided all had their
own ; but that I clearly perceived that this storm had been
raised against your Excellency for the sake of depriving you
of the city of Verona, which had been yours, and is now
occupied by the Emperor : a very astounding fact, that a
confederacy should be formed against the legitimate and
ancient possessors of that city, and in defence of its present
occupants ; to which announcement I said I could give him
no positive reply, as it required an answer from your High-
ness, adding, that I could not comprehend the cause of so
much stress being laid on the affairs of Verona, unless it
were for the gratification of the Emperor, who aimed but at
the ruin of your Excellency.
His lordship rejoined that there was " no doubt but that the
peace made between the Kings of France and Spain would not
last, as his Catholic Highness will not delay marrying until the
French princess be matura viro, and in case he form any other
connection, said King of France will use every endeavour to
4 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN
deprive him of the kingdom of Naples ; and were the city of
Verona in your hands, it might prove very convenient for
France in aid of such an enterprise, and in like manner it will
suit us extremely that it should be held by the Emperor."
I told him that in that case Verona was indeed of extreme
importance to your Highness, but could not prove of any
great convenience in any case, either to the most Christian
King, or to the Emperor, since a small force would not enter
Italy even with the support of Verona, whereas a large army
would force its way unaided in any direction, nor of this
could there be any doubt. To this he replied,
" In short, Domine Orator, we do not choose to endure
this obstacle, and I have thought fit to make this announce-
ment to you as a notification, that should the King of France
and yourself desist from the attack on Verona, we shall be all
united, and might make a general expedition against the
Turks : should neither one or the other, indeed, choose to
desist, we shall do our utmost for the annihilation and ruin of
the perverse ; we will forbid all their subjects dwelling or
trading in any of the territories of the confederates aforesaid,
and not merely merchants, but every other description of
persons; with our fleets, moreover, we will prevent their
navigation, in such wise that in addition to the great cost
incurred by you in the war, you will be deprived of all future
emolument, and these will be the first steps taken before
commencing hostilities; and even had you recovered Verona,
we should take it from you ; so ponder well your interests,
and for the love of God cease any longer to molest the
Emperor and his confederates, and let all be content with
their own, for the avoidance of so dire a catastrophe."
Perceiving this to be his bent, and as I did not think I
could prevail against so firm a resolve, I deemed it well not
to reply, to avoid exasperating him, and, on the contrary, I
FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 5
spoke him very fair, using many very bland expressions, as I
always endeavour to do, telling him I would write to your
Sublimity, who I imagined would form a deliberate decision
as inspired by the Almighty, who will not fail you, as he
never has done.1
1 There can be no doubt but that the bruolo, or paddock, or park, in
which the Venetian ambassador rode and talked on the i3th of Novem-
ber, 1516, with Cardinal Wolsey, was that of Westminster, which pro-
bably changed its name when the court went to reside at St. James's ;
certain is it that in the year 1618, the park still bore the name of West-
minster, its keeper receiving a salary of i2/. 13^. 4^., whilst fruit and
flower gardens were alone attached to the house at St. James's.
Somewhere or other Lamartine wrote " que les lieux out leur ames :"
the soul of the park at Westminster seems to have borne inveterate ill
will towards the Republic of Venice ; for nearly a century and a half
after the unpleasant communications made there to the Venetian ambas-
sador by Cardinal Wolsey, harsh language was addressed on the same
spot to a Venetian secretary, by the master of the ceremonies of the
Commonwealth of England. In the spring of the year 1652, the
Republic of Venice determined on sending an agent to the Common-
wealth, without, however, formally acknowledging the Council of State :
the person intrusted with this errand was a secretary named Lorenzo
Paulucci, who, immediately on arriving in London, endeavoured to have
an interview with the master of the ceremonies, Sir Oliver Fleming, who
made an appointment with him in what he styles the palace park (which
proves that the park was always considered an appurtenance to the royal
residence, that it bore the name of Westminster in 1516, of Whitehall
at a later period, then of St. James's and ought now to be called Bucking-
ham) for 10 A.M. on the 3oth of April (new style) A.D. 1652. Fleming,
immediately on meeting the secretary, asked for his credentials, and on
hearing that he had none, said harsher things to him than those uttered
by Cardinal Wolsey to the ambassador; he abused the Signory for
tolerating the presence in Venice of Tom Killigrew, the envoy of
Charles II., and even hinted at treating the secretary as a spy, addressing
him thus : —
" You then are come for levies of troops and to charter vessels ? I
believe it, but your mission possibly moreover resembles that of an indi-
vidual who arrived here lately from France to see how the land lay, to
investigate and to observe; and I will here tell you by way of a topic what
befell him : he was taken up as a spy, and, although sick, or pretending
so to be, he was forcibly expelled this territory." This conversation
took place about one year before Oliver Cromwell dissolved the Long
Parliament, and the threats against the Signory of Venice, also uttered
in the park at Westminster by Cardinal Wolsey, preceded by a few
years, events which produced as radical a change in the spiritual govern-
6 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN
ment of England as the passage of the Commonwealth to the Protector-
ate did in that of our temporal policy ; and it is an odd coincidence the
finding Cardinal Wolsey and the master of the ceremonies blustering
about our foreign affairs in the same spot, and much in the same tone, at
intervals of 146 years.
TO THE MOST EXCELLENT COUNCIL OF TEN.
London, November 13, 1516.
After having written the accompanying, the reverend
nuncio came to me, and discussing present affairs, he told
me, in the first place, that his Holiness is not included in
this confederacy, neither will he join it ; but that to induce
him so to do, the allies have determined amongst themselves
that the Cardinal of Sion is to go in person to Rome, to
exhort and persuade his Holiness to adhere to this league,
promising him, in the name of all the confederates, to make
the Signor Lorenzino free lord of Florence,1 and give him
not merely the investiture of that city and territory, but also
of the duchy of Urbino, Modena, and Reggio. He also told
me that the Bishop Colonna, who was to have come here,
has changed his intention, and will remain with the Catholic
King, which is a manifest sign that the Pope does not mean
to join this confederation. My informant urged me most
strongly to keep the first part of his communication very
secret, as it was a thing only known to him and the right
reverend Cardinals ; so your Highness will deign to comply
with his request, as he has always done excellent service in
these negotiations ; and he tells me that, in former times, he
effected great things for your Highness, for which no
demonstration was made him, not so much as a single word.
I think, therefore, it would be very much to the purpose for
your Serenity in your next missives to charge me to return
FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 7
him thanks ; and, moreover, should you think fit, to make
him some offer of church preferment, taking care that the
paragraph be put in cypher, lest, in the event of the letters
being intercepted, it prove to his great detriment and ruin.
Moreover, in the conversation held with the right rever-
end Cardinal, as your Serenity will have seen by the
accompanying, not a word did he say concerning the matter
proposed by him heretofore, and which I wrote to your
Highness, about your joining this new league ; nor did I
broach the topic, knowing that such was the intention
and will of the Signory, though I was fully aware that
the threats which his right reverend lordship made me
were for the purpose of inducing me to say something
hereon.
1 As stated at p. 37, vol. i., Julian de Medici died on the iyth of March,
1516, and was succeeded in the government of Florence by his nephew
Lorenzino, who thus became the head of the house of Medici, and the
father of Catharine, A.D. 1519.
London, November 15, 1516.
Since my despatches of the I3th, I have heard nothing
of any importance, save that these lords, seeing that his
Holiness has refused to join their conspiracy, have given him
the term of six more months to decide and reply, during
which interval they will not cease urging him by letters
to become a party to it ; and, as a last resource, the Cardi-
nal of Sion will go to Rome for this purpose.
I cannot persuade myself that these lords will execute
their threats, unless his Holiness aforesaid join this league,
and that they have the greater part of the Switzers with
8 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN
them ; and these two provisos lacking, I do not think they
will proceed to the protest mentioned in the accompanying :
this I shall endeavour to ascertain, as I am of opinion that
your Highness is much interested in knowing it.
My friend (Chieregato) has given me to understand that
this side is anxiously awaiting my receipt of letters from
your Highness, hoping that you may yet decide in their
favour, which convinces me that all the threats uttered
on the day before yesterday by the right reverend Cardinal
were devised to this effect ; but he said not a word to me,
and still less did I speak to him on the subject — a course
which I shall pursue in future. * * *
Chieregato also assures me, that within the last month,
only 60,000 crowns have been sent to the Emperor for
Verona, and 30,000 to the Switzers for their annual stipend.
Also, that the son-in-law of Galeazo Visconte, who was
accredited to the Switzers by his Majesty, has been dis-
missed, for the reason assigned in my former letters,1 the
said Galeazo having, at the request of the most Christian
King, induced certain cantons to side with him.
I have this moment been with " the friend/' from whom
I wanted to know whether the protest destined for the most
Christian King and your Highness was to be made after
the decision of the Pope and of the Switzers or before;
and he assures me, that said protest will be sent to each,
immediately after the signature of the treaty by all the allies,
except the Pope and the Switzers, whose subscription will
not be waited for; and I have so bestirred myself, that
I have obtained the copy of the oath taken by his Majesty,
and also the clause drawn up for transmission to his Holi-
ness, togther with all the conditions enjoined him, should
he choose to become a party to the present league. Your
Highness will be pleased to keep these two acts very secret.
FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 9
and not communicate them to others, as their promul-
gation might easily lead to the discovery of my informant,
he having noted them himself; and, according to his
account, no one except the confederates possesses the copy.
He moreover told me that these lords are endeavouring to
induce the Catholic King to take the Princess of England,
and repudiate the French Infant.
1 See vol. i., p. 326, and note. The ambassador there merely alludes to
an act of peculation, without mentioning this plan devised by Galeazzo
Visconti for aiding France with the moneys of England.
London, November 18, 1516.
Your Highness will now learn that I have been assured
by " the friend," that besides the land forces which his
Majesty will have for the attack on France, he has ordered
a fleet of sixty sail, under the command of the Lord
Marquis,1 who is to attack a certain duchy of Guienne
on the borders of Spain, near Bayonne, whither, moreover,
an armada went when this King crossed over to France.
He told me also that the decision of the Swiss diet was
expected, and that a conference is being held in Scotland
to determine on war or peace.
The right reverend Bishop of Winchester has hitherto
been absent from hence, not having chosen to interfere
in these impassioned resolves, but now that they are duly
despatched, he is returned ; and considering him an excel-
lent instrument of mediation under present circumstances,
provided he would assume the charge, I went to visit him,
and was received very graciously. I congratulated him
on his health, and said that I had been anxiously wishing
IO DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN
for him, both in order to pay him my respects frequently,
as was my wont, and also that his salt might have seasoned
this dish which is being prepared to the detriment and ruin
of your Highness. His lordship thanked me for the com-
pliment, and told me he had heard of my conferences with the
right reverend Cardinal, both his proposals and my replies.
Perceiving that he did not probe the topic deeper, I
told him I greatly marvelled that this confederacy should
seem to be formed so especially against your Highness,
arrangements having been made for summoning the most
Christian King and your Excellency to raise the siege
of Verona, and desist from attacking it, within the term
of one month ; and that in the event of non-compliance,
it was to be understood that war would be waged on the
opposing parties, which is neither more nor less than a
violation of divine and human right — the choosing to deprive
your Serenity of the city of Verona, which has belonged to
you for a century past ; and I expressed my surprise at its
having been threatened to make the attack with a force so
overwhelming as to entail a cost exceeding sevenfold the
value of Verona, saying it would have been more glorious,
in lieu of lavishing these funds on a war against two
Christian states, to have expended them against the Turk,
who is watching for the ruin of the entire Christian reli-
gion, directing all his efforts to that end. I then gave
account to his lordship of the magnitude of his army, and
about the armada he had fitted out ; observing, that should
he be victorious, or arrange matters with his enemies, there
was no doubt but that this cloud would burst over Christen-
dom, and that universal attention should be directed to
this instead of having thought for Verona, which in all right
and justice ought to be recovered out of the hands of its
present occupants. I added many other particulars relating
FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. II
to this confederacy ; and prayed his lordship in conclusion,
should the opportunity present itself, to take the part of
your Signory, and guide the league towards a more glorious
and religious undertaking.
His lordship answered me, that the confederacy ought not
to render any one uneasy, as it was merely defensive, and not
offensive : though it was true indeed that should any of the
confederates be unjustly attacked, it would not be unfitting
to defend them ; adding, that with regard to the claims of the
Emperor and of your Excellency to the city of Verona, he
knew nothing at variance with what I had told him, but was
of opinion that I had no cause for anxiety on this account,
as his Majesty was not inclined towards war ; and he twice
repeated to me, " Our King does not wish to make war, nor
yet the Catholic King ; neither could this last, even if he
would, as he is a youth :" implying, that his council would
not let him. In the course of further conversation, he ex-
pressed himself thus : " Domine Orator, confederacies are
often formed, but, as you perceive, few are carried into
effect ; so that as the Almighty shall counsel, so will it come
to pass." After much had been said on this topic, the
hour being late, I did not think fit to make any further
rejoinder, reserving myself for another visit ; and thus did
I take leave of his right reverend lordship, who, whilst
accompanying me, said, " To-day in council we discussed
at large the affairs of your Signory with regard to continu-
ing our good friendship, and the intercourse maintained of
yore." I told him that your Excellency had never swerved
from your friendship towards this kingdom, and would ever
persevere therein, should it so please his Majesty, of which
I entertained no doubt, nor yet but that his right reverend
lordship and others who think correctly were of the same
mind ; and thereupon I departed. Your Highness hears these
12 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN
conversations, and will distil from them such essence as
you shall think fit.
1 Thomas Grey, second Marquis of Dorset, grandfather of Lady Jane
Grey. Hume, quoting Herbert and Hollingshed, gives an account of
his commanding the expedition to Fontarabia in 1512, devised for the
purpose of making the conquest of Guienne, a province in which it was
imagined the English had still some adherents yet partial to the tradition
of their rule there under Edward the Black Prince, the birth of whose
son at Bordeaux had so endeared Richard II. to the Gascons, that on his
murder in 1399, they refused their allegiance to Henry IV., nor was our
occupation of Guienne from 1154 to 1450 forgotten in 1512 ; but of the
project here mentioned by the Venetian ambassador to attempt its reco-
very in 1516-17, there is no note either in Hume or Lingard.
London, December 7, 1516.
Your Highness will now learn that on the receipt of your
missives of the 25th of October and ;th ultimo, as also of the
duplicates of the 25th, received by way of Rome, with sum-
maries from the Levant, I went to his Majesty, acquainting
him with said extracts, pointing out the extremely perilous
situation of the Christian religion, which ought to be seen
to speedily for the common weal ; as otherwise I perceived
no safeguard against the ruin of Christendom, detailing to
him the great importance of Syria and the immense increase
of territory which the Turk must obtain, should he advance
there in Egypt and in Persia, where I considered he would
encounter small resistance, having routed the army of the
Soldan.1 I added many other things relating to this matter, of
which the King seemed to take small heed, his whole anxiety
being directed towards the affairs of Italy and France,
a tendency in which he is well confirmed by the right
reverend Cardinal, who is more inflamed with this desire than
FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 13
ever; his Majesty only said, therefore, that in time, measures
would be taken.
To-day, I went to Cardinal Wolsey, and we had a long
interview — not on my account, for I answered in very few
words — but owing to what was said by himself, as he
never tires speaking of the Italian expedition. To tell in
short the result of the whole conversation, after exhorting me
most strongly to desist from the siege of Verona, expatiating
on the treachery and ambition of the most Christian King
and your Sublimity, and on the power and intention of this
new league to preserve and maintain Verona for the
Emperor, he told me that within two months, conjointly
with the Catholic King, they meant to send two of their
ambassadors to his most Christian Majesty and to your
Signory, with a summons to desist from said attack and
siege ; and in the event of non-compliance, threatening war
to both one and the other within a month from the announce-
ment of said summons, saying, " Be assured, that unless you
desist, we are disposed to wage as utter war against you as if
you were so many infidels ; you will be prohibited trading all
over the world ; and we shall endeavour to get his Holiness
to excommunicate both the most Christian King and your
Signory, so that should you choose to exist, it will behove
you go into Turkey. On the other hand," he continued,
" should you desist from the attack, we will form a general
peace and confederacy, and in order that this result may
ensue, consent to a truce being made for six months, or
as long as you like, during which interval we will negotiate
the agreement between the Emperor and your Signory ; of
which truce the King of France will approve ; so that the
agreement, the universal peace, and the confederation of
the Christian princes against the infidels, are in your hands.
Think now whether Verona ought to be the cause of
14 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN
preventing so great happiness, and whether the other
potentates will have reason to be your capital enemies should
you fail effecting this" — with a multitude of expressions
besides, which it would be very tedious to repeat.
I answered, that your Sublimity was desirous of the universal
confederacy, and to prevent greater peril than that dreaded
from the King of France, and to this, I said, his lordship, as
a meritorious cardinal of the holy church ought more to
direct his eyes and mind. With regard to the intimation to be
made by the ambassadors, I knew not how your Serenity
would deal, but added that you would take counsel from time,
and the state of affairs ; and as throughout his discourse, he
expressly declared that should your Excellency choose to
join this confederacy, deserting the King of France, you
would obtain peace both with the Emperor and the others, I
answered this by saying, that I did not see how your Excel-
lency could form such a resolve save to your eternal
ignominy, and that placing himself in the position of your
Signory, neither would his lordship act thus, especially
as your Excellency had no legitimate cause for renouncing
the French alliance. To this he rejoined, u Well ! if you
do not choose to abjure the friendship of the King of France,
abjure Verona,2 and everything will be adjusted." With
regard to the truce, I made no answer soever, save that
I would write to your Excellency ; but respecting Verona,
I said I greatly marvelled, if the universal confederacy failed
to take effect on that account, that we should bear the
blame, and not those who occupy that city unduly ; neither
did I perceive it to be of such importance as to warrant its
impeding the contemplated confederacy. To this he replied,
that any rate they chose Verona to belong to the Emperor,
in order that should the King of France take farther steps to
obtain the monarchy of Italy, the Emperor and the King of
FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 15
England may have it in their power to prevent him, which
would not be the case were Verona in possession of your
Highness. I told him that his lordship derived his informa-
tion from those who sought the ruin of Christendom,
and that if he knew, as well as I did, the position of Italy
with reference to the towns of the Emperor, he would not
lay so much stress on Verona j as there are many ways for
coming into Italy, and especially that of the Friuli, which is
perfectly open, and has always been styled by ancient
and modern writers, the gate through which by sundry
roads, both Germans and Turks may enter Italy, so that
this is not the reason ; but that the wish entertained by the
Emperor to occupy this city, which belongs to your Excel-
lency, amputating this limb from you, and facilitating his
acts of aggression in Lombardy and the march of Treviso,
was the cause of this.
After I had discussed this topic at large, his lordship
changed the subject, saying, " You are certainly very bigoted
in the faith you place in this King of France of yours, who
every day makes promises and every possible offer to the
Emperor, for the sake of coming to terms with him and the
other confederates, and he promises to leave him Verona, and
also to give him Brescia;" and to this he swore, pointing at a
crucifix on an altar in the apartment where we were. I told
him your Sublimity could only judge by what you heard, and
that I would write you all these things in full ; whereupon he
chose me to tell him how I should express myself about these
colloquies, as I did, and he approved, saying, " Had I a seat
in your Senate there at Venice, so that I could address those
most sage Signers, I doubt not but that of the singular love I
bear your Republic, I should persuade them to leave Verona,
or to join our league, for I would prove to them their ruin
and destruction as inevitable, in little more than six months :"
l6 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUST1NIAN
during which interval, he told me, that they would surely
seize all your territory on the main land ; whilst by accepting
the alternative, you would enjoy peace and tranquillity, and
resume your usual commerce.
With this we dropped the topic, and commenced discus-
sing the expedition to be undertaken against the Turk ; and
he came to the conclusion, that on these matters being
arranged, his King would perform memorable feats, and
excel all the others, adding " and perhaps I myself will go
in person :" whereto I exhorted him to the utmost, telling
him that there it was not merely a question of the Chris-
tian faith, and of preserving the rest of Christ's patrimony,
now held by Christians, but of obtaining two empires, five
kingdoms, and so many provinces and cities now held by
the Turk, but which of yore belonged to Christians, and
that said conquests might be made with less money than
would be expended for the waging of war in Italy ; and with
this I took leave.
1 Sultan Selim I. gave battle to the Soldan of Egypt, Ransou Algouri,
in the neighbourhood of Aleppo, A.D. 1516, August 23; the Soldan
fell fighting most bravely, and was succeeded by Toumom Bei, the last
national sovereign of Egypt. The victory of Aleppo gained by Selim
in August 1516, is of course the one here alluded to by Giustinian.
2 In the original, " Se non volete lassar la amicitia del Re di Franza
las sate Verona." The Venetian ambassador thought like Romeo,
" There is no world without Verona's walls,
But purgatory, torture, hell itself:
Hence banished is banished from the world,
And world-exiled is death."
The peace between Maximilian and the Venetians had been already
signed, stipulating the surrender of Verona to Venice on the z^-th Decem-
ber. (See Guicciardini, vol. iii. p. 204..)
FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. IJ
To THE MOST EXCELLENT COUNCIL OF TEN.
London, December 7, 1516.
Your Highness will now learn that a few days ago,
the nuncio (Chieregato)' was sent for by the right reverend
Cardinal, who, when he reached his presence, took him into
a private chamber, where he laid hands on him,1 telling him
in fierce and rude language, that he chose to know what he
had written to the King of France, and what intercourse he
held with me, as either he was frequently here (at the
Venetian embassy), or my son,2 or the secretary, at his resi-
dence, and that he should not quit the spot until he had
confessed every thing ; and unless he told by fair means,
that he would put him to the rack. On this, high words
were exchanged by either party ; the nuncio denying the
charges brought against him, but admitting our intimacy, as
induced by friendship, and a community of literary pursuits.3
Concerning the King of France, he mentioned what he had
written to him, and the reply received, which did not bear
upon the present matters ; so the Cardinal sent to his house,
to seize all his papers and cyphers, but found nothing
objectionable ; wherefore, at the intercession of the rev.
Bishop of Winchester, he was released, permission being
given him to quit the kingdom, and this he will do ; his
departure now being merely delayed by the expectation of
pecuniary supply. The proceeding is summary, especially
against a papal nuncio, and has appeared to me worthy the
knowledge of your Excellency. Chieregato also assures
me that immediately on the declaration of war against the
most Christian King and your Excellency, I shall receive
my dismissal, so that I am expecting leave such as he has
had. I, most serene Prince, should be very glad, at length,
VOL. II. C
l8 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN
after so much toil, to return home, but not exactly in this
fashion, and hope in God that if the most Christian King
make terms with the Switzers, these lords will not realize
their projects, for I already perceive the following symptom,
namely, that by this time they were already to have sent the
heralds to make the declaration, whereas that plan has been
changed and they are sending ambassadors, and the period
has been protracted to two months ; nor does this proceed
from any other cause than their knowing perhaps that they
have not the Switzers at their command. However, be this
as it may, provided honour and profit accrue to your Excel-
lency, and that Verona be recovered, I shall care nothing
at all about my stay or return, as I am sure of coming soon,
with the good grace of your Highness, and perhaps when
good grace shall prevail between this kingdom and your
Signory.
The nuncio also told me that the Cardinal of Sion had
departed not over satisfied with these lords, saying they
were very close about money ;4 and that as he (Chieregato)
is the servant of his lordship,5 this last will resent the treat-
ment he has been subjected to, as will his Holiness ; and it
seeming to me very desirable that said Sion should quarrel
with this side, which perhaps might be the cause of thwart-
ing their projects, especially as he is wrathful and choleric,
I so plied the nuncio, that I at length made him write
a letter to Sion, exaggerating this circumstance as much as
possible, I promising him that this step would prove very
agreeable to your Highness. His letter is enclosed in one
addressed by him to the Lord Albert of Carpi,6 with instruc-
tions to forward it to the Imperial court for delivery to the
said Cardinal, it being tied up with mine, and your Sublimity
will so dispose of it, as to your extreme wisdom shall seem
expedient.
FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 19
1 In the original, " lo meno in una camera secreta dove li messe le
mano cC dosso"
2 In the Diaries of Sanuto, where mention is made of the return of
Sebastian Giustinian to Venice, it is stated that he was accompanied by
his son Marino, who had resided with him in England.
3 A fact which is proved by their both being in correspondence with
Erasmus. See vol. i. p. z6z.
4 See, however, the despatch of November isth, preceding.
5 See retro, vol. i. p. 315.
6 We are here introduced to another of the correspondents of Erasmus,
Alberto Pio, Count of Carpi, whose controversies with that writer
obtained great renown for "the Lord Albert," who in this year 1516
was ambassador at the court of Leo X., from the Emperor Maximilian,
and the letter from the nuncio in London, addressed to the Cardinal of
Sion, was therefore meant to go with the despatches from Venice to
Rome, and thence to the Imperial Court. The Lord Albert had for
tutor in his youth the elder Aldus, and it is supposed, that when at
Carpi, A.D. 1482, with his pupil and his pupil's uncle, the "Phoenix"
Pico, this trio first projected that printing establishment which has ren-
dered the name of Aldus synonymous with literary and typographical
excellence. The Lord Albert was of course a member of the Neacademia,
or Aldine Committee, in which our countryman, the famous physician
Thomas Lineacre, took, an active part, and for a .while Erasmus ranked
amongst their colleagues, his " Maxims" having been printed by Aldus,
although subsequently the theologian and the printer quarrelled, and
Aldus and his heirs, in their editions of any of the other works of
Erasmus, merely style him " Transalpinus quidam homo.''''
London, December 13, 1516.
Your Sublimity will understand that for the purpose of
making the declaration announced in my foregoing, these
lords have appointed as ambassador to the most Christian
King and your Sublimity, one Doctor Clif,1 a prudent man,
and a very good Italian ; the second intimation will, I under-
stand, be made through the Catholic King ; his departure
will not take place so speedily, though I know not exactly
when, but this I shall endeavour to ascertain, and will notify
the whole to your Sublimity. In my foregoing, I omitted
20 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN
one fact worthy of the knowledge of your Highness, namely,
that amongst the threats made me at that conference, was
the following : that, if within the term specified for desisting
from the attack on Verona, his aforesaid most Christian
Majesty and your Excellency do not cease hostilities, all the
expenses of every description soever, incurred for this under-
taking by the whole of the combined armies, this side
means to place to the account of those who shall have
declined compliance with the summons ; and should they
not choose to pay by fair means, it will behove them do so
by force of arms.
Item^ a secretary who had been residing on behalf of the
King of France with the Duke of Albany in Scotland, and
returned hither, tells me that a truce has been agreed to
between this kingdom and Scotland until the 2yth of next
month ; and that he hopes it will be prolonged for another
year, though for this he does not vouch. The moneys for
the annual tribute, which the most Christian King pays to
his Majesty here, have been lately forwarded.
1 Amongst the diplomatists employed by Cardinal Wolsey at this
period was Dr. John Clerke, or Clark, who in the course of time became
Bishop of Bath and Wells. In the " Statutes of the Realm," vol. iii.
p. 337, mention is made of one Robert Clyff Clerke, who is excepted in
an act of pardon, together with the Bishop of Hereford and others.
London , December 29, 1516.
I now announce the receipt of letters from the most nobls
Badoer in France, purporting, that on the 8th instant news
had arrived there of the signature of the articles of peace
between the Emperor, the, most Christian King, and your
FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 21
Signory ; of the agreement, moreover, between the Switzers
and the aforesaid most Christian King, which includes your
Highness ; and of the surrender of Verona to be made to
your Excellency, for such a sum and at such a time as your
Signory well knows. These tidings have in truth revived
me, for from this new league stipulated here, I had been
anticipating contrary results, and turmoil to the State, whereas
I now perceive " that the day-spring from on high hath
visited us j" whereupon I congratulate your Highness more
than words can express ; but, from the greatness of the
event, as well as the immense benefit which the Signory
will derive from it, your Highness may comprehend the
joy of my soul ; for I can exclaim, hodie salus bulc domui
facta est ! May the Father Eternal, of His clemency, deign
to grant that the consignment of Verona into the hands
of your Excellency be effected speedily, so that all be more
convinced of the so great grace which God has granted us !
The King having been many days past taking his pleasure,
I deemed it advisable to go and pay my respects to him
yesterday ; and after he had heard mass, his Majesty betook
himself to a place where he usually gives audience to the
ambassadors, and being the only one present, I perceived
that his Majesty wished me to make some communication
to him ; so as this intelligence was already in circulation,
and his Majesty had received an express announcing it,
though it was not credited either by him or by these
lords, I presented myself, and when his Majesty inquired
what news I had, I narrated to him the contents of the
letters from the aforesaid most noble Badoer, omitting
such paragraphs as seemed to me unseasonable. When I
came to the part about the peace, and the conditions stipu-
lating the surrender of Verona on receiving pecuniary
recompense, &c., he said to me, " Domine Orator ! I love
22 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN
you much, and much do I love your lords. Were it as
you say, I should be content, for I wish you all weal ;
but know that you are deceived, and unless you provide
speedily for your interests, you will become aware of the
artifices of the King of France, who, for your information,
has negotiated and is negotiating peace with the Emperor
to your exclusion, and is willing to allow him to deprive
you of Verona, and of all such other portions of your terri-
tory as he lays claim to, the King of France on his part
making himself master of other possessions in Italy, in such
wise that they mean to divide the whole of that luckless
land between them ; and know, that my assertions are not
based on air, for I have got the articles which were sent
me from the Emperor's own court, and the like from my
ambassador resident with the Catholic King. True is it,
that they are not yet ratified, nor am I even sure that they
will be, yet notice is given me to this effect, and amongst
the other conditions of this peace is the following : that the
100,000 ducats which the Catholic King is bound to pay
annually to the King of France for the kingdom of Naples,
are to be made over to the Emperor by desire of the said
King of France, in order that the said Emperor may be
content for the King of France to possess himself of a
certain part of Italy to which he aspires. Think, now,
how you are circumvented ! I have chosen to warn you,
that you may give notice by letter to your lords so that
they may open their eyes : know also, that this agreement
is to be concluded within the period of three months, so
let the State look to her affairs j nor on this taking place
do I know what potentate will ever again choose to trust
the King of France, seeing such deceit practised on you ;
and should this come to pass, what will you do ? what
remedy will you apply ? " In answer to his Majesty, I.
FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 23
thanked him for so loving and important a communication,
induced by the good will which his Majesty bears your
Excellency in return for your observance towards him, and
said that I had imparted my news, with the belief that it
would prove very agreeable to him, and that as our treaty
was already signed and sealed, I much doubted whether
this other peace and agreement of a contrary tenor could
take place. I told him, however, that I was not the judge
in this matter; and that his Majesty, who is acquainted
with the negotiation, will form such opinion as to his
wisdom shall seem fit. I am obliged, most serene Prince,
to adopt this course ; that is to say, not to contradict their
intelligence, lest I seem to despise it, nor yet appear to
consider ours false, but to steer the middle passage.
In reply to his inquiry, " Should this come to pass, what
will you do ? " I replied thus, " Serenissime Rex ! in that
case, the most illustrious Signory could only have recourse to
that light which has ever shone upon her — namely, your
Majesty ; nor do I imagine, were such deceit practised,
which I can scarcely believe possible, that your Highness
would permit it." \Vhereupon he replied, u You would
do well ; for I neither would, nor ever did, desire the detri-
ment of your State, and I would make terms between you
and the Emperor ; for at this present there is no sovereign
in the world who enjoys greater authority with him than
I do, and, indeed, with extreme reason.1 But I marvel
that your lords should be so bigoted to this King of France,
who aims at nothing but your ruin ; and I warn you, that
both in this supposed success, as in every other, he always
keeps behind the door the staff with which to cudgel you ;"
adding many other words to this effect, in such wise that
whereas, on former occasions, I had a scarcity of audience,
it was now conceded me to superfluity, so that all the lords
24 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN
who stood by, but at such a distance as to be out of hearing,
were astonished. In reply to all these their proposals, or pro-
phecies (for thus do they choose them to be styled), I merely
answered that the good faith of your Excellency did not
deserve such a return, and that I hoped in the Lord that
He would not permit such a result to take place ; in like
manner as I also was of opinion that his Majesty would
be averse to it for the welfare of Christendom, lest such
tumults invite the Turk to compass the ruin of the Christian
commonwealth sooner than he would do — a catastrophe to
which all potentates should open their eyes.
To this his Majesty rejoined, " You say with truth that
good princes ought to have an eye to this, but there are few
good ones ; as some make peace, from inability to wage war,
and some for the sake of practising frauds ; whilst others
again do so to bide their time for waging war, so that there
are few good ones. I promise you freely that I was never
desirous of seizing what belongs to others, nor of waging
war ; and if I did take the field, it was solely in order to
obtain good peace j and thus ought everybody to do, for
it is worthy of kings and princes to desire peace with all,
and not to wish to injure any one. But beware, should you
write these things to your lords, to have them kept secret,
without quoting me as their author, since, for good reasons,
I should not choose them to reach the ears of the King of
France." I promised his Majesty that all should remain as
if uttered in a confessional, the like having been observed
with regard to the other communications made me in secret
by his Majesty, whom I thanked infinitely in the name of
your Sublimity for his so great graciousness ; and with this
I took leave.
It has seemed fit to me to mention the whole to your
Sublimity, because I deem the words of kings worthy of
FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 25
consideration ; not, indeed, that I believe anything he told
me, being of opinion that it proceeds from these two ambas-
sadors from the Emperor and Spain, who aim at drawing
money as leeches do blood. At the same time, I think it
desirable for your Signory to be acquainted with the language
and tone employed by his Majesty, so that you may know
how much to promise yourself from him in other matters.
1 Henry VIII. was evidently groaning internally over the loss of his
icats, anj
least proci
ducats, and trying to cheat himself into the belief of their having at
:ured for him some influence with Maximilian.
London, December 30, 1516.
I went to-day to pay my respects to the right reverend
Cardinal, in order to see whether the change in affairs had
made him change his tone and purpose ; but he was ex-
tremely busy, especially in giving instructions to the two
ambassadors appointed to the Emperor — namely, the Lord
High Chamberlain1 and Dr. Clif ; so he had it intimated
to me that I was not to wait, but to return after the day of
the Circumcision.2 This being the case, I proceeded to visit
the reverend Bishop of Durham, and talking with him about
the conclusion of this peace, he appeared not to credit it,
saying, that the ambassadors had written what they were
made to believe. Without disputing the point with him,
I exhibited implicit faith in the letters of your Excellency's
ambassador, who, I said, would have been very cautious
about certifying an event of such moment ; and I then asked
him when these ambassadors accredited to the Emperor
would depart : he said, To-morrow, and that they were to
go to the King of Spain, with whom there is already another
26 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN
ambassador resident, and that one of the three would con-
tinue at the court of his Highness aforesaid, the other two
proceeding on their way to meet the Emperor. I inquired
of him whether, on the completion of their embassy to the
Emperor, these ambassadors had any other mission to fulfil :
he answered in the negative, and that they would return
hither ; adding, " You ask, to learn whether they are going
to the King of France and to your Signory : no, no, no !
We have cause to make war, but are anxious for peace
and quiet amongst Christian powers." On this, I greatly
praised the prelate and all these lords, that they should be
so peacefully disposed ; though my own belief is, that the
said ambassadors are going rather with a view to derange
matters, which this side does not consider as settled ; for
I do not imagine that in so few hours they can have changed
their will from bad to good, or their apparent warlike ardour
for the desire of peace.
Yesterday, the Lord High Treasurer told me that the
whole of this kingdom wished for a general peace, and that
in these times nothing would please him more than to
witness the pacification of Christendom, and that all should
content themselves with their own ; all which conceits I
laud and approve when conversing with their lordships,
vowing that they are more necessary than ever, both for
the sake of staying the slaughter and destruction which have
raged amongst Christians for so many years, and also by
reason of the peril threatened by Turkish affairs, concerning
which, having held various discourse with said reverend
Bishop of Durham, I took leave of his lordship.
1 Charles Somerset, Earl of Worcester, (see retro, vol. i. p. 107.)
2 Alias New Year's Day, the festival of the Circumcision being cele-
brated on the ist of January.
FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 2/
London, January 6, 1517.
It is asserted here universally that the peace between the
Emperor and your Sublimity is concluded and sealed, a fact
which the malignants interpret in various forms. I went
to the Cardinal, both for the sake of keeping friends with
him, in conformity with what I take to be the wish of your
Highness, and also to learn what details had been given him
concerning this matter by the Emperor, from whom I knew
that he had received letters on the preceding day. Notwith-
standing this, his lordship told me he had no news soever,
and that neither had any letters reached him : which was
false. On his asking me what I had heard about the
truce as reported, I told him, that according to fresh letters
received by me from the most noble Badoer, what I stated
recently, concerning the peace and the sealing, had been
confirmed, with this in addition — that Monseigneur de
Courteville had already left, in the name of the Emperor
and of his Catholic Majesty, for the purpose of effecting
the surrender of Verona, which I imagined was by this time
made ; and that I trusted it would prove the commence-
ment and well nigh the conclusion of a general peace.
All this his right reverend lordship seemed to admit, as one
who had been certified of the fact on the preceding day,
and he congratulated me on behalf of your Highness, as also
did the right reverend Bishop of Durham ; their language
expressed extreme satisfaction, and they endeavoured to
persuade me that their league had been the cause of this
peace, which would not have been made had not the said
league inspired some terror, in consequence of which recourse
was had thereto, saying much to demonstrate that their
object corresponded with ours, and that the confederacy
formed with those potentates mentioned in their league,
28 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN
aimed but at arousing them all, so that when aroused, they
might be more prone to said peace, which proved very bene-
ficial to England, as she would be spared much treasure, which
it would otherwise have behoved her expend, had peace not
ensued. From this I gather, although I am of opinion that
this peace was unpalatable here, that nevertheless, for the sake
of their repute, they will feign satisfaction, and tolerate it,
and not think of any farther innovation, for which God be
thanked.
I, most serene Prince, who am aware that the friendship
of his Majesty here is not only useful but necessary to your
Sublimity on many accounts, made a show of believing what
they say about their satisfaction at this peace, and also
of acknowledging them as its cause, lest they think that your
Signory consider it as effected against their will and command,
and to prevent their raising any obstacle, especially until the
surrender of Verona, which I await with all anxiety, and
respectfully remind your Highness that you should notify it
to his Majesty, pretending to suppose that it gives him great
pleasure.
London, January 28, 1517.
Since my last, I have been unable to learn anything
worthy of your knowledge, either from the King, as he
is taking his pleasure, or from the right reverend Cardinal,
who is more reserved than ever j the Bishop of Winchester
even declines my visits, because he is suspected of thwarting
the interests of the Emperor. I have, however, been assured
through a good channel, that his Holiness has written twice
to the King, that peace is already made between the
Emperor and France and your Sublimity, on condition of
FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 29
the surrender of Verona, and counselling him not to
impede the Christian expedition, which will be the necessary
consequence of the peace, by any hostile movements. The
Pope, it seems, is apprehensive lest any disturbance should
arise about the affairs of Scotland, though as yet nothing
has taken place warranting such fears. From another
source, on which reliance may be placed, I have received
confirmation of what I wrote to your Excellency as told me
by the right reverend Cardinal, namely, that you will not
obtain Verona in virtue of this agreement made with the
Emperor and the King of France, though it may be that you
will recover it by other means. I, however, am at a loss to
imagine what cause there can possibly be for such a disap-
pointment, as the surrender of the city is an express condi-
tion of the peace, nor could I bring myself to believe in the
possibility of there being any difficulty, were it not that
down to this hour, I have no letters either from your
Highness, or from the most noble Badoer, concerning
the execution of the treaty, which your Excellency, I
imagine, would have announced to his Majesty, had it taken
place * * *
London, February 10, 1517.
Since my last, the most noble Badoer has announced to
me the entry into Verona of the most illustrious Lautrec,
together with the most noble Griti and his army, and the
consignment made by the agent of the Catholic King to the
most illustrious Lautrec aforesaid, and that two days thence
it was to be made over to the most noble Griti ; intelligence
which proved so great a consolation to me and all your
servants in this town, that it defies exaggeration, as hereon
3O DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN
depend both quiet, tranquillity, and the establishment of the
State, and I congratulate your Signory as becoming my
service and the nature of the tidings ; which, being so
momentous, I deemed them worthy of communication to
his Majesty.
So on the following morning, though I could not go
to Greenwich by water, owing to the very thick ice, the
journey by land likewise being difficult on account of the
frozen and dangerous roads, I, however, rode thither, and
after I had heard mass with the King, on his betaking him-
self to the place where he usually gives audience to the
ambassadors, I acquainted him with this news, in such
language as I deemed apt, implying that they would prove no
less agreeable to his Majesty than to your Highness, by
reason of the mutual good-will and confederacy which
prevail between you, adding many other expressions calcu-
lated to impress him favourably. His Majesty thanked me
in the first place for the compliment, remaining quite sur-
prised, and stricken with great astonishment, saying and
repeating to me several times, " How can this be ?" — as by
the advices he had received it was impossible ; and on his
wishing to know in whose letters this intelligence was con-
tained, when I told him it was in those of the ambassador
aforesaid, and of the most noble Griti, in date of Verona the
nth of January, he seemed to believe it, and said, "Verily,
the Emperor has been deceived by the King of France,
and I know how," uttering this, however, with great
hesitation j and on my inquiring of his Majesty what this
deceit could be, he said, " I do not know for certain, but I
suspect it ; and things uncertain ought not to escape the lips
of a king." I lauded his Majesty, who told me that as the
thing had taken place by consent of the Emperor, he was
content, and rejoiced at whatever proved to the welfare and
FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 31
prosperity of your Highness, adding with a smile, " Let who
will be deceived, your Signory, who has obtained Verona, is
not that one." I thanked his Majesty for his good will, and
took my departure.
After leaving the King, as it seemed to me fitting that
this intelligence should be announced to the right reverend
Cardinal, I sent my Secretary to his lordship to make an
appointment, and being unable to procure it on that day, I
moreover sent him on the morrow. On the latter occa-
sion, having told his right reverend lordship that I had cer-
tain news to impart to him, he chose to hear it from the
secretary himself, who stated to him the contents of the
letters of the most noble Badoer, and of those from the most
noble Griti, in date of Verona, which surprised and
astonished him to the utmost. To make surer of the fact, he
made my secretary show him the date of the letters, and then
after remaining a while in amazement, he inquired particularly
about the character of the most illustrious Lautrec and the
most noble Griti, and concerning the condition of Verona,
and the strength of either army, of which the Secretary
rendered him good account, amplifying every thing as
expedient : he then added that it had been my wish to make
him this announcement, imagining that it would prove
extremely acceptable to his right reverend lordship, as hence
would ensue what he had been aiming at hitherto, namely,
the general peace;1 to which his lordship made answer
that he assuredly rejoiced ; but he spoke coldly, like one who
expresses that with the lips to which his heart is a stranger.
The secretary also told him of the success of Sultan Selim,
which he listened to attentively, but gave no farther reply ;
from whence, most serene Prince, I conclude that this news
has been heard by the Court with as much vexation as any
intelligence it could possibly have received : an inference
32 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN
I draw from man}7 other acts and words done and proffered in
my presence by these lords, with the exception of the right
reverend Bishop of Winchester, who travels the good road,
and has ever been opposed to those who adhered to the
wishes of the Emperor. I do not think that I shall be able
to talk with any of these lords until after the I5th instant, as
at this present, certain councils2 are being held concerning
the affairs of the whole kingdom, which keep them occupied
all day, but so soon as I can, I will visit them all, and my
letters shall acquaint your Sublimity with what I may hear.
The truces with Scotland are now being negotiated here,
and two agents of the most illustrious the Duke of Albany
are come to conclude them, meaning that they should remain
in force until St. John's day in next June, whereas this side
insists on their lasting until next St. Andrew's day:3 all the
articles relating to the maintenance of the peace between the
two kingdoms have been agreed to * * *
1 The ambassador and the secretary seem each to have lavished their
irony, the one at Greenwich and the other at York House, without
much scruple j and one almost hears the peals of laughter with which
the Venetian embassy in London rang when at the fireside in this cold
winter of 1517, the " sale"""* of the King and Cardinal was discussed by
the pantaloons, to the delight of young Marino, and somewhat to the
glee of the nuncio Chieregato, who will of course have rejoiced at the
wry mouths made by Cardinal Wolsey when swallowing this bitter
Venetian pill.
2 In the years 1516-18 four inferior courts were established by Car-
dinal Wolsey : the first of these was held in Whitehall, then called York
Place} the second was under the care of Dr. Stokesley, the King's
almoner ; a third was held in the Lord Treasurer's chamber, next to the
Star Chamber ; and the fourth at the Rolls. It appears probable that
the affair of the malmsey-sack was discussed in the third of these courts.
3 St. Andrew's festival is celebrated on the 3oth of November.
FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 33
London, February u, 1517.
News has reached here through various channels to the
effect that Ravenna and Cervia have fallen into the hands of
your Sublimity, it being asserted that you had an understand-
ing with the Duke of Urbino, the Duke of Ferrara, the
Bentivogli, and others ; the captain of the expedition
being the Lord Marco Antonio Colonna,1 with the troops
which left Verona. This has elicited many comments from
the lords and others in this town, who say that your High-
ness is restless, and has no thought but for your aggrandize-
ment j and that after this, you will moreover choose to have
something else ; conceits which proceed chiefly from the
Imperial ambassadors here resident, who have received intel-
ligence to this effect, and do so to blame your Excellency,
whom for upwards of a year they have never ceased defaming
in terms the most ignominious that can be imagined. This
very day, for example, I was told by "the faithful friend,"2
who had been with said Imperial ambassadors, that one of
them, by name the Count Bortholamio Tationo, whose county
is near Aste, said, " What is this King doing, and these
other princes ? They ought all to join against these ribald
Venetians, who are worse than Turks j" adding other
words of a like nature ; the which two ambassadors, since
receiving the news of Verona, have put on cloth of frieze,
most mean apparel ;3 to show the world, perhaps, that this
took place contrary to the will of the Emperor, and to his
great shame, for the sake of causing the King here to make
some fresh stir.
To all those who have spoken to me about this affair
of Ravenna and Cervia, I said I knew nothing soever, and
shall pass over such intelligence as quietly as I can, thus
avoiding the bitter comments which would, I know, be
VOL. II. D
34 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN
made by many, who have already been in the habit of slander-
ing ; but should this news prove true, I think indeed it
would be expedient for your Highness to write to his Majesty,
palliating the matter in such wise as to your wisdom shall
seem fit, in order to diminish the envy it will generate, and
the reproaches it would subject us to ; because, as my cue is
rather to dissemble unbelief, I can hardly, at the same time,
apologize for it.
A trustworthy person, and a good servant of your
Serenity's, has assured me to-day that the King will at any
rate cross over to Calais ; the cause is unknown, but it is
supposed to be for the purpose of an interview with the
Emperor, and it is said, moreover, with the Catholic King :
may God grant that it produce a good effect ! For this
purpose, great supplies of wines and other necessaries are
being collected at Calais ; this intelligence, I may add, was
derived by my informant from an officer of his Majesty's
customs, who assured him of it. I do not vouch for the
fact, but the information being important, I have deemed it
worthy of the knowledge of your Excellency.
1 As before stated, Marc Antonio Colonna commanded in Verona
for the Emperor, but on the peace of Noyon he entered the service of
France. Cervia and Ravenna were taken from the Venetians by Pope
Julius II. on the breaking out of the league of Cambray in 1509 ; but
this report of an attempt to recover them in 1517 was false, induced,
probably, by the efforts made by Francesco Maria della Rovere, the
rightful Duke of Urbino, who engaged the Spanish troops disbanded at
Verona, and recovered for a while his capital ; but Marc Antonio
Colonna is not mentioned by Guicciardini as having anything to do
with this expedition, and the report about him may, therefore, be consi-
dered as false as the news of the seizure of Ravenna and Cervia by the
Venetians.
2 Namely, the Papal nuncio Francesco Chieregato.
3 " Sono vestiti di friseto habito vilissimo ;" this notion of going into
sackcloth for the loss of Verona, which the Emperor endured sponta-
neously, being but too happy to receive in exchange the ducats of the
Signory, appears a curious trait of diplomatic demonstration.
FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 35
London, February 14, 1517,
I have been to visit the right reverend Cardinal, with
whom I found the most illustrious Duke of Suffolk ; he
drew me aside together with said Duke, and congratulated
me on the successes of your Sublimity, in the following
precise terms, " Gratulor vobis ftzlicitatibus vestris^ but I
pray you not to molest the Church j content yourselves with
your own ; and touch not even the hem of Christ's
garment j"1 and on my wishing in the first place to declare
that I knew nothing certain about this matter ; and, more-
over, were it such as represented, to justify the circumstance
by such fair arguments as occurred to me, he replied,
" Domine Orator, I have at this present a great deal of busi-
ness to despatch ; we will confer together more at leisure,
and speak about this matter ;" and as I perceived that he
wished to be alone with the Duke of Suffolk, and that there
was a crowd waiting for audience of him, I took leave,
after thanking his right reverend lordship for his congratula-
tions.
I then went to visit the reverend Bishop of Durham, who
also congratulated me, displaying some hearty warmth
of manner suited to his language, adding that he understood
your Highness had obtained Ravenna and Cervia, of which
he was extremely glad, so far as concerns the increase
of force of "your most illustrious Signsry" (by which title
you had never previously been designated, since my sojourn
here), but that he should wish for your quiet and that of all
the Christian powers, and hopes an universal union would
be effected. I thanked his lordship for his good will,
and assured him that your Sublimity has nothing more at
heart than general quiet and peace, and that he might easily
imagine whether after so much toil your Excellency was
36 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN
anxious for repose ; and upon this, perceiving that he rather
implied a doubt, muttering that those who think of obtaining
fresh territory do not show signs of quiet, I assured him
that I knew nothing soever of this intelligence, but could
indeed certify that these movements had not been provoked
by your Excellency, and that you were not privy to them,
though possibly Ravenna and Cervia might have surrendered
themselves to the Signory, as they had belonged to them for
many years, and subsequently passed into the hands of Pope
Julius, owing to the Cambrai conspiracy. His lordship, I
said, should discard his belief that these towns had been
compelled to surrender themselves, and rather suppose
that by reason of their singular fidelity, which exceeded that
of all the other places of your Excellency, on perceiving the
opportunity, they had immediately thrown themselves into
the arms of their mother of yore. It was little I ventured to
say, indeed, to avoid furnishing matter for fresh comments
concerning this business, and what I did say, was always
after premising that I was ignorant of the circumstance, and
merely answered in case it should be true ; for all those who
lamented the recovery of Verona, now seem to make signs
of rejoicing for this affair of Ravenna, not indeed that they
have changed their minds, but because they are of opinion
that hence may arise some fresh disturbance, on which alone
they are intent, hoping thus to form an alliance with his
Holiness, who has hitherto appeared to hold them in small
account, and through the Pope to rouse the Switzers. What
may chance, God knows. Do your Excellency not fail,
should you think fit, to write about your successes to this
King, in proof of your wish to maintain the friendship and
confederacy with his Majesty, and let no thought be had for
the proposals made heretofore by the right reverend Cardinal,
which you neither could nor should have answered otherwise
FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 37
than you have, whereas, at present, the whole aspect
of affairs is changed, nor is it requisite to discuss such
topics.
1 The Cardinal alludes to Cervia and Ravenna, which the Venetians,
as we have seen, are reported to have recovered. Those two cities were
taken from them and united to the domains of the Church at the period
of the league of Cambray, by Pope Julius II. in the year 1509.
London, March 9, 1517.
Having received your Excellency's missives of the 26th of
January, announcing the recovery of Verona, I went, yester-
day, to his Majesty and made the becoming notification, to
which the King replied, inquiring whether I had heard about
the congress to be held by the Emperor, and the Kings of
France and Spain, at Cambrai.1 I said I knew they were to
meet ; and he then asked me if I was aware of their
object ; I replied that I was not, but that I imagined said
Sovereigns would meet to make some arrangements for
a general peace, for which I concluded all were anxious, and
that I persuaded myself his Majesty was particularly so, the
peril with which the Christian religion was threatened by the
Turks being so imminent. Upon this, the King answered
me smiling, " Know that we have a piece of news of great
importance, which out of the love we bear you we will com-
municate. This congress has nothing else in view but your
ruin, for they mean to discuss depriving you of all your
territory on the main land, which we should greatly regret,
because of the friendship existing between us, and so beware,
and provide for your interests, as the Emperor, by reason of
the malignity he entertains towards you, would subscribe to
anything for your annihilation ; the King of France, to
38 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN
gratify his vast ambition for empire, will not scruple to break
either faith or league, such as may be existing between you ;
whilst the Catholic King will accede to the will of the other
two ; and this intelligence I have from a good source."
I, most serene Prince, whom it behoves proceed throughout
this mission, not according to my own free nature, but in
conformity with that of these lords, and as I perceive expe-
dient for the affairs of your Highness, am obliged to appear,
if not to credit, at least to entertain doubts of many things
which I do not believe, for the avoidance of seeming to
make light of their communications : in this instance, I
thought fit to hesitate somewhat, neither evincing belief, nor
yet utterly scorning the intelligence, but said that were it so,
it would be a bad return for the good faith displayed by your
Serenity ; and that it indeed surprised me, since if his most
Christian Majesty had entertained this intention, it did not
seem reasonable ihat he should have given up either Brescia
or Verona to your Highness, to be at the trouble of getting
them back and depriving you of them ; and this I said,
because I am aware that such reports are circulated, in
order that your Highness may join this side ; and the less
reasonable the intelligence communicated to me appears, the
more easily do they consider that it should induce a change
in your policy. In reply, his Majesty observed that the
Emperor had not surrendered Verona from any good he wished
us, nor had he even intended the treaty to take effect ; but
that he had been deceived by the King of France. To this,
an overwhelming reply might have been made, as by so much
the more would such a fact have proved the good disposition
of his most Christian Majesty towards your Excellency ;
but I did not think fit to proceed farther, as it is impossible
to say aught in praise or favour of the King of France,
without its proving most odious to his Majesty here ; so I
FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 39
thanked him for the loving communication made to me, and
said that I imagined your Excellency would proceed with all
becoming caution, and not fail in your duty with regard to
preserving what you had obtained ; and as it had been
announced here by the Cardinal of Sion that your Excel-
lency had an understanding with the Duke of Urbino, the
Marquis of Mantua, and the Duke of Ferrara, and that you
had already recovered Ravenna, Cervia, Rimini, and
Faenza, slandering you vastly, owing to which, much veno-
mous language had been lavished on your Excellency.; I told
his Majesty that the course of events proved to him the inno-
cence of your Highness, and the malignity of those who seek
to render you odious to all the Christian powers, declaring to
him that the denouncement against your Signory with reference
to the affairs of the Pontiff, had been false and calumnious.
His Majesty said he was very glad the news received
here was not true, and that he exhorted your Excellency
to be satisfied with your own, and having conversed
thus for a good while, I took leave of his Majesty, and being
at table on that day with the right reverend Cardinal,
together with a number of princes and prelates, his right
reverend lordship put a number of minute questions to
me about the Turk, and after I had answered him
becomingly, he said to me " God grant that there be not
some Christian Prince worse than the Turk, and who labours
more for the ruin of Christendom : bear in mind, Domine
Orator, the conspiracy formed against you at Cambrai, in the
time of King Louis : the like will take place now, they
giving you to understand that the congress is held for a
crusade, as they did the last time ; so keep on the alert, and
take care how you proceed ; and I give you notice that this
conspiracy comprises not only the three Kings, but the Pope
likewise." I answered him well nigh in the same terms as
40 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN
those employed by me to the most serene King, and he con-
tinued that they wish for nothing but a general peace, and exert
themselves to this effect continually, so as to arrange matters
in such wise as to be enabled to obtain that result with
security, adding, tc so do you likewise take this road ; be
content with your own, and do not offer impediment to those
from whom you receive none :" which words I knew were
induced by the report lately circulated, to the effect that your
Excellency had an understanding with the Delia Rovere
Duke of Urbino, and had recovered your towns now held
by the Pontiff; so I said that your Excellency was neither
desirous of war, nor of seizing what belonged to others, and
that you had never taken up arms unless challenged and pro-
voked, as you were anxious for peace and concord, from which
you derive more profit than any other potentate in the world.
After dinner, I drew aside with the right reverend Car-
dinal, and told him it was time to settle the affair of the
wines of Candia,2 and some other matters affecting our
nation, and he answered me that at the present time they
had much state business of great importance to transact,
and that we would talk over this matter at greater con-
venience, adding that this kingdom was very well pleased
that the galleys should come, although I had said nothing
about them ; my correspondents having informed me that
your Highness was endeavouring to obtain the safe-conduct
heretofore demanded through these lords from the King of
Spain direct. The Cardinal then went on to say that what he
had told me about the conspiracy forming against your
Excellency, was solely out of the love his Majesty and his
lordship bore your State, as he is well aware that your
Signory has it not in your power to injure England, were you
her enemy, nor to benefit her by your friendship ; but that
they should regret whatever proved detrimental to you. I
FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 4!
thanked his right reverend lordship for his good will, and made
no reply to the closing sentence, to avoid cause for strife,
which I shun as much as possible, as I consider such
a course suited to the nature of these times.
I perceive great consultations being held here, much
greater than usual, as if all their enemies were upon them :
I am unable to discover the cause of this, or what they are
negotiating, although I have made every possible inquiry; but
I understand, from a good quarter, that they have so
prepared themselves that they are in a state both to com-
mence hostilities and to continue them, although no great
stir is visible, because some years ago a census was taken of
the able-bodied men throughout the kingdom, so that in case
of need, it would be merely requisite to give them their pay,
and a large army could be raised at once : they have also a
number of ships in readiness, not that I think they wish to
attack either France or Scotland, though I am indeed of opinion
that seeing the prosperity of his most Christian Majesty,
who has secured himself both against the Emperor and
the Switzers, and is at peace with Italy and the Catholic
King, they are apprehensive of being molested at Tournai or
at Calais, or in some other way, and therefore choose to be
prepared. I shall keep well on the watch to learn every
thing, and will endeavour to ingratiate myself well with these
lords, and of the result, my letters shall inform your
Sublimity.
Moreover, considering your Sublimity to be on friendly
terms with the Catholic King, I deemed it my duty to
attempt visiting his reverend ambassador here, and sent my
secretary to his lordship to appoint the mode and time of the
interview, which he adroitly declined in very civil terms, nor
shall I importune him farther, feeling that this office will
prevent his having any reason to reproach me with not having
42 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN
called on him. I shall do the like by the Imperial ambas-
sador, who will I doubt not decline my visit, and less
gently, by reason of his nature and habits.3
1 This congress was first settled for the and of February, but never
took place at all, Maximilian having departed on the 3ist of March from
Brussels for Cologne, owing to a hitch concerning England, the league
with whom purported that the Empire and Spain were her allies, " ad
deffensionem et offensionem j" but in March 1517, King Charles or
Mons. de Chi&vres wished this clause to be expunged, and the matter
was referred to Maximilian, though Spain subsequently refused to abide
by his decision, and his hasty departure from Brussels was induced by
this circumstance. What Henry VIII. said on the 8th of March 1517,
about the proposed congress at Cambray having for object, at least on
the part of the Emperor and the King of Spain, to partition the Vene-
tian territory, is confirmed by the despatches of the ambassador at the
court of Leo X., Marco Minio, who, writing from Rome in this same
month of March, gives the news from Flanders, transmitted by the Papal
nuncio, and which prove that the assertions made by Henry VIII. were
not altogether inventions, though at the same time it does not appear
that Francis I. by any means consented to betray his Venetian allies.
" Concerning "sack," or wines of Candia, see note in vol. i. p. 100,
and note to next despatch, p. 46.
3 The ambassador has already alluded to the manner in which Count
Bortholamio Tationo spoke of the Venetians, at p. 33.
London, March 19, 1517.
In pursuance of the' appointment lately made with the
right reverend Cardinal, concerning the affair of the wines of
Candia, I went to his right reverend lordship to state to him
the rights of the case, showing the decree passed by the
Privy Council here, and all the other proofs whereby I
rendered it palpable to him that the demand of your High-
ness was perfectly just ; and pointed out how on many
accounts the taking off this duty would prove a source of
profit to the most serene King ; and having listened well to
the whole, he told me he would take it into consideration,
FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 43
and soon as he could find time, would despatch this business
in conformity with justice, apologizing for that the stress of
State affairs, had prevented his Burning his mind to this
matter. There subsequently reached me the letters from
your Highness in date of the I4th ultimo, with the
duplicates by way of France, concerning this matter, and
also your missives of the same date whereby your Sublimity
charges me to have it intimated to the merchants here, that
after three months, the merchandise sent hence either by sea
or land, will be bound to pay freight to the galleys which your
Sublimity has put up for this voyage;1 in accordance with
which letters, I went to-day to the right reverend Cardinal,
and explained their contents with reference to the wines of
Candia, repeating all the arguments adduced heretofore, and
showing him the articles in their own decree, which speak
clearly in favour of your Sublimity; omitting nothing which
could favour this case.2 His lordship answered me most
graciously that he would without fail expedite this business,
but that it had occurred to him this could not be done with-
out taking information from the Commons (questidi la terra),
by whom the decree had been made, and also from the mer-
chants ; and that he would then endeavour to despatch this
affair, as such was the wish of his Majesty, and that he must
here make a distinction, for that in state affairs he should act
with your Excellency as between friends and confederates,
but that in this matter, he would do justice : to this I
assented, saying, that your Sublimity desired nothing else,
and arranged that he should attend to these matters at the
end of next week, and I besought him to despatch at
the same time certain other affairs appertaining to our
nation.
After this conversation, his right reverend lordship
inquired of me whether I knew any news about the affairs of
44 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN
Italy ; I told him nothing, save the advices received by me of
the movements of the Duke of Urbino, ever making it
appear, as is the truth, that^your Excellency kept your hand
off the board, and rather wished well to his Holiness than to
the Duke Delia Rovere, this appearing to me expedient for
the interests of your Serenity on every account. He asked
me what I heard about the resolve formed at this congress of
Cambrai between these sovereigns : I told him I was not
aware that they had yet met, but that were so to do shortly.
He said to me laughing, " By God they will plot to your
detriment !" and was then silent. I perceiving that his right
reverend lordship did not continue, urged him to acquaint me
with what he knew ; whereupon he said, " I will tell you :
when these sovereigns were talking together about forming
a conspiracy against you for your ruin, the Emperor said to
the King of France, ' How can you come in to this opinion
against the Venetians^ being their confederate and bound to aid
them ?' to which said King made answer that he had entirely
fulfilled his engagement, and had no longer any tie soever."
On my pressing to learn the truth of this, and asking
whether he had this news from a trustworthy source, he told
me it reached him from a good quarter." Having first
begged pardon, I told him I suspected he had been mis-
informed by certain persons who sow discord to reap war ;
nor could I bring myself to a belief of such assertions,
seeing the good faith with which his most Christian
Majesty had reconsigned both Brescia and Verona to your
Highness ; when, should his object have been to deceive
you, he might have negotiated this matter with the Emperor,
more advantageously perhaps for himself than at this present ;
it seemed therefore unreasonable, especially as from no
quarter — unless his right reverend lordship had received some
very recent intelligence, — was it heard that these Kings had
FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 45
yet met together.3 He then rejoined, " At that time, the
King of France was the Emperor's enemy; at this present
he is his friend : when friends meet together many things
are effected, which do not come to pass otherwise." As
written by me heretofore, I am obliged to vouch for the
good faith of his most Christian Majesty in such a manner,
as not to induce enmity from this side, so I did not insist
farther, but referred myself to the result, and with this I took
leave of his right reverend lordship, who said to me, "I
consider that I act in conformity with the friendship existing
between yourselves and my most serene King, by acquaint-
ing you with whatever may prove to your detriment, for his
Majesty and I wish you all prosperity, and rejoice thereat,
regretting any mischance that may befall you j" adding
many other fair words, for which I thanked his right
reverend lordship in the name of your Excellency, and
departed.
I have been told to-day, by a servant of your Signory,
who hears many of the transactions of this side, even such as
are secret, that 100,000 crowns have been sent hence lately
to the Emperor,4 and that they were going to send him some
more, but my informant did not know for what purpose. I,
however, believe neither this, nor the things aforesaid,
and no argument can make me believe them * * *
1 Whenever the Senate determined on sending galleys on any trading
voyage, they were put up to auction at the Rialto, and the highest bidders,
who were styled the masters, and accompanied them on their voyage,
received the freight money out and home, paying the commodore and
crews ; and to secure for these galleys all the carrying trade, such goods
as came from England to Venice within a given period after they had
been put upon the berth, were bound to pay freight to the Venetian
masters, even should they be conveyed in other bottoms. The commo-
dore of the galleys here alluded to by the Venetian ambassador, was
Andrea Priuli, and the volume containing his com<nission from Doge
Loredano is now in my possession : it numbers 126 pages on vellum, and
the frontispiece is illuminated in the style of Attavante ; amongst its
46 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN
contents is the amount of salary (600 golden ducats) to be paid to the
commodore, and directions for the stowage of the freight, care of the
tackle, &c., &c. Andrea Priuli arrived in England in May, 1518, and
died of intermittent fever, at Hampton (Southampton), in the month of
September following, as will be seen by the despatches of Sebastian
Giustinian under those dates. In the month of July, 1505, the freight
of merchandise conveyed by the Venetian galleys from England to
Venice amounted to 17,000 ducats. (See Sanuto.)
2 A note on the wines brought by the Venetian galleys has been
inserted in vol. i. p. 100, and it is now necessary to add a brief account
of the circumstances alluded to by the ambassador, showing that the
decree was really such as he represented it. The supplies of malmseys,
romeneis, sakkes, and wines of Tyre, were so abundant that the average
price did not exceed 50^. per butt, and the proprietors of the wines were
even willing to take two-thirds of their value in cloth, and only one-
third in cash ; besides which, these butts in the olden time were of such
good measure, that before the days of Jack Cade (A.D. 1449) they often
contained from 132 to 140 gallons, instead of 126. In the middle of
the fifteenth century the popularity of malmsey was at its zenith in
England ; but the Venetian traders, who had converted the English to
the true faith in wine, and given them overflowing measure, met with
an ungrateful return, that is to say, they were paid with " deceitful
cloth," concerning which, so far back as in the thirteenth year of the
reign of King Richard II., A.D. 1389, it was thus enacted: —
" Forasmuch as divers plain cloths that be wrought in the counties of
Somerset, Dorset, Bristol and Gloucester, be tacked and folded together
and set to sale, of the which cloths a great part be broken, broused, and
not agreeing in the colour, neither be according in breadth, nor in no
manner to the part of the same cloths shewed outwards, but be falsely
wrought with divers wools, to the great deceit, loss, and damage of the
people, in so much that the merchants that buy the same cloths and carry
them out of the realm to sell to strangers, be many times in danger to
be slain, and sometimes imprisoned and put to fine and ransom by the
same estrangers, and their said cloths burnt or forfeit, because of the
great deceit and falsehood that is found in the same cloths when they be
untacked and opened, to the great slander of the realm of England : it
is ordained and assented, that no plain cloth tacked nor folded shall be
set to sale within the said counties, but that they be opened, upon pain
to forfeit them, so that the buyers may see them and know them, as it is
used in the county of Essex ; and that the workers, weavers, and fullers,
shall put their seals to every cloth that they shall work, upon a certain
pain to be limited by the justices of the peace ; and that this ordinance
begin to hold place at the feast of Saint John Baptist next following.
Provided always, that after the merchants have bought the same cloths
to carry, and do carry them out of the realm, they may tack them and
fold them at their pleasure, for the more easy carriage of them."
Despite the efforts of the legislature, "deceitful cloth" continued to
be sold long after the year 1389, so in 14.69 (4th Edward IV.) another
FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 47
act was passed hereon, similar to the foregoing, and the merchants of
Venice at length, to avoid being slain for supplying genuine malmsey at
the rate of 50 s. per butt of 14.0 gallons to their English customers,
declined taking our woollens in part payment. That they were justified
in so doing can scarcely be denied, but to punish a whole nation for the
crimes of the clothiers, by reducing the contents of the butt from 140
gallons to 1 08, may be questioned $ at any rate the retributive vengeance
of the pantaloons induced the following act of parliament, in the first
of the reign of King Richard III. (1483), some six years after the
Duke of Clarence had been privately drowned in " a but of malmesey
in the Tower." The preamble to the act, instead of commencing —
" Let me sit heavy on thy soul to-morrow,
I that was washed to death in fulsom wine,1'
runs thus :
" An Act for the Contents of a Butt of Malmesey.
" To the Kinge oure Soveraigne Lorde. — Shewen unto your Highnesse,
lamentably compleyning youre humble commens of this your present
pailiament assembled, in the name of theym self and of all your other
humble commens of this youre honorable realme, that whereas buttes of
wyne called maluesey were wont in greate plentee to be brought into
this youre said realme to be sold before the zyth and 28th yeres of the
reigne of Henry the Syxte, late in dede and not of right King of Englond,
and also in (he same yeres, and than divers of the buttes hilde in mesuare
140 galons apece, and divers hilde 132 galons apece, and the leste of
theym hilde 126 galons apece, and than a man might bye and have of
the merchaunte strangier seller of the said malueseys, by meane of the
seid plentee of theym for 50^. or 53^. 4^. atte the most, a butte of such
wyne, he takinge for his payment thereof 2 partes in wollen cloth
wrought in this youre said realme, and the 3rd parte in redy money :
It is so, Soveraigne Lorde, that by the sotell and crafty meanes of such
persones straungiers as have the sale of suche wynes, the which have
been made denizeins within this youre seid realme, have caused the butt
of rnalueseys lateward brought into this your seid realme to be solde, for
to be sore abregged and mynysshed of the said mesure so largely, that a
butte of their malueseyes at this day scantly holdith in measure 108
galons ; and besides that they knowinge as it semith what quantitie of
such wyne may serve yerely to be solde within this youre said realme,
where they were wont to brynge hider yerely greate quantite and plen-
tevously of suche wyne to be solde after the prices aforeseid, of their
craftynesse use to brynge no more hider nowe in late daies, but onely as
wolle scantly serve this realme a yere ; wherethurgh they have enhaunced
the price of the same wynes to 8 marc a butte, redy money and no
cloth, to the greate enrichyng of theym self and greate disceite, losse,
hurt and damage of you Soveraigne Lorde and of all your comens of
this your said realme ; in consideracion of whiche hurtes and damages
aforeseid, and for the reformacion of the same, please it youre High-
nesse, of youre moost bountevous and benynge grace, by thadvise and
48 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN
assent of youre lordes spuelx. and tempelx. and of youre comens in this
youre present parliament assembled, for to ordeyngne, enacte, and esta-
blisshe in this youre present parliament, and by auctorite of the same,
that no maner merchaunte nor other persone what so ever he be, from
the fest of Seynt Mygell tharchaungell now next comynge, forthwarth
brynge nor make to be brought in to this youre said realme eny butte of
malyesey to be solde but if it hold in mesure atte the leste the seid olde
mesure of 126 galons," &c., &c.
Besides the benefit derived by England from the introduction of
malmsey, which thus superseded " thin drink j" the taste for sack
induced our merchantmen to pass the gut of Gibraltar, then termed
"the Streightes of Marrock," or "of Malaga," and to load wines for
themselves on the Island of Candia. To this arrangement the Vene-
tians for a while did not object, and besides sack, and sugar likewise,
they supplied us with currants for our puddings from Cephalonia and
from Zante, allowing these*" creature comforts " to be conveyed to Eng-
land indifferently, either on English or Venetian bottoms ; but after the
inno-
piteous complaint of the vintners, made in such a tone of injured i
cence, touching the "sore abridgment" of their liquor and the " crafty-
nesse" of the Venetians, the Signory, without alluding to the " deceitful
cloth," quietly put on a duty of four ducats on every butt of wine
shipped in foreign vessels from the Isle of Candia.
This new duty came into force in the year 1489, six years after the
Malmsey Act, passed in the reign of King Richard III., and in the
seventh of Henry VII. (A.D. 1491), was resented thus:
" An Act to paye Custome for every Butt of Malmesey.
" To the Kyng our Sovereyn Lord :
" Praien the Comens in this present parliament assembled, that where
of tyme that no mynd is, your navie hath ben mayntened passing the
Streittes of Marrokys and to divers portis in those parties to the
universall increace of your seid navye, merchaunts, and maryners, and in
especiall by ladyng of malmeseys in the port of Candy, which perteyneth
to the lordship of Venice ; where nowe the Veniciens within thies two
yere last have made a statute and ordinaunce for the increace of the seid
lordship of Venice, and mayntenaunce of theymself and their navye and
maryners, that noon of your seid navye nor maryners shuld lade in the
seid porte of Candy any malmeseys to be conveyed into this youre
realme of Englond, without that your said marchauntis paye a newe
custume for every butte of malmesey so laden four dokatis of gold,
which amounted to 18 shillings sterling money over and above all other
custumes and charges afore that tyme used, which is greate hurte to
youre seid beseechers, without speciall remedy be had by your noble
and speciall grace : Please it, therefore, your moste habundant Grace,
by thadvyce and assent of the Lordes spirituall and temporall, and of
the Comens in this your present parliament assembled, and by auctorite
of the same, to eriacte and stablissh that from henceforth the malmeseys
that shalbe brought in to this your realme of Englond by any persone
shalbe of full gauge conteyning 120 and 6 galons at the lest in
FROM THE COURT' OF HENRY VIII. 49
mesure ; and if it lacke of the seid gauge, that than the seller to abate
somoche of the price after the rate of the seid content. And that every
merchant straunger bringing suche malmeseys into this realme, shall
pay to your Grace the cusrumes of eighteen shillings for a butte of
malmesey over and above the custume afore tyme to your Grace used to
be paied, likewise as they of Venice have sette in Candy uppon youre
forseid subgiettis. And more over that it be inacted and stablisshed by
thauctorite aforesaid, from hensforth that no butte or buttes of mal-
meseys, in vessell or in vessells that shalbe brought in to this your seid
realme, shall be sold above 4/. sterling.
" Provided allwey that this Acte extend not to any Englissh man
borne touching the newe custume above reherced of eighteen shillings.
And that this present Acte endure no lenger than they of Venice shall sette
aside the imposicion of the payment of the 4 due ate s aforeseid"
The desired effect was produced by this. " They of Venice " did
set aside the imposition, and the fact was announced to Henry VII. by
the Venetian Consul in London, Andrea Bragadino, in the month of
June 1499, but the King (although in 1498 he had proposed to the
Ambassador Trevisano to reduce the duty from three ducats to one)
made answer that his subjects no longer cared about making voyages to
Candia, and that he neither could nor would take off the duty, con-
sidering, apparently, that the diminution of the four ducats on export-
ing, was quite sufficient to annihilate " thin potations," and to secure a
"good store of fertil malmsey " for his subjects at a reasonable rate.
Such was the state of the malmsey dispute on the arrival in England
of Sebastian Giustinian ; and to prove that the praises bestowed by
Shakspeare on "sherris," had not yet utterly expelled the wines of
Candia from England, when he was busy writing Anthony and Cleo-
patra, and Cymbeline, and Coriolanus, and Timon of Athens, and the
Winter's Tale, it may be added that in the report of our country
made to the Venetian Senate by Marc Antonio Correr, who had been
ambassador at the court of King James I., from 1608 to 1611, is the
following passage : " I succeeded, through the Earl of Salisbury, in
relieving the merchants of Venice from an old grievance, on account of
a certain duty extraordinary, whereto of yore the wines of Candia were
subjected, concerning which, so long back as the year 1515, the noble
Sebastian Giustinian, then ambassador in England, gave himself great
trouble, but was compelled to leave the business unsettled ; and at this
present, a gentleman having obtained this monopoly as a gift from the
King, brought an action against our subjects, who vrere on the point of
being cast, and compelled to pay this duty, had it not been for the
interference of his Majesty."
The duties on malmsies in England, when the repeal was effected by
Correr, were probably much on the decline ; the wine had been pro-
nounced fulsom by Shakspeare ; all his praises were engrossed by fertil
sherris y and the consequence was, that malmsey became as unfashionable
in the reign of James I., as port in that of George IV.
3 See ante, note 2, p. 42.
VOL. II. E
50 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN
4 The intended congress at Cambray was evidently disagreeable to
Cardinal Wolsey, and possibly this remittance was made for the purpose
of inducing the Emperor not to attend it. At page 42 note has been
made of the reasons assigned at Rome for the hasty journey of Maxi-
milian to Cologne on the 3ist of March} but the London news may
also throw some light on the failure of this congress of Cambray, which
was much talked of in Europe at the commencement of the year 1517.
London, March 31, 1517.
I every day perceive farther confirmation of the hollowness
of the peace contracted between the Emperor and his most
Christian Majesty, and on this account the interview which
had been appointed between said Majesties has been put off;
and should the disturbance of the peace be true — a fact for
which I do not vouch — my belief is, that the cause is none
other than these lords, who, as I have already informed you,
remitted 100,000 crowns to the Emperor; nor may your
Excellency doubt but that this side has done, and is doing all
it can, to prevent union between the Emperor and the most
Christian King ; true is it that I am unable to learn matters
in detail, for never did these lords act with so much secresy,
or through fewer ministers than at present ; though, God be
praised, your Highness has obtained the greater part of your
territory, and is so well allied, that you need apprehend but
little from these conspiracies.
The letters received previously from your Highness in
date of the 5th instant, with the summaries from Cyprus,
I communicated forthwith to the right reverend Cardinal,
who, on hearing the progress of the Turk, said, " Now is
the time to invade him, occupied as he is against the Soldan,
ror we might indeed obtain Constantinople and a great part
of his Empire." I, although aware that his right reverend
FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 5!
lordship never says what he means, but the reverse of what
he intends to do, told him that this would be a most oppor-
tune moment, but that it would be requisite with all despatch
to endeavour to unite the Christian powers and league them
to this effect, discarding every other passion. He answered
me that for this sole end were the King and himself labour-
ing, although it had hitherto profited little ; and that he
would not cease pursuing this object; from which words,
uttered by him, I imagine inadvertently, your Highness may
comprehend his intentions, since it is evident that he has
hitherto never exerted himself to any other effect than to
sow discord between the princes aforesaid, as well known to
your Signory. Moreover, I entered on the affair of the
wines of Candia, and other national matters, which I will not
detail here, to avoid confusion.
On the 29th instant, I went to his Majesty, who received
me very well indeed, and I communicated to him the letter of
your Highness, together with the aforesaid summaries,
exhorting his Majesty to consider the imminent peril of the
Christian religion, and seek the general peace, in order to
extinguish this conflagration. He answered me that your
Excellency was in great danger, and that the King of France
would aid you, which he said with a smile, evidently meant
to crush any hope your Highness might repose in the King
aforesaid. I told him that the peril was general, although
your Highness chanced to be the nearest to it, and that
I trusted that not only his most Christian Majesty, but his
Excellency likewise, would not fail preserving such a limb
of the Christian commonwealth as your Highness, who
in such perilous circumstances was not to be despised. His
Majesty rejoined that he was remote from the danger, but
that should he perceive the others to bestir themselves he
also would do the like. Upon this, I said to him that of
52 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN
this I did not doubt, by reason of his piety and religion, and
that I, moreover, hoped the others would join, provided
a general peace were effected. He made answer, " I do
not wish for war with any one, unless provoked, and should
cause not be given me, shall attack no one ; had I been
desirous of war, I should have done many things : other
powers there are, who through war have obtained that
which no other means could have procured them ;" meaning,,
I fancy, to allude to your Signory. Whilst conversing
thus, when a good opportunity presented itself, I told his
Majesty that he was the most fortunate, and the most
powerful, and the most pacific prince in the world, and that
he ought not to endanger such great prosperity by com-
mitting it to chance, unless against the infidels, in which
case he no longer dedicated himself to chance, but to the aid
of God, who would not fail to prosper all his undertakings ;
and that for the completion of his glory, the only thing
wanting was that he should effect some glorious feat against
the infidels, thereby surpassing both the Emperor Theo-
dosius and Charlemagne,1 whose memories are yet cele-
brated. His Majesty graciously assured me that he would
not fail in his duty, should others concur, and with this I
took leave.
1 The ambassador Giustinian had too much experience of human
nature to have ventured on such gross flattery, unless sure that it would
prove acceptable, though it would puzzle anybody to comprehend how
Henry VII I., had he but purged Constantinople of the Turks, as Theo-
dosius did of Arianism, would have resembled that Emperor in the rest
of his career j nor does one exactly perceive how the first eight years
of the reign of Henry VIII. warrant a comparison between him and
Charlemagne.
FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 53
London, March 31, 1517.
By the letters tied up herewith, your Sublimity will have
seen that I had negotiated the affair of the wines of Candia
with the right reverend Cardinal, to whom I spoke be-
comingly, showing him the letters of your Highness, and
I made the Magnifko the Consul Lorenzo Pasqualigo, and
D. Antonio Bavarino accompany me, they being well
acquainted with the affairs of our nation, in order that should
any fresh allegation be made me by his right reverend lord-
ship, rendering farther information necessary, they might
afford it. Having stated the case to him, and mentioned the
contents of their decree, which stipulated that it was to
remain in force so long as the one issued by your Highness
which took off the duty of four ducats per butt, and adducing
many other arguments bearing on this matter, in consequence
of information received by me, his right reverend lordship
told me that the decree passed by the Parliament no longer
offered any impediment, as subsequently an agreement and
compromise had been effected between the late most serene
King and our merchants, for the payment of a noble per
butt, in addition to the old customs. I, who had acquainted
myself with this circumstance, answered him that no compro-
mise soever had taken place, such as could invalidate the
decree of the Parliament, for that when the late most
serene King insisted on the payment of a noble per butt,
besides the old customs, the case merely affected the interests
of two individual merchants, to whose address a ship had
arrived loaded with malmsies, who remonstrated to their
utmost with the King, but were at length compelled to pay
what his Majesty chose, considering it better to pay one
noble or four ducats, rather than two nobles or eight ducats j1
this payment therefore could not be construed into a compro-
54 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN G1USTINIAN
mise authorizing an act prejudicial to our nation, which has in
its favour, first, the ancient usage, according to which the
malmsies neither paid these customs here of one noble, nor
yet four ducats in Candia ; add to which the act of Parlia-
ment contains a special clause, purporting that the duty of
one noble was to be levied so long as that of four ducats per
butt remained in force in Candia : then came the repeal by the
Parliament, and I assigned many other reasons, which for the
sake of brevity I do not write to your Highness ; but his
lordship told me that your Excellency had tacitly consented
to this, having kept silence during this interval. I quoted to
him in reply the wars, the tribulations, and other distresses of
greater moment endured by you, disabling your Signory from
providing for these minor matters, but that your Highness
must not be supposed on this account to have consented.
His right reverend lordship having listened to these and
other arguments, told me he would assemble the members
of the Council,2 who would lay before me the reason
of his Majesty, to which his lordship said he was sure
I should assent. I besought his lordship to allow me to
be heard in person by those who were to decide this diffi-
culty, as I was certain that they and his lordship would
coincide with the opinion of your Highness. To this he
assented, saying, that immediately after the holidays, he
would send for me, that I might say what I chose, and that I
also might hear the arguments of his Majesty, and thus bring
this affair to a conclusion. I shall be ready to do my duty at
the appointed time, and besides what I already know, will
also endeavour to learn every other particular relating to this
matter from the other merchants, doing whatsoever I may
think expedient for the result, though I should tell your
Highness that we are navigating both against wind and tide,
as the right reverend Cardinal aspires and aims at nothing,
FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 55
save to obtain profit for this Majesty, with whom he main-
tains himself in great repute. I shall see what his lordship
may decide, and before the intended discussion of this matter,
should I perceive him to dissent from my opinion, I will go
to the King,3 and state the reasons of your Excellency to
his Majesty, who will deliberate, and then make his council
decide as he may think fit, and I shall act thus because I con-
sider that his Majesty is much more free and sincere in
judging what is right than the Cardinal. The other affairs of
our nation are also in difficulty, because his right reverend
lordship would fain receive a considerable sum for consenting
that the nation be placed on the same footing as of yore,
under pretence that the privileges now demanded were
obtained from the father of the present King on payment of
a great deal of money, which ought in like manner to be
contributed to his Majesty, in return for similar advantages,
which arguments were met opportunely, nor will we fail
to despatch these matters as desired, should the judge be one
who chooses to follow truth and equity.
I said nothing more about the safe-conduct for the galleys,
having been informed by my correspondents from Venice
that your Excellency has taken the course of obtaining it
direct from the Catholic King ; and my belief in this is con-
firmed by the galleys having been put up, which would not
have been done had you not received the safe-conduct,
especially as I wrote in several of my letters, that perceiving
matters in a bad state, as they then were here, I should not
proceed in this business without farther orders.
1 Meaning that as the merchants had received their wines from
Candia free of the former duty of four ducats, which had been taken off
A.D. 1499, they at any rate got their wine at a cheaper rate than would
have been the case before the year 1499, though at the same time the
fact of their adapting themselves to necessity could not fairly be adduced
as an argument in favour of abrogating that treaty, by which Henry VII.
50 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN
had promised, that as the Venetians had taken off the export duty, he
would allow the importation into England of the malmsies without sub-
jecting them to a charge of one noble per butt, which was levied in
addition to the usual customs or excise to which other wines were subject.
2 Quelli del Conseio. See ante, p. 32.
3 We are here reminded of the words put into the mouth of the Duke
of Buckingham by Shakspeare :
Buck. I '11 to the King,
A nd from a mouth of honour quite cry down
This Ipswich fellow's insolence, or proclaim
There 's difference in no persons."
London, April 13, 1517.
Since my last, in date of the 3ist ultimo, nothing else has
chanced, owing to the Holy Week, in which his Majesty and
the right reverend Cardinal have been occupied with Church
ceremonies. To-day I went to pay my respects to his
Majesty, to whom I communicated the letters of your
Highness, dated the ;th ultimo, endeavouring to convince
him that you had felt extreme satisfaction in the receipt of
his Majesty's congratulations. The King listened to me
very graciously, and said, in an under tone, u Know, as I
told you heretofore, that in this peace made between the
Emperor and the Kings of France and Spain, they nego-
tiated expressly against you" (which term, " expresse" he
repeated full four times), " and this I have from one who was
present, and who knows but he was a Frenchman." On
my asking his Majesty who the sovereigns, or their agents,
were, present at these negotiations,1 he answered me, " All
those who conspired against you at Cambray the last time ;
they all, or their agents, in making this peace, negotiated
your ruin ; the which peace, whether it has been formally
signed, I know not — I fancy not 3 but be assured that all
FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 57
these princes, should they be agreed about the peace, will
also be agreed for your ruin j and I let you know that you
are not the sole objects of this plot, for it moreover relates
to the Switzers, whom said princes have determined by all
means to annihilate, and I really much regret their entertain-
ing this intention of destroying you. True is it that the
Emperor, and the Catholic King, and I, are intent on frus-
trating this peace, and forming a confederacy which will be
joined, moreover, by his Holiness j nor do I act thus for
any other end, save the weal of the Christian common-
wealth."
Eluding somewhat the reply which might have been made
to what his Majesty said about the conspiracy against your
Excellency, I thanked him in the strongest terms for the
friendly demonstrations made towards your Highness, who,
in truth, were you to credit words and gests, might rate
these very highly, though I concede small belief either to his
Majesty or to the right reverend Cardinal, and consider this
blandishment devised for the purpose, which in your wisdom,
your Highness will easily comprehend. As to the second
part, about the new confederacy they are forming, I ap-
peared to believe that they were contracting it to oppose the
Turkish progress, and I lauded his Majesty for taking
thought for the Christian undertaking, expatiating on the
peril of those affairs. He made answer, " Domine Orator !
you are sage, and of your prudence may comprehend, that
no general expedition against the Turks will ever be effected
so long as such treachery prevails amongst the Christian
powers, that their sole thought is to destroy one another ;
and think how I could quit this kingdom, when such ill will
is borne me by certain persons ; nor, in like manner, would
your lords venture on leaving their dominions." I told him
I did not know how his Majesty and the other powers could
58 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN
allow the Turk to prosper, as they might all be confident
that, on the completion of his present undertaking, he would
attack Christendom, when it would behove them do, on
compulsion, and with more disadvantage, that which they
might now compass of their own free will. He then
again repeated to me that this was not only difficult but
impossible ; and as there has lately arrived here, one Friar
Nicholas, a German,2 the secretary of the right reverend
Medici, who had been sent by his Holiness to the Emperor-
and to the Kings of France and Spain, and finally came
hither, the cause of whose coming I did not feel sure of,
although " the faithful friend " (Chieregato) had given me an
account not entirely credited by me, I therefore made believe
to the King that I had received letters from Rome, inform-
ing me that he had been sent to prevent the interview
between the Emperor and the two Kings, and to counsel a
league of all the powers against the Turks j and I said,
" Your Majesty must have received information hereon
from said Friar," and this I did, to learn for certain the
cause of his coming. He made answer, that this Friar had
not come to thwart the congress, but to exhort all these
princes, and himself likewise, to the expedition against the
Turks 5 adding, u Said Friar was present when they nego-
tiated to destroy you and the Switzers." After this, he said
to me, " Have you not an ambassador in France, and also
with the Catholic King ? " I told him that your Excellency
had an ambassador in France, but not with the Catholic
King, although one had been appointed, but had not yet
reached the court ; and he then expressed his surprise that
your Excellency should not be informed of this treaty made
against your Signory, exhorting you strongly to despatch
your ambassador to the Catholic King, as from that quarter,
you would receive better information concerning the nego-
FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 59
tiations to your detriment, as part of the members of the
Council are in favour of them, and part not, and that from
one of the two sides, the ambassador of your Highness would
learn everything j saying, " Write to him also to keep you
advised, — for, in truth, I would not, that when writing this
to the Signory, you should make mention of having it from
me, as I might perhaps be suspected, on account of the
King of France, but say you know it from others ; and I
really am only induced to give you this news, simply because
I regret your destruction, and on account of the Christian
commonwealth."
I thanked the King exuberantly for his good will towards
the affairs of your Highness, assuring him that the like was
entertained by your Sublimity with regard to those of his
Majesty, whose prosperity and that of his kingdom you had
not less at heart than the welfare of your own State, with
many other expressions suited to this subject; but touch-
ing his not being mentioned to your Excellency as the author
of this intelligence, as he would perhaps be suspected, on
account of the King France, I told him that your Highness
was aware of being so lovingly looked on by his Majesty,
that it was impossible for his words to be suspected ; and,
that on the contrary, they would be deemed replete with all
love and benevolence, a fact which caused your Highness to
become daily more devoted to his Majesty, and with this I
took leave. Your Excellency must know, that before I
spoke to the King, I had been informed by " the faithful
friend" of the cause of the coming of the aforesaid Friar,
for they dined together, and he communicated the whole to
him, assigning two reasons,— first, to hinder the congress ;
and secondly, to form a general league against the Turks.
I have also been told by the " friend " aforesaid that a con-
fidential secretary of the right reverend Cardinal's said to
6O DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN
him, " Our masters here are incessantly plottting confede-
racies and frauds, but never effect anything;" expressing
himself, as it were, with indignation, which is confirmed to
me by the language of the King, who said that a confederacy
was now being negotiated, which would, moreover, be joined
by his Holiness, who, having lately received an urgent letter
of complaint from his Majesty, had answered him by a long
brief, full of such gracious and submissive language, that it
seems to have placed the holy chair beneath him, but little
to the dignity of his Holiness : and on my inquiring what
cause had induced him so to do, the "friend" replied, that
the Pope was aware he had displeased the Emperor by not
making any demonstration when he came into Italy, whereas
for the King of France he did his utmost.3 He had also
offended, he said, the most Christian King and your Signory,
by having ever kept the Lord Marc Antonio Colonna and
his troops in Verona during the siege;4 that the Catholic
King on his part considered himself aggrieved by the offence
offered to the Emperor ; and that the King of England was
extremely dissatisfied with his Holiness, both for having
scorned his league, and deprived the right reverend Car-
dinal of the see of Tournai,5 and appointed others in his
stead ; on which accounts, considering himself deserted by
every one, the Pope has chosen to reconcile himself to his
Majesty. Another cause is, that the Pontiffs are ever
wont to be disquieted by conferences between the great
powers, as the first thing they discuss in such interviews is
the reformation of the Church, that is to say, of the Pope
and Cardinals ; and on this account, said Holiness has dis-
solved the session of the Council6 in such wise that it will
not sit again ; and the conference being ended, nothing more
can be discussed at this Council, and it would be requisite to
convene a fresh one, which requires much time.
FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 6 1
Item, said " friend " assured me that Friar Schomberg
received two commissions to conclude this league, and in
fact three couriers arrived here from Rome within two or
three days of each other. The Friar has departed on his
way to the Catholic King, his Majesty of France, and the
Emperor, and is to return here shortly.
I also inform your Excellency that the truces between
Scotland and this kingdom have been entirely arranged, the
difficulties having consisted in the return of the Queen, and
in her having the administration of the kingdom, as also in
the number of English by whom she was to be accompanied,
and from mention having been made of her liability to
punishment should she plot against the realm. It is now
settled that she is to return, and will be honoured as Queen,
but not admitted to the administration of the kingdom ; that
she may take with her twenty-four Englishmen, and as
many Scotch as she pleases, provided they be not rebels ; and
that only the agents in any plot shall be amenable to punish-
ment, no mention being made of the Queen, because it is
contra dignitatem Regiam. Of these facts I have been
assured by the secretary of the most illustrious Duke of
Albany, who seems to put great trust in me, and I have
received very loving letters from him.
1 Guicciardini, vol. iii. p. 206, writes that Mons. de Chievres went to
Cambray on behalf of Charles of Spain, whilst Francis I. was repre-
sented there by the Lord Steward, Gouffier de Boissi, and by the Finance
Minister, Florimond Robertet. Guicciardini does not give the name of
the diplomatist who attended on behalf of Maximilian, but in a despatch
from the Venetian ambassador at Rome (No. 12, date a6th February),
it is stated on the authority of the French ambassadors, that the name of
the Imperial envoy who went to Cambray in March, 1517, was Filniger,
(sic).
2 Namely, the Dominican monk, Nicholas Schomberg, one of the
most able diplomatists of his time, and whose influence over the Cardinal
de Medici continued when he became Pope Clement VII., for in date of
the year 1525, Guicciardini writes that he was revered and almost feared
62 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN
by his sovereign, and that he was a disciple of Savonarola's. Guicciar-
dini also mentions that in this year 1517, Leo X. sent him to the King
of Spain to prevent the interview between the three Kings at Cambray,
lest it might prove prejudicial to the interests of the house of Medici.
From the Minio despatches I gather that Friar Nicholas had been
residing at the court of Maximilian, and on this account the French
Cabinet very much resented his mission to England, as here recorded by
Sebastian Giustinian.
Schomberg was a man of letters as well as a statesman, and according
to Bayle, the nun whom Martin Luther married was said to have been
his cousin. Nicholas Schomberg was travelling for his pleasure at the
age of five-and-twenty, when chancing to hear Savonarola preach at
Pisa, he determined on turning monk, and became procurator-general of
the convent of St. Mark's in Florence ; and when filling this post, deli-
vered at Rome, or elsewhere, in the presence of Pope Julius II., five
sermons on the tempting of the Saviour, which obtained very great
renown for him ; and on the accession of Leo X., that pontiff appointed
him one of the theologians in the schools "delta sapienza" and availed
himself of his services at the Council of the Lateran. Schomberg was
made Cardinal by Pope Paul III., A.D. 1535, May 20, and died in 1537,
his remains being interred in the church of Santa Maria supra Minerva
at Rome.
3 This alludes to the conference at Bologna in December, 1515. See
ante, p. 168, vol. i.
4 The presence of Marc Antonio Colonna is mentioned in the despatch
of Sept. 22, 1516 j and as he was a Papal subject, the Pope certainly
might have recalled him ; but as he received his pay from the Emperor,
and the Condottieri fought for whom they pleased, Leo X, could not
fairly be held accountable for this accident.
5 Hume, quoting Polydore Virgil (who was in prison when Sebastian
Giustinian arrived in England, as seen by the letters published by
Roscoe), mentions that Francis I. had refused to oust the bishop elect of
Tournai, as requested by Cardinal Wolsey, and Louis Gaillart obtained
a bull for his settlement in that see. Concerning Tournai, the Venetian
ambassador writes from Rome in date of i7th April, 1517, that the
French ambassador there, when speaking of the military preparations in
France, implied that they were destined against Tournai, and that Henry
VIII. was very much in the wrong, for that even were it not inserted in
the articles of the agreement, he nevertheless swore that on the consum-
mation of the marriage of the Princess Maria to Louis XII., his brother-
in-law should be put in possession of that city. This, whether true or
not, was the assertion of Brissonet, Bishop of St. Malo.
6 In the Minio despatch No. 29, details are given of the closing of
the Council of the Lateran on the i6th of March, 1517, when it was
announced, amongst other reasons for its being no longer necessary, that
many things had been reformed in the Church ; little did Leo X. then
anticipate how much more reformation the Church was then on the
eve of undergoing.
FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 63
London, April 23, 1517.
On receipt of the last letter from the State, I went to the
right reverend Cardinal, with whom I found the reverend
Bishop of Durham, and communicated to them the news of
the Turkish Armada, urging them to beware of the immi-
nent peril which threatened Christendom. His lordship
evinced extreme regret at these things, saying, one ought to
make some provision for this, and I answered in conformity,
but for the sake of brevity will not go into details. He
then turned the conversation, inquiring of me whether I had
any other news, and on my assuring him that I had nothing
else, his lordship said, laughing, that I must tell him what I
knew, as he doubted not but that I must be acquainted with
something besides. I vowed most positively that nothing
else had reached me, and he then exclaimed, " What ! do
you not know that the ambassadors of these potentates,
namely, the Emperor, France, and Spain, have been in
Cambray, and discussed an union, and that the King of
France excluded you ? This shows how he treats you, and
the worth of his friendship." I told him that I had no
intelligence to this effect, and that on the preceding day I
had received letters from our ambassador in France, making
no mention soever hereof. He rejoined, " Such, however,
is the case, and the ambassadors aforesaid conferred together,
and discussed peace and union ; and that you were to be
excluded, nor did the French ambassadors mention you as
any party to it/' I told him that I was very much surprised,
and that should this be the case, I imagined it must proceed
from some other cause than ill-will, as our faith and works
had not deserved such treatment : thus I despatched the
topic in few words, both to avoid dispute, and also because,
from my experience of his right reverend lordship, I did not
64 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN
believe what he said. I then brought forward the matter of
the wines, when his lordship told me he was tired, from the
quantity of business he had transacted, but that he had
arranged for the assembly of the Council,1 and would sum-
mon me likewise, so as to settle the business, though no
particular day was fixed, as he could not bind himself. I,
however, besought his right reverend lordship with all
earnestness to exert himself for this settlement, in order that
the galleys might be despatched, and the merchants be
enabled to order their shipments for this voyage, as of
yore.
This being the festival solemnized by the Knights of St.
George's Garter, I went to the King, and when the cere-
mony was over after dinner, I presented myself to his
Majesty, and communicated to him the news from the East.
He replied, that he had received advices of a contrary
nature from Rhodes and Scio,2 and knew he was not de-
ceived, purporting that his armada had merely been fitted out
because Sultan Selim is hemmed in by his enemies, and is
aware that he can only escape by sea from Alexandria,
where his fleet assembled after the conquest of Egypt. I
answered his Majesty, that according to the advices received
previously, and which I had communicated to him, he was
informed that the Turk was in very great force, and on his
march towards Cairo, where the Soldan was ready to give
him battle ; but that no engagement had taken place of a
nature warranting its being said that Sultan Selim was com-
pelled to come by sea ; though it seems that he ordered this
fleet, both for the sake of having the necessary supplies for
his army, and also in case of his proving victorious, that he
might employ it in the way stated in my advices ; though
at the same time, I expressed my belief that it was also
destined for the purpose mentioned by his Majesty, in the
FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 65
event of his being routed, which would to God he were.
The King repeated his assertion, saying he was sure of it,
and that from the Turk there was little to fear, but that
more might be dreaded from bad Christians. With regard
to dreading the Turk, I rejoined as appeared expedient to
me j but at this present, events which are not desired are not
credited ; and when I was in the act of taking leave, his
Majesty said, " I will communicate the following to you : —
Know that I have this day received letters, announcing that
the peace between the Catholic King and me is concluded,
the other (which was formed with France) being utterly dis-
solved, King Francis having already commenced doing all
the mischief he could through the Duke of Guelders.3"
I thanked his Majesty for the communication, and asked
him whether the Emperor was included in this peace, and
he said not yet, but that he would be soon. I also inquired
about his Holiness, whereupon he replied, " Pontifex est
meuS) and I shall also have the Switzers." In order to bow
to what I know is the intention of your Signory, I said,
" We may now hope for a general peace, and that the ex-
pedition against the Turks may be effected, seeing that the
majority is united." His Majesty answered me, " I told
you, heretofore, not to imagine such a thing possible, whilst
the throne is filled by one utterly faithless, who boasts of
meaning to do that which is far from his thoughts, all for the
sake of obtaining money and realizing his schemes." I told
him, that should his Majesty choose to turn his mind to this,
I thought all the powers would concur, as I considered his
the principal part in this undertaking. He rejoined, " I tell
you that I cannot trust any one, for each endeavours to
deceive his fellow j nor do I see that there is any faith in the
world, save in me, and therefore God Almighty, who knows
this, prospers my affairs. Do you not perceive that the
VOL. II. F
66 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN
potentates first make peace and confederacy with a State,
and then negotiate its destruction with others" (implying that
the most Christian King was plotting against your High-
ness) ; " how, said he, would you possibly have me place
reliance ? " After much more to this effect, he added, placing
his hand on my shoulders, and laughing,4 " I know, that now
you have got your territory, you don't care for these things ;
but only thank God that you are out of great danger !"
In this strain he continued talking, censuring the treachery
of others, and lauding his own loyalty ; whereupon I told
him that I doubted not but that the faith and religion of his
Majesty, coupled with his other virtues, caused him to prosper,
and that thus did I pray it might be for the future ; and in like
manner did I hope that through the virtues aforesaid, he
would arrive at some general peace and confederacy against
the common enemy, to which effect I knew his authority
would avail much." His Majesty said, " I am unable to do
more than can be effected by a single Sovereign ; I am only
King of England ; I cannot command others." I told him
that his Majesty was aware that a candle emitted a flame
proportioned to the candle, but diffused its light far away ; 5
and in like manner the authority of his Majesty was available
beyond his realms, and well nigh all over Christendom. He
repeated that he would all were as loyal and sincere as he is ;
and much having been said hereon, I thanked his Majesty
for the communication made to me, he in like manner
returning thanks to your Excellency for your announcement,
and I took leave.
This, most serene Prince, is as much as has taken place
hitherto. Your Sublimity perceives the allusions I make
to this general union and crusade, under the impression
that your Sublimity sends me these Turkish advices to
prepare the matter. Should your Highness object to my-
FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 67
acting in this business according to what I fancy I know,
I beseech you to announce to me your will, for I dare
not venture far from the shore without the rudder of your
Highness, who should be pleased to acquaint me with your
intention ; that is to say, whether I am to continue thus,
touching on the topic adroitly, or, to expatiate thereon,
and make a decided effort ; as in the former case my tactics
would be of one sort, and in the latter of another. I am
solely intent on being enabled to do what may prove to the
advantage and profit of the most excellent Signory — do your
Highness not be chary of communicating to me your object.
Augustin Coppo,6 who is well known to your Serenity,
died the other day in Flanders, whither he is said to have
gone for the performance of some great exploit.7
1 Posto ordine quelli del Conseglio convenisseno, (see ante, Feb. loth.)
2 Probably through the English Knights of Rhodes, whose Superior
or Prior in England was Sir Thomas Dockwra. See pp. 93-4, vol. i.
3 In a despatch from the Venetian ambassador at Rome, No. 85, date
22nd July, 1517, it is stated that Adolphus, Duke of Guelders, the same
who after many struggles was compelled in 1528 to cede his duchy to
Charles V., was in the month of May, 1517, on the contrary, making
head against Maximilian, and occupying the whole of Friesland.
4 Dandome de la mano sopra le spalle.
5 The words in the original are " Che una candella facea fiamma
conveniente a la candella, ma ben diffundeva el suo splendor luntano."
The thought is expressed in English 'by Shakspeare in "The Merchant
of Venice," in the last scene at Belmonte, where he makes Portia say,
" That light we see is burning in my hall :
How far that little candle throws his beams !
So shines a good deed in a naughty world."
6 The little that is known about Augustin Coppo may be seen at p.
32, vol. i, and from that little it may be guessed that the " great exploit "
which death prevented his performing in Flanders, was some act of vio-
lence or bloodshed, such, perhaps, as kidnapping or murdering the Car-
dinal of Sion, who, as stated at p. 32 1, vol. i. was liable to be waylaid ; and
possibly Coppo thought that had he secured the person of one who had
shown himself so bitter an enemy to the State, the Council of Ten would
have repealed the sentence of outlawry under which he was yet suffering
in 1517, despite the intercession made in his favour by Leo X. with the
Signory in February, 1515.
68 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN
7 The very day before this letter was written, the Venetian secretary,
Sagudino, from whose autograph copies these translations are made,
wrote to the Archbishop of Malmsey. His letter has been printed in
the correspondence of Erasmus (edition Leyden, 1703, folios 1601-1603),
and its object was to congratulate the bishop on his appointment, but
regretting his consequent departure from Venice. This archbishop was
the famous Greek scholar, Marco Musuro, of whom mention is made in
the life ot Leo X. by Roscoe ; and it is remarkable that neither he nor
his invidious commentator Bossi should have quoted this printed epistle
in aid of their researches concerning the precise moment when Musuro
obtained his see. It may also be added that both one and the other
have blundered in supposing that Musuro succeeded Rali in this bishopric,
seeing that Musuro died at Rome on the 2jth October, 1517, and that
Leo X. then gave the see to Rali, as mentioned in a despatch of Marco
Minio, the Venetian ambassador at Rome.
Sagudino, in his letter written from London to the Archbishop of
Malmsey on the 2 2nd of April, 1517, mentions the recent arrival in
England of Erasmus, and that their literary society (consisting, doubt-
less, of the ambassador Giustinian, More, Chieregato, Pace, Tonstal,
Ammonius, and Lineacre) exerted itself strenuously, " ne dies ullus
musis <vacuis dilabatur"
Richmond, May 5, 1517.
Since my last, I, together with this Magnifico the Consul
Pasqualigo, and Dom. Antonio Bavarino, went to the right
reverend Cardinal concerning the renewal of the patents,
which expired seven years ago, so as to be enabled to form
contracts on the usual terms. We spoke with his right
reverend lordship, who desired that one of the royal secre-
taries might be sent for, in order to discuss the matter and
despatch it. The difficulty consists in his insisting on the
payment of some three hundred pounds sterling, as given to
the present King's father, whereas we never would consent
to disburse anything, but merely pay for the deeds and
stamps. I know not how it will end. I afterwards com-
menced discussing the affair of the wines of Candia, and
FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 69
his lordship told me that he had arranged for those of the
Parliament1 who made the decree, which is our strongest
point, to confer with me and discuss this matter. I imagine
that this is rather with a view to raise some difficulty,
which, by reason of the manifest right on our side, he is
ashamed of putting forward himself, than from any intention
of proceeding according to justice, I, however, being
thoroughly acquainted with the subject, will not allow the
cause of your Highness to perish, should I have to deal with
such as may choose to do justice, for I can, indeed, persuade
by arguments, but am powerless to compel by force. I
hope the business will be speedily despatched, and shall
endeavour that the result prove favourable. And I am of
opinion that it would already have been settled, had there
not intervened a fresh perilous matter, and of a very bad
nature — namely, that after Easter a certain preacher, at the
instigation of a citizen of London, preached as usual in the
fields, where the whole city is in the habit of assembling
with the magistrates, and commenced abusing the strangers
in the town, and their mode of life and customs, alleging
that they not only deprived them of their industry, and of
the emoluments derivable thence, but disgraced their dwell-
ings, taking their wives and daughters ; adding much other
exasperating language, persuading and exhorting them not
to suffer or permit this sort of persons to inhabit their town,
by which means he so irritated the populace that from that
day they commenced threatening the strangers that on the
ist of May they would cut them to pieces and sack their
houses.2
Perceiving this bad feeling to increase daily, and the
minds of the people to become inflamed, I said a few words
hereon to the right reverend Cardinal, who told me he would
make provision against any accident on that day, as I
7<3 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN
believe he did. On the last day of April, indeed, I was
warned of many threats, emanating from the populace, and
witnessed many acts of violence perpetrated by them ; so
I thought fit, for the benefit and security of our nation,
to come here to Richmond, the actual residence of the
King, whom I went to see, and stated the matter to him,
placing before his eyes the peril to which all foreigners were
exposed. His Majesty listened to me graciously, promising
to take every precaution, and the next night having received
news that the Londoners were in arms, and committing
great outrage upon the strangers, he got up at midnight, and
took the field with a good number of persons, and sent
messengers to London announcing his coming with a
large army ; though, in reality, he never quitted Rich-
mond.
The fact was, that on the night preceding the first of
May, the London apprentices, who are articled servants of
English merchants and artizans, with a number of bandits
(jzV), amounting in all to 2,000, rose, and went to divers
parts of the city inhabited by French and Flemish artificers
and mechanics, whose houses they sacked, and wounded
many of them, though it is not understood that any were
killed. They next proceeded to the dwelling of his Majesty's
French secretary,3 which they sacked, doing very great
damage there, and had he himself not escaped up the belfry
of the adjoining church, they would have cut him to pieces ;
they also sacked a number of houses of French artificers
in the neighbourhood of his residence. They next went to
the houses of the Florentine, and Lucchese, and Genoese
merchants, whom they insulted ; but, as said dwellings were
well supplied with men and arms and artillery, they could not
do them any harm. Against the houses of the Venetians,
on the contrary, no demonstration was made, as they
FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 71
have ever comported themselves with so much equity and
decorum, that there was no wishing to harm them. The
house of the Spanish ambassador likewise received some
insult, but not of importance j my dwelling, by the grace of
God, was guarded and preserved like a church, some of
my cordial friends who visit me there daily, having had it at
heart.
Much greater mischief and bloodshed would have taken
place, had precautionary measures not been adopted before-
hand, I believe by the right reverend Cardinal, who was
forewarned, and also by the other lords, who on that night
came with a considerable force, and by several roads, to
the city, where they found the gates closed by these seditious
ribalds, in order that they might wreak their ill will on
the strangers in the town, having overpowered the forces
of the Lord Mayor and the other City magistrates in such
wise that they compelled them to have the gaols opened
and to release their prisoners. The Lord High Admiral
of the royal fleet,4 who came with a number of troops,
entered the city by force, and had another gate opened,
outside which was the most illustrious the Duke of Norfolk,
his father ; and having come in with their forces, they
moreover admitted my Lord of Burgundy5 and other lords.
Every necessary provision was now made, and about
seventy of these ribalds being captured, twelve of them
regarded as ringleaders have been already condemned to
death ; the others, it is probable, will be consigned to the
like fate to-morrow. Amongst the prisoners is the very
man who instigated the preacher, and the preacher himself,
who will receive the deserts of his iniquity. According to
report, there are now in London in the King's name from
4,000 to 5,000 men in armour, so that these ribalds will
not be able to vent their ill will ; though, so great is their
72 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN
malignity, that what they are unable at this present to do
themselves, for fear of death, is done by their women, whfo
evince immense hatred towards all strangers. This has
been a great commotion, but the terror was greater than
the harm done j though there is no doubt, that unless strong
measures had been adopted in time, not a single house of
the strangers would have escaped, and their property would
have been sacked and themselves cut to pieces. Praised
be God !
I have chosen to write this, in order that your Highness
may know what really took place, and because I am certain
that others will write differently, and perhaps give an ex-
aggerated account of the circumstances.6
1 " Parlamento1'1 here must be used in its etymological or general sense,
as the Parliament of England did not sit in the whole period from
December 22nd, 1515, to April i5th, 1523 (see Statutes of the Realm,
vol. iii. fol. 197.) The council meant by Giustinian was probably that
which sat in the Lord Treasurer's chamber, next to the Star Chamber.
See note to despatch dated loth February
2 The account of the " Evil May Day" given by Hume, is taken from
Stow, who was not born till about the year 1525, and is as follows : —
"The foreign artificers in general much surpassed the English in
dexterity, industry, and frugality, and hence the violent animosity which
the latter on many occasions expressed against any of the former who
were settled in England. They had the assurance to complain that all
their customers went to foreign tradesmen; and in the year 1517, being
moved by the seditious sermons of Dr. Bele, and the intrigues of Lincoln,
a broker, they raised an insurrection.
" The apprentices and others of the poorer sort in London began by
breaking up the prisons, where some persons were confined for insulting
foreigners. They next proceeded to the house of Meutas, a Frenchman
much hated by them, where they committed great disorders, killed some
of his servants, and plundered his goods. The mayor could not appease
them, nor Sir Thomas More, late under-sheriff, though extremely re-
spected in the city. They also threatened Cardinal Wolsey with some
insult, and he thought it necessary to fortify his house and put himself
on his guard. Tired at last with these disorders, they dispersed them-
selves, and the Earls of Shrewsbury and Surrey seized some of them. A
proclamation was issued, that women should not meet together to babble
and talk, and that all men should keep their wives in their houses : next
day the Duke of Norfolk came into the City at the head of thirteen
FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 73
hundred armed men, and made inquiry into the tumult. Bele and Lin-
coln, and several others, were sent to the Xower, and condemned for
treason : Lincoln and thirteen more were executed. The other criminals,
to the number of four hundred, were brought before the King with
ropes about their necks, fell on their knees, and cried for mercy. Henry
knew at that time how to pardon ; he dismissed them all without further
punishment."
We thus learn that the name of the preacher here alluded to by the
Venetian ambassador was Bele, and that the person styled by him a
London citizen, was the broker Lincoln. I have never met with any
contemporary account of this insurrection by foreigners, besides this one
by Giustinian, and that of his secretary Sagudino, which will follow it ;
and both appear to me to form an amusing supplement to Hall, who,
amongst other things, writes: —
" Evil May Day, 8 Henry VIII. In this season the Genowayes,
Frenchmen, and other straungers, sayde and boasted them selfes to be
in suche favour with the Kyng and hys counsayll, that they set naughte
by the rulers of the citie : and the multitude of straungers was so great
aboute London, that the poore Englishe artificers coulde skace get any
lyvynge ; and moost of all the straungers were so proude that they dis-
dayned, mocked, and oppressed the Englishmen, whiche was the begin-
nynge of the grudge. For amonge all other thynges there was a carpenter
in London called Willyamson, whiche bought two stockdoves in Chepe,
and as he was aboute to paye for them, a Frencheman took them oute
of hys hande, and sayde they were not meate for a carpenter. ' Well,'
sayde the Englishman, ' I have bought them, and now payd for them,
and therefore I will have them :' ' Naye,' sayde the Frencheman, ' I will
have them for my lorde the ambassador,' and so for better or worse, the
Frencheman called the Englisheman knave, and went awaye with the
stockdoves. The straungers came to the Frenche ambassadour, and
surmysed a complaynte agaynste the poore carpenter, and the ambassa-
dour came to my Lorde Mayre and sayde so much, that the carpenter
was sent to pryson ; and yet, not contented with this, so complayned to
the Kynge's counsail, that the Kynge's commandement was layde on
hym. And when Syr Jhon Baker, Knyght, and other worshipful! per-
sones, sued too the ambassadour for hym, he answered, by the body of
God that the English knave shoulde lose his lyfe, for he sayde no
Englisheman shoulde deny that the Frenchemen required, and other
answer had they none.
" Also a Frencheman had slayne a man. Howbeit the Frenchmen
were not alonely oppressors of the Englishemen, for a Lombarde called
Fraunces de Bard, entised a manne's wyfe in Lombarde Strete to come
to his chambre with her husbande's plate, whiche thynge she dyd.
After, when her husbande knewe it, he demaunded hys wyfe, but
aunswer was made he shoulde not have her ; then he demaunded his
plate, and in lyke maner aunswer was made that he shoulde neither have
plate nor wyfe. And when he had served an accion agaynste the
straunger in the Guylde hall, the straunger so faced the Englisheman
74 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN
that he faynted in hys sute. And then the Lombarde arrested the poore
man for his wyfe's boorde, while he kept her from her husband in his
chamber. This mocke was much noted, and for these and many other
oppressions done by them, there encreased suche a malice in the Englishe
mennes haites, that at the last it brast oute." * * *
3 This was evidently Meutas, whose employment in the service of
Henry VIII. seems to have been unknown to Stow.
4 Thomas Howard, Earl of Surrey, who eventually became third Duke
of Norfolk, was created Lord Admiral on the death of his brother, Lord
Edward, who, on the 25th of April, 1513, perished in the attempt at
Brest 5 " whereupon Lord Thomas, bringing the fleet out of harbour,
so scoured the seas as not a fisherboat of the French durst adventure
forth." (See Collins, vol. i. p. 85.)
5 In the original, Monsignor di Borgogna, which is nearest in sound
to the title of Buckingham. According to all accounts of Evil May
Day, however, the person meant ought to be George Talbot, Earl of
Shrewsbury.
6 Amongst the accounts given, as anticipated, of these occurrences, is
one by Sagudino, Giustinian's secretary, which, however, does not appear
to be exaggerated, and is so interesting that it may here be transcribed
as we find it in the MS. diaries of Sanuto, vol. xxiv. folio 343.
, " Summary of a letter from England written by Nicolo Sagudino, the
secretary of our ambassador, dated the i9th of May, 1517, addressed to
Alvise Foscari, son of the late Nicolo.
" How on the 5th inst. he gave notice of the insurrection, since when,
however, the most severe example was made of some twenty of the delin-
quents, owing to which the populace here, both men, women, and chil-
dren, had recourse to threats and blows most outrageously $ and, amongst
the rest, they wounded two of our servants, since which matters have
been quieted better than was expected, and subsequently not a single
outrage has been heard of. On the contrary, so far as concerns himself
(the secretary), whom it behoves frequent the palaces of the right rever-
end Cardinal and the nobility, greater honour is paid him, and more
way made for him than before, though their ill-will does not subside,
and there are those who eye him askance, but he trusts in God nothing
further will come of it j he shuns every opportunity calculated to induce
any dissension, and has determined to remain within doors as much as he
can, until the desired day arrives for returning home. The King having
lately exercised such rigorous justice, thought fit moreover to display his
extreme clemency by pardoning the rest of those concerned in this con-
spiracy, and came one day to a place distant half a mile hence, with his
court in excellent array, the right reverend Cardinal being there likewise
with a number of lords, both spiritual and temporal, with their followers,
in very gallant trim j and his Majesty being seated on a lofty platform,
surrounded by all those lords, who stood, he caused some four hundred of
these delinquents, all in their shirts and barefoot, and each with a halter
round his neck, to be brought before him ; and on their presenting
themselves before his Majesty, the Cardinal implored him aloud to pardon
FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 75
them, which the King said he would not by any means do ; whereupon
said right reverend Cardinal, turning towards the delinquents, announced
the royal reply. The criminals, on hearing that the King chose them
to be hanged, fell upon their knees, shouting ' Mercy ! ' when the Car-
dinal again besought his Majesty most earnestly to grant them grace,
some of the chief lords also doing the like, so at length the King con-
sented to pardon them, which was announced to these delinquents by said
ri^-ht reverend Cardinal with the tears in his eyes ; and he made them a
long discourse, urging them to lead good lives, and comply with the
royal will, which was, that strangers should be well treated in this
country, adding many other expressions hereon $ and when the Cardinal
told them this, that the King pardoned them, it was a fine sight to see
each man take the halter which hung from his neck and throw it in the
air, and they jumped for extreme joy, making such signs of rejoicing as
became their escape from such peril. It was a very fine spectacle and
well arranged, and the crowd of people present was innumerable.
" The mischief was not very great, though it would have been
immense had provision not been made ; and especially as, according to
report, no strangers were killed, these people cannot bear that forty of
their countrymen should have been so cruelly hanged and quartered : at
the City gates one sees nothing but gibbets and the quarters of these
scelerats, so that it is horrible to pass near them. God be praised that
the affair has passed off more tranquilly than was anticipated from so
sudden an hurricane.
" He writes that he would fain be here.
" He remained ten days at Richmond with the ambassador, and in
the evening they enjoyed hearing the King play and sing, and seeing
him dance, and run at the ring by day, in all which exercises he acquitted
himself divinely. Monsignor Dionisio Memo was there, and at his
request the King made them listen to a lad who played upon the lute,
better than ever was heard, to the amazement of his Majesty, who never
wearies of him, and since the coming of this lad, Zuan Piero is not in
such favour as before, and complains, and is quite determined on return-
ing into Italy sane bene peculiatus, and he does wisely.
" Said Master Dionysius has composed a very fine vocal quartet, enti-
tling it,
' Memor esto verbi tui
Servo tuo perpetuo
In quo mini spem dedisti.'
This he was to play to the King, giving him the words, whence one
may easily comprehend his wish : he will not fail him."
76 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN
Richmond, May 9, 1517.
* * * Owing to the precautions taken, the execution
of some twenty of the delinquents, and the issue of procla-
mations threatening the lives and property of those who
shall molest strangers, these tumults in London have ended
better than was expected : nor will I omit adding this —
that on the very day of the riot there arrived in London
an ambassador from the most serene King of Portugal,1
a very illustrious person according to report, and who,
together with his attendants, was attacked by these seditious
ribalds, so that he had difficulty in escaping with his life j
and hereon he apparently made great complaints — though
he has really no cause for such — against his Majesty or the
Privy Council. Said ambassador will have audience here
at Richmond to-morrow, whither the right reverend Cardinal
and many of these lords have betaken themselves on this
account. I shall endeavour to learn his errand, and will
see to arranging with the Cardinal aforesaid about the
despatch of the affair of the wines, and of the patents for
the merchants, concerning which it has been impossible
to do anything, owing to these disturbances ; but to-morrow,
or next day, I think of returning to London, and will act
as I know is the intention of your Sublimity.
1 It was in this year that Emmanuel the Fortunate obtained permis-
sion from the Chinese to trade with them, and to build a town at Macao,
twenty leagues from Canton. The trade between Portugal and England
was already considerable, and at the close of the year 1503 there were as
many as five Portuguese barks in the Thames, with 380 tons of spices
from Colocut, much to the regret of the Venetian galleys under the
command of the Commodore Pesaro, which were off Falmouth at the
same time, and of course wished Vasco di Gama and the, Cape passage
out of existence.
FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 77
London, May iz, 1517.
My last were from Richmond on the gth instant, whereby
your Excellency will have learnt the result of the insurrec-
tion of these English, and the execution of the delinquents,
which are not yet ended, the proceedings against them
continuing according to their demerits. I am returned to
London, and found things were quieted again, but I do not
know whether the fear of punishment will suffice to repress
the audacity of these people, considering the hatred which
they bear to strangers.
I wrote to your Highness that the ambassador of the
most serene King of Portugal was to come to Richmond,
there to have audience of his Majesty and these lords,
whereupon I went to the court, and on his coming, I
met him with every demonstration of good will and honour,
apologizing to his Lordship for not having visited him in
London, by reason of my having come to Richmond on
account of the insurrection. He greeted me very graciously,
and recognised me, before I addressed him, as the Venetian
ambassador, I imagine from my appearance ; and having
drawn aside, I stated to him the very ancient friendship
which had ever prevailed between your Signory and
Portugal, and the respect entertained by your Excellency
towards his present Majesty and his predecessors, reminding
him of the good fellowship and harmony enjoyed by our
nation in Portugal, and by his e converse in Venice, and of
many offices reciprocated by either State ; adding a variety
of other expressions, tending to our mutual good-will. His
Magnificence answered me very respectfully and lovingly,
confirming what I had said, and reminding me that, when-
ever in his power, his Majesty of Portugal had always
shown himself friendly towards your Highness, in confir-
'0 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN
mation of which, he quoted the Armada sent by Portugal in
favour of your Excellency against the Turks,1 and other
friendly offers of which your Highness might have availed
yourself in divers cases of need. But, he continued, since
his Majesty aforesaid commenced the Indian voyages, your
Excellency had been hostile to him, giving succour and
counsel to the Soldan (according to report) against his
Majesty ; although, all things well considered, your Signory
had no reason for so doing, notwithstanding the great detri-
ment which this caused you, and he expatiated hereon,2
narrating the magnanimous operations of the King aforesaid
against the infidels, for which he considered him deserving
of honour and singular commendation.
I listened to him most attentively, admitting what he said,
but observed that with regard to his aspersion about your
Highness's enmity on account of the Indian voyages, his lord-
ship deceived himself greatly; nor could this proceed but from
public or private malice, as his lordship was aware of the
strife which had existed between your Signory and well nigh
all the powers of Christendom. * * * Touching his asser-
tion about aid actually given to the Soldan, both in artillery and
counsel, he ought to know that your Excellency might be
more reasonably suspected of anything than of favouring the
infidels against the Christians, and especially those to whom
you were linked by such strong ties of friendship. It was
proved, I said, by the long and bloody wars that raged
between you and the Turks, what hostility you entertained
towards them, and the same feeling existed against all other
infidels ; should these arguments fail to convince him, I
added the following fact, namely, that in our Senate there
are about 250 members who deliberate on State affairs, nor
is it credible that they would sacrifice the salvation of their
souls, for the indulgence of any passion, knowing that
FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 79
whosoever gives counsel or favour to the infidels against
the Christians is excommunicated, and can only be absolved
by the Pontiff; nor would a similar proceeding tally with the
religion of our State, which experiences extreme consolation,
and has ever derived such, from the great exploit, glory,
and increase of the King of Portugal, and consequently of
the Christian religion through his Majesty, and that there
was no one in Venice but who felt anxious for all India,
which is Mahommedan, to acknowledge our faith, and
resume the arms of Christ 3 (ftV), and although it seems that
our citizens are somewhat injured by the spice trade being
turned to Portugal, yet are we more zealous for the Christian
faith, than for a little additional emolument, adding many
other arguments which occurred to me. His Magnificence
listened to me attentively, and appeared convinced by my rea-
soning, and we remained a long time together, and dined as
customary at court, and he ever spoke in terms of honour and
affection, so that he departed apparently very well satisfied.
To-day, having heard that his lordship had terminated
his mission, and was betaking himself to the court of the
most Christian King, I went to visit him at his dwelling,
when he gave me hearty welcome, and drawing me aside,
said he had taken leave, and departed very well satisfied with
his Majesty. The object of his embassy, he said, had
been complimentary to the most serene Queen, who is the
sister of her Majesty of Portugal,4 nothing of the sort having
taken place for many years past, and especially by reason of
the opportunity afforded through his coming to congratulate
the Catholic King on his accession, and that no other object
had brought him hither. In the course of conversation, he
inquired of me how it happened that whereas it had not been
the custom previously for your Signory to keep an ambas-
sador in England, I was now residing here. I told him that
80 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN
since many years your Serenity had despatched hither various
ambassadors, though it was true none had remained here
so long a while as my predecessor and myself, because not
only had his Majesty kept aloof from the league of Cambrai,
but had formed a confederacy with our State, wherefore I
was here as the ambassador of your Highness, the ally of
England. I then repeated my assurances of the good-will
borne by your Highness towards his Sovereign ; and besides
the explanations already given by me, I added that your
Excellency has one of the chief magistracies of our town
appointed for the purpose of not allowing iron, or timber, or
provisions, to be conveyed into the territory of the infidel,5
under penalty of losing the whole venture, and much more,
through confiscation, and very long imprisonment ; and
whenever anything of the sort had happened, which was
seldom, this had been enforced most rigorously, so that
it would be in contradiction to your policy were you to give
succour and counsel to the Moors against his Majesty, I
begged him, in conclusion, to try the good faith of your
Excellency in like manner as the experienced mariners of
these narrow seas steer safely into port, namely, by their
frequent soundings; thus, I suggested, his King should
endeavour to learn through unsuspected channels the opera-
tions of your Highness, as he would find them replete with
religion and piety, and remote from all treachery and malice ;
and with this, after I had offered to accompany him
some distance out of London, which he declined, he
departed, as I think most excellently disposed towards your
Highness, promising me on his faith and as a true Christian,
that he would give the most ample assurances to his King,
of the good will of your Highness, and of my good offices.
Said magnifico ambassador is named Don Pietro Civrea, a
wise and experienced person, and very prudent.6
FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 8 1
1 In 1500 and 1501, when Spain and France sent vessels to aid the
Venetians, the Spanish fleet being commanded by Gonsalvo of Cordova.
In Sanuto's Diaries, in date of February, 1501 (fo. 995), there is an
extract from a despatch written by Domenigo Pisani, the Venetian
ambassador accredited to Ferdinand and Isabella, dated Granada,
December 3oth, 1500, in which he mentions having seen the Infanta
Catharine, the affianced bride of Prince Arthur, then in her sixteenth
year, and ill of ague ; and he adds that the King of Portugal was fitting
out an armada for Africa against the King of Fez, and that the ambas-
sador meant to tell the King of Spain to cause it to come into the
Levant, as his Majesty had previously said he would do. Subsequently,
in date of 24th June, 1501, Sanuto records the mission as ambassador to
the King of Portugal, of Piero Pasqualigo, LL.D.
2 The voyages of the Portuguese to India were of course as prejudicial
to the Soldans of Egypt as to the Venetians, and Ransou Algouri desired
King Emmanuel to cease sending his caravels to Colocut, and did every-
thing in his power to aid the native princes of India in resisting the
Portuguese, even by sending vessels in pieces on the backs of camels
across the desert from Cairo, to be launched at Tor, a notice of which
exists in the diaries of Sanuto, vol. v. folio 700, reads thus : —
" Copy of a paragraph in a letter written by Domenigo del Capello,
consul at Damietta, dated the 24th of November, 1503.
" ' After having written and closed the accompanying, I received a
letter from Cairo, with the news that the Soldan is building there at
Cairo, four' (fuste, query) ' brigantines, which will be sent in pieces to
Althor, and then they will put them together and send them to India,
for they say that when they shall have seen those four fuste in India, the
natives there would be able to construct others like them, and to procure
plenty of mariners in those parts/ "
3 " Et resumesse le arme di Christo." This is probably an allusion
to the Christians whom the Portuguese admiral Suarez spared when he
burnt the city of Cangranor (AD. 1504-5), belonging to the King of
Colocut, the which Christians claimed for their ancestors the honour of
having been converted by St. Thomas.
4 Queen Catharine of Aragon had three sisters : the eldest was Isa-
bella, the first wife of Emmanuel the Fortunate, who died A.D. 1498 ; the
second, Giovanna, commonly called Mad Joan, the mother of Charles
V. ; the third, Maria, the second wife of the King of Portugal, whom
she married A.D. 1500. Queen Catharine was the youngest of the four
daughters of Ferdinand and Isabella.
5 Sandi, in his fifth vol. p. 90, dates the institution of the magistracy
of the "five Sages for Commerce ," alias Board of Trade, in the year
1506, and before the formation of this magistracy, the "College in
Ordinary of the Sages,'"'' which had been established about the year 1410,
overlooked the exports and imports of Venice. The ambassador is pro-
bably alluding to regulations enforced by these two magistracies, and it
may here be added, that in the " Universal History," these same charges
of aiding the Moors against Portugal, are brought against the Venetians,
VOL. II. G
82 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN
but without any proof. It is a curious historical coincidence, the find-
ing in a report of England made to the Venetian Senate by the ambas-
sador Piero Mocenigo, who returned from the court of King Charles II.
A.D. 1671, a somewhat similar charge against our Turkey Company,
which really helped the Turks in their siege of Candia, much as the
Venetians were suspected of defending Colocut against the Portuguese,
the words of Mocenigo being, "for when the war of Candia raged
(from 1644 to 1671), they made great profits by sending gunpowder
and every other sort of warlike store in competition with the Dutch, to
whose traders the proverb might be applied of selling the rope to their
own executioner."
6 I am unable to find any confirmation of what Don Pietro Civrea
said, pp. 77, 78, of a Portuguese squadron having been sent to aid the
Venetians against the Turks ; but Paolo Morosini and Gallicciolli men-
tion that John, King of Portugal, raised a loan in Venice, 1410, and
that in the year 14.28 his son came to Venice, and was met in the Bucin-
tor, and went to a ball at which 300 ladies were present " nobly dressed,"
the chronicler says, " in cloths of gold and silk."
In the years 1501-2, Piero Pasqualigo (the colleague of Sebastian
Giustinian in England, as seen from pp. 42 to 45) was ambassador from
the Republic of Venice to Emmanuel the Fortunate, the object of his
mission being to procure aid against the Turk ; but as he did not then
succeed in obtaining any succour, it may be supposed that the assertion
made at Richmond by the Portuguese, and admitted by the Venetian,
must mean that some of the vessels in the Spanish fleet commanded by
Gonsalvo of Cordova (preceding note, i,) belonged to Emmanuel.
At the close of the year 1501, Piero Pasqualigo wrote from Lisbon
that the King was sending six armed barks to remain during three years,
stationed at Colocut, for the purpose of cruising in the Indian Ocean,
and preventing the vessels of the Soldan from loading spices in those
parts, a proceeding which was evidently so destructive to the Venetian
trade, that it would have warranted the proceedings which Giustinian
disclaims.
From Portugal (his mission having proved fruitless) Piero Pasqualigo
proceeded to the court of Spain, and, whilst there, received the follow-
ing letter, dated Lisbon, i7th October, 1503, which is added because it
helps to explain how matters stood between the rival grocers whose
representatives shook hands at Richmond on the morrow of " E<vil May
Day."
Copy of a letter from Giovanni Francesco de la Faitada, addressed to
our ambassador in Spain : —
" Magnifico my Ambassador, — I acquainted your Magnificence with
the arrival of the two ships from Calicut, since when, on the nth
inst., all the others came into port, with the exception of two of
the smallest vessels of the company, one belonging to Ferdinand
Lorenzo, the treasurer of the mine, and the other to a native of
this place : these vessels had as much freight as they could hold, so
we may say and believe that they brought from 33,000 to 34,000
FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 83
cantara (upwards of 2,200 tons) of spices of every sort j and I assure
your Magnificence that up to this time two of said ships have un-
loaded, and the store where they have stowed the spices looks as if it
contained all that ever grew, and these madcaps shovel it up in heaps
like wheat. The general opinion is that this fleet of ships is worth a
million of gold, for, besides its freight of spices, it brings a great amount
of jewels, but for the most part pearls. Don Vascho, who was the
admiral, returns worth from 35,000 to 40,000 ducats; and all the other
commanders, according to their grade, came back very wealthy, as in
like manner, every other person who took part in the expedition, in such
wise that none but eye-witnesses can credit it ; and the wonder increases
daily, for a man of no account will take out twenty ducats' worth, and
bring back pearls for the value of 100 ducats, and of this there are several
instances. Had the ships been bigger, they would have brought more
spices, for not one of them had stowage for another cantar : in short,
they have returned very rich indeed, more so than was expected, and
their wealth divulges itself to me more and more daily, for the captains
of the ships, and other individuals, smuggle the most valuable part of
their freight, so it is impossible to learn the whole truth ; but articles of
value for sale have come into my hands. This is as much as I can tell
your Magnificence about these ships now arrived, two of which fell in
with the other vessels which left this in April, and the very last, which
set sail on Easter Day, were 150 leagues in advance of the others which
had preceded them, but both one and the other had doubled the Cape of
Good Hope, having gone thus far between Easter and Whitsuntide, a
distance of 2,000 (j/V) leagues, a fine passage in so short a time. It is
supposed that these last vessels will return richer than those now arrived,
because the greater part of their outward cargo consists of copper, which
in those parts goes for ready money. Great preparations are being made
for the new armada, which this time will number no fewer than twenty-
five sail, including the ship Annonciada, of 800 tons. Down to this
present the King has not chosen to allow any merchant to send thither;
I know not what may take place hereafter. My letters shall give notice
of daily occurrences to your Magnificence, to whom I recommend myself
again and again. Datas Ulisbonae, die 17 Octobris, 1503. Subscriptio.
JOANNES FRANCISCUS AFFAITATUS.
London, May 23, 1517.
By mine of the igth instant, the duplicates of which
accompany these, your Highness will have learnt the con-
clusion of the league between the parties therein mentioned.1
84 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN
Subsequently, I was informed and assured by the " faithful
friend " that it has been joined by the Catholic King, and
that all the confederates are to send their agents to Rome
immediately, for the purpose of swearing to this confederacy
before the Pope. The King here, moreover, has appointed
as his ambassador and commissioner to the Pontiff the right
reverend Cardinal Adrian,2 empowered to swear in the name
of this most serene King, as also to witness the oaths of
the others, and assist at the ceremony, on which account
they are sending off a courier, who will leave on the 25th
instant, without, however, recalling the Bishop de* Gigli,
the former ambassador.3
Having gone to the right reverend Cardinal to despatch
the affair of the wines and merchandise, we commenced
discussing the negotiations of these sovereigns, and his
lordship confirmed the intelligence about the league having
been sworn to by the Catholic King, and ratified by his
Holiness ; which league, he said, was merely defensive,
and not for the purpose of taking that of others, or of dis-
turbing those who content themselves with their own.
" You, at this present time," he said, " have got your city
of Verona — you will enjoy and possess it ; the King of
France has his duchy of Milan— let him keep it, in God's
name ! we shall not molest him unless he molest us, and
should he be content with what he has. By this league
we have, moreover, secured the kingdom of Naples, so that
the King of France will not think of occupying that, or form
any other projects about Tournai or Calais. The truces,
moreover, between us and the kingdom of Scotland are
confirmed, in such wise that the Queen is returned into
her realm. I do not perceive any difference between the
King of France and his Majesty so great as to require an
appeal to arms, for we only demand justice for our subjects,
FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 85
which we understand he is ready to grant ; and this being
the case, I think there will be a general peace ; and should
you choose to join the league his Majesty will accept you,
and the King of France likewise, on his preferring suit to
this effect, place having been reserved for both one and the
other." I thanked his right reverend lordship, first, for his
loving announcement of this intelligence, and then for his
peaceful disposition, both in general and particular, which
I was very certain would rejoice your Highness, as it
warranted a hope of universal peace, and especially as no
clause intervened to your prejudice. Upon this, his right
reverend lordship said, " Know, that we are extremely
content that you should have Verona, and I rejoice thereat
very much indeed ; for this King and his Cardinal never
entertained a thought against the welfare of your State.
All cause of dissension between you and the Emperor is
now removed j but, for the love of God, content yourselves
with your own." I told him, that the more his right
reverend lordship spoke, the more he gave me cause for
thanking him by imparting information which redounded
to the common weal and consolation, and that by this
means I trusted all discord between the Emperor and your
Excellency would be removed, hoping that any trifling dis-
putes hereafter might be settled through the medium of his
right reverend lordship ; and having fully discussed these
matters, I passed to those of the wines and merchandise.
His lordship apologised for not having been able to attend
to these things, owing to matters more important, but that
he would expedite them in a few days, to which effect I
besought him most earnestly ; and with this his right rever-
end lordship departed.
I then went to visit the reverend Bishop of Durham,
pretending to have come to congratulate him on this peace
86 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN
and league, which, I said, was both advantageous for this
kingdom, and likely to improve the good understanding
existing between England and your Highness. He replied
immediately, tc Domine Orator ! there was no question of
anything in this league which could molest you ; on the
contrary, we all sought and desired your quiet and tran-
quillity ; and I tell you, we are very content and satisfied
at your having Verona, as all dissension and cause of war
between you and the Emperor is thus removed, which suits
us ;" and this he repeated twice, " I do not believe that
you could have desired anything more to your advantage
than this, for the negotiations of the King of France, at
Cambrai, had for object to injure you and others, whereas
these are for the advantage of all ; nor do I doubt but that,
ere long, a general peace will be effected, enabling attention
to be turned to greater things," meaning Turkish affairs.
I thanked his lordship for his good will, and for the fair
hopes he conceived that this beginning might lead to the
desired end, and then took leave.
1 In letters of the date mentioned, the ambassador states that he was
informed by Ruthal, Bishop of Durham, of a league contracted between
England and Spain, to which Chieregato added, that the Emperor and
the Pope were parties, the latter stipulating that the King of England
should accommodate him with a loan for six months of 50,000 ducats.
One of the charges brought against Francis I. was to the effect that he
had secretly aided the Duke Francesco Maria della Rovere against the
rival duke, Lorenzino de Medici. This would appear to be the same
league contemplated as far back as in the October preceding, which it
was then doubtful whether the Pope would join.
2 Adrian Castelesi of Corneto was born about the year 14.58, and
having studied at Rome under Torello Malatesta, became one of the
most elegant Latin scholars of his day. He came over to England in
the spring of the year 1488, on his way to Scotland, being accredited to
King James III. by Pope Innocent VIII., who seems to have taken an
interest in the affairs of that astrologer, and to have been anxious to quell
the civil discord which raged in his kingdom ; but whilst Castelesi was
yet in London, the news arrived of the murder of King James, and he
returned to Rome without having crossed the Tweed, to the disappoint-
FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 87
ment of Pope Innocent, though not without having somewhat bettered
his own private fortunes, for whilst in England Henry VII. showed him
such favour that he obtained Church preferment, besides presents from
the King; and in the year 1490 held the post of collector of Peter's
pence in England for Innocent VIII., which he retained until the year
1514, when Henry VIII. made him cede it to the secretary Ammonius,
of whom mention has been made at p. 162, vol. i. On the death of Pope
Innocent in 1492, Pope Alexander VI., besides confirming Adrian in
his office as collector, gave him authority as nuncio to effect certain
reforms of the English clergy, both secular and regular. In the year
1501, Castelesi was made Bishop of Hereford, Pope Alexander VI.
having previously in 1489 appointed him notary of the Apostolic trea-
sury, and, in 1500, treasurer-general, which last appointment renders
doubtful an assertion made by several of his biographers, to the effect
that in the year 1501 he came to England with the pallium for Henry
Dene, Archbishop of Canterbury ; and as he wrote the briefs of Pope
Alexander VI., it may be questioned whether he was ever in England
after the year 1494. On the 3ist of May, 1503, Castelesi was created
cardinal by Alexander VI., who took his last supper at the Castelesi
vineyard in the following month of September, the Pope having intended
to poison Adrian on this occasion, for the sake of inheriting his pro-
perty, which was so great that, according to Warton, in his Anglia
Sacra, it obtained for him the title of " The opulent Cardinal." Bacon,
in his life of Henry VII. (t. iii. p. 60) speaking of Adrian, says :
" Certe vir magnus fait, et multa eruditione prudentia, et in rebus civili-
bus dexter it ate praeditus," and, in fact, his address frustrated the inten-
tion of Pope Alexander, who swallowed the poison intended for his host,
and died in consequence. In the year 1 504, Cardinal Adrian was trans-
lated from Hereford to Bath and Wells, but his favour with Pope Julius
II. did not keep pace with that which he enjoyed with Henry VII. ; he
was suspected of favouring a project which the Emperor was said to
have entertained of dethroning Pope Julius ; and through the English
ambassador at Rome, Stefano de' Gigli (the same of whom mention is
made in this despatch), proofs were adduced of his having written to
King Henry VII. in abuse of his Holiness. In consequence of this the
Cardinal Adrian fled from Rome in September, 1507, but returned
almost immediately, on receiving a safe-conduct from the Pope. On
second thoughts, apparently doubting its efficacy, he again left Rome in
the month of October following, and went and resided at Trani, which
was then held by the Venetians, until the year 1509, when he came to
Venice with the intention of going to England, a project he did not
realize, in consequence of the death of his patron, Henry VII. The
Cardinal, from the year 1509 to 1513, was sometimes at Sterzen, some-
times at Padua, and occasionally at Sermione, on the Lake of Garda.
On the death of Pope Julius he went to Rome, nor did anything impor-
tant happen to him until this year 1517, when the adventures related in
these despatches render him once again an historical character.
. 3 Sylvester de' Gigli, Bishop of Worcester, who succeeded his uncle in
00 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN
that dignity A.D. 1498. Cardinal Wolsey was the commendatory of his
see. De' Gigli is said to have been by birth a Fleming of Lucchese
origin. When Cardinal Bambridge, Archbishop of York, was poisoned
at Rome in the month of July, 1514, by one Rinaldo of Modena, the
culprit said he had been instigated to do the deed by the ambassador
de' Gigli (see Ellis's Letters on English History, vol. i. pp. 100 and 113.)
Whether this Bishop of Worcester, who represented the majesty of
England at Rome in the reigns of Henry VII. and VIII., really was a
murderer or not, has not been ascertained ; but, like Ammonius and
Chieregato and Giustinian, he was in correspondence with Erasmus.
De' Gigli died at Rome, A.D. 1521, April 16.
London, May 26, 1517.
I now inform your Highness that I have heard from " the
faithful friend," that his Majesty is writing in haste to the
Pope, and by the same messenger, is sending him the 50,000
ducats, so it is certain that the account of this confederacy is
well-grounded.
To-day, I received four missives from your Excellency
dated the 2nd, Qth, and 3Oth of April, and 6th instant, and
having read them with my wonted respect, I in the first
place thank your Highness infinitely for the praise bestowed
on me for my operations, and secondly, for the hints supplied
to me for my future guidance * * *
I went to-day to the right reverend Cardinal, to commu-
nicate the summaries of Turkish news, but his lordship was
exhausted with his labours, and requested I would take them
into consideration, and return another day, as I will do. I
afterwards proceeded to the reverend Durham, and as he is
one and the same thing as the right reverend Cardinal, I
communicated these summaries to him, the which he was
already acquainted with by way of Rome. I pay him this
attention, in order to keep friends with him, and to prove
FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 89
that your Highness holds his lordship in good account :
another reason for my acting thus was, that I knew the
intelligence had been received by others, and did not wish it
to reach the King's ears, without its having been also
announced by me.
London, May 28, 1517.
Yesterday, an ambassador arrived here from the Emperor,
namely, the brother of the Cardinal of Gurk,1 by name
Master Christopher,2 to whom I sent ct the faithful friend,"
for he having had some intercourse with him formerly, would
be able, I thought, to elicit the information I wanted. He
brought me back word that the ambassador was come
on behalf of the Emperor, to ask this most serene King for
money to pay his expenses back into Germany ; his inten-
tion, he says, being to return in a fortnight, and that the
Catholic King will leave for Spain in a month. He also
informed me that the right reverend Cardinal of Gurk is
gone, by command of the Emperor, to the Diet of Worms.
Also, that the Emperor has positively determined on going
to Rome this year, there to be crowned, which seems to
be the wish of all Germany j and if unable to go otherwise,
he will go in battle array.
I shall endeavour to visit this ambassador should he choose
to receive me, and not follow the example of the one here in
ordinary, who has invariably declined both my visits and my
friendship, and if I succeed will do my utmost to convince
him of the respect and love borne by your Sublimity and the
Senate, and by the whole Venetian Republic, towards his
Imperial Majesty.
90 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN
1 Matthew Lanch of Wellenberg, who was made cardinal by Pope
Julius II., A.D, 1511, enjoyed almost as much power with Maximilian
as Wolsey exercised over Henry VIII. In the Diaries of Sanuto there
are sundry notices concerning this statesman, which are not to be found
in the common biographical dictionaries. In the month of September,
1496, he was already secretary to the Emperor, and accompanied him to
Vigevano for a conference with Ludovic the Moor. Matthew Lanch,
besides the brother here alluded to, had a sister by name Apolonia, and
she for a while was the mistress of the Emperor, who, in the year 1513,
provided for her by a marriage with his vassal and soldier, Count Chris-
topher Frangipane, the same who was worsted by the ambassador Gius-
tinian in Istria. Frangipane was eventually captured, and remained
some time a prisoner in the ducal palace at Venice, where he indeed
found himself at the moment when this despatch was written, his captivity
being shared by Apolonia, who, in the month of June, 1517, being in
ill health, quitted her husband for a while, and, by permission of the
Signory, went to the baths of Abano, where I find her again in May,
1518; she returned to Venice in December of that year, and conveyed
files and a rope-ladder to her husband to aid his escape, which was,
however, frustrated ; and to this day, on the window-sill of the chambe
in which Frangipane was confined, may be read his own autograph, and
that of Apolonia, the sister of this Cardinal of Gurk.
2 In the Diaries of Sanuto, date November 16, 1503, mention is made
of a brother of Matthew Lanch, by name John, who had plied the trade
of a jeweller in Venice, and committed an act of fraudulent bankruptcy;
and in a letter written by Apolonia to her husband in date of July 27,
1514, she alludes to her brother the Count Ferdinand, and also to the
Cardinal, so possibly the ambassador's pen slipped from Ferdinand to
Christopher. The Cardinal of Gurk had another sister besides Apolonia,
and the Venetian ambassador Mocenigo writes from the Imperial court
in November, 150 3, that the bishop had lately married her, with a dower
of 6,000 ducats, to the son of the Lord Paris Lodrone. The wedding
was attended by Mocenigo, who says that it was a very fine one. From
these particulars it is evident that Matthew Lanch was of as low origin
as Thomas Wolsey.
London, June 17, 1517.
You will now learn that I endeavoured to visit Gurk's
brother, who I wrote had come hither, but he sent me
word by no means to go, both because he was not a public
person, and also because he was unable to return the compli-
FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 9!
ment until after he had spoken with the Imperial ambassador,
who I doubt not, from his (ill) nature, will have thwarted the
conference, which might have taken place. I, however, sent
my secretary, who was unable to elicit any thing of import-
ance, though through another channel I have understood
that the object of his mission was to demand a loan of this
most serene King on behalf of the Emperor, and he accord-
ingly obtained ten thousand crowns, with which, if he did
not depart yesterday, he would certainly go to-day. The
Emperor seems to have gone to the Diet which is being
held at Worms, in consequence of a league formed by
certain princes of Germany1 against his Majesty aforesaid,
and measures are now to be taken for chastising their
insolence. I hear also that three ambassadors from his
Catholic Majesty, personages of great authority and rank, are
expected here, vast preparations being made to do them
extreme honour, beyond what is usually paid to ambassadors :
they are coming to swear to the league, a ceremony which
was already performed a year ago by the ambassadors of the
Catholic King ; 2 though as many things have intervened,
all the clauses which were inserted at the suit of the Cardinal
of Sion being cancelled, a fresh ratification has become
necessary. From what I understand, all the other ambas-
sadors will go to meet them, and should this prove the case,
and the great lords of the kingdom do the like, I also will
pay them the same compliment, believing that such is the
intention of your Highness, now that his Catholic Majesty
is at peace with the Signory ; and, moreover, as I hear that
in this new league there is nothing injurious to the King of
France, nay that his Catholic Highness is bound to defend
him should he be attacked by others in any part of his
dominions, either in Italy or elsewhere. I have endeavoured
to learn whether, in said league, any mention soever is made
92 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN
of your Highness, in such wise as to prove to your prejudice,
and this I did very cautiously, so as not to evince any
apprehension thereof, but it has been impossible for me
to learn any thing.
I have not prosecuted the affair of the wines and of
our national patents, because since my last interview with
the right reverend Cardinal, he has been very ill indeed, so
that his life was despaired of,3 and for many days, neither the
grandees, nor other members of the privy council, who are
wont to be so assiduous, went near him. He is now conva-
lescent, and I have arranged to go and see him in a couple of
days, though I do not anticipate discussing those matters
then, as it would be importunate, but I shall at least make
an appointment for another time. I am aware, most serene
Prince, that the business was purposely protracted before
this illness ; because, should they choose to despatch it, they
cannot do so in justice, save favourably for your Excellency,
to which they are averse, as it would diminish the malmsey
duties a noble per butt,4 and in the same proportion affect
the royal revenues. Should this business be further pro-
longed, I will go the King, who would, I think, arrange for
its more speedy despatch, yet would its settlement be referred
to the Cardinal, who would resent my appeal to his Majesty,
and on this account I have preferred obtaining our object
through some additional toil and delay, in preference to
exposing the result to peril by abbreviating it.
1 Headed by the Duke of Guelders, who, about this time, entered
Holland with some 25,000 men.
t 2 On the ist of November, 1516. See the despatch of that date.
3 At the moment of the arrest of Cardinal Wolsey, his physician was
a Venetian, by name Agostini degli Agostini, alias Mr. Augustine, as
mentioned by the Venetian ambassador Ludovico Falier, in a despatch
dated London, ifth November, 1530. Allusion is also made to Agos-
tini in the letters of Ellis (vol. ii. p. 2, Letter 102) ; it is not known in
what year this Venetian first entered Wolsey's service. He was cer-
FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 93
tainly acting in this capacity before the yth of January, 1523, under
which date he is mentioned in Sanuto's Diaries.
4 See the note concerning malmsey-sack and the duties at pp. 46-49,
and in vol. i. p. 100.
London, June 30, 1517.
I have been to his Majesty and the right reverend Car-
dinal, and communicated to them the summaries sent me by
your Highness, which were opportune, as news had already
arrived here, that the Turk was dead or captured, as likewise
all his army, and no other intelligence having reached this,
they remained in doubt : but from this suspense they are
now relieved. Two ambassadors have arrived from the
most Christian King ; I went to visit them, and endeavoured
to learn the cause of their coming, but they did not unbosom
themselves ; though from what I can conjecture, their
mission is induced by this King having determined on send-
ing three of his agents to Calais, to meet as many more on
behalf of the King of France, for the purpose of discussing
a variety of claims urged by private individuals concerning
damages effected by either party. It seems indeed that these
ambassadors are come to state that the settlement of these
disputes will require much time, and that it would be
expedient to refer them to persons on the spot, as for
instance, the captain of Calais on behalf of England, and
the captain of Boulogne for France ; though for this I do
not vouch. I will endeavour to learn the truth through
another channel, and your Highness shall be advised thereof.
In the meanwhile, I have paid every possible compliment to
these ambassadors, who are Monseigneur da la Gissa,1 and
Monseigneur the Advocate of Boulogne.
94 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN
Three ambassadors from the Catholic King have also
arrived. The principal of them being Monseigneur Jacques
de Luamburg, the son of Monseigneur Darsen,2 the
governor of Flanders and Artois, a personage of extreme
repute, both by reason of his noble blood and splendid
fortune ; while his colleagues are the bailiff of Hainalt,
and the provost of Caselet. They were received with
such honours, as are not usually paid to ambassadors, but
perceiving that my colleagues did not go to meet them, as it
was reported they would, I omitted paying them that com-
pliment, but shall go and visit them at their dwelling to-
morrow, and will endeavour by all my words and actions to
convince them thoroughly of the good-will entertained by
your Highness towards his Catholic Majesty. That Friar
Nicholas, moreover, the envoy of the right reverend Medici,
of whom I made mention heretofore,3 is returned, and on
Sunday, which will be the 5th proximo, the league is to
be sworn to and proclaimed. Amongst other conditions is
the following, that should any Christian Prince molest any of
the said confederates, the King of England is to cross over
to France with 25,000 infantry and a great number of
horse 5 the Emperor with 20,000 foot; the Catholic King
with 2,000 spears and 20,000 infantry ; whilst his Holi-
ness is to fulminate censures — things really ridiculous, and
rather calculated to furnish food for conversation, than to be
carried into effect. Should I be able to learn the other con-
ditions, I will notify them to your Highness immediately.
His Majesty is making preparations for jousts and great
entertainments in honour of these French and Flemish lords.
I went to-day to the right reverend Cardinal, who was with
the ambassador in ordinary from the Catholic King, and
he sent to apologize for inability to give me audience, being
prevented by important business. I greatly regret this delay,
FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 95
not on my own account, as no labour undergone for your
Highness proves irksome to me, but because of the delay of
your business, namely, that of the wines, and of the patents
for our nation, though no difficulty is so great, but that it
may be vanquished by perseverance.
1 Pierre de la Guiche, the same who signed the treaty of Westminster,
A.D. 1515, April 5. See vol. i, p. 60.
2 Probably the same who is called Lombeke in vol. i. p. 18, of the
Correspondence of the Caesars, published by Lanch at Leipsig in 1844.
Names at that period being spelt very arbitrarily, Lombeke may easily
have been rendered synonymous with Luamburg or Limbourg. Darsen,
in like manner, may be read D'Aerschott or Darschot, the marquis of
that name being Governor of Flanders.
3 See antet note 2, p. 61.
London, July 10, 1517.
By my last of the 30th ultimo, your Highness was
informed of the arrival of the ambassadors of the Catholic
King, and that the league was to be sworn to on the 5th,
with other details therein contained. You will now learn,
that on the appointed day, the league1 was sworn to by this
most serene King alone, the ambassadors aforesaid of the
Catholic King standing by as witnesses, though they took no
oath, as their Sovereign swore to this confederacy in the
presence of the English ambassadors at his court. In the
course of this ceremony, powers were produced, and the
articles read ; amongst the rest a schedule of the clauses of
last year, many of which were cancelled, on which occasion
his Majesty ordered a fresh copy to be made, so that no
question might arise hereafter. Subsequently, through the
" faithful friend," who received his information from Friar
Nicholas, the envoy of the Cardinal de Medici, I learnt that
96 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUST1NIAN
the cancelled clauses were those inserted a year ago to the
prejudice of the most Christian King and your Sublimity.
His Majesty having taken the oath, at which ceremony
neither the imperial ambassador, nor yet Friar Nicholas were
present, this last was then summoned, and before the
King and the ambassadors above mentioned, announced that
his Holiness the Pope had heard with extreme satisfaction
that this alliance was for the benefit of the confederates, and
not to the detriment of any one, which was vastly agreeable
to him, and he was therefore content to be a party to it.
The King answered him that he was very glad, and re-
turned many thanks to his Holiness for deigning to approve
such an act by word and deed ; and that not only did he
wish him to be a confederate, but moreover the head and
chief of said alliance. The official document vouching the
consent of the Pope was then exhibited,^ but no oath was
administered, though I understand that the ambassadors of
the other confederates, who are at Rome, will witness the
papal oath, as commonly taken by his Holiness. These are
very unusual forms, devised rather in honour of this most
serene King, than in accordance with custom. Great state was
observed on that day, not only in the ceremonies themselves,
but also in the general display, which was more sumptuous than
usual, the court exhibiting unusual splendour. Two tables
were served,— this right reverend Cardinal and the ambassa-
dors of the Catholic King being at the royal board, and I
was placed at the other with the Dukes of Norfolk and
Suffolk, the Marquis,2 and other lords and some prelates.
There is no doubt, most serene Prince, but that never at
any time, or in any place, did ambassadors receive such
honours as have been lavished upon these, so that had the
Catholic King come in person, I know not what more they
could have done j and this proceeds, I believe, from two
FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 97
causes — first, from their wish so to cajole his Catholic
Highness, that should it ever behove him to make his
election between the friendship of France or of this King, he
may prefer that of England. A second, and equally cogent
reason is, that one of these ambassadors, a youth of about
twenty years old, and extremely handsome, is of a most
illustrious family, descended from three emperors ;3 his
father being the Governor of all Flanders and Artois, whilst
his father-in-law is Monseigneur de Chievres,4 the very first
personage in those dominions, enjoying no less authority with
his Sovereign, than Cardinal Wolsey with his Majesty here.
This youthful ambassador is, moreover, the boon companion
of the Catholic King, sharing all his secrets as familiarly as
if he were his brother ; qualifications which may reasonably
have induced the King of England to make such demon-
strations.
After dinner, his Majesty took this ambassador into the
Queen's chamber, and made her and all those ladies pay
him as much honour as if he had been a sovereign, giving
him amusements of every description, the chief of which,
however, and the most approved by his Majesty, was the
instrumental music of the reverend Master Dionysius
Memo, his chaplain,5 which lasted during four consecutive
hours, to the so great admiration of all the audience, and
with such marks of delight from his Majesty aforesaid, as
to defy exaggeration. Then, on the yth instant, a most
stately joust was kept, the decorations of which were so
costly, new ornaments being made on purpose, besides those
already in use, that I doubt the performance of a finer or
more sumptuous spectacle for many years past. The King
jousted with his brother-in-law, the Duke of Suffolk, and
they bore themselves like Hector and Achilles ; and there
were, moreover, other j ousters, as many as thirty in num-
VOL. II. H
98 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN
her. I would give the details, but I am aware that your
Highness does not delight in prolixity. The joust being
ended, all we ambassadors went to our respective quarters ;
and at a fitting hour the King sent for each of us, and gave
a banquet, which was attended by all the chief lords of the
kingdom, and by all the principal ladies. His Majesty sat
between the most serene Queen his consort, and his sister
the Queen Dowager of France j next on the right hand the
Cardinal was seated, and on the left the imperial ambas-
sador ; then came the rest of us ambassadors in succession,
and next the dukes and marquises, no person being seated
below the grade of a marquis. The ladies, indeed, sat
alternately — that is to say, a gentleman, and then a lady.
Great was the sumptuousness of the repast and the profu-
sion of plate, the cupboard filled with vessels, said to be all
of gold.6 It was a marvellous and very varied entertainment,
music and other representations being performed, and it lasted
during four hours. Then on the tables being removed, the
King chose to dance, as did the young ambassador, and
some of the lords with the chief ladies, so that when we
departed it was about 2 A.M. On the morrow, the Spanish
ambassadors remained to dine with his Majesty, and I came
to London, since which they have been banqueted every
day by the right reverend Cardinal and other lords ; and
to-day they dined with his Majesty and the two Queens
most familiarly, contrary to the custom of the Kings of
England ; and the chief dish at this feast was the music of
the reverend Master Dionysius Memo, of whom his Ma-
jesty has a greater opinion than words can express. I sent
my secretary several times to these ambassadors to make
an appointment for my visiting them, but it has never been
possible to arrange it, for they are really always pre-engaged,
either by the King or Cardinal. I, however, complimented
FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 99
them, as becoming, on the day of the entertainment, though,
if possible, I shall not fail going to their dwelling, it seem-
ing to me very proper for the agents of your Highness to
pay honour in your name to those who are so excessively
honoured by kings.
I have also been several times to the right reverend
Cardinal about the matters well known to your Highness,
but could never obtain audience ; true is it that he was
always occupied, either with the ambassadors aforesaid, or
with those of France, so that there was no room for me.
It is asserted here, that the Catholic King will leave for
Spain in eight or ten days, and that all is in readiness ;
though a contrary opinion seems to be entertained by the
French ambassador, who told me, that from lack of money
he does not know when said King will depart; and he
also informed me, that two formal embassies had reached
the French court from the Emperor and the Catholic King,
with whom his most Christian Majesty had determined on
knitting himself in the closest amity.
I believe that the cause of the sojourn here of the afore-
said French ambassadors proceeds from something more
than what I wrote in my foregoing, though I cannot elicit
anything from them. It is currently reported that they are
negotiating a league, and when this was repeated to them
they smiled, without either admitting or denying ; and it
strikes me really as very strange their being so reserved
with me, considering the intimate friendship which exists
between the most Christian King and your Highness. To-
morrow I shall go to visit them again, and will endeavour
adroitly, in such wise as to avoid the charge of indiscretion,
to extract something, in which case my letters shall inform
your Sublimity.7
TOO DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN
1 The league of November, 1516, is mentioned by Rymer as having
been confirmed at Brussels on the nth of May, 1517 ; but nothing is
said of its ratification in London the July following, as related in this
letter. See Rymer, edition 1727, vol. xiii. fols. 571 and 588.
2 Thomas Grey, second Marquis of Dorset. (See ante, note i, p.
12, 1 8th November, 1516.
3 Adolphus of Nassau, who was elected Emperor A.D. 1292 (May),
and was deposed on the 23rd of June, 1298, had for wife Imogene, the
daughter of Gerlac, Count of Limbourg, who bore him Gerlac, Count
of Nassau, the ancestor of the Princes of Nassau-Usingen de Saarbruk
and de Veilbourg ; probably Monseigneur De Lombeke was of this
family.
4 William de Croi, Seigneui de Chievres, prime minister of Charles
V., who died at Worms A.D. 1521.
5 It seems by this, and by the despatch of 1 9th May, that the King
kept the promise made to Memo on his arrival in September, 1516, and
that he procured a dispensation from Leo X. from his monastic vows for
this Venetian friar, and gave him a chaplaincy.
6 The word cupboard now signifies by corruption a closed case ; but
in the days when Sebastian Giustinian was at Greenwich, cupboards had
no doors. Stowe tells of one displayed at the marriage feast of Prince
Arthur, in the palace of the Bishop of London, " five stages in height,
being triangled, the which was set with plate valued at i,2OO/. ; and in
the other chamber, where the Princess dined, was a cupboard of gold
plate, garnished with stones and pearls, valued above 2o,ooo/." When
Cardinal Wolsey entertained the French ambassadors at Hampton Court,
A.D. 1528, two banquetting rooms were thrown open (the company
consisting of 280 persons) in each of which a cupboard extended along
the whole length of the apartment, piled to the top with plate. The
ambassador seems to have suspected that the plate was silver gilt, and
not gold, his words being, " Et la credenza tutta di vasi d'oro, si come
se dice.
7 It is to be regretted that the dread entertained by Sebastian Gius-
tinian of wearying Doge Loredano with a long story, prevented his
g'ving an account in the foregoing despatch of all that took place on
reenwich Lawn on the 7th of July, 1517, when the lists will have
been " superbly decorated, and surrounded by the pavilions belonging
to the champions, ornamented with their arms, banners, and bannerolls.
The scaffolds for the reception of the nobility of both sexes who came
as spectators," and the apartments within the palace especially appointed
for the two queens and the Viscount Jacques de Limbourg and his col-
leagues, will have been " hung with tapestry and embroideries of gold
and silver, every person will have been decked in sumptuous array, the
field presenting to the eye a rich display of manificence," to use the
words of Strutt, who, in his chapter on justs, expresses himself thus, and
goes on to say, " We may also add the splendid appearance of the
knights engaged in the sports ; themselves and their horses were most
gorgeously arrayed, and their esquires and pages, together with the
FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 101
minstrels and heralds who superintended the ceremonies, were all of them
clothed in costly and glittering apparel. Such a show of pomp, where
wealth, beauty, and grandeur were concentred, as it were, in one focus,
must altogether have formed a wonderful spectacle, and made a strong
impression on the mind, which was not a little heightened by the cries
of the heralds, the clangour of the trumpets, the clashing of the arms,
the rushing together of the combatants, and the shouts of the beholders."
The accuracy of this sketch of a just, as described by Strutt from anti-
quarian research, is proved by the following letter from the secretary
Sagudino, which, like the others by the same pen, already quoted, exists
in the Diaries of Marin Sanuto, vol. xxiv. fol. 468.
Copy of a letter written by Nicolo Sagudino, the secretary of our
ambassador in England, dated London, nth July, 1517, narrating the
triumphs of the justs made, and other entertainments j addressed to
Alvise Foscari, son of the late Nicolo.
" Magnifico my Patron,
" For the purpose chiefly of doing honour to these Flemish envoys,
all the ambassadors were invited to a just on the 7th inst., and went at
about 2 P.M., the King entering the place where the lists, &c., had been
prepared, processionally, thus : first, the marshal of the just on horse-
back, in a surcoat of cloth of gold bawdakin, surrounded by thirty foot-
men, all dressed in a livery of yellow and blue ; then followed the drum-
mers and trumpeters all dressed in white damask, who preceded some
forty knights and lords in pairs, the greater part of them being dressed
in cloths of gold, with very valuable gold chains ; after these came some
twenty young knights on very fine horses, all dressed in white, with
doublets of cloth of silver and white velvet, and chains of unusual size,
and their horses were barbed with silver chainwork, and a number of
pendent bells, many of which rang. Next followed thirteen pages,
singly, on extremely handsome horses, whose trappings were half of gold
embroidery, and the other half of purple velvet, embroidered with gold
stars ; then came fifteen j ousters armed, their horse-armour and surcoats
being most costly, and alongside of each was one on horseback, sump-
tuously dressed, carrying his lance, with their footmen.
"Next appeared this most divine (sic) Majesty, cap-a-pie with a surcoat
of silver bawdakin, surrounded by some thirty gentlemen on foot, dressed
in velvet and white satin, and in this order they went twice round the
lists, at one extremity of which the King and the jousters aforesaid, with
the footmen, halted, whilst the rest of the retinue went to meet fifteen
other jousters, who in like manner paraded twice round the lists, and
drew up at the opposite end j and these jousters also were sumptuously
arrayed in surcoats, as likewise their footmen and other attendants.
Amongst the jousters were the most illustrious Duke of Suffolk, the
Lord Marquis of Dorset, and the Lord Admiral (Earl of Surrey). On
their being marshalled, the King commenced jousting with the Duke of
Suffolk, and tilted eight courses, both bearing themselves most valorously,
and shivering their lances almost every time, to the very great applause
of all the spectators. The others then jousted for the space of four
IO2 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN
hours, but the honour of the day was awarded to his Majesty and to the
Duke, who, as stated by me, really comported themselves most valorously.
Between the courses, the King and the pages, and other cavaliers, per-
formed marvellous feats, mounted on magnificent horses, which they
made jump and execute other acts of horsemanship, under the windows
where the most serene Queens of England and the Dowager of France
were, with all the rest of the beauteous and lovely and sumptuously
appareled damsels. Adjoining was a chamber occupied by the Cardinal
and all his gentlemen and attendants ; the ambassadors likewise were
there, including myself. The King performed supernatural feats, chang-
ing hjs horses, and making them fly rather than leap, to the delight and
ecstacy of everybody.
" The joust being ended, a beam was brought, some twenty-four feet
in length, and nine inches in diameter, and was placed on the head of
one of his Majesty's favourites, by name Master Carol, who was one of
the jousters, and he ran a long way with this beam on his head, to the
marvel of everybody. After this the jousters departed in the same order
as that in which they had first appeared in the lists. The place where
the joust was held is much larger than St Mark's Square, and, on one
side, two tents were pitched, one of cloth of gold (which cost his Majesty
10,000 ducats, and he had it made when he crossed over to France in
the year 1515, time of the Battle of Spurs). The other was of silk,
and around said place were a number of scaffolds containing immense
crowds, the persons present at this spectacle being estimated at upwards
of 50,000.
" The joust being ended, and the King and the others having dis-
armed, betook themselves into a hall in the palace, where preparations
had been made for a banquet ; and at the head of this hall his Majesty
took his seat between the most serene Queen his consort, and the Queen
Dowager of France, the consort of the most illustrious Suffolk, the right
reverend Cardinal being seated with them : then at the sides there were
the ambassadors, namely, those from the Emperor and the King of
France, four from the Catholic King, and my most noble master the
Venetian ; and by the vide of each of them one of the handsomest of the
ladies was seated. The feast then commenced, and lasted more than
three hours : I will not detail the very sumptuous dishes, which were
rather divine than regal, nor yet the display of gold and silver plate, but
'tis said that the like was never witnessed. In the centre of the hall
there was a stage on which were some boys, some of whom sang, and
others played the flute, rebeck, and harpsichord, making the sweetest
melody. The banquet being ended, the King and the guests above-
mentioned betook themselves into another hall, where the damsels of the
most serene Queen were, and dancing went on there for two hours, the
King doing marvellous things, both in dancing and jumping, proving
himself, as he in truth is, indefatigable. We then went to our quarters',
as prepared for us in the name of his Majesty, much decorated, and with
most luxurious beds and every other convenience.
" On the following morning we returned here to London rather bewil-
FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 103
dered than otherwise by this entertainment, and everybody does nothing,
but talk of it, and says, that never was a finer or more sumptuous one
given in England. I recommend myself to my utmost to your Mag-
nificence, whom may the Lord God have in his grace," &c.
The reference in this letter to the chamber music of Henry VIII.,
reminds us that Sagudino himself was a musician (as stated in vol. i. p.
80-1 ) . The surname of" Sagudino Exaudi-nos," by which he was known,
as mentioned in Sansovino's description of Venice (p. 585), took its origin
from some popular chaunt beginning with these words, and composed
in the style of the Memo quartet (see ante, p. 75). It is interesting
to learn from an Italian musician, at the commencement of the sixteenth
century, his opinion of the state of the science of harmony at the English
court.
London, July 19, 1517.
Since mine of the loth instant, nothing has happened
worthy of the knowledge of your Highness, save the depar-
ture of the Spanish ambassadors, who, it is reported in many
quarters (and the Magnifico, the French ambassador here,
confirms this fact to me), have received 100,000 crowns
from his Majesty, for the intended voyage of the Catholic
King. These ambassadors, likewise, obtained magnificent
presents ; and according to what has reached me from a
good source, they were given 7,000 ducats, a very unusual
proceeding, but the greater portion fell to the lot of Mon-
seigneur Jacques de Luamburg.1 The French ambassador
has not yet left ; and from what I learn both from him and
others, he merely came about the claims for damages, and
will soon be despatched. Nothing is talked of here but
peace ; and neither more nor less mention is made of the
Turks, than of Prester John. Neither of the two com-
missions given me have yet been executed, though the right
reverend Cardinal has received the petition of the merchants
for the renewal of the patents, about which I exerted myself
104 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN
immensely ; and to-morrow, God willing, he will procure its
signature. I will leave nothing undone to despatch the
affair of the wines ; but am of opinion that this delay in the
settlement of the business, proceeds from the Cardinal's
wish to be cured of the squilentia, a disease under which he
is just now suffering.2 I, however, do not like to make him
any offer, both because I am not empowered by your High-
ness, and also as it is not our custom either to give or take
bribes. * * *
1 See ante, despatch of 3oth June.
2 The Venetian jargon, signifying, probably, the yellow jaundice,
and implying that Cardinal Wolsey wanted a bribe : the words are,
" Che questo Rmo. Carl, voria guarir del mal de la squilentia."
London, "July 23, 1517.
You will now learn that a Bishop of St. Dominick, apud
Indos^ has arrived here as papal nuncio,1 with letters exhort-
ing his Majesty to an expedition against the infidel, though
the right reverend Cardinal seems to hold him and his
exhortations in small account, and assured me that he was
anxious for peace, and for the quiet of this most serene King
and his realm. * * * I commended his right reverend
lordship for this his good disposition, and congratulated
myself vastly on his having this aim which would augment
the opinion entertained of him by the potentates of the
world, adding other expressions suited to the matter. He
likewise told me in the course of conversation that the
French ambassador would be despatched in three or four
days, which was confirmed to me by the ambassador him-
self, when here at my house, I having given him a grand
FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 105
banquet in honour of your Excellency ; and during dinner
he vouched to me for the good-will of his most Christian
King, and of all the lords of France, towards your High-
ness, saying, that the best possible union would ever exist
between the two States, as expedient for both of them,
which I confirmed, assuring him of the excellent bias of our
entire nation, expatiating hereon as much as I deemed
proper. I shall lavish every possible attention on him, so
long as he remains here, as is my wont with all the am-
bassadors, for the sake of rendering them favourable to your
Sublimity.
When discussing the affairs of the Pontiff, the right reve-
rend Cardinal confirmed what had already reached me
through another channel, namely, that the Bishopric of
Bath, worth 10,000 ducats, and which belonged to the
right reverend Adrian, had been conferred upon him.2 The
reverend Pontifical nuncio here, Chieregato, has received a
brief, charging him, under pain of being disgraced by his
Holiness, and subjected to a penalty of 3,000 ducats, to
divest himself of his diplomatic character, and repair to
Rome immediately ; and he is preparing for departure. I
imagine this is on account of the Cardinal Adrian, this
nuncio having acted as his agent,3 although he professes to
attribute his recall to the friendship maintained between us.
I, however, believe the reason to be the one first assigned by
me. He will present himself before your Highness, in
quest of refuge, as it were, and do your Serenity deign to
hold him as recommended ; for it would, in truth, be im-
possible to desire better service than that which he has
rendered me in the affairs of the Signory, nor could I say
enough thereon. I am aware that it is peculiar to the State
to reward those who deserve well of her, nor does he ask
money of your Highness, but rather some benefice, that he
106 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN
may build his nest beneath the happy shadow of your4 Sig-
nory, where he was born and educated.
I have urged the Cardinal to despatch the patent for these
merchants, authorizing them to purchase wools and tin
whenever they please, on payment of certain customs, as
was their wont in the reign of the late King, these duties
being paid half one year and half the next, which patent it
has been impossible to obtain for many years, so that the
business done by our merchants was transacted under other
names ; but now, by God's grace, this has been obtained, and
is made out, though his lordship would not give it into my
hands until I guaranteed the coming of the galleys, for whose
arrival here, within six months from this time, he wanted me
to pledge myself, saying, that without such a promise, he
would not give me this permit for 5,000 ducats. I an-
swered him, that although I knew your Highness meant to
send the galleys on the receipt of this permit, yet was it
impossible for me to vouch for their being here within this
period on many accounts, such as capture or shipwreck
(which may God avert), or impediment of any sort (which
I did not anticipate) in the ports of Spain ; and in short, if I
chose to get this patent (and considering that all these mer-
chants have received letters announcing that your Highness,
through your most excellent Council of the Senate, has de-
termined that said galleys are to come on their voyage), it
behoved me to guarantee to him their arrival within eight
months, saving only such impediments as I have mentioned ;
and he insists on having a writing from me, on the receipt
of which he has promised to give the permit.5
With regard to the affair of the wines, he made me a long
apology, how that as it was a matter of great importance not
only affecting the repute of his Majesty, but his revenue, it
was necessary to be very cautious, and proceed according to
FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. IOJ
legal advice, which could not be obtained until after Michael-
mas : all the law officers had been sent to the towns and
counties of the kingdom, to make inquiry concerning the
conduct and mode of life of the agents of his Majesty, and
in like manner of that of the grandees, and that they
will not return until after the period mentioned, when he
said he would convoke them, and in their presence give me
audience, and that should his right reverend lordship be
prevented by other business, he would appoint auditors to
hear me, but he said he thought he himself should be the
auditor, adding, " Write to your Signory that I promise you
on the faith of a Cardinal, should your argument be just, that
you shall pay nothing on account of that new duty,6 whilst
on the other hand, should you be in the wrong, it will be
settled definitively, and you must take patience." I repeated
what I had so frequently urged before, that our arguments
were very intelligible, and should he choose to hear me on
the subject, I would in half an hour prove to him that my
suit was most perfectly just, without a shade of any diffi-
culty soever, and that the case merely required the will to do
justice.
1 The mission to England of the Cardinal Campeggio in the year
1518, for the purpose of arranging operations against Selim, is recorded
by all our historians, who, however, make no mention of the negotia-
tions of this bishop in 1517.
2 As stated before, the Cardinal Adrian Castel, as he was styled in
England, had been appointed ambassador from Henry VIII. to Leo X ,
on 23rd May 15175 his credentials, it may be supposed, were dated
Westminster, 2oth May, on which very day the Venetian ambassador
wrote from Rome, announcing the arrest of the Cardinals Petrucci and
Sauli on a charge of having conspired to take the Pope's life. This
seizure took place on the afternoon of 1 9th May ; and on the morrow
the Pope told Marco Minio, the ambassador in question, that he had
proofs moreover against others, whose names he did not mention. On
zgth May, in corroboration of this statement, the Pope seized the Car-
dinal Riario ; and on 9th June, Minio writes that the consistory had sat
on the day before, and when it broke up, he and all the other ambassa-
108 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN
dors — namely, those of the Emperor, England, France, Spain, and
Portugal — having been sent for by the Pope, were informed by him that
he had pardoned " the other cardinals" of whose guilt he had already
dropped hints to the diplomatic body, without mentioning their names.
The ambassadors answered the Pope, one by one commending this act
of leniency ; and de' Gigli, the Bishop of Worcester (mentioned in date
of z 3rd May), inquired whether the pardon extended to all, and received
for answer, that his Holiness was not alluding to the prisoners in the
castle of St. Angelo— namely, Petrucci, Sauli, and Riario, but to the
anonymous culprits, concerning whom Minio writes as follows, at the
clo$e of his despatch dated June 9th : —
" With very great difficulty have I been able to learn the names of
the cardinals whom the Pontiff has pardoned, as his Holiness has laid
very severe censures on such as should reveal them ; and requested all us
ambassadors yesterday, should we by accident hear who they were, not
to publish the fact ; but for the information of your Serenity, the indi-
viduals are the right reverend Volterra (Francesco Soderini) and Adrian,
the misdemeanour of one of whom in particular, was as trivial as pos-
sible j and should your Serenity choose to have the names of said right
reverends kept secret, I think it could not but be fitting to avoid humi-
liating them."
Subsequently, in date of i sth June, the crime of Adrian is detailed by
Minio as follows :
" This morning, the right reverend Adrian went to the palace with
the right reverends Sta. Croce and Grimani, and this to facilitate a set-
tlement of the moneys promised, as I informed your Serenity in my
former letters, and he, as it were, asked pardon a second time, although,
according to report, his transgression was very slight ; for being with
the Cardinal of Sienna (Petrucci), and that ribald Master Giovanni Bat-
tista of Vercelli (the same who was to have poisoned the Pope's fistula)
chancing to pass by, Sienna said, « That fellow will get the college out of
trouble j' and the right reverend Adrian, for having heard these words,
and not reported them, has been in great peril, so as to be obliged to
expiate his crime in coin." After this, on i8th June, Minio mentions
that the Cardinal Adrian was selling his plate to complete his payments
as promised to the Pope, and that the fact was public. On the night of
1 9th June the Cardinal Soderini, the fellow-victim of the Cardinal
Adrian, left Rome, and withdrew himself into the Colonna Castle of
Palestrina, a proceeding which very much annoyed the Pope, who on
the following night was yet more disquieted by the departure of the
Cardinal Adrian himself, though, as he had paid his 12,000 ducats, and
received the brief of absolution, he was certainly at liberty so to do : he
left Rome at the fourth hour of the night, accompanied by but two
attendants, namely, one Friar Stephen, of the order of hermits, who had
long been in his service, and his master of the horse.
On the 25th of June all the foreign ambassadors in Rome went on
invitation to the Vatican, for the purpose of hearing extracts read from
the Petrucci trial, and in confirmation of what has been already stated
FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. IOQ
about the Cardinal Adrian, it appeared thereby that when Cardinal
Petrucci told him of the means by which the surgeon of Vercelli was to
rid the college of Cardinals of the Pontiff, he burst out laughing, and
shrugged up his shoulders, a gest which Minio says was habitual with
him ; the motion is certainly not picturesque, but considering how
uncouth and graceless a mortal Leo X. himself was, it scarcely became
him to punish a mere shrug so inexorably.
On the 4th of July, the Cardinal of Sienna was beheaded in the
castle of St. Angelo ; and on Monday the 6th, Cardinal Adrian arrived
in Venice, and had audience of Doge Loredano and the sages and chiefs
of the Ten, to whom he said that he thanked God for his safe arrival in
' the land of promise,' mentioning how he had quitted Rome to get out
of the hands of the Pope, after paying 12,000 ducats for a brief, restor-
ing him to favour ; but that, not trusting to this, he went into Calabria
and over the mountains to the coast, where he embarked and crossed to
Zara, where, on making himself known to the Venetian governors of
that city, they gave him a ship, on board of which he reached Venice,
having been sixteen days on his way from Rome.
On the yth of July, Sanuto, who did not foresee how much greater
regard would be felt in England for the property of this churchman than
for his person, writes : —
" In the morning, the Cardinal Adrian having requested a safe-con-
duct, enabling him to stay in this town and in our dominions, such was
made out for him by the Signory in full college, in a public form, and
sealed and sent to him.
" It is said he will go and reside at Padua, or go to England, where he
is liked, and has his income, and is Bishop of Bath on that island, his
annual rental there amounting to ducats."
The Republic of Venice did not content herself with merely giving a
safe-conduct to this ripe and good scholar, but moreover wrote in his
favour to the ambassador Minio at Rome, desiring him to try and arrange
matters between Adrian and his Holiness ; and, consequently, in date of
the 1 3th of July, Minio announces to the State that he had told the
Pope of the arrival at Venice of the Cardinal, assuring him that he had
spoken in terms of much honour of the person of his Holiness, congra-
tulating himself on the treatment received ; and then recommended him
in the name of the Signory, adding many bland expressions " to assuage,"
he writes, " if necessary, the disposition of his Holiness, and this because
the last time when he spoke to me about the departure of the Cardinal
aforesaid, it was not without some mental irritation.
" Having listened to the whole, his Holiness smiled, and said, * We
likewise have received letters from him : he has acted thus, and does not
know why. We are content that he be at Venice.' I rejoined, * Holy
Father ! he departed rather out of shame for what had chanced than
from any other motive : be your Holiness pleased to hold him for re-
commended, for he assuredly spoke as much in praise of your Holiness,
as your Holiness yourself could desire.' This seemed to please him, and
he said, * And since it is indeed thus, we recommend him to the Signory.'
JIO DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN
I thanked his Holiness, and for the sake of confirming him in his inten-
tion, said I should write what he had told me to your Sublimity. He
rejoined, 'So do, for <we are content ,-' and from outward signs, the Pontiff
appears satisfied with his being at Venice, and then, as his Holiness was
on the point of going out, I took leave."
Such was the state of the affairs of the Cardinal Adrian at Rome on
the 1 3th of July 5 nor was this first seizure of his see of Bath apparently
the act of Leo X., but of Wolsey $ and in date of August i8th, Minio
writes from Rome in confirmation of the fact, thus : —
" The Pontiff has asked the King of England for a loan of 200,000
ducats, and his Majesty promised him 100,000 on condition of his being
allowed to levy a tenth on the clergy in his kingdom 5 and on hearing
that the Cardinal Adrian had absented himself from Rome, he deprived
him of the bishopric he held there in England, and gave it to the Car-
dinal of York, and the English ambassador here has taken possession of
the new house which the right reverend Adrian was building here in
Rome."
3 It is not clear whether the agency exercised by Chieregato related
to the collection of the revenues in England of Adrian, or merely to
efforts to get him out of trouble, caused by the Petrucci affair, and to
prevent his being despoiled of his see by Cardinal Wolsey : in the ori-
ginal the words are, " Le facende del qual (Adriano) erano procurate
dal ditto nuntio."
4 By a despatch from the Venetian ambassador at Rome, Marco
Minio (No. 252, date zoth November, 1518), it is seen that Chieregato
was then again in favour with Leo X., and on the eve of departure for
Spain, being accredited as nuncio to his Catholic Majesty.
5 Concerning the voyages of the Venetian merchantmen, styled the
" Plunders galleys" see ante, p. 45, and vol. i. p. 250. Whatever diffi-
culties may have been raised by Cardinal Wolsey about the permit, there
can be no doubt but that he was very anxious for the Venetians to renew
their trade with England, on the same footing as before the league of
Cambray, and in date of Rome, i5th June, 1517, the ambassador Minio
wrote to the Signory that the English ambassador (De1 Gigli, Bishop of
Worcester) had inquired of him, probably by order of Wolsey, whether
the galleys were to be sent on the Flanders voyage, and being answered
in the affirmative, he repeated several times, "They will really send
them ! I shall write to the King, for it will afford him great satisfac-
tion."
From the commencement of the thirteenth century, the freight of the
Venetian galleys on arriving in England consisted of indigo, incense, gum-
arabic, aloes, myrrh, lake, nutmegs, cloves, cardamums, and other spices,
ginger, camphor, rice, muslins, silk stuffs, almonds, wax, cubebs, oil, malm-
sey, loaf and crushed sugar, currants, honey, pigments, glass, vitriol, rock
alum, and alum from Alexandria, &c. Until the middle of the fifteenth
century, the Venetians obtained their sugars from Cyprus, Alexandria,
Syria, Damietta, Sicily, and Valentia, and the greater part of the Eng-
lish sugar trade was in their hands ; but after the discovery of the island
FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. Ill
of Madeira by the Portuguese in 1450, the Levant sugars gave way to
those of that island, where the sugar-cane was indigenous ; and already,
in date of the month of July 1496, Sanuto mentions the arrival in the
Venetian lagoons of four Portuguese caravels with 4,000 cases of Ma-
deira sugar. Besides these luxuries, the Venetian galleys were bound by
statute (12. Edward IV., A.D. 1472) to bring four bow-staves for every
ton of merchandise, and catered thus for the exercise of archery in
England, as well as for the concoction there of sack and plum- pudding.
Both in the field and at table, at Poictiers and Crecy, as at the " Boar's
Head" and other taverns in Eastchepe and elsewhere, the Venetian gal-
leys played their part ; and in the course of these Anglo-Venetian
notices it will be seen that Christchurch likewise owed some of her most
precious Greek MSS. to the Signory of Venice, which, in return for the
articles above mentioned, received woollen cloths, wool, tin, and copper.
6 See ante, p. 46.
Londony July 31, 1517.
Four days ago, the magnifico the French ambassador had
his business settled and departed ; the object of his mission,
which related to claims for damages, passed off well, the
matter having been referred to commissioners, who are to
investigate it both at Calais and Boulogne.
Subsequently, I sent my secretary to the right reverend
Cardinal to get the patent diminishing the customs, assign-
ing the term of two years for their payment, and authorizing
purchases to be made at all seasons ; which he gave him
according to his promise. I also sent him a writing in my
own hand, whereby I pledge myself to the arrival here of the
galleys within eight months from the first of August, just
impediments excepted. This arrangement, I trust, will
prove one of considerable profit and advantage to our
merchants.
To-day, I received three letters from your Highness
addressed one to this most serene King, another to the right
112 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN
reverend Cardinal, and the third to the reverend Bishop of
Winchester, together with a fourth to my own address,
containing a copy of said letters, and telling me what I am
to do. I shall obey your instructions to the very letter,
and should have gone this very moment to the Court and to
the right reverend Cardinal, but both one and the other are
abroad for their pleasure. To-morrow, his lordship will be
here, and I shall immediately do what is enjoined me. On
Sunday the 2nd proximo, when his Majesty returns, I will
go to court and give him the letters of your Highness,
accompanying them with expressions suited to what I con-
sider your intention.
As the Bishop of Winchester is in his diocese, fifty miles
off, I forthwith despatched my son1 to him with the letters
of your Highness and of the right reverend Cardinal Adrian,
it appearing to me extremely necessary that the Bishop
should receive speedy information, to enable him to treat this
matter opportunely with the King and the right reverend
Cardinal of York : I should have gone in person, but could
not do so, having to see the King and Cardinal ; it is my
intention, however, to visit the Bishop at Winchester, after
my interview with the Court here. I am apprehensive
that this business will encounter some difficulty, as the right
reverend Cardinal of York has already obtained the see of
Adrian in commendam.
1 Marin Giustinian, at the moment of his mission to Fox, Bishop of
Winchester, was eight-and-twenty years old. On returning to Venice
in 1519, he immediately went into office; and from that period, until
the year 1529, he filled in succession the posts of sage for the orders,
alias junior lord of the admiralty, auditor, syndic, state attorney, and
sage for the main land. In 1532 he was appointed ambassador to
Francis I., and was at the French court at Marseilles in 1534, when
Catharine de Medici became the bride of the Duke of Orleans. In 1537
Marin Giustinian went on a mission to Ferdinand, King of the Romans,
to demand aid against the Turks. In 1 541 he was accredited to the
FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 113
Emperor Charles V., whom he accompanied in his progress through
Italy and Germany in that year, and in 1 542 accompanied him on the
luckless expedition against Algiers ; but the vessel in which he embarked,
after nearly perishing at sea, put into a Spanish port, and from the hard-
ships undergone he expired immediately on landing. His allusion to
English valour in his report of France may be seen in the Introduction,
p. 30.
London, August 6, 1517.
It is generally reported here, that the Catholic King is in
Zealand for the purpose of embarking, and is only waiting
for a fair wind— a fact which I dare not affirm, as his
departure has been announced for the last four months.
I make no mention of the invasion of Friesland by the
Duke of Guelders, nor of the cruelties committed there,
not doubting but that you are well acquainted with these
circumstances through the most noble Badoer. Here mat-
ters appear to tend to peace.
Concerning the affair of the right reverend Adrian, your
Excellency will learn that the day after I received your
letters I went to the court, and as his Majesty had with-
drawn himself with a few of his attendants to a certain
remote and unusual habitation, in consequence of this new
malady,1 I experienced great difficulty in speaking with him :
this disease makes very quick progress, proving fatal
in twenty-four hours at the farthest, and many are carried
off in four or five hours. The patients experience nothing
but a profuse sweat, which dissolves the frame, and when
once the twenty-four hours are passed, all danger is at an
end. This week my secretary caught the disease, and was
very ill indeed, but is now well, and has been so the last
four days without any ailment soever, as your Serenity may
VOL. II. I
114 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN
conclude from the handwriting of this despatch : many of
my establishment are invalided, so that the sick outnumber
the sound. Very few strangers have died, but an immense
number of the natives.
On being introduced to his Majesty, under pretence of
having to communicate to him matters of great importance
— as I should not otherwise have gained admittance, great
part, of the court being ill of this disease — I presented to
him the letters of your Highness, and the one from the
right reverend Adrian, which last I extracted from the
packet addressed by his lordship to the Cardinal of York,
in accordance with the letters received by the reverend
nuncio here j since, otherwise, Cardinal Wolsey would never
have consigned it to his Majesty. After the King had read
the letters, I corroborated their contents in such terms as
appeared suitable ; whereupon his Majesty answered me,
that he was perfectly acquainted with this business through
briefs from his Holiness, which assured him that the aforesaid
right reverend Adrian was conscious of the charges brought
against him, and that he meant to deprive him of his Car-
dinal's grade and of his benefices. As I had alluded to
the absolution, and to the fine of 12,500 ducats which was
levied, adding that his absenting himself from Rome had
merely been induced by the departure of the right reverend
Volterra (Soderini), and to yield to circumstances, not
choosing to place his life in jeopardy and in the hands of
slanderers, with other suitable expressions, the King replied
thereto, " I understand this matter better than you Vene-
tians," to use his precise words, condemning his lordship, and
appearing to bear him the worst possible will. This I appre-
hend proceeds solely from his having been persuaded by the
right reverend Cardinal of York, who has obtained the see
of Bath in commendam^ and has already changed the officials,
FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 115
and taken the administration out of the hands of the reverend
Bishop of Winchester ; so that Adrian may be said to have
an interested adversary in Cardinal Wolsey, who will be
his judge in this matter. Thus your Highness may com-
prehend to what a pass the affairs of the right reverend
Adrian are brought.
I went also to present the letters of your Excellency
and those of the right reverend Adrian to the Cardinal of
York j but his lordship has been ill of this sweating sick-
ness, and would that the perspiration had carried off his
wish for these benefices. Many of his household have died
of the sweat, and not merely his under attendants but some
of the principal ones, so that hitherto I have been unable
to do anything further with his right reverend lordship.2
As soon as he may think fit to receive me, I shall be ready
to execute the commands of your Highness, but my belief
is that all my labours will prove vain ; and I pray God that
this interference may not prove detrimental, both to your
Excellency and me your agent.
My son, who went to the Bishop of Winchester, returned
yesterday, six days after his departure hence, and reported
that on arriving at the residence of his lordship, audience was
delayed him, because this prelate likewise had taken the
sweat, so he returned two days later, when he obtained
admission, and a gracious welcome, as is the wont of his
lordship, to whom he presented the letters of your Highness
and those of the right reverend Adrian. His lordship
represented the matter not merely as difficult, but desperate,
saying, that we have to deal with the Cardinal, who is not
Cardinal but King, and that no one in this realm dare
attempt aught in opposition to his interests ; that he was
already in possession of the see, and that he, the Bishop of
Winchester, had resigned the administration to him. Add
Il6 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN
to which, the officials had already been changed. He said,
moreover, that two pontifical briefs had been despatched
hereon,3 the first of which was very much in aggravation of
the charges against the right reverend Adrian, purporting
that he had rendered himself liable to be deprived of his
Cardinal's grade and benefice, and urging the gift of the
Church of Bath in commendam to this right reverend Cardinal
of York. By the second brief, which the Bishop of Win-
chester says is of a more recent date, his Holiness appears to
be somewhat softened,4 and delays the execution of the
former one. This second brief, however, is not to be found,
and your Highness will comprehend by whose means it has
been secreted : the secretary of the Bishop of Winchester
declares that it exists. His lordship, in short, concludes
that a more difficult or desperate enterprise than this could
not be undertaken in all England ; but that if any hope
exists at all, it must be in an appeal to his Holiness, who is
usually merciful. There is a letter in conformity with what
I write, addressed by the Bishop of Winchester to the
reverend nuncio Chieregato, the copy of which I enclose
herewith. Your Serenity will consider whether, under exist-
ing circumstances, it be desirable to risk offending the
Cardinal, in whose hands all the interests of your Highness
here are vested.
1 The " sudor Erltannicus" or sweating sickness.
2 Possibly, amongst these chief attendants, Giustinian may have in-
cluded the King's Latin secretary, Ammonius (see ante, vol. i. p. 262).
It might have been expected that the ambassador would have mentioned
both the death of Ammonius and the departure from England of
Chieregato, but he makes no allusion to either event.
3 The only documents concerning Adrian, Bishop of Bath and Wells,
preserved in Rymer, are under date of July and August 1518. See vol!
xiii. fols. 607, 609, 622, and 623, edition of 1727.
4 In consequence, probably, of the intercession of the Venetians, whose
ambassador, Marco Minio, advocated the cause of Adrian with Leo X.
on 1 3th July. See ante.
FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 11 J
London, August 15, 1515.
At present, I have no news of importance to communicate,
save that the Catholic King, who it was supposed awaited a
fair wind to take him to Spain, is in expectation, so far as one
can comprehend, of its blowing from these shores. Yester-
day, in fact, 15,000 pounds sterling were sent him, I imagine
for no other purpose than the expenses of the voyage.
Your Highness will now learn the fulfilment of my pro-
phecies, concerning the affair of the right reverend Adrian,
and how detrimental it is likely to prove to the interests of
your Sublimity. Having sent my secretary to the Cardinal
of York, to appoint an audience, he was summoned into the
presence of his lordship, who made the most terrible
complaints ever heard both against your Sublimity and against
me ; but the loudest fell to my lot, from whom he said he
had not anticipated such treatment, and that whereas down
to this present he had loved me like a brother, paying me
more honour than was ever conceded to an ambassador from
your Highness, so would he now oppose me in all my opera-
tions. " Your master," he said, uhas had the daring to give
letters, and to canvass against me, at the request of a rebel
against his Holiness ! Nor can I but complain of the
Signory for taking such a delinquent under her protection."
Continuing a long while in this state of mental excitement,
he again burst forth to the Secretary thus, u I charge your
ambassador and you not to write anything out of the king-
dom without my consent, under pain of the indignation of
the King, and of the heaviest penalties," which expressions
and all those above-mentioned, he repeated several times,
becoming more and more exasperated. While thus irritated,
he held a cane in his hand, and kept gnawing it with his
teeth.1
Il8 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN
The Secretary answered him, " My right reverend lord,
may it please your right reverend lordship not to com-
plain either of the most illustrious Signory, nor yet of
the ambassador, for the former was induced to write to
the most serene King, to your right reverend lordship, and
to the reverend Bishop of Winchester, at the suit of the
right reverend Adrian, who came to Venice, even into
the chamber of the most serene Prince, exculpating himselfr
from the accusations laid to his charge, and requesting with
all earnestness this intercession, which he thought would
profit him, considering the confederacy which exists between
his Majesty and the most illustrious Signory, who was not
then aware that the see of Bath had been given in commen-
dam to your right reverend lordship. With regard indeed
to the ambassador, what he did was by command of the
most illustrious Signory, who enjoined his delivering the
letters according to their address, and executing the commis-
sion given him ; nor did he act thus to offend your right
reverend lordship, to whom he is extremely attached by love
incomparable ; and to do the like would be the last thing in
the world he could have imagined ; and on hearing this,
the ambassador will prove to your right reverend lordship
that neither the most illustrious Signory nor himself are at
all to blame." The Secretary persisting in his defence of
either party, and endeavouring to make an appointment for
me to go and speak to his right reverend lordship, obtained
no other reply, than probatio amorls est exkibitio operis^ and
with this he took leave. The secretary having reported
these facts to me, your Highness may imagine the state
of my mind, although nothing had taken place but what
I foresaw ; so in the morning very early, I went to speak
to his right reverend lordship, and as he was yet in bed,
I waited more than three hours. At length, having pressed
FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 1 19
for audience, he sent me word that he was in bed, somewhat
indisposed,2 and could not receive me. Being aware that
this non-admission proceeded from his wrath, which not only
had not subsided, but induced him, moreover, to decline
listening to my exculpation, I determined on going to
the reverend Bishop of Durham, who seems to be ac-
quainted with all his operations, and explained to him this
matter in detail, exculpating your Excellency by all such
arguments as occurred to me, and apologizing for myself on
the score of being a mere agent; omitting nothing which
I deemed suited to this topic ; requesting him earnestly
to interpose his good offices, and persuade his lordship
to admit me, that I might justify both your Sublimity and
myself. The bishop appeared utterly unconscious of the
Cardinal's ire_, and admitted my apologies, in such wise,
as to seem convinced that this recommendation had been
really most becoming on the part of your Signory, and that I
was equally commendable for executing your commands, and
he promised to mediate, and contrive that I should be
admitted to-morrow, when I shall go to the Cardinal, and
unless he prove a rock, and reject all reason, I hope to
appease him. * * *
1 Cardinal Wolsey's custom of carrying a cane is alluded to by Skel-
ton in the following lines : —
" In Chamber of Stars,
All matters there he mars 5
Clapping his rod on the board,
No man dare speak a word ;
For he hath all the saying
Without any renaying.
He rolleth in his Records ;
He sayeth, How say ye, my lords ?
Is not my reason good ?
Some say, Yes ; and some
Sit still as they were dumb."
120 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN
2 From another despatch of Giustinian, dated August izth, we learn
that Wolsey had suffered from three attacks of the sweating sickness, all
within a fortnight.
London, August 17, 1517.
Having again visited the Bishop of Durham, to hear what
he had done, he told me that he found the Cardinal so dis-
quieted and wrath with your Sublimity and me, that words
could not exceed it ; that he had stated to him all the argu-
ments alleged by me, and received for answer, " Meddle no
farther in this matter, for I will hear neither exculpation
nor justification, as this is too marked a misdeed ; the
choosing to recommend a rebel to the Church in opposition
to me, who have favoured their affairs, and honoured this
ambassador more than ever was customary with any of his
predecessors, treating him not otherwise than if he had been
my brother j " saying he could not bear such great in-
gratitude. The Bishop, therefore, advised me to pass it by,
and for a few days avoid meeting the Cardinal, until he had
laid aside this anger. I told him it was well to give way to
wrath, but that to appear to hold his indignation in small
account, would irritate him yet more, and convert his wrath
into hatred ; so I determined to let yesterday pass, and this
morning early, I went to his right reverend lordship, and
having through several channels (ever maintaining the de-
corum of my public character) sought for audience, I was
called, and commenced occupying his right reverend lordship
by requesting he would deign graciously to lend me his ears,
and that he himself, and not his passions, might judge my
case ; for that I could never hope that my reasons, which
were manifold, could effect aught, should his right reverend
FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 121
lordship choose to combat them in the state of perturbation
which had seized him ; and that to make a sick man whole,
who himself resisted his cure, was impossible ; but that I
knew his right reverend lordship to be endowed with so
much wisdom, goodness, and moderation, that he would
weigh my reasons against the cause of his perturbation.
I then commenced narrating to him the course of events
from the arrival of the right reverend Adrian at Venice, down
to my compliance here with the instructions contained in
your Serenity's letters, showing from step to step that I had
omitted nothing which I ought to have done, and that in
these proceedings I had acted sincerely and openly, not like
such as wish to employ deceit. I will not detail my mode
of proceeding (which was perfectly becoming) in this matter,
to avoid being tedious, but I brought his right reverend lord-
ship to such a pass, that he seemed to hold me exculpated,
as I had really done what was enjoined me. But all the
odium which at first attached itself to me was then turned by
him against your Sublimity, upon which I told him, that, if
I had done nothing deserving of his indignation, much less
could such be merited by your most illustrious Signory, as
the difference between the operations of your Sublimity and
mine was as great as that which exists between the im-
possible and the possible; since your Highness being ignorant
even now, and not having known that by recommending
the affairs of the right reverend Adrian you affected the in-
terests of his right reverend lordship, to whom the see of
Bath was given in commendarn^ it was impossible for you
to have offended him, seeing that, according to the sages,
voluntary acts alone obtain the epithet of sin or injury ; nor
is anything considered voluntary, if it proceeds from com-
pulsion or ignorance of a fact ; and that although your
Highness had not been compelled, yet were you perfectly
122 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN
ignorant of the fact, not knowing that to have the see of
Bath restored to the Cardinal Adrian, is to take it away from
his right reverend lordship ; and this being unknown to you,
you could not have done him an injury, or aught deserving
of his indignation ; and, that had you anticipated offending
him, you would have preferred subjecting yourself to ill-will,
by offending the whole college of cardinals rather than his
right reverend lordship, who, you consider, bears you both
love and favour on all occasions ; adding many other words
of this tenor. Whilst delivering this defence, I could not
express to your Highness the rabid and insolent language
used by him, both against your Sublimity and myself, re-
peating, as he did, several times that he held me not in the
slightest account, nor yet the Venetians, who were wont to
favour ribalds and rebels, and to persecute the good, and
that God and the potentates of the world would avenge such
deeds ; and that your Highness was always for the rebels of
the Church, and opposed to the Pontiffs, past and present,
and that for this you had done penance, and were accustomed
to proceed with deceit and mendacity ; and that the city of
Venice would be a seat for conspirators against the Pontiffs,
on which accounts he meant to be the State's bitter enemy
and mine, though at the same time, by reason of my ether
good qualities, he regretted my being the minister of such
iniquities j and that your Signory would also find that his
Majesty took this thing very much amiss, saying, " Go on,
and write to the State to proceed in favouring rebels against
me ; for she will see what victory she will gain."
These things were uttered by his right reverend lordship
whilst I was speaking, and they were the last things said, in
such wise, that when he asserted that your Sublimity had
done him an injury by seeking to favour the Cardinal afore-
said, I then answered him as above, declaring that you had
FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 123
not done so knowingly, with the intention of offending him ;
and to that part where he said that your Highness and I
were to go on favouring such rebels, I answered him, that
should your Excellency proceed, when acquainted with these
particulars, you could no longer be excused on the plea of
ignorance of the fact, but that I had no doubt your Excel-
lency would not again attempt this matter. On the con-
trary, I was of opinion that you would write and acquaint him
with your innocence in conformity with my statement ; and
as he seemed to complain extremely that your Sublimity had
not written to me to communicate the matter first to him,
before delivering the letters to the King, so that I might
regulate myself according to his instructions, I told him that
this was not the custom of our State, for that your Ex-
cellency is wont to write your intention to your ambassadors,
whom it behoves carry such into effect ; though it was true
that when you anticipated any difficulty, the ambassadors are
in the habit of availing themselves of the intercession of
great personages attached to sovereigns. This seeming to
me an admirable device for appeasing him, I said I had
yesterday received letters of the 22nd July, whereby your
Serenity informed me of the good disposition of the Pontiff
towards said right reverend Adrian,1 and that his Holiness
had told your ambassador, resident at Rome, that he thanked
your Excellency for having received him, and was content
that he should be at Venice ; and had heard with pleasure
that the right reverend Adrian aforesaid, spoke in terms
of honour of his Holiness. I also showed him these letters,
and told him, that to prove to his right reverend lordship
that the will of your Excellency was in unison with his own,
and that I your minister was not going to do what was dis-
agreeable to him, I should leave the letter with him, and
would receive his instructions about communicating it to the
124 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN
King or not ; as I considered that my chief object in this
kingdom was to preserve to myself the favour and friendship
of his right reverend lordship, who answered me, " I do not
believe in the letters which you tell me of ; for six days ago,
I received a brief from his Holiness, purporting, that were
the Venetians to write aught to me in exculpation of the
Cardinal aforesaid, I was to credit nothing soever."2
To so much asperity and insolent language lavished on
me during my discourse, I made no reply, appearing not
to have heard a good part of it, and continued my narrative.
This I did, because I deemed it more decorous for your
Highness to feign deafness, rather than seem to hear and
omit making such answers as in honour bound — a course
which would not be expedient for your Highness under
existing circumstances. At that part, however, where he
said your Excellency had been adverse to the Church, I
told him, that had your Highness not done for holy Mother
Church more than the other potentates, whether against
the infidel or against the Empire and others who had ha-
rassed her, yet were you at least equal to those who have
effected more in her behalf.
At length, after this long colloquy, his right reverend
lordship, both in fact and by his words and manner, seemed
to be much appeased, so that half the battle may be said
to have been gained, though he concluded thus : that should
your Highness persevere in favouring this rebel-poisoner of
the Church (who was said to have also poisoned Pope
Alexander), his Majesty and he himself would show them-
selves most hostile to you ; not for the sake of the benefices,
but from antipathy to those who favour the enemies of his
Holiness. I think, therefore, I may draw this inference :
that should your Excellency desist from this recommenda-
tion, and write a soothing letter according to your ability,
FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 125
peace will be made, and your reconciliation effected, nor
cause be given for provoking the wrath of this most serene
King, which is not needed in these times. Should you
after all, for reasons of your own,3 think fit to persevere
in the course commenced, your Highness may be sure that
I shall perform my duty stoutly, without any hesitation, for
the words of others do not frighten me, nor yet the chas-
tisement of any one, unless it proceed from God or from
the Signory. Should it happen, moreover, that his right
reverend lordship again give vent to such insolent language,
and that your Highness think proper for me to answer him
vehemently, I shall do to the letter what you may desire ;
nor have I dreaded or parried this business from any private
interest of my own, since from this kingdom I have never
received any personal service to the value of one farthing,
nor do I wish for such, and all I have done has been with
a view to prevent his right reverend lordship from injuring
the interests of your Highness. * * *
1 It would appear by this, that the Signory had sent to the ambassador
Giustinian a copy of the paragraphs contained in the despatch from
Rome, dated July i3th, to which allusion has been made at p. 116, and
the document arrived most opportunely, as it served to calm the wrath
of Cardinal Wolsey, not from its contents, but because they were com-
municated to him, and not to the King.
2 The affair of Cardinal Adrian, who was protected at Rome by the
ambassadors from Maximilian and from France, as well as by the Vene-
tians, continued in abeyance until July 1518, when Leo X. proposed in
the Consistory to give the see of Bath to Cardinal Wolsey. The
palace in which Adrian used to reside on the Corso was then bestowed
by the Pope on the Governor of Rome. A new palace then being built
by the opulent cardinal (as he was styled) in the Borgo, was given to
Cardinal Cibo. In date of August 18, 1517, Minio writes from Rome
that de1 Gigli, the Bishop of Worcester, had then seized the new house
which Adrian was building in Borgo j though by this closing account it
would seem that the Pope chose to have that part of the spoil for his
nephew, Cibo, but it appears to have been subsequently claimed by Henry
VIII., who, in the reign of Pope Clement VII., is said to have given it
to Cardinal Campeggio on his return to Rome, A.D. 1529, as a mark of
126 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN
satisfaction at his conduct in the divorce case of Queen Catharine. This
" new palace" of Cardinal Adrian may yet be seen at Rome, where it
sometimes goes by the name of " the old palace of the English embassy 5"
it is in the Borgo Nuo'vo, in front of the Piazza S. Giacomo Scossa Cavalli,
and is a large stone-built edifice of simple architecture designed by Bra-
mante. After the days of Campejus it was converted into an ecclesias-
tical academy ; later it became the residence of different princely proprie-
tors, and now belongs to the Tortonia family. The vineyard in which
Pope Alexander VI. took his last supper, fell to the lot of Count Anni-
bale Ran gone, the captain of the body-guard of Leo X. ; and in date of
August 5th, 1518, Minio writes, that in the last consistory, the benefices
of Cardinal Adrian had been formally bestowed on the Cardinal of York,
who had written to the Pope that, provided he would degrade Adrian,
and give him his see, confirming to him the post of legate in perpetuity,
that the honour of the agreement between Henry VIII. and Francis I.,
by which England surrendered Tournai, should be attributed to his
Holiness j details which exist in the portfolio of Marco Minio, who
resided as ambassador at Rome from the spring of 1 5 1 7 until March 1 520.
3 In the omitted portion of a previous despatch, the ambassador allows
a hint to escape him that the Signory meant probably to avail themselves
of the influence of Adrian with the Emperor ; and in the report of the
court of Rome made to the Venetian Senate on the iyth of March, 1517,
by the ambassador Marin Zorzi, who had been accredited by the Repub-
lic to Leo X. from the year 1515 until that time, there is the following
allusion to the Ghibelline bias of Cardinal Adrian : —
" The Cardinal Adrian, who was in this town, and had been the
secretary of Julius, and the Signory helped to get him made Cardinal 5
but he seems to adhere to the wishes of the Emperor, and does his busi-
ness." (See the Reports of Rome, edited by Gar. Florence, 1846, p. 57.)
By this, likewise, it would appear that the gratitude displayed by Car-
dinal Adrian for the protection conceded to him by Venice rrom 1507
to 1 51 3, as already, mentioned, scarcely entitled him to their farther good
offices.
London, August 27, 1517,
I have been unable to communicate the news from your
Serenity, as his Majesty is at a place called Windsor, alone
with his physician1 and the reverend Master Dionysius
Memo and three of his favourite gentlemen ; nor does he
admit any one, for fear of this disease, which is now making
FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 12J
very great progress in the land, so that many of those who
accompanied the King have died, and it is said that his
Majesty means to change his quarters. The Cardinal also
has been ill of this malady until now, this being the fourth
time that he has had it. To-day I went to his right reverend
lordship, with whom I was unable to confer, as he was
busy despatching the commissioners for the disputes about
damages incurred by the French, and who are to leave
to-morrow. The affairs between Scotland and his Majesty
are arranged in every respect, save some few and trifling
particulars which this side will not consent to j they will
be entirely settled, however, the matter not being such as
to make the Scotch break off, rather than relinquish them.
The Catholic King is still in Zealand, and less is said
about his departure now than two months ago, though the
general opinion is that he waits but for the weather.
Yesterday, I saw a letter from an ambassador of his
Majesty resident with the Switzers,2 who is also acquainted
with the proceedings between the Emperor and this king-
dom, addressed to a worthy man of this city, containing
certain details, from which it results that the understanding
between the Emperor and this most serene King, as also
with the Switzers, is not so good as it has been. This
coolness arises from the fact that they all want money, and
that to a greater amount than is agreeable to the court here,
which, as proved by a variety of circumstances, is not so
munificent as it used to be. I do not know whether this
proceed from the lack of funds, or because those in autho-
rity begin to think it prudent to husband their resources for
their own needs, the contrary having been their custom
hitherto.
1 In the year 1523 the physicians of Henry VIII. were John Chamber,
Thomas Linacre, and Fernandus de Victoria. (See Statutes of the
128 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN
Realm, vol. iii. p. 213.) It is not known which of these three accom-
panied the King to Windsor in August, 1517.
2 Namely, the secretary, Richard Pace.
London , August 31, 1517.
Having sent my Secretary several times to the right
reverend Cardinal to appoint a time for communicating the
Turkish news, and to see whether his right reverend lord-
ship was as ill disposed as usual, he never could succeed
in this ; so at length as his lordship was going on a pilgrim-
age to fulfil a vow of his at a shrine, distant some hundred
miles hence, I determined at any rate on speaking to him
before his departure, and went to-day without making any
farther appointment. After I had waited awhile, I was
followed by the reverend Spanish ambassador, who obtained
admission immediately ; and when his lordship departed, after
again waiting a good time I was at length introduced. I
found his right reverend lordship with a troubled coun-
tenance and bent brow, and after making my obeisance
to him, I imparted the Turkish news, when, without return-
ing thanks, or appearing obliged by the attention, he said
similar intelligence had reached him through another channel.
Perceiving that he said nothing at all to me, on this or any
other topic, I then offered to accompany his right reverend
lordship on his journey with an honourable train, at my own
cost ; but without appearing flattered even by this proposal,
he said he had no need of any additional company beyond
his own retinue, which was both honourable and numerous.1
He has been ill of late, and really his appearance, in addition
to his mental perturbation, indicates this, although the profuse
perspiration endured by him, has not yet quite carried
FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. I2Q
off his wrath. As, however, by proceeding with gentleness
and affability, I withstood the first shock, so shall I bear
these other demonstrations, in such wise that he will
have no cause from me to increase his wrath but rather
to quench the flame already kindled, according to the
system which it has behoved me follow throughout this lega-
tion, as your Signory will learn more amply, through the
report of my labours, on my coming to pay my respects
to your Highness, which I pray God and the Signory to
grant me speedily.
I have been assured by the Secretary of the most illustrious
Duke of Albany, that the truces between this kingdom and
Scotland have been prolonged for one year after next St.
Andrew's day. The Secretary adds his belief that the Duke,
who is now at the French court, will not return this year to
Scotland, where a regency of six is to govern everything in
his name.
1 The Virgin's shrine at Walsingham, in Norfolk, to which Cardinal
Wolsey was going at the close of August, 1517, in consequence most
probably of a vow made when suffering from the sweating sickness, had
many votaries in England before the Reformation ; and after Flodden
Field, Queen Catharine closes a letter to the King, in date of Woborne,
1 6th September 1513, thus, " And with this I make an ende, praying
God to send you home shortly : for without this no joye here can
be accomplished : and for the same I pray, and now go to our Lady at
Walsingham, that I promised soe longe agoe to see."" In 14.87, moreover,
when Lambert Simnel invaded England, Henry VII. also paid his devo-
tions to our Lady of Walsingham.
London , September iz, 1517.
* * * It has transpired within the last few days that
a fresh ambassador from the Emperor has arrived ; but» as
reported, and as may be inferred from his retinue, he is not
VOL. II. K
130 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN
a personage of account, neither, as we understand, has he
come to reside here as ambassador in ordinary, but on
special business relating to the Emperor ; supposed, in
short, to be a demand for money. Although some days
have elapsed since his arrival, he has not yet had audience
either of the King or Cardinal; for his Majesty, as I wrote,
has kept himself aloof at Windsor, from fear of the sweating
sickness, which has made immense havoc at the Court,
and the right reverend Cardinal is now gone to Walsingham,
a hundred miles hence; the latter, indeed, also declined
seeing him, although he arrived before his departure, and
notwithstanding his importunity for audience. This induces
me to think it true that he came for money, and that the fact
was known to these lords.1
1 As in a despatch from Rome (No. 195), dated 29th May 1518, the
Venetian ambassador alludes to favour shown to Cardinal Adrian by
Maximilian, through his ambassador Alberto Pio, Count of Carpi (a fit
intercessor for one of the most elegant Latin scholars of his day, seeing
that, as already stated at p. 19, the Count of Carpi was a member of
the Aldine committee), it may be inferred that the treatment expe-
rienced by the Imperial agent in London, in September 1517, proceeded
from the same cause as the rudeness to which Giustinian himself had been
subjected.
Westminster, September 26, 1517.
Having left London, to avoid the plague, which is making
some progress, I heard to-day of the discovery of another
conspiracy formed by the populace for the purpose of cutting
all the strangers to pieces and sacking their houses ;x the
plot having been arranged for Michaelmas eve. I fancy
this outbreak was suggested by the absence of the King
and Cardinal, and other lords of the kingdom, who have
gone into the country, on which account they thought they
FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 13!
had a good opportunity for wreaking their vengeance. Up
to the present time, three of the ringleaders have been
arrested. The city is armed for its defence, and last night
upwards of 3,000 householders and public functionaries
were in battle array for the prevention of so great an outrage ;
unless the whole town be infected, therefore, I trust this
measure may extinguish the flame. The circumstance
has appeared to me worthy of being notified to your
Highness, whom I pray and beseech to deign at length
to grant my suit, and enable me to return home, as both the
period of my sojourn abroad, and my age, and the situation
of my family, require it. I do not imagine that your
Serenity desires my ruin, nor do I perceive that there is any
such important business for negotiation here, that your
Highness should detain me at so great a risk to my person
and property, and at such cost as it behoves me incur.
After this session,2 which will last all October, and be
attended by the greater part of the personages of this king-
dom, the affair of the wines will be discussed, as already
settled by the Cardinal, and when once that is despatched, I
know not what should delay me here : were there any
matter of importance, I should willingly expose myself
to any peril ; but as such does not exist, do your High-
ness deign to grant me the grace of returning home.
1 Hall does not make any allusion to this sequel to " Evil May Day,"
which shows that the insurrection extended beyond the period assigned
to it in his annals.
2 The session alluded to is that of the new Court, held in the Lord
Treasurer's chamber. See note page 32.
132 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN
Westminster, October 8, 1517.
I went to-day to the right reverend Cardinal, after having
preferred great suit during several days, for audience, which
was obtained with difficulty, and at length being called by
him, I commenced with congratulations on his return and
excellent health, and communicated the summaries from
Constantinople, which he listened to attentively, but as
usual with a troubled countenance. I next stated to him
the contents of your Excellency's letter of apology, concern-
ing the affairs of the right reverend Adrian, omitting such
parts as did not seem to me suited to the purpose, and
urging upon him the palpable evidence of your having acted
innocently in this matter. His right reverend lordship
replied, " I do not doubt but that the Signory did not write
with the intention of offending me, and believe as you say
that the circumstances were not understood at Venice ; still
you cannot acquit yourself of having done evil against me,
contrary to your debt of gratitude, considering the love
I bore you ; and in truth, I should have expected such
an injury from any other person in the world, rather than
from you." He proceeded thus with such wrath and
violence, and so much threatening and bitter language, that
I could not repeat the half of it; in fact, he hemmed me in
on every side, and great need had I of my patience, to tolerate
what he said to me. I replied, however, with all moderation
and gentleness, confuting his accusations j though the more
I exonerated myself, the more heavily did he burden me ;
yet without provoking any deviation on my part beyond the
due bounds of discretion. After awhile, my gentleness
overcame his arrogance, and he said, " Domine Orator,
your language and manner convince me that you are
innocent of all deceit, and your Signory likewise, and I own
FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 133
myself vanquished, and receive you as that good and very
dear friend which you have always been to me," and to use
his precise words, although it may seem immodest in me to
repeat them, he added, " I regretted that a man of your
ability and worth should be deceived by a ribald j and for
the future I shall be more yours, and the Signory's likewise,
than ever." After this, his lordship having in his anger sus-
pended the grant of the patent made to our merchants,
I besought him at length to despatch that matter, and
he answered me, " Per Deum^ I had suspended its execution,
because 1 was the enemy of the State, and your own also j
but I have remitted all your sins, and will complete the
patent, and treat you as a friend." He then told me that
your Sublimity should not trust the Cardinal Adrian, as
what you communicate to him, he writes to the Emperor,
and thus he said he had heard several times within the last few
days ; and that, in fact, he had always acted thus with
the Emperor against your Highness j1 although I but
slightly credit this, I appeared to believe it, and to accept
his suggestion as paternal, and induced by his affection for
your Highness, thanking him for his good will. I imagine,
most serene Prince, that this reconciliation will prove
agreeable to your Highness, as it was especially so to me,
because I am thoroughly convinced that I can do nothing of
any avail for your Highness, with this wind in my teeth ;
and you may believe for certain that I, who was aware of
the consequences of negotiating this matter, should not have
complied with the contents of your letters, had you left me
the option as you sometimes do with regard to communi-
cating the summaries.
The Imperial and Spanish ambassadors confer frequently
with the Cardinal ; and since his return, they have dined
with him twice, an unusual circumstance. I strongly sus-
134 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN
pect some fresh negotiations between these three con-
federates.
His right reverend lordship also said to me, while talk-
ing, that he, together with the King of France and others,
had been the cause of his Holiness getting the better of the
Delia Rovere Duke of Urbino, and that he hoped a general
peace would now ensue, as he wished for nothing else ; to
which end I encouraged him as much as possible, thanking
him for his good faith and Christian intention, which, if
realized, would obtain him immortal glory. On taking
leave of his lordship, he, contrary to custom, gave me his
hand to kiss, in token of reconciliation and peace ; he also
embraced both me and my secretary.
1 This accusation brought against the Cardinal Bishop of Bath, by
Cardinal Wolsey, might be considered malicious, but it seems confirmed
by the report of Marin Zorzi. See note 3, p. iz6.
London, October 10, 1517.
Certain intelligence has been received here of the arrival
in Spain of the Catholic King, who landed in Gallicia on the
1 9th ultimo. The Count Bartholomea Tationo, who has
been here a long while as resident ambassador from the Em-
peror, is gone away; I imagine on account of some
negotiation between these confederates, as written in my
foregoing, for from what I can comprehend, the individual
who remains in his stead is a very trivial personage, nor
do I think he would have stayed, unless the Count Bartho-
lomew aforesaid had intended returning ; and I am induced
to draw this inference from having (as I wrote) seen the
Imperial ambassador and the Spaniard in frequent conference
FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 135
with the right reverend Cardinal, more so than usual ; nothing
certain, however, is known.
London , November n, 1517.
Since my last, I have received two missives from your
Signory, dated the I2th and ijth of September, which
reached me, the one on the 5th instant, and the other on the
23rd October, with the summaries from the Levant, which
I delayed communicating, owing to the absence of Cardinal
Wolsey, who came hither for two days ; and as the plague
was making great progress, went back to a certain place of
his, where he will remain until after Christmas ; and all
business, both public and private, has on this account been
postponed. * * *
Two ambassadors have arrived here from the most Chris-
tian King, namely, the right reverend Bishop of Paris and
Monseigneur de la Gissa (Guiche). I went to visit them,
employing the most bland and loving language possible,
which they warmly reciprocated. They went to the King in
his retirement, and though they did not obtain admission, from
fear of the plague, they say they shall be soon despatched. I
endeavoured to learn the cause of their coming, but the
reverend Bishop of Ely1 having made his appearance on
behalf of the Cardinal, I had no opportunity. It is said they
are come about certain reprisals ; but I do not believe that
envoys of such dignity would have been sent on so trivial an
errand, especially as the aforesaid Bishop of Ely and the
Lord Chamberlain,2 who had been appointed as envoys to
France, will now not go there.
The King is abroad, and keeps moving from one place to
136 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN
another, on account of the plague, which has made great
ravage in the King's household, some of the royal pages,
who slept in his Majesty's chamber, having died ; so he has
dismissed the whole court, both his own and that of the
most serene Queen, and only three of his favourite gen-
tlemen have remained with his Majesty, together with the
Reverend Dionysius Memo, who all accompany the King
and Queen through every peril. Neither his Majesty nor
the Cardinal will return until after the Christmas holidays,
and then only provided the plague cease. * * *
Very violent storms have been raging here, and especially
on St. Luke's eve, when, in the first place, four large ships,
freighted with various merchandise for Flanders, perished in
the channel ; and eighty-four fishing vessels, averaging from
fifty to one hundred butts each, with their crews, were
also lost.
1 Nicholas West, LL.D., Bishop of Ely, and chaplain of Queen
Catharine. His father had been a baker near Fulham, which was the
birthplace of this prelate, who incurred the disgrace of Henry VIII. for
his adhesion and kindness to the Queen at the time of the divorce, and
died of grief, gout, and fistula, in the twenty-fourth year of the reign of
Henry VIII. In 1519, February 10, West surrendered Tournai to
France, and his communications with the French envoys in 1517 (Nov.)
probably related to affairs connected with that act. There is a notice
of West in Wharton's Anglia Sacra, vol. i. p. 676.
2 The Earl of Worcester, see p. 107.
London, November 21, 1517.
Last night the French ambassadors returned from the
court, and this morning I sent my secretary to make an
appointment with them for a visit this afternoon, to which
they strongly objected ; their wish being to return my
FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 137
former visit. The secretary refused to accede to this, and
returned to warn me of their intention ; but before I could
set out to anticipate them, they arrived.
After becoming compliments, I gave them the news from
the Levant, and mentioned the coming of the two ambassadors
from the Pope and from Hungary, laying great stress on the
Pontiff's statement about the good understanding between
his Holiness and the most Christian King.1 After much
had been said on this point, the Bishop of Paris told me they
had been to the King, who had received them very well
indeed, making them every demonstration of good will ; he
had also settled with them the two questions about reprisals
and boundaries. After this, he said to me, " We are aware
that we may speak as freely with you as amongst ourselves,
for the most Christian King will acquaint your ambassador
with the whole. We will therefore inform you that we
have urged the surrender of Tournai, the reasons advanced
by us being the great expense of the city and its near
neighbourhood to the territory of the Catholic King." His
Majesty, they informed me, seemed, on certain conditions,
to assent ; and as they did not tell me what these terms
were, I inquired whether he wished to augment the annual
tribute received by him from France. They answered in
the affirmative, and that the business might be considered
settled, but dependant on the will of his most Christian
Majesty ; at the same time, should it not take effect, this
transaction would not occasion any dissension between these
Princes, as his Majesty here appears as well disposed as
could be wished, saying that he chose ever to be the good
brother of the most Christian King, and wished always to
.maintain the peace and confederacy existing between them.
On my asking whether the King of England had made any
mention of the Duke of Albany, the Bishop of Paris
138 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN
replied, smiling, " You know all : it is true that his Majesty
was very anxious to prevent the return of the Duke, who is
now in France," but he had answered him that the Duke of
Albany was next in succession, should the present young
King die without heirs ; and that the Scots insisted on
his being regent, and that this had not been effected by
force, but voluntarily. The Bishop added, that the Duke of
Albany had charge of the realm, but not of the King, in
order to prevent foul play : and the education was confided
to certain chiefs elected by the kingdom, and approved by
the King of England. To prohibit the Duke's return, he
said, was impossible, as it would be contrary to the national
will, and at variance with the confederacy which has existed
between France and Scotland since the days of Charlemagne
until now. To this, I was given to understand, the King
assented, and was far from intending to break the con-
federacy maintained with his most Christian Majesty on
this account, so that these ambassadors depart well satisfied,
and pefectly convinced that everything remains at the option
of the most Christian King. After these colloquies, I
assured them that in this kingdom I was not less the
ambassador of France than of Venice, and that in every-
thing which had chanced, whenever in my power to give
satisfaction, I had done so, and that I even communicated
matters unconnected with myself to the ambassadors of the
most Christian King residing at this court, which I should
continue to do in future. I pressed them to come and dine
with me to-morrow, but they made many apologies, saying
they must by all means depart to-morrow morning, request-
ing me to preserve the good offices I had maintained, and
with this they went away, being accompanied by me until
they mounted their horses.
FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 139
1 The ambassador sent by Leo X. to Venice was Altobello degli
Averoldi, the natural son of Zane, Bishop of Spalatro ; and in date of
Viterbo, October 3, Marco Minio mentions his being then on the road.
A present made by this prelate to the chapel of the Cross is yet visible
in St. Mark's church, namely, two bronze candelabra, the work of
MafFeo Olivieri of Brescia, which are exquisitely wrought.
London, December 10, 1517.
* * * On Saint Andrew's Day there was a great
storm in these parts, and eight ships of divers nations were
wrecked, some bound to Flanders, and some to England.
The galleys of your Highness are expected with anxiety ; I
hope they will do well, as the numerous shipwrecks which
have chanced recently, will make good market for their
cargoes. I am informed the King longs for their coming,
and that his Majesty means to go to Hampton, saying he
shall purchase many articles of luxury (gentilezze), usually
brought by said galleys, the which may the Lord send
safe.
De rebus publicis nil est ; nothing is talked of but peace,
so that I hope to witness this confederacy between all the
Princes of Christendom.
London, December zz,
By my last of the loth instant, your Highness will have
heard what little had happened here. I have nothing of
importance to communicate at present, owing to the absence
of the most serene King and right reverend Cardinal and
all these lords, who will remain abroad until the Epiphany,
140 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTIN1AN
Universal complaints are heard on account of the absence of
the court, which is occasioned solely by fear of the plague,
that has now abated somewhat.
On the 1 4th I received letters from your Highness which
I could scarcely decypher, owing to the storm encountered
by their bearer, so that they were drenched and illegible,
though I did contrive to make out the news of the fresh
alliance formed between your Highness and the most Chris-
tian King, qua felix faustaque sit. This intelligence was
desirable, as I doubt not but that mention thereof will be
made to me by these English ministers, who I fancy will not
be glad to hear it.
A report circulates here, for which however I do not
vouch, that the Catholic King is negotiating a marriage with
the daughter of the most serene King of Portugal ; the
truth will I believe be better known to your Highness, than
to the vulgar here.1
The English ambassadors who went to France three
months ago to settle the claims for damages, have returned
re infecta : they assign as cause, the nature of the French,
who, they say, will not abide by reason. I am unable to
say what the result of this may be, until the return of some
of these lords, but I do not imagine it can produce any
mischief, as I perceive this side to be inclined to peace, and
wish to accumulate, rather than to disburse their money.
Although convinced that, ere now, your Highness will
have provided me with a successor, I must still repeat my
entreaties to that effect, for time presses. It is now three
years since I assumed this (I know not whether I ought to
call it) legation, or (from its prolonged term) re-legation. I
do not doubt but you will have had regard for my age and
circumstances, which suffer from my absence to my serious
detriment 5 and I promise your Excellency that for the last
FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 14!
year my expenses here have exceeded by one third what
they were previously, owing to the great scarcity of pro-
visions, so that I am spending my own capital. I know that
this will perhaps not be credited, but I trust in God, that
your Excellency may be assured of it, by those who may
return to Venice.
Your Sublimity is aware of my position, so I implore you
to be pleased to provide for me speedily ; and for the sake
of not failing myself, I have sent my son in person to Venice
to urge my suit.
P. S. I have understood that the negotiation for espousals
between the most serene Catholic King and the King of
Portugal, is in this fashion : that the Catholic King do take
for wife the daughter of the most serene King of Portugal,
and give a sister of his in marriage to the eldest son of the
aforesaid King of Portugal.
1 It would be difficult to ascertain when King Charles first thought
seriously of Elizabeth, the daughter of Emmanuel of Portugal, whom he
married A.D. 1526. In the year 1517 he was engaged to the infant
daughter of Francis I., an alliance which he renounced in 1 521 in favour
of Mary Tudor, who in her turn was deserted for the Portuguese
princess, of whose marriage this is the earliest mention. The report
mentioned in the P.S. of this letter concerning the marriage of Emma-
nuel's son to Eleanor, the sister of King Charles, was certainly a mis-
take, for the fortunate grocer married her himself. His first wife, A.D.
1491, was the Infanta Isabella (sister of Queen Catharine of Aragon) ;
on her death in 1498 he married (A.D. 1500) her sister, the Infanta
Maria; and finally, in 1519, became the husband of Eleanor of Austria,
the sister of King Charles, the Infanta Maria having died A.D. 1517.
London, "January 16, 1518.
Since my last, which were in date of the 22nd, I have
delayed writing to your Sublimity longer than usual, as
142 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN G1USTIN1AN
nothing has happened worthy of your knowledge, owing to
the absence of the courts ; l nor do I know when they will
return, especially that of his Majesty, who will remain
abroad until the utter cessation of the plague.
The right reverend Cardinal had indeed settled to come
back after the 22nd instant, his presence being required for
the despatch of many affairs of State, in which his lordship is
sole arbiter. On his arrival, I will visit him, and endeavour
to negotiate the affair of the wines ; though from the ac-
cumulated business he will have to dispose of, I doubt being
able to discuss this matter for a whole month.
I lately received a visit from one Master Richard Pace,2
who was a long while ambassador from his Majesty in Swit-
zerland,3 and has now been recalled, leaving the affairs of the
cantons in a state of peace. He is in great favour with the
King, and his honoured by all the grandees here ; the third
seat in the Privy Council4 has been conferred upon him.
This individual was alias secretary to the late right reverend
Cardinal of York, the very great friend of your Highness,5
and his soul really seems to have transmigrated into that of
his said secretary, who evinces so much affection towards
the interests of your Highness, that more could not be
desired. He said that he had received greater honours than
became his private capacity ; that he had been admitted into
the Bucintor on Ascension Day,6 and entertained constantly
by your Excellency, solely because you heard he was an
Englishman ; on which account he blazons abroad the great
honour done by your Highness to the English, for which,
he regrets that you should meet with a bad return. He
vaunts the power, authority, and wisdom of the most ex-
cellent State, supra modum, and tells me that he gave account
of everything both to the King and Cardinal, assuring them
also, that seven years will not elapse ere your Excellency will
.,
FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 143
the mistress of Italy, as you will speedily recover your
pecuniary sacrifices ; and, should the King of France choose
to plot and act against your Signory, you might resume
hostilities, and with your own power and some little assist-
ance, obtain the Milanese ; after which, it would be easy to
get the rest. He declares, in fact, that this really will come
to pass ; as it is understood that this most Christian Majesty
has been negotiating by letters, and through his ambassadors,
with the Emperor, to bring him over to his side, and detach
him from England, offering, it seems, with his forces and
treasure, to obtain the possessions of your Sublimity on the
main land, and to consign them to his Imperial Majesty
aforesaid. The secretary added many other expressions in
this sense, promising to perform such good service as he
deems the wish of your Highness. To this I replied,
thanking him for his visit, as likewise for his good will
towards your Excellency, and for the good report made to
his Majesty, for which your Signory, and I, your dependent,
were extremely indebted to him. With regard to making
yourself the mistress of Italy, which I knew was an opinion
well nigh universal, though detrimental to the interests of
your Signory, and calculated to subject you to envy and dis-
turbance from the whole world, I answered him, that the
Lord God had the power of distributing his gifts as he might
think fit, for " the earth is the Lord's and the fulness
thereof," but that this was the last thought entertained by
your Highness, who had ever aimed at stability, rather than
at increase ; your wish being to live in a Christian manner
with Christians ; to avoid inflicting injury on any one ; to
bear with patience the injuries you might be subjected to j
and to delay avenging them to the utmost that human
tolerance was capable of; and hereon, I expatiated at great
length.
144 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN
I am well aware, most serene Prince, that this Master
Richard is very much the friend of your Highness, for I
knew him here before he went to the Switzers, and main-
tained a certain friendship with him, because of his being so
extremely well affected, ut dlxi, and a very learned person, and
endowed with every amiable quality. I suspect, however,
that he was sent hither to acquaint me with the negotiations
which he alleges have passed between the Emperor and his
most Christian Majesty, in order to prevent your Highness
from placing that reliance on France which is attributed to
you ; and although he affirms to these negotiations having
taken place in his presence, it appears to me unreasonable
that the most Christian King should discuss anything with
the Emperor against the King of England with an English
ambassador as witness ! Knowing his character, I do not
think be lies, but am of opinion that the Emperor told him
this, and that he wrote thus to the court ; for both the King
and the Cardinal have repeatedly told me the same things, on
the authority of letters received from this Master Richard.
I, therefore, doubt the fact ; yet I deem it my duty to notify
the whole, that your Highness, who is most cautious, and
has ears and eyes everywhere, may employ them how and
when you shall think opportune.
We discussed the affairs of the Turk, which, he says,
according to very recent letters from Rhodes, are in a
perilous state, because of a fresh junction effected between
the remains of the Mamelukes and the Sophy; and that
Aleppo had been recovered. To this I do not give credit,
as according to the last summaries from your Highness,
matters did not appear to tend to such results ; added to
which, the news is of such importance that your Highness
would have transmitted it hither and to the other Christian
powers on wings. Possibly these things are invented by the
FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 145
English to cloak their inactivity and their indifference to the
universal ruin of Christendom.7 * * *
I have heard by letters from my family that your Sublimity
has at length deigned to grant my just demand, by appointing
as my successor the Magnifico Antonio Surian, LL.D,,8 a
person, in my opinion, the most fitting possible, but I may
say, " conforma hoc Deus quod operatus est in nobis a templo
sancto tuo" it remains to despatch him ; and this, I beseech
your Excellency to do without delay, that I may at length
enjoy the repose of my beloved country and my family.
1 This expression is remarkable, as proving the state observed by
Cardinal Wolsey.
2 The words are so precisely those put into the mouth of Cardinal
Campeggio by Shakspeare that they are worth preserving in the ori-
ginal : —
" In questi proximi giorni e' venuto a visitarmi uno Messer Ricardo
Paceo"
" My Lord of York, was not one Doctor Pace
In this man's place before him ? "
King Henry VIII., act ii. sc. 3.
3 See ante, vol. i. pp. 155, 223, 306.
4 " Et It e"1 sta data la terza dignita del regno di quelli entrano nel
secreto conseglio. Hume (vol. iii. p. 103) writes that Pace was secretary
of state in 15155 but from what Giustinian says here, it may be inferred
that he did not obtain this post until the close of 1517.
* Sir Christopher Urswick is also recorded by Shakspeare in King
Richard III. ; and John Pits, in his " Lives of the Kings, Bishops,
Apostolical Men, and Writers of England," mentions his alias of Barn-
bridge, and alludes to various embassies performed by him, but omits one
which was entrusted to him after the battle of Bosworth Field, when
Henry VII. sent him to Venice— a fact of which he reminded the
Venetian ambassador, Zacharia Contarini, at Augsburg, A.D. 1496
(May), telling him that the Signory had been the first potentate in
Europe to acknowledge his sovereign, to whom it had sent a missive
sealed with a silver seal, which the King preserved ad futuram rei
memoriam. Subsequently, in November 1509, when Priest Christopher
Urswick had become Archbishop of York, and was ambassador at
Rome, he battled it for the Venetians with Pope Julius II., continuing
their friend until his death in 1514; and it may be added, that amongst
other Venetian notices of this English cardinal, unknown to Pits or his
other biographers, is the following — namely, that he bequeathed 20,000
VOL. II. L
146 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUST1NIAN
golden ducats for the building of St. Peter's Church at Rome, where his
monument may be seen to this hour in the cloister of the church of St.
Tommaso degli Inglesi.
6 The ambassador does not say in what year Secretary Pace accom-
panied the Doge to espouse the Adriatic, but it was probably in the
spring of 1517, when he will have taken a trip from Switzerland to
Venice for his amusement. Subsequently, in 1523, when ambassador to
the republic of Venice from Henry VIII., he embarked on board the
Bucintor in a public capacity, and dined with the Doge, with the rest of
the diplomatic body, as may be read in the diaries of Marin Sanuto.
7 Selim I. gained his last battle against the Mamelukes at the gates of
Cairo on April 13, 1517, and forthwith hung the last of the Soldans,
Toumonbai, or Tourmanbey. In this present year 1518,50 far from
being worsted by the Sophy, he made himself master of several cities in
Persia.
8 Xhis appointment had been made, as we learn from the diaries of
Sanuto, on the previous i9th November. The concluding hint of
Giustinian was not without reason, as a long time elapsed before Surian
arrived in England.
London, January 24, 1518.
The right reverend Cardinal having arrived here on the
2ist, I sent my Secretary on the morrow to make an
appointment for me. He was most graciously received, and
whilst with his right reverend lordship, the King likewise
made his appearance, having come out of his way, in tramitu,
either for the purpose of visiting his lordship, or to despatch
some business, and the Secretary was in like manner very well
received indeed by his Majesty, who departed immediately
for Windsor, where he will remain at least until Easter.
It was settled for me to go to his right reverend lordship
the next day, the 23rd, which I did, and met with as kind a
welcome as I could possibly have desired, his lordship making
me every demonstration of affection and good will ; and on
his inquiring whether I had any news, I told him I had
received no letters from your Highness since, the communi-
FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 147
cation made to him on the 24th of November, though
through private letters addressed to myself and to these
merchant folk, the confirmation had been heard of what I
told him, that is to say that the Turkish armada had moved
towards the strait ; that warlike preparations were in active
progress, and that the Great Turk was inclined to return
to Constantinople. I mentioned also the cruelties exercised
against those Mamelukes who had taken pay under Selim ;
and with regard to the affairs of Italy, I told him that since
the arrangement made between his Holiness and the Signor
Francesco Maria della Rovere, everything was quiet and
tranquil. The Cardinal told me in reply, that by recent
letters from his Holiness aforesaid, he was informed that the
affairs of the Turk were not secure, as the remains of the
vanquished Mamelukes had elected a new Soldan, and were
to join the Sophy ; and that for his greater safety, Sultan
Selim had withdrawn into Damascus, and according to the
general belief, not without some dread for his affairs ; to
Rhodes, indeed, he had sent ambassadors demanding peace,
which he signed for two years.
He then commenced discussing the matters of his Majesty
here, extolling him to the skies, saying, he was inclined to a
general peace, and in like manner as he is inflamed with the
desire of justice, so will he prove himself a true Christian
Prince ; adding, that his right reverend lordship had never
watched or laboured for any result, save to establish peace
between the potentates of Christendom, in order that his
Majesty might have an opportunity for displaying his valour
against the Infidels. I lauded the intention both of King
and Cardinal in most ample terms, saying, that nothing
better became a Sovereign than to keep peace with Christians
so as to be ready for whatever might occur. In the next
place, he informed me that he understood the King of
148 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN
France was fitting out an armada in Brittany and along that
coast, the object of which he did not know ; though should
he entertain any project against this kingdom, he would find
it perfectly prepared. Without denying the fact, as it has
been very generally reported here, I made answer that were
this the case I considered it very certain, and besought his
right reverend lordship likewise to share my belief, that
nothing was being plotted against England by his most
Christian Majesty, who was thoroughly well disposed towards
the general peace of Christendom, and that above all he deems
this most serene King his good brother ; but that I fancied
should any preparations have been made, that they were
occasioned by certain Moorish corsairs, who infest those
seas and do great damage, and also from its being known
that the King of Tunis and those Princes of Barbary, are
hesitating about subjecting themselves to the Turk or to
others j1 and that possibly his aforesaid most Christian
Majesty had armed some ships, in order to be ready for any
event, I thus endeavoured to impress him with the convic-
tion that the most Christian King was not plotting against
his Majesty here, assigning to him as a reason that even
were he to entertain the worst possible will against this
kingdom, he would not for his honour form such a project,
at a moment when all the Christian powers ought to attend
to the common safety, and not to individual passions. His
lordship appeared to remain satisfied, and told me that his
Holiness had forwarded him certain articles for the Chris-
tian expedition, which he promised to send me ; and that he
imagined your Excellency would have received them like-
wise. I will endeavour to obtain them, and should their
contents be such as not to injure your Sublimity in case of
miscarriage, I shall transmit them ; otherwise, I will keep
them back.2
FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 149
After leaving his lordship, I conferred with Richard Pace,
the Secretary and Royal Councillor, from whom I elicited
that the Switzers had determined to remain neutral, and that
the most Christian King had wanted to link himself with
them by fresh clauses which they refused, meaning to be
free ; and, therefore, when the ambassador from his Holiness
exhorted them to the Christian expedition, they made
answer that first of all it would be requisite to unite the
Christian powers, after which, should his Holiness take
them into his pay, they would serve willingly. Here-
upon, after I had turned and twisted various matters to
arrive at this point, without evincing apprehension on the
subject, he told me that the Switzers, with some few excep-
tions, were the good friends of your Sublimity, but that the
danger lies in their being stirred up against you by the most
Christian King, in the event of any dissension between
his Majesty and your Signory. I answered him that this
peril did not exist, as the friendship between your Excellency
and France was well grounded, for the defence of your
mutual territories in Italy j but I did not tell him of the
renewal of the alliance between either party, as I think it
would render your Highness odious to his Majesty here.
Touching what he had said about the few Switzers who
were opposed to your Excellency, I told him I knew the
Cardinal of Sion had been the instigator of their enmity,
he being bitterly opposed to the weal of the Signory. The
secretary admitted the truth of this, but said that he could do
nothing with them, nor yet with the Emperor, having lost
his authority. He added his conviction that his Imperial
Majesty would be content to remain at peace, now that the
breeze from England, which used to fill his sails, fails him ;
expressions which very much rejoiced me, although I had
suspected the fact previously by reason of the recall from the
150 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN
Emperor's court of said D. Richard ; and I also fancy that
the news will prove agreeable to your Highness, who
need fear nothing from his Imperial Majesty, unless the King
of England supply him with means.
1 The Barbary princes owned a sort of vassalage to the Soldans, and
by this it would seem that they hesitated about transferring their alle-
giance to Sultan Selim.
2 The ambassador probably suspected that this project for a crusade
might contain some clause hostile to France, and was apprehensive ot
his letters being seized, and that the French court might suspect him of
approving such merely because of his transmitting the articles to Venice.
London, January 26, 1518.
Whilst awaiting an opportunity of seeing his Majesty,
I received your secretary's letters, dated the 4th and 2Oth
ultimo, on every account agreeable, with summaries of great
importance concerning Turkish affairs, which I shall first go
and communicate to the right reverend Cardinal. I will
then ride to where his Majesty in person may be, paying
him my respects on my own account, as well as in the
name of your Highness, and acquainting him with all the
news notified to me. That paragraph, however, most
serene Prince, which alludes to the peace between the
Sultan Selim and your Highness having been renewed
and sworn to,1 I shall omit, because these lords are hugely
suspicious, and detest all who maintain peace and friend-
ship with infidels, upbraiding such as lukewarm friends
to Christendom ; so that in any negotiation for forming a
league, should your Sublimity hesitate to declare yourself,
on account of the peril to which your interests would thus
be exposed, this side would complain that your Excellency
FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 15!
had an understanding with the Turk against Christians, so
I shall be silent on that score. The court here is not yet
aware that your Highness has despatched ambassadors, nor
have I ever dropped the slightest hint to this effect ; but, as I
perceive that when communicating the other paragraphs, it
will necessarily behove me to allude to said ambassadors,
both to the one who remained at Damascus, and to the
other who was sent to Constantinople, and also, as the fact
cannot any longer remain secret, I shall have no hesitation
in announcing it ; and with the result of this communication
my letters shall acquaint your Highness.
1 In the memoirs of the Ottoman monarchs, by Giovanni Sagredo,
mention is made of peace having been ratified between Venice and Sultan
Selim in the year 1513, but nothing is said in that work of any ulterior
treaty in 1517-18, which will of course have been rendered necessary for
the security of the Venetian factories at Alexandria, Cairo, Damascus,
Aleppo, Beyrout, Joppa, and elsewhere in those dominions, which
passed from the Soldans to the Sultans in the year 1517. The ambas-
sadors despatched to Sultan Selim on this occasion were Luigi Mocenigo
and Bartholomeo Contarini. See Paruta, par I. book iii. p. 154.
London, February 2, 1518.
On the 29th, I went to the right reverend Cardinal, and
imparted to him the summaries, with such modifications, as
written by me ; whereupon, after evincing some mental
disquietude at the Turkish preparations, which he was
aware boded wo to Christendom, he said, " By the grace
of God, I have so arranged the affairs of this kingdom
that his Majesty will act as a right Christian Prince,
and prove his valour against the Turk by deeds, and not
by words," to which end the Cardinal professes exclusively
to stimulate him. He then inquired of me whether I had
152 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN
heard anything from France about the military and naval
preparations of that King. I told him I had not heard of
any preparation soever, although I had received letters from
the magnifico, your Excellency's ambassador resident in
France, who gives me much intelligence, nor did I doubt
but that he would have written this likewise, had it been the
case. His lordship rejoined, that there were certain ships
cruising about, and another armada was understood to be
fitting out here in Brittainy ; the King of France having
moreover engaged a great number of Lansquenets, nor was
it credible that he should have done so, save against Eng-
land, as such preparations could not be supposed a demon-
stration against the Turks, for whom other forces would be
required than these ; neither might it be said that anything
was meditated against Barbary, because in that case the arma-
ments would be effected in Provence, rather than in these
seas ; and so great a number of Lansquenets would not be
necessary. In fine, his assertions tended to prove that
these hostile movements were destined against the English,
who were therefore putting all their fortresses in order,
marshalling their troops, and arming their ships, for the
defence of their country, and in order to attack those who
might plot anything against it, I inquired of his right
reverend lordship whether he knew for certain of these pre-
parations ; as if he did, that brought the matter to a point,
and they might be attributed to the disputes with the Duke
of Savoy,1 who indeed seems not very well satisfied with his
most Christian Majesty, and that should an armada be fitting
out in these seas, it would be either for the affairs of Barbary,
or for those of Savoy, whose territory borders on Provence,
but that, to fit out the armada there, would be giving notice
to the enemy. If indeed his right reverend lordship was
not certain of the fact, I did not believe it, as I doubted not
FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 153
but that I should have learned it through the ambassador,
who, I assured him, had made no mention soever to me
hereof, and that I would subject myself to any punishment
soever, should his most Christian Majesty devise aught
against this kingdom, as I knew he was averse to war with
Christians, and desired rather to rivet every possible bond
of union with his Majesty, than to sever that which now
exists. His right reverend lordship seemed to remain very
well satisfied with my assurance, and said, " Should it be
thus as you believe, Domine Orator, write to the Magnifico,
your ambassador, resident with the King of France, to
contrive that he may declare against us, if such be his
intention, like a magnanimous King, and tell us the reason ;
for it would not be for the honour of a Sovereign who thinks
so highly of himself, to embark in such an enterprise fur-
tively and by stealth.2 On the contrary, should it not be so,
let him give us ample promise and assurance to this effect,
so that we may be as convinced of his good will, as his
Majesty is of ours j for our King told the Bishop of
Paris when here, that he did not choose to have war
with any Christian power, nor would he molest any one,
but meant to attend to what concerned the interests of
Christendom, and should this be unnecessary, that he in-
tended to live in quiet and tranquillity." I promised him to
perform this office warmly and speedily, being aware that
such was the wish of his lordship, who told me to notify all
this to your Highness ; to inform you also, should his most
Christian Majesty devise anything against this realm, he
would send his ambassadors to the pontiff and to the Em-
peror, also to your Highness as the ally of England, with
an intimation that all should rise and bestir themselves against
the mover of such a project in these times, which is noth-
ing more or less than inviting the Turk to injure Christen-
154 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN
dom, adding, " Not that we are afraid of the King of France,
but in our own justification !" I told him I was very
certain that nothing of this sort would be requisite, but that
the words of his lordship should be repeated by me to your
Sublimity, who, I doubted not, would endeavour to mediate
as efficiently as possible ; and with this I took leave, being
invited to dine with his right reverend lordship on Sunday,
the last day of the month.
After dinner on that occasion, we drew aside together
with the illustrious the Duke of Norfolk, the Lord
Treasurer, and his lordship commenced discussing this same
topic, in the same terms, I answering precisely in like form,
which to avoid being tedious I will not repeat, and
I then took leave, as his right reverend lordship was
going to hold a council about certain matters with those
lords.
The present negotiation has appeared to me of some
moment, and I have, therefore, written these presents,
in order to notify it to your Sublimity, and to the magnifico
the ambassador Giustinian,3 and forward them by express :
your Excellency will do and ordain as you may deem expe-
dient.
P. S. — I have heard from a trustworthy person, that
warlike preparations are being made here likewise ; and
it is said that certain great personages have crossed the
channel, either to Calais or to Tournai, to guard against
these movements, I believe, or to ascertain the truth.
1 Charles III., Duke of Savoy, detached himself from France in the
year 1516, when he induced Leo X. to erect Chamberi and Bourg-en-
Bresse into bishoprics, to the prejudice of the sees of Lyons, Grenoble,
and Macon ; so Francis I. opposed the bulls of erection, and compelled
the Pope to revoke them.
2 Possibly all that follows may indicate a device of Wolsey to reconcile
the nation to the surrender of Tournai ; England was averse to giving
FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 155
more money, and consequently wished for peace, and Wolsey may be
suspected ot" having told the Bishop of Paris and his colleague to desire
Francis I. to make these hostile demonstrations — a supposition which is
confirmed by his talking so much about them to the Venetian ambassador.
3 Antonio Giustinian, the Venetian ambassador in Paris.
London, February 17, 1518.
I have been several times to the right reverend Cardinal to
learn whether his opinion inclines to peace or war, and what
he knows about these French movements, without, how-
ever, appearing inquisitive in the matter. All I have been
able to elicit is that a great number of Lansquenets have
been engaged in France, where all along the coast orders
have been given to detain the vessels, and keep them at the
King's disposal : his right reverend lordship, however, ap-
pears not to know the drift of these measures, though he
says, what is in fact generally reported about them, that they
are occasioned by the Duke of Albany's intended return
to Scotland, the faction opposed to him having risen,
and cut to pieces some of his adherents ; and because his
most Christian Majesty is apprehensive that the Duke
may be exposed to peril on the voyage from English ships
and soldiery, and, moreover, not be received in Scotland,
where his opponents have now the upper hand. The Car-
dinal likewise says, as heard all over London, that this stir is
being made for the purpose of invading Flanders and the
dominions of the Catholic King, perceiving that he has not
made preparation for any succour hence, and that his
Majesty here is not in readiness to defend that territory ; so
with this opportunity the King of France means to occupy
Flanders and other Spanish dependencies. In consequence
of these suspicions, his lordship said he has already made
156 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN
offensive and defensive preparations both by sea and land.
To these charges against France I was unable to make any
definitive reply, knowing nothing hereon, but am in hourly
expectation of letters from the most noble your ambassador
in that kingdom, which will, I trust, supply me with some
information.
On my mentioning the wines of Candia, his right reverend
lordship gave me an appointment for to-morrow ; and as I
am aware that the intercession of those in power and autho-
rity is of great avail in obtaining grants, I contrived that the
Magnifico Dom. Richard Pace, chief secretary and coun-
cillor, should come to me, and I stated the whole case to
him j on hearing which, he assured me positively that
I was very much in the right, and that it was impossible not
to comply with my demand, but, that although the Council
exercised great authority, yet did everything depend on the
sole will of the right reverend Cardinal, and that I must ply
him; promising to afford me all possible favour.
I was told to-day, by a person in authority, that these
lords entertain no doubt soever but that his most Christian
Majesty is arming himself either against Flanders or Scotland ;
and all along the coast, in the territory of the Catholic
King in those parts, ships of every sort have been seized.
His Majesty here has also ordered vessels to be in readiness,
besides hiring a number of others, amounting, as I was told,
to eighty sail, which, however, I do not credit. This fleet
was mustered, it is said, by sending messengers to all the
English ports, and chartering every vessel in them, binding
the owners to tell no one of their embargo. The militia has
also been desired to hold itself in readiness ; so that should
his Majesty perceive the affairs of France to proceed farther,
he will be ready either for attack or defence. My own
opinion, being here on the spot, is, that some provision indeed
*
FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 157
been made, but not to the extent stated, for such great
preparations could never have been effected so silently, as
not to be manifest, not only to me, who make such research
as in my power, but to every one ; nor is there any doubt
but that as yet no money has been disbursed.
Should letters arrive here from the most noble your am-
bassador in France, for communication to his Majesty, pur-
porting that England has nothing to fear from that quarter,
I think the announcement would prove extremely agreeable
to these lords, as it would save them an outlay of money,
and obtain no common favour for your Sublimity, who will
have given such orders in this matter as deemed expedient
for your interests.
London, February 28, 1518.
I received your Highnesses letters of the 23rd ultimo, with
the summaries of the Turkish affairs, together with others
from the most noble Giustinian, your ambassador at the
French court, which arrived most opportunely, since they
furnished me with matter for going to his Majesty at
Windsor. In the aforesaid is set forth the good will of
the most Christian King, and his wish for peace with all the
Princes of Christendom ; his Majesty not meaning to create
any disturbance unless provoked. This his magnificence
authorized me to communicate in the most solemn terms to
his Majesty here, so that every one might be convinced
thereupon. The intelligence, as I anticipated, proved as
opportune and agreeable as words can express, both to the
King and Cardinal and to the other lords at the Court, where
I was received on the 23rd most becomingly, both by
158 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN
his Majesty aforesaid and by the right reverend Cardinal, to
whom I had previously imparted my news. On my offering
to commence with the Turkish matters, his right reverend
lordship who had already heard part of the tidings from
France, through the Bishop of Durham (as contrived by me
to prepare for myself a favourable audience), chose me to
begin with the French news, as I did, and communicated to
him in succession, all that was fit to be repeated, as written to
me by the aforesaid Magnifico Giustinian ; and finally, the
Turkish summaries, forwarded to me by your Highness.
His lordship appeared much gratified, saying, " I am glad
the King of France does not purpose making any stir against
this kingdom, nor against Flanders, or Scotland, so that my
King may not be compelled to wage fresh war, as it his wish
to live peaceably and tranquilly with all Christians, and to
accumulate as much treasure as possible, that he may expend
it against the infidels, as is the duty of every Christian
potentate, and not be compelled on this account to lay fresh
burdens and taxes on his people, who do not bear them
easily. We shall see if he is of this mind," he added, " by
the reply he may make to what you wrote in execution
of my order to your ambassador resident with him, and also
to our own agent who was sent thither on this account ; for
should his Majesty perceive that the aforesaid King of France
proceed sincerely, without guile, not doing one thing and
feigning another, he would turn all his thoughts, as I have
said, to the accumulation of funds for the Christian expedi-
tion. If on the other hand, the French King continue, as he
has done hitherto, employing deceit, holding his Majesty in
small account, and treating him contemptuously, denying
justice to our subjects, who have 'suffered insupportable
injuries at the hands of the French, and not received any
satisfaction soever (so that our ambassadors who were sent
FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 159
to ^receive compensation for these damages, have returned
re infecta, whereas full satisfaction has been given for the
damages incurred by their subjects) ; all these things con-
sidered, we cannot do less than vindicate the honour of Eng-
land, and when once the armies are assembled, it will be
requisite to proceed, well nigh on compulsion, the people
here being exasperated at the deep wrongs received from
France." I repeated to his lordship that there was no
doubt of the intention of his most Christian Majesty, nor of
any of his proceedings. * * * With regard to compen-
sation not having been afforded to the English sufferers, that,
I said, might proceed from many causes, either from their
claims not being such as they represent, or that although his
most Christian Majesty mean justice to be done, his ministers
do not act in conformity with his will, as often happens
in such cases. I thus endeavoured to justify the proceedings
of the most Christian King without offending this side,
much being said hereon by each of us, which I omit for the
avoidance of prolixity. His right reverend lordship then put
his arm in mine, and took me to the King, who received me
graciously, and having drawn aside, I communicated the
whole to him. On the Turkish affairs his Majesty made
no comment ; to those of France, indeed, on my telling him
of the good disposition of his most Christian Majesty, who
did not mean to attack any one, unless provoked by manifold
injuries, he began to laugh, appearing to believe that all he
did and said, was based on deceit, saying, " If he bore me
good will, he would not weigh me so lightly as he does by
wronging my subjects, and not doing them that justice which
I did by his : let him write and declare to me his good will,
and act like a true King ; and if he bears me any rancour let
him say so openly, and I will do the like : but I perceive
that although his ambassadors who came here used language
l6o DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN
as bland and agreeable as could be desired, saying, that they
were not ashamed to demand peace in their King's name, and
to desire union and a good understanding with me, yet
on their return, justice was not administered to my subjects,
who, on the contrary, when they presented themselves for
compensation, received threats of being murdered, and thus
have they returned dissatisfied ; so the King of France must
prove by deeds what he utters by word of mouth. I am
not going to wage war upon him," he continued, " should I
see that he chooses to hold me in account, but if not, I
am able to make myself respected ; to speak ingenuously,
I should be adverse to war, but if he chooses it, I do not
care, as by the grace of God, I am well prepared both
for defence and for attack. I would fain have cause to
distinguish myself against the infidels, but not by words and
boasting, and by levying moneys for crusades, and doing
nothing.1" To this I replied in conformity with what I
told the right reverend Cardinal, adding that unless the
ambassador of your Highness resident in France had known
the intention of the King he would not have written so
positively, as he was a very grave and most prudent man, and
well aware of the proceedings of his Majesty. To this the
King rejoined that the ambassador wrote to the best of his
knowledge, but merely knew what his most Christian
Majesty chose him to know j and that it was not in his
power to write that which the King dissembles, and hereon
much more was said, and at greater length than here written
by me.
On my mentioning to him the marriage of the Duke of
Urbino to the sister-in-law of the Duke of Albany, as con-
cluded and ratified, and that the bridegroom was coming to
France in Lent, and that the marriage was to be consum-
mated after Easter, his Majesty said it was not true,2 and
FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. l6l
he had very recent letters to the contrary: he also
ridiculed the agreement of France with the Switzers, saying,
that much money would have been promised, but that it
would never be disbursed. The result of all these colloquies,
most serene Prince, is, that these lords are very glad that the
most Christian King cherishes no hostile intentions either
against Flanders or themselves. Their sole complaint seems
to be, that his most Christian Majesty has not done justice
to their subjects, whereby they consider themselves scorned
and slighted immeasurably.
After this conversation, his Majesty caused the Princess
his daughter, who is two years old,3 to be brought into the
apartment where we were, whereupon the right reverend
Cardinal and I, and all the other lords, kissed her hand, pro
more^ the greatest marks of honour being paid her universally,
more than to the Queen herself. The moment she cast
her eyes on the Reverend D. Dionisius Memo, who was
there at a little distance, she commenced calling out in
English " Priest f" and he was obliged to go and play
for her ; after which, the King, with the Princess in his
arms, came to me and said, " Per Deum, iste est honestissimus
vir et unus carlssimus, nullus unquam servivit mibi fidelius et
metius ilk) scribaris Domino vestro quod habeat ipsum commen-
datum." I thanked the King, and told him he would be
recommended to your Signory in proportion to the satisfac-
tion which you might know his Majesty received from him,
and that I therefore on my part recommended him to his
Majesty. This say I, most serene Prince, that I perceive
him to be in such favour with the King, that for the future
he will prove an excellent instrument, in matters appertaining
to your Highness.
I have also to inform your Sublimity that two ambassadors
have been despatched hence to the Catholic King, namely,
VOL. II. M
1 62 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN
the Archbishop of Armagh, which is an Irish see,4 and my
Lord Berners, an earl5 of prudence and repute. I have
had a conference with the right reverend Cardinal about the
wines. To render him well disposed, I extolled his justice
beyond measure, and at length told him that I wanted neither
favour nor anything undue, but demanded justice, which I
could not bring myself to believe would be denied me by so
upright a judge. As the equity of my suit rendered me
bold in making it, I said it appeared to me that its refusal
could only proceed from timidity ; and that it was high time
for it to be conceded, as my successor had been already
despatched to take my place, and that it would be neither
worthy of the justice of this realm, nor in accordance with
the favour which his lordship declared I enjoyed with the
King and himself, to let me return with my errand unaccom-
plished. Upon this, he told me positively that he meant the
matter to be settled, and said he would appoint me two
commissioners, namely, the Magnifico Dom. Richard Pace,
and Dom. Thomas More,6 the most sage and virtuous, and
the most linked with me in friendship of any in this kingdom.
Were he to keep this promise, I should deem the matter
well settled in favour of your Highness, but I suspect that
this resolve will be impeded, both because the first named
is known to be most devoted to your Highness, and the
second, to justice ; and both one and the other are very
friendly indeed to myself personally.
Earnest inquiries have been made of me both by the right
reverend Cardinal, and by many other lords, as to when the
galleys will arrive, to which I made answer that as the
weather is in their favour, I thought they would soon be
here, which indeed is the general opinion ; I understand that
immediately on receiving news of their arrival, it is the inten-
tion of his Majesty to go on board them ; so I have deemed
FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 163
it expedient to write a letter to the magnifico their com-
modore,7 which I have sent to Hampton, with directions that
on hearing of the approach of the galleys it be sent off to him,
and I thereby acquainted him with the King's intention, so
as to give him time to put them in order, and that his
Majesty may find them not merely galleys by name, but
gallant in their trim, as I am very certain will be the
case.
1 In date of November 7, 1517, the ambassador Minio writes from
Rome that M. de PEscu was there on behalf of Francis I., amusing him-
self by masking and gambling, being, moreover, rather unlucky at play ;
but in the midst of his diversions, besides arranging the marriage of
Madelaine de la Tour to the Pope's nephew, Lorenzino de Medici, he
obtained a bull from his holiness authorizing the king to levy a tenth on
the French clergy, the product of which King Francis promised to expend
against the Turks, and it is to this fact that Henry VIII. is here allud-
ing. M. de TEscu left Rome in the middle of November 1517, the
Pope having given him a diamond estimated at 1,500 ducats, besides
2,000 golden ducats in cash, and a couple of horses; and Minio says
that he departed " very well satisfied" with Leo X.
2 Henry VIII. was mistaken j the marriage contract had been signed
at Rome by Leo X. on January 16, 1518, and on the morrow his holi-
ness forwarded the wedding ring to his nuncio in France for delivery to
the bride — details which exist in the despatches of Marco Minio ; who
also, in date of January 4, 1518, says that the Spanish ambassadors had
been to the Pope, telling him that the daughter of the deceased Gon-
salvo de Cordova, the great captain, was too old for his nephew, being in
her thirty-sixth year ; added to which, King Charles meant to share the
property of the great captain with her, but they offered another Spanish
bride in her stead, with a reasonable dower, which was however declined,
and the "pulling of caps" between France and Spain ended by Loren-
zino's taking a French bride, by whom he became the father of Catharine
de Medici.
3 The birth of Mary Tudor has been recorded by Giustinian at vol. i.
p. 1 8 1, and her taste for music (as displayed by her fondness for the
Venetian organist, Memo, in her infancy) is alluded to in after life by
another Venetian — namely, Giovanni Michiel, who was ambassador at
her court from the year 1553 until 1557 ; and in his report of England,
made to the senate on i3th May 1557, when describing the Queen, he
says : —
" Besides feminine accomplishments, such as needle-work and every
sort of embroidery, she is a very great proficient in music, playing espe-
cially on the harpsichord and lute so excellently, that when she attended
164 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN
to this (which she does now but little) she surprised good performers,
both by the rapidity of her execution and method of playing." (See
the Reports published at Florence, vol. iv. p. 323). Priest Memo was
probably her first music master, and the account of her calling him in
the original runs thus : — " . . . qual subito dato ochio al Rdo. D.
Dionisio Memo che era li pocho discosto comenzo a dir in Anglese
priest , et fu necessario che 1'andasse a sonar."
4 In the works of Sir James Ware concerning Ireland, ed. 1739, v°l-
i. p. 89, where mention is made of the Archbishops of Armagh, the
individual here alluded to by Giustinian is mentioned thus : —
" John Kite, succeeded, 1513 ; resigned, 1521."
John Kite was born in the city of London, and was for a time ambas-
sador from King Henry to Spain — a man in great esteem for his hospi-
tality. He was, by the provision of Pope Leo X., advanced to the see
of Armagh before the close of the year 1513, and (according to the
mode of speaking) got restitution of the temporalities on 2oth May
1514. He went to England, at the King's special command, in the
year 1516, and had a writ of protection for himself and his see during
his absence.
John Kite lived to the 1 9th June 1537, on which day he died, at a very
advanced age, at Stepney, near London, and was buryed there almost in
the middle of the chancell, inclining to the north, under a marble monu-
ment, on which is engraved an English epitaph in hobling rhime,
unworthy of so learned an age. It is extant in Weever's '* Funeral
Monuments," and runs thus : —
" Undyr this ston closyde and marmorate
Lyeth John Kitte Londoner natyffe.
Encreasyng in vertues rose to high estate.
In the fourth Edward's chappell by his young lyffe,
Sith whych the sevinth Henrye's servyce primatyffe
Preceding stil in vertuous efficace
To be in favour with this our King's grase.
With witt endewyd chosen to be legate
Sent into Spayne, where he ryght joyfully
Combyned both prynces, in pease most amate :
In Grece archbyshop elected worthely ;
And last of Carlyel rulyng pastorally
Kepyng nobyl houshold wyth grete hospitality :
On thowsand fyve hundryd thirty and sevyn,
Invyterate wyth pastoral carys, consumyd with age,
The nintenth of Jun reckonyd ful evyn,
Passyd to hevyn from worldly pylgramage :
Of whos soul good pepul of cherite
Prey, as ye wold be preyd for ; for thus must ye lie.
Jesu, mercy ! Lady, help ! "
By his will, dated i8th June 1537, and proved in the Prerogative
Court of Canterbury three days after (wherein he styles himself Arch-
FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 165
bishop of Thebes and Commendatory Perpetual of Carlisle), he bequeaths
his body to be buried by that of his father in St. Margaret's church,
Westminster ; yet his executors or friends did not think fit to be at the
trouble of complying with his request, but buried him where he died.
His promotions to Thebes and Carlisle came so quick upon him, that
the fees of the bulls for his translations and the retention of other bene-
fices amounted to the sum of 1,790 ducats 5 but we are told that 275
ducats of these fees were remitted to him for the sake of Cardinal Wolsey,
whose creature he was.
5 John Bourchier, Lord Berners, the first English translator of
Froissart, was a baron, and not an earl, and died 3rd March A.D. 1532,
being then Lieutenant of Calais. Copies of some of the letters written
by Lord Berners on this mission exist in the Harleian collection. In
one, dated Saragossa, iath May 1518, he mentions that it was reported
in the Spanish court that King Francis I. reputed himself " firme and
faste of diverse nobles in Inglande ;" " that the Lord Shevers [de
Chikvres] had stopped the King of Spaine's grant of a pension to Car-
dinal Wolsey as it came to be signed and sealed, and advises that the
King may send some present to said Lord Shevers and to the Chancellor
of Burgundy." Then, in June and September, the translator of Frois-
sart being yet at Saragossa, " beseeches the King's grace to send him
some of his hallowed cramp-rings, which be very sore desyred of them ;"
and finally, in date of Saragossa, 8th October, Lord Berners mentions
the arrival there of an embassy from Rhodes, consisting of a " lorde of
Fraunce and Sir Thomas Shefelde, for the reforming of their religion in
those parts." In the Harleian catalogue, no mention is made of his
colleague, the Archbishop of Armagh.
6 The intimacy between Sebastian Giustinian and Sir Thomas More
has been already alluded to in the letter written by the ambassador to
Erasmus, in date of London, June 29th, 1517.
7 Namely, Andrea Priuli. See ante, p. 45.
London, March 10, 1518.
I went lately to visit the reverend Spanish ambassador,
who never chose to receive me until now, when he says all
those suspicions and causes have vanished, on account of
which he had not hitherto held communication with me.
After the usual compliments, he told me that the ambassador
the magnifico Messer Francesco Cornaro,1 enjoyed great
l66 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN
authority with his Catholic King, who liked and favoured
him vastly, and he added, in course of conversation, that his
Catholic Highness was well disposed towards your Sublimity,
and had been the cause of your reconciliation to the
Emperor ; and that although at this present the negotiation
now in course for a fresh peace or compromise2 was in the
hands of the most Christian King, yet did his Catholic
Highness not fail using his best endeavours. He assured me
that an excellent understanding prevailed between France and
Spain, and a disposition to persevere therein, and that although
heretofore England had exerted herself to the contrary,
yet would his Catholic Highness never assent to any act
of hostility. The Emperor, he said, was united with the
most Christian King, and the present negotiations for the
agreement between his Imperial Majesty and your Excel-
lency were brought to such a pass, that the settlement
depends on your Highness, that is to say on your acceptance
of the terms demanded by the Emperor, with which he says
he is not acquainted, although it has been notified to him that
they are very fair. * * *
1 The Venetian ambassador in Spain, and who accompanied Charles V.
to England in the month of May 1520, and was present at the en-
tertainments given at Canterbury on that occasion.
2 The truce made between the Venetians and the Emperor was
drawing to a close. See Paruta, p. 157.
London, March 15, 1518.
To-day, for the more complete performance of my duty, I
rode to his Majesty, who is at Richmond in some trouble,
as three of his pages and another attendant have died of
plague.
FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 167
Being introduced to the King, he received me very
graciously, and 1 conferred with him for upwards of an hour
and a half. I stated to him in the first place the contents of
the letters written by the most noble the ambassador Giusti-
nian,1 being aware that he had this matter most at heart,
and finally the summaries concerning the Turkish matters,
to which last his Majesty made answer, that for this year
there was no reason to fear that the Turk would undertake
anything against Christendom, and that he had received
intelligence to this effect from Rhodes. I rejoined that this
was very much to be desired by all the Christian powers,
and especially by your Highness, who was the most subject to
the peril, but that appearances and demonstrations threatened
the contrary, the speed with which the armada was being
fitted out, the supplies of biscuit being baked for its con-
sumption, and the order given to levy 40,000 Christians
alone to man it with, indicating rather that the expedition
would be undertaken quickly and against Christians.
To this the King made answer, laughing, that these advices
had been given to your Excellency by persons who chose to
feign fear of Turkish aggression, in order to play their own
game, and that your Excellency was so linked with the Turk,
that you had nothing to fear. To this I replied that your High-
ness had signed a peace with the reigning Sultan Selim, as
with his father Sultan Bajazet, not from free will, but of
necessity, as no potentate in Christendom was more exposed
to peril from the Turks than your Highness ; and that
although ambassadors had been sent,2 the mission was in-
duced by the formidable power of the Sultan, and because
your Excellency perceived yourself to be unprovided, and
without succour from any one, in such wise that what you
were unable to prevent by main force, it behoved you
avert by doing honour to the Sultan and soothing him, and
1 68 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN
that no one was interested in this matter.3 Upon this the
King said,
" Write to your Signory to be more apprehensive of a
certain other person, than of the great Turk ; of one who
devises worse things against Christendom than Sultan
Selim," meaning the most Christian King, and going on
to say, " Do you not perceive what feints these are on the
part of the King of France, who denies having engaged
Lansquenets, as appears by the letters of your ambassador,
and yet I know that he has given them two crowns per man,
as earnest money for their services in the course of April,
meaning to use them at his pleasure. How is it possible for
any one to trust him on witnessing such deceit ? "
To this, I said that your Excellency's ambassador resident
in France wrote ex relatlone of his most Christian Majesty,
but that he would not have made a statement of this kind,
had he been acquainted with the engagement of these troops,
and that I considered it very difficult for so considerable a levy
to have been made without the knowledge of an ambassador
so sage and diligent as the Magnifico Giustinian ; but that
there are those who never cease exciting either sovereign, in
order to foment discord. Upon this, he drew me nearer to him,
and also took my secretary by the hand, a gest which he re-
peated several times in the course of these colloquies, saying,
"Shall I give you manifest proof of the deceit of this
King of France? He tells everybody that he means to
march against the Turks, and by way of Italy. We are
aware that King Louis constantly waged great war both
against you and me and others, and expended vast treasure :
subsequently, this present King accomplished the Milan
expedition at great cost, draining himself and his whole
kingdom of its money, so that any one endowed with
reason, may be convinced that against the Turks he neither
FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 169
can or will undertake any expedition, which is of such a
nature as to require other forces than those of the King of
France single-handed ; and would that the resources of all
other potentates united were equal thereto ! This King,
however, says he means to go against the Turks, without
having any understanding either with the Emperor, or with
Spain, or with me ; but that you may know what his
project is, I tell and declare to you that he will raise an
army and march into Italy, announcing his intention of
attacking the great Turk, and he will go in force ; and on
reaching Italy, he will say that the expedition ought not to
be undertaken by him without the will and concurrence of
the other powers. The forces, then, which he says he is
marshalling against the Turks, will act against Christians and
subjugate Italy, whereupon the Pope, and yourselves, and all
the others, will be compelled to assent to what you cannot
resist ; and think whether it is reasonable to suppose that he
intends marching against the Turks, when I, of whom he has
always entertained suspicion, remain in front of his kingdom ?"
To this I replied that this was a most ingenious and
sage discourse, presupposing the basis placed by his Ma-
jesty, namely, that the King of France has ever said that
he would go single-handed against the infidel, which is not
what the ambassador asserts in his letter to me ; wherein he
mentions that his most Christian Majesty seeks a general
union of Christians, in order that he may undertake this
expedition together with the other powers ; and that should
he hold different language with others, I was much sur-
prised at his expressing himself as aforesaid to the ambas-
sador of your Sublimity. These things, most serene Prince,
were not said in altercation, nor when replying to the
opinions of his Majesty, did I answer so as to contradict
him, lest he should take my rejoinder amiss, but I expressed
I7O DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN
myself doubtingly so that he himself might judge the reply
to be made him.
His Majesty again said, " Shall I prove to you that this
King acts solely with dissimulation ? I know for certain that,"
to use his Majesty's own words, " he wishes me worse than
he does the devil himself, yet you see what kind of friendly
language he employs towards me, in order that I may trust
to such deceit ; but let him not persuade himself that I shall
do so to the extent of allowing him to find me unprepared.
I prefer peace, and am anxious that it should prevail amongst
Christians, but I am so prepared, that should the King of
France intend to attack me, he will find himself deceived,"
and he used this expression, incidet in foveam quam fecit,
he will fall into the pit which he has dug.
I besought his Majesty that in like manner as he was most
gracious and excellently disposed towards all, so should he be-
lieve that others were similarly inclined towards him ; espe-
cially as his chief object was to be loved, and not to be hated ;
and that I was certain that had our ambassador entertained the
slightest suspicion that the intentions of the King of France
were at variance with his words, he would have written to me
in such form, especially as he reminded me that I was to
communicate this to his Majesty, but that possibly there were
many who sought to keep the two crowns at enmity, as for
instance, the claimants for damages, and other similar persons
who have an interest therein. His Majesty, I added, would
know in time, that what the Venetian ambassador had told
him was true, and uttered sincerely, in accordance with the
desire of your Excellency, upon which he said,
" Let me ask you this one question. If the King of France
acts sincerely by us, why does he not have justice administered
to our subjects ? since for every single ducat's worth of
damage suffered by his, mine have lost a hundred, and
FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. I Jt
yet he does not choose to make any award. Then, again,
who could put up with his choosing to send the Duke
of Albany into Scotland, where my nephew is King, and the
title of the kingdom is mine, for I style myself King of
England and of Scotland.4 The King of France, however,
sends this Duke into Scotland, where he will perhaps put
the King to death, in like manner as his brother died, which
I never intend to suffer ; nor will I tolerate his presence
there 5 and should he send him, I shall hold said King my
enemy ; and from this your ambassador can comprehend
whether the King of France acts by me deceitfully, for
true friendship forbids one friend to do that which may
displease his fellow. I am King of this island, and am per-
fectly satisfied ; and yet it seems to me that I do not do my
duty thoroughly, nor govern my subjects well ; and if I
could have greater dominion, nay, upon oath, if I could
be lord of the world, I would not, as I know that I could
not do my duty, and that for my omissions God would
judge me ; whereas this King is a greater Lord than I am ;
he has a larger kingdom, and more territory, and yet he
is not content, but chooses to meddle in matters which
appertain to me, such as Scotland, but this he will never
accomplish, for I have more money than he has, and shall
have more troops whenever I please."
I did not think fit to answer in detail, though I might
have alleged two arguments, namely, the very ancient alli-
ance existing between France and Scotland, and the right
of the Duke of Albany, as heir presumptive to the Crown ;
but I was aware that such a rejoinder would have stung him
to the quick, so I avoided it, and turned the conversation.
I came to the conclusion, that what I had said and answered
was not from wishing to take the part of France against the
opinion of his Majesty, since both one and the other were
1J2 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN
the confederates of your most illustrious Signory, and that
where the links were equal, there ought to be parity of affec-
tion, though I myself individually, from my knowledge of
the character, sincerity, wisdom, and other rare endowments
of his Majesty, had become incomparably more partial to
him than to the King of France ; both private and public
sentiments drawing me to the one, whilst to the other I
only owed the latter ; but that his Majesty might be con-
vinced that your most illustrious Signory acts by either
crown with such equal love as becomes the equality of the
ties which bind the State to England and to France, and that
I performed this office because it had been enjoined me
when I was sent hither as ambassador, to endeavour, above
all, to keep these two crowns well united. To this the
King made answer, that he was well aware of the good
office performed by me, and had reason to be much pleased
with it ; and being aware of this, spoke freely with me,
more so than he would have done with others, and that I
was, therefore, not to write all these colloquies to the am-
bassador in France, but to say he had replied, expressing
belief that his most Christian Majesty was acting with dis-
simulation, and not with that sincerity which he himself
employed. I, most serene Prince, shall, however, write the
whole to the most noble the ambassador aforesaid, knowing
him to be of so great prudence and wisdom, that he will con-
sign to silence that which is to silence suited, and state
opportunely what is fit for communication.
The inference i draw from all this is, that his Majesty
here is not inclined to wage war, and would be glad not to
be attacked by the most Christian King ; and all these com-
plaints are with a view to prevent France from sending the
Duke of Albany into Scotland, though should he be sent, I
do not imagine that this side will make any stir on that
FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 173
account. Moreover, although his Majesty and the right
reverend Cardinal say they are prepared, and neither care for,
nor dread any movements which may be made by France,
yet are no signs visible whereby to conjecture hostilities.
Should anything else take place, I shall give most speedy
advice to your Sublimity.
1 The letters here meant were from the Venetian ambassador at the
French court, and they contained the most explicit assurances of the
sincerity of King Francis, and his desire to be on friendly terms with
the King of England. This appears from a previous despatch, which
we have omitted.
2 Namely, Luigi Mocenigo and Bartolomeo Contarini. See ante,
p. 151.
3 " Senza interests de alcuno :" alluding to the assertion made by the
King that the news had been circulated from interested motives.
4 Et el titolo del Regno e' mio che me chiamo Re d'Anglia et di
Scocia.
London, March 29, 1518.
A few days ago, there arrived here the English herald who
had been sent to France, together with the herald from his
most Christian Majesty,1 addressed to the King here, and it
seems that he has confirmed all that was written to me
by the most noble the ambassador Giustinian, and which
I communicated to this most serene King and to the right
reverend Cardinal, with this in addition, that the most
Christian Queen had brought forth a son. I was not able
to speak with the herald, owing to his sudden departure,
although I did my utmost to this effect, but as an English
gentleman had been appointed who accompanied him con-
stantly, I fancy, unlike his predecessors, he had no wish
to see me, but I have heard his errand both from the right
reverend Cardinal and from the Bishop of Durham. Subse-
quently, I went to visit the reverend Spanish ambassador,
174 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN
with whom I have had much conversation about the friendly
disposition of his Catholic Majesty towards the Christian
King, and your most illustrious Signory ; and about there
being some negotiation on foot for an interview between
their two Majesties, with a view to arranging the Christian
expedition. He told me that his Catholic Majesty aforesaid
had already ten heavy ships, and 16,000 infantry, and,
moreover, in the kingdom of Naples and in Sicily, two fine
brigades of men-at-arms. His lordship came to the conclu-
sion that a general peace would, at any rate, take place,
to which he thought his Majesty here was inclined.
I proceeded afterwards to the right reverend Cardinal, and
whilst awaiting a summons, the Spanish ambassador afore-
said made his appearance, and we were both called by his
lordship ; an unusual fashion, it never having happened
to me since my sojourn in this country to have audience
in the company of other ambassadors. His lordship made
mention of the Cardinal legates, appointed to the four
sovereigns, as well known to your Sublimity,2 and speaking
on this subject, he said it was requisite to unite these princes
together, and to inspire them with mutual confidence, and
prevent their plotting against each other. " You perceive,"
said he, " Domini oratores, that confidence does not exist
between any of these monarchs, each one feeling insecure on
account of the continual machinations of his neighbours, for
the Catholic King dreads lest the King of France seize upon
Naples and Sicily : our King, again, suspects him of an inten-
tion to invade England, seeing that he harbours one of our
rebellious subjects, keeping him about his person,3 besides
favouring the Duke of Albany, and stirring up Scotland.
On the other hand, France places no trust in us ; and thus
it is impossible to arrange a Christian expedition unless the
minds of the Princes of Christendom be tranquillized, and
FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 175
the causes of suspicion removed ;" adding much other scan-
dalous language (parole scandalose}^ to which I answered not
a single word, as I fancied that his lordship had caused the
Spaniard and myself to be introduced together, in order that
the one might bear witness to the words of the other.
o
The Spaniard, however, replied that necessity would cause
these princes to unite, and that the circumstances were urgent ;
whereupon the Cardinal rejoined, " Provision cannot now be
made in time, for the Turk has prepared a most powerful
armada, and is on the point of putting to sea, whereas the
Christians are not yet agreed, nor is it possible for them to
be so for a year to come." Much was said to this effect by
each of them, I remaining silent the whole time, not having
any commission from your Highness to speak about this
Christian expedition, but his right reverend lordship turned
towards me, saying, " You are in a very perilous position, but
guard yourselves more against the Christian Turk than the
real Turk," meaning an allusion to the most Christian King.
I made believe to have merely heard about the Turk,
and feigned ignorance of his intending to designate the King
of France, as had I answered to the point, it would have
appeared an admission on my part that the most Christian
King was the Christian Turk ; nor was it advisable to resent
this, even had I wished it, especially in the presence of
the Spanish ambassador, seeing that the Cardinal was very
warm upon this matter, and that I should have excited
him yet more, so I thought fit to secede ; but, in my opinion,
the whole of this discourse was made for the sake of
rendering the French King suspected by all parties, both
from the words uttered by the Cardinal concerning the
kingdom of Naples, and also because, turning a second
time towards me, he said, " I am well aware, Domine
Orator, that you know Italy and your State to be in greater
176 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN
danger from others than from the Turk, and am of opinion
that you pass many a sleepless night on this account !"
With this, his right reverend lordship departed, and we
accompanied him to hear a sermon.
I perceive, most serene Prince, that all these proceedings
only conceal an indisposition to act against the Turk, and
they feel it a great reproach to themselves that the most
Christian King and the other princes should undertake the
expedition ; so they endeavour by all means to foment
suspicion and prevent the enterprise. I am the more con-
vinced of this, as both on the present and on a former
occasion, when I was at Windsor, the Cardinal said the
Emperor was endeavouring to obtain money from the
Christian powers, and wanted all the funds destined for this
undertaking to pass through his hands, so that he may
expend them otherwise ; with many other comments to
this effect, calculated to dissuade such potentates as might
be inclined to undertake this expedition. From these and
other reasons, your Highness may conclude that at the
present time England is not on good terms with the Em-
peror, especially as no imperial ambassador or secretary has
resided here for many months past, which was never the
case when they were united. Add to this, the English
now abuse his imperial Majesty in public, as if he were an
enemy.
After the sermon, I again conferred with the Cardinal,
the Spanish ambassador having departed, and he then spoke
to me in another tone than the one employed by him when
the Spaniard was present; nor did he any longer abuse
the most Christian King, but said he hoped these cardinal-
legates would arrange these disputes between the sovereigns,
and that he himself would use every effort to this effect
to the neglect of any private interests of his own : indeed,
FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 1 77
that he would promote this union, even at the risk of its
boding him some great misfortune, with many other exag-
gerated expressions to the same purport. I exhorted his
lordship to this union most earnestly ; and in reply, he
said, "If I perceive the King of France to mean well
towards his Majesty, and administer justice to our subjects,
I will at any rate conclude this union ;" adding, moreover,
" The King of France has now got a son,4 and his Ma-
jesty here has a daughter — I will unite them by these
means." Perceiving his lordship to be quite tranquil, and
that his passion had subsided, I lauded this excellent project,
and told him he could do nothing more glorious in the
world, or that could add greater splendour to his eminent
qualities, than in the midst of such great strife amongst
princes to prove himself that lapis angularls which joined the
two detached walls of the temple.
1 Sanuto, in his Diaries, date lyth April 1518, in recording the
receipt of this despatch at Venice, writes that the English herald had
been sent to congratulate Francis I. on the birth of the dauphin.
2 In the despatch of Marco Minio, No. 169, it is stated, that in the
Consistory held on 3rd March 1518, Pope Leo X. appointed as legates
to England, the Emperor, Spain, and France, for the purpose of ar-
ranging the Christian expedition, the Cardinals Campeggio (the Cam-
pejus of Shakspeare), Farnese, Egidio, and Divitio, alias Tardato,
alias Bibiena. Subsequently, in date of 23rd April 1518, Minio writes,
that owing to the indisposition of the Cardinal Farnese, the Cardinal
Tomaso de Vio, alias Gaetano, was accredited to the Emperor in his
stead ; and in the course of this mission, Cardinal Gaetano held that
conference at Augsburg with Luther which is recorded by Father Paul
in his history of the Council of Trent. (French translation, pp. 7 and
7I-)
3 Alluding to Richard de la Pole (White Rose), who fell under
Pavia. See ante, vol. i. p. 262.
4 The ambassador Minio writes from Rome that the news of the
Dauphin's birth was received there on the yth March ; it must have
taken place, therefore, in February. The expression of Cardinal Wol-
sey proves that this son also was the eldest born of the Queen of France
— namely, FranQois, who died on i2th August 1536. These two facts
may serve to correct the statement in " L'Art de Verifier les Dates," to
VOL. II. N
178 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN
the effect that Henry II., the second son of Francis I., and his successor,
was born at St. Germain-en-Laye, and on the sist March 1518. As
further evidence that this birth was that of the Dauphin, see th<> Oration
of Sadoleto, date xix Kal. Aprilis in promulgation Generalium Induci-
London, April 12, 1518.
Since my last, I have paid the Cardinal several visits ;
and yesterday, on his asking me about Turkish news, I
told him what I knew, which was little, as nothing fresh
on that subject has reached me from your Highness. Upon
this, he said to me, u Shall I convince you, Domine Orator,
that his Majesty and I act sincerely, and in a Christian
fashion?" And with this he showed me a document,
written and sealed in form, addressed' to his Holiness, and
empowering the reverend Bishop de* Gigli1 to act as the
ambassador and delegate of his Majesty. In this letter was
set forth the manifest peril of Christendom, and the suc-
cesses of Sultan Selim, which ought, it alleged, to be op-
posed, both defensively and offensively. It authorized the
Bishop to make truces, peace, and league, in the name of
his Majesty, with all the Christian powers to this effect,
his Holiness being named as the arbiter and judge for
arranging the disputes which now prevail between the
potentates aforesaid. In like manner, de* Gigli is autho-
rized to ratify and swear to any peace and confederacy
sanctioned by his Holiness, the document containing other
clauses as usual in such cases.
I lauded the Cardinal extremely for these good intentions,
without using many words, or pushing off very far from
the shore, for reasons well known to your Sublimity.2 His
FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 179
lordship then asked me whether your Excellency wished
for peace or war with the Emperor ; to which I replied,
that you had ever sought and ever aimed at peace, nor ever
waged war save for the attainment of that blessing, and
above all with the Emperor, for whom you had ever enter-
tained extreme respect ; indeed, that I believed you were
now negotiating with him, as had been told me by the
reverend Spanish ambassador. I mentioned this, considering
it perfectly certain that said ambassador had notified the
fact to his right reverend lordship, who then rejoined, that
you had a good opinion of the King of France, although he
was the greatest obstacle to this reconciliation, and this he
repeated several times in various forms, saying, moreover,
that he knew the King of France had suborned the Em-
peror's counsellors, and cajoled his imperial Majesty himself,
both with money and promises ; so that, should no arrange-
ment take place between said Emperor and your Excellency,
it will be owing to the interference of the King of France.
The sole object, he said, of the French King was to make
himself master of the greater part of Italy, by promising the
towns of your Highness to the Emperor; concluding by the re-
mark, that if your Excellency chose, the King of England and
his right reverend lordship would mediate to effect this peace.
I thanked his lordship, but did not think fit, most
serene Prince, to make any sign of approval or accept-
ance of his offer, being aware that the negotiation is in
the hands of the most Christian King, and placing small
faith in this intelligence, although his right reverend lord-
ship gave positive assurance of it, and said it had reached
him through a personage who knew the whole, and enjoyed
no less authority than himself, which caused me to think
that he meant the Cardinal of Sion. I even mentioned my
suspicion, adding, that no great reliance could be placed
l8o DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN
on that prelate by reason of the ill will he bore, both towards
the most Christian King and your Excellency ; and so much
the less, as his Majesty aforesaid evinced such extreme
friendship to your Signory, that it was impossible to desire
greater. To this the Cardinal made answer, " Don't be
surprised, for you have often been deceived by the King
of France." To this I said that, " Alms fuit Ludovicus, alms
Franciscus ;" and he replied, " Omnes sunt Galli" and that
Gallic perfidy was notorious to every one. The most
Christian King, he said, by various artifices, kept all the
potentates of the world in anxiety — the Catholic King, for
example, through the constant attacks made upon Flanders
by the Duke of Guelders ; the King of England, again, by
keeping our rebels about his person, and showing them
favour, and also by encouraging the Duke of Albany in
Scotland ; the Emperor he aids with money ; your Excel-
lency he injures by means of the Emperor ; and the Pope
by various devices. To all this I made no rejoinder ; for
had I persisted in defending the King of France, I should
have roused his lordship to some display of indignation.
I subsequently endeavoured, as earnestly as I could, to
get the wine duties settled ; and his lordship promised me
freely, that a fortnight hence, when the members of the
Parliament shall be convened, he would make me come into
Parliament3 and hear me in this case, and despatch it in
accordance with justice and their opinion : this he assured
me positively.
1 See despatch of May 23, 1517. A letter from this Bishop of
Worcester to Cardinal Wolsey concerning the Christian expedition, and
dited Rome, June 13, 1518, is printed at p. 228, vol. viii. of the Italian
translation of Roscoe's Life of Leo X.
2 The Republic of Venice dreaded affording any pretext to Sultan
Selim for commencing hostilities, nor was there any want of renegades in
the Turkish service, through whose agency these projects for the
FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. l8l
Christian expedition, whether discussed in London or at Rome, became
known at the Porte, and for this reason, in the month of February
when Leo X. was arranging the confederacy alluded to in the power
forwarded to the Bishop of Worcester, the ambassador Minio requested
that the Signory might not be mentioned in any writing drawn up to
this effect.
3 In the original, " Quando sarano convenuti li Signori del parlamento
di farmi venir in parlamento." See ante, p. 72.
London, April 20, 1518.
* * * Whilst the secretary was waiting, in company
with the reverend Spanish ambassador, he tells me that that
prelate spoke to him about the good will of his Catholic
King towards your Highness, and of his great desire to
reconcile you to the Emperor, to which effect he used every
endeavour ; adding, however, " Would that your confede-
rates did the like, as then all dispute would be at an end,
alluding to the most Christian King, which agrees with what
the Cardinal said a few days ago, as stated in my foregoing ;
not that I deem this a confirmation of the Cardinal's asser-
tion, but merely lie upon lie (mendacium additum mendacio).
I consider that it all proceeds from Cardinal Wolsey, with
whom the Spanish ambassador has frequent interviews ; and
by so much the more am I confirmed in this belief, as I
know that the Imperial ambassador has already reached his
most Christian Majesty about this arrangement ; and on
conferring with the Cardinal, as he will doubtless touch
on this topic, I shall adroitly acquaint him with this arrival.
The source of his news was, I think, correctly surmised by
me when I quoted the Cardinal of Sion, as there has arrived
here one Dom. Matheo Bechiaria, an outlaw, a native of
Pavia, who resides with the Emperor, and in the name of
1 82 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN
the Cardinal of Sion, he circulates this report ; and as we
have discussed this secret in many forms and with reference
to various subjects, the matter has seemed to me of some
moment, and not to be concealed from your Excellency.
In the month of June, his Majesty and the Cardinal are
going to the confines of the kingdom, some say for change
of air, whilst others indeed assert that it is because his right
reverend lordship wishes to visit his diocese of York, which
is on the borders ; nor does he dare go thither sine magno
prcesldio. Neither of these reasons satisfy me, and I rather
fancy that he is going for the affairs of Scotland ; they say
he will remain in those parts until October or November.
Everybody here is in great expectation of the galleys,
and owing to the fine weather which has prevailed of late, it
is hoped that if not already in the channel, they may not be
far from it ; may God bring them safe ! The King says
that immediately on their arrival he shall go on board them,
as he is at no great distance from Hampton.
London, May z, 1518.
Having received your Excellency's letters of the 4th and
3Oth of March, I went to the Cardinal, who was gone into
the country for his pleasure. He expressed satisfaction at
their contents, declaring himself extremely anxious for the
affairs of Christendom to be arranged, in order that attention
might be paid to those of Turkey, but that he perceived the
most Christian King to take another course. He was in-
formed, he said, that the King of France had instigated the
Duke of Guelders against certain towns in Flanders, which
being well provided, had routed him with great slaughter,
FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 183
and that this was not the way to denote a wish for concord
amongst Christians, in order to attack the infidel ; but that
besides this, he had been assured of many hostile projects
devised by the King of France against England and others ;
and of this he had a certainty, complaining extremely hereof.
Perceiving that he asserted both these facts positively, I
told him that as his lordship was certain, it would be need-
less for me to dispute the point, and that everything was
possible, although I had difficulty in believing it, and that his
lordship should consider that natural enmity prevails between
the Duke of Guelders and the Sterlings 1 on the one side,
and the neighbouring Flemings on the other, and that no
mediation soever had at any time succeeded in dispelling it ;
possibly, I said, this disturbance might have been caused by
the natural enmity existing between these people. His lord-
ship made answer that he had perhaps been misinformed.
To his other assertions, as he made them so positively, I
was unwilling to offer farther opposition, to avoid appearing
impassioned, rather than veracious ; and especially as during
the whole course of my residence in England, his right
reverend lordship never appeared so well disposed towards
me as on that day.
I next brought forward a matter concerning our mer-
chants, about certain garboil2 raised against them by private
individuals, for breaking a law, which purports that no one
may import malmsies unless accompanied by ten bows for
each butt, under penalty of losing the malmsies, and pay-
ing a great deal of money for each butt, which business
threatened these galleys, now on their voyage, with much
trouble, for bringing malmsies without bows, and in fact the
present consul, Messer Hieronimo da Molino, told me he
was very much afraid it might occasion both hindrance
and loss. Perceiving the Cardinal therefore to be excel-
184 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN
lently disposed, I mentioned the matter to him so opportunely,
and with such address, that he gave me assurance that I
might rely on no obstacles being offered on this account, and
that he would be my security for this. * * *
1 In the original " sterlini" which is one of many confirmations
existing in Venetian documents of what was stated by Ruding in his
" Annals of the Coinage of Britain," concerning the derivation of the
word sterling from Easteiiing, alias Hanse towns. In the archives at
Venice there is an edict, dated October 9, A.D. 1274, by which the Grand
Council orders the mint masters to cast bars of silver of the sterling
standard for the convenience of the Venetian merchants trading with
Bruges. The document exists at p. 136, in the first volume of a collec-
tion entitled " libra d^oro" and desires the assayers " quod reddant
argentum de sterlin projectum in virga mercatoribus pro solidis quinque."
2 Giustinian's words are per certo garbuglio, which is here translated
by garboil to show the origin of the word, although the term quibble
would perhaps more correctly indicate what the ambassador meant.
In the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, the Venetian galleys had
been in the habit of supplying us with bow staves, as well as malmsey
and other good things ; but towards the close of the fifteenth century
our national weapons ceased to figure on the " manifests'''' of the Flanders
galleys, and as they continued to bring us currants for our puddings
voluntarily, Edward IV. determined to compel them to help us also to
fight the French ; so in the twelfth year of his reign (A.D. 1472) it was
enacted, that for every ton of merchandise brought to England in Vene-
tian bottoms, there were to be four bow staves, under penalty of 6s. %d.
for each bow deficient. The Venetians seem, however, to have evaded
this statute, so in the first of Richard III. (A.D. 1483-4) it was enacted,
that for every " butte of malvesy, and with every but of Tyre, X bonue
staves, good and hable stuff, be brought, upon peyn of forfeyture of
1 3 s. 4^. for every but of the said wynz so brought and conveid, and not
the said nombre of bowe staves with the same butt," &c.
As already stated, the Venetian galleys had ceased their voyages ever
since the year 1508, and the use of firearms during the wars of the
league of Cambray, made the merchants of Venice in 1517 think that
the English statutes about bow staves were then obsolete : this, however,
was not the case, and as the English could not live without malmsey,
and went to fetch it for themselves from the island of Candia whilst the
Venetians were fighting the leaguers, our custom-house officers levied
fines on all British vessels which returned from the Levant with malm-
sies unaccompanied by bow staves, and, consequently, in the sixth of
Henry VIII. (A.D. 1514-15) an act was passed, declaring that the con-
nection between archery and malmsey related merely to aliens, and not
to Englishmen, who were no longer to be " vexed, inquieted, and trou-
bled in the King's exchecquer for bringing of malmeseys into this realm
FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 185
without bowstaves :" the dispensation, however, did not extend to the
Flanders galleys, and unless Sebastian Giustinian had obtained remission
for his countrymen from Cardinal Wolsey, the garboil might in equity
have subjected them to fine. The duty of i8j. per butt levied in
England, as before stated, was unfair, but the exchequer would have
been justified in exacting ten bow staves for every butt, or 1 3J. ^d. $ and
as no bow staves were brought, the Venetians might have been lawfully
charged that sum, being 4^. %d. less than the illegal duty of i8j. It is
curious that it never occurred to Wolsey to suggest a compromise, and
that instead of granting a favour, he did not make a bargain.
Lambeth, May iz, 1518.
Your Highness will now learn the arrival of a fresh
ambassador from his Catholic Majesty, and who, in company
with the reverend ambassador in ordinary, has had a long
audience of the Cardinal, but has not yet been to the King,
because his Majesty is at a distance. Being anxious to
ascertain the cause of his coming, I went, in the first place, to
visit the ambassador in ordinary, but, in a very long conversa-
tion which we held together pro formd^ I could get nothing
from him but the general declaration that it was for the
benefit and peace of Christendom : it appeared to me,
however, that he did not assign the true reason. On the
morrow, therefore, I went to visit the new ambassador, who
is lodged in another habitation, apart from his colleague. His
lordship received me more than kindly, and we remained
together, discussing various topics for upwards of two
hours, though he did not tell me distinctly why he had
come, neither did it seem to me discreet to ask him the
question, but in the course of so long a conference I drew
the following conclusions : — first, that the Catholic King
maintained close friendship and alliance, both with France
and also with England, though he expressly stated that the
l86 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN
confederacy with this most serene King was much more
intimate than the one with his most Christian Majesty ; and
he declared, with marks and demonstrations of great warmth,
that should the Catholic King hear of the King of England
or his realm being injured or invaded by any potentate, he
would not brook it, and would employ all his forces to repel
attack, and wage war on such as should choose to injure
England. He said, moreover, that he knew the King of
France was contracting a friendship with the King of Den-
mark,1 and he assured me, in rather an angry tone, that
should the King of Denmark devise anything against this
realm, his Catholic Majesty would send as great an armada
and as strong a force as he could muster, to annihilate King
Christian, although his brother-in-law ; and this he repeated
to me several times, saying, " I declare this to you as a
remarkable fact." Coupling this with many other expres-
sions, I conjecture that the mission of this ambassador has
been induced by his King's having heard of some project
devised by the most Christian King and the King of Den-
mark against England, and for the purpose of assuring this
King of his sovereign's good will.
We also discussed the affairs of your Highness, and he said
to me, "I perceive nothing productive of greater scandal
amongst Christians than the discord between the Emperor and
your Signory," appearing very anxious for the reconciliation,
and declaring that his Catholic Majesty was equally desirous
of it, as indispensable for the general quiet. * * * He told
me a story how his father, the late King Philip, had received
an impression from the Emperor that your Highness had
ever been hostile to him, being the cause of his not obtaining
the kingdom of Hungary, as he would have done,2 and
many other things. King Philip, however, he said, had
endeavoured to soothe the Emperor, being well aware of
FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 187
his cravings, and that the Catholic King does the like ;
adding, that your Highness should endeavour to obtain
peace or truce with his imperial Majesty, but that if from
the fault of either of the parties this should be impossible,
he besought you not to injure the Emperor nor his interests,
nor yet the Catholic King, but keep terms with him and
hold his friendship in account. Moreover, he said you
should keep your eye upon the exiles from your cities, now
under the protection of the Emperor, into whose ears they
daily whisper their sinister designs, and excite him to wage
war. To this I made answer, that your Highness desires
nothing more anxiously at this moment than to be recon-
ciled to the Emperor ; and with regard to his Catholic
Highness, you meant to preserve friendship as inviolably as
ever maintained by you with any sovereign in the world.
This seemed to gratify his lordship greatly ; and he told me,
that either by letter or by word of mouth, as he was return-
ing shortly, he would certainly report what I had said to
his Catholic Highness, who, he was perfectly sure, would
very much value and appreciate your Excellency's good
will, and with this I took leave.
1 Christian II., who married the sister of Charles V. A.D. 1515 (See
vol. i., p. 264). The complaints of King Christian against England
probably related to the repeal of a statute (8 Henry VI. chap, ii.) which
prohibited fishing in Iceland, or making purchases of fish or other Danish
produce elsewhere than at Northbarne, which King Eric IX. wished to
make his staple. Henry VIII. repealed this act in the first year of his
reign, A.D. 1510. (See Statutes, vol. iii. p. i.)
2 Maximilian, on the death of Matthias Corvinus in 1490, became
one of the competitors for the crown of Hungary, as mentioned in the
introductory account of Giustinian.
1 88 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN
Lambeth, May 22, 1518.
* * * To-day I received letters from the magnifico
the captain of the Flanders galleys,1 which, by the grace
of God, reached Hampton on the igth instant. I fancy
that the King will go that way, and I therefore some time
ago wrote two letters to Hampton for instant delivery to
the magnifico the captain to give him notice of his coming,
so that he might be prepared to do honour to his Majesty
and your Serenity, for which his magnificence has returned
me many thanks. After the despatch of the Spanish ambas-
sadors, if able to ascertain when his Majesty means to go,
I would contrive to meet him, or be at Hampton awaiting
his arrival. Whilst writing this, the letters of your High-
ness, dated the 2Oth ultimo, have been delivered to me,
and I thereby learn the commendation bestowed on my
proceedings, for which I return infinite thanks, but first of
all to the Lord God, who induced my compliance with the
will of your Highness. With regard, however, to my vouch-
ing for the good will of the most Christian King, the Signory
may not marvel, as mutatis rebus mutantur consilla. Down
to that time,2 according to what had reached my notice,
there was no reason for suspecting this stir, considering
either the union between Spain and England, or the desire
of France for the Christian expedition, which seemed to
indicate the very reverse of such a move. Before now,
indeed, I had surmised, from the language of the reverend
Spanish ambassador, that something was in agitation ; and
therefore, when conferring with the Cardinal, I was less
earnest in defending the cause of the most Christian King.
1 Andrea Priuli. See ante, pp. 45, 4.6.
2 It would seem by this that the Republic of Venice had heard of a
league between France and Denmark against England, and warned the
FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. I$$
ambassador no longer to guarantee the pacific intentions of Francis I.
It is to be regretted that the archives of Venice contain no copies of any
missives written by the State at this period to Sebastian Giustinian,
whose own expressions are vague. Our own historians say nothing of
any Gallo-Danish alliance against England at this period, which so
immediately preceded the surrender of Tournai ; any notices, therefore,
on the subject would have been of a certain historical value. The fact
of ambassadors from Denmark being at the French court in March,
1518, and offering ships, &c., for an attack on England, is mentioned
in the despatches of the Venetian ambassador in France, Antonio Gius-
tinian. (See Sanuto's Diaries, date z6th March, 1518.)
Lambeth, June 6, 1518.
Since my last, dated the 28th ultimo,1 nothing has occurred
worthy the knowledge of your Highness, owing to the ab-
sence of the King and Cardinal ; so, as his Majesty is going,
in three or four days, on board your Excellency's galleys,
I shall betake myself thither likewise, rather for the sake
of meeting his Majesty than on any other account. A report
has prevailed for some time of the pregnancy of the most
serene Queen, which I did not think fit to announce until
the thing was certain : but at this present it has been an-
nounced to me by a trustworthy person, who heard it ex ore
reglo — an event most earnestly desired by the whole
kingdom.
Yesterday, I went to visit the reverend Spanish ambas-
sador, who is returned from the court, but I could learn
little from him. His colleague, who arrived lately, has been
despatched by the King and Cardinal for Flanders, where
he will remain until the arrival of the most illustrious the
Infant, who is expected hourly ; but conversing with the
ambassador resident here about the Christian powers, he
told me that his King was solely intent on uniting them,
190 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN
and that the only obstacle he perceived was the affair of the
reconciliation between the Emperor and your Excellency,
which, if not effected, great tumult might arise in Christen-
dom. * * * After hearing his arguments, I rejoined
that his lordship ought therefore to exert himself with the
Catholic King to arrange this matter, both for the sake of
harmony itself amongst Christians, and also to prevent the
Turk from invading his Catholic Majesty and your Excel-
lency, who are exposed to more peril than the others, and
are consequently the most interested in the peace of Christ-
endom.
By letters from my family, I understand that the despatch
of my successor is being delayed j2 I implore, as a grace
from your Highness, that regard may be had, if not to my
other circumstances, at least to my age,3 so that I may come
and rest with my family.
1 The despatch of the 2 8th is omitted: the principal subject men-
tioned in it is the arrival in London of an individual called " the son of
the late King of Cyprus." The claims of England upon Cyprus in
right of Richard Cceur de Lion, were alluded to in vol. i. pp. 203, 204.
2 Sanuto in his Diaries, date i9th June, 1518, mentions, that owing
to the prolongation of the truces with the Emperor, several members of
the Venetian college were inclined, on the score of economy, to dispense
with the embassy in England j and Antonio Surian, whose appointment
as successor to Giustinian has been already recorded, obtained leave
to go for a few months to his estates in the province of Brescia.
3 In a similar appeal omitted at the close of the despatch dated May
1 2th, Giustinian mentions his age as 58 years.
Lambeth, June j, 1518.
Since yesterday, when I wrote my last, nothing else
worthy of notice has taken place, save that a courier has
arrived from Rome to the address of this right reverend
FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. IQI
Cardinal, who, according to general report, is appointed
Legate a latere, a grade he very much desired, and he
is said to have made a handsome present to the messenger.
I have deemed it well to write this, in order that should
you think fit, you may congratulate his lordship by letter,
evincing extreme joy, as the appointment is highly agreeable
to him, though I doubt not but that your Highness will
have done so, and excuse me, should I take undue liberty.
I am now leaving for Hampton to meet the King, from
whom, in the course of conversation, I hope to elicit some-
thing worth notifying, and my letters shall give most speedy
notice to your Excellency of all that may chance.1
1 Concerning the appointment of Cardinal Wolsey as legate a latere,
the ambassador Minio writes from Rome in date of the izth of May : —
" His Holiness also told me that the Emperor had made a demand for
the right reverend Bishop of Gurk to be created legate, and that he
meant to grant this ; but that he chose his own legate to arrive in Ger-
many first, and that this was the reason why the Cardinal Farnese had
not chosen to accept the office. He added that it behoved him do the
like in England, because the King chose the right reverend of York to
be also elected legate, adding, * These two cardinals are themselves the
kings, so we must satisfy them."
Lambeth ', June 16, 1518.
By my foregoing, in date of the yth instant, I wrote that
I was going to Hampton, and that his Majesty also meant to
do the like. I went accordingly, and arrived there on the
gth, being received with every demonstration of honour and
good-will by the most noble the captain of the galleys, as
likewise by the magnificoes the masters1 and others. On
the morrow, the aforesaid magnifico the captain, with the
masters and myself, went out of the town to meet his
IQ2 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN
Majesty ; and on coming up with him, the most noble
captain, having halted, delivered a brief Latin oration on
horseback, so well suited to the time and place that more
could not be desired, surpassing the expectation of his entire
auditory, which had no idea that a professor of navigation
and commerce could prove himself so able a rhetorician.
The reply, by order of his Majesty, was made by a coun-
cillor, one of the finest scholars2 in his court, who used
terms of the greatest honour, both towards your Highness,
and, moreover, respecting the person of the captain afore-
said ; and after accompanying his Majesty to his dwelling,
we took leave, having received the kindest welcome possible.
On the following day, the Lord Admiral3 acquainted us
with his Majesty's desire that the crew of the flag-galley
might not be on board during the visit, as it had been
reported that the galleys were somewhat infected with plague.
Moreover, that all the powder should be disembarked, and
that during his stay on board no cannon should be fired ;
which was complied with. After dinner, we went to con-
duct his Majesty, who with the whole court got afloat and
ascended the flag-galley, which had really been prepared
royally, with a spacious platform decorated with every sort
of tapestry and silk ; on either side of which were four rows
of tables, served with every sort of confection, for there
were upwards of 300 persons present. The King passed
down the centre ; and when he got upon the poop, a variety
of dishes, containing sponge cakes and other confections,
were brought, and which, having been tasted by his Ma-
jesty, were distributed amongst the barons and lords and
other great personages.
The rest of the company, of the middling class, was
placed at the tables, which were not merely cleared of the
confections, but we even distributed amongst them the glass
FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 193
vessels4 which had been full of wine. The sight was such,
that the King several times, not without exciting some sur-
prise, praised the arrangement both to the captain, to the
masters, and to myself, thanking us in the name of your
Highness, saying, " You have treated us better than we ever
could have expected."
After this, the officials of the galleys performed feats on
slack ropes suspended from the mast, to the immense ad-
miration of spectators unaccustomed to witness such feats.5
His Majesty then departed, accompanied by all of us, and
the next day, he chose to have all the guns fired again and
again ; marking their range, as he is very curious about
matters of this kind. He praised everything ; and in the
evening fire-works were let off, the effect being really worthy
of commendation. During the whole period of his stay at
Hampton, we accompanied him wherever he went, and he
invariably made us the most loving demonstrations possible,
repeating that we were to thank your Highness for the
honour done him j and his whole court extols the great and
honourable display made, which, in truth, merited what was
said about it. On the Saturday, after dinner, his Majesty
left Hampton, accompanied by us for a certain distance out-
side the town, and then, as he did not wish us to proceed
farther, we took leave, and his Majesty went to the palace of
the Bishop of Winchester ; but ere departing, he drew me
aside, and asked for Turkish news, when I acquainted him
with what had reached me from your Highness and my own
correspondents. He said this was the moment for a union
of the Christian powers, in order not to lose the present
opportunity ; adding, that he himself had less reason to be
anxious about it than the others, as he was the most remote
from the peril. He then inquired the state of the nego-
tiations between the Emperor and your Highness, concern-
VOL. II. O
194 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN
ing peace or true, and I replied, that I was aware that you
had commenced treating many days ago, but that I did not
know of any settlement. In conclusion, I recommended
to him the interests of our nation, which had ever been
favoured by all his predecessors ; and this I did, because it
had come to my knowledge that many scandalous reports
had been circulated by the malignants.6 The King an-
swered me, that your Highness had ever been loved by the
other sovereigns of this realm, but never more, nor indeed
so much, as by himself, for which I thanked him with all
submission, and in suitable language, assuring him of every
possible reciprocity on behalf of your Highness towards his
Majesty, who said he knew your Excellency acted by him
with all faith and sincerity, and that he placed such trust in
me, that even should you wish to deceive him, he was con-
vinced I should refuse to do so. To this I made reply, pre-
serving the decorum of your Excellency as becoming, and
saying, that any actions of mine, which might prove agree-
able to his Majesty, proceeded entirely from your Highness,
of whom I was a mere instrument, and that your Signory
was the chief cause.
1 Masters, alias supercargoes. See ante, p. 45.
2 Probably Cuthbert Tonstal, who will be mentioned again in date of
September 24th.
3 Thomas Howard, Earl of Surrey. See ante, p. 74.
4 Some idea of the shape of these vessels may be formed from the
supper in Emaus by Gian Bellini, as also from the many representations
of banquets by Paul Veronese and Titian, and their contemporaries.
According to Marini, in his history of the trade of Venice (vol. v.
p. 260), her glass manufactories were already famous in the year 1289,
and in the following century, Venetian glass found its way to the Empe-
ror of China, to the Grand Cham of Tartary, and to the Great Mogul.
5 The foregoing sentence stands in the original thus : " Da poi, li
officiali di le galie actizorno per corde de Talbero, che fu cosa di grande
admiiatione di tutti non usati veder tal actitudine." These evolutions
recall to mind the feats of the Venetian sailors on the last Thursday in
the Carnival, which are described by Giustina Michiel. A rope, she says,
FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 195
one end of which was secured to a lighter off the Piazzetta, and the other
to the gallery of St. Mark's tower, served a Venetian mariner annually
on that day as the means of reaching the belfry from the sea 5 the Doge
used to witness the feat from the gallery of the ducal palace, and when
the mariner had reached the tower, he redescended to his sovereign and
presented him with a nosegay ; then ascended again to the tower, and
after a short rest let himself down once more to the sea. The perform-
ance witnessed by Henry VIII. on board the Venetian flag-galley in
Southampton harbour, in June 1518, was doubtless some national exhi-
tion of address and agility, which even far away in the Atlantic reminded
the mariners of Venice of the Adriatic and her carnival.
6 The precautions taken by the Earl of Surrey might make it appear
that the Venetians were suspected of some intention of blowing up the
King : from the following letter, however, it will appear that the griev-
ous calumny to which Venice had been subjected was that the exports of
her merchants from England vastly exceeded their imports.
Lambeth, June zi, 1518.
On my return hither, I thought fit to go and visit the
right reverend Cardinal, who had been a long while absent,
both for the purpose of congratulating his lordship on the
dignity of legate as conferred upon him, and also to nego-
tiate the affairs of your Excellency, and to acquaint him
with the summaries from the Levant, contained in your
Serenity's letters of the 20th April, which reached me on
the i8th instant; but, as his lordship was indisposed, I
could only obtain audience of him to-day, when I forthwith
performed the office of congratulation ; communicating in
the next place the summaries from the Levant, telling him,
moreover, of what took place at Hampton ; and finally, I
discussed two matters concerning our nation. His right
reverend lordship thanked me, in the first place, for my
compliment touching the legation, which he seems to hold in
small account, as (according to what the King told me1 at
Hampton) it is only to last during the stay here of the Legate
196 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN
Campeggio, who has arrived at Calais, and is expected
daily. He next expressed great satisfaction that Sultan Selim
should be occupied with the Sophy, as it convinced him that
neither during this year or the next would he meddle with
Christendom. After this, he thanked me for the honour paid
his King, who had written to him announcing the greatest
possible satisfaction thereat, to all which matters I replied
becomingly, according to the intention of your Excellency.
Passing then to our national affairs, his lordship told me,
that should your Excellency act by his Majesty as of yore,
you should meet with the best return, but that two circum-
stances had occurred much at variance with what was ex-
pected ; first, instead of two galleys unloading at Hampton,
only one had landed her cargo, the other two going over to
Flanders. Secondly, that in bygone years, the galleys came
so richly freighted, that a small addition to the value of their
imports sufficed to defray the cost of their homeward cargo ;
whereas, at this present, they are so poor, that the whole of
the merchandise imported will not equal the value of one-
sixth part of the homeward cargo, which must consequently
be paid for with the funds of others than Venetian mer-
chants ; a fact extremely prejudicial to his Majesty, who,
when anticipating some profit from the galleys, finds himself
compelled, on the contrary, to yield such to them. His
lordship said he had been assured of what he told me, and
that he, therefore, meant to ascertain how these galleys were
to be loaded, since as the property of the merchants of
Venice could not cover the cost of full cargoes, he should
only allow them to ship for the value of their own effects.
To the first part, I replied that the old custom was ob-
served of unloading one at Hampton, the others proceeding
to Flanders,2 according to very ancient agreement existing be-
tween that country and your Signory ; and that to have
FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 197
unloaded two galleys at Hampion would have been a viola-
tion of compact. This, however, I observed was a quibble,
suggested by envious and malignant persons, rather than
the truth ; that the galleys were not so poorly freighted
as stated by our slanderers, and that the value of what they
brought, would in great part defray the cost of the home-
ward cargo, added to which, the masters were bound to
supply a great part thereof, remittances to this effect from
Venice hither being made constantly, and would continue to
be made ; and that sundry merchants, not accustomed to
frequent this mart, had already come by land, and that I
myself was anxious for the merchants of Venice themselves
to freight these galleys for their own advantage. If, I con-
tinued, the outward cargoes were less valuable than of yore,
the reason was twofold ; first, because the spices are not
saleable here at the same price as formerly, owing to the
competition with Portugal ;3 and, secondly, that nine years
had elapsed since the appearance of our galleys in these
seas owing to the wars with France and Spain, so that
the merchants had not shipped as they would have done,
from not knowing what the fate of their venture might
be ; but on ascertaining through this voyage what would
yield them profit, all would come straight another year, and
that his right reverend lordship would perceive a great differ-
ence between the future galleys and these present. An exact
estimate, I said, was well nigh impossible, for many reasons
which I assigned him ; the demand, moreover, being rather
ignominious for our nation. After all, his lordship expressed
his determination by all means to see how the outward
cargo of these galleys was made up, but not so much
in detail. I fancy he will insist on verifying the fact, but
will content himself with a general notion, for many lies
have been told him by the envious and slanderous.
198 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN
I will also confer with our merchants here, and take full
instructions from them ; for what I said was extempora-
neous succour, my experience being greater in other matters
than in commerce, and when better informed, I shall render
every possible assistance, and in short do all I can to prevent
any prohibition against purchasing wools and other usual
commodities. Concerning the two points affecting our
nation, it has been arranged that one shall be despatched
to-morrow, and with regard to the other, which is that of
the wines of Candia, his right reverend lordship has promised
me most positively to take me before the council, and obtain
audience there for my arguments on behalf of your Excel-
lency, and afterwards decide ; may God grant that we may
at length witness the end of this chicanery ! After these
colloquies, his right reverend lordship requested me very
earnestly to contrive with the magnifico the captain and the
masters, that paying for the same, he might have certain
choice carpets, and some other articles, but, above all, the
carpets. I told him that I did not know whether there were
any, but that if there were, his lordship should have them.
I suspect he will not be accommodated, which will prove of
serious detriment to us ; whereas had he received twelve or
fifteen small handsome carpets, he would have been extremely
satisfied. Should your Excellency think fit, you might see
either to forwarding them by land, or promise that he
should receive some by the next galleys.4
A French secretary, and a herald likewise, have arrived
here, on account (according to what the Cardinal says) of
the claims for damages made by the French and English,
and also because of certain fugitives from Scotland suspected
of rebellion, who, according to the conditions existing be-
tween this King and that country, are not at liberty to
remain in England. His lordship expressed hopes that
FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 199
everything would be arranged, and a general peace be
effected amongst Christians, to which indeed the present
situation of affairs, he thought, seemed to tend. He added,
that he would prove to the world what it may be in his power
to effect for the furtherance of this holy alliance.
Positive intelligence has been received here of the arrival
in Flanders of the most illustrious the infant Don Ferdi-
nand.
1 In King Henry VIII., act iii. sc. 5, Lord Surrey accuses Cardinal
Wolsey of having " wrought to be a legat, without the King's assent or
knowledge."* It would seem from this despatch that at any rate the act
was not resented by the King at the moment. See also p. 191.
2 In the Priuli statute book it is stated that one galley was to remain
at Hampton, and the other two to proceed to Helvoetsluys or Antwerp,
at the option of the captain and masters.
3 See ante, p. 76.
4 In his report to the Senate the ambassador Giustinian alludes to
these carpets, the arrival of which in London may possibly be recorded
hereafter. A note of them exists in the Harleian collection (No. 599)
where, amongst articles of the " houshold stuffe" of Cardinal Wolsey,
there figure " carpets received from Venice."
Lambeth, July 3, 1518.
* * * The French secretary is yet here, not having been
hitherto despatched. I sent to visit him in the name of
your Excellency, and should have been glad to speak with
him, but it did not seem to me for the decorum of the State
to go to him in person, nor has he called upon me.
The Apostolic Legate1 has been many days at Calais,
detained there by these lords, and will moreover remain thus
for some while, but cross eventually for the exercise of his
office, and preparations are being made to do him great
honour. I thought it would be proper to pay him the com-
2OO DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN
pliment of going to meet him, but did not choose to take
any step without first speaking to the Cardinal of York,
this being necessary, and he told me it was not the custom
of this kingdom, when honour is done any great personage
on his arrival, for him to be met by others than those
appointed by the King, wherefore he recommended me to
abstain. I asked him whether the reverend Spanish ambas-
sador would go to meet this Legate, and he answered me in
the negative, and that if he did, he would let me know, that
I might do the like, so I shall act accordingly, but on the
arrival of his right reverend lordship, will endeavour to be
the more assiduous in visiting him at his own dwelling. His
secretary, who arrived in London several days ago, has been
to visit me, and appears well inclined towards the interests of
your Highness, of whom he speaks most becomingly.
1 Cardinal Campeggio. See ante, p. 177, note 2.
Lambeth, July 22, 1518.
By my last, of the 3rd instant, your Highness will have
been acquainted with every event ; and I now inform you
that the French Secretary, who arrived here lately, has
departed, and is to be replaced by two great personages as
ambassadors, whose mission, according to common report,
is with a view. to conclude the nuptials between the most
illustrious the Dauphin and this most illustrious Princess,1
though these lords do not choose to admit it, and when I
mentioned it to the Cardinal, whilst denying the fact, he told
me not to repeat it.2 Subsequently, when speaking with
others of the nobility, I took the matter for granted, that
FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 2OI
they might not deny it ; neither did they, and owned that
two ambassadors of great rank were expected here in a few
days, I moreover perceive many signs which convince me
of this, one of which is, that these lords are now less lavish
in their abuse of his most Christian Majesty.
Your Sublimity also learnt the arrival of the right reverend
Legate, Campeggio, at Calais, where he has been a long
while detained. The cause of this delay is reported vari-
ously, though these lords say that he will be allowed to
cross in a few days.3
I, most serene Prince, have been here during forty-four
months, and within the last few days two of my servants
have died of plague in the house, and I have had the sweat-
ing sickness twice in one week. Your Highness will com-
prehend whether necessity and the term of my service
warrant my anxiety to return ; and although I imagine that
by this time steps will have been taken to effect this, never-
theless, should it be otherwise, which I cannot bring myself
to credit, 1 beseech your Signory, per viscera mlserlcordla
Del nostri^ at length to recall me from this relegation, rather
than legation.
1 The first thought of this alliance has been recorded at p. 177. Con-
cerning former embassies in 1517, see pp. 90, 96-100, in, 135.
2 The French Government seems to have been much more communi-
cative on this subject than the English, for the Venetian ambassador
accredited to Francis I. wrote from Angiers in date of the i8th July,
announcing that Mons. de Villeroy, whom he styles ambassador, and not
secretary, had forwarded news from England of this marriage and league,
&c., and that Tournai was to be surrendered, which intelligence was
given to him when out hunting, by the Grand Maitre, Mons. de Boissi.
(See Sanuto's Diaries.)
3 The cause assigned for this delay by Hall is as follows : " When
the Cardinall of Yorke knewe that there was commyng a legate into
Englande whiche should have a greater preheminence then a Cardinall,
he whose ambicion was never satisfied, caused a bishoppe and certain
docters to passe the sea to Calice to welcome hym, and to shewe hym
that if he would have the Pope's purpose to take any effecte in Englande,
202 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN CIUSTINIAN
he should in any wise sende in poste to Rome, to have the saied Cardi-
nail of Yorke to be legate also, and to be ioyned in commission with
hym, whiche thyng was doen (not without good rewardes), so that in
thirtie and five daies the bull was broughte to Calice. Duryng whiche
tyme the Cardinall of Yorke sent to the legate to Calice redde cloth to
clothe his servauntes, whiche at their commyng to Calice, were but
meanely appareled ; and when all thynges were ready, he passed the sea
and landed at Dover, and so kept furthe his iorney toward London. At
every toune as thei passed he was received with procession, and accom-
paignied with all the lordes and gentlemen of Kent ; and when he came
to Blackheth, there met him the Duke of Norfolke, with a great nom-
ber of prelates, knightes, and gentlemen, all richely appareled. And in
the waie he was brought into a riche tente of clothe of golde, where he
shifted hymself into a robe of a cardinall, edged with ermyns, and so toke
his moyle ridyng toward London."
This, however, does not agree with the facts recorded by Giustinian,
who mentions that the bulls appointing Cardinal Wolsey legate a latere
had reached London long before. See the despatches of June yth and
2ist, and the note appended to the former from the ambassador Minio,
at pp. 191, 195-199.
Lambeth, August 2, 1518.
By my letters of the 22nd, your Sublimity will have
learned what I considered worthy of your knowledge, and
if not diffuse, either then or now, it must be attributed to
the plague, which has incapacitated me from transacting
business with the King or Cardinal, neither of whom would
have received me. I am now able to inform you, that on
the 2Qth ultimo the right reverend Cardinal Campeggio at
length made his entry into London, really in very stately
form, save that neither the King nor Cardinal were present,
from dread of infection. I went, by consent of Cardinal
Wolsey, to meet his right reverend lordship, and the Spanish
ambassador did the like. On visiting him subsequently, I
was received in the kindest and most gracious manner
possible, the Legate evincing the greatest affection towards
FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 203
your Excellency, styling himself your subject in right of his
see of Feltre,1 and speaking with so much honour of your
Excellency, and of what might be expected fiom you in
favour of the Christian religion, that more could not have
been desired. To all this I made answer, reciprocating the
compliment, laying before him the especial love borne by
your Highness, both publicly and in private capacity, to his
Excellency his late father, and the respect you now enter-
tained for himself individually, of whom you promised your-
self no less than if he were Venetian born, adding many
other words to this effect. On my departure, he invited
me to repeat my visits, and accompanied me through several
chambers to the stairs. To-morrow, his right reverend
lordship is to go to Greenwich, where he will be received
by the King, and I also shall go, and write immediate
notice of what I may hear to your Excellency. Should the
Cardinal of York have dismissed his fear of infection from
the plague, I will also endeavour to negotiate the matters
which remain for me to despatch during the short time I
have to remain here.
1 The Campeggio family was of Bolognese extraction, and jurists by
descent, both the father and grandfather of the Legate having filled law
chairs in various universities. Giovanni Campeggio, the father of the
Legate, lectured with the greatest success at Padua, and amongst the
many law treatises composed by him are Consilia, Tractates de Statutis,
De Immunitatibus, De Dote, &c., His son Lorenzo, the legate, also
commenced his career as a jurist, and likewise filled a law chair at Padua,
but on the death of his wife he entered the Church, and was made Car-
dinal by Leo X. Hume mentions the presence of Cardinal Campeggio
in England in this year 1518, but in most English minds the name of
Campejus is more associated with events which took place in 1528-9, as
recorded by Shakspeare in King Henry VIII. ; and the despatches of
the Venetian ambassador who succeeded Giustinian at the court of
England inform us that the second visit to England of Cardinal Cam-
peggio, induced by the divorce case of Queen Catharine, commenced in
the month of October 1528, and that about the nth of the same month
in the following year, he quitted London, his departure preceding the
fall of Cardinal Wolsey by one week. Shakspeare has linked the name
204 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN G1USTINIAN
of Campeggio with that of Richard Pace, and the despatches of Gius-
tinian sanction the connection.
The entry of Campeggio into London is thus recorded by Hall, folio
64.. " The night before he came to London, the Cardinall of Yorke,
to furnishe the carriages of the Cardinall Campeius, sent to hym twelve
mulettes with emptie cofers covered with redde, whiche twelve mulettes
wer led through London, amongst the mulettes of Campeius, whiche
were but eight, and so these xx mulettes passed through the stretes, as
though they had been full of treasures, apparell, and other necessaries.
" And when they came into Chepe, one of the mulettes brake from
her keper, and overthrewe the chestes, and overturned twoo or three
other mulettes' carriages, whiche fell with suche a violence that diverse
of them unlocked, and out of some fell olde hosen, broken shoen, and
roasted fleshe, peces of breade, egges, and muche vile baggage ; at which
sighte the boyes cryed, ' See, see my lord legate's threasure ;' and so the
muleters wer ashamed, and tooke up all their stuffe and passed furth.
And about thre of the clock at after none on the xxix day of July, the
said legate entred the cite, and in Southwarke met hym all the clergie of
London, with crosses, sensers, and copes, and sensed him with great
reverence. The maior and aldermen, and all the occupacions of the
citee in their best liveries, stode in the stretes, and hym highly honored j
to whom Sir Thomas More made a brief oracion in the name of the
citee. And when he cam to Paules, there he was received by bishops
mitred, and under a canapy entred the churche, which canapy his ser-
vantes toke for their fees : and when he had offred, he gave his benedic-
cion to al the people, and toke again his mule, and so was with al his
train aforsaid, conveighed to Bathe Place, and there rested, where he
was welcomed of the Cardinall of Yorke."
Lambeth , August 5, 1518.
By mine of the 2nd instant, your Excellency heard that
these two right reverend Legates were to go to Greenwich,
where the King was to be ; to which ceremony I was
invited. His Majesty went as far as the lower hall to meet
them, dressed in his royal insignia, with the greater part of
the prelates and barons of the kingdom, and the Legates
saluted him with great marks of respect ; he likewise
returned their salute, doffing his bonnet also with respectful
FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 205
gestures, and being taken between them he came to the
upper hall, where at the extremity the throne had been
prepared, and two benches, one on the right hand and the
other on the left. To the right of the throne were all the
prelates, and two primates, according to their grades ; the
Legates being seated on two gilt chairs, a larger and a lesser
one. On the former, sat the right reverend Legate of
York, on the latter, Campeggio ; then came the reverend
Spanish ambassador and the rest of the prelates. To the
left were all the three Dukes,1 and other lords and barons,
the first place being assigned to me. The right reverend
of York, cap in hand, and standing (the King likewise being
on his legs), delivered a brief Latin oration, stating the cause
of his mission, and the good will of our Lord's Holiness
towards his Majesty, using the following form of speech : —
" Sanctlssimus Dominus noster, colit, observat ac veneratur
Majestatem vestram" To this his Majesty replied, also in
Latin, most elegantly and with all gravity, after which they
seated themselves.
By permission of the King, the brother of the right
reverend Cardinal Campeggio now delivered a most elegant
Latin oration, purporting that his Holiness aforesaid had
sent these two Legates to arrange peace between the
Christian powers, and dispel all dissension and cause for
dissension. Their mission, he said, had also for object to
induce his Majesty to make an expedition against the Turk ;
especially as by his letters addressed to the Pope he had
promised so to do, for the safety of the Christian religion,
wherefore he thanked and praised him extremely.
To this, an answer was made by one of the attendants
of the Cardinal of York, but in the King's name, thanking
his Holiness for having visited and complimented him through
two right reverend Legates, although he had no need of
206 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN
being urged either to make terms with all the Christian
powers, nor yet to undertake the expedition against the
Turks, as his own will inclined him that way. The speaker
added, that should the need arise, his Majesty would marshal
his forces, and in no wise fail in the duty of a Christian
King, speaking in much rounder terms on this subject than
I had expected. This being ended, the King and the two
Legates alone entered a chamber, where they remained
together for about an hour, and on coming forth went
towards their barge without being accompanied by his Ma-
jesty. It is said that they will return to Greenwich on the
8th instant, when I likewise will go there to learn some-
thing of their proceedings.
It has been confirmed to me, through two credible sources,
that the mission of the French envoy who came here lately
was for the purpose of concluding the espousals mentioned
in my foregoing, and that two very great personages are
expected daily as ambassadors from his most Christian
Majesty to ratify said contract, on condition that the King
of England restore Tournai. I have been unable to learn
the other stipulations, as this treaty has been conducted, and
continues being negotiated, with the greatest secresy.
1 Buckingham (Edward Stafford), Norfolk (Thomas Howard), and
Suffolk (Charles Brandon).
Lambeth, August n, 1518.
By my foregoing, your Serenity heard that these right
reverend Legates were to go to the court, as they did
on the 8th, and I likewise went to hear some news, but no
FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 2OJ
business was transacted on that day, and they merely per-
formed high mass, and gave a grand banquet to said Legates
and all present, the pomp being greater and the court more
sumptuous than I have yet seen it.1 I will not now write
how far the decorum of the Apostolic chair was preserved
on this occasion, as it would be a long story and unne-
cessary, reserving this, however, for my Report-, and for
the present it may suffice for me to say, that less respect
for the holy chair could scarcely have been shown.2
The French ambassadors are daily expected for the con-
clusion of the nuptials (as stated by me heretofore) of the
Dauphin to the Lady Mary, and by this time no one doubts
the fact, although the ministry does not choose to admit
it. Preparations for jousts and other entertainments are
being made, in order to pay them great honour; and of
what may take place I shall acquaint your Serenity from
day to day. * * *
1 This account, and that of the preceding letter, serve to correct Hall,
who supposes the banquet to have been given on the first interview
between the Legates and the King at Greenwich. Our annalist writes : —
" On Sondaie next ensuyng these twoo Cardinalles as legates, toke
their barges and came to Grenewiche ; eche of them had beside their
crosses two pillers of silver, two little axes gilte, and two cloke bagges
embroudered, and the Cardinalles hattes borne before them. And when
thei came to the kynge's hall the Cardinall of Yorke went on the right
hande : and there the kyng royally appareled and accompaignied, met
them even as though bothe had come from Rome, and so brought
them bothe up into his chamber of presence, and there was a solempne
oracion made by an Italian, declaryng the cause of the legacy to be in
twoo articles, one for aide against God's enemies, and the second for
reformacion of the clergie. And when masse was doen thei were had to
a chamber, and served with lordes and knightes, with much solempnitie j
and after dinner thei toke their leave of the kyng and came to London,
and rode through the citee together in great pompe and glory, to their
lodgynges."
2 If this passage mean that disrespect was shown to the Legate Cam-
peggio, it may be supposed to have proceeded from Wolsey's jealousy of
his colleague. It was certainly not the moment for so orthodox a
monarch as Henry VIII. then professed himself to slight the court of
208 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN
Rome, for the doings of Luther had already become the subject of con-
versation, although the first mention made of him by Minio, the Vene-
tian ambassador at Rome, is in his aigth despatch, 4-th September 1518,
in which he carelessly styles him a Dominican friar instead of an Austin
friar ; adding, that the Pope intended sending the Rose to the Elector
of Saxony, in order to attempt through him the suppression " of an
heresy (as they term it) of a Dominican friar, who is preaching in those
parts against the Apostolic chair, condemning the forms observed at this
present by the Church of Rome, saying, moreover, that the indulgences
conceded daily are of no value, and a number of other things."
Lambeth, August 20, 1518.
I have now to announce the return hither of the French
Secretary Villeroy, and that he will be followed by three
ambassadors, who are expected in a few days, and great
honour will be paid them. The Cardinal of York says the
affair of the nuptials is not yet settled, as this side means the
general peace to be concluded first of all, and that then
the marriage shall follow immediately. The proposed
articles purport that his Holiness, the Emperor, the most
Christian and Catholic Kings, and his Majesty here, make a
perpetual peace and confederacy for the purpose of under-
taking an expedition against the Turks, and they select
adherents from amongst the other powers, nor have I been
able to learn that your Highness has been mentioned by
anybody but France. The clauses are already drawn up,
one copy signed by this side having been transmitted to the
right reverend Legate at the French Court, whilst a similar
guarantee from the court of France is in the hands of
Villeroy. Should the most Christian King have consented,
as supposed by the appointment of this embassy, said clauses
thus concluded will then be forwarded to the right reverend
Legates accredited to the Emperor and to Spain, his Majesty
FROM THE COURT OJ HENRY VIII. 209
here having pledged himself for the two last-named powers,
for the sake of procuring their signature. After this, the nup-
tials will be concluded.
With regard to the conditions stipulated by these articles,
I merely know of the disposition to act against the Turks
(but could not learn the details) and of the surrender of
Tournai, which city I hear from one quarter is to be given
in virtue of the treaty of peace, whilst from another I learn
that it is an item in the marriage contract. The Cardinal of
York avoids explanation hereon, but it is only reasonable to
suppose that the latter is the truth, as it is stipulated by
an article in the clauses, that Tournai is to be restored
to England should the marriage not take place, from default
on the part of his most Christian Majesty, and not in case
of the death of the betrothed.
According to the articles of this surrender, his Majesty
aforesaid is to give a certain sum of money, the precise
amount of which I am unable to ascertain. On the ratifica-
tion of this peace between the said five powers, place is to be
reserved for other adherents, who will be included as prin-
cipal confederates, and amongst these it is said that the
name of your Serenity appears. It is also provided, in case
of dissension, or that any one of said powers should choose
to invade or molest the territories of the others, all are
bound to take up arms against the peace-breaker.
It is asserted that there are many other secret articles,
which I have been unable to learn ; nor do I even vouch
for these, because, as your Highness well knows, many
things are reported here which are without foundation. I
have deemed it my duty to despatch the present with what
has come to my knowledge ; and should I hear anything
else, I shall write to your Highness very frequently. My
duty in this matter, most serene Prince, will be solely to
VOL. II. P
210 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN
endeavour to learn the march of events, and not meddle any
farther, for many reasons not fit to be consigned to writing.
Lambeth, September 2, 1518.
It having come to my knowledge that the right reverend
Bishop of Paris had arrived here last evening, without my
lord the admiral,1 I deemed it so important, that I went to
the Cardinal of York, in order to hear either from his
lordship or others the positive truth of this business. I
found the said Bishop of Paris already in conclave with his
lordship and three or four other councillors, who remained
a long while in dispute and difficulty, and from what I
understood, some high words passed between the Cardinal
and the bishop. At length when the council broke up,
I met the reverend secretary Pace, with whom, by discuss-
ing the matter, I ascertained its real state. First of all,
I inquired of him why the Bishop of Paris had come alone,
when both the peace and nuptials were settled completely,
not indeed that I believed such to be the case, but said so to
elicit his opinion. He replied that the Bishop of Paris, toge-
ther with Villeroy, were come to negotiate the matters for
conclusion, and not to ratify an affair already settled. To-day,
he said, they discussed these difficulties, which were not yet
solved, for that when Villeroy first came, he made certain de-
mands which were replied to becomingly at the time ; and that
now the Bishop of Paris was come to settle what was then
negotiated and reported on by Villeroy ; in fact, with power
to draw up the clauses of the peace and marriage contract,
which will now therefore be concluded. To this, upon the
strength of the confidential friendship existing between us, I
FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 211
rejoined, u How is it possible for these articles to be now
under consideration, if the French ambassadors have been
already despatched on a mission of congratulation, two of
them indeed being already arrived ?" He answered by de-
nying the fact, and said that these ambassadors had been
sent to demand the hand of the English princess, the King
having insisted hereon when Villeroy first proposed the mar-
riage to him, and therefore these two are come to settle the
articles here, and on their conclusion, the admiral and his
colleague will follow them, and propose for the bride. I
next asked what the difficulties between the parties were at
present ; he said they related to Tournai, not choosing to
particularize them to me, nor did I think fit to press him
hereon. He told me, however, that the peace and nuptials
would be concluded, and that Tournai would be surrendered
to the King of France. I then asked him whether the
surrender constituted one of the conditions of the peace, or
whether it formed an item in the dower of the princess :
he said it was not the custom of the English to purchase
peace of Frenchmen, and that no one ever dreamt of giving
Tournai in condltlonibus pacis^ but that it would be conceded
on certain terms as dower. I did not inquire what these
terms were, for fear of appearing too inquisitive ; though
they must be those mentioned in my former letters to your
Highness, and perhaps some others.
I then asked who were mentioned as principals in the
peace, and he said, his Holiness, the Emperor, the most
Christian and Catholic Kings, and the King of England,
places being reserved for many other potentates, including
your Highness ; that an imperial ambassador was expected,
and that this entire affair of peace will be concluded here in
England, of which I have also been assured by the secretary
of the Legate Campeggio. I inquired what had made the
212 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN
Spanish ambassador so busy of late, sending so many couriers
to and fro, and he said it was because the King of Spain
seemed surprised that this business had not been communi-
cated to him, and was apprehensive of its proving somewhat
detrimental to him, so he chose to ascertain the fact, and his
Majesty here declared his intention of maintaining the
friendship existing between them, and that he should alter
nothing in their alliance.
He also told me that the final ratification of the articles
would not take place for some days, but before the end
of the month ; saying, that he considered the matter con-
cluded, though it was necessary to have the consent of the
contracting parties.
I paid my respects to the Bishop of Paris, and sent my
secretary to inquire of his lordship when he would like to
receive my visit, as I had determined at any rate on going to
him on the morrow. He said I was not to come, on
any account, as he was occupied with these negotiations,
and that he would come to me, which the secretary declined.
For my part, I shall not wait for an opportunity, but will go
to pay this compliment on the day after to-morrow. I like-
wise embraced Villeroy.
I have been unable to obtain audience of the Cardinal of
York, owing to his being engrossed by these matters : to-
morrow I will go to pay my respects to him, and present
your Serenity's letter of congratulation on his Legantine
appointment, endeavouring at the same time to learn farther
particulars, and of the result shall give immediate advice
to your Sublimity.
1 Guillaume Gouffier de Bonnivet : his mission to England is men-
tioned by Hume, vol. iii. p. 105.
FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 213
Lambeth, September 10, 1518.
After my letters of the yth,1 I went to dine with Cardinal
Campeggio on invitation from his lordship, in order to elicit
some details from him concerning the present negotiations.
On my making it appear that I knew everything through
France, he unbosomed himself to me more than is his wont,
and imparted to me the following details, which I had not
hitherto heard. Since his accession, the King of France
has obtained everything he desired, nor was anything want-
ing but the recovery of Tournai, which he will now obtain,
though with this drawback — that he is not to interfere in
Scotland in favour of either party, so that the Queen may
receive such honour as is due to her station, and the
King be educated by persons free from all suspicion ; thus
confirming what I said before, that the Duke of Albany
would not return to Scotland. This has seemed to me a
matter of very great moment, considering the old alliance
between the Kings of France and the Scots, which has
always proved a burning ember to England. The Legate,
indeed, is of opinion, that should any of the conditions of
this peace and relationship be infringed or invalidated by the
King of France, it will be this one, as it gives him much
annoyance.
On quitting Cardinal Campeggio, I paid a visit to the
Bishop of Durham, who, whilst discussing the affairs of
your Excellency very fairly indeed, more so than I have
ever heard him, said, " The Signory is great, and worthy
of all favour ; she has ever been on friendly terms with
England, who never made peace or league without including
her as her nominee j" which I consider a hint that your
Highness is also mentioned by England in this present peace,
for he mentioned that a few days ago your Serenity was
214 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN
discussed by the Council in terms of the highest praise and
commendation, which confirms certain expressions uttered
to me by the Legate Campeggio, to the effect, that when
these lords were talking about your Highness, he said,
" What think you of the power and polity of the Signory
of Venice ? In this last war, there were upwards of thirty
noblemen, who, for the maintenance of the State, paid taxes
to the amount of 40,000 ducats each : think what must
have been the quota of the others below them ! " I merely
thanked his lordship for this his good will, and for the
opinion he entertained of your Excellency, without going
at all into details, about including and mentioning you, for
the reasons assigned in my former letters.2 * * *
To-day, being anxious for audience of the Cardinal of
York, who owing to press of business has not admitted me
for many days, I sent my secretary to make an appointment
for me, and he brought back word that his lordship was ill,
and that he had been denied to all who are in the habit
of conferring with him. This I believe to be the truth, as
yesterday the Legate Campeggio wanted to go to his lord-
ship, but received for answer that he was indisposed, and
would not give audience to any one ; so that my non-
execution of the Signory's commissions may not be imputed
to negligence or carelessness. In the mean while, however,
my secretary spoke with the reverend Dom. Richard Pace,
who said to him, " On the day before yesterday, concerning
the affairs of Scotland, I told you that the Duke of Albany
would return no more ; you must know that everything
has been concluded according to the wish of his Majesty,
and these negotiations will be soon settled."
1 Giustinian's letter of the yth gives an account of his interview with
the Bishop of Paris, from whom he endeavoured, but not very success-
FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 215
fully, to learn the secret of his embassy. This will explain the com-
mencement of the next sentence, " On my making it appear, &c."
2 Fear of Sultan Selim. See ante, pp. 180-181, and p. 217.
Lambeth, September 18, 1518.
By my foregoing of the loth instant, I told your High-
ness I was going to the King to congratulate him as ordered,
so I went to Eltham, where his Majesty was, and by the
warmth of my compliments endeavoured to convince him that
this news of peace and union between the two crowns had
been heard with satisfaction by your Highness ; for as
stated in my foregoing, these lords are impressed with the
belief that your Excellency is not very well pleased with
this alliance. I subsequently communicated to him the
summaries from the Levant.
Concerning the congratulations on the peace, his Majesty
said it was not yet concluded, hinting that many details yet
remained for discussion. I said, that as the principal diffi-
culties had been overcome, it seemed to me that congra-
tulations were due as for an affair settled ; he rejoined,
however, that there were yet some difficulties. Concerning
the summaries from the Levant, he indeed said that they
appeared to him more reasonable than his own news —
namely, that immediately on reaching Constantinople, Sultan
Selim had commenced fitting out an expedition against
Christendom. On this, as the King was going abroad for
his pleasure, I took leave, and after dinner contrived
a conference with the Magnifico Dom. Thomas More,
newly made Councillor, who is very much my friend.1
I adroitly turned the conversation to these negotiations con-
cerning peace and relationship ; but he did not open, and
2l6 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN
pretended not to know in what the difficulties consisted,
declaring that the Cardinal of York " most solely," to use
his own expression, transacted this matter with the French
ambassadors, and when he has concluded he then calls the
councillors, so that the King himself scarcely knows in
what state matters are. This he said, in consequence of
my having gently complained to him that none of these
negotiations had ever been communicated to me, but on the
contrary concealed to the utmost, although your Excellency
was the confederate of England. My complaint, he added,
was shared by others, assuring me that the reverend Spanish
ambassador had received no information concerning these
matters, except the assurance that nothing would be intro-
duced in the negotiations at variance with the friendly terms
prevailing between this kingdom and his Catholic Highness.
So, perceiving that I could elicit nothing further, I departed.
On the morrow, I went to the Cardinal of York, and in
my congratulations on the peace expressed especial joy at
his lordship's having been the author of this work, which
would redound not merely to the well-being, but to the
security of the Christian commonwealth. This negotiation,
I said, in addition to other great deeds performed by him
since he had stood at the helm here, would render him
famous, not merely amongst his contemporaries, but like-
wise to posterity. His lordship thanked your Highness
extremely for this compliment, and said that he had ever
laboured to this effect, contrary to the belief of many, who
were of opinion that he sowed discord between the two
crowns, and that now the object he had in view will be
manifest, thanks being, moreover, due to God for the offer
of this opportunity, and also to the two Kings, who had not
neglected it, although the final decision had not as yet been
made, and that the coming of my Lord Admiral was ex-
FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 21 7
pected for the removal of certain difficulties, but that he
hoped the desired result would be attained. I exerted
myself to prove how extremely anxious your Excellency
was for this result, and what incredible joy you had expe-
rienced from the belief of its attainment.
I then acquainted him with the Levant news, for all
which he thanked your Highness, and as he seemed rather
unwell, I speedily took leave, as when thus indisposed I
know he likes me so to do ; and after I had withdrawn
some distance he called me back, and said that on treating
the conclusion of this negotiation he would send for me,
as he chose me to be present, and that he meant your
Highness to be included by his Majesty. I thanked his
right reverend lordship for his friendly intention, without
expatiating further in terms either of assent or dissent,
knowing that your Highness had not chosen to be men-
tioned in the quinquennial truces made by his Holiness,2 or
thought fit to celebrate the prayers ordered by him, lest the
fact should become known to the Turk. * * *
It is said that my Lord the Admiral is on the point of
crossing, and I fancy that he will have been detained by the
bad weather which has lately prevailed, especially as a vessel
that was bringing over his attendants, with arms and other
jousting implements, has perished, though the men were
saved. Such entertainments and pageants are expected to
be made here (should the negotiations be ratified), as have
never hitherto been witnessed in England. My letters shall
give speedy notice of what may take place to your Sublimity,
whom it has pleased to be content that I should remain
absent from my country for four years, which will be com-
pleted on the 10th January, on which day I left Venice.
I know not whether I am at length worthy of having my
prayer granted.
2l8 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN
1 At pp. 30 and 31 of a life of Sir Thomas More, by Stapleton,
published in 1689, it is stated that after being sheriff of London, King
Henry VIII. sent him on missions to France and Flanders, on his return
from which he made him a privy councillor ; but Stapleton gives no
date, though as he says that his business in France was de rebus repe-
tundif, it may be supposed that he went about the damages and reprisals
mentioned in these pages under date of June 30, 1517.
2 See note z, p. 180.
Lambeth, September 24, 1518.
Yesterday, my Lord Admiral of France made his entry
into London with great pomp,1 accompanied by the other
ambassadors — namely, the Bishop of Paris, M. de S. Danie
(Campodenario), and M. Villeroy,2 — with a great number
of gentlemen and others, the number of horses being said
to have exceeded 600, with seventy mules, and seven bag-
gage waggons — a display never previously witnessed in
England, nor, perhaps, elsewhere.3 They were met by
many of these lords, and a very numerous company of
knights, gentlemen, and others.
To-day, I went to the Cardinal of York, under pre-
tence of communicating the summaries received in your
Highness's letters, dated the I4th August, but in reality to
learn the result of the present negotiations. Whilst waiting
to be introduced, M. Villeroy came, and remained a long
while with his right reverend lordship. When he came
forth, I was called, and after imparting my news to the
Cardinal, commenced discussing what is now being treated,
and he told me that peace and confederacy would be con-
cluded between these two Kings, the Pope, the Emperor,
and his Catholic Majesty, with this condition — namely, that
should any one of the allies molest or plot against his fellow,
all said confederates were bound to defend the party thus
FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 2IQ
molested, at the cost of the petitioner for such aid. I,
knowing him to be greedy of glory and covetous of praise,
said to him that his right reverend lordship would obtain
immortal fame and renown by this peace and alliance, for
that the Pope had laboured to effect a quinquennial truce,
whilst his lordship made perpetual peace ; and that whereas
such a union of the Christian powers, when joined by the
Pope, was usually, I said, concluded at Rome, this confe-
deracy had been settled in England, his Holiness, nevertheless,
being its head.
This peace and alliance, moreover, I continued, was
rendered firm by the relationship concluded between the two
crowns of France and England, a fact productive of such
repute and lustre to his Majesty, and to his right reverend
lordship who had led this dance, that I doubted whether the
like ever befell any other State, exaggerating the matter by
many other tropes, which put him into such spirits that he
said, " Not only are those powers included, but you, and all
my other friends." He then went to his desk ; and after
showing me a pontifical letter, to which a seal was appended,
in the form of a commission, authorizing the conclusion of
the confederacy here, he took up a piece of paper on which
was inscribed one single clause relating to your Highness,
of the following tenor — namely, that by common consent
of the contracting parties, your most illustrious Signory was
included in this confederacy, in the manner and on the con-
ditions therein contained, specifying one particular which I
do not approve, that is to say, should it be possible to
adjust certain differences existing between the Emperor
and your most illustrious Signory during the quinquennial
truces, you would then remain a confederate like the other
parties to the treaty ; but should it not be possible during
this interval to come to an understanding, in that case the
220 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN
Pope, the King of France, and his Majesty here, are then
to arbitrate ; and should you not arrange these disputes, it
is understood that neither the Emperor nor your Signory
are to have the benefit of this confederacy. In all other
respects your Excellency is to be deemed an ally, and to
share the advantages enjoyed by the others — namely, to be
defended, &c.
This clause about the disputes between your Excellency
and the Emperor having to be settled by the three aforesaid,
does not please me on many accounts, though, as I have no
commission in this matter either to assent or object, I
made no answer; at the same time to be comprised and
mentioned as a confederate by consent both of France and
England, will I think prove agreeable to the State, and for
this, I expressly thanked his right reverend lordship, without
committing your Highness, either by consenting to the terms
or appearing to reject them. So far as I can learn, most
serene Prince, everything is settled, and it only remains to
draw up the clauses methodically, although the Cardinal of
York says the whole is not yet quite concluded, which,
however, I meant to have ascertained to-day, by going to
the Bishop of Paris ; but as on Sunday the 26th he is to
deliver the formal oration, and being now occupied in com-
posing it, I thought my visit might prove rather importunate
than agreeable. To-morrow, if admitted, I shall visit my
lord admiral, and his other colleague, who has never been
here before, though I fancy they will decline seeing me until
after they have been in the presence of the King.
1 Brantome mentions that on one occasion, when Mons. de Bonnivet
went to England to swear to some peace or other, he had, amongst the
rest of his equipages, twenty- five sumpter mules superbly harnessed,
their housings being all of crimson velvet, embroidered with his arms in
silk and gold. From this despatch it would seem that the mission
alluded to by Brantome was the one here recorded by the Venetian
FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 221
ambassador. A modern French writer, in a work entitled Francois I.
et la Renaissance, alludes to Bonnivet's having been charged on this
occasion to rechauffer les froides temperatures des dames et demoiselles de
Windsor et de Wincester. The Venetian ambassador makes no mention
of the caloric thus commissioned for " our pale unripened beauties of the
north."
2 The names of the ambassadors who signed the treaty on the and of
October, were William Gouffier the admiral, lord of Bonivet ; Stephen
Poncher, Bishop of Paris ; Francis de Rochechouart, seigneur de Cam-
podenario ; Nicholas de Neufville, seigneur de Villeroy. See Rymer,
vol. xiii. fol. 6z4, 631.
3 See a more particular account in note 3, appended to the despatch
dated loth October.
Lambeth, September 26, 1518.
By my foregoing in date of the 24th instant, I wrote that
his Majesty was to give public audience to the French ambassa-
dors at Greenwich, to which also I had received an invitation.
Your Highness will now hear that the ceremony took place
yesterday, the number of the grandees present and the
splendour of the decorations being greater than usual. The
right reverend Legate Campeggio was among the audience,
besides all the other ambassadors resident at this court.
The Bishop of Paris delivered a grave and elegant oration
in praise of the peace and confederacy which had now so
long prevailed between his Majesty here and the most
Christian King, who, knowing that such was expedient
for the welfare of Christendom, had appointed these ambas-
sadors to confirm this peace. In order that it might prove
indissoluble and perpetual, his King, he said, was anxious to
add a tie of kindred thereto, and that having an only son,
who would be his successor, he made a demand for his
Majesty's only daughter, the most illustrious Princess, as
wife for the said most illustrious Dauphin ; proving the
222 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUST1NIAN
fitness of this measure, with many words replete with
affection and courtesy, greater perhaps than seemed suited to
the grandeur of the most Christian King. The recovery of
Tournai, however, explains all these concessions.
The reply was delivered by one of his Majesty's coun-
cillor's, the Bishop of Ely, in terms expressive of his
having been at all times desirous of peace, but much more so
now, perceiving such to be requested by the most Christian
King, and that touching this demand, a favourable reply
would be made. With regard indeed to the betrothal, he
admitted the parity of the conditions on both sides, and the
equality of the most serene Dauphin (to use the precise title
employed by him) and the most illustrious Princess, his only
daughter, thanking them for the great praises bestowed on
his Majesty, and promising a most favourable reply.
The audience having ended thus, the King then led the
French ambassador and the Cardinal of York into a chamber,
the Legate Campeggio and all the other ambassadors remain-
ing outside, I imagine they went to negotiate some [of the
articles which have not been discussed hitherto.
To-morrow I shall go to the Cardinal of York and to the
French ambassadors, and endeavour to expunge the clause
which includes your Highness circa controversias judicandas
per tres judiceS) and will immediately notify the result.
News has arrived here that the magnifico the captain of
the Flanders galleys has departed this life, he having been
long ill of a double tertian fever ; ] may the Lord have mercy
upon him ! I imagine his death will be a loss not only
to his family, but also to the country, as he was a
worthy man, most immensely to be lauded for his singular
abilities and morals.
1 Febre dopia terzana.
FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 223
Lambeth , October i, 1518.
After well pondering the difficulty produced by the ob-
jectionable clause, although not authorized by your Excel-
lency to negotiate anything, or to assent or object to what
might be done, I concluded that I ought not to allow it
to stand in its present form. Accordingly I went first to
my lord the admiral, and then to the Bishop of Paris,
acquainting them with the contents of said clause as shown
me by the Cardinal of York, stating to them that although
it did not bind your Excellency, considering that it had not
been assented to by yourself or any of your agents, it would
yet, if allowed to pass, become an inducement for the
Emperor to make such demands of your Signory as are not
now thought of by him, with the belief that some one of
the three arbitrators would support his claims ; wherefore,
I said, those who by inserting this clause expected to smooth
the difficulties existing between the Emperor and your
Excellency, have on the contrary multiplied them ; adding
many other arguments to this effect. Both their lordships
told me they had not seen this clause, and that they were
utterly ignorant of its contents, and that I had great reason
not to assent to it. I requested their lordships, on its being
shown them, to reject the terms of arbitration between the
Emperor and your Excellency, and this they promised me
they would do.
I then went to the Cardinal of York on a like errand,
in case said ambassadors should not have kept their promise
to me ; but on two occasions he was gone to Greenwich,
and on a third, was holding a conference with the French
ambassadors, so that I could not speak to him.
To-day, I returned to the ambassadors, who assured me
that they yesterday concluded everything relating to the
224 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN
general peace and betrothal, simply including your Serenity,
and omitting the conditions above alluded to. They told
me, that whenever anything was in course of negotiation,
or might at any future period be discussed, concerning the
interests of your Excellency, they would act for you as
for their most Christian King, with many other most fair
and loving expressions, and wanted to show me the articles ;
but M. Villeroy said the fair copy had not been drawn up
so as to admit of their being read currently, but promised
to show them to me before they were made public. I
thanked their lordships for this affectionate demonstration
on behalf of your Highness, in strong and ample terms
suited to this effect, so that they remained well satis-
fied. * * *
. Lambeth, October 5, 1518.
By my letters of the 1st instant, your Highness will have
heard that on the 3rd the general peace was to be proclaimed
in St. Paul's church.1 On that day, accordingly, his Ma-
jesty was accompanied thither by the two right reverend
Legates, and all the ambassadors and the lords and prelates
of the kingdom, when a solemn mass was celebrated by the
Cardinal of York, with so many pontifical ceremonies, and
of such unusual splendour, as to defy exaggeration.
After the recital of a very elegant and grave oration on
the peace by the chief Secretary, the reverend Dom. Richard
Pace, his Majesty, and the Cardinal of York, together with
the French ambassadors, proceeded to the high altar, where
the articles of the peace were read and sworn to by both
parties, but in a tone audible only to themselves, which is
FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 225
tantamount to their having cancelled the words of the
preamble concerning the expedition against the Turks,2 so
I am unable to specify the contents of said clauses, but on
the opportunity presenting itself, will endeavour to get sight
of them and announce their purport.
These ceremonies being ended, his Majesty and the rest
of the party went to dine in the palace of the Bishop of
London, the King returning afterwards to Durham House
in the Strand,3 accompanied by all the aforesaid. From
thence, the Cardinal of York was followed by the entire
company to his own dwelling, where we sat down to a
most sumptuous supper, the like of which, I fancy, was
never given either by Cleopatra or Caligula ; the whole
banqueting hall being so decorated with huge vases of gold
and silver, that I fancied myself in the tower of Chosroes,4
where that monarch caused divine honours to be paid him.
After supper, a mummery, consisting of twelve male and
twelve female maskers, made their appearance in the richest
and most sumptuous array possible, being all dressed alike.
After performing certain dances in their own fashion, they
took off their visors ; the two leaders were the King and
the Queen Dowager of France, and all the others were lords
and ladies, who seated themselves apart from the tables,
and were served with countless dishes of confections and
other delicacies. Having gratified their palates, they then
regaled their eyes and hands, large bowls, filled with ducats
and dice, being placed on the table for such as liked to
gamble ; shortly after which, the supper tables being re-
moved, dancing commenced, and lasted until after midnight.5
On the 5th, the bridal entertainments were celebrated at
Greenwich, being attended by the two right reverend Le-
gates, and the ambassadors, and lords and prelates ; and the
decorations were most sumptuous. The King stood in
VOL. II. Q^
226 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN
front of his throne ; and on one side was the Queen and
the Queen Dowager of France, with the most illustrious
Princess in front of her mother, dressed in cloth of gold,
with a cap of black velvet on her head, adorned with many
most costly jewels. On the other side were the two right
reverend Legates, and others, according to their grades.
The reverend Cuthbert Tonstal, the Privy Councillor, re-
cited a most copious and elegant oration in praise of the
marriage, which, being ended, the most illustrious Princess
was taken in arms, and the magnificos the French ambas-
sadors asked the consent of the King and Queen on behalf
of each of the parties to this marriage contract ; and both
parties having assented, the right reverend Legate the Car-
dinal of York placed on her finger a small ring, juxta digitum
puellte, but in which a large diamond was set (supposed to
have been a present from his right reverend lordship afore-
said), and my lord the Admiral passed it over the second
joint. The bride was then blessed by the two right rever-
end Legates after a long exordium from the Cardinal of
York, every possible ceremony being observed. Mass was
then performed by Cardinal Wolsey, in the presence of the
King and all the others, the whole of the choir being deco-
rated with cloth of gold, and all the court in such rich array
that I never saw the like either here or elsewhere.
These sacred ceremonies being ended, the King and all
the company went to dinner, his Majesty receiving the
water for his hands from three dukes and a marquis, and
then water was also given to the legates and others according
to their rank. At the royal table, the two legates were
seated on the right hand, at some little distance from the
King ; and to the left were two of the French ambassadors,
namely, my Lord the Admiral and the Bishop of Paris, the
Dukes of Buckingham, Norfolk, and Suffolk being seated at
FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 227
the inside of the table.6 The other two French ambas-
sadors,7 the Spaniard, one from Denmark, and myself, with
marquises and other lords and prelates, dining in another
chamber. After dinner, the King and the Cardinal of York,
with the French ambassadors, betook themselves into a
certain room to conclude some matters which remained for
settlement, and all the rest departed.
1 This announcement was contained in the concluding paragraph of
the letter, which, for the sake of conciseness, is omitted.
2 It was Giustinian's particular wish that the preamble directed against
the Turks should be omitted, as the appearance of hostility on the part
of the Signory could only have been injurious to the latter, when it was
evident that no expedition would really be entered upon by the allied
sovereigns.
3 As usual on similar occasions at this period, the King had passed
the night at the residence of the Bishop of Durham, the site being con-
venient for the procession to St. Paul's. In the twelfth year of the reign
of Henry IV., " Prince Kerry (Henry V.) lay at the bysshoppe's inne
of Durham fro the seid day of his comming to towne unto the Moneday
nest after the fest of Septem Fratrum." See Chronicle of London,
Nicholas, p. 94, in Cunningham's London Handbook, p. 169.
4 For an account of the household stuff of Chosroes II., King of
Persia, in his favourite residence of Artenuta, see Gibbon, " The Decline
and Fall," &c., chap. xlvi. At p. 98 allusion is made to the Cardinal's
cupboards of plate in the banqueting rooms at Hampton Court, follow-
ing Stowe, in whose annals it is written, that the 280 guest-chambers
there, each contained " a bason and ewer of silver, a great livery pot of
silver, and some gilt; yea, and some chambers had two livery pots,
with wine and beer ; a silver candlestick, having in it two sizes," &c.,
&c. It is pleasant to find York House compared to the chamber Eada-
<verd. In his Report of England, the ambassador alludes especially to
the quantity of tapestries possessed by Cardinal Wolsey ; and, as if to
make good the comparison between him and Chosroes II., Gibbon
mentions that 30,000 rich hangings adorned the walls of the Persian
monarch's palace of Dastagerd.
5 The account of this entertainment given on Sunday, October 3rd,
1518, by Cardinal Wolsey, is detailed as follows by Hall : "That night
the Cardinal of Yorke made to the ambassadors a solempne banket, and
them accompanyed many lordes and ladyes of Englande. And when
the banket was done, in came 6 mynstrels, richely disguysed, and after
them followed 3 gentelmen in wyde and long gounes of crymosyn sat-
tyn, every one having a cup of golde in theyr handes ; the first cup was
ful of angels and royals, the second had diverse bales of dyce, and the
iii had certayn payers of cardes. These gentlemen offred to playe at
228 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN
momchaunce, and when they had played the length of the first boorde,
then the mynstrels blew up, and then entred into the chambre 12 ladyes
disguysed ; the fyrst was the Kyng hym selfe, and the French Quene,
the second the Duke of Suffblke, the Lady Dawbeney, the Lord Admiral
and the Lady Guyldford, Syr Edward Nevel and the Lady Sentliger,
Syr Henry Guyldford, and Mastres Walden, Capitayn Emery, and
Mastres Anne Carew, Syr Elles Capel, and Lady Elizabeth Carew,
Nycholas Carew, and Anne Broune, Fraunces Brian, and Elizabeth
Blout, Henry Norrys and Anne Wotton, Fraunces Poyntz and Mary
Fyenes, Arthure Poole and Margaret Bruges. On this company attended
12 knightes disguysed, bearing torches; all these 36 persons disguysed
were in one suyte of fyne grene satyne all over covered with clothe of
golde, under tyed together with laces of gold, and maskyng whoodes on
their heddes : the ladyes had tyers made of braydes of damaske gold,
with long heres of whyte gold. All these maskers daunced at one
tyme, and after they had daunced they put of their vizers, and then they
were all knowne. The admyral and lordes of Frauhce hartely thanked
the Kyng that it pleased him to viset them with such disport, and then
the Kyng and his company were banketed and had high chere, and then
they departed every man to his lodgynge."
6 The table was in the form of a horse shoe.
7 The English commissioners for the betrothal of the Princess Mary
to the Dauphin, were the Duke of Norfolk, Thomas Ruthal Bishop of
Durham, Charles Earl of Worcester, and Nicholas West Bishop of
Ely. The names of the French commissioners may be seen at p. 221.
Lambeth, October 10, 1518.
By mine of the 5th, your Highness will have heard what
happened down to that date, since when entertainments
were given at Greenwich during two days, consisting of
stately jousts, and banquets, and comedies; pageants of such
a sort as are rarely seen in England.1
On the Qth instant I went to the Bishop of Paris to hear
the contents of the clauses, the which, by consent of my
lord the Admiral, he caused to be read to me ; that is to say
those relating to the peace, but not to the betrothal, and as
they abound in long paragraphs pro forma , I will not write them
FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 22Q
out literally, but merely their meaning, especially such items
as appear to me worthy of note.
First, peace and alliance are made between this most serene
King and his most Christian Majesty, to last for ever ; his
Holiness, the Emperor, and his Catholic Majesty, being in-
cluded therein as principal confederates, being bound to ratify
said peace and confederacy, with all the subjoined conditions,
within the term of four months, in the fashion, and with the
ceremonies used in similar cases ; and in the event of this
ratification, they are understood to be chief confederates toge-
ther with these two Kings ; whereas should they not ratify,
they are then understood to be merely comprised in feeder e.
The difference thus provided for, inter principals con-
fcederatos et comprehensos^ is, that should any of the principals
and adherents who have ratified be attacked by any of said
parties, or by others not included therein, on notifying said
attack to the other confederates they are bound to protest
against the assailant, or to send to him to desist from his
attack, and make compensation for damages within a stated
period ; and in the event of non-compliance, said confede-
rates who shall have ratified, are bound, communibus expensis^
to take up arms against the assailant and invader. Further,
if indeed any of the parties comprised in the confederacy,
and who may not have ratified, should be assailed by any
power included in the league, or foreign to it, in this case, on
demanding subsidy of the confederates and those comprised
in the league, they are bound to give it, impensis requirentis
et non communibus^ and herein consists the difference between
those who shall have ratified, and those who shall not have
ratified. It has also been declared, that the parties mentioned
and comprised, although not now principals, nevertheless on
their ratifying are to be understood as becoming such, and
not merely adherents.
230 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN
Item, by this confederacy, it is not meant to alter any
previous confederacy and friendship formed privily between
any of these potentates before the present one.
Item, should war be waged against any of the said confe-
derates, the colleagues are not to examine or take cognizance
whether the places and territories on account of which the
war may be waged, are held or occupied by fair tenure, but
merely that the party be defended for the places and terri-
tories possessed by him, quomodocumque, licet occupatl.
Item, should any of those mentioned as confederates, not
conform to the clauses of the present alliance, the league
between England and France is not to be considered broken,
but on the contrary to remain firm and inviolable ; and should
any one, whether a member of the confederacy or not, molest
their coasts and sea-ports, both one and the other are bound
to fit out a fleet for mutual defence, and to attack the invader.
The nominees of the King of England are his Holi-
ness, the Emperor, his Catholic Majesty, the Kings of
Hungary, Portugal, Denmark, the Duke and State of
Venice, the State of Florence, Duke of Ferrara, Mantua,
Duke Lorenzo of Urbino, cum all the Magnifico House of
Medici, and the Switzers. The nominees of the most
Christian King, in addition to the foregoing, are the Kings
of Scotland and Navarre, the Duke of Pomerania, Duke of
Lorraine, Guelders, Savoy, and the Marquises of Monferrat
and Saluzzo. Should there be any others, I do not re-
member them, for I merely collected these particulars in the
course of the perusal, nor did I have anything repeated, lest
they should repent them of making the communication to
me, and also because the hour was late.
Before these articles were read to me, as I deemed it very
strange, that during these past days, the Spanish ambassador
should have been present in a secret place, at a consultation
FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 23!
about a certain matter, held between the Cardinal of York
and the French ambassadors, and from which Cardinal Cam-
pejus was excluded, I pretended to the Bishop of Paris,
in order to learn the reason of this admission, that I had
heard many people complain of it, saying that it was sus-
pected that this Spanish ambassador sought to embroil
matters. The Bishop of Paris replied to me that said
Spanish ambassador had sought to impede what was already
settled, but did not succeed ; and they told him that pro-
vided he had a commission from his Catholic King, he
was to ratify ; if not, the term of four months was given
him for ratifying, and this was confirmed to me by the
Reverend Dom. Richard Pace. I will see the Cardinal of
York, and endeavour through him to hear these articles
read a second time, so that should anything have escaped
me, I may repair the omission at another opportunity, and
also learn the conditions of the marriage and of the sur-
render of Tournai, though I doubt his gratifying me, as he
is a very reserved person, and seems to place small trust in
any one. I shall try to hear through others what I may not
have been able to learn from said Cardinal of York, and will
give notice of the whole to your Highness.
His Majesty here has made most liberal presents to these
French ambassadors, that is to say, to my lord the Admiral, a
very rich robe of cloth of gold, lined with cloth of silver,
which had been made for his Majesty's own use, and was
indeed worn by him one day at these ceremonies. He also
gave him several pieces of plate, valued at 3,000 crowns,
and three foot-cloth-horses (palfries).2 To the Bishop of
Paris plate and 2,000 crowns. To the other two ambassadors,
namely, Monsieur de S. Danie and Monsieur Villeroy, he
gave plate to the amount of 1,000 crowns each; and
a number of the gentlemen-in-waiting on the most Christian
232 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN G1USTINIAN
King, plate and apparel to the value of 500 crowns each ;
and to the remaining gentlemen of the embassy 4,000
crowns to be divided amongst them. To the most Christian
King himself, they are sending a suit of horse harness,
with the caparisons and every requisite wrought in gold
filagree, a very rich embroidery, and of fine design, so
that the French themselves say they never saw anything
handsomer. The departure of these ambassadors is delayed
until the arrival of a courier from the French court, and in
the meanwhile they will be banquetted by the Duke of Suf-
folk and other lords.3
1 " The 8 day of October at Grenewiche was song a solempne masse
by the Bishop of Durham, and after masse Docter Tunstal, Master of
the Rolles, which after was Bishop of London, made an eloquent preposi-
cion in praise of the matrimony to be had betwene the Dolphyn and the
Lady Mary : and all that day were the straungers feasted, and at night
thei were brought into the hall, where was a rock ful of al maner of
stones, very artificially made, and on the top stood 5 trees, the first an
olive tree, on which hanged a shild of the armes of the Church of Rome ;
the zd a pyneaple tree, with the armes of the Emperour ; the third a
rosyer, with the armes of England ; the 4th a braunche of lylies, bearing
the armes of Fraunce : and the 5th a pomegranet tree bearing the armes
of Spayn, in token that all these 5 potentates were joined together in
one league against the enemies of Christe's fayth. In and upon the
middes of the rock sate a fayre lady, richely appareyled with a dolphin
in her lap : In this rock were ladies and gentelmen appareled in crimosyn
sattyn, covered over with floures of purple satyn embroudered on with
wrethes of gold, knyt together with gold laces, and on every floure a
hart of gold moving. The ladies' tyer was after the fassion of Inde,
with kerchiefs of pleasaunce, hached with fyne gold and set with letters
of Greke in golde of bullion, and the edges of their kerchiefes were
garnished with hanging perle. These gentlemen and ladyes sate on the
neyther parte of the rocke, and out of a cave in the said rocke came 10
knightes, armed at all poyntes, and faughte together a fayre tournay ;
and when they were severed and departed, the disguysers dissended from
the rock, and daunced a great space : and sodeynly the rock moved, and
receaved the disguysers, and ymediately closed agayn. Then entred a
person called Reaport, appareled in crymosyn satyn full of tonges, sitting
on a flyeng horse with wynges and fete of gold called Pegasus. Thys
person in Frenche declared the meaning of the rocke and the trees and
the tournay," See Hall. •
FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 233
? "Chinee i*"1 for the ttrvnfoot-cloth-korse,'m contradistinction to a <vjar
horse, see King Richard III., act iii., Lord Hastings loquitur.
lt Woe, woe, for England ! Not a whit for me ;
For I, too fond, might have prevented this.
Stanley did dream the boar did raise his helm ;
But I disdained it, and did scorn to fly.
Three times to-day my foot-cloth-horse did stumble,
And startled, when he looked upon the Tower,
As loath to bear me to the slaughter-house."
3 As a supplement to the foregoing details of the betrothal of Mary
Tudor to the Dauphin, the following is translated from the diaries of
Marin Sanuto, vol. xxvi. fo. 136, A.D, 1518, October.
" Summary of some private letters from Nicolo Sagudino, the secre-
tary of our ambassador in England, dated Lambeth, 3oth September,
1518, addressed to Alvise Foscari, and which give more copious details
of events there than the public despatches.
" He mentions how the French ambassadors, namely, Monsieur the
Admiral having come across on the i6th of September, entered London
on the 23rd, thus: first the waggons loaded with chests and other bag-
gage ; then 70 sumpter mules as usual ; then eight French gentlemen
dressed in silk, and many of them in cloth of gold, accompanied by an
equal number of English lords and knights, in most sumptuous array,
very well mounted, with handsome chains : then came the four ambas-
sadors, accompanied by the great personages of this kingdom, and fol-
lowed by the Scotchmen of his most Christian Majesty's guard on horse-
back, accompanied by thirty of the guard of the King of England :
then the pages of the French gentlemen and others ; then some 400
English horse, the entire amount of cavalry which made the entry being
1,400 — 700 English and 700 French. It was a fine spectacle, and they
were richly and gallantly arrayed.
" On the 2 5th, our Venetian ambassador visited the admiral, and he
(the secretary) acted as interpreter. The Admiral asked after Dom.
Andrea Griti, and received for answer that he was well. Amongst the
company there was one, by name Mons. de la Motte, and Count Ugo
de Pepoli, who had accompanied these ambassadors. Our ambassador
was excellently received by the Admiral, who is amiable and thoroughly
Italianized.
" On the 2 6th, said ambassadors went to the court at Greenwich for
audience of the King, to which our ambassador was invited ; and they
came in rich array, with doublets of cloth of gold, slashed in the French
fashion, making a fine display. In the English court there were upwards
of 400, including gentlemen and knights and lords, dressed most hand-
somely in silk and cloth of gold, with chains of unusual size and thick-
ness. The King was seated at the extremity of a hall, in very rich
attire, better than the secretary had ever seen him in j on the right
hand were the legates, the Cardinals of York and Campeggio, and the
company came into the hall in the same order as on the arrival of the
234 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN
legate Campeggio, the French gentlemen placing themselves behind the
benches where the great personages of this realm were seated ; and then
came the ambassadors, whom the King embraced lovingly, and they
were seated in front of him, whereupon silence being proclaimed, the
reverend Bishop of Paris delivered a grave and elegant Latin oration, to
which the King caused a favourable reply to be made by the chief secre-
tary, the Bishop of Ely. The King then got upon his legs, and calling
all the French gentlemen one by one, embraced them very graciously :
they were in great number, so that this greeting occupied more than a
quarter of an hour, and when it was ended the King withdrew into a
more retired chamber with the Cardinal of York and the four ambassa-
dors, whilst our ambassador and the others returned home.
" On the 2gth the ambassadors aforesaid went again to the court to a
grand banquet, and another was given them by the Cardinal of York,
so that great honour is paid them, more than was ever received by any
embassy in England. They and the French gentlemen change their
sumptuous slashed dresses daily, to the astonishment of every one v and
go about London in bands on their mules, a fashion which is not usual
amongst the English ; and they appear so many ambassadors rather than
courtiers. On Sunday the 3rd the peace will be published.
" Letter from the same, dated the icth of October. How on Sunday
the 3rd, the English lords and knights and the ambassadors, assembled
at a palace where the King was, distant one mile from the cathedral
church of St. Paul's, whither he betook himself with 1,000 horsemen,
all most richly clad, &c. Then in the evening, after the banquet, at
which the twelve nymphs made their appearance, there was dancing,
and they played at the English game called momchaunce, and after
midnight, when all had departed, the King himself remained to play
high with some Frenchmen.
" Then on the 5th said ambassadors went to Greenwich at 8 A.M., to
celebrate the espousals of the most illustrious Princess Mary ; and being
assembled in a hall, the third oration in praise of the marriage was deli-
livered by the most learned man in England, D. Cuthberto Tunstallo,
privy councillor, the Princess being in her nurse's arms, by the side of
the most serene Queen, her mother. He writes, that on the evening of
the 5th, besides the royal dinner, there was also a supper and much
dancing, so that they went to bed at three in the morning, and thus did
these pageants end. The ambassadors were to leave on the i3th, on
their return to France, the King having made them very handsome
presents, as mentioned in the public letters : to the Admiral Bonnivet
he gave a very costly robe of cloth of gold, lined with cloth of silver,
besides the one already mentioned : to four of the gentlemen-in-waiting
of the most Christian King he gave plate to the amount of 500 crowns
each, &c. To Monsieur de St. Meme, who is one of said gentlemen-in-
waiting, a very boon companion and a favourite of his most Christian
Majesty, the King gave one robe more than he did to the others, and it
was of gold brocade, lined with brocade of silver, the gold outside being
all slashed with a very handsome trimming of sables ; and the way he
FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 235
gave it him was, that during the first day's joust the King was in a
gallery with all the ambassadors, dressed in this robe, and said Monsieur
de St. Meme being very facetious and jesting with the King about many
matters, said amongst the rest, ' Sire ! I never saw a robe more to my
liking than that which your Majesty now has in wear:' to which the
King replied, ' Monsieur, do you think it would fit you ? ' to which
Mons. de St. Meme rejoined, ' Well, I must try it on ;' so the King
took it off, and he put it on, and said, ' Sire, I never had a robe that
fitted me better ;' upon which the King replied, ' It is yours/ and sent
for another, and Mons. de St. Meme wore it all that morning, and it is
worth 1,000 ducats.
" He writes that the presents given by the King to the ambassadors
and others are worth from 15,000 to 16,000 ducats, that is to say
crowns.
" To-day, which is the loth, the ambassadors are going to banquet
with the Duke of Suffolk, who is a liberal and magnificent lord ; it is
thought they will be treated most sumptuously."
The fact of Henry VIII. having played high with the Frenchmen
in England at this period, is alluded to by Sebastian Giustinian in his
report} and Hall in his Chronicles (Ed. 1809, p. 520) writes that "in
the second year of his reign he was much enticed to play at tennis and
the dice, which appetite certain crafty persons about him perceiving,
brought in Frenchmen and Lombards to make wagers with him, and so
he lost much money j but when he perceived their craft, he eschued
their company and let them go." Skelton, alluding to an empiric who
had promised to heal our Cardinal's eye, mentions his having cured a
Lombard, then well known by the name of
" Diego Lomelyn
That was wont to win
Much money of the King,
At the cards and hazarding."
Lambeth, October 25, 1518.
By mine of the I2th instant, your Highness will have
heard what I considered necessary to be communicated, and
I now announce the receipt on the I3th instant, of your
missives dated the iyth of August and ist of October,
which enjoin my announcing the truces between the Emperor
and your Excellency. As this news, however, had previously
236 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN
reached me through another channel, your Highness will
learn that I had already made the announcement, and
would not repeat it after so long delay, for fear the King
might make me the same answer that Caesar did to the
Trojan ambassadors.1
On the 23rd I received three of your letters, dated the
5th, i yth and 28th ultimo, with advices and summaries for
communication, which I have hitherto been unable to im-
part, both because of my own indisposition, and also be-
cause the Cardinal of York has been unwell. So soon as I
can go abroad, I will execute the commission enjoined me
with all accuracy.
The reverend Spanish ambassador, who has resided here
the last four years, on the conclusion of this peace and
betrothal, requested dismissal of his Majesty here, and says
he shall depart in a fortnight without waiting for his suc-
cessor j a proceeding which I attribute solely to dissatisfac-
tion experienced by his Catholic King.
The four ambassadors destined for the French court,
namely, the Lord Chamberlain,2 the Bishop of Ely,3 the
Grand Prior of St. Johns,4 and the Captain of Guisnes,
are preparing for departure. These four are charged with
the negotiations, but they are accompanied by a number
of great personages as advisers, who are not mentioned in
the commission ; besides other gentlemen who go to honour
the legation, numbering in all 600 horse. They will depart
hence in eight or ten days, and after the ratification of
the confederacy with the most Christian King, Tournai
will be formally surrendered, in virtue of a third contract,
besides those for peace and betrothal. This third contract
stipulates that a pecuniary compensation shall be made by
the King of France, payment of which is to be made at a
long date. I will not assert the amount, as it is reported
FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 237
variously even by great personages, until perfectly sure of
the fact, which I have been unable to inquire about by
reason of my own illness during the last fortnight, and also
because of the indisposition of the Cardinal of York.
Within a month, or rather more, this most serene Queen
is expecting her delivery, which is looked forward to with
great anxiety by the whole realm. God grant she may give
birth to a son, so that having an heir male, the King if neces-
sary may not be hindered embarking in any great under-
taking soever.
I understand by letters from my family, that an accident
has befallen my noble successor, calculated possibly to delay
my return. Should his magnificence, perchance, scruple to
depart in the winter, such a consideration ought not to
weigh with one so young, for had he come at proper time, I
who am now old, should not have hesitated to take the
winter journey ; so do your Highness deign to send him, or
give me the means of coming home, and of not continuing
to waste my life in England ; it is high time, and I beseech
and demand this of your Highness as a favour.
1 Giustinian is here alluding to the story told of Tiberius Nero, who,
when some delegates from Troy bore him tardy condolence from their
city on the death of his son Drusus, rejoined, that he likewise deeply
lamented the sorrow caused them by the catastrophe of Hector.
2 The Earl of Worcester, see ante, pp. 135, 136, and vol. i. p. 107.
September i.
3 Nicholas West, see ante, p. 136.
4 Sir Thomas Docwra, mentioned in vol. i. pp. 93-4, and subse-
quently. This Prior of St. John's was one of the most able statesmen of
his day, and was often the colleague of the Earl of Worcester, with
whom he acted in 1 509 on the indictment of Edmond Dudley. We now
find them going to France together, as they had already done in Septem-
ber 1514, on the marriage of Maria Tudor to Louis XII. The Prior
went also on an embassy to the Emperor Charles V., on which occasion
he was accompanied by Sir Thomas Boleyn. In date of July 15x1,
238 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN
again, the Venetian ambassador in London mentions, that on the
the Grand Prior was going to attend the conference at Calais, on which
occasion he had again for colleagues the Earl of Worcester and the
Bishop of Ely, besides Thomas Ruthal, Bishop of Durham. In this
last instance, the Venetian ambassador gives neither name or surname,
merely writing, " Grand Prior," &c. ; but as that dignity was not diplo-
matic, ex qfficio, it is highly improbable1 that Sir Thomas Docwra's
successor would have been, like him, an efficient member of the English
cabinet. Dr. Lingard, in detailing the events which took place at
Calais in the autumn of 1521, says, that Lord St. John went thence on
a mission to the Emperor ; but as the first Baron St. John was not
created until the year 1588-9, it cannot be doubted that the person
meant was Sir Thomas Docwra, prior of St. John's, who went to Charles
V. on that occasion likewise j and it is probable that he did not die until
the year 1523, nor, indeed, does any official mention of his successor,
Sir William Weston, exist until the year 1551-2, when he made an
exchange of lands belonging to the order with King Henry VIII.
Lambeth, November 9, 1518.
By mine of the 25th October, your Highness will have
heard all that had taken place, nor has anything important
occurred subsequently, neither have I been able to transact
any business, both because of having been ill myself during
many days, and also by reason of the indisposition of the
Cardinal of York, so that during this interval, I merely
acquainted the King with the Turkish news, and with those
from Hungary,1 which his Majesty seemed to hold in as
small account as if they had related to the affairs of India.
The reverend Spanish ambassador, with whom during all
this time I have exchanged civilities, was to leave to-day.
He says he has been urgent for his dismissal many months
past, though the general opinion is, that his departure is
occasioned by the dissatisfaction of his Sovereign at this
new confederacy.
The English ambassadors destined for France have taken
FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 239
leave, and I believe they commenced their journey to-day :
they go with very great pomp, rather regal than ambas-
sadorial, endeavouring in every respect to outvie the French
ambassadors : it is said they will only remain a short time.
The Cardinal of York has been somewhat busied in de-
spatching them, so as to prevent my discussing the affair of
the wines, which, owing to the late negotiation, has been
long neglected, the merest trifle becoming a great impedi-
ment in this matter, as usual when there is a question of
doing what may be disagreeable. * * *
I have heard, most serene Prince, with incredible annoy-
ance, of the accident which has occurred to my noble suc-
cessor, and which I deeply lament both for his sake (worthy
as he is of extreme commiseration) and also for my own.
After a lapse of forty-six months, I was expecting to reach
the threshold of the senate, and to enter your Serenity's most
desired presence, whereas I now perceive my hopes to be in
vain, unless the graciousness of your Excellency exceed my
own foul fortune. Really, your Excellency might adopt one
of two courses, either give me a successor, and despatch him
though it be winter, as was the case with myself, who
came away at one week's notice ; or permit my return
without a successor, and enable me at length to revisit my
country and my family, neither of whom will, I suspect,
recognise me, owing to the length of time (four years and
odd months at the least) which will have elapsed before
I can reach the desired haven.
1 At this period, King Louis of Hungary was only twelve years old,
and his kingdom a prey to the magnates, and in a state of the greatest
confusion, of which Sultan Selim I. availed himself to make conquests
there, and his successor, Soliman the Magnificent, continued these
inroads; and finally, on the 29th August 1526, King Louis fell in battle
against him in the plain of Mohatz.
DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN
Lambeth, November 10, 1518.
Nothing worthy your Serenity's knowledge has chanced
since mine of yesterday, save that the most serene queen
was this night delivered of a daughter, which to the few
who are as yet acquainted with the circumstance, has proved
vexatious, for never had this entire kingdom ever so
anxiously desired anything as it did a prince, it appearing to
every one that the State would be safe should his Majesty
leave an heir male, whereas, without a prince, they are of a
contrary opinion. This news, therefore, is of very great
importance to England, and perhaps, had the event taken
place before the conclusion of the betrothal, that event
might not have come to pass ; the sole fear of this kingdom
being that it may pass into the power of the French through
this marriage. This event has prevented my going to the
Cardinal, for I consider it such as would not warrant my im-
portuning him.
Lambeth, November 11, 1518.
Since mine of yesterday, I went to visit the right reverend
Cardinal of York, both to communicate to him the summa-
ries received in your Excellency's letters dated the 1st of
October, and to arrange a dispute in which his lordship was
involved with the merchants of our nation, with whom
he was extremely angry. By adroit language, I endeavoured
to appease him, and succeeded, for whereas at first he would
neither listen to them nor see them, threatening that they
should learn, to their very great cost, the authority exercised
by him in this kingdom ; he now, on becoming calm, sent
FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 24!
for them, and addressed them graciously and lovingly, and
they gave him seven very handsome Damascene carpets.1
These he would not accept on their behalf, but on mine,
from whom he said he would acknowledge them ; for in
point of fact I had proposed that the present should be made
him, and mentioned that it had been my doing, though it
in point of fact proceeded from the merchants, who be-
sought his right reverend lordship to deign and accept it from
them ; after some demur, therefore, he consented to accept
them as the gift of both.
On the departure of the merchants, I arranged two other
disputes of no small importance, affecting some of our
individual merchants, so that should God give me grace
to settle the affair of the wines of Candia, I shall have
smoothed and adapted all our national interests.
I then communicated to him the above-mentioned sum-
maries, both those concerning the Turkish matters, and
likewise the others relating to Hungary, representing them
in such peril as my acquaintance with that kingdom con-
vinces me is the fact.2 His lordship thanked me for this
announcement, and told me had received letters from the
Emperor, declaring that he was very well satisfied with this
union, though according to what has reached me through
another channel, no commission has been given to any
one here, neither is his Imperial Majesty sending any one to
ratify the conditions of the league. The Cardinal added
that I was to return in three or four days, when he would
give me the articles of the confederacy, and letters addressed
to your Highness. I said I would present myself accord-
ingly, as I shall do, but, neither at the perusal of the clauses,
nor with regard to their transmission, will I offer any
comments of my own, in order that your Highness may be
more at liberty to answer as you shall think fit. He then
VOL. II. R
242 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN
drew me aside, and showed me the clause exhibited to me on
a previous occasion, as mentioned in my despatch of the
24th of September, and which I said at the time did not
please me, and that I had caused it to be cancelled through
the French ambassadors. He now read this clause to me
drawn up fair, in the guise of a letter, but in a more
stringent form, and, in my opinion, yet more prejudicial
to the interests of your Serenity.
Having attentively listened to it, I said that this article
had not been noted in the contract of the league, which
was sent to France ; and he replied that it was not noted
in the schedule of the other articles, but that he had
drawn it up, and meant to send it to your Excellency in
attestation of his readiness to arrange your affairs with the
Emperor. My rejoinder to his lordship purported, that I
was fully aware of his anxiety for the welfare and quiet of
your Highness, but that possibly from his not being so
conversant with the affairs of our State as I myself was, he
mistook the means of serving you ; and that therefore I
would tell him as from myself, and with the same secresy as
if in the confessional, that I considered such a provision
would rather prove an occasion of controversy, than the
means for ending such. The disputes, so called, between
your Signory and the Emperor, I said, were at present
but few in number, whereas should this clause take effect, it
could but furnish the Emperor with cause and matter to
raise fresh difficulties concerning matters which by right and
by force of arms have been disposed of, inspiring him per-
haps with the hope of clutching some thousand ducats,
seeing himself in the hands of three judges from whom
he might possibly have greater expectations than from your
Signory, alleging many other arguments which I will not
repeat, to avoid being tedious. On hearing them, his lord-
FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 243
ship said, " Enough ! enough ! matters shall rest as they
are," and he took the clause in his hand, appearing to be
perfectly satisfied. I shall return to him, and keep on the
watch for what he may say and read to me, so that nothing
may be done to the manifest prejudice of your Excellency,
but ever as of myself, tendering neither assent or dissent,
without the express order of your Highness.
1 See despatch of June 21, 1518.
2 As stated in the introductory notices of his life, Sebastian Giustinian
had been ambassador to King Ladislaus of Hungary, from the month of
January 1500 until the commencement of the year 1503.
Lambeth, November 12, 1518.
By the accompanying, your Highness will have heard
what had taken place, and I now inform you that I went by
invitation to dine with the Legate Campeggio, who received
me with the greatest possible kindness and affection. At
table, in course of conversation, he assured me that at the
Diet lately held at Augsburg, the Catholic King had cer-
tainly been created King of the Romans,1 with the consent
of five of the electors, the Duke of Saxony alone dissenting,
though it is said that he likewise will give a favourable vote
at the Diet, which it is reported will be held at Frankfort,
when the announcement of this election is to be made.
Your Highness will learn, I imagine, through other channels
whether this news is true or not.
After dinner, having gone together into a chamber, we
began talking about this general peace and relationship
between these most serene Sovereigns, and as I had never
been able to see the preamble to this contract, I asked
244 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN
his lordship of what tenor it was. The pith of his reply
purported that said preamble implied that this peace and
league were made for the purpose of invading the Grand
Turk, and freeing Christendom from the imminent peril that
now threatened her, with other expressions proving that this
was the mainspring of the alliance.
I then asked him if the copies had been sent in this form to
the Emperor, and he said they had, both to him and also to
his Holiness, but that the Emperor made answer expressing
his approval of the union, and that he would empower
the reverend Spanish ambassador, who was commissioned
by the Catholic King, to ratify for both one and the other ;
the which ambassador, as your Excelleney knows, departed
without effecting this ratification : the legate, however, says
a fresh ambassador is expected. He also vouchsafed to
acquaint me with the period and mode of the restitution
of Tournai, telling me it will be made before the return
hither of the English ambassadors who have left the French
court ; nor is there any doubt hereof, as he declares he saw
a separate contract concerning this matter, and on my in-
quiring into the terms and conditions of it, he said the most
Christian King had bound himself to give 600,000 crowns,
that is to say, 25,000 francs annually, 300,000 crowns
of which are to be placed to account of dower, and should
the bride not be consigned before the 300,000 crowns are
paid, in that case the most Christian King is to continue the
annual payment aforesaid of 25,000 francs, although it ex-
ceed the dower. Furthermore, the King of France is to
liquidate all the arrears of pay due to the garrison of
Tournai.
I next inquired about the affairs of Scotland, and he told
me he understood according to this arrangement, the Duke
of Albany is forbidden to return there. On my remarking
FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 245
that the French ambassador had denied the existence of this
prohibition, his lordship seemed to hesitate a little, and then
said, " I am surprised that the French ambassadors should
act thus with you. Know that in all this business, four sepa-
rate contracts have been drawn up : the first is that of
the union between the Princes of Christendom ; the second
relates to the betrothal ; the third stipulates the restoration
of Tournai ; and the fourth is this one about Scotland, which
expressly specifies that on no account may the Duke of
Albany return thither ; and that the young King is to be
educated by Scotchmen now in that realm ;" a clause which
Cardinal Campeggio says is inserted, lest his most Christian
Majesty, or the Duke of Albany, should send over some
Scotchman their own creature, and attempt to procure for
him the wardship of this King.
I next asked him if any clause existed beyond the contents
of the first instrument; and whether " White Rose,"2 who
was residing in France, and is styled by this side a rebel to
the kingdom, had been dismissed, or anything else stipulated
about him. He said that no other settlement had been made,
beyond the clause in the first instrument, to the effect that
none of the contracting parties may harbour or favour the rebels
of their allies ; but he assured me that within the last week
a great personage had said to Cardinal Wolsey, " Know that
the King of France favours ' White Rose ' more than ever,
augmenting his stipend, and bettering the terms he had made
him, in order that he may remain in his kingdom."
Continuing these topics, he told me that his Majesty here
was excellently disposed towards making an expedition against
the Turk, having, he said, expressed himself hereon in such
ample terms, and so lovingly, that if at first he entertained
some doubts of the Christian undertaking being settled, he is
now, on the contrary, firmly convinced that it will be
246 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN
carried into effect, should the other principal confederates
not fail. He added, " Know, and inform the Signory, that to
this effect the Kings of England and France are to have
an interview this year," telling me that he had seen this
King's letter written in his own hand to France, pledging
his royal word, that between this and next June he will
cross the channel for an interview with his most Christian
Majesty, at which all the legates and ambassadors of the
other allied sovereigns, appointed for the said Christian ex-
pedition are to be present, and thus Cardinal Campeggio
considers this business will have the desired result.
1 The ambassador Minio writes from Rome (despatch No. 229), in
date of the 4th September 1518, announcing the intended election of a
King of the Romans, and again in letters Nos. 232, 235 (i6th Septem-
ber), 237, 241, 246, 248 (i2th November), 249, &c. In the despatches
of Lord Berners, other details may also be read of the efforts made by
Charles of Spain to get himself elected King of the Romans at this
period, all which, however, failed, owing to the death of Maximilian on
the 1 2th January; and we thus know that Cardinal Campeggio was
misinformed.
2 Richard de la Pole. See ante, p. 177, and vol. i. p. 262.
Lambeth, December 3, 1518.
I went lately to Cardinal Campeggio, and after I had
thanked him for several communications, he acquainted me
with two rather important facts ; first, that he was of
opinion that the stir made by the Bishop of Ventimiglia1
against the present government of Genoa could not be
otherwise than by the consent of the most Christian King,
which would appear to me very momentous. What could
have induced so sudden a change ? and by what breeze is
this ship wafted ? I perceive that his opinion is no castle
FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 247
in the air, for he has received recent letters from Rome,
and has despatched a courier in haste with letters hence.
Moreover, he told me there were fresh negotiations on foot
for the marriage of the Catholic King to the daughter of
the King of Portugal ;2 and imagining this report to be the
same that circulated more than a year ago, I told him this
news had been divulged a long time ago, but that the arrange-
ment seemed not to have taken effect, whereupon he replied
that this was a fresh negotiation.
He next informed me that the King of Spain was sending
foot soldiers into the kingdom of Naples, and that troops
were being conveyed thither by way of Trieste — a move
which his lordship says is on account of the Turks. I,
indeed, did not tell him my opinion, which would attribute
the destination of these troops to the Portuguese tidings,
his Catholic Majesty being apprehensive lest by concluding
the marriage with Portugal, and setting aside that with
France, the most Christian King may invade the kingdom
of Naples in virtue of his claims upon it, as confirmed
by the treaty of Noyon, and on this account Spain is
anxious to make herself secure there.
These topics being disposed of, I took leave of his right
reverend lordship, who really treats me so kindly, and
evinces such great devotion towards your Highness, that
if permitted I would suggest that you write him a gracious
letter, in acknowledgment of his good offices. I am of
opinion that such a compliment could not fail to be advan-
tageous ; for your Excellency may believe me, that this
cardinal is of such ability and prudence, and knows so well
how to captivate the minds of all sovereigns, that he may
one day prove a very advantageous instrument. Your
Highness, who is most sage, will do as to your wisdom
shall seem fit.
248 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN
1 Alessandro Fregoso, Bishop of Ventimiglia, is mentioned by Guic-
ciardini, in date of the year 1519, as having then meditated an attack on
Genoa, but the historian does not allude to this former project in 1518.
In vol. i. p. 38, it is stated that in the year 1515, Octavian Fregoso was
Doge of Genoa, and after the battle of Marignano (September 14-th,
A.D. 1515) he is said to have acted as governor there for Francis I.
Octavian had banished his kinsman the Bishop, who wanted to be Doge
himself, a grade enjoyed by his father the Cardinal Paul Fregoso from
the year 1483 until 14.87. It would seem by this, that Francis I. doubted
the fidelity of Octavian Fregoso in 1518, and on this account favoured
the projects of the restless Bishop of Ventimiglia.
2 See ante, p. 141.
Lambeth, January 13, 1519.
* * * I have executed the commissions contained in
your letters of the 2ist November, charging me to congra-
tulate his Majesty on the relationship and new friendship
contracted with the most Christian King, and to thank
him for having included your Highness in said friendship
and confederacy. I found his Majesty on the point of
starting upon one of his pleasure excursions j he evinced
satisfaction at the good will of your Highness, and said he
was glad this general peace pleased you. I then acquainted
him with the summaries of news from the Levant and
from Hungary ; and when I came to that paragraph which
mentioned that a Turkish ambassador was expected to ask
peace of King Louis, this likewise seemed to gratify him,
and he said it was a good thing, since it proved that
Sultan Selim was not meditating immediate hostilities against
Christendom : to all which comments I answered becom-
ingly, and thus took leave.
I afterwards went to visit the Legate Campeggio, who
kept me to dine with him ; and after the repast showed
me two letters, one from the right reverend Legate in
France (Bibiena), and the other from his colleague in Spain,1
FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 249
touching the good will of either King — that is to say, of King
Francis and the King of Spain. The former, in the event
of the Turk's invading Italy, offers an army of 3,000 spears,
6,000 light horse, and 40,000 infantry, provided all the
Christian Princes unite and march with their entire forces.
His Catholic Highness, on the other hand, limits himself
to matters nearer at hand, and offers, for next March, 2,000
spears, 1,300 light horse, 15,000 infantry, and a suitable
armada : details which I do not write to your Highness
as news, for I imagine that your ambassadors at the French
and Spanish courts will have given you thorough informa-
tion on the subject, but in proof that this Legate Campeggio
perseveres in his good offices.
As he told me he had not received any other news,
I made no farther inquiry of him concerning the nego-
tiation for marriage between the King of Spain and the
daughter of the King of Portugal, nor yet about the
other event which took place at Genoa, as I fancy that
the disturbances there have been suppressed, nothing else
having been reported on the subject. So soon as I am
in a state to go abroad, I will pay another visit to his
right reverend lordship, and acquaint myself copiously
with the whole. On my remarking to him, in the course
of conversation, that it might be reasonably supposed the
King of England would not fail exerting himself, having
the example of these other Christian sovereigns before his
eyes, he replied that everything promised well, telling me
that a specific determination was already formed, and that
in a few days he would notify the whole to me, whereupon
I took leave of his right reverend lordship.
On the return of the Cardinal of York, who is expected
in a week, I moreover hope to learn every resolve through
that channel.
250 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN
Your Highness must not imagine that this intelligence
about hostilities against the Sultan was sought for by me,
as one desirous of it, for I am aware of what the Signory
wishes in this respect ; but, whilst discussing other matters,
we broached that topic likewise.
Your Sublimity's galleys are yet in Flanders, owing to
certain garboil experienced by them in those parts, but they
are expected at Hampton from day to day ; and I pray God
to bring them in safety !
1 Cardinal Egidio. See Guicciardini, vol. iii. p. 252.
Lambeth, January 19, 1519.
Since my last of the I3th instant, nothing has chanced
worthy the knowledge of your Highness, owing to the ab-
sence of the King and of the Legates, who are all amusing
themselves, and also by reason of my indisposition, which keeps
me a prisoner ; but on the return of the two Cardinals, which
will take place on the 24th instant, I shall, without regard
for my ailments, go and visit them in fulfilment of what I
know to be my duty, and I will also acquaint the King and
their lordships both with the letters of your Sublimity, dated
the nth ultimo, and likewise those of the 27th, received
to-day.
There is no news of importance here, save a general
report that the English ambassadors are on their way back
from France, and that they will indubitably surrender
Tournai, the delay having been caused by certain hostages
who are to be given by King Francis to his Majesty here ;
and it seems that within the last few days, the affair has
been adjusted.
FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 25!
I was assured lately that the King of England had remitted
25,000 ducats to Augsburg, destined for the Emperor;1 in-
telligence which was subsequently confirmed to me through
another channel. I cannot, however, vouch for this. From
a good source also, I understand that his Catholic Highness
has remitted 200,000 ducats to the Emperor, and the elec-
tors of the empire : I imagine it is for the election of his said
Catholic Highness as King of the Romans ; and that the
money will be disbursed accordingly on his being pro-
claimed. * * *
1 As already stated at p. 246, Maximilian died on the i2th of January,
1519, and we here see that to the very close of his career he was doomed
to the pangs attached to penury j and even on his death-bed needed so
paltry a sum as 25,000 ducats !
Lambeth , February 25, 1519.
Your Highness will have already heard of the Emperor's
death, as also of the very sumptuous obsequies celebrated
here. Moreover, of the arrival of the Flanders galleys at
Hampton.1 I now inform you that the demise of the Em-
peror has been held in small account : that the surrender of
Tournai was made to the most Christian King, and that the
gentlemen appointed as hostages have come hither, as also
some of the English ambassadors, the rest being detained at
Calais, by the very stormy weather which has prevailed.2
These English gentlemen, who have returned, say that ex-
cessive honour was paid them by the King, and that they
received great presents, but they don't choose to descend to
particulars.
I perceive that these two Kings of England and France
252 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN
are very united ; and the French ambassador here has daily
audience of Cardinal Wolsey, though I know not for what
purpose, as said ambassador treats me with much more re-
serve than his predecessor ever did. I imagine because he
is a person of no great experience, and does not believe in
the closeness of the ties which exist between his most
Christian Majesty and your Highness. I shall endeavour
adroitly, if possible, to obtain information through some
other channel.
An ambassador has arrived here from the Catholic King,
a Fleming, by name Dom. Joan Jaghes, a person of very
good acquirements and repute. I have already formed a
friendship with him, and will perfect it in the course of the
daily visits which I purpose making him. He told me that
he was expecting a colleague here, another ambassador, a
great personage. The Legate Campeggio assures me that
this ambassador is come with a special power to approve the
confederacy formed between France and England, in conse-
quence of his predecessor having departed on bad terms with
his Majesty here ; for although he approved of all that had
been done, nevertheless, as the matter was concluded, ipso
absente^ he did not choose to ratify it, unless all that had been
settled were annulled, which these lords would not consent
to. I, moreover, heard this from the lips of Cardinal Wolsey
and the Bishop of Durham, who seemed very dissatisfied
with him. * * *
1 It would seem by this that the ambassador wrote a despatch between
the 1 9th of January, 1519, and the 25th of February, which the secre-
tary Sagudino omitted to copy : a similar act of carelessness has been
noticed between the 8th of May, 1516, and the 3oth of the same month.
The plague offered some sort of apology for the first fault, but for this
second we are at a loss to frame any excuse.
2 The names of these hostages were De Morette, De Mouy, De la
Meilleraye, Me Montpenat, De Mortemart, De Grimault, De Mont-
morency Rochepot, and De Hugueville.
FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 253
Lambeth, March 10, 1519.
I have now to announce the arrival of all the English
ambassadors, who are returned from France1 with eight
hostages, four of whom are men of a certain age, the other
four being lads of seventeen years old and under, personages
of condition ; and as it was not believed that they were
hostages, Cardinal Wolsey did not choose to receive them
until the French ambassador had presented them in public to
the King under the name of hostages, in which character
they were accepted, but with every demonstration of honour
and good-will.
After this ceremony, the Cardinal aforesaid sent the reve-
rend Archbishop of Armagh2 to the Spanish ambassador
resident here, with a message, word for word, of the follow-
ing tenor, and which was delivered in my hearing : — " £>u&
vos vidistis et audistis potestis scribere ;" and in confidence,
the ambassador told me that this fashion of hostages seemed
very strange to him, as it was not customary ; and I an-
swered him, that this had been done rather for the satis-
faction of the English nation, which is not very well pleased
with the surrender of Tournai, than from any other cause.
On the same day when this ceremony took place, as I
was accompanying Cardinal Wolsey to York-house, he said
to me, " What think you of this, Domine Orator ? Did we
not perform this act with honour to ourselves ? so that
everybody may be aware that this peace will last, and that
there is a pledge for its durability ; and those who doubted
this fact, will now credit it." I lauded the wisdom of his
right reverend lordship, in reply, and told him that he saw
at a glance whatever should be done or left undone. The
Spanish ambassador told me that his colleague, a German, a
person of great authority, by name Count Horn, was to
254 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN
make his entry into London to-day. It does not seem to
me, however, that these lords have made any preparation for
doing him much honour: in like manner, as no great de-
monstration is made by them in favour of the one now
here, whereas every indication of good will is lavished on the
French ambassador, and on the hostages likewise.
Since the announcement made in two of my letters to
your Highness, concerning the determination of his Majesty
here to cross the channel, for a conference with the King of
France, I have not vouched farther for the fact, because
there has been no little difficulty about the matter, and some
diversity of opinion ; but it is at length settled that the
voyage across for the interview is to take place without fail,
though report varies as to its period, yet will it certainly be
effected either at the end of June or the commencement of
July. His Majesty has formed a list, and sent it to France,
containing the names of all who are to accompany him, they
being the chief personages of the kingdom, in order that
King Francis may come with an equal company ; and I have
been assured that the Lord Treasurer, the illustrious Duke of
Norfolk, will remain here as Governor. This, indeed, is not
decided, but it seems to be the general opinion. It is said
that the King of England will reach the other side six or
seven days before the King of France comes to the ap-
pointed place, so that he may be able to receive him in state
as becoming ; and from what I hear of the preparations in
course, I apprehend it will be a very fine sight : the meeting
will take place between Boulogne and Calais, and there is
now a difficulty as to whether, after the reception and con-
ference, they are to go back for the night, the one to
Boulogne and the other to Calais, or sleep in tents in the
country ; and this point is not yet settled.
The English ambassadors who were in Spain3 have at
FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 255
length arrived, and I fancy they induced the mission of these
ambassadors from the Catholic King to seal and ratify the
confederacy, the original clauses of which I chose to inspect
a second time, comparing them, both with the copy sent to
Rome, and with the one forwarded to France, and they are
of the tenor as already written by me. This I did for the
sake of learning whether any alteration had taken place
owing to the arrival of these Spanish ambassadors ; for the
one, already here, told me certain formalities were requisite
before the confirmation of this alliance. After visiting his
colleague, I will forthwith give information hereon to your
Highness.
The English ambassadors lately returned from Spain, when
dining the day before yesterday with the legates and other
noblemen, mentioned having had much intercourse with the
most noble Messer Francesco Cornaro 4 the Knight, extol-
ling him to the utmost, both for prudence and magnificence,
which was, moreover, confirmed by the French ambassador,
insomuch that the whole court speaks of him in terms of
the greatest honour.
Your Highness' galleys have commenced loading, and all
the merchants are at Hampton for this purpose. I can do
nothing farther in the business concerning the wines of
Candia, until I receive from your Serenity the two acts for
the imposition and repeal of the duty.5 I beseech you to
send them me immediately ; for although my successor will
be already on his way, it would be desirable for the docu-
ments to arrive here so betimes as to prevent any delay in
my return.
1 See ante, p. 236.
2 See ante, p. 164.
3 John Bourchier, Lord Berners, the translator of Froissart, and the
Archbishop of Armagh. See ante, p. 165.
4 A kinsman of Catharine Cornaro, Queen of Cyprus, ambassador
258 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN
" Comitem, et quod maxime optavit hie sacratissimus Rex
Principem confaederationis ! " He also praised his Holiness for
having sent a commission to conclude and ratify this confede-
racy here in England, rather than at Rome in the presence of
his Holiness ; adding many other expressions, extolling the
power of the King of England. In answer to the Spanish
ambassadors, he said that his Majesty was glad to hear of the
good disposition towards him of his Catholic Highness, whose
thanks he accepted most lovingly, as from his very dear
nephew ; and with regard to his petition for acceptance, his
Majesty was content to receive and include him in the list of
the chief confederates, assuring him that the other points he
had named would be replied to most favourably.
From this, your Highness may comprehend in how great
repute the King of England stands with all the princes of
Christendom, and that the principal author of all these
proceedings is this right reverend Legate of York, whose
sole aim is to procure incense for his King and himself.
He will, in point of fact, make a sale of all these settle-
ments and their appurtenances f so that one cannot please
him more than to style him the arbitrator of the affairs
of Christendom, concerning which there are endless things
to be said, better adapted to my " Report " than to insertion
in my letters.3
The French ambassador did not seem too well pleased
at such great repute being attached to his Majesty here;
and when discussing other topics, has frequently inquired
of me whether your Highness would approve of the most
Christian King being Emperor. I told him in private,
however, that the thing in the world you desired most
intensely was to see his most Christian Majesty raised to
this dignity, assigning various reasons to make him believe
that such was the wish of your Excellency.
FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 259
1 From the abbreviation thus, "flo. di gusto. Rmo. Legato," it is doubt-
ful whether we ought to read son or brother. Cardinal Lorenzo Cam-
peggio did not enter the Church until after he became the father of two
sons, and a widower. One of his sons, Giambatista, was Bishop of
Majorca, and Alessandro Bishop of Bologna, and eventually Cardinal.
It is probable that the prothonotary here alluded to by Giustinian was
one of these two Churchmen, though it is possible that the person meant
was the brother of the Legate, and not his son.
" This . appears to be the literal meaning of what stands in the
original as follows : " Qual non studia ad altro salvo che a procurar
fumo a questa Maesta et a lui qual come e vero se vendira tutte queste
conclusione cum tutte le sue pertinentie, ita che non se li po far," &c.
3 Sebastian Giustinian made his report of England to the Venetian
Senate on the loth of October, 1519, and therein, as promised, gives a
sketch of the character of Cardinal Wolsey.
Lambeth, March 22, 1519.
I have now been to visit the Spanish ambassadors, who
received me very graciously, and in answer to my compli-
ments expressed their satisfaction at your friendly disposition
towards his Catholic Majesty. They besought you (to
use their own words) to persevere therein, and not to seek
war and dissension, assuring me, at the same time, of the
amicable intentions of their sovereign. These words were
uttered apparently from premeditation, and not pro forma.
As I remarked them, I fancied myself listening to the late
ambassador of his Majesty aforesaid, who was here a year ago,
and expressed himself precisely in the same terms, which,
in reality, so far as I can comprehend, proceed from jealousy,
lest at the instigation of the King of France, of whom
Spain is very suspicious, your Excellency should declare
yourself. I replied in words of peace, showing that your
Excellency was anxious for the maintenance of the friend-
ship which prevails between you and his Catholic Highness,
and with this they appeared well satisfied.
260 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN
On the morrow, which was the 2Oth instant, they went
to Greenwich, whither we were all invited, and Cardinal
Campeggio celebrated high mass in state, giving plenary
indulgence to all present; after which, near the high altar,
the two Legates, in the name of his Holiness, confirmed
the league and friendship lately contracted, promising to
observe all that he was bound to by the clauses, and in
this manner did they join it, signing the clauses aforesaid,
the King doing the like. The Spanish ambassadors then
read the clause relating to their Catholic King, promising
to conform to it in his name ; and they also took the oath,
as did his Majesty in the same case.
This ceremony was followed by the banquet : with his
Majesty there sat the two Legates and Count Horn, the
Spanish ambassador, whose colleague, however, and the
French ambassador, and I myself, with other lords and
prelates, were seated at another table. This congress, and,
indeed, the whole day, was solemnized with much pomp ;
a visit being, moreover, paid to the most serene Queen,
who in the presence of the King lavished great marks of
good will on the ambassadors. This interview ended, we
took our departure. .
Subsequently, in the course of conversation with various
persons, especially with the magnifico Dom. Richard Pace,
he assured me that the conference between his Majesty and
the King of France on the other side the channel may be
expected to take place about the commencement or middle
of July.
I afterwards paid a visit to the French ambassador, with
whom I have held various colloquies ; and in like manner,
as on former occasions, he inquired of me whether your
Excellency would be content that his most Christian King
should be elected Emperor. As I did not perceive any
FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 26l
one near but my secretary, I assured him that you had
nothing in the world more at heart than to see the imperial
throne filled by his most Christian Majesty aforesaid, from
which you anticipated marvellous effects as apparently pro-
mised by the endowments of so great a King, with much
other language very expressive of such a tendency. When
in company with Cardinal Campeggio, his right reverend
lordship said to me, " Your Signory must be in great mental
suspense about the election of this Emperor ;" assuring me
that the Diet was to assemble at Frankfort the fourth
Sunday in Lent, and that it was a very momentous event,
considering the power of the candidates. I told him you
were neutral in this election, and did not interfere in any
way, as you deemed all the competitors your friends, and
hoped that, whichever of them might succeed, they would
be the protectors of the Catholic faith, and maintain the
peace and union of Christendom. On the following day,
his son (or brother1) the Prothonotary said the like to me,
but showing more openly that by reason of their power he
did not approve of the election of either of the two Kings,
and that it would be well to take the most serene King of
Poland, who is an extremely able man, and violently opposed
to the infidels in favour of Christ's faith.2 I made a show,
as I have said, of being neutral, it appearing to me expe-
dient for the interests of your Excellency thus to do.
1 The abbreviation is again the same as at p. 259, thus: " Questo
instesso me disse el giorno sequente suoflo. el Ptonotario ;" and so it yet
remains doubtful whether this prothonotary was the son (rigluiolo) or
brother (fratello) of Cardinal Lorenzo Campeggio.
2 Sigismund of Poland, who had been elected king in the month of
October, 1506, was engaged in this year 1519, in an attack on the Teu-
tonic knights in Prussia, from whom he recovered some towns of which
they had deprived him. By the letters written by the Venetian ambas-
sador at the court of Leo X., from the death of Maximilian until the
election of Charles V., it would appear that the King of Poland was
262 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN
never mentioned at all as a candidate for the imperial crown ; nor in the
forty despatches penned by this diplomatist from the 23rd of January,
1519, to the 5th of July following (which last announces the election
of Charles V.), is anything said of the pretensions of Henry VIII.,
although probably this momentous subject was more fully discussed at
Rome than in any other capital of Europe. In a despatch dated 5th
June, 1519, the Duke of Saxony and the Marquis of Brandenburg are
spoken of as the rival candidates of Charles and Francis, but there is no
corroboration of what Robertson says about Saxony having refused the
crown in a most magnanimous manner, &c., &c., nor is it credible that
he did any such thing.
In date of the i3th of March, 151 9, the ambassador writes from Rome
that the Pope was averse to the election of either of the two kings, and
wished Francis I. to give his support to some third candidate j but at
that time he would have preferred France to Spain, though between
March and June various circumstances (amongst which the insolence of
a French ambassador at Rome may be cited) induced a change in the
opinions of his Holiness.
Lambeth , April 5, 1518.
The Spanish ambassadors, having departed this city, were
met at Dover by letters both from their Catholic King
and from Flanders, the precise contents of which are not
known. One of these ambassadors consequently returned
immediately with these despatches, and after seeing the
Cardinal of York, was to have audience of the King. I
fancy the affair is important, although with us the ambas-
sador makes light of it. It is reported that they have news
of the Duke of Guelders having made an attack in those
parts ; for this, however, I do not vouch, though it may also
be conjectured, from the embargo laid on all vessels in Spain.
These signs are not at all indicative of peace, but calculated,
on the contrary, to frustrate all that has been done to effect
it by the Cardinal of York.
Nothing further has been done about this King's voyage
FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 263
across the channel, and the arrangement remains in the same
state as already mentioned ; should any fresh resolve be
formed, my letters shall acquaint your Excellency with it
immediately.
I am unable to write any news, for Cardinal Wolsey has
been extremely occupied in taxing all these prelates and
ecclesiastics for a certain pecuniary contribution which it is
meant to levy on them, and which, I understand, will amount
to a great sum, the Pope also having consented to this
impost. I shall learn the business more in detail on obtaining
the copy from his right reverend lordship, and your Sublimity
shall be informed of the whole.
Lambeth, April 15, 1519.
* * * When visiting the French ambassador here, and
discussing various matters, he assured me that these two
most serene Kings would confer together in the month of
July, although common report says nothing of this inter-
view, just as if there had never been any question of it.
He tells me he is by no means certain of the reason
for the return of the Spanish ambassador, but understands
that it is caused by the preparations which the Duke of
Guelders is said to be making, his Catholic Highness being
desirous of support from England.
Concerning the affairs of the empire, he told me that his
Sovereign would be favoured by the Pope, and by your
Excellency, and by all the Swiss Cantons ; and on my
adroitly inquiring whether his Majesty here would be favour-
able to him, he said he appeared content that the empire
should fall to the most Christian King, rather than to others ;
264 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN
but that the ambassador does not believe this, and is of
opinion that this enterprise of France will receive neither
favour nor disfavour from England.
In accordance with my duty, I write these things as they
reach me, but my opinion is, that the French ambassador
here has not much foundation for what he says. Should I
be able through any other channel to obtain surer infor-
mation, my despatches shall give your Signory immediate
information.
-, April 29, 1519.
I received the missives of your Serenity, dated March
25th, with copies of the acts curtailed^ and lacking their pre-
ambles and conclusions, and different from your letters
written heretofore in this matter, so that I shall be unable to
make any use of them.
But little has happened here worthy of notification, but in
order not to leave your Serenity in expectation of my letters,
I write these to announce the arrival of a fresh Spanish
ambassador, by name Bartholomew, the steward of his
Highness aforesaid. He came post in eight days, and has
complained grievously to his Majesty here of the most
Christian King ; charging him with an attempt to extort
the imperial crown from the electors of the empire by sheer
violence and tyranny, and alleging that he is making warlike
preparation ; having on his side the Pope, your Signory,
with a considerable force, the Florentines, the Genoese, and
the Switzers. The King of England, he said, should be-
ware of allowing the most Christian King to obtain a dignity
which would render him irresistible ; with much other
FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 265
strong language of a general nature, which was repeated
to the French ambassador, who tells me he made answer
that it was better to obtain the empire magnanimously by
force of arms, rather than by seduction and fraud. At the
same time, he denied that his King meditated any violence.
All the lords here seem very much to lament this con-
tention, and in my presence the lord Marquis1 spoke to said
French ambassador telling him part of these things, and
evincing extreme regret thereat; and other personages,
moreover, have complained to me of similar ambitious
tactics, with regard to which I indeed ever make a show
with this side, of being neutral and ignorant of these pro-
ceedings, though with the French ambassador I feign a wish
for the success of his King. On my inquiring whether he
would have favour and aid from his Majesty here, he told me
the King of England had given him a favourable reply,
appearing to be content ; but that he, the ambassador, does
not believe it, so that I am not of opinion that any succour
or support will be extended from this quarter to the lofty
projects of his most Christian Majesty. Everybody tells
me that your Excellency favours this undertaking of his
most Christian Majesty, and has made preparations to facili-
tate it, but I have no advice soever from the State ; nor do I
desire such for the mere sake of talking about it, but in
order to accommodate myself as becoming to the variety of
circumstances in which I am bound to act. * * *
Your Excellency's galleys sailed on the I9th instant,
since which there have been strong breezes, so it is supposed
that they have already crossed the Bay of Biscay, and
entered the Mediterranean seas, which may God grant.
They shipped as much as possible.
1 The Marquis of Dorset. See note i, ante p. 12.
266 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN
Lambeth, May 6, 1519.
* * * I understand that his Majesty has written in dis-
creet terms to the most Christian King to desist from hostili-
ties, and to seek the empire by other means, and not by
force, in corroboration of the newly-contracted peace. This
seems to me reasonable, as the two Spanish ambassadors, at
whose suit he apparently wrote this letter, have departed, and it
was said at the time, that the last ambassador came on purpose
to report the preparations making by the King of France, and
to persuade his Majesty here to address him on the subject as
aforesaid. There is no doubt but that neither the King here,
nor any great personage of this realm, would wish his most
Christian Majesty to obtain the imperial crown, and there-
fore he will receive no succour hence, either of men or
money. This is also the opinion of the Legate Campeggio,
who told me the Switzers were not going to favour the
undertaking of the most Christian King, but, on the con-
trary, had written to him desiring he would desist from the
attempt. His right reverend lordship added, moreover, that
one of the Electors, whom King Francis boasts of having at
his beck, has no intention of complying with his wishes.
Touching the conference between these two Kings, no
symptoms soever are manifest : a reply of some sort was
expected from his most Christian Majesty, as written by me,
and it arrived ; but it was not definitive, and they are now
awaiting another express, on the arrival of which a consulta-
tion will be held, whether to meet or not.
For some days past the Cardinal of York has been indis-
posed, and he is much reduced by dysentery ; owing to which I
have been unable to visit him, as he received no one. I think,
however, of calling on him to-morrow, and will pay him such
compliment as I believe to be the intention of your Highness.
FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 267
I this day received the State's missives of the nth of
April, with the news from Hungary, which I will communi-
cate to his right reverend lordship, and to the Legate Cam-
peggio, of whom may you at least deign to make mention in
your letters by desiring that the intelligence they contain
may be communicated to him, since it is not thought fit to
write him thanks for his manifold services, and for the devo-
tion borne by him to the name of your Highness, who will
comprehend that as the dignity is new to him, he must feel
flattered by such compliment.
Lambeth, May u, 1516.
Whilst visiting the right reverend Legate Campeggio, and
speaking about the contest for the Empire between the Kings
of France and Spain, and discussing it in various forms,
I inquired of his lordship how the King of England would
act should these sovereigns come to blows, as they seem
inclined to do. He answered me that they could not make
war upon each other for the recovery of territory occupied
by either side, as according to the articles of the fresh peace,
which has been signed and sworn to, all are to retain their
actual possessions, even if obtained by conquest, and should
the original possessor attempt their recovery by force, the
occupant is at liberty to demand subsidy from the confederates,
who are bound, according to the articles, to afford him their
support ; for this reason, Cardinal Campeggio said he did
not perceive how war could arise between these parties
on account of territory. * * * This confederacy was held
by the Catholic King; the King of England was inclined to
abide by his obligations contracted through the confederacy,
268 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN
that is to say, to give aid to the occupant. With regard
indeed to the Empire, he said the King of England would
in fact do nothing but observe neutrality, and write to
each of the competitors, urging them to abstain from
war.
* * *
Yesterday, perceiving these lords to be unusually occupied
with public business, and that Cardinal Wolsey, who has
been grievously ill, went twice to Greenwich in three days,
denying audience to Campeggio on two occasions, and
receiving no one, I went to the magnifico the French
ambassador, acquainting him with what I had heard about
the intention of the King of England, in case France and
Spain should come to blows. This announcement, which I
made after enjoining the strictest silence, proved very
agreeable to him. * * * I shall keep on the watch to
learn the cause of these frequent cabinet councils, and when
acquainted with it, my despatches shall give immediate
advice thereof to your Serenity. I will also impart my
knowledge to the French ambassador.
Whilst writing these present, three missives from the
State were presented to me ; the one a patent ratifying the
confederacy ; the other two indicating the mode of executing
said ratification. The latter also enjoin my awaiting the
magnifico my successor until the second of June, giving
me instructions with regard to communicating your inten-
tion, if necessary.
Having read these despatches with my wonted respect, I
shall abide most religiously by their contents, but must
remark that I perceive your Serenity leaves it optional with
me, as if it were a doubtful matter, whether I ought to make
the communication to Cardinal Wolsey or not. Now the
fact is, as I have informed the Signory, at least a hundred
times, that it is necessary to address oneself to him about every
FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 269
thing ; and, were it a question of neglecting his Majesty or
his right reverend lordship, the least injurious course would
be to pass over the former. I shall, therefore, impart it
to both, but first of all to the Cardinal, lest he resent the
precedence conceded to his Majesty.
I see that your Highness doubts the erasure in the
clauses of that paragraph which referred the disputes between
your Sublimity and the Emperor to the Pope, the King of
France, and his Majesty here. With regard to this like-
wise, I repeat what I vouched for in many of my despatches,
namely, that this paragraph was inserted twice, and that each
time I had it cancelled, so that the clauses merely include
your Excellency as a party to the confederacy : it is only
a few days since I read them at the dwelling of the Legate
Campeggio, from whom I shall have the copy forthwith. I
also expect this document from the Cardinal of York, and
by the articles therein contained, your Serenity will perceive
that I have not written you lies for the sake of extolling my
own acts : my opinion being that to deceive one's sovereign,
is an act worthy of the severest chastisement.
Lambethy May 18, 1519.
Since my last of the nth instant, which acquainted your
Excellency with all that had occurred, it chanced that yester-
day, the Magnifico Dom. Richard Pace, the royal secretary,
departed on his way (as asserted by every one) to the Electors
of the empire,1 which news appearing to me of great mo-
ment, and being unable to see Cardinal Wolsey, I went to
the Legate Campeggio to learn the cause of this mission,
2JO DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN
which he declares he does not know for certain, not having
had any interview with the right reverend of York for the
last four days ; but judging from the past, he says it is for
the purpose of exhorting the electors to choose an Emperor
suited to the need of Christendom, and not to allow them-
selves to be cajoled or overawed by any one.
I subsequently went to the magnifico the French am-
bassador, to learn something further in this matter, as he had
been with Cardinal Wolsey on the preceding day, and he
told me the like, adding, that he did not believe this to be the
mission, but that it was rather to thwart the projects of his
most Christian King, and he seems to entertain a very bad
opinion indeed of the intentions of the entire English
ministry.
The illustrious the lord Treasurer,2 whom I went to visit
on the day before, told me that his Majesty here has taken,
and moreover is taking, steps to secure the freedom of this
election, which he is of opinion will not fall on either of
these two kings, but rather on one of the Princes of Ger-
many, which seems to be the universal belief, and also the
wish.
Within the last few days, his Majesty has made a very
great change in the court here, dismissing four of his chief
lords-in-waiting, who enjoyed extreme authority in this
kingdom, and were the very soul of the King ; he has
likewise changed some other officials, replacing them by
men of greater age and repute, a measure which is deemed
of as vital importance as any that has taken place for many
years. The King, indeed, has given employment, extra
Curiam^ to the parties dismissed ; some at Calais, and some
in other parts of the kingdom, assigning them titles and con-
siderable appointments, which is a proof that this charge was
not owing to any fault of theirs, though the true reason is
FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 27!
unknown. Having heard somewhat to this effect, I desired
the Reverend Dom. Dionysius Memo3 to investigate it
thoroughly, and having heard the aforesaid, he came to
Greenwich to make his report. Various causes are assigned
for this proceeding : some maintain that it is owing to the
affairs of France, some of these individuals having accom-
panied the ambassadors who went to ratify the peace, and,
that they have either been discovered to be too partial to the
King of France, or, that they have been suborned. Others
assert that this stir was made because these persons had
been the cause of his Majesty's incessant gambling, which
has made him lose of late a treasure of gold ;4 and that on
coming to himself, and resolving to lead a new life, he, of his
own accord, removed these companions of his excesses : this
is the opinion of the lord Treasurer.5
The French ambassador, on the other hand, and these
gentlemen the hostages, consider that this took place either
from suspicion about the affairs of France, or at the insti-
gation of Cardinal Wolsey, who, perceiving the aforesaid to
be so intimate with the King, that in the course of time they
might have ousted him from the government, anticipated
them, under pretence of their being youths of evil counsel,
and intent on their own benefit, to the detriment, hurt, and
discredit of his Majesty, which opinion I fully share. By this,
said York will secure the King entirely to himself, extremely to
the displeasure, I suspect, of all the grandees of the kingdom,
from apprehension lest ere long they experience the same fate
as has befallen these poor gentlemen. This opinion is
grounded on the fact of the places of these individuals hav-
ing been filled up by men of greater age, and perhaps of
greater repute, but creatures of Cardinal Wolsey !
The magnifico the French ambassador assures me that
he told his right reverend lordship that such a stir would
270 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN
which he declares he does not know for certain, not having
had any interview with the right reverend of York for the
last four days ; but judging from the past, he says it is for
the purpose of exhorting the electors to choose an Emperor
suited to the need of Christendom, and not to allow them-
selves to be cajoled or overawed by any one.
I subsequently went to the magnifico the French am-
bassador, to learn something further in this matter, as he had
been with Cardinal Wolsey on the preceding day, and he
told me the like, adding, that he did not believe this to be the
mission, but that it was rather to thwart the projects of his
most Christian King, and he seems to entertain a very bad
opinion indeed of the intentions of the entire English
ministry.
The illustrious the lord Treasurer,2 whom I went to visit
on the day before, told me that his Majesty here has taken,
and moreover is taking, steps to secure the freedom of this
election, which he is of opinion will not fall on either of
these two kings, but rather on one of the Princes of Ger-
many, which seems to be the universal belief, and also the
wish.
Within the last few days, his Majesty has made a very
great change in the court here, dismissing four of his chief
lords-in-waiting, who enjoyed extreme authority in this
kingdom, and were the very soul of the King ; he has
likewise changed some other officials, replacing them by
men of greater age and repute, a measure which is deemed
of as vital importance as any that has taken place for many
years. The King, indeed, has given employment, extra
Curiam^ to the parties dismissed ; some at Calais, and some
in other parts of the kingdom, assigning them titles and con-
siderable appointments, which is a proof that this charge was
not owing to any fault of theirs, though the true reason is
FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 2/1
unknown. Having heard somewhat to this effect, I desired
the Reverend Dom. Dionysius Memo3 to investigate it
thoroughly, and having heard the aforesaid, he came to
Greenwich to make his report. Various causes are assigned
for this proceeding : some maintain that it is owing to the
affairs of France, some of these individuals having accom-
panied the ambassadors who went to ratify the peace, and,
that they have either been discovered to be too partial to the
King of France, or, that they have been suborned. Others
assert that this stir was made because these persons had
been the cause of his Majesty's incessant gambling, which
has made him lose of late a treasure of gold ;4 and that on
coming to himself, and resolving to lead a new life, he, of his
own accord, removed these companions of his excesses : this
is the opinion of the lord Treasurer.5
The French ambassador, on the other hand, and these
gentlemen the hostages, consider that this took place either
from suspicion about the affairs of France, or at the insti-
gation of Cardinal Wolsey, who, perceiving the aforesaid to
be so intimate with the King, that in the course of time they
might have ousted him from the government, anticipated
them, under pretence of their being youths of evil counsel,
and intent on their own benefit, to the detriment, hurt, and
discredit of his Majesty, which opinion I fully share. By this,
said York will secure the King entirely to himself, extremely to
the displeasure, I suspect, of all the grandees of the kingdom,
from apprehension lest ere long they experience the same fate
as has befallen these poor gentlemen. This opinion is
grounded on the fact of the places of these individuals hav-
ing been filled up by men of greater age, and perhaps of
greater repute, but creatures of Cardinal Wolsey !
The magnifico the French ambassador assures me that
he told his right reverend lordship that such a stir would
2/2 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN
not have been tolerated at the French Court, even if coun-
tenanced by all the cardinals and chief lords of the king-
dom. Wolsey's reply purported that the French followed
their own fashion, and the English that of England.
Coupling this dismissal with the mission of the Am-
bassador Pace, I consider it extremely important ; but I
shall not interfere or open my lips on the subject to the right
reverend of York, although the illustrious the lord Treasurer
urges me to do so, and wishes me, when speaking with the
Cardinal, to laud all these proceedings ; but I am not in-
clined to burden myself with such packs. Should his lord-
ship address me on the subject, I shall laud every resolve
formed by this most serene King and his government here,
in gen ere.
It is universally believed that the interview between these
two most serene sovereigns, which was to have taken place
on the other side the channel, will be deferred, as, from what
has taken place, may be readily conjectured.
1 The reader will be surprised to perceive that Giustinian was not
aware of the business on which Pace went to the Electors of Germany.
On this point Hume writes, that Henry VIII., during the contest tor
the imperial throne, " was encouraged to put in his pretensions ; but his
minister, Pace, who was despatched to the Electors, found that he began
to solicit too late, and that the votes of all these princes were already
pre-engaged, either on the one side or the other."
2 The Duke of Norfolk.
3 The Venetian organist, of whom frequent mention has been made
previously.
4 In the report of England made by Giustinian to the Venetian
Senate on the xoth of October, 1519, the ambassador alludes to the
King's love of play, and says that he occasionally lost from 6,000 to
8,000 golden ducats in a day. See ante, p. 235.
5 The following extracts from Hall explain this circumstance, which
appears to have excited much curiosity, not unmixed with anxiety, at
the English court. Under date of " The x yere of Kyng Henry the
VIII.," he says: " Duryng this tyme remained in the French courte
Nicholas Carew, Fraunces Brian, and diverse other of the young gentle-
men of Englande, and thei with the Frenche Kyng roade daily disguysed
through Paris throwyng egges, stones, and other foolishe trifles at the
FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 273
people, whiche light demeanour of a Kyng was much discommended
and gested at. They return to England and are all French in eating,
drinking, and apparel, yea, and in French vices and bragges, so that all
the estates of England were by them laughed at ; the ladies and gentle-
women were dispraised, so that nothyng by them was praised but it
were after the Frenche turne, whiche after turned them to displeasure as
you shall here * * *
" The xi yere, Maie, — In whiche moneth the Kynge's counsaill
secretly communed together of the Kynge's gentlenes and liberalitee to
all persones : by the whiche thei perceived that certain young men in
his privie chamber, not regardyng his estate nor degree, were so familier
and homely with hym, and plaied suche light touches with hym that
thei forgat themselfes."
The King agrees to dismiss them, and to reform his Court, and
Hall continues —
" Then the Kynge's counsaill caused the Lorde Chamberlein to
cal before them Carew (and another who yet liveth, and therfore shall
not at this tyme be named), with diverse other also of the privy
chamber whiche had been in the Frenche courte, and banished them the
court for diverse consideracions, laiyng nothyng perticulerly to their
charges. And thei that had offices wer commaunded to go to their
offices j which discharge out of the courte greved sore the hartes of these
young menne which were called the Kynge's minions. Then was there
foure sad and auncient knightes, put into the Kynge's privie chamber,
whose names wer Sir Richard Wingfield, Sir Richard Jernyngham, Sir
Richard Weston, and Sir William Kyngston : and diverse officers wer
changed in all places.
" Then Sir John Pechy was made deputie of Calis, and Sir Richarde
Wingfield therof discharged, and Nicholas Carew made Capitain of
Rice banke, and commaunded to go thether, which was sore to him dis-
pleasant. These young minions which was (sic) thus severed from the
Kyng, had been in Fraunce, and so highly praised the Frenche Kyng
and his court, that in a maner thei thought litle of the Kyng and his
court in comparison of the other, thei wer so high in love with the
Frenche courte, wherefore their fall was litle moved emong wise men."
London, June 9, 1519.
* * * The negotiations between France and his
Majesty here proceed very closely and secretly, the French
ambassador having frequent audiences of Cardinal Wolsey,
and likewise of the King, at the court, but from said
VOL. II. T
274 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN
ambassador I am unable to elicit anything. He tells me,
there are certain differences about damages inflicted and
received on the part of the English and French ; this I
do not believe, but should there be anything important,
if unable to learn it elsewhere, I hope for information from
the Legate Campeggio.
Immediately on the arrival of my successor, whom I
know to have been staying in Paris for the purpose of
attending the christening of the King's son,1 we will toge-
ther attend on Cardinal Wolsey in execution of your Sere-
nity's commissions, and subsequently go to his Majesty,
who is in the country. After these ceremonies, and visiting
a few of the grandees, I shall immediately set out on my
way back to my country, which I so long to revisit, and
to pay my respects to your Highness.
1 Henry II., the successor of Francis I.
London, June 9, 1519.
After having wncten those tied up herewith, I learnt that
the magnifico Dom. Richard Pace (whom I mentioned to
your Serenity in my former despatches as having been sent
by his Majesty here to the Electors of the Empire) is gone
to the Switzers : the cause of this mission will be very
intelligible to your Highness, without any comments of
mine.
I have been informed that the proposed interview between
these two most serene sovereigns, will not take place this
year ; also, that here, in the royal mint, gold nobles are
being coined with great alacrity, which is very unusual. I
FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 275
have thought fit to notify these three facts to your Highness,
who will estimate them as to your wisdom shall seem
fit.
London, June 21, 1519.
Since my last, nothing new has taken place, save the
desired arrival of the most noble my successor, whom I
went to meet yesterday, together with our merchants here,
and good part of the attendants of the Legate Campeggio,
who allows no opportunity of honouring your Highness
to escape him. Two of these privy councillors also came,
the one a layman and the other an ecclesiastic, personages of
good repute, with a suitable number of horses, so that it was
a stately riding.
These royal delegates used very flattering language
expressive of his Majesty's good will towards your High-
ness, which was reciprocated by the aforesaid magnifico
Surian, so that they remained extremely satisfied with his
magnificence ; and as the King is at a distance of about
thirty miles hence, it has been arranged for us to go to-
morrow to the Court. The magnifico my successor will
then have audience, and we will do as enjoined us in his
commission ; after which, as arranged by the right
reverend of York, I, Giustinian, shall take leave of his
Majesty.
London , June 28, 1519.
Having gone to Windsor, a place distant some twenty-
five miles hence, on the day of the Corpus Domini, in the
morning, we entered the presence of his Majesty, to whom,
2j6 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN
before mass, in his royal audience hall in the presence of the
Legate Campeggio and the French ambassador, together
with a great number of barons, I, Surian, after presenting
myself and kissing his hand, consigned the letters of credence
from your Highness.
After his Majesty had perused my credentials in pre-
sence of his court, he recalled me to him, giving me very
gracious and honourable greeting, and caused me to be
told through one of the secretaries, that according to the
tenor of your Serenity's letters, his Majesty took note of two
particulars, first, that I was to make certain statements
to him in the name of your Signory ; which, as the hour for
going to mass was at hand, he determined on hearing later
in the day; and secondly, that your Serenity recalled the
most noble my predecessor, appointing me in his stead.
Although, he continued, this recall was irksome to him,
since during the sojourn as ambassador here of his magni-
ficence, he had had experience of his integrity, wisdom,
and address, coupled with singular erudition, owing to which
most worthy endowments his Majesty said he had ever
loved him like a father ; yet, as such was the will of your
Serenity, and as it gratified the ambassador aforesaid, he
was very willing that he should return home, especially
being aware that his return was accompanied by an increase
of honour, seeing that his magnificence had been appointed
Councillor of Venice.1 Hereon, he dilated in terms of
honour and singular praise of his magnificence, adding, that
he was very content to have me about him in lieu of the
most noble my predecessor as ambassador from your Serenity,
making me an offer, for all my future negotiations, of his
good will and loving offices in favour of our renowned
republic ; and having delivered himself thus, without await-
ing my rejoinder, the King together with ourselves went in
FROM THE COURT OF KENRY VIII. 2;/
procession (everybody being placed according to his rank),
accompanying the most holy body of Christ to the church.
On the conclusion of the mass, we returned to the above-
mentioned hall, and his Majesty having withdrawn to a
window, called me to him, whereupon I made my state-
ment, containing the due congratulations on this most au-
spicious league, and on the relationship contracted between
France and England. I also made such offers as suitable,
adhering throughout to my commission, accompanying each
particular therein specified with such fitting language as
deemed by me apposite ; and having previously determined
thus with the most noble my predecessor, I returned due
thanks to his Majesty for having included our illustrious
Republic in the confederacy, urging the despatch of the
ratification, as already requested by the most noble my
predecessor, which, although late, was still in time, as I,
to whom this commission2 was given, together with his
magnificence, had been unable to reach England sooner,
owing to various untoward hindrances.
His Majesty, having thanked your Serenity for the loving
expressions I had addressed to him, and which he knew
proceeded from the excellent will you bore him, called the
most noble my predecessor to witness how fully these senti-
ments were reciprocated by himself. With regard, forsooth,
to the ratification, he said that most willingly should docu-
mentary evidence thereof be given us by the right reverend
of York, to whom this matter had been delegated ; and
finally he terminated his discourse by abundant praise of the
most noble my predecessor aforesaid, again styling him
" father," and again I rejoined in such suitable terms as
my ability dictated.
After this ceremony, I, Giustinian, took leave of his
Majesty, thanking him, in the first place, for the favour
278 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN
invariably shown by him towards your Sublimity ; and,
in conclusion, for the praise bestowed on me, made such
offers as I considered due and becoming.
On the morrow, we presented ourselves to the most
serene Queen, to whom I, Sudan, after paying the com-
pliments usual at similar interviews, and presenting my
credentials, notified in detail all that was enjoined me by
your Sublimity, not omitting a single item contained in my
commission. Her Majesty received me graciously, replying
in loving language, thanking your Sublimity, and making
you the most ample offers, ending her discourse by praise of
my most noble predecessor, she likewise giving him the
epithet of " father." Of her Majesty also, I, Giustinian,
took leave, with such compliments as I considered due.
We then returned to London, where we will pay the
remaining visits, commencing with the Cardinal of York ;
and of all our proceedings, subsequent despatches shall give
especial notice to your Serenity.
SEBAST. JUST., Eques. > ^
ANT. SURIANUS, Doct. Eques. I Oratores'
1 Giustinian had acknowledged this appointment under date Sep-
tember 24, 1518.
2 At p. viii., of Mr. Holmes's preface to the Trevisan Report of
England, translated by Miss Sneyd, is the following note of the com-
mission here alluded to by Giustinian and Surian : — " 1519: 15 April,
Ind. 7. Sebastiano Giustiniani and Antonio Suriano, commissioned by
Lionardo Loredano to give the consent of the Signory to be included in
the treaty between Henry and Francis. Their credentials are printed in
Rymer. Suriano was afterwards sent as ambassador to Rome."
London, June 30, 1519.
We have at length entered the presence of this right reve-
rend Cardinal of York, it not having been conceded us
to do so earlier ; and I, Surian, having presented my creden-
FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 279
tials to him in becoming form, stated what was enjoined
me by your Serenity, commencing with congratulations on
the recent league and its happy corroboration by the be-
trothal, and telling him that *it was all his doing ; adding
thanks for the inclusion in said confederacy of our illustrious
Republic, and requesting the despatch of the ratification as
demanded within the period assigned, by the most noble my
predecessor. I also recommended the affairs of our mer-
chants, omitting no particular contained in my commission,
accompanying the whole with suitable offers, and in the best
form of words I could.
His right reverend lordship having first given me the most
loving and gracious greeting possible, said in reply, that he
lamented the recall of the most noble my predecessor, sub-
jecting him as it did to the loss of such a personage, so
highly gifted ; expatiating much on his endowments, saying,
that this his regret was, however, mitigated by the fact of his
magnificence returning home with increase of honour, ex-
horting me to inform your Serenity, that in all his proceed-
ings here, the most noble my predecessor had borne himself
excellently, to the universal satisfaction of this whole king-
dom, an announcement which he said the King himself also
intended making to your Highness. He added, that he con-
gratulated himself on my coming in lieu of his magnificence,
declaring I was very agreeable to him, and tendering me his
good services in all my future negotiations. He returned
abundant thanks for the compliments I had paid him in your
Serenity's name, vowing that he had always favoured the
interests of the most illustrious Republic, and would, more-
over, continue so to do for the future, saying in continuation,
that the public and authentic writing of ratification would be
made out in time for the departure of my predecessor, who
might take it with him. Finally, he descended to the affairs
28o DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN
of the merchants, deciding the matter of the customs of the
wines, so amply treated by the most noble my predecessor,
thus : in the first place, he remarked that, since your
Serenity repealed the duty, imposed by you on the wines
of Candia, this kingdom had not taken off the whole duty
levied here, but merely reduced it from four ducats to one
noble, which proved that these customs had been settled
thus by compromise ; especially as your Serenity for many
years had not said one word hereon (admitting, however,
that no documentary evidence to this effect existed in the
Royal Chancery) ; and coming to the conclusion, that, as it
was desirable that both this question about the wines, and
many others (mentioning in particular that of the " deceitful
cloth"),1 should be henceforth settled by authentic decrees
in writing : we must, therefore, intimate to your Serenity to
be pleased (should you be of this opinion) to empower me,
Surian, to negotiate and conclude articles of agreement in
this matter, whereby navigation and trade here, might be
carried on without any hindrance ; adding especially with
regard to the wines, that for the removal of all difficulty
in that matter, a promise must be obtained from the State in
some form or other, to the effect that the original duty laid
on by your Highness in Candia, and which is now repealed,
shall never come into force again, at any future period.
I, most serene Prince, rejoined becomingly to all the
points mentioned by the Cardinal ; and with regard to the
wines, he was told that the promise demanded by his lord-
ship seemed superfluous, since should this King repeal the
customs entirely, in accordance with justice, they could
always be put; on again, were the duties in Candia replaced
on their former footing, and thus, either party found itself
mutually guaranteed without any further form of promise.
So ended our conference on this matter 5 and in my "Re-
FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 28 1
port," I, Sebastian, shall freely explain my view of the case
to your Serenity, who will form such resolve, as to your
wisdom may seem fit.
1 See ante, p. 46, et seq.
London , July 9, 1519.
Our last were in date of the 30th ultimo, by the courier
GobboJ- since when, on the 6th instant, through the
most noble your Excellency's ambassador in France, we,
with our wonted respect, received two sets of missives from
the State, written on the 3rd and 5th June, together with
those addressed to the Legate Campeggio, and the sum-
maries of Turkish news, in execution of which letters,
what we have done hitherto is this : — We went, in the first
place, to Cardinal Wolsey, to whom we imparted the afore-
said news from Turkey, for which his right reverend lordship
thanked your Sublimity becomingly ; but we have hitherto
been unable to do the like by the King, as he is in the
country at a distance of some forty miles hence, enjoying his
usual sporting amusements.
On the day before yesterday we went to visit the right
reverend Legate Campeggio, to whom I, Surian, presented
your Serenity's letters, which were really very opportune,
accompanying them with such expressions as my ability
furnished, endeavouring to confirm the good disposition
which he seems to entertain towards the interests of the
illustrious Republic, assuring him of the excellent will of
your Serenity in favour of his right reverend lordship, and
how earnestly you wish to do whatever may redound to his
282 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN
honour and satisfaction. He returned our compliments,
most serene Prince, most lovingly, thanking your Serenity
for the affectionate letters and demonstration whereof he had
been made the object, alluding to the devotion of his late
father2 to your Sublimity, from whom he roundly affirmed
that all the weal and exaltation of his entire family had pro-
ceeded, as lately that of his right reverend lordship himself,
in virtue of the erudition and repute he had acquired under
the shadow of the Signory, for which reason he styled him-
self the eternal debtor of your Highness;3 adding that
should the opportunity ever present itself to him, the State
will know by experience that he is (to use his very own
words) your Serenity's good servant, expressions which we
did not fail to reciprocate becomingly.
We went lately to visit the most illustrious Dukes of
Buckingham4 and Norfolk, to each of whom, I, Surian,
paid becoming compliments on behalf of our Signory, which
they assuredly reciprocated very well and lovingly. Hitherto
I have not met with any one whose outward bearing (their
internal bias I leave to God) indicate aught but goodwill
towards the State, and especially towards this magnifico my
predecessor, who is, in truth, greatly loved by every one, on
account of the very worthy parts and excellent conduct of
his magnificence in this kingdom.
1 The translator has been unable to discover whether this courier,
John Gobbo, was the ancestor of Shylock's servant, Launcelot ; but he
was certainly much employed by the Venetian cabinet in the first
quarter of the sixteenth century, and he was frequently the bearer of
despatches between Rome and Venice during the embassy of Marco
Minio, from whose portfolio some extracts have been made in the fore-
going pages. That representatives of the Gobbo family yet existed in
the Venetian territories in the year 1846, is proved by the obituary in the
Venice Gazette, date January 6, 1846, which records the demise of one
Angela de^ Gobbi, a cloiun j and the recurrence of this name, as connected
with Venice, both in the sixteenth and nineteenth centuries, confirms our
FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 283
belief that Shakspeare derived many of his details of Venetian life from
Venetians established in England, rather than from Italian novelists,
who occasionally disregard precision in patronymics.
2 Giovanni Campeggio, one of the most famous jurisconsults of his
age. See ante, p. 203.
3 Lorenzo Campeggio, like his father, had been professor of juris-
prudence in the University of Padua, where he was probably educated,
and he is here alluding, as we judge, to these two facts, which recall the
words of Lucentio in the " Taming of the Shrew," when he announces
having come
" To see fair Padua, nursery of arts,"
and there to
" Institute
A course of learning, and ingenious studies." — Act I. sc. i.
4 The same who was beheaded A.D. 1521, May 17, and who is
mentioned by Shakspeare as
" Bounteous Buckingham,
The mirror of all courtesy." — King Henry VIII., Act. II. sc. i.
London, July 9, 1519.
Through the ambassador of my Lady Margaret, resident
with his Majesty here, news has been received of the
Catholic King's having been raised to the imperial throne :
intelligence which has really proved unexpected to many,
who rather hoped the choice might fall on some third
German candidate, instead of on France or Spain. May
our Lord God, whose judgments are inscrutable, grant
that this election prove for the benefit of the Christian
Republic!'
Amongst the rest of those to whom this news was unex-
pected, is the magnifico the French ambasador, who has in
truth taken it much to heart ; and when I, Surian, went to
visit him without my predecessor (his magnificence being
indisposed), he spoke at great length on this subject, coming
to the conclusion that it was more necessary than ever
to keep the King of England in friendship with his most
284 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN
Christian Majesty, who, being well linked with your
Sublimity, will have small cause to fear any stir that this
new Emperor my choose to make in Italy by coming armed
to take the crown there. Should the King of England, on
the other hand, not be his friend, the affair would be very
doubtful, by reason of the diversion which he might make in
this quarter. Said ambassador, however, appears not to
be sure of this King, both because of the national character
of the English, who are hostile to the French, and also
on account of the most serene Queen, who is a Spaniard,
adding that my Lady Margaret likewise sows discord inces-
santly ; he is apprehensive, in short, lest in the direction of
Flanders, at least, some movement be made against his
most Christian King, possibly with some secret subsidy
from his Majesty here, although he added that the Cardinal
of York appeared to be in favour of France, and not to have
been much pleased with this election of the King of Spain,
saying many other things to me besides.
I, most serene Prince, assured him that your Serenity
would never swerve from the sincere and very close alliance
existing between you and the most Christian King, and that
with faith inviolate you meant ever to share the fortunes of
his most Chirstian Majesty, You kept ambassadors here, I
said, and had lately sent me hither, chiefly for the sake
of maintaining this good friendship between France and
England, being well aware that this was necessary for the
mutual weal, as sagely remarked to me also by his mag-
nificence ; saying, in short, that for these reasons I should
act here not less as ambassador from King Francis, than
from your Sublimity, exhorting his lordship to act in
concert with me in all our proceedings here, as he vowed
was his intention, and that on account moreover of the
goodwill contracted with me especially of late, he said he
FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 285
chose us to commune together day and night like good
brothers and cordial friends, so that from our union every
one might judge how closely his most Christian King is
linked with your Highness, an invitation, most serene
Prince, which I shall accept most heartily, doing my utmost
not to fail in any respect.
On the evening before last, the envoy here of my Lady
Margaret having made preparation for bonfires, illumina-
tions, and other marks of rejoicing for the election of
the new Emperor, was hindered by the city authorities,
which has caused much dissatisfaction. It seems that yes-
terday the ambassador complained of this to Cardinal
Wolsey, and also publicly to the council, which evinced
much regret hereat, apologising and laying the whole blame
on the mayor and corporation, whom they accused of acting
rashly and without the knowledge of the King and Cardinal,
and the rest of the council. In proof of this they also
made a demonstration by imprisoning in the Tower as usual
certain officials, announcing their intention to hang them
by the neck as a warning to others. 2
1 From what follows, it would appear that the news of the election of
Charles V. reached London through the ambassador of his aunt, the
Governess of the Low Countries, on the yth July 1519. The record by
Hall is in these terms : " This yere in the moneth of June was elected
to be Emperor Charles Kyng of Castell, and nephew to the Quene, by
the whole assent of the Electors of the Empire : Although the Frenche
Kyng sent his Great Master to cause hym to be elected to the high
Maiestie of the Empire; yet his ambassador and great master of his
houshold called Courier Lord of Boisy, and brother to Willyam Gouf-
fier lorde Bonevet Admirall of Fraunce, whiche was ambassador in
Englande the last yere, as you have hard, did not so his message that it
toke any effect.
" The Kyng whiche had sent Doctor Pace his secretary for the
avauncement of his nephewe the Kyng ot Castell to the dignite
imperiall, because he had the duchy of Ostrik and many other seigniories
in Almain, was very joyous of this eleccion, and caused a solempne
masse to be song at Paulas the vii daie of July : at whiche masse was
286 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUST1NIAN
present the Cardinall Campeius, the Cardinall of Yorke, the Dukes of
Buckyngham, of Norfolk and Suffolk, with the ambassadors of Spain,
Fraunce, Venice, and Scotlande. And after masse was doen the quier
sang TV Deum, and then all the lordes departed to Baynardes Castle to
dinner, and that night wer solempne fiers made through London, and
greate plenty of wine geven by Italiens, Duchmen, and Spaniards for
these newes."
According to a despatch of Marco Minio, the Venetian ambassador
at Rome (No. 339), the election of Charles V. was first communicated
to Leo. X. through letters from Germany, dated the z8th June, which
reached him on the 5th July ; and the despatch of Minio, as also the
following one, No. 340, give some interesting details of the effect pro-
duced by this intelligence in the Eternal City.
2 This outrage induced or contributed to the mission of Norroy to
Lady Margaret 3 for in the Harleian Catalogue, vol. i. p. 112, there is
the following entry : —
" 283-5. Instructyons geven by the Kyng's Highnes to his trusty and
welbeloved servaunte Thomas William, alias Norrey Kynge of Armes ;
contayning suche matters as he one the Kinge's behalfe shall declare and
shewe to the Lady Margaret, Archeduches and Dowagere of Savoye j
the yeare of our Lord God ^519, in the nth yeare of the raigne of our
Soveraigne Lord Kinge Henry the VIII. touching the congratulacion of
the electyone of his nephewe Charles King of Castelle, to be Kynge of
Romaynes. And of a broylle in London against hir ambassadour. With
an addition made to the same by Cardinal Wolsey"
London, July 15, 1519.
Last Saturday, his Majesty being absent, the Cardinal of
York and these lords sent in the King's name to invite both
of us ambassadors to betake ourselves on the morrow to the
Cathedral Church, to assist at the ceremony which it was
intended celebrating here, for the election of the new King
of the Romans, the future Emperor. * * *
On Sunday, accordingly, having been taken as usual by
two leading cavaliers of the royal bed-chamber to the ap-
pointed place, we found there the two Cardinals of York
and Campeggio, the ambassador of his Catholic Majesty,
and all the chief lords of this kingdom.
FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 287
The French ambassador did not choose to attend, saying
he had as yet received no advice soever from his King
announcing this election. The ceremony was as follows :
all being assembled in the church in their appointed places,
the Te Deum was chaunted in state (solemnemente]^ after
which Cardinal Wolsey gave the benediction. Last of all,
was proclaimed by two heralds, the unanimous election of
the Catholic King as King of the Romans, future Emperor,
which done, everybody returned home. The refusal of
the French ambassador to assist at this solemnity has sur-
prised and offended many, of which we were fully assured
no later than yesterday by the Legate Campeggio, with
whom we dined.
On the day before yesterday, when visiting the most
illustrious Duke of Buckingham, the ambassador here from
the Catholic King likewise made his appearance, and thanked
both of us for the compliment, and for the goodwill demon-
strated by our presence at this ceremony. He told us he
had written the fact to his Catholic King, and to the Lady
Margaret, launching forth in loving language, which we also
reciprocated well in such becoming form, as (considering the
nature of the times) we deemed suited to the interests of
your Sublimity.
London, July 15, 1519.
Having dined yesterday with the Legate Campeggio, dis-
cussing moreover many and various topics with him during a
long while, we consider it our duty to acquaint your High-
ness with what we heard worthy of your notice. He told us
in the first p'ace that the Electors had decided upon thirty
288 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN
clauses to be adhered to by the new King of the Romans
the future Emperor, the copy of which he said had not yet
been sent him, though he was indeed expecting it. He
promised to communicate its contents to us when it arrived,
adding that hitherto only three of the clauses had been noti-
fied to him : first, that the new King of the Romans be
bound to fix his residence in Germany ; secondly, that he be
not at liberty to undertake any expedition of any sort soever,
without the express consent of the Electors ; thirdly, that none
of the ministers and councillors of the late Emperor Maxi-
milian may have a voice in the government and council
of the new King of the Romans, the future Emperor, and he
said that this third clause had been inserted, for the especial
purpose of ousting the Cardinal of Gurk.1
He next discussed the condition of the Catholic King, allud-
ing to his youth and delicate health,2 owing to which he was
fitter to be governed than to govern, and touching this par-
ticular he said the government was in the hands of my lord de
Chievres, a personage who is quite in the French interests.
Finally, he came to the conclusion that he could not imagine
any expedition would emanate at this present from his lord-
ship, especially against France and your Sublimity, in cor-
roboration of which he asserted that his Catholic Majesty was
straitened for money, being new also to his Spanish subjects,
where the allegiance of the population was not yet well estab-
lished; added to which, he said his Majesty had expended much
on this election, and given heavy security for the money.
Cardinal Campeggio declared also, that the new Emperor
would receive no aid soever from England, as the King
here and the English ministry are desirous of peace, nor
will they, for any consideration, infringe the new league
formed with France, strengthened as such is, by the
betrothal. He said, moreover, that this country had been
FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 289
sated by the war waged of late years with France, seeing
that it had cost them a great amount of treasure, and on our
hinting at the subsidy, which even now it is rumoured
they purpose transmitting privily to Flanders to be employed
against France, as mentioned to your Sublimity in our former
despatches, he made answer, declaring that according to his
opinion, nothing of the sort would be done. This suspi-
cion, he said, proceeded from the French ambassador resident
here, whom he declared to be in error, assuring us in general
terms that England would not act against France either
openly or secretly. The entire discourse of his right
reverend lordship terminated in ample offers of service pro-
portioned to his means, in favour of our illustrious republic,
which we returned in such fitting language as our abilities
suggested.
1 See note to despatch of May 26, 1517.
2 The words translated delicate healthy stand thus in the original :
" Discorse poi el stato del Re Catholico commemorando la eta jovenile
sua la poca prosperita" &c., &c. In Pasini's Dictionary, the word
prosperita is rendered by " <valida corporis kabitudo" We subjoin some
contemporary notices of the youth of Charles V., as an addition to the
scanty remains gleaned from Sandoval and Peter Martyr by Robertson,
relating to that period of his career which by no class of readers
will ever be deemed the least interesting.
The voyage of the young King from Flanders to Spain is several
times alluded to in the course of the foregoing despatches ; and we may
here remark that it was rendered necessary by the state of his affairs,
which were then anything but prosperous, whether in Spain, Naples, or
Sicily. The ambassador Minio, in a despatch from Rome, dated the
1 7th May 1517, writes, that when discussing the projected voyage of the
young King with the Pope, Leo X. remarked, " Reason would dictate
the voyage (although, if taken, all are agreed that his death will speedily
follow), as prompted by two causes: one being that the Cardinal of
Toledo, to whom all seem to defer, is ill, and upwards of seventy-five
years old, and, should he die, affairs would be in greater confusion than
ever j and the other is, that the people of Valladolid and Burgos have
an understanding together, and despatch emissaries conjointly to the
other places, and say that they mean to appoint delegates to his Catholic
Majesty ; so that the state is thrown into great confusion by his absence."
VOL. II. U
2QO DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN
Then, on the 7th September 1517, Minio informs the Council of Ten,
that the Cardinal de' Medici had told him the Sicilians were sending a
deputation to offer their island to the Pope, withdrawing their allegiance
from Spain ; and the Cardinal added, that his Holiness was at liberty to
accept the offer, as the entire kingdom of Naples was a papal fief. To
meet such difficulties, the court of Rome did not consider the young
King adequate ; and on the 1 6th September, Minio writes in cypher the
opinion entertained by Francesco d'Avalos, Marquis of Pescara and the
husband of Vittoria Colonna, in terms which are translated as follows : —
" The Marquis of Pescara and D. Theodore Boccali arrived lately at
Rome from the Catholic King, to whom they went on private errands
of their own, and they profess to have obtained what they required of his
Majesty, who, according to their account, has no sort of ability, and is
in leading-strings. On the three occasions when they were in his pre-
sence, they never heard him utter a single word, all matters being regu-
lated by his councillors, the chief of whom is M. de Chievres, who does
everything j and one day expressed himself in veiy strong terms against
the Emperor, showing that he feared nothing soever."
On the other hand, to prove how contemporaries disagree in their
character of the youth of Charles V., in a former despatch to the Coun-
cil of Ten, dated Rome, July 22, 1517, Minio writes, "The Spanish
ambassadors here have had letters from their Catholic King, informing
them that he was going into Spain immediately ; and that with regard
to the Duke of Guelders, he had taken such steps as would prevent his
making much progress, and that he was well aware who those were who
had sold, betrayed, and sacrificed him ; but that on arriving in Spain,
he would so provide for his need as to prove that he was not a lad.'"''
And in the Diaries of Sanuto, there is a curious anecdote in date of
October 30, 1514, showing how the young Prince had even then resented
being treated as a " lad," and threatened the members of his privy coun-
cil at the early age of fourteen, because they connived at the French
marriage of Maria Tudor, to whom he had been affianced ever since the
year 1509. The Marquis of Pescara mistook silence for stupidity; and
although, as natural at the age of seventeen, Charles of Castile may have
preferred a little fun and frolic with Jacques de Limbourg to the discus-
sion of politics with M. de Chtevres, he certainly had a will of his own
when only fourteen years old, as proved by the circumstance above
alluded to.
Not a word is said by Robertson or his authorities concerning this
display of authority by Charles of Burgundy on losing his bride in 1514.;
nor do we find any note of his delicate health here recorded by Cardinal
Campeggio, who, after mentioning the physical ailments of the new
King of the Romans, infers thence " Che el ditto Re era piu apto ad esser
gubernato che a gubernar."
FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 2QI
London, July 21, 1519.
By our last, your Highness will have heard all that had
chanced down to their date, including the communications
made to us by the Legate Campeggio, and from that time, to
this present, I, Giustinian, have been incessant in my en-
deavours to get despatched by Cardinal Wolsey.
The quantity of business on hand, prevented his lordship
from receiving us until yesterday, when he consigned the
royal letters for conveyance by me, Giustinian, whom he
charged (after many most honourable expressions concerning
your Excellency, lauding your justice, prudence, and polity)
to recommend him strongly to the State, promising to be
her good supporter, and to keep this King her friend, as he
ever has been. We thanked the Cardinal for this his good
disposition, and for the good offices used by him since the
arrival in this kingdom of me, Giustinian, of the which your
Highness, I said, would never be unmindful, or chary in re-
ciprocating every act proceeding either from the King and this
realm, or from his lordship individually. He next discussed
the affairs of the Princes of Christendom, between whom, he
said, he had toiled to contract peace and confederacy, which
he meant, moreover, to maintain ; and although a certain
power took the election of this new Emperor amiss, yet had
he so contrived hitherto, that this very Sovereign feigned
satisfaction, dissembling all regret on this account, in such
wise that he assured us no din of arms would arise in con-
sequence of this election, since, according to the articles of
the confederacy, his Majesty here was bound to support
whichever side found itself attacked, so that all would keep
within their boundaries.
We praised his right reverend lordship for the exertions
made by him to preserve the peace and union between the
292 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN
Christian powers, both for their own sakes, and also on
account of Sultan Selim, who, should he perceive the entire
Christian commonwealth steering one steady and united
course, would not dare to offer it provocation.
While on this topic, we took the opportunity of making
the announcement enjoined us, assuring him that although
your Highness is now silent about the Sultan, and tempo-
rizes with him, owing to the trade and the vicinity of our
borders, nevertheless, were we to perceive the Christian
powers united, and ready for an expedition, your Signory
would, as has ever been your wont, not fail to do your duty.
In reply to this, Cardinal Wolsey lauded your Excellency
vastly, and blamed the Pope for hastening this undertaking,
without considering that, in consequence of the past wars, all
the Christian powers were drained of treasure, and that it
would be requisite for them to accumulate as much as they
could, so as to be enabled to bear the burden of the war ;
and to this effect he was endeavouring that his Majesty
might add as much as possible to the treasures inherited
from his father. He exhorted your Excellency to adopt a
similar policy, so that all might be ready to take advantage
of any opportunity offered by the enemy.
This conversation being ended, I, Giustinian, in the act
of taking leave of his lordship, and recommending to him
the affairs of our nation, induced him to repeat his resolve
concerning the customs on the wines of Candia, so as not to
have occasion to hold out greater hopes than he warranted,
nor yet despair of what we might promise ourselves. He said
that he was anxious to satisfy your Excellency and his most
serene King, and that we should endeavour to obtain a
power for me, Surian, to treat this matter, the rights of
which either party must avail itself of to the utmost. His
lordship promised to abide by justice, saying also that the
FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 293
Signory should permit him to promise on her behalf, that in
case this new duty be repealed, the State will not again lay
on the duty of four ducats in Candia, adding, however, that
we were not to imagine that by these words he meant to say
he would repeal the wine-customs aforesaid. Item, that at
the same time, I should be authorized to negotiate all the
other matters affecting our nation — specifying the difficulties
with regard to the exportation of the wools, of the " deceit-
ful cloths," about bringing Venetian halfpence1 into this
kingdom, a thing which is yet prohibited — regulating all these
particulars, so that difficulties might no longer arise on any
score. As we were apprehensive that this was being done
with a view to alter the laws and ancient immunities in
force with regard to our nation here, we told him your
Excellency would accede to this willingly, provided no inno-
vation be effected in the ancient usages and commercial
relations hitherto observed ; to which his lordship made
answer, that he did not mean to alter either law or usage,
nor deteriorate the interests of our nation, but rather to
extend and ameliorate them, so as to keep your Signory
the good friend and confederate of this kingdom, and with
this we took leave of Cardinal Wolsey, who addressed me,
Giustinian, in terms as bland and loving as could possibly
be desired.
1 The word translated by halfpence, stands in the original marcheti.
In Boerio's Venetian Dictionary, marcheto is stated to be a small copper
coin, almost as large as a penny, which was current in the days of the
Republic before the last coinage of pence ; and so in Venice, even at the
close of the last century, the words marcheto and soldo (literally penny)
were synonymous. We, however, translate halfpence, and not pencey
because in acts of parliament passed in the years 1409, 1411, and 1415,
concerning the currency, there is a prohibition against the circulation of
galley halfpence and not galley pence : there can be no doubt but the
galleys which introduced this coin were those of the Venetians, and the
act of 1415 also prohibits the money called suskin and dotkin, a corrup-
tion of the Venetian words sessino and daottino, signifying a sixteenth
and an eighth, fractional parts of a larger coin. See Introduction, p. x.
DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN
London, July 26, 1519.
The most Christian King being anxious that the inter-
view between himself and his Majesty here (and which it
had been settled some months ago was to take place on
neutral ground between Boulogne and Calais, though
subsequently postponed, owing to the canvass for the
empire, and other causes well known to your Serenity),
should at length be effected, perhaps with a view thus
to ascertain the bias of England, has lately made his am-
bassador resident here again propose this matter, which was
discussed in the first place by Cardinal Wolsey, to whom
King Francis moreover wrote very warm and loving letters, to
consolidate the love and goodwill borne him by the Cardinal.
His most Christian Majesty aforesaid is, in short, de-
sirous for the King of England to consent to the meet-
ing taking place next August ; and the French ambassador
has given me to understand that the Cardinal answered him
with assurances in the first place of the goodwill borne
towards the most Christian King by his Majesty, who
would never swerve from the league and relationship he
had contracted, vowing to the ambassador that he himself
was equally well affected towards France. The Cardinal
added, that as he had been chief author of this league and
connection, he was bound in duty and honour to seeks its
maintenance with every effort and with all diligence. With
regard to the interview, he said he would communicate
the whole to the King, who was still in the country at
a distance of twenty-five miles from London, and that a
speedy answer would be given. It was the opinion of the
Cardinal, however, that this meeting could not be held
next month, as requested by the most Christian King,
as his Majesty here had made no preparations for ships
FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 295
and many other requisites, whether for the passage across
the Channel, or for the interview itself. He recommended,
therefore, it should be delayed until next May, coming to
the conclusion that he fancied this most serene King would
also be of a similar opinion.
The French ambassador, who acquainted us with every-
thing, is also convinced that he shall receive the like reply
from his Majesty, as this Cardinal is King, nor does his
Majesty depart in the least from the opinion and counsel of
his lordship.
To-morrow, I, Giustinian, shall, in God's name, depart
on my way to the feet of your Excellency, gratia cujus^
SEBAST. GIUSTINIAN, Eques,, ) _
A c ™ \Oratores.
ANTON. SURIAN, D. et Eques., J
NICOLAUS SAGUDINUS, Secretarius,
Fideliter Exemplavit.
APPENDIX.
APPENDIX I.
In the despatch of October 25, 1518, ante, p. 236, mention is made
of the four ambassadors destined for the French court, and their de-
parture from London is recorded at p. 238. Under date of February 25,
1519, ante, p. 251, it is stated that they were received with great
honour by the King of France, but no particulars are given. As all
notices of our early diplomatists and statesmen, and of the scenes
in which they bore a part, are interesting from their rarity, the fol-
lowing details are now added.
From the despatches of the Venetian ambassador at the French court,
it appears that the embassy mentioned by Giustinian entered Paris on
8th of December 1518, but were not met (as the Admiral Bonnivet had
been on coming into London), because it was not customary so to do
in France. The English horse had dwindled from the 600, mentioned
in the above despatch, to 200. Francis I. came into Paris in state on
the nth, and on the morrow, the English ambassadors had their public
audience ; the King being on his throne in the richest possible array, in
the midst of all the princes and nobility of France, including the King
of Navarre, the Legate Bibiena, the Cardinals of Boissi, Bourges,
Vendome, and Aracaeli, as narrated in a rare " broadside," which tells
how Nicholas West, Bishop of Ely, made an oration which was
answered by the Chancellor. On the following morning the King
went to Notre-Dame, with the ambassadors and all his court, when
mass was performed by the Cardinal Boissi, the benediction being
given by the Cardinal Legate Bibiena ; after which, the King and the
English envoys proceeded to the high altar, and swore to the clauses
of the peace, and signed them. The ambassadors then dined with
the King alone in the Bishop's palace, the only other guest being the
Cardinal Legate j and in the evening they supped with the Duke of
298 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN
Bourbon, who banqueted them most magnificently, the tables being
crowded with ladies as well as gentlemen.
On the next day, Sir Thomas Dockwra and his colleagues went to
visit the Queen, whom they found in company with the King's mother,
Louise of Savoy, and after the usual compliments, the company were
amused by viewing a sort of carousal, looking down from the windows
of the Palace des Tournelles on the quadrangle beneath, where a
number of the royal pages, mounted on the King's war-horses, charged
up and down the lists which had been prepared for the joust, and
shivered a few short spears. On the morning of the i6th of December,
the ambassadors attended mass with the Queen, who swore to the
marriage, as proxy for the Dauphin, and then went and dined with the
Duke d'Alen9on, the first husband of Margaret, sister of Francis I.,
and who, on the death of the Duke of Alemjon, married the King
of Navarre. It is not stated whether the Duchess assisted at the
banquet, but her presence would have added an interest to these details,
if but for the sake of Shakspeare, who makes Cardinal Wolsey choose
her as a mate for Henry VIII., in preference to Anna Boleyn, thus —
" It shall be to the Duchess of Alenson,
The French King's sister, he shall marry her.
Anne Bullen ! — no, I'll no Anne Bullens for him."
In short, both the King and all the French nobility treated the em-
bassy with the greatest cordiality, Francis I. roaming with his guests
arm-in-arm over the royal residences, and masqueing and visiting
the ladies in their company, though as no names are given, it remains
doubtful whether Sir Thomas Dockwra participated in these gallantries.
On the 1 7th and i8th of December, King Francis gave a grand hunt.
On Sunday the i9th, there was a royal banquet, and on Monday the
zoth, the jousts commenced, details which are contained in the de-
spatches of the Venetian ambassador at the French court, whose secre-
tary, Hironimo da Canal, also writes from Paris, in date of the i7th
December as follows : —
"My last were written on the nth, and on that evening the most
Christian King came into the town accompanied by all his gentlemen
and guards and court in great state, and went and lodged at the palace
(subsequently Le Palais de Justice), and not at the place he usually
inhabits (Palais de Tournelles). On the morrow, after dinner, he gave
FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 299
public audience to the English ambassadors in a handsome hall, with
tapestry all round j the ceiling being powdered with lilies. In this hall
there was a stage, raised three steps from the floor, taking up half the
hall, and at the extremity of this platform, in the centre, was a tribunal
with an ascent of three steps, and there stood a chair covered with cloth
of gold, surmounted by an ample canopy of gold brocade with a raised
pile, which fell in folds all round, the three steps being covered with
violet-coloured velvet, powdered with lilies. On this chair the most
Christian King was seated, having a cushion of cloth of gold at his feet.
His Majesty was dressed in a robe of cloth of silver, with a raised
pile, and figured with very beautiful flowers, the lining being of Spanish
heron's feathers, which are much used here, and very expensive ; and his
doublet was of very costly cloth of gold : he had no crown on his head,
or anything but his usual cloth cap. At his Majesty's right hand, on
the floor below the raised tribunal, was the right reverend Legate Santa
Maria in Porticu, seated on a chair covered with gold brocade, over
which was a canopy, likewise of cloth of gold, but not so ample as the
King's. Beside his right reverend lordship was the King of Navarre,
on another chair, also covered with cloth of gold, and along the plat-
form on the same side, there sat in succession the Dukes of Alengon and
Bourbon, the Duke of Ferrara, Monsieur de S. Pol, the brother of
Monsieur de Vendome, the Prince de Vendome, and the son of the
German Duke de Lininburg. On the left hand side were the Cardinals
Boissi, Bourges, Vendome, and Aracaeli, seated on a bench, and after
them in succession came the ambassadors, namely, the Papal Nuncio,
Spain, Venice, and Florence $ and then, at a little distance, there was
the magnifico the Chancellor (Antoine Duprat), and a crowd of bishops
in their rochets. Behind the King's chair and thereabouts, stood the
Lord Steward (Gouffier de Boissi), and his brother the Admiral (Bon-
nivet), and Monsieur de Rothelin, and Monsieur de L'Escu, with many
other great personages, dressed for the most part in cloth of gold,
and, in short, there was not a single one who wore any material less
costly than silk. On this same left hand side, in the corner, a small
platform had been raised, from whence, behind blinds, the ceremony
was viewed by the Queen, by the most illustrious Madame . Louise
of Savoy, his Majesty's mother, by his sister, Madame d'Alen9on, and
by Madame de Nemours. At the other end of the hall, there was
another platform, which extended its whole breadth, and held all the
ladies of the court. Shortly after all were seated, the four English
300 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN G1USTINIAN
ambassadors made their appearance, namely, the Lord Chamberlain, the
Bishop of Ely, my Lord of St. John's, of the order of Rhodes, and the
Captain of Guisnes, having been escorted from their dwelling by
Monsieur de Vend6me, the Bishop of Toulouse, the Great Bastard of
Savoy, and Monsieur de Chatillon, who accompanied them to the
platform. At the doors of the hall outside, the King's archers were
dra\Vn up ; and within, there were the aoo gentlemen with their battle
axes, who cleared the way.
" When the ambassadors reached the middle of the platform, and
after they had made the due obeisance, the King rose from his throne,
and descended the steps, and embraced each of them very graciously
with his usual affability, and they presented the letters of credence to
his Majesty, who then resumed his seat, and caused the ambassadors
likewise to be seated in front of him, on a bench across the platform.
The Lord Chamberlain was dressed in a vest of crimson satin, lined
with sables, and there was a richly jewelled pendant in his cap. The
Bishop wore his rochet. My Lord of St. John's had a vest of black
satin, and that of the Captain of Guisnes was of cloth of gold, lined
with sables. Near the ambassadors, but behind them, and also on
either side, were some twenty English gentlemen, superbly dressed in
vests of cloth of gold, with pendants on their bonnets, and chains
round their necks and waists, and I even saw one with a girdle, loaded
with jewels of immense value. So soon as the ambassadors were seated,
the King called the magnifico the Grand Chancellor, and gave him the
letters, which were read in a low tone, and on their conclusion, his
Majesty desired him to tell the ambassadors to state the object of their
mission, which the Chancellor did in Latin, whereupon the Bishop of
Ely recited an oration, which being ended, the King again called the
magnifico the Chancellor, charging him to reply j and on returning to
his seat, he answered becomingly in Latin, and at the close of the
discourse the ambassadors rose, and the King again came down from his
throne, and discoursed a while familiarly with them } he also, before
dismissing them, embraced all their gentlemen, in acknowledgment of a
similar compliment paid by the King of England to the French cour-
tiers at Greenwich, and thus did the audience end.
" Then on the i4th, his most Christian Majesty came to the church
of Notre-Dame, accompanied by the whole court and the barons, and
behind him followed the four English ambassadors, all of whom took
their places, the King kneeling on cloth of gold, with a cushion under
FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 30!
him, his kneeling desk being surmounted by a dais of cloth of gold,
the sides being of silver brocade. His Majesty was dressed in a cap
of gold tissue, slashed all over with knots, and the lining was of silver
brocade j his doublet being of the richest cloth of gold. The ambas-
sadors were in pompous array j and all the English gentlemen wore
most massive gold chains ; but, in short, the whole court abounded with
gold and silver, and brocade, both plain and with a raised pile, and also
with silk, offering a most gorgeous spectacle. The Cardinal Boissi
chaunted a high mass of the Holy Ghost, after which the ambassadors
approached the high altar, as did the King likewise, and in the presence
of all, swore to observe the articles agreed to in England, ratifying them
with his sign manual, and then placing the Legate on his right hand,
and the Lord Chamberlain on his left, he and the other ambassadors
went to dine with the Bishop of Paris, who gave them a stately banquet,
served solely on gold plate. The supper given them by Monsieur
de Bourbon was equally sumptuous, and they were yet at table after
midnight, so that the King lavishes all possible caresses on these English
men.
"On the 1 6th, the ambassadors went to visit the Queen, who gave
them her consent to the marriage of the Dauphin to their King's
daughter.
" Yesterday his Majesty went boar and stag hunting, and took a
number of these English gentlemen with him to amuse them : he is
expected to return this evening ; and on Sunday gives a banquet, which
will be most superb. Then, on Monday, the jousts will commence ;
and of what I shall see and hear I will give special notice, as I have
done by these present."
The account of the banquet is given as follows, in a despatch from
the ambassador Antonio Giustinian, dated Paris, September 23, 1518 : —
" After my last of the i7th, the jousting commenced, and yesterday
the banquet was given in great pomp and magnificence at a place called
the Bastille, where a temporary wooden building was erected on a
square, a very large hall being formed there, decorated with many orna-
ments and illuminated with a huge blaze of light. Many ladies were
present, dressed in the Italian fashion, and various companies of masquers
very richly arrayed in sundry costumes, and apparel of cloths of gold
and silver and of silk. After supper, the King, and the Princes, and
captains, and gentlemen, disguised themselves according to their rank
and age, as an additional mark of rejoicing ; and even Messieurs de
302 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN
Roval and de Montmorency, who are each seventy years old, wore vizors.
The right reverend Legate assisted at the entertainment, together with
the other four Cardinals in ordinary, as also the ambassadors, of whom,
however, I was the only one present besides the Englishmen, because
Spain and Florence are indisposed ; nor would they give a place to the
Nuncio as ambassador, because of the presence of the Legate. The chief
table was in the shape of a horseshoe, on a lofty stage raised three or four
steps from the ground ; the King sat at the head, having his sister the
Duchess of Alenc,on on his left hand, and the Legate on his right j and
then, on either side, ladies and gentlemen were seated alternately, the
princes of the blood, however, and the Duke of Ferrara and the cardi-
nals and the ambassadors, alone taking place at this table. The rest of
the guests were below the platform at other tables, but ranged alternately
as aforesaid ; many of the ladies being dressed in the Italian fashion, and
many in that of France. The Queen and Madame Louise were in the
corridor near the platform, from whence they viewed the whole sight,
and the feast lasted for about two hours, and after midnight the collation
was served by ladies dressed in the Italian fashion.
" Despite the entertainments during all this time, the English ambas-
sadors have not failed going every day to the palace for the despatch of
their business 5 and this very day the King took another oath in private
to certain detached clauses which are kept secret, and relate to mutual
obligations, the Legate alone assisting at this oath, to render it more
valid, the King of England having done the like in the presence of the
Cardinal Legate of York. It is not yet known when the ambassadors
will depart," &c.
Another account (contained in the Diaries of Sanuto) of the banquet
given in honour of Lord Worcester and Sir Thomas Docwra and their
colleagues, is of the following tenor : —
" On the zznd of December, the banquet was held in a place called
the Bastille, which is a small fortress surrounded by very high walls and
turrets, and a moat, constructed of yore as a bulwark for the city, and in
its centre is a large space, which was squared and floored with timber,
three galleries being raised all round, one above the other, for the accom-
modation of a multitude of spectators, the whole being covered in with
an awning of blue canvass well waxed, so that although it rained hard
during the entertainment, only a few drops got through. This canvas
was carried down to the galleries, and all powdered with gilt stars and
signs, and celestial planets painted, to represent the heavens, and about
FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 303
the hall a number of mottoes were suspended in French and Latin.
Beneath the galleries, there hung white and tawny cloth in alternate
stripes, these being the colours of his most Christian Majesty, and the
whole floor was carpeted in like manner. A most immense number of
torches were placed in sconces all round, and likewise in the centre in
pendent chandeliers of three or four tiers, each of which held from
twelve to sixteen torches, each torch weighing three pounds, throwing
such a marvellous blaze of light on the starry ceiling, as to rival the sun.
In the four corners of this place there were four cupboards, one in each
corner, set out with a vast number of very rich vases of gold and silver :
then one ascended four steps to a platform, which had a gradual ascent,
the entire platform being almost the size of the apartment, the front
being formed by columns, but with a void which gave room for three
persons abreast to ascend the platform. The floor of the platform was
carpeted with the same colours as the hall, and benches were placed all
round, and in lieu of hangings there was gold brocade.
Besides the ceiling described above, which covered the whole place, the
platform was overhung by a bower, lattice-wise, of box and ivy and other
evergreens, roses and flowers being suspended from beneath ; and across
the platform at the extremity where the King had to take his seat, was
an ample dais of cloth of gold with a tester which came down to the
ground : under the dais were two chairs covered with cloth of gold, on
one of which the King sat at table, and on the other, his sister, the
Duchess of Alencon. The tables were placed at the extremity of the
platform, and down the sides, the guests being seated inside in the
following order : first, as aforesaid, the King, with his sister on his left
hand ; to his right, on the bench, the Cardinal Legate, by whose side
was the Countess Borromeo, the daughter of Messer Galeazo Visconti ;
and after her came the magnifico the Lord Chamberlain, the chief of the
English ambassadors ; then Madame the Vidame, the daughter of the
most illustrious the Lord Steward ; and at her side was the Cardinal de
Boissi ; then came Madame the wife of the Admiral Bonnivet, and
beside her was my Lord of St. Johns, another of the English ambassa-
dors, and then came the other daughter of the aforesaid magnifico
Visconti ; next, were the Cardinals de Bourges and Vendome, and the
Captain of Guisnes, the third English ambassador 5 then came the
Cardinal Aracaeli and the Venetian ambassador, and a lady, and also
between each of the aforesaid,' in the same order as already described,
there sat a lady ; nor were there any other ambassadors, because Spain
304 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN
and Florence were indisposed, and the Nuncio did not come, because
owing to the presence of the Legate there was no place for him as
ambassador. On the King's left hand, beside the Duchess of Alemjon,
there sat the Bishop of Ely, the second of the English ambassadors, at
whose side was Madame de Nemours ; then came Monsieur d' Alengon,
followed by Madame de Chateaubriand, beside Monsieur de Vendome,
between whom and the Duke of Ferrara, sat another lady ; the Prince
de Vendome, who was the next gentleman, having also a lady on each
side of him.
" On the floor, below the platform, there were two tables extending
the whole length of the place, filled inside and out with the gentlemen
of the English embassy, and many other French gentlemen, who were
all seated, alternately with ladies. The company danced to the sound
of trumpets and fifes, until the third hour of the night, and amongst
those ladies there were some thirty dressed in the Italian fashion, with
dresses all of silk, of damask and satin, of various colours, slashed with
gold and silver, some with flowers, some with letters, some with one
device and some with another, making a very fine show, and they all
wore caps on their heads. Then supper commenced, which lasted about
two hours, a profusion of viands of every sort of game being served in
nine courses, each of which contained great varieties, all on dishes of
gold and silver, and each course was announced by a flourish of
trumpets, and they came as far as the foot of the platform, being
followed by the captains of the bowmen, with six (followers) in pairs j
then came the heralds, in advance of the seneschals of the King's house-
hold, who preceded the most illustrious the Lord Steward with his staff
in his hand.
" The supper being ended, a company of about twenty masquers
made their appearance, dressed in doublets of white velvet striped with
gold j their caps, hose, shoes, and feathers, being white, and these were
all young men. They were followed by another company dressed in
long mantles of black satin, reaching to the ground, lined with white
satin, slashed at the bottom and in front, and at the sides, where they
were open, with silver muslin of more than a quarter's breadth, and
over their shoulders they had broad chains, formed of plates of gold and
silver, with false white hair on their heads, and hoods of black satin, not
very large, and masks with white beards : these were my Lord Steward,
my lord the Bastard of Savoy, Monsieur de la Tremouille, Monsieur de
la Palice, Messienrs de 1'Escu and St. MSme, and others, fourteen in all,
FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 305
and they made a fine show and presented themselves with great gravity :
beneath their mantles they wore doublets of cloth of gold and silver, with
raised piles in various fashions.
" Another company likewise came, all dressed in black velvet, with
capes in the French fashion of the same material, as were their doublets,
hose, caps, &c. ; the whole costume being slashed with white puffs, and
the edges of the capes were embroidered with various devices. A third
company consisted of four individuals in long flowing robes of black
velvet, powdered all over with gold letters. Then there was another
company, also dressed in long gowns, with 'tall stockings'" (compare
King Henry VIII, act i., scene 6, for the term "tall stockings"),
"' short bolstered breeches' (canoni), and wide sleeves in checquers, one
half of black and violet coloured velvet, and the other half of cloth of
silver. Then came the King in a long gown, fitting close, both behind
and before, like Christ's robe, of white satin, embroidered all over in
gold, with certain compasses and dials, concerning which, various
interpretations were given. Besides the foregoing, there were many
other masquers, in various costumes, the one handsomer than the other,
so motley that it is impossible to detail them ; but it may suffice to
say that there was nothing but gold and silver and silk.
" The King and the others abovementioned danced as much as they
each liked, and then a collation of sugared and other confections was
served by the ladies dressed in the Italian fashion, the chief of whom
were the daughters of the magnifico Messer Galeazo Visconti ; and the
dancing continued even after the collation, but by degrees the company
dispersed, and long after midnight the entertainment was at. an end.
The Queen and Madame Louise stayed the whole time viewing the sight,
from one of the galleries near the King's dais ; her Majesty being
sumptuously dressed with a necklace of innumerable very large pearls,
in which sundry very valuable jewels were set. The entertainment was
really superb and pompous, and one of the finest ever given in
France."
A third account in Sanuto's Diaries, of the entertainments given to
Sir Thomas Docwra and his colleagues, is written by one of the atten-
dants of Don Alfonso, Duke of Ferrara, the husband of Lucrezia
Borgia, and runs thus : —
"December 23, 1518, in Paris. — There was a fine tournament, the
King and twenty-four aids all dressed alike being on one side, and
Monsieur de S. Pol, with as many more, on the other, in a different
VOL. II. X
306 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN
costume, each side being very richly clad, and they fought with very
bright swords with no edge, using them scimitar-wise. Having rested
a while after fighting singly, they then ran a general tilt all together,
which was a fine sight. Then in the evening towards sunset, on the
site of this joust, which had been held at a place called the Bastille,
where sumptuous preparations had been made, from twenty-four to
thirty young ladies made their appearance, all richly dressed in the
Italian fashion, in divers colours, with caps on their heads, some being
married and some unmarried ; and they were dressed by the daughter
of Monseigneur Visconti, who was with them ; their dresses indeed
being rather low in the boddice (un pocho scolatti gli sui pannl havendo
le gorgiera come hawvano) , and they danced with those lords and
barons in the Italian fashion ; and then at the second hour of the night
the tables were placed for about 250 persons.
The site was approached by a very wide and long street nearly the same
distance as from the Castle to the house of the Lord Prospero (query,
at Naples), all covered over, scallop-wise, with box and laurel and other
ornaments, and decorated with armorial bearings of the King and his
nobles. Then through a very narrow corridor, one entered the castle,
and in the court-yard a very handsome temporary building had been
erected, the size of the large quadrangle of Castel-nuovo there at
Naples, between the gate and the tilt-yard. The floor was all planked
and carpeted with the King's colours, and the covering of the building
was of blue cloth with an infinite number of gold balls, and very lofty,
with three tiers of balconies all round for the spectators, that they might
not hinder the entertainment. At one end of the building was a plat-
form raised three steps, and about ten yards wide, with a row of
columns, where the damsels appointed to dance stood. The hangings
were of gold brocade, to the height of two breadths ; evergreens being
suspended from above, mixed with many artificial ornaments, such as
roses and other flowers, which produced a handsome effect ; and in the
centre was a dais of cloth of gold, under which the King was to sit at
supper with the English ambassadors. There were no additional decora-
tions on the lowest balcony, from whence the Queen and Madame
Louise viewed the entertainment. Around the building, the celes-
tial signs were affixed, cut in pasteboard of a fair size, and there were
600 torches, all of white wax and very fine. There were four cup-
boards all set out with new vases, two at each end of the apartment, two
being piled with gold and two with silver, of which not a single vessel
FROM THE COURT OF HENRY VIII. 307
was touched. When all the guests had arrived, the doors were closed,
and the commenced playing their instruments and
dancing with the King and those lords, the Queen and Madame Louise
looking on from their balcony the whole time. Her Majesty was
dressed in a very rich gown of cloth of gold, lined with very beautiful
sables, and a quantity of jewels on her head and neck, and round her
waist, so that she quite sparkled.
" After dancing two dances, the tables were placed on the platform for
the King, to whom the water was presented for his hands ; after which
his Majesty seated himself on a chair covered with cloth of gold, under
a dais of the same material, with a raised pile. On his right hand, sat
his sister the Duchess of Alemjon, then the Cardinal Legate Sta.
Maria in Porticu, then the four English ambassadors, between each of
whom damsels were seated. On the King's left hand, was one called
the daughter of Messer Visconti, namely, the Countess wife of Count
Frederic Borromeo, then came a Bishop, one of the English ambassa-
dors ; then Monsieur d'Alemjon ; then Monsieur de Vendome ; then
my Duke (Ferrara), and then two knights of the order of S. Michael j
the damsels who divided the gentlemen being in number twenty.
" The Cardinal of Aracaeli also came, making meagre fare, because
it was Advent, and was waited on by one of his monks, the Cardinal
Boissi being likewise present.
" Whilst the grandees were seating themselves, the music struck up,
in the Italian fashion, and then proceeded to the kitchen, and the
viands commenced appearing on very large dishes, some of which
emitted fire and flames, making a fine sight, being brought thus : first,
came eight trumpeters playing ; then the archers of the body guard,
with the Captain Gabriel in front, dressed in a doublet all covered with
massive gold embroidery, a large chain round his neck, and a wand in
his hand ; he was followed by five heralds, dressed as such in their royal
tabards, who preceded the eight seneschals in ordinary of the King's
household ; after whom came my lord steward, in a very rich vest of
cloth of gold, lined with sables, and wearing the collar of the order of
S. Michael round his neck : the King's viands were borne by twenty-
four pages of honour, in gold dishes ; and then came some 200 archers
with the rest of the viands for the tables below, namely, those not on the
platform. In this array, they went twice to the kitchen, the heralds
making their obeisance to the King, who gave them two large silver
dishes, which is said to be the usual custom, whenever the Kings of
308 DESPATCHES OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN.
France banquet in state. At the close of the repast, the tables were
removed instantaneously, without noise, and those who did not dance
went aloft into the galleries to view the entertainment, and the music
commenced ; the archers of the guard alone remaining in the space
below the platform 5 and forthwith twelve masquers appeared, dressed in
white velvet, with tunics like Zimares, the sides being of gold thread,
with white plumes and white shoes, and white swords at their sides, in
the most gallant trim possible.
" Then came six other masquers dressed in mantles of tawny satin,
in the apostolic fashion, the trains being of beaten silver, and underneath
they wore doublets to match the mantles, lined with white satin. These
were followed by twelve more, also masqued, dressed in four capes of
black velvet in the French fashion, lined with white satin, embroidered
with silver spangles, all slashed, each wearing a black cap, in some of
which was a large pearl in a very handsome jewelled setting ; and they
had very beautiful swords at their sides, with black velvet sheaths, and
plumes on their heads, with large gold chains for girdles ; and they
danced in single and double and treble couples until the eighth hour of
the night, always in the Italian fashion. The Captain Gabriel then
took all the ladies dressed in the Italian costume into a chamber, putting
into the hands of each of them a silver dish full of confections, and these
they carried in pairs for collation to the ambassadors and all the others
on the platform j and it was a very beautiful sight, and thus did the
entertainment end. This entertainment, together with the presents
given to the ambassadors, has cost his Majesty upwards of 450,000
crowns.*'
APPENDIX II.
COMPENDIUM OF THE "REPORT" OF THE MOST NOBLE MESSER
SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN, PROCURATOR AND KNIGHT, CONCERN-
ING HIS LEGATION IN ENGLAND, DELIVERED IN THE SENATE
ON THE ioth OCTOBER, 1519.
This MS. report, the original of which exists in the library of Count
Agostino Sagredo at Venice, has never yet been printed in full, either
in Italian or any other language. As stated in the heading, it was
made to the Senate on the ioth of October, 1519, but as the MS.
gives its author the title of Procurator, which he did not obtain until
1540, it may be supposed that the compendium was written out from his
own notes, about that period. Its contents, at any rate, are for the most
part corroborated by his correspondence, and some trifling inaccuracies
in the Sagredo transcript have been corrected by the translator, through
the Diaries of Marin Sanuto. It runs thus : —
That he considered that he had two important announcements to
make to the Senate, the first being a narrative of his negotiations
during a mission of fifty-seven months, which he should deliver,
omitting whatever was superfluous and unimportant ; without, however,
passing over any thing bearing the stamp of novelty and variety.
Secondly, it behoved him to return infinite thanks for the honours
conferred on him by the State ; saying, that of yore, by the law " Post
Limina^ it was lawful for any one who had been a long while abroad
on public service, to receive indemnity for losses incurred during his
absence, a law which he himself had no occasion to enforce, as not
only had he recovered all losses, but had, moreover, received so much
from their Lordships, that it far exceeded any demand he could have
made, wherefore he returned endless thanks, and having nothing but
310 REPORT OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN.
his life to offer, he promised never to spare it for the service of the
State, to whom he felt himself eternally obliged.1
That on the loth of January 1515 he left Venice, and went straight
to Lyons, where he found Messer Piero Pasqualigo, with whom he
proceeded to Paris, where they arrived on the i sth of March. They
remained there some days before obtaining audience, because the king
chose in the first place to despatch the ambassador of the Archduke,2
on whose departure he gave them a most gracious audience, advancing
six or seven paces to meet them, cap in hand. They then seated them-
selves, the princes of the blood being on the King's right hand, and on
his left were other lords and barons, whilst around the throne there
stood the King of Navarre, the son of the late King Frederick, and
some other grandees, in whose presence Messer Sebastian delivered the
oration, to which, by order of his Majesty, as loving and gracious a
reply was made as could possibly be desired.
They then both left Paris, and the Magnifico Messer Piero Pas-
qualigo went into Flanders,3 he, Giustinian, crossing over to England.
He did not obtain audience immediately, because the king chose to delay
giving it him until St. George's Day, when he celebrates the festival of
that order, of which his Majesty is the Abbot, and of which the late
Emperor Maximilian was Prior. This order numbers twenty-four
members, including kings, princes, and noblemen. His Majesty was
dressed in a mantle of purple velvet, lined with white damask, with a
hood of miniver, and the device of the order on his hose j 4 he was
surrounded by all the other dukes and barons, the right rev. Cardinal
of York being also present, and before them all, Messer Sebastian
delivered his oration, which received a becoming reply.
Words cannot express how irksome his legation proved to him, not
from the transaction of much business, but because of the enmity
between France and England when he entered on it ; and by reason of
the close alliance between the Signoiy and the French crown, owing to
which both King and Cardinal and others, had the worst possible
opinion of us : <vocabant nos piscatores, raptores sine fidef and this on
account of the infraction of the league with Spain, styling us tyrannos,
and using every possible ignominious epithet. The ambassador's chief
object, therefore, was to justify all our proceedings, and to prove to
every one that their impressions were false, and he succeeded so, that
they are now very well satisfied.
Another arduous task performed by him on this legation was ren-
REPORT OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN. 31 1
dered necessary thus. His Majesty and the Cardinal were anxious to
make peace between the State and Maximilian, and to detach us from
the King of France, so he had need of extreme caution ; and matters
remained in this form until England and France made peace, of which
many persons consider our ambassador to have been the primary cause j
for one day when in a chamber with the King,6 his Majesty showed
him the Princess, then two years old (and who is now three and a half),
in her nurse's arms ; the ambassador drew near, and knelt, and kissed
her hand, for that alone is kissed by any duke or noble of the land, let
his degree be what it may 5 nor does any one see her without doffing
his bonnet, and making obeisance to her. The King then said to him,
" Domine orator! per Deum immortalem ista puella nunquam plorat^
and the ambassador replied, " Sacred Majesty, the reason is that her
destiny does not move her to tears; she will even become Queen of
France." These words pleased the King vastly, and a few days later,7
when the ambassador, conferring with Cardinal Wolsey, announced
the receipt of letters from his colleague in France, Messer Antonio
Giustinian, expressing a wish on behalf of King Francis, for peace and
union with England ; the Cardinal rejoined, " If this is true, France
has a son, and our King has a daughter, were it wished they might be
affianced." The ambassador then wrote these words to Messer
Antonio Giustinian at the French court, and several letters passed
between them on the subject. Finally Villeroy went over to England
on behalf of the King of France, and commenced negotiating peace by
means of this marriage, and the surrender of Tournai ; so that at length
the French ambassadors came, namely the Bishop of Paris, Admiral
Bonivet, and Francois de Rochechouart, Seigneur de Champ-denier,
who, after much discussion, concluded perpetual peace between the two
crowns, including almost all the potentates of Christendom, both parties
designating the most illustrious Signory.
They stipulated the marriage of the Princess Mary to the most
illustrious the Dauphin, with a dower of ,* agreeing for the
surrender of Tournai, per nomine dotis, with the obligation ex parte
Francia tenendi suos obsides apud majestatem Anglic, et hoc in casu,
that the marriage lack effect, to secure the restitution of Tournai to
England.
* As this blank, and also some others which follow, are found in the original
MS., the translator has not thought it right to fill them up, but in most cases
the sense of the passage is made sufficiently clear by the context.
312 REPORT OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN.
With regard to the inclusion of the Signory in this treaty, our
ambassador experienced very great difficulty in preventing Cardinal
Wolsey from inserting a clause, to the effect that all the disputes
between the Emperor Maximilian and the Signory were to be referred
for arbitration to his Holiness and the Kings of England and France,
but at length contrived to effect the nomination unconditionally, ab
utroque latere, being moreover much aided in this matter by the French
ambassadors, most especially by the Bishop of Paris and Admiral
Bonivet, the same who was a prisoner here during the war, and he
appears very devoted to the interests of this State.
The right rev. Cardinal Campeggio, who was Apostolic Legate there
in England, likewise demonstrated by all his actions, the greatest
possible affection and favour towards the Signory.
The ambassador brought with him an authenticated copy of the
articles of the peace.
CONCERNING THE PERSONAL QUALITIES OF HIS MAJESTY.
And first of all, his Majesty is twenty-nine years old, and ex-
tremely handsome ; nature could not have done more for him ; he is
much handsomer than any other sovereign in Christendom, a great deal
handsomer than the King of France j very fair, and his whole frame
admirably proportioned. On hearing that Francis I. wore a beard, he
allowed his own to grow, and as it is reddish, he has now got a beard
which looks like gold. He is very accomplished ; a good musician ;
composes well $ is a most capital horseman ; a fine j ouster ; speaks good
French, Latin, and Spanish ; is very religious ; hears three masses
daily when he hunts, and sometimes five on other days : he hears the
office every day in the Queen's chamber, that is to say vespers and
compline. He is very fond indeed of hunting, and never takes this
diversion without tiring eight or ten horses, which he causes to be
stationed beforehand along the line of country he may mean to take,
and when one is tired, he mounts another, and before he gets home they
are all exhausted. He is extremely fond of tennis, at which game it is
the prettiest thing in the world to see him play, his fair skin glowing
through a shirt of the finest texture.
He gambled with the French hostages to the amount occasionally, it
is said, of from six to eight thousand ducats in a day.
He is affable, gracious $ harms no one 5 does not covet his neigh-
bour's goods, and is satisfied with his own dominions, having often
REPORT OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN. 313
said to the ambassador, " Domine Orator, we want all potentates to
content themselves with their own territories : we are satisfied with this
island of ours."
He seems extremely desirous of peace.
He is very rich indeed ; according to report, his father left him ten
millions of ready money in gold, of which he is supposed to have spent
one half in the war against France when he took Tournai ; and he
certainly expended a considerable sum at that period, for he had three
armies on foot ; one crossed the channel with him ; another was in the
field against Scotland ; and the third remained with the Queen as a
reserve, in case the other two encountered any disaster.
His revenues amount to about 350,000 ducats annually, and are
derived from estates, forests, and meres ; from the customs or duties ;
from hereditary and confiscated property; from the Duchies of Lan-
caster, York, Cornwall, and Suffolk ; from the County Palatine of
Chester and others; from the Principality of Wales; from export
duties ; from the wool staple ; from the Great Seal ; from the annats
yielded by church benefices; from the Court of Wards; and from
new year's gifts ; for on the first of the year it is customary for his
Majesty to make presents to every body, but the value of those he
receives in return greatly exceeds his own outlay.
His Majesty's expenses may be estimated at 100,000 ducats, those in
ordinary having been reduced from 100,000 to 56,000; to which must
be added 16,000 for salaries; 5,000 for the stable; 5,000 for the
halberdiers, who have been reduced from 500 to 150 ; and 16,000
for the wardrobe, for he is the best dressed sovereign in the world : his
robes are the richest and most superb that can be imagined ; and he
puts on new clothes every holiday.
CONCERNING THE PERSONAL (DUALITIES OF THE QUEEN.
The Queen is the sister of the mother of the King of Spain, now
Styled King of the Romans. She is thirty-five years old, not handsome,
but has a very beautiful complexion. She is religious, and as virtuous
as words can express.8
The ambassador saw her but seldom.
CONCERNING THE PERSONAL QUALITIES OF THE CARDINAL
OF YORK.
In a work composed by the ambassador, this prelate has been styled
Orion.9
314 REPORT OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN.
He is of low origin : he has two brothers, one of whom holds an
untitled benefice, and the other is pushing his fortune.10
This Cardinal is the person who rules both the King and the entire
kingdom. On the ambassador's first arrival in England, he used to say
to him, — " His Majesty will do so and so :" subsequently, by degrees,
he went forgetting himself, and commenced saying, " We shall do so
and so:" at this present he has reached such a pitch that he says,
" / shall do so and JO."
He is about forty-six years old, very handsome, learned, extremely
eloquent, of vast ability, and indefatigable. He, alone, transacts the
same business as that which occupies all the magistracies, offices, and
councils of Venice, both civil and criminal ; and all state affairs, like-
wise, are managed by him, let their nature be what it may.
He is pensive, and has the reputation of being extremely just : he
favours the people exceedingly, and especially the poor ; hearing their
suits, and seeking to despatch them instantly 5 he also makes the lawyers
plead gratis for all paupers.
He is in very great repute — seven times more so than if he were Pope.
He has a very fine palace, where one traverses eight rooms before reach-
ing his audience chamber, and they are all hung with tapestry, which
is changed once a week. He always has a sideboard of plate worth
z 5,000 ducats, wherever he may be; and his silver is estimated at
150,000 ducats. In his own chamber there is always a cupboard with
vessels to the amount of 30,000 ducats, this being customary with the
English nobility.
He is supposed to be very rich indeed, in money, plate, and household
stuff.
The archbishopric of York yields him about 14,000 ducats ; the
bishopric of Bath 8,000. One third of the fees derived from the great
seal are his 5 the other two are divided between the King and the
Chancellor. The Cardinal's share amounts to about 5,000 ducats. By
the new year's gifts, which he receives in like manner as the King, he
makes some 1 5,000 ducats.
Bath is that see which belonged to Cardinal Adrian, for whom, when
the Signory desired the ambassador to intercede, Cardinal Wolsey was
so incensed that he would not hear of any terms, but became pacified
at last, through the exertions of the ambassador ; and whereas, at the
commencement, he used to lavish all possible abuse on Venice, he now
extols her to the skies j lauding the extreme justice of the Signory, and
REPORT OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN. 315
says that thereby, and from merely observing the good order maintained
in her towns, a wayfarer arriving in them would at once become aware
that he must be in the Venetian territories, even if he knew not exactly
where he was.
Cardinal Wolsey is very anxious for the Signory to send him one
hundred Damascene carpets, for which he has asked several times, and
expected to receive them by the last galleys.11 The ambassador urged
the Senate to make this present, as even should the Signory itself not
choose to incur the expense, the slightest hint to the London factory
would induce that body to take it on themselves ; and this gift might
easily settle the affair of the wines of Candia ; that is to say, induce the
repeal of the duties on sack12 imported by Venetian subjects. The am-
bassador, on his departure, left the business in a fair way, and consigned
all the documents concerning it to his successor j but to discuss the
matter farther, until the Cardinal receives his hundred carpets, would be
idle. This present might make him pass a decree in our favour, and, at
any rate, it would render the Cardinal friendly to our nation in other
matters ; for no one obtains audience from him unless at the third or
fourth attempt. As he adopts this fashion with all the lords and
barons of England, the ambassador made light of it, and at length had
recourse to the expedient of making an appointment through his secre-
tary, who sometimes went six or seven times to York House before he
could speak to the Cardinal.
It is the custom for the ambassadors, when they go to the court, to
dine there, and on his first arrival in England, they ate at the Cardinal's
table, but now no one is served with the viands of the sort presented to
the Cardinal, until after their removal from before him.
There are about twenty-one other archbishoprics and bishoprics, and
some 1 80 abbacies of the orders of Saint Benedict and Bernard, that is to
say Cistercians ; and one single tenth from these abbacies yields the
King 70,000 ducats.
CONCERNING THE CONDITION OF THE OTHER LORDS TEMPORAL.
That there were three Dukes, one Marquis, and twelve Earls.
First of all there was the Duke of Buckingham, who had a rental of
about 30,000 ducats, and was extremely popular } and it is thought that,
were the King to die without heirs male, he might easily obtain the
crown.13
316 REPORT OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN.
The Duke of Norfolk, whose rental amounts to 12,000 ducats, has
likewise some hopes of the crown, and is very intimate with the Cardinal.
The Duke of Suffolk has a rental of 12,000 ducats, and his wife is
the King's sister, and widow of the late King Louis of France. He
also has great hopes of the crown, in right of his wife.
Of the other peers he said little.
His Majesty made believe, especially to the French hostages, that he
greatly regretted that King Francis should not have been elected King
of the Romans ; it is thought, however, that intrinsically he was in
favour of Spain, though most anxious for a third person to be elected in-
stead of either one or the other. On account of this election, his Ma-
jesty accredited the Cardinal's chief secretary, Dom. Richard Pace, who
is also Lord Chancellor, and appears very devoted to the Signory : when
returning towards Venice the ambassador met him at Dover, coming
back from Germany,14 when he mentioned several particulars concerning
the election ; amongst the rest, that for half a day the Duke of Saxony
had been elected King of the Romans : that when the Marquis of
Brandenburg was nominated, his own brother, the Archbishop of May-
ence, rejected him, for love of the King of France ; and finally, the
Catholic King was elected King of the Romans, consensu omnium,
The Queen of England being a Spaniard, evinces satisfaction at the
success of her nephew.
CONCERNING THE MILITARY.
In England they don't make use of men-at-arms, so that they could
not raise a hundred in the whole island, and even their light cavalry
would not exceed 1,000 j the real military force of the country consist-
ing in its infantry, which is supposed to amount to 1 50,000 men, whose
peculiar weapon is the long bow. When they take the field, their arms
consist of a breast-plate, bow, arrows, sword, and two stakes — one
before and one behind— with which they make their pallisadoes, or
stockade ; but all their prowess is in the bow. They insist on being
paid monthly, nor do they choose to suffer any hardship ; but when they
have their comforts,15 they will then do battle daily, with a courage,
vigour, and valour, that defy exaggeration.
The Ambassador then proceeded to eulogize the most Serene Doge,
alluding to certain English pilgrims who had come hither to take pas-
sage for Jerusalem, at Ascension-tide, when they were present at the ban-
quet given by his Serenity,16 who greeted them so lovingly, that they
REPORT OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN. 317
said they should remember it for ever, and they extolled his Serenity
on every possible occasion.
He also praised the most noble Messer .Andrea Griti for the renown
he enjoyed amongst the nobility of England $ lauding, moreover, his pre-
decessor, the Magnifico Messer Andrea Badoer.
He then alluded to the foreign ambassadors in England during his
residence there, and amongst the rest, to one from Spain, who bore this
state the worst possible will. He mentioned Mons. de Reus, in like
manner ambassador from my Lady Margaret, who, having been
prisoner here in Venice, evinced very great hatred to the Signory on
account of the mal-treatment he experienced, and the only exception he
made was in favour of Messer Gio. Antonio Dandolo, to whom he
expressed himself much obliged for his kindness.
He next spoke in praise of the merchants of Venice, established in
London, and first of all of Dom. Girolamo da Molin, congratulating his
uncle, Messer Alvise, about him, saying that even the King himself was
fond of him, and called him ....
He then mentioned Dom. Lorenzo Pasqualigo, the brother of Messer
Luigi, praising him for having made a very large fortune ; and he
subsequently lauded Dom. Nicolo Duodo who manages the affairs of the
Pisani and others, styling him a most upright and sufficient man, and
saying that he had property of his own to the amount of 30,000 ducats.
He moreover lauded that luckless Alberto Bavarino, who, although
now stricken by this present catastrophe,17 enjoys so high a character in
England, that when differences arise there, the disputants make him
their referee, and abide by his decision, so thoroughly just and worthy
a person do they deem him.
He also spoke favourably of , likewise a Venetian who has
resided for many years in those parts, having in like manner accumu-
lated a very fair capital.
Besides this, he said that the King was always a heavy creditor of the
Florentine merchants, to whom he lends money in order that they may
extend their trade ; and they sometimes owe him as much as 300,000
ducats, by which means his Majesty benefits his favourites in the
following manner : he empowers them to collect his credits, and they
compromise with the debtors, who allow them a certain amount of
interest until they have the means of repaying the King, by which
method these traders obtain funds at a fair rate, and the King is enabled
to benefit his servants without any loss of capital.18
318 REPORT OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN.
On leaving England, the magnifico the ambassador went to the
French court, where he remained a few days and received a hearty
welcome from King Francis, who chose to hear all the English news,
as much in detail as possible, especially with regard to the intention of
the King of England about maintaining the peace ; to which the
ambassador made answer that not only did his Majesty mean to keep
it, but would moreover wage war with all his might on whoever should
be the first to violate it ; for the preservation of which peace, the
ambassador affirmed that King Henry, and yet more the Cardinal of
York, who considered himself its first promoter and author, were so
careful, that it is continually on their lips ; which assurances very much
gratified the King of France.
His Most Christian Majesty proceeded in the next place to catechize
the ambassador, item per item, about the King personally, whom in
every point his magnificence extolled to the utmost. Subsequently, when
King Francis asked what sort of a statesman King Henry made, the
ambassador avoided giving any answer, for to bestow praise on this
score was impossible, whilst to blame appeared to him unbecoming ;
but after a while, having remained a long time with his Majesty, who
questioned him repeatedly on the subject, being unable to do otherwise,
he at length said that King Henry devoted himself to pleasure and
solace, and left the cares of state to the Cardinal ; whereupon King
Francis rejoined, " By my faith, the Cardinal must bear his King
light good will, for it is not the office of a good servant to filch his
master's honour."
When talking with the duchess-mother (Louise of Savoy) about the
age of the King of England, she told the ambassdor that he was four
years older than her son, and that the King of France was twenty-five,
so the King of England is consequently twenty-nine.
The ambassador then said that the King and the Duchess his mother
were more unpopular all over France than words could express. The
Duchess is supposed to have invested much capital throughout the
country, and is intent on hoarding, for the purpose, it is said, of aiding
the King in the event of any sudden need : besides the other revenues
appointed her, she has moreover received the 100,000 ducats which the
Catholic King is bound to pay the King of France annually for the
kingdom of Naples.
The Queen of France is so universally loved, that it is impossible to
describe or imagine greater affection.
,
REPORT OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN. 319
esides the other demonstrations made by the King of France to the
ambassador, he chose to show him his sons, namely the most illustrious
the Dauphin and the Duke of Orleans ; talking to him, moreover,
about the union and love which he professes, and shall always maintain
with our Signory, he and all his heirs ; and assuring him by the mouth
of the Magnifico Messer Antonio Giustinian, that, should the alliance
between France and Venice ever be doomed to dissolution, he was of
opinion that it would be our fault rather than hers.
The ambassador than praised his colleague, the aforesaid Magnifico
Messer Antonio Giustinian, toto cordis qffectu, bestowing on him as
much commendation, extolling his various merits, and speaking of him
with all possible affection.
On quitting Paris, Messer Sebastian Giustinian proceeded to Milan,
where he lodged in the house of the secretary Caroldo, whom he also
praised. He then went on to Brescia, and mentioned the great honours
and ovations of which he was the object;19 and that many persons
wanted to make him presents, but that he only accepted one, which
was offered on behalf of the municipality.
Concerning Crema, he said that a small sum of money would suffice
for the completion of certain walls.
In conclusion, he praised his secretary Nicolo Sagudino, for his very
great fidelity, and for the extreme affection and love which he bore the
state ; he said that he had no vice, did not gamble, and was generally
moral in his conduct;20 that he dressed modestly and respectably; and
with regard to his learning, he said he had acquired as fine and elegant
a style as that of his grandfather.21
Post omnia, the ambassador mentioned the chain, worth about ioo/.,
received from the King of England, which he requested as a gift from
the Signory, beseeching, almost on his knees, that it might be conceded
him as a present.
BENE DIXIT SED NON BENE PERSUASIT.22
1 The ambassador is here alluding to the post of councillor, bestowed on him-
self, and to that of " Sage for the orders," which had been conferred on his son
Marino, whose estimate of English valour is recorded in vol. i. p. 30.
2 The presence at the French Court of Ambassadors of the Archduke Charles
Prince of Castille, has been mentioned at p. 50, vol. i. Some of the letters
written by them on this occasion may be read in the correspondence of the
Caesars, published at Leipzig, A.D. 1844, by Dr. Karl Lanz.
3 The false assertion concerning the passage of Giustinian's colleague, Pietro
Pasqualigo, into Flanders, is inexplicable, and would stamp this report as apocry-
320 REPORT OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN.
phal, were it not redeemed by other particulars, the truth of which is in many
instances very impressive. As seen in the despatches, Pietro Pasqualigo was in
England from the nth of April 1515, until the following 4th of May.
4 Piero Pasqualigo asserts most distinctly (see vol. i. p. 86) that on St. George's
Day, 1515, Henry VIII. wore the garter on his left shoulder ; and as he also says
that the mantle was girt in front, it might be inferred that the hose were invi-
sible. Polydore Virgil (whose account of the insignia of the garter has hitherto
been considered the most ancient of any, as it dates apparently from the year
1505) certainly says that this ensign "had a buckle of gold at the end, where-
with to fasten it about the leg." Sebastian Giustinian now confirms this asser-
tion, and the reader must decide for himself concerning the value of these three
contemporary authorities.
5 See vol. i. p. 203, 206, 211.
6 See vol. ii. p. 161 j date, 28th February 1518.
7 See vol. ii. p. 177.
8 In the original, " Religiosa et honoratissima quanto dir si puo."
9 Concerning this work, no record exists in Angelo Zeno's catalogue of noble
Venetian authors, nor is it to be found either in print or manuscript in St. Mark's
library. The loss of a sketch of Cardinal Wolsey by the hand of one who had
known him well, is much to be regretted, but the London letters of Sebastian
Giustinian compensate in some degree for this biographical disaster.
10 In the printed lives of Cardinal Wolsey, his brothers do not figure. The
phrase which I have rendered by "pushing bis fortune," stands in the original
thus, " L'altro -vuoga II batto" literally, " roius the boat"
11 See vol. ii. p. 198, 199, 241.
18 As stated in vol. i., p. 100, the term (s sack" or " sakke," is met with for
the first time in the English language, A.D. 1532.
In vol ii., p. 47, an act of Parliament has been quoted, showing that in the
year 1483, the butt of Malmsey was bound to contain 126 gallons.
The merchants of Venice established in London, to avoid all penalties in this
matter, seem thenceforth to have sold their wines both wholesale and retail,
whether from Candia, Malvasia, Cyprus, Tyre, or Spain, by the measure (in use
to this day among the Venetian vintners) called SECCHIA, alias bucket, and this
was most probably the root of SAKKE : unless it can be shown that the word
existed before the reign of Richard III., in which case, as supposed by some
persons, the term might be derived from SECCO, dry.
The double consonant both in tfsecchia" and " secco" would make it appear
that " sakke " is the most correct mode of spelling this word.
In connection with the commerce of Venice, it may be well to give in this
place the entire text of the document mentioned in a note at page 184, vol. ii,,
of this work, and only partially quoted there. The document has been trans-
cribed from page 136 of a MS. in the archives of Venice, entitled "Libra d'oro :
s'me Raccolta Leggi" A.D. 1232 to 1282: —
" Massarii monetas grossas, quod reddant Argentu de STERLIN.
^ M.CCLXXIV Die ix Octobris, in M.C. (/. e. Maggior Consiglio, Grand Council.)
" Capta fuit pars, quod addatur in capitulari massariorum de moneta grossa, quod
sicut reddebant Argentum de STERLIN projectum in virga mercatoribus pro solidis
quinque : sic teneantur reddere pro solidis quinque ; et si Consilium est contra,
vel aliud capitulum sui capitularis, quantum in hoc, sit revocatum."
In virtue of this edict, the merchant of Venice took his silver to the ZECCA, and
on paying a fee of $d. per lb., had it amalgamated to the standard of the Easter-
lings, by the assayers of the State, whose mint enjoyed such repute with the Han-
REPORT OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN. 321
seatic Confederation, that lingots marked with the STIRLO-VENETIAN stamp were
as rarely tested as bars cast at Lubeck.
The sterling standard gave law during several centuries to the " moneyed
interest" of a great part of Germany and to Great Britain, and yet remains a
proud voucher for the good faith of the Hanseatic merchants, their very name
being thus synonymous with probity j and though we may not claim the word as
our own, England has at least shown that she appreciates it. Much of evil and
good report lurks in the circulating medium of nations, as seen by the repute
which the Venetian sequin enjoys to this day in the East, proclaiming thus the
honesty of its sponsors, in like manner as in the West the £ of the Easterlings
does them similar service. England also, is indebted to a company of merchants,
and not to any royal mint, for her purest coin, the guinea, and they have in some
measure redeemed the stigma cast upon the nation, through the base money
issued in 1544 by King Henry VIII.
13 Edward Stafford, the "poor Edivard Bobun" of Shakspeare. Concerning
his arrest on the i5th of April 1521, and execution on the iyth of the following
month, there are many details in the despatches of Sebastian Giustinian's sue- •
cessor at the Court of Henry VIII. The ambassador confirms the propriety of
the stage directions given by Shakespeare for the performance of King Henry
VIII. (Act ii. scene i.), for he says that the Duke was taken from the Tower to
Westminster by water, preceded by the axe 'with the edge towards him ,• and the
ambassador's secretary in a letter to his brother dated from London on the day of
the execution, mentions that it was effected with a 'woodman's hatchet, una scare
da sinder legne.
14 This meeting between Sebastian Giustinian and "one Dr. Pace," took place
at Dover between the 29th of August and the 6th of September 1519, the am-
bassador having been detained there all that time by stormy weather. The fact
is mentioned by him in a letter to the State, dated Melun, iyth September, and
in the MS. diaries of Marin Sanuto, there are many details of the electioneering
gossip talked on this occasion by these two correspondents of Erasmus.
15 The word which I have translated by " comforts" stands in the original
" commodita" Some seventy years after the date of this report, namely in 1590,
which is the period assigned to the first representation of the First Part of King
Henry VI., the Duke of Alenijon, is made to say of the famished English, under
Orleans —
" They want their porridge, and their fat bull beeves :
Either they must be dieted like mules,
And have their provender tied to their mouths,
Or piteous they will look, like drowned mice."
Both Sebastian Giustinian and the author of the first Part of King Henry VI.
(which the commentators have struck off from the list of Shakspeare's genuine
plays), might have been informed by such of their contemporaries as cared to do
justice to the endurance, as well as to the valour of the English, that on the 25th
of October 1415, they gained the battle of Agincourt on very empty stomachs.
16 It was on the day of the Ascension that the Doge went in state in the
Bucintor to wed the Adriatic, and on his return from this ceremony he gave a
banquet. The Venetian galleys which conveyed pilgrims to Joppa and Beyroot,
used to take their departure immediately after the Ascension, and thus the English
devotees here alluded to by the Ambassador Giustinian, combined a little sight-
seeing with their penance, contriving, as Wolcot would have said, to boil their peas.
17 Bavarino was a Venetian plebeian established in London, and the catastrophe
implies that he had failed. The character here given of him corresponds with
VOL. II. Y
322 REPORT OF SEBASTIAN GIUSTINIAN.
that of the humane and unfortunate te Friskiball," in the tragedy entitled " The
Life and Death of Thomas Lord Cromwell," and as any historical fact, however
trifling, which at all confirms any incidents recorded in English plays composed
by Shakspeare and his fellow playwrights, serves to prove their truthfulness, the
reverses and fair fame of Alberto Bavarino are worth recording, because they
remind us of the scenic sorrows of a merchant, his contemporary, and prove the
value attached to a high character on the mart of London, in the year 1519.
18 From this it would appear that Henry VIII. did not condescend to receive
interest himself for such sums as he lent to Master Friskiball and his fellow
traders, who were, however, liable to pay a bonus at any moment when the King
felt inclined to reward his favorites at no personal cost.
19 The inhabitants of Brescia made these demonstrations to mark their recol-
lection of the manner in which they had been governed by Sebastian Giustinian
before the League of Cambrai. The command held by him at Brescia in 1509,
has been alluded to in vol. i. p. 19.
ao Ch' egli non era vicioso, ne di guioco, ne di luxuria salvoche qualche volta.
21 The grandfather of Nicolo Sagudino composed a Latin version of some of
the treatises of Xenophon ; and a contemporary manuscript copy of this work
which had belonged toMarin Sanuto, and bore his autograph on its first page, was
purchased by the booksellers Payne and Foss, of the antiquary Signor S. Quirico,
in Venice, A.D. 1839.
22 This comment on the last page of the Sagredo copy of the Giustinian
"Report" of England, does not mean that the Senate doubted any of the facts
alleged by the ambassador, but, that he could not persuade those " potent, grave,
and reverend signiors" to let him keep his chain. The reason was, that the
Venetian treasury was now at a very low ebb, and all the presents made by
foreign sovereigns to the diplomatists of Venice were by law surrendered to the
State j a policy which was subsequently adopted by the East India Company with
regard to its servants at the courts of the native princes. The outlay incurred by
Venice for presents at the period described in these volumes, was enormous, and
the money which reached the coffers of the State through the sale of those made
to the ambassadors, was far from sufficing for the return of these compliments.
The presents intended for Maria Tudor have been alluded to in vol. i. p. 44
and 54, but it is not known in what they consisted.
A taste for Turkey carpets does not seem to have been peculiar to Cardinal
Wolsey j for after the recovery of Verona, Monsieur de Lautrec received some
from the Venetians, as also a picture by Titian, of which the following note
exists in the 24th volume of Marin Sanuto's MS. Diaries, p. 267, dated May 27,
A.D. 1517.
Certain purchases were made for the present which is being sent to Milan to
Mons. de Lautrec. It is worth 8,000 ducats, and will be conveyed on eight
mules, by Lucha Busato, the attendant of Messer Andrea Grid.
This present consists, in the first place, of a balass ruby, weighing 153 carats,
purchased for 3,100 ducats. Item — Two massive gold basins. Item — Very
handsome Damascene carpets. Item — Table covers. Item — Perfumes and scents
to a great amount. Item — The picture painted by the hand of Titian, represent-
ing St. Michael between St. George and St. Theodore, now in the Doge's
palace, and this removal is not approved of.
Presents of jewels are also destined for the Lord Steward (Gouffier de Boissi),
for the Lord Chancellor (Duprat), and for the Magnifico Robertet, in France ;
and the entire value of all these presents amounts to 30,000 ducats.
INDEX.
A.
Adrian, Cardinal, see Castellesi.
Aerschott, Marquis of, ii. 95, 97.
Agostini, degli Agostini, physician to
Cardinal Wolsey, ii. 92.
Albany, John Duke of, i. 61, no,
118, 125, 128, 130, 133, 138, 142,
154, 157, 159, 161, 162, 165, 166,
168, 169, 184, 186,215,216,225,
261, 318,319551.32,61, 129, 137,
138, 155, 160, 171, 172, 174, 180,
213,214,244,245.
Alberto, , Venetian secretary,
i. 254, 261.
Alen9on, Duchess of, see Valois, Mar-
garet de.
, Duke of, ii. 298, 299, 304,
307.
Alexander VI.. i. 272; ii. 87.
Alviano, Bartolomeo, i. 126, 134, 136,
138.
Ambassadors from Charles Prince of
Castile, subsequently King of Spain
and Emperor, to Henry VIII., i.
181, 189, 192, 220, 263, 321; ii.
41, 94 — 103, 165, 173, 176, 181,
185 — 187, 189,230,231, 236,238,
244, 252, 253, 256—264, 266.
Christian II. King
of Denmark to Henry VIII., ii. 227.
Emanuel King of
Portugal to Henry Vill. ii. 76 — 80.
Ferdinand the Ca-
tholic, King of Spain, to Henry
VIII., i. 124, 127, 138, 168.
Francis I. King of
France, to Henry VIII., see Guiche,
Pierre de la ; Selva, Johannes de j
Rouen, the president of; Boulogne,
the advocate of; Paris, the bishop of j
Villeroy, M. de } Bonnivet, M. de ;
Danie (sic), M. de St. ; also, ii. 252 —
255,258, 260,264, 265, 270, 271,
*73> *74» 283—285, 287, 294, 295.
Henry VIII. to
Charles King of Spain, i. i8ij ii.
161, 255; to Francis I. King of
France, ii. 127, 140,236,238,239,
244,250,251,253,297 — 308. '
the Emperor Maxi-
milian to Henry VIII., i. 168, 171,
179, 180, 262, 263, 321 j ii. 89—
91, 129, 130.
— " — the Archduchess
Margaret to Henry VIII., ii. 283,
285, 287.
Scotland to Henry
VIII., 1.218,227.
• Switzerland to Henry
VIII., i. 222.
Venice in England,
see Badoer Andrea, Capello Fran-
cesco, Contarini Francesco, Correr
Angelo, Correr Marc' Antonio, Fa-
lier Ludovic, Giustinian Sebastian,
Michiel Giovanni, Mocenigo Pietro,
Pasqualigo Pietro, Querini Vincenzo,
Surian Antonio, Trevisan Andrea,
Zeno Carlo.
Ammonius, Andreas,!. 260,262,288,
292, 302 ; ii. 68, 88.
Angleria, Petrus de, i. xvii, 136, 181,
224.
Angus, Douglas Earl of, i. 119, 138,
140,219,220.,
Aracaeli, Cardinal of (Cristoforo Numai,
a Franciscan monk, native of Forli,
and the father confessor of Louise of
Savoy), ii. 290, 303, 307.
324
INDEX.
Aragon, Queen of, see Foix, Germaine
de.
Archives of Venice, notices concerning
them, i. i — viii.
Armagh, Archbishop of, see Kite, John.
Arundel, Earl of (Thomas Howard the
collector), 5. 16, 17.
Ashmole, Elias, i. 88, 89.
Avalos, Francesco of, see Pescara.
Averoldi, Altobello degli, ii. 139.
B.
Bacon, Francis, Baron of Verulam, &c.
ii. 87.
Badoer, Andrea, i. xvi j account of his
residence in England from 1509 to
1512, 63 — 72 ; personal notices con-
cerning him, 62, 63, 99, 105 5 is
knighted by Henry VIII., 122 ; at-
tends the launch of The Great Harry,
138 ; his departure from England,
and popularity there, 144; alluded
to, ii. 317.
Badoer, Giovanni, i. 225, 286, 292 5
ii. 2, 20, 21, 27, 29, 113.
Bajazet II., his character, i. n.
Bambridge, Christopher, alias Bain-
bridge, see Urswick.
Bandello, Matteo, i. 213, 214, 316.
Bard, Francis de, ii. 73.
Bastille, the, in Paris, banquet and ball
given there, ii. 301 — 308.
Bath and Wells, Bishop of, see Cas-
tellesi.
Bavarino, Alberto, alias Antonio, i.
i53> 155; »• 53; 68, 3 '7* 3»i-
Bayard, the Chevalier, i. 48, 127.
Baynard's Castle, inhabited by Henry
VIII., i. 87 ; dinner given there, ii.
286.
Beccaria, Matteo, ii. 181.
Becket, a, St. Thomas, i. 84, 88.
Bele, Dr., ii. 71—73.
Bellini, Giovanni, ii. 194.
Bembo, Pietro, i. 276.
Bentivoglio, Alexander, i. 214.
Berners, Lord, see Bourchier, John.
Bibiena, Cardinal Legate in France, ii.
248, 297, 299, 302, 307.
Blout, Elizabeth, ii. 228, 234.
Boccali, Theodore, ii. 290.
Bodleian library, see Busino Horatio.
Boissi, Gouffier de, Lord Steward of
Francis I., i. 49, 50, 56; ii. 61,
201, 299, 304, 307, 322.
Madame la Vidame de, ii. 303.
Bon ni vet, Admiral de (Guillaume
Gouffier), ii. 210, 212, 217, 218,
220, 221, 223, 226, 231, 233—
235,311,312.
, Madame de, ii. 303.
Borgia, Caesar, i. 272.
, Lucrezia, i. 34.
Borgogna, Duke of, query Buckingham,
ii. 71, 74.
Borromeo, Countess Frederick, ii. 303,
305 -307-.
Bossi, Luigi, ii. 68.
Boulogne, the advocate of, ii. 93, 99.
Bourbon, Anna De, daughter of Louis
XI., and widow of Pierre II., Duke
of Bourbon, and Sire de Beaujeu ;
her influence over Francis I., i. 49,
Bourbon, Charles, the constable, and
Duke of, i. 37, 44, 56, 193, 197 ;
ii. 298, 299, 301.
Bourchier, John (Lord Berners), i.
162, 165 j ii. 254, 255.
Bow-staves, i. xi. ; ii. in, 183 — 185.
Bragadino, Andrea, ii. 49.
Brandenburg, Joachim I., Marquis of,
ii. 316.
Brantome (Pierre de Bourdeilles),
Seigneur de, ii. 220.
Brescia, i. 242, 246, 250, 254, 255,
282.
Brigantines, carriage of, on the backs
of camels, ii. 81.
Brissonet, M. de, Bishop of St. Malo,
ii. 62.
Broadside, a diplomatic, i. xiv.
Broune, Anne, ii. 228, 234.
Bruges, Margaret, ii. 228, 234.
Bryan, Sir Francis, i. 28 j ii. 228, 272.
Bucintor, the, compared to a royal
English barge, i. 85, 86 ; alluded to,
ii. 142, 321.
Buckingham, the Duke of, ii. 226,
282,283,287, 315, 321.
Bulteale, John, first English translator
INDEX.
325
of a Venetian " Report," of Rome,
i. vi.
Busino, Orazio, Venetian State papers
discovered by him at the Bodleian,
i. v.
Busato, Lucha, ii. 322.
Cabinet of Henry VIII., its influence
with Leo X. and the Swiss cantons,
i. 1 13 j is desirous of expelling Fran-
cis I., Italy, 171, 175 j insists on his
recalling the Duke of Albany from
Scotland, 1655 its apparent ignorance
of the treaty of Noyon, 249, 250;
undergoes a change, 252 j its con-
sultations, 307 ; its absentees, 308 ;
opinion of its policy, ii. 60 ; detaches
itself from its former allies, 127 ;
general notices of, 147, 149, 150 —
155, 158—161, 166, 172—176,
251, 252, 270—273, 288, 289,
291, 292, 310—312.
Calais, i. v., 289 ; ii. 41, 84, 154.
Caligula, ii. 225.
Cambrai, congress appointed to be held
there, ii. 37, 42, 50, 62, 63, 86.
• " the League of," i. 95, 172,
244, 246, 250, 274, 278 ; ii. 56, 80.
Campeggio, Alessandro, ii. 259, 261.
Giambatista, ii. 259, 261.
• Giovanni, ii. 282, 283.
• Lorenzo, Cardinal (the
Campeius of Shakspeare), ii. 107,
125, 196, 199, 201 — 204, 208,
213, 226, 243—246, 248, 252,
260, 261, 266, 267, 269, 275, 276,
281 — 283, 286, 289, 290, 312.
the Prothonotary, ii. 256,
261.
Canal, Hironimo, Venetian secretary,
letter from him describing entertain-
ments at Paris, ii. 298 — 301.
Candalles, Anna de, Queen of Hun-
gary, i. 7, 12—15.
Candia, island of, frequented by Eng-
lish merchantmen, ii. 48, 184.
Cannon, Venetian, tried by Henry
VIII., ii. !93.
Canterbury, Archbishop of, see War-
ham, William.
Capefigue, M., i. 27; ii. 221.
Capel, Sir Elles, ii. 228.
Capello, Francesco, i. xv.
Vincenzo, i. 298.
Cardona, Don Raimondo di, i. 226,
228.
Carew, Mistress Anne, ii. 228, 234.
Lady Elizabeth, ii. 228, 234.
Nycholas, ii. 228, 272, 273.
Carol, — , query Carew, ii. 102.
Carpets, for Cardinal Wolsey, ii. 198,
199, 241, 315 ; for M. de Lautrec,
321, 322.
Caselet, the provost of, ii. 94.
Castellesi, Adrian of Corneto, Cardinal,
Bishop of Bath and Wells, ii. 84,
86 — 88, 105, 107 — 109, 112, 113
—126, 130, 133, 134, 314.
Catharine, of Aragon, Queen of Eng-
land, i. 45, 81, 181, 296, 298, 301;
ii. 81, 97, 98, 102, 189, 226, 237,
240, 260, 278, 284, 313, 316, 320.
Cervia, ii. 33, 36, 39. _
Champ-denier, see Dame.
Charles VIII., King of France, his
statue, i. 83 ; alluded to, 272.
Charles the Bold, Duke of Burgundy,
fate of his armour, i. 136.
Charles, Archduke of Austria, Prince
of Castille, subsequently King of
Spain, and Emperor, i. 52, 55, 145,
146, 1 80; sends two ambassadors
to England, 184; his betrothal to
Maria Tudor, 186, 188 ; his claims
on the kingdom of Naples, 190 ; his
close friendship with Henry VIII.,
191, 220; his engagements to
France, 231, 232; preparations for
his voyage to Spain, 251; his be-
trothal to the infant daughter of
Francis I., 256, 261 } charters ves-
sels, 263 ; attempt to affiance him
to the Lady Mary Tudor, ii. 9 j
general notices of, 37, 113, 117,
127, 134, 140, 141, 186, 212,238,
243, 247, 249, 264 ; first announce-
ment in London of his election as
" King of the Romans," 283 ; pre-
paration of rejoicings for this event,
285 ; "Te Deum" chaunted in his
326
INDEX.
honour at St. Paul's, 286 ; is pro-
claimed by heralds at St. Paul's
Cross, 286 ; conditions imposed upon
him by the Imperial electors, 288;
his moral and physical endowments
from the age of fourteen to nineteen,
288—290.
Charnock, John, i. 14.0 — 142.
Chateaubriand, Madame de (Franpoise
de Foix, favourite of Francis I.), ii.
3°4-
Chieregato, Bortolemeo, i. 3 14.
Francesco, papal nuncio in
England, i. 212 — 214, 249, 262,
287, 288, 312 — 316, 321, 322,
325, 326; ii. 6, 8, 17, 18, 3«s, 58,
59, 61, 68, 84, 86, 88, 95, 105,
no, 114, 116.
Chievres, M. de, see Croi, Guillaume.
Chosroes II., his magnificence com-
pared to that of Cardinal Wolsey, ii.
225, 227.
Christian II., King of Denmark, i.
225, 228, 263, 264; ii. 186 — 189,
^27.
Cicogna, Cavalier Emmanuele An-
tonio, i. 298.
Cippico, Coriolano, i. 205.
Civrea, Pietro, Portuguese ambassador
in England, ii. 76 — 80.
Claude de Bourbon, Queen of France,
ii. 298, 299, 301, 302, 305, 306,
307,318.
Cleopatra, her suppers, ii. 225.
Clif, Dr., ii. 19, 25.
Cloth, "deceitful," ii. 46, 293.
Coinage, Venetian, current in England,
i. x; ii. 293, 320.
Collins's Peerage, i. 113.
Colonna, Marc' Antonio, i. 287, 288,
291, 321; ii. 33,60, 62.
Commerce, Anglo- Venetian, i. ix., x.,
xi., 6 1, 247, 250; ii. 40, 45—49,
53—56, 68, 69, 92, 106, 107, no,
1 1 1, 195, 196—198, 279, 280, 292,
293- .
Contarini, Bartolomeo, i. 190 ; ii. 151,
173.
, Bernardo, i. 273, 275.
— , Francesco, son of Bertuccio,
his "Report" of England, i. vi. j his
travels in Spain, 325.
Contarini, Francesco, son of Zaccaria,
i. 190.
, Girolomo, knight of the
Golden Fleece, his munificent be-
quest to St. Mark's library, 5. xviii.
> •» ier, i. 298.
, Zaccaria, i. 190, 192 ; ii.
145.
Cook, William, English mercenary in
the pay of Venice, i. xii.
Coppo, Agustin, Venetian outlaw, i.
32; ii. 67.
Cordova, Gonsalvo of, ft the Great
Captain," ii. 8 1, 163.
Cornara, Catharine, Queen of Cyprus,
i. 204.
Cornaro, Francesco, ii. 165, 255.
Georgio, i. 147, 204.
Correr, Angelo, i. vi.
, Marc' Antonio, ii. 49.
Corvinus, Matthias, King of Hungary,
i. 12, 14; fate of his library, 15 — 17.
Court of Francis I. described,!. 50 — 59;
ii. 297—308.
Courteville, M. de, ii. 27.
Croi, Guillaume de, i. 221, 284; ii.
61, 97, 288, 290.
Crown, the imperial, efforts made to
obtain it, ii. 243, 246, 251, 258,
260 — 272, 316.
Cunningham, Mr. Peter, i. 89; ii. 227.
Cyprus, island of, claimed by England,
1.203,204,5 ii. 190.
D.
Dandolo, Giovanni Antonio, i. 190 j
ii. 317.
, Marco, i. 49—53.
Danie, alias M. de Champden:ert ii.
2l8, 221, 231, 311.
Daubeny, Lady, ii. 228, 234.
Dauphin, the, see Valois, Francois de.
Denmark, King of, see Christian II.
Documents, national, sale of to a fish-
monger, i. xiv.
Dockwra, Sir Thomas, Grand Prior of
St. John's, i. 91, 93, 94, 99, 223,
325 ; ii. 67, 236 — 238, 297 — 308.
Doit, etymology of the word, i. xi.
Dominick, St. Bishop of, ii. 104, 107.
INDEX.
327
Dorset (Thomas Grey), second Marquis
of, ii. 9, 12, 96, 100, loi, 265.
Dotkin, s££ Doit.
Duodo, Nicolo, i. 144; ii. 317.
Duprat, Antoine, i. 51 j ii. 299, 300,
322.
Durham, Bishop of, see Ruthal,Thomas.
Durham House, inhabited by Henry
VII I., ii. 225, 227.
Duties on wines imported into England
by the Venetians, i. 97, 98, 100,
118; ii. 184, 185, 292,293.
E.
Easterlings, see Sterling.
Egidio, Cardinal, ii. 177, 249.
Egremont, Lord, see Percy, Sir John.
Egypt, Soldan of, vessels sent by him
across the desert, ii. 81.
Ellis, Sir Henry, i. 223, 224, 297 ;
ii. 88, 92.
Ely, Bishop of, see West, Nicholas.
Emanuel, King of Portugal, ii. 76 — 83,
247.
England, discontent prevalent there,
i. 2645 her hostile attitude, ii. 41;
averse to the election as Emperor of
Francis I., 266.
England, Thomas of, lecturer at Padua,
i. xiii.
Erasmus, of Rotterdam, i. 29,88,262,
297, 302; ii. 19, 68, 88, 165,
Erdb'dy, Count Cajetan, i. 10.
Erdody, Thomas, Cardinal of Strigonia,
i. 9-13.
Este, Don Alfonso, Duke of Ferrara,
»• 33> 34> I20> *2ij "• 299» 302>
304.
Este, Hercules, Duke of Ferrara, i. 272,
275.
F.
Faenza, ii. 39.
Faitada, Giovanni Francesco de la, his
account of the Portuguese trade with
India, ii. 82, 83.
Falier, Ludovic, ii. 92.
Ferdinand, Archduke of Austria, brother
of the Emperor Charles V., i. 190 ;
ii. 199.
Ferdinand " the Catholic," King of
Aragon, i. 48, 58, 102 ; his diplo-
matic agents in England, 124; pre-
sent or pledge sent by him to Henry
VIII., 135 ; notices concerning him,
136, 154; his death, 181 ; his will,
190 ; his treatment of Venice, 207,
298, 273 ; hospital endowed by him,
325-
Ferrara, Dukes of, see Este.
Field "of the Gloth of Gold" antici-
pated, i. 47, 1505 ii. 246, 254, 260,
262, 263, 266, 272, 274, 294,
295.
Filniger, , diplomatist in the service
of the Emperor Maximilian, ii. 61.
Fireworks, Venetian, at Southampton,
ii. 193.
" Fishermen," epithet of, applied to the
aristocracy of Venice, i. 1 1, 203, 206,
2ii, 310.
Fleming, Sir Oliver, ii. 5.
Florence, her political bias, ii. 264;
her trade with England, 317, 321.
Foix, Germaine de, i. 136, 190, 192.
Fornovo, battle of, i. 272, 275.
Foucard, Signore Cesare, official at the
Archives in Venice, his zeal in
arranging them, i. iv.
Fox, Richard, Bishop of Winchester,
i. no, 113, 163, 252, 308, 326;
11.9—11,17,28,32, ii2, 115,116,
193-
Francis I., King of France, i. 32, 42,
43, 49, 51—53, 57, 58, 100—105 j
sends an ambassador to Henry VIII.,
1245 enters Italy, 126, 127; his
letters to Henry VIII., 146, 168 j
declines standing godfather for the
Lady Mary Tudor, 176} charged
with duplicity, 182 — 184; state of
his health, 185 j tribute to his good
faith, 187, 189} his claims on the
kingdom of Naples, 190; alluded to,
i. 200, 204, 206, 207, 209, 215—
217, 222, 223, 226, 229, 236—
238, 241, 243, 244, 256, 265—
270, 274, 282; ii. 3, 8—15, 17,
™, 23, 37— 39> 44. 63, 84, 85,
3a8
INDEX.
148, 149, 155, 160, 161, 163, 168,
174 — 176, 179, 183, 186, 188,
189, 213, 244, 249, 264, 272, 273,
291, 294,297—308, 318.
Frangipane, Count Christopher, i. 19,
20 ; H. 90.
Countess, see Lanch Apo-
lonia.
Fregoso, Alessandro, ii. 246, 248.
Octavian, Doge of Genoa, i. 38,
49 ; ii. 248.
Paul, ii. 248.
Frescobaldi, Leonardo, i. 47, 151, 161,
221, 303, 322.
Friar, a Spanish diplomatic agent in
London, i. 124; his mendacity,
124.
Friskiball, see Frescobaldi.
Froissart, Jean, ii. 165.
Fyenes, Mary, ii. 228, 234.
G.
Gabriel, captain of the archers of
Francis I , ii. 307, 308.
Gabrieleto, Spanish Envoy in Paris,
i. 58.
Galleys, Venetian, their trade with
England, i. ix., 247, 250, 294, 295,
^99» 3°6> 32°; "• 4°> 43» 45> 4^,
55, 64, 76, 106, no, in, 162,
163, 182 — 185, 188, 189, 192 —
195, 196—198, 250, 251, 255,
2^S» 3I5> their voyages to Joppa,
321.
Gar, Dr. Tomaso, Venetian reports
edited by him, ii. 126.
Garter, order of the, its robes and
insignia described, i. 85, 86 ; ii. 310,
320.
Genoa, disturbances there, ii. 246, 248,
249 $ is said to favour Francis I.,
264.
Gentlemen, English, in Paris, their
costly jewels and apparel, ii. 300.
George, Saint, celebration of his festival,
i- 72, 77—79 J "• 64-
Germany, noblemen of, in England,
i. 323.
Giants, a procession of, i. 80, 82.
Gibbon, Edward, ii. 227.
Gigli, Stefano de, Bishop of Worcester,
ii. 84, 88, 108, no, 125, 178,
1 80.
Giovio, Paolo, i. 164.
Giustinian family, notices of the, i. I —
30.
• Antonio, Venetian ambas-
sador in France, i. 193 ; ii. 154,
^5* i57, 158, 167, 168—173,
189 j letter from him describing the
entertainments on the betrothal of
the Dauphin to the Lady Mary
Tudor, 301, 302; alluded to, 311,
3r9-
Lorenzo, first Patriarch of
Venice, i. 4 — 6.
Marino, i. 29, 30; ii. 17,
19, 112, 113, 115, 319.
Sebastian, i. xvii. ; number
of despatches written by him during
his embassy to England, xviii. ; date
of his birth, 6 j appointed ambas-
sador to Hungary, 6 j his " Report"
of that kingdom, 8 — 1 5 ; Governor
of Capo d'Istria, 17 ; Vice-Lord at
Ferrara, 17 ; Attorney-General in
Venice, 17 ; Governor of Brescia,
17; his " Report" of Brescia, 19;
is appointed " Bailiff" at Constanti-
nople, 19 ; Commissioner and Pro-
veditor, 19 ; commands the Vene-
tian forces in Istria, 20 ; assumes the
post of Proveditor-General in Dal-
matia, 21 j his proceedings there,
21 — 25 ; is appointed ambassador
to England, 26 ; returns to Venice,
26 j his portrait of Henry VIII., 26,
27 ; ambassador in France, 28 ; is
elected Procurator of St. Mark's, 29 ;
his death, 29 ; his printed works and
correspondence with Erasmus, 29 ;
his journey from Venice to Paris,
32 — 48; delivers a Latin oration in
the presence of Francis I., 5 1 ; leaves
Paris and arrives at Boulogne, 59 ;
writes from Canterbury, 60, 6 1 ; his
first letter from London, 62 ; makes
a Latin speech to Henry VIII., and
dines at Richmond palace, 72, 73 ;
has audience at Greenwich, 74—76 ;
describes the moral and physical
INDEX.
329
endowments of Henry VIII., 74 —
76 ; his account of the tenure
whereby the Republic t of Venice
held her possessions on the main
land, and defence of her policy, 109,
121, 1225 congratulates the Arch-
bishop of York on his being made
Cardinal, 129 ; quotes Greek sayings,
131 j attends a ship launch at
Eyrethe, 138 ; endeavours to accom-
modate differences between the
English ministry and the French
ambassador, 147, 165 — 167 ; exerts
himself to prevent Henry VIII. from
supplying the Emperor Maximilian
with money, 150 — 180 ; alludes to
England's having kept aloof from
the League of Cambrai, 172 j asserts
the right of Venice to hold Brescia
and Verona, 178; reasons assigned
by him for the choice of the sponsors
of the Lady Mary Tudor, 182 ; con-
gratulates the King on her birth,
182; announces his inability to
comprehend -who supplied the Em-
peror with funds to raise 36,000
men, 188 ; explains certain passages
in Venetian history, 193 — 196, 199,
200 ; loss of his letters, 201, 202 ;
insult received by him and his re-
joinder, 203, 204 j remonstrates
with Cardinal Wolsey, and excul-
pates his Republic from the charge
of perfidy, 206 — 210; apologies
received by him, 2115 his exertions
as a mediator, 216, 217; his mental
anxiety, 222 ; cause of his removal
from London to Putney, 224 ; does
not allow private sorrow to interfere
with his public duties, 224; com-
plains of the seizure of his despatches,
225 ; expatiates on the prospects of
Italy, 226 ; his political discussions
with Cardinal Wolsey and Henry
VIII., 229 — 242 ; efforts made to
obtain his dismissal from the English
court, 245 ; his advances to the
Spanish ambassador, 248, 249 ;
complains of the non-receipt of news
from Venice and of the treatment
experienced by the Republic from
Henry VIII., 252, 253 j proves the
justice of the tenure by which
Venice held Verona, and dines with
Cardinal Wolsey, 257 — 261 ; is again
a guest at York House, and bears
witness to the good faith of Francis
I., and to the integrity of the states-
men of Venice, 265 — 270; his
compendium of a quarter of a cen-
tury of Venetian history, 271 — 274;
parries proposals made by Cardinal
Wolsey to the prejudice of France,
277> 279 ? "s urgent for news from
Venice, 290 j his dinner engage-
ments, 300 ; confers with the Duke
of Norfolk, 309 — 311 ; proposes to
bribe Cardinal Wolsey, 320 ; endea-
vours made to expel him England,
320 ; reasons for his aversion to the
Cardinal of Sion, and the Switzers,
321 j defends the Venetian press,
324; takes a ride with Cardinal
Wolsey, ii. I — 5 ; has a long collo-
quy with the Bishop of Winchester,
10, 1 1 ; confers with Henry VIII.
and Cardinal Wolsey, 13 — 16 ;
testimony borne to his own literary
tastes, 17 ; expects to be dismissed
the English Court, 17 ; his con-
versations with Henry VIII., 21 —
24 j with the Bishop of Durham and
the Duke of Norfolk, 25, 26 ; with
Cardinal Wolsey, 27 j doubts the
veracity of the English Cabinet, 27 ;
his visits declined by the Bishop of
Winchester, 28 ; rides to Green-
wich to announce the surrender of
Verona, 30; receives congratulations
on that event from Cardinal Wolsey,
from the Duke of Suffolk, and from
the Bishop of Durham, 35, 36 ;
caution adopted by him in his con-
versations with Henry VIII., 38 j
discusses sack and politics, 40 — 45 ;
gives his opinion of Cardinal Wolsey,
50, 51 j flatters Henry VIII., 52;
doubts his veracity, 57 ; confers with
Cardinal Wolsey, the Bishop of
Durham, and the King, 63 — 66 }
his account of " Evil May -day,"
69 — 72, 76, 77 ; his speculations
concerning an embassy from Francis
I., 93 j attends a joust, a banquet,
33°
INDEX.
and a ball, 97 — 103 ; suspects Car-
dinal Wolsey of having " an itching
palm," 104; gives a dinner to M.
de la Guiche, 105 ; recommends
Francesco Chieregato to the Signory,
105 ; guarantees the coming to Eng-
land of the Venetian galleys, 1 1 1 ;
embroils himself with Cardinal
Wolsey, on account of the Cardinal
Bishop of Bath and Wells, 112 —
132; is reconciled to Cardinal
Wolsey, 133, 1345 expresses a wish
to return to Venice, 140 ; receives a
visit from tf one Dr. Pace," 142 — •
1445 hears of the appointment of
his successor, 145 ; suppresses a
paragraph in a despatch from his
government, 150; vouches for the
pacific intentions of France, 152 —
154} mediates between England and
France, 157 — 160 j alludes to his
intimacy with Sir Thomas More,
162 ; is received by the Spanish
ambassador, 165 ; passes an hour and
a half with Henry VIII., 167—173 ;
his opinion of diplomatic veracity,
181; is urgent to be recalled, and
mentions his age, 190; apologizes
for his ignorance of commercial
matters, 198 } reasons assigned by
him for the grant of his demand to
return home, 201 } elicits news from
Dr. Pace, 210 — 212 ; goes to the
King at Eltham, and confers there
with Sir Thomas More, 215, 2165
exerts himself to suppress a clause
concerning Venice and the Emperor,
in the treaty of peace signed in Lon-
don, A.D. 1518, October 2, 223,
224, 242, 243 ; classical reproof
administered by him to the Signory,
236, 237 ; state of his health, 238 ;
complains of his protracted sojourn
in England, 239 ; makes peace
between the merchants of Venice
and Cardinal Wolsey, on whom he
presses seven Turkey carpets, 240,
241 ; alludes to his residence in
Hungary, 240, 241 j congratulates
Henry VIII. on the betrothal of
the Lady Mary to the Dauphin,
248 ; announces to the Signory the
death of the Emperor Maximilian,
and the consignment of Tournai to
Francis I., 2515 expatiates on the
abject deference paid by Rome and
Spain to Henry VIII., 257, 253 ;
historical details reserved for his
"Report," 259 j complains of the
inattention of the Signory to Cardinal
Campeggio, 267 ; supposes that Dr.
Pace is gone to Switzerland, 267 ;
receives the congratulations of Henry
VIII. on his being made Councillor
of Venice, 276 ; takes leave of the
King and of Queen Catharine of Ara-
gon, 277, 278 ; introduces his suc-
cessor to Cardinal Wolsey, and dis-
cusses sack and woollens, 279 — 281 ;
goes to St. Paul's to hear the "Te
Deum," chaunted for the election of
the Emperor Charles V., 286, 287 ;
dines with the Legate Campeggio,
286, 287 ; his last interview with
Cardinal Wolsey, 291 — 293 ; his
departure from England, 295 • com-
pendium of his " Report" of Eng-
land, 309 — 317; honours paid to
him at Paris and Brescia, 318,
319 ; present received by him from
Henry VIII., 319.
Glass, Venetian, ii. 192, 194.
Gobbo, John, ii. 281, 232.
Gonzaga, Francesco, see Mantua, Mar-
quis of
Grimani, Antonio, i. 147.
Grid, Andrea, i. 58, 59, 147, 185, 191,
208 } ii. 29, 31, 233, 317, 322.
Guard, Yeomen of the, of Henry VIII.,
i. 85, 90; ii. 313.
Guelders, Charles d'Egmond, Duke of,
ii. 65, 67, 91, 92, 113, 180, 182,
262, 263, 290.
Guicciardini, Francesco, i. 171, 197,
232, 242, 250,264, 284, 291, 297,
318, 327 ; ii. 16, 61, 248, 250.
Guiche, Pierre de la, i. 60; ii. 93, 99,
*1S,I37-
Guisnes, the Captain or Governor of,
ii. 236, 300.
Gurk, Cardinal Bishop of, see Lanch,
Matthew.
Guyldford, Sir Henry, ii. 228.
Guyldford, Lady, ii. 228, 234.
INDEX.
331
H.
Hainauk, Bailiff of, ii. 94.
Half-pence-galley, see Coinage.
Hall, Edward, quotations from his Chro-
nicle, i. 81, 89, 92, 93, 123, 303;
ii. 73, 131,201,202,227,228,232,
235,272, 273,285,286.
Hampton, see Southampton.
Harness, horse, a suit of, ii. 232.
Harry the Great, launch of the ship so
called, i. 138, 140 — 142.
Hector, tardy condolence on his death,
ii. 236, 237.
Henry VII., congratulated on his acces-
sion by Doge Barbarigo, i. xiv. ; letter
from him to a Venetian ambassador,
xv. ; alluded to, 298 ; ii. 49, 53, 55.
Henry VIII. , personal notices concerning
him current in Venice, i. 26 — 28, 75,
76, 79, 80, 81, 85, 86, 101 — 105,
169, 177, 180, 182, 192 — 196, 232
—239, 294, 300, 301, 322 ; ii. 12,
21—24, 3°> 3T> 37— 4°» 52> 56—
59, 64—66, 70, 74, 75, 97, 101,
102, 114, 146, 159 — 161, 166 —
i?3> I9I— J94> 204—206, 215, 224
— 228, 231—235, 248, 260, 266,
270, 271, 275—278, 311—313,
318.
Heralds, functions performed by them,
i. 137, 290; ii. 173, 198, 287, 307,
308.
Hereford, bishopric of, see Castellesi.
Holmes, Mr. John, i. xv., 89 ; ii. 278.
Horn, Count (Maximilian d'Egmont),
ii. 253, 256, 260.
Hostages given by Francis I. to Henry
VIII., ii. 250—254, 311, 312.
Hoste, Captain William, i. 21.
Hume, David (the historian), i. 74,
113, 164, 224, 253 ; ii. 12, 62, 72,
212, 272.
— , Lord, i. 138, 140.
Hungary, condition of, i. 12 — 14.
I.
Ismael I., Sophy of Persia, ii. 147, 196.
James I., King of Great Britain, ii. 49.
James, St., of Compostella, i. 99, 323
— 325-
Jerningham, Sir Richard, ii. 273.
Justs, performance of, i. 8ij ii. 97 —
103, 228, 298, 301, 305, 306.
K.
Kansou-Algouri, Soldan of Egypt, ii.
16.
Kildare, Earl of, i. 93.
Kite, John, ii. 162, 164, 165, 253 —
255.
Kyngston, Sir William, ii. 273.
L.
Ladislaus VI., King of Hungary, i. 6 ;
his person and character described,
11—15.
Lamartine, M. Alfonse de, ii. 5.
Lambeth, residence there, of Sebastian
Giustinian, ii. 185 — 272.
Lanch, Apolonia, i. 20 ; ii. 90.
, Christopher, ii. 89, 90.
, John, ii. 90.
, Matthew, Cardinal, Bishop of
Gurk, i. 16 ; ii. 89, 90, 191, 288.
Lando, Piero, i. 14.
Lanfrani, Jacopo, i. 84, 88.
Lanz, Dr. Karl, i. i6oj ii. 95, 319.
Lateran, Council of the, ii. 60, 62.
Latino, Giovenale, i. 288, 292.
Launch, see " Harry the Great."
Lautrec, M. de (Odet de Foix), i. 49;
ii. 29, 31, 321, 322.
Lazari, Dr. Vincenzo, i. xvi.
League against France, i. 1 14-
Legate a latere, title of, conferred on
Cardinal Wolsey, ii. 191, 195, 199,
201, 202.
Leo X., i. 35, 36, 103, 106, 146, 212,
220, 237, 264, 267 ; ii. 6, 7, 28,
39, 60, 147, 149, 191, 256—258,
264, 289.
L'Escu, M. de, ii. 163, 299, 304.
332
INDEX.
Letters, seizure of, I. 213, 225, 228.
Library of Matthias Corvinus, King of
Hungary, i. 15 — 17.
Lincoln, , ii. 71 — 73.
Lineacre, Thomas, ii. 19, 68.
Lingard, Dr., i. 59; ii. 238.
Literature, cultivation of at the Vene-
tian Embassy in London, ii. 68.
Litta, Count Pompeo, i. 3, 205, 327.
Lomelyn, Diego, ii. 235.
London, Bishop of (Richard Fitz-
james), dinner in his palace, ii. 225.
London,, City of, prevents rejoicings for
the election to the grade of " King
of the Romans" of Charles V., ii.
285,, 286.
Loredano, Leonardo, Doge of Venice,
commissions given by him to Vene-
tian ambassadors accredited to Henry
VIII., i. 42,45 ; ii. 278.
Lorenzi, Signer Giovanni Battista of
Venice, calls the attention of the
translator to the despatches of Sebas-
tian Giustinian, i. xviii.
Louis II., King of Hungary, ii. 238,
239, 248.
Louis XII., King of France, i. 32, 33,
42, 44, 45, 57, 58, 84, 101, 186,
187, 325.
Lovel, Sir Thomas, i. 252, 253, 307.
Luamburg, M. de, ii. 94, 97, 100, 103.
Lucca, Republic of, its independence
threatened, i. 36.
Luther, Martin, ii. 62, 177, 208.
M.
Machiavelli, Niccolo, i. 160.
Magdalen, St. Mary, her festival, i.
255.
Malmsey, see Sack.
Malmsey, alias Malvasia, archbishops
of, see Musuro and Rali.
Manetti, see Giovenale.
Manin, Count Leonardo, curious
" Report" of England in his library,
i. vi.
Mantua, Marquis of, i. 90, 92, 120,
121,273,276.
Manutius, Aldus, i, 325; ii. 19.
Margaret, Archduchess of Austria,
widow of Philibert the Handsome,
Duke of Savoy, Governess of the
Low Countries, i. 68, 136, 220,
221, 263, 315 ; ii. 283 — 286.
Marignano, battle of, i. 133, 137,258,
262.
Marin, Carlo Antonio, ii. 194.
Marney, Sir Henry, i. 308, 309.
Marriages, reported, of the Emperor
Maximilian ; of Margaret Tudor j
and of Louise of Savoy, i. 220.
Martyr, Peter, see Angleria.
Massario, Francesco, Venetian secre-
tary in Hungary, his account of the
Corvinian library, i. 17.
May-day, celebration of, at Greenwich,
i. 74—76, 79—81, 90—91.
" evil," ii. 69 — 77 } sequel
to, 130, 131.
Mayence, Archbishop of, ii. 316.
Mayor, Lord, of London, see Monoux,
George, and Rest, John.
Maximilian, Emperor elect, i. 52, 57,
102, 145, 148—158, 178, 184,
2IO, 211, 214, 2l8, 22O, 222,
226, 229, 242—262, 273, 274,
289, 313; ii. 37, 89, 149, 150,
176, 179, 186, 187, 219, 220, 241,
251.
Medici, family of, i. 273 ; ii. 163.
Cardinal Giulio de', ii. 290.
Giuliano de', i. 37, 39.
Lorenzino de', ii. 6, 7, 160,
163.
M6me, St., M. de, ii. 234, 235, 304.
Memo, Dionisius, Venetian organist in
the service of Henry VIII., i. 296 —
298, 301 ; ii. 75, 97, 98, 100, 126,
136,161, 163, 164,271.
Mercenaries, levied by Henry VIII., i.
198, 199. .
Meutas, — , French secretary in the ser-
vice of Henry VIIL, ii. 70, 72, 74.
Michiel, Giovanni, ii. 163, 164.
Giustina, ii. 194, 195.
Vettor, i. 291.
Military, state of the, in England, ii.
316, 320.
Mill, dispute concerning a, i. 231.
Minio, Marco, Venetian ambassador at
the Court of Leo X., extracts from
INDEX.
333
his despatches, i. 220; ii. 42, 61,
62, 67, 68, 107 — no, 116, 125,
126, 130, 139, 163, 177, 181,
191, 208, 246, 261, 262, 282, 286,
289, 290.
Minions of King Henry VIII., see
Carew, Nycholas, and Bryan, Francis.
Mocenigo, Luigi, ii. 151, 173
Piero, ii. 82.
Molin, Hironimo, Venetian Consul in
London, i. 62, 84, 134$ ii. 183,
3J7-
Momchaunce, old English game of
hazard, ii. 228, 234.
Money, remitted abroad by Henry
VIII., i. 148, 152—154, 179, 186,
198,211, 221, 227,234,235,238,
242, 243, 251, 255, 258, 259, 263,
288, 291, 304, 316, 318, 319, 323,
325, 326511.8,45,50,88,91, 103,
117,251.
Monoux, George, dinner given by him
to the Venetian ambassadors, i. 92.
Montmorency, M. de, ii. 302.
More, Sir Thomas, i. 29 ; ii. 68, 162,
165, 204, 215,216, 218.
Morelli, Don Jacopo, i. 17.
Mowbray, Thomas, Duke of Norfolk,
his monumental achievement at
Venice, i. xiv.
Mummery, performance of a, ii. 225,
227, 228.
Music, state of the science in England,
i. 80, 81, 82, 86, 89, 296, 297; ii.
75, 98, 102, 103, 161.
Musuro, Marco, Archbishop of Mal-
vasia, ii. 68.
Mutinelli, Cavalier Fabio, Imperial
Equerry, and Director General of
the Archives of Venice, his excellent
arrangement of them, i. iv.
N.
Naples, competitors for the kingdom
of, i. 198.
Navarre (Henri d'Albret), King of, ii.
298, 299.
Nemours, Madame de, ii. 299, 304.
Nevel, Sir Edward, ii. 228.
Newport, Sir Thomas, i. 100.
Nix, Richard, i. 307, 309.
Nobles, coinage of, ii. 274.
Nominees of England in the treaty of
1518, ii. 230.
Nominees of France in the treaty of
1518, ii. 230.
Norfolk, Duchess of (Agnes Tilney), i.
182, 184.
Duke of (Thomas Howard), i.
91, 108, 109, 113, 138, 139, 150,
162, 168, 252, 254, 303, 307, 309 ;
ii. 26, 71, 72, 154, 226, 228, 254,
270—272, 282, 315.
Norroy, King at Arms, ii. 286.
Norrys, Henry, ii. 228.
Norwich, Bishop of, see Nix, Richard.
Noyon, Diet and Treaty of, i. 242,
25°» 253» 256> 264» 267> *79> 28o,
284—286, 290, 292, 297 ; ii. 50,
56, 65, 247.
Nuncios, Papal, see Chieregato (Fran-
cesco) ; Schomberg (Nicholas) $ St.
Dominick, Bishop of ; Thoardi,
Baldassar.
O.
Olivieri, Maffeo, ii. 139.
Orio, Lorenzo, i. 71.
Orion, name of, applied to Cardinal
Wolsey, ii. 313, 320.
Othello, hypothesis concerning him, i.
P.
Pace, Dr. Richard, i. 154, 155, 164,
221, 223, 304, 305; ii. 68, 127,
128,. 142— 146, 149, 150, 156, 162,
204, 210—2 12, 215, 224, 231, 257,
258, 260, 269, 272, 274, 285, 316,
321.
Pageants, performance of, ii. 228, 232,
234.
Pages, death of three, ii. 66.
Palais de Justice, in Paris, inhabited by
Francis I., ii. 298.
334
INDEX.
Palice, M. de la, ii. 304.
Panizzi, Mr. Antonio, i. 83.
Paper, water-mark of some used for
letter- writing in England from 1502
to 1519, i. xvi., xviii.
Paris, Bishop of (Poncher), ii. 135, 137,
153, 210, 212, 218, 220, 221 —
223, 226, 228, 231,297, 301,311,
312.
Parliament of England, i. 142, 144 ;
ii. 72.
Paruta, Paolo, i. 106, 144, 147, 175,
250; ii. 151, 166.
Pasqualigo, Lorenzo, i. 84, 117, 134,
202; ii. 53,68, 317.
Pasqualigo, Pietro, ambassador extra-
ordinary to England, i. 26, 40; his
reception at Avignon, 41 ; instruc-
tions received by him, 45 : his official
correspondence, 46 — 75 ; his private
letters describing his journey from
Paris to London, and his reception
at the court of Henry VIII., 83 —
92 ; allusion to his literary pursuits,
and to his death and burial-place,
88 ; his letters from the court of
Francis I., 117, 134; his embassy
to Portugal, ii. 81—83 ; false asser-
tion concerning him, 310, 319.
Paul, Father, see Sarpi.
Paul's, St., Cathedral in London, pro-
clamation in it of peace, ii. 224,
234; "Te Deum" chaunted there
in honour of the Emperor Charles V.,
286, 287.
Paulucci, Lorenzo, Venetian secretary,
accredited to the Commonwealth of
England, ii. 5.
Pawn, valuables received in, by Henry
VIII., i. 136, 137.
Pechy, Sir John, ii. 273.
Percy, Sir John, i. 192.
Pescara, Marquis of, ii. 290-.
Peter's, St., Cathedral in Rome, legacy
bequeathed for its construction, ii.
145,146.
Petrucci, Cardinal, ii. 108.
Philip the Handsome, Archduke of
Austria, father of the Emperor
Charles V., ii. 186.
Pico, Giovanni, Count of La Miran-
dola, ii. 19.
Pilgrims, English, in Venice, ii. 316.
Pio, Alberto, Count of Carpi, ii. 18,
19, 130.
Piombino (Appiano), the Lord of, ex-
orbitant military stipend demanded
by him, i. 273.
Pits, John, ii. 145.
Plague, the, in England, i. 224, 228 ;
ii. 130, 135, 136, 142, 166, 202.
Pol, M. de St., ii. 305.
Poland, King of, " talked of" for the
imperial crown, ii. 261.
Pole, Richard de la, i. 261, 262; ii.
174, 177, 245.
Poole, Arthur, ii. 228.
Poyntz, Francis, ii. 228.
Prejean, de Bidoux, i. 56.
Presents, value of those given by
Henry VIII. to Admiral Bonnivet
and his colleagues, ii. 235.
from the Republic of Venice
to the French ministry, ii. 322.
Priuli, Andrea, Captain or Commodore
of the "Flanders galleys," ii. 45,
46, 163, 165, 188, 191, 195,
222.
Pun, see Alberto.
Puppets, Venetian, theatrical represen-
tation performed by them, i. xvii.
Putney, residence there of Sebastian
Giustinian, i. 224 — 246.
Querini, Vincenzo, i. xvi.
R.
Rali, alias Rallo Manilio, ii. 68.
Ranke, Leopold, i. 37.
Ravenna, ii. 33, 36, 39.
Reformation, the, ii. 62.
Regalia of France described, i. 84.
" Reports," Venetian, of England, i.
vj ii. 227, 235, 259,272.
Rest, John, Lord Mayor of London,
ii. 71.
INDEX.
335
Riario, Cardinal, ii. 108.
J9-
Robertet, Florimond, i. 51; ii. 61,
Rimini, ii. 39.
t, Flori
322
Robertson, William, his " History of
the Reign of the Emperor Charles
V.," ii. 262, 290.
Rochechouart, Fran£ois de, see Danie.
Rodigino, Celio, i. 325.
Roeux, M. de, alias Reus, alias Da la
Rosa, i. 189 — 192 ; ii. 317.
Rope-slack, feats performed on the, ii.
J93 — J95-
Rosroe, William, i. 37 ; ii. 62, 68,
180.
R.ose-white, see Pole, Richard de la.
Rothelin, the Marquis of, i. 51; ii.
299.
Rouen, President of the Parliament
of, i. 124, 126, 133, 137—140,
147, 162 — 167, 168 — 170, 176,
178, 197, 198, 206, 213, 218, 219,
224, 225, 228.
Roval, M. de, ii. 302.
Rovere, Francesco Maria della, Duke
of Urbino, ii. 40, 44, 134, 147.
Ruding, Rev. Rogers, B.D., ii. 184.
Ruskiii, Mr. John, i. 85. 86.
Russel, John, i. 85, 86.
Ruthal, Thomas, i. 73, 74, 86, 114,
115, 134, 162, 174, 175,187,188,
211, 241, 252, 260, 265, 269, 295,
301, 303, 307; ii. 25, 27, 35, 36,
63, 85, 86, 88, 119, 120, 158, 213,
228, 232, 238, 252.
Rymer, Thomas, i. 60, 90, 286, 303,
316 ; ii. 100, 116, 221, 278.
S.
Sabellico, Marc' Antonio, i. 205.
Sack, wine so called, i. 100; ii. 40,
42,43,46—49, 53—55,92, 131,
156, 162, 180, 183, 184, 198,255,
292, 293, 315, 320.
Sagredo, Giovanni, ii. 151.
Count Agostino, "Report"
of England existing in his library,
ii. 309.
Sagudino, Nicholas, secretary of the
Venetian embassy in London, i.
xviii., 77 — 8 1, 228, 262, 265, 296,
297; ii. 17, 31, 68, 74, 75, 101 —
103, 113, 117, 118,168,233,295,
319, 322.
Salisbury, Earl of (Robert Cecil), ^.49.
Salviati, mercantile firm of, i. 160.
Sanseverina, Lodovica, i. 213, 214.
Sanuto, Marin, Venetian patrician, ex-
tracts from his MS. Diaries, i. ix.,
xiv., xvi., 8, 14, 15, 17, 32, 41, 50,
63» 77> 92> I00> I23> *37> *92>
287, 291,298; ii. 19, 46, 81, 90,
93, 101, 109, in, 146, 177, 189,
190, 201, 233, 290, 302, 305, 309,
321; manuscript from his library
purchased by English booksellers,
322.^
Sarpi, Fra Paolo, ii. 177.
Sassuolo, seizure of, i. 35.
Sauli, Cardinal, ii. 108.
Savonarola, Girolamo, ii. 62.
Savoy, the Great Bastard of, i, 51; ii.
300, 304.
Charles III., Duke of, ii. 152,
J54-
Louise of, Duchess of Orleans,
mother of King Francis I., i. 43, 49,
55, 126, 137, 146, 220; ii. 298,
299, 302, 305—307, 318.
Saxony, Frederick III., Duke of, ii,
208, 243, 316.
Scheiner, Matthew, Cardinal of Sion,
i. 163, 195, 197, 302—326; ii. i,
6,7, 18, 149, 179, 181, 182.
Schomberg, Nicholas, ii. 58, 59, 61,62,
94—96.
Scotland, kingdom of, its relation with
England and France, i. 52, 53, 61,
118, 119, 125, 127, 128, 139,142,
154, 157, 165, 169—171,225; ii.
20, 32, 61, 129, 198, 244, 245.
Scotch archers in the pay of Francis I.,
ii. 233.
Scott, Sir Walter, i. 92.
Secretary of the Duke of Albany, ii. 61.
Cardinal Campeggio, ii. 200,
211.
a French, ii. 198, 199.
of the Bishop of Winches-
ter, ii. 116.
336
INDEX.
Secretary of Cardinal Wolsey, ii. 59,
60.
Selim I., i. 226, 229, 254, 255, 259,
260, 293, 299; ii. 12, 16, 31, 50,
51, 63, 64. 147, 151, 167, 178,
180, 196, 248, 257, 292.
Sentliger, Lady, 288, 234.
Sforza, Francesco Maria, Duke of
Milan, i. 221, 223.
Ippolita, i. 214, 314.
Ludovic (the Moor), i. 272,
275.
i — Maximilian, Duke of Milian,
i. 39, 223.
Shakspeare, William, i. xiv., 47, 82,
107, 123, 192, 253, 261, 315; ii.
16, 47, 49, 56, 67, 145, 177, 199,
203, 233, 283, 298, 321.
Shrewsbury, Earl of, ii. 72, 74.
Sickness, the sweating, i. 262; ii. 113
— 116, 120, 126, 128 — 130.
Sigismund I., see Poland, King of.
Sion, Cardinal of, see Scheiner, Mat-
thew.
Skelton, John, Poet Laureate, i. 309 ;
ii. 119, 235.
Sneyd, Miss Charlotte Augusta, i. xv.,
27 ; ii. 278.
Soderini, Cardinal, ii. 108, 114.
Southampton, its connection with Ve-
nice, i. ix., xi ; alluded to, 250 ; ii.
188, 191—195-
Sovereigns of Europe, court paid by
them to Henry VIII., i. 170, 191.
Stapleton, Thomas, ii. 218.
"Sterling," Hanseatic origin of the
word, ii. 183, 184, 320.
Stores, military, sold by Christians to
Mahometans, ii. 80 — 82.
Storms, in the British Channel, ii. 136,
139,217,251.
Stow, John, i. 2245 11. 72, 100, 227.
Strigonia, Cardinal of, see Erdody,
Thomas.
Strutt, Joseph, i. 92; ii. 100, 101.
Suffolk, Duke of (Charles Brandon),
1.47, 57, 63,87, 119—123, 168,
222, 252, 253, 312, 313, 319, 321,
326 ; ii. 35, 97, 101, 226, 228,
232> 235> 3*6.
Surgeon, see Vercelli, Giovanni Bat-
tista.
Surian, Antonio, ii. 145, 190, 274 ;
his arrival in London as the successor
of Sebastian Giustinian, 275 j his
first audience of Henry VIII., 276
— 278 ; general notices of, 279 —
282, 283 — 293, 320.
Surrey, the Earl of, i. 91 ; ii. 71, 72,
74, 101, 192, 195, 228.
Sweat, the, see Sickness.
Switzerland, i. 133, 146, 184, 226,
288, 291, 322 j ii. 8, 149, 263,
264, 266.
T.
Tationo, Count Bartolomeo, ambassa-
dor from the Emperor Maximilian
to Henry VIII., i. 168, 171, 179,
i8oj ii. 33,42, 134.
Taxation in England, ii. 263.
Taylor, Dr., i. 85, 86.
Ten, Council of, letters addressed to it
by the Venetian ambassadors accre-
dited to Henry VIII., i. 32, 100 —
115, 152 — 168, 182 — 184,205 —
210, 228 — 246, 254 — 261, 265 —
279, 301—321, 325, 326; ii. 6, 7,
17, 18.
Terouane, i.53,54-
Thoardi, Baldassar, papal nuncio in
Scotland, i. 118.
Thomas, Saint, allusion to his having
preached Christianity in India, ii.
81.
Titian, ii., 194, 256, 322.
Toderini, Signer Teodoro, official in
the Venice archives, his labours
there, i. iv.
Tonstal, Cuthbert, ii. 68, 192, 194,
226, 232, 234.
Tour, Madelaine de la, ii. 163.
Tournai, city and see of, i. v., 53, 54,
61,286,289,290; ii. 41,60, 62,
84> 137, 154, 2°i» 206, 209, 211,
213, 222, 231, 236, 244, 245, 250,
251, 253, 311.
Tournelles, Palace " des," in Paris, ii.
298.
Tower of London, curiosities shown
there, i. 87 ; imprisonment in it of
city officials, ii. 285.
INDEX.
339
Treaties, negotiation of, between, —
The Empire and France, i. 146.
The Empire, France, and Venice,
ii. 20.
England and France, i. 60, 61, 87,
90 ; ii. 229, 230, 245.
England and Spain, i. 145, 154; ii.
256 — 262.
England and the Prince of Castille,
i. 180, 189.
England, Rome, the Empire, and
Spain, i. 229, 236, 237, 240,
249, 260, 261, 268, 285, 312 —
315; ii. 2, 83—86.
England, the Empire, and Spain, i.
286, 302,303, 315, 321—323;
ii. 91, 94, 95.
England, Rome, the Empire, France,
and Spain, ii. 208, 211,218,229,
230, 256—258.
France and Switzerland, i. 146, 185.
France, Switzerland, and Venice, ii.
21.
Germany, the Princes of, ii. 91, 92.
France and Venice, ii. 140.
Trevisan, Andrea, i. xv. ; ii. 49, 278.
Trevisan, Domenico, i. 146, 147.
Tribute, payment of, by France to
England, ii. 20, 137.
Trimouille, M. de la, ii. 304.
Triulzi, Count Gian, Giacomo, i. 48,
49, 56.
Triulzi, Antonio, i. 49, 50.
Tudor, Margaret, Queen °f Scotland,
i. no, 114, 118, 125, 128, 130 —
133, 138, 151, 154,155* i57> i59>
165, 169, 219, 222, 224, 283, 284,
296, 301 ; ii. 61, 213.
Tudor, Maria, Queen Dowager of
France, and subsequently Duchess of
Suffolk, i. 43, 54, 57, 59, 87, 119,
120, 160, 186, 298 j ii. 62, 98,
102, 225, 226, 228, 234, 290.
Tudor, the Lady Mary, her birth, i.
181 ; her christening; report of her
being affianced to King Charles of
Spain, ii. 9 ; her passion for music,
161, 163, 164; her betrothal to the
Dauphin, 200, 201, 206, 207, 221,
222, 226, 232—234, 298, 301,
3U-
Tunis, the King of, ii. 148.
VOL. II.
U.
Urswick (alias Bambridge),Christopher,
Cardinal Archbishop of York, i. xiv.,
16, 68, 71, 192, 221 ; ii. 88, 142,
145, 146.
Valentinelli, Abate Don Giuseppe, head
librarian of the Marciana, i. xxii.
Valois, Francois de, Dauphin of France,
ii. 173, 177, 178, 200, 201, 221,
222, 232, 298, 301, 311, 319.
, Kenri de, his christening, ii.
274 ; alluded to, 319.
-, Margaret de, Duchess of
Alencon, ii. 298, 299, 302 — 304,
3°7-
Velluro, Signer Giovanni, Vice-libra-
rian of the Marciana, i. xxii.
Vendome, M. de, ii. 300, 304, 307.
Venice, the Republic of, aid given by
her to France at the battle of Marig-
nano, i. 134; her veracity, 135;
special embassy sent by her to Fran-
cis I., 146 ; her mediation desired
by Cardinal Wolsey, 159 ; treatment
received by her from Ferdinand the
Catholic, 175 ; her unpopularity in
England, 178; its cause, 178; de-
ceived by Maximilian and Ferdinand
the Catholic, 188 ; her policy im-
pugned, 191, 193 — 195, 199; her
nobility termed " fishermen," 203 ;
her mediation required. 215; recovers
Brescia, 242 ; her good faith, 273,
274 ; her respect for the German
nation, 324; informs Henry VIII.
of her recovery of Verona, ii. 37;
consideration had for her subjects by
the populace of London, 70, 715
goodwill demonstrated by her towards
Englishmen, 142 ; makes peace with
Sultan Selim, 150; is inclined to
dispense with the embassy to Henry
VIII., 190; amount of taxes paid by
her nobility, 214; clause concerning
her in the treaty of peace signed in
London on the 2nd of October, 1518,
219,220, 222; court paid her by
340
INDEX.
Spain, 259 ; her wishes concerning
the Imperial election, 258, 260, 26 1,
263 — 265 ; her disputes with Maxi-
milian, 311, 312; blessings enjoyed
in her dominions, 314, 315.
Ventimiglia, Bishop of, see Fregoso,
Alessandro.
Vercelli, Giovanni Battista di, ii. 108,
109.
Verona, i. 253, 255, 256, 257,471,
276,279,281,285,287, 292—295,
*99» 3°°> 3°2> 3°4> 3°5» 3IO> 3 '3,
316 ; ii. 2 — 4, 8, 13 — 16, 20 — 22,
28,29,31,60,84—86.
Veronese, Paolo, ii. 194.
Vicenza, i. 126, 281, 284.
Villeroy, M. de, ii. 201, 208, 210 —
212, 2l8, 221, 231, 311.
Virgil, Polydore, i. xvii. 88 } ii. 62,
320.
Visconti, Anchises, i. 221, 271, 275,
327 5 H: 8-
, Signora , 11. 303, 305,
306.
, Visconte de', alias Galeazo, i.
221, 271, 275, 326, 327; ii. 8,
3°3» 3°5-.
Voyages, Indian, of the Portuguese, ii.
78, 79, 82, 83.
W.
Walden, Mistress, ii. 228, 234.
Walsingham, shrine of the Virgin there,
ii. 128 — 130.
Waradino, Bishop of, i. 10, 12.
Ware, James, ii. 164.
Warham, William, i. 84, 88, 143,
150, 252, 308, 326.
Weever, John, ii. 164.
West, Nicholas, ii. 135, 136, 222,
228, 236, 238, 297 — 308.
Westminster, park of, ii. i, 5.
Weston, Sir Richard, ii. 273.
, Sir William, Grand Prior of
St. Johns, ii. 238.
Wharton, Henry, i. 74, 309 ; ii. 136.
Wicquefort, Abraham, his opinion of
Venetian diplomatists, i. viii.
Winchester, Bishop of, see Fox, Ri-
chard.
Wingfield, Sir Richard, ii. 273.
Wolsey, Thomas, Archbishop of York,
subsequently Cardinal and Legate a
latere, his sayings and doings recorded
by Sebastian Giustinian, i. 73, 75,
86, 98, '103, 104, no, 113, 116,
117, 128—133, 135, 139, 142,
143, 148—150, 155—160, 161,
171—174, 183—187, 199, 200,
204 2O6, 209 211, 215, 225,
227, 229—232, 239—241, 242—
244, 246, 247, 252, 254—261,
265 270, 271, 276 278, 28l
284, 292, 295, 298—302, 303,
306—308, 326; ii. 1—5, 13—16,
17,25,27, 35, 39,40, 50,51,53,
54, 63, 68, 69, 74, 75, 84, 85, 92,
98, 105, 115, 117—125, 128, 132
—134, 146—148, 151—154, 158,
159, 174—177, 178—180, 182—
184, 195 — 198, 200, 204 206,
2l6, 217 220, 224 — 228, 236,
237, 252, 253, 258, 260, 266, 268,
269, 271, 272, 278 — 280, 286,
287, 291—295, 3II, 3I3—3I5*
318, 320.
Worcester, (Charles Somerset) Earl of,
i. 106, 107, 109, 115; ii- 25, 135,
228, 236, 237, 238, 297 — 308.
, (Tiptoft) Earl of, lecturer
at Padua, i. xiii.
Wotton, Anne, ii. 228, 234.
Y.
York, Archbishops of, see Urswick
Christopher, and Wolsey Thomas.
Z.'
Zeno, Angelo, ii. 320.
, Carlo, Venetian ambassador to
Richard II.. i. xii.
Zorzi, Marin, Venetian ambassador at
Rome, ii. 126, 134.
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331 Four years at the court of
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