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L /7 


Harvard College 
Library 


FROM THE FUND GIVEN BY 


Stephen Salisbury 
Class of 1817 





Clarendon Press Series 


FRAGMENTS 


AND 


SPECIMENS OF EARLY LATIN 


WORDSWORTH 


London 
MACMILLAN AND CO. 


PUBLISHERS TO THE UNIVERSITY OF 


Oxford 


Q Clarendon Bress Series 


FRAGMENTS 


AND 


SPECIMENS OF EARLY LATLY 


WITH INTRODUCTIONS AND NOTES 


BY 


JOHN WORDSWORTH, M. A. 


TUTOR OF BRASENOGE COLLEGB, AND CHAPLAIN TO THE BISHOP OF LINCOLN 


i Oxford 
AT THE CLARENDON PRESS 


M DCOC LXXIV 


[AW rights reserved ) 


/ 
tbs evi L^» a . 








PREFACE. 


THE aim of this book is very simple—to render the study of 
Early Latin more methodical and comprehensive, and to put the 
younger generation of scholars in possession of materials for the 
purpose which they will not elsewhere find in combination. By 
Early Latin I understand Latin of the whole period of the Re- 
public, which is separated very strikingly, both in tone and out- 
ward form, from that of the Empire. I have of course excluded 
almost entirely those writers who are so well known and ordi- 
narily read as Plautus and Terence, Lucretius and Catullus, 
Sallust and Cicero—those writers in fact whose works are extant 
in a more or less complete form. In other respects, however, 
I have attempted to give as fair a representation both of the 
documentary and literary remains of the period as could be 
compressed into the compass of a single volume. 

No apology seems necessary for such a design, especially in 
an age so eager as our own in the investigation of all that is 
primitive or original in language and literature, as well as in 
religion, law, and custom. The want of such a book has long 
been felt and may be taken for granted. I regret that it has 
not been undertaken by an abler hand, and that my own attempt 
has been carried on under many necessary distractions, and with 
an incomplete knowledge of many parts of the various subjects 
comprehended in it. My excuse must be that after seven years, 
in which the design has been maturing to the best of my power, 
I have not heard of any other scholar who is engaged on such a 
work, nor have I found any existing book which I could recom- 
mend to my own pupils for the purpose. I am only acquainted 


vi PREFACE. 


with two which have something of a similar aim, Egger's Latini 
Sermonis vetustioris Reliquiae and Donaldson's Varronianus. 
I did not know of Egger till I had advanced some way in the 
composition of my own book, and therefore looked at it with 
interest. It has few notes, and cannot be considered satisfactory 
as to text, especially in the matter of inscriptions, the study of 
which has progressed so marvellously since the date of its pub- 
lication—more than thirty years ago (1843). I found however 
that his idea of what was wanted coincided in great measure 
with my own, and I have derived some help from it ih the 
chapter of Formulae and elsewhere. With Varronianus the 
points of contact are really few, as Dr. Donaldson confined him- 
self almost entirely to the earliest period of the language, and 
to the cognate dialects, which I have touched chiefly as sources 
of illustration. I have of course consulted it in certain cases, 
e.g. in reference to the fragments of early laws and national 
poetry, but very little elsewhere. 

This being the case, I had no hesitation in making collections 
for such a book side by side with a study of the literary history 
of the period. I soon became aware that it would be an immense 
advantage to English philology if a systematic, well-grounded 
knowledge of Latin inscriptions could be introduced into our 
Universities, and to some extent into our schools. The great 
results obtained by Ritschl and Mommsen and their coadjutors 
and pupils, who have gone back to the original texts on brass or 
stone and applied them to elucidate history and language, are 
in their way as inspiring as the study of Greek was at the 
Renaissance, or that of Sanskrit at the beginning of this century. 
Yet these results are comparatively unknown in this country, 
except through the medium of Plautus and the popular History 
of Rome. I cannot however think that our scholars, dis- 
tinguished as they undoubtedly are for good sense in exegesis 
and a natural aptitude for history and archaeology, will allow 
themselves to be left far behind when once they have realised 





PREFACE. vii 


the truth. If this book has any merit, it will be chiefly in lay- 
ing the foundation for such a comparative method of study, and 
by familiarising those who read it with some of the more impor- 
tant results already attained. Those who feel desirous of carry- 
ing it further, and are unable to procure the somewhat bulky 
volumes of the Corpus Inscriptionum, will do well to furnish 
themselves with Bruns’ Fontes Iuris Romani Antiqui (ed. 2, 
Tubingen, 1871) and G. Wilmann’s Exempla Inscriptionum 
Latinarum (2 vols. Berlin, 1873), in which the most important 
documents and inscriptions are collected. 

A few words may be desirable as to the first part of this book 
—the Grammatical Introduction. It was not till I had advanced 
some way in the notes on the Fragments and Specimens that I 
felt the awkwardness of continual cross-references on points of 
grammar, and was almost forced to throw this part of the subject 
into the shape which it now bears, though it was not part of my 
original design. This may be mentioned as some explanation 
of the want of finish and perfect accuracy in it—of which I 
cannot but be conscious—and of the defect in full consultation 
of modern writers on the subject. It may however be useful as 
a register of facts, not easily found elsewhere in the same group- 
ing, especially I hope to our own students preparing for ‘ Mode- 
rations, for whom it was particularly designed. My acknow- 
ledgments may here be made to Schleicher, Corssen, and Ritschl, 
to Ferrar, Munro, and Roby, to whom I owe most of the infor- 
mation contained in it that is not drawn from the texts in the 
second and third parts of the book. To Corssen, it will be seen, 
I owe a great deal. 

This naturally leads to other personal explanations and 
acknowledgments. As my aim has been throughout to help 
the student, I have not been over-careful in giving detailed 
references to those modern writers by whose means I became 
acquainted with parallel passages or illustrations from ancient 
authors. Experience has shown me that there is a sort of 


viii PREFACE. 


floating capital of quotations that is at publie disposal, and 
that it is only vanity and vexation of spirit to try and discover 
who first compared this and that passage together. Just as 
many modern theological works owe their learning of this kind 
more or less directly to such books as Bishop Pearson's Vindiciae 
Ignatianae—to name one that occurs to me at the moment—so 
the volumes edited by Graevius and Gronovius contain similar 
treasures of quotations which are held (rightly or wrongly) to be 
common property. I have however attempted to do substantial 
justice, and to mention wherever I thought a comparison of this 
sort was really new or combined with an original remark. The 
frequent references to the great German Latinists and to writers 
of our own, such as Sir H. Maine and Mr. Poste, and those above 
mentioned, will be sufficient evidence of my debt to them. To 
Professor Mommsen my acknowledgments are due in an especial 
degree, and I regret very much that I was not throughout 
familiar with his views of the Roman constitution in respect to 
the Senate and the Comitia. No living Latin scholar seems to 
combine such brilliant gifts of exposition with such minute and 
extensive knowledge, coupled with fairness in argument and 
readiness to learn. Where I have differed from him advisedly 
I do it with diffidence, but with an assurance that he would be 
willing to recognise any measure of truth that might be found 
in my criticism. 

Such being the position I have taken, I hope that no reader of 
this book will give me credit for originality till he has consulted 
the writers mentioned in these pages, to which I may add 
Becker and Marquardt's valuable Handbook of Antiquities, now 
being re-edited by Mommsen and Marquardt, Preller's Roman 
Mythology, and Lange’s Roman Antiquities. The latter is use- 
ful as a constitutional history, but its results require to be tested 
by comparison with the other Handbook just mentioned, where 
the references are generally quoted in extenso. 

It may however save time to some readers if I mention a few 





PREFACE. 1X 


points where I have taken a view somewhat different from those 
generally held. Such are, in the Introduction, the division of 
the declensions into three pairs and the paradigms of the pro- 
nouns with gender—the idea of the last being taken from Cors- 
sen. Something too has been added to make the treatment of 
the perfect more methodical. In the notes I should be glad 
of criticism on the theory of the sacramentary action, pp. 515- 
517, on partis secanto, p. 519, and sacer, p. 532, a8 well as on 
the soldier's oath or oaths, pp. 555—558. 

I have not attempted to determine many of the vexed ques- 
tions of orthography, but have generally followed the best printed 
texts I could obtain, without attempting a forced uniformity. 
I might perhaps have gone farther than I have done. I have 
not even wholly proscribed quum. Cum seems only a subterfuge 
for quom, and quom leads on to servos, which opens a large vista 
of change. We have more to learn before we set up a rigid 
standard on a matter in which inscriptions themselves show that 
considerable laxity prevailed. Of course there are obvious limits 
to such laxity, within which I have tried to confine myself. 

One other topic remains. The composition of this book has 
been constantly saddened by the remembrance of a great loss. 
It was begun with the understanding that it was to be super- 
intended by Professor Conington. His untimely death deprived 
many of us of a dear friend, and left the University to mourn 
one of the best scholars of the present century, who had only 
done a small part of the work that lay close about him. This 
book has suffered grievously from the lack of his patient and 
sympathetic criticism and vigorous common sense, no less than 
from the absence of those observations drawn from the stores of 
his wonderful memory with which he would have adorned it. It 
eannot, alas! lay claim to have one sheet revised by his hand. 

I have however much to be thankful for, especially to 
Professor Edwin Palmer, whose abundant and unselfish kindness 
is known to all his friends, but must be particularly mentioned 


x PREFACE. 


here. Besides going through a great portion of the book in 
MS., he has given me incalculable help in its passage through 
the press. His revision of all but the earliest sheets of the 
Introduction not only removed a large multitude of blunders, 
but enriched it with a number of exact quotations, especially 
from the dramatists. He has also corrected the proofs of the 
first part of the text and of all the notes, in the midst of many 
other engagements and work of his own, with an interest for 
which I cannot be sufficiently grateful. At the same time it 
would be unfair to him that he should be held responsible for 
any views advanced here, except where his name is specially 
mentioned. 

To Professor Aufrecht I owe many thanks for a very kind 
proposal that he should write a summary of the history and 
grammar of the Italian dialects, to be added to this book. After 
much consideration on the part of the Delegates of the Press 
this had unfortunately to be declined, on account of the size to 
which my work had grown. All scholars will however rejoice 
to learn that they may shortly expect a separate and complete 
work on the subject from a philologist who is so eminently 
qualified to perform this difficult task. Dr. Aufrecht was also 
kind enough to send me some hints and criticisms on various 
points treated in the Introduction, some of which I was able to 
use, others I regret it was out of my power to insert, owing to 
the printing having advanced too far. 

To Mr. J. L. Strachan-Davidson of Balliol I am also 
deeply indebted for his correction of the proofs of the notes, 
and especially for his many suggestions on legal and historical 
points. This is particularly the case in reference to the Lex 
Agraria, but in many other places I have to thank him for 
light on details of history which few other persons with whom 
I am acquainted would be competent to give. 

To Professor Robinson Ellis I have reason to be grateful for 
revising the text of great part of the poetical fragments, especially 





PREFACE. xi 


of Lucilius, and for communicating to me, in the most friendly 
way, valuable notes of his own on that writer, of which I have 
made free use. Some of his emendations will be noticed by the 
reader as important. 

To Mr. Merry of Lincoln College my thanks are due for help 
in the fragments of Livius Andronicus, as will be seen in the 
notes; to Mr. H. Nettleship for an excellent emendation of C. 
Gracchus (p. 354) and a note on the use of pasco (p. 439); to Mr. 
Copleston of St. John's College for a careful revision of the proofs 
of notes on the Inscriptiones Antiquissimae; to Dr. Neubauer 
of the Bodleian Library for ever-ready help in the consultation 
of books and MSS., and for a suggestion on p. 499 and other 
assistance; and to Mr. Evelyn Abbott of Ballol for several 
hints embodied in the notes. 

It only remains for me to thank the Delegates of the Press 
for their readiness to accept and publish this book, and for the 
kindness with which they have acceded to my suggestions respect- 
ing it. Iam also grateful to the officials of the Press itself for 
much attention, and for their general care in printing what has 
been in some respects a difficult book. 


OxForD, Oct. 10, 1874. 


xil 


ADDENDA ET CORRIGENDA. 


Page 3, line 24, for i1 read ii. 

P. 3, l. 15, for Attieriu read Atuervu. 

P. 9, 1. 17-20, dele from It is—Volscian. See p. 241. 

P. 25, l. 4, add Further, one Romance dialect, the Sardinian of Logodoro, pre- 
serves the hard guttural, as in kera, dulke, pískina - ceram, dulcem, piscinam. 
(Mr. H. Nicol, in Academy, vol. vi. p. 157, where see more on the subject in 
general.) 

P. 28, 1. 15, for Socium read socium. 


. 49, second paragraph, add other instances of the same kind may be found in 
L. v. 2386, 3551, and the Canon Muratorianus. 


64, 1. 20, for L. L. vii. 33 read L. L. vii. 32. 

68, $ 9, add lumine, Cato, Orig. iv. 1. 

98, 1. 7, for Farrar read Ferrar. 

79, $ 11, add ‘purime tetinero, purissime tenuero,’ Fest. Ep. p. 252. 
88, lL. 31, add for me= mihi, see note on p. 652. 

89, 1. 6, for or read originally, and so elsewhere. 

. 100, § 35, add hoc is sometimes shortened in comic poetry. 

Ibid., bottom, read Epitaph of Protogenes. 

P. 102, § 27, add ‘Si em percuasi,’ Cato, infra p. 342. 

Ibid. § 28, add and illuc = illud-ce, illoo, Inscr. Pomp. 2013, infra p. 248. 
P. 107, § 37, add and probably Ennius, Athamaa, 148 v., see note, p. 591. 
P. 108, 1. 23, for preposition read pronoun. 

P. 111, § 45, for AN-A read A-NA. 

P. 138, 1. 9, for ludi read ludo. 

P. 146, 1. 4 from bottom, for noenum read non enim, see note, p. 589. 

P. 167, C. 177, for M. OVBIA read MW. CVBIA. 

P. 169, l. 1, for C. 185 read C. 186. 
P 
P 
P 
P 


C. 


JA NN E NE 


. 205, l. 14, for reperto read reperta. 

. 215, 1. 83, for coloneis read colonieis. 

. 224, C. 603, read Aienus . . Baebatius. 
. 227, 1. 7, for 8.c. read sc. 


xiv ADDENDA ET CORRIGENDA. 


P. 233, l. 12, for quod read quom. 

P. 238, bottom, for MARTEM read MATREM. 

P. 239, C. 1290, read decvMa. 

P. 242, Tituli cum Sicilico, cp. Introd. ii. $ 9. 

Ibid. C. II. 172. Cp. the oath said to have been taken by the Italians to 
M. Drusus, Diodor. Fr. Vat. p. 118, Mommsen, R. H. iii. p. 232. 

. 244, P. 1173, read nosci(t), and correct note, p. 495. 
. 248, P. 1836, read cM HEDYSTO, i. e. cum Hedysto. 
. 249, P. 3072, for Aenedum read Aeneadum, 

. 258, l. 2, read quae enim. 

. 261, 1. 9, for provide read proinde. 

. 263, 1. 11, for claro read clavo. 

. 290, 1. 19, dele period after videbis. 

291, 33, read véris vél süeris. 

291, 6, read Eí venít in méntem. 

. 302, 198, read Qui antehac. 

. 363, 1. 10, for partibis read partibus. 

369, 1. 12 from bottom, read consuetudine. 

373, l. 4, for 23 read 25. 

. 381, L. 7 from bottom, insert 5. before Lucius. 

. 430, insert proper page numeral. 

Ibid., bottom. The identification of patrum aucoritas with lex curiata de 
imperio has been disproved by Mommsen, Forschungen, pp. 347-249. The patrum 
auctoritas is the authorisation of the Senate, which was required for every law, 
and therefore for a lex curtata, as well as any other. See note on Patres censeant 
exquiras, p. 650. 

P. 495, note to P. 1173, see correction of p. 344, and dele except—vowel. 


P. 512, l. a9, dele from Usurpare down to break usus. See p. 524, 1. 10, from 
bottom. 


P. 540, l. 23, for Corella read Covella. 


Mj "d HM Fd CU "X o^w oU Xd o ^U "Xd éCÓ CU Xd X 


XV 


CONTENTS. 


PART I.—GRAMMATICAL INTRODUCTION. 
Pp. 1-158. 


CHAP. I. GENERAL RenLAmi0NS. LATIN AND THE lTALIAN Dr- 
LECTS. Pp. 1-4. 


§ 1. Geographical position of Rome and Latium.—§ 2. Latin and the Italian 
dialects.— $ 3. Distinctions between the Italian languages and Greek. Connection 
with Celtic.—$ 4. Distinctions between Latin and other Italian dialects, in 
alphabet.—§ 5. In accidence. 


Cuar. II. Tse Lamm ArzPHABET. Forms or THE LETTERS. 
MxrHoD or Writine. Pp. 5—10. 


§ 1. The Latin Alphabet from Cumae. Number of letters.—§ 2. Archaic forms 
of the vowels.—§ 3. Archaic forms of the consonants, B, C, D, F, Z Early 
instances of Z.—5 4. G a new letter, when introduced.—§ 5. K, L, M, N, P, Q, 
R, S, T, X.—§ 6. The three aspirates, ©, (D, J, used for numeral signs.—§ 7. 
Five letters or combinations introduced in the time of Cicero, Y, Z, TH, PH, CH. 
The Claudian letters.—§ 8. Doubled vowels, when introduced. The apex.—§ 9. 
Doubled consonante introduced by Ennius. The sicilicus in inscriptions. 


Caap, III. Pronunciation. Pp. 11-29. 


§ 1. Division of the alphabet. Table of sounds.—§ 2. The Vowels and Diph- 
thongs. Remarkable natural relation between the five vowels.—§ 3. A the 
guttural vowel, long and short.—$ 4. E; confusion with AE.—§ 5. Confusion 
between I and E. Middle sound between I and U.—§ 6. O long and short.— 
$ 7. U the labial vowel, broader than Greek v.—$ 8. Diphthongs AE, AI, AV, 
EI, EU, OE.—§ 9. Semivowels. Spirants—sonant H, J, V, surd S, F, (X). H, 
trace of hard sound. J pronounced as Y, change to modern.—§ 10. V, controversy 
about.—$ 11. (1) Ancient references to its pronunciation, Like the digamma. 
No differenoe between initial and medial. Quintilian, Nigidius, story of Crassus. 
Evanescence before a consonant.—§ 12. (2) Internal evidence of the language, 
elose relation between U and V, and evanescence of V.—§ 13. Interchange of 
B and V, and V and B, not very early.—§ 14. (3) Transcriptions. In Greek by 
ov and §.—§ 15. Conclusion, V nearly - English W. Labial V.—§ 16. The surd- 
spirants. YF rougher than Greek #.—§ 17. S the only sibilant in classical Latin. 


xvi CONTENTS. 


Probably soft between two vowels. Sharp as initial, evanescent aa final.—8$ 18. 
X, loss of its guttural character.—§ 19. Nasals M. and N. Weak sound when 
final. Vowel long before ns, nf. Loss of N before S; before T. Assimilation 
with gutturals.—$ 20. Rand L. R dental, possibly also cerebral.— 6 21. L, its 
relation to R. Strong after a mute.—$ 23. The Mutes. Pronunciation of the 
Gutturals. C and G, difficulty as to; divergence of modern languages.—§ 23. 
(1) Evidence of monuments. Silence of grammarians. Inscriptions Kerus, kitra, 
Dekembres. Lateness of confusion between ci and tí. Absence of such confusion 
in good MSS.—§ 24. (2) Transcriptions. Greek, Teutonic, Celtic not decisive. 
Roman transcription of Greek « by C important.—§ 25. (3) Analogy of cognate 
languages. Slight natural difference of guttural before E and I. Softening in 
modern Teutonic languages and in modern Greek. Probable parallel in Italian 
languages.—§ 26. Summary. Process of decay in Umbrian, Volscian, Illyrian, 
Messapian.—§ 27. Conclusion as to C.—§ 28. As to G.—§ 39. As to Q.— 
§ 30. Dentals. D and T pure dentals, confusion between. D changed to R.— 
§ 31. Labials interchanged. 


CHAP. IV. On THE Latin Accent. Pp. 30-33. 


§ I. Accent a higher or lower note.—§ 2. Lawsof the Latin accent. (1) Mono- 
syllables, (2) Disyllables, (3) Polysyllables, (4) Enclitics, (5) Prepositions, relative 
pronouns, etc.—§ 3. Difference from Greek.—§ 4. Influence of the accent in 
shortening terminations.—§§ 5, 6. In abolishing many final vowels.—§ 7. Pro- 
bable earlier rule of accentuation inferred. 


CHAP V. ForMATION OF Worps. Pp. 34, 35. 


§ 1. Languages distinguished by their different use of roots, (1) Isolating, 
(2) Agglutinative, (3) Inflectional. Difference between Aryan and Semitic. Roots 
and stems.—§ 2. Latin belongs to South-Western European divisions of Aryan 
languages. All words in it properly Neuns or Verbs. 


CHar. VI. Nouns. DENOTATION oF GENDER. Pp. 36-39. 


§ 1. Gender not an original part of declension, but ancient.—§ 2. Usual suffixes 
& for masculine and feminine, m and d for neuter. Question as to the absence of 
these suffixes.—§ 3. Oldest division into pereons and things.—§ 4. Neuters, irre- 
gularities as to.—§ 5. Division into masculine and feminine, arbitrary and awk. 
ward. Methods of distinction, (1) Before separation of the languages. Longa 
for feminine, different genitive.—$ 6 (2). After separation. Feminine has older 
stem, different dative and ablative: s for neuters of comparatives.—§ 7 (3). 
Special stems formed for or reserved to different genders. 


Cuap. VII. Nouns. NUuMBER AND Case. Pp. 40—43. 


§ 1. No dual except duo and ambo.—§ 2. Case system a selection of suffixes.— 
§ 3. Relation to Aryan case system.—§ 4. Oldest case suffixes.—$ 5. Origin of 
the five, or rather six, declensions. Arrangement in three pairs proposed.—§ 6. 
Division into cases here adopted.—$ 7. Paradigm of genders and declensions. 


‘ 





Ny 


PART L xvi 


Car. VIII. Tur A anp E Decuensions. Pp. 44—52. 


§ 1. Original unity of their terminations. Paradigm.—§ 3. Peculiaritics of the 
A declension. Nominative singular. Termination in-s. Long -d of. Change in 
dialects.—§ 3. Accusative, loss of -m.—§ 4. Genitive in -as. In -es and -aes Greek. 
Prosepnais. Dialects —§ 5. Locatíve, in -ai, -ae, not a shortened genitive. 
Parallel of Greek instrumental.—§ 6. Dative, in -af, -ae, -a, -e.—$ 7. Ablative in d. 
Instances of in different declensions.—§ 8. -à of ablative, with exceptions.—§ 9. 
Nominative plural. Supposed ending in-ae. Instancesof, how explained. Matrona 
doubtful Dialects. Ordinary termimation in -aé, analogy with pronominal -i.— 
$ 10. Accusatwe in -as. Dialects. Umbrian in -f.—8$ 11. Genitive, double furm 
in -um and -arwn.—§ 13. Locative in -is=a-is. Devas Corniscas. In -eis and -es. 
Proper Locatives.—$ 13. Dative and ablative in a-bus, uses of.—§ 14. Peculiarities 
of the E declension. Consists of feminine substantives; subordinate form of A de- 
clension.—$ 15. Nominative singular retains suffix -e.—§ 16. Genitive in -es.— 
§ 17. Locative in -ei, -e, -4.—$ 18. Dative: similar modifications.—§ 19. -ed not 
found in ablative.—§ 20. Plural generally defective. 


Cuap. IX. Tux O ann U Deciensions. Pp. 53-62. — 


§ 1. Chiefly masculines and neuters. Similarity of forms. Paradigms.—§ 2. 
Pecultartties of the O declension. Its feminines and neuters.—§ 3. Nominative 
singular. Loess of termination after r. Loss of final s. Contraction of -$us to -is. 
Terminations, -os, -om, especially after v or u Long -tis.—§ 4. Accusative, loss of 
-m.—§ 5. Genitive wanting.—§ 6. Locative, used for genitive. Instances of pure 
Locatives.—§ 7. Dative in -oi, -oe (1).—§ 8. Ablative in -d. Long o sometimes 
sbortened.—$ 9. Nominative plural. Fesceninoe (t), ploirume. Forma in -es, -eis, 
8. Discussion of.—$ 10. Neuter plural nom. and accus, in -4,—§ 11. Accusative 
in -de.—§ 12. Genltive in -om, -im (-4om), -um.—86 13. Locative in -ote, -eis, -es, -42. 
Pure locatives.—§ 14. Dative and ablative in -bus, anomalous instances of.—§ 15. 
Peculiarities of the U declension. Consists of substantives. A few feminines. Pecu- 
liar neuters.—§ 16. Genitive singular, u-os, u-us, u-is.—$ 17. Locative in 4. Pre- 
vails in dramatists. Use elsewhere.—$ 18. Dative in u-é, contracted to -u.—§ 19. 
Ablative in u-d, in u-u, in u-e.—g§ 20. Nom. plural, u-us, found occasionally.— 
§ 21. Genitive, u-om, wum, -dm. Forms in -orum, -(s.—6 22. Dative and ablative 
in u-bus, i-bus. 


CuHar. X. Tue I anp ConsonantaL DEcLENsIONS. Pp. 63-73. 


§ 1. Inseparable. Paradigms.—§ 2. Few original - stems. Parallel stems in 
-is, and -us. Genitive plural a test of the distinction between I and Consonantal 
stems.—§ 3. Peculiarities of the I and Consonantal declensions. Nominative 
singular. I, In I stems. Stem vowel often changed to e.—$ 4. Four classes of 
termination : (1) Full stem with suffix in -gi, -gué, -hé; -ni; -U; -o, -ri. (2) Elided 
stem with eufiz, especially -ti and -dé. (3) Full stem without sufiz, generally 
neuters. (4) Elided stem without sufia, -dri, -iri (with exceptions), Neuters in 
-ari, -ali.—§ 5. II, In Consonantal stems. (1) Full stem with suffix, stems ending 
in a guttural or labial. (2) Elided stem with sufix, dental stems. Stems in v. 
(3) Full stems without suficc, neuters and stems ending in -l, -r, -s. (4) Elided 

b 


xviii CONTENTS. 


stems without sufix, stems in -én, -in.—§ 6. Accusative in -em. Exceptions of 
I stems in -im.—§ 7. Genitive in -es rare and archaic=dialectic -er. In -is, -us. 
Partus isolated.—$ 8. Locative in -4 and -e, dialectic -ef.—§ 9. Dative in -e$ in 
consonantal or quasi-consonantal stems. In -e, instances of from later authors. 
In 4 in pure I stems.—§ 10. Ablative in -id; in -6. Consonantals in -ei, -i, but 
more generally in -4, Parallel changes in I stems. Rule for adjectives and parti- 
ciples. Some substantives also retain -4.—5 11. Nominative plural, generally in 
-ds, rare in -eí&, not uncommon in -is. Neuter plural—8$ 13. Accusative. In 
I stems ended in -eís, -is, -es. In consonantals generally in -es, with some excep- 
tions.—$ 13. Genitive in ¢-um, and -um. Question of ¢-wm in participles. Suffix 
rum in soine consonantals.—§ 14. Locative wanting.—§ 16. Dative and ablative 
in 4-bus, -bus, rarely e-bus. Instances of long termination. Shortened by Ennius 
in dactylic verse. 


Cnuar. XI. Comparison OF ADJECTIVES. Pp. 74-83. 


§ 1. Properly not part of accidence. Same stems also used in denoting number 
and place.—$ 2. Two comparative suffixes, -yans= Lat. -ios, and -tara =tero.— 
§ 3. Suffix YANB —-40s, -ius, -us; -tdr, -or; -tens, +08; -e8; -is.—§ 4. Prosody 
of -(os, ~ttis.—§ 5. Peculiar forms, mator, peior, plus, minor ; iuntor, senior, ditior ; 
benevolentior, eto.—85 6. Relation to adverbs in -tens, tes. Contraction to -es, 4s ; 
magis, magister, eto.; tenus, protenus; prodius.—§ 7. Suffix TARA. Alone in 
pos-teri, etc.—§ 8. Compounded with the other, (1) -ter-tor, (2) -is-tero, magister, 
minister, sinister.—§ 9. Superlative formation. Suffixes TA, MA, alone or com- 
pounded together, or with comparative suffixes.—$ ro. Suffix -TA in numerals.— 
§ x1. Suffix Ma=-mo, or -+mo; instances.—§ 12. -tafo not Latin.—$ 13. 
TAMA =-tomo, -tumo, -timo.—§ 14. Corssen on facillimus, veterrimus, etc.— 
§ 15. Proxumus, medioxumus, maxumus.—§ 16. Other explanation of these forms. 
—§ 17. Merguet's explanation rejected.—§ 18. YANS-TA. How far Latin! 
Jidustus.—§ 19. YANS-TA-MA « -lstumo, -issumo, -issimo.—§ 20. Different explana- 
tions. Probable conclusion. 


CHap. XII. Pronomman Derciension.  PRONOUNS WITHOUT 
GenpeR. Pp. 84-90. 


§ 1. Pronouns with and without gender.—$ 2. Pronouns without gender, ma, 
TA, SVA.—§ 3. Paradigms of these personal pronouns.—§ 4. Peculiarities of 
declension. Nominative, egd; tu without n or m.—$ 5. Accusative, paragogic -d. 
—§ 6. Length of vowel in. Reduplicated forms.—§ 7. Genitive, mis, tiz, sis.— 
§ 8. Locative, met, tut, sui.—§ 9. Dative, mihi, mihei, eto., quantity of termina- 
tion. Dialectic forms. Umbrian seso.—§ 10. Ablative in -d.—§ 11. Plural Nomi- 
native and Accusative. Enos, nos, vos.—§ 12. Genitives, nostri, nostrum, etc., 
vostrarum.—§ 13. Dative and ablative, quantity of termination, -bis = -bus. 


CuHap, XIII. Pronommat DrEcuansion. Pronouns wrrH GENDER. 
Pp. 91-112. 
§ 1. Complex declension, Corssen's treatment.  Peculiarities of the pronominal 


system as compared with nouns.—§ 2. Classification of stems. Intensification 
with #.—§ 3. General paradigm.—§ 4. Threefold division. 








PART I. xix 


§ 5. Class i (in which pronominal i appears least), ollo-, dsto-, ipeo-, alio-.— 
§ 6. Archaic forms, ol/ue, olla, olle, ab oloes, olim, olle, etc.—§ 7. Derivation.— 
§ 8. Lstos, istus, dste—§ 9. Ipsos, ipsus, $pse.—5$ 10. Shortening of the termination 
in nominative. — $ 11. alius, alts, alid, ales, alis (pl.).—§ 12. Neuter in d. — 
$ 13. Genilive in -i-uss0-i-u8.—9 I4. Locate, pure in élé-c, isti-c. For genitive, 
instances from old writers.—§ 15. Datwe. Plural. 

§ 16. Class ii (in which 4 is found more frequently), hfe, illic, éstic ; qui, quis; 
is. Paradigm of hic.—$ 17. Paradigm of @lic_—§ 18. Paradigm of qué.—§ 19. 
quis as an interrogative, and indefinite pronoun.—$ 20. Declension of 4s remark- 
able. Paradigm of stems t- and e-o- ; {-dem.—§ 21. Peculiarities of declension in 
this class of pronouns.—§ 22. Stem qwuo-, co-, cu-.—§ 23. Stem i-, ei-, e-0-.—$ 24. 
Nominative ; i-s, eis, cís-dem.—8 25. Hic, quantity of. Hoc, quantity of.—§ 26. 
Qui, quei, quis, as a relative; qui as an interrogative; quid and quod distinguished; 
quis feminine.—§ 27. Accusative, im, em, emem.—6 28. huc=hoc; honc, quom ; 
original vowel in quam, quamquam, eto.—§ 39. Genitive, hutus, hui ; quo-i-us! 
Hotus, hotusce, hoiusque.—§ 30. Locative. — Heic, híc, heice. Quei, qui, qui-ppe. 
Quoimodi, quoi, eto. Quia, probably neuter plural.—$ 31. Ei, what case? E in 
e-cce, e-quidem, e-castor, etc.—§ 32. Dative, ci-ei, ei, 84, t-4. Quo-t-ef, quot. 
Hotce.—§ 33. Ablative, quod 1—8 34. Nominative plural in -eis, -es, -i8.—§ 35. 
Neuter plural in à, post-hac, post-ea, etc. Quai=quae. Kad. Feminine Àaecc 
bae. Hie =hi.—§ 36. Genitive in -om, -um.—§ 37. Locative, eie, queis, quis, heise, 
hés, etc. IJe=iis.—§ 38. Datwe and ablative, quibus, thus; hibus, ibus (T). 
FEabus. 

$ 39. Class iii. Defective stems. Stem 8A, 8O, ip-80-8, sa-p-sa, sum, sam, 808, 
etc. Sic, seic, si, probably different. Siremps, sirempse. Set, si, sine, sive, quasi, 
etc. Se, sed, from reflexive.—§ 40. Enclitic in eap-se, reap-se, sep-se, etc.—§ 41. 
Stem Ta, TO. Original vowel in (am, etc. Au-tem, aw; a-t, et; u-tet, u-ti, wt; 
+ta, aliu-ta ; ¢-tem.—§ 42. Stem DA, Do, e.g. in quon-dam, qui-dam ; do-nec ; dum, 
age-dum ; i-dem, tand-em ; in-de, quam-de, etc, Possible identification with root dév-. 
Oscan dat = de.—§ 42. Stem JA, YA, ta-m, cp. em—tum. Relation to Greek 3%, 45. 
—§ 44. Stem NA, NO; nam; num, nunc; nem-pe; enim; né, po-ne.—§ 45. AN or 
A-NA. An, forsan, fortassis. In, endo —§ 46. Stem 0o, relation to quo. C%-s, 
ei-tra ; hi-c, neque, etc.—§ 47. Stem PE, (-p-se, etc., qui-ppe, nem-pe, etc.—85 48. 
Stem PTE in meo-pte, vo-pte. Cp. Greek wére.—§ 49. Stem MET, ego-met, etc. 


Cuap. XIV. ConsocaTion. PERSON-ENDINGS OF THE ACTIVE AND 
Passive. Pp. 113-120. 


§ 1. Inflexions of verbs. Distinguishing mark personal suffix.—§ 2. Voice, 
mood, tense. Middle voice marked by reflexive personal suffix. Latin, Irish, 
Slavonic, and Lithuanian agree in following the same method.—§ 3. Mood, three- 
fold inflexion, Indicative, Subjunctive, Optative.—$ 4. Tenses ; simple tense-stems 
formed from the root, and compound tense-stems. Schleicher’s arrangement. 

€ 5. Personal endings of the Active. First person singular (MA). Sum and 
inquam; amabam, amem, amarem, amaverim, eto.—§ 6. First person plural 
(ma-s1), Lat. -mus; quantity of.— $ 7. Second person singular (TvA), Lat. -tei, 
-M, -tod ; -& the ordinary modification ; scribis.—§ 8. Second person plural (TA-81), 
Lat. -tis, -tote; quairatis. —§ 9. Third person singular (TA), Lat. -t, rarely -d. 
Loss of final -2.—§ 10. Quantity of -àt, -àt, -it. Of -4t in consonantal conjugation 

62 


Xx CONTENTS. 


—§ 11. Third person plural (an-t1), Lat. on-té, on-t, -unt, -nt. Loss of » in the 
dialects, 

$ 12. Personal endings of the Medio-Passive. Difference from Greek ; formation 
with reflexive -se changed to -r.—§ 13. Exception in second plural in -mins. 
Parallel of old imperatives in -mino. To be explained as participles. Form in 
~ninor generally rejected. . Doubt as to this.—§ 14. Dialectic forms.—§ 15. Loss 
of final -s or -r in censento, rogato. 


CHap. XV. Tue Moops—IwnpicATIVE, Imperative, SUBJUNCTIVE, 
OrrATIVE. Pp. 121-123. 


$ 1. Indicative not properly a mood, close in form to Imperative. Modal 
elements of Subjunctive and Optative.—§ a. The Subjunctive form used in present 
except in a stems. Fuam, attigam, etc., perhaps aorists.—§ 3. Quantity of the -a 
in 3rd pers. sing. Dialectic forms.—§ 4. The Optative form (1) fe in stem, (2) $ in 
sim, edim, fecerim, eto. (3) contracted as in amem.—§ 5. Futures indic. of conso- 
nantal stems, except 1st pers., are optatives, Cato wrote dicem, cp. Festus. Dia- 
lectic forms. 


Cua», XVI Tux Tenses—Present Stems. Pp. 124—130. 


$ 1. Present Stem. The Four Conjugations. Arrangement of stems according 
to terminations. Pure stems.—§ 2. Modified stems, (1) by reduplication, gigno, 
sisto, etc.—§ 3. (2) Modified in middle, (a) by intensifying vowel, ire, dico, fido, 
etc. (b) by nasalisation, cwmbo, indo, iungo, etc.—85 4. (3) Modified at end, (a) by 
thematic vowel, ordinary usage. ¢ for 1.—§ 5. (b) By adding n, pono, cerno, etc. 
Explénunt, ferinunt, eto.—§ 6. (c) By adding sc, cresco, pasco, eto; guttural sup- 
pressed or $ added.—§ 7. (d) By adding £ or ta, e.g. flecto, capto.—8 8. (e) By 
adding i or j4, capio, ato, etc.—§ 9. Parallel in Greek, In Latin assimilated after 
| or r.—§ 10. (f) By adding vowel à, é, i=aja; originally one formation.— 
§ 11. Modification sometimes only in present stem.—§ 12. Other interchanges of 
conjugation.—§ 13. Difficulty of explaining the derived verbs; a often transitive, 
€ intransitive.—$ 14. The Four Conjugations an arrangement of these stems. 


Cuar. XVII. Tux PERFECT Stem—Common TreRMINATIONS —FOUR 
CrLAssES oF Stems. Pp. 131-143. 


§ 1. Latin perfect contrasted with Greek. Character vowel i. Deda and 
Sufane.—§ 2. Stem probably ended in -is ; comparison with fifth Sanskrit aorist. 
—§ 3. Long ¢ of perfect; instances. Third plural truncated; coemisse.—§ 4. 
Suffix of second person singular in -tei, -ts.—§ 5. Four classes of Perfect Stems in 
Latin.—§ 6. (1) Perfects formed with Reduplication : (a) twenty-eight with extant 
reduplication ; tendency to it in other verbs.—§ 7. (b) Perfects with reduplication 
dropped, e.g. compounds, fidi, scidé ; cudi, mandi, eto.—§ 8. (2) Perfects formed 
by lengthening the root vowel, &gi, feci, cépt, etc. Probably once reduplicated. 
Theories of their formation in relation to class (1): pépégi or pepégi 1—8$ 10. (3) 
Perfects with -8i. Modes of formation.—§ 11. List of verbe with several perfecta. 
—6 12. Distinction of form in -ei from first two classes. Comparison of it with 
sixth Sanskrit aorist.—§ 13. (4) Perfects in -vi and ui- peculiar to Italian lan- 


PART IL xxi 


guages. Methods of formation in vowel and derived verbs.—§ 14. Instances in 
consonantal stems.—§ 15. Reasons for explaining the termination as equivalent to 
fui.—§ 16. Other analogies in its favour in Latin and Italian dialects.—§ 17. 
Merguet’s arguments against it.—$ 18. Other objections answered.—$ 19. Dif- 
ference of the case between form in -si and that in -ví or -us. Conclusion. 


Cmar. XVIII. Composrre Tenses. Pp. 144-150. 


$ 1. Paradigin of supposed formation of the Tenses.—§ 2. Imperfect in -bam. 
Explained asa=fuam, fam. Oscan fufans.—§ 3. Methods of formation. -ibam 
for t-ebam.—§ 4. Form in -ébam, ite difficulty.—§ 5. Quantity of the termination. 
—$ 6. Future in -bo. Explained aszfuio, fuo. Generally confined to vowel 
verbs in -a and -e. Instances in other conjugations.—§ 7. Conversely subjunc- 
tives used as fatures.—§ 8. Conclusion as to the date of the formation.—§ 9. Jm- 
perfect and Pluperfect Optative and Subjunctive. Origin of. Quantity of termi- 
nations.—§ 1o. Composite Tenses formed from the Perfect Stem. Peculiar forms 
in -90, -eim, -sere.—§ 11. Sometimes explained as formed like Greek future.— 
$ 12. More probably syncopated from perfect stem. 


Cuap. XIX. Tue Inruntive. Pp. 151-153. 


'§ 1. The Infinitive not properly à mood.—§ 2. The dative case of a verbal 
substantive. Formation. Peculiar forms, esse, velle, ferre, fore.—§ 3. Original 
long termination.—$ 4. Italian dialects use an accusative case.—$ 5. Infinitive 
Passive, in -rier, -ri, -ier, 4.—§ 6. Corssen’s explanation. Objection to it; yet 
most probable. 


PART IL—INSCRIPTIONS. Pp. 155-250. 


INSCRIPTIONES VETUSTISSIMAE BELLO HANNIBALICO 
QUAE VIDENTUR ANTIQUIORES. Pp. 156-170. 
Notes, pp. 884-414. General Introduction, p. 884. 
C. 1, 3, 5, 11-16, 19, 20, 24. Nummi Antiquissimi Saeculi feri quinti. 
P. 156. 
Notes, p. 885. 


C. 28. Carmen Arvale. Pp. 157, 158. 
Notes, pp. 885-895. 


C. 29-40, 42. Scipionum Elogia, etc. Pp. 159—162. 


Notes—Description of the Monument. The Gens Cornelia and the Scipios, 


p. 395. "The stone employed in the Baroophagi. The Saturnian metre, p. 896. 
Notes on the Epitaphs, pp. 897-404. 





xxii CONTENTS. 


C. 43-60, 1500. Eph. Ep. 7, 8, 18-24. Pocula Specula Similia In. 
scripta, Pp. 162-165. 
Notes, pp. 404-407. 


C. 61-165. Antiquissima ex Latio. Titulus Lanuvinus. Lamina 
Tiburtina Tituli Furiorum. Sepulcrum Praenestinum. Eph. 
Ep. 25-131. Pp. 165, 166. 
Notes, pp. 407, 408. 


C. 167-181. Antiquissima ex Piceno. Sacrarium Pisaurense. Ta- 
bella quinque Quaestorum. P. 167. 
Notes, pp. 408-410. 


C. 182-184. Antiquissima ex Marsis. P. 168. 
Notes, pp. 410, 411. 


C. 185-187, 190, 194. P. L. Supp. ii. p. 12, iii. p. r. Antiquissima 
locorum variorum. Tituli Venusini, etc. Lamella Bononiensis. 
Pp. 168, 169. 
Notes, pp. 411, 412. 


C. 195. Columna Rostrata C. Diulii. P. 170. 


Notes—OCriticism of the restored Inscription, p. 412. Data for its modern 
restoration, p. 413. Notes, p. 414. 


INSCRIPTIONES A BELLO HANNIBALICO AD C. 
CAESARIS MORTEM. Pp. 171-242. 


PARS PRIOR. INsrRUMENTA PusLicA Porutr Romani. Pp. 
171-218. 


C. II, 5041. Decretum L. Aemilii Pauli, A4. c. 189. P. 171. 
Notes, pp. 415, 416. 


C. 196. Senatus-consultum de Bacchanalibus, 4. c. 186. P. 172. 


Form of making a Senatus-consultum, p. 416. Archaisms of the Inscriptions, 
p. 418. Notes, pp. 418 foll. 


C. 197. Lex Incerta reperta Bantiae, inter 4. €. 133-118. P. 173. 
Notes, pp. 420 foll. 


C. 198. Lex Acilia Repetundarum, A.C. 123, vel 122. Pp. 176—189. 


Notes—$ 1. On the date and name of the Law, p. 424.—§ 2. The Quaestio de 


Repetundis, p. 425.—§ 3. Argument of the Law, p. 427.—§ 4. Notes on the 
Text, pp. 429 foll. 


PART IL x xii 


C. 199. Sententia Q. M. Minuciorum, A. c. 114. 
Notes, p. 489. 
C. 200. Lex Agraria, a.c. 111. Pp. 189-204. 


Notes—§ 1. On the date of the Agrarian Law.—$ 2. On the object of the Law, 
p. 440.—§ 3. History of previous Agrarian Laws, p. 441.—§ 4. Explanation of 
Bome common terms in the Mensuration of Land (with woodcut), p. 445.— 
§ 5. Argument of the Law, p. 447.—§ 6. Notes on the section de Agro Publico 
P. R. in Italia, p. 450.—$ 7. De Agro Publico P. R. in Africa, p. 456.—§ 8. De 
Agro Publico P. R. Corintbiorum qui fuit, p. 459. 

C. 201. Epistula Praetoris ad Tiburtes, circa A. c. 100. P. 204. 


Noten, p. 459. 


C. 202. Lex Cornelia de xx Quaestoribus, A. c. 81, 
Notes, p. 460. 


C. 203. S. C. de Asclepiade, Polystrato, Menisco, a.c. 78. Pp. 
205—209. 


Notes, p. 460. 


C. 204. Lex Antonia de Termessibus, circa A. c. 71. P. 209. 
Notes, p. 462. 


C. 205. E lege Rubria de Civitate Galliae Cisalpinae, a.c. 49. P. 212. 
Notes, p. 468. 


C. 206. E lege Iulia Municipali, A. c. 45. Pp. 213-218. 


Notes, p. 464. I. Rules for the public distribution of corn, p. 465. II. Duties 
of the Aediles, p. 466. III. Municipal Self-government, p. 467. 


PARS SECUNDA.  Trru1ü1 CoNSULABRES CERTAEQUE AETATIS 
RxziQui Pp. 219—229. 


C. 1503, C. 530-533, 835, 539. Tituli Minucii, Claudii. Tessera 
Fundana, columna miliaria Aemilia, etc., A.C. 217-155. Pp. 
219, 220. 


Notes, pp. 471-473. 
C. 541, 542. Tituli Mummiani, a.c. 145. P. 220. 
Notes, p. 473. 


C. 550, 551. Miliaria Popiliana, A. C. 132. C. 554, 556. Termini 
Gracchani, A. C. 130-129. P. 221. 


Notes, p. 475. 





zxiv CONTENTS. 


C. 565. Titulus Capuanus Magistrorum pagi, A.c. 108. P. 222. 
Notes, p. 475. 


C. 577. Lex Parieti Faciendo, A. c. 105. P. 222. 
Notes (with Illustration), pp. 476-478. 


C. 585. Titulus Libertinorum, a. c. 82-79. C. 591. Tituli Lutatit 
Catuli. C. 593. Tribunorum plebis, A. C. 71. C. 599. C. 
Antonii et M. Ciceronis, 4. c. 63. Pp. 223, 224. 


Notes, pp. 478, 479. 


C. 603. Leges aedis Iovis Liberi Furfone, A. c. 58. P. 224. 
Notes, pp. 479-482. 


C. 615. Cn. Pompeius. C. 620, 621. C. Iulius Caesar. P. 225. 
Notes, p. 482. 


C. 642—101. Glandes, 4.0. 133-40. P. 226 aq. 

Notes—Glans Hennensis, 482. Glandes Asculanae, Mundensis, Perusinae, 
p. 488. . 
C. 717 8qq. et cetera. Tesserae Gladiatoriae. P. 227 sq. 

Notes, p. 488. 


C. II, 4963. Tessera Andalusiaca. Tessera Hospitalis Pallantina. 
C. VII, 1262. Tessera Dei Martis. P. 229. 
Notes, pp. 484, 485, 


PARS TERTIA. Trrout Reriqur AETATIS MINUS CERTAE SECUN- 
DUM ORDINEM GEOGRAPHICUM DISTRIBUTI. Pp. 230—242. 


C. 807. Vediovis. C. 814. Corniscarum. P. 230. 
Notes, p. 485. 


C. 818-820, etc. Tabulae devotionis Romanae, Cumana, Aretina, 
Emeritensis, ad fanum Nodentis Pp. 230-232. 
Notes, pp. 486, 487. 


C. 822—1005. Ollae ex vinea S. Caesarii. P. 232. 
Notes, p. 487. 


C. 1006. Epitaphium M. Caecilii. ^ C. 1007. Claudiae. ^ C. 1008. 
Protes. C. 1009. Eucharis. C. 1010, Primae Pompeiae. 
C. xorr. Aureliorum. Pp, 233-235. 


Notes, pp. 487 foll. 





PART IL XXV 


C. 1049. Critonii. ^ C. 1ogr. Cupiennise. C. 1059, 1064, 1086, 
1090, 1108. Pp. 235 sq. 


Notes, pp. 488 foll, 


C. 1110. Titulus Iunonis Seispitae Lanuvinae. — C. 1113. Tiburtinus, 
Herculi. C. 1119. Tiburtinus, quatuorviri. — C. 1143. Praenes- 
tinus, quaestorum. — C. 1166. Aletrinas, L. Betilieni. P. 237. 
C. 1175. Soranus, Vertuleiorum. C. 1199. Suessanus, Papi- 
orum. C. 1200, 1201. Iunonis Tuscolange. ^ C. 1202. Capu- 
anus, Taracii. P. 238. C. 1215. C. 1220. Beneventanus, 
Helviae Primae. C. 1238. Lumphieis. C. 1256. Mannei 
medici. C. 1290. L. Aufidi (Bazzani). P. 239. C. 1297. 
Epitaphium Protogenis. C. 1313. Veciliorum, Faleriis. C. 
1346. Arca Clusii. C.1349, 1351. Montepulciani. C. 1392. 
Sarcophagus Perusinus. P. 240. C. 1418. Horatii Balbi, 
Sassinae. C. 1434. Maxumae Aemiliae, Lenzimae. P. 241. 


Notes, pp. 489-492. 


C. 1438-1454. Sortes. Pp. 241 sq. 
Notes, pp. 492 foll. 


Tituli cum Sicilico. P. 242. 
Iusiurandum Aritinensium, p. C. 37. P. 242. 


APPENDIX. 


INSCRIPTIONES PanRikTARIAE POMPEIANAE, Pp. 243-250. 


Tituli Picti. Programmata candidatorum, munerum, locationes, etc. 
Pomp. 64. Pomp. 67. Pomp. 138. Pomp. 222. P. 243. 
Pomp. 768, 807, 1136, 1173, 1177. P. 244. Pomp. 1182, 
1186. P. 245. 


Notes, pp. 494-496. 


Graphio Inscripta. Ridicula, amatoria, versus populares, laudata ex 
poetis, rerum lavandarum schedula, servarum pensa, lusus, gladia- 
iorum picturae, etc. Pomp. 1291, 1293, 1329, 1393. P. 245. 
Pomp. 1507, 1520, 1527, 1545, 1593, 1712. P. 246. In Basi- 
lica, Pomp. 1852, 1860, 1864, 1877, 1880, 1891, 1893-1896, 
1898, 1926, 1927. P. 247. Alibi, Pomp. 1928, 1936, 1943, 





xxvi CONTENTS. 


1950, 1951, 1982, 1989, 2005a, 2013, 2069, 22584, 2310 
P. 248. Pomp. 2331, 2361, 2387, 2487, 3072, 3135. P. 249. 
Notes, pp. 496-499. 





Tituli Vasis fictilibus Inscripti. Pomp. 2551-2553, 2565. P. 249. 
Pomp. 2569, 2576, 2583, 2589, 2597, 2599, 2609, 2776. P. 250. 
Notes, p. 499. 


PART IIL—SELECTIONS FROM AUTHORS, 
Pp. 253-882. Notes, pp. 500-662. 


SECTIO PRIMA. MoNuMENTA Antiqua. Pp. 253-287. 


Car. L Excerpta ex Legibus quae feruntur Regiis. P. 253. 
Notes, pp. 500 foll. 


Car. IL Legis Duodecim Tabularum reliquiae quae extant omnes. 
Pp. 254-265. 

Notes—Authorities, p. 502.—§ 1. Origin and Importance, p. 503.—§ 2. Com: 
parison with earlier system, p. 506.—§ 3. Preservation of the law among the 
Romans, p. 508.—§ 4. Style of the fragmenta, p. 509.—§ 5. Arrangement, p. 518. 
Tab. I. Preliminaries to Trial, p. 518. Tab. II. Trial, p. 515. Tab. III. Execu- 
tion. Law of Debt, p. 519. Tab. TV. Patria Potestas, p. 520. Tab. V. Succession 
and Guardianship, p. 521. Tab. VI. Acquisition and Possession, p. 528. Tab. 
VII. Rights relating to Land, p. 525. Tab. VIII. Delicts, p. 526. Tab. IX. 
Ius Publicam. Tab. X. Ius Sacrum, p. 588. Tab. XI. Supplement, p. 537. 
Tab. XII. and Fragments, p. 538. 


Car. III. Tabula Fastorum. Pp. 266-271. 


Introductory note on the Calendar, p. 589. General notes of Legal and Reli- 
gious import, p. 6540. Notes of particular Festivals, pp. 541 foll. 


Car. IV. Instrumenta Publics Populi Romani. Pp. 272-276. 


1. Lex Plaetoria, 4.0. 365. 2. Lex Aquilia de Damno, A. c. 285 (1). 
3. Lex Silia de Ponderibus, A. c. 240. P. 272. 


Notes, pp. 546, 547. 
4. Lex Papiria de Sacramento, 4.0. 343 (1). 5. S. C. de Philo- 
sophis et Ehetoribus, A. c. 261. P. 273. 
Notes, p. 548. 


PART IIL xxvii 


6. Edictum Censorium, a.c. 92. 7. Lex Cornelia de Sicariis, 
A.C. 83-89. | P. 274. 
Notes, pp. 548 foll. 


8. Lex Falcidia, 4. c. 40. 9. S. C. de Aquaeductibus, 4. c. 11. 
Notes, pp. 549-551 (with a woodcut). 


Ca». V. Formulae Variae Antiquae Heipublicae, Pp. 276—287. 
1. Formulae Turis Fetialium. (a) Formulae rerum repetundarum 
et belli indicendi. P. 276. (b) Formula belli indicendi. P. 277. 
(c) Noxae dedendi. (d) Foederis feriendi. P. 278. (e) Ver- 
benae, sagmina cet. (/) Iuramentum fetialium. P. 279. 
Notes, pp. 551-555. 

. Formula Iuris Iurandi Militaris, etc. (a) Sacramentum mili- 
tere. P. 280. (b) Sacramentum gladiatorum. (c) Iusiuran- 
dum militum. P. 281. (d) Conventus militum et Iusiuran- 
dum castrense, etc. (e) Iusiurandum castrense. P. 282. (f) 
Secramentum renovatum.  (g) Iusiurandum victoriae causa. 
(A) Iusiurandum a P. Scipione impositum. P. 283. 

Notes, pp. 555-558. 
3. Formula devotionis Decii Maioris. P. 284. 
Notes, p. 558. 
4. Carmina Evocationis et Devovendae civitati. P. 285. 
Notes, pp. 559 foll. 
5- Formula Veris Sacri vovendi. P. 286. 
Notes, p. 560. 
6. Formula Adrogationis. P. 287. 
Notes, p. 561. 


SECTIO SECUNDA. Porrarum ÁNTIQUORUM FRAGMENTA. Pp. 
288—328. 


General Introduction. P. 562. Fragments of Carmina Saliaria and 
other early verses. P. 564. 


Car. I. Vaticinationes. P. 288. 
Notes, p. 566. 
Car. If. Livii Andronici Fragmenta, Ex Odissia quae supersunt 
omnia. Pp. 289-291. 


Notes—§ 1. Life, p. 567.—§ 2. Tragedies.—$ 3. Odyssey, p. 568.—§ 4. Pro- 
eody of Livius and Naevius, p. 569. Notes on Fragmenta of Odyssey, pp. 571 foll. 


xxviii CONTENTS. 


Car. IIL Cn. Naevii Fragmenta. Punicorum quae supersunt. 
Pp. 292 sqq. Ex Tragoediis. Andromacha, Hector proficiscens, 
Lycurgus. Pp. 296 sqq. Ex Comoediis Gymnasticus, Ludus, 
Tarentilla, Tunicularia, incertae. P. 298. Elogium ipsius. 
P. 299. 

Notes—§ 1 Life.—$ 2. The Punica, p. 572.—5 3. Dramatio Works, p. 573. 


Notes on Punica, p. 574. Tragic Fragments, p. 576. Comic Fragmenta, p. 578. 
Elogium, p. 579. 


Car. IV. Q. Ennii Fragmenta. Ex Annalibus. Pp. 299 sqq. Ex 
Tragoediis, Alexander (p. 307), Andromacha  Aechmalotis 
(p.309), Athamas, Hectoris Lytra, Iphigenia (p. 310), Medea 
exul, Telamo (p. 311), incertae. Saturarum reliquiae. Aesopi 
Cassita. P. 312. 


Notes—$ 1. Life and Works, p. 580.—§ 2. The Annals, p. 581.—$ 3. Changes 
in Prosody.—§ 4. Metrical Licences and Archaimms in the Annals, p. 582.— 
$ 5. The Hexameter of Ennius, p. 585.—§ 6. Syntax of Ennius, p. 586. Notes 


on Annals, p. 586. On Tragic Fragments, p.590. On Fragments of Saturae, 
etc., p. 592. 


Car. V. Fragmenta M. Pacuvii. Pp. 314-316. Antiopa, Iliona, 
incertae. Elogium. 


Introduction. Notes, pp. 598, 594. 


Car. VI. Ex Aquilii Boeotia, P. 316. 
Notes, pp. 594 foll. 


Car. VII. Caecilius Statius. Ex Plocio. P. 317. 
Notes, pp. 595 foll. 


Car. VIII. I. Accii Tragoediarum Fragmenta, Medea, Philocteta. 
Praetextatae, Brutus. Pp. 318-320. 


Notes, pp. 596-598. 


Car. IX. Fragmenta ex Lucilii Saturis. Pp. 320-325. 
Introduction, p. 598. Notes, p. 600. 


Cap. X. Q. Lutatii Catuli versus. P. 325. 
Notes, pp. 608 foll. 


Car. XI. Ex Leberii Mimis. Restio, Prologus. Pp. 326 sq. 
Notes, pp. 604 foll. 





PART III xxix 


Car. XII. Miscellanea.—§ 1. P. Syri Sententiae. P. 327.—$ a. 
Epigramma Plauti —$ 3. C. Iulius Caesar de Terentio.—$ 4. 
Voleatius Sedigitus de Poetis Comicis. P. 328. 


Notes, pp. 605, 609. 


SECTIO TERTIA. Excerrra ex Prosaz Onationis Scripro- 
RIBUS. Pp. 329—382. 


General Introduction, pp. 607—609. 


Car. I. Ex M. Porcii Catonis Reliquiis, Pp. 329—343. 


$ 1. Ex Libro de Re Rustica, oc. 1-5, 56-60, 132, 134, 135, 138-143, 160, pp. 
$29-837.—5 2. Ex Originibus, I. II. IV. VII, pp. 837-841.—$ 3. Ex Orationibus. 
De Sumptu Suo. De Suis Virtutibus, p. 841. Si se M. Caelius.—$ 4. Ad 
Marcum filium, p. 342.—$ 5. Carmen de Moribus, p. 348. 

Introduction—$ 1. Cato's Works. De Re Rustica p. 610.—§ 2. Origines, 
p. 611.—§ 3. Orations.—$ 4. Libri ad Marcum filium, p. 612.—§ 5. Other Books. 
Carmen de Moribus, p. 618. Notes—On de R. R., p. 618. On Origines, p. 620. 
On Orations, p. 622. On Ad Marcum et Carmen, p. 624. 


Car. II. Historicorum Fragmenta Quaedam. Pp. 343-351. 


§ 1. L. Cassius Hemina, p. 843 (notes, p. 625).—§ 2. Fabius Pictor, Ius Ponti- 
ficium, p. 344 (notes, p. 625).—§ 3. L. Calpurnius Piso, p. 845 (notes, p. 626).— 
$ 4. C. Sempronius Tuditanus, p. 345 (notes, p. 627).—8$ 5. L. Coelius Antipater, 
Bellum Punicum Alterum, p. 346 (notes, p. 627).—§ 6. Sempronius Asellio, Res 
Gestae, p. 847 (notes, p. 627).—-§ 7. Q. Claudius Quadrigarius, pp. 848-350 (notes, 
p. 628).—§ 8. Valerius Antias, p. 850 (notes, pp. 628 foll.). 


Car. III. Oratorum Fragmenta. Pp. 351—356. 


$ 1. L. Aemilius Paullus, p. 351 (notes, p. 629).—§ 2. C. Titius, pro lege 
Fannia, p. 351 (notes, p. 680).—$ 3. Q. Caecilius Metellus Macedonicus, de Prole 
augenda, p. 852 (notes, p. 631).—§ 4. P. Scipio Aemilianus. (1) Contra Ti. 
Asellum, p. 352. (2) Contra legem iudiciariam Ti. Gracchi. (3) Dissuasio legis 
Papíriae, p. 853 (notes, pp. 681—683).—$ 5. C. Laelius Sapiens, Laudatio Scipionis 
Aemiliani, p. 358 (notes, pp. 638 foll.).—§ 6. C. Sempronius Graechus. (1) Pro 
lege Papiria, p. 358. (2) Apud Censores. (3) De legibus a se promulgatis, 
p. 854. (4) In P. Popilium Laenatem. (5) De Rege Mithridate, p. 955 (notes, 
pp. 684-687). § 7. L. Licinius Crassus, adv. L. Philippum, p. 357 (notes, p. 637). 


Car. IV. Ex M. Terentii Varronis Reliquiis. Pp. 356—382. 


Index Operum M. Varronis. Pp. 356—358. 


Introduction, pp. 687-640. 

§ 1. Saturae Menippeae. Bimarous. Dolfum aut Seria. Est modus matulae. 
Eumenides. Teporrod:3dexqaros. Nescis quid Vesper serus vehat. Papia Papae, 
pp. 358-863 (notes, pp. 640-644).—§ 2. Antiquitatum Libri. (1) Ex Antiq. Rer. 


XXX CONTENTS, 


Human. (2) Ex Antiq. Rer. Divinar, pp. 368-365 (notes, pp. 644-647).— 
§ 3. Ex Libris de Lingua Latina, VI. 86-95, VII. 7-9, IX. 1 3o, pp. 366-378 
(notes, pp. 647-655).—8 4. Ex Epistulicis Quaestionibus, de Senatu, p. 374 (notes, 
pp. 655-657).—§ 5. Ex Libris de Re Rustica, I. i. xvii, II. ix, pp. 375-879 (notes, 
pp. 057-659).—85 6. Fragmenta Librorum Incertorum, pp. 379, 880 (notes, p. 659). 
—§ 7. Incerti Liber de Praenominibus, pp. 380-382 (notes, pp. 659-662). 


INDEX TO THE Nores. P. 663. 
INDEX OF SOME OF THE MORE IMPORTANT QvoTATIONS. P. 676. 


INpEx Notarum. P. 677. 





PART I. 


GRAMMATICAL INTRODUCTION. 


CHAPTER I. 


GENERAL RELATIONS. Latin AND THE lTAUAN DIALEcTs. - 


1.] Lat is in its original form the language of the in- 
habitants of Latium, the broad plain encircled with mountains 
lying chiefly to the south of the lower course of the Tiber. 
This plain is by no means level, but is studded everywhere with 
small hills with sharply cut sides, the natural arces of the an- 
cient towns of the Latin league. It is bounded to the east by 
the high range of the Sabine Apennines, and on the west by the 
sea; on the north and south are lower hills, the remarkable 
voleanic group round Alba being the most prominent feature in 
the latter direction. Monte Gennaro, or Lucretilis, rising more 
than four thousand feet, is most conspicuous on the east, as 
Soracte is on the north. The city of Rome itself lies on the 
northern boundary of this district, and, in relation to the Latin 
community generally, acted as the chief bulwark against the 
Etruscan power. The Hernici to the south-east, in the valley 
of the Trerus, were useful as the faithful allies of Rome, in 
separating the two tribes which in early times were her bitterest 
enemies—the Volsci of the coast and the Aequi of the hills 
beyond Tibur and Praeneste. Latium and Rome were thus to a 
great degree isolated except to the seaward. The Latin towns, 
though sometimes in rivalry with their great sister, always re- 
cognised their common kinship, and seem always to have spoken 
a common language. 

2.| This language in process of time, owing to the greatness 
of Rome and the energy of her subject neighbours and allies, 
became the universal speech of Italy and almost of the world ; 
bat at one time it was only a dialect among other Italian 

B 








2 GENERAL RELATIONS. I. 3, 4. 


dialects. Of these we know something of two principal types, 
the Umbrian and the Oscan, not from the existence of any great 
variety of monuments, but from the continued labour of eminent 
scholars upon those we possess. These roughly represent the Ita- 
lian languages to the north and south of Latium, the Umbrians 
having at one time possessed Etruria, and stretching in historical 
times from the Apennines to the Adriatic, while the Oscans 
were the people of Campania and the south. The Volscian and 
abellian idioms, of which much less is known, were probably 
varieties of Oscan. "The nearest dialect to Latin seems to have 
been that of -Falerii, the people of which possessed an alphabet 
more like the Roman than that of the other Italians. Etruscan, 
if, as is probable; it belonged to the same family, was no doubt 
& very remote congener, while Messapian, or lapygian, seems 
more like a very rude dialect of Greek. 
8.| The characteristics common to these Italian languages, by 
* which they are distinguished from Greek, are shortly as fol- 
lows :— ; 
The Italians retained the spirants S, J (Y), V(W ?). In Latin, 
for instance, we have sud beside tnd, vespera beside éomepos, 
'* yanitrices beside elvarépes, etc. The Italian « is also nearer the. 
original than the Greek. The Greeks weakened this vowel tC, Uu 
and generally represented Latin 4 by ov. On the other hand, 
efhe Italians lost the aspirated letters /4, ph, ch, and had a tend- 
ency to drop the 4 in pronunciation and writing. In Inflezion 
they retained the ablative case in -d, and preserved the dative 
plural (in -óus), at least in Latin. On the other hand, they lost 
the dual number both in nouns and verbs, and all but lost the 
niiddle verb. They possess, in ite place, a new form in -7, passive 
usually in sense, which, with the dative plural, is a remarkable 
link of connexion between them and the Celtic languages. For 
instance, riga-i in Erse, from i, a king, eompared with regióue, 
and derthar, scribthar,= Lat. fertur, scribitur (Schleicher, § 287). 
4.| The distinctions between Latin and the other Italian dia- 
lects may here ‘be shortly referred to. The alphabets of these 
dialects were derived from the Etruscans, who, as we know, 
drove out or conquered the Umbrians, and had an important 
settlement also on the coast of Campania. They had neither the 
vowel O nor the consonants Q and X, all of which the Etruscans 





L 5. LATIN AND THE ITALIAN DIALECTS. 3 


also wanted, and-they had the soft San(?) or Zain (I or #) instead 
of the Zeta or Tsaddi (Z), which appears to have been part of 
the original Latin alphabet. They borrowed the peculiar sign 
for F (8) which the Etruscans had invented, using the digamma 
for V or W (3, 23). The old Umbrian had only the vowels A, 
J, !, V, and made no distinction between the guttural and 
dental tenues and mediae, K and G, T and D, having only K and 
T. But they distinguished the palatal sound of the guttural 
tenuis before the vowels E and I from the original hard sound, 
substituting d, C for 4, K. Thus we have QVYAH2Q3Id, 
geranatur —cenati, VM d, gimu=retro(?). So cesa cena, de- 
cem-duf = decem-duo, facia = faciat. The place of d between 
vowels, or at the end of a word after a vowel, was supplied 
by 93 rz, in later Umbrian rs, as a7-veitu = ad-vehito (compare 
arfuerunt = adfuerunt, arvorsus = advorsus, in Latin), 44&eriw Alio € luc 
(VISSIIN 91) 2 Attidii, asam-ar — aram ad or ad aram, and in later 
Umbrian, du-pursus = bi-pedibus. ere = dedet, dedit, and 
runum = donum, are instances in which 7 has also taken the 
place of initial d (Schleicher, § 161). 

The Oscan, on the other hand, though it had no proper O, was 
by no means careless of expressing vowel sounds. It had, beside 
the vowels N, 3, |, V, two others, + 1, a sound probably between 
i and e, perhaps like the French é in epine, etc., and Va, which 
was not far removed from Latin O. The Oscans also dis- 
tinguished from the first G and K ( > and »), D and (5l and 
T): they likewise used doubled consonante, which the Umbrians 
did not. 

5.| We may notice one or two further distinctions. In the 
genitive case, as we shall see, the Latins adopted the locative 
form"in z in three of their declensions, while the dialects retained 
the proper genitive terminating in s or 7, and the locative in its 
proper sense. So we have Umbrian ¢atd-s or fófa-r, from tuta, a 
city, and Oscan ei/uá-s, from eifua = pecunia; while similar 
Latin forms, except familias, are only archaic. In the same 
way they retained the future form from the root es or as, while 
the Latins have a peculiar form in -do, or substitute the optative 
in its place. Thus the Oscans have didest — dabit, herest = vo- 
let, censazet = censebunt. The Umbrians have eriest = volet, 
habiest =habebit (Schl. $$ 302, 303). The infinitive form in -um 

BZ 








4 GENERAL RELATIONS. I. 5. 


is also peculiar to these dialects, e. g. Oscan ezum — esse, censaum 
— censere, moltaum=multare, deicum — dicere ; Umbrian aferum — 
circumferre, devaum = deos testari, aserio(m) (New Umbrian)— 
observare. Venum eo, venum do, seem however to contain such 
an infinitive. It appears to be an accusative case of a stem 
originally ending in a (Schl. § 216, p. 381). The Latin infinitive, 
on the other hand, appears to be originally the dative case of a 
stem ending in -as, and to have been therefore corrupted from 
an original as-a7, becoming first -ese and then -ere (Schl. § 230, 


p. 472). 


H.I-3. | THE LATIN ALPHABET. 5 


CHAPTER II. 


Tue LaTIN ALPHABET. FORMS or THE LETTERS. 


1.] Tue Latin Alphabet is allowed almost universally to have 
been received from the Chalcidian colony of Cumae. The straight 
form of the I, and the position of the angle of < and L (not Fl 
and ^) show that the characters were derived from a Greek, not 
a Phoenician source. Next the use of Q and of the single 
character for S (5, not M) prove that it was from a Dorian, not 
an Ionian tribe. Finally, other minutiae in the shapes of the 
letters, as well as traditions of early intercourse, coincide to point 
out the particular Dorian colony to which the Latins were in- 
debted. The alphabet so obtained consisted at first of the 
' twenty-one letters A, B, C D E, F, Z, H, I, K, L, M, N, O, P, 
Q, B, S, T, V, X—that is, the Cumaean alphabet without the 
aspirates Th, Ph, Ch (O, CD, 4), which were dropped as letters, 
though the characters were retained as numeral signs. 

2.| The archaic forms of these letters, and some peculiarities 
of writing, may claim our first notice. The vowels did not vary 
very greatly in shape, though the first has a considerable variety, 
A, A, A, A, as wellas A. A is a Graecism. E is often written 
with its lower bar inclining upwards towards the central one 
(E), and it has another form ||. I (though in older alphabets Z, 
then Z and 2) was never curled in Latin, but was for purposes 
of pronunciation sometimes lengthened. O has often, in archaic 
times, a gap in its circle above or below (O or ©). V is per- 
manent, having, like the Chalcidian letter, and unlike the Attic, 
no stem to it. 

3.] Among the consonants B always had two loops, but some- 
times had those loops pointed (B). C in like manner was either 


6 THE LATIN ALPHABET. II. 4. 


. pointed or rounded, and the pointed form (4) may perhaps have 
facilitated its substitution for K?. D and F are not remarkable, 
though the latter seems rarely to have only one bar. Z was a 
letter that went early out of use at Rome, though it appears in 
the slight fragments of the Carmen Saliare, and on a coin of 
Cosa with the legend COZANO(m). It (or rather TL) was used 
however in the neighbouring town of Falerii, and we have an 
inscription in Faliscan characters, lately discovered, recording 
the fulfilment of a vow de Zenatuo Sententiad, 
43! tW3tuaS:- OVEANSE aq 

and to this day it seems to be a provincialism in the Sabine 
country to say zignore, zegno, zole, much as people do in our own 
Somersetshire (Garrucci, translated in Archaeologia, vol. xliii, for 
1870). The great censor Appius Claudius is said to have had a 
particular dislike to this letter, and probably his dislike was 
shared by other Romans, for we find no traces of it, other than 
these I have mentioned, till the time of Cicero, when it was 
reintroduced to represent Greek words more exactly. Before 
that time the Romans were satisfied with such transcriptions as 
Saguntum for Zakynthus, ZákvvÜos ; and with sona, massa, badtsso, 
atticrsso. 

4.] The rejection of this letter was followed by another re- 
form—the introduction of a new letter G, formed simply by 
bending the lower horn of C. Plutarch (Quaest. Rom. 59) 
ascribes its introduction to Sp. Carvilius, freedman of Sp. Car- 
vilius Ruga, eos. v. C. 523 (notorious as the first Roman who © 
divorced his wife) Carvilius opened the first school of grammar 
and writing in Rome, and may certainly have been the first to 
teach the use of this letter and to give it the seventh place in 
the alphabet; but he can hardly have invented it, as we find it 
on the epitaph of Scipio Barbatus (cos. v.c. 456), and on two 
paterae found at Tarquinii with the name GABINIO of about 
the same date (Corssen, i. p. 10; cp. Mommsen, Unt. Dial. p. 28 


! The sign 7 is often used in inscriptions for centurio, etc. Similarly ).L. — 
mulieris libertus, J.) = mulieris liberta. 2 stood originally for Gaia, the com- 
monest female praenomen, taken as denoting a woman in general Cp. the 
marriage formula ‘ubi tu Gaius, ego Gaia.’ Quint. i. 7, 28, ‘Nam et Gaius C 
littera significatur, quae inversa mulierem declarat, quia tam Gafas esse vocitatas 
quam Gatos etiam ex nuptialibus sacris apparet." 


It. 5. FORMS OF THE LETTEBS. 7 


foll. The legend on the as of Luceria is now ascertained to be. 
CN.F, not GR.F; see C. I. L. 5). It is not found, however, on 
the (restored) columna Rostrata, the original date of which is 
later than that of the epitaph. Very possibly it did ‘not come 
directly into general use, and in certain cases the archaic C was 
preserved till long after. Thus C. and CN. are the recognised 
initials for Gaius and Gnaeus. 

5.] K or K is the archaic form rather than K. This letter, as 
is well known, soon went out of use, except in a few words, such 
ae Kalendae, kalumnia, karus, Karthago, etc., and was not con- 
stant even in these, except in the first. Quintilian advises that 
it should be used when standing by itself in abbreviations, 
though he remarks that some grammarians wished to write it 
generally before a (Inst. Or. i. 7, 10). 

L was originally more or less pointed amongst the Romans, as 
L, but this form ceased to be in use about 180 years B.C. (v.c. 
570-580). It had also another shape (k) in use till quite a 
late date, appearing even in Christian inscriptions of the fourth 
and fifth centuries. The ancient M or “ was also some time 
in use, though by no means constantly. It remained as the 
initial for Manius (M/ which we usually write M^) to distinguish 
it from Marcus. Of N perhaps it would be true to say that the 
two side strokes were rarely quite parallel in inscriptions, and 
that the form N or N was at first more common. P is found in 
various shapes, from ^ to P. In some old monuments it is quite 
square (['), as in Greek; but it does not appear in this form 
(according to Ritschl) after 620 v.c., being after that date 
slightly rounded (f^), or even P. The form of R with a tail is 
found in the Chalcidian, and even in the old Attic alphabets. 
Generally, it may be said, that the angle it makes is not actually 
joined to the stem of the letter, and this 18 also the ease with the 
Falisean 7/1. Q (the Greek koppa) is unknown to the other 
Italian alphabets as to the ordinary Ionic, and is one of the 
marks of the Dorian origin of the Latin alphabet. It has various 
archaic forms, O, (&, O, Q. S has two principal shapes, the 
archaic $, which ceased to be used about the same time as the 
pointed L, and the modern S naturally formed from it by at- 
tempte to write it in a single stroke. T has many slight varia- 
tions, but is, I think, never (as in many old alphabets, or perhaps 


8 THE LATIN ALPHABET. n. 6, 7. 


in most) of cruciform shape, except when used as a monogram 
for TI, e.g. in LIBER TS. X was perhaps not introduced so 
early as the other letters, and therefore was inserted out of place 
at the end of the alphabet. How this could be is not quite 
clear, as it was in use m the Chaleidie, Euboean, and old Attic 
alphabets, and was not superseded by the Ionic = till the ar- 
chonship of Euclides, B.c. 403. It appears, also, on the most 
ancient Latin inscriptions, as Aliwentrom, C. 59, Alizente| 7], and 
Avaz, C. 1501, p. 554, on early works of art. It is found in the 
form of a cross (+) on the little Tyrolese inscription, C. 1434. 
X appears on the denarius (first coined v. c. 485) as a mark of 
value, and in inscriptions X, X —denarii. 

6.| The remaining three letters of the Chalcidian alphabet, 
€, O, O x 0, OD — $, and Jj — x, were not in use in ordinary 
writing, but were adopted as numerals. The circle of O was left 
incomplete till it became a C, and was used for centum, one 
hundred. © appears either unaltered, or as oo , or as (D, or 
finally as M, or cb, and stands for a thousand, mille. J is 
arbitrarily taken as a cipher for fifty. We find it in various 
shapes, as XL or l, or with one of its arms gone, as L, till it 
finally becomes the ordinary sign L. The origin of this nota- 
tion is, I believe, quite uncertain, or rather purely arbitrary ; 
though of course we observe that the initials of mile and centum 
determined the final shape taken by the signs, which at first 
were very different in form. D, for five hundred, is simply half 
(^, and is sometimes represented by b. The insertion of a half 
circle into the same character has the effect of multiplying it by 
ten; so that © is ten thousand, and & one hundred thousand, 
ete. See for instances Col. Rostr., note, and C: 593, note, where 
the forms of these ciphers are given. 

7.| In the time of Cicero five letters or combinations were 
introduced, Y and Z, and the aspirates TH, PH, CH, in order 
to transcribe Greek words more exactly. "They crept gradually 
into many Latin words, but do not, as we have said, properly 
belong to Latin. The Emperor Claudius also introduced three, 
two of which appear not infrequently on monuments of his age. 
The first, or inverted digamma (4 or 1), was intended to represent 
the consonantal V, the digamma of the old Greek and Etruscan 
alphabet. It occurs, however, several times, though not uni- 


i. 8. FORMS OF THE LETTERS. 9 


formly, in one of the Acts of the Fratres Arvales of the reign of 
Nero, recording a vow for the health of the Emperor, e. g. in the 
words VOJIMVS, JO43EMVS, ARJALES, ARSALIVM (once 
ARVALIVM), BOJE, IO4dI (Henzen, No. 7419). It is found 
elsewhere in such words as JELINA, JIR, AMPLIAJIT TER- 
MINASITQVE, but, though it might have been useful, it did not 
much outlast his reign. The second 2, or anéi-stgma (a reversed 
C =), was to represent the Greek y, ds or pe, but was mani- 
festly useless, and is never found on monuments, The third, F, 
a character like the Oscan |, but with rather a different power, 
was to represent the Greek v, probably the same in power as the 
French « or German €. It occurs in CFCNVS, BFBLIO- 
THECA, and once in GFBERNATOR, on inscriptions of Clau- 
dius’ reign, and in Latin would answer to the 4 or w before 
labials, which occurs, for instance, in all superlative terminations, 
though we do not find it used in writing these. This also might 
have been useful, but did not last any more than the others. | It 
is found once even in o/d Latin (C. 1434) from Tyrol, in the name 
AIMEFNIA, that is, if we can trust the copyist who thought the 
inscription was Volscian 

8.| We may notice a few more peculiarities of writing, in- 
tended chiefly as helps to pronunciation. The first we shall 
mention is the device of doubling vowels to express a long 
vowel, pretty much as is done in German with a and e. "This 
was employed, at least to a certain extent, by the Oscans, and the 
Umbrians produced the same effect by adding an 4. The usage, 
such as it was, received its greatest impulse from the poet 
Accius, who, it is said, always so marked long vowels in his 
poems (Velius Longus, p. 2220 P, etc.). But it would be prob- 
ably a mistake to say that he was the first to do so. Marius 
Vietorinus ascribes it to Livius and Naevius (p. 2456 P), in a 
passage which Ritschl would alter to suit his view about Accius, 
and Quintilian most distinctly implies that it was in existence 
before his time, * Usque ad Accium et ultra porrectas syllabas 
geminis, ut dixi, vocalibus scripserunt! (Inst. Or. i. 7. 14). 
However this may be, the custom does not seem to have pre- 
vailed widely. Besides the word VOOTVM on the Faliscan in- 
scription above referred to, which must be earlier, we have 
about forty instances in inscriptions of the age of Accius, all 


10 - THE LATIN ALPHABET. i. 9. 


with the vowels A, E, V!. The occurrence of doubled vowels 
in an inscription has therefore been considered by Ritschl and 
others as a mark of date, fixing it to a period between 620-680 
v.C., i.e. between the time of the Gracchi and that of Cicero. 
Cp. note on the titulus Aletrinas, C. 1166. This, however, re- 
quires further investigation. In Cicero's time, again, the semi- 
vowel J was in the middle of words often denoted by II; while 
the long I itself was represented from rather an earlier date by 
the prolongation of the same letter above and sometimes below 
the line. The device of doubling the vowels was, as we have 
said, never very widely used, though it had certainly some merit. 
It was superseded about the time of Cicero's consulship (5. c. 63) 
by the apex (^ put over vowels, perhaps in imitation of the 
Greek accent, perhaps as a sign that the vowel should be 
doubled. "This became very common, though it naturally went 
out when quantity was disregarded, and accent took its place. 

9.] The doubling of consonants in writing was at first un- 
known in Latin, but was introduced by Ennius as an imitation 
of the Greek fashion ?. This usage is certainly not found before 
his time, and does not occur even in some later documents (e. g. 
in the S. C. de Bacchanalibus) Another method of expressing 
that a stress was laid upon a consonant was by the sicilicus, evi- 
dently so called from its sickle-like shape (sica, sicilis), as in 
Lucul’us, Mem’ius, sel'a, ser'a, for Lucullus, Memmius, sella, 
gerra?. It is found sometimes in MSS, but has only been 
lately noticed in inscriptions. Professor Emil Hübner has given 
an account of two instances, one of republican times, in the 
name SABEL/IO, the other perhaps of the first century A.p. 
in the name MVMIAES (Hermes, vol. iv. p. 13 sq., for 1870). 





1 See the paper of Garrucci above cited; and compare the doubled uw in the 
genitive singular and nominative plural of the « declension. 

* Festus, s. v. Solitaurilia, ed. Lind., p. 338, p. 393 M. 

* Isidor, Orig. i. 26, 29, p. 44 L. Marius Victorinus, p. 2456 P. 


Il. 1, 2. PRONUNCIATION. 11 


CHAPTER III. 


PRONUNCIATION. 


1.] Tuzsr latter details bring us to the question of pro- 
nunciation. For this purpose we shall have to consider the 
letters of the alphabet under different classesof sounds. First, 
we have the five vowels, A, E, I, O, U, in pairs short and long. 
Then, the semirowels, and of them (1) the spirants, S, F; H, J, V; 
(2) the nasals N (guttural and dental) and M (labial); and (3) 
the dental R and L sounds. Lastly, the mutes, the gutturals C 
(K), Q and G, the dentals T, D, and the labials P, B. Latin had 
neither palatal nor cerebral mutes, that is, no sounds answering 
to our c& or 8h, or to our d pronounced in the top of the mouth. 





SEMI-VOWELA. 





rere 
Mores. Spirants. |Nasals.rand i. VOWELS. 





surd. sonant.| surd. sonant.|eonant.|sonant. 
hard. soft. | hard. soft. | soft. | soft. 





Gutturalsjc(k)q g — h n 
Palatals _- — — j — 
Cerebrals| — — — — — 
Dentals £ d 8 (s) L 
Labials p b F v m 





Vowels and Diphthongs. 


2.] The nature of the vowel sounds has been lately investigated 
with success!. It has been proved that the five vowels, as pro- 
nounced generally in Italian and German, and for the most part 
in other foreign languages, have a very curious relation to one 
another. If we take a tuning fork and hold it in the mouth 
during the enunciation of the vowels U, O, A, E, I, the number 
of vibrations per second is observed to increase in a perfectly 
regular geometrical progression. The number of vibrations is 
said to be for U 450, for O goo, for A 1800, for E 3600, and for 
I 7200, that is, for each exactly twice as many as for that lower 


a mee 





1 By Helmholtz and Koenig. See the Academy, vol. ii. p. 72, for 1871. 


12 PRONUNCIATION. UI. 3,4. 


down in the scale. The modified vowels have not yet, I believe, 
been examined, but there is no doubt that they would be found to 
take regular positions also. This scientific relation of the vowels, 
as well as the consent of so many nations in their pronunciation, 
would lead us a priori to believe that the Latin vowels were not 
very different from the same as at present pronounced by the 
Italians. This is confirmed by what we learn from the ancient 
grammarians. 

8.] Quintilian, in a well-known passage, speaking of hiatus, 
says, ‘it is specially noticed with those vowels which require the 
mouth to be hollowed or broadened to its utmost. E is a 
smoother letter, I finer, and therefore the difficulty is not so 
apparent with them !.' He is here evidently contrasting O and A 
with E and I. O and A are the vowels, ‘quae cavo aut patulo 
maxime ore efferuntur. In the case of A, the guttural vowel, 
the mouth is opened to its widest and the tongue left flat, so as 
to bring the back of the mouth into play. "There is nothing, 
I think, to prove that the Romans ever deviated from the full 
broad sound of this vowel, such as we have now-a-days in 
Italian. Lucilius (c. 150 B.c) testifies in his ‘satire’ on ortho- 
graphy, * Let us write as we pronounce short and long A alike, 
pacem, placide, lanum, aridum, acetum, just as the Greeks do 
their "Apes "Apes ?." 

In respect of quantity, however, we should, I suppose, make 
just the difference which the Italians do between their accented 
and unaccented A, e.g. between pádre and padróne, or as the 
Germans between their double a in Baar, Haar and the single in 
machen, haben. 'That is, for the long vowel we must open the 
mouth wider than for the short one. 

4.| E stands midway between A and I, as it does also in the 
progressive scale. "The lips are nearer and the tongue raised at 
oratio. Pessime longae quae easdem inter se litteras committunt, sonabunt. 
Praecipuus tamen erit hiatus earum, quae cavo aut patulo maxime ore efferuntur. 
E planior littera est, I angustior est, ideoque obscurius in his vitium.'—Inst. Or. 
E uu ‘A primum longa, brevis syllaba, nos tamen unum 
Hoc faciemus et uno eodemque ut dicimus pacto 
Scribemus pacem, placide, Ianum, aridum, acetum, 


"Apes "Apes Graeci ut faciunt.' 
Ap. Ter. Scaur. p. 3255 P., quoted by Corssen. 





III. 5. PRONUNCIATION. 13 


the back towards the palate, instead of being flat as in A; but 
they are nearer still and the tongue is raised still higher in I. 
Both the short and the long E had a tendency to become I. Of 
final E Quintilian says (Inst. Or. i. 4, 8, ‘in kere neque E plene 
neque I auditur") ‘In the word Aere (yesterday) you neither 
hear exactly E or I,' and in fact à good many dative and abla- 
tive terminations were written equally with either vowel, in old 
Latin EI. The same thing was the case with short E. Quin- 
tilian in the same chapter (Inst. Or. i. 4, 17) notices Menerva, 
leber, magester, and Diiove victore for Diiovi, and we find frequent 
instances in inscriptions, as tempestatebus, mereto. 

This was corrected in classical times, but probably was never 
effaced from the speech of the people. Popular language also at 
an early date changed ae to e. Lucilius tells us that the rustics 
said ‘ Cecilius pretor' in his time (ap. Varro L. L. vii, $ 96, ‘ Ceci- 
lius Pretor ne rusticus fiat" and we find Prefod for Praetor 
in the Faliscan inscription already mentioned, and similar forms 
in others, e. g. questores, Diane, Victorie. This seems soon after 
to have become the common pronunciation. The converse sub- 
stitution of ae for e was not however so early, and curiously 
enough, when it did come, i£ was used equally for short and for 
long e. Thus on the one side we have scaena, TÀraez, etc., and 
on the other, caestus (xearós), Paeligni (TleAtyvot), and such mis- 
spelling as practium, praeces, baenemerenti, quaerella, aegestas. 
The following are from Pompeii, and therefore of an early date, 
C. I. L. iv, aegisse 2413 f, Aepaphroditus 2319 0, laesaerit 538, 
maeae 1684, Numaerio 2313, quaecunquae 2052 bis, Saenecio 
2163, Venaeria 1659, (?) timaeo 1859. There are also some re- 
presenting final y in Greek words, like onagricae, but the 
majority by far are for short e. These instances are important, 
as all being before 79 A.D. In Italian the e in Cesare and secolo 
has the same sound as in dene, temere, that is, the open à. Long 
e is represented in Italian by close ¢, as in aréna, ridé; and this 
may perhaps be the best rule to follow if we attempt to imitate 
Latin sounds. 

5.] We have already spoken of the ambiguity of sound be- 
tween E and I in old Latin, and we may mention the rule pro- 
posed by Lucilius to write (and speak) EI in plurals of the O 
declension, as pwerei, iei, and in datives of the consonantal 





14 PRONUNCIATION. HI. 6. 


and I declension, as in mendacei, furei!. Quintilian speaks of 
this rule as useless seeing that the simple I could do duty for 
both sounds, and so it has come to be written; but the Romans 
seem never to have been very certain how to write the accusative 
plural of the I declension, whether EIS, or IS, or ES. On this 
diphthong there is a valuable remark of Ritschl’s, that * EI is 
never the expression of a short $.... that there is no long 3 
in the later language, which is not found written EI on the 
monuments more or less constantly ; that there is no EI on the 
monuments except in syllables that were either always long, 
or, if later shortened, originally long.' "This position he defends 
in his Plautinische Excurse, No. xxv. (xxiii.), first printed Rh. 
Mus. N. F. vol. viii. and again Opuse. Phil. ii. p. 623 foll.?. 
There was a similar ambiguity between the sound of I and V 
before labials (Quint. i. 4, 7, ‘medius quidam V et I litterae 
sonus") for which, as we have remarked, the Emperor Clau- 
dius proposed to introduce the sign F. The words in which 
it occurred used all to be written by the Romans with U, till 
Caesar and Cicero introduced the fashion of writing and pro- 
nouncing I as in optimus maximus, pontifex, mancipium for the 
old optumus, maxumus, ete. The meaning of this seems to be 
that we are to pronounce without an attempt to render either 
exactly. Cornut. ap. Cassiod. p. 2284 P, ‘ Terentius Varro tradidit 
Caesarem per 7 eiusmodi verba solitum esse enuntiare et scri- 
bere. Vel. Long. p. 2216. ‘Optumus maxumus in quibus ad- 
notandum antiquum sermonem plenioris sonus fuisse et ut ait 
Cicero rusticanum.' (Corssen, i. p. 336.) 

6.| The relation between A, E, I bears a considerable analogy 
to that between A, O, U ; only the lips, instead of being kept 


1 '* Iam PVEBEI venere:;" E postremum facito atque I, 
Ut pueri plures fiant: I si faci solum, 
PVPILLI, PVERI, LVCEILI. hoc unius fiet. 
“Hoo ILLI factum est vNI:" tenue hoo facies I. 
" Haec ILLEI fecere:” adde € ut pinguius fiat. 
" MENDACEI FVREIQVE:" addes E cum dare FVREI 
Iusseris.' Lucil. ap. Quintil. i. 7. 15. 

* This remark, however true generally, seems to be too sweeping for the usage 
of later monumenta. Once at least in the Epitaph of Eucharis, C. I. L. i, 1009, 
V. 5, we find ‘Amor parenteis quem dedit natae suae’ 
for parentis, which would seem naturally short; and this Ritschl has, I find, 
noticed in a note to the last publication. 


II. 7, 8. PRONUNCIATION. 15 


nearly parallel and distended sideways, are rounded or protruded. 
O 1s the vowel in which the mouth, to use Quintilian’s phrase, 
is most hollowed. The tongue is slightly raised behind and 
depressed in front, and the lips formed into a circle. As to the 
difference between the long and the short O, a grammarian named 
Sergius, of a somewhat later date—uncertain, but after the 
fourth century 4.D.—gives a hint, which may still be valuable 
as a rule for our practice :—' O when it is long sounds within the 
palate, Roma, orator ; when it is short it is expressed by the tips 
of the lips’ (‘primis labris exprimitur, Donat. i. p. 520, 30 K. 
ap. Corssen, i. p. 341). He means probably that we are to move 
the lips outwards in pronouncing 3. This would give us pretty 
nearly the difference between the close and open Italian o as in 
Réma, on the one hand (close), and in sd/dato, córo, on the other. . 
But here (like AE changing to E) AV changing to O, has at 
least in Italian the sound of the open or short, not of the close 
or longer vowel. ‘ We have,’ says Mr. Munro, ‘dro, dde (aurum, 
audet), and so should pronounce pldsirum, Clodius, Corus.’ We 
certainly use the lips more in this than in the close O. 

7.| In the labial vowel U the tongue is raised higher at the 
back than in O, and the lips brought closer together and more 
protruded. That this was the sound used by the Latins, and not 
the French or German modified v, seems to be generally agreed. 
In this they differed from the Greeks. Marius Victorinus ! tells 
us that Latin U can only be rendered in writing or pronunciation 
by the Greek ov, and so we find it generally in transcriptions. 
Short U is indeed sometimes rendered by O, as in Noyjroep 
Zéxovbos, and more rarely by v, Kamin, TéprvAAos. But it can 
have been like neither of these exactly, and so the commoner | 
practice, as well as tradition, leads us to accept the German 
or Italian U as the fundamental sound in Latin. There is no 
nation, I believe, except our own which fastens on a Y as a 
handle to its U. 

8.] As to the diphthongs, it seems as a general rule to approve 
iteelf to common sense that they should be pronounced as the 
vowels of which they are composed quickly run into one another. 
We have seen, however, that AE tended more towards the simple 


1 p. 2454 P. Corssen, i. p. 346. 





16 PRONUNCIATION. III. 9. 


. E than to AI, as it should have done. Of the others AI, AV, EI 
may be pronounced, according to the general rule, Ga?ws, Scaurus, 
eius, Pompeius, Seius. EU occurs very rarely, but should probably 
be more like our rendering of it than the German (nearly —o:). 
OE was most likely very near the German 6, as in Phoebus, poena, 
moenia, and if so the transition to E and AE was easy. 

9.] Semivowels. Spirants,—sonant, H, J, V, surd, S, F, (X). 

H is a weak spirant, though it may have once been hard (c4) 
in velo, traho, etc., which make vec-si, (rac-si in the perfect. 
Jt had a very weak sound in Latin, especially between two 
vowels or at the beginning of a word, and has finally disappeared 
in Italian pronunciation. 

J was distinguished by no separate sign in Latin from I, and 
there is little doubt that it was, when consonantal, equivalent 
to our Y. In our own English way we speak of cujus, ejus, 
Sejanus, but of Seius, Pompeius, though there is no reason for 
supposing any original difference. The Italians generally sub- 
stitute gi for y, and the French pronounce as we do. The 
Germans, on the other hand, seem to have preserved the real 
letter. The only difference the Latin grammarians notice is 
between the longer and shorter sound (see Priscian, 1. 18). Between 
vowels they often wrote ii for 7, as we have mentioned above. 
Caesar, for instance, who was noted for his grammatical correct- 
ness, spelt the genitive of Pompeius with three I's, and no doubt 
pronounced them all, so, Pompei-yi, making the middle one a y. 
We must not be misled by an instance like that of Janus beside 
Diana, in which the modern pronunciation brings us nearer to 
the root. Such cases are very rare; even jugum, where the 
J sound seems supported by Greek W@yor, really represents a. root 
(yug) yug, appearing in Sanskrit yugyam (an ox for ploughing), 
and German jock, and our yoke, etc. There are some traces 
indeed of the change to z or j from the end of the second century 
A.D. onwards, but it cannot have become common among edu- 
cated men till much later, not perhaps till the beginning of the 
sixth century. (So Corssen, i. p. 310. He gives a.p. 202 as 
the date of Zeraw for Hieraz, I. N. 2559.) The inscription of 
Pontius Leo in the Lateran Museum, which I have copied from 
a rubbing taken by Professor Westwood in 1864, gives a striking 
instance of this corruption :— 


III. IO, II. PRONUNCIATION. 17 


PONTIUS.LEO SE BlVO FECIT 8=8(2bt)? 

ET PONTIA MAZA COZVS.VZV8 =P. Maia coiuz (A)uius. 
FECERVNT . FILI 

O SYO APOLLINARI . BENE 

MERENTTI. 


of a lion. 


10.] We now come to that spirant about which there is the 
greatest, the only real, controversy in matters of Latin pronun- 
ciation. Modern Romance languages represent the consonantal 
V by the modern V, and so do European nations when they 
pronounce Latin. On the other hand, the analogy of the rela- 
tion of I and J (see the quotation from Nigidius Figulus in Aul. 
Gell. N. A. xix. 14. ad fin), as well as a considerable amount of 
evidence, incline us rather to suppose that the sound was more 
like our w.. . 

We may arrange this evidence under three heads :—(1.) ancient 
references to the pronunciation of the letter; (2.) the internal 
evidence of the Latin language; (3.) transcriptions. 

11.] (1.) The ancient references to the pronunciation of the 
letter tell us that we must give it almost exactly the same force 
as the Aeolic digamma fF, the representative of the Phoenician Y, 
Vav. (Priscian, Inst. Gr. i. iv. 20; Quintil. I. O. i. 4. 7, xii. 
IO. 29.) Priscian, who has a good deal to say about this letter, 
refers to Horace's 


‘Nunc mare nunc silüae, 
and Catullus 
‘Quod zonam soluit diu ligatam,’ 


as illustrations parallel to the vocalised digamma, though the 
instance he gives in Greek seems not a close parallel—xal 
xeiua nip re báfiov. It may fairly be argued that unless the 
words were pronounced more like s:lwa, solwo, than silva, solvo, 
we could never have got such a resolution. It is not fair, I 
think, to call this merely a learned caprice of these poets. 

As to the pronunciation of the digamma, ancient grammarians 
tell us that it was very nearly like the vowel U, Greek ov. In 
the Phoenician alphabet the same character (Y) stood for both 
the vowel and the consonant, as in Latin. In modern Hebrew 
there is a difference such as exists between High and Low German 

C 


18 PRONUNCIATION. III. II. 


or English w. The Jews in European universities pronounce 
the Vav as v, while the Eastern Jews have w, perhaps being 
influenced by the Arabic. As to the Greek letter, Dionysius 
of Halicarnassus (i. 20) defines it as the syllable ov written in one 
character (cvAAaB7 ov évt orotxelp ypapopuérn), and so do others. 
But we must not rely too much upon this identification, as the 
exact force of the digamma is as controverted as that of the v. 
Probably whatever we may accept for one should be received 
for the other also; yet neither can be, it would seem, our 
dentilabial v. 

Latin authors do not draw any distinction between the v as 
initial or medial. Quintilian, who identifies it with the digamma, 
gives instances of both, servus and vulgus. Besides this we have 
one or two anecdotes of some importance. Gellius tells us 
(x. 4) that Nigidius Figulus wittily argued for the natural as 
opposed to the positive or arbitrary origin of words by adducing 
the difference between sos and vos. ‘When we say vos we use 
a motion of the mouth towards those whom we are addressing, 
thrusting out the lips in a manner suitable to the expression of 
what we mean. When we say os we pronounce without either 
projection of the lips or effort of the voice.’ Now this loses 
half or all its point if they said vos as we do, making the teeth 
and upper lip meet, but some letter employing the lips alone 
seems to be described by the words used by Figulus. Another 
well-known story illustrates the same point, that of the warning 
voice heard by Crassus when he was at Brundisium, ready to 
start on his ill-fated Parthian expedition’. The man crying 
figs only wished to recommend them as coming from Caunus, 
in Asia Minor, but the soldiers heard in his prolonged cry, Cave 
ne eas, Cave ne eas. Cauneas could never have been mistaken 
for Cave we eas if the v in it had not sounded something very 
like the vowel 4. Observe that in these anecdotes we have an 
example both of the initial and the medial e, of vos and cave, 
just as of vulgus and serowe in Quintilian. 

On the other hand, the v must, I think, have sometimes had 
a lighter sound than our w; in cases, for instance, where it 
comes after a consonant without making the preceding vowel 





! Cic. de Div. ii. 40; cp. Plin. N. H. xv. t9, at. 


nt. 12. PRONUNCIATION. 19 


long. Priscian (Inst. Gr. i. 4. 22) quotes, for instance, from 
Terence, Andria— 


‘Sine invidia laudem invenias et amicos pares, 


an iambic senarius, where the i» in nvidia is short. So Plaut. 
Aul. 478, cp. Poen. v. 4. 35, ínvito. But this 1s only an instance 
of the evanescence of v, which takes place more often certainly 
between vowels. 

12.] (2.) The evidence of the internal structure of the language 
is to the same effect —showing the close relation between the vowel 
and the consonant and the evanescent character of the latter. 

We have only to compare /fav-eo, fau-tus with gaud-eo, gav-isus, 
to feel that here, and in many other cases, & becomes conso- 
nantal or vocalic, as it is followed by a vowel or by a con- 
sonant. In /aveo, gavisus, it is naturally consonantal, in gaudeo, 
Jautus, vocalic; and so it generally is in perfect stems. In the 
same way ov, like ou, has constantly been contracted into simple v. 
Thus providens becomes prudens, and novendinae nundinae, just as 
douco, couro change into duco and curo. 

Contraction is only another form of evanescence, and this has 
taken place both in initial and medial v, the latter especially 
between vowels. 

Initial v is lost in Latin always before consonants, as in. 
radiz, ros, rosa ; laqueus, lacer, lorum ; and frequently after con- 
sonants, as in soror, sopor, canis. It is also lost in hundreds of 
instances between two vowels, as in Gaius for Gavius, Gnaeus for 
Gnaevus, aetas for aevitas, boum for bovum, etc., etc. The same 
loss has taken place in all Italian perfects where -a; stands for 
-avi, as in amai, lavoras. This seems naturally to range itself as 
a fact by the side of the loss of v by contraction. This is allowed 
by Corssen, who would here give v the sound of the English «; 
but the same writer would draw a distinction, unknown, as we 
have seen, to ancient writers, between v when it is initial, or 
when it is medial by the side of a consonant, and this v between 
two vowels. ‘Had the v been in these places, he says (Aus- 
sprache, etc., i. p. 315), *a weak vocalic sound, something like the 
labial & after the guttural in qv, the consonant or v itself would 
not so often have been lost, and he therefore proposes to give v 
in these positions the sound of the German w. But surely this 
argument is worth nothing, and it is the only argument I can 

Cc 2 


. 20 . . PRONUNCIATION. II. I3, 14. 


discover for his conclusion. The difficulty is much greater in 
saying « before a consonant than v. There would have been no 
trouble in saying e€poóov, vpí(a, vrosa, vros, etc., but a good deal 
in saying 1r0sa, wros, and so in the ordinary process of phonetic 
decay it was left out. Just the same thing occurs in the Teutonic 
languages. In High German the v sound has prevailed ; in Low 
German and Scandinavian w is constantly omitted either in 
writing or in pronunciation—cp. Olaf, Wolf, Orm, Worm, and 
the constant omission of initial w in the lake district —while in 
ordinary English though we write w before r, we scarcely sound 
it in wrap, wrong, wretch, etc. 

18.] Another point is the interchange in Latin between & 
and v, v and 6. This is found commonly in inscriptions of the 
fourth century, especialy of the vulgar Latin, and to some 
extent in the third. In the catacombs, for instance, we find very 
commonly such words and phrases as * Geronti vibas in Deo," * Viba 
et roga,’ * Suabis benemerenti,' * Datiba,’ ‘ Bitalis,’ and conversely 
* Licevit’ (on the aedes V er), ‘ venemerenti,' and the like ; but such 
instances are rare in previous centuries. If anywhere, we should 
expect to find such a corruption in the Graffiti of Pompeii, a place 
exposed to Greek influence, that is, supposing for the moment that 
the transliteration of v by 8 was then in common use. If this 
corruption was found in them widely, it would at least prove its 
existence in vulgar Latin betore 79 4.D.; but as a fact the only 
instances we find are some eleven or twelve in the three names 
Fesbius, Vesbinus, and Bibius, for Vesvius, Vesvinus, and Vibius, 
though other vulgarisms and misspellings are common enough. 
(See the Index, C. I. L. iv.) We cannot therefore lay much 
stress on this fact, and the evidence we have goes rather to prove 
that the omission of v between vowels was an earlier symptom 
than its confusion with 4. In these same inscriptions we have 
various instances of the omission of v in conjunction with v, in 
calus, serus, 1uenis, Juentus, Juenilla. 

14.] (3.) As to the transliteration of v by 8, the best statement 
of the case, though necessarily incomplete, is to be found in 
Mr. Roby's Latin Grammar (1871, p. xxxvii foll). It goes to 
prove that the transliteration by ov is the oldest and best sup- 
ported by MSS, while that by 8 may be as old as the time of 
Plutarch, who was a Boeotian, and not a very good Latin 





Wl. I5. PRONUNCIATION. 21 


scholar. But even supposing the transcription fairly made out 
as of equal age with that by ov, it would be far from proving 
the point required. No eminent scholar has allowed that our 
sound of v was acquired in the Augustan age by the Greek 8; 
and secondly, if it had done so, and if it represented the sound of 
the Latin v, why was not this transcription universal instead 
of partial? ‘The Greeks would have always used the 8 instead of 
the barbarous-looking ov, they would have always written 
@dABios instead of DdAoviws, and A(Bws instead of Alovtos. 
Further, there is some reason to think that 8 was in some 
instances very near in sound to the digamma. (See Curtius, 
Gr. Etym. p. 514.) 

15.] On the whole we arrive at the conclusion that con- 
sonantal w, in its origin and its general use up to the end of 
the first century 4.p., differed very little from our English w. 
The difficulty is to trace the steps by which this nearly vocalic 
sound (for it is not of course a true vowel) developed into the 
labio-dental consonant e. The steps have been pointed out very 
clearly by Mr. Ellis, and are thus recounted again in plain 
language by Mr. Roby (p. xl.), “1. & vowel; 2. French ov, pro- 
nounced as in o; ; 3. English w; 4. labial v; 5. labio-dental v.' 
The labial v is the link usually lost sight of, that is, v pronounced 
as : is in parts of South Germany '— without contact of the 
teeth and lips, but by the lips only. "This explains what has all 
along been the difficulty, * how is it, that if v was w in Latin, it 
has become v in all the Romance languages?' Remembering 
the labial v, we can answer, ‘by a natural process of phonetic 
change, or decay, if the phrase is preferred.’ The existence of 
such variety of pronunciation as is current in Italy now makes 
it probable that the same was the case in early times. The 
labial v, and even the labio-dental, may have existed dialectically 
in Italy along with the w, but for the earlier and classical period 
of Latin all our evidence is to show that our w is the right and 
proper sound—a : not pronounced with much contortion and 
mouthing, but breathed lightly, and scarcely distinguishable 
from the labial v. ) 


1 A South German or Austrian peasant's Was?—2a being pronounced almost 
like o—often seems to an English ear to begin distinctly with our w. No doubt 
an expert in phonetics could draw the distinction, but such experts are rare. 








22 PRONUNCIATION. ur 16-18. 


16.] The surd-spirants, F, S, (X). F seems to have been 
distinguished from the Greek $ merely by being rougher and 
requiring more breath for its production. The only difference 
Priscian found between them was that / was to be pronounced 
non fizis labris, 1, e. with more exertion than ¢. Yet there was 
a distinction very sensible to the Romans of the classical period. 
Quintilian speaks of it as a dreadful barbarous sound (Inst. 
Or. xii. 10, 29), *paene non humana voce vel omnino non 
voce potius inter discrimina dentium efflanda,’ and as especially 
rough when followed by a consonant, as in /rangit ; and he tells 
us in another place (ib. i. 4, 14) that Cicero laughed at a Greek 
witness who did not know how to pronounce the first letter in 
Fundanius. 

17.] S was, as we have said, the only sibilant used by the 
Romans, who had for classical Latin neither z or /s. In Italian 
& between two vowels has a soft sound (like z), and so it is 
commonly agreed it should have in Latin in words like rosa, musa, 
miser, but I am not aware that any ancient grammarian speaks 
of this. S in this place, or when final, has most frequently been 
changed to r in Latin, as ara, generis for asa, genesis, and in all 
genitives plural in -rum; and this by the side of Osc. -azum (= Lat. 
-arum) may confirm the supposition drawn from Italian. But 
the analogy of Umbrian z after », as in menzaru = mensarum, 
can hardly prove any more for Latin usage of soft s after », than 
the z in Zenaivo in the Faliscan inscription for the softening of 
an initial ¢ in ordinary language. Again, if we accept the first 
rule drawn from Italian pronunciation, we must make many 
exceptions in the case of words which are written more properly 
with a double s, e.g. Quintilian tells us (i. 7, 20) that Cicero 
and Virgil wrote cassus, caussae, divissiones. And so we should 
pronounce also with a single hard e mzszt (missit), missus, rusum 
(russum for rursum), odiosus,etc. (Munro, Few Remarks, p. 13.) 

Initial s was always sharp. Final e, as is well known, had 
a very faint sound, and was till the time of Cicero generally not 
reckoned in versification, and in many words altogether omitted. 

18.] The double letter X gradually lost its guttural element 
c or g, and became, as in Italian, equivalent to s or se, as in 
Serse, Alessandro — Xerxes, Alexander. We find a trace of this 
perhaps in the prosody of senéz, xor, éxercitus, cte., in Plautus; 


Ul. 19. PRONUNCIATION. 23 


and several instances are to be found in the Pompeian inscrip- 
tions (before 79 a.v.) of final & being written s. Later, this soft- 
ening is very common, e. g. €¢ = ex, cozus = coiux, disit = vixit, 
on Christian inscriptions. 

19.] Nasals N and M. N is both guttural and dental, M is 
labial. 

There is little to remark about these letters, which seem to 
have had generally the sounds we give them except when final, 
when they become very weak, and are often entirely lost, as in 
the nominatives of many stems ending in.-n, as ordo, homo, 
compared with nomen and 'AzóAAevr. Final m is often lost in 
writing just in the same way as e, from quite an early age, 
and though this was rectified in classical times, a trace of it was 
always preserved in the elision of syllables ending with a vowel 
followed by m, and it appears throughout in the popular language, 
as seen in inscriptions. Before xs, xf a vowel appears to have 
been pronounced long. (Cic. Or. 48, $ 159), * Indoctus dicimus 
brevi prima littera, insanue producta, inhumanue brevi, infelia 
longa; et ne multis, quibus in verbis eae primae litterae sunt, 
quae in sapiente atque felice, producte dicitur, in ceteris omnibus 
breviter So in Greek we find Kárcos, x»vcováXa, xkwevaoóAas, 
cevaldva, Kwvo®ws (Dionys. Hal.), Kevoevria (Appian), Kocervtía 
(Strabo), Keveravrivos, xivaos, etc., etc., but Kevrijwos, xevruplov 
(Roby, 167, 2). This accounts for the frequently weak sound 
of » before s, it being lost in the length of the preceding vowel. 
Thus we get in inscriptions /ides = libens; cosol, cesor = consol, 
censor (El. Scip.); Pisawrese = Pisaurenses (C. 173) ; Termeses, 
Thermeses = Thermenses (204); and in classical Latin decies, 
vicies, vicesimus for deciena, etc. ; formosus for formonsus ; Mostel- 
laria by monstrum; elephas for elephans ; trimestris for trimenstris, 
etc. etc. Before 4 it is much more rarely omitted in inscrip- 
tions, as dedrot for dederont, Ateleta for Atalanta (C. 178, 1501 
add.), and Froto, metula (Pompeii, 2257, 1938), but in MSS. it 
appears to be more frequently dropped; see King's note on Cic. 
Phil. xii. 12, 29, where Madvig corrects cogitantis or cogitantes 
from MSS. cogitetie or cogitatis, which makes nonsense. On 
this omission reste a part of an excellent emendation of Catullus, 
Ixvii. 12, where the MSS. read 


‘Verum istius (or isti) populi ianua quz te facit.' 


24 PRONUNCIATION. Ill. 20—22. 


Professor H. A. J. Munro has corrected it, after an old emen- 
dation, by which we recover the praenomen of Catullus, 

‘Verum 'st ius populi *Ianua," Quinte, “facit ;”’ 
and so Prof. Ellis, changing ?us to os. Its occasional omission 
with gutturals, e.g. pricipis for principis (Pomp. 1932, 1945), 
and perhaps a/figat, attigeret, for attingat, etc. (Lex Repet. v. c. 
631 or 632, C. 198, 10, 21, q. v.), is due to assimilation. Many 
grammarians wished to write agceps, aggo, aggulus for anceps, etc., 
like the Greeks (cp. Varro ap. Prisc. 1. 39), making what must 
have been rather an unpleasing sound. On the other hand, it is 
curious that in such cases has been preserved intact in modern 
Italian, owing no doubt in many cases to the softening of the 
guttural, Before sit is often lost, as in mest, mesa, sposo, preso, 
etc., but consiglio. 

20.] Rand L. R was a dental sound formed by the vibration 
of the tip of the tongue, as is shown by its being interchanged 
with 4 and s, e.g. in arfuerunt, arvorsus for adfuerunt, advorsus, 
and in the instances mentioned above. Rand L may also have 
been cerebrals. 

21.] L is held (by Schleicher and others) not to be an original 
sound in the Aryan languages, but to be a modification of r, with 
which it frequently changes in Latin, especially in the termina- 
tions -alis, -aris (cp. caeruleus for caeluleus, Parilia for Palilia 
by dissimilation). 

In pronunciation it seems to have had a specially strong sound 
after a mute, which accounts for the many suffixes in -u/ and for 
the introduction of a vowel, oftenest « or ?, to emphasize it, 
as dulcis (ep. yAvkis), scalpo, sculpo (cp. yAádw, yAóooe), and such 
forms as facultas, facilis, saeculum, periculum. 

22.] The Mutes.—Gutturals C, K, Q, G ; dentals T, D ; /abials 
P, B. 

Pronunciation of the Gutturals. 

C and G have in many modern languages, or rather in most, 
& palatal or sibilant sound when they come before E and I, 
especially before I pure or followed by another vowel. To take 
the often quoted name—Cicero is in Italian in some mouths 
Tchiichero, in others Shishero, in German Tvitzero, in French and 
English Sisero. These all agree in rejecting the hard guttural, 
but they do not agree in their substitute for it; nor do the 


IH. 23. PRON UNCIATION. 25 


Italians at least carry out their pronunciation uniformly, but 
in many cases preserve the hard sound before e and i, inserting 
an 4 after their modern way of spelling, as in Grechi, lunghe, 
lunghi. Gothic, Welsh, and German all three preserve the hard 
sound in words taken in the early stages of their language direct 
from Latin, but this is not an absolute proof, as it is probable 
that they had at first no palatalised gutturals themselves. 

The testimony of foreign languages then is in itself weak, 
though it offers at first sight a difficulty. In order to arrive at 
the truth of the matter, we must look into the ancient evidence. 
This may be arranged under three heads—(1.) that of monuments, 
(2.) transcriptions, (3.) the analogy of other languages. 

:28.] (1.) Monuments.—1t is a noticeable and in itself almost 
a convincing fact that no grammarian has a syllable to say on 
the difference of pronunciation between different positions of the 
gutturals. The argument from this silence is very strong, con- 
sidering what small matters they often mention. The nearest 
thing recorded by any one of them is an assertion of the gram- 
marians Servius and Pompeius, neither of them before the fifth 
century and the latter an African, that 4 and / before 7 pure 
were sibilated, e. g. that medius and Titius were to be sounded 
medsius and Titsiue (Munro, F. R. p. 16). But the inference 
even for that century is by no means necessary from the dentals 
to the gutturals, though contrariwise the mention of one would 
very naturally have led to that of the other if it had commonly 
existed. 

The evidence of inscriptions is to much the same effect. We 
do not posses many in which & is used before either of the 
vowels in question, but there are one ortwo. The forms Dekem- 
[óres] and Keri, genitive of Kerus or Cerus, masculine form of 
Ceres, especially the latter, are of an early date (C. 844 and 46). 
What is perhaps more remarkable is that £ is the regular initial 
for citra on boundary stones, a fact which I believe has not been 
as yet quoted in this discussion. See Rudorff, Gromatische 
Institutionen, p. 345, and below on the Agrarian Law, § 4. On the 
other hand, the confusion of c? and /i, though very common in 
later times, is exceedingly rare in the first, centuries after Christ. 
Supposed instances generally turn out to arise from careless 
copying. The earliest substantiated are not earlier than the 


26 PRONUNCIATION. ur, 24. 


beginning of the third century, viz. terminac[tones ] and definiciones, 
and these, as Professor Munro remarks, are from Africa—‘ Africa 
great mother of barbarisms and heresies.’ 

As to the testimony of MSS. it is very remarkable that good 
ones, so says the same authority, often confuse ¢ and c in other 
cases, e. g. at and ac, tetera and cetera, but rarely in this. Such 
MSS. write dicio, condicio, solacium, novicius, etc., but contio, 
nuntius, spatium, etc., just as inscriptions of the first two centuries 
A.D. and generally later. The confusion which does exist (as in 
tetera and cetera) seems to point also to a hard sound ; for there 
is little likeness between /e and fcAe, but a good deal between 
te and ke, or at any rate a possibility of confusion. This is also 
said to be a confusion common among the French Canadians of 
our own time. (See more in Max Müller, Lect. ii. p. 168.) 

24.] (2.) Transcriptions.—The Romans in transcribing Greek, 
the Greeks in writing Latin words, employ C and K as con- 
vertible. The Greek usage is not so important as evidence, as 
like the old Gothic, Teutonic, and Welsh peoples, they had no 
¢ sounds, and could have gone no nearer to them than ( or s, if 
there had been any to render. But the Roman custom is I think 
very conclusive. It is true that some three centuries before 
Christ they were very ignorant of grammar, and had fallen into 
careless ways of writing and pronouncing, confusing for instance 
the ce and g. But from that time onward, under the influence of 
Greek teachers, they took to grammatical studies with peculiar 
ardour, and seem to have taken particular pains in rendering 
Greek accurately. We have seen that in the time of Cicero they 
introduced no less than five new letters or combinations for this 
purpose, viz. y, 2, ch, th, pk. Now if Cilicia when written in 
Roman characters did not represent the same sound as the Greek 
Kuuxia, they had nothing to do but to extend their partial use of 
k before a to the other vowels, and to have exactly represented 
the Greek word by writing Kilikia. That they did not do go is 
@ presumption that c was a sufficient representative of the £ in 
all its positions. Surely, again, if the Umbrians introduced a dif- 
ferent letter or a diacritical mark for the ¢ or $, the Romans, who 
were evidently fond of trying experiments of this kind, would 


have left some trace of the same distinction if it had existed in 
their language. 


HI, 25, 26. PRONUNCIATION. 27 


25.] (3.) Analogy of Cognate Languages.—In the process of 
phonetic decay, which the analogy of other languages exhibits 
to us, we meet with a full explanation of the difficulty. The 
guttural before E and I is naturally sounded somewhat differently 
from what it is before the other vowels. These two are necee- 
sarily sounded in the front part of the mouth, and the guttural is, 
to save trouble, attracted, if we may use the expression, into the 
same region. A, O, U are all sounded in the back of the mouth 
and combine easily with the true guttural; but it requires a 
double, or at least a more vehement and powerful action, to pre- 
serve the fall guttural with E and I. 'Thus a slight differentiation 
arises which may be expressed by the signs KA, K'I. Then 
a slight Y or palatal sound is heard as Xy/J, e.g. in the corrupt 
pronuneiation of Lind as Lyind, and from this are developed in 
process of time the various sibilant and palato-dental sounds 
which we have in modern languages. The very fact that these 
vary 80, would seem to make it evident that we cannot seek the 
original pronunciation in any one of them, but ought to carry 
them all up to a common source. We have already noticed the 
analogous fact in the Teutonic languages that all the gutturals 
were at first hard, and so they remain generally, when initial, 
though c becomes cÁ as medial, e.g. in Kirche, Kelch, Kuche, while 
their pronunciation in different German dialects varies very much, 
e.g. that of g in Berlin is nearly y, and in South Germany 
soft gh. The same original hardness is allowed for Greek, though 
in many modern Greek dialects similar modifications to those of 
the Romance languages have taken place. ‘In many of the 
Greek islands,’ writes a Greek gentleman (Mr. D. Bikelas in 
Academy, vol. ii. p. 187), ‘the «is pronounced like the Italian c 
before e, 7, €; viz. they pronounce Ciépev for Kixépov, cepady 
rob Cipov for kejaAi) ro. Kópov, cupiacn for xvptaxy,’ etc. He also 
refers to the modified sound of x before the same vowels in ordi- 
nary Greek pronunciation. Taking these analogies into con- 
sideration, it seems almost certain that the Italic languages 
have gone through a similar change, giving birth to the 
varieties of the Romance tongues. The only object for classical 
scholars is to determine at what point of the change to fix their 
mark. 

26.] The arguments above adduced, viz. the silence of gram- 


28 PRONUNCIATION. III, 27, 28. 


marians, the evidence of early inscriptions and MSS. which do 
not confuse CI and TI, and the constant transcription of Greek « 
by Latin c, have made it clear that in the first two centuries the 
guttural C was scarcely distinguishable before E and I from the 
same letter before other vowels. After the second century A.D. 
the change gradually bégan to operate. The way for it was 
already prepared by a process of decay in one of the Italian 
dialects, the Umbrian. This people, whom we have no reason to 
suppose were greatly given to philology, introduced the letter d, 
of which we have spoken, for C, and employed it (though not 
universally) before E and I, e.g. in ¢esna = cena, degem-duf = 
decem-duo, fagia = faciat; or as S in later Umbriam, e.g. in 
pase = paeem, The S was also employed by the Volscians, e. g. 
fasia = faciat. This may account also for the play upon the 
words Sosiam and Socium in Amphitruo, 383, 4, which may well 
be excused in the Umbrian Plautus!. In Umbria, then, phonetic 
decay had in the matter of the gutturals, as in many other points, 
proceeded further than in Latium. The same early decay in a 
dialect appears also, if rather faintly, in the Hellenic languages 
in this very matter. Thus the Illyrian name Adio: is no doubt 
equivalent to Adxio:, Deciz, and the Messapian Aa(ópas to Decumus, 
a softening very like that observable in Umbrian. 

277.] The only distinction, therefore, that we are warranted in 
drawing between the pronunciation of C with the two vowels 
in question and with the others, is one that would require no 
diacritical mark to distinguish it, one, that is, in the first stage of 
decay, K becoming K'. Pronounce the C rather forwarder in the 
mouth, lightly and with less guttural effort, and this result will 
be obtained. I venture to think that by making this shght 
difference all the supposed awkwardness and ugliness of Kikero, 
ete., will vanish. 

28.| The case of G is pretty nearly parallel to that of C, and 
in practice among ourselves is less likely to be troublesome, as it 
is hardened in all or almost all our Teutonic words, as get, give, 
begin, as it is in Germany. The change in this letter seems to 
have begun with an assimilation to J in the fourth and fifth 


1 An instance, outside Umbria, is on the mirror found at Praeneste with the 
cista Ficoroniana, where the word Losna, represents Lucna, Lucina, Luna, the 
moon. (C. §5.) 


III. 29-31. PRONUNCIATION. 29 


centuries, when we find occasionally such forms as magestates = 
maiestates, and Belevri, viginti (Roby, p. lii). 

29.] The difference between C, K, and Q is represented by 
Quintilian as almost nil. 

80.] The Dentals D, T seem both to have been pure dentals, 
that is, D, as well as T, was pronounced upon the teeth, not, like 
our D, in the top of the mouth, or, as it is called, as a cerebral. 
The very common confusion between the two could not have 
been so general and so early unless this was the case. 

The change of D to R takes place chiefly in the preposition od 
in composition, as before v in arvorsum, S. C. Bacch. 196, 25, 
arvorsarius, Lex Rep. 198, 20, 23, arvenas, arvocatos, Priscian, 1. 
45, ete. ; before fin azfuerunt, arfuise, 8. C. Bacch. 2, 21, arfines, 
Priscian ; before gutturals, arcesso, arger, Priscian; and in other 
words, in arbiter, meridies!, auris (cp. aud-ire), Ladinum. (See 
Corss. i. 238 foll). In arduitur, Tab. XII. x. 7, it is dissimilated 
before a d. In Umbrian d is generally represented by r, a sound 
between r and s. 

81.] The Zadials, in like manner, must have been very close 
to one another, being frequently interchanged. 


! Cp. Varro, L. L. vi. 4, ‘ Meridies ab eo quod medius dies; D antiqui non R in 
hoc dicebant, ut Praeneste incisum in solario vidi.’ 


30 ON THE LATIN ACCENT. IV. I, 2. 


CHAPTER IV. 
On THE Latin ACCENT. 


1.] * Accentus’ (says Servius) ‘est certa lex et regula ad ele- 
vandam et deprimendam syllabam uniuscuiusque particulae ora- 
tionis' (De Acc. 2, 3, ap. Corssen, ii. p. 796). This, and many 
other passages of the grammarians, show that the ancient 
accent was by no means, as with us, a stress laid upon one 
syllable of a word, but the pronunciation of that syllable on a 
higher or lower note than the rest of the word; that it was 
in fact a musical not a quantitative symbol. The same thing 
is perhaps more strikingly shown by the Greek name for accent, 
npoowdla. 

2.| The laws of the Latin accent are very simple, though 
probably unknown as /aws to many English scholars who are 
familiar with the rules of Greek accentuation. The reason of 
this no doubt is that in English we have preserved the accent 
pretty correctly in our pronunciation. The rules for Latin 
accent as known to the grammarians, and as usual in classical 
Latin, may be expressed in a very few words. 

(1.) Monosyllables are circumflexed when the vowel is long 
by nature, and acute when it is short, just as in Greek: as 
rés, cór. 

(2.) Disyllables are always accented on the first syllable, cir- 
cumflexed when that vowel is long by nature and the last 
syllable is also short, as Réma, dónum ; but in other cases always 
acute, as Rémae, démus. 

(3.) Polysyllables depend for their accent on the quantity of 
the penultimate, not of the last syllable; when that is long 
they follow the rule for disyllables, when it is short they have 
an acute accent on the antepenuliimate; as facies, ultima, cécidi ; 
cecidi, pudícus. 








IV. 3, 4. ON THE LATIN ACCENT. 31 


(4.) The rule for enclitics is that the accent falls on the 
syllable nearest to the enclitic; e.g. armdque, omniáve, armisque, 
tantáne. 

(5.) Prepositions, relative pronouns, ete. lose their accent; as 
"Troiae qui primus ab óris They are in fact drawn into the 
same word, and so are often written; e. g. post Ade or post- 
hdc, dum tázat or dumtázat, praeter ea or praeteréa, but in no 
ease are they accented. The following prepositions are found 
written in one word, with their cases, in the inscriptions of 
the age of the Republic (C. I. L. i.), 4» no less than 118 times, 
a or ab 15 times, ad and de 9 times, e or ez 6 times, 0d once. 
Besides which we have nequis 27 times, seiquis 11 times, quodie 
3 times, and others. 

3.| Thus we see that Latin differed from Greek in its dislike 
of accenting final syllables, and in making the penultimate, not 
the ultimate syllable, important for polysyllables. No words but 
monosyllables are accented on the last vowel except where the 
original final syllable has been lost by omission or contraction ; 
as credén’, vidén’, tllic(e), nostrd(ti)s, damnds. 

4.| This usage in Latin, which disallows the accent on the 
last syllable, has been of great influence in shortening the long 
final vowels with which Latin, like Greek, was at first burdened, 
and in hastening the general decay sof terminations, especially 
in the vulgar language. From the influence of the accent 
probably it is that the final vowels a, e, o became short in 
such words as forma, patre, censor, which we find long in 
the Epitaphs of the Scipios, and to a great extent in the 
dramatists. 

From those epitaphs we get the following instances of archaic 
long vowels afterwards shortened by the accent : 


Elogium Scipionis Barbati :— 
* Gnaivód patré prognátus fórtis vir sapiénsque. 
consól censór aidílis queí futt apüd vos.’ And ii. 4, 
* subigit omné Loucánam ópsidésque abdoücit.' 

El. ii:— 
‘Mors pérfecít tua ut éssent ómnid brévia 
Honós famd virtásque glória átque ingénium.’ 
* terrd, Publi, prognátum Püblió, Cornéli.' 


32 ON THE LATIN ACCENT. Iv. 5, 6. 


El. iv :— 
‘Quoief vitd defécit nón honós honóre!. 


So Epitaph of Naevius :— 
‘Tidque póstquam 'st O'rci tr&ditis thesaüro.' 


Epitaph of Plautus :— 
* Scaena ’st desertá: dein Risus Ludus locusqve.' 


And see further under the heads of the different cases and verbal 
terminations. 

All these and many more became short in earlier and later 
Latin, where we find even the a in such words as /frustra, extra, 
and the o in the first person of many verbs made short, till we 
come to the aecentual poetry of the fourth and fifth cen- 
turies. 

5.] In the same way the accent has tended to the abolition 
of many final vowels altogether, either when standing alone or 
in combination with a weak consonant. This has taken place 
very frequently in nouns of the o and consonantal declensions ; 
e. g. in magister(os), vir(os), vigil(ts), exul(is), ete., while in many 
other cases the s is left but the vowel before it has fallen out ; 
e.g. den(ti)s, men(ti)s, nostra(ti)s, fron(di). The rule is that 
where a liquid precedes, the s is lost, as vigil(ts); but that a 
dental coalesces with the s, as in /fron(dz)s, frons, etc. So that 
it is impossible to tell at once whether a stem is consonantal 
or ended in -¢ without knowing the genitive plural. 

6.| In the same way the ? or e of neuter nominatives fell 
away in animal) cochlear(e), lact(?) etc. Many words have 
both the longer and the shorter form, and so s/ and w/. E 


! T do not quote the line 
— 'quoius forma virtutei parisuma fuit; 
because I do not scan it (with Bücheler and others) 
* quoiás forma virtátel párisumá fuit.’ 

The objection to this is that it makes the $ of the superlative suffix short, 
a measure of which we have no examples, and which is contrary to the probable 
derivation of this suffix -¢s, from the comparative suffix -(ós. We should perhaps scan 

*quofus fórma vfrtutef parísuma fdit;' 
on the analogy of ¢llius, unius, etc. (Compare Corssen, Kr. Beitr. p. 544; see 
below, pron. decl., chap. xiii, and notes on the inscription iteelf.) 











Iv. 7. ON THE LATIN ACCENT. 33 


is also frequently lost, e. g. in imperatives dic(e), fac(e), fer(e) ; 
and in the pronouns 4e(e), tlic(e), etc., neu(e), nec(e), gue-n(e), 
si-n(e). 

7.| Most of these instances can be explained by the ordinary 
rules of the Latin accent, but there are many others which do not 
harmonise with it; e.g. victriz for vict(o)riz, where the long 
syllable o is lost, and that the one which generally has the 
accent. So di(w)5, crep(a)ui, nec(a)ut, su(buo)rsum, gau(1)deo, 
‘guer(3)tia; and the shortening of many syllables, hominis for 
 Aomóonis, fidéi for fidei, cognitus, agnitus from notus, peicro from 
4uro, m all of which the syllable has been lost or shortened 
which ought, according to modern rules, to have been accented. 
The inference from this is that the rule of accentuation must 
.have once been freer than at present, and that the accent was 
not (in fact) bound to the last three syllables of the word, or 
dependent on the quantity of the penultimate. What the earliest 
rule was has hardly yet been discovered. (See, for further details, 
Corssen, ii. pp. 892-906.) 


34 . FORMATION OF WORDS. — V. I. 


CHAPTER V. 


FoRMATION OF Wokrps. 


1.] Arr languages seem originally to begin with a number 
of monosyllabic sounds or roots, many of which we can explain 
as onomatopoeic, while others seem to defy our power of con- 
jecture. It is not our purpose here to try to divine their origin, 
but to show how out of them the Latin language arose. 

It wil be worth while to state very briefly what are the 
various processes of formation which the widest analysis of 
human speech has revealed to us. "There are three great types 
of language—to adopt the system and notation proposed by 
Schleicher—naturally distinguished according to their manner 
of using these roots or formative elements to express concrete 
ideas. 

(1.) The roots remain separate and distinct, as in what may be 
called the Isolating languages. Supposing AZ to stand for root, 
r for a subordinate root, the separate root A or this + a sub- 
ordinate root, without any modification, represent the form of the 
word in these languages, i.e. A or R+r. Taking, for instance, 
the roots 2, ‘to go,’ ma, 1st personal pronoun, ‘I go’ would be 
in such languages i ma. Instances of these languages are 
Chinese, Siamese, Annamite, — 

(2.) The principal root remains the same, but it receives 
an addition in the form of a changeable prefix (p), suffix (s), 
or infix (i); and thus we reach a higher stage in the formation 
of language. The form of a word in these—such as Finnish, 
Tatar, Basque, Bantu, and very many others, in fact the greatest 


number of languages existing—will be As or pk 8, l.e. t-ma 
or 1-73, the principal root ? never changing. This type may be 
called the agglutinative. 

(3.) The highest type regularly alters the principal root 
for the purposes of expression, and hence these languages are 
called Inflectional. Preserving the same notation, instead of AZ 





Y. 2. FORMATION OF WORDS. 35 


these languages employ AZ* (i.e. R!, R?, etc.) with or without 
prefixes and suffixes. 

We are acquainted with two great classes of such languages, 
the Semitic, and the Aryan or Indo-Germanic. The first has 
several forms unknown to the second, e.g. R* or pE* ; for in 
the latter 2 s—that is, modified root + suffix—is the only form 
known. Thus, using the same elements, we get ai-m or el-ut 
as the typical form in Indo-Germanic. 

It must be noticed, however, that, though 2s is the general 
symbol, it represents exactly but a small part of any language. 
Very few words comparatively are so simple in form as et-ju, 
dw (on-s), e8-t, lex (leg-s), etc. The roo? constantly developes into 
a stem (according to the usual metaphor); that is, is not only 
alterable itself, but is constantly followed by one or more pro- 
nominal roots or suffixes, besides the final suffix ; e. g. ora-ré-s, 
$op-r-Kó-s$, Tu$-Üf-co-nai; doc-tu-s, doc-t-i8-si-mu-8, am-av-is-ti. 
Lastly, two or more complete stems may be compounded, as 
Aoyo-ypádo-s, suavi-loguen-s. In dealing then with the accidence 
of these languages we speak of stems rather than roots, meaning 
thereby complete forms of words minus the final suffix. 

2.| Latm is one of the dialects of this class, belonging, ac- 
cording to Schleicher's division, to the South-western European 
division together with the Greek and Keltic languages. 

In these, as in other Aryan languages, there are only two 
sorts or kinds of words distinguished as verb and noun. All 
adverbs, conjunctions, and prepositions must originally have 
belonged to one or other class, though it 18 not of course always 
possible to determine the original form. Thus in Latin son is 
for xe unum, and ne or nei is in itself a case form; que is perhaps 
the neuter plural quae, perhaps an ablative =que-d; cé-do is an 
imperative =‘ give here, and so on. 

In practice it is customary as well as convenient to consider 
Nouns before Verbs; but there are some indications that they 
were originally developed in inverse order. "This is inferred from 
the facts, (1.) that the terminations of verbs are so much more 
worn out than those of nouns, none of them remaining perfect ; 
(2.) that there are no attempts at denotation of gender in verbal 
terminations. In treating of accidence, however, it will be easier 
to begin in the ordinary way. 

. D 2 


36 NOUNS. DENOTATION OF GENDER. VI. I, 2. 


CHAPTER VI. 
N 0 UNS. DeEnotaTion or GENDER. 


1.] TERE are three elements in the declension of nouns— 
‘Gender, Number, and Case. 

First, of Gender. 

The denotation of gender is not an original part of declension 
inasmuch as it is evidently an effort of the imagination to transfer 
distinctions of sex to inanimate things, and there are, as we 
shall see, many signs of incompleteness in the way in which 
it is carried out. Nevertheless, the triple division as regards 
gender seems to have been made before the separation of the 
Indo-Germanic family, seeing that the same modes are in use 
in so many different languages. 

2.] The cognate suffixes denoting gender in Latin, as in other 
languages, are s for masculines and feminines, and » and d for 
neuters. But even in Latin a good many words appear without 
suffixes. In many cases the suffix has been absorbed or could not 
be preserved in accordance with the rules of Latin phonology. 
Absorption has taken place in Latin in masculine and feminine 
stems ending in e, and neuters in e, 7, v, especially as final s 
and m are very easily dropped in Latin. The rules of phonology 
forbid the addition of the suffix (m) to neuter stems in /, n, r, 
s, c, £. But no reason of this kind can be alleged to explain 
why masculines in /, *, 7 have no suffix, e. g. sol, ren, fur; 
while stems like puls, mens, frons, sors have it. Sanguis and 
pollis for sanguin-s, pollin-s are of course exceptions. The pro- 
bability therefore is that all nouns were originally without a 
suffix of gender—which, it must be remembered, appears chiefly 
or almost entirely in the nominative case alone—and that the 


vi 3-5. NOUNS. DENOTATION OF GENDER. 37 


suffixes spread gradually till they occupied almost but not 
entirely the various classes of nouns. It is of course also ques- 
tionable whether many of those stems, which are generally 
quoted as subject to loss, ever had the suffixes at all. There are 
said to be moreover many classes of nouns in Sanskrit which 
have no suffixes, and Greek and Latin, with much that is com- 
mon, do not agree altogether on these points. In Greek uéAas, 
krels, deA@is, etc. have the suffix, which the masculine participle 
has not, e. g. $épev; while in Latin just the converse is the case, 
ren, oscen, ete. being without it aud ferens with it. 

8.] When, however, the suffixes were added they appear at 
first to have indicated only a twofold division—one, that is to 
say, of persons and things rather than of genders proper. This 
seems to be proved by the fact that -s is the original suffix 
for feminines as well as masculines, that is, for personal as opposed 
to real declension. 

The meaning of the suffixes is probably beyond our power to 
attain to. Perhaps the -s suffix may be the same as the pronoun 
sa, ‘he. The -m of the neuter appears to be the same as the 
suffix for the accusative case: the Z in Latin is confined to pro- 
nouns and pronominal words, as ho(d)c(e), quid, aliud. 

4.] There are nevertheless in Latin, as in Greek, some neuter 
substantives that have the personal suffix, as virus, volgus, as 
well as all neuters singular of participles, and adjectives like 

feliz. Many neuters consist merely of the naked stem without 
any suffix, as vetus, pectus ; triste, cornu; differing from the other 
genders in this respect that they alone can end in the vowels e, vw. 
None, however, end in -a and -2 except Greek words like acroama, 
sinapi, and none in -o. Neuter plurals, however, invariably end 
in -# (originally -4) and so far are perfectly distinguished, 

5.] The differentiation by suffix being incomplete, other methods 
were resorted to, especially to distinguish the personal gender 
into masculine and feminine. There can be no question that 
this was carried out in a very arbitrary and uncertain manner. 
In fact the whole matter of the denotation of gender is one 
of the clumsiest and least satisfactory processes of ancient lan- 
guage; and we may reckon ourselves fortunate in having got 
rid of it in English, except for purposos of poetry or to express 
real distinction of sex. 


38 NOUNS. DENOTATION V1. 6, 7. 


(1.) The general rule is that the vowel at the end of the stem 
is raised from short to long for the feminine. Thus we have 
in old Latin regularly forma, famá, as well as nubes, res, parallel 
to the Greek 8(xy, xadxj. But we have also as exceptions poeta, 
scribà, beside inndrns and veavías ; and in the feminine the short 
vowel in domiis, anis, and in Greek ó8ós, 9póaos, etc. 

This distinction (such as it is) seems to have arisen before the 
separation of the Aryan languages, being common to a good 
many dialects. Another of the same period is the reservation 
of the genitive singular in -sya, Greek -ow, to masculines and 
neuters, and that in -s to feminines in the case of a stems. 
Thus, (zzos has genitive {rnoow, Ümrmow, Ümrov, while xópa 
makes xdpas. The same thing probably took place in Latin, all 
genitives in a-s being from feminine substantives ; as familias, 
terras, escas, monetas, ete. 

6.| (2.) After separation, the feminine is distinguished by 
retaining the older form of the stem!, in the case generally of -a 
stems, without the suffix. Thus we have zova, acri-s, beside 
movo-s, acer; and in the first case the suffix is dropped, though 
it is retained in instances like downs, etc., where the vowel has 
not been heightened to à. 

Besides this there are minor peculiarities adapted arbitrarily 
to this purpose. The proper dative form is retained, for instance, 
in the feminine equabus, filiabus, libertabus, to distinguish them 
from the masculines equis, etc.; and again, the -s of the com- 
parative stem is changed to -r for the masculine and not for the 
. neuter, though we have such things as bellum posterior, foedus 

prior, quoted from old writers to show that there was originally 
no distinction. (See below, Comparison of Adjectives, ch. xi.) 

7.| (3. Lastly, special stems are formed for particular genders, 
or reserved for them. Thus we have regin-a, gallin-a, victric-s 


1 The originality of the vowel a in many stems which have afterwards generally 
changed to o is particularly apparent in the adverbs. Thus we get the locative 
pra-i, prae; the ablatives contra, extra, ita, aliuta, longe, bene, etc.; and the 
accusatives quam, tam, nam, etc., which imply no feminine idea. In Oscan a 
contrary process has taken place to that obeerved in Latin. The full termination 
is retained for masculines, e.g. Mdpas, Tanas; while feminines end in o, wu; as 
allo famelo = illa familia, muiniku (= communis), teremnit (= terminus). (Momm- 
sen, Unterit. Dialekt. p. 227.) * 


VI. 7. OF GENDER. 39 


(but victricia neuter) and all stems ending in :ó0w- and /al- 
feminine; just as in Greek 7d¢ia, ddretpa, avAnrpB-, AvKawa, etc. 
The termination -or is likewise reserved for masculines, except 
in the cases of soror, uzor, which declare themselves, and those 
exceptional neuters to which we have just referred. ; 

This seems all that can be said generally with reference to 
the denotation of gender: a number of special empirical rules 
would be out of place here; but some will be found under the 
different declensions, On the whole nothing is so complete and 
effectual as the old Propria quae maribus, which it is to be hoped 
modern teachers will not entirely drop, or will resuscitate where 
it has been dropped. 





40 NOUNS. NUMBER AND CASE. VII. 1-3. 


CHAPTER VII. 
NOUNS. NuMBER AND Case. 


1.] Tux only distinction of number in Latin is that between 
one and more than one. There is no dual except in the two forms 
duo and ambo, and duo sometimes loses its dual form, becoming 
duos, duas in masculine and feminine, and even dua in the 
neuter; ambos and ambas are also found. 

The distinction of the plural from the singular will be best 
considered under the cases. 

2.] The case system in Latin is formed by a selection from the 
common system of the Aryan languages, with the addition of 
a few peculiar suffixes. The same suffixes have not adhered to 
all stems alike, some being preserved for one and some for an- 
other, and they have been variously modified by coalescing with 
the termination of the stem. Hence it is that we get different 
declensions distinguished according to the termination of the 
stem; though the difference in Latin is considerably less than 
it is in Greek. 

8.| The original number of cases, or rather the number of case 
suffixes in common use before the Aryan nations separated, was 
eight, not including the vocative, which may be considered 
merely as an interjection consisting of the stem without suffix. 
These were :— 


Singular. Plural. Dual. 

1. Nominative. 1. Nominative. 1, 2. Nom. Acc. 
2. Accusative, 2. Accusative. 

Vocative. 
3. Ablative. 3. Genitive. 3. 4. Gen. Loc. 
4. Genitive. | 4. Locative. 
5. Locative. 5. 6. Dat. Abl. ! 5. 6. 7. Dat. Abl. Ins. 
6. Dative. | 7. Instrumental. 
*. Instrumental, I. ° 
8. Instrumental, IT. 


VII. 4. NOUNS. NUMBER AND CASE. 41 


The tendency of language has been to lessen this number of 
cases, by melting differing forms into one, or by making one 
form do double duty. So in Greek the ablative has been lost 
in the genitive; the dative and locative have coalesced ; while 
in Homer the instrumental form is made to stand for either 
genitive or dative, and is soon after altogether lost. In Latin, 
in like manner, the genitive in three declensions is supplied by 
the locative form in eommon use, and the dative and ablative 
most frequently coalesce. There are no traces of either instru- 
mental in Latin. 

It will be seen that the plural is ordinarily but not universally 
formed by adding -s to the singular case suffix, and that this 
had a tendency to drop away. 

4.] It may be worth while to give a tabular statement of the 
oldest case suffixes, omitting those of the dual which have no 
bearing upon Latin. (Chiefly from Schleicher and Ferrar.) 


I. NOMINATIVE. 


Sing. M.F. -8, often lost in Latin or not added. 

N. -t or -d; or -m=accusative ; or naked stem. _ 
Plw. M.F. -sa8 or -sasa; gen. reduced to as: Latin -s: in 

| 2 decl. 1. 
N. Originally à like accusative. 
2. ACCUSATIVE. 

Sing. M.F. -m in vowel, -am in consonantal stems: Lat. m,em. 

N. Like nominative. 


Plur. M.F. -ms or -ns, perfect in Gothic vocalic stems, but 
-m or -n is lost in Greek and Latin, and the 
stem-vowel lengthened in compensation. 


3. ABLATIVE. 


Sing. M.F.N. -é vowel stems, -at consonantal: Greek adverbs 
in -es : Latin -d in all declensions. 
Plur. 5» Like dative. 


4. GENITIVE. 
Sing. M.F.N. -sor-as: Latin -as, -os, -us, -e8, -is. 
Plur. M.F. N. Originally -as-am-s, becoming -asám, -sám, -ám : 
Latin -om, -rom: Greek -wy, -acov. 


42 NOUNS. NUMBER . . VI. 5. 


5. Locative. 


Sing. M.F.N. Originally -an, -in in pronominal declension ; 
ordinarily -¢ (Latin genitive in -t). 

Plu. M. F. N. -sva: Sanskrit -susu or -su: Greek -o1, -cos: 
Latin = dative and ablative plural in -zs. 


6. DaTivE. 
Sing. M.F.N. -at (perhaps guna of locative): Latin -ei, -i, 
pronominal bhi-am: Latin -bet, -d7. 
Plur. bhyam-s: Latin -büs ; in pronouns -beis, -bis. 


4. INSTRUMENTAL, I (comitative). 


Sing. -G, perhaps Greek dp-a, dix-a. 


8. INSTRUMENTAL, II (proper). 


Sing. -bhi, Greek -du. 
Plur. . -bhi-s, Greek -d« or -$w. 


There are besides special case forms, as the Latin locative of 
motion in -im, as olim, illim, dein-de, tllin-c. The adverbial 
forms in -/us and -ter are doubtful. The Umbrian accusative 
in -f is quite unique. 

5.] In Latin the stems of nouns end in the vowels a, e, o, v, 2, 
and a number of consonants, There is therefore, according 
to the circumstances mentioned above, a separate declension for 
each of the vowels and one for the consonants. But the -i 
declension combines very closely with the consonantal, so that 
there may be said to be on the whole five, answering in fact 
to the time-honoured five of our old school-books. The old 
division is thus correct as far as it goes, but it does not seem 
arranged in right order. They should rather be treated in pairs, 
the a and e forming one, the o and w another, and the third pair 
being for practical purposes one!. The reasons for thus pairing 


1 We may remark that the declenston character may always be known by the 
genitive plural in Latin, which is the only case that preserves the stem-ending 
always intact. According to the convenient doggrel, 


* Declension characters are those that come 
In genitives before the -um or -rum.’ 


vir. 6, 7. AND CASE. 43 


the declensions arise from their general similarity, which will 
appear in the following pages!. 

6.| The division of cases here adopted, in which the locative 
is always distinguished from the other case forms, has not, I 
believe, been carried out in any extant Latin Grammar, though 
Mr. Roby has effected it partially. But it seems rational, since 
(1) it is impossible to separate the forms acknowledged to be 
locatives in each declension from the other similar forms with 
a genitive, dative, or ablative meaning ; and (2) in no other way 
could the parallelism of each declension be so well exhibited. 


7.) PARADIGM OF GENDERS IN THE DECLENSIONS. 

A declension. Masculine and feminine substantives, and feminine 
adjectives. 

E » Feminine substantives (one masculine and one com- 
mon). 

O » Masculine and neuter, substantives and adjectives ; 
some feminine substantives. 

U » Masculine and neuter substantives ; some feminine sub- 


stantives, and adjectival compounds of manus (1). 
I » \ Masculine, feminine and neuter, substantives and 
Consonantal. adjectives. 


' Mr. Roby makes two divisions: (1) nouns with stems ending in -a, -¢, or -o; 
(2) nouns with stems ending in -w, -4, or a consonant. But this, though con- 
venient in some points, separates unnecessarily the -o and -u declensions, and 
requires a number of subdivisions. The division into three pairs classes together 
those only that are really nearest, and requires only the simplest subdivisions. 
The real analogy of the declensions is seen by taking the oldest forms as the 


starting-point, not by giving them as an appendix. 


44 THE A AND E DECLENSIONS. VII. I. 


CHAPTER VIII. 





I. Toe 4 AND £ DECLENSIONS. 


1.] Tnrsx declensions have originally the same terminations, à 
good many words belonging to both; but they become differ- 
entiated in their later forms, especially in the nominative, dative, 
and ablative plural. 'The vocative, singular and plural, in both 
is like the nominative. 


PARADIGM. 





(Rarer forms are enclosed in round brackets, those in square brackets are 
not actually found but necessarily inferred.) 


Terminations of the Terminations of the 
A declension. E declension. 
Sing. Old Form. Later Form. Old Form. Later Form. 
Nominative . A, (A-s), 4. E-s, é-s. 
Accusative. . A-m, a-m. E-m, e-m. 
Genitive. . . A-s, (A-is), (a-es, es 1). E-s. 
Loc. (Gen.. .  A-i, ae. E-i, 6-t. 
Dative . . . Ad, ae. E-i, e-i. 
Ablative . . A-d, à. [E-d] ^e 
Plur. 
Nominative . (A-s%), A-i, ae. E-g, ' 6-8, 
Accusative. .  Á-s, a-a. E-s, e-8. | 
Genitive . . i ned \ a-rum,(-dm). | [E-rom], e-rum. | 
Loc. (Dat. Ab.) Adis, is. 
Dative, Ablat. [A-bos], (a-bus). [E-bos], e-bus. . 


2.] Pecularities of the A declension. All the words of this 
declension are either masculine or feminine, the majority the 


VIII. 2—4. THE A AND E DECLENSIONS. 45 


latter. In this respect also it is similar to the -é declension, all 
instances of which are feminine except one. 

Nominative singular. Both masculines and feminines of this 
declension want the suffix, but there is some evidence that the 
masculines once had it. We find not only the Oscan praenomina 
Mápas (Marius), Zanas, but in Latin paricidas, hosticapas. The 
first occurs in the law of Numa (ap. Fest. Ep. v. parrici), * Si qui 
hominem liberum dolo sciens morti duit, paricidas esto, and 
the second also in Fest. Ep. s. v. * Aosticapas hostium captor.’ 

Final s was easily lost in Latin, and so it is in some Greek 
nouns of the same declension, e)pvónád, vedeAgyepérá, Vmmora. 
The feminine termination was originally 4, (of which we have 
given some instances in chapter iv. § 4, cp. vi. § 5,) but it was 
shortened probably by the influence of the accent, and partly 
perhaps owing to the necessities of poetry. In the dialects the 
@ is changed to & and even o; Umbrian etantu, multu, svepu, 
&vepo — siqua ; Oscan etanto, vii. 

9.] Accusative. The final m is often lost in early Latin in 
this as in other cases; e.g. El. Scip. Barb., C. 30:— 


* Taurásiá(m) Cisafina(m) Sámnió cépit, 
Subigít omné(m) Loucánam ópsidésque abdodcit ;’ 


(and see above, chapter iii. $ 19, under the letter); and so espe- 
cially in Umbrian, and less frequently in Oscan. 

4.] Genitive. The original genitive was probably a-s, not a-is. 
The only early instance of the latter termination a-zs is the 
name Prosepnais (C. I. L. 3. 57, P. L. M. i. F.) on a mirror found 
at Cosa. On the other hand, we have familias in constant use, 
and a number of other obsolete forms, such as escas, monetaa, 
Latonas (Liv. Andron., Odyss.), terras, fortunae (Naev. B. P. 1), 
vias (Enn. Ann. xvii.), au/ae, Maias, aquas, * veteres! ap. Charis, 
(Exe. p. 538 K, Corssen, Ausspr. i. p. 769). Others may perhaps 
be found in Plautus, but are as yet not fully substantiated (cp. 
Corssen, ii. p. 722, note). Another termination in -aes occurs 
frequently in inscriptions from B.c. 80 onwards, but it is confined 
almost exclusively to proper names, and chiefly to the names 
of slaves and libertinae. As the subject has been frequently 
disputed it may be worth while to give some lists of these 
genitives, and of the contracted or shorter forms in -es. 


46 


of 


THE 4 AND #£ DECLENSIONS. VIII. 4. 


C. I. L. i. Index, p. 603, a :— 
Aquilliaes, 1025. 


Dianaes, 1242. Dianes, Aug. 15. 
Laudicaes, 1212. Minerves, Mart. 21. 
Moscaes, 1063. Monimes, 623. 


Pesceniaes, 1212. 
C. I. L. ii. Index, p. 779, a :— 
Staiaes Ampliataes, 4975, 60. ^ Actes, 2079. 
Myrines, 3912. 
Trophimes, 4369. 
Valentines, 4379. 
C. I. L. iv. Index, p. 257 b :— 
Cominiaes, 2457. 
Equitiaes, 1825. 
Januariaes, 2233. 
Liviaes, 3123. 
lunaes, *1 306. *¥1.e. very doubtful. 
Nolaes, 1972? 
Plantaes, 2655, 2656. 


Reinesius, Syntagma Inscriptionum, Ind. ch. xix :— 
Arescusaes, Agricoles. 
Auctaes. Basilices. 
Basilaes. Hygines. 
Macedonianes. 
Macedonies. 
Montanes. 
Philtates. 
Valentines. 
The whole list has been given in each case, though it may be 
course that the index (especially of Reinesius) is imperfect. 
The character of these lists is self-evident. Besides the doubt- 


ful word dunaes, the only others not proper names that have 
been quoted are dominaes, Bullet d. Inst. Rom. 1861, p. 178; 
vernaes, Fabr. 296, 258 (quoted by Corssen, i. 685). Annonaes, 
also adduced from Fabretti 312, 366, may be a proper name of 


a goddess (compare Grut. 81, 10, Annonae Sanctae, Orell. 1810); 
provincies also occurs in a late Roman inscription, Grut. 526, 6 ; 
Henzen, 6817. 


VII. 5. THE A AND £ DECLENSIONS. 47 


Considering then the peculiar character of the nouns in which 
this form occurs, and the lateness of its appearance, and, on the 
other hand, that the form PRosEPNAIS is quite isolated and existe 
only on a work of art, the origin of which is unknown to us, 
it seems reasonable to conclude that the form in -a2s or -aes is a 
Graecism. On the other hand, the shorter form in -ae is of 
fairly frequent occurrence in old Latin, and is found as -ae or -ar 
in the dialects, which on their part show no trace of a longer 
suffix. Thus we find, Umbrian, tutas, Ijuvinas, famerias ; totar, 
Ijovinar, etc. : Oscan, moltas, maimas, vereias, eituas: Sabellian, 
Jovias (Corssen, i. pp. 769, 770). 

5.] Locative. Bopp is of opinion that the genitive in -a-2, -ae 
is locative in form, and so it would seem probably to be. Corssen 
has lately come to the conclusion that it is a shortened genitive 
different from the form in a-s, and originally ending in -ó-ias, 
perhaps a modification of the termination -sja. This, he says, 
became -a-te through loss of the s, and assimilation of za to ie, 
and then a-? through contraction (li. p. 721, last edition). This 
is substantiated by a comparison of the Sanskrit agvd-jas; and 
it is argued that the locative meaning is not found in the ald 
forms in à-?, which occur almost exclusively in abstract sub- 
stantives. On the other hand, we have not a vestige of this 
complex process of change in any Latin monument, and it is not 
at all conclusive to argue that because the locative sense is not 
usually found with this supposed locative form, it is not origin- 
ally a locative termination. 

The same thing might be said against the instrumental form 
-$x in Homer, which is quite as often or oftener genitive or 
dative in sense. And though the idea of place is not the com- 
monest, the Cista Ficoroniana certainly presente us with one un- 
doubted old locative in the words ‘med Roma: fecid.’ On the 
whole, it seems simplest to conclude that this is a locative in 
form though generally in sense a genitive. Instances of it are 
found from the earliest times to Vergil. About the time of the 
Gracchi the contraction of a; to ae became general, and we find 
indeed Lucretius using both indifferently, but the form in -a; 
was no doubt with him, as with Vergil, an archaism. In vulgar 
Latin -ae constantly becomes e. 

6.] Dative. The ending, like that of the former case, is in 


48 THE A AND Z DECLENSIONS. ° vin. 6-8. 


Latin originally d-7, usually contracted in classical times to -ae. 
In the old language it is even shortened to -a, as notably in the 
Pisauran inscriptions, C. 167 sqq., Feronia, Loucina, Marica, 
Matuta; and in Minerva (194), Fortuna (1133 fr. Praeneste), and 
Iunone |.Loucina| Tuscolana (1200, 1201, fr. Capua): On the 
other hand, it becomes -e in Fortune (Tit. Fur. 64), Diane (168), 
Victorie (183), Vesune Erinie (182), and others ; and in later Latin 
this becomes very common. None of the early instances of either 
-a or -e are from Rome itself. 

7.] Ablative in -d. This seems to have been the universal 
termination in all Latin declensions, and instances are found in 
all except in the -e declension. Thus we have praidad (Tit. 
Fur. twice), sententiad (S. C. Baech.), Hinnad (C. 530, v.c. 211), 
suprad, extrad; Gnaivod ; senatud, magistratud ; marid, dictatored ; 
and cp. sed (adv.), red-, prod, facilumed. The latest inscription 
in whieh it is found is probably the S. C. de Bacchanalibus, 
B.C. 186, v.c. 568. Plautus is thought by Ritschl to have used 
it or not at pleasure. (Ritschl, Neue Plaut. Exc. i. p. 106; see, 
however, Corssen, ii. p. 10078q.) The letter seems to have been 
added to other cases of the personal pronouns by false analogy, 
as Med Romai Secid, inter sed, etc. See below, on the Personal 
Pronouns, chap. xii. §§ 5 and 10. 

8.] The a always remained long except in some cases of poetic 
licence in the adverbs, both in early and later writers. Thus 
Plautus seems always to scan frustrá. Cp. juatd (Catullus, Ixvi. 
66), frustrá, (Mart. i. 92, 21, Prudent. [ept Dre. i. 13), contrá 
(Prud. ib. v. 145, Auson. Praefatiuneula ad Theodos. 16, and 
others in Lucian Müller, De Re Metrica, p. 341). To these we 
may add two of contré from Ennius, about which there can be no 
reasonable doubt, though they are altered by Vahlen (see note 
on Enn. Ann. 181) ; ap. Serv. ad Aen. viii. 361,— 

‘Contrd carinantes verba atque obscena profatus,’ 
and ap. Varronem L. L. vii. 12,— 
‘Quis pater aut cognatus volet nos contrd tueri t 

which Vahlen (following Ritschl) puts into the Tragedies (v. 444), 
though it is evidently from the Annals, and turns into iambies 
by the transposition of 20s to after guis. In Valerius Flaccus viii. 
34, and Manil. ii. 253, we find conrá in some editions and MSS. ; 
but the first should certainly, the second probably, be emended. 


vin. 9. THE 4 AND £ DECLENSIONS. 49 


9.] Nominative plural. This should end, according to analogy, 
in a-s. The only instance quoted by the old grammarians is 
a line from an Atellan Fable by Pomponius of Bologna, pre- 
served by Nonius ( Ribbeck, Com. Lat. Fr. Pomp. 141), ‘accusa- 
tivus pro nominativo :'— 


‘Quot laetitias insperatas modo mi inrepsere in sinum." 


Ritschl has, however, ventured to introduce the form into his 
new edition of the Trinummus, I. 539, ed. 1871— 
‘Nam fulguritae sunt alternas arbores, 

to avoid the hiatus produced by a/fernae. W. Wagner, criticis- 
ing this in the Academy, ii. 407, and in his introduction to the 
play, observes that the line of Pomponius should be punctuated 

‘Quot laetitias insperatas! modo mi inrepsere in sinum, 
and that there are other instances of the hiatus before a cretic, 
such as that in the Trinummus. 

I have certainly not met with any other instance in Latin 
literature or inscriptions, except in a rather barbarous inscription 
of late but uncertain date, recording the repairs of St. Paul’s 
‘fuori le mura,’ and there existing, where we read :—‘ zovavit 
ee picturae quas in ruinis era(n)t totas e¢ ¢ectu(m) cum 
tegulas, (No. 1995 of Mr. Parker's Roman Photographs). But 
this, if not a mere slip, 1s probably like the Spanish use of the ac- 
eusative for nominative. The form MATRONA, of the Pisauran 
inscription, cannot be appealed to with certainty either as an 
instance of the termination a-(s) or a-(?), as both letters are 
equally evanescent at the end of words in Latin. On the other 
hand, the assumption of -as as the original form is supported 
by the dialects, e.g. Umbrian wrtas, totas = ortae, urbes; Osc. 
aasas, scriftas = arae, scriptae; Sabell. asignas, aviatas. 

If, however, the termination in a-s was the original in Latin 
as well as in the other dialects, it is difficult to see by what 
process the ordinary termination in a-i, a-e, Greek at, arose. 
Various theories have been suggested, none of which are con- 
clusive. The best appears to be that a similar process takes 
place here to that which we shall observe in the pronominal 
declension, chap. xiii. In pronouns with gender, both in Latin 
and Oscan, as well as to some extent in Greek and in Sanskrit, 
and in the Teutonic languages, we find an increase of the stem 

E 


50 THE A AND E DECLENSIONS. X vim. 10-13. 


with +, by which, to take the simplest instances, the nominative 
singular becomes * quo-i, quei, qui; qua-i, quae; and the plural 
in the same way, gut; quae; quae. Cp. Osc. pa-t, pa-e ; Goth. 
that; Eng. they. This pronominal 2 seems to be added by 
analogy to plural nominatives in the @ and o declensions of 
nouns. In the a declension there may have been at one time 
two parallel terminations in a-s and a-zs. Matrona is perhaps - 
a truncated form of the first; while the ordinary a-i, ae would 
represent the second (see further, chap. ix. $ 9). 

10.] The Accusative plural is formed alike in all declensions 
with s. We find no trace of the ” of the original suffix, except 
perhaps in the -ss in Oscan, e. g. ekase, viass, teremniss, etc., and 
in the constant length of the vowel in Latin. The Umbrian 
accusative in this and other declensions has a peculiar term- 
ination in f^; as vitlaf = vitulas, anglaf = oscines(?). (Cp. A. 
K. I. p. 113.) 

1l.] Genitive plural. The ending -om or -um is sometimes 
contracted with the stem vowel, a-om or a-um becoming -m in 
Caelicolím, Graiugenüm, and in the Greek words drachmim, 
amphorím, just as -d-wy is contracted in Greek into -év. The 
other and common ending in a-rum is represented by a-zum in 
Oscan, an indication that the r was originally s. "The final m 
in both is often lost. 

12.] The Loeative form in -is, contracted from a-is, has become 
the ordinary dative and ablative plural. A peculiar form of it 
in -as is found in one inscription, which, if it does not explain 
the formation of the nominative, shows that the converse change 
of az to a is not unexampled in Latin. It is, however, the only 
instance of the form. It reads DEVAS | coRNisCAs | SACRVM. 
(C. 814.) The same case becomes -e/* and even -es in early 
Latin, as in /aboleis, scribes, noneis, nuges, so that this case 
exhibits, like the nominative plural, a close analogy to the -o 
declension. «TAebis, Athenis, Formiis, etc., are simple locatives. 

18.| The Dative and Adlative in -bus in this declension is only 
found with feminine nouns, and serves, generally to mark a real 
distinction of sex, and to avoid ambiguity. The oldest instance 
seems to be * dextrabus manibus! in Livius (Odys. 48 ap. Non.); 
eabus 18 found in Cato (R. R. 152), and filiabus in Cato (Prisc.), 
Livy, and Seneca, deabus with diis is found in Cie. (pro Rab. 5), 


vni 14-17. THE A AND Z DECLENSIONS. 51 


and is elsewhere common ; naíaóus is used by Ovid. The com- 
monest of all these is probably Jiertabus, especially on inscrip- 
tions, in the formula *libertis /2dertabusque posterisque eorum.' 
There are perhaps no instances in early inscriptions, but in later 
ones we get ordinary feminine substantives, porí(abus, oleabus, 
horabus, and even adjectives, raptabus, pudicabus, paucabus, Gabiabus, 
Silvanabus, besides the distinctives equabus, mulabus, puellabus, 
animabus, etc. (See Corss. Kr. Nach. p. 214, Roby, § 368). On 
the original length of the termination -óus see under the ; and 
cons. declension. 

14.] Pecultarities of the E declension. The nouns of this 
declension are all feminine substantives, though one, dies, is also 
masculine, and the compound meridies is masculine in Ter. Ad. 
848; most of them too are sister forms to nouns in the pre- 
ceding, especially of stems ending in -za. The only ones which 
do not end in -ie are fames, fides, plebes, res, spes, and the abla- 
tives scabre, squale. The stems of dies, quies, requies, and spes 
seem to have been originally consonantal, i. e. d?es-, quiet-, spes- ; 
while /ames and plebes, on the other hand, sometimes passed from 
this into the consonantal declension. 

On the whole, then, this declension may be treated as a sub- 
ordinate of the -a declension, being a peculiar modification of 
the stems in -ia with the addition of one or two disyllables and 
monosyllables. It is peculiar to the Italian languages, and may 
be considered of comparatively late origin. Alone of all the 
declensions it has a genitive plural exclusively in -rum. 

15.] Nominative singular. This always has the suffix -s, which 
adapts itself to the termination 22, while it is not so easily 
attached to that in à- or i-. 

16.] Genitive. As in the a declension, so here we have vestiges 
of a suffix in -s, not in -ie, though some grammarians would 
assume the existence of the latter in both. We find the forms 
dies (Enn. Ann. 401, v. Georg. i. 208 ?), facies (Claudius Quadrig. 
ap. Gell. ix. 14), rabies (Lucr. iv. 1083); pernicies (Cic.), and 
luxuries are also quoted (Corss. ii. p. 723), and fides is restored by 
Wagner, Aul. 609, but not, I think, with certainty. The short 
form in é may be either formed by the loss of s, or it may be a 
contraction of ei in the locative, probably the latter. 

17.] Locative. This case ended in e-, and as in the a declension 

E 2 


52 THE A AND E DECLENSIONS. _ vim. 18-20. 


became generally used for the genitive. It is contracted, as 
we have seen, into -e or -?, as in Hor. Od. iii. 7, 4, * constantis 
juvenem fide,’ so Ov. Met. iii. 341, vii. 728, ete., and probably 
Verg. Georg. i. 208, ‘Libra die somnique pares ubi fecerit 
horas. Dizi, in Aen. i. 636, is probably for diei, and so fidi 
(C. I. L. ii. 5042, of the Augustan age, 'fídi fiduciae causa’), 
and the common legal phrases 9/ebi acitum, tribuni plebi. Gellius 
has collected à number of other instances in the passage above 
referred to (N. A. ix. 14). Though this form has usually lost 
its locative meaning it is retained to some extent in the phrases 
die quinte, die crastint, postridie, etc. 

18.] The Dative case undergoes very much the same modifica- 
tions as the locative. The form in e is frequently used by 
Plautus, We find * prodiderit commissa ide in Horace, Sat. i. 
3, 95, and pernicie in Livy, v. 13, 5. ‘In fact,’ says Gellius, l. c., 
‘in casu dandi qui purissime locuti sunt, non faciei uti nunc 
dieitur sed facte dixerunt. The other form, perniciz, occurs in 
Corn. Nepos, viii. 2, 2, and fam; in Plautus, Stich. 158. 

19.] The form e-d of the ad/ative is never found, but must be 
inferred from analogy. The adverbs se-, sed, with the compound 
particle re-, red- may almost be given as instances. Dé for ded 
is another ablative of the same kind. These are, in fact, formed 
from stems SA, RA, DA (see below, ch. xiii.), and illustrate the 
transition from the a to the e declension. Cp. /acilumed, and see 
under ablative of the a declension. 

20.] The plural of this declension 1s generally wanting; another 
proof that it is only a subordinate form, and not a separate 
declension. The only two words fully declined are dies and res. 
Others are found only in the nominative and aceusative plural, 
viz. acies, effigies in both; series (Sueton.), and eluvies (Curtius) 
in the nominative, and g/acies in accusative (Vergil) Spes, as 
we have said, appears to have been contracted from a stem 
epes- or sper- (as in spero), and so we find the old forms sperem 
(‘ veteres’ ap. Non.) , speres, nominative, accusative in Ennius 
(Ann. 132, 410 v.), and esperióus, dative, ablative in Varro (Sat. 
Men. pp. 94, 179 Riese; from Nonius) Facies, nominative, 
accusative, has facierum in Cato (Priscian, vii. p. 782 P.; Jordan, 
p. 69), and specierum, speciebus are found in the Digest. (Roby, 
$ 341.) 


IX. I. THE 0 AND J DECLENSIONS. 53 


CHAPTER IX. 
II. Tux O agp U DRECLENSIONS. 


1.] Tuxse two declensions consist chiefly of masculines and 
. neuters, though a few feminines are found. The # declension is 
here joined with the o, first, because of the great similarity of 
their old forms, secondly, because many nouns seem to pass from 
one to the other. "Their later forms differ chiefly in the genitive 
singular and in the dative and ablative plural, in both of which 
cases the o declension employs the locative. 
The o declension, as in Greek, consists of nouns, substantive 
and adjective, originally with a stems. The pronouns are treated 
separately. 


PARADIGM OF MASCULINE AND FEMININE Nouns. 


O Declenston. U Declension. 

Sing. Old form. Later form. Old form. Later form. 
Nom. O-s, U-8. U-s, u-8. 
Accus. O-m, u-m. U-m, (u-em), u-m, (u-em). 
Gen. — (Onlyinpronominaldeclension). | U-os,U-is, ds, (w-is). 
Loc. O-e, ei, €. [U-11], t. 
Dat. O-i, O-e, ó. U-i, u-t, d. 
Abl. O-d, 6 U-d, (u-e), a, (u-e). 
Voc. e. é 

Plur 

Nom.  O-e,6,ei(eis,es, is), f. U-s, u-8. 
Accus. O-s, 68. U-s, w-8. 
Gen. O-m, O-rom, u-m, o-rum. U-om, u-um, am. 
Loc. O-es, eis, és. se ew ee we 
Dat. Abl. (O-bus), (o-bus, i-bus). | U-bus, u-bus, i-bus. 


54 THE O AND U DECLENSIONS. IX. 2, 3. 


The neuéers in the o declension have nominative like accusa- 
tive in m, in the w declension both are generally, but not always, 
suffixless. 

2.] Peculiarities of the O declension. The feminines of this 
declension are chiefly names of trees or Greek words, especially 
names of jewels or towns. Some vary in different writers, e. g. 
cytisus, ficus, lotus, alvus, colus. Some vary between the o and v 
declension, e.g. /aurws, ficus, cupressus, quercus, as well as 
domus (f.), All neuters, except virus, volgus, and pelagus, end 
in -m in nominative, and of these volgus is often masculine, and 
has sometimes accusative voígum, Attius (1. 288, Trag. Lat. Fr. 
Ribb.), and Lucretius. 

8.] Nominative Case. A whole class of stems in -ro, ero-, 
drop the termination o-s or u-s, and many omit the e, except in 
the nominative and vocative singular. But erus, numerus, umerus, 
uterus, juniperus (f), and the adjectives properus, praeproperus, 
praeposterus (posterus is not found, but posterum), morigerus, tri- 
quetrus, and usually prosperus, retain the fuller form (Roby, 
. § 346). Vir and satur also drop the termination. Famul occurs 
twice, Enn. Ann. 317, and in an imitation, Lucret. iii. 1035: 
cp. Oscan ‘ famel' (Fest. Epit. s. v.). 

The termination in io-e often loses the s in old Latin, e. g. in 
the inscriptions from the sepulchre of the Furii at Tusculum, 
M. Fourio (twice), and so L. Cornelio in the two earliest epitaphs 
of the Scipios. The entire final syllable is often omitted in 
writing, as Cornel? (Ep. Scip. vii. C. 35), Claudi, Valer», Minuci 
(all in S. C. Bacch.), but this beside Marcius and Postumius. From 
about the time of the Gracchi onward we find the contraction 
is in the proper names Anavis, Cecilie, Clodis, Ragonis, etc. (espe- 
cially on the Ollae ex Vinea S. Caesarii, C. 822-1006), with 
parallels in the dialects, e.g. Oscan Heérennis, Umbrian Koisis. 
The same contraction has been noticed in Greek, where it is 
very common in inscriptions, but I do not know that the practice 
can be dated. Greek words borrowed by the Jews regularly 
take this form, as Psanterin=yWarrjpiv, Sankhedrín 2 avvébpiv, 
Estadin = orddvov. It occurs also in one word in Latin which 
is not a proper name, a/is, alid, but not extensively (see under 
pronouns), just as in comparative magis, nimis, for mag-i08, 
nim-i0s. (See especially Ritschl, De Declinatione quadam re- 


ix, 4-6. THE 0 AND U DECLENSIONS. . bb 


conditiore, and Supplement, Bonn, 1861. Cp. Corssen, ii. p. 718. 
Mommsen regards these as Graecisms, Ollae ex Vinea S. Caesarii, 
C. I. L. i. p. 210.) The adjectival form in -i4 corresponding to 
one in -ixé, e. g. tllunis, singularis, beside tllunius, singularius, is 
not so much to be considered a contraction as a separate stem. 

The terminations in -os, -om of this declension (instead of -us, 
-um) are to be found with more or less frequency throughout 
the whole period of the Latin language, and so on into Italian 
(see instances in Corssen, il. 103). This is particularly the case 
with stems ending in -uo, e.g. equos, arduos, aevom, in which 
this was the recognised spelling in the Augustan age and later 
(Quintil. i. 7, 26). In other stems the termination in -us be- 
came the usual one about 200 B.c. It is found throughout in 
the S. C. Bacch. (186 B.c.) and the edict of Aemilius Paulus 
(189 B.c.). The vowel in the termination is regularly short. 
There are, however, two or three instances (given below in the 
introduction to the Fragments of Livius) from Naevius, Punica, 
25, 30, 31, 63, where the ictus is on the ws, which has to be 
scanned as a long syllable. So also Ennius, Ann. go: 


‘Sic expectabat populüs atque ora tenebat. 
And Vergil, Ecl. vi. 5; Geor. ii. 5. 
4.] The Accusative, as in the a@ declension, often loses its 
final both in early and late Latin; e.g. Ep. Scip. C. 32 :— 


* Hone o?no ploirume cosentiont R(omai) 
Duonoro optumo fuise viro (viroro), etc. 


It is almost always absent, in early inscriptions, in the word 
dono(m), and from this perhaps the form DONO DEDIT is to be 
considered to have arisen, not from the dative. ° 

5.] The Genitive is entirely wanting, except in the pronominal 
declension ; for which see below. 

6.] The Locative case-form is used for the genitive throughout, 
so that some persons have hesitated to call it a locative. But 
forms like Corinthi, domi, die quart, die crastint, etc., are pure 
locatives, and cannot be dissociated from the other exactly 
similar forms which do duty for*genitives. The form 0-2 is 
never found, but in old Latin one in e? is common, e.g. die 
septimei, hei-ce (hic); and one in e, as die quinte (Gell. x. 24, 1), 
and perhaps prae-fiscine or prae.fiscini (literally, ‘in security 


* 


56 - THE 0 AND U DECLENSIONS. Ix. 7-9. 


against enchantment,’ /fascinum), peregre or peregri, etc. (see 
Corssen, 1. p. 774, foll.). 

7.| The Dative originally ended in 0-7, and so we find the 
form populor Romanoi (Mar. Vict., p. 2463 P.) and the commoner 
hoi-ce (Lex Bant., C. 197), Aoi-c (Mar. Vict., p. 2459 P.), and 

' quover (Ep. Scip., Lex. Rep., Lex. Agr.), quot, ete. (Corssen, i. 
pp. 705, 6). The words pilumnoe poploe, quoted by Festus from a 
Salian hymn (p. 196, Lind.) might be either the locative-geni- 
tive, or dative singular, or nominative plural. 

8.] The 42/ative ; the final d is retained in Gnaivod, mereto| d |? 
(Ep. Scip.), a/fod, pucnandod (Col. Rostr.), oguoltod, poplicod, 
prewatod (S. C. Bacch.), mo/taticod (C. 181), Beneventod, on a coin 
(C. 19), and others; but not constantly even at this period, as 
we find Samnio, in agro Teurano, etc., in the same monuments. 
It is found also in the preposition pro in composition, as in 
grodire, prodigus, etc. The same word in some of its compounds 
is an instance of the shortening of the long o in this case, 
especially when followed by f (Corssen, ii. p. 482). We find 
virü, domd, bond, mald pretty frequently in Plautus; modó and 
ciló are generally short, and ergó since the time of Ovid (ibid.). 

9.] Nominative plural. The only form preserved to us of this 
case, in which the full stem is retained, is a gloss in Paulus 
Fest. s.v. ‘ Fesceninoe vocabantur qui depellere fascinum crede- 
bantur! (but see under the Dative singular). We may fairly as- 
sume that this is the oldest form yet extant. Next in order 
appears that in -e, as plotrume (Ep. Scip. C. 32, the most archaic 
of the number), closely connected with the forms in -ei and -:. 
The other form in -es, -eis, -£s, does not appear on inscriptions 
till about 190 B.c., v.c. 564, and continues in use about a cen- 
tury ; as Adilies Saranes, C. 42, of uncertain date, but probably of 
the sixth century v.c., ques (S. C. Baech. C. 196, 4, 24, B.c. 186), 
Cavaturines, Dectunines, Vituries (Sent. Minuc., C. 199, 40; 38, 40; 
37, 42), consc ]riptes (C. 532, 222—152, B.C.), ete. : eis (Lex Bant. C. 
197, 16, 23 ; Lex Rep. C. 198, 26, 57, 67; Sent. Minuc. C. 199, 29), 
eisdem, CDL vireis, gnateis (Lex Rep. C. 1985; 27; 14; 77, ete.), 
Jacteis (?) (Lex Agr. C. 200, 289 magistreis (C. 563, 565, 566), Virtu- 
levers, leibereis (tit. Soranus, C. 1175), etc. : 7s (Tab. Bant. C. 196, 
17), hisce (S. M. C. 199, 13, C. 570, 1553 o), filis, magistris, mi- 
nisíris, etc. [See below, chap. xiii, § 34, for other pronouns.] In 


e 


IX. 9. THE O AND U DECLENSIONS. 57 


the poets this form is not unknown. It was observed long ago 
by Priscian, xii. 26, and before him by Donatus, in Terence, 
Eun. 269,— 


* Hisce hoc munere arbitrantur 
Suam Thaidem esse," 


though rejected in that place by Bentley.  Ritechl has restored 
it to Plautus from the MS. reading or indication in various 
places, e.g. Most. 510:— 
* Perii : wlisce hodie hanc conturbabunt, fabulam. 
Mil. 44 :— 
Triginta Sardis sexaginta Macedones." 
Rud. 735:— 
‘Non possunt mihi minis tuis Aisce oculis ecfodiri.' 
And he conjectures Pers. 685 :— 
‘Quid ei nummis volunt?! for ‘quid ei nummi sciunt 1 

(See his Excursus, reprinted in Opuse. Phil. 1868, ii. p. 646, 
foll) To these we may perhaps add alis, Naev. Lycurg. 31, 
generally changed to alii. Lastly, we get the common classical 
form in.  Corssen, following Bopp, insists, as in the a declen- 
sion, that these forms are to be interpreted as transitions from 
the o to the ? and consonantal declension (i. p. 756). But this 
seems a needlessly bold assumption, especially when based upon 
such uncertain data. It seems rather as if the earliest Latin 
inscriptions showed a tendency in the language to drop final 
consonants, which another generation, some fifty years later, 
better skilled in literature and grammar, set to work to counter- 
act. Nothing is more curious than the correspondence between 
the earliest and the quite late or vulgar inscriptions in this 
respect. What then is to prevent us from considering plozrume, 
virei, etc., as short for ploirumes and vireis, just as Cornelio, Fou- 
rio are for Cornelis, etc. ? We are still some distance of course 
from the original form, and even from Fesceninoe. We must 
suppose that the original Latin form was one in o-is or o-es, 
with the regular plural suffix, and that this went through the 
various modifications described above. Corssen asserts that the 
change of the diphthong oe to e is not so old as would be re- 
quired for this (1. p. 749), but the same change is assumed without 


58 THE O AND U DECLENSIONS. IX. IO. 


any difficulty for the locative singular (genitive) and plural 
(dative and ablative). If, as is no doubt true, there are many 
adjectival stems in 7s parallel to others in o, and these are re- 
garded by Corssen himself as due to the weakening of the o 
(p. 758), why should we not suppose a similar weakening of the 
o without an actual change of declension ? 

10.] The neuter plural nominative and accusative in this and the 
other declensions has the suffix -d, afterwards -4. This is found 
in the old poets, as well as in one case (probably) in the Ep. 
Scip. C. 33 in Saturnians : — 

* Mors pérfecít tua ut éssent ómmid brévia' 


In Livius Andron. (ap. Non. v. diserte) : 
‘Tuqué mihí narráto ómmniá disértim.' 
In Plautus, Rud. 199 (cretics) :— 
*Is navem atque ómnià pérdidit ín mari' (eliter Fleck.) 


Ib. 933:— 
* Oppidá circum vectabor ubi nobilitas mea erit clara.’ 
(But Fleck. vectitabor.) 
Asin. 199 :— 


* Ceterá quae volumus uti Graeca mercamur fide.’ 


(But Fleck. quae nos.) 
And in other places. 


In Terent. Ad. 612 (choriambics) :— 
* Membra metu debilià sunt animus timore.' 
Carmen vetus ap. Phn. N. H. xxxv. 10:— 
* Dignis digna /ocá picturis condecoravit.' 
And even in Vergil, Aen. 3. 464: 
‘Dona dehinc auro gravid sectoque elephanto.’ 
This long vowel is preserved in the adverbs ostia, posted, 
propterea, anted, interea, etc.; and in posthac, antehac, antidhac, 
quápropter, as well as in the numerals /riginfa, quadraginta, ete. - 
For the change of Àà-c, quà to hai-c, hae-c, etc., by the addition 
of 4 or e, see below under the pronouns. (Corssen, ii. p. 460, 


where see more on the general subject ; compare a good paper 
by Professor Key, University College Dissertations, No. 1.) 


IX. 1 I-I14. THE O AND U DECLENSIONS. 59 


11.] The Accusative in ó-s is always long, having been formed 
from an original o-»s. It may be treated as a case of compen- 
sation. Compare chapter viii. § 10. 

12.] Genitive. The shorter form in -om is probably also the 
oldest, and it is the only one known to the dialects, It occurs 
exclusively on the early coins of the fifth century v.c. in the 
names ROMANO or ROMANOM, COBANO, COSANO, CALENO, and also in 
the shortened forms AISERNIM, SAFINIM, for AISERNIOM, SAFINIOM ; 
the latter on Samnite coins. We have, however, olorom (Col. 
Rostr.) and duonoro on the most archaic Scipio epitaph. Though 
this came in generally in the time of Cicero, the short form 
remained always in use in certain words; e.g. duum, (trium), 
nummum, sestertium, deum, divom, superum, inferum, virum, fa- 
brum, Achivum, eztum, etc. It is rarer in adjectives; but we find 
in Ennius, Alexander (81. v) * meum factum pudet; in Plautus 
' centum doctum hominum coneilia, ete.; and in Vergil * mag- 
nanimum generator equorum. It appears as an archaism in in- 
scriptions in sovom (C. 588, c. v. c. 675 ?), socium (S. C. Bacch. 7), 
eum (Lex. Jul. Mun. C. 206, 52). Compare the old formulae 
‘matrimonium /iberum quaesundum causa, and ‘procum patri- 
cium,’ Fest. s. v. 

18.] Locative. This form no doubt ended in 0-28, and we 
have one instance in a dialectical inscription of suois cnatois= 
suis gnatis (C. 194). But the oldest pure Latin instances we 
have recorded are in o-es, oloes=illis, and privicloes=privis or 
priviculis (both in Festus). We do not, however, find this on 
inscriptions, but weaker endings in -eis, -es, and -és, similar to 
those of the nominative. The latter ending begins to be em- 
ployed about 150 B.c., and becomes almost exclusively used after 
the time of Augustus. The form in -es is rare, but it appears 
again in late Latin (Schuchardt, V. L. ii. 82). This is a pure 
locative in such cases as Puteolis, his diebus, illis locis. 

14.] The Datwe and Ablative. The regular termination in 
0-bus is found ordinarily only in ambobus, duobus ; but we find 
some curious forms in -ióus both in early and late Latin. Pan- 
nibus, from the stem panno, is quoted from Ennius (in Protrep- 
tico ap. Vahl. p. 165), and generibus from gener from Attius 
(Alemene ap. Ribb. F. T. L. p. 121). Jectuninebus is found 
in the Sententia Minuciorum, 1. 39 (C. 199), probably from 





60 THE O AND U DECLENSIONS. IX. 15, 16 


a stem Dectunino. In late Latin we get also thus, Àibue, Dibus 
= Deis (e.g. C. ii. 325, 4496), amicibus (Orell. I. L. 4681), 
filibus (Grut. 553, 8), suibus suis, ete. —.Diaconibus (with other 
cases)! is a frequent ecclesiastical form, occurring, for instance, 
in St. Paul, Ep. ad Philipp. i. 1, ‘cum presbyteris et diaconi- 
bus,’ in both Itala and Vulgate. See other instances in Rónsch, 
Itala und Vulgata, p. 262. This form may be either treated as 
an imitation of another declension, or as an old form. If treated 
as an imitation, it may just as well, or even better, be of the -» 
as of the -? declension, since parallel transitions from -w to -o are 
very frequent. But it cannot be proved that it is not an old 
form. The weakening of the vowel from 6 to ? appears in the 
stem homon-, homdnis, later hominis, and so Apollinis =’ AmóA- 
Awvos. 

15.] Peceultarities of the U declension. All words of this de- 
clension are substantives, except perhaps compounds of manus, 
which are generally defective, except in nominative and accu- 
sative singular. Anguimanus, accusative plural, is found twice 
in Lucretius. The corresponding adjectives in Greek in v-s end 
in vi-s in Latin, as eua(d)vi-s = 78v-s, le(g)vis=édayv-s. Most of 
these substantives are masculines in «-s, and neuters with the 
naked stem, as cornu. A few are feminine, such as colus, domus, idus 
(pl.), manus, porticus, quinquatrus (pl.); and names of women (anus, 
etc.) and trees. Acus=a horned fish, is masculine, and=a needle, 
feminine. Penus is masculine and feminine, with neuters penum 
(-2), penus (-oris), and penu. Artus has two plurals, artus and artu-a. 
We find also ossua in inscriptions. The neuters cornu, veru, 
testu, have also the form cornum, verum, testum. In the few 
monosyllables of this declension, generally classed as conso- 
nantal, the longer form of case suffixes is retained throughout, as 
in gru-s, 8-8, bos (for bov-s, and contracted in plural), Jov-ze. 
Otherwise the contracted form is general in classical Latin. 

16.] Genitive singular. The oldest form preserved is in -os 
(originally -as), viz. Senatu-os, three times in S. C. Bacch., zena- 
tuo (Inser. Fal.), magistratu-os (I. N. 3901), domu-os (Suet. August. 
87 (?), ep. Ritschl, De tit. Aletrinat.). This becomes later -us, 


1 These may of course be from a nominative Diacon, and so Quicherat, Add. 
Lex. Lat., who quotes Diacone from St. Gregory, Ep. 3, 34- 


IX. 17, 18. THE O AND JU DECLENSIONS. 61 


as domu-us, exercitu-us, conventu-us (Inscr. ap. Grut. et Orell.), 
and in MSS. of Pliny, senaíu-us, partu-us, cornu-us, and is per- 
haps to be considered merely as a doubling to express the long 
€ (see above, ch. ii). An earlier and a more common weaken- 
ing of the vowel is to -:s, in Plautus, Terence, Sisenna, Varro, 
and Nigidius (see especially Gell. iv. 16). E. g. Plaut. Amphit. 
I061:— 
‘Ita eraé meae hodie cóntigit: nam ubi pártuis deos sibi {nvocat.’ 
(Fleck. but parturit MSS.) 
Ter. Haut. 287 :— | 


* Eius anus causa opinor quae est emortua.’ 


And Id. Hec. 735 :— 


‘Ne nomen mi obstet quaestuis: nam mores facile tutor.’ 
(Fleck. but quaestus obstet MSS. quaesti obsiet Wagn. al. Umpf.) 


The older dramatists appear not to have the contracted form 
in -us, but they use generally the form in -2. 

17.] The locative. A form in -?, with genitive sense, is 
frequent in many words of this declension, from the time of 
Plautus and Ennius, in whom we find victi, gemiti, quaesti, porti, 
arci, senati, etc., etc. It is, in fact, decidedly the prevailing 
genitive in this declension in the older dramatists. In inscrip- 
tions it occurs from about 150 B.c., especially in senati, which 
is also found sometimes in Cicero and Sallust; particularly in the 
form senati-consultum (see Cic. Philip. iii. 38, and King’s note), 
so also Jaci (C. 584), [magistrati, sometimes quoted, is a nomi- 
native. Kalendar, Dec. 31, C. I. L. i. p. 356]. 

This form is most probably borrowed from the -o declension, 
as is the genitive plural in o-rum. There are, however, probable 
instances in which wi is contracted to i, e.g. fio from uio, cliens 
from c/u-ie-ns (Corss. ii. p. 739), which might be quoted in 
defence of the treatment of this form as a contraction; and in 
one inscription, the Titulus Aletrinas, C. 1166, we actually find 
a phrase senatu sententia, which Ritschl takes to be a contraction 
of senatui, though interpreting it not as a locative, but as a 
transition from genitive senxatuis to senati. 

18.] Dative. The ending w-; is frequently contracted to w, 
especially in the Poets. Gellius (iv. 16) quotes victu, anu (Lucil.), 


62° THE 0 AND U DECLENSIONS. rx. 19-22. 


and aspectu, concubttu from Vergil. Caesar, who was evidently 
fond of contractions, contended in his book De Analogia, that 
this was the more correct form. 

19.] Ablative. Magistratud occurs S. C. Bacch., and castud on 
the lamella Bononiensis(P. L. Supp. II, p. 12). In one or two cases 
we have u-w for €, pegulatuu, arbitratuu, etc. The form u-e is 
retained in the monosyllables, grue, sue, bove. 

20.| Nominative plural u-us is occasionally found, but this is 
perhaps only a doubling of the vowel to express the length ; com- 
pare the genitive and ablative singular. 

21.] Genitive. The form u-om or u-um is rarely contracted to 
£m; passum 1s found in Plautus, Lucilius, and Martial (ii. 5, 3). 
Vergil has ‘quae gratia currum (Aen. vi. 653); exercitum is 
found in Mon. Ancyran., and magistratdm, passim, dimviri occur 
in the Veronese palimpsest of Livy. 

Many words form their genitive and locative (one or both) in 
-orum and -78, thereby transferring themselves to the -o declension, 
e.g. cornorum, domorum, quercorum, versorum (Laber.), versis 
(Valer.), ficorum, ficis, lauris, pinis, myrtis, etc. 

22. Dative and Ablative. The termination is in w-óus, which 
is generally. weakened to i-dus. The older form is retained 
throughout in acubus, arcubus, artubus, lacubus, partubue, quercubus, 
specubus, tribubus, and in some other words both are found. 





x. 1,2. THE 7 AND CONSONANTAL DECLENSIONS. 6838 


CHAPTER X. 
III. Tue J AND CoNsoNANTAL DECLENSIONS. 


1.] Tuxsa declensions cannot in practice be easily separated. 
The following Paradigm will show how closely they are con- 
nected. 


I Declension. Consonantal. 
Sing. . Old form. Later. Old form. Later. 

Nom. '  I-s E-s, -8,-r,-l, the same. -8, or suffixless, the same. 
Acc. I-m, i-m, 6-m. -em, -em. 
Gen. I-s, 1-8. -e8, -B, -US,  ~t8. 
Loc. I, i, é. -i, -t, é. 
Dat. I (et, 8), 4, (8). -ei, -f, -é, -7, (e). 
Abl. I-d, ef, 4, à. -id, -6, -i, -é. 
Plur. ' 
Nom. Acc. E-is, E-s, I-s, ^ es (is) | | -eis, -18, -e8,  -es. 
Gen. I-om, i-um, (dm). -om, -um. 
Dat. Abl. I-bus, i-bus. -ebus, -ibus, ^ -ibus. 


These paradigms are for masculine and feminine nouns, Neuters 
of I stems are generally suffixless, as praesepe, triste, and so of 
consonantal, genus, vetus, animal, lac, cor. | Adjectival stems 
ending in c are, however, exceptions and present participles, as 
audaz, feliz, ferens. 

2.] The z- stems represent original ? stems in comparatively 
few instances; such are, however, ig5i-s, Sanskrit agmi- ; poti-e, 
Sanskrit gái, Greek óri-s, vóot-$ ; angui-s, Sanskrit az, Greek 
6a; turri-s, Greek ripot-s; ovi-e, Sanskrit avi-s, dfi-s. Far 
more are weakened forms of stems in -a, -o, -u. The number 
of parallel stems in z and o is large, e. g. ?mberbis and imberbus, 
exanimis, and exanimus, inermis and inermus, etc., etc. As to 


64 THE J AND CONSONANTAL DECLENSIONS. x. 3, 4. 


the distinction between ? and consonantal stems, the nomina- 
tive is not a sufficient guide. Thus mens, felix, etc., etc., are 
4 stems = menti-s, felici-s, and /ap?s, can?s, iuvenis, etc., are con- 
sonantal,=lapid-s, can-s, iuven-s, ete. The genitive plural is 
the only test, and even that in 2 stems is often contracted. 

The genders of nouns in this declension are very uncertain. 


Pecultarities of the I and Consonantal Declennons', — 


3.] Nominative singular. (1.) In I stems.—The stem vowel is 
frequently changed to ¢ in this as well as in some of the oblique 
cases, and sometimes one, sometimes the other, has become the 
classical form.  Neuters with the naked stem almost always 
change it to e, though sap: is an exception, so ¢riste beside 
tristi-s, and all other adjectives. 

Other instances are— 

aidile-s, C. 31 (v. c. 497) and 187. 
ape-a, Probus, ii. 1, 49, as if = á-Tovs. 
cive-8. 

clave-a. 

valle-s, Caes. B. G., Verg. Aen. xi. 522. 

Cp. cane-s, Enn. and Lucil. ap. Varr. L. L. vii. 35; Plautus. 

On the other hand, forms in i are sometimes found in the 
place of common ones in e, 

aedi-s, especially in the sense of ‘temple’ in old writers 
(Charis.), and Lex Julia Municip. 1. 30 (C. 206). 
nubi-s, Plaut. Merc. v. 2, 38 (but Ritschl treats it as a gen- 
itive) ; nubs, Liv. Andron. 
caedi-s. 
cladi-s. 
Jami-s, Varro, R. R. ii. 5, 15. 
rupi-&. 
vulpi-s, Avienus. 
And others are found in late and vulgar Latin (Schuchardt, i. 
244, i. 43) ° ^ 
4.| Besides this there are other peculiarities in the formation 





! I have borrowed a good deal of the material for the following liste of + and 
consonantal stems from Mr. Roby's New Grammar, $$ 405-460, but have arranged 
it differently and more concisely. 


X.4. THE J AND CONSONANTAL DECLENSIONR. 65 


of the nominative. These may be classed under four heads, 
according to their formation with— 

(1.) Full stem with euffia. 

(2.) Elided stem with suffix. 

(3.) Full stem without suffiz. 

(4.) Elided stem without suffix. 


(1.) Full stem with suffi. 

There are stems ending in -gi, -gut, -hi; -ni; -li; -si, -ri; 
but some of these are contracted or elided. 

(a) Stems in -gi, -gui, -4i. 

All these retain : or e, as strage-s, jugi-8, angui-8, vehe-s. 

(b) Stems in -i. 

All retain the z, and none change it to e, except in the neuter, 
e.g. mane, immune. 

(c) Stems in -4. 

All retain 2 or e except neuters in -d/e (-ali), which often drop 
the vowel and shorten the termination to -d/, so amimül, Bac- 
chanál, but focale, penetrate. We find, however, ager vectigal for 
vectigalis. Sent. Minuc. C. 199, 6. 

(d) Stems in -«. 

All retain ? (none having e) except as, mas, mus, glis. Plus is 
contracted for ple-ios; see below under the comparison of adjectives. 


(e) Stems in -ri (with exceptions under 4). 
(2.) Elided stem with suffix. 

(a) The exceptions noticed above. 

(b) Stems in -#z, -di generally elide both vowel and dental. 

Stems in -/:. 

All present participles and adjectives of similar form, as elegans, 
ingens, etc. — [These are originally consonantal, but have become 
istems. See under genitive plural. | 


Other stems in -/?, with exceptions in brackets. 

Compos (but potis); intercus (but cuti-s); hebés, anceps, etc. 
Arpinds, nostras (but crati-s, vate-s); cds, dós; locuples, tapés ; 
as for stlis, dis, for divil-a; Quirts (but miti-s, viti-s, fem.) ; noz, 
lac (but vecti-s) ; mena, fons, frons, dens, etc.; puls; Mare, sors, 
fore (but forti-a). 

(Stems in -«/; do not suffer elision, as Aost?-s, tristi-s, etc.) 

F 





66 THE J AND CONSONANTAL DECLENSIONS. X. 5. 


Stems in -d. 

Fraus (but rudis, sude-s); frone, glans, juglans, libripens (but 
grandi-s) ; emcore, etc, 

(Fide-s, a harp-string ; wiridi-s; clade-s, aede-s, caede-s, sede-8, 
enodi-s are uncontracted.) 


(3.) Full stem without suffix. 


Neuters generally, as caput, triste, with exceptions of present 
participles and stems in -ci, as feliz. 


(4.) Elided stem without suffix. 


Stems in -ári, -ért often drop the termination, as drar, par 
(but Ailari-s, mare, bimar-is) ; celer, acer, volucer, puter (but 
celeri-a, acri-s, volucri-a, putri-s, Tiberi-s, Veseri-s). Memor is 
also elided. 

Neuter substantives in -dre are like those in -d/e, the two ter- 
minations being originally the same. So calcdr, exemplar, 
lacunar, but alveare. 


5.] ' II. Consonantal Stems. 


These also may be classed under the same heads. It will be 
observed that they are open to fewer exceptions than the / stems. 


(1.) Full stem with suffia. 
(a) Stems ending in a guttural, as are, lez. 
Alec being neuter is no exception. Alex is feminine. 
(b) Stems ending in a /abial, as daps, caelebs. Sometimes p is 
inserted as a fulcrum, e. g. hiemps. There are no exceptions. 


(2.) Elided stem with suffia. 

(2) Stems ending in a dental retain the suffix but drop the 
dental. 

Anas, comes, civitas, damnas (=damnatus), salue; obses, custos, 
laus. Some monosyllables lengthen the vowel in compensation, 
pes, ped-is, vas, vid-is; but comés, ete. Horace seems once to 
venture on palis, A. P. 66. 

Neuters of this class however are, like neuters in general, 
suffixless, as caput, occiput, etc., and cor. 


(b) Stems ending in v are classed under the w declension, but 
might be placed here. 


x.6,7. THE J AND CONSONANTAL DECLENSIONS. 67 


(3.) Full stems without euffiz. 

(a) Stems ending in -. 

These are generaly neuter and suffixless, as agmen, carmen, 
except one or two which insert an 7, as can-(2)s, ?uven-(2)8; and 
eangui-8, polli-s for sanguin-s, pollin-s, but neut. pollen. Stems 
in -on come under the next head. 

(6) Stems in -Z, -r, -«. 

All these are suffixless, and use the simple stem, except some 
neuters, which change -es into -u$, -or into -ur, -0s into -us. 


(4.) Elided stems without suffix. 

Stems in -Óx and -ón drop the s, and turn d to % in oblique 
cases. 
As turbo, origo, ordo; sermo, regio, oratio. Homo has in the 
old language a stem homén, homén-ia, etc., which, in later Latin, 
is changed to homd, hominis. Caro(n9 in like manner, is contracted 
to carn, and becomes an -2 stem, carni-e, carni-um. The short à 
in origón-, orddn- is always changed to 7 in oblique cases. 


6.] The Accusative. In both declensions this case ends in -em, 
with a few exceptions in the z declension. The following always 
make accusative in -7m, and ablative in -;:— 


amussis, cucumis. 

biria, sitts, and the names of rivers, Tiberis, Albis, etc. 
ravis, vis, and Greek names making accus. in -w or -:da. 
tussta. 


The following generally have accusatives in -m :— 
febris, puppis, gecuris. 
pelvis, restts, turris. 
Others occasionally :— 
clavis, navis, sementis, [pars]. 
(Schweizer Sidler, p. 29.) 
7.] The Genitive. The ending -es is rare and archaic, as in the 
names Salutes, on a patera, and Apolones, on a dedicatory tablet 
(C. 49, 187). This agrees with the Sabellian and Umbrian 
forms, the first in -es, as in the inscription from Rapino, llOVII$ 
PATRII$ (Fabretti, No. 2741), the second in -er, nomn-er, far-er 
= farris, ocre-r, etc. (Tab. Eugub.). The common form in -ie is, 
F2 


68 THE 7 AND CONSONANTAL DECLENSIONS. «x. 8, 9. 


however, early, e.g. Ep. Scip. flaminis, patris, and [ praz]toris 
(C. 188), ete. ' 

A third form in -ws is found in inscriptions beginning with 
S. C. Bacch. 5.c. 186, down to about the Christian era, e. g. 
homin-us, patr-us, praevarication-us, Honor-us, Cerer-us, Castor-us, 
Vener-us, Caesar-us, all in C. I. L. i. The last is from the 
Glandes Perusinae, used in the siege of Perugia, B.c. 40. <Aerus 
and Gorgonus, in the graffiti of Pompeii, cannot be later than 
79 A.D. (C. I. L. iv. 2440, 2089). We have one instance in an 2 
stem in partu-s (Tab. Bant. C. 197, 12, 133-118 B.c.). This form 
leads us to infer the previous existence of one in -os, just as in 
the -& declension in senatu-os, domu-os, and answering to the 
Greek -os. 

8.] The Locative. The short 7? in this case becomes 7 in Latin, 
and sometimes e, e. g. Carthagint and Carthagine, Tiburi, Anauri, 
ruri, and rure. As the ablataye has both forms in 7 and e, it was 
easily confused with the locative, so that the two cases often 
cannot be distinguished, e. g. in /uci, vesperi, for which see under 
the ablative. The same case appears in Oscan, as -ef, ei, 
comonei, Frentret, and in other stems fAesaurei, Ladinei, or Larinei 
(LADINEI, if this is to be considered Oscan, C. 24), ete. 

9.] The Dative appears in the oldest inscriptions in -ei, in 
consonantal or quasi-consonantal stems, 4polenei (Tit. Pisaur.), 
Junonei Loucina (C. 189), virtute? (Ep. Scip. C. 30), Hercolei (B.c. 
217, C. 1503), Maríei (B.C. 211, C. 531), and again in -é, Apolone 
(Tit. Calen.), Ju»one (Lamella Bonon. and Tit. Pisaur.), Matre 
(Tit. Pisaur., Erine Patre (ex Marsis, C. 182), Maurte (Sep. 
Fur.), Marte (Lamina Tiburt. twice), ete. Both the same forms 
occur in later inscriptions from the time of the Gracchi onward, 
though that in -ei is considerably the most prevalent of the two, 
but that in e is retained in the legal formulae * iure dicundo, * lea 
opere faciundo, * solvendo aere alieno, * aere flando v. feriundoJ 
In Cic. de Leg. ii. 22, 55, Lare is a dative. See quotation in 
note on XII. Tab. x. 5. "Vergil seems to use a dative in -2 in 
geveral instances :— 


‘At si virgineum suffuderit ore ruborem 
Ventus erit.' Geor. i. 430. 
And 
‘Concurrunt ; haeret pede pes densusque viro vir.’ 
Aen. x. 361. 


x. 10. THE J AND CONSONANTAL DECLENSIONS. 69 


So ‘ mucrone induat,’ ib. 681, and ‘corpore inhaeret, ib. 845. 
These are capable of another explanation, as peculiar uses of the 
ablative, though such a dative is in Vergil’s archaic style. 

‘There is no instance,’ says Corssen (i. 730), ‘of a pure well- 
preserved 7 stem with dative in -e2 or -e, though we find /raude, 
urbe.’ If correct this shows that the rule of Lucilius, to write 
always mendacei furei in this case, was not adhered to. In fact, 
though there is no doubt that -e? was the oldest Latin suffix, we 
do not find the dative of pure + stems, except in -i, as ceivi. 

In late and vulgar Latin, in both stems, the dative is weakened 
to e, as felice (Or. H. 6523, A.D. 224), bene merente (de Rossi, I. C. 
186, A.D. 366), aere (Or. H. 6416, 4.D. 395), and others (Corss. 
li. 242). 

10.] The Ablative. This case ended in both stems, in the oldest 
documents which we possess, in -:d, from an original suffix -d/. 
Thus we have airid (Tit. Lanuv. C. 61), marid (Col. Rostr. twice), 
conventionid (S. C. Bacch.), nominid? (C. 193), and the adverbs 
antid- (ante) and postid- (post), in antid-hac, postid-ea, etc. In 
both also this was probably weakened to -éd, as dictatored, 
navaled, (opsidioned, praesented), though we have no better autho- 
rity for these forms than the Columna Rostrata. 

The next step is to long é, as in 


Ep. Scip. 1:— 
‘Gnaivéd patré prognátus fortis vir sapiénsque.' 
And so aire moltaticod (C. 118), tempestate (Tit. Hispan. Aemilii, 
B.C. 189), aetate (Ep. Scip. v.). 
The same quantity is preserved in some of the old poete, e. g. 
Naev. Pun. v. 3, Vahl. :— 
‘Sacra ín mensá Penátium órdiné ponüntur.' 
And Plautus, Capt. 807 :— 
‘Tim pistores scrófipesci quí alunt furfuré sues.’ 
(So MSS. acc. to Pareus, but Fleck. Brix. furfuri.) 
Stich. 71 (but not Ritschl or Fleckeisen) :— 
‘Grétiam a patré si petimus spéro ab eo impetrássere.' 


And others; e.g. pumicé, Pers. 41, parieté, Cas. 1. 52, both altered 
by Ritechl. 


* 


70 THE J AND CONSONANTAL DECLENSIONS. x. 1o. 


From about 150 B.c. onwards, we find consonantal stems ending 
in ei and $, the first rarely, the second more frequently. 


Ep. Scip. C. 34 :— 


‘Is hic situs qui nunquam victus est virtutet.’ 


And /faenisicei (Sentent. Minuc. B.c. 117), [sa/wtes, C. 587, quoted 
here by Corssen, is a dative, * quei sibei sa/u£ei fuit]. 

The following are instances of ? in consonantal stems. Luci 
is frequently so used in Plautus, ‘/ucz’ (Amph. 165), ‘cum /uc' 
(Stich. 364), ‘uct claro’ (Aul. 741, Wagner ex Nonio; aliter 
MSS.), ete., and Ter. Ad. 841, ‘cum primo Juez ibo hinc! It is 
also found in Lucret. iv. 235, ‘in /uci,' and once in classical prose 
in Cic. Philip. xii. 25, as well as in Varro's Bimarcus (ap. Non. 
p.108, Riese). It is also used three times in the Bantine Table 
(133-118 5. c., C. 197. 5, 17, 24), /uuci and ‘ palam /uci,' and so 
restored in Col. Rostr. 3, U(uct palam), cp. XII. Tab. viii. 13. 
Other instances from inscriptions are sanctioni (Lex. Repetund. 
Cc. 123 B.C.), deditioni, hereditati, heredive (Lex Agrar. B.c. 111), 
proportion: (Lex Jul. Municip. B.c. 45). 

The form vesperi is found in Plautus, Terence, and Cicero, 
though it may be sometimes, as well as /uci, a locative. Lucre- 
tius has the ablatives /apid: (1. 884), mucronz (ii. 520), and ration? 
(vi. 66), and in Greek words /ripodi, Cilici, Heliconi. Arbori, in 
Leg. Reg. ii., is a doubtful case; and so is Aonori, in Verg. Aen. 
i. 484. 

In this period, however (since 150 B.c.), the form in -Z is much 
the most prevalent, and in the Augustan age becomes all but 
universa]. 

The ablative in 7 stems has gone through much the same 
changes. We find /ontei (Sent. Minuc.), omnei (Lex Rubr. 
B.C. 49), partes (Lex Jul. Mun. 5.c. 45), and perhaps in Enn. 
Ann. 420 (though not in MSS., which have montis and monte) :— 


‘Tum cava sub montei late specus intus patebat.’ 


As to the termination 7 in i stems, the following is the general 
rule for classical times, —* Adjectives in -is, and most adjectives 
with an elided stem or termination, including participles when 


! It is to be observed that duc, in this archaic form, is often masculine ; an 
instance of the uncertainty of Latin genders. 


X. 12, 12. THE J AND CONSONANTAL DECLENSIONS. 71 


used adjectivally, have i in the ablative, e. g. tristi, procaci, celeri, 
eloquenti. Most substantives and participles have -2. Neuters 
with the nominative terminating in e, /, r have i in ablative, as 
mari, animali, eremplari. There are, however, a number of mascu- 
line and feminine substantives which, in classical authors, make 
the ablative in $, there are those that make the accusative in -im 
(q.v.), with the addition of Jipenni, and others which vary in 
different authors, e. g. in inscriptions we find parti (Lex Rep. c. 
B.C. 123), sorts, praesenti (Lex Agr. B.c. 111), Gemuati (Sent. 
Minuc. B.c. 117).’ 

In Lucretius, again, we have 5i, colli, fini, igni, imbri, navi, 
orbi, parti, pelli, sordi, tussi (Munro, note on i. 978), and the list 
might be much enlarged, especially from early authors. In late 
and vulgar Latin all the ablatives are weakened to 2, even in adjec- 
tives. Thus we get from Pompeii, Martiale, Semtile, sodale, 
Vestale (C. I. L, iv. Index, p. 2570). Mommsen has given a 
number of similar instances from the tadulae honestae missionis 
of imperial times (Cores. ii. 241). 

11.| Nominative plural. The original suffix -4e, Latin -és, 
has become -é, in both consonantal and s stems. In the latter 
-és seems to have been added to the stem, #-2s becoming e$, 28, 
and eis, as essem, sim, and even seit (but on a very corrupt monu- 
ment, C. 603), compared with siem (Corss. i. 748). This has 
very probably been transferred to consonantal stems, else it is 
difficult to account in them for -és instead of -&, which is the 
Greek prosody. The form in -eis is rare; -és is far the com- 
monest, but -7s seems to have been also common in the time of 
Varro (L. L. viii. 66), and is frequent in MSS. of some of the 
poeta, especially, we are told, Plautus, Varro, and Vergil (Corss. 
i. 747). 

The neuter plural of participial stems in -2é sometimes ended in 
the old language in s/-a, not n£i-a, e. g. silenta (Laev. ap. Gell. 
xix. 7, 7), unless this is from a parallel stem in ento-, like 
gestilento. Cp. 62, p. 63. 

12.] Accusative. This case ended in old Latin, in 7 stems, in 
-eie, ~t8, and -és, We find all three side by side in documents from 
ihe time of the Gracchi. Curiously enough none are found in 
the earlier monuments, except in the Col. Rostr., which, however, 
is fair enough evidence that the same confusion existed earlier. 





72 THE J AND CONSONANTAL DECLENSIONS. x. 13-15. 


It has c/aseis, Cartaciniensis, and clases, navales. In other docu- 
ments we find omneis, omnis, omnes ; civeis, ceives ; fineis, finis ; 
turrers, turris ; Aprilis, Apriles, etc., ete. 

In consonantal stems, on the contrary, the ending -é is from 
the earliest times the regular one, though there are exceptions 
recorded by the grammarians, especially in comparatives, in which 
-éis was used. | 

Later on both became without distinction -es. 

'l'hese seem to have arisen out of the same suffix -ans becom- 
ing -ens in Latin as usual, and coalescing with the stem vowel in 
i stems, and becoming in turn * i-ene, * í-ne, -¢s, -eis, -és in that 
declension, but generally only -és in consonantal. (See Corss. i. 
pp- 738-746.) 

13.] The Genitive is formed regularly in t-om and i-wm in 
2 stems, and in -om, -wm in consonantal. But many i stems 
become consonantal, and lose the i in genitive plural. Corssen 
asks the question, ‘How is it that the genitive in i-wm ap- 
pears as the regular termination of participial stems, which are 
properly consonantal?’ That they are originally consonantal 
appears both from parallels in other languages, e.g. Greek 
$epóvr-ov, and from the old genitives rudentum, parentum, pre- 
cantum, etc., in the early dramatic poete, as well as the dactylic. 
His theory is that the use of the z stem in these words is an 
extension of the feminine stem to other genders (ii. 691, 692), 
just as has been the case, to a certain extent, in the feminine 
stems in /ric-, e.g. victricia. 

The later suffix in -rum was introduced into the consonantal 
declension in a few words, but does not, I believe, occur in in- 
scriptions; these are dov-e-rum, Jov-e-rum (Varro, L. L. vii. 74), 
nuc-e-rum, reg-e-rum, lapid-e-rum (Charis. i. p. 54, Keil) The 
e is of course only euphonic. 

14.] The Locative plural in this declension is altogether 
wanting. 

15.] The Dative and Addative in i-bus, -ibus are generally very 
constant. It would seem, however, that some few 7 stems 
carried the confusion of i and e observed in the nominative 
into this case. We find /emvestate-bus (Ep. Scip. C. 32), and 
nave-bos, nave-bous (Col. Rostr.). The same confusion is found 
pretty frequently in /a£e inscriptions. In consonantal stems we 


x 15. THE J AND CONSONANTAL DECLENSIONS. 73 


have one instance of the omission of z in the suffix in senator-bus 
(S. C. Bacch.), though senator-ibus occurs in the same decree 
(Corss. ii. 329). 

The termination -óus, from original -bhyams or -bÀyás, was 
long in the ancient poets, just as 10-515, vo-dis always are. (See 
Corss. ii. 498.) 

E. g. Naev. Pun. v. 8, Vahl. :— 
* Noctá "Troiád exíbant cápitibüs apértis.’ 
Plaut. Aul. 376 :— 
* Ita Wis inpuris ómnibus adii manum.' 
Rud. 975:— 
* Máre quidem commie certost ómnibus :: Adséntio.’ 
Men. 842 :— 
Ut ego illic oculós exuram lémpadibis ardéntibus.’ 
And a good many others certain or probable, Merc. 919, omnibis 
(aliter Ritechl) ; Amph. 700, 1080, aedibis (doubtful) ; Most. 402, 
aedibis (doubtful), etc. 
Titin. 45, ap. Rib. Com. (So MSS. but not Ribbeck's 


text):— 
* Párasitos amóvi lenonem aédibüs abstérrui.’ 


So perhaps the variation «avebous, on the Col. Rostr. We find 
this archaism once imitated by Vergil, 
Aen. iv. 64:— 
* Pectoribus inhians spirantia consulit exta.' 
The necessities, however, of dactylic verse, and the influence 
of the accent, soon shortened this termination. We find, e. g. in 
Ennius, Ann. 86 :— 
‘Omnibds cura viris uter esset induperator.' 
Ib. 89 :— 
‘Quam mox emittat pictis e /aucibils currus. 
And ‘zavibits puleris, ib. 145, *fulgentibiis aptum,’ 162, ‘cum 
engentibis signis, 218, ‘de cautibis celsis," 402, with many other 
examples. 





74 COMPARISON OF ADJECTIVES. xL 1-3. 


CHAPTER XI. 


COMPARISON OF ADJECTIVES. 


1,] THE comparison of adjectives is really only a part of the 
general subject of composition. The suffixes which are used in 
this process are different in no essential way from other suffixes, 
and are not, as will be seen, confined to adjectives. Nevertheless 
the wide and regular use of particular suffixes for this purpose, 
and the general practice of grammarians, make it desirable to 
give an account of them here. 

It will be noticed that, though the same suffixes are used for 
other classes of words, they are specially applied to express 
number and place, when not exactly comparatives in the ordinary 
sense, e. g. in guinguiens, quintus ; primus, ultimus ; dexter, sinister ; 
eaterus, exterior ; inira, contra, supra; tenus, protenus, etc., ete. 

2.] In the formation of the comparative stem, or of the first 
degree of comparison, two suffixes, alone or together, are em- 
ployed, the first, perhaps, originally *-yan/, becoming generally in 
Latin -ios or -ior, and the second * -/ara, becoming in Latin -/ero. 

8.] Suffiz -YANT, -YANS, or -IANS. 

Of the forms of this suffix in Latin, Corssen gives the follow- 
ing table (ii. p. 42):— 


Orig. -tans. Let. -20s, -ien&, -188. 
Skr. -tas, -ijáns. -ius, -t0r, -esg. 
US, -Or, 8g. 
Oscan, -is. 


It will be seen from this that not only the masculine and 
neuter of adjectives, but that adverbs in -iens, -ies, etc., are 
formed with the same suffix. 

The oldest Latin form was made by the addition of -ids to 


XI. 4. COMPARISON OF ADJECTIVES. 75 


the stem, omitting the vowel in vocalic stems, for both mascu- 
line, feminine, and neuter: the s is lost here, as always in the 
accusative plural, though often retained in the parallel adverbial 
form in -iens. 

In classical Latin the s was split into two sounds, s and r, for 
the purpose of denotation of gender, though we have sufficient 
evidence that the termination was originally the same. Such 
are the forms melios and meltosem, quoted by Varro (L. L. vii. 
26, 27) from the Salian hymn, and me/iosibus, maiosibus by Festus 
(Paul. R. pro S. p. 164 L., eto.). The forms Malo, MINO, found 
as proper names in the Praenestine sepulchres, of uncertain but 
very early date, belong probably to a time when the masculine 
and feminine ended in s, e.g. C. 78 m— 

MINO.ANIA.C.¥ = Mino(s) An(n)ia. 
Cf. ib. 136 :— 
MAIO . ORCEVIA . M . F. 


And others (Nos. 97 add., 161; 108, 159 add., 163). On the 
other hand, we find in the fragments of old Roman historians 
prior and posterior used in the neuter, e.g. in Claudius Quad- 
rigarius (Peter, Fr. Hist. p. 230), *ubi decreverunt, commemo- 
rante Graccho, foedus prior Pompeianum non esse servatum, and 
‘prior bellum’ (ib. p. 231); and so * senatus consultum prior’ (Val. 
Antias, ib. p. 244); and ‘ Bellum Punicum posterior’ (Cassius 
Hemina, ib. p. 105); all, however, quoted by Priscian in one 
place (vii. 69, p. 767 P), who says, 'vetustissimi etiam neu- 
trum in or finiebant, et erat eadem terminatio communis trium 
generum.' 

4.| The termination was of course long in old Latin, and so 
we find it occasionally in Plautus ; see Ritechl. Proleg. Trin. clxxv. 
ed. 1848. E.g. Amphit. 548:— 

* Atque quanto nóx fuisti (óngiór hac próxuma.' 
Bacch. 123 :— 
‘I, etültior es bárbaro Poticio.’ 
Capt. 782, aucttor, Epid. iii. 2. 35, voreutiór, and so the neuter, 
Menaech. 327 :— 
' Proin tá ne quo abeas léngiis ab aédibus.' 
[Sic MSS. aliter Ritschl.] 


76 COMPARISON OF ADJECTIVES. xL 5, 6. 


Comparatives are rare in the fragments of Ennius, and there 

are, I think, none to decide his practice, either way, except the 
well-known ‘sed mag ferro.’ 
" 5.] The irregularities in the use of this suffix are comparatively 
few. The most remarkable are major, pejor, plus, minor. In 
Jün-ior, dit-ior the stems juven-, divit- have been contracted by 
the ordinary evanescence of the »; and sen-ior is from the simple 
stem sen-, appearing also in sen-ts, sen-ium, not from the com- 
pound seu-ec. Benevolentior, malevolentior, maledicentior, etc., are 
of course formed from the participials (used by Plautus), and so 
the stems compounded with -fícus in the positive. 

Major is for màg-ior, the root appearing in mag-nus, uéy-as, 
etc. The form mág-is has undergone another contraction (see 
below), but is otherwise exactly the same word. A g has been 
similarly lost in puleium = pulégium, and aio (cp. adágium and 
. axamenta), and the preceding vowel has been lengthened in com- 
pensation, as in maior (Corss. 1. 306). | 

Pejor is of somewhat uncertain derivation. Benfey connects 
it with Sanskrit pdpa, ‘ bad,’ Latin peccare, so that pe-jor = pep-jor, 
Lottner and Corssen with Sanskrit p-, ‘to hate’ (Corss. i. 305), 
while Mr. Roby makes it péd-ior, cp. pessum=‘ lower’ (§ 143). 
Probably Lottner’s derivation will be most generally accepted. 
Plus, old Latin plous, would be obscure without the form ple-ores, 
preserved in the Arval Hymn. This leaves no doubt that the 
stem is the same as that in ple-rus, ple-nus, pleo, ete., and that 
ple-ores is contracted for ple-ios-es. Ple-tos is, in fact, exactly 
equivalent to mAéwovs or mAeíev. Min-or is similarly contracted 
for min-ior; the same root appears in min-is-ter, min-uere, pelov, 
puv0w, Sanskrit mi-nd-mi, * I destroy ' (Curt. Gr. Etym. p. 300). 

6.] The numeral adverbs in -iens, -ies, such as quingu-iens, 
sez-iena, toti-ens, quot-iens, pauc-iens ; quinqu-ies, sem-iea, tot-ies, 
quol-ies, pauc-tes, etc., are formed with the same suffix (according 
to Dr. Aufrecht’s explanation). We must probably regard these 
as accusative cases. 

The same suffix has been contracted into -es in pen-es; and 
appears, according to Corssen (ii. p. 216 sq.) in Praen-es-te and 
pot-es-tas, cp. ma-jes-tas, and in late Latin in spelling like mag- 
es-ter, sen-e8-tram, 

The contraction to -is is frequent in mag-is (for *mag-ius), nim-is, 


X1. 7, 8. COMPARISON OF ADJECTIVES. 77 


cp. nim-ium, sat-is, cp. sat-ius, tant-is-per (?), etc., and in the com- 
pound forms mag-is-ter, min-is-ter, sin-is-ler, soll-is-timus, prise . 
cus, pris-tinue (pris prius, cp. vpír), and most probably in the 
common superlative ending -is-s?mus or -188-tmus. 

This is also the usual form in Oscan; e.g. ma-is = mag-is, 
postir-is— poster-ius. It may be remarked that the Italian mas, 
and French mais, bear just the same relation to majus, magis as 
Greek adv to mAclov. 

The adverbs /en-us and pro-ten-us appear to have another form 
of the same termination (like min-us, Corssen, ii. 299, note). 

The rare form prodius, ‘farther,’ is evidently the comparative 
from the preposition pro or prod (Varro, Virgula Divina, ap. Non. 
P. 235, Riese), and may be compared to propius and the super- 
latives op-timus, ex-timus, etc. 

7.] Buffiz -TARA ; perhaps with the same idea as in /rane, ‘of 
progression,’ or ‘ pressing forward.’ It appears in ordinary words 
both with an / and an re; ¢i-tul-us, li-ter-a, cli-tel-la, etc. As 
@ comparative suffix, it appears in Latin as -éero, in Oscan as 
-toro, -turu, -tero, -tiro. This suffix is never used by itself in 
pure Latin comparatives, but in composition with the other, 
either before or after it. 

It appears, however, alone in pos-teri, cp. pos-tumus, ce-teri, 
ez-leri, al-ter, neu-ter, u-ter, dez-ter, ci-ter, and the adverbs con- 
tra, in-tra, ul-tra, frus-tra, and the adverbs in -éer and in $igi-éur, 
and also in :-ferum. 

8.] In comparatives we have the two blended :— 


(1.) In the compound suffix /er-ior. 
(2.) In the compound suffix is-éero (cp. Gk. AaA-(a-repo-s). 


(1.) ei-ter-ior, de-ter-ior, dex-ter-tor, ea-ter-ior, in-ter-ior, pos- 
ter-tor, ul-ter-ior, and sein-is-ter-ior. 

(2.) The form 7s-¢er-o is only found in two proper compara- 
tives, mag-is-ter, min-is-ter, and only in the sense of the ‘ greater 
person, the ‘lesser person:’ compare our modern use of mayor, 
mayor, ete. — Minatreis and mistreis are, however, found in Oscan 
— minoris, in the Bantine Table, e. g. line 12, * ampert minstreis 
aeteis eituas moltas moltaum licitud’=‘ intra (v. usque ad) mi- 
norem partem pecuniae multas multare liceto.’ Sin-is-ter is 
formed in the same way, though the root is obscure. Mr. 


78 COMPARISON OF ADJECTIVES. XI. 9. 


Nettleship connects it with se, se, and sere, and compares 
other words for /ef¢ implying (o one side, one sided, oblique. 

9.] Superlatwe formation. The two suffixes most in use in the 
original language appear to have been -TA and -ma, either sepa- 
rate, or together, or doubled, or with the comparative stem. 
This will be best understood from a comparison of the following 
forms (see Farrar, Comp. Gr. i. $$ 156—159):— 


I. -TA in numerals. 
Sanskrit, shash-tha. Greek, £x-ro. Latin, sex-to, etc. 


e 


T poro. 
2. -MA. 


Sanskrit, agri-ma (first). Greek, mpd-po. Latin, prí-mo. 


eum-mo, ete. 
3. -TATA. 


Greek, xov$o-ráro, etc. 


4. -TAMA. 
Sanskrit, pra-thama (first). ^ Latin, op-tumo. 
dex-tumo. 
*facil-twumo = facil-lumo (1). 
*miser-twmo=miser-rumo (1). 
*propic-twmo = proxumo, 
*mag-tumo =maxumo. 
B. -MATA. 
Greek, mi-paro. Irish, secht-mad. 
é89ó-uaro. ocht-mad. 
6. -MAMA. 
Irish, vaisli-mem. 
doir-bem. 
4. -YANS-TA. 


Sanskrit, mah-ishtha. Greek, péy-toro. Latin, fid-vstus (1). 


8. -YANS-TAMA. 
Latin, soll-ts-tumus. 
stn-ts-fumue. 
prob-ts-simus, etc. 





XI. 10, 11. COMPARISON OF ADJECTIVER. 79 


9. -YANB-MA. 
Latin, prob-iss-i-mus (1). 
Jacill-i-mus (1), etc. 
*oc-4s-i-me- oxime. 
Compre] pl-is-i-ma. 
plous-i-ma. 

10.] (1.) Sufie -ta. No proper superlatives are found with 
this simple suffix in Latin, only numeral adjectives, such as 
quar-tus, quin-tus, quo-tus, etc. *Ter-tus may be inferred from 
ter-tius, compared with quintus and Quinctius, etc. 

11.] (2.) Suffia -ma. A considerable number of superlatives 
- are formed with the suffix -mo or i-mo in Latin :— 


pri-mus, either from pri = prae (Corse. i. 780), or = proi-mus 
(Curt. G. E. p. 256). 

sum-mus=sup-mus or sub-mus (sub, sup-er) ; so imd-ros, beside 
tnd, bnép. 

min4d-mus, cp. min-or. 

plur-i-mus ; old Latin forms ploirume (Ep. Scip. C. 32), plou- 
ruma (ib. 1297, Ep. Protogenis), plusima (Carm. Sal. ap. Varr. 
L. L. vii. 27), plisima (Fest.) for original *ple-tos-umo-s. 

postré-mus —* postera-i-mus. 

extré-mua —* extra-i-mus. 

supré-mus —* supra-i-mus. 

t-mus = *ih-i-mus, Sk. adh-a-mas, otherwise *¢/-1-mus and inf-i- 
mus (Corss. i. 102). 


Ipsimus, ipsima, for dominus, domina, occur in a speech of Tri- 
malchio's in Petronius (Sat. $ 76), and are perhaps merely coined 
on the moment. 

De-mum is probably formed with the same suffix from d$, just 
as pré-mum, according to Corssen's view, from pri or prae. In 
the same way probably the Oscan pos-mum — postremum (?) (Tab. 
Bant. 1. 16), and im-mo from tu, meaning ‘thoroughly,’ ‘in re- 
ality’ (cp. eummus from sub), are superlatives of this formation 
(Corss. Kr. N. p. 208). 

The numeral adjectives septimus, decimus, etc., are formed with 
this suffix, just as guartus, etc., with the other. Nonus is prob- 
ably a formation like bi-nus, ter-nus [for ndvin-us, Svi=6, as in 
6-pil-1-o for ovi-pil-io]. 


80 COMPARISON OF ADJECTIVES. XI. 12-14. 


12.] (3.) The doubled suff -rata or -TATO, though common 
in Greek and in Irish numerals, has no example in Latin. 

18.] (4) The compound sufüz -TAMA is not uncommon in 
Latin in the forms -/omo, -tumo, -timo ; but this suffix, in its 
superlative sense, is appended rather to prepositions than ad- 
jectival stems. We have superlative forms from the prepositions 
in and ez, in-timus, ex-timus ; with which probably op-timus is to 
be placed, from the preposition o5, ob-s, originally meaning up- 
permost ; and so pos-tumus, from pos or post. 

Ul-timus, in like manner, is from w/-s, an old preposition used 
by Cato (ap. Fest. Paul. s. v.) and by Varro (L. L. v. 83, cp. Gell. 
xii. 13. 8) in the phrase 'w/s et cis Tiberim. It is connected 
with o//us by Corssen with great probability, and so would have 
had the meaning originally ‘ on that side’ (Kr. Beitr. p. 303, cp. 
Kr. N. p. 277). 

O1-timus, again, is connected with ci-s, and the pronominal 
stem ci-, ce-, so that cis means ‘on /Ais side,’ in natural opposi- 
tion to zs. 

We have further dex-tumus, which occurs in Sallust, Jug. 
100, 2, * apud dezíumos, and Coelius Antipater ap. Prisc. (Peter, 
Fr. Hist. p. 153). Of other words with this suffix, fini-tumus, 
mari-tumus, are local. In aedt-tumue, legi-tumus it is used in a 
wider sense. 

14.] With these formations Corssen would class a large 
number of adjectival superlatives, facillimus, gracillimus, humil- 
limus, imbecillimus, simillimus, etc.; acerrumus, deterrimus, miser- 
rimus, veterrimus, etc. His theory is, that after / and r 
-limo, 
-rimo, 
Of the first change from -/ to -e, after / and r, he gives the 
» participles, cur-sus and /al-sus, as instances, proving that /acil- 
timo, miser-timo might have become facil-simo, miser-simo. The 
further change of /-¢ or /-s, to /-/, is supported by the parallel of 
mell-is to péAcr-os, compared with the old Latin form mel-to-m 
and mulsum, etc.; while in vel-le, vel-lem we have probably con- 
tractions of vel-ese, vel-esem. The change of -rt, -rs to -rr is 
supported by the parallel forms Martius, Marsus, Marrus, Mar- 
ruvium (Corss. li. pp. 551, 552, note, where see references to other 
passages in which he defends this formation), The same theory 


-limo = -simo = { | by assimilation. 








XI. 15-1]. COMPARISON OF ADJECTIVES. 81 


le, of course, applied to the larger class of superlatives in -issumo, 
-issimo, which he explains as =* ios-tumo, see below, § 19 (8). 

15.] Besides these there are a few superlatives of a peculiar 
form, prozumus, mediozumus, and maxumus, which must be classed 
in the same category. Prozumus is probably not for prop-sumus, 
as there is no clear instance in Latin of p changing to a guttural, 
though it is common enough to find a guttural represented by p. 
It is probably formed from an adjectival stem propi-co, just as 
anti-co, posti-co from ante and post(e). So * propic-tumus, * propic- 
sumus wil have been the antecedents of proz-umus.  (Corss. 
Kr. N. p. 73) 

Medioxumus — * middle,’ * middlemost,’ as * medioxumam uxorem, 
Plaut. Cist. ii. 3, 67, ‘dii medioxumi,’ opposed to ‘superi’ and 
* mferi,' Ib. 1, 35, and Fest. * mediorumum mediocre. This is in 
form a superlative from mediocri-s, the natural contraction of 
* mediocr-sumus, as the combination crs is not found in Latin, 
and 7 constantly vanishes before s; cp. porc-sco = posco ; rusum 
for rursum, eto. 

Mazumus, again, is probably from * mag-tumus, * mag-sumus. 
It might, indeed, be contracted from mag-is-u-mus, but we are 
probably always bound to assume the easier of two contractions. 

16.] On the other hand, Mr. Roby (apparently following 
Weihrich, De Gradibus Comparationis, etc., Giss. 1869) seems to 
regard these as formed with the suffixes -ios, or -£s, and -imus, 
under the influence of a strong contraction, facillimus = facil-is-i- 
mus, and acerrimus = acriós-i-mus. The difficulty of this seems 
to lie in the ? or «, which is here inserted between s and m. 
The s, indeed, is often lost before m, as in résmus becoming 
rémus, pos-meridianus becoming pomeridianus, etc., but 2 or w 
is not inserted after s (argues Corssen, l.c.), as it is after r, e. g. 
patr-i-mus, matr-i-mus. He seems, however, to have forgotten 
his own explanation, which is, no doubt, the right one, of plou- 
sima, plisima, etc.,= ple-ios-7-ma, pl-is-?-ma (ii. 42, cp. i. 308 
with ii. 1011), Ogime, again, is more likely a contraction of 
* oc-1us-i-me, * oc-is-i-me, than of * oc-ius-time, * oc-18-time, oc-is- 
sime, on the principle laid down above, of choosing the easier of 
two possible contractions. 

17.] Both theories, therefore, appear possible, but Corssen's 
theory has the advantage in following the wider analogy, and 

a 


82 COMPARISON OF ADJECTIVES. XI. 18, 19. 


in supposing the easier contraction, except in the cases of 
plurimus and ozime. Merguet (Entwickelung, p. 129) supposes 
these superlatives to be formed with the simple suffix -mo, pul- 
chero-mo, pulcheri-mo, facili-mo, with a binding-vowel introduced 
in consonantal stems, as pauper-i-mo. The doubling of the con- 
sonant he would refer to the position of the accent. This theory 
is at first attractive from its simplicity. But the short + or e 
before / or 7, even under the influence of the accent, is much 
more likely to be lost altogether, than to cause the / or 7 to be 
doubled after it. 

As an instance of this a line of the Titulus Mummianus 
(C. 542, q. v.) will suffice, 

COGENDEI.DISSOLVENDEI.TY . VI. FACILIA . FAXSEIS, 


where /acilia is evidently a dactyl, being pronounced /faclia, not- 
withstanding that, by rule, the accent should be on the ;. 
Compare viglias (C. 1139), Licnia (892), Ofdius (1287), Popnia 
(1062), in all of which an 7, which ought by rule to be accented, 
is lost. 'This may be reason enough for rejecting his theory, 
to say nothing of the fact that the stem vowel is lost or con- 
tracted in all other comparatives and superlatives, and is speci- 
ally weak after r. 

Forms (5.) and (6.), from MaATA and MAMA, do not occur in 
Latin. 

18. (7.) yans-ra, Sanskrit -2shtha-, Greek -iocro. This is a 
common superlative suffix in Greek, but appears in only one 
case in Latin, in the word jidustus, quoted by Festus, Ep. s. v., 
* Fidusta a fide denominata, ea quae maximae fidei erant!.' As 
a superlative it will, however, be from jidus. 

Other adjectives, in -wstus, seem to be of a different formation, 
i.e. -¢o, appended to a suffix -os, -us (-or, -ur), as robus-tus from 
robor-, faus-tus from favor-, vetus-tus from vetus-, venus-tus from 
venus-, etc. 

19.] (8.) vaNs-TAMA, Latin is-tumo. This appears, in its pure 
form, in two words, so//-is-(umu-m and sin-is-tumu-s. The first, 
like fidusta, 18 of very rare occurrence, only in the phrase * so//is- 
&mwmn tripudium,’ preserved by Cie. de Div. ii. 34, 72, and 


! Fidustius, formed evidently from fidustus, occurs twice in C. I. L. 1053, 1054, 
as a proper name. 


XI. 20. COMPARISON OF ADJECTIVES. 83 


Festus, s. v., where it is applied to the fall of a piece of any- 
thing from the beak of a bird, especially of the cake from the 
mouth of the sacred chickens, or of the fall of a tree or rock 
without any external cause. The word íripudiwm refers to the 
rebound of the object striking the ground, literally, ‘a three-fold 
beat of the foot;' and sodlistimum seems to mean ‘ perfect,’ and 
to be formed from so//us = totus, solidus. (Corss. Kr. Beitr. 
P- 313 5Q.) 

Sin-is-tumu-s is the superlative from sim-is-ter, just as dea- 
tumu-s from dez-ter. * 

On the analogy of these two forms, Corssen explains the 
regular Lafin superlatives, such as probissumus, altissumus ; and 
if we admit the explanation given of facillimus, etc., we must 
admit this as well. The -zs will of course be the common con- 
traction of the comparative suffix. 

20.) Mr. Roby, explaining the -zs in the same manner, sup- 
poses the latter part of the suffix -zss1mo to be ?-mo. ‘The double 
8' (he says, § 755) ‘is due partly to the desire to indicate the 
length of the syllable (which moreover is accented), partly, per- 
haps, to preserve the sound of s sharp, instead of s flat, or 
eventually r. Corssen, on the other hand (criticising Weihrich, 
il, p. 551, note), remarks that *s is never sharpened to s¢ merely 
phonetically, except when a syllable has been lost before it, ag 
in locassim, prohibessis, ambiesit, locasset, and in noun-forms this 
is without example.’ 

Even plousima, etc., which to a great degree support the 
kindred theory of facill-i-mus, veterr-i-mus, cannot be appealed to 
here, as the s, instead of becoming ss, changes to r. It may 
indeed be said that if plisima had remained in use, instead of 
becoming obsolete, it would have become g/ss?ma, just as pro- 
bisuma, parisuma, in old Latin, become probissuma, parissuma. 

On the whole, however, I think it safest to follow Corssen's 
explanation. 


84 PRONOMINAL DECLENSION. XII. 1-3. 


CHAPTER XII. 
PRONOMINAL DECLENSION. 


PRONOUNS WITHOUT GENDER. 


1.] Pronouns are of two kinds, those that have gender, and 
those that are without gender. 

(1.) Pronouns without gender are — 7 and thou, and the re- 
flexive, originally ma-, tva-, sva-. 

(2.) Pronouns with gender are of various kinds—demonstra- 
tive, relative, interrogative, indefinite —but are all of one type in 
declension. 

2.] Pronouns without Gender. The root ma appears both in 
the pronoun and in the verbal suffixes, as el-yl, su-m; éo-pe-v, 
su-mu-s. As to its derivation it is absurd to dogmatize. Such 
a simple word is perhaps more likely to be a mere natural utter- 
ance of self-assertion, than to be formed from any verbal root. 
In the same way Pa and TA, the first utterances of a child, are 
applied in various senses to the ideas that first are forced 
upon it. 

Besides this root, the nominative ease has a different form, 
originally agam, Sanskrit ahkam, éydv, éyd, egü. This may be 
explained, with Ferrar (after Bopp's suggestion), as formed from 
three pronominal stems, a-ga-ma,—the second appearing in 
Greek ye, ya, and in Gothic £ in w?-£, eto. 


8.] Pronoun of the First Person, MA. 
Sing. Old Form. Later Form. Dialects, 
Nom. ego. ego, ego. 
Ace. *me(m), med, me, meme. 
Gen. *mi-us, mis. 
Loc. 06-4, me-t, 
Dat. mi-hei, mi, mi-hi, Umb. me-hé. 


Abl. me -d, me. 





XII. 4. PRONOUNS WITHOUT GENDER. 85 


Plur. Old Form: Later Form. Dialecta. 
Nom. no-8. 
Acc. nó-8, 
Gen. [nos-tr-om, nos-tr-or-om], nostrum. 
Dat. Abl. no-beis, no-bis. 
Pronoun of the Second Person, TVA. 

Sing. 
Nom. tu, tute. 
Acc. *tvem, ted, te, te, tete, Umb. tiom for *tuom. 
Gén. *tis, 
Loc. tut, Greek coi, roi, 

Dat. ti-bei, te-be, Umb. te-/e. 

Abl. te-d, te. 

Plur 

Nom. v0-8, v0-8. 

Ácc. v0-8, v0-8. 

Gen. [vostr-om, vostr-orom], vostrum. 

Dat. Abl. vo-beis, vo-bis. 

The Reflexive Pronoun, sva. 

Sing. 

Nom. wanting. 

Ace. "eve, 8¢, se-d, se - ! Osc. siom for *suom. 

seese, 8686, 

Gen. * 915. 

Loc. su-t, Greek of. 

Dat. &i-bei, &-bi, Osc. &i- fei, Umb. seso. 
Abl., sé-d, 8é. 


Peculiarities of the Personal Pronouns without Gender. 

4.] Nominative. The final vowel of ego was generally if not 
always short in old Latin, as in Sanskrit akém, but the evidence 
for the original quantity is not complete. In Plautus it is either 
Short or elided in the vast majority of instances according to 
the MSS., and critics are generally agreed to correct the lines 
in which the MSS. seem to exhibit another prosody. In the 
Fragments of Ennius it is never necessarily long, but it is 


86 PRONOMINAL DECLENSION. XII. §. 


frequently elided and frequently short; i. e. Trag. lines 120, 
162, 265, 327, 344, 353, 361 (ed. Vahlen). In the Fragments 
of Lucilius it is generally short or elided. I can only find one 
instance, and that in & line where the reading is doubtful, in 
which it is necessarily long (xxx. 1o, ed. Gerl.) :— 


*... an egd te acrem atque animosam.' 


In the Fragments of the Comedians it is never long, as far as I 
- have discovered. 

'The same usage is exclusively found in the best classical poeta, 
Catullus, Vergil, Horace, Juvenal, etc., though in quite late 
times the o is often made long. 

Tu, Sk. tva-m, Gk. as, rv, Boeot. roóv, Lacon. révy. Like ego, 
it never has the original termination m or 2, which is preserved 
in Sanskrit, and to some extent in Greek. 

5.] Accusative. The Umbrian tiom, and the Oscan som, pre- 
serve an older form than the Latin mé, £e, sé. The form meke 
is referred to by Quintilian, i. 5, 20, as occurring in the old 
tragedians, though we have no trace of it extant (but compare 
Pacuv. 143, Ribbeck). Med, ted, sed. are old Latin forms in 
which a paragogic d is added, apparently only in imitation of 
the ablative. Med and sed are found in inscriptions, e. g. :— 

Cista Ficoron. C. 54, ‘NOVIOS PLAVTIOS MED ROMAI FECID ;’ 
S. C. Bacch. v. 13, 14, ‘inter sed’ (plur.) ; 
Lex Bant. v. 21, *apud sed’ (sing.). 


These forms are restored to Plautus by Ritschl in many cases. 
The following are instances in which the MSS. or grammarians 
have preserved the final d; and there are others of the same 
kind. Epid. v. 1, 23:— 

* Haec edepol remorata med est :: Si quidem istius gratia.’ 

Bacch. 61 :— 


‘Et ille adveniens tuam med esse amicam suspicabitur.’ 
Curculio 1 :— 


‘Quo fed hoc noctis dicam proficisci foras.' 


In the fragments of the old poets med and ted seem to be re- 
stored in the following places with some probability. Caecilius, 
v. 9 Ribb.:— 


* Béd ego stolidus, grátulatum méd oportebát prius.' 


Xil. 6, 7. PRONOUNS WITHOUT GENDER. 87 


Ib. 76:— 
‘Filius in med accédit sat hilará schema.’ 
Ennius, Epich. 1. Vahl. :— 


‘ Nám videbar sómniare méd ego esse mértuum.’ 


Ib. Trag. v. 203 V. :— 
‘ Téd exposco ut hóc consilium Achivis auxilí fuat.’ 


Pacuv. Trag. Fr. 248 R. :— 
‘ Pariter te esse erga fllum video, ut íllum ted ergá scio.’ 


Perhaps too we should retain the MS. reading of Naevius, 
Lycurgus, 44 :— 
* Séd quasi amnis cis rapit sed, támen inflexa fléctitur.' 


6.] The length of the vowel in these cases, beside pé, cé, €, is 
perhaps due to the imitation of the ablative, perhaps to the 
existence of a contraction. It bas been, for instance, explained 
as if the stem had been increased with an o, as £/i-0-m, si-o-m in 
the dialects, and as :-& in e-u-m, etc. But, argues Corssen, if 
e-u~m has preserved its full form, why should the supposed Latin 
*me-o-m have lost it? (Cores. Kr. B. p. 528.) On the other 
hand, the existence of the form mehe, quoted by Quintilian, 
unless itself a mere imitation of the dative, is evidence for the 
probability of a contraction of some kind. 

The reduplicated forms meme, tete, sese, in this case, are peculiar 
to Latin, and may be compared with emem — eundem, Fest. Epit. 
8. V., from stem ¢. Other reduplicated forms, however, appear 
in these pronouns in other languages; e.g. mama (gen.) in 
Sanskrit, and seso (dat.) in Umbrian. 

7.] Genifives. According to Priscian, xiii. ch. 2, Ennius said 
mis, 448, 818, and he quotes the line from Ann. ii :— 


~ 


* Ingens curast mis concordibus aequiperare,' 
(so Vahl). Quintilian even numbers mis among the archaisms 
of Vergil, but it is nowhere to be found in our present editions 
(I. O. viii. 3, 25 ; miis, Bonnell.) 
Tis is found in Plautus, Mil. 1033:— 
* Quia dis egeat, quia té careat: ob eám rem huc ad te missast, 


where it is given in almost all the MSS. and editions; and 





88 PRONOMINAL DECLENSION. xu. 8, 9. 


Ritsch] has restored it to Trin. 343, where it is attested by the 
Ambrosian palimpsest : — 


‘Ut ita te aliorém miserescat, né tis alios mísereat.' 


These genitives seem originally to have been formed, like the 
genitives of pronouns with gender, eue, cuius, etc., from *mi-us, 
*ti-us, *si-us (Corssen, K. B. p. 565). We have traces of similar 
forms in Greek: Dor. éuéos, époUs, gueds ; Syrac. éuds ; Dor. réos, 
T€oüs, Tevs, tlos, rlws; Boeot. éovs (Ferrar, C. G. i. p. 319 sq.). 
Considering the parallels in Latin there seems no reason for 
explaining the s as merely added to the ordinary genitive by 
later analogy from other declensions. 

8.] Locative ; — me-i, tu-i, su-i. It is usual to explain these as 
borrowed from the possessive pronoun, like nostri and vestri, but 
they seem to be fairly explained by Bopp as locatives. So mei 
= or. ma-i, compare Greek jo-(. TZui-t = or. Tva-1, compare 
Greek rol, col. Sui-i = or. sva-i, compare Greek Foi, of. Sup- 
posing that Latin had preserved the locative formation, it is 
difficult to see what other shape it could have taken. 

9.] Dative. The original forms of the dative appear to have 
been *ma-bhyam, tva-bhyam, sva-bhyam ; but the labial has been lost 
in Sanskrit ma-hyam, Greek (Dor.) épiv, as well as Latin mi&? or 
mihei, Umbrian mehé, Tibei, Umbrian /e-/8; si-bei, Oscan sifei, 
seffi (C. 194, * seffi inom suois cnatois"), Umbrian seso: e.g. Tab. 
Eugub. 1 4. 13, * Enumek steplatu ** Parfam tesuam /efe, tote 
Ikuvine,”’ vi 4. 51, * Enom stiplatu “ Parfa desua seso, tote 
Tjovine.”’ A. K. vol. ii. p. 11. 

In all these forms the last syllable was originally long, though 
shortened under the influence of the accent. Mii has its last 
syllable short in the Fragments of Ennius, Ann. 7, 111, but long 
Trag. 365 (Vahl), though it is more often contracted into mz; 
e.g. Ann. 201. Tib, sibi also have it common. In Plautus and 
Terence also it is common, as in the later poets. We even find 
the forms SIBEI, TIBEI, scanned vv, as Ep. Scip. vii. (the latest 
of the series) C. 38 :— 


* Maiorum optenui laudem ut sibei me esse creatum, 
and Tit. Mumm. C. 542:— 


* De decuma, Victor, tbe: Lucius Mummius donum. 





XH. 10-12, PRONOUNS WITHOUT GENDER. 89 


The Umbrian seso is unexplained. Kuhn suggests doubtfully 
an original form svasa, and so would make it a genitive. (Schl. 
Comp. § 265.) May it not be a reduplicated locative se-so-2? 
Compare Greek co-1, Latin su-7, and the other reduplicated forms 
mentioned above. 

10.] Ablative ; or ma-d or ma-t, tva-d, sva-d; a form preserved 
in Latin mé-d, té-d, sé-d. These do not, I believe, occur any- 
where in inscriptions. Corssen gives a list of instances as from 
the C. I. L. 1, none of which have any existence—a curious neg- 
ligence in a generally careful writer (ii. p. 201). 

This form has long been recognised in Plautus: e. g. Asin. 
773:— 

* Aps (éd accipiat tíbi propinet, ti bibas ;’ 
and Cas. 1. 1, 2:— 
* Loqui átque cogitáre sine fed árbitro ;’ 


where MSS. and editions generally agree in exhibiting it. 
Ritschl says that it has MS. authority in six places only. See 
Neue Plautin. Excurse, pp. 23 foll. But he has lately restored 
it in & great number of other places. The adverbs se, sed may 
probably be ablatives of the reflexive=‘ by itself,’ ‘ separately,’ 
‘away from,’ ‘ except,’ * but,’ as in se-cedo, séd-itio. Cp. § 39. 

11.] Plural Nominative and Accusative. The oldest form of 
the nominative is enos, in the Carmen Fratrum Arvalium. The 
stem both of this and of «os appears to be «o, which occurs 
in the Greek dual rói, ve-ly, and in a Sanskrit dual »àv (acc. 
gen. dat.), and plural as (acc. gen. dat.), as well as in Zend ndo, 
and Church Slavonic (Curt. Gr. Et. p. 287. Schleicher, Comp. 
§ 266, considers them as remains of case forms of the stem 
ma-sma-). The -s may be either the proper plural suffix, or the 
accusative may be borrowed for the nominative. 

The e in enos may be compared to that in é-uo(, but perhaps 
it rather is the interjection e, appearing in e-quidem, e-castor, etc. 
See below, under is. 

Vos may be compared with forms in Sanskrit and Zend, 
similar to those referred to above, e. g. Sanskrit vas, Zend vào. 

12.] The Genitives nostri, nostrum, nostrorum; vostri, ete., are 
borrowed from the possessive pronouns. Nostrum, vostrum are, 
of course, not to be regarded as ordinary contractions, but as 


90 PRONOMINAL DECLENSION. XII. 13. 


instances of the old form in -om. See under the o declen- 
sion. Vostrarum is read by Ribbeck in Fr. Com. Caecil. 153. 

18.] The Dative and Ablative, nobis, vobis, are, no doubt, rightly 
explained by Corssen as parallel forms to the ordinary noun 
formation in -ó4s, later -bis; that is, as both formed from an 
original -bAyame. 


XIN. I, 2. PRONOUNS WITH GENDER. 91 


CHAPTER XIII. 
PRONOMINAL DECLENSION. 


PRONOUNS WITH GENDER. 


1.] Tue declension of pronouns in which gender is marked 
is rather complex, so that at first sight it seems almost impos- 
sible to reduce them to a common system. Various theories 
have been proposed, but, on the whole, that which is held by 
Corssen is the most satisfactory. It is nowhere properly laid 
out by him, but the results here given rest generally upon a com- 
parison of various passages in his works. 

The pronominal stem in Latin ended originally in -a, but 
for purposes of gender in maseulines and neuters, -a has been 
changed to -o, with slight exceptions (quis, 1s, alis), It has, how- 
ever, certain peculiarities which prevent it from being fully treated 
under the a and o declensions. For instance, it retains both the 
genitive and the locative singular, and the locative and ablative 
plural, and the neuter termination in -d; and in many cases the 
pronominal stems are increased by an i, found also in Greek and 
Oscan. Many of the stems also are found compounded together, 
a phenomenon which is incident to pronouns in almost all lan- 
guages, in Greek certainly as well as in the Romance languages, 
In Latin so much is this the case, that many of the simplest 
stems hardly exist as pronouns at all by themselves, but have 
become adverbial, while they form parts of other compound pro- 
nouns retained in general use. This applies specially to the 
stems 80- and TO-, or rather sa- and Ta-, the original a forms 
appearing in adverbs such as ¢am, quam, nam, etc. See under 
class iii. 

2.| The chief pronominal stems in Latin are Ho-, TO-, 80-, 
NO-, CO-, QVO-, OLLO-, and 1- or EO-. These are employed either 
(1.) simply, as so-8, quo-d, ollu-s, i-&, etc.; or (2.) reduplicated 





92 PRONOMINAL DECLENSION. XII. 3, 4. 


or compounded with one another, as 7s-¢o, 1-p-s0, sa-p-sa, emer, 
quisquis, t-den-ti-dem ; or (3.) intensified with ?, as * quo-?, qui, 
qua-i, quae, ei-er, et (dat.); or (4.) both intensified and com- 
pounded, as * ho-i-ce = hic, * is-fo-i-c = istic. This intensifica- 
tion is parallel to Greek otroo-(, ovroi-(, rod-t, vuv-i, but takes its 
place in Latin generally before, instead of after, the suffix, and 
is not carried throughout all cases of the pronoun. It takes 
place in Latin always in the genitive case in -?-ws, and often 
in the nominative feminine singular, and in the neuter plurals, 
e. g. ha-i-c (haec), qua-i (quae), as well of course as in the 
masculine and feminine. See above, chap. viii. $ 9. 

8.] The full general paradigm for this declension of pronouns 
is as follows. The -$, by which the stem is increased, is put in 
italics, for the sake of distinguishing it from the suffix. Later 
forms are enclosed in brackets :— 


Sing. 
Nom. O-s, (us, &, Ys). A, (à), 
O-i, (ei, 1). Ai, ae), hoa (od, ud, id). 
Acc. O-m, (um). A-m, 
Gen. O-i-us, (u-i-us, fus, ius. . 
Loe. O-i, (o-i, u-i, {). 
Dat. O-i-ei. 
O-ei, (oi, ui, i). 
Abl. O-d, (8). A-d, (a), O-d, (o). 
Plur . 
Nom. O-is, (is, &s). A-t, (ae), 
O-i, (ei, t). ps (ae), A, (8). 
Ace. O-s, (os). A-8, (as), 
Gen. O-m. 
O-rom, (-orum). A-rom, (-arum), O-rum, (orum). 
Loc. O-is, (eis, fs). 


Dat. Abl. O-i-bus, ibus. 
O-bus, ibus. 


4.] For the purposes of convenience, we may divide these 
pronouns into three classes, aecording to the simplicity of their 
declensions. 

(1.) ollo-, isto-, ipso-, alio-, and others like them. 

(i.) ho-, quo-, i-, or eo-. 

(11.) so-, to-, etc., defective and enclitie stems. 


XU. g, 6. PRONOUNS WITH GENDER. 93 


5.| Classi. The pronouns which are least altered by the 
addition of -2 are the stems ollo-, isto-, 1-p-so, a-lio-. 


Sing. Old Forms. Usual Forme. 
Nom. ollo-s, oll-a, ille, illa, . 
Acc. — ollo-m, m ollo-d. illum, — illam, } illud. 
Gen. ollo-:-us. illius. 

Loc. ollo-i. illi, cp. illic. 

Dat. ollo-ei. illi. 

Abl. olld-d, ollà-d, olld-d. illo, illa, illo. 
Plur. 

Nom. ollo-i olla-2, \ - illi, illae, ! . 
Ace. ollo-s, oll-as, olla. illos, illas, in. 
Gen. ollo-rom, . olla-rom, ollo-rom. illorum, illarum, illorum. 
Loc. ollo-is. illis. 


Dat. Ab. (not found). 


Alius, iste (istus), ?pse (ipsus) are declined in the same way, 
except that psum is regularly substituted for ipsud. 
6.] The following archaic forms are found—o//us, Varro, L. L. 
vii. 42, * Apud Ennium 
Olli respondet suavis sonus Egeriai. 


Olli valet dictum illi, ab olla et ollo, quorum alterum comitiis 
quom recitatur a praecone, dicitur o//a centuria, non illa; alterum 
apparet in funeribus indictivis, quom dicitur o//us leto datus est, 
e.q.8. Cp. ‘olla veter arbos’ in the ‘ formula augurandi,’ ib. 7. 
So Cicero, quoting an old law, De Leg. ii. 9, 21, ‘ Nocturna 
mulierum sacrificia ne sunto praeter o//a, quae pro populo rite 
fient. The oldest forms with a single / are preserved in Fest. 
Epit. s. v., *a5 oloes dicebant pro ab 2//is,' on the Col. Rostrat. in 
the genitive plural otoRoM, and in the adverb olim. Olle is 
read in the law of Servius Tullius, preserved by Festus, s.v. 
plorare,‘ SI PARENTEM PVER VERBEKIT AST OLLE PLORASSIT, PVER DIVIS 
PARENTVM SACER ESTO.” In Ennius, beside the instances cited 
above, there are two or three others, o// (n. pl.), o/s (d. pl.). 
It does not, however, occur in the fragments of the Tragedians, 
Comedians, or Historians. In inscriptions (besides Col. Rostr.) 
it occurs in L. Corn. de xx. Quaest. C. 202, v. c. 673, ‘olleis 
...lieeto, and the corrupt dedicatory inscription, C. 603. In 


94 PRONOMINAL DECLENSION. XIII, 7—11. 


Lucretius and Vergil, of course, such forms are only intentional 
archaisms. 

7.] As to the derivation, Corssen seems rightly to connect 
it with «w/-s, ul-tra, etc. (Kr. B. p. 301), and he accepts Pott’s 
conjecture of a relation to the Sanskrit pronoun a-za- with 
suffix /o-, o-no-lo becoming o//o-, as coronuía becomes corolla, 
etc. Mommsen, Unt. Dial. p. 247, considers it to be related 
to al-ter, al-tus, comparing Oscan a//o famelo = illa familia 
(Bant. T. 22). 

8.] ls-fe, earlier is-¢o-s, is evidently compounded from the 
two stems 7- and -/o, the latter being appended to the nomina- 
tive case 7-s, and then declined. 

The older form :s/us is found in Plautus, Mil. 1233 :— 


‘Ergo fstus metus me mácerat quod illíc fastidiósust.' 


9.] Zpsus is not uncommon in old Latin. It occurs in Plautus 
frequently, and in Terence (Hec. 455) and Cato, R. R. 7o, 2. 

Even ipsos is found in Festus, Ep. s. v. aiufa, from the laws of 
Numa Pompilius, ‘Si quisquam aliuta faxit, ipsos lovi sacer 
esto.’ (For aliuta see under TA, Class 111.) 

Corssen derives it from the stems :- and so-, with the enclitie 
particle pe introduced, as in quis-p-iam, nus-p-tam, and 80 ea-p-se, 
si-rem-p-se, ete. (i. p. 847). See below, § 47, for this pronoun: 
The stems 7-, £o-, and so- will be considered below. 

10.] The shortening of these pronouns, *o//os, ollus, istus, 
ipsus to i//e, iste, ipse, may be compared to the change of vowel 
in the genitive of the consonantal declension. Both are-from 
orig. -as, then becoming -os, -us, and lastly the terminations 
become in one case -e, in the other -es (Salutes, Apollines), and 
-is. The loss of final - has been spoken of frequently above. 

11.] The form as (masculine and feminine), aZ, is a rather late 
contraction of adius, aliud. No certain instance, I believe, occurs 
before the Ciceronian age, and then only in a few authors. 
Alei (dative) is found in the Lex Julia Municipalis, B.c. 45, 'iiii 
vir(eis) aleive quoi magr(istratui), (C. 206, 98), and aizs, nomi- 
native in the corrupt dedicatory inscription of Baebatius (C. 
603, 10). The other instances in the index are more than 
dubious. 

In Lueretius alid is found pretty frequently (i. 263, 1115, 


XIII. 12-14. PRONOUNS WITH GENDER. 95 


lii. 970, V. 257, 1305, 1456), but never alie. . 4/i is found in 
iv. 637 and vi. 1227. 
In Catullus we have az or alid once, xxix. 15 :— 


‘Quid est alit sinistra liberalitas 1" 
And once alis, feminine, Ixvi. 28 :— 


* Anne bonum oblita es facinus, quo regium adepta's 
Coniugium, quod non fortior ausit ais ?' 


Charisius, p. 133 P, quotes from Sallust, ‘a/is alibi stantes, 
omnes tamen advorsis vulneribus conciderunt, which seems 
almost like a misquotation of Catilin. 61, where, however, neither 
alis nor alii occurs. 

12.] In the neuter the -4 has been preserved in i//u-d, istu-d, 
aliu-d, but in ipsum we see the accusative termination. Zpesu-d 
is mentioned in a glossary (Gloss. Philox.), but the grammarians 
generally speak of its absence, and it does not occur on monu- 

ments or in literature. 
|  18.] The Genitive termination seems to be rightly explained 
by Corssen as formed with the ordinary termination *as, *os, 
us upon a lengthened stem, * o/Jo-i-us, * isto-t-us becoming 2//i-us, 
istt-us. In no other way can we well account for the existence 
of the long vowel 2 in old Latin. 

Besides these, other words—otherwise belonging to the o de- 
clension—follow the pronominal declension in the genitive and 
dative, unus, uius (i.e. unulus), solus, totus, alter, uter (i.e. cu-ter), 
uterque, etc. The genitive of all these originally ends in -ius ; 
later all are frequently shortened under influence of the accent, 
though in the time of Quintilian some had regained the original 
quantity (see Quint. I. O. i. 5, 18). On the quantity of the 1, 
in all these words, especially in Plautus, there is a series of 
remarks in Ritschl's Opuscula Philologica, 1868, ii. p. 662 foll., 
under the heading * Prosodie von Alterius." 

14.] The Locatwe form of these words is formed from the 
simple stem, e.g. 180-2, ist. It occurs in the adverbs $/-c, 
tsti-c (cp. Ate, sic, etc., and see below) in the ordinary locative sense. 
Priscian speaks of this termination, used as genitive or dative, 
in no less than four places, and his instances may be worth re- 
cording here: vi. 36. p. 694 P, M. Cato in Censura de Vestitu et 


96 PRONOMINAL DECLENSION. XIII. 14. 


de Vehiculis, ‘Nam periniurium siet, cum mihi ob eos mores 
quos prius habui, honos detur, ubi datus est, tum uti eos mutem 
atque a/iz modi sim.’ 

C. Licinius in ii, ‘ Perversum esse 2/2? modi postulare.’ 

Uni pro unius. Titinius in Barbato :— 


* Quod quidém pol mulier dicet 
N amque unt collegi sumus. (R. Com. v. 8.) 


Ipsi pro ipsius. Afranius in Homine :— 
* Ipsi me velle vestimenta dicito.' 
Toti (Hertz, totae Krehl) pro /o£ius, idem in Suspecta : — 
* Adeo ut te satias caperet toti (totae K.) familiae.' 


Soli pro solius. Cato in I. Originum, * Nam de omni Tuscu- 
lana civitate so/z Lucii Mamilii beneficium gratum fuit. Idem 
nullae (nulli. H.) pro nullius, * Qui tantisper aullae (nuit H.) rei 
sies, dum nihil agas." 

Terentius in Ándria (608) :— 


* quándoquidem tam inérs tam nulli cónsili [sum]." 
Uil; pro ullius. Plautus in Truculento (ii. 2. 37) :— 


*quasi vero córpori relíqueris 
[Tuó] potestatém coloris di capiendí, mala.’ 


lili pro ius. Cato in M. Caelium, ‘ ecquis 7/72 modi esse 
vult ?' 

Idem de moribus Claudi Neronis, ?s/ pro is/ius : —' Pecunia 
mea reipublicae profuit quam 75/2 modi uti tu es.’ 

Priscian, xiii. $ 11. p. 959 P. ; ep. vi. § 5. p. 678 P. 

(Terentius) in Heautontimorumeno :— 

‘Dum loquitur alterae. 
[Should be *alterae | dum narrat, Haut. 271.] 


Et in Eunucho :— 


* Solae mihi ridiculo fuit. 
[Should be ‘ Mihi solae, etc., Eun. 1004.] 


Cuicuimodi pro cuzuscuiusmodi. Cicero pro Sex. Roscio:— 
* Vereor enim, cuicuimodi es, 'T. Rosci, ne ita hunc videar servare, 
ut tibi omnino non pepercerim.’ [Pro Rose, Am. 95.] 








XIII. 15, 16. PRONOUNS WITH GENDER. 97 


To these we may add Plautus, Truc. iv. 3. 16, ‘ Js/ae dedi; and 
v. 38 :— . 
‘Qui, malum, bella aut faceta es quae ames hominem tséi modi?’ 


Ritsehl would restore these forms in other places of Plautus: 
for instances, see Opusc. Phil. ii. p. 692. 

A more exclusively Jocative formation is that in -im or -in, as 
in olim, sllim, illin-c, tstim, tstin-c, hin-c, etc., which appears to 
be peculiar to Latin, and has the sense of motion from a point. 
Prof. Palmer points out that the same formation occurs in loxgin- 
quus, propin-quus. 

15.] The Dative seems to have had, like other datives in Latin, 
its termination in ei, later ?, which it retains, though lost in the 
ordinary o declension : cp. isi and domino. 

The Addative in -d has left, I believe, no traces in literature. 

In the plural there is no divergence from the ordinary declen- 
sion of -o stems, except that there is no example of the dative or 
ablative in -dus, nor of the nominative in -is, e or -es (except 
alis, mentioned above). 

16.] Class ii. Other stems, in which a farther à increase takes 
place, are ho- and quo-, the first having generally, though not 
always, the enclitic -c or -ce after it, the remnant of the pro- 
nominal stem -co, which appears more extensively in Oscan. 


Sing. Old Form. Usual Form. 
N. ho-i-ce, (heice), hà-i-ce, hic hae-c, \ h 
-d- , Ó-c. 
A. ho-n-ce, ha-n-ce } ho-d-ee, hun-e, han-e, ° 
G. ho-i-us. huius. 
, ho-t-us-ce. huiusce. 
L. ho-i-ce, (heice). hí-c. 
D. ho-ei-ce. hui-c. 
A. hó-d-ce, ha-d-ce, h6-d-ce. | hó-e, hi-c, ho-c. 
Plur. 
N. ho-i-s, hoisce, ha-t, hf, hae, 
H 1 ho-i-ce, taion há-c. (hisce, hice), hae-c, hae-c. 
0-8 &-8 . 
, , á-i-c. -ce, has. - 
, ho-s-ce, ha-s-ce, hà-te. | hos, -ce as "00 
G. ho-rom, -ce, ^ ha-rom, ho-rom. | horum, harum, horum. 
(horun-c). 
L. ho-is. hís. 


D. A. ho-i-bus. | hibus, 





98 PRONOMINAL DECLENSION. 


XIII. 17-19. 


17.] Like Ac is declined istic, i. e. *is-to-i-c, and illic, though 


certain cases are not found. 


Sing. 

Nom, illic, — illaec, ) . . 
Acc. illune, illanc, j illoe, or illuc. 
Gen. illiusce. 

Loc.) .;. 

-' :| illic. 

Abl. illoe, illae,  illoc. 
Plur. 

Nom. ilie,  illace, lace 
Acc. illosce, illasce, " 
Loc. 

Dat. | illisce. 

Abl. 


The nominative plural i//is-ce is perhaps found in Plautus, 
Most. 510: see above, under the o declension, ix. § 9. 
18.] The stem quo- is thus declined, as a relative who or 


which :— 
Sing. Old Form. 
Nom. quo-i, qua-t, \ quo-d. 
Acc. quo-m, qua-m, 
Gen. quo-i-us. 
Loc. quo-i. 
Dat. quo-i-ei. 
Abl. quo-d, qua-d, | quo-d. 
Plur 
Nom. quo-i, qua-t, 
»  quo-is. { qua-?. 
Ace. quo-s, qua-s, 
Gen. quo-i-om. 


»  quo-rom, qua-rom, quo-rom. 
Loc. quo-is. 


Ordinary Form. 
qui, quae, | quod, 
quem, quam, 
culus. 
qui, (cui ?). 

(quoi) cui. 

quo, qua, quo. 
qui, quae, 

(ques), quae. 
quos quas, 


quorum, quarum, quorum. 
queis, quis. 


qui-bus. 


19.] As an interrogative the stem quo- has a peculiar nominative, 
the vowel is weakened to 7, and the masculine has the suffix. 
Thus we get qui-s, qua-e, qui-d (originally quo-s, quà-i, qud-d). 
The same stem is used indefinitely in a/;-quis (alius quis), &i guts, 


XIII. 20-22. PRONOUNS WITH GENDER. 99 


se quis. In this case the nominative feminine is not increased 
by 1, but we have ali-qud, si-qud, ne quà (or quà), and in the 
neuter plural gua instead of quae. 

20.] Js has a remarkable declension, the simple stem $ being 
sometimes increased by -i to ei, sometimes turned into an -o atem, 
€-0, and in feminine to an -a stem. In the oblique cases i has 
been generally changed to e for the sake of euphony, as the 
vowel z does not occur as an initial in Latin before a and o, and 
rarely occurs before another 7. Cp. ire, it, but eamus, eo, eunt. 


Sing. Old Form. Ordinary Form. 
Nom. is i-s, e-a, 

» e-i-8, . id. 

» e-a, d, cp. ad-eo(d). 
Acc. i-m, e-m, (eo-d). eum, eam, 

» e-0-m,  e-a-m, 
Gen. e-i-ug. eius. 
Loc. e-i. ei (1). 
Dat. 1-ei, e-t-el. 8j, &il. 
Abl. e-0-d, — e-à-d, e-ó-d. eó, ea, eó. 
Plur. 
Nom. e-is, li, eae, ek, 

rr i-i, 6-, 

» e-a-i, e-à(d). 
Acc. €-0-B, 6--8, eos, eas, ek 
Gen. €-0-rom, e-&-rom,  e-o-rom. | eorum, earum, eorum. 
Loc. i-is, e-ig. — lig, eis. 
Dat. Abl. Y-bus. lis, eis. 

” i-t-bus (9, ! e-a-bus. 
» i-bus, 


Like ;-s is declined i-dem. 

21.] Peculiarities of declension in stems ho-; quo-; $-, eo-. 
Benfey derives the stem 4o- from an original yZa, found in San- 
skrit as an enclitic 77a, ghd, and in Greek as ye, ya (Doric), just 
as the stem -co, -ce is in Latin (see Corssen, Kr. N. p. 89). 

22.] The stem quo-, co-, or cu-, originally £va-, Sanskrit £a-, 
Greek xo-, 7o-, Osean and Umbrian po-, Gothic 4va-. This is a 
most widely used stem in Latin, appearing not only as quo-, qua- 
in qu-i, gui-s, ete., and in the adverbs quam, quamde, quamquam, 
quamvis, quando, quo, qua, qui, quidem, quoque, etc., but as co-, cw- 

H 2 


100 PRONOMINAL DECLENSION. XIII. 23-26. 


in cuius, cui, cum, ne-cubi, ne-cutro, ne-cunquam, and -u in ubi, 
uter, uti, ut, utique, etc. 

28.] The stem 7-, increased to ei-, eo-, is compared by Curtius 
(G. E. p. 355) with Sanskrit ja-, Zend za-, Greek 6, 4, 2, ó-s, &s : 
cp. 7am. Corssen compares it with Sanskrit ?-Àa, 1-tas; 6-ta-t, 
é-sha, etc., and with Osean 7-z-i-c, e¢-so-d, é-ki-k, etc., and Um- 
brian 6-80, é-su-k, à-su-f (i. p. 386). It is declined throughout in 
Gothic ¢s ; 18, wma, ina, etc. 

24. | Nominative Case. The masculine 2-s generally preserves 

the simple stem. We find it raised to ei-s in Lex Rep., B.C. 123, 
C. 198, beside zs. It occurs not more than three times; e. g. 
line 9, ‘Sei eis volet sibei patronos in eam rem darei; and line 
24, ‘Tum eis pr(aetor) facito, utei ?s unde petetur . . . indices... 
legat.' The longer form in the neuter is preserved only in ad-eo, 
for ad eod. 
. Jis-dem also is found in inscriptions :—‘ [Ser . Sulpicius . 
Ser .f. Galba .cos. pavimentum ...... t.eisdemque probavit," 
(from Terracina,) and * Q. Vibius . L. f. Dianae . v. s. eisdem aram 
d. s. f. c.' (ap. Fabretti, Gloss. s. v.). 

25.] Hic (ho-i-c) is of course originally long, but it is some- 
times shortened in the poets; e. g. Lucr. iv. 921:— 

* Sensus hic in nobis; quem quum dolor impedit ease.’ 

And Verg. Aen. iv. 22:— 

‘Solus Aic inflexit sensus animumque labantem.’ 

Ib. vi. 792 :— . 

‘Hic vir htc est tibi quem promitti saepius audis.' 

But it 1s generally /ong in Vergil, and so Hor. Sat. i. 9. 50:— 

* Nil mi officit unquam 
Ditior Aic aut est quia doctior. 
And Juv. i. 161, cp. Pers. i. 28:— 
- * Accusator erit qui verbum dixerit; Aic est.’ 

Hoe (for hod-ce) is hardly ever shortened. See Lucian Müller, 
De Re Metr. p. 343, who emends two passages in which it is 
shortened, from Seneca and the Priapeia. It seems, however, to 
be found in Lucilius: see below on Lucil. ix. 3 and 12. 

. 26.] The relative qu? is always long in inscriptions, appearing 
very frequently as quei (e. g. over 250 times in C. I. L. i); once 
as qué (C. 1297, Ep. Protag.). Quis, as a relative, is found 


XII. 26. PRONOUNS WITH GENDER. 101 


elsewhere, but very rarely, and in the sense of ‘ whoever,’ like 
quisquis: e.g. in the foedus Latinum, * pecuniam quis nancitor 
habeto (Fest. s. v. nancitor); in the Lex Silia de ponderibus 
publicis, ‘eum quis (gui, Mommsen) volet magistratus multare... 
liceto ^ (Fest. p. 246 M); Cato, R. R. 145. 1, * homines eos dato 
qui placebunt, aut qvis eam oleam emerit ; Gell. iv. 12. 2, ‘item 
quis eques Romanus equum' habere gracilentum aut parum niti- 
dem visus erat, impolitiae notabatur, Cp. Neue, i. p. 158. 

The interrogative qu?-s is sometimes raised to qw, esp. when 
we mean, What sort of ? Who was it that? e. g. ‘quae haec daps 
est, qui festus dies?’ Liv. And. Od. i. ap. Prise. vii. 40. p. 752 P; 
* qui Chaerea ?" Ter. Eun. 824. 

In the neuter quid is generally substantival and quod adjec- 
tival: e.g. Cic. Verr. iv. 21, 47, ‘quid hoc est? quod monstrum, 
quod prodigium in provinciam misimus?! And so in indirect 
questions we write ' nescio guid mali,’ but * nescio quod oppidum." 
(See further, Neue, i. pp. 163, 164.) There are no doubt ex- 
ceptions to this rule. 

Similarly the compounds of qui, quis make -quod when used 
adjectivally, and -guid when used substantivally. —4/;qui is the 
rarer form, but is often used by Cicero. 4/iquae for aiiqua oc- 
curs once, in Lucret. iv. 263 :— 

‘Tamquam aliquae res | verberet.’ 


Qui-s is sometimes used for the feminine, e.g. by Ennius, 
Pacuvius, and Plautus, but not in inscriptions; as 
Enn. Trag. 133 V. (ap. Non. iii. p. 197 M):— 
‘Et quia illaec est, quae lugubri 
Succincta est stola" | 
Pacuvius, ( Medo] v. 239 Ribb. (ibid. and cp. Varr. L. L. 6. 
60) :— 
‘Quis tu es mulier quae me insueto nuncupasti nomine ?? 
Plaut. Aul. 138 Wagner :— 
‘Da mi óptuma feminí manum :: ubi eást! ef quis east nam 
óptuma 1' 
And 168 :— 


‘Dic mihi quaeso; qués east quam vis dácere uxorem 1 : : éloquar.’ 


And others. Cp. 'Quaeso igitur, quisquis es, mea mulier.' 
Caecil. v. 267 Ribb. (ap. Non. l. c.) 


102 PRONOMINAL DECLENSION. XIII. 27—29. 


27.) Accusative. We find 1M, Ex in Festus, and in quotations 
from old laws, showing that the stem was not at that time raised 
to eo- ; e.g. Ep. 8. vv. em, tum; emem, eundem ; em pro eum; im 
pro ewm. So XII. Tabb. i. 1,*Si in ius vocat, ito: ni it, antesta- 
mino: igitur em capito; viii. 12, ‘Si nox furtum faxsit, si tm 
occisit, iure caesus esto ;’ x. 9, ‘Cui auro dentes iuncti escunt, 
ast im cum illo sepeliet uretve, se fraude esto.’ 

The form emem is evidently a reduplicated form, like quisquis, 
quidquid, uteruter: cp. meme, tete, etc. — Em — tum, gives us a 
hint as to the derivation of the latter as accusative of stem /o- : 
*to-m=tum or tun-c, just as emz- *eom, eum. 

28.| The adverb duc is originally Aoc, ‘ to this place,’ and so 1s 
frequently written in Plautus; and so once in Vergil, Aen. viii. 

23:— 
Ts * Hoc tunc Ignipotens caelo descendit ab alto.' 


And in Cicero's Epistles it is not uncommon: cp. also ad-huc= 
ad hoc. 

The forms hon-c, quom must at one time have been frequent in 
old Latin: onc, however, is only once found in inscriptions 
(Ep. Scip. C. 32), ‘Zone oino,’ ete., and once ho(n)c, C. 1253, an 
epitaph from Pompeii, ‘ Zoc liberteis meis et libertabus locum 
concess(1),' unless Jocum is here neuter (cp. /oca), while quom is 
confined to the adverb 2 quum, or cum; e.g. S. C. Bacch, * Quom 
ea res consoleretur:’ ep. quondam. Quam, quamquam, quamvis; 
quom, quum, cum; quod, are used adverbially, just as tam, tum, 
tune; nam, num, nunc, and as em, according to Festus, just 
quoted: see below, Class iii. 

29.] In the Genitive case the + has generally become conso- 
nantal, and in the old poets the forms Auius, cuiue, eius are often 
monosyllables. 'The following inscription oceurs in Gruter, 44. 
3, in which duis stands for Auius : — 


* Romae, in collegio Jesuitarum (e Manutio). 


SIGNVM 
HERCVLIS 
DORVS . LARC 
DISP . QVI. ANTE . VILLICVS 
HVIS LOCI 
D.D’ 


XII. 30. PRONOUNS WITH GENDER. 103 


We find perhaps guo-i-us once in Ep. Scip. Barbat. (see 
note) :— 


‘Quo-i-us fórma vírtuteí parísuma füit ;' 


for so it seems, on the whole, safest to scan the line, there being 
no other instance of a shortening the is in the superlative, as 
Bücheler points it :— 


'Quoiüs formá virtátei périsuma fait.’ 


Nevertheless it is an isolated instance, and the line may be 
scanned in another manner without shortening the -2s. 

Hoius, instead of later huzus, occurs in the forms hoiusce (Lex 
Rep. C. 198, 56), Aoiusgue (Tit. Baebat. C. 603, 4). Hitus, men- 
tioned -by Priscian, i. 18. p. 545 P, is merely an instance of the 
mode of writing II for J, or consonantal I, and bas no etymo- 
logical importance. See above, ch. ii. p. 10, iii. p. 16. 

90.] Locative. Hei-c or hic is evidently a locative (for ho-7-c). 
Hei-c occurs on the milestone of Popilius (C. 551, B.c. 132), ete., 
and heice (C. 1049, Epitaph of Protogenes). 

Quei (for quo-i), later gui, and quí-n(e), qui-ppe, usually inter- 
preted as ablatives, are probably locatives in form. If they are 
ablatives they are increased with the 2, not as the nominative 
and genitive, but after the termination: cp. Greek rovrgl, 
ovtwal. 

The full form quo-i is, however, found in some places in Plautus 
with a genitive sense, in conjunction with mod?: compare ssi 
modi, ete. Ritschl would introduce it in the following places in 
the form quoimodi or quoiquoimodi. 

Menaechmi 572 :— 

* Rés megis quáeritur, quám cluentim fides 
Quotmodi cláeat. [In his text he had printed quoiusmodi.] 

Bacch. 400 :— 

*Bísne necne ut ésse oportet, málus bonus quoiquoimodi. 

Pseud. 741 :— 


* Mórrinam passim defrutum mélinam mel quotquotmodi.’ 
And also probably in Most. iii. 1. 110, 2. 132, 3. 5; v. 1. 68: 
Rud. i. 1. 1; 11 4. 8. 10: Trin. ii. 4. 100 (i.e. 501): Persa, iii. 
1. 58 (Opusc. Phil. 11. pp. 726, 727). 


104 PRONOMINAL DECLENSION. XIII. 31. 


In Trin. 1126 Ritechl reads :— 
* Quofus fides fidélitasque amícum erga aequiperét tuam ;' 


but B. reads quoi, the others cui, and there seems no reason 
against receiving it as a genitive locative. 

Cuimodi and cuicuimodi are not unknown in later authors, e. g. 
Cic. pro Rosc. Am. 95 (above, xiii. $ 14), * Vereor enim cuicuimodi 
es, T. Rosci, ne ita hunc videar servare ut tibi omnino non 
pepereerim :' and ‘Cuicuimodi agam, ‘Ad Att. iii. 22, ad fin.; 
xii. 19: De Leg. ii. 5. 15. 

The adverb quia is explained by Corssen (ii. 850) as a contrac- 
tion of the (ablative) qui-iam, like et-iam, quon-iam, with loss of 
the m. May it not, however, be a neuter plural from qvis, de- 
clined as an ? stem? It is generally scanned as a pyrrhic, the 
first syllable being always short, and the last almost always. It 
is long, however, once in Phaedrus, Fab. i. 5. 7 :— 


‘Ego prímam tollo nóminor quiá leo.’ 
And in Auson. Prof. 8. 7 :— 
‘Sed quid nostro docuere in aevo. 


81.] Hi, used as genitive, is perhaps doubtful. ‘#7 ret’ (Trin. 
522) may probably be a dative; but eae, i.e. (ea-2), is found in 
Cato, R. R. 46. 

The interjection ej, e may perhaps be regarded as a locative of 
this stem (cp. Aui), or rather it shows how a simple sound, e, 4, 
may become a pronominal root. appears in e-cce, e-n, e-quidem, 
and in the adjurations e-Castor, e- Quirine (Fest. Ep. s. v.), e-Juno 
(Charis.), e-di («^O God! Titin. ap. Charis. 5. 12. 111 Ribb.), 
e-de-Pol (:O God Pollux !), e-dio-Fidio, e- dius-Fidius (Charis. 
pp. 183 P, 117 L). The passage of Charisius may be quoted :— 
* Medio Fidio per Iovem aut fidem filiumve Iovis Herculem quae 
iuratio propria virorum est, ut feminarum edepol, ecastor, eiuno ; 
denique Titinius in Setina, molliculum adulescentulum cum re- 
prehendere magis vellet, 


* An (inquit) quia pol edepol fabulare, edi medi." 
Edi 'Titinius in Barbato, 
“Td necesse respondet, Edi" 


pro e dius fidius. 


xm. 32-34. PRONOUNS WITH GENDER. 108 


82.] The Dative is sometimes formed from the increased stem, 
sometimes from the simple stem. 

Fi-ei occurs seven times in Lex Rep. c. B.c. 123, C. 198, 
and ei-i or & in Plautus, Curcul. iv. 3. 12, Casin. Prol. 35. 37; 
e. g. Casin. Prol. 37 :— 

‘Est éi quidam sérvus qui in morbó cubat.’ 

And £i in Lucret. ii. 1136 :— 

‘Nec facile in venas cibus omnis diditur ei. 

lei 18 found three times in Lex Rubria, B.c. 49, C. 205. 

Quo-i-eéi again occurs several times in inscriptions (Ep. Scip. 
C. 34, Lex Rep. 198. 10, Lex Agr. 200. 68). On the other 
hand, quo-i is very frequent, occurring also on the walls of Pom- 
peii and in the poems of Lucretius and Catullus. In fact it was 
the recognised form up to the time of Quintilian. 

Hoice occurs once in Lex Bantina, C. 197. 26, * Hoice leegei.’ 

83.] 4b/ative. The full forms in d are almost unknown in 
these pronouns. In Trin. 34 sq. the best MSS. read— 

* Nimioque hic pluris pauciorum gratiam 
Faciunt pars hominum quam id quod prosint pluribus.’ 
And so 807 :— 
‘Diem conficimus quod iam properatost opus.’ 


See Ritschl, Neue Plautinische Excurse, i. 58. 

84.] Nominative Plural. The peculiar forms in -eis, -es, -is 
have been mentioned under the o declension, where instances of 
his-ce have been given. —Heis is found C. 1059 and 1071, heisce, 
C. 565, 566, 567, 569 (all Tit. Mag. Camp.) and 1478. Js and 
qui have them also to some extent, perhaps in part owing to 
their apparent conformity in the nominative (i-s and qui-s) to 
the z declension. eis occurs once in the Bacchanalian decree 
(C. 196. 4), while eis is pretty frequent in inscriptions (Lex 
Bant. v.c. 621-636, C. 197, Lex Rep. v.c. 631, C. 198, 26, 57, 
67, Sent. Minuc. v.c. 638, C. 199), and we find zeis once in Lex 
parieti faciundo, v.c. 649, C. 577. 

Ques is only found, as far as inscriptions go, in the Bacchana- 
lian edict (C. 196. 4. 24), where it seems to be used with an idea 
of distinguishing the indefinite (quis) from the relative, as in the 
phrases ‘Sei ques esent que? sibei deicerent necesus ese Bacanal 
habere; ‘Sei ques esent. que? arvorsum ead fecisent.’ But it is 


106 PRONOMINAL DECLENSION. XIH. 35, 36. 


quoted by the old grammarians apparently without such a dis- 
tinction, e. g. Charis. p. 70 P, * Ques autem dixisse veteres testi- 
monio est Cato qui ait Originum II, ** quescunque Romae regna- 
vissent," et Pacuvius— 

“Ques sunt ii ignoti, nescio ques ignobiles," 
and Priscian, xii. p. 960 P. Pacuvius, in Medo, “ Ques sunt 
isti?" Accius, in Neoptolemo, “Sed quesdam." ' 

35.] The length of the neuter a is evident in such forms as 
post-hd-c, amte-há-c ; post-ed, ant-ea, quà-propter, post-illa, etc., 
forms in which the old termination in Ad-c, gud, not increased by 
$ to haec and quae, is preserved. Compare above, ch. ix, § 8. 

The form gua is elsewhere confined to the indefinite or nega- 
tive aligua, si qua, nequa. Quai, accusative plural, occurs once, - 
Lex Rep. C. 198. 34, ‘ Ea quai ita conquaesiverit.’ 

The unique form ead occurs S. C. Bacch. C. 196. 25, *arvor- 
sum ead,’ which Bopp holds to be an accusative, Ritschl an 
ablative (Neue Plaut. Exc. pp. 82, 83, and see note on the 
inscription.) In the feminine Zae-c for ae is much more common 
than is generally supposed. See a considerable list of passages 
from the best MSS. of Cicero's Tusc. and De Offic., and others, 
by Fleckeisen, Beitráge zur Lat. Gr. in Rhein. Mus. N. F. vii. for 
1850. It is found also (besides Plautus and Terence) in Livy, 
Vergil, Varro, and Lucretius; e. g. Verg. Geor. iii. 305:— 

* Ilaec quoque non cura nobis leviore tuendae. 
(Frag. Vat. e& Rom.) 

Aen. vii. 175 :— 

* Haec sacris sedes epulis, (Rom.) 

Lucret. 111. 601 :— 

* Conquassatur enim tum mens animaeque potestas 
Omnis et haec ipso cum corpore conlabefiunt.’ 


Ib. vi. 456 :— 
‘Inde Àaec comprendunt inter se conque gregantur.’ (Sc. mubes.) 
Lucretius, observes Mr. Munro, never uses fae. In iii. 601 
haec may, however, possibly be neuter. 
Ili-c, in the masculine, for Ao?-ce, appears once in Varro, L. L. 
vi. 75, ' Itaque Aic quoque qui dicunt in Astraba Plauti e. q. s.' 
86.] Genitive. The older forms in -om, -um are generally super- 


iur 37, 38. | PRONOUNS WITH GENDER. 107 


seded by those in -orum, but we find cxtum in Charis. ii. 136 P, 
* Pluraliter quae, quorum aut exium, quis aut quibus, quae, quis 
aut quibus;’ from lengthened stem guoi-, and possibly quoium 
in Plaut. Trin. 534, and eum in Lex Jul. 5.c. 45, C. 206. 52, 
in the formula, after a plural antecedent, ‘Hum h(ac) lege) 
n(ihil) r(ogatur),’ parallel to * £zus h. 1. n. r. ;* and so Fest. Ep. 
8. V., ‘Hum antiqui dicebant pro eorum." 

97.] Locative. Ets, queis, or quis, heis, his are very common. 
Besides these we find eeis (S. C. Bacch. C. 196. 5. 25), teis (C. 
214. 1. 8. 34), and is (198. 48), and Lex Malacit. ap. Henz. 7421. 
16. 21, (or Bruns, Fontes, p. 98), and other inscriptions. 

Compare Enn. Ann. 279 V.:— 

* Ja pernas succidit iniqua superbia Poeni; 
and so for iis frequently in the oldest MSS. of Cicero (Fabretti, 
Gloss. s. v ). 

88.| Dative and Ablative. On one side we have quibus, thus, 
formed from the simple stem, on the other, Aibus for Ao-i-bus. 
The MSS. of Plautus seem to confuse the two forms, but 
Ritschl and Fleckeisen restrict the long vowel to Aibus, though 
there is no real reason why there should not be a form of this 
case from the increased stem of zs, just as in the dative singular 
we get ei-ei, &i, as well as £i, and quo-i-ei, as well as quo-;. 

The following are instances of Aibus. Varro, L. L. viii. 72, 
‘Et non debuit dici quibus das Ais * das; est enim ut ei, qui, his, 
quis; ac sicut quibus Aidus.’ [Should not we read ‘ut ei, quoi,’ 
or cui?']| Cp. Charis. i. 17, 6 and Prisc. xiii. 15, who refer to 
Plautus, Cure. 506 :— 

* Eodem hércle vos pono ét paro: paríssumi estis Aíbus. 
Ritechl reads;'aecording to some MSS., in Mil. 74 :— 
* Latrónes, libus dínumerem stipéndia.’ 
Instances of %ius are, Trucul. i. 2, 14:— 

‘Ibfst thus pugnae et vírtuti de praédonibus praedám capere, 

but Spengel ius. And perhaps Rud. Prol. 75:— 


‘Sedént eiecti: návis confractást zbus,’ 


but Fleckeisen eis, and MSS. zis.  Titin. ap. Non. Ribb. 59:— 
‘En ecástor, si morátae sitis ámbae ibu’ prout ego móribus,' 
but Ribbeck tdus. Habus occurs in Cato, R. R. 152. 


108 PRONOMINAL DECLENSION. XIII. 39. 


89.] Class ii. We have reserved for this class the defective 
stems, so-, éo-, and others. 

The stem 8a-,80-. So- occurs in ip-so-s, and in Oscan ei-s0-d, etc. 
Umbrian 6-80, e-su-k, but also uneompounded in some of its cases. 
It seems to correspond to Sanskrit sa, sf —he, she; Greek 6, 
à, 7, Gothie sa, 33, the (masculine and feminine), si, English she, 
German sie. (Curt. G. E. p. 353.) Thus we find in Pacuvius, 
v. 324 Ribb. sa-p-sa = i-p-sa; and the accusative, singular and 
plural, sum, sam, 505, sas, in Ennius: e.g. Ann. 102 Vahl. :— 

‘Astu non vi sam summam servare decet rem.’ (ap. Fest.) 

Ib. 228 :-— 

‘In somnis vidit prius quam sam discere coepit.’ (ap. Fest.) 

Ib. 22 :— 

‘Constitit inde loci propter sos dia dearum.’ (ap. Fest.) 

Ib. 103 :— 

‘Virginis. Nam sibi quisque domi Romanus habet sas.’ (ap. Fest.) 


And elsewhere, e. g. ‘ni sam delapidassint, XII. Tab. vii. 7. 

Sei-e, sí-c, sei, si look like locatives of the same stem, but 
analogy teaches us to refer them rather to a pronoun eva, svi. 
So Oscan svat, Umbrian eve— Latin si. Cp. Goth. sve, ‘as,’ and 
Goth. sva, English so. There is a trace of this in Festus’ suad 
ted=sic te. . 

This preposition appears also in the difficult word si-remps, or 
siremp-se, in the phrase ‘siremps lex esto’ (Lex Rubria, Lex 
Agraria, etc.), and in Plaut. Amphit. Prol. 73. 

* Sirempse legem dixit esse Juppiter, 

(according to Scaliger’s felicitous restoration) = similis, similem. 
Ritschl explains this as a contraction for si-re-ea-gse, sirepse, the 
m being merely euphonic, as in cu(m)bo, ru(m)po, and so the 
meaning of the word would be exactly =‘ sic re ipsa,’ our ‘ exactly 
so.’ (Rheinisch. Mus. N. F. 8, p. 298 sq. for 1853.) Corssen 
explains it as equal si-rem-p-se, ‘so in fact so’ (i. 777, 1i. 847), 
where see more on the whole subject. 

There can scarcely be any doubt, also, that the common adverb 
sei, si, late Latin and Italian se, ‘if,’ is really the same word, 
both in its simple form and in the compounds sez-ne (Lex 
Rep.) si-ne; sei-ve (Legg. Bant. Rep. Agr., ete.), st-ve, seu; 
ni-sei, ni-8i, ni-se (L. Rub.); qua-sei, qua-si, qua-se (Quint. 1. 





XIII. 40, 4I. PRONOUNS WITH GENDER. 109 


7. 24). The transition from ‘there,’ ‘in that way,’ ‘in that case,’ 
‘in ease that,’ to ‘thus’ and ‘if’ is very easy. 

The adverb and conjunction sé, sed are probably to be treated 
as ablatives of the reflexive pronoun not of the stem sa-. See 
above, § 1o. 

40.] This stem, like co-, ce-, and ya-, ye- in Greek, has become 
enclitic, especially in combination with another enclitic -pe (also 
in pro-pe, nem-pe, quip-pe, eto.). 

In ip-s0-8, sa-p-sa we have seen the same combination, in 
which so- is declined. We have also forms like -¢0-p-se, ca-p-se, 
eum-p-se, eam-p-se (chiefly from Plautus), formed from an otherwise 
defective * 1s-p-se, and declined like 1(s)-dem, i-dem, in which the 
last half of the pronoun is enclitic. So reapse— re-ea-p-se, i. q. 
re ipsa, e. g. in Plaut. Truc. iv. 3. 41, as corrected by Camerarius: — 

‘De istoc, ipsa, etsi tu taceas, reapse experta intellego.' 
And Pacuv. 26 Ribb. ap. Fest. Ep. s.v. :— 
‘Si non est ingratum reapse quod feci, 
as well as Cic. de Leg. iii. 8, 18; de Rep. i. 2; de Div. i. 37, 
81, eto., ete. : 

We find also se-p-se in Cic. de Rep. iii. 8, 12, * (Virtus) quae 
omnes magis quam sepae diligit. Cp. Sen. Ep. 108, 32. 

41]. Stem TA-, T0-. This stem, though declined throughout in 
the compound is-/o, is defective in itself, and its cases have 
an adverbial character. 

In Greek the stem appears in at-rds, ob-ros, and the oblique 
cases of the definite article. 

The original vowel is preserved in tam, tam-quam, ta-ntus, 
tan-ti-dem, etc., becoming o in cases of is-/e, and u, e in tum, 
tun-c ; t-tem, au-tem. 

With au-tem we must class the similar compound, Oscan az-£i, 
Umbrian »-£e, o-te, Latin au-t, and probably a-/, e-¢, all shortened 
forms of a /ocatiwe. <A similar locative is u-tei, u-ti, u-t. The 
original ablative in à is retained in :-/a, i-tague (‘this wise’), 
aliu-ta (‘other wise’). The length of the vowel is preserved 
in the line of Naevius' epitaph :— 

* Jtáque póstquam est órci tráditüs thesaüro.' 


With i£a, «tem compare etra, etrev, the latter being an Ionic form, 
found also in some MSS. of the N. T., 8s Mr. Burgon informs me, 


110 PRONOMINAL DECLENSION. uxur 42-44. 


42.| From a stem Da-, Do-, similar to Ta-, are the adverbs and 
enclitic terminations -dam, -do, -dum, -dem, -de, e. g. in qui-dam, 
quon-dam ; do-nec, do-nicum, quan-do; dum, age-dum, viz-dum, 
inter-dum ; tan-dem, qui-dem, i-ti-dem, t-den-ti-dem, pri-dem, in-de, 
quam-de, etc., etc. That these hang together, and to some extent 
represent duration of time, as £u», etc., do a point of time, seems 
evident. Whether Corssen is right in allying them to root 
div-, and its many derivatives, is à much more difficult question 
(Kr. B. p. 504, and Aussp. ii. 855, 6, etc. ; ep. Curt. Gr. Et. 
p. 561) The following forms' certainly show the constant 
parallel which exists between the noun and the pronominal 
stem :— 


pri-die, posiri-die, cotti-die, per-endie ; 
pr Hy “diem, |i dein-de, exin-de, perin-de, proin-de, subin-de, 
pri-cem, un-de, ali-cunde, undi-que, quam-de, etc. 


per-dius, inter-dius, inter-diu ; 

du-dum, inter-dum, nec-dum, non-dum, etc., etc. 
The identification of the two stems is, however, on the whole, 
improbable. The preposition dé is an ablative from stem 
da-, just as sd, se-d from sa-. The Oscan retains the oldest form, 
dat — de. 

43.] On the other hand, ia-», which Corssen explains as 
—* diam, is probably. more closely connected with the stem 
JA-, YA-, Which we have mentioned above as related to :-s, and 
Greek 6, 75, 8-s, ‘he.’ The gloss em — tum (Fest. Ep. s.v.) 
shows an obsolete adverb forming a close parallel to the formation 
of yam from ja-. The affirmatives sic, nai, or nae may be com- 
pared also with the German ja, our yea, from the same stem, and 
with e¢-iam. 

Whether ya- is originally short for pra, is uncertain. The 
parallel of 37, #-3n, d7v, in Greek, makes it not altogether im- 
probable, since 37 is as nearly like to iam as dyv is to -dam, dum 
(‘a long time’). Jam appears in a modified, i.e. not temporal 
sense, in guis-p-iam, and generally i in etiam, quoniam. 

44.] Another stem, or pair of stems, with modifications of 
form and meaning nearly parallel to the two last, are NA-, NO-, 
and AN-. The second appears, originally, to be a compound of 
the first with 4; and, as a preposition, means that, the other, as 
opposed to /Ais (NA). The full form a-ȇ, d-vd occurs both in 


xu. 45,46. | PRONOUNS WITH GENDER. 111 


Sanskrit and Greek.  O//ws we have already explained as pos- 
sibly a diminutive of ono- for ana-. — Alius, Gk. &AXos, Goth. ala, 
Slav. ale, cannot however be referred to this stem. 

The pure stem Na- occurs in the adverbs tam, nam-que, quia- 
sam, and in guis-nam. It is weakened, on one side, to o, v, in 
Umbrian e-nom, Latin mwm, nun-c, etiam-num, Greek viv, vvv, 
vuv-(, and, on the other, to e and £ in sem-pe, e-nim, Umbrian 
e-nem, Oscan i-nim (‘and’), and Greek vw ( him,’ ‘her,’ ‘ they ’). 
The variety of ideas expressed by this stem—interrogative, 
affirmative, temporal, illative, conjunctive, and simply personal— 
might ereate surprise, were it not for the opposite parallels of 
the stems TA-, DA-, and in part 1-. Besides these accusatives, there 
is another Jocative form, na-t, nae, nd, Greek va-(, which evi- 
dently belongs to this stem on the analogy of the affirmatives 
sei-c, sic, Italian st, and ef-iam, though it may perhaps be bor- 
rowed directly from Greek. Ne is enclitic in po-ne, super-ne. 

45.] The stem AN-, or AN-A, is preserved in Greek dvd and its 
derivatives, and in the Latin az, and the preposition in, en-do 
and its derivatives. An, that is, ‘ that,’ ‘the other, is naturally 
used in hypothetical sentences and questions (cp. the use of áv in 
Greek). We find it occasionally in alternatives, as in two 
passages of Cicero, ad Att. xi. 6, 7, ‘Is dicitur vidisse an euntem 
an iam in Asia,’ Brut. xxiii, 89, ‘M. Cato... orationem in 
Origines suas retulit paucis antequam mortuus est an diebus az 
mensibus. (Corss, Kr. B. pp. 303, 4-) It is found also in com- 
position in the phrases fors-an, for-sit-an (fors sit an), fort-as-sis 
(forte an si vis), shortened to forí-as-se, and forí-assan, for for- 
fasse an. — (Corss. ii. 850.) 

In, endo, on the other hand, are simply local. They appear 
in a fuller form in Greek éy-( and els for év-s or ép-(-s. The 
vowel is preserved in Oscan an-fer, Umbrian an-ter, an-der, 
Sanskrit an-tar (cp. Gothic an-thara, German an-der). 

46.] Other defective pronominal stems are co-, po-, becoming 
-cé, -pe, as enclitics, and -met, 

Stem co-. The relation of this stem to that of quo- is not 
very clear. If they were originally identical, as may very 
well be the case, they become practically distinct, the one re- 
taining the sense of ‘ who,’ ‘ which,’ ‘any,’ the other the demon- 
strative meaning ‘there.’ We have already spoken of ci-s, ci-/ra, 





112 PRONOMINAL DECLENSION. xmr 47-49. 


ete., under the comparison of adjectives. The commonest form 
of this pronoun is the locative enclitic termination ce or que in 
hi-c, ne-c, ne-que, a-c (for at-c), at-que, e-cce for à-ce, si-c, and the 
other compounds with quis, uter, etc., etc. 

47.] PE appears in the middle of words in i-p-se, rea-p-se, 
quis-p-iam, us-p-iam, and at the end in qui-ppe, nem-pe, pro-pe, 
ipsi-ppe, the latter from Festus, s.v., ‘ipsi neque alii.” It 
evidently bears the same relation to pa- as ce- to ca-, ka-, and 
as the Oscans and Umbrians substitute p for £, this may, per- 
haps, be considered as a dialectic form. 

48.] PTE, in meo-pte, tuo-pte, suo-pte, me-pte (Plaut. Men. 1059), 
mihi-pte (Cato, ap. Fest. pp. 150-154 M.), vo-pte, * vos ipsi ' (ib.), 
is, according to Corssen, not a pronominal form, but contracted 
for pote, as in ut-pote (Corss. ii. 575). Prof. Palmer, however, 
suggests a comparison with the Greek enclitic vore, which is no 
doubt a pronominal adverb, and particularly with a parallel form 
like tinre. 

49.] We have another enclitic pronoun in -MET, as ego-met, 
vos-met, sibi-met, etc., which Bopp explains as formed from a 
stem smo-, traces of which are found in Sanskrit and in the 
dialects, e.g. Umbrian e-sme, e-emei — ei, pu-sme cui. 








XIV. 1-4. CONJUGATION. 113 


CHAPTER XIV. 


ConsuGaTION. Prrson-ENDINGS OF THE ACTIVE AND PASSIVE. 


1.] Tsar which distinguishes a verb from a noun is, as we 
have already stated, the personal suffix—the pronoun subjoined 
to the verbal stem. All verbs have these pronouns in all their 
parts, though not always in an equal state of preservation. The 
Infinitive Mood, as it is called, including Supine, Participles, etc., 
belongs, of course, strictly to nominal declension. It is classed 
with verbs only as being formed from the same stems, and as 
logically taking the place of verbs, especially in ‘ oratio obliqua,’ 
and in combination with auxiliaries. 

2.] Besides the inflexions of person, which are the final suffixes 
of verbs, there are three others to which they are subject, those 
of voice, mood, and tense. The inflexion of voice is really one of 
personal suffix, the Middle, or Passive, being formed by the re- 
flexive action of one personal pronoun upon another. In the ori- 
ginal language, followed by the Indic, Iranic, Greek, and German 
families of speech, the same pronoun was repeated as subject and 
object; thus Greek $époua: is for $epó-pa-ju, etc. In Latin and 
Insh, as well as in the Slavonie and Lithuanian families, the 
medio-passive is formed by suffixing the same reflexive pronoun 
of the third person to all the persons of the active: thus amor= 
amo-se, amaris = amasi-se. 

8.] The inflexion of mood is threefold :—(1) Indicative: the 
mood of direct, statement, from which the Imperative cannot be 
separated as regards the form of the stem. (2) Subyjuncte: 
the mood of indirect statement, closely allied to (3) the Optative, 
or mood of hypotheticals or potentials. In Latin these two are 
moulded into one. 

4.] Lastly, we have inflexions of ¢ense, which may be distin- 
guished, as they are formed or not from the simple root, In 

I . 


114 CONJUGATION. PERSON-ENDINGS XIV. 5. 


Latin the simple tense-stems, formed from the root, are compa- 
ratively few ; namely, the originally reduplicated perfects and the 
presents, the latter being modified in various ways so as to form 
four classes or conjugations of verbs, parallel to the five declen- 
sions of nouns. The number of compound tense-stems is larger, 
viz. the other perfects, the imperfects, the futures, and the 
pluperfects. 

It is comparatively of little moment with which of these ele- 
ments of division we begin, but perhaps it is more scientific, with 
Schleicher, to proceed from the more general to the more special 
forms. We shall therefore take (1) the personal endings: (i.) of 
the active; (ii.) of the medio-passive ; (2) the modal characters: 
(3) the ¢ense-stems: (i.) simple; (ii. complex or composite (cp. 
Schleicher, § 268, foll., from whom the general arrangement of 
the following pages is derived). 


I. Personal-endings of the Active. 


5.] In Latin there is no dual, but only a singular and plural, 
each of three persons. The original forms of these suffixes are 
in the singular the same as the two personal pronouns without 
gender, of which we treated in ch. xi. Ma, TVA, and the de- 
monstrative TA, appearing in Latin in general as -m, -e, -4. In 
the plural the original forms Ma-sI, TA-SI, AN-TI become in like 
manner -mus, -tis, -nt. 

(i.) First Person singular, or MA. This is lost in all tenses of 
the indicative, except in the presents su-m and in-gua-m and 
all imperfects and pluperfects, but it is preserved in the 
subjunctive, to which, or to the optative, the futures above 
mentioned properly belong: so we have amo, veho, amavi, vext, 
amavero, vexero, but amaba-m, ame-m, amare-m, veha-m (future and 
subjunctive), monueri-m, audivisse-m, ete. In those cases where 
the suffix is lost the vowel has been changed from its original 
form a, to o, e.g. veh-o for veh-a-m ; tetigi is, however, probably 
not for /etigam, but for tetig-i-m or ¢e-tig-is-m; am-o is & con- 
traction for ama-o: cp. Umbrian subocau=sub-voca-o, 

The evanescence of this final » is shown by the dialects. In 
Oscan we have only one instance of its preservation extant, in 
8u-m, and none in Umbrian. 


Inquam, it has been suggested by Mr. D. B. Monro, is a future 





x1v.6,7. OF THE ACTIVE AND PASSIVE. 115 


or optative — inquiam, * I would say :' but this is not altogether 
probable. 

6.] First Person plural, originally wA-sr, Lat. -mus. The 
origin of this suffix is pretty clearly a combination of the two 
pronouns of the first and second person, and must have signified 
accordingly ‘I thou,’ or ‘I and thou,’ that is, * we. Sr is, as we 
shall see, 2 common form, in which the original Tva appears. 

In Latin ma-st has become -mus throughout : cp. Greek (Doric) 
-ues. No examples exist in the Italian dialects. 

This -mus, however, unlike the Greek -yes, appears sometimes 
as a long syllable in old Latin; e. g. Plaut. Curc. 438 (transposed 
by Fleckeisen) :— 

‘Quia nfidius quartus vénimis in Cáriam. 
Lucil. ix. 6. 6: — 
* Quae iacimus ; addes e, PEILA ut plenius fiant. 
Cp. the imitations, Verg. Aen. ix. 610, * Terga fatigamus hasta,’ 
and Ovid, Met. xiv. 250 :— 
‘Ire negabamis, et tecta ignota subire. 

Corssen explains this quantity as an intensification of vowel 

parallel to the old Prussian as-mai, and to the Greek aorist ter- 
mination ug-» (ii. p. 500). 
' 7.] (i1.) Second Person singular, or TVA. This pronoun has 
gone through great modifications. In Latin (as in Greek otc-6a 
for Fotd-ra) the oldest form has been preserved in the perfect 
-lei or -ti, in gesis-fei, reatitis-ter (see below, ch. xvii, $ 4). The 
imperative -dhz or -0, is lost in Latin, e. g. in amd, lege, fer, but 
there are traces of the emphatic -/od, -/ó answering to the Vedic 
-làt, originally, according to Schleicher, § 272, a doubled pro- 
noun. This -/od appears once in old Latin (but in the third 
person), in a fragment of the regal laws ascribed to Romulus, 
‘sacra divis parentum estod,’ and it is found for both second 
and third persons frequently in the shortened form in -/ó. 
In Oscan we have (in the third person) estud, licitud = esto, 
liceto, and in Umbrian pihatu, feitu, etc.,= piato, facito. 

The ordinary modification in Latin, as in Greek, is simply -s, 
earlier -s1 (Greek éc-c(), a weakened form of -/. It is con- 
jectured that this arose from an effort to dissimilate the second 
from the third person, when the original Tva weakened to TA; 
TVA, -la, -ti becoming -#, -s, and TA becoming -4i (-st), -£. 

I2 





116 CONJUGATION. PERSON-ENDINGS _ xiv. 8-10: 


So in Latin, we have ama-s, amaba-s, veh-t-8, veh-e-s, etc., and 
in Umbrian Zerie-s = voles. We find scribis once, Hor. Sat. ii. 3, 1. 
- 8.] Second Person plural, or TA-81. A comparison of Latin 
-ti#, and Sanskrit dual -/Aas, together with the analogy of the 
other terminations, lead us to assume the form. Ta-sI as the 
original, which must have meant ‘thou, thou, or ‘thou and 
thou,’ i.e. you. The suffix -//s is preserved in all cases except 
the imperative, which is shortened (as the Greek is in general) 
to -te. The emphatic form -/o£e is also found in this mood, and 
in the Umbrian /fu-/u£o, though generally denoting the third 
person. 

The ending -tzs is rarely lengthened, as in El. Scip. iv. C. 34:— 


‘Ne quaíratis honóre queí minus sit mandátus.' 


9.] (ui) Third Person singular, or TA. This demonstrative 
pronoun appears, as we have seen, in is-/e, ¢a-m, and many other 
pronominal forms. It is shortened first to -/i, and then to -z, 
the latter being the ordinary form in Latin and the dialects. 
In early and vulgar Latin, and in Umbrian, it has a strong 
tendency to drop away, and in Oscan, as occasionally in Latin, 
it is often weakened to -d. Thus we have dede for dedit (C. I. L. i. 
62 b, 169, 180), and fecid for feci? on the Cista Ficoroniana. 
In Umbrian, beside es-£, /us-t, we have si=sit, and /vs=fuerit ; 
and in Oscan, beside ist, fefacust = fecerit, we have /efaci-d, 
dede-d, etc. Of the omission of final ¢ in vulgar Latin, we have 
the following instances from Pompeii, ama(t), es(¢)?, nosci(t), 
peria(t), relinque = relinquit, valea(t)?, valia(t), vota(t), C. Y. L. 
iv. Index, p. 259. . Most of them, however, are from a single 
rather difficult inscription (No. 1173, cf. add. pp. 203, 222), 
which seems to begin thus :— 


*Quisquis ama(t), valia(t) ; peria(t), qui nosci(t) amare 
Bis [t]anti peria(t), quisquis amare vota(t),' 

where the forms zosci(¢) = non scit or nescit, and vofa(¢) = vetat, 
are remarkable. Similarly, according to Rónsch, the Codex 
Claromontanus reads, in Rom. ix. 18, ‘cui vu deus miseritur, 
quem autem ru/ indurat’ (Itala, p. 470). Of final d for ¢, we get 
from Pompeii atcesid (adcessit), diced, inquid ?, pedicav(i)d, rogad 
(C. I. L. iv. Index, p. 257 0). 

10.] According to classical usage, all words ending in a vowel 


XIV. 10. OF THE ACTIVE AND PASSIVE. 117 


followed by ¢ (as well as 0 and @) have the last syllable short, 
and the personal endings of verbs are no exceptions. In early 
Latin the quantity of the long vowels, d, e, ?, in amat, monet, 
audit, was preserved, and the thematic or binding vowel 3, in 
Jac-t-t, pet-i-t, etc., was often made long. 

A large number of instances of the preservation of the charac- 
teristic long vowels, d, e, 7, is given by Corssen, ii. p. 488 foll. ; 
ep. Wagner, Introd. to Aulularia, p. xviii; but in almost all, if 
not in all, the instances quoted from the poets, the syllable falls 
under the ictus. Such a prosody as Enn. Ann. 386 V, 

* Inf't, *O cives, quae me fortuna ferocem," ' 
is very rare. See further, ch. xviii. $ 5, for the termination of 
the imperfect. 

The lengthening of the short thematic i is of course more 
remarkable, and is like the lengthening of the w in the first 
person plural, and of the tin the second singular and plural, to 
be called an intensifying of the vowel, not to be referred to 
original length. In this case it may be compared to the Greek 
terminations, -es, -e(r), in Aéy-es, Aéy-e(r). The following 
instances may be quoted :— 

El. Seip. Barb. C. 30 :— 

* Subigit omné Loucánam ópsidésque abdoácit.' 
Plaut. Men. 921 :— 

‘Pétionis áliquid prius quam pércipit insánia.' 

(So Brix and MSS. ; but Ritschl percipiat.) 

Enn. Ann. 346 v :— 

*Bensit, voce sua ntictit ululatque sub arce.' 
Ib. 484 v :— | 

‘Multa foro ponit, et agea longa repletur. 
Lucil. xvii. 2 :— 

‘Cetera contemnit et in usura omnia ponit. 


Cp. the modern imitations in Vergil, Ecl. vii. 23, fact, Aen. 
ix. 9 petit, x. 433 sinit, and Horace, Sat. ii. 3, 260 agit, ib. i. 
4, 82 defendit, Od. iii. 24, 5 figit, ete. (Corss. ii. p. 493.) The 
lengthening of the perfect termination is much more common, 
and agrees with the general quantity of the 7 in that tense, on 
which see below, ch. xvii. § 3. 


118 CONJUGATION. PERSON-ENDINGS XIV. 1I. 


11.] Third Person plural, or an-T1, Latin -ont, -unt, -nt. 
We seem to be right in looking for a double pronoun in this, 
as in other plural terminations; and while the termination / or £i 
is evidently the same as in the singular, the first half is probably 
another pronoun, AN or ANA, other derivatives of which we 
have already considered among the pronouns. 

In Latin the termination is -oní or -uni after ? and w or a 
consonant, and -»/ after the vowels a and e. The fuller form in i, 
preserved in the Greek Aéy-ovri, Aéy-ovor, is only found in an 
obscure gloss of Festus, from the Salian hymn, which Müller 
seems right in printing * Prae fet (i.e. ted or te) tremonti, prae- 
tremunt,'—the first three words being the quotation. 

The older form -on£ is not rare in inscriptions, e. g. cosentiont, 
Ep. Scip., dederont, I. Picen. C. 181, dedrot, ib. 173, dedro, ib. 177, 
eafociont, Col. Rostr., etc. The form in -uz£ appears from about 
200 B.C. onwards, e. g. in S. C. Baech. The shorter form of the 
perfect termination in -ere appears in the oldest inscriptions side 
by side with the longer. "The o is retained, as in nominatives of 
the o declension, much longer after v or v than in other cases. An 
ending like minu-unt, viv-unt is not found in inscriptions of the 
Republic, any more than egu-us or aev-um. In vulgar Latin there 
are traces of the o in all conjugations. 

In the dialects this suffix appears in & somewhat different 
way. In Oscan the x is either dropped, or s becomes s; so 
we have set=sunt, censa-zet — censebunt, s/ai-ef, (optat.) —stent, 
cp. Lat. dedrot, which is, however, almost unique. On the other 
hand, we have fuf-aus = * fub-ant or erant?, deic-ans = dic-ant, 
etc. In Umbrian there are similar modifications; first, we find 
the fuller termination ses? = sunt, furent = fuerint; then a loss 
of final ¢, stakeren = stabunt; or a softening of it to s, as in 
Oscan, dirsans = dent; lastly, with a loss of «, dirsas, arhabas = 
adhibeant. (Schleicher, § 276, pp. 683, 684.) 

The imperative is an emphasized form for an original -anéa. 
The Latin /er-wnto is an exact parallel to the Greek gep-dvrw-v, 
the v being simply prosthetic. The Umbrian e-tuéu = eunto, 

Jer-tuto = fer-unto, is formed, in a Gifferent way, from the doubled 
pronoun 74, lengthened for the sake of emphasis; cp. the forma- 
tion -TASI, and -TAT. 


XIV. 12, 13. OF THE ACTIVE AND PASSIVE. 119 


II. Personal-endings of the Medio-passive. 


12.] The medio-passive, more often called the passive voice, is 
formed in Latin in quite a different mode from the Greek, which 
here seems to preserve the older and more original formation. 
In Sanskrit, Zend, Greek, and Gothic the middle voice, at least 
in the singular and third person plural, is formed (as Kuhn was 
the first to point out) by doubling the personal suffix of the 
active. Thus ¢épo-ua is for depd-ya-yu, $ép-p or d$épe-cai for 
epé-ca-or, pépe-rat for epé-ra-ri, and @édpovra: for ep-óvr-avri, 
or something similar. In Latin, on the other hand, the same 
reflexive pronoun is added to all the endings of the active, and 
the same course is followed by Erse, and the Slavo-Lithuanian 
languages, though the latter are distinguished by not incorporat- 
ing the pronoun so thoroughly as Latin and Erse do. 

The different persons are thus formed, except the second 
plural :— 

I. Sing. * amo-se, amo-r, 

2. Sing. * amasi-se, amari-s, amare, 

3. Bing. * amatu-se, amatu-r, 

I. Plur. * amamusu-se, * amamuru-re, amamur, 
3. Plur. * amantu-se, amantu-r. 

The i or s may be either a relic of the longer termination, 
or a thematic vowel or ‘ hilfs-vocal.’ 

So * amabam-se, * amaba-se, amaba-r, 
* amem-se, * ame-se, ame-r. 

And Imperative * ama-se, ama-re, 
* amato-se, amato-r, 
* amanto-se, amanto-r. 

It seems better to suppose that the forms amaóar, amer, etc., 
are formed directly from the active by evanescence of the final -m, 
than by analogy from the present indicative. 

18.] The second plural is formed in a different way entirely, 
as in ama-mini, and the archaic imperatives (second and third 
singular) antesta-mino, profite-mino, pracfa-mino, etc. These appear 
to be rightly explained (following Bopp) as participles, which 
ought to have an auxiliary verb; amamini being nominative 
plural, and amfesíamino nominative singular, with a loss of 


120 CONJUGATION. XIV. 14, 15: 


final -s, Examples of the latter form are found in Inscriptions 
(Sent. Minuc. C. 199, fruimino; Lex Julia Munic. C. 206, profi- 
temino several times) and in old Latin: e.g. ni it, antestamino, 
XII. Tabb. i. 1; Janum Jovemque vino praefamino, Cat. R. R. 1. 
I; and twice in Plautus, Epid. v. 2, 30,— 

‘Nihil vero obnoxiose :: facto opere arbitramino, 
and Pseud. 859 :— 

‘Siquo hic gradietur, páriter [tu] progrédimino.’ 
Operimino also occurs in Apuleius (Met. i. 22), who is fond of 
archaisms. (Cp. Corssen, Kr. B. p. 492, and Aussp. ii. p. 96). 
The form in -mimor for the second plural imperative, which used 
to be found in our Latin Grammars, and was printed by old 
editors (e.g. Camerarius and Gronovius) in these passages of 
Plautus, is never found in literature or inscriptions, or rests on 
presumably corrupt readings. It is given by the old gram- 
marians (e. g. Prisc. p. 1319 P.), but the best scholars (Madvig, 
Curtius, and Ritschl) agree that it is to be rejected as of no 
authority (Schleicher, § 287, Obs.) 

It is difficult nevertheless to see how it can be a mere in- 
vention of the grammarians. It may perhaps have been a 
popular form resting on false analogy. 

14.| In Osean and Umbrian we have the same formation as 
in Latin: e. g. Oscan, sakarater = sacratur, vincter = vincitur ; 
Umbrian, emantur, herter; from root her-, ‘to will,’ or ‘ wish.’ 

The Umbrian second and third singular, and second and third 
plural imperative, are peculiar and very obscure; e.g. persni-mu= 
precator, persni-mumo = precamini, precantor. This, like pre- 
camini, etc., may perhaps be a participle. | 

In Erse, as has been said, the passive is formed in a very 
similar way to the Latin; being one of the most striking cor- 
respondences between the Italian and the Celtic languages; 
e.g. berthar = fertur, scribthar = scribitur, berammar = ferimur, 
sertbatur = scribuntur, dertar = feruntur. 

15.| The r or ¢ of the third singular and plural is sometimes 
omitted in old Latin, as in rogato, Lex. Rep. 78; censento, ib. 
77, q. V. Tollito, in Numa's Law, Lex Reg. 4, may be for Zo//stor, 
but is probably active. Compare for the loss of final s rather 
than 7 the forms MAIO, MINO ahove, | 


XV. I, 2. THE MOODS. 121 


CHAPTER XV. 
THE MOODS. 


INDICATIVE. IMPERATIVE. SUBJUNCTIVE. OPTATIVE. 


1.] Tue Indicative is, strictly speaking, not a mood, as it is 
composed simply of the verbal stem and person ending; and 
the Imperative in peint of form is only the Indicative with 
more emphatic personal suffixes. 

The Subjunctive and Optative moods have, in Latin, been 
moulded into one, as far as meaning goes, though in form they 
seem to be still distinguishable. 

The proper Subjunctive has in Latin the characteristic modal 
element Z, agreeing with what was probably the original form. 
Greek has «o or 7. 

The Optative has the modal element ?, originally ja, which 
has remained only in one Latin word, s-ié-m, in its fuller form. 


2.] The Subjunctive form. To this belong the present sub- 
junctives of verbs with consonantal stems, with a few exceptions, 
and with stems ending in vowels except a. "The optative form 
in the latter case seems to be preserved to avoid the awkward- 
ness of a double a, e. g. in ama-am—the Latins having, it would 
seem, a repugnance to such collocations — and a contraction 
would have been confused.with the indicative. The other in- 
stances of optatives present in consonantal stems are peculiarities. 

Thus we have as proper subjunctives :— 

Sing. veh-ü-m, mone-a-m, a&udi-a-m, 
veh-a-s, etc. ete. 
veh-à-t (later -át), 

Plur. veh-à-mus, 
veh-à&-tis, 
veh-a-nt. 


122 THE MOODS. XV. 3, 4. 


Schleicher considers the rare forms fuam, perduam, creduam to 
be instances of a conjunctive aorist (§ 289), but this seems very 
doubtful. 4//igam, however, is perhaps an aorist. See below, 
ch. xvi. § 8. 

8.] The quantity of the a in the third person is preserved in 
the following instances; Plaut. Asin. 743, 


‘De argénto si matér tua sciát ut sit factum ...:: Héia;’ 
Rud. 113,— 


‘Quem eró praesente [hau] praeteredt oratio ;' 
Terent. Ad. 25,— 
* Poétae ad scribendum atigedt indéstriam.’ 


Cp. Hor. Sat. i. 5, 90,—— . 
‘Callidus ut soledt humeris portare viator. 


The same formation occurs in the dialects: Oscan, potíad, 
pottans — potiat(ur), potiant(ur), deicans - dicant ; Umbrian, /agia 
z faciat, labia — habeat, ar&abas — adhibeant, etc. 

4.] The Optative form. 


(1.) In the substantive verb, where the original element ya 
is most nearly preserved = Latin te :— 
Sing. 1. 8-té-m=€(c)-ly-v, etg. 
2. 82-8 — é(a)-in-s, eins. 
3. 8-té-t=€(o)-&-(r), en. 
Plur. 3. s-ie-nt=Uc)-te-v, elev. 


(2.) Latin i :— 

-a-t-m, ed-i-m, comedim, exedint, vel-t-m, nol-i-m, duim, 
creduim, interduim, perduim: and all perfect subjunc- 
tives, and all but the first person of the second futures. 

The vowel ¢ of both is probably originally long, but in 
the usage of the poets it is common. Mr. Roby 
gives the following as evidence (§ 592) :— 

Perfect Subj. Long. dederitis (Enn.), fueris (Hor. in hex.), 
respuerts (Tib.), dederis, credideris, 
contuleris (Ovid). 

” Short, egerimus, respexerts (Verg.), dixeris 

(Hor. hex.). 





XY. 6. THE MOODS. 123 


Second Future. Long. fecerimus (Catull. hendec.), dederitis, 
transteritis, contigeritis (Ov.), dederis, 
(Propert., Ov. several times), dederis, 
occideris, miscueris, audieris (Hor. 
hex.). 

» Short. viderimus (Lucr.), videritis, dixeritis 
(Ov.), suspexeris, revocaveris (Verg.), 
vitaverís, detorserís, acoeperís, coeperís 
(Hor. hex.). 

(3.) Contraction with termination of stem :— 
*ama-i-m, | amem. 

* ama-is, etc., ames, etc. : and so the other tenses imper- 

fect, and pluperfect; e.g. essem=esa-i-m or era-i-m. 
See xviii. § 9. 

5.] To the same formation probably also belong the futures 
indicative of consonantal stems, except the first person, which 
is borrowed from the subjunctive. In old Latin this was no 
doubt also once optative in form, and we have still some ex- 
amples of it preserved to us. Quintilian tells us that Cato the 
Censor used so to write: ‘Quid? non Cato Censorius dicam 
et faciam, dicem et faciem scripsit, eundemque in ceteris, quae 
similiter cadunt, modum tenuit, quod ex veteribus eius libris 
manifestum est a Messala in libro de s positum ?' (Inst. i. 
7» 23.) 

To the same tense no doubt also belong the glosses of Festus, 
Ep. s. v., *a/tinge pro attingam posuere,’ ib. ‘dice pro dicam,’ 
and recipie pro recipiam ; and Fest. s. v., ‘ostende ostendam, ut 
permultis aliis exemplis eius generis manifestum est.' See also 
on Carm. Arvale 2, ‘sims incurrere in pleores, for the converse 
use of the future for the subjunotive, and below, chap. xviii. $ 7. 

In Umbrian is preserved a still older form than any of these 
in verbs with a stems; e.g. :— 

Sing. 1. aserta-ta-(m)=(observem). 

Sing. 3. porta-ia-(t)-- portet. 

Plur. 3. eta-t1a-ns=itent. 

We have besides :— 

Umbrian and sing. sir, sei, si=sis; 3rd sing. si—8sit, Oscan sid ; 
3rd plur. sins: and Umbrian fuia(t), Oscan futd (sit); Oscan 
3rd sing. staít, 3rd plur. staíet, etc. 


124 THE TENSES. XVI. I. 


CHAPTER XVI. 


Tae Tenses. Present Stems. 


THE tense-stems have been above defined as— 
. . ( reduplicated perfect, chap. xvii ; 
L Simple: | present, and stems formed from it, chap. xvi. 
II. Compound, chap. xvii. 


I. Simple Tense stems. Although in a Comparative Grammar 
it may be more scientific to take the perfect stems first, in a 
merely Latin Accidence it will be more convenient to begin 
with the present, according to which verbs are classed in con- 
. jugations. 

1.] Present stem. The Four Conjugations. The four conjuga- 
tions are arrangements of verbs according to the termination of 
the present stem, an arrangement analogous to that of the five 
or six declensions of nouns. [If all stems, either of verbs or of 
nouns, were alike in their terminations, there would be only one 
conjugation and one declension. 

There are very few stems which are not modified in some way 
or other in some part of their conjugation. 

The following are a few instances of pure stems, most of which 
are defective. 


(1.) Pure Consonantal stems :— 

68-0, vul-t, fer-t; es-tis, vul-tis, fer-tis; but s-u-m, vol-u-mus, 
Jer-i-mus ; see below, modified stems, § 3, (2.), (a.) 

(2.) Pure Vocalic stems :— 
In d: dd-re, but dàá-s. 
In à: fla-re, fa-ri, nà-re; stra-vi, (t)la-tus. 

. Inó: mó-vi, pó-tus, aegró-tus. 

In 4: di-rit-tus, gni-tus, clean. 
Ine: jlé-re, né-re, im-ple-re, delé-re. 
In $: %-s, t-t; in 3, i-re; sci-re, ci-re, qui-re. 





XVI. 2—4. PRESENT STEMS. 125 


2.| The following arrangement of modified stems may be con- 
sidered perhaps the most succinct. I have made use here par- 
ticularly of the material collected in Merguet’s Entwickelung 
der Lateinischen Formenbildung, pp. 166 foll. 

(r.) Stems modified at the begunning. 

(2.) Stems modified in the middle. 

(3.) Stems modified at the end. 

The third class alone, it will be seen, is important in determin- 
ing the conjugation of a verb. 


(1.) Stems modified at the beginning. 

This takes place by Reduplication, which is not so common 
in Latin as in Greek. As instances, may be given gi-gn-o for 
*gi-gen-o, from root gen-, found in perfect and supine.  Si-si-o 
for * sti-st-o ; and so ste-t-i for *sti-st-i, from root sta, found in 
sta-tus, sta-re, etc.; se-ro for *se-s-0, from root ea, found in 
sa-tus, etc.; bi-bo, from root pi, pa; Greek, (ve, m(opat, ete. 


8.] (2.) Stems modified in the middle. 


(a.) Intensifying of a short vowel :— 
Thus we have in old Latin is, it, i-mus, i-tis, from root ¢, 
‘to go’. Possibly é-0, é-wnt may also have been once 
long, like 4s and t. The length of the last in old Latin 
is proved by the instances eitur, C. 1166, adeitur, 1215. 
The root is preserved in téwm, iter, etc. 
Cp. root dic, in dicax, male-dicus, etc. ; raised to deico, dico. 
dile, in dicem, ete. ; raised to douco, dco. 
fid, in fides, per-fidus, etc. ; raised to di-/feidens, 
fido. 
nub, in pronüba, eic. ; raised to nuübo. 
Compare Greek qGaive, Aeíro, deixvups, evyo, etc. 
(b.) Insertion. of n or m after stem-vowel and before a mute 
(nasalization) :— 
E. g. from root *cub-, cumbo ; *jug-, jungo ; and so findo, 
fingo ; lambo, linquo ; sancio (cp. sacer), tango, vinco, 
etc. This n is in Sanskrit na or n, and in Greek w; 
e. g. Ju-na - f -mi, vi-n-da'- ti, Xa-p-Báv-o, Xa-y-xár-v. 


4.] (3.) Modifications at the end of the Stem. 
(a.) Insertion of a thematic or binding Vowel. There are very 


126 THE TENSES. XVI. 5, 6. 


few verbs which do not insert such a vowel at the end of the 
stem before the person-ending. It is merely euphonic, and, as 
the accent does not fall upon it, it takes various shapes. Origin- 
ally it may be presumed to have been a, but in Latin it appears 
as 0 OT u, OF as € OF i. 

Cases where the suffix is applied directly to the stem, such as 
es-t, ea-Lia ; fer-a, fer-lis; vul-tis, are few in number, and other 
persons of the same verbs show this vowel as vol-o, s-u-m; 
Jer-\-mus, etc. 

In the case of the third plural, as sunt, volunt, it is impossible 
to say whether the w is a binding vowel or the modification of 
the original suffix -antz, There seems no reason why it should 
not be the latter, and therefore it is better not to adduce them 
as instances. Like many w's it appears in old Latin as o; e.g. 
in sont, conflovont, coraveront, dederont. The appearance of the 
thematic vowel as e is rare, e. g. compon-e-to, Cato, R. R. 37, 5: 
exug-e-to, ib. 156, 3, which may be mere blunders. 

5.| (0.) Increase of the Stem by n. Sanskrit na, ni; Greek vv. 
Instances of this modification are very common; e.g. cer-n-o, 
Jru-ni-scor, li-n-0, * pes-n-o, po-n-o, si-n-o, sper-n-0, sier-n-o, 
tem-n-o; cp. Greek $e(k-vv-pu, (ey-vv-pa, oTóp-vv-ja4, eAadvw (?). 
There are in Latin a considerable number of archaic and obsolete 
verbs formed with this suffix, beside those formed from the 
simpler stem ; e.g. dan-unt beside da-nt, explen-unt beside exple-nt ; 
SO ne-quin-ont and ne-que-unt. Others of this sort are formed 
from the already lengthened stem; as /er-i-n-unt from er-i-o, 
soli-n-unt ; and so obinunt, produnt, redinunt, inserinuntur. 
Carinare, * to invelgh against, and coguinare, ‘to cook,’ twice in 
Plautus, are derived from nouns; but for carinare see on Enn. 
Ann, 181. 

Of these words danunt is found in Titulus Soranus, C. 1175, 
and the others mostly in Festus; e.g. s. v. * nequinont pro ne- 
queunt, ut solinunt, ferinunt pro solent et feriunt, dicebant 
antiqui. Livius in Odyssea :— 

* Partím erránt nequínont Graéciám redíre.' 

6.] (c.) Increase of' Stem by sc or sca, 8 common modification 
in Latin. This has often an inchoative meaning, although 
it cannot always be traced. Examples, cre-sc-o, pa-sc-o, ete., 
gna-sc-or, gno-sc-o, When the root ends in a guttural, it is often 


XVI. 7-9. PRESENT STEMS. 127 


suppreseed for the sake of euphony, as disco for * dic-sc-0, posco 
for * porc-sc-o, cp. precor, procus, procaz, etc., misceo for * mig-sc-e-0; 
or an $ is inserted after a guttural in nanc-i-scor, pac-i-scor, ule-i- 
scor, and perhaps viv-i-sco for * vigv-t-sco. Such an i is also 
found in ap-i-scor, and ni in fru-ni-scor for * frug-ni-scor, and 
con-qui-ni-~sco (con-quec-si) for * con-gquic-ni-sco. 

7.] (d.) Increase of Stem with t or ta. This has often a fre- 
quentative meaning, when suffixed with d, as capto, captáre from 
capio, dicto from dico, etc., especially when repeated, as dictzto, 
scriptito, Often 1 is inserted, for euphony, after a guttural, as 
ag-i-to, cog-i-(o. When suffixed by itself, however, it has lost 
almost all, or all, its frequentative force, or, more probably, it is 
merely euphonic, in cases like flec-to, nec-to, pec-to, where it 
comes after a guttural preceded by a short vowel. In Greek 
it is to be remarked that this modification is inserted generally 
after a labial or guttural, as niz-re, ríz-re, tik-tTw. 

8.] (e.) Increase of Stem by i or ji, Sanskrit ja or ya. These 
are what we usually call verbs of the third conjugation in -io, 
and some others, e.g. cap-i-o, fac-i-o, fod-i-o, me-j-0, a-j-o0 for 
* ag-y-0; cp. awamenta, ad-agium. 

This class of verbs is apt either to lose its suffix altogether, 
or to pass into the so-called fourth conjugation with long +. For 
instance, the second and third singular, and the first and second 
plural present of capio cannot, in any way, be distinguished in 
formation from the same persons of meto; and parens stands, 
equally with pariens, as participle of pario. Unless this be an 
aorist participle, cp. 7 rlxrovoa, and 7 Texotca, of rexdvres (Schl. 
§ 292, p. 759); ep. potens from stem poti-, and sententia from 
stem senti-, which must have had a participle * sentens. On the 
other hand, morior, aggredior, venio, salio, etc., vary between the 
long and short ?, with long i in the infinitive: rapio makes 
rapivi, as well as rap-ui, and cupio generally cupivi, cupttum, and 
there are many other instances of the same confusion, the varia- 
tion being strongest in ante- and post-classical times. 

9.] In Greek this modification, in its simple form, is repre- 
sented by i, as in 9a-(-opat, $v-(-«, Aeol. ió-ie. It appears also 
in transpositions, ¢alyw, re(vw for $ar-yo, rev-jyo, and becomes 
Cor ac after dentals and gutturals, as d¢w from ó8-, xpd¢w from 
xpay-, QvAáaoc from $vAax-, ráccc from ray-, vróccw from qrex-, 





128 THE TENSES. XVI. IO, 1I. 


etc. ete. In the same way, in Latin it seems to have been 
assimilated after / and r, as in fadlo, tollo (tetul-2), pello ( pe-pul-1), 
vello (vul-st), curro, verro. 

10.] (f) Derivative Verbs increased with a vowel, à, é, 3, pro- 
bably originally aja or aya. These verbs, with those that end 
naturally in a, e, i, form what are usually known as the first, 
second, and fourth conjugations of the Grammars, There is, 
however, reason to believe that they were originally all of one 
formation, and consequently we find a considerable indefiniteness 
about many verbs, the same stems being found in two or more 
formations. 


E. g. artare, artire. 
bullare, bullire. 
densare, densere. 
fulgurare, fulgurire. 
impetrare, impetrire. 
singultare, singultire. 
tintinnare, tintinnire. 

tenere, tenivi. 
calvere, calvire. 
ciére, cire. 


11.] Again, many verbs have this modification only in the 
present stem, and the tenses derived from it, and become, some- 
times or always, consonantal in the perfect and supine. 


E. g. domare, perdomavit, but domui. 
cubare, excubaverant, cubui. 
Jüvare, iüvi. 

i lavàre, livavi, lavatum. 
lavére, lavi, lautum. 
necare, necavi, but enectus. 

{ sonire, sonaturum 
sonére, sonul. 

i tonare, 
tonens, tonui. 


Besides this, crepo, frico, mico, plico, seco, veto have perfect stems 
in -wi, and supines in -¢um or -itum. The perfects may possibly 
be contractions, the v coalescing with the stem vowel, but the 
‘ Bupines can hardly beso.  ' 


XVI. 12-14. PRESENT STEMS. 129 


12.] Similarly, many derived verbs in -é have perfect and 
supine in the consonantal conjugation. 


E. g. civére, càvi, cautum. 
móvére, móvi, motum. 
stdére, sédi, gessum. 
vidére, vidi, visum. 
prandére, prandi, pransum. 
ardére, &rgi, arsum, etc. 


Others exist in both conjugations. So 


fervére, fervtére ; fulgére, fulgtre ; scatére, scattre ; 
stridére, stridére ; tergére, tergtre ; tutri, intui ; 


and a comparison with Italian would lead to the inference that 
the number was still greater, e.g. ridére beside Lat. ridére. 

We have already spoken of the tendency of verbs of the third 
conjugation, with short 1, to pass into the fourth. On the other 
hand, there is just the same tendency of 2 to % (often by con- 
traction), as in amicire, amicui, amictum ; haurire, hausi ; metiri, 
mensus; vénwe, veni, etc. Besides this we have forms like peivi, 
petit beside petére, quaesi-vi beside quaerere, etc. 

18.] Considering the supposed common origin of these de- 
rivative stems, it might be expected that we should find 
grounds of logic or euphony for the preference, in this or that 
case, of one vowel to another, or, at any rate, be able to reduce 
them to something like system. This, however, can at present 
only be done to a very limited extent. For instance, we may 
say that the à suffix is more generally found in ¢ransitive verbs, 
that the é suffix is more generally found in intransitive verbs, 
the former often being related to the latter, as strong to weak, 
e. g. sedare to sédére, placare to plicére, ddlare (to beat) to ddlére 
(to feel pain), albdre, dealbare to albére, nigrare (usually intr.) to 
nigrére, etc. Also it may be noticed that a great many more 
verbs in é have a short vowel in the root, except, of course, 
where it is long by position. Out of a list of fifty verbs of this 
conjugation, taken from a Grammar, the proportion of short 
vowels is as three to one. | 

14.] The Four Conjugations are an arrangement of these verbs 
into classes, according to the ¢ermination of the stem, which, 
like that of the declensions, is somewhat arbitrary, and involves 

K 


130 THE TENSES. XVI, 14. 


cross division, but is founded on sufficiently close analogy for 
ordinary use. 

To the third conjugation of the Grammar belong far the 
largest number of forms, the pure consonantal stems, and the 
vocalic stems in «& and o, as well as all modified stems except the 
last class (f.). To the other three belong pure vocalic stems and 
derivative verbs ending in a, e, 3... 

Thus we get— 


Third conjugation : 
I. Pure consonantal stems, and stems in v and o. 
II. Modified stems (consonantal or ?). 


(a.) with thematic vowel, as er-o, minu-o 


(b) withworna . . . cermo ,, 
(c.) with se or sca . . . cre-sco ,, 
(d.) with tor tà. . . . mecto 
(e) withtorja. . . . cap-io ,, 


First conjugation, stems in a, I. pure stems. 

II. derivative 1n à. 
Second conjugation, stems in e, I. pure stems. 

II. derivative in e. 
Third conjugation, stems in ?, I. pure stems. 

II. derivative in 1. 


XVII. I, 2. THE PERFECT STEM. 131 


CHAPTER XVII. 


Tur Perrecr STEM. Common TERMINATIONS. CLASSES OF 
STEMS. 


1.] Tue Perfect in Latin, both as to stem and terminations, 
exhibits a very distinct formation from that of the same tense in ' 
Greek. A full discussion of the questions which arise from this 
difference, and of the origin of the Latin forms, would not be 
suitable to the compass of this book; but they cannot be passed 
over in silence. 

The ferminations of the Latin perfect are the same for all the 
four classes of stems. They are sharply distinguished from the 
Greek by having the character-vowel -z or -ei, which cannot, 
according to analogy, be a modification of -d, that vowel passing 
in Latin verbs into -d or -6. The only supposed instance of a 
perfect in -a like the Greek is in the word deda, in the Pisauran 
inscription, which supplies us with several disputed grammatical 
forms. It runs thus:—* MATRE | MATvTA | DONO . DIIDRO | MA- 
TRONA : MW. CURIA | POLA . Livia | DnEDA' (C. 177, Ritschl, xliii A). 
The last words are cut in a different style from the others, and 
(says Ritschl) are probably a later addition. He concludes (after 
Mommsen, Unterit. Dialekt. p. 237, who compares Oscan /ufans) 
that deda is for dedant, a perfect form like Greek e$ óxavr. (Rh. 
Mus. xiv. 401). On the other hand, this is without analogy 
in Latin, and Deda, Corssen suggests, may be a woman's name 
cognate with Didius (i. p. 186, note). The inscription itself, how- 
ever, seems to imply a verb, Wand Pola being apparently female 
‘praenomina,’ affixed in the old style, = Mania and Pauls, and 
deda being parallel to dedro. Corssen reads wrongly Mucuria. 

2.] With this exception, therefore (if it be an exception), we 
may say that the Latin perfect is strongly distinguished from 
the Greek. Further, the second persons singular and plural, and 

K 2 





132 THE PERFECT STEM. XVII. 2. 


the third person plural, exhibit s after the 2. Schleicher, on this 
ground, supposes a second stem-ending in -?s, besides that in -?, 
and whether we call the -s the root of the substantive-verb or 
not makes no difference. We may therefore suppose either that 
tbe perfect in Latin ended originally in 
*1s-m, 
Is-ti, 
*is-t, 
*is-mus, 
is-tis, 
*is-ont, 
or that three persons were formed from the stem -2 and three 
from -7s. But as -s often falls out in Latin before m and /, e. g. 
rémus for resmus, dicti for dixisti, we may fairly suppose that the 
stem throughout ended in -2s, and this is supported by the 
formation of the perfect infinitive as compared with the present 
(see below, ch. xix. § 2) This formation is nearly parallel 
to certain aorist formations in Sanskrit, which are compared 
by almost all modern grammarians. The fj/?À Sanskrit aorist, 
from the root vid, *to know, is thus conjugated (see Schleicher, 
$ 297, p. 812):— 
Sing. a-véd-im, (Vedic. For *a-véd-isham V. 
a-vid-is, 
a-véd-it. 
Plur. a-véd-ishma, 
a-véd-ishta, 
a-véd-ishus. 


_ There is the same doubt as in Latin as to the formation of the 
first person, forms like dadh-im, kram-im, of the same tense, being 
on one side, and on the other the analogy of other aoriste, a-dik- 
sham, etc. But while Latin preserves the full form 7-41 in 
second singular against Sk. a-véd-ts, Sanskrit has -2sh-ma in 
first plural beside Latin t-mus, so that, on the whole, the stem- 
ending -25 is substantiated for all persons but the first, while the 
analogy of the defect in either language (in these two persons) 
makes it probable that the first person may be defective in both. 

The long 7 is found in other tenses in Sanskrit, as in some 
presente and imperfects (Schleicher, pp. 767-9.) 


XVII. 3, 4. THE PERFECT STEM. 138 


3.] In old Latin long : is found in all persons except the first 
plural. In the first person it is never shortened in the whole 
range of Latin poetry, and is in old Latin often written -ei, as 
veizei, peties (Ep. Seip. C. 37, 38), feces (ter), poseivei, conquae- 
eeivei, redidei (Tit. Popil. 551), fue? (1008 Ep. Protes.). In the 
second person, also, in the same way we find izéerieisti (Tit. Cap. 
C. 1202). In the third we have rediei (Tit. Mun. C. 141, B.c. 
146), posedeit (Sent. Min. 199, 28, B.C. 117), veniet. (L. Agr. 
200, 58, 65 bis, 67, 75, 92, B.C. 111), probaveit (600 bis), fuueit 
(1051), and in the poete it is scanned as a long syllable in /uit, 
Juét (Ep. Scip. in Saturnians), docut¢ (Liv. Andron.), redieit, emit, 
vidit, dedit, vendidit, optigit, astitit, viatit, respexit, iussit, potuit, 
iit (Plautus), profuit, stetit (Terence)—all quoted by Corssen, i. 
p. 609, q. v. The $ of the first person plural is, on the other 
hand, always short in poetry, and we have no forms in -¢i pre- 
served ; but there 18 no reason to believe that this was the ori- 
ginal quantity. We may compare the variation between dede- 
rimus and dederímus in the second future and perfect subjunctive, 
where the probability is that the vowel was onginally long, 
being the character vowel of the optative mood. The vowel e of 
the third plural is also, in all probability, originally long. This 
is not only the ordinary later use, but we have no other in any 
of the fragments of Ennius or of the tragedians (see Corssen, i. 
pp. 611, 612), though it is very commonly short in the come- 
dians, and is so sometimes used as a poetical licence by Lucretius 
and the writers of the Augustan age. Such a shortening was, 
no doubt, early enough in the vulgar speech, as the syncopated 
forms of the Pisauran inscriptions dedrot and dedro show (C. 173, 
177). There is no reason, also, to doubt that this é was origi- 
nally 7, though we have no instance, unless we accept the expla- 
nation offered by Corssen of coemisse in the Salian hymn, 


* Omina vero ad patula coemisse lani cusianes, 


as for co-emtsont = conceperunt (i. p. 230, note). 

4.] There remains only the suffix of the second person sin- 
gular to be explained. This -/i or -/e;, as in gesistei, C. 33, re- 
stitistet, 1006, appears to be the only instance in which Latin 
has retained the early form of the pronoun, otherwise -s. In 
Sanskrit we have seen that the pronominal suffix is lost, or 


134 1 THE PERFECT STEM. XVII. 5, 6. 


coalesces with the stem, as in a-véd-2s ; how it comes to be re- 
tained in Latin is of course unknown to us, but if it was pre- 
served anywhere it would naturally be after a sibilant to prevent 
confusion. The length of the vowel is no more remarkable than 
that of -mis in old Latin, and is compared by Corssen to the old 
Prussian suffix for the second person, -saz, -sei, -se (i. p. 595). It 
was never shortened again, as -miis was, in accordance with the 
general repugnance in Latin to short final -i. 

5.] The perfect stems in Latin may be divided into four classes, 
according to their formation.:— 

(1.) By Reduplication. 

(2.) By lengthening the vowel of the root. 

(3.) By inserting -8 before the termination, 

> (4.) By inserting -v or -u, according as the stem ends in a vowel 
or a consonant. 

The first two classes, it will be seen, are probably one in origin. 
The other two also, though differing in etymology, must be ex- 
plained together on the same general principle, whatever that be. 

There may be, besides these, a fifth class of perfects, only 
distinguished from the presents by their /erminations, but as 
some of them certainly once were reduplicated, it is generally 
concluded that they all were, and so they are counted under, 
1. (6.) Perfects which have dropped their reduplication. 


1. Perfects formed by Reduplication. 


6.] (a.) With extant reduplication. There are in Latin twenty- 
eight instances, not including compounds, in which this reduplica- 
tion is retained, 0702, cecidi, cecidi, cecini, credidi, cucurri, dedi, and 
compounds, didici, fefelli, memini, momordi, pepedi, pependi, peperci, 
pepert, pepigi, pepuli, poposci, pupugi, stett, scicidi, spopondi, tetendi, 
tetigt, tetini, tetuli, totondi, tutudi. Of these, tetini, tetulk, and 
scicidi are rare forms, more usually tenui, tuli, and scidi. The 
latter is twice quoted from Accius, sciciderat, and once from 
Ennius, sciciderit, by Gellius, vi. (vii.) 9; tefu/i is found frequently 
in Plautus, and also in Caecilius, Terence, Accius, and Lucretius ; 
. telinerim and fetinisse are quoted from Pacuvius and Accius. 

Gellius, in the chapter above quoted, gives instances of 
me-mordi, pe-posci, pe-pugi, spe-spondi for mo-mordi, etc., from 
Ennius, Laberius, Plautus, Valerius Antias, and others, and 


xvir. 7, 8. THE PERFECT STEM. 135 


states that Cicero and Caesar used this form. Spepondié occurs 
in an inscription, Orell. 4358. 

Some verbs, whose present stem ends in d, have a tendency 
to follow the analogy of do and its compounds, and of credo. 
This is noticed in the case of descendo by Gellius, in the same 
chapter, quoting from Valerius Antias and Laberius. Rénsch 
(It. u. Vulg. p. 288) quotes instances from MSS. of the Latin 
bible, such as ascendiderat, prandiderunt, prendiderunt, videderant, 
and even edediderit. These are obviously only analogical forma- 
tions, and have no etymological value, though important in 
their place. 

7.] (0.) Perfects with the reduplication dropped. The most 
certain instances of these, beside /u/i and scidi, are curri and 
spondi, and the regular compounds of these and other stems 
in which the simple is reduplicated, as prae-tuli, dis-scidi, oc-curri, 
re-8pondi, con-cidi, oc-cidi, com-peri, com-puli, at-tigt, etc., ete. 
Curristi occurs in Tertullian, Fug. in Pers. 12, currére (third 
plural) in Arnobius, adv. G. iv. 4, sponderit in Prov. xvii. 18, 
Tolet. (Rónsch, lc. p. 288). Again, fidi from jindo has a very 
.elose analogy to scidi for sci-scidi, from scindo. Taking these 
instances into consideration, it may very fairly be further con- 
cluded that all perfects which are merely like the present stem 
with termination 7, once had a reduplication, e. g. eud-i, mand-i, 
pand-i, scand-i, prand-i, psall-i, verr-i, vell-i, vis-t, eto. ete, 
If we do not assume this, we must conclude the language 
distinguished one tense from the other only by the termination, 
and this would give us a fifth class of perfects. 


2. Perfects formed by lengthening the vowel of the root. 


8.] When the stem vowel is X, it is changed to é, except in 
scabére, e.g. ago, egi; frango, frégi, cp. frigor; pango, pégi, 
cp. pepigi ; ficio, feci ; Jácio, j&ci ; cüpto, cépi. 

Otherwise the vowel is retained, e. g. éd?, sedi, (egi, véni ; vidi, 
vici ; ddi (ep. Udium), fodt ; fud? (cp. Greek xvdnv), fugi, rupi. 

What is the relation of these to the reduplicated perfecta, 
e.g. of pégi to pepigi, of feci to Oscan fefakust? Schleicher 
explains them as formed from the reduplicated perfect by con- 
traction (§ 291, p. 744), the first letters of the root being lost, 
and the reduplieated syllable coalescing with the root vowel, 


136 THE PERFECT STEM. XVII. 9. 


and making it long, e.g. */2-f?ci becomes * fe-ici, feci. But 
though this is just possible, as an explanation of feci, Jeci, f becom- 
ing 4 and J i, it seems impossible where gutturals or labials are 
concerned. We have no analogy, for instance, for a loss of 
& second c or g, in a supposed *ce-cipt or * eg-igi, nor of a p 
in pe-vigi. Another equally impossible theory is to suppose the 
loss of the second vowel, e.g. in * cecpi, * eggi, * pepgi, * fefrgi, 
hideous forms, which can never have been tolerated by the 
language, which presents no analogies to such a process. A 
third and much more aeceptable idea is that of Corssen, best 
developed in his Kritische Beitrige (p. 533 foll., but cp. Ausspr. 
l1 p. 565, ii. p. 578 and note). This, like the others, assumes 
that these perfects were originally reduplicated, but that the 
vowel was also lengthened, as in many cases in Greek and 
Sanskrit, and that then the reduplicated syllable dropped off, 
as in those with short vowels, (¢e)¢uls, (c?)scidi, (fi) fidi, eto., and 
in many compounds. 

Now we learn from Priscian, x. p. 891 P, 8 H, that the « 
in ¢utudi was, among the ancients, as often long as short, and 
he quotes lines from Ennius, giving instances of both quantities 
in the compound con-tudit (cp. de-currt for de-cu-currt). 

Ann, xiv. 386, 7, v:— 
‘Infit *O cives, quae me fortuna ferocem 
Contüd4 ; indigno bello confecit acerbo ?"' 
Ann, 480, iv :— . 
' viresque valentes 
Contüdi crudelis hiemps." 
This at least is one instance which cannot, with probability, 
be gainsaid, i. e. con-£zdi£ is shortened by loss of a syllable from 
tu-tudi, just as con-tidit from tu-tidi. In the same way sedi 
may be explained by a comparison with Sanskrit sa-sdéda, vidi 
with vi-véda, liqui with Aé-Aovza, pégi, pépigi with aé-mnya, figi 
with wé-gevya, etc., feci with Oscan fe-facust, though the proof 
offered by Corssen, that the a in this form is long, is inadequate 
(Ausspr. ii. p. 579, note). 

9.] The admission of this conclusion might seem to lend 
support to another, for which we have other analogies, that in 
early Latin the accent was more like the Greek than it after- 
wards became. The influence of an accent on the first syllable 


XYII. 10. THE PERFECT STEM. 137 


of * pé-pégi, as on Greek aé-snya, is exactly what is required 
to explain the shortening of the vowel in pé-pigi, though such 
an accent is against the rules of later Latin, which would require 
pe-pégi. Similarly, many others of the reduplicated perfects, 
há-Lüdi, mé-mini, té-tuli, etc., may have been shortened by a like 
influence. It is, however, rather more probable that just as 
in Greek we have a strong and weak perfect, e.g. SéBgmxa and 
BéBaa, so there were two parallel formations in Latin, one with 
a short the other with a long vowel. Thus pépigi would be 
retained in full, while pepégi would drop the unaccented syllable. 

A fourth possibility has occurred to me in endeavouring to 
explain these perfects, namely, that the length of the vowel is 
an altogether different way of forming the perfect stem from 
that of reduplication,—one parallel to it, and not derived from 
it. There exists a very fair analogy in the case of the present 
stem, in which we sometimes find reduplication, as gigno, bibo, 
sisto, sometimes intensifying or lengthening of the vowel, as in 
deico, dico, etc., as also in the Greek first aorist from stems 
ending in liquids, pév-w, é-pew-a; réd\dAw, é-revd-a; Ou, É-beu-a, 
etc., instead of the formation with c; but the explanation of 
Corssen seems, on the whole, more satisfactory. 


(3.) Perfects formed by adding -si to the present stem. 

10.] This takes place in consonantal stems and in some deri- 
vative verbs in -é and -2, but in none in -d. The -s is in any 
case added directly after the consonant, the increase, even when 
consonantal, being generally dropped in the perfect stem. So 
with pure consonantal stems we get . 

carp-o, carp-si ; nub-0, nup-si ; dic-o, dizi ; reg-o, rexi. 
Only after m an euphonic p is inserted. As, 
com-o, comp-si ; dem-o, denvp-si ; cp. hiemps. 

So from modified consonantal stems and others 

coquo, coat; saepi-o, saep-si; vell-o, vul-si; cp. misceo for mig-sc-eo, 
supine mixtwn ; but pang-o, panxi (with increased stem). 

A guttural or dental drops out after / or r. E.g. 

torqueo, tor-si ; farcio, far-; mulg-eo, mul-st; tergeo, ter-si ; 
ard-eo, ar-s. 

On the other hand, a guttural omitted in the present stem 
(gv) is found in the perfect. E.g. 





138 THE PERFECT STEM. XVII. II. 


flw-o for * flugv-0, fluxi ; struo, siruxi; vivo for * vigv-o, vizi ; 
 eoniveo for * conigv-eo, conizi. Op. con-qui-ni-sc-o for * con-quic-ni- 
8C-0, COn-qUean. 

Similarly, the hard spirant, which appears as 4 in the present 
stems, trah-o, veh-o, Shows its guttural quality in the perfects 
traxi, vem, 1. e. trac-si, vec-si. 

Again, a dental falls away, or is assimilated, before -s, but the 
preceding vowel is lengthened. E.g. 

. Jlect-o, flexi ; sentio, sensi ; mitto, misi ; claudo, clausi ; ludi, lisi ; 
divido, divisi ; rideo, rini. 

J'ub-eo, ius-8i, and prem-o, pres-si are probably not so much peculiar 
instances of assimilation, as perfects from distinct stems. Jubeo per- 
haps=1iu-hibeo. 

Haes; and hausi are perhaps only apparently of the formation 
in -s, being contracted in one case for 4aes-ui, and in the other 
for Aausi-? or haust-vi ; the s representing the 7 of the present. 


11.] Many verbs form two, or even three, perfects, as follows :— 


Reduplicated. —— With lengthened vowel. With -si. 
mo-mordi, prae-morsi, (Plaut. ap. Gell. vi. 9.) 
peplgi, pégi, panxi. 
peperci, par-si. 
pupugi, punxi. 
velli, vul-si. 
féci, * faxi, tepefaxit, (Catullus.) 
égi, * axi, (Ital. Rónsch, p. 286.) 
co-&gi, coxi. 
cepi, * cap-si. 
légi, di-lexi, intel-lexi. 
neg-légi (rare) ^ neg-lexi. 
collegi, collexi, (Ital. Rónsch, p. 286.) 
-régi, (R. 287,) rex. 
rupi, rup-si, (XII. Tab. viii. 2.) 
di-spergi, (R. 287,) spar-si. 
ef-fundi, (ib.,) fudi. 
-linqui, (ib.,) liqui. 
. mi, d-empsi, (cp. empsim, Plaut. Mil. 
316,Cas. 243, fr. prob. conj ectures.) 
per-culi, per-culsi, (Ammian. xvii. 8.) 
tu-tiidi, con-tüdi, tunsi, (Diomed, p. 369 P.) 


cudi, cusi, (Priscian, x. p. 889 P.) 


XVII. 12, 13. THE PERFECT STEM. 139 


12.] It will be seen from this list, which it is hoped is fairly 
complete, and from the instances quoted before, that the forma- 
tion in -# is quite distinct from the other two. There is no 
trace about it of reduplication, and it is formed without changing 
the vowel of the present stem. In these respects it is to be 
classed with the fourth division of stems in -vi and -wi, and its 
origin has generally been explained in connection with them. 

The characteristic -s is naturally to be compared with that in 
the Greek first aorist, especially in the way in which it is com- 
bined with preceding consonants : e. g.— 


roío, é-rpwy-a. 
nubo, nupsi. 
Seix-vu-ps, €-8e£-a, 
dico, dixi, etc. 


But there is, perhaps, a closer parallel in the sixth Sanskrit aorist, 

which exhibits also terminations very near to those of the Latin 

perfect, just as those of a-ved-im are. They follow a vowel, how- 

ever, ihstead of a consonant. E. g. from root sa, ‘to go,’ we get: — 
Sing. a-ja-sisham, compare  scrip-si, 


8-j8-8is, » scrip-sis-ti, 
a-ja-sit, » Bcrip-sit, 
Plur. a-ja-sishma,  — ,, 8crip-si-mus, 
a-ja-sishta, » scrip-sis-tis, 
a,-ja-sishus, » scrip-ser-unt. 


See further E. Herzog, Untersuchungen über die Bildungs- 
geschichte der Gr. und Lat. Sprache, Leipz. 1871, pp. 41 foll., who 
derives all the perfect terminations by analogy from this form. - 


(4-) Perfecta in -vi and -ui. — Peculiar to the Italian languages. 

18.] This is the ordinary suffix for pure vowel verbs and derived 
verbs, all of which, as a rule, make the perfect in -vi. But derived 
verbs in -é lose the e in the perfect stem and make the w vocalic, 
as mon-ui, etc. Besides these, there are a considerable number 
of consonant stems, with present stems either consonantal or 
ending in -a, which form their perfects in -wi, as rap-ui, vet-ui, 
etc. Thus we have— 


Pure Vowel Verbs. Derived Verbs. 
nd-vi, strü-vi (pr. ster-n-o), pà-vi — amá-vi: but vet-ut, etc. for 
(pr. pa-sco); sé-vi (r. sd, re- *veta-vi, etc.(1); JjUvi for 
duplicated pr. ser-o for sée-o). *juvd-vi, *juv-ui, or from 


consonantal stems (1). 





F THE PERFECT STEM. 


flé-vi, àm-pla-vi, etc. ; cré-vt (pr. 


cer-n-o and cre-sc-o), quie-vi 
etc. ; le-vi (pr. li-n-o), de-le-vi. 


sci-vi, i-v$ tri-vi (pr. ter-o); 
8i-vi (pr. st-n-o), and com- 
pounds like arces-si-vi, capes- 
si-vi ; po-si-vi (always Plaut. 


XVII. 14, 15. 


mon-ut, car-ut, and most verbs 


in e-sc-o ; a8 tn-not-ut, tep-ui, 
etc.; haes-i for *haes-ws(1); . 
cdvi, etc. for *cdv-ui(1): so 
Jerv-$ for ferv-ui, or ferb-us : 
or as if from consonantal 
stems (1). 


audi-vi, haus-i for *haus-i-vi 


or *haus-it (1) : cp. sart-vt 
and sar-ui, and pot-ut for 
poti-vi. 


and Ter, also Lucr. and Ca- 
tullus), gen. pos-ui ; li-vi (pr. 
&-n-o). 

nd-vi. 

fü-vi contr. fü-i, plü-vi contr. 

pli-t', etc. ; but gen. all con- 
tracted and shortened, as i, 
rü-i, iribil-i, arg for *rü-vi, 
* tribu-vi, * argu-vi, etc. 

14.] We have, besides, perfects in -vz and -v;, from stems other- 
wise consonantal, not counting presents in e-sc-, which generally 
lose the increase in the perfect. E.g. 

con-cin-ui, gen-us ; al-ui, col-ui, consul-ui, mol-ut, volui, nol-ut ; 
ser-ui ; deps-ut [ posut is for po-si-vi, q. v.]; trem-ui, gem-ut, 
Jrem-us; tex-ui, nez-ui. 
And in -vi.or -ui from stems increased with 7 :— 
cupi-vi, sapi-vi, rudi-vi, rap-ui, quaesi-vi. 

15.] The origin of this termination is generally concluded 
to be a composition with the perfect of */u-, viz. (f/w)- fui, and 
that of the parallel form in -s: from a supposed perfect **e-ai. 
There are various reasons advanced for this conclusion :— 

(1.) The general similarity of terminations of tenses formed 
from the perfect stem to those of primary tenses of the sub- 
stantive verb. 

(2.) The fact that the oldest form of the perfect of * /u-, which 
was probably reduplieated like Greek zé-$vxa, is /4-vi, which 


! Bo Varro, L. L. ix. 104, ‘in praeteritis u dicimus longum plait, lait, in prae- 
senti breve,’ etc. 


XVII. 16, 17. THE PERFECT STEM. 141 


may reasonably be short for * fu - fui, in which case we have an 
instance of fui=vi. But this of course may be short for */&-fuvi, 
cp. § 13 and Sanskrit £a-0Àdoa. 

(3.) The similarity of certain derived tenses in the dialects 
which preserve /. 

16.] The identification of -vi with fui is combined with a 
wider general comparison of— 


Imperfect, *fuamor*fam with . . -bam. 
Future, —*fuio or * fuo » ' -bo. 
Imperfect, ^ eram, » Pp -eram. 
» essem, » -issem. 
Future, ero, » -ero. 
» erim, » Perf. Subj. -erim. 


The similarity is certainly striking, and is confirmed to a 
certain extent by certain forms in the dialects. In Umbrian, 
for instance, we have :— 

ambr-e-fus(t) =amb-i-verit. 
ambr-e-furent — amb-i-verint. 
a-tera- fust=circum-dede-rit. 
an-direa- fusi —in-dide-rit. 
piha- fei — pia-vi. 
And in Oscan :— 
atkda- fed — aedifica-vit. 
aamanaf-fed — admandavit, confecit (1). 
fufans —* fu-bant, unless this be a perfect (see Mommsen, Unterit. 
Dialekt. p. 237, &nd above, $ 1). . 


Beside these, we have :— 
Umbrian, port-u-st=porta-v-erit. 
» i-u-st —i-v-erit. 
» hab-u-s=hab-u-erit. 
Oscan, hip-u-st =hab-u-erit. 


» pru-hip-u-st=pro-hib-u-erit: here f (according to 
Corssen, i. p. 165) has been changed to A, and 
then lost. 


Some objections, however, to this view must be considered. 

17.] It has been urged that the whole theory of composition 
with auxiliary verbs is dubious, those which we know in modern 
' languages, like aimer-ai, aimer-ais, being compounds of real 


142 THE PERFECT STEM. XVIL 17. 


words, while. this theory requires us to suppose compounds with 
stems. 

In answer to this may be brought forward forms like cale-facio, 
cale-fio, are-facio, tepe-facio, cre-do, ferve-facio ; where the ele- 
ments cale-, are-, tepe-, cre-, do not differ in form from ordinary 
verbal stems. The curious phrases found in Cato, R. R. 157, 9: 
* Postea ferve bene facito, ubi ferverit in catinum indito;' and 
Varro, R. R. i. 9, ‘carbunculus, id est quae sole perferve ita fif, 
ut radices satorum comburat' (suspected by Gesner); and Lu- 
cretius, vi. 962,— 

‘Principio terram sol excoquit et facit are, 

may seem to suggest that they were originally syncopated in- 
finitives, but this is of little or no consequence to the argument. 
For if the infinitive was to be found in such a short form from 
derived verbs in -é, it might easily lose its vowel altogether in 
consonantal stems; e.g. trem-ui, rap-ui, etc. ; and even in dic-si, 
scrip-si (cp. divti for dizisti, etc.), if we accepted the auxiliary 
in that stem also. (Against Merguet, Entwickelung, § 157.) 

Possum, indeed, cannot be adduced in exactly the sume cate- 
gory, as it is a compound of an adjective, potis or pote, etc., 
with the verb sum, and the uncompounded forms are freely 
interchanged with it, as far as the combinations with sum go. 
See an Enumeration in Merguet, Entwickelung, p. 192 foll. 
The same writer, arguing against the theory of composition 
with auxiliaries, insists strongly on the fact that potut cannot 
be for pote fui, etc., inasmuch as it is never, or hardly ever, 
found uncompounded, and is rather to be identified with poti-vi 
( poti-vit, Plautus, Amph. 177; compotivit, Rud. 911, Appuleius 
= potitus est [he should have said compotem fecit], potivit = potuit, 
conj. Ritschl, Most. 792), from stem poti-, found in potior, and 
Oscan potiad, potíans — possit, possint. But supposing this to be 
the case, and that an ordinary derived verb, pof-i-re, had been 
formed from potis, just as lenire, mollire from lenis, mollis, its 
perfect must be explained, just as all other perfects are explained, 
however that may be. We have plenty of instances in which 
the perfect is formed from a different stem from the present, 
and this is perhaps enough to account for the fact, curious 
enough though it be, that pote fuisset (Terence, Phorm. 535) 
is the only instance of such an uncompounded form. 





Xvir 18, 19. THE PERFECT STEM. 143 


18.] Another important objection is that the supposed auxi- 
liaries consist in great part of personal and modal suffixes, which 
would be the same in any case (Roby, $ 660; compare Merguet, 
Entwick. p. 200). This is not, however, quite correct, inasmuch 
as the auxiliaries and their compounds are the only instances 
of two formations which are found in other verbs in tenses 
supposed to be derived from the same auxiliaries, and in no 
others. 

These are the future and the imperfect—the first in -/o or -o, 
the second in -am. Thus, from root es-, we get future, * es-j-0, 
* es-0, er-o ; imperfect, * es-dm, er-dm; and from root fu- we prob- 
ably get */fu-j-0, * fuo, * bo; * fu-àm, * bam; but these tenses 
are formed in no other verbs without the elements belonging to 
the auxiliary verbs, viz. 7 or s, and v or 4. Now, the imperfect 
and future in -bam and -do, and the perfect in -vi, as well as the 
tenses derived from it and the other perfect stems, viz. the pluper- 
fect indicative and subjunctive, the perfect subjunctive and second 
future, are either wholly peculiar to the Italian languages, or 
are formed in a manner peculiar to, them,.and therefore if any 
tenses were to be explained as auxiliary formations, we should 
naturally look to these. 

19.] But while this is so, the perfect stems in -i or -is, and -s7 
or -8?s have, as we have seen, close analogies to two of the San- 
skrit aorists, and may therefore be considered as older formations. 
It is on this account less easy to explain them as formed with 
any regular part of the verb sew», such as the supposed perfect 
*es-i, which would be rather an Italian than an original form- 
ation. 

Such an explanation might be held as invalid, as interpreting 
something earlier by something later, as in fact an anachronism. 
But this objection does not apply to the supposed formations 
from the root /u-, and to the supposed composite tenses from 
the root es- (other than the perfect), which are peculiar to Italy. 

I must conclude therefore, though in spite of a strong pre- 
judice to the contrary, which I do not find it easy to get rid of, 
that none of the objections urged against the composition of 
these tenses with auxiliaries have been fully made out; and 
that we may accept this theory provisionally till another can 
be established on a wider induction. 





144 COMPOSITE TENSES. XVIII. 1. 


CHAPTER XVIII. 
Composite TENSES. 


1.] Ir may here be desirable to give a Paradigm of the sup- 
posed formation of the various tenses, including those of which 
we have already spoken. 

From the Present Stem. 
(1.) Semple. Consonantal. Vocalic and derived Verbs. 


Subjunctive, reg-à-m, mone-à-m, audi-à-m, 
Optative ^ *reg-6-m, am-t-m, *audi-¢-m 
» reg-5-8 (fut.), (fut). 


(2.) Composite, with -bam, -bo-* fuam, *fu (i)o; and with -erem— 
era-i-m, optative from era-m. 


regé-bam, amia-bam, moné-bam, audi-é-bam, 
Indicative, 1 audibam. 

(dicé-bo), &má-bo, moné-bo, audi-bo. 
Optative, regt-rem, amàá-rem, moné-rem, audi-rem. 


Composite Tenses formed from the Perfect Stem. 
Consonantal. 
Reduplicated. With -si. 
Indicative, { Second Future with ero, ^ tetige-ro, ^ scripse-ro. 


Pluperfect with eram, tetige-ram, scripse-ram. 
Optative { Perfect with ertm or sim, — tetige-rim, scripse-rim, 
' 4 Pluperfect with essem, tetigi-ssem, scripsi-ssem. 


Vocalic and derived Verbe. 
With -vi. With -us. 
Indicative, { Second Future with ero, &mave-ro, monue-ro. 
Pluperfect with eram, ^ amave-ram, monue-ram. 
Optative, { Perfect with erim or sim, amave-rim, monue-rim. 
Pluperfect with essem, amavi-ssem, monui-ssem. 


XVIII. 2, 3. COMPOSITE TENSES. 145 


2.] Imperfect in -BAM. This is (as we have said), with the 
future in -jo, an exclusively Italic formation. It is found in all 
Latin words except sum, which makes era-m, apparently only 
distinguished from the present by the length of its termination ; 
compare ¢s-fis and er-d-tis for *es-d-tts. It is therefore explained 
as an auxiliary from the other root fu-, which may be supposed 
to have formed its imperfect in the same way as er-dm, viz. 
* fu-Gm, contracted into * fam and * bam. The only other trace 
of this formation is found by Schleicher in Oscan, /ufans (Cippus, 
Abell. 10), which he explains as for /u-bané or fu-fuant, i. e. erant 
(so Corssen, i. p. 165). The words run: ‘pus senatete tanginud 
suvets puturusptd Ugatus fufans! —*qui senatus iussu sui utrique 
legati [erant]! But here fuerunt would be more in place, and 
therefore Mommeen’s explanation of it as a perfect (compare deda) 
is preferable (Unterit. Dialekt. pp. 119, 298). The reduplication 
would also be a difficulty in the imperfect, on which Schleicher does 
not touch. After all perhaps fu-erant is the most analogous form. 

8.] This -bam is added directly to pure vowel verbs, as dd-bam, 
std-bam, né-bam, qui-bam, 1-bam (but generally sci-é-bam); and to 
the vowel of derived verbs in a and e, as amd-bam, moné-bam. 
In consonant stems and derived verbs in i and most others a 
vowel is inserted, as reg-é-bam, audi-é-bam. This é is frequently 
absent in old Latin in 4 verbs, but not in consonantal stems. 
Thus we have :— 


aibam, atbas, aibat, aibant (Plautus and Terence). 
scibam, scibas, etc. (Plaut., Ter., Lucr., Catullus). 
nescibam (Turpilius 17, Ribb.). 
servibas (Plaut. Capt. 247). 
gestibant (Plaut. Asin. 315). 
grundsbat (Quadrigarius ap. Diomedem, p. 319 ; Caecilius, ib.). 
insantbat (Ter. Phorm, 642); mollibat (Att.). 
graesagibat (Plaut. Aul. 176); stabilibat (Enn. Ann. 44 v). 
mollibat (Att. 630, Ribb.). 
saevibat (Lucret. v. 1003); accibant (ib. 996) ; Aauribant (ib. 
1324). 
And in later poets :— 


parturibat (Phaedr. iv. 22, 1). 
ambibat (Ovid, Met. v. 361); audibat (F. iii 507). 
audibant (Catull, 84, 8). 

L 


146 COMPOSITE TENSES. XVIII. 4, 5. 


largsbar (Prop. i. 3, 25). 
lenibant (Verg. Aen. iv. 528) ; wutribant (ib. vii. 485, cp. xi. 57a ;) 
insignibat (ib. vii. 790); vestibaé (viii. 160); polibant (viii. 
436); redimibat (x. 538; Aus. Ep. 94). 
And many others. See a larger list (without references) in 
Corssen, Beitrüge, p. 840. 

4.] We see then that this formation is a common one, but that 
it is almost, if not entirely, confined to the poets. The only 
instance I have as yet discovered from a prose author is grundibat 
from Quadrigarius, where the words cited by Diomedes, * grun- 
dibat graviter pecus suillum,’ have rather the air of a poetical 
quotation, being in fact as they stand a hendecasyllabic verse. 
If this be correct, we shall be more inclined to regard the form 
in -tbam as a contraction for i-ébam than as an original form. 
This would further lead us to the conclusion that the form 
for all derived verbs was é-bam rather than -dam, but that in 
ama-é-bam, mone-é-bam it became one with the vowel of the 
stem. There is considerable difficulty in explaining the origin 
of this ¢ Bopp supposes it to be part of the suffix -aja, and 
as such it must originally have been confined to derived verbs; 
@ supposition which gains force by a comparison of the parallel 
formation in -Jo0, which is universal for a and e stems, frequent 
in $ stems, but very rare in consonantal. The à will then be 
a part of the stem of derived verbs transferred by false analogy 
to the third conjugation.  Corssen cuts the difficulty by sup- 
posing it transferred merely from the à verbs to the third and 
partially to the fourth conjugation. (Beitr. p. 541.) 

5.] The quantity of the à in the termination is preserved 
except in the third singular: this was shortened, as early as the 
time of Ennius, for purposes of dactylic verse. So we have, 
Ann. 141 V:— 


* Volturus in spinis miserum mandébdt homonem ;’ 
though also a remarkable instance to the contrary, ib. 314 :— 
* Noenum rumores ponébát ante salutem. 


As an archaism this is preserved in one or two places by Vergil ; 
e. g. Geor. iv. 137 :— 


‘Tle comam mollis iam tondebdt hyacinthi ;’ 


xvni. 6-8. COMPOSITE TENSES. 147 


Aen. v. 853: 
*Nusquam amittebdt oculosque sub astra tenebet;' 


both in arsi. But the instance in /Áesi sometimes quoted (as 
by W. Wagner, Aulularia, p. xix) from Aen. v. 167,— 


‘Cum clamore Gyas revocdbdt: ecce Cloanthum,' 


is extremely doubtful. It should probably be read revocabat: at 
or revocabat; et, according to the judgment of P.Wagner, Rib- 
beck, and Conington. 

6.] Future in -Bo. Just as -bam is explained on the analogy 
of eram, so is -bo on that of ero. Ero or *eso is probably a 
future formation for * cs-j-0, Greek gocvoua:; and * fu- is sup- 
posed to have had a future, */4-i-o, * fuo —*-bo. Thus, while 
Greek appears to take one auxiliary to supply ite future (e. g. 
At-w, At-ow), Latin takes the other. Cp. Herzog, l. c. p. 51. 

The general rule is that the future in -d0 is confined to verbs 
of the first and second conjugations, the other two using the 
optative form ; but there are a large number of verbs of the 
fourth and a few of the third which take this suffix. For a list 
of the former see Corssen, Beitr. p. 540, or, for a better one, 
Rónsch, It. und Vulg. p. 291. Of the latter we have instances 
in old Latin in dicébo (Nov. Ribb. 9); jidébo (ib. 10); paribis 
(Pompon. Ribb. 20) ; ezugébo (Plaut. Epid. ii. 2, 5); reddtbo (id. 
Cas.i.41; Men. 1038; Vidul. ap. Priscian, vi); reddibitur (Epid. 
i. 22, but not in MSS.). Rónsch also quotes from the Latin Bible, 
diligebit, intendebis, metuebitis, obliviscebor ; to which we may add 
Jiuebun?, (John vii. 38, ap. Cypr. App. De Mont. Sin. et Sion, c. 9). 

7.] In the same way, on the other hand, we have a number of 
subjunctives from verbs in -e in a future sense, especially in first 
person; e.g. amoveam, augeam, commoneam, deleam, doceam, re- 
spondeam, videas, videant, appareas, mostly from the Bible, auges 
=augebis (Iren.); and a few from classical writers, misces=misce- - 
bis (Apic. 2, 3); persuadeam — persuadebo (Petron. 46) ; exorbeam= 
exorbebo, Nonius (Rénsch, pp. 290, 291). 

8.] These facts seem to confirm the conclusion that the form 
in -jo is a late one, and therefore rather applied to the derived 
verbs, and not to the consonantal. It is of universal application, 
except in the few instances above mentioned, in the first two 
conjugations, but the fourth, from its constant connection with 

L2 





148 COMPOSITE TENSES. ; XVIII. 9, IO. 


the third, is a sort of battle-ground between the two future 
formations—the optative and the modern form in -/o. The 
older consonantal conjugation also felt the influence of the new 
formation, but very slightly. Like the imperfect it shows a 
long e (except in redd?2o, for which we have variants reddábo), no 
doubt transferred, either as part of the general suffix of derived 
verbs, or by a false analogy from the second conjugation. 

9.] The Imperfect Optative or Subjunctive. This is formed by 
adding -rez to the present stem. This -rem is supposed to be 
short for *erem, *easem, the optative of eram or *esam ; cp. ames, 
optative, from amas. This *erem therefore originally = *esa-i-m. 
In essem the double s appears to be only a compensation for the 
contraction of the vowels: cp. adessint, as a future, Lex. Rep. 
C. 198, 63; whilst in S. C. de Bacch. we have eset, esetis, esent. ' 

The Pluperfect is formed in the same way from the perfect 
stem; see below. 

The length of the contracted vowel in third singular is pre- 
served occasionally. 

E. g. Enn. Ann. 86 V:— 

‘Omnibus cura viris uter éseé induperator,' 
a remarkable instance in thesi, cp. ponébat above, $ 5. And once 
in. Hor. Od. iii. 5. 17 :— 

‘Si non perirét immiserabilis | captiva pubes.’ 
^ (See Corssen, ii. pp. 491, 502, 728, foll, who by a strange 
oversight quotes * fwissét de’ from Enn. Ann. 242.) 

10.] Composite Tenses formed from the Perfect Stem. According 
to the theory above accepted (ch. xvii. $ 19) on the formation of 
the perfects in -vi and -zi, there will be no difficulty in ex- 
plaining these tenses as compounded with auxiliaries. There 
are, however, a number of forms in -so, -sim, -sere which require 
some discussion, and have been variously interpreted. 

Corssen, ii. pp. 553-559, has given a full list of such forms, 
with references, from which I select the following (cp. Roby, 
§ 619, p. 197) :— 

From a stems— 

amasso ; amassis, amassint (subjunctive). 
reconciliasso, enicasso. 

locassim ; locassint (indicative). 

servassit, servassint (subjunctive). 


XVIII. II, 12. COMPOSITE TENSES. 149 


mercassitur, (Lex. Agr. 200, 71.) 
averruncassere, (Pacuvius.) 
impetrassere, (Plaut., four times.) 
reconciliassere, oppugnassere, (id.) 
From e stems— 
habessit (subjunctive). 
prohibessis (subjunctive), prohibessit (indicative and subjunctive), 
prohibesaint (indicative). 
From $ stems— 
ambissit, ambissint, (Pl. Amph. 69, 71, ex conj.) 

From consonantals, etc.— 

(a.) ausim (subjunctive), iwsso, tussis, iusstt (indicative) ; tussim, 
tussitur, (Cato R. R. 14.) 

(b.) faxo, faxim, etc., especially fazint, capso, capsit, capsimus, 
rapsit, surrepsit ; faxitur (Liv. xxii. 10), nanzitur (XII. 
Tabb.). 

(c.) axim, adaxint ; dixis ; comessit; empsim ; partis, etc. 

These forms, with the exception of fazo, fazis, faxint, ausim, 
ausis, are rare after the time of Terence, or are marks of affected 
archaism. 

We have, however, twsso (Verg. Aen. xi. 467; Sil. xii. 175), 
recepso (Catull. xliv. 19), Zepefazit (ib. lxviii. 29), ausit (ib. lxi. 
65, 70, 75; lxvi. 28; Ov. Met. vi. 465, and others). 

11.] Grammarians, such as Madvig and Bopp (followed by 
Mr. Roby), derive these forms from the present stem, after the 
manner of the Greek future with -s, and explain the double s 
in a and e verbs as ‘ either a mode of marking the accent, or due 
to a mistaken etymology, as if the forms were analogous to 
amasse from amavisse, etc. Possibly both causes may have com- 
bined.' (Roby, $ 622.) 

12.] The comparison, however, of such forms with those ac- 
knowledged to be syncopated, e. g. dixti, intellezti, emtinzti (Verg. 
Aen. iv. 682), evasti (Hor. Sat. ii. vii. 68), mist? (Cat. xiv. 14); 
accestis (Verg. Aen. i. 201), protraxtis (Sil. xvi. 84), scripstis (Enn. 
'Trag. 239 V), as well as the probably syncopated interdizem (Catul. 
ap. Gell. xix. 9. 14), ezstinzem (Verg. Aen. iv. 606), vizet (ib. xi. 
118), confluxet (Lucr. 1. 987), etc., and the infinitives dize, ad- 
veze, adduze, etc. (Plaut.), consumpse (Lucr. i. 233), abstraze (id. 
iv. 648), protraze (id. v. 1157), surreze (Hor. Sat. i. 9. 73), (raze 


150 COMPOSITE TENSES. XVIII. 12. 


(Verg. Aen. v. 786), promisse (Cat. cx. 5), etc., lead us to the 
conclusion that the others also are syncopated. In all these 
cases, then, the i of the perfect, (and sometimes the v or w,) has 
vanished, just as it has become short in the ordinary formation 
tetigé-ro, fecé-ro, for *tetigi-so, *feci-so. So amasso is for *amavi-so, 
habessit for *habevi-sit, faxo for *facsi-so. The double s is ex- 
plained by the contraction, for it can hardly be merely the 
result of accent or false analogy. See the similar question in 
the Comparison of Adjectives (above, ch. xi. § 19, and compare 
Corssen, ii. p. 551, sote). 


XIX. 1-3. THE INFINITIVE. 151 


CHAPTER XIX. 


THe INFINITIVE. 


1.] Tux Infinitive is properly not a mood, but a number of 
verbal substantives of different origins. Nevertheless, some of 
these formations are best discussed under the head of verbs. 
Others, such as the ordinary participles, supines, gerunds, and 
gerundives, hardly need explanation in a work of this kind. 

. 2.] What is ordinarily known as the injixitive is explained by 
most grammarians as the dative case of a verbal substantive, the 
stem of which originally ended in -as, with a dative in ae-az. 
So Schleicher quotes Sanskrit g/tv-ds-e, from verb giv, ‘to live,’ 
dj-as-é, from verb i, ‘to go,’ etc., which are used as infinitives 
(compare § 230, p. 470). This as appears to be the same termi- 
nation as the s or r of Latin substantives, genus, robur, etc. The 
infinitive termination is formed by adding -ré (or -ré), for -se or 
~sei, to the present stem, and -se to the perfect stem. Thus we get 

amá-re, amavis-se. 

rege-re, Te218-86, etc. ; 

The perfect stem, as we have seen, probably ended in -is (above, 
ch. xvii, § 2), and therefore the two forms are exactly parallel. 

In esse and its compounds, and in esse (*ed-se), ‘to eat,’ is 
preserved the older form in -se. The termination in -re under- 
goes a remarkable assimilation in vel-le=vole-re, the converse to 
caeruleus, for caeluleus. Fer-re explains itself. Fo-re is from 
root fu. 

8.| The final vowel e, for ei, was originally long, and so we 
find it not unfrequently in Plautus. Corssen (ii. p. 474) quotes 
the following instances. 

Pseud. 355:— 

‘Ego scelestus nünc argentum prémer8 possum domo.’ 


152 THE INFINITIVE. XIX. 4-6. 


'Truc. ii. 4. 74:— 

‘Non afides aliquod míhi darà munüsculum.' 

Stichus 513 :— 

* Quí&m me ad illum promitteré nisi nóllem ei adversérier.’ 

Titin. ap. Non. 998 :— 

*Ipsás quidem herclé duceré sané nevolt.' 
So the MSS., but Spengel, Ritschl, and Ribbeck alter the lines. 

More frequently it is found with this quantity before the 
caesura pause in septenarii and octonarii, as perdere (Plaut. Asin. 
420, Poen. 808), redderé (ib. 442), credere (Poen. 1253 G), recipere 
(ib. 811), vorteré (Merc. 125), ducere (Mil. 1239), vivere (ib. 1275), 
diceré (Ter. Andr. 613, but not in MSS.), daré (Heaut. 724); or 
again before a pause in the sense, or at the end of a speech, 
as promeré (Mil. 848), dicere (ib. 1316), daré (Trin. 584). 

4.| We have already spoken of this infinitive as a distinction 
between Latin and the other Italian dialects, which have an in- 
finitive in om, wn, o. So we have in Oscan deicum, aserum, ezum, 
moltaum, censaum ; in Volscian ferom; while older Umbrian has 
aferum, eru, later afero, erom. This is apparently an accusative 
case formed without any suffix from the verbal stem. Cp. the 
Latin accusatives venum, pessum, which can hardly be called 
infinitives; to which the ordinary use of a verbal substantive 
and the so-called supine forms a close parallel. 

5.] The Infinitive Passive usually ends in classical Latin in -7: 
or -i, but there are abundant traces even in the best authors of 
an earlier form in -rier, -ier, the first in vocalic and derived 
verbs, the second in consonantal stems ; e. g. da-rier, cura-rier ; 
leg-ter. It does not occur very frequently in inscriptions of early 
date. We find utter in El. Scip. C. 33; S. C. Bacch. C.196. 27, 
gnoscier, figier ; Lex Rep. C. 198. 71, avocarier and abducier ; Ep. 
Posillae Seneniae, C. 1306, ornarier: but these are all in repub- 
lican times. 

In the early poets it is frequent, and in the later ones it is a 
common archaism, used both for the sake of metre and euphony. 

6.] Corssen interprets this form in the following manner (ii. 
pp. 478, 479). The final 7 is the ordinary reflexive pronoun of 
the passive (or -se). The rest is a feminine substantive, in one 
case with a longer, in the other with a shorter, suffix. Amarier 


XIX. 6. THE INFINITIVE. 158 


then will be originally *ama-sia-se, ‘loving oneself, becoming 
*ama-sie-à, ama-rie-r, and figier similarly *fíg-ia-se, *fig-ie-s, fig- 
te-r. The substantives *amasia, *amaria, *dasia, *daria will be 
parallel in form to gloria, curia, iniuria, ete, Similarly, the 
shorter forms *fígia, *utia will be ‘fixing, ‘using,’ like inedia, 
materia, The vowel change from a to e is also similar to that in 
maler-ia and mater-ie-s. 

The objection to this explanation is that it combines the 
(apparently) comparatively modern passive suffix with a substan- 
tive stem in no particular case, a mode of composition difficult, 
if not impossible, to parallel. Nevertheless, it avoids the diffi- 
culty which those fall into who adopt the more superficial ex- 
planation, that we have here a merely passive form of the 
infinitive active. This difficulty is the insertion of the e in 
curarier, darier, etc., which is not accounted for if we suppose 
them to be merely passive forms of dares, dare. 


PART II. 


INSCRIPTIONS. 


INSCRIPTIONES LATINAE 
ANTIQVISSIMAE 


156 


INSCRIPTIONES VETVSTISSIMAE 


BELLO HANNIBALICO QUAE VIDENTVR ANTIQVIORES. 


NUMMI ANTIQVISSIMI 


SAECULI FERE QVINTI. 


C.LL.I.:. P.L.M.v.s. Romanom = antica. 
ante V.C. 490: aes flatum formae quadratae v pondo. 
C.2. P.M.v.a. as libralis eiusdem aetatis. 
RoMA postica; interdum additur v. 
C. 5. P.M.v.p. asses librales L(ucerinorum) v.c. 440-500. 
(1) vp. et L.PVLIO.L.F.C.MODIO.CN.F a. : 
(2) vp. et SE.POS. '. BAB f. | 
C. 11. P.M. vr. 67. seminummus argenteus Sig(ninorum) 
ante v.c. 486. fEIC vel SEIC p. 
C. 12. P.M. vn. 39. ante v.c. 486. 
(1) ar. CORANO f. (2) ger. KORANO a. 
C.13. P.M. vi.1sqq. stateres argentei etc., cusi plerique 
a Campanis v.c. 416—543. 
RoMANO et BOMA. 
C. 14. °P.M. vr. 404. 41a. post 481. 
CO2A ulrimgue vel CO%ANO uírimque 
ONAZOO 400. 410. in Mus. Brit. 
C. 15. P.M. vir. 38 ete. v.c. 420-486. 
CALENO 
C.16. P.M. vri. 72. SVESANO p; [RBOVM 4 
rarius [ROBOVM vel MRoBoM 
C. 19. P.M. vit. 30. 
BENVENTOD @ ; PROPOM P. 


C. 20. P.M. vm. 22, 23. 
(1) AISERNINO (2) AISERNINO raro AISERNIM p VOLXANOM a. 


C. 24. P.M. vir. 49, 48. nummi Larinatium aerei. 
(1) LADINEI (2) VADINoD. 


CARMEN ARVALE. 


C.LL. 1. 28. P.L.M.xxxvra. Marini 4/4 xli. Orell. 2270. 
Lucus Deae Diae ad quintum ex urbe lapidem via Campana 
(i.e. Portuensi) hodie Vigna Ceccarelli, ubi tabulae multae nuper 
repertae sunt. Haec vero in basilica Vaticana a. 1778 effossa 
ibidemque servata. "Textum dedi ex Orellio cum supplementis 
Marinii, carmen ex Mommseno. 


I [A.D. 218] ........ Item IIII. Kal. Iunias | in Luco Deae 
Diae Alfenius Avitianus Promagister ad Aram immolavit por- 
3cilias piaculares II Luci coinquendi et operis | faciundi, ibi 
vaecam honorariam immolavit, et inde in tetrastylo reversus 
4 subselliis consedit, deinde reversus ad Aram | extas reddidit por- 
ciliares. Item in Circo, in foculo argenteo cespiti ornato extam 
5 vaccinam reddidit, et in tetrastylo | reversus est, et in codice 
cavit, et praetextam deposuit, et in papilione suo reversus (est). 
6 Promeridie autem | Fratres Arvales praetextas acceperunt, et 
in tetrastylo convenerunt, et subselliis consederunt et caverunt | 
7 se adfuisse, et sacrum fecisse, et porcilias piaculares epulati 
8 sunt, et sanguem. — Postea inde praetextati | capite velato, vittis 
spiceis coronati Lucum ascenderunt, et per Alfenum Avitianum 
9 Promagistrum agnam | opimam immolaverunt, et hostiae lita- 
tionem inspexerunt. Perfecto sacrifieio omnes ture et vino 
IO fecerunt, deinde | reversi in Aedem in mensa sacrum fecerunt 
ollis, et ante aedem in cespite Promagister et Flamen sacrum 
1I fecerunt. | Item foras ad Aram reversi thesauros dederunt. Item 
12 Flamen et Promagister scyphos argenteos cum sumpuvis | vino 
repletis ante osteum, (c£) acerras (ferentes) ture et vino fecerunt, 
13et ante osteum restiterunt, et duo ad fruges petendas | cum 
14 Publicis desciderunt et reversi dextra dederunt, laeva receperunt, 
deinde ad alterutrum sibi reddiderunt | et Publicis fruges tra- 
diderunt: deinde in Aedem intraverunt, et ollas precati sunt, 





158 


CARMEN ARVALE. 


15 et ostiis apertis per clivum iac|uerunt; deinde subsellis mar- 
moreis consederunt ; et panes laureatos per Publicos partiti sunt 

16 ibi omnes lumemulia [/ege tum edulia ?] | cum rapinis acceperunt 

17 et Deas unguentaverunt, et Aedes clusa est, omnes foris exi- 
erunt: ibi Sacerdotes | clusi succincti libellis acceptis carmen 
descindentes tripodaverunt in verba haeo : ' 


I 


4 | 


6 


ENOS LASES IVVATE | ENOS LASES IVVATE ENOS LASES IVVATE 
NEVE LVAE RVE MARMA SINS IN CVRRERE IN PLEORES 
NEVE LVE RVE MARMAR|SINS INCVRRERE IN PLEORIS 
NEVE LVE RVE MARMAR SERS IN CVERERE IN PLEORIS 
BATVR EVRERE MARS LIMEN|SALI STA BERBER 
SATVR FVFERE MARS LIMEN SALJ STA BERBER 

SATVR FV FERE MARS LIMEN SALI STA BERBER 
SEMVNIS ALTERNEI ADVOCAPIT CONCTOS 

SEMVNIS ALTERNEL ADVOCAPIT CONCTOS 

SIMVNIS ALTERNEI ADVOCAPIT | CONCTOS 

ENOS MARMOR IVVATO 

ENOS MARMOR IVVATO 

ENOS MARMOR IVVATO 

TRIVMPE TRIVMPE TRIVMPE TRIVM|PE TRIVMPE 


Post tripodationem deinde signo dato Publici introierunt et 
libellos receperunt. 


Carmen sic dividit Mommsenus. 


Enos, Lases, iuvate, (fer) 

Neve lue rue, Marmar, sins (v. sers) incurrere in pleores. (/er) 
Satur fu, fere Mars . Limen sali. Sta. Berber. (/er) 
Semunis alternei advocapit conctos. (fer) 

Enos, Marmor, iuvato. (ter) 

Triumpe. (quinguies). 


159 


SCIPIONUM ELOGIA. 


C. 29-39. P.L.M xxxvu-xiu. Monumentum extra portam 
Capenam. Scipiones sarcophagis extracti, cineres sparsi, tituli - 
arcaeque museo Vaticano illatae. 


I. C. 29. L. Cornelius Scipio Barbatus cos. v. 6. 456 cens. 464. 


In sarcophagi margine superiore litteris rubro colore pictis 
non incisis. Sarcophagus, cum II, Ill, Iv, virt, ex lapide Albano. 


l. cornelio . CN . F . SCIPIO 


C. 30. In sarcophagi antica litteris incisis. 

. CORNELIVS « LVOIVS - SCIPIO - BARBATVS - GNAIVOD - PATRE 
l'ROGNATVS - FORTIS - VIR - SAPIENSQVE i— QVOIVS - FORMA * VIRTVTBI + PARISVMA 
FVIT— CONSOL - CENSOR - AIDILIS - QVEI - FVIT - APVD - VOS—TAVRASIA + CIBAVNA 
SAMNIO - CEPIT — SVBIGIT - OMNE * LOVO ANAM * OPSIDESQVB * ABDOVCIT 

Cornéliás Lucius Scípió Barbátus, 
Gnaivód patré prognátus fórtis vír sapiénsque, 
quoitis formá virtutei parisuma füit, 
consól censér aidilis quei fuit apüd vos, 
Taurásiá Cisatina Sámnió cépit 
subigit omné Loucánam ópsidésque abdoücit. 
V.3. quoiás forma virtu | tei parisuma füit  RscAL. 
quoitis formá virtitei | párisumá füit Brckheler. 
quolus etc. Corssen, vide adnotata. 
II. C. 31. L. Cornelius Scipio cos. 495 cens. 496. 
Litteris pictis, in fragmento sarcophagi. 
V - CORNELIO: L . F- SCIPIO 
AIDILES - COSOL - CESOR 


160 SCIPIONUM ELOGIA. 


C. 32. litteris incisis—ad eundem recte referri videtur. 


HONO OINO * PLOIRVME - COSENTIONT RE 
DVONOBO - OPTVMO : FVISE- VIRO 
LVCIOM + SCIPIONE * FILIOS BARBATI 
CONSOL + CENSOR : AIDIVIS - HIC - FVET-* A 
HEC - CE PIT - CORSICA - ALERIAQVE - VRBE 
DEDET - TEMPESTATEBVS - AIDE - MERETO 


Numeros sic constituit Ritschelius et supplevit. 


Hone oino ploirumé coséntiónt Romái 
duonóro óptumó fuise viró viróro 

Luciom Scipiéne. Fíhós Barbáti 

cons6l eensór aidílis híc fuét apéd vos, 

hee cépit Córsica Áleriáque urbé pugndndod, 
dedét Témpestftebus aide méretod vótam. 


III. C. 33. P. Cornelius Scipio P. f. (Africani maioris filius ?) 
litteris incisis in duabus tabulis quae olim anticam sarcophagi 
effecerunt. 


QVEI-APICE INSIGNE: DIALi4 J/AMINIS - GESISTEI 
MORS PERFEció TVA. VT: ESSENT - OMNIA 
BREVIA-  HONOS-FAMA - VIRTVSQVE 
GLORIA: ATQVE- INGENIVM - QVIBVS SEI 
IN - LONGA - LICViSET - TIBE VTIER - VITA 
FACILE - FACTEIS SVPERASES - GLORIAM 
MAIORVM — QVA- RE - LVBENS - TE-IN GREMIV 
SCIPIO RECIP?T - TERRA : PVBLI 
PROGNATVM -PVBLIO - CORNELI 


Numeros sic constituit Ritschelius (excepto v. 2) 

Quei 4pice insígne diális fl&minis gesistei 

mors pérfecit tua ut éssent ómniá& brévia 

honós famá virtüsque glória átque ingénium: 
quibtis sei in lónga lícuisét tibe ütier vita 

facilé facteis superáses glóriám maiórum. 

quaré lubéns te in grémiu, Scípió, récipit 

terrá, Publi, prognátum Püblhó, Cornéli. 

v. 2. Mors pérfécit tia ut éssent ómnia brévia  AiscAL. 


SCIPIONUM ELOGIA. 


IV. C. 34. L. Cornelius Scipio Cn. f. ; quis fuerit ignotum. 


Tabula ex sarcophago. 


L* CORNELIVS - CN*F -CN-N: SCIPIO: MAGNA - SAPIENTIA 


MVLTASQUE + VIRTVTES : AETATE - QVOM * PARVA 


POSIDET - HOC - SAXSVM - QVOIEI - VITA - DEFECIT * NON 


HONOS - HONORE - IS - HIC - SITVS + QVEI + NVNQVAM 
VICTVS - EST + VIRTVTEI - ANNOS - GNATVS - XX - IS 

L++ EIS- MANDATVS- NE- QVAIRATIS - HONORE 

QVEI MINVS + SIT MANDATVS | 


Numeros sic constituit Ritschelius, 
Magná sapiéntiá multásque vírtütes 
aetáte quóm párva pósidét hoc sáxsum, 
quoieí vitá defécit nón honós honóre. 
Is hic sitis quei nünquam victus ést virtitei. 
Annós gnatüs vigínti is Diteist mandátus, 
ne quairatis honóre quei minus sit mandátus. 


v. 5. LocEIS Mommsen. LETO.EST Lachmann. vitEist v. veitist 


Ritschl. 


V. C. 35.  L. Cornelius Scipio, P.n. quaestor u. c. 587 t c. a. 


593. In tabula sarcophagi ex topho. 


L.CORNELI L.F P7 
SCIPIO . QVAIST 
TR. MIL- ANNOS 

GNATVS XXX .III 

MORTVOS - PATER 

REGEM ANTIOCO 

SVBEGIT 


VI. C. 36. e.a. 600? Sarcophagus ex topho. 
RNELIVS > L+ F+L-N 
PIO ASIAGENVS 
COMATVS ANNORV 
GNATVS + XVI 


VII. C. 37. Fragmentum sarcophagi ex topho. 
8 
$C PIONEM 
quiO- AD VEIXEI 


162 POCULA SPECULA 


VIII. C. 38. C. Cornelius Scipio Hispanus, pr. u. c. 615. 
In tabulis tribus lapidis Albani. 


CN. CORNELIVS . CN. F SCIPIO. HISPANVS 
I|II - III|III 
PR . AID. CYR * Q. TR-MIL-II-XVIR-SL-IVDIK 


XVIE.SACR. FAC 
VIRTVTES GENERIS MIEIS MORIBVS ACCVMVL | AVI 


PROGENIE MI GENVI FACTA PATRIS PETIEI 
MAIORVM OPTENVI LAVDEM VT SIBEI ME ESS | £ CREATVM 
LAETENTVR STIRPEM NOBILITAVIT HON OR 


IX. C. 39. Sarcophagus, maiore ex parte ex lapide Tiburtino. 
pAVLLA - CORNELI - ON-F - HISPALLI 


C. 40. In Privernatis lapidis fragmento. Sirmondus Scip. 
log. p. 18 830 Graev.: praeterea nemo. 
APPIOS CONSOL 


C. 42. P.M.1.a. In eapite arietis aereo, extat Vindobonae 
in antiquario. 
ATILIIIS Atilies 
SARANIIS: C- M-F Saranes C(ai et) M(arci) f(ilies ?) 


POCULA SPECULA SIMILIA INSCRIPTA. 


C. 43-60. In Etruria inferiore plerumque aut Praeneste re- 
perta, ideoque Tuscanicae artis cum Latinis inscriptionibus sunt, 
et quinto vel sexto saeculo attribuenda. 


C. 435. P.M.x.&). In patera nigri coloris Volcis reperta, extat 
in Mus. Brit. 
AECETIAI - POCOLOM 


C. 44. P.M.xre. Romae in Mus. Campanae, olim Florentiae. 
BELOLAI - POCOLOM 


SIMILIA INSCRIPTA. 163 


C. 45. Hodie ubi sit non constat. cp. Eps. Ep. 6. P.L. 
Supp. V. p. 10. 
COERAE + POCOLO 


C. 46. P.M.x.pd. In patera nigra Volcis reperta. Rom. in 
Mus. Gregoriano. 
KERI - POCOLOM 


C. 47. P.M.x.ze. In patera nigra Orte rep. Romae ibidem. 
LAVIIRNAI + POCOLOM 


C. 48. P.M.x.aa. Litteris albis in oenochoe nigra ansata 
Romae in Mus. Camp. 


SAIITVRNI * PFOCOLOM 


C. 49. P.M.x.;/. In patera nigra Orte rep. In Mus. Gregor. 
SALVTES - POCOLOM 


C. 5o. P.M.x.cc. In patera nigra picturis albis, ex Tarquiniis 
(non Voleis) Gerhard. In Mus. Berolin. 


VOLCANI - POCOLOM 


Ephemeris Epigraphica 5. P.L. Supp. V. p. 9. in poculo nigro 
picturis albis. Simillimum est Volcani poculo 
AISCLAPI - POCOCOLOM 


C. 51. P.M.rcc. In collo protomae aheneae Medusae. Romae 
in Mus. Kircheriano. 
C - OVIO + OVE - PIIG ’ 
C . Ovio(s) Ouf(entina) fecit. 


C. 55. P.M.r.&. In pallio statuae ahen. lovis. Romae 

ibidem. 
C POMPONI QVIR : OPOS 
C. Pomponi Quir(ina) opos. 

Eph. Ep. 7a (b) In parte interiore patellae cretaceae nigrae. 

Rep. Tarquiniis. cp. C. 53. P.M.x.r.. 
V + CANOLEIOS - | - F- FECIT - CAVENOS 

Eph. Ep. 8a(6,c) In patellae cretaceae nigrae fundo. Rep. 

Tarquiniis, nune Petroburgi. 
RIITVS - GABINIO - C - 8 CALIIBVS - l'IIC. TII * 
M 2 


164 POCULA SPECULA SIMILIA INSCRIPTA. 


C. 54. P.M.1aa. cp. Hpk. Ep. 17 In Cistae Ficoronianae 
operculo. rep. in agro Praenestino: hodie Romae in Mus. Kircher. | 
. LIGA . IVA . VINAOOYW . YIGNIG Sub uno cistae pede 
NOVIOS.PLAVTIOS.MED ROMAI. FECID inb nomen 
Dindia Macolnia fileai dedit. e 
Novios Plautios med Romai fecid. 


C. 1500, add. p. 553. P.M enarr. p. g8 o. In operculo cistae 
Praeneste repertae.  Figurae cum nominibus, litteris satis pecu- 
liaribus. Nomina sunt 

Micos Aciles Victoria Hercles Diesptr Iuno Mircurios Iacor 
(sub fig. Memnonis) Aiax Vepitus (?). 

C. 1501, add. p. 554. P.M enarr. p. 98 ». In cista simul 
reperta, hod. in Mus. Berolin. 

Venus Aucena 
Casenter(a) Crisida Aiax Oinumama Teses Alixente[r] Ateleta Alsir Felena. 


C. 55. P.M.rs. In speculo Praeneste rep. cum cista Ficoron. 
cum figuris. 
POLOCES LOSNA AMVCES 
Eph. Ep. 18 Speculum Praeneste rep. 1868 cum figuris. 
CASTOR AMVCOS POLOVCES 
Eph. Ep. 19 Praeneste in cista cum figuris. In operculo: 
Ebrios. In ipsa cista: Silanus Doxa Laoumeda Aiax . Ilios Leces 
(in tabella columnae adfixa) Soresios Acmemeno Istor Lavis. 
Eph. Ep. 20 in cista rep. Praeneste cum figuris, 
Castor Pater. Poumilionom vel Polmilionom. 
Eph. Ep. 21  Cista aerea nuper Praeneste rep. nunc Komae 
apud Martinettium. Nomina oblique scripta cum figuris, 
Iovos Apolo Menerva Diana 
Iuno Mercuris Leiber Victoria Mars Fortuna. 
Eph. Ep. 22, in speculo Praeneste rep. cum figuris, 
Telis Aiax Alcumena 
Eph. Ep. 23 in speculo prope Praeneste rep. 1866 cum figuris, 
Taseos Luqoreos  Pilonicos - Taseio filios 
Eph. Ep. 24 Speculum Praeneste rep. 
Marsuas  Painiscos 
Vibis Pilipus cailavit 


ANTIQVISSIMA EX LATIO. 165 


C. 56. P.M.rc. In speculo. Mus. Kirch. 
IVNO — IOVEI 4daO0AaH 
C. 57, add. p. 554. P.M.xrw. cef. Supplem. I. Speculum 
rep. Orbetelli (Cosae). In Mus. Parisino. 


DIOV. 
VENOS OVEM PROSEPNAI2 


C. 58. P.M.xriw. In speculo orig. inc. In Mus. Campanae. 
CVDIDO (SiC) - VENOS - VITORIA RIT(us)? 
C. 59. P.M.rr. In speculo. Berolini Mus, Reg. 
MIBQVRIOS ALIXENTROM 


C. 60. P.M.xro. In speculo. Romae, apud Depoletium. 
OINOMAVOS ARIO MELERPANTA 


ANTIQVISSIMA EX LATIO. 


C. 61. P.M.xur.x. Titulus Lanuvinus. In aedibus Ios. 


di Marco. 
- AIDILIS 


moltaticod | AIRID 
cotr AV 
C.62. P.M.1m.r. Lamina Tiburtina, Parisiis Mus. pub. 
(dà) C-PLACENTIOS - HER - F + i.e. Her(ii) 
MARTE + SACROM 
(6)  C-PnLACENTIVS- HER: F 
MARTE - DONV - DEDE 
C.63. P.M. xtrx. 3s. In columna parva '"Tuseuli prope sep. 
Furiorum. Extat in villa Rufinella. 
M * FOVRIO * C+ F- TRIBVNOS 
MILITARE - DE: PRAIDAD : MAVRTE + DEDET 
C. 64. Ibidem 
M.FOVRIO.C.F.TBRIBVNOS 
mili(aRE . DE. 'RAIDAD . FORTYNE . DEDET 


C. 65-72. P.M. xrix.4. Tituli ex Sepuleris Furiorum, Tusculi. 
€: TVRPLEIo-€- F,. Q- UOVRIO- A- l et similia, 


166 ANTIQVISSIMA EX LATIO. 


C. 73, add. p. 554. Aliter Ritschl. Supp. II. p. 7. Praeneste 
ad ecclesiam S. M. dell' Aquila. 


APOLON 2 putio ? An OLONe(?) - tutelare(1) 
.|METIVIO...... 8. METILIO8 . 8. f.m.opio.m.f 

MAGISTERE 8... MAGISTERE(28) - faciund 

CORAVERON ¢ CORAVERON ¢- de. conl. s 

C- ANICIO-L-S aufio C. ANICIO . L. 8. Z.apela.va 

probaveront RIANDO . praefuit 


C. 74-165, add. p. 554, 555. P.M.xiv—-xivu. Eph, £p.* 25-131. 
Sepulerum Praenestinum. Tituli plurimi conservantur Praeneste 
in domo Barberina. Nomina haec sunt, * Acuti(os), v. *Aguti(os), 
v. *Aguti(os), *Afilius, Avilios, * Av(2)ta, * Ancili(os), Anici(os), 
Anicia, Ania, Antestia, * Automio(s), Aptronio(s), Aptronia, * Ara- 
cilia, Atilia, Boufilio(s), Caltius, Caltia, Camelio(s), Carmei(os), 
Casios, Cauci(os), *Cepolie(s), Cesti(os), Céstia, *Cincia, Colionia 
(add. p. 555), Coment(os), Comenta, *Comio(s), Cordi(os), Cordia, 
Coriario(s), Coricia, *Craisli(os), *Cumia, Cugi(os), Curtia, *Din- 
di(os), *Epoleius, Epuleia, *Etrilia, Fabrecio(s), v. Fabrici(os), 
Fabricia, *Fidenati(os), * Flavios, * Fouri(os), *Geminio(s), * G(e)- 
minia, * Gesia, Gessius, Herenio(s), *H(e)ria, Iunius, Iunia, *La- 
beoni(us), Lorelano(s), Magolnio(s), v. Macolnio(s), M(a)golnia, 
* Mamio(s), * Manici(os), *Mat(i)lia, * Minucia, Mutilio(s), * Noricia, 
Num/(i)toria, *Octavi(os), Opio(s), v. Oppi(os), Opia, Orcevio(s), v. 
Orcvios, Orcevia, *Pacilia, Patoleia, Pesc(e)n(ia), *P(e)tronio(s), 
Plautio(s), Plautsa, * Poldia, Pomponi(os), Popilia, Progilia, * Pul- 
lius v. * Pulius, *Pupi(os), Roscio(s), Rutilia, *Samiari(us), *Satri- 
cani(us), *Saufeia, Saufi(os), Sehia, Selicia, *Shlicio(s), *Servia, 
Tampio(s), Tapios, Tapia, *Terebuni(us), *Terentia, Titia, *Titoleia, 
*Tondi(os), Tutia, Far(ios), Vatronia, Vebidia, Vehilia, Vergelia, 
Vestori(os), * Vetteia, * Vol(e)ntili(os), * Volentilia, Usoro. 

Virorum praenomina praeter usitata sunt, Ma:(os), Nu(merios), 
Opi(os), Pes(cennius), Pla(utius), Sta(tius), *Tirri(os), Tr(ebius). 

Observanda sunt feminarum praenomina Maio(s) i.e. Mazo(r), 
Mino(s) i.e. Mino(r), Cemna i.e. Gemina, Gemela i.e. Gemella, 
Maria (149, Eph. 64), Graeca (155), *C(aia) (Eph. 49), v. *Gata 
(1b. 69), *L(ucia ?) (16. 90), Rudia (1501, c.), * T(e)rtia, v. *Ter- 
t(1a) (Eph. 51, 108). 

Cognomina raro adiunguntur, A4//(inus), Flacus, Nasica, Numa. 

Cognomina mulierum duo sola reperiuntur. 

ATLIA.A.L | LAIs Eph. 33, ETTILIA.L.F.LONGA ib. 63. 


167 


ANTIQVISSIMA EX PICENO. 


C. 167-180. P.L.M. xii, xttv. In sacrario et luco Pisau- 
rensi rep. 1738 et in Mus. Oliverianum delata. 


C. 167. 
C. 168. 


C. 173. 


aaan 


C. 178. 


174. 
. 175. 
. 176. 


. 177. 


APOLENg in cippo, ut ceteri paene omnes. 

CIISYLA C. 169.  FEBONIA 

ATILIA STA - TETIO 

DONV DEDE 

DAT DIANII C. 170. FIDE 

IVNO «+0 | vcrsA C. 172. IVNONIL 

IVNONE - RE Iunone Re(ginae) 

MATRONA matrona(e ?) 

PISAVRESE Pisaure(n)se(s) 

DONO - DEDROT dono(m) ded(e)ro(n)t. 

LIIBRO in cono, 

DEI - MARI | cA i.e. Dei(vae) Marica(e). 

MAT - M | ATVT 

MATRE 

MATVTA 

DONO - DIIDRO 

MATRONA 

M^-CVRIA versus tres extremi postea additi videntur. 

POLA * LIVIA 

DEDA 

DEIV + NOV|E - SEDE C. 179. SALVTE 

e t n. C. 180. ...... 
T - POPAIO - 'O|PF NOMELIA 


DEDE 


C.181, ad ectypum ab Huebnero missum. Tabella ahenea 
quinque quaestorum. Firmi in agro Piceno rep. Extat in Mus. 


Parisino. 


V * TERENTIO - L- F 
C  APRYFENIO - C* 
L- TVRPILIO * C* 
M - ALBANI * b * 
T: MYVNATIO - T- 
QVAISTORES 
AIRE - MOLTATICOD 
DEDERONT 


"dou nm ow 


168 ANTIQVISSIMA LOCORUM VARIORUM. 


ANTIQVISSIMA EX MARSIS. 


C. 182. PM.nrp». * Marsis prope Milioniam,’ i.e. in Monte 
de Vico prope Lecce. Hodie inveniri non potest. | 


V. ALI DIVE V(alesus ?) Atiedius 
VII8VNII Vesune 

IIRINIII- IIT Erinie et 

IIRINII Erine 

PATRIT patre 

DONO - MIIrI dono(m) meri(to) 
LIBs lib(en)s 


C.183, add. p. 555. P.M.xcvim.p. Titulus Supinas. Trasacci, 
in portae epistylio cum no.184. Extare videtur Neapoli. 


VECOS - SVPN Vecos Sup(i)n(as) 
VICTORIE-SEINQ  Victorie Seinq(ue) 
DONO + DEDET dono(m) dedet 
LVBS - MERETO lub(en)s mereto. 
QVEISTORES Queistores 


SA-MAGIO-ST:F — Sa(lvios) Magio(s) St(atii) f. 
PAC- ANAIEDIO - SI Pac(uios) Anaiedio(s) S(purii) f. ? 
C. 184. 8A: STA: FL- Sa(lvius) St(atius) Fl(avii) Vic(toriae) 
VIC- D: D: L- d(onum) d(ant) l(ibentes) m(enrito). 
M 


ANTIQVISSIMA LOCORUM VARIORUM. 


C. 185. VENVSIAE olim in exteriore parte aediculae S. Nicola 
della Capuana, ubi iam non extat. 
Versus tres desiderantur 

Q + BAVEL!O / f£ 

P-COMINIO-P-F 

L+MALIO+-C:F 

QVAISTORES 

5 SENATV D 
CONSVLVERE 

IEI/CENSVERE 

AVT - SACROM 
AVT - POVBLICOM 

IO — ESE ///////! 


ANTIQVISSIMA LOCORUM VARIORUM. 169 
C. 185, etiam Venusiae et argumenti similis, Videtur periisse. 


C. 187. P.M.1.B. Tabella ahenea: hodie desideratur. 
“M+ MINDIOS - L + FI M. Mindios L. fi(lius) 

P CONDETIOS - VA - FT. P. Condetios Va(lesi ?) fi(lius) 

AIDILES-VICESMA -PARTI _aidiles vices(i)ma(m) parti(m) 
APOLENES - DEDERI A polenes dederi. 


C. 190. P.M...p. Parva basis ex lapide. Florentiae in Mus. 
Medic] 
MISIO MAR/i 
M - TEREBONIO * C: - 
DONVM - DAT - LIBENS 
MERITOD 


C. 194. Unt. Dial. p. 364, tab. XV. cp. Add. p. 555. Repe- 
riuntur in sylloge inscrr. in MS. Gudianis, et in codice quodam 
Bononiae extanti, ubi adicitur hane, una cum altera quae se- 
quitur, legi in lamminis duabus aereis repertis Sulmone. Lingua 
Frentana sunt. 


CIA PACIA MINERVA BT - KONTIIIS 
BRAIS - DATAS - PID- SEI DD: I N - FONTIIIS 
BRATOM PAMPPERCI V* ALIS 
TR - ANIDIS 
SEFFI - I» NOM - SVOIS IOVIOIS 
CNATOIS N'CLOIS : SEST - A- MLIINS 


[Lu]cia Pacia Minerva(e) [inom Cu Jbrais TED 
... Beffi inom suois cnatois 


P.L. Suppl. II. p. 12. Lamella Bononiensis 







IVNONE - LOVCINAI 
O Oo 
DIOVIS + CASTVD » FAXITVD 


P.L. Suppl. IIT. p. tr. Titulus Calenus 
C- HINOLEIO-C-b 
APOLONE - DONO - DED 


170 


COLUMNA ROSTRATA C. DVILII oos. v.c. 494. 


C. 195. P.M. xcv. Columna ex Pario marmore reperta in 
Foro a. 1565. Extat in aedibus Conservatorum Capitolinis. 


secestaN 08g ue . . * . e e. e . . . . Op- 
sidioneD + EXEMET + LECIONEsgue cartaciniensis omnis 
MAXIMOSQVE + MACISTRATOS + Luci palam post dies 


mMOVEM - CASTREIS - EXFOCIONT - MACELamque opidom vi 

5 PVCNANDOD - CEPET - ENQVE + EODEM - MACisiratud bene 
TEM - NAVEBOS - MARID - CONSOL - PRÍMOS - Ceset copiasque 
CLASESQVE + NAVALES - PRIMOS - ORNAVET - PAraveíque 
CVMQVE - EIS - NAVEBÜS - CLASEIS - POENICAS - OMNis tlem ma- 
€ VMAS + COPIAS - CARTACINIENSÍS - PRAESENTEA hanibaled 

IO DICTATORED - OLOrOM - INALTOD - MARID - PvcNandod. vicet 
UIQVE: NAVE?4 CepeT- CVM - SOCIIS: SEPTERe471071 unam quin- 
queresmOSQVE + TRIRESMOSQVE - NAVEIS - Xzz merset ci 
GuroM + CAPTOM + NVMEI - O@@DCC 
arcenTOM - CAPTOM - PRAEDA + NVMEI - @[ @ | 

15 omne - CAPTOM - AES - 690009 00Q « * » « x 
**"099009009009000909€ ^^^ ri- 
$108 quOQVE + NAVALED - PRAEDAD - POPLOM donavet pri- 


mosque — CARTACINIEnéIS incéNVOS . Durió in 
triumpod . e 6 . . EIS e e 6 6 . CAPT . . . . . e e 
... Secestanosque ....... + + « + Op|sidioned exemet, 


lecionesque Cartaciniensis omnis | maximosque macistratos luct 
palam post dies | novem castreis exfociont, Macelamque opidom 
vi | pucnandod cepet. Enque eodem macistratud bene | rem 
navebos marid consol primos ceset, copiasque | clasesque navales 
primos ornavet paravetque. | Cumque eis navebous claseis Poe- 
nicas omnis, item sa|zumas copias Cartaciniensis, praesented 
Hanibaled | dictatored olorom, in altod marid pucnandod vwicet. | 
Vique naveis cepet cum socieis septeresmom unam, quin|queres- 
mosque triresmosque naveis xzv ; merset aitt.| Aurom captom: 
numei MMMDCC. | Arcentom captom, praeda: numei ccor000 
cocio00 | Omne captom, aes cccr00O ete. | (plus vicies semel). | 
Primos quoque navaled praedad poplom donavet pri|mosque Carta- 
ciniezsis incenuos ducit in | ériunpod .... 618. ... capt... .. 


171 


INSCRIPTIONES A BELLO HANNIBALICO 
AD C. CAESARIS MORTEM. 


Pars Prior. 


INSTRUMENTA PUBLICA POPULI ROMANI. 


Decretum L. ÁEwiLE PAUL: p. 19 M. IAN. V. C. 565 = A.C. 189. 


C. II. (Inscr. Hispan.) 5041. Bruns’ Fontes Iuris Rom. Ant. 
ed. 1872, p. 119. Lammina ahenea, reperta a. 1866 aut 1867 
in montibus /a sierra de Ronda dictis, inter Obam et <Alcald de 
los Gazules, in Baetica. Servatur Parisis in museo publico 
(Louvre). 


L AIMILIVS +L + F - INPRIRATOR * DECREIVIT 
VTEI - QVEI * HASTENSIVM - SERVEI 
IN + TVRRI . LASCVTANA - HABITARENT 
LEIBEREI - ESSENT . AGRVM - OPPIDVMQV 
—l | Qvon - BA» TEMPESTATE - POSEDISENT 
—_ ITEM - POSSIDERE - HABEREQVE 
IOVSIT - DVM - POPLVS - SENATVSQVE 
ROMANVS - VELLET - ACT INCASTREIS 
AD - XII - K - FEBR 


L. Aimilius L. f. inpeirator decreivit utei quei, Hastensium 
servei in "Turn Lascutana habitarent leiberei essent. Agrum 
oppidumqu(e) quod ea tempestate posedisent item possidere habe- 
reque' iousit, dum pop(u)lus senatusque Romanus vellet. Act(um) 
in castreis a. d. xii. K(al). Febr. 


172 


EPISTULA CONSULUM AD TEURANOS, 


SIVE SENATUS CONSULTUM DE BACCHANALIBUS, 


V.C. 568 = a.c 186. 


C. 196. P.M. xvi. Bruns, p.105. Lammina ahenea olim 
clavis parieti adfixa, rep. a. 1640 Tirioli, cum fundamenta no- 
varum aedium effoderentur. Tuirioli vicus est in Bruttiis inter 
Cantanzarum et Nicastrum in montibus inter utrumque mare 
medius. Adservatur in museo Caesareo Vindobonensi. 


1 Q. Marcius L. f. S(p). Postumius L. f. cos. senatum con- 


2 


soluerunt n. Octob. apud aedem | Duelonai. Sc(ribendo) 
arf(uerunt) M. Claudi(us) M. f. L. Valer(us) P. f. Q. 
Minuci(us) C. f. —. 


3 De Bacanalibus quei foideratei | esent; ita exdeicendum cen- 


suere. 


4 Neiquis eorum Bacanal habuise velet. ‘Sei ques | esent quei 


oo “7 


sibei deicerent necesus ese Bacanal habere, eeis utei ad 
pr(aetorem) urbanum | Romam venirent deque eeis rebus, 
ubei eorum verda audita esent, utei senatus | noster de- 
cerneret, dum ne minus Senatorbus C adesent, quom ea 
res cosoleretur. | Bacas vir nequis hdiese velet ceivis Ro- 
manus neve nominus Latini neve socium | quisquam, nisei 
pr(aetorem) urbanum adiesent, isque de senatuos senten- 
tiad, dum ne | minus senatoribus C adesent, quom ea res 
cosoleretur, iousiset. Cezsuere. | 


Sacerdos nequis vir eset. Magister neque vir neque mulier 


quisquam eset. — | Neve pecuniam quisquam eorum co- 
moinez Aabuise ve/et, neve magistratum | neve pro magi- 
stratud neque virum seque mulierem quiquam fecise velet. | 
—Neve post hac inter sed coniourase neve comvovise neve 
conspondise | neve conpromesise velet, neve quisquam fidem 
inter sed dedise velet. | Sacra in oquoltod ne quisquam 
fecise velet, — neve in poplicod neve in | preivatod neve 
exstrad urbem sacra quisquam fecise velet,—nisei | pr(ae- 
torem) urbanum adieset isque de senatuos sententiad, dum 


LEX INCERTA REPERTA BANTIAE. 173 


18 ne minus | senatoribus C adesent, quom ea res cosoleretur, 
iousiset. Censuere. | 


19 Homines plous V oinvorsei virei atque mulieres sacra ne 

20 quisquam | fecise velet, neve inter ibei virei plous duobus 

21 mulieribus plous tribus | arfuise velent, nisei de pr(aetoris) 

22 urbani senatuosque sententiad, utei suprad | scriptum 
est.— 


23 Haice utei in coventionid exdeicatis ne minus trinum | noun- 
dinum; senatuosque sententiam utei scientes esetis — 
24 eorum |sententia ita fuit: sei ques esent, quel arvorsum 
25 ead fecisent, quam suprad | scriptum est, eeis rem capu- 
. 26 talem faciendam censuere — atque utei | hoce in tabolam 
27  ahenam inceideretis, ita senatus aiquom censuit ; | uteique 
eam figier ioubeatis ubei facilumed gnoscier potisit ;—at- 
28  que|utei ea Bacanalia, sei qua sunt, exstrad quam sei 
29 quid ibei sacri est, | ita utei suprad scriptum est, in diebus 
30 X, quibus vobis tabelai datai erunt, | faciatis utei dismota 
sient —in agro Teurano. 


LEX INCERTA REPERTA BANTIAE 
ROGATA INTER V.O. 621 ET 636 = A.C. 133-118- 


C. 197. P.M. xix. Bruns, p. 38. ‘ Fragmentum tabulae 
aheneae, in Lucania prope Bantiam antiquam a. 1793 (cum 
V frustulis minoribus) repertum, hodie Neapoli in museo Bor- 
bonieo asservatum, latum 0,38 m. altum 0,26 m., totius tubulae 
ut plurimum pars sexta vel octava. Utrimque leges inscriptae 
sunt, ex altera parte lex Osca ex altera Romana. Legis Latinae 
capita servata ad extremam tantum legis partem, generales 
scilicet legum sanctiones pertinent, unde ipsius legis sententia 
cognosci non potest.' Ratio inter utramque legem incerta, sed 
Oscam ex lege aliqua P. R. versam esse Mommseno pro certo 
habetur, et probabili coniectura ab ipsa hae cuius seeuntur 


174 LEX INCERTA REPERTA BANTIAE. 


fragmenta. Notae numerales in lacunis hic et alibi litterarum 
perditarum summam indicant, quibus tamen non est nimis con- 
fidendum. 


I1|.... 64 TE neque provinciam TEM 45. . | 
2 ..42.. in senatu seive in poplico ioudicio ne senéenéiam 
3 rogato tabellamve nei dato .. 32 ..| .. 42 . . neive is testu- 


monium deicito neive quis magistratus) testumonium poplice 
4 ei deferri neve denontiari | sinito. Neive ioudicem eum neive 
arbitrum neive recuperatorem dato. Neive is in poplico luuci 
5 praetextam neive soleas haóe/o, neive quis | mag(zstratus) ther 
practextam soleasve habere eum sinito. Mag(istratus) quei- 
quomque comitia conciliumve habebit, eum sufragium ferre 
6 nei sinito, | neive eum censor in senatum legito neive in senatu 
relinquito.— | 


4 Sei tr(ibunus) pl(ebei), q(uaestor), IITvir cap(italis), [Iver 
a(greis) d(andeis) a(dsignandeis), 1oudez, quei ex hace lege 
plebeive scito factus erit, senatorve fecerit gesseritve, quo ex 

8 hace lege | quae fier? oporteat minus fiant, quaeve ex h(ace) 
lege) facere oportuerit oportebitve non fecerit sciens d(olo) 

9 m(alo); seive advorsus hance legem fecerit | sciens d(olo) 
m(alo): et multa tanta esto HS . . n(ummum) et eam pequ- 
niam quei volet magistratus exsigito. Sei postulabit quei 

IO petet, pr(aetor) recuperatores | .. 31 .. quos quotque dari opor- 
teat dato, iubetoque eum, sei ita pariat, condumnari popul(o), 

1I facitoque ioudicetur. Sei condemnatus | eri£, quanté condem- 
natus erit, praedes ad q(uaestorem) urb(anum) det, aut bona 
eius poplice possideantur facito. Sei quis mag(istratus) mul- 

I2 tam inrogare volet | quei volet dum minoris partus familias 
taxsat, liceto, eiq(ue) omnium rerum siremps lexs esto, quasei 

13 sei is haace lege | pequniam, quae s(upra) s(cripta) e(st), ex- 
egisset.— | 

14 Co(n)s(ul), pr(aetot), ard{clis), tr(ibunus) plebei), q(waestor), 
Ilvir cag(italis) IILIvir a(greis) d(andets) a(dsignandeise), quei 
nunc est, is in diebus V proxsumeis, quibus queique eorum 

15 sciet h(ance) legem) popolum plebemve | towsisse, iouranto, 
utei infra) s(criptum) est. Item dic(tator), co(n)s(ul), pr(ae- 
tor), mag(ister) eq(uitum), cens(or), aid(ilis), tr(ibunus) pl(ebei), 


LEX INCERTA REPERTA BANTIAE. 175 


q(uaestor), IIIvir cap(italis), IIIvir a(greis) d(andeis) a(d- 
16 signandeis) ioudex ex h(ace) l(ege) plebive scito | factus . ... 
queiquomque eorum. post hac factus erit, eis in diebus V prox- 
sumeis, quibus quisque eorum mag(istratum) inperiumve 
17 inierit, iouranto, | utes :(n/ra) s(criptum) est. His consistunto 
pro aede Castorus palam luci in forum vorsus, et eidem in 
I8 diebus V apud q(uaestorem) iouranto per Iovem deosque | 
Penateis: sese quae ex Mace) Kege) oportebit facturum, neque 
sese advorsum h(ance) l(egem) facturum scientem d(olo) 
19 m(alo), neque seese facturum neque intercesurum, | quo, quae 
em h(ace) l(ege) oportebit, minus fiant, Quei ex h(ace) l(ege) 
non iouraverit, is magistratum inperiumve nei petito neive 
20 gerito neive habeto, neive in senatu | sententiam deicito dei- 
cereve eum ni quis sinito, neive eum censor in senatum legnto. 
Quei ex h(ace) l(ege) ioudicaverit, is facito apud q(uaestorem) 
41 urb(anum) | eivs quei ita utes e(upra) s(criptum) e(st) iourarit 
nomen perscriptum siet; quaestorque ea nomina accipito, et 
eos, quei ex h(ace) l(ege) apud sed iurarint, facito in taboleis | 
22, popliceis perscribat.— | 
23 Quei senator est erttve inve senatu sententiam deixerit post 
hance legem rogatam, eis in diebus X proxsumeis, quibus 
24 quisque eorum sciet | hance legem popolum plebemve tousisse, 
iouranto apud quaestorem ad aerarium palam luci per 
25 lovem deosque Penateis: sese quae ex A(ace) l(ege) | oportebit 
Jüclurum esse, neque sese advorsum hance legem facturum 
esse, neque seese, quominus sel . . . .. 20 ... es | 
26 |.. 32 .. 8e hoice leegei . . 30 . . anodni touraverint .. 24 . . | 
22 |....—— | 
38 |.... . . 70 . . . . . e quis magistratus p..24.. | 
29 | ....— | 
30|.... . . 70 . . . . . wtiin taboleis popliceis ..24.. | 
31|].... - . 72. . . . . . . © érinum nondinum..28.. | 
32 |... . 974... 6 + . » Werttuu....30..| 


176 


LEX ACILIA REPETUNDARUM. 


V. C. 631 VEL 632 = A.C. 123 VEL 122. 


C. 198. P.M. xxm-xxv. Bruns, p. 40 sq. cuius supple- 


menta addidi. * Saeculo xvi* Romae xi fragmenta tabulae ahe- 
neae extabant cui ex antica parte levigata lex repetundarum faerat 
inscripta e postica scabra /ez agraria, illa satis eleganter accurate- 
que exarata haec negligenter litterisque minoribus pressiusque 
scriptis. Ex his fragmentis duo perierunt, duo Vindobonae in 
bibl. imp. asservantur, septem Neapoli in mus. Borbonico. Partis 
ultimae repetitionem omisi. - 


I 


’ 


o» 


M’. Acilius Glabrio, . . f (iius), tr(ibunus) pl(ebei), plebem 
toure rogavit, plebesque ioure scivit, . . tribus . . principum fuit, 
pro tribu . . preimus scivit .... 140. 

Quoi ceivi Romano sociumve nominisve Latini exterarumve 
nationum, quoive in arbitratu dicione potestate amicitiave 
populi Romani, .. 65 | 215... ab eo quei dic(tator), co(n)s(uZ), 
priaetor), mag(ister) eq(uitum), cens(or), aid(is), tr(ibunus) 
pl(ebei), q(uaestor), IIlvir cap(wMalis), IIIvir a(gris) d(andis) 
a(dsignandis), tribunus mil(itum) l(egionibus) IIII primis 
aliqua earum fuerit, queive filius eorum quoius erit, (gueive) 
quoius(ve) pater senator siet, in annos singolos pequniae quod 
siet amplius HS ... n(ummum) .. 102 | 215... pro inperio 
prove potestate ipsei regive populove suo, parentwe suo, queive 
in potestate manu mancipio suo parentisve sui siet fuerit quoive 
ipse parensve suos filiusve suos heres siet, ablatum captum 
coactum conciliatum aversumve siet: de ea re eius petitio 
nominisque delatio esto, pr(aetoris) quaestio esto, voudicium 
ioudicatio leitisque aestumatio, queiquomque toudicium ex h. [. 
erunt, eorum hace lege esto..100| 211... Sei quis deicet, 
praetorem nomen ex h.l. ita non recepisse, utei delatum esset, 
neque ioudicium em h. 0. ita datum esse utei peteret: de ea 
re eius petitio nominisque delatio esto, pr(aetoris) quaestio 
esto, ioudicium ioudicatio letisque aestumatio, quei quomque 


LEX ACILIA REPETUNDARUM. 177 


5 loudieiwm ez À. j. erunt, eorum hace lege esto . . 102 | 62... 
8iv.. 140.. Dequo ew h. l. ioudicatum erit. et contra À. (. 
fecisse dicetur, postquam ea res 10udicata erit, aut quoius no- 
men praevaricationis caussa delatum erit, aut quoium nomen 
ex h. l. ex reis exemptum erit: seiquis eius nomen ad prae- 
torem denuo deferre volet, de ea re eius petitio nominisque delatio 
esto, quaestio eius pr(aetoris) esto; 1oudicium 10udicatio lei- 

6 tisque .. 102 | 60. . aestumatio quei quomque ioudicium ex À. I. 
erunt, eorum h. 1. esto. Sei quis alieno nomine .. 134 . . eo 
h. l. petere nomenve deferre volet, de ea re eius petitio no- 
minisque delatio esto, quaestio eius pr(aetoris) esto, ioudicium 
ioudicatio leitisque aestumatio, quei quomque ioudicium ex 
h. ]. erunt, eorum h. l. esto. Is eum unde petet in ious 
educito ad pra(etorem), quoius ex À. l. in eum annum quaestio 

7 erit, ante K. Sept. quae eo anno erunt . . 102 | 59 . . post K. 
Sept. quod nomen deferetur pr(aetor) recuperatores n. n. dato 
deque eo homine dere eie:s bominibus . . 127 . . ioudicare iubeto. 
Quoius eorum ita nomen ex h. |. post K. Sept., quae eo anno 
fuerint, delatum erit, quei eorum eo ioudicio condemnatus 
erit, quanti eius rei slis aes¢umata erit, tantam pequniam pri- 

8 vato, quoius slis aestumata erat solvito . . 102 | 69 . . quaeque 
pequnia quoique soluta erit, ea pequnia eius esto.  Pr(aetor), 
quei ex h. l. quaeret, facito, quidquid .. 114. . tudicatum enit, 
id utei privato solvatur, quei eorum petet.— 

De heisce, dum mag(istratum) aut inperium habe- 
bunt, ioudicium non fiet.—Dic(tator), cos., pr., mag. eq., 
cens., aid., tr. pl., q., IIIvir cap., IHIIvir. a. d. a., tr. mi. 
leg. ILIT primis aliqua earum, dum mag(istratum) aut inperium 

9 habebit, nei in tous educitor . . 102 | 52... Quei eorum ex 
eo mag(istratu) inperiove abierit, quo minws iz ious educatur, 
e(ius) À. £L. n(thtlum) r(ogato) . . x11 . .— 

De patroneis dandeis.— Quei ex h. |. pequniam petet 
nomenque detulerz, quoius eorum ex h. l ante k. Sept. 
petitio erit, sei eis volet sibei patronos in eam rem darei, 

10 pr(aetor) ad quem nomen detulerit .. 102 | 47 .. patronos 
civeis Romanos ingenuos ei dato, dum neiquem eorum det sciens 
d(olo) m(alo), quoiei is, quoius nomen delatum eri, .. 110... 


6, 4, ‘ioudiciumve,’ aes. 8, 2, *condemnaverit eius esto,” Mommsen. 
N 


178 LEX ACILIA REPETUNDARUM. 


gener socer vitricus privignusve siet, queive eiei sobrinus siet 
propiusve eum ea cognatione atZigat, queive eiei sodalis siet, 
queive in eodem conlegio siet, quoiave in fide is erit maioresve 
in maiorum fide fuerint, queive in fide eius erit, maioresve in 

11 maiorum fide fuerint . . 112 | 39 . . queive quaestione ioudi- 
ciogue puplico condemnatue sie, quocirca eum in senatum leget 
non liceat, . . 108 . . neive eum quei ex h. |. ioudex in eam 
rem erit, neive eum quet ex h. 1, patronus datus erit.— 

De patrono repudiando.—Qui ex h. l. patronus datus 
erit, sei is moribus suspectus erit 1s, quoi ex À. 1. datus erit, 

12 eum repudiato . . 102 | 38 . . Tum quos ew À. 1. patronos dare 
licet eorum pr(aetor), quei ex h. l. quaeret, alium patronum 
eiei quem volet dato . . 96 . .— 

De CD Lviress in hune annum legundis.— Pr(aetor), * 
quei inter peregrinos ious deicet, is in diebus X proxum(eis), 
quibus h. |. populus plebesve iouserit, facito utei CDLviros 
legat, quei in hac ceivitate HS CCCC u(ummum) plurisve census 

I3 Sieb .. 102 | 35 . . dum nei quem eorum legat, quei tr. pl., q., 
lllvir cap., tr. mW. l. ITIL primis aliqua earum, IIIvirum 
a. d. a. siet fueritve, queive in senatu siet fueritve, queive 
mercede conductus depugnavit . . 104 . . quee quaestione 10u- 
diciove puplico condemnatus siet quod circa eum in senatum 
legei non liceat, queive minor annis XXX maiorve annos LX 
gnatus siet, queive in urbem Romam propiusve urbem Komam 

14 p(assus) .M domicilium non habeat, . . 102 | 33 . . queive eiua 
mag(tstratus), quet s(upra) s(crsptus) e(st), pater frater filius ve 
eiet, queive eius, quei in senatu siet fueritve, pater frater filiusve 
siet, quee trans mare erit.— 

Quos legerit, eos patrem tribum cognomenque in- 
dicet. — Quei ex À. 1, in hunc annum quaeret, ..100.. is 
die n. n. em quo legerit, eorum, que ew h. 1. CDLvireis in 
eum annum lectei erunt, ea nomina omnia in tabula, in albo, 
atramento scriptos, patrem tribum cognomenque tributimque 
descriptos, habe/o, eosqwe propositos suo magistratu, uber de 

15 plano recte legi possitur, habeto . . 102 | 31 .. Sei quis describere 
volet, praetor) potestatem. scribendi, quei volet, facito.  Pr(ae- 
tor), quei legerit, eos quos ex h.l. CDLwviros legerit, facito 


Io, ult. ‘ fuerit,’ aes. 14, 5, ‘ tribunum," ‘ ioudicet,’ aes. 


LEX ACILIA REPETUNDARUM. 179 


recitentur in contione, iuratoque: sese cos ex A. t. legise, de 
quibus sibei consultum sit ..100. . optumos in eam rem soudices 
futuros esse, quosque ipse optumos in eam rem ioudices ex- 
aestumaverit esse; eosque CDLviros, quos ex h. 1. legerit, 
is pr(aetor) omnis in taboleis puplieis scriptos in perpetuo 
habeto.— 

De CDLvireis quot annis /egundis.—Practor, quei post 

16 À. i. rogatam exh. 0. toudem factus erit... 102| 27 . . dà im 
diebus X proxumets, quibus quisque eorum eum mag(istratum) 
eoiperit, facito utei CDLviros ita legat, quei hace i civitate 
HS COCC n. plurisve census stet ..99 .. dum nequem eorum 
legat, quei tr. pl., q., IIIvin cap., tr. mil. 1. IIII primis aliqua 
earum, IIIvir a. d. a. siet fueritve, queive in senatu siet 

17 fueritve, queive mercede conductus depugnavit . . 112 | 26 .. 
queive quaestione. ioudicioque puplico condemnatus siel quod 
circa eum in senatum. leget non Liceat, queive minor annis XXX 
maiorve annos LX gnatus siet, queive in urbe Romae pro- 
piusve urbem Romam p(assus) M domicilium non habeat .. 
99 . . queive etus mag(istratus), quet supra) scriptus) est) pater 
Jrater füiusve sicb, queive eius quei in senatu siet fueritve 
peter frater filiusve siet, queive trans mare erit.— 

Quos legerit, eos patrem tribum cognomenque 
izdicef.—Qnuei ex h. l. in eum annum quaeret, 1& die n. wu. eo 
quo legerit, eorum, quei ex h. l. CDIvirei in eum annum lectei 

I8 erunt (102 | 27) ea nomina omnia in tabula, in albo, atramento 
acriptos, patrem tribus cognomenque tributimque discriptos, 
habeto, eosque propositos suo magistratu, ubei de plano recte 
legei possitur, habeto..85.. Set quis describere volet, pr(ae- 
tor) permittito, potestatemque scribundi, quei volet, facito. 
Pr(aetor) quei legerit, is eos, quos ex h. 1. CDZwviros legerit, 
facito in conctione recitextur, iouratoque: sese eos ex h. 1. 
legise, de quibus sibei eonsu/£wm, siet .. 122... oplumos in 
eam rem toudies ezaestumaverit esse; eosque CDLviros, quos 

19 ex À. j. legerit, is pr(aetor) omnes (102 | 28) in taboleis pu- 
plicis scriptos in perpetuo habeto.— 

De nomine deferundo iudicibusque legundeis.— 
Quei ex h.l. pequniam ab a/iquo eorum petet, de quibua ex 
h. l. ioudicium fiet, is eum, unde petet, postquam CDLvirei, ex 
A. 0. in eum: annum lectei erunt, ad iudicem, in eum annum, 

N 2 





180 LEX ACILIA REPETUNDARUM. 


20 


21 


22 


23 


24 


quei ex h. 1. factus erit, in ious educito nomenque eius de- 
ferto; sei deiuraverit calumniae causa non postulare, +s praetor 
nomen recipito facitoque, utei 18, unde petatur (102 | 28), die 
n. n. ex eo die, quo delatum erit de CDLvireis, quei in eum 
annum ex h. 1. lectei erunt, arvorsario edat eos omes, . . 82 
. . Quoi 18 queive ei, quoius nomen delatum erit, gener socer vi- 
tricus privignusve siet, queive ei sobrinus siet propiusve eum 
ea cognat:one attingat, queive ei sodalis siet, queive in eodem 
conlegio siet; facitoque coram arvorsario, 1s quei ita ediderit 
iouret: se in CDLwireis, quein. eum annum ex À. 0. lectei 
erunt, nullum reliquisse (102 | 30) nisei quei se earum aliqua 
necessitudine non attigeret, scientem d(olo) m(alo); itaque 
is edito, zouratoque. Ubei is ita ediderit, tum in eam 
rem, quei editi erunt, 10udices nei sunto . . 76 . . Tum pr(aetor) 
ad quem is, quei em h. l. petet, nomen detolerit, facito utei 
is die vicensumo ex eo die, quo quoiusque quisque nomen 
detolerit, C viros ex eis, quei ex h. 1. CDLvirei in eum annum 
lectei erunt, quei vivat, legat, edaíque .. 102 | 32 . . dum 
nei quis toudex siet, quoi 1s, queive ei, quei petet, gener socer 
vitricus privignusve siet, queive ei sobrinus siet propiusve eum 
ea cognatione attingat, queive in eodem conlegio siet, queive (72) 
ei sodalis siet, queive tr. pl., q., IIIvir cap., IIIvir a. d. a., 
tribunes mil. l. IIIT primis a/iqua earum siet fueritve, queive 
in senatu siet fueritve, queive l. Rubria [/Ivir col(oniae) 
ded(ucendae) creatus siet fueritve . . 102 | 33 . . queie ab urbe 
Roma plus n. n. passuum aberit, queive trans mare erit; neive 
amplius de una fami/ia unum, neive eum, /egat edatve quei 
pecuniae caplae condemnatus est erit, aut quod cum eo lege Cal- 
purnia aut lege Iunia sacramento actum siet, aut quod h. 1. 
nomen delatum siet. Quos is C viros ex h. 1l. ediderit, de eis 
ita facito iouret palam apud se coram arvorsario nullum se 
edidisse scientem d(olo) m(alo), quem ob earum causarum ali- 
quam, quae s(upra) s(criptae) s(unt) inter C viros (102 | 34) 
edere non liceat, queive se earum aliqua necesitudine atingat, 
quae supra scripta sient. Js unde petitum erit, quomisws 
-. 66 .. Sei ts quei petet, C viros ediderit iuraritque, tum eis 
pr(aetor) facito, utei is unde petetur die LX postquam eius 


22, 6, * tribuni," *queive queive,’ aes. 24, 3, 'Q' pro ‘is,’ aes. 


25 


26 


27 


LEX ACILIA REPETUNDARUM. 181 


nomen delatum erit, quos C is quei petet ex h. |. ediderit, 
de eis iudices quos volet L legat . . 103 | 35 . . Quei ew À. U. 
nomen detolerit, sei is quoius nomen ex h. |. delatum erit, L 
iudices ex h. 1. non legerit edideritve seive ew CDLvireis, quei 
in eum annum em h. l. lectei erunt. quei se affinitate cognatione 
sodalitate atingat, queive in eodem conlegio siet, ex h. 1. non 
ediderit, tum ei per eum pr(aetorem) advorsariumve mora non 
eri/ quo minus legat edatve quos volet I de eis C, quos ex À. 1. 
ediderit . . 104 | 38 .. dum net quem eorum, quem ex À. 0. 
legere edereque non liceat, sciens d(olo) m(alo) ioudicem legat. 
Quei ita lectei erunt, eis in eam rem ioudices sunto eo- 
rumque elus rei ez h. 1. ioudicatio lectisque aestumatio esto. 
—..66.. 

ludicum patronorumque nomina utei scripta in 
taboleis habeantur.— Pr(aetor) quei ex h. l. quaeret, 
facito eos L viros, quos is quei petet et unde petetur ex h. 
l. legerint ediderint, eosque patronos, quos is quei petet em. 
h. l. dederit . . 106 | 42 . . in tabolers pupliceis seriptos habeat. 
Ea nomina eiei quei petiverit et unde petitum erit, quei eorum 


. volet, ex taboleis poplicezs describendi 1s pr(aetor) potestatem 


28 


29 


30 


Jacito . . 66 . .— 

Eisdem ioudices unius rei in perpetuom sient.— 
Quei iudices ew 4. 7. lectei erunt, quam in rem eis iudices 
lectei erunt, eius re? ioudices in perpetuom sunto .. 135 | 43. . 
quei pequniam ex 4. 7, capiet, eum ob eam rem, quod pequniam 
ex h. l. ceperi£ .. 62 . . neive tribu moveto, neive equom adi- 
mito, neive quid ei (04) eam rem fraudei esto.— 

Nomina publice scripta sient. Pr(aetor) quei ex h. 1. 
..135 | 48. .— 

De iudicio in eum, quei moríuos erit aut in ex- 
ilium abierit. Quoium nomen ex h. |. delatum eri/, sez 
is prius mortuos erit . . 66 . . aut in exilium abierit, quam ea 
res tudicata erit, pr(aetor,) ad quem eius nomen delatum erit 
eam rem ab eis item quaerito, quei toudicium ex À. 1. erunt 
quasei sei is viveret inve ceivitate esset . . 137 | 51 . .— 

De inquisitione facienda. — Praetor postquam nomen 
ex h. l. ad se delatum erit, facito, utei ioudicium perf- 
ciatur ..66.. eique, quei petet, diem dato, utei quod recte 
factum esse volet, dum nei quid advorsus h. l. fiat, ad 





182 - LEX ACILIA REPETUNDARUM. 


31 inquisitionem faciundam ; neive post h. 7. rogatam . . 138 | 51.. 
tubetogue conquaeri in terra Italia in oppedeis foreis con- 
ciliaboless, ubei ioure deicundo praesse solent, aut extra Italiam 
in oppedeis foreis conciliaboleis, ubei ioure deicundo praesse 
solent. In quibus diebus eum quei petet praetor quei ex h. l. 

32 quaere? conquaerere touserit . . 139 | 51. .— 

De testumontio deicendo. — Pr(aetor) postquam audierit 
quod eius rei quaerundat censeant refere et causam probaverit, 
quibus is quei. petet denuntiaverit eos homines d(um) t(axat) TIL 
(68) testumonium deicere iubeto et quom ea res agetur quam 
in rem quisque testis eri/, in eam rem facito eis omnes adsient 
testimoniumaue deicant, dum nei quem testumonium deicere 

33 iubeat, quei .. 140 | 51 .. quoia in fide ts unde petetur siet, 
matoresve in maiorum eius fide fuerint, queive in fide eius 
Sieb maioresve i» maiorum fide fuerint (65) queive eius, quoius 
ez À. 0. nomen delatum erit causam deicet dum taxat unum, 
queive eius parentisve eius /eibertus leibertave siet.— 

34 De inroganda multa.—.. 144] 51 . .— 

De testibus tabulisque producendis.—ls quei petet, sei 
quos ad testumonium deicendum evocarst secumve duxerit dum 
taxat homines IIL earum rerum causa, de quibus id toudicium 
fiet .. 61... ea, quai ita conquaesiverit et sei qua tabulas 
libros leiterasve pop/icas preivatasve producere proferreque 

35 volet . . 146 | 51. . quaerive de ea re volet apud pr(aetorem), 
is praetor ei moram ne facto, quominus testes producantur, 
tabulae proferantur, quove minus de ea re quaerat (66).— 

Praetor utei interroget.—Pr(aetor) quei ex h. |. quae- 

36 re£ .. 178 | 51 ..— 

Toudices utei iourent.—Pr(aetor) quei ex h. [. quaeret, 
quei in eam rem ioudices erunt, ante quam primum caussa 
dicetur .. 71 .. apud. se tourent facito. — Iudices, quei in eam 
rem erunt, omnes pro rostreis in forum vorsus iouranto . . 

37 178 | 51 . . facturumque se, utei quod recte facium esse volet, 
utei testium, quei (77) eam rem erunt, verba audiat, .. 74 . . 
neque facturum quo eam rem minus ioudicet, nisei seiquae 
causa erit, quae elei ez 4. 1. quo eam rem minus toudicet per- 

38 mittet . . 180 | 51... Quei ita apud se touarint eorum nomina 


33, 2, 'quaerat,' aes pro ' fuerint. 


LEX ACILIA REPETUNDARUM. . 183 


ts praetor facito i contione recitentur, proscripta propositaque 
palam apud forum Aabeto, . . 26 . . neque rem agito antequam 
omnes tourarint quei ez eis C ioudicis L lectei erunt.— 

39  loudex nei quis disputet.—. . 178 | 51. .— 

De re profereuda.—Sei causam sbi esse deicet, quominus 
ad id iudicium adesse possit, de ea re praetori, quei ex hace 
Kege) quaeret cognoscere .. 85 . . rem proferre liceto.— 

De nomine referendo. — Quam rem pr(aetor) ex h. l. 

40 egerit, sei eam rem proferet, quoiuvs . . 177 | 51. . . sei referre 
poterit facito quoius deicet nomen referre . . 91 . . mt utei is 
ad sese veniat aut adferatur coram eo, quei postulaveri/.. 

41 176 | 51 .. volet, quoius ex h. |. sominis delatio erit, ei eius 
rei pei/io esto . . 102 . . deque ea re hace lege iudicium litisque 

42 aestumatio essto, quasei sei eius .. 175 | 51 .. Sei toudez, quei 
eam rem quaeret, ex h. l. causam non noveri£..113..i6 
praetor coram :udicibus in contione pro rostris sententia ita 

43 pronontiato: ‘ fecisse videri! .. 173 | 51 . . Set de ea re iudi- 
cium fieri oportebit, teréio die facito qudicium ftat . . 112... 
Sei couden, quei cam rem quaeret, ex h. |. causam non noverit, 

44 pr(aetor) quei ex h. |. quaeret . . 170 | 51 ..— 

lIoudices utei $ourent, in consilium antequam eant.— 
Pr(aetor), quei em À. 1. quaeret, ioudices quei em À. 0. $n eam 
rem erunt, in consilium ante quam ibunto, facit iurent: *sese 
. . I28 . . feque facturum quo quis suae alterius(ve) sententiae 

45 certior siet, quod per . . 170 | 51 . . aestumaturum esse'.— 

Iudices multam suprema(m) debeant.—..128.. ses 
toudev, quei eam rem quaeret causam non noverit, quei eorum 

46 ioudex ..170 | 51 .. excusatione primo quoque die deferatur, 
isque quaestor . . 126 . .— 

Iudices in consilium quomodo eant.—Pr(aeto)r, quei 

47 ex h. l iudiciwm ezercebit . . 170 | 51 . . tondum | plurimis 
liquere deixerit, praetor, que? ex h. |. quaeret, ita pronon/iafo 
' amplius! .. 120 . . Ubei duae partes iudicum quei quomque 

48 aderunt, iudicare negaverint . . amplius . . 170 | 52 . . quei 
negaverit iudicare is HS n. ccIoo, quotiens quomque amplius 
bis in uno iudicio negaverit iudicare . . 119 . . quem quam ob 

49 rem et quantum pequezae . . 170 | 45 . .— 

De reis quo modo iudicetur.—Ubi duae partes iudi- 
cum, quei aderunt, causam sibi liquere deiwerint . . 111... 





184 LEX ACILIA REPETUNDARUM. 


prí(aetor), quei de ea re quaeret, utei eis iudices, quei iudicare 
50 negarint, semovantur, facito .. 170 | 45... rem agito. Tum 
praetor quom soueis viatoribus apparitoribusque nei de iudicio 
iudex discedat facito . . 108 . . sitellamque latam digitos n. m. 
altam digitos XX, quo ioudices sorticolas conieciant apponi 
51 facito .. 170 | 37 .. quoiusque iudicis is praetor sorticolam 
unam buxeam longam digitos IIII, la/am digitos m. n. ab 
utraque parte ceratam . . 108 . . in qua sorticola ex altera parti 
litera A perscripta siet, ex altera parti C, in manu palam dato, 
52 ab eoque iudice alteram, utram is volet, induci tubeto . . 170 | 32 .. 
ludes sortem accipito alteram literam inducito, alteram. servato 
eamque sortem ex hac lege apertam bracioque aperto literam 
digiteis opertam palam ad eam sitellam deferto . . 106 . . sortem 
populo ostendito itemque in eos ceteros singilatim iudices versus 
53 ostendito, ilaque eam sortem in eam sitellam coniecito . . 170 | 
26 ..— 


Sententia quomodo pronontietur.— Quei iudex pro- 
nontiationis faciundai causa ad sitellam sorti veniet, is in eam 
gitellam manum demitito, et eam devexam populo ostendito . . 
50..1udicium .. 50 .. quamque in eum reum sententiam ea 

54 sors habuerit, is ei... 172 | 23 . . palam pronontiato, uber A 
httera scripta erit. * absolvo, uber C littera scripta erit * con- 
demno,' ubei nihil scriptum erit, ‘seine sufragio.’ Ex qua 
sorti pronontiarit, eam sortem proxsumo iudice? ..29..iín 
manum transdito. — 


55 De numerandis sententiis,— .. 255| 21..— 


De reo apsolvendo.— Sei eae sententiae rber plurumae 
aequove numero erunt *absolvo, praetor, quei ex À. 0. quaeret, 
pronuntiato: ‘non fecisse videri, De quo reo praetor) ita 
pronuntiaverit, quod postea non fecerit, quod praevaricationis 
causa factum non erit, is ex hace lege eius rei apsolutus 
esto.— 

De reo condemnando.—9Sei eae sententiae ibei plurumae 
erunt ‘Condemno,’ pr(aetor), quei ex À. /. quaeret, pronoun- 

56 tiato; * fecisse videri! .. 252 | 13... — 

De iudicio iterando. — Quei ex h. 1. condemnatus aut 
apsolutus erit, quom eo h. l. nisei quod post ea fecerit, aut 
nisel quod praevaricationis caussa factum erit, au/ nist de 


LEX ACILIA REPETUNDARUM. 185 


litibus aestumandis, aut nisei de sanctioni hoiusce legis, actio 
57 neiesto.. 250 | 11.. — 

De praedibus dandis. — Iudex, quei eam rem quaenerit, 
earum rerum, quei ex h. l. condemnatus erit, q(uaestori) 
praedes facito det de consili maioris partis sententia ; quanti 
eis censuerint ; sei ita praedes datei non erunt, bona eius 
facito puplice possideantur conquaerantur veneant. Quanta 
pequnia ea bona venierint, tantam pequniam ab emptore iudex, 

58 quei eam rem quaesierit, exigito..248 | 9 . . quaestorique serip- 
tum transdito; quaestor accipito et in taboleis popliceis 
scriptum habeto.— 

De leitibus aestumandeis.— Quei! ex hace lege con- 
demnatus erit, ab eo quod quisque petet, quoius ex hace 
lege petitio erit, praetor, quei eam rem quaesierit, per eos iudices, 

59 quei eam rem ioudicaverint, leites aestumari iubeto . . 244 | 8... 
quod ante À. l. rogatam consilio probabitur captum coactum ab- 
latum avorsum conciliatumve esse, eas res omnis simpli, 
ceteras res omnis, quod post hance legem rogatam consilio 
probabitur captum coactum ablatum avorsum conciliatumve 
esse, dupli; idque ad quaestorem, quoi aerarium provincia 
obvenerit, quantum siet quoiusque nomine ea lis aestumata, facito 
deferatur,— 

Pequnia utei ex aerario solvatur.—Quei iudici, quei 
60 eam rem quaesiverit, consilioque eius maiorei parti . . 242 | 8... 
satisfecerit, nomine suo parentisve suej, quoive ipse parensve 
suos heres siet, leitem aestumatam esse; queive eiei iudicei 
consilioque eius maiorel part: eorum satié fecerit, regis populeive 
ceivisve suei nomine litem aestumatam esse sibei: quanta ea 

61 pequnia erit, 1s iudex facito . . 240 | 8.. tanta pequnia ex hace 
lege in aerario posita erit ob eam rem, quod eo nomine lis 
aestumata erit, in triduo proxsumo, quo ita satis factum erit 
ex hace lege solvatur; neive quis iudex neive quaestor facito 
sciens dolo ma/o, quo minus ita satis fiat, itaque. solvatur . . 

62 338| 8. .— 

De tributo faciundo.—Quanti iuder, quei eam rem quae- 
sierit, leites aestumaverit, sei is iudex ex hace lege pequniam 
omnem ad quaestorem redigere non potuerit, tum in diebus 
X proxsumeis, quibus quae potuerit redacta erit, iudex quei 
eam rem quaesierit, queive iudex ex hace lege factus eril, 


186 LEX ACILIA REPETUNDARUM. 


63 


64 


65 


66 


67 


quae pequnia redigi potuerit, eam pequniam inter eos, quorum 
leites aestumatae erunt, pro portione tributum iri praedeicito . . 
236 | 8. . tempus edito, quo is, quoius 2tes aestumatae erant, 
quoiusve regis populeive nomine lis aestumata erit, legati 
adessint, dum nei longius C dies edat.— 

De tempore statuto servando.—Ubei ea dies venerit, 
quo die iusei erunt adesse, iudex, quei eam rem quaesierit, 
quanta pequnia de es, quei ex h. 0, condemnatus. est, bonis 
redacía erit, tantam pequniam in eas lites, quae aestumatae 
erunt, pro portione tributto ..235 | 8. . Queique ei tudici con- 
&ilioque eius maiori part: eam litem aestumatam esse siber satis 
fecerit, ei primo quoque die quaestorem solvere iubeto, quae- 
storque eam pequniam eis sed frude sua solvito.— 

Ques aberit eius portio in aerario siet.—Quod eorum 
nomine, quei non aderit tributus factus eri£, quaestor in aerarto 
servato ..227| 8... — 

De tributo proscribendo.—Quei praetor ex hace lege 
tribuendei causa prodeixerit, is, utei quod recte factum esse 
volet, facito, quomodo prodetzerit, ca omnia maiore parte diei 
ad eam diem, donec solutum erit, apud forum palam, ubei 
de plano recte legit possitur, proscripta propositaque habeat prae- 
tor, quei eum tributum (200) | fecerit dies .. progumos, ex ea 
die, qua tributus factus erit, apud forum palam, ubei de plano 
recte legi possitur, proscripéum- habeto.— 

Reliqua pequnia post quinquenium populei fiet.— 
Quae pequnia ex hace lege in aerarium posita erit, quod in 
anneis quisque proxumeis ew ea die, qua tributus factus erit, eiua 
pequniae quaestor ex À. l. non solverit popules esto.— 

De pequnia a praedibus exigenda.—Quei ex h. [. praedes 
datei erunt, quaestor, quoi aerarium. provincia obvenerit, queique 
deinceps (201) | eandem provinciam habebit, eis faciunto, utei 
quod recte factum esse volet, quod eius is reus non solverit, 
ab eis praedibus primo quoque die pequnia exigatur.— 

Pequnia in fiscis opsignetur.—Quaequomque pequnia 
ex hace lege ad quaestorem redacta erit, is quaestor ea pequnia 
Jacito in fiscis siet, signoque puplico opsignetur, et im quoque 


68 fisco scriptum habeto (201) | quis praetor litis aestumaverit 


et unde ea pequnia redacta siet quantumque in eo fisco siet. 
Quaestor, queiquomquwe erit, utei quod recte factum esse volet, 


LEX ACILIA REPETUNDARUM. 187 


facito in diebus V proxumeis, quibusquomque eiei aerarium 
provincia obvenerit, fisci resignentur, et sei ea pequnia, quam 
in co fisco ease inscriptum erit, ibei inventa erit, denuo. opsig- 
nentur . .— 

69 Quaestor utei solvat.—Quor | (200) pequniam ex hace 
lege, quod sine malo pequlatu fiat, pr(aetor), quei ex hace 
lege quaeret, darei solvi iuserit, id quaestor quei aerarium 
provinciam optinebit, sed fraude sua extra ordinem dato 
golvitoque.— 

Quaestor moram nei facito.—Quaestor . .— 

70  ludicium nei quis inpediat.—Quod | (200) ex hace lege 
tudiczum fieri oportebit, quom ex hace lege fieri oportebit, 
nei quis magistratus prove magistratu prove quwo imperio 
potestateve erit faeito, quo minus setiusve fiat iudicetuzve ; 
neive quis eum, quei ex hace lege iudicium exercebit, neive 
eum, quei iuder ew h. 1. erit, newe eum, quei em h, 0. petet 

71 neive eum unde petetur, ab eo iudicio avocato neive (200) | avo- 
carier iübeto, neive abducito, neive abducier iubeto, neive 
facito quo quis eorum minus ad id iudicium adesse poesi/, 
quove quoi eorum minus in eo iudicio verba audeire in con- 
silium eire iudicare liceat; neive iudicium dimitere iubeto, 
nisei quom senatus ioure vocabitur . . aus nisei quom (200) | 

72 tribus intro voeabuntur, extra quam éei quid in saturam 
feretur.— 

(79)  (ludem deinceps faciat pr)ineipe defuncto. — Sei is 
praetor quei ex hace lege quaeret seive i4 quaestor quot aera- 
rium (vel urbana provinc)ia obvenerit (eo magistratu) iudiciove 
inperiove abierit, abdicaverit, mortuosve erit ante quam ea 
omnia ioudica/a soluta factave erunt, quae eum praetorem eumve 
quaestorem ex h. l. wudicari 1ubere solvere facere oporteat, quei- 
quomque deinceps praetor ex h. l. quaeret, queive quaestor aera- 

(80) rium vel urbanam | ( provinciam. habelit, is, uter quod recte fac- 

73 tum) (200) | esse volet, facito, utei ea omnia, quod ex h. 1. 
factum non erit, faciant, fiantque quae ex hace lege fieri 
oportere/, sei (apud eum), quei deinceps erit (ea res acta esset, 
deque ea re eiei) praetori quaestorique omnium rerum, quod 


72, Rubrica et verba v. 3, ‘eo magistratu per vitium omissa, ex dittographia 
supplentur. Alia quaedam deperdita, quae inde repetuntur, uncis inclusa sunt. 


188 LEX ACILIA REPETUNDARUM. 


ex hace lege factum non erit, siremps lex esto, quase? set apud 
eum ea res acta esset . .— 
(81) De rebus ante iudicatis factisve.—Queibus quom | tou- 
74 d(icium) (200) | fuit fueritve ex lege, quam L. Calpurnius, L. 
f(ilius) tr(ibunus) pl(ebei) rogavit, exve lege, quam M. Iunius, 
D(ecimi) f(ilius) tr. pl. rogavit, quei eorum eo zoudicio ew 
earum aliqua lege condem(natus est eritve, quo) magis de ea 
re eius nomen hace lege deferatur quove magis de ea re 
quom eo À. J. actio siet, eius h. 1. nihilum rogato. Queique 
(82) contra À. [. fecisse dicentur, nisei lem | rogata eri(t ante quam 
75 ea res) facta | erit, quom eis hace lege actio nei esto.— 

De praevaricatione.—Praetor, quei ex hace lege quaeret, 
qua de re ei praetori eisque iudicibus, quei ew À. l. ad ea(m 
rem (50) ioudicandam adfuerint, quei vivent, eorum maiorei 
parti satis factum erit, nomen, quod ex 4. /. quis detolerit, 

76 praevaricationis causa eum detulisse . . 201— | 
(83 De ceivitate danda.—Sei quis eorum, quei ceivis Ro- 
manus non erit, ex hace lege alterei nomen . . 78 . . ad prae- 
forem, quoius ex hace lege quaestio erit, detolerit, et ?& eo © 
iudicio hace lege condemnatus erit, tum eis quei eius nomen 
detolerit, quoius. eorum opera mazime eum condemnatum esse 
(84) constiterit, | eei volet ipse filieique, quei eiei gnatei erunt, quom .. 
77 201 | ceivis Romanus ex hace lege fiet, nepotesque ‘um eiei 
filio gnateis, ceiveis Romanei iustei sunto, ef in quam tribum, 
quoius is nomen ea À. 1. detolerit, sufragium tulerit, in eam 
tribum (82) sufragium ferunto inque eam tribum censento, 
militiaeque eis vocatio esto, aera stipendiaque o(mnia) eie 
(merita sunto. Nei qui magistratus pr)ove magistratu . . 201 .. 
78 eius À. 1. | nihilum rogato.— 
De provocatione immunitateque danda. — Sei quis 
(85) eorum, quei «otumis Latini sunt ..| 83 . . quei eorum in sua 
quisque civitate dictator praetor aedilisve non fuerit, ad 
praetorem, quoius ex hace lege quaestio erit, ex A. 1. alterei 
nomen detolerit, et 18 eo iudicio h. [. condem(natus erit, tum 
quei eiw)s nomen (detolerit, quoius eorum opera ma)vime eum 
79 condemnatum esse constiterit .. 201 | eius militiae munerisque 
poplici in sua quoiusque ceivitate— 





74: 5, ‘deiuraturum quove magistratus.' 75. 5, ‘ partis.’ 
76, 4, * eo eo,’ aes. Quinque haec vitia in dittographia emendata cunt. 


LEX AGRARIA. 189 


86 | 156 . . quoi petetur, de ea re eius optio esto, utrum velit vel 
87 in sua ceivitate . . 215 | 156 . . Aabere liceto.— 
Sei quis ceivis Romanus ex hace lege altere? nomen de- 
tolerit..216... . . . 2 3 | 
88 | 156. —Quoi « ex hace lege provoatio erit. esseve oportebit. 
227 ow . « . | 
89 | 190 .. grae quei inter peregrinos i ious ; deicet . - 23 3| 
9 m. oe . e. cetvitateiq . . . . 6. 235] 


SENTENTIA Q. M. MINUCIORUM, v. c. 637. 


C. 199. P.M. xx. Vide adnotata. 


LEX AGRARIA, v.c. 643- 4.C. 111. 


C. 200. P.M.xxvi-xxviu. Bruns, p. 54 sq. Lex in aversa 
parte tabulae legis Repetundarum scripta est, q. v. Tertia esse 
ereditur legum ab Appiano (ée//. civ. 1, 27) memoratarum, quae 
ad subvertendas leges Gracchanas latae fuerint. Auctoris nomen 
ignoratur. 


1|..82../r(ibunus) pl(ebei) ioure rogavit. plebesque roure scivit, 
. (ribus .. principium fuit; pro tribu Q. Fabius, Q(uinti) 
f (ilius) primus scivit. 
Quei ager poplicus populi Romanei in terram Italiam 
P. Muucio L. Calpurnio cos. fuif, extra eum agrum, quei ager 
ex lege plebewe sc(ito), quod C. Sempronius, Ti(berit) f (iius), 
ir(ibunus) pl(ebei) rogavit, exceptum cavitumve est nei divide- 
2 retur . . 150 | 82... quem quisque de eo agro ex lege plebeive 
sc(ito) vetus possessor sibei agrum locum sumpsit reliquitve, 
quod non modus maior siet, quam quantum unum hominem 
ex lege plebeive sc(ito) sibei sumere relinquereve licuit ; — 
quei ager publicus populi Romanei in terra Italia P. Muucio 
L. Calpurnio cos. fuit, extra eum agrum, quei ager ex lege 


190 LEX AGRARIA. 


plebeive sc(1to), quod C. Sempronius, Tr. f, tr. pl. rogavit, ea- 
3 ceptum cavitumve est nei divideretur . . 150 | 108... quem agrum 
locum quoieique de eo agro loco ex lege plebeive sc(ito) IIlvir 
sortito ceivi Romano dedit adsignavit, quod non in eo agro 
4 loco est, quod ultra . . 215 | 102 . .— 
quei ager publicus populi Romane in terra Italia P. Muucio 
L. Calpurnio cos. fu, extra eum agrum, quei ager em lege 
plebeive se(ito), quod C. Sempronius, Ti. f., tr. pl. rogavit, ex- 
ceptum cavitumve est nei divideretur, de eo agro loco quei ager 
locus ei, quei agrum privatum in publicum commutavit, pro eo 
agro loco a IIIviro datus commutatus redditus est ;— 
quei ager publieus populi Romanei in terra Italia P. 
Mucio L. Calpurnio cos. fuit, extra eum agrum, quei ager 
ex lege pleibeive sc(ito), quod C. Sempronius, Ti. f., tr. pl. 
5 rogavit, exceptum cavitumve est nei divideretur . . 214 | 102 .. 
quod eius quisque agri locei publicei in terra Italia, quod eius 
extra urbem Roma; est, quod eius in urbe oppido vico est, 
6 quod eius IIIvir dedit adsignavit, quod . . 211 | 102. . tum 
cum haec lex rogabitur, habebit possidebitve ;— 
quei ager publicus populs Romanei in terra Italia P. Muucio 
L. Calpurnio cos. futt, extra eum agrum, quei ager ex lege ple- 
bive scito, quod C. Sempronius, Ti. f., tr. pl., rog(avit), ex- 
ceptum cavitumve est, nei divideretur, quod quoieique de eo 
7 agro loco agri locei aedificie? .. 140 . . quibus. . 68 | 102... 
in terra Italia IIIvir dedit adsignavit reliquit, inve formas 
tabulasve retulit referive iusit :— 
ager locus aedificium omnis quei supra scriptus est .. 134... 
extra eum agrum locum de quo supra exceptum cavitumve est, 
8 privatus esto.. 66 | 102.. eiusque locei agri aedificit emptio 
venditio ita, utei ceterorum locorum agrorum aedificiorum 
privatorum est, esto ; censorque queiquomque erit facito, utei 
is ager locus aedificium, quei ex hace lege privatus factwa est, 
ita, utei celeri agri loca aedificia im censum referatur ..167.. 
deque eo agro loco aedificio eum, quoium 1e ager locus aedificium 
9 eri£..65| 102.. est; neive quis facito, quo, quoius eum 
agrum locum aedificium possesionem ex lege plebeive scito 
esse oportet oportebitve, eum agrum locum aedificium. possest- 
onem is minus utatur fruatur habeat possideatque . . 124 . . neive 
IO quis de ea re ad senatum referto ..63 | 102 . . neive pro 


Y1 


12 


13 


I4 


I5 


LEX AGRARIA. 191 


magistratu inperiove sententia(m) deicito neive ferto, quo quis 
eorum, quoium eum agrum locum aedificium possesionem ex 
lege plebeive scito esse oportet oportebitoee .. 121 .. eum 
agrum locum aedificium possesionem minus oetatur fruatur habeat 
possideatque possesio invito mortuove eo- heredibus eius inviteis 
auferatur.— 

Quer ager publicus populi. Romani in terra Italia P. Muu- 
cio L. Calpurnio cos. fuit .. 60 | 102 .. quod eius IIlvirei 
a(gris) d(andis) a(dsignandis) viasieis vicaneis, quei in terra 
Italia sunt, dederunt adsignaverunt reliquerunt: neiquis fa- 
cito, quominus ei oetantur fruantur habeant possideantgue, 
quod eius possesor . . 120 . . agrum locum aedificitam non aba- 
lienaverit, extra eum agrum ..58 | 102.. ewtraque eum agrum, 
quem ex h. l. venire dari reddive oportebit.— 

Quei ager locus aedificium ei, quem in viasieis vicanisve ex 
s(enatus) e(onsulto) esse oportet oportebitve, :/a datus ad- 
signatus relictusve est eritve . . 118 . . quo magis s ager locus 
aedificium privatus siet, quove mag?s censor, queiquomque erit, 
eum agrum locum in censum referat .. 53 | 102 . . quove magis 
de eo agro loco aliter, atque utei est, siet ex h. 1. n(ihilum) 
r(ogato).— 

Quei ager locus publicus populi Romanei in terra Italia 
P. Muucio L. Calpurnio cos. fuit, extra eum agrum, quei 
ager ex lege plebeive sctto, quod C. Sempronius trib. pl. rogavit, 
exceptum cavitumque est nei divideretur .. 110 . . extraque eum 
agrum, quem vetus possesor ex lege plebeive scito sibei sumpsit 
reliquitve, quod non modus maior siet, quam quantum unum 
hominem en lege sibei sumere relinquereve licuit, sei quis . . 45 | 
102... agri colendi causa In eum agrum agri iugra non amplius 
XXX possidebit habebitve: zs ager privatus esto.— 

Quei in agrum compascuom pequdes maiores non plus X 
pascet, quaeque em eis minus annum gnatae erunt posteaquam 
gnatae erunt .. 106 . . queique thei pequdes minores non plus 
^. n. pascet, quaeque ex eis minus annum gnatae erunt post- 
eaquam gnatae erunt: is pro iis pequdibus . . 44 | 102 . . po- 
pulo aut publicano pequniam scripturam vectigalve dare nei 
debeto, neive de ea re satis dato neive solvito.— 

Ager publieus populi Romanei, quei in Italia P. Mucio 
L. Calpurnio cos. fuit, eius agri lllvir a. d. a. ex lege 


192 


16 


17 


18 


LEX AGRARIA. 


plebeive scito sortito quoi ceivi Romano agrum dedit adsigna- 
vit. . 104 .. quod eius agri neque 18 abalienavit abalienaveritve, 
neque heres eius abalienavit abalienaveritve .. 41 | 102.. 
quei eorum de ea re ante eidus Martias primas, in ious adierit 
ad eum, quem ex h. i. de eo agro ius deicere oportebit, is de ea 
re ita ius deicito decernitoque, utei possesionem secundum eum 
heredemve eius det, quoi sorti is ager datus adsignatusve 
fuerit, quod eius agri non abalienatum erit ita utei s(upra) 
s(eriptum) est.— 

.. I00. . quod eius agri [llvir a. d. a. veteri possesori prove 
vetere possesionem dedit adsignavit reddidit, quodque eius 
agri IIIvir a. d. a. in. urbe oppido vico dedit adsignavit . . 39 | 
102... quod eiua agri neque is abalienavit abalienaveritve, neque 
heres eius, quoive ab eo hereditate testamento deditioneve obvenit, 
queive ab eorum quo emit: quei eorum de ea re ante eidus 
Martias primas in ious adierit ad eum, quem ex h. |. de eo 
agro ius deicere oportebit, is de ea re ita ius deicito decerni- 
toque, utei possesionem secundum eum heredemve eius det . . 100 .. 
quoi is ager vetere prove vetere possesore datus adsignatusve 
(redditusve fuerit), queive a... 36 | 102. .— 

Sei quis eorum, quorum ager s(upra) s(criptus) est, ex pos- 
sesione vi electus est, quod eius is quei eiectus est possederit, 
quod neque vi neque clam neque precario possederit ab eo, 
quei eum ea possesione vi elecerit; quem ex À. [. de ea re ious 
deicere oportebit, sei 18 quei ita. eiectus est, ad eum de ea re in 
tous adierit ante eidus (100) Martias, quae post h. l. rog. 
primae erunt, facito, utei is, quei ita vi eiectus eri/, in eam 


19 possesionem unde vi eiectus fuerit, restituatur.—. . 34 | 102.. 


20 


Quei ager locus publicus populi Romani in terra Italia P. 
Muucio L. Calpurnio cos. fuit, quod eius ex lege plebeive scito 
exve h. |. privatum factum est eritve, pro eo agro loco aedi- 
ficio proque scriptura pecoris, quod in eo agro pascitur, post- 
quam vectigalia constiterint, quae post h. l. rogatam primum 
constiterint : nei quis mag(istratus) prove mag(istratu) facito, 
(99) quo quis populo aut publicano pequniam scripturam veci- 
galve det dareve debeat, neive quis . . 33 | 102 . . quove quid 


16, 4, * secundo' aes. 17, 3, *quei' pro ‘ quo’ aes. 
17, ult. *redditusve fuerit, addit Mommsen. 


2I 


22 


23 


24 


LEX AGRARIA. 193 


ob eam rem populo aut publicano detur exsigaturve, neive 
quis quid, postea, quam vecfigalia consistent, quae post h. ]. 
rog. primum constiterint, ob eos agros locos aedificia populo 
aut publicano dare debeat, (85) nee scripturam pecoris, quod 
in eis agreis pascetur, populo aut publicano dare debeat.— —. 

Ager locus publieus populi Romani, quei in terra Italia 
P. Muucio L. Calpurnio cos. fuit .. 32 | 102 . . extra eum 
agrum, quem agrum L. Caecilius Cn. Domitius cens(ores) a(nte) 
d(iem) XJ. k(alendas) Octobris oina quom agro, quei trans 
Curione est, locaverunt, quei in eo agro loco civi Romanus 
sociumve nominisve latini; quibus ex formula togatorum 
milites in. terra Italia inperare solent, .. 82 .. agrum locum 
publieum populi Romanei de sua possesione vetus possesor 
prove vetere possesore dedit, quo in agro loco oppidum coloniave 
ex lege plebewescito constitueretur deduceretur conlocaretur, . . 
33 | 102 . . quo in agro loco II1Ivir id oppidum coloniamve ex 
lege plebeive sc(ito) constituit deduxitve conlocavitve ; quem 
agrum /ocumve pro eo agro locove de eo agro loco, quei pub- 
licus populi Romane: im terra Italia P. Mucio L. Calpurnio 
cos. fuit .. 82 . . emira eum agrum locum, quei ager locus 
ex lege plebeive s(cito), quod C. Semproni(us), Ti. f., tr. pl. 
rog(avit) exsceptum cavitumve est nei divideretur, .. 34 | 102 .. 
lllvir dedit reddidit. adsignavit, eius. quoi is ager datus ad- 
signatus eri£, quoive ab eo heredive eius is ager locus testa- 
mento hereditati deditionive obvenit obveneritve queive ab eo 
emit emeritve, queive ab emptore eius emit emeritve, is ager 
privatus esto.— . 

Que: ager publicus populi Romani fuit, quem IIITvir de eo agro 
loco pro eo agro loco, (76) quo coloniam deduxsit ita utei 
s(upra) s(criptum) est, agrum locum aedificium dedit reddidit 
adsignavit, quei pr(aetor) consolve de eo agro loco aedificio (33 | 
102) ez À. 1. tows deicet, quo de ea re ante eidus Martias primas 
in 10u8 aditum erit, 1s de ea re ita tous deicito decermitoque, utei 
possesionem secundum eum heredemve eius det, quoi IIIvir 
eum agrum locum pro eo agro loco, quo coloniam deduxit, 
dedit reddidit adsignavitve, facitoque is pr(aetor) consolve, 
quo de ea re in ious aditum erit, u/ei .. 73 ..— 

Ager locus quei supra scriptus est, quod eius agrei locei 
post 4. |. rog. publicum populei Romanei erit, extra eum 

O 





194 LEX AGRARIA. 


agrum locum, quei publico usus destinatus est vel publice locatus 

25 est, 1n eo agro quei volet pascito . . 34 | 102 . . neive is ager 
compascuos esto, neive quis in eo agro agrum oqupatum 
habeto neive defendito, quo minus quei velit compascere liceat. 
Seiquis faxsit, quotiens faxit, in agri iugra singula L HS 
t(ummos) ..67 .. dare debeto ei, queiquomque id publicum 
fruendum redemptum conductumve habebit.— 

26 Boves, equos, mulos, asinos . . 36 | 102... in eo agro loco, 
quei post À. 1. rog. publicus populei Romanei erit, pascere ad eum 
numerum pecudum, quei numerus pecudum. in h. |. scriptus 
est, liceto, neive quid quoi ob eam rem vectigal neive serip- 
turam dare debeto.— 

Quod quisque pecudes in calleis viasve publicas itineris 
causa induzerit .. 66 . .. pro eo pecore, quod eius in callibus 
vielave publiceis pastum inpuleum itineris causa erit, nei- 

27 quid populo «eive publicano dare debeto.— . . 38 | 103 . . 

Quei ager publicus popult Hom. in terra Italia P. Mucio 
LL. Calpurnio cos. fuit, de eo agro loco quem agrum locum po- 
pulus em publico in. privatum commutavit, quo pro agro loco 
ex privato in publicum tantum modum agri locei commutavi? : 
is ager locns domneis privatus ita, utei quoi optuma lege 
privatus est, esto.— 

Quei ager ex privato in publicum commutatus est, (66) quo 
pro agro tantue modus agri publici em publico imprivatum 
commutatus est: de eo agro siremps lex esto, quansei is ager 
P. Mucio L. Calpurnio cos. publicus fuisset. Quet ager pro 

28 agro patrito ea publico in privatum cofnmutatus est, .. 39 | 104... 
pr(aetor) consolve quanti agri patriti publican publicum L. Cae- 
cilio Cx. Domitio cens(oribus) redemptum habent, censoribus 
queiquomque post hac facteis erunt, ei faciunto td publicum, 
(14) ses volent, tantidem pro patrito redemptum habeant p(ro) 
p(atrito) supsignent.— 

IIvirum, quei .. 66.. quae viae publicae per terram Ita- 
liam P. Mucio L. Calpurnio cos. fuerint, eas faciunto pateant 

39 vacuaeque sien, . . 40 | 100 .. 

Quod quoietque ew A. tl. ita atei s(upra) s(criptum) est, in 
agreis, ques #2 Italia sunt, quei P. Mucio L. Calpurnio cos. 





38, 5, 6, * p(ro) p(atrito),’ Budorf, Mommsen ; 'p(ro) p(raede),' Huschke. 


LEX AGRARIA. 195 


publiceis populi Romanet fuerunt, ceiv$ Romano facere licebit, 
item Latino pereprinoque, quibus M. Livio L. Calpurnio cos. 
in ers agreis id facere . . 66 . . ex lege plebeive go(ito) exve foe- 
dere licuit, sed /raude sua facere liceto.— 
Quod ex h. l ita utei s(upra) scriptum) est, in agreis, 
ques s(upra) s(cripti) sunt, Latinum peregrinamee facere vel 
90 non facere oportebit . . 41 | 106... ses eorum quis, quod eum 
en À. 0. facere oportuerit, non fecerit, quodve quis eorum, 4. 7. 
prohibitus. erit, fecerit mag(sstratus) prove mag(istratu), quo 
de ca re in ious aditum erit, quod ex h. 1. petetur, item 
iudicium iudicem recuperatoresve facito ei, quei ed h. 1. petet, 
et in eum ita det, uei ei (66) et in eum iudicium, iudicem, 
recuperatoresve ex h. |. dare oporteret: sei quis de ea re 
iudicium petisset, quod civem Romanum contra À. |. fecisse 
31 diceref.— .. 42 | 130 .. 
moinieipieis colomieive sunt, civiwm PRom(amorwm) nominisve 
Latini popliee deve senati Bententia ager fruendus datus est, 
aeive quei tn trientabulerts est, quei..66.. queive pro colonia 
moinicipiove prove moinicipieis fruentur quei(ve) in trienta- 
32 buleie fruentur..44| 135... quod cine agri cis testamento 
hereditate deditione obvenit obveneritve, quibus ante h. ¢. rog. 
eum agrum. locum conductum habere frui possidere defendere 
licuit, extra eum aprum locum, quem en &. 0... 66 . . venire 
dari reddtve oportebit, id, utei quicquid quoieique ante h. |. 
r. licuit, ita ei habere oefi fruà possidere defendere post À. [. 
33 rog. &ceto . . 46 | 1396. — 
Quei ager locus publicus popwlei Romamei 9n terra Italia 
P. Mucio L. Calpurnio cos. fuit, quod eius agri loci ex lege 
plebsive acito cave À. 1. privatum factum est .. 66 .. sei quid 
de eo agro loco ambigetur: oo(n)s(ulis) pr(aetoris), quei- 
quomque erit, de ea re iurisdécéto tudici $udicis recuperatorumve 
34. datio esto . . 48 | 137 . . weve mag(istratus) prove mag(sstratu) 
de eo agro loco ious deicito neive decernito neive iudicium newe 
tudicem neive recuperatores dato, niséi co(n)s(ul) pr(aetor)ve. 
Quod vadimonium eius rei causa co(n)s(al) pr(aetor)ve promit 
susserit,ques ab eo de ea re mag(iatratus) adpellati erunt, quominus 





$0, 3. 4, ‘ quodea,’ aes. 
0 2 





196 LEX AGRARIA. 


eius rei causa decernant, eius h. 1. n(ihilum) r(ogato). Quod 
iudicium iudex recuperatoresve eius re$ causa dati erunt .. 
35 49 | 138 . . 

Quei ager locus post À. l. rog. publicus pop. Rom. m terra 
Italia erit, sei quid de eo agro loco ambigetur; cos. pr(aetoris) 
cens(oris) queiquomque tum erit de ea re iuris dictio, iudici 
iudicis recuperatorum datio esto i(ta), u(tei) e(is) e r(e) p(ub- 
lica) f(ideve) s(ua) e(idebitur) e(sse) .. 68 . . neive mag(istratus) 
prove magistratu de eo agro loco ious deicito neive de eo agro 
decernito neive iudicium netve iudicem neive recuperatores dato, 

36 nisei co(n)s(w/) pr(aetor) cens(or). (54 | 139). Quod iudicium 
tudem recuperatoresve eius rei causa a consule praetore censoreve 
dati erunt, sei quis ab eo de ea re mag(isiratus) adpellaverit 
quoi eorum id iudicium e re publica non esse videbitur: quo 
minus id impediat vel intercedat, e(ius) h(ac) l(ege) n(ihilum) 
r(ogato). 

Quoi publicano e(x) h. 1. pequnia debebitur, ses guts ma- 
g(sstratus) . . 68 . . quid ob eam rem facito, quo quis pro agro 
minus aliterve scripturam vectigalve det, atque utei em h. l. 

37 dare debet .. 57 | 140 . . Sei quid publicanus esa rei causa 
eibi. deberi darive oportere deicat, de ea re co(n)s(u)! prove co(n)- 
s(ule) pr(aetor) prove pr(aetore) quo in ious adierint, in 
diebus X proxsumeis quibus de ea re in ious aditum erii, .. 
65 .. recuperatores ex civibus L, quei classis primae sient, 
XI dato; inde alternos dum /aza? quaternos is quei petet et is 

.38 unde petetur, quos volent, reiciant facito . . 57 | 144 . . quei 
supererunt, eos de ea re iudicare iubeto, quae res soluta non 
eiet inve ioudicio non siet, iudicatave non siet, quod eius prae- 
varicationus causa ..63.. vel per d. m. petitorum patronorumve 
factum non siet. Sei maior pars eorum recuperatorum .. 

39 48 | 146 . . id sententia pronontiato, quod eius rei ioudicandae 
maxsume verum esse comperrit, facitoque . . 61 . . quod ita 
ioudicatum erit, se dulo malo utei is, quei iudicatus erit dare 

40 opertere, solvat . . 51 | 155... 

Quas in leges pl(ebei)ve sc(ita) de ea re, quod quei agrum 
publicum plop.) R(om.) ita habebit possidelit. fruetur, utei em 
h. 1. licebit, eum earum. quae agrum, quem ita habebit habere, 
possidere fruive vetet; quasve in leges pl(ebei)ve sc(ita) de 
ea re, quod earum quae ei, quei agrum ..61.. aliter habebit 


LEX AGRARIA. 197 


possidebit fruetur, quam ex h. l. licebit, eum agrum, quem 
ita habebit, habere possidere frui permittat: te quei earum 
legum  pl(ebei)ve sc(itorum) quo iurare iubetur. iubelitur, non 
41 iuraverit .. 57 | 178 . . ne ob eam rem mag(istratum) quem 
minus petere capere gerere habereque liceto, neive quid ei ea 
res fraudi esto.—(61). 
Si quae lex plebeve sc(itum) est, quae mag(istratum), quem 
42 exh. 1... 57 | 180.. ea omnia sed fraude sua facere liceto, 
inque eas leges pl(ebei)ve sc(ita) de ea re, quod ex A. 7. non 
decernere .. 71 .. aliter decernere oportebit, sed fraude sua 
43 nei iurato, neive . . 57 | 180. .— 
.. tus est, dedit adsignavitve, quemve agrum locum de eo 
agro loco . . 74 . . ez lege pl(ebeive) sc(ito), quod M. Baebius 
44 tr(ib.) pleb.) IIIvir colonize deducendae rogavit .. 57 | 178 .. 
datum adsignatum esse fuiseve ioudicaverit, utei in h. l. 
se(riptum) est, quei locus .. 76 . . extra eum agrum locum, 
45 quei ager locus in ea cenfuria supsicivove es£ .. 57 | 177 .. 


ezíraque eum agrum locum, quem ex h. |. colonei, eive 

quei in colonei numero scripte: eunt .. 80 . . oportet oporte- 

46 bitve, quod eius agri locei quoieique emptum est, .. 57 | 

176 .. manceps praevides praediaque soluti sunto; eaque 

nomina mancupum ..85.. quaestor, quei aerarium provin- 

47 ciam optinebit, in tableis publiceis scripta habeto .. 57 | 175.. 

de mag(istratu) Romano emit, is pro eo agro loco pequniam 

neive praevides neive praedia populo dare debeto . . 91 . . neive 

de ea re quis 0b eam rem, quod praes factus est, populo ob- 

48 ligatus esto .. 57 | 174 . . quei ob eum agrum locum man- 

ceps praesve factus est, quodque praedium ob eam rem populo 

obligatum est .. 102 . . quei ager locus in Africa est, quei 

49 Romae publice.. 57 | 173 . . eius esto, isque ager locus 

privatus vectigalisque u..113.. tus erit, quod eius agri 

50 locei extra terra Italia est.. 57 | 170 . . socium nominisve . 

Latimi, quibus. ex formula togatorum milites in terra Italia 

inperare solent, eis populeis . . 120. . ve agrum locum quei- 

51 quomque habebit possidebit fruetur, . . 57 | 170 . . eiusve rei 

procurandae causa erit, in eum agrum locum, in. . 125 . . se 
dolo malo.— 

52 Quei ager locus in Africa est, quod eius agri. . 57 | 170.. 


198 . LEX AGRARIA. 


habeat possideat fruaturque, item utei sei is ager locus pub- 
lice. . 128 .. 
Ilvir, ques ew h. tb. factus creatusve eril, in biduo prox- 

53 sumo, quo faetus ereatusve erit, edicifo.. 57 | 170. . ts 
diebus XXV proxsumeis, quibus id edietum ent .. 1238... 
datum adsignatum siet, idque quom profitebitur cogrnitores . . 

54 57 | 170. . mum emptor siet ab eo quoius hominis privates 
eius agri venditio fuerit . . 1326 ... P. Cornelio L. Calpurnio 

55 cos. facta get, quod eius postea teque ipse neque. . 57 | 170.. 
praefectus milesve in provinciam eri? ..120. . colono eive, 
quei in colonei numero scriptus est, datus adsignatus est, 

56 quodve eàius..9..23g .. 57 | 170 .. utei curator eius pro- 
fiteatur, item utei .. 119.. ex eo edicito, utei i8, quel ab 

57 bonorum emptore magistro curatoreve emerit,.. 58 | 170 .. 
Ses quem quid edicto IIvire em h. [. profiteri oporíuerit, quod 
edicto llvir(ei) profesus ex h. l. nos eri4, .. 117 .. ei eum 
agrum locum neive emptum neive adsignatum esse neive fuise 

58 iudicato Q... 56 | 170... do ei ceivi Romano tantundem 
modum agri ..111.. quei ager publice non venieit, dare 
reddere commutareve liceto. 

59 Ilvir, quei ew A. 0. factus creatueve erit .. 51 | 170 de eis 
agreis ita rationem iniío, itaque h . . 108 . . et neive unius 
hominis nomine, quoi ex lege Rubria, quae fuit, colono eive, 
quei im colonei numero scriptus est, agrum, ques in. Africa eat, 

60 dare oportutt leuitve . . 48 | 170 . . data adsignata fuise iudi- 
cato; neive unius hominus nomine, quoi, . . 107 . . colono, 
eive, quet in colonei numero seriptus est, agrum quei in Africa 
est, dare oportwit licuitve, amplius iug(era) CC in singulos 

61 homines data adsignata ease fuisseve  iudicato .. 43 | 170 .. 
newve maiorem. numerum in Africa hominum in coloniam colo- 
uiasve deductum esse fuiseve iudicato, quam quantum nume- 
rum ez lege Rubria, quae fui .. 106 .. @ IIIviria coloniae 
deducendae in Africa hominum in coloniam coloniasve deduci 
oportuit licuitve.— 

62 Ilvir, qua em À. U. v creatusve erit . . 38 | 172 . . re 
Rom. . . agn. . datus adsignatus 4. 50 . . quod 
eius agri ex ch. 1 adiondicari licebit, quod ita comperietur, id 

63 ei heredeive eius adsignatum esse iudicato .. 33 | 255 . . quod 
quandoque eius agri locei ante kal. 1... 29 . . guoiet emptum 


LEX AGRARIA. 199 


est ab eo, quoius eius agri locei hominus privati venditio fuit 

64 tum, quom is eum agrum locum emit, quei .. 29 | 252 . . et 

eum agrum locum, quem tta emit emerit, planum faciet feceritve 

emptum esse, quem agrum locum neque ipse neque heres eius, 

neque quoi is heres erit abalienaverit, quod eius agri locei ita 

65 planum factum erit, IIvir ita esse iudicato . . 27 | 250 . . dato 

reddito, quod is emptum habuerit, quod eius publice non 

. venieif. Jtem llvir, sei is ager locus, quei ei emptus fuerit, 

publice venieit, tantundem modum agri locei de eo agro loco, 

quei ager locus in Africa est, quei publice non venieit, e quei 

66 ila emptum habuerit, reddito . . 24.| 248 . . Queique ager locus 

Va ex À. 1. redditus erit, et, quoius em À. 0. factus ent HS 

n(ummo) I emptus esto, isque ager locus privatus vectiga- 
lisque ita, u£e: in À. |. eupra scriptum est, esto.— 

Quoi colono eive, quei in colonei numero scriptus est, ager 
locus in ea centuria subsicivove datus adsignatus est, quae 
centuria quodve subsicivom in eo agro est, quei ager Romae pub- 

67 lice venieit venieritve .. 19 | 246 . . &i quid eius agri IHvir, quei 
ew hl. factus creatusve erit, ei colono minus adiudicaverit, tum 
pro ea centuria subsicivove tantundem modum agri locei de eo 
agro loco, quei ager locus in África est, quod eius publice non 
venieit, ei heredive eius IIvir, quei ex h. l. factus creatusve 
erit, reddito.— 

Quoi colono eive, quei in colonei numero scriptus est fuitve, 

68 ager locus .. 17 | 244 . . tantundem modum agri loci ei, quem 
ita emisse habuiseve comperietur, heredeive eius de agro, quei 
ager in Africa est, pro eo agro Jlvir reddito, quoieique ita 
reddiderit, ei adsignatum fuisse iudicato.— 

Quoi agrum de eo agro, quei ager in Africa est, quei 
colono, eive, quei in colonei numero scriptus est fuitve, datus 
adsignatusve est, magistratus Romae publice vendiderit .. 15 | 

69 242. . seiquid eius agri Ilvir ei, quoi emptum esse comperietur, 
emptorive eius minus adiudicaverit: tum tantundem modum 
agri ei, quoi ita emptum esse comperietur, emptorive eius 
pro curatoreve eius heredive quoius eorum, de eo agro, quel 
ager in Africa est, pro eo agro IIvir reddito; quoi ita red- 
diderit, e? adsignatum fuisse iudicato.— 

70  ..13| 240 .. pequniae adsignatum discriptum adsigna- 
tumve in tabuleis publiceis est eritve: (aníam peguniam 


200 LEX AGRARIA. 


populo ex eid(ibus) Mart(is), quae, post ea quam vectigalia con- 
sistent, quae post h. |. r(og.) primum consistent, prima erunt, 

71 inferto..17 | 238 . . neive quis eam pequniam propiore die 
exsigito, atque uteique in h. |. s(eriptum) est; neive quod 

"pequuiae ob eam rem propiore die exactum eri£, atgue uteique 
in h. 1. s(criptum) e(st), is quei pequniam populo dare debebit 
ei, quei eo nomine ab populo mercassitur, ob eam rem pequ- 

72 niam ei nei.. 14 | 236 .. planum fiat; neive quis mag{i- 
stratus) neive pro mag(istratu) facito neive quis senator 
decernito, quo ea pequnia, quae pro agreijs loceis aedificieis, 
quei s(upra) s(cripti) sunt, populo debetur debebiturve, aliter 
exsigatur atque uteique in h. 1. s(criptum) est. 

73 ..14 | 235. . sei ea pequnia in diebus n. n. proxumeis, quibus 
is ager locus Romae publice venieit venierit, populo soluta non 
erit: is pro eo agro loco in diebus CXX proxsumeis ea prae- 
dia ..21.. quae s(upra) s(cripta) s(unt), arb(itratu) pr(ae- 
toris) quei inter ceives tum Romae ious deicet, satis sup- 
signato.— 

74  Pr(aetor), quei inter ceives Romae ious deice . . 14 | 235.. 
2is€ praedium ante ea ob eum agrum locum in publico 
obligatum erit in publicumve praes datus erit, agrum locum, 
quo pro agro loco satis ex h. |. arb(itratu) pr(aetoris) sup- 
signatum non erit, pequnia praesenti vendito. Quez.. 14 | 

75 227 .. 

». Que ager locus in Africa est, quei Romae publice venieit 
venieritve, quod eius agri /ocei, quei populeia libereis in Africa 
sunt, quei eorum (2#) ameicitiam populi Romanei bello Poe- 
niecio proxsumo manserunt, queive ad imperatorem populi 
Romani bello Poenicio promsumo perfugerunt, quibus propterea 

76 ager datus adsignatus est d (e) s(enatus) s(ententta), . . 14. | 200 .. 
pro eo agro loco IIvir in diebus n. 2. promsumeis, quibus IIvir 
ex h. /. factus creatusve erit, facito, quantum agri loci quoius- 
que in populi leiberei inve eo agro /oco, quei ager locus per- 
fugis datus adsignatusve est, ceivis Romanei ex h. |. factum 
erit, quo pro agro loco ager locus ceiv Romano ex h. |. | 

77 datus redditus commutatusve non erit, tantundem modum agris 
loci quoieique populo leibero perfugeisve det assignetve . . 201 . .— 

Ilvir, quei ex h. 1. factus cfeatusve erit, is in diebus CL 
proxsumeis, quibus factus creatusve erit, facito, quando Xvirei, 


LEX AGRARIA, 201 


quei ez lege Livia factei createive sunt fueruntve, eis homi- 
nibus agrum in Africa dederunt adsignaverunive, quos sti- 

78 pendium | populo Romano pendere oportet, sei quid eius. agri 
em À. l. ceivis Romani esse oportet oportebilwe, . . 201 .. deagro, 
quei publicus populi Romani in Africa est, tantundem quantum 
de agro stipendiario em À. 1. ceivis Romanei esse oportet oporte- 
bitve, is stipendiarieis det adsignetve idque in formas publicas . 
facito utei referatur 1(ta) u(ter) e r(e) p(ublica) f (1de)q(ue) e(i) 
e(sse) v(idebitur). — 

IIvir, quei ex h. l. factus creatusve erit, is facito in diebus 

79 CCL proxsumeis, quibus h. /. populus plebesve iuserit, | wei 
extra eum agrum locum, quei ea lege Rubria, quae fuit, colono 
ewe, quei $n, colonei numero scriptus est, datus adsignatus est . . 
201.. quo pro agro ager locus commutatus redditusve non 
ent ; extraque eum agrum, quei ager intra finis populorum 
leiberorum Uticensium, Hadrumetinorum, Tampsitanorum, 
Leptitanorum, Aquillitanorum, Usalitanorum, Teudalensium, 

80 quom in ameicitiam populei Romani proxumum | venerunt, 
Jit; extraque eum agrum, quei ager locus eis hominibus, quei 
ad imperatorem populi Romani bello Poenicio promsumo per- 
fugerunt, .. 201 .. publice datus adsignatusve est, de senati 
s(ententia); ex/ra(gwe) eum agrum, quei ager ex h. l. privatus 
facetus erit, quo pro agro loco ager locus redditus commu- 
tatusve non erii; eatraque eum agrum locum, quem Ilvir 
ex h. |. etipendiarieis dederit adsignaverit, quod eius ex h. |. 

81 in formam publicam rellatum | eri£ ; extraque eum agrum, 
quem agrum .. 200 . . P. Cornelius leibereis regis Massinissae 
dedit, habereve fruive iusi#; extraque eum agrum locum, 
ubei oppodum Chartago fuit quondam extraque eum agrum 
locum, quem Xvirei, quei ex /ege Livia factei createive 
fuerunt, Uticensibus reliquerunt adsignaverunt: ceterum | 

82 agrum omnem, quei in Africa est, iei habeant possideant fru- 
anturve, quei . . 200 . .— 

Queicumque de eo agro vectigal decumas scripturamve pro 
pecore ex lege Sempronia dare non solitei sunt, quei ager eis 
ex h, l. datus redditus commutatus eri£, quei eorum eum agrum 
possidebit frueturve: pro eo agro loco nei vectigal neive 
decumas neive scripturam, quod post h. 1. r(og.) fruetur, dare 

83 debeto.— | 


202 LEX AGRARIA. 


. . 200 . . vectigal decumas scriptaram populo aut publicano 
item dare debeto, utei pro eo agro loco, quem agrum locum 
populus Romanus ew À. 1. locabit, quem agrum locum ceivis 
Romanus ex h. }. possidebit, dare oportebit. 

Pr(aetor) quoius arb(itratu) pro agro loco, quei Romae 

84 publice venierit, ex h. 1. | .. 200. . praedia emptoris ter tanti 
invito eo quei dabit accipito, facitoque quei ex h. l. praedia 
dederit, utei ei satis supsignetur neive quis quid faxsit, quo 
minus ex h. l, praedium queiquomque velit supsignet pe- 
quniamve solvat praesque queiquomque ex h. |. fieri volet, 
fiat.— | 

85 Quantum vectigal decumas. scripturamve pecoris eum, quei 
agrum locum aedificium in Africa possidebit, .. 200 .. quei ager 
locus populorum leiberorum perfugarum non fuerit, pro eo 
agro aedificio locoque ex l(ege) dicta, quam L. Caecilius Cn. 
Domitius cens(ores) agri aedifici loci vectigalibusve publiceis 
fruendeis locandeis vendundeis legem deixerunt, publicano 

86 dare oportuit: | taxtundem post h. 1. rog. quei agrum locum 
aedificium. in Africa possidet. possidebit, .. 200 .. publicano 
vectigal decumas scripturamque pecoris dare débeto, neive 
amplius ea aliubeive aliterve dare debeto, pequsque nei aliter 
alieisce legibus in eo agro pascito.— 

Quae vectigalia in Africa publica popuh Romani sunt, 

. 87 quae L. Caecilius Cn. Domiti(us) cens(ores) fruenda | /oca- 
veruni vendideruntve queiquomque mag(istratus) post À. 1. rog. ea 
vectigalia locabst vendetve, quo minus publicano eam legem dicat 
.. 201... quo plus populo dare debeat solvatque, e(ius) h. l. 
n(ihilum) r(ogato).— 

Mag(istratus) prove mag(istratu) queive pro eo inperio 
judicio . . 48 . . gueiquomque quae publica populi Romani in 
Africa sunt eruntve vectigalia, fruenda locabit vendetve, quom ' 

88 ea vectigalia fruenda locabit vendetve | sei eis vectigalibus 
legem deicito, quo inviteis deis, quei eum agrum | possidebunt, 
gpublicano quid facere liceat, (201) quod e$ non licuit facere ex 
lege dicta, quam L. Caeci(lius) Cn. Dom(itius) cens., quom 
eorum agrorum vectigalia fruenda loeaverunt vendideruntve 
-. 50.. eis agris legem deixerunt ; neive quod in eis agreis 
pequs pascetur, scripturae pecoris legem deicito, quo inviteis 

89 eis, quei eum agrum posidebunt, | aliter pascantur, quam 


LEX AGRARIA. 208 


pastae sunt em lege dicta, quam L. Caecilius, Cn. Domitius cen- 
sores legem deiserunt .. 201 ..— 

Quae vectigalia fruenda in Africa Cn. Paperius cos. vendidit 
locavitve, quominus ea lege sient pareantque, quam legem 
Cn. Paperius cos. eis vendundeis (/ocandeis deixit), e(ius) h. 
(/.) n(ibilum) r(ogato).— 

Quei ager in Africa est,.. 78 .. quae viae im eo agro, ante 
quam Cartago capta est, fuerunt: eme omnes publicae sunto 


go limitesque inter centuria(s) | .. 201... 


9I 


92 


93 


Ilvir, ques ew h. 1. factus creatusve erit, sei apud eum ds, 
quot ager im Africa adsignatus est, oum agrum professus. erit, 
ei eum agrum, quem agrum in eo numero agri professus erit, 
quo in numero eum agrum, quem is, quoi adsignafus eet, 
professus erit, profiteri mon. oportuit, .. 83 .. nei dato neive 
reddito neive adiudicato. Quei eam rem i/a esse indicio 
fuerit, ei eius agri, quod is indicio eius | gues cam rem ite 
indicaverit, tn eo numero agri, quo mon oportuit, professus esse 
convictus fuerit,.. 201 .. partem . . magistratus, qui de ea re 
tudicaverit, dato adsignato.— 

Quibuscum transactum est, utei bona, quae habuisent, 
agrumque, quei eis publice adsignatus esset, haberent pos- 
siderent fruerenturve, .. 86 .. quantus modus agri de eo agro, 
quei eis publice datus adsignatus fuit, publice venieit, tan- 
tundem modum | agri de eo agro, quei ager publice non venieit, 
magistratus commutato . . 201 . .— 

Quei in Africa agrum possessionemve agrive possessionisve 
euperficium habet possidetve fruiturve, quem agrum possesio- 
nemve quoiusve agri possesionisve superficium q(uaestor) 
pr(aetor)ve publice vendiderit .. 86 .. ob eum agrum locum 
possesionem agrive superficium scripturam pecoris nei dato 
neive | vectigal solvito . . 200 . . is ager ex s(enatus) c(onsulto) 
datus adsignatus est, ei agrei, quei s(upra) s(criptei) s(unt), 
possesionesque, ea omnia eorum bominum .. 92 .. magistratus 
quo de ea re in ious aditum erit, ifa de ea re iudicium det, utei 


94 de ea re in À. 1. s(criptum) est, neive | .. 200 . . os comportent, 


95 


quibus ex h. l. ager locus datus redditus commutatus ad- 
signatus est .. 97 .. agrum locum ex ^. l. dari reddi adeignari 
..19. -eum agrum locum ceivis Romanus | .. 210. . quod- 
que in eo agro loco vinei oleive fiet, quae messis vindemiaque 


204 EPISTULA AD TIBURTES. 


P. Cornelio, L. Calpurnio cos. posteave fiel . . 102 .. 608 
96 fructus .. 20. . quei eum agrum tum .. 5 | 200.. 


Quei ew h. Ll. Ilvir factus creatusve erit, 1s in diebus n. 2. 
proxsumeis, quibus ex h. 1, IIvir factus creatusve erit, agrum 
locum, quei Corinthiorum /wit ..133.. extra eum agrum 

97 locum .. 17 | 202. . agrum locum, quem ex h. |. venire opor- 
tebit, omnem mefiwndum terminosque statui curato .. 136... 
98 eum agrum .. 22 | 204... opusque locato eique operei diem 
99 deicito, u£ei perfectum siet, facitoque . . 156 | 215 . . quod 
eius agri loci aedifici quoieique emptum erit, is eius pecuniae, 
IOO quam ..156 | 215..manceps praedia praevidesque nei magis 
solutei sunío; eaque nomina mancupum ts quaestor, quei 
aerarium. provinciam. optinebit, in. tabuleis publiceis scripta 

101 Aabeto . . 156 | 215. . Aeredibusque eorum persequtio eso. 
102  Queiager locus aedificium . . 156 | 216. . populo dare dam- 
nas esto. Pr(aetor) prove pr(aetore), quo de ea re in ious adi- 


103 tum erit ..156|227..1venierit n .... aedifi . . 156 | 
104 | 233 . . . . . possess . . . . . . 1go| 
105|235 . . . . . pie... . . . . . I9t| 


EPISTULA PRAETORIS AD TIBURTES SAECULI 
UT VIDETUR SEPTIMI MEDII A.V.C. 


C. 201. P.M. xrvin. a ex Nicodemo. Tabula ahenea, Tibure 
reperta, hodie aut periit aut latet. 


L. Cornelius Cn. f. pr(aetor) sen(atum) cons(uluit) a. d. 111. 
Nonas Maias sub aede Kastorus. 
Ser(ibendo) adf(uerunt) A. Manlius A. f., Sex. Julius . ... 
L. Postumius S(p.) f. 
Quod Teiburtes v(erba) f(ecistis) quibusque de rebus vos 
purgavistis ea senatus | animum advortit ita utei aequom 
5 fuit. Nosque ea ita audiveramus, | ut vos deixsistis vobeis 


S. C. DE ASCLEPIADE. 205 


nontiata esse. Ea nos animum nostrum | non in doucebamus 
ita facta esse propter ea quod scibamus | ea vos merito nostro 
facere non potuisse, neque vos dignos esse | quei ea faceretis 
neque id vobeis neque rei poplicae vostrae | oitile esse facere. 
10 Et postquam vostra verba Senatus audivit, | tanto magis 
animum nostrum indoucimus, ita utei ante | arbitrabamur, 
de eieis rebus af vobeis peccatum non esse. 
| Quonque de eieis rebus senatuei purgati estis, credimus, 
vosque | animum vostrum indoucere oportet, item vos po- 
14 pulo | Romano purgatos fore. 


LEX CORNELIA DE XX QVAESTORIBUS. 


Circa v.c. 673 = a.o. 81. 


C.202. P.M.xxix. Bruns, p. 68. ‘Tabula ahenea clavis olim 
parieti adfixa reperto est Eomae in ruinis aedis Saturni ad Tarpeii 
montis radices una cum Lege Antonia de Termessibus. Superest 
solum octava ex decem vel duodecim tabulis, adservata hodie 
in museo Borbonico Neapoli. Vide adnotata. 


S. C. DE ASCLEPIADE POLYSTRATO MENISCO 


IN AMICORUM FORMULAM REFERENDIS. 
V.C. 676 = a.c. 78. 


C. 203. P.M. xxx. Bruns, p. 120, cuius ordinem sequor. 
Tabula ahenea reperta Romae Saec. xvi, hodie Neapoli in museo 
Borbonico adservatur. In tabula inscriptio latina ex superiore, 
graeca ex inferiore parte scribitur: latinae solum supersunt frag- 
meníta, graeca paene integra est. 


1 "Emi oórárev Kolvrov Avrar(ov, Kolvrov viot, KárAov xal 
Co(n)s(ulibus) Q(uinto) Lutatio, Q(wnti) f(ilio), Catulo, | et 
Mdpxov AlyiA(ov, Kotvrov vlo?] | Mdpxou vlerot, A[ «Jn ( ov, 
Marco) Aemilio, Q(uints) (1o), M(arci) n(epote), Lepido, 


206 S. C. DE ASCLEPIADE. 


orpargyoU b@ xarà mwÓXw xol éml rüp févwv Acvxlov KoprgA(to[ v 
pr(aetore) urbano et inter peregrinos L(ucio) Cornelio, 
3... vlod] | Seodwa, pyvds Matov. Keivros Avrártos, Kofvrov 
Vito, | Sisenna, mense Maio. Q(uintus) Lutatius, Q(uinti) 
vids, KárAos Üzaros ovykAjre cvveBo6A[ evcev] | apd (7) uep&v 
. f (sius), Catulus co(n)s(ul) senatum | consuluit a(nte) d(iem) 
Evdexa xadavdGy 'lovvíep év xoperiy. Tpadopéve Tapia» 
XI k(alendas) Iun(tas) in comitio.  Scribundo adfuerunt 
5 Aevxwos DaPépws, Acvxlov vids, Lepyta, diols... Aev]|xlov 
Lucius Faberius, Lucii fius, Ser(gia), C(aius)... L(ucii) 
vids, IIozA(A)(a, Kóivros IHIerQAAtos, Tlrov viós, | Zepy(a. 
f (sius), Pop(lilia), Q(uintus) Petillius, T(iti) f(ilius), Ser(gia). 
Tlept àv Kóivros Avrdrios, Kolvrov vids, Kdr[A]os traros 
Quod Q(winius) Lutatius, Q(uinti) f (ius), Catulus co(n)s(ul) 
Aóyovs érovjsaro, Al oxAnmaddyy] | PiAlvov  vlóv KAafopenor, 
verba feci, Aeclepsadem, Philini flium, C lazomenium, 
IloAvorpatov, TloAvdpxov vidv, Kapiorioy Me|v( ]okov, Elpnvaiov, 
Polystratum, Polyarci filium, Carystium, Meniscum Trenaet, 
rép ye[yo]vóra Mevicxov GapynXlov, vióvr MUdf[ otov, vavápxovs] | 
qui fut — Meniscus Thargeli, filium Milestum, navarchos - 
7 dv rois TÀolo,s Tapayeyovérat rod modduov To8 'IraAwo?. e[£]ap- 
in navibus adfuisse bello Italico — coep- 
xopévov, tovrous épyaclay éxavdpov xol mori rois snpoclos 
to, eos . operam = fortem =a fidelem rei 
vp&ypaciw tots Hperép| ots maperxnke] | vai, roírovs éavróv xarà 
publicae mosirae — mavasse, os — 8 ex 
76 Tr[5]s ovyxAnrou 9óypa els tas marp(bas àroAOcat BojAcoat, 
senatus consulto in patriam. dimittere — velle, 
éày ajr[5] $a(vgra, Stws tmtp rüv kaXós menpaypévev in’ 
si ei — videretur, «t pro rebus bene gestis ab 


9 aray xal ddpal|yalOn|udroy «is rà O«uócia apdyyara 


es & meritis in rem publicam 
Ta juérepa KaTadoy) avrép yévgrav wepl rovrov Tot mpayparos 
nostram adlectio eorum fieret de ea re 
otros &bofev. 
ita censuerunt. 


"AcrAnmddny  duAvov — viov Khatfopéno], | IIoAderparov 
Asclepiadem — Philini filium Claromenium, Polyeratum 
TloAvdpxov vióv Kapócrwr, Mevloxov Elpgra(ov vió» Mutjo.op 
Polyarci flium Carystiwm, Meniscum Irenaci fltum Milosium 


1I 


13 


S. C. DE ASCLEPIADE. 207 


roy yeyovóra Mevioxoy Éyw0ey 5¢ GOapynA(ov, ürbpas xaAoUs 
que fut — Meniscus ante Thargeli, viros — bonos 
xal dyabots kal d$([Aovs mpoc] ayopeócav tify o]¥[v] xAnroy 
probosque et amicos adpellari ; senatum 
xal roy djpov róv “Pwyalwy dicrdavBavew thy rovrov épyaclay 
populumque Romanum existimare eorum — operam 
«aA(jv] xol &wa»üpov xai morhy rois Dnuocíots mpéypacip 
bonam ea fortem ea fidelem rei — publicae 
Tois Jjer[€]oo[:s yey]ovévas | de’ 4[v] alrlay ri» ovvxA[n]rov 
nostraé fuisse, quam ob causam = senatum 
kp(vew, Onws obrot réxva Exyovol re avrüv dy rais éavrüv rarplow 
consere, uti — 4$ liberi posterique eorum $n suis patriis 
áAevroópygro: Távrov rGv zpaypárev [x]al àvelojopot dow ef 
vacui omntum munerum et tributorum immunes sint. si 
tives eled[opal] ex ràv | 9rapxóvrov abrüv elsnenpaypévat eloiv 
qua  iributa ex bonis eorum evacta sunt, 
pera 7d rofrovs toy dnpoclwy mpayuáror rà» ferépov xáp[ w] 
posteaquam re publicae nostrae eausa 
ópuíjca,, Srws avrol atrois ámob[o]ÓGcw droxaracrabéow’ 
profecti eunt, ut ea tis reddantur restituantur ; 
eC ré  Twe(s] &ypol olxlas ixdpxovra abrüv wémpavrat pera 76 ex 
eique qui agriaedificia bona — eorum venierunt, postquam 
ris Trerp(bos rüv Snuoolwy mpayuárov ré» jjper|é]pov xápw dp- 
e patria ve publicae nosirae causa pro- 


15 pihoa, Snws radra Trávra avrois els dxdpaoy ámaxaracra|0[j]: ef 


Jecti sunt, ut. ea omnia eis in integrum — restituantur ;.— sique 
Té ris mpoÜeo ua mrape[A]rjAvOev, ad’ ob ex rfjs mrarp(Sos ray dnpo- 
qui dies constitutus — exierit, ex quo e patria rei 
olwy Tpaypárep TOv jperépev xdpw dpynoaly], uy re roro rd 
publicae nostrae causa profecti sunt, nequid — ea 
zpàypa avrois PraBepdy yéryrat | pndé te atrois 8a ravrny 
res es moceat meve quid eis 0b eam 
rij» alría» Ékaccor ó[  ]eQvrras jajbé re EAaccoy avrois ueramopei- 
causam minus — debeatur neve quid minus eis per- 
ev0a: mpáccew éc[5], Soar re xAnpovoulas atrois 1) rois rékvous 
sequi exigere liceat, quaeve hereditates eis ldiberisve 
aitéyv | mapeyévorro, Snws ravras é«eow draxaréxwlo |». kapmei- 
eorwm  obvenerunt, ut eas — habeant possideant fruan- 
eyraí T€ Üca re àv abro) réxva Éxyov| ol yvvaix([s] re avráv 
twrquo; — quaeque | et liberi posteri — wxoresve eorum 


208: 


23 


“J 


25 


S. C. DE ASCLEPIADE. 


map érépov peramopebevra, éáv ré te ma|lp! avrüv rékvwv 
ab altero — persequentur, sive quid ab eis leibereis 
éxyóvop yvvawGp re atrév Érepou peramopevavrat, Ómos rovtwy 
postereis uxoribusve eorum alii persequentur, ut as —— 
téxvoy [éxyóvev] yuvatkdv re avrav éfovcía xai alpects [7], 
liberis posteris usoribusve | eorum ius et potestas sit, 
édy re àv rais ma|rp(owv xara robs lü(ovs vóuovs BovAwvrat xpl- 
sive in patria suis —_ propriis legibus velint iudicio 
veoOar, i) éml trav tyerépwy apxdvray émi 'Ira!ukQv  kperáv, 
certare seive apud magistratus nostros Italicis. iudicibus, 
édy te emt móAeos éAevÓfpas rà» ba réÀovs | dv rH Mq. ro 
seive in civitate libera | aliqua earum, quae semper in amicitia 
bjpov Tod ‘Pwyalwy penernxuidv, ob av mpoatpavrat, Oros exe? 
plopult) R(omant) manserunt, ubei velint utei ibei 
TÓ kp[.]rjpior mept rovrov rÓ» mpaypárev y((vgrav € twa 
iudicium de eis rebus fiat. Sei qua 
xptrnpia | epi abray andvrwy pera ró ex ris marp(bos dpyioa 
iudicia | de eis absentibus postquam e patria profecti 
yeyovóra éotiv, rabra Snws els àxé[p]a«[ov] àmokaracra85 xal 
sunt, | facta sunt, ea ut in. integrum —— restituantur — et 
ef dxepalov xpirjpioy xarà | Td ris cwvkXjrov bóypa yévnras. 
de integro iudicium ex s(enatus) c(onsulto) fiat. 
ef ri[v]a xpápara at médes abràv bnpocí(q Óie(Nwcww, py ri 
Sei quas pecunias civitates eorwm publice debeant ne quid 
els raóra rà xpíara boüva. dpelrAwow: | Apxorres. cjpérepos, 
in eas | pecunias dare — debeant. — Magistratus nostri 
olrwes dy more 'Acíav Eüfoww puo0Gow 7) mpgoddous ’Acla 
queiquomque Asiam  Euboeam locabunt vectigalve Asiae 
EvBolg $[m]riGo[]s, $vAdfervras p te obrot Boivar ó$et- 
Huboeae | imponent, curent, — nequid. ei dare de- 
Accu | (mes re Kóivros [A]urdrios, Mdpxos AluQuos Ümaro:, 
beant. | Utique Q(uintus) Lutatius, M(arcus) Aemilius cos. 
6 repos 7) Guddrepot, é&àv afd [ois $ jalvgra,, roórovs els rd rv 
a(lter) ^ &(mbove) s(ei)  e(is) v(ideretur) eos in ameico- 
$A]ev didraypya ávevex0[5]| va« $porríioeou* rovrois re r(va[xa] 
rum formulam referundos curarent eisque . tabulam 
xaAkoüp dirlas éy rh KameroAlo dvadeivar Ovolay re moijcat 
aheneam amicitiae in — Capitolio — ponere | sacrificiwnque facere 
é£[n], £émá re abtrots xarà ró didralypa Tómov mapoyáv re 
liceret, munusque eis ex formula locum lautiaque 


LEX,ANTONIA DE TERMESSIBUS. 209 


TÓp TauÍap» roy xara méAw Toírow picbGoa àwocr[ei]Aa( re 
q(uaestorem) ^ urb(anum) vis locare mittereque . 
27 xeAeósmou"* édy re mepl rà» Wloy mpaygárev | mpeoBevràs 


fuberent. — Seique de 8uis rebus legatos 
Tpós Thy ovyxAnroy àmocréAAew abro re apay(veo8at« mpoaip- 
9 ad senatum | mittere — legatejve —— veneire vel- 


Gyrat, Ses avrois téxvos éxydvos re abvráv | mpeoBevrais 
lent, uti — eis leibereis postereisque eorum, legatos 
gapay(rea0a4 kal dtroore| A Aew re &&" Gros re Kóivros Avrártos, 
venire mittereque liceret. uteique Q(uintus) Lutatius 
29 Mdpxos AluÜuos Üxarot, ó Erepos 3) dudrepor, | éày abrois pal- 
M (areus) Aemilius cos. alter ambove  |sei  v(ideatur) 
yytat, ypáppara mpds ToU$ Epyovras robs Terépovs, olrwes 
e(is), litteras ad magistratus nostros,. quei 
"Aclay Maxedoviay énapyxelas [d]iaxaréxovory, | xal mpós rois 
Asiam Macedoniam provincias ^ optinent, et ad  ma- 
üpxovras avràv &rocrelectw thy asvk[A]nro» 0c(A]ew kal dlxasoy 
II gistratus eorum mittant senatum velle et | aequom 
31 Tyeo0a. ravra ore ylveOat, | ofrws as àv atrois éx ray dngo- 
censere ea ita fierei— i(ta) u(tei) e(is) e r(e) 
olwy mpaypárev nlareds re tis ibas pa[lvnrat.— Ebo£ev.— | 
p(ublica) f(ideve) s(ua) v(idestur) C(ensuere).— 


*AoxAnmddsov tod} (vov KAaCopnerlo[v]. IloAvarpárov rod 
33 TloAvdpxov | Kapuoriov. Mevicxov ro? Eipyva([ov M]iAnolow. 


LEX ANTONIA DE TERMESSIBUS. 


Circa v. c. 683 = A.c. 71. 


C. 204. P.M.xxxr. Bruns, p. 124. Tabula ahenea Romae 
Saec. xvi. reperta (ad Tarpei radices in Saturni ruinis) hodie 
Neapoli adservata. Prima tantum legis tabula extat, quattuor 
vel quinque desunt. Cf. lapidem eiusdem collegii, infra C. 593. 


I de Termesi(bus) Pisid(is) ma(oribus.— | . . . . . 
C. Antonius, M(arci) f(ilius), Cn. Corne| 
P 


I. 


II. 


210 


I 


5 


IO 


LEX ANTONIA DE TERMESSIBUS. 
C. Fundanius, C. f., tr. pl, de s(enatus) Nententia) plebem 
10ure rogaverunt plebeaque soure scivit in ..... a. d. ..... 
Tribus .... principium fuit: pro Tribu | preimus seit | 


(1) Quei Thermeses maiores Peisidae fuerunt, queique | 
eorum legibus Thermesium maiorum Pisidarum | ante k. 
April, quae fuerunt L. Gellio Cn. Lentulo cos., | Thermeses 
maiores Pisidae factei sunt, queique || ab ieis prognati sunt 
erunt, iei omnes | postereique eorum Thermeses maiores Pei- 
sidae | leiberi amicei socieique populi Romani sunto, | eique 
legibus sueis ita utunto, itaque ieis | omnibus sueis legibus 
Thermensis maioribus || Pisideis utei liceto, quod advorsus 
hane legem | non fiat.— | 

(2) Quei agrei quae loca aedificia publica preivatave | 
Thermensium maiorum Pisidarum intra fineis | eorum sunt 


I5 fueruntve L. Marcio Sex. Iulio cos., || quaeque insulae eorum 


20 


25 


30 


35 


5 


sunt fueruntve ieis | consolibus, quei supra scriptei sunt, 
quodque | earum rerum ieis consulibus iei habuerunt | pos- 
sederunt use? fructeique sunt, quae de ieis rebus | locata non 
sunt, utei antea habeant possideant; quaeque || de ieis rebus 
agreis loceis aedificrers locata. sunt, ac ne | locentur sancitum 
est sanctione, quae facta | est ez lege rogata L. Gellio Cn. 
Lentulo cos. ea& omnia | Thermeses maiores Pisidae habeant 
possideant, | ieisque rebus loceis agreis aedificieis utantur fra- 
antur || ita, utei ante Mitridatis bellum, quod preimum | fuit, 
habueruz possiderunt usei fructeique sunt.— | 

(3) Quae Thermensorum maiorum Pisidarum publica | 
preivatave praeter loca agros aedificia sunt | fueruntve ante 
bellum Mitridatis, quod preimum || factum est, quodque 
earum rerum iei antea | habuerunt possederunt usei fructeive 
sunt, | quod eius ipsei sua voluntate ab se non abalienarunt, | 
ea omnia Termensium maiorum Pisidarum utei sunt | fuerunt, 
ita sunto, itemque ieis ea omnia || habere possidere uutei 
frueique liceto.— | 

(4) Quos Thermenses maiores Pisidae leiberos servosve || 
bello Mitridatis ameiserunt, magistratus prove magistratu, 
quoia de ea re iuris dictio erit, quogve | de ea re in ious aditum 
erit, ita de ea re ious | deicunto iudicia recuperationes danto, 
utei ie || eos reeuperare possint.— | 

(5) Nei quis magistratus prove magistratu legatus neive | 


LEX ANTONIA DE TERMESSIBUR. 211 


quis alius meilites in oppidum Thermesum maiorum | Pisi- 
darum agrumve Thermensium maiorum | Pisidarum hiemandi 
IO eaussa introducito, neive || facito, quo quis eo meilites intro- 
ducat quove ibei | meilites hiement, nisei senatus nominatim, 
utei Thermesum | maiorum Pisidarum in hibernaeula mei- 
lites | deducantur, decreverit; neive quis magistratus | prove 
15 magistratu legatus neive quis alius facito || neive inperato, 
quo quid magis iei dent praebeant | ab ieisve auferatur, 
nisei quod eos ex lege Porcia | dare praebere oportet opor- 
tebit.— | 
(6) Quae leges quodque ious quaeque consuetudo L. Marcio | 
Sex. Iulio cos. inter civeis Romanos et Termenses || maiores 
20 Pisidas fuit, eaedem leges eidemque ious | eademque con- 
suetudo inter ceives Romanos et | Termenses maiores Pisidas 
esto; quodque quibusque | in rebus loceis agreis aedificieis 
oppideis iouris | Termensium maiorum Pisidarum ieis con- 
25 sulibus, | quei supra scriptei sunt, fuit, quod eius praeter | 
loca agros aedificia ipsei sua voluntate ab se non | abalien- 
arunt, idem in eisdem rebus loceis agreis | aedificieis oppideis 
Termensium maiorum Pisidarum | ious esto; et quo minus 
go ea, quae in hoc capite scripta || sunt, ita sint fiant, erus hac 
lege nihilum rogatur.— | 
(7) Quam legem portorieis terrestribus maritumeisque | 
Termenses maiores Phisidae capiundeis intra suos | fineis 
deixserint, ea lex ieis portorieis capiundeis | esto, dum nei 
35 quid portori ab ieis capiatur, quei publica || populi Romani 
vestigalia redempta habebunt; quos | per eorum fineis pub- 
licani ex eo vectigali transportabunt || fructus eorum portorium 
Thermenses maiores Pisidae ne petunto neve capiunto. 


(Desunt. paginae circiter. decem.) 


P 2 


212 


LEX RUBRIA DE CIVITATE GALLIAE 
CISALPINAE. 


Circa v.c. 705 = A.C. 49. 


C. 205. P.M. xxxu. Bruns, p. 72. Tabula ahenea olim parieti 


affixa, inter parietinas Veleiae prope Placentiam a. 1760 reperta, 
Parmae adservatur. Quarta legis tabula sola extat, ex qua unum 
caput ‘de pecunia certa credita’ delegi. Exstant praeter hoc 
capita duo integra, duo mutila. 


IO 


I5 


XXI. A quoquomq(ue) pecunia certa credita, signata forma 
p(ubliea) p(opulei) R(omanei) in eorum quo o(ppido) m(u- 
nicipio) c(olonia) p(raefectura) | f(oro) v(eico) c(onciliabulo) 
c(astello) t(erritorio)ve, quae sunt eruntve in Gallia cisalpeina, 
petetur, quae res non | pluris HS XV erit, sei is eam pecu- 
niam in iure apud eum, quei ibei i(ure) d(eicundo) p(raerit), 
ei quei | eam petet, aut ei quoius nomine ab eo petetur, d(are) 
o(portere) debereve se confessus | erit, neque id quod con- 
fessus erit solvet satisve faciet, aut se sponsione | iudicioque 
utei[ve] oportebit non defendet, seive is ibei d(e) e(a) r(e) in 
iure non | responderit, neque d(e) e(a) r(e) sponsionem faciet 
neque iudicio utei oportebit | se defendet: tum de eo, a quo 
ea pecunia peteita erit, deque eo, quoi eam | pecuniam d(arei) 
o(portebit), s(iremps) res lex ius caussaque o(mnibus) o(mnium) 
r(erum) esto, atque utei esset esseve | oporteret, sei is, quei ita 
confessus erit aut d(e) (ea) r(e) non responderit aut se | spon- 
sione iudicioque utei oportebit non defenderit, eius pecuniae 
iei, | quei eam suo nomine petierit quoive eam d(arei) o(por- 
tebit), ex iudicieis dateis, iudi|eareve recte iusseis, iure lege 
damnatus esset fuisset. Queique quomque | IIvir IIIIvir 
praefec(tus)ve ?bei i(ure) d(eicundo) p(raerit), is eum, quei 
ita quid confessus erit | neque id solvet satisve faciet, eum(ve), 
quei se sponsione iudiciove utei[ve] | oportebit non defenderit 
aut in iure non responderit neque id solvet | satisve faciet, 
t(antae) p(ecuniae) quanta ea pecunia erit de qua tum inter 
eos am|bigetur, dum t(axat) 7$ XV s(ine) f(raude) s(ua) duci 


LEX IULIA MUNICIPALIS. 213 


20 iubeto; queique eorum quem, ad quem | ea res pertinebit, 
duxserit, id ei fraudi poenaeve ne esto; quodque ita fac|tum 
actum iussum erit, id ius ratumque esto. Quo minus in eum, 
quei ita | vadimonium Romam ex decreto eius, quei ibei i(ure) 
d(eicundo) p(raerit) non promeisserit | aut vindicem locu- 
pletem ita non dederit, ob e(am) r(em) iudicium recup(era- 
tionem) is, quei | ibei i(ure) d(eicundo) p(raerit), ex h. 1. det 
iudicareique d(e) e(a) r(e) ibei curet, ex h. l. n(ihil) r(oga- 
tur).— | 


LEX IULIA MUNICIPALIS. 
V.C 709 = A.C. 454 


C. 206. P.M. xxxim, xxxiv. Bruns, p. 76. Ex tribus ta- 
bulis Heracleensibus duae a. 1732 repertae sunt, tertia paulo 
post in lucem prodiit. Ab altera parte Graece inscriptae sunt 
omnes et quidem antiquitus (C. I. Gr. III. 5774, 5775), duae 
tantum latine. Hodie Neapoli adservantur. Excerpta solum 
ex fragmentis huius legis dedi, quae argumentum et rationem 
satis ostendere videantur. 


(6) Queiquomque frumentum populo dab; damdumve cu- 
rabit, nei quo? eorum, quorum nomina h. |. ad cos. pr(ae- 
torem) tr(ibunum) pl(ebis) in ta|bula in albo proposita erunt, 
frumentum dato neve dare iubeto neve sinito. Quei adversus 
ea eorum quoi frumentum | dederit, is in tr(itici) m(odios) I 
HS Iooo populo dare damnas esto, eiusque pecuniae quei 
volet petitio esto.— | 


20 (7) Quae viae in urbem Rom(am), propiusve u(rbem) 
R(omam) p(assus) M, ubei continente habitabitur, sunt erunt, 
quoius ante aedificium earum quae | via erit, is eam viam 
arbitratu eius aed(ilis), quoi ea pars urbis h. l. obvenerit, 
tueatur; isque aed(ilis) eurato, uti, quorum | ante aedificium 
ert, quamque viam h.l. quemque tueri oportebit, ei omnes 





214 


32 


35 


40 


45 


53 


55 


LEX IULIA MUNICIPALIS. 


eam viam arbitratu eius tueantur, neve eo | loco agua con- 
sistat, quo minus conmode populus ea via utatur.— 


(10) Quemquomque ante suum aedificium viam publicam 
h. l tueri oportebit, quei eorum eam viam arbitratu eius 
aed(ilis), | quoius oportuerit, non tuebitur, eam viam aed(ilis), 
quoius arbitratu eam tuerei oportuerit, tuemdam locato ; | 
isque aed(ilis) diebus ne minus X, antequam locet, aput forum 
ante tribunale suom propositum habeto, quam | viam tuen- 
dam et quo die locaturus sit, e^ quorum ante aedificium ea 
via sit; eisque, quorum ante aedificium | ea via erit, pro- 
curatoribusve eorum domum denuntietur facito, se eam viam 
locaturum, et quo die locaturus | sit; eamque locationem 
palam in foro per q(uaestorem) urb(anum), eumve quei aerario 
praerit, facito. Quamta pecunia eam | viam locaverit, tam- 
tae pecuniae eum eosque, quorum ante aedificium ea via erit 
pro portioni, quamtum | quoiusque ante aedifieium viae in 
longitudine et in latitudine erit, q(uaestor) urb(anus), queive 
aerario praerit, in tabulas | publicas pecuniae factae referun- 
dum curato. Ei, quei eam viam tuemdam redemerit, tamtae 
pecuniae eum eos|ve adtribuito sine d(olo) m(alo) Sei is, 
quei adtributus erit, eam pecuniam diebus XXX proxumeis, 
quibus ipse aut pro|curator eius sciet adtributionem factam 
esse, ei, quoi adtributus erit, non solverit neque satis fecerit, 
is | quamtae pecuniae adtributus erit, tamtam pecuniam et 
eius dimidium ei, quoi adtributus erit, dare debeto, | inque 
eam rem is, quoquomque de ea re aditum erit, iudicem iudi- 
ciumve ita dato, utei de pecunia credita | (iudicem) iudiciumve 
dari oporteret.— | 


(13) Quoius ante aedifieium semita in loco erit, is eam 
semitam, eo aedificio perpetuo lapidibus perpetueis | integreis 
continentem, constratam recte habeto arbitratu eius aed(ilis), 
quoius in ea parte h. 1. viarum | procuratio erit.— | 

(14) Quae viae in u(rbem) R(omam) sunt erunt intra ea 
loca, ubi continenti habitabitur, ne quis in ieis vieis post 
k. Ianuar. | primas plostrum interdiu post solem ortum, neve 
ante horam X diei ducito agito, nisi quod aedium | sacrarum 
deorum inmortalium caussa aedificandarum, operisve publice 


60 


65 


83 


85 


LEX IULIA MUNICIPALIS. 215 


faciumdei causa, advehei portalri oportebit, aut quod ex urbe 
exve leis loceis earum rerum, quae publice demoliendae lo- 
cafae erunt, publijce exportarei oportebit, et quarum rerum 
caussa plostra h. |. certeis hominibus certeis de causeis agere | 
ducere licebit.— | 

(15) Quibus diebus virgines Vestales, regem sacrorum, fla- 
mines, plostreis in urbe sacrorum publicorum p(opuli) R(o- 
mani) caussa | vehi oportebit, quaeque plostra triumphi caussa, 
quo die quisque triumpha/it, ducei oportebit, quaeque | plo- 
stra ludorum, quei Romae aut urbei Romae p(ropius) p(assus) 
M publice feient, inve pompam ludeis circiensibus ducei agei 
opus | erit: quo minus earum rerum caussa eisque diebus 
plostra interdiu in urbe dueantur agantur, e(ius) h(ac) l(ege) 
n(ihil) r(ogatur).— | 


(22) Queiquomque in municipieis coloneis praefectureis 
foreis conciliabuleis c(ivium) R(omanorum) IIvir(ei) ITIIvir(ei) 
erunt, aliove | quo nomine mag(istratum) potestatemve su/ra- 
gio eorum, quei quoiusque municip? coloniae praefecturae | fori 
conciliabuli erunt, habebunt: nei quis eorum quem in eo 
municipio colonia praefectura foro concilialbulo (im) senatum 
decuriones conscriptosve legito neve sublegito neve coptato 
neve recitandos curato, | nisi in demortuei damnateive locum 
eiusve, quei confessus erit, se senatorem decurionem con- 
screiptumve | ibei h. l. esse non licere.— | 

(23) Quei minor annos XXX natus est erit, nei quis 
eorum post k. Ianuar. secundas in municipio colonia prae- 


9o feletura IIvir(atum) IIIIvir(atum) neve quem alium mag(i- 


95 


stratum) petito neve capito neve gerito, nisei quei eorum 
stipendia | equo in legione III, aut pedestria in legione VI 
fecerit, quae stipendia in castreis inve provincia maiorem | 
partem sui quoiusque anni fecerit, aut bina semestria, quae 
ei pro singuleis annveis procedere oporteat, | aut ei vocatio 
rei militaris legibus pl(ebei)ve sc(itis) exve foidere erit, quo- 
circa eum inveitum merere non | oporteat. Neve quis, quei 
praeconium dissignationem libitinamve faciet, dum eorum 
quid faciet, in munilcipio colonia praefectura Ilvir(atum) 
IIIIvir(atum) aliumve quem mag(istratum) petito neve capito 
neve genito neve habeto, | neve ibei senator neve decurio neve 


216 


108 


IIO 


115 


120 


125 


LEX IULIA MUNICIPALIS. 


conscriptus esto, neve sententiam dicito. Quei eorum ex eis, 
quei s(upra) s(criptei) s(unt), | adversus ea fecerit, is HS Iooo 
p(opulo) d(are) d(amnas) e(sto) eiusque pecuniae quei volet 
petitio esto.— 


(25) Quae municipia coloniae praefecturae fora conciliabula 
c(ivium) R(omanorum) sunt erunt, nei quis in eorum quo 
municipio | colonia praefectura (oro) conciliabulo i» senatu 
decurionibus conscreipteisque esto, neve quot ibi in eo 
ordine | sentestiam deicere ferre liceto: quei furtei, quod 
ipse fecit fecerit, condemnatus pactusve est erit; | queive 
iudicio fiduciae, pro socio, tutelae, mandatei, iniuriarum deve 
d(olo) m(alo) condemnatus est erit; queive lege | Plaetoria 
ob eamve rem, quod adversus eam legem fecit fecerit, con- 
demnatus est erit; queive depugnandei | caussa auctoratus 
est erit fuit fuerit; queive in iure (ouam copiam abiuravit) 
abiuraverit, bonamve copiam iuravit iuraverit; queive | spon- 
soribus creditoribusve sueis renuntiavit renuntiaverit, se 
soldum solvere non posse, aut cum eis | pactus est erit, se 
soldum solvere non posse; prove quo datum depensum est 
erit ; quoiusve bona ex edicto | eius, que i(ure) d(eicundo) 
praefuit praefuerit,—praeterquam sei quoius quom pupillus 
esset reive publicae caussa abesset | neque d(olo) m(alo) fecit 
fecerit quo magis r(ei)p(ublicae) c(aussa) a(besset), (bona pos- 
sessa proscripiave sunt erunt),—possessa proscriptave sunt 
erunt; queive iudicio publico Romae | condemnatus est erit, 
quocirca eum in Italia esse non liceat, neque in integrum 
resti(/u)tus est emt; queive in eo | municipio colonia prae- 
fectura foro conciliabulo, quoius erit, iudicio publico con- 
demnatus est erit; quemve | k(alumniae) praevaricationis 
caussa accussasse fecisseve quod iudicatum est erit; quoive 
aput exercitum ingnominiae | caussa ordo ademptus est erit ; 
quemve imperator ingnominiae caussa ab exercitu decedere 
iust iuserit ; | queive ob caput c(ivis) R(omanei) referundum 
pecuniam praemium aliudve quid cepit ceperit ; queive cor- 
pore quaestum | fecit fecerit; queive lanistaturam artemve 
ludieram fecit fecerit; queive lenocinium faciet. Quei | 
adversus ea in municipio colonia praefectura foro concili- 
abulo (in senatu) decurionibus conscripteisve fuerit | senten - 


142 


145 


150 


155 


160 


LEX IULIA MUNICIPALIS. 217 


tiamve dixerit, is HS Iooo p(opulo) d(are) d(amnas) esto, 
eiusque pecuniae quei volet petitio esto. | 


(28) Quae municipia coloniae praefecturae c(ivium) R(o- 
manorum) in Italia sunt erunt, quei in eis municipieis 
coloneis | praefectureis maximum mag(istratum) maximamve 
potestatem ibei habebit, tum, cum censor aliusve | quis 
mag(istratus) Romae populi censum aget, is diebus LX 
proxumeis, quibus sciet Romae censum populi | agi, omnium 
municipium colonorum suorum queique eius praefecturae 
erunt, q(uei) e(ives) R(omanei) erunt, censum | agito, eo- 
rumque nomina praenomina, patres aut patronos, tribus, 
cognomina, et quot annos | quisque eorum habet, et rationem 
pecuniae, ex formula census, quae Romae ab eo, qui tum 
censum | populi acturus erit, proposita erit, ad ieis iurateis 
accipito; eaque omnia in tabulas publicas sui | municipi 
referunda curato, eosque libros per legatos, quos maior pars 
decurionum conscriptorum | ad eam rem legarei mittei cen- 
suerint tum, cum ec res consuleretur, ad eos, quei Romae 
eensum agent, | mittito; curatoque, utei, quom amplius 
dies LX reliquei erunt, antequam diem ei, queiquomque 
Romae | censum age/, finem populi censendi faciant, eos 
adean? librosque eius | municipi coloniae praefecturae | edant ; 
isque censor, seive quis alius mag(istratus) censum populi 
aget, diebus V proxumeis, quibus legatei eius | municipi 
coloniae praefecturae adierint, eos libros census, quei ab ieis 
legateis dabuntur, accipito | s(ine) d(olo) m(alo), exque ieis 
libreis, quae ibei scripta erunt, in tabulas publicas referunda 
eurato, easque tabulas | eodem loco, ubei ceterae tabulae 
publieae erunt, in quibus census populi perscriptus erit, 
condendas eurato.— | 

(29) Qui pluribus in municipieis coloneis praefectureis 
domicilium habebit, et is Romae census erit, quo magis | 
in municipio colonia praefectura h. 1. censeatur, e(ius) h. 1. 
n(ihil) r(ogatur).— | 

(30) Quei lege pl(ebei)ve se(ito) permissus est fuit, utei 
leges in municipio fundano municipibusve eius municipi 
daret, | sei quid is post h. l. r(og.) in eo anno proxumo, quo 
h. ]l. populus iuserit, ad eas leges (addiderit. commutaverit 


218 


LEX IULIA MUNICIPALIS. 


conrexerit,) municipts fundanos | item teneto, utei oporteret, 
sei eae res ab eo tum, quom primum leges eis municipibus 
lege pl(ebei)ve sc(ito) dedit, | ad eas leges additae commu- 
tatae conrectae essent ; neve quis intercedito neve quid facito, 
quo minus | ea rata sint, quove minus municipis fundanos 
teneant eisque optemperetur.— | 


219 


Pars SECYNDA. 


TITULI CONSULARES, CERTAEQUE AETATIS 
RELIQUI. 


C. 1503, add. p. 556. P.L. Supp. I. Ara magna Romae 
nuperrime reperta ad S. Laurentii, nunc in Mus, Cap. 


in latere | HE RCOLETI| in latere 
b-I-XXVI| SACROM 
M+ MINVCI:C-F 
| DICTATOR - VOV {IT u.c. 537, &.C. 217. 


C. 530. Hodie non reperitur. 
M+ OFAVDIV8 - M F 
CONSO, eirc. u.c. 543, a. C. arr. 
HINNAD + CEPIT 


C. 531. P.M.r. Basis reperta ad portam Capenam: nune 
Neapoli in Mus. Borb. 
MARTEI 
M+ CLAVDIVS + M- F 
CONSOL - DEDIT circ. u.c. 543, a.C. 211. 


C. 532. P.M. 1rx. "Tessera hospitalis Fundana in pisce aereo : 
extat adhuc. 
COMSCRIPTES - COSE - T* F/ ..... praifecti 
et pRAIFECTVRA - Tota Fundi hospitium 
FECERB - QVOM - TI Claudio ? 
iN - EIVS - FIDEM - OMnes nos tradimus et 
COVENVMIS - COplamus eum patronum 
inter u.c. 532 M-CLAVDIO-M:F- ....... C08 
et 602. 


220 TITULI MUMMIANI. 


C. 533. Prope Thusam in maceriis veteris Halesae (hodie non © 
repertus ?). ITALICEI 
L + CORNELIVM - 8Ciylonem ^ — u.c. 561? 


HONORIS - CAVSSA 


C. 535. P.M. xivm.a. Columna miliaria ad Castel S. Pietro, 
prius in via Aemilia. 
M- AEMILIV8: M-F- MN u.c. 567 = a.C. 187. 
LEPIDVS - COS 
COL + XIIX 


XV 


C. 539. P.M.xLurr. In capite columnae, Lunae repertae. 
M-:CLAVDIVS- M- F- MARCELV8 wc. 599=a.C. 155. 
CONSOL . ITERVM 


TITULI MUMMIANI. 


C. 541. P.M. 114. Inventus in Monte Caelio, 1786, hodie 
extat in Museo Vaticano. Triumphavit Mummius, v.c. 609 = 
A.C. 145. 

L-uvuui-L-F-CoS-DVcT 
AVSPICIO - IMPERIOQVE 
EIVS - ACHAIA- CAPT - CORINTO 
DELETO - ROMAM - REDIEIT 
TRIVMPHANS - OB - HASCE 
RES - BENE - GESTAS - QVOD 
IN + BELLO - VOVERAT 
HANC - AEDEM - ET - SIGNV 


HERCVLIS - VICTORIS 
IMPERATOR-* DEDICAT 


C. 542.  Heate descripsit Pomponius Laetus: hodie non 


extat. 
SANCTE 


DE + DECVMA - VICTOR * TIBEI - LVCIVS - MVMMIVS - DONVM 
MORIBVS - ANTIQVEIS - PRO - VSVRA - HOC - DARE - SESE 
VISVM * ANIMO - SVO * PERFECIT - TVA - PACE - ROGANS - TE 
COGENDEI + DISSOLVENDEI - TV - VT - FACILIA - FAXSEIS 
PERFIOIAS - DECVMAM - VT - FACIAT - VERAE - RATIONIS 
PROQVE- HOC- ATQVE- ALIEIS- DONEIS- DES: DIGNA - MERENTI 


MILIARIA. TERMINI. 221 


C. 550. P.M. 11v.aa. Miliarium Popilianum, prope Hadriam 
ad Padum. 
P+ POPILLIVS-C: PF 
COS u.c. 622 = a.C. 132. 
4XXXI. 


C. 551. P.M.rrs. Miliarium Popilianum, extat in caupona 
Pollae in valle Tegianensi (va d? Diana) in Lucania. 
P.Popilius. C.f. cos. u.c.622 — 8.C. 132. 
VIAM - FECEI - AB - REGIO - AD - CAPVAM - ET 
IN - EA - VIA + PONTEIS - OMNEIS + MILIARIOS 
TABELARIOSQVE - POSEIVEI - HINCE - SVNT 
NOVCERIAM - MEILIA + JI - CAPVAM - XXCIIII 
5 MVBANVM - 4XXIIII - COSENTIAM - CXXIII 
VALENTIAM - CLXXX / + AD + FRETVM + AD 
STATVAM - CCXXXI/ - REGIVM - CCXXXVII 
SVMA - AF - CAPVA - REGIVM - MEILIA - CCO 
ET - EIDEM - PRAETOR : IN  |xxi/ (sic) 
IO SICILIA - PYGITBIVOS + ITALICORVM 
CONQVARSIVRI + REDIDEIQVE 
HOMINES + DCCCCXVII + EIDEMQVE 
PRIMVS - FECEI - VT - DE - AGRO - POPLICO 
ARATORIBVS » CEDERENT - PAASTORES 
15 FORVM - AEDISQVE - POPLICAS - HEIC - FECEI 


C. 554. P.M.rv.caó. Terminus Gracchanus, rep. in agro 
Aeclanensi, extat in aedibus Santolianis pertinet ad ann. 624/5= 
A. C. 130/129. 


In vertice columnae. In columnae latere. 
M-:POLVIVS:M * F * flac 
ÁN C + SEMPRONIVS - TI: F - GRAC 
FRV STE C- PAPERIVS- C+ F - CARB 
ali» II VIRE:A-I-A 
| i.e. a(gris) i(udicandis) a(dsignandis) 
vel a(déribuendis). 


C. 556. P.M.rv.& Extat ibidem: in vertice columnae. 


ESQ i.e. (undue) p(ossessoris) vet(erie). 


222 LEX PARIETI FACIENDO. 


C. 565. P.M. txmn.a. Unus ex titulis magistrorum pagorum 
Campanorum. Capuae olim, hodie Neapoli. v.c.646=4.C.108. 
N-PVMIDIVS:-Q:+:F M* RAECIV8* Q- F 


M*: COTTIVS- M: F N- ARRIVS-M-F 

M- EPPILIVS - M: F L * HEIOLEIVS - P-F 

C * ANTRACIVS* C: F C * TVCCIV8- C: F 

L - SEMPRONIVS : L: F Q°- VIBIVS-M:F 

P * CICEREIVS:C F M-VALERIVS - L * F2M 


HEISCE - MAGISTREIS - VENERVS - IOVIAE - MVRV 
AEDIFICANDVM - COIRAVERVNT - PED » CCUXXK ET 
LOIDOS-:FECERVNT-SER-8VLPICIO:M- AVRELIO-COF (fic) 


LEX PARIETI FACIENDO (Puteolis). 


C. 577. P.M. txvi. Tabula marmorea lata ped. 44, alta p. 2. 
Pertinet ad annum 649 — 4. C.105, sed aetate imperatoria titulus 
incisus videtur. Extat in Mus. Neapolitano. 


I. Ab colonia deducta anno xc, | N. Fufidio N. f. M. 
Pullio duo vir(eis), P. Rutilio Cn. Mallio cos. | operum 
lex II. 

5 Lex parieti faciendo in area, quae est ante | aedem 
Serapi trans viam. Qui redemerit | praedes dato prae- 
diaque subsignato | duumvirum arbitratu. | 

9,10 In area trans viam paries qui est propter | viam, in eo 
pariete medio ostiei lumen | aperito; latum p(edes) vi, 
altum p. vir facito. Ex eo | pariete antas duas ad mare 
vorsum proicito|, longas p. 11, crassas p. t. In super [id] 
limen | robustum long. p. virt, latum p. 1 :-, altum p(edis) 

15 s(emissem) :- | inponito. Insuper id et antas mutulos 
robustos | rr crassos 8: altos p. r, proicito extra pariete | 
in utramq(ue) partem p. 1v. Insuper simas pictas | ferro 
offigito. In super mutulos trabiculas | abiegineas 1 

II.  crassas quoque versus s, inponito || ferroque figito. Inas- 
serato asseribus abiegnieis | sectilibus crasseis quoque 
versus ::; disponito ni plus s.:- | operculaque abiegnea 
inponito. Ex tigno pedario | facito. Antepagmenta 

5 abiegnea lata s :- crassa e, | cumatiumque inponito ferro- 
que plano figito|, portulazque tegito tegularum ordinibus 


LEX PARIETI FACIENDO. 228 


seneis | quoque versus. Tegulas primores omnes in ante|- 
pagmento ferro figito marginemque inponito. | Eiedem 
IO fores clatratas 1 cum postibus aesculineis | facito statuito 
occludito picatoque ita utei ad aedem | Honorus facta 
sunt. Eisdem maceria extrema paries | qui est, eum 
parietem eum margine altum facito, p. x. | Eisdem ostium, 
introitu in area quod nunc est, et | fenestras quae in 
15 pariete propter eam aream sunt | parietem  opstruito ; 
et parieti, qui nunc est propter | viam, marginem per- 
petuom inponito.  Eosq. parietes | marginesque omnes 
quae lita non erunt calce | harenato lita politaque et calce 
uda dealbata recte | facito. Quod opus structile fiet, in 
20 terra calcis | restinctai partem quartam indito. Nive 
maiorem | caementam struito, quam quae caementa arda | 
pendat p(ondo) xv, nive angolariam altiorem :: € facito. || 
III. Loeumque purum pro eo opere reddito. | Eidem sacella 
aras signaque, quae in | campo sunt, quae demonstrata 
5 erunt, | ea omnia tollito deferto componito, | statuitoque 
ubei locus demonstratus | erit duumvirum arbitratu. | 
Hoc opus omne facito arbitratu duovir(um) | et duo- - 
vira/um, qui in consilio esse | solent Puteoleis dum ni 
IO minus viginti | adsient cum ea res consuletur. Quod | 
eorum viginti iurati probaverint, probum | esto; quod 
ieis inprobarint, inprobum esto. | Dies operis: k. No- 
vembr(ibus) primeis. Dies pequn(iae) : | pars dimidia da- 
I5 bitur ubi praedia satis | subsignata erunt; altera pars 
dimidia solvetur | opere effecto probatoque. 
C. Blossius Q. f. | B& co s». Idem praes. 
Q. Fuficius Q. f. | 
Cn. Tetteius Q. f. 
C. Granius C. f. 
Ti. Crassicius. | 


C. 585. Hodie non extat: pertinet ad a. 672/5=4.C. 82/79, 
et in statuae basi olim fuit. 
¢+- CORNELIO-L:F. 
SVLLAE - FECLEICI 
DICTATORI 
LIBERTINI 


224 TITULUS FURFENSIS. 


C. 591. P.M. txrx.c. ‘ Rep. Romae sub Capitolio a. 1845 et 
Caninae iussu affixa in tabulario quod dicitur, eo quo ei olim 
videbatur stetisse loco; antiquo tempore vero collocata fuit non 


in aerario Saturni, sed in aliqua parte aedis Iovis O. M. a Catulo 
refectae.’ 


q lu|raTIVS - Q -F-Q-N- Clatulus cos v.0. 676-694 
de s|EN - SENT - FACIVNDW™ coeravit =a.C. 78-60. 
EIDEMQVE -  pROB|ati . 








C. 592. Ex exemplis duobus antiquis Signorili et Poggii. 
Inventus in fundamentis Capitolii. 
Q . LVTATIVS -Q- F- Q* 4 - CATVLVS - COS U.C. 676—694. 
SVBSTRVCTIONEM + ET + TABVLARIVM = A.C. 78-60. 
DE-8-*8-* FACIVNDVM - COERAVIT 
€iDEMQVE - PROUavil 


C. 593. P.M. txxt.a. Lapis rep. c. 1769 Romae in Monte 
Caelio Palatinum versus: adservatur in Museo Tolosano. Tribuni 
plebis sunt a. 683 = a.C. 71. 


L.V...... trib. pleb. 


E - LEGE - VISELLIA * DE - CONL - SEN|/ 
CN . CORNELI - Q - MARCI - L - HOSTIL|2 
C + ANTONI * C - FVNDANI * C > POPILI 
M - VALEBI * C+ ANTI * Q * CAECILI 

OPVS - CONSTAT - N-> AA OLXXI| . 


C. 599. P.M. txxxvi.a. In lapide prope Mutinam. 
C: ANTONI: M- TVLI-COS u.c. 691 = a.C. 63. 


C. 603. P.M. rxxxn, Orell. 2488. LigaEs azpis Iovis Lrsxn: 
FunrowrE. "Titulus Furfone rep. nunc. Aquilae. "Templum dedi- 
catum, v.C. 696 = A.C. 58. 


L.Aienvs L-f-Q- Baebativs Sex - f: aedem dedicarunt| 
Iovis liberi Furfone a. d. mz idus Quinctileis L. Pisone 
A. Gabinio cos. mense Flusare, | comula teis olleis legibus 
illeis regionibus. Utei extremae undae quae lapide | facta 


3. ‘comula-teis’ lapis * commutateis' conf. Mommsen ; *comulateis = cumulatis,’ 
Jordan ; vide adnotata. 
‘Extrema fundamentaque, Mommsen; ‘utei extremae undeque, Jordan; 
extrema undique,’ Lanzi; ‘ undequaque, Huschke. 


TITULUS FURFENSIS. 225 


hoiusque aedis ergo, utei que adeam aede scalas quelapide- 
5 strauctuendo | columnae stant citra scalas ad aedem versus, sti- 
pites que aedis huius tabula|menta que, utei tangere sarcire 
tegere devehere defigere mandare ferro oeti | promovere referre 
fas que esto. Sei quod ad eam aedem donum datum donatum 
dedicatum | que erit utei liceat oeti venum dare. Ubei venum 
datum erit id profanum esto. Venditio | locatio, aedilis esto, 
quem quom que veicus Furfens. fecerint, quod se sentiunt 
IO eam rem | sine scelere sine piaculo, alis ne potesto. Quae pe- 
qunia recepta erit, ea pequnia emere | conducere locare dare, 
quo id Templum melius honestius seit, liceto. Quae pequnia 
adeas | res data erit, profana esto, quod d(olo) mfalo) non erit 
factum. Quod emptum erit aere aut argento, | ea pequnia, 
quae ad id Templum datum erit, quod emptum erit eis rebus 
eadem | lex esto quasei sei dedicatum sit. Sei quei heic 
I5 sacrum surupuerit aedilis multatio | esto quanti volet, idque 
veieus Furf. mai(or) pars fifeltares, sei apsolvere volent sive 
condemnare | liceto. Sei quei ad huc Templum rem dei- 
vinam fecerit Iovi libero aut Iovis genio, pelleis | coria fanei 
sunto. 
C. 615. P.M. rxxxvric. v.c. 702=,.C. 52, in magna basi 
Auximi, hodie ibi in curia. 
cn - pOMPEIO : CN : fil. 
MAGNO - IMP - COS - TER/ 
paTRONO - PUBLICE. 
C. 620. P.M.rxxxv.c. v.c. 706 aut 708 = a.€. 48 aut 46. 
Boviani. € - 4/10 - CAESARI - IMper 
DICTAT + ITERV# 
pontv¥Icl MAXUMO 
aUg+COS - PATRONO : MVnic 
D.C 


4. ' aedem scalas lapide structas quaeque | columnae, Mommsen ; ‘ lapide structa 
endo, Jordan ; *aedis huius, Mommsen ; ‘ humus’ lapis. 
6. ‘mandare,’ corruptwn ' mundare,' Orelli ; * emendare, Huschke. 
7. ‘liceat fasque esto,’ Mommsen ; ‘ius,’ Jordan. 
9. 'sentiunt' lapis, Jordan ; * sentiat," Mommaen. 
IO. ‘ piaculo vendere locare," Mommsen. 
I3. ‘ad id Templum" /apis, Jordan; ‘ad id emendum,’ Mommsen. 
15. ‘mai(or) pars,’ Giovenazzi ; ‘ fifeltares’ desperatum. 


Q 


226 GLANDES. 


C.626. P.M. uxxxv.p. v.c. 711(?). Romae in Mus. Vatic. 


Divo - 1VL1O - rvesv 
POPVLI - ROMANI 
STATVTYM-EST- LEGE 

RVFRENA 


GLANDES 


C. 642. P.M. vuri Glans Hennensis. v.c. 621 —4.C. 133. 
V*nIS0- PF ) ( cos. 
C. 644-680. P.M.vin. Glandes Asculanae. v.c. 664, 665 = 
A.C. 90, 89.  Pleraeque prope flumen Truentum repertae. 


644. ROMA. 645. rTAL(/a) vel 1rAL (ici). 
646. SER y( a4. 647. FVGITIVI 
VI PERISTIS. 
648. TREPI(date) ? 649. FERI. 
650. FERI )( romp i.e. Pomp(eium)? vel Roma(nos)? 
651. FEW - Pic(entes) ? 652. FIR= Pir(mo missa)? 
654. aA1(lorum).) ( fulmen. 655. L(egio) - GAL 
656. 1 irrar. 657. LEGIO ) ( QvAR 
658. L vi 
voL(onwm). 661. L- xv. 663. LEG. XX. 


C. 681. Glans Mundensis, v.c. 709 = a.C. 45. 
CN - MAG ) ( IMP. 


C. 682—705. Glandes Perusinae. v.c. 713/4 = A.C. 41/40. 
Quibus annis L. Antonius cum Marci uxore Fulvia ab exercitu 
Octaviani obsessus est. Pleraeque sunt Caesarianorum. 

CVLM . . 
682. PET ) ( wtavzo0 pet(e) culum Octavia(ni) vel Octavi. 


685. KANTON: CANTI) ( C+ CAIISARVS 
PERISTI VICTORIA 


TESSERAE GLADIATORIAE, 227 


686. ur) ( fulmen. 689. Q * SAL IM ) ( fulmen alatum. 
692. ESVREIS 697. L:XI 

ET ME DIVOM ) ( fulmen. 

CELA2 IVLIVM 


7OI. L + MNIVS 
PR-L-XII 
L. Maenius X millia (s. c. 
Pr(imipilus) L(egionis) xu — glandium fudit). 


) x: Mia. 


TESSERAE GLADIATORIAE, ETC. 


C. 717-776 6. Add. p. 560 n. 1537.  Ritechl. P.M. mm. 
P. L. E. Supp. I, IV, Huebner, Neue Gladiatorentesseren, Berl. 
1868. 


Tesserae in quatuor lateribus scriptae. 


C. 717. v.c. 669. In Museo Brit. tessera ossea. 


COCERO 
FAFINI 
SP- A* D: III- N: OC 
L -: CIN - CN : PA 


C. add. p. 560. P.M. xcvn. v.c. 678. Tessera aerea. 


DIVNIVS 
HERMETVS 
SPECT K - MAR 
M LEPID Q CAT 


C. 724. v.c. 685. In Museo Parisino, ossea. 


AESCINVS 
AXSI 
Sh-A-D-VII-K-A 
Q - HOR - Q: MET. 
Q 2 


228 TESSERAE GLADIATORIAE. 


C. 736. v.c. 708. ‘Romae apud Fr. Gothofredum,' Rein. 
Gud. PAMPHILVS 
SERVILI - M- $ 
SPE - K - FEB 
C-CAES- M-LEP. 
C. 747. v.c. 747. Liverpoolii in Museo Hertziano. 
SERVILIVS 
CLEMES 
8P K IAN 
TI + CLAV * CN: PISON 


C.755. v.C.759— p. C. 6. 
PRIMVS 
SOCIORVM 
SP - XIV - KAL - DEC 
M+ LEP + L - NON 
C. 776a. Cp. Huebn. l.c. p. 752. Ex MS. Lanthelmi Romieu 
Arelatensis a. 1574, servato hodie Lugd. Bat., p. 88. "Tessera 
Arelatensis ossea. — V. C. 691 = a.C. 63. 
MENSE - FEBR - M+ TVL- C - AIT- COS - AICHIAL - SIRTI+ L+ 8: SPECTAT - MÀ 
lege: Anchial(us) Sirti(us) L(uci) S(ervus) spectat(us) mun(ere) 
mense Febr(uario) M. Tul(io) C. Ant(onio) cos. 
Huebner, p. 762. Ritschl. Rhein. Mus. xxi. p. 469. In Mus. 
Brit. PROTEMYS - FALERI 
SPECTAVIT 
NS 
N(onis) S(extilibus) vel S(eptembribus). 
C. p. 2006. Tessera a Mommseno falsa iudicata. 
PILOMVSVS - PERELI - 
SPECTAVIT. 
tridens 
palma iacens 
Ibid. c. Guasco, Mus. Cap. II. 67. A Mommseno suspecta. 
DIOCLES - VECILI 
SPECTAVIT 
A+D+V-+ K+ FEBE 
quartum latus vacuum. 


TESSERAE VARIAE. 229 


C. II. (Hispan.) 4963, 1. Huebner, l. c. p. 747 sqq. Tessera 
aerea Andalusiaca, in ripa fl. dicti Rio Tinto, inter Niebla et 
Moguer reperta. Pertinet fortasse ad annum 27 p. Chr. M. Licinio 
Crasso et L. Calpurnio Pisone cos. 










Oo Oo 


CELER - ERBVTI - '- LIMICVS - 


— — | 


BOREA * . CANTIBEDONIESI 
MVNERIS - TESERA - DEDIT - 
ANNO -M+LICINIO - COS: 
Oo Oo 
— — J 











Celer Erbuti f(ilius) Limicus Borea(e?) Cantibedonie(n)si mu- 
neris tesera(m) dedit anno M. Licinio cos. 


Eph. Epigr. Y. p. 45, ad C. I. L. vol. II. Hermes, vol. v, 
pP. 371 sqq. "Tessera hospitalis, in lamella aenea longa m. o. 10 
alta vix 0.06, reperta in pago Frechilla dicto in oppido Parades 
de Nava prope Pallantiam Arevacorum. Pertinet ad ann. 752, 


ante Chr. 2. 
III - NON : MART O 


IMP - CAESARE * XIII : COS - ACCES LIC IR 

NI - INTERCATIENSIS - TESSERAM 

O  HOSPITALEM - FECIT . CVM - CI 

5 VITATE + PALANTINA - SIBOI 
ETOFILIS - SVIS - POSTERISQVE O 
ANENI - AMMEDI + PER - MAG 
FLAISICVM + HOSPITIO - AMMI 
O CAENECENI 
10 <1 
' À tergo inter duo foramina, v. 5, 4k’. 

IV Non(as) Mart(ias) | imp(eratore) Caesare xm cos., Acces 
Licir|ni Intercatiensis tesseram | hospitalem fecit cum cilvitate 
Palantina sib[e]i | et filiis suis posterisque]. Aneni Ammedi per 
mag(istratum) Flaisicum hospitio Ammi | Caeneceni . . . . 

C. VII. (Britann.) 1262. Huebner, l. c. p. 766. In vico dicto 
Marketstreet in Caddington parish in com. Bedford reperta: hodie 
latet. "Tessera aerea, tenuis, duobus lateribus scripta. 

ansa TES: DEI: MAR | SEDIARVM ansa 


230 


Pars Terria. 


TITULI RELIQUI, AETATIS MINUS CERTAE 
SECUNDUM ORDINEM GEOGRAPHICUM DISTRIBUTI. 


Roma. 


C. 807. P.M. vir. Ara quadrata ex lap. Alb. Bovillis rep. 
Extat Eomae in hortis Colonnarum Quirinalibus. 

VEDIOVEI - PATREI || VEDi0ve? INLET AARA || LEEGE - ALBANA * DICATA 
GENTEILES - IVLIEI | 


C. 814. ‘In lapide rudi terminali oblongo,'.. trans Tiberim 
reperto: hodie non extat. * Cornisearum Divarum locus erat 
trans "Tiberim cornicibus dicatus, quod in Junonis tutela esse 
putabatur. Fest, Ep. p. 64. 

DEVAS 
CoRNISCAS 
SACRVM 











TABULAE DEVOTIONIS VEL DIRARUM. 


C. 818. P.M. xvi. 30. ‘ Lamina plumbea olim duplicata 
rep. D pedes fere a Roma ad sinistram viae Latinae in vinea 
Manenti inter sepulcra, extat in Mus. Kircheriano,’ M. 


Quomodo mortuos qui istic istic sepultus est. Dite par 
sepultus est neo loqui Rhodi | ne(s) 
nec sermonare potest, seic tibei commendo uti semper 
Rhodine apud M. Licinium odio sit M. Licinio Fausto. 
Faustum mortua sit, nec Item M. Hedium Amphionem. 
loqui nec sermonare possit. | Item C. Popillium Apollonium. 


Ita uti mortuos nec ad deos | Item Vennonia(m) Hermiona(m). 
nec ad homines acceptus est, | Item Sergia(m) Glycinna(m). 
Seic Rhodineaput M.Licinium 

accepta sit et tantum valeat 

quantum ille mortuos quei 


TABULAE DEVOTIONIS VEL DIRARUM. 231 


C. 819. * Lamina plumbea olim in volumen complicata filoque 
ferreo clausa rep. extra p. Latinam in vinea Aquariorum.' 


DANAII:ANCILLA:NOICIA i.e. Danae(n) ancilla(m) no(v)icia(m) 


CAPITONIS - "ANC OBTIAM Capitonis hanc (h)ostiam 
ACCIIPTAM - HABEAS acceptam habeas 

IIT - CONSVMAS - DANAII et consumas Danaene. 
NIL HABES II'TYCHIAM Habes Eutychiam 
SOTERICHI - VXORIIM Soterichi uxorem. 


C. 820. Lamina similis aerea rep. Cumis in sepulcro, nunc 
Neap. in Mus. pub. 
NOMEN - DELATVM 
NAEVIAE - L * L 
SECVNDAE - SEIVE 
EA + ALIO - NOMINI 
EST 


Hermes, IV. p. 282 sq. ed. Mommsen. Tabula devotionis Are- 
tina: lamina plumbea rep. 1869 in fonte medicinali ad Poggio 
Bagnolt prope Aretium. 

Q. Letinium Lupum qui et vocatur Caueadio, qui est 
filius Sallusties Veneries sive Venerioses: hune ego 
aput vostrum || numen demando devoveo desacrificio, 
uli vos aqu*e ferventes sive vos Nimfas sive quo alio 
nomine voltis adpellari, uti vos illum interematis in- 
terficiates intra annum itusm. 


Ultimum verbum dubium est. M. conj. dubitans $(/a) v(ota) 
s(olvam) m(eritis). Gamurini pro tstum habet. Ego itus M(artias) 
v. Matas). ' 

C. II. (Hispan.) 462.  Emeritae, in tab. marmorea. 
Dea Ataecina Turi|brig(ensis) Proserpina | per tuam 
maiestatem | te rogo oro obsecro | uti vindices quot mihi | 
furti factum est; quisquis | mihi imudavit involavit | 
minusve fecit eas res q(uae) i(nfra) s(eriptae) s(unt) 
tunicas viii paenula lintea II ind&num, culius ... 

ignoro, [eum tu pessimo leto adficias ?] 

C. VII. (Britann.) 140. Ad fanum dei Nodentis (Lydney Park, 
Gloucestershire). Lamella stannea (Lyson's Reliq. Brit. Rom. 
2 tab. 32, 9). Litterae possunt esse saeculi post Chr. primi. 


232 OLLAE EX VINEA $8. CAESARII. 


Devo | Nodenti . Silulanus | anilum perdedit; | demediam 
partem | donavit Nodenti. | Inter quibus (sc. furibus) nomen | 
Seniciani: nollis | permittas sanita|tem, donec perferat | usque 
templum No|dentis. 


(‘Ita fere videtur intelligenda : Silvanus divo Nodenti di- 
midiam partem pretii anuli perditi sic donavit, ut ad fures 
detegendos anulumque recuperandum sibi praesto esset. Putat 
inter fures nomen Seniciani esse: ei (deum iam adloquitur) noli 
sanitatem permittere donec anulum perferat ad templum.’— 
‘HUEBNER. | 


OLLAE EX VINEA S. CAESARII. 


C. 822-1005. P.M. xv. Tituli 178 vasculorum sepulchra- 
lium, priori parti saec. vil. V.C. adsignandi. Pauci hodie extant. 
Dies signifieatur quo defuncti ossa lecta sunt. 


831. ALFENOS - LVCI Alfenos Luci(us) 
A*D-XII-C- NOEM. a-d- xir e(al). Noem(bres). © 
832. L: ANAVIS- L- F 842. Q. CAECILIS 
BIDIBVS - SEX A*D- VII - Ipvs No 
844. b *KAI* pI* L. Kaili(us) 


A*D-IILEIDVS DEKEM — a.d. 111 eidus Dekem(bres). 
850. L- CANTVLIVS - MAMERTI 


FECIT. 
868. rELIX-PETIC-SPK FEB Felix Petic(i) s(e)p(ultus?) k. Feb. 
M - CAES - GALIVS M. Caes(onius) Gal[1]us. 
892. LICNIA 916. MVNIAE 
A*D-K-* MARTIAS A D VII K DIICE 

VIII 

942. PROTARCVS:P-K F  Protarcus p(ridie) k(al.) F(eb.) 
PVB pub(lieus). 


952. PAVLLAE - SALVIAE 
970. TVRRANIA - A+ D* VII - EID 
INTERK 1.e. interk(alares). 
981. PORTVNALIA ie. XVI k. Sept. 
MARTA PLOTICA 


233 


TITULI ALII SEPULCRALES ROMANT. 


C. 1006. P.M. Lxrx.p. Romae rep. in Via Appia. Litterae 
saeculi fere septimi vel aetatis Sullanae. Versus Saturnii sunt 
satis commodi, et facile distinguendi. 


HOC - EST - FACTVM - MONVMEN'VM 
MAARCO + CAICILIO 
HOSPES - GRATVM - EST - QVOM - APVD 
MEAS - RESTITISTEI - SEEDES 
BENE - REM - GERAS - ET - VALFAS 
DORMIAS * SINE - QVRA 
Hoc ést factim monuméntum Mafrco Cáicilio. 


Hospés gratum ést quom apüd meas réstitistei seédes. 
Bene rém gerás et váleas dórmiás sine qüra. 


C. 1007., * Romae in eapite pontis S. Bartholomaei sive Iu- 
daeorum:^ hodie non extat. 


HOSPES - QVOD - DEICO - PAVLLVM : EST - ASTA + AC * PELLIGE 
HEIC EST + SEPVLCRVM - HAV: PVLCRVM > PVLCRAI - FEMINAE 
NOMEN * PARENTES - NOMINARVNT - CLAVDIAM 
SVOM * MAREITVM - CORDE + DILEXIT - SOVO 

5 GNATOS - DVOS > CREAVIT - HORVNC + ALTERVM 
IN - TERRA * LINQVIT - ALIVM * SVB - TERRA - LOCAT 
SERMONE + LEPIDO - TVM - AVTEM : INCESSV - COMMODO 
DOMVM - SERVAVIT - LANAM > FECIT - DIXI - ABEI 


C.1008. Epitaphium Protes secundum Hauptium emendatum. 
Extabat olim in insula Tiberina. 
Heic est sepulta Quincti Ranci feilia 
Quincti leiberti, Prote, quoi fatum grave 
crudeles Parcae ac finem vitae statuerunt 
viequom esset bis decem anneis nata, indigniter. 
5 Nam quod concepit leiberum semen duplex 
quom tam patrono pareret, auxsilium et decus 
J'uturum ad cuncta commoda atque incommoda 
inmilis mors eripuit sueis parentibus. 


C.1008. 2. PROT! lapis. 6. PABERET PATRONO. 


234 


C. 1009. P.M. xxx. 


TITULI ALII 


Nunc. tdi summo in luctu ac sollicitudine 


10 prae desiderio gnatae fletus in dies 


edunt sibei esse talem ereptam filiam. 


* Pater mei et genetrix germana oro atque obsecro 


* desinite luctu questu lacrumas fundere : 
‘sel in vita iucunda ac voluptatei fuei 
15 *vobeis viro atque ameiceis noteisque omnibus, 
* nune quoniam fatum se ita tolit animo volo 
*aequo vos ferre concordesque vivere.’ 


Quas ob res hoc monumentum aedificavit pater 
gnatae, sibzque et uxori hanc constituit domum 


20 aeternam ubei omnes pariter aevom degeret. 


ceroniana vel Augusta incipiente. 


EVCHARIS * LICINIAE - L 


DOCTA * ERODITA * OMNES - ARTES - VIRGO - VIXIT - AN - XIII 


Heus oculo errante quei aspicis le’ti domus 
morare gressum et titulum nostrum perlege, 
5 amor parenteis quem dedit natae suae 
ubei se reliquiae conlocarent corporis. 
Heic viridis aetas cum floreret artibus 
erescente et aevo gloriam conscenderet 
properavit ho'ra tristis fatalis mea 
IO et denegavit ultra veitae spiritum. 
Docta erodita paene Musarum manu, 
quae modo nobilium ludos decoravi choro, 
et Graeca in scaena prima populo apparui, 
en hoc in tumulo cinerem nostri corporis 
15 infistae Parcae deposierunt carmine: 
studium patronae cura amor laudes decus 
silent ambusto corpore et leto tacent. 
Reliqui fletum nata genitori meo, 
et antecessi, genita post, leti diem. 
20 Bis hic septeni mecum natales dies 
tenebris tenentur Ditis aeterna domx. 
Rogo ut discedens terram mihi dicas /evem. 


C. 1008. 14,15. IVCYNDA VOBEIS VOL. F. | VIRO ATQVE cet. 
19. SVAE GNATAE SIBEIQVE VXORI. 


Hodie in villa Altieria: aetate Ci- 


SEPULCRALES ROMANI. 
Romae in villa Pelucchi. 


C. 1010. 


PRIMAE 
POMPEIAE 

OSSVA - HEIC 
FORTVNA SPONDET 


235 


MVLTA 


MVLTIS - PRAESTAT - NEMINI VIVE IN DIES 


ET HORAS. NAM 


PROPRIVM EST NIHIL 


BALVIVS ET EROS DANT 


C. 1011. ‘ Effossa ad portam Salariam via vetere Nomentana.’ 


Sirmond. Videtur periisse. 


// AVRELIVS* L*:L 


HERMIA 
LANIVS - DE - COLLE vir 
VIMINALE stans 


5 HAEO-QVAE - ME- FAATO 
PRAECESSIT - CORPORE - CASTO 
CONIVNIS - VNA - MEO 
PRAEDITA - AMANS . ANIMO 
FIDO - FIDA - VIBO - VEIXSIT 
STVDIO . PABILI : QVM 
NVLLA . IN - AVARITIES 
CEBBIT - AB - OFFICIO 


IO 


AVRELIA > L:L 


C. 1049. ' Romae in villa 
Lecce. Hodie non extat. 

P+ CRITONIVS - P - F- POLIO 
MATER * MEA - MIHE 
MONVMENTVM 
COERAVIT - QVE 
ME- DESIDERAT 
VEHEMENTER - ME 
HEICE - SITVM - IN 
MATURE - VALE - SAL 
VE 


AVRELIA > L-L 
PHTLEMATIO 
VIVA - PHILEMATIVM - SVM 
AVRELIA * NOMINITATA 
CASTA - PYDENS - VOLGRI 
NESCIA - FEIDA - VIBO 
VIE « CONLEIBERTVS . FVIT 
EIDEM . QVO - CAREO 
EHEV 
IO REE - FVIT- EE - VERO - PLVS 
SVPERAQVE - PARENS 
SEPTEM - ME - NAATAM 
ANNORVM : GREMIO 
IPSE - RECEPIT - XXXX 
I5 ANNOS : NATA - NECIS - POTI 
ILLE. MEO + OFFICIO § OR 
ADSIDVO-:FLOREBAT.-AD'OMNIS 


mulier 
stans 
viri 5 
dextram 
utraque 


manu 
prehendit 


C. 1051. * Romae in villa 
Pelucchi.’ Hodie non extat. 


VLTVMA 
SVORVM 
CVPE INNIA 
L-F-TERTVLLA 
FVVEIT - QVIVS 
HEIC 
RELLIQVIAE 
SVPREMA 

MANENT 





236 TITULI ROMANI. 


C. 1059. ‘In Museo Sartii quod nuper emit Senatus Ro- 
manus. M. 
C - HOSTIVS - C - L - PAMPHILVS 
MEDICVS - HOC - MONVMENTVM 
EMIT. SIBI-ET- NELPIAE + M-L: HYMNINI 
ET LIBERTEIS + ET- LIBERTABVS: OMNIBVS 
5 POSTEREISQVE - EORVM 
HAEC - EST - DOMVS - AETERNA - HIC - EST 
FVNDVS - HEIS + SVNT - HORTI - HOC 
EST + MONVMENTVM - MEVM 
INFRONTE : P - XIII - INAGRVM - P - XXIIII 


C. 1064. Romae in villa Pelucchi. 
T * LVSCIO - T+ L - PARNACENI 
LVSOIAE - T - L + MONTANAE 
T+ ATTIVS + 0+ L- AVCTVS - COIVGI 
T+ LVSCIVS:0+L+ CORVMBVS-PATR 
ONAE- PRO- MERITEIS- DANT- VBEI 
EORVM - OSSA * QVIESCANT 


C. 1086. Rep. in via Nomentana, extat in Mus. Vat. 
0o. s |O-L-L+SCVRRAE- HOMINI 


piyssVMO + MAXVMAE 
probitatisioOPTVMO + LEIBERTO 
patronus FECIT 


C. 1090. P.M. xc.n. rep. in via Appia 1851. 
L...|VS-L-F- POM - LICINVS 
? poli A - TEIDIA - SEX - F - VXSOR 
0. . (EIVS- L* F- CAPITO - FILINS 
hoc sep|VLOVRUM - HEREDEM - NON 


8e|QVETVR 
C. 1108. In cippo Tiburtino praegrandi, Romae. Sirmond. 
MS. CONLEGEI - SECTO|rum 
SERRABIVM 


C. 1110. P.M. rxir.4, exemplum genuinum; LX1 exemplum 
falsum prius repertum, quod extat Basileae. In epistylio aedi- 
culae in terra Lanuvina. 

Q - CAECILIVS : CN: A+ Q* FLAMINI - LEIBERTVS : IVNONE - SEISPITEI 
MATRI : REGINAE 


TIBUR, PRAENESTE, ALETRIUM. 237 


C. 1113. ‘Parva basis marmorea Tibure in hortis coll. antiqui 
Soc. Jesu a. 1736 reperta.’ 
HERCVLEI 
C+ ANTESTIVS - CN: F 
CENS 
DECVMA - FACTA - ITERVM 
DAT 


C. 1119. Tibure in basilica S. Johannis. 


L: OCTAVIVS- L*- F*: CAM *: VITVLVS 
III * VIR- I: D: ITER 


C. 1143. P.M. toa. Praeneste rep. c. a. 1800. 


Q 


M - SAVFEIVS - M - F - RVTILVS 
C + SAVFEIVS - C - F - FLACVS 
CVLINAM-P- D-8-8- C- EISDEM 
Q - LOCVM - EMERVNT - DN 
L + TONDEIO - L- F - PVBLICVM 
EST - LONGV - P - CXLVIIIS 
LATVM - AP + MVRO - AD 
L - TONDEI - VORSV - P - XVI 


C. 1166. P.M. rr.B. Titulus Aletrinas, ‘in porticu templi 


S. Mariae. 
L-: BETILIENVS- L- F- VAARVB 


HAEC + QVAB - INFERA - SCRIPTA 
SONT - DE - SENATV - SENTENTIA 
FACIENDA -: COIRAVIT - SEMITAS 

5 IN + OPPIDO + OMNIS - PORTICVM - QVA 
INARCEM - EITVR - CAMPVM - VBEI 
LVDVNT - HOROLOGIVM - MACELVM 
BABILICAM * CALECANDAM + SEEDES 
lacVM - BALINEARIVM * LACVM + AD 

IO pORTAM - AQVAM - IN + OPIDVM - ADQVe 
ARDVOM + PEDES - CCCXL - FORNICESQ 
FECIT - FISTVLAS - SOLEDAS - FECIT 
OB - HASCE - RES : CENSOREM - FECERE * BIS 
SENATVS - FILIO - STIPENDIA - MERETA 

15 ESE - IOVSIT - POPVLVSQVE - STATVAM 
DONAVIT - CENSORINO 


238 SORA, PETRINUM, CAPUA. 


C.1175. P.M. nr.4. "Titulus Soranus: basis quadrata in 
hortis ecclesiae S. Restitutae, a Brunnio repertus. 
M-P- VERTVLEIEIS - C- F- 
QVOD - RE - 8VA - D?FEIDENS - ASPERe 
AFLEICTA * PARENS - TIMENS 
HEIC - VOVIT - VOTO - HOC 
SOLVTO - deCVMA - FACTA 
POLOVCTA LEIBEREIS - LVBE” 
TES DONV * DANVNT - 
HERCOLEI - MAXSVME - 
MERETO SEMOL: TE 
IO ORANT > SE - YOTI - CREBRO 
CONDEMNES 
M(arcus) P(ublius) Vertuleieis C. f(ilieis). 
Quod ré suf difeidens ásperé afleicta 
paréns timéns heic vóvit, vóto hóc solüto 
decumá(m) facté(m) poloácta(m) letberefs lubéntes 
donü(m) danánt Hercélei máxsumé méreto. 
Semól te oránt se vóti crébro cóndémnes. 
C. 1199. P.M. xciv... * Apud Petrinum Suessanum,’ Apian. 
* Carinolae in turri camp. eccl. episcopalis, Pellegrino, Brunn. 
L- PAPIVS: L+ F- TER - POLLIO - DVO- VIR: L- PAPIO- L- F FAL: PATRI 
MVLSVM - ET - CRV/STVM - COLONIS - SENVISANIS - ET - CAEDICIANEIS 
OMNIBVS - MVNVS - GLADIATORIVM - CENAM - COLONIS - sENVIsaNIs 
ET - PA'PIEIS - MONVMENTVM - H840o00 - EX + TESTAMENTO 
5 ARBITRA'TV - L - NOVERCINI + L - F. - PVP - POLLIO'NIS 
lege: Ter(etina) sc. tribu, Fal(erna) 
Pup(inia) H.S. duodecim milia. 
C. 1200, 1201. P.M. xxxvi.p,z. In duobus lap. tophaceis 
formae pyramidum inventis prope Capuam, nunc in mus, Neap. 


Or 


IVNONE » pare 
LOVCINA o tUSCOLANA 
TVSCOLANA ~ SACRA 
C. 1202. P.M. rxxx.c. In oppido S. Maria de Capua nel 
tribunale. CN . TARA CIVS CN F 


VIXIT A XX - OSSA + EIV8 - HIC - SITA - SVNT 

EHEV - HEV- TARACEI: VT: ACERBO- ES: DEDITVS-FA'TO- NON: AEVO 
EXSACTO-VITAI-ES-TRADITVS-MOR'TI SED-CVM-TE-DECVIT FLORERE:-AETAE 

IvENTA.:  INTERIEISTI - ET LIQVISTI IN MAERORIBVR.: MA fale 


BENEVENTUM, ETC. 239 


C. 1215. P.M. rrx.». Olim Capuae, nunc in Mus. Neap. 
PRIVATVM 
PRECARIO 
ADEITVR 
C.1220. P.M.rxxix.s. Olim Beneventi, nunc Neapoli apud 
Jesuitas. 
TV - QVI SECVRA - SPATIARVS MENTE VIATOR 
ET - NOSTRI VOLTVS DIRIGIS INFERIEIS - 
SI-QVAERIS QVAE SIM CINIS EN ET. TOSTA FAVILLA 
ANTE OBITVS TRISTEIS HELVIA PRIMA FVI 
5 CONIVGE SVM CADMO FRVCTA SORATEIO 
CONCORDESQVE PARI VÍXIMVS INGENIO 
NVNC DATA SVM DITI LONGVM MANSVRA PER AEWA 
DEDvcTa ET FATALI IGNE ET aQva STy@ia 
C. 1238. P.M. txxm.p. Extat Neap. in Mus. inter sacras. 
Incerta conjectura ad Ischiam revocat Mommsen. 
L:RANTIVS-L-F- TRO: LVMPHIEIS i.e. Tro(mentina) 
puer hedera coronatus 
ARYKIOZ PANTIOX AEYKIOT 
YIO2 NYTM9AIX 
C. 1256. P.M. txxu.c. In agro Volceiano in Lucania, in 
villa Chrysostomi Columnae: aet. Pompei M. 
L + MANNEIVS - Q + MEDIC 
VEIVOS - FECIT: $Y2EI AE 
MENEKPATHZ AHMH 
TPIOT TRAAAIANOZ 
5 eTA31KO3  OINOAOTH31 
ZoN EHTOIHAXEN 
MAXSVMA - SADRIA - 8 - F 
BONA: PROBA: FRVGEI- SALVE 
C. 1290. Bazzani II m. p. ab Aquila in coemeterio. Cf. 
no. 542 et 1175 ad quorum exemplum supplevit M. 
donum d|EDIT- L- AVFIDI- D 
f ..dejcYMA - FACTA 
Hercolt MER- ITERVM 
& $m u l|TE- ORAT- TV - ES 
sanctus|DEVS > QVEI - TOV 
am tePACEM - PETIT 
ADIOVTA 


240 ETRURIA. 


C. 1297. P.M. xurx.¢. Preturi ad sinistram eccl. S. Petri. 


PROTOGENES - CLOVL 
SVAVEI - HEICEI - SITVST 
MIMUS - PLOVEVMA: QVE 
FECIT - POPVLO - SOVEIS 

GAVDIA - NVGES - 


C. 1313. P.M.rix.&. Faleriis in crypta ex saxo vivo. 
L + VECILIO - VO - F - ET 
POLAE - ABELESE 
LECTV - 1 + DATVS 
C- VECILIO - L- F- ET + PLENESE 
5 LECTV-:I* MBIVS - NIHIL 
INVITEIS: L- C- LEVIEIS - L-F 
ET - QVEI - EOS - PARENTARET 
NE - ANTEPONAT 


L. Vecilio Vo(lusi?) f. et Polae Abelese lectu(s) e(st?) datus. 
C. Vecilio L. f. et Plenese lectu(s) e(st?). Amplius nihil inviteis 
L(ucio et) C(aio) Levieis L(uci) f(ilieis), et quei eos (sc. Vecilios) 
parentaret, ne anteponat. 


C. 1346. Arca Clusii in aedibus Paolozzi. 


Vl. Alfni Nuvi C+ ALFIVS-A-F 
Cainal , CAINNIA - NATVS 


C. 1349. Arca rep. Montepulciani 1749. Florentiae in Mus. 


(L)arth Canzna C + CAESIVS - C F - VARIA 
Varnalisla NAT 


C. 1351. Ibidem. 
C: PETRONIVS C- F* 
HARISPEX 
CRISPINIA - NATVS 


C. 1392. P.M. itxxm.¥a,é. Sarcophagus Perusiae rep. in sep. 
Volumniorum. 
in operculo Pup. Velimna Au. Cahatial. 
in sarcophago  P- VOLVMNIVS - A - F - VIOLENS 
CAFATIA + NATVS 


SORTES. 241 


C. 1418. Sassinae in molendino. Integra dum fuit bis de- 
scripta est; fracta etiam nunc superest. 
. . HORAtius . . f + BALBus 
MVNICIPIBVS &uEIS- INCOLEISQ. 
LOCA-SEPVLTVRAE-D-$- P-DAT 
EXTRA + AVCTORATEIS - ET 
5 QVEI- SIBEI - LAQV EO - MANVS 
ATTVLISSENT + ET + QVEI 
QVAESTVM - BPVRCVM 
PROFESSI - ESSENT + SINGVLEIS 
IN-FRON £-P- X: IN- AGRVM-P-X 
IO INTER-PO NTEM-BSAPIS - ET - TITV 
LVM- S VPEBIOREM - QVI - EST- IN 
FINE - FYNDI - FANGONIANI 
IN- QVIB V8- LOCEIS: NEMO: HVMA 
TVS - ERIT - QVI - VOLET - SIBEI 
15 VIVOVS - MONVMENTVM - FACI 
ET - IN - QVIBVS - LOCEIS - HV 
MATI - ERVNT- E] - D - T - QVEI 
H VMATVS - EBIT - POSTEREIS 
QVE - Elvs - MONVMENTVM 
FIERI - LICEBIT 
C. 1434. Cf. add. p. 267. In Tirolo meridionali prope vicum 
Lenzimae apud castrum Nemesino. Recognovit Mommsenus. 
Extat Insbrucki in Ferdinandeo. 
MA+ VMA Maxuma 
AIMINMIA Aimilia 
C:R-A-&4-T C(ivis) R(omana) a(nnorum) Lxx. 


SORTES. 

C. 1438-1454.  Riteehl, Mus. Rh. xiv. pp. 389-418. Ex 
eodice Vaticano n. 5248 (excepto n. 1448). Rep. ut dicitur 
a Bahareno, forsan a Barbarano inter Vicetiam et Patavium in 
eollibus Euganeis, ubi aedes Fortunae fuerat. 

1438. Specimen formae sortium huiusmodi. 


A ——À 
CONRIGI - VIX * TANDEM * QVOD 
CYRVOM + EST + FACTVM + REDE 

L 


i. e. Cónrigi vix tandém quod eárvom est fáctum [c]réde. 
R 








242 SORTES, ETC. 


1439. Crédis quód deicint: non stint ita; né fore stültu. 
1440. De incert6 certá ne fidnt, si sapis cáveas. 

1441. Dé veró fals& ne fiant, iüdice fálso. 

1442. E’st equos pérpulcér; sed tá vehi nón potes istoc. 
1446. Héstis incertis de cérto [fit] nisi cávens. 

*1448. Laétus lubéns petitó, (quod) dabitár: gaudébis sémper. 
1449. Nón sum[us] méndacís, quas díxti: cónsulis stülte. 
1451. Pérmultis prosím: ubei prófui grátia(m) némo. 

1453. Quód fugis, quód iactás, tibei quód datur, spérnere nólei. 
1454. Qür petis póstempás consílium: quód rogas nón est. 


Tituli cum sicilico. 
Hübner, Hermes, 1870, vol. 4, p. 413. Saeculi octavi? 
LVTATIA + Q- MVMIAES * L | rA - vIxiT | ANNOS - XV 
Lutatia Q(uinti Lutatii et) Murhiaes l(iberta). Ia (eta!) vixit 
annos xv. 


C. V. (Gall. Cisalp.) 1361. Hübner, ibid. Aquileiae, aet. lib. r. p. 
SARE ee f 
SABELIO 


C. II. (Hispan.) 172. IVSIVRANDVM ARITINENSIVM. Lamina 
aerea inv. a. 1659 in ruinis veteris Aritii (Ptol. ii. 5, 7) in viculo 
Alvéga iuxta iter Olisipone Emeritam. Hodie non extat. Cf. 
infra pp. 279, 281 sq. 

C. Ummidio Durmio Quadrato | Leg. C. Caesaris Germanici 
5 Imp. | Pro.Praet. | Iusiurandum Aritinensium. || Ex mei animi 
sententia ut ego iis inimicus | ero quos C. Caesari Germanico 
inimicos esse | cognovero, et si quis periculum ei salutiq. 
eius | inferé inéw/eritve armis bello internecivo | terra mariq. 
IO persequi non desinam quo ad || poenas ei persolverit, neque 
liberos meos | eius salute cariores habebo, eosq. qui in | eum 
hostili animo fuerint mihi hostes esse | ducam. | Si sciens fa//o 
fefellerove, tum me | liberosq. meos Iuppiter optimus maxi- 
15 mus ac || Divus. Augustus ceteriq. omnes Di immortales | 
expertem patria incolumitate fortunisque | omnibus faxint. 
4. d. v. idus. Mai. in | Aritinense oppido veteri, Cn. Acer- 
ronio | Proculo C. Petronio Pontio Nigrino cos. (p. C. 37). || 
20 Mag. | Vegeto Tallici.... ibio. . . Arioni. 


243 


APPENDIX. 


INSCRIPTIONES PARIETARIAE POMPEIANAE. 
TITULI PICTI. 


C. IV. (Pomp.) 64. Cp. add. p. 191. Via Theatrorum. 


VRNA AENIA PEREIT - DE - TABERNA 
SBIQVIS. RETTVLERIT DABVNTVR 
H-S-LXV- SEI: FVREM 
DABIT - VNDI//M 
i MVA P. . . 
dabitu[r] d(uplu]m [a] Va[rio? vel dabit unde [rem] servare 
[possimus H8] xx ..... 

P. 67. Via Stabiana. Programmatis usitati specimen. 
cas 
|nmen -V-B:0-¥F | 

Lege: P. Fur(ium) duov(irum) v(irum) b(onum) o(ro) v(os) 

f(aciatis). 

P. 138. Cp. add. p. 193. Via Consolare. Locatio. 

$^ INSVLA ARRIANA 
POLLIANA cN AL/el NiGIDI Mar 
LOCANTVR EX & 1VLÍS PRIMIS TABERNAE 
CVM PERGVLIS SVIS ET CeNACVLA 
5 EQVESTRIA ET DOMVS CONDVCTOR 
CONVENITO PRIMVM cN aLlel 
NIGIDÍ MAI SER 


E 











P. 222. Strada di Mercurio. 
P.PAQVIVM . PROCVLVM - II.VIR. VR; - B. D. R. p 
A+ VETTIVM - coprasiVM - FELICEM: II- VIR. V- B: D-R- P-0) - DIGNI- SVNT-O/ 
Q:MARIVM rufum-M-EPIDIVM-SABINVM-AEDILES-V-A-8-P-P«0. -DIGNI-SVNT 
S.- SIT ..SIVS - DE. ALBATORE - ONESIMO 
R 2 


244 INSCRIPTIONES 


P. Paquium Proculum duovir(um) virum b(onum) d(ignum) 
r(ei) p(ublieae). O(ro) v(os) f(aciatis). 

A. Vettium Caprasium Felicem duovir(um) v. b. d. r. p. o. v. f. 
digni sunt. 

Q. Marium Rufum M. Epidium Sabinum aediles v(otis) A(u- 
gustalibus) s(aeris) p(ublicis) p(rocurandis) ? o. v. f. digni sunt. 

S[cri|bit ve s[erip Jit [Os]sius(?) dealbatore Onesimo. 

P. 768. Cp. add. p. 196. Via Holconii. Programma candidati. 

of 
M-EPIDIVM -SABINVM.D-[-DIC- nen 
DEFENSOREM - COLONIAE - EX - SENTENTIA' - SVEDI - CLEMENTIS - SANCTI * IVDICIS 
CONSENSY - ORDINIS: OBMERITA + EIVS - ET - PROBITATEM - DIGNVM- REIPVBLICAE-FACIA 
SABINVS + DISSIGNATOR - CVM - PLAVSV + FACIT 

Lege: l 1, d(uovirum) i(uri) die(undo) o(ro) v(os) f(aciatis) 
dig(nus) est. 1. 3, extrema faciat(is). 

P. 807. Cp. add. p. 196. Vico del Lupanare. 

HOSPITIVM - HIC - LOCATVR 
TRICLINIVM - CVM -TRIBVS + LECTIS 
ET - COM i.e. et com(moda). 

P. 1136. Cp. add. p. 204. Neapoli in Museo. 

IN . PRAEDIS - IVZJAE - SP. F. FELICIS 
LOCANTVR 


BALNEVM * VENERIVM - ET - NONGENTVM * TABERNAE - PERGVLAE 
CEN ACVLA-EX-IDIBVS.AVG-PRIMIS-IN-IDV8-4VG‘SEXTAS-ANNGS: CONTINVOS. QVINQVE 
S:Q: D':L:E:N-*C* 


P. 1173 (vide addenda p. 204, 222). Loc. inc. In volumine 
picto cum instrumento scriptorio: distichon alterum explicatione 
eget. . 

Quisquis ama(t) valia(t) ; peria(t) qui noscit amare ; 
Bis tanti peria(t) quisquis amare vota(t). 

Felices a[d]ias [perias vel perias sed] [(M]artia [si]ti 
Vili [de] n[o]bi . . . maxima cura . . a[l]e. 


P. 1177. dicta munerum edendorum. 
DEDICATIONE 


oo. RVM-MVNERIS-CN- ALLEI- NIGIDI - MAI 
TD VENATIO. ATHLETAE-SPARSIONES. VELA . ERVN' 


PARIETARIAE POMPEIANAE. 245 


P. 1182. Programma muneris edendi. 
MVNERE ”. /esTI AMPLIATI : DiE - SVMMO 
Subsunt nomina singulorum parium cum figuris. 
Nomina haec sunt, 
I. BEBRYX-IVL-XV-V NOBILIOR-IVL-XIV equites 
2. 2... O-IVL- XVI IV ME (PIVL M © vel1vi-xxi) Samnis an 
[murmillo et Threx 


3. IVL- XXX-V ..8V8-: IVL- XV- M- O Threx et Samnis (an murm.?) 
4. HIPPOLYTVS-F-V-V CE ATVS-IVL:VI secutores 
5. Sine inscr. retiarii 
6. VEPIMV8-IVL-V...P..IVL-XV- M^ Samnis (?) et Threx 
7. IVL-:IV Samnis ? et Threx 
8. Sine inscr. Threx et Samnis? 
Lege, 


1. Bebryx Iul(ianus) xv (pugnarum) v(icit) 
Nobilior Iul(ianus) xiv? 
2. . . Iul. xvi? Iul? m(issus) o? an Iul. xxi? 
4. Hippolytus xv? v(icit). Ce[r]atus Iul. vi. 
6. Nedymus? Iul v. . . p . . Iul. xv. m(issus). 
P. 1186. Cp. add. p. 204. Programma muneris edendi. 
POMPEIS N - POPIDI 
RVFI - FAM - GLAD - pVgN + POMPÉIS - VENÁTIO 
EX + XI] - K - MAI * MALA - eT (?) - VELA - ERVNT 
O PROCVRATOR 
FELICITAS 
GRAPHIO INSCRIPTA. 


P. 1291. Strada di Mercurio: in tabernae conclavi. 
servus militi DA FRIDAM + PVSILLVM 
ministrans miles ait poculum praetendens 
P. 1293. In muro ext. aedium dei Dioscuri. 
CAMPANJ VICTORIA VNA 
CVMNVCERINIS PERISTJS 
P. 1329. NVCIIRINIS | TNFIILICIA. 
P. 1393. Vico del labirinto. Rerum lavandarum schedula. 
K xu-:MAIA8-TVN:PAL — xii K(al) Maias tun(icam) pal(lium). 
NONIS MAIS FAS* Nonis Mais fas(ciam). 
vil - Ipvs - MAS viii idus Ma(ia)s 
TVNICAS + II tunicas ii. 


246 INSCRIPTIONES 


P. 1507. Cp. add. p. 208. P.M. xvrr. Via della Fortuna 
(casa del naviglio). Servatur in Mus. Neap. Servarum pensa 
(pesa) indicantur. 

VITALIS TRAMA PIISV 

FLORENTINA PIISA - III 

AMARYLLIS PIIS V+ TRAMA - IIT + STAMIIN 

IANVARIA SVPTII PIISAIII IIT - STA: PIIS DVAS supte(men) pesa 
5 HIIRACLA-P7I:SVPTIMIIN — [iiietsta(men) pes(a) dua s(emis) 

MARIA P III STAMIIN 

LALAGII PIII STAMIIN 

IANVARIA PII: TRAMA 

FLORIINTINA PIISV TRAMA 
IO DAMALIS TBAMA PIISV 

... RVSA TRAMA PIISV 

BAPTIS + PIISV TRAMA 

DORIS- PIISV STAMIIN 


P. 1520. Cp. add. p. 208. Vico degli scienziati: in atrio 
aedium nunc Neapoli in Museo. Cp. Prop. i. 1, 5 et Ovid, 
Amor. iii. 11, 35. 

CaNDIDA ME DOCVIT NIGRAS 
ODISSE PVELLAS - ODERO - SEPOTERO - St NON INnvI tvs 
AMABO 
SCripsit vENVS: FrsICA- POMPEIANA 


P. 1527. | RVSTICVS EST CORYDOI ep. 1672 CONTICVER 
et 1841 (tn Basilica). Quisquis es amissos hin[c iam ob]liviscere 
Graios. Seribit Narciss. [pu]er. (Verg. Aen. ii. 148). 

P. 1545 add. p. 208. O voBIS NERO POPPEA. 


P. 1595. Pia Nolana: nunc Neap. in Museo. Versus formam 
serpentis exhibent. 


[Ser]pentis lusus si qui sibi forte notavit, 
Sepumius iuvenis quos fac(i)t ingenio, 
Spectator scaenae sive es studiosus e[q]uorum: 
Sic habeas [lancles se[mp]er ubiq[ue pares]. 
P. 1712. Via degli Augustali. In sutoris taberna. 
PR-IDVS IVLIAS - REFEC| 
SCALPRO ANGLATO IIT 
SVBLA + NIIRVIARIA 


Pr. idus Iulias refeci scalpro ang(u)lato et sub(u)la nerviaria. 


PARIETARIAE POMPEIANAE. 247 


In Basilica. 


P. 1852. PYRRHVS + CHÍO - CONLIIGAE - SAL 
MOLESTE + FERO + QVOD AVDIVI 
TII + MORTVOM - ITAQ-— VAL, 


P. 1860.  Emendatius dedi ex MS. patris mei. 
Qvol- SCRIPSI: SEMEL ET LEGIT MEA IVRE PVELLAST 
QVAE PRETIVM - DIXIT NON MEA SED POPVLI - EST 


P. 1864. — SAMIVS | CORNIILIO | SVSPENDRE i.e, suspendere. 
P. 1877. ZETEMA 
MVLIER - FEREBAT FILIVM SIMILEM SVI 
VIC 


NEC MEVS : EST - NEC - MI SIMILAT SED 


VELLEM + ESSET MEVS 
EGO 
ET VOLEBA VT MEVS ESSET 


P. 1880. 

L+ IsTACIDI - AT QVEM + NON CENO * BARBARVS * ILLE - MIHI + EST 

P. 1891. LITTERA THEORIANIS SEMPER DICTVRA SALVTEM; 
NOMINE NVNC DEXTRI TEMPVS IN OMNE MANET 


P. 1893, 1894. Versus sunt Ovidii, Amor. i. 8, 77, &q., Prop. 
V. 5, 47 sq. codd. dantes (ut videtur) et pulset. 
SVEDA * SIT - OBANTI - TVA - IANVA * LAXA + FERENTI 
AVDIAT » EXCLVSI * VERBA * RECEPTVS - GMAN4 
JANITOR * AD - DANTIS - VIGILET - SI - PVLSAT + INANIS 
SVRDVS - IN - OBDVCTAM + BOMNIET - VSQVe SERAM 


P. 1895. Versus sunt Ovidn, A. A. i. arce detorti. 
, » P 
QVID POTE TAN - DVRVM SAXSO AVT- QVID MOLLIVS VNDA 
DVRA TAMEN MOLLI SAXSA CAVANTVR AQVA 


P. 1896. 
VBI- PERNA COCTA- EST - SI CONVIVAE APPONTIVR 
NON GVSTAT PERNAM' LINGIT + OLLAM - AVT - CACCABVM 


P. 1898. QVISQVIS AMAT CALIDIS NON DEBET FONTIBVS VTI 
NAM * NEMO - FLAMMAS - VSTVS + AMARE POTEST 


P. 1926. EPAPHRA - PILICREPVS + NON - EST 
P. 1927. TV : ENIM - ME - DOCES 


(248 INSCRIPTIONES 


P. 1928. 
SCRIBIINTI - MI - DICTAT - AMOR + MOSTRAT QVII - CvPIDO 
. « . PIIBIIAM - SINII - TII: SI + DIIVS - IISSII VIILIM 

P. 1936. Cp. add. p. 213. 

AMIANTHVS - EPAPHRA - TERTIVS - LVDANT - CW HEDYSTO 
IvCVNDVS - NOLANVS - PETAT-NVMERET - CITVS- ET -STACVS- AMIANTHo 
P. 1943. NON-EST'- ex - ALBO IvDEX - PaTRE - aEGYPTIO 
P. 1950. Versus Propertiani iv. 16, 13 sq. codd. ScytAicis et 

ut noceat. 

QVISQVIS AMATOR ERIT SCYTHIAE LICET AMBVLET ORIS 
NEMO ADEO VT FERIAT BARBARVS ESSE VOLET 
P. 1951. SARRA NON BELLE FACIS 
SOLVM ME RELINQVIS 
DEBILIS . . . .. . . 
P. 1982. Cp. add. p. 214. In Foro. Verg. Ecl. viii. 70,codd. U/izi. 
. CARMINIBVS CIRCE SOCIOS MVTAVIT OLYXIS 
P. 1989. Strada delle Scuole, in aedibus d? Apollo e Coronis. 
HEIC - VIINATIO - PVGNABIIT - V - K + SIIPTIIMBRIIS 
IIT - FHLIX - AD + VRSOS - PVGNABIIT 
P. 2005a. Vico del Balcone pensile: in tabernae pariete. 


SATVRNINA 


10 SATVRNALIA 
P. 2013. 


NIYCHIIRATII » V|ANA SVCOVLA | QVII AMAS | FIILICIONII | IIT AD 
PORTA | DIIDVcrIS | ILLvc: | TANTV | IN MIINTII | ABIITO.... 
Niycherate, vana succula, qu(a)e amas Felicione(m) et ad 
porta(m) deduces, illuc (i.e. illud) tantu(m) in mente (h)abeto 
P. 2069. Strada di Olconio. 
Moram si quaeres, sparge miliu(m) et collige. 





P. 2258a. Vico del Lupanare. 
AFRICANVS MORITVR 
SCRIBET - PVER RVSTICVS | 
CONDISCES CVI DOLET PRO AFRICANO 
P.2310£. Cp. add. p. 216 Vico del Panatiere, Verg. Aen. 
iX. 404. 
Tu dea tu prese(ns) nostro succurre labore. 


PARIETARIAE POMPEIANAE, 249 


P. 2331. Strada Stabiana. 
LAB Y RINTHVS 
HIC HABITAT 
MIN OTAVRVS 
labyrinthi 
figura 
P. 2361. Carmina 
Communemne 
Arma virumque cano Tro 
P. 2387. Strada dei Diadumen:. 
T M ramus corona T(hrex) M(urmillo) 
PINNA NIIRONIANVS XVI V © Pinna Neronianus xvi (pugna- 
rum) v(icit) | 
COLVMBVS LIBER Lxxxvi1 P Columbus liber(tus) lxxxviii 
(pugnarum) p(eriit). 
P. 2487, cf. 1904 et 2461. Amphitheatrum. Scriptor sic voluit 
sed non assecutus est, tzansposito £e et paries et omisso ruznis. 
Admiror paries te non cecidisse ruinis, 
qui tot seriptorum taedia sustinens. 


P. 3072. Jn Basilicae muro externo. Principium operis Lucre- 
tiani; AIINITADV[ITI GIINIITRIX. Cp. n. 3118, Aenead et 3139 
Aenedum. 


P. 3135. ‘Suspectae lectionis mihi est’ Zangemeister. 
ROMVLVS IN CAELO. (Enn. Ann. 119, Vahlen.) 


TITVLI VASIS FICTILIBVS INSCRIPTI. 
P. 2551. In amphorae fragmento. c+ POMPONIO - C - ANICIO COS 
(p. C. 16 vel 65?) | zx - rvND- BADIANO | BISF + ID + AVG - BIMVM 


P. 2552. In amphora. Cn. Lentvio masinio Cos (p. Chr. 25) 
| rvND(anum). 
P. 2553. In amphora rubro scriptum Favs(tianum) | Tr. 
CLAVDIO uu | L- vrrELL:0 1 | cos. P. Chr. 47. 


P. 2565. In amphora Covm GmnaN(ianum) | or(ficina) 
ROMAE AIERIO FELICI, i. e. Valerio potius quam ferio. 


250 INSCRIPTIONES PARIETARIAE POMPEIANAE. 


P. 2569. In urceo atramento inscriptum. GAR- cAsT(imoniale). 


P. 2576. In urceo simili. @-+¥F-+ SCOMBR | SCAURI | AB EVTY- 
CHE - SCAVRI, i. e. G(arum) f(actum) scombr(o pisce). 


P. 2583. In amphora. iN-vssvs|c-.oc-.nH,ie.in usus (sc. 
domesticos) C. C(ornelii) H(ermerotis ?). 


P. 2589, ete. LIQVAMEN | OPTIMVM, i. e. garum. 
P. 2597. In amphora parva. LomEn(tum) | Cnps. 
P. 2599. In amphora. 


LVN: VET & i.e. Lun(ense) vet(us) a(nnorum) quat- 
Ll . . 

AIHIR  & tuor r(ubrum). Sequitur pretium ; ad 

X E latus fundi nomen sive dominae fundi, 


M -'VALERI: ABINNERICI et infra negotiatoris. 


P. 2609. In fragmento urcei atramento scriptum 
MVR(ia) + CAST(imoniarum). 


P. 2776. Graphio scriptum in ventre vasis: in Mus. Neap. 
PRESTA * MI - SINCERV : SIC - TEAMET- QvECvSTODIT: ORTV VENVS. 


PART IIL 


SELECTIONS FROM AUTHORS. 


—————E 
— Ee eeanmanammmmmemned 


EX SCRIPTORIBVS ANTIQVIS DELECTA. 


253 


Sectio Prima. 


MONVMENTA ANTIQVA. 
CAP. I. 


ExcERPTA EX LEGIBUS QUAE FERUNTUR REGIIS. 


§ 1. Romuli. 1. 81 NVRV8... plorassit . . . SACRA DIVIS PA- 
RENTVM ESTOD. 

§ 2. Numae 2. VINO ROGVM NE RESPARGITO. 

j. PELLEX ARAM IVNONIS NE TANGITO; SI TANGET, IVNONI 
CRINIBVS DEMISSIS AGNVM FEMINAM CAEDITO. 

.44. SI HOMINEM FVLMEN IOVIS OCCISIT NE SVPRA GENVA TOLLITO. 
b. HOMO SI FVLMINE OCCISVS EST EI IVSTA NVLLA FIERI OPORTET. 

5. CVI SVO AVSPICIO CLASSE PROCINCTA OPIMA SPOLIA CAPI- 
VNTVR DARI AER2$ ccc OPORTEAT ET BOVEM CAEDITO IOVI FERETRIO. 
Cuius auspicio classe procincta SECVNDA SPOLIA capta, IN MARTIS 
ARAM IN CAMPO SOLITAVRILIA, VTRA VOLVERIT, CAEDITO ; QVI CEPIT 
AERIS CC dato. Cuius auspicio classe procincta TERTIA SPOLIA capta 
IANVI QVIBINO AGNUM MAREM CAEDITO, C QUI CEPERIT EX AERE 
DATO. DIS PIACVLVM DATO. 

6. Numa constituit ut pisces, qui squamosi non essent, ni 
pollucerent. Plin. N. H. xxxii. 2, 20, cp. Fest. pollucere, p. 253. 
7. Ex imputata vite libari vina nefas statuit. Plin. xiv. 12. 

8. Sl QVI HOMINEM LIBERVM DOLO SCIENS MORTI DVIT PARICIDAS 
ESTO. 


9. In Numae legibus cautum est, ut si quis imprudens occi- 


I. Fest. plorare, p. 230 M. 3. Plin. H. N. xiv. 12. 3. Fest. pellices, 
p. 222; Gell. N. A. iv. 3. 4 G. b. Fest. occisum, p. 178, cp. Plin. H. N. ii. 54. 
5. Fest. opíma, p. 189, emendavit Hertzberg. 8. Fest. parrici, p. 231. 


254 LEGIS DUODECIM TABULARUM 


disset hominem pro capite occisi agnatis eius in contione offerret 
arietem. Serv. in Verg. Ecl. iv. 43 (e£ natis et cautione MSS.). 

IO. 8I QVISQVAM ALIVTA FAXIT IPSOS IOVI SACER ESTO. 

$8. Tulli Hostilü. 

1r. Rex .. ‘Duumviros,’ inquit, ‘qui Horatio perduellionem 
iudicent secundum legem facio. Lex horrendi carminis erat, 
‘Duumviri perduellionem iudicent: si a duumviris provocarit, 
provoeatione certato: si vincent caput obnubito, infelici arbori 
reste suspendito, verberato vel intra pomoerium vel extra pomoe- 
rum. Liv, i. 26. 

$4. Servi Tulli. 

12. SI PARENTEM PVER VERBERIT AST OLE PLORASSIT PVER DIVIS 
PARENTVM SACER ESTO. 


CAP. II. 


Lecis DuopEcIM TABULARUM RELIQUIAE QUAE 
EXTANT OMNES. _ 


TABULA I. 


1. SI IN IVS VOCAT, ITO. NI IT, ANTESTAMINO: IGITVR EM 
CAPITO. 2. SI CALVITVR PEDEMVE STRVIT, MANVM ENDO IACITO. 
3. SI MORBVS AEVITASVE VITIVM ESCIT, [Qvi IN IVS VOCABIT] 
IVMENTVM DATO: SI NOLET, ARCERAM NE STERNITO. 

4. ADSIDVO VINDEX ADSIDVVS ESTO, PROLETARIO IAM CIVI QVIS 
VOLET VINDEX ESTO. 

5. NEXi mancipique cum P. R. idem FORTI sANATIQue supra 
infraque iua esto. 

6. REM VBI PACVNT ORATO. 7. NI PACVNT, IN COMITIO AVT IN 
FORO ANTE MERIDIEM CAVSSAM COICIVNTO. COM PERORANTO AMBO 
PRAESENTES. 8. POST MERIDIEM PRAESENTI LITEM ADDICITO. 

9. SI AMBO PRAESENTES, SOL OCCASUS SVPREMA TEMPESTAS ESTO. 

IO. VADES . . . SVBVADES. 


10. Fest. aliuta, p. 6. 12. Fest. plorare, p. 230. 

Tas. I. 1. Porphyrio ad Hor. Sat. i. 9, 65; cp. Cic. de Legg. fi. 4, 9 ; Gell. xx. 
I, 25. 2. Fest. pp. 313, 210 M. 3. Gell. xx. 1, 24, 25, op. Varr. Geronto- 
didascalo. 4. Gell. xvi. 10, 5. 5. Fest. p. 321, cf. p. 348, supplevit 
Huschke Iurispr. anteiustin, p. 57. 6-9. Rhet. ad Heren. II. xiii. 20, rem 
- .. Coiciunto, cp. Prisc. p. 894 P; Gell. xvii. 2, 10, ante meridiem... tem- 
pestas esto; cp. Varr. L. L. vii. 51, etc. ; pacunt, Ter. Scaur. de Orthog. (p. 
2353 P.) teste Schoell; pagunt ceteri. 10. Gell. xvi. 10, 8. 


RELIQUIAE'QUAE EXTANT OMNES. 255 


TABULA II. 

I. SACRAMENTI ACTIO. Sacramenti actio generalis erat: de 
quibus enim rebus ut aliter ageretur lege cautum non erat de 
his sacramento agebatur . ... Poena autem sacramenti qut quin- 
genaria erat aut quinquagenaria. Nam de rebus mille aeris 
plurisve quingentis assibus, de minoris vero quinquaginta assibus 
sacramento contendebaíur: nam ita lege XII Tabularum cautum 
erat. Sed si de libertate hominis comíroversia erat, etei pre- 
tiosissimus homo esset, tamen ut L assibus sacramento con- 
tenderefur eadem lege cautum est favoris causa me satisdatione 
onerarentur adsertores. Gaius, Inst. iv. §§ 13, 14 (supplevit 
Savigny). 

2. MORBVS SONTICVS...AVT STATVS DIES CVM HOSTE :—QVID 
HORVM FVIT VITIVM IVDICI ARBITROVE REOVE, EO DIES DIFFENSVS 
ESTO. 

3. CVI TESTIMONIVM DEFVERIT, IS TERTIIS DIEBVS OB PORTVM 
OBVAGVLATVM ITO. 


TABULA III. 


I. AERIS CONFESSI [REBVSQVE IVRE] IVDICATIS XXX DIES IVSTI 
SVNTO. 2. POST DEINDE MANVS INIECTIO ESTO. IN IVS DVCITO. 
3. NI IVDICATYM FACIT, AVT QVIS ENDO EO IN IVEE VINDICIT, 8ECVM 
DVCITO. "VINCITO AVT NERVO AVT COMPEDIBVS. XV PONDO NE 
MINORE (?), AVT SI VOLET MAIORE(?) VINCITO. 4. SI VOLET SVO 
VIVITO. NI 8VO VIVIT, [QVI EVM VINCTVM HABEBIT] LIBRAS FARRIS 
ENDO DIES DATO: 8I VOLET, PLVS DATO. 

5. Erat autem ius interea paciscendi, ae nisi pacti forent 
habebantur in vinculis dies sexaginta. Inter eos dies trinis 
nundinis continuis ad praetorem in comitium producebantur, 
quantaeque pecuniae iudicati essent praedicabatur. Tertiis autem 
nundinis capite poenas dabant aut trans Tiberim peregre venum 
ibant. Gell. xx. 1; 46, 47. 

6. TERTIIS NUNDINIS PARTIS SECANTO. SI PLVS MINVSVE SECV- 
ERVNT SE FRAVDE ESTO. 

7. ADVERSVS HOSTEM AETERNA AVCTORITAS esto. 


TAB. II. 2. Gell. xx. 1, 27, etc., morbus sonticus, Cic. De Off. i. 12, 37, aut... 
hoste. Fest. p. 273 M, in secunda tabula secunda lege, Quid . . . esto; unum, cod., 


vitiwm, Cujac. 3. Fest. pp. 233, 375 M. 
TAB. III. 1-4. Gell. xx. 1, 45, aeris. . . plus dato, id. xv. 13, 11, aeris... 
sunto, Gaius, Inst. iv. 21, manus iniectio. 6. Gell. xx. 1, 48. 7. Cic. 


De Off. i. 12, 37. 


256 LEGIS DUODECIM TABULARUM 


TABULA IV. 


1. ... Cito ablegatus tamquam ex XII Tabulis insignis ad 
deformitatem puer. Cic. de Legg. iii. 8, 19 (ablegatus Auratus, 
Schoell » Jegatus codd. ; al. necatus, letatus, leto datus). 

2. BI PATER FILIVM TER VENVNDAVIT(?) FILIVS A PATRE LIBER 
ESTO. 

3. Illam suam suas res sibi habere iussit, ex XII Tabulas 
claves ademit exegit. Quam porro spectatus civis quam pro- 
batus! euius ex omni vita nihil est honestius quam quod cum 
mima fecit divortium. — Cic. Philip. ii. 28, 69. 

4. Decemviri in decem mensibus gigni hominem non in unde- 
cimo (scripserunt). Gell. iii. 16, 12. 

Ex lege duodecim tabularum ad legitimam hereditatem is qui 
in utero fuit, admittitur, si fuerit editus .... Post decem menses 
mortis natus non admittetur ad legitimam hereditatem. Ulpian, 
ad Sabin. Dig. xxxviii. 16, 3, § 9 et 11. 


TABULA V. 


I. Veteres enim voluerunt feminas etiamsi perfectae aetatis 
sint, propter animi levitatem in tutela esse .. .loquimur autem 
exceptis virginibus Vestalibus, quas etiam veteres in honorem 
sacerdotii liberas esse voluerunt: itaque etiam lege XII 'Tabu- 
larum cautum est, Gaius, Inst. i. §§ 144, 145, cf. § 157. 

2. Mulieris quae in agnatorum tutela erat res’mancipi usucapi 
non poterant praeterquam si ab ipsa tutore auctore traditae 
essent: idque ita lege XII Tabularum cauzum erat. Gaius, Inst. 
ii. $ 47. 

3. VII LEGASSIT SVPER PECVNIA TYTELAVE SVAE REI, ITA IVS 
ESTO, 

4. SI INTESTATO MORITVR, CVI 8VV8 HERES NEC ESCIT, ADGNATVS 
PROXIMVS FAMILIAM HABETO. 5. SI ADGNATVS NEC ESCIT, GENTILES 
FAMILIAM HABENTO, 

6. Quibus testamento quidem tutor datus non sit iis ex lege 


Tas. IV. 2. Ulpian, fr. t. x. 1, Gaius, Inst. i. 132, cp. Dion. Hal. ii. 27, etc. 

TAB. V. 3. Ulp. fr. xi. 14; Gaius, Inst. ii. 224, Iustin. ii. 22. etc., omissis super 
pecunia tutelave ; cp. Cic. de Inv. ii. 50, 148, Paterfamilias uti, etc. 4. Ulp. 
fr. xxvi. 1 ; de Inv. ii. 50, 148. 5. Ulp. in Coll. Mos. et R. xvi. 4. 2; cp. Gai. 
iii. 17; nescit, codd. ; nec escit, Cujac. 


RELIQUIAE QUAE EXTANT OMNES. 257 


XII agnati sunt tutores qui vocantur legitimi. Gaius, Inst. i. 
$ 155. 

74. SI FVRIOSVS ESCIT, ADGNATVM GENTILIVMQVE IN EO PECV- 
NIAQVE EIVS POTESTAS ESTO, .... AST EI CVSTOS NEC ESCIT.... 
c. Lege XII Tab. prodigo interdicitur bonorum suorunr adminis- 
tratiq. Ulp. in Dig. xxvii. 10, r. Lex XII Tab. furiosum 
itemque prodigum, eui bonis interdictum est, in curatione iubet 
esse agnatorum. Ulp. fr. xii. 2. 

8. Civis Romani liberti hereditatem lex XII Tab. patrono de- 
fert, si intestato sine suo herede libertus decesserit. Ulp. fr. 
XXX. I. 

... EX EA FAMILIA IN EAM FAMILIAM . .. 

9. Ea quae in nominibus sunt non recipiunt divisionem cum 
ipso iure in portiones hereditarias ex lege duodecim tabularum 
divisa sunt. Imp. Gordianus. Cod. Iustin. iii. 56, 6. 

Ex lege XII Tab. aes alienum hereditarium pro portionibus 
quaesitis singulis ipso iure divisum (est). Cod. ii. 3, 26. 

IO. Haeo actio (FAMILIAB ERCISCYNDAE) proficiscitur e lege 
XII Tab.: namque coheredibus volentibus a communione dis- 
cedere necessarium videbatur aliquam actionem constitui qua 
Inter eos res hereditariae distribuerentur. Gaius, in Dig. x. 2, 1. 


TABULA VI. 


I. CVM NEXVM FACIET MANCIPIVMQVE VII LINGVA NVNCVPASSIT 
ITA IVS ESTO. 

Et mancipationem et in iure cessionem lex XII Tab. con- 
firmat. Fr. Vat. 50 (cod. confirmant). 

2. Cum ex duodecim Tabulis satis esset ea praestari quae 
essent lingua nuncupata, quae qui infitiatus esset dupli 
poenam subiret, a iuris consultis etiam reticentiae poena est 
constituta. Cie. de Off. iti. 16, 65. 

3. Quoniam usus auctoritas fundi biennium est, sit 
etiam aedium : at in lege aedes non appellantur et sunt cete- 
rarum rerum omnium, quarum annuus est usus, Cic. Top. 
iv. 23. 





ya. Cic. de Inv. ii. 50, 148, Rhet. ad Heren. i. 13, 23. 5. Fest. p. 16a M. 
8. Ulp. in Dig. 1. 16, 195, § 1. 
TAB. VI. 1. Fest. p. 173 M, cp. Cic. de Or. i. 57, 245. 


8 


258 LEGIS DUODECIM TABULARUM 


4. Usu in manum conveniebat, quae anno continuo nupta 
perseveraba/; quacenim velut annua possessione usu capiebatur, 
in familiam viri transibat filiaeque locum optinebat. Itaque 
lege XII Tab. cautum erat, siqua nollet eo modo in manum 
mariti convenire, ut quotannis trinoctio abesset afque tla wsum 
cuiusque anni interrumperet. Gaius, Inst. i. 111, cf. Gell. iii. 
2, 13. 

5. SI [QVI] IN IVRE MANVM CONSERVNT. 

6. Postulant ut rem integram in patris adventum differat 
(sc. Appius Claudius) lege ab ipso lata vindicias det secun- 
dum libertatem. Liv. i. 44, 12. 

. 7. TIGNVM IVNCTVM AEDIBVS VINEAEVE E CONCAPI NE SOLVITO. 

8. QVANDOQVE SARPTA DONEC DEMPTA ERVNT. 

9. Lex XII Tab. neque solvere permittet tignum furtivum 
aedibus vel vineis iunctum neque vindicare; quod providenter 
lex effecit, ne vel aedificia sub hoe praetextu diruantur vel 
vinearum cultura turbetur: sed in eum qui convietus est 
iunxisse in düplum dat actionem. Ulp. in Dig. xlvii. 5, 1. 


TABULA VII. 


I. XII Tabularum interpretes ambitum parietis circuitum 
esse describunt. Varro, L. L. v. 32. 

Duo pedes et semis sestertius pes vocatur. Volusius Mae- 
cianus, de assis distrib. 46. 

2. Sciendum est in actione finium regundorum illud obser- 
vandum esse quod ad exemplum quodammodo eius legis scriptum 
est quam Athenis Solonem dicitur tulisse. Nam illic ita est: 
éáv tis aluaciav map’ àAXorpio xwpíq ópóyy (1. dpórry), tov Ópov ui) 
mapaBalvew* éà» (be) retxloy móba &moXe(meur éàrv Se olxnpa bio 
TÓbas éàv 0? rá$povr 1j Bó0pov ópórrg, Scov TO [3áÜos 7 TocoUrov 
áToAe(neu" day 32 dpéap ópyvár: édatay 0? kal avkij» évvéa médas 
àrà tod àAAorplov purevew, rà 52 GAAa dévdpa mévre nddas. Gaius 
ad XII, in Dig. x. 1, 13. 

3. (1) HORTVS ...HEREDIVM. (2) TVGVRIVM. 

4. Usus capionem XII Tabulae intra quinque pedes esse nolu- 
erunt. Cic, de Legg. i. 21, 55. 


5. Gell. xx. 10; 7,8. 7. Fest. p. 364. M. — 8. Id. p. 348 M. 
TAB. VII. 3. (1) Plin. H. N. xix. 19, 50; (2) Festus, p. 355 M. 


RELIQUIAE QUAE EXTANT OMNES. 259 


5. SI IVRGANT inquit (lex)... iurgare igitur lex putat inter 
ge vicinos non litigare. Cic. de Rep. 4, 8. Ex XII tres arbitri 
fines regemus. Id. de Legg. 1. 21, 55. 

6. Viae latitudo ex lege XII Tab. in porrectum octo pedes 
habet, in anfractum, id est ubi flexum est, sedecim. Gaius, in 
Dig. viii. 3, 8 (de servitutibus praediorum rusticorum). 

7. VIAS MVNIVNTO. NI SAM DELAPIDASSINT, QVA VOLET IVMENTA 
AGITO. 

84a. SI AQVA PLVVIA NOCET, id est ‘si nocere poterit, Pompon. 
in Dig. xl. 7, 21. ‘Aqua pluvia nocens' . . . iubetur ab arbitro 
coerceri. Cic. Top. 9, 39. 4. Si per publicum locum rivus aquae 
ductus privato nocebit erit actio privato ex lege XII Tab. ut 
noxa domino sarciatur, Paulus(?) in Dig. xliu. 8, 5 (sarciatur 
Mommsen pro caveatur). 

ga. Quod ait praetor et lex XII Tab. efficere voluit, ut xv pedes 
altius rami arboris cireumeidantur, et hoc idvirco effectum est, 
ne umbra arboris vicino praedio noceret. Ulp. in Dig. xliii. 27, 
I, § 8. 6, Si arbor ex vicini fundo vento inclinata in tuum 
fundum sit, ex lege XII Tab. de adimenda ea... agere potes. 
Pomp. in Dig. xliii. 27, 2. 

IO. Cautum est praeterea lege XII Tab. ut glandem in alienum 
fundum procidentem liceret colligere. Plin. N. H. xvi. 5, 15. 

11. Venditae vero res et traditae non aliter emptori acqui- 
runtur quam si is venditori pretium solverit, vel alio modo satis- 
fecerit veluti expromissore aut pignore dato. Quod cavetur 
quidem etiam lege XII Tab., tamen recte dicitur et iure gentium, 
id est iure naturali id effici. Iustin. Inst. ii. 1, 41. 

12. Sub hae conditione liber esse iussus si ccio0 heredi 
dederit etsi ab herede abalienatus sit, emptori dando pecu- 
niam ad libertatem perveniet: idque lex XII Tab. iubet. Ulp. 
fr. i1. 4. 


TABULA VIII. 


1. Nostrae contra XII Tab. cum perpaucas res capite sanxis- 
sent, in his hane quoque sanciendum putaverunt: si quis occen- 
tavisset sive carmen condidisset, quod infamiam faceret 


7. Fest. p. 371 M, emendavit Mommsen, Festus, p. 85, muniunt onisandé 
lapidas, Vat. Leid. munionto omsamds lapidas . . . sunt Victorianus, muntunto 
dionisam lapides sunt Ursinianus, alii aliter correxerunt. 


S2 


260 LEGIS DUODECIM TABULARUM 


flagitiumve alteri. Cic. de Rep. iv. 12. Cautum est ut 
fustibus feriretur qui publice invehebatur. Cornutus ad Pers. 
i. 123. 

a. QVI MALVM CARMEN INCANTASSIT. 6, OCCENTASSIT. 

2. SI MEMBRVM RVPSIT NI CVM EO PACIT TALIO ESTO. 3. MANV 
FVSTIVE SI OS FREGIT LIBERO CCC, [57] SERVO, CL POENAM SVBITO 
[SESTERTIORVM]. 4. SI INIVRIAM [ALTERI] FAXSIT, VIGINTI QVIN- 
QVE POENAE SVNTO. 

5. Si quadrupes pauperiem fecisse dicetur, actio ex lege 
XII Tab. descendit: quae lex voluit aut dari id quod nocuit, id 
est id animal quod noxiam commisit, aut aestimationem noxiae 
offern. Ulp. in Dig. ix. 1, 1, cf. Iustin. iv. 9. 

6. ‘De pastu pecoris. Ulp. in Dig. xix. 5, 14, $ 3. 

7G. QVI FRVGES EXCANTASSIT. 6. ‘neve alienam segetem pel- 
lexeris.' 

8. Frugem quidem aratro quaesitam furtim noctu pavisse ac 
secuisse puberi XII Tabulas capital erat, suspensumque Cereri 
necari iubebant, gravius quam in homicidio convictum : impubem 
praetoris arbitratu verberari noxiamve duplionemve decerni 
(legendum videtur duplione decidi). Plin. N. H. xviii. 3, 12. 

9. Qui aedes acervumve frumenti iuxta domum positum 
combusserit, vinetus verberatus igni necari iubetur, si modo 
sciens prudensque id commiserit; si vero casu, id est negle- 
gentia, aut noxiam sarcire jubetur, aut si minus idoneus sit 
levius castigatur. Appellatione autem aedium omnes species aedi- 
fieii continentur. Gaius, ad XII in Dig. xlvii. 9, 9. 

10. Cautum est XII Tab. ut qui iniuria cecidisset alienas 
(arbores) lueret in singulas aeris xxv. Plin. N. H. xvii. 1, 7, 
cf. Gaium, iv. $ 11, ‘de arboribus succisis.’ 

II. SI NOX FVRTVM FAXSIT, SI IM OCCISIT, IVRE CAESVS ESTO. 

12. Furem, hoc est praedonem et latronem, luce occidi vetant 
XII Tab....N18I SE TELO DEFENDIT inquit... NON OCCIDES. Quod 
si repugnat, ENDO PLORATO, hoc est conclamato, ut aliqui audiant 
et conveniant. Cic. pro Tullio, fr. v. 50, cf. Fest. p. 309, etc. 


Tas. VIII. 1a. Plin. N. H. xxviii. a, 17. b. Fest. p. 181 M. 3. Fest. 
p- 363 M, Gell. xx. 1, 4. 3, 4. Paulus in Collat. M. et R. ii. 5, 5, cp. Gaium, 
iii. 223; locum corruptissimum emendaverunt Lachmann, alii. 7 a. Plin. N. H. 
xxviii.2, Io. b. Serv. in Verg. Eclog. viii. 99. II. Macrob. Sat. i. 4, 19; 
cp. Gell. viii. r. 


RELIQUIAE QUAE EXTANT OMNES. 261 


13. Ex ceteris autem manifestis furibus liberos verberari addi- 
eique iusserunt ei cui furtum faetum esset, si modo id luci 
fecissent neque se telo defendissen$; servos item furti manifesti 
prensos verberibus adfici et e saxo praecipitari: sed pueros 
impuberes praetoris arbitratu verberari voluerunt noxiamque 
ab his factam sarciri. Gell. xi. 18, 8. 

I4. LANCE ET LICIO. 

. Ea quoque furta quae per lancem lieiumque concepta essent, 
provide ac si manifesta forent, vindicaverunt. Gell. xi. 18, 9. 

I5. Concepti et oblati (furti) poena ex lege XII Tab. tripli est 
eaque similiter a praetore servatur. Gaius, iii. $ 191. 

16, SI ADORAT FVRTO QVOD NEC MANIFESTVM ERIT duplione 
damnum decidito. . 

17. Furtivam (rem) lex XII Tab. usu capi prohibet. Gaius, 
ii. $ 45. 

18 a. Nam primo XII Tabulis sanctum ne quis unciario fenore 
amplius exerceret. Tac. Ann. 6, 16. 6, Maiores enim nostri 
sic habuerunt et ita in legibus posiverunt furem dupli condemnari 
feneratorem quadrupli. Cato, de R. R. proem. 

I9. Ex causa depositi lege XII Tab. in duplum actio datur. 
Paulus, Sent. ii. 12, 11, Coll. x. 7, 11. 

20. Si ipsi tutores rem pupilli furati sunt, videamus an ea 
-actione quae proponitur ex lege XII Tab. adversus tutores in 
duplum, singuli in solidum teneantur. "Tryphon. in Dig. xxvi. 
7, 55, § 1, ep. Cie. De Off. iii. 15, 61, Ulp. in Dig. xxvi. 10, 1, 
$2. Sciendum est suspecti (tutoris) crimen ex lege XII Tab. 
descendere. 

21. PATRONVS 8I CLIENTI FRAVDEM FECERIT, SACER ESTO. 

2%, QVI SE SIERIT TESTARIER LIBRIPENSVE FVERIT, NI TESTI- 
MONIVM FATIATVR, INPROBVS INTESTABILISQVE ESTO. 

23. Ex XII Tabulis de testimoniis falsis poena . . . qui falsum 
testimonium dixisse convictus esset, e saxo Tarpeio deiceretur ... 
Gell. xx. 1, 53. 

24. SI TELVM MANV FVGIT MAGIS QVAM IECIT. 

Iacere telum voluntatis est, ferire quem nolueris fortunae. 


I4. Fest. Ep. p. 177 M, Gell. xvi. 10, 8. 16. Fest. p. 162 M; cp. p. 19, cp. 
Gaium, iii, 190. 21. Serv. ad Aen. vi. 609; cp. Gell. xx. 1, 40, Plutarch. 
Rom. 13. 32. Gell. xv. 13, 11, vii. 7, 2. 24. Cic. pro Tullio, 


v. 5I. 


262 LEGIS DUODECIM TABULARUM 


Ex quo aries subicitur ille in vestris actionibus, si telum 
manu fugit magis quam iecit. Cip. Top. 17, 64. 

25. Qui venenum dicit, adicere debet utrum malum an 
bonum; nam et medicamenta venena sunt. Gaius ad XII, in 
Dig. 1. 16, 236. 

26. Primum XII Tabulis cautum esse cognoscimus ne quis 
in urbe coetus nocturnos agitaret. Porcius Latro, Declam. 
in Catil. 19. 

27. Sodales sunt qui eiusdem collegii sunt quam 
Graeci éraiplay vocant. His autem potestatem facit lex pac- 
tionem quam velint sibi ferre, dum ne quid ex publica 
lege corrumpant, Sed haec lex videtur ex lege Solonis trans- 
lata esse., Gaius ad XII, in Dig. xlvii. 22, 4. 


TABULA IX. 


I, 2. Tum leges praeclarissimae de XII Tabulis tralatae duae, 
quarum altera privilegia tollit altera de eapite civis 
rogari nisi maximo comitiatu vetat. Et nondum notis 
geditiosis tribunis pl., ne cogitatis quidem, admirandum tantum 
maioris in posterum providisse: in privatos homines leges 
ferri noluerunt, id est enim privilegium. . . . Ferri de sin- 
gulis nisi centuriatis comitiis noluerunt. Cic. de Legg. 
lli. I9, 44. 

- *Privilegia ne inroganto. De capite civis nisi per maximum 
comitiatum ollosque quos censores in partibus populi locassint ne 
ferunto. Ib. 4, 11. 

3. Dure autem scriptum esse in istis legibus quid existimari 
potest? nisi duram esse legem putas quae iudicem arbitrumve 
iure datum, qui ob rem dicendam pecuniam accepisse 
convictus est, capite poenitur. Gell. xx. 1, 7. 

4. (viii. 25, 2 Schoell) Et quia ut diximus de capite civis 
Romani iniussu populi non erat lege permissum consulibus ius 
dicere: propterea quaestores constituebantur a populo, qui capi- 
talibus rebus praeessent; hi appellabantur quaestores parri- 
cidii quorum etiam meminit lex XII Tabularum. Pompon. in 
Dig. i. 2, 2, $ 23. 

5. Lex XII Tab. iubet eum qui hostem concitaverit quive 
civem hosti tradiderit, capite puniri. Marcianus, in Dig. xlviii. 
4; 3- 


RELIQUIAE QUAE EXTANT OMNES. 263 


6. (viii. 25, 1 Schoell.) Interfici enim indemnatum quemcunque 
hominem etiam XII Tabularum decreta vetuerunt. Salvianus: 
Massil. de Gubernatione Dei, viii. 5. 


TABULA X. 


I. HOMINEM MORTVVM IN VRBE NE SEPELITO NEVE VRITO. 

2. Iam cetera in XII minuendi sumtus sunt lamentationisque 
funebris, translata de Solonis fere legibus. Hoc PLvs inquit NE 
FACITO. ROGVM ASCEA NE POLITO. 3. Nostis quae secuntur; dis- 
cebamus enim pueri XII, ut carmen necessarium, quas iam nemo 
discit. Extenuato igitur sumtu tribus reciniis (relictis) et 
uno claro purpurae et decem tibicinibus, tollit. etiam 
lamentationem. 4. MVLIERES GENAS NE RADVNTO, NEVE LESSVM 
FVNERIS ERGO HABENTO. 5. Cetera item funebria quibus luctus 
augetur XII sustulerunt. HOMINI inquit MORTVO NE O88A LEGITO 
QVO POST FVNVs FACIAT. Excipit bellicam peregrinamque mortem. 
6. Haec praeterea sunt in legibus: servilis unctura tollitur 
omnisque circumpotatio..... Ne sumtuosa respersio, ne 
longae coronae nec acerrae praetereantur ( praeferantur, 
Manut. nec s. r. nec [. c. nec a. praetereuntur, Bakius). (Murrata 
potio...ne mortuo indatur. Fest. p. 158 M]. 7. Coronam 
virtute partam et ei qui peperisset et eius parenti sine fraude 
esse lex impositam iubet. [QVI CORONAM PARIT IPSE PECVNIAVE 
EIVS VIRTVTISQVE ERGO, ARDVITVR EI. Plin. N. H. xxi. 5, 7.] 
8. Ut uni plura fierent (funera) lectique plures sternerentur id 
quoque ne fieret lege sanctum est. 9. In lege quom esset NEVE 
AVRVM ADDITO, quam humane excipit altera CVI AVRO DENTES 
IVNCTI ESCVNT, AST IM CVM ILLO SEPELIET VRETVE, SE FRAVDE ESTO 
(essent, hbri; escunt, Lambin.). 10, 11. Duae sunt praeterea 
leges de sepuleris, quarum altera privatorum aedificiis, altera 
ipsis sepuleris cavet. Nam quod rogum bustumve novum 
vetat propius Lx pedes adici aedes alienas invito domino, 
incendium videtur arcere, Quod autem forum, id est vestibulum 
sepulcri, bustumve usu capi vetat, tuetur ius sepulcrorum 
(incendium veretur. acerbum. vetat, libri; correxit. Lambinus ; « 


264 LEGIS DUODECIM TABULARUM 


TABULA XI. 
[Huic tabulae rAsrOS DIVENOS tribuit Schoell; quos vide 
infra cap. iii.] 

I. (Schoell, xii. 1.) Decemviri cum X Tabulas summa legum 
aequitate prudentiaque conscripsissent, in annum posterum x 
viros alios subrogaverunt, quorum non similiter fides nec iustitia 
laudata ... qui duabus tabulis iniquarum legum additis, quibus, 
etiam quae disiunetis populis tribui solent conubia, haee illi 
ut ne plebei cum patribus essent mhumanissima lege sanx- 
erunt—quae postea plebeiscito Canuleio abrogatast—libidinose 
omni imperio et acerbe et avare populo praefuerunt. Cic. de 
Rep. ii. 56, 37. 

2. Tuditanus refert libro ii magistratuum decemviros, qui 
X Tabulis duas addiderunt, de intercalando populum rogasse. 
Cassius eosdem scribit auctores. Macrob. Sat. i. 13, 21. 


TABULA XII. 


I. Lege autem introducta est pignoris capio velut lege 
XII Tabularum adversus eum qui hostiam emisset nec pretium 
redderet; item adversus eum qui mercedem non'redderet pro 
eo iumento quod quis ideo locasset, ut inde pecuniam acceptam 
in dapem, id est in sacrificium impenderet. Gaius, Inst. iv. 28. 

2. SI SERVVS FVRTVM FAXIT NOXIAMVE NOXIT. 

3. SI VINDICIAM FALSAM TVLIT, SIVE LITIS . . . praeTOR ARBITROS 
TRIS DATO, EORVM ARBITRIO ... FRVCTVS DVPLIONE DAMNVM DE- 
CIDITO. | 

4. Rem de qua controversia est prohibemur (lege XII Tab.) 
in sacrum dedicare: alioquin dupli poenam patimur. Gaius, 
ad XII Dig. xliv. 6, 5. 

5. Interrex Fabius aiebat in XII Tab. legem esse, ut quod- 
cunque postremum populus iussisset, id ius ratumque esset. Liv. 
vil. 17, 12, cp. ix. 34, 6. 


INCERTAE SEDIS FRAGMENTA. 


I. NANCITOR in XII nactus erit, praenderit (Fest. p. 166 M. 
nancitor corr. Mueller, 2 ancsitor, Corssen). 


TaB. XII. 2. Ulp. in Dig. ix. 4,2,§1. 3. Fest. p. 376, p. 84, Mommsen. 


RELIQUIAE QUAE EXTANT OMNES. 265 


2. quando... in XII cum c littera ultima scribitur (e Ursin. 
d Mueller). Fest. p. 258 M. 

3. Sub vos placo in precibus fere cum dicitur, significat id 
quod supplico, ut in legibus transque dato et endoque 
plorato. Fest. p. 309 M. 

4. dolo malo..quod.. addidit malo.. dpxaiopds est, quia 
sic in XII... scriptum est. Donat. ad Ter. Eun. iii. 3, 9. 

5. Ab omni iudicio poenaque provocari licere iudicant XII 
Tab. conpluribus legibus. Cic. Rep. ii. 31. 

6. Nullum enim vinculum ad adstringendam fidem iureiurando 
maiores arctius esse voluerunt. Id indicant leges in XII "Tabulis, 
indicant sacratae, e. q. s. Cic. de Off. iii. 31, 111. 

7. Octo genera poenarum in legibus esse scribit. Tullius 
damnum, vincula, verbera, talionem, ignominiam, exilum, 
mortem, servitutem. Aug. de Civ. Dei, xxi. 11 [omittit Bruns]. 

8(?). XII Tabulis ortus tantum et occasus nominatur, post 
aliquot annos adiectus est et meridies. Plin. N. H. vii. 60, 212. 

9. Ideo autem aes et libra adhibetur, quia olim aereis tantum 
nummis utebantur, et erant asses, dupondii, semisses et quad- 
rantes, nec ullus aureus vel argenteus nummus in usu erat, sicut 
ex lege XII Tabularum intellegere possumus. Gaius, Inst. i. 
§ 122. 

IO. Duobus negativis verbis quasi permittit lex magis quam 
prohibuit, idque etiam Servius animadvertit. Gaius ad XII, in 
Dig. l. 16, 237. 

11(?) Detestatum est testatione denuntiatum. Ibid. 238, § 1. 

I2(?). Per ipsum fere tempus, ut decemviraliter loquar, lex de 
praescriptione tricennii fuerat proquiritata. Sidonius Apol- 
linaris, Epist. viii. 6. 


266 


CAP. IIL—TABULA Fastorum 


Ex Tabula plerumque Maffeiana C. I. L. i. pp. 303-307, 
Bruns, pp. 28-30. 


IA K. IAN, F IH K. FEB. N 
2B IV F 2 A IV N 
3€ III C 3B III N 
4D PR. C 4c PR. N 
5E NON. F 5D NON. wt 
6 r VIII F 6 E VIII N 
768 VII C 7 * VII N 
8H VI C 86 VI N 
9 A AGON(alia) N 9H v N 
IO B IV EN | IO A IV N 
IIC cAR(mentalia) N |IIB II N 
I2 D PR, C I2 € PR. N 
I3 E EID. wr | 13D EID. P. 
I4 F XIX EN | I4 E XVI N 
158 cAR(mentalia) Nw | 15F LvPER(calia) » 
16 H XVII C 164 XIV EN 
17A XVI C |17H QviR(inalia) » 
18 B xv C I84 | XH C 
I9 C XIV C I9 B XI C 
20 D XIII C |20€ X C 
219g XII C 2l D |. FERAL(ia) F 
22 Y XI C 22 E VIII C 
23 G8 x C | a3F TER(minalia) » 
24 H IX C |24G REGIF(ugium) N 
25A VIII C 25 H V C 
26 B VII C 26 A IV EN 
27 0 VI C 27 B EQ(uiria) » 
28 D v C 28 0 PR. C 
29 E IV ¥* 
30 F III N* 
314 PR. c 





* Dies & Caesare adiecti sub finem mensium xxix dierum. 

+ ‘Novae feriae a Caesare aut Augusto introductae ; quibus diebus quae nota antea 
fuerat non constat.' Bruns. , 

IAN. 14. DIES VITIOB(UB) EX 8.C. 


TABULA FASTORUM. 267 





ID K. MAR. Mg IC K. APR. F 

2E VI ¥ 2D IV F 

3r v C 3E IH € 

48 IV C 4 F PR. C 

5H III 'C 568 NON, N 

6 PR. Wt | ónu VIII » 

7 B NON. F 7A VII N 

8c VIH F 85 VI N 

9D VII C gc v N 
IO E VI C IO D IV N 
IIF v C IIE III N 
I2 G IV C I2 F PR. N 
I3H III EN | 134 EID. » 
I4 A '  ¥Q(uiria) wv | 148 XVIII N 
15 B EID. P |I5A FORD(icidia) » 
16 c XVII ¥ 16B XVI N 
17 D L1B(eralia) rw | 176 XV N 
18 E XV C 18 D XIV N 
19 P QVIN(quatrus) N | 198 CER(ialia) N 
20 8 XIII C 20 F XII N 
21H XII c | 216 PAR(ilia) » 
22 A XI N |22H x N 
23 B TVBIL (ustrium) P | 234 VIN(alia) N 
24 C Q(uando) REX c(omitiavit) F 24 B VIII C 
25D VIII Cc | 25¢ ROB(igalia) » 
26 x VII C 26 D VI r* 
27 F VI Wt | 275 M C 
28 8 v C 28 F IV rt 
29 H IV C 290 . III C 
30 A III C 30 H PR. C 
31B ' PR. C 

MAR. 6. HOO DIE CAES(ar) PONTIF(ex) MAXIM(us) FACT(us) EST. 

Mak. 27. HOO DIE CAESAR ALEXAND(ream) RECEPIT. 

AP. 4. LYVDI MATR(i) MAG(nae). 5-9. LVDI. 10, LVD. IN CIBC. I2. LVDI 
CETERI. 13-18. LVDI. 19. LVD. IN CIRC. 38. LVD. FLOR. 29, 30. LVDI. 


e 


268 


TABULA FASTORUM. 


IA K. MAT. F 

2B VI F 

3€ V C 
4D IV C 

5E III C 

6r PR. C 

7G NON. N 

8H VIII F 

9A LEM(uria) N 
IO B VI C 
II C LEM(uria) N 
I2 D IV » 
I3 E LEM(uria) N 
I4 F PR. C 
1568 EID. » 
16 H XVII F 
17A XVI C 
I8 B XV C 
19 € XIV C 
20 D XIII C 
2IE AGON(alia) » 
22 P XI N 
234 TVBIL(ustrium) » 
24 H Q(uando) REx c(omitiavit) » 
25A ' VIII C 
26 5 VII C 
27 € VI C 
28 D v C 
29 E IV C 
30 F III C 
31G PR. C 


IH K. IVN. N 
2 A IV F 
3B III C 
4.C PR. C 
5D NON. N 
6 x VIII N 
" VII N 
8a VI N 
9 H VEST(alia) N 
IOA IV N 
II B MATR(alia) N 
I2 C PR. N 
13D EID. N 
I4 E XVIII N 
15 FQ(uando)sr(ercus)p(elatum)r 
164 XVI C 
I7 H XV C 
WA XIV C 
I9 B XIII C 
20 C XII C 
21D XI C 
22 E x C 
23 F IX C 
24 G VIII C 
25H VII C 
26 A VI C 
27 B v C 
28 c IV C 
29 D III y* 
30 E PR. C 





MAI. 12. LVD. MART. IN CIRO. 
Ivw.8. MENTI LN cAPrT(olio), 


9. FER(iae) VESTAE. 


TABULA FASTORUM. 269 





IF K. IVL. N IE ' K. AVG. rt 
2G VI N 2r IV NT 
3H v N 3G HI C 
4A IV » 4H PR. C 
5B PoPLIF(ugium) » 54A NON. Fr 
6c PR. N 6B VIII F 
7D NON. N 7€ VII C 
SE VIII N 8D V1 C 
OF VII N 9E V Nt 

10 G VI C IO F . Iv C 

II H v C I1G III C 

12 A IV we |I2H PR. C 

I3 B III C IZA EID. v 

I4 C PR. C 14 B XIX F 

15D EID. » | 15 c XVIII C 

16 E XVII F 16 D XVII C 

I7 F XVI C 17 E PORT(unalia) » 

184 XV C 18 r XV C 

I9 H LVCAR(ia) » 198 viN(alia) F-P 

20 A XIII C 20 H XIII C 

21B LVCAR(ia) Nm |214A cons(ualia) » 

22 C X1 C 22 B XI EN 

23D NEPT(unalia) » | 23C VOLC(analia) ae 

24. E IX N 24. D IX C 

25 F FVRR(inalia) Nm | 258 oPIC(onsiva) » 

26 G VII C 26 F VII C 

27 H VI C 27 G VOLT(urnalia) » 

28 A v C 28 H V wt 

29 B IV C 29 A IV r* 

30 € IH C | 30B III p* 

31D PR. C 31€ PR. C 
Ivr. 6. LVDI APOLLIN. 7-12. LVDI. 13. LVD. IN CIB, 14-18, MEBK(atus). 

20. LVD. VIOT. CAESAR. 21-26. LVDI. 27-30. IN CIRC. 


Ava. 2. Hoc DIE CAESAR IN HISPANIA ott(eriore) viorr. 9. HOO DIE CAESAR 
HISPALI VIC. 38. H(oc) D(ie) ARA VICTORIAE IN OVEIA DEDIC(ata) EST. 





270 TABULA FASTORUM. 





1D K. SEPT. . F 1B K. OCT. N 
295 IV rt 2C VI F 
3 F III Nt| 3D v C 
4G PR. C 4 E IV C 
5H NON. F 5 F TII C 
OA VIII F 64 PR. C 
7 B VII C 7H NON. F 
8c VI C 84 VIII ¥ 
9D v C 9 B VII c 
IO E IV C IO C VI C 
LIF III C | 11D MEDITR(inalia) » 
124 PR. N | 128 Avavsr(alia) t 
13 H EID. Nw |I3F FONT(inalia) v 
I4 A XVIII F 14 G PR. EN 
15B XVII N I5H EID. » 
16 c XVI C | 164 XVII F 
17D XV C 17 B XVI C 
18 x XIV C 18 c XV C 
I9 F XIII C | I9D ARM (ilustrium) » 
20 G XII C 20 E XIII C 
21H XI C 2IF XII C 
22, A x Cc 22 8 XI C 
23 B IX rt | 238 x C 
24. C VIII C 24. A IX C 
25D VII C 25B VIII C 
26 E VI c |26c VII C 
27 F V C 27 D VI C 
28 a IV c | 288 v C 
29 H , NI F* | 29 F IV C 
30 4 PR. C 30 8 III C 
31H PR. C 
SEPT. 4. LVDI BOMANI. 5-12. LVDI. 14. EQVOR. PROB(atio). I5. LVD. 
ROM. IN CIRC. 16-19. IN CIRC. 20-22. MEBK. 23. MER. H. D. AVGVSTI 


NATALIS LVD. CIRC. 
Oct. 26. LVD. VICT. 27-31. LVDI. 


TABULA FASTORUM. 271 





IA K. NOV. F IG K. DEC. N 
2B IV F 2H IV N 
3c III C ZA YII N 
4 D PR. C 4 B PR. C 
5E NON. F 50 NON. F 
OF VIII P 6D VIII F 
7G VII C 7E VII C 
8n VI C 8 F VI C 
9 A v C 9G v c 

IO B IV C 10 H IV C 

II C III C II A AGoN(alia) v 

I2 D PR. C I2 B PR. EN 

13 E EID. w |I3€C EID. » 

14 P XVIII F I4 D XIX F 

158 XVII C I5 E coNs(ualia) m 

16H XVI C I6 F XVII C 

17 A XV C 1768 SAT(urnalia) v 

18 B XIV C 18 H Xv C 

I9 C XIII C | 194 OPAL(1a) » 

20 D XII C 20 B XIII C 

21E XI c |216c DIV(alia) P 

22 F X C 22 D XI C 

23a IX c |23E LAR(entalia) » 

24 H VIII C 24 F IX C 

254 VII C 25 @ VIII C 

26 B VI C 26 n VII C 

27 0€ Y C 27 A VI C 

28 p IV C 28 B v C 

29 E III F* | 29€ IV y* 

30 F PR. Cc | 30D III ¥* 

3I E PR. C 
Nov. 6-12. LVD1. I3. EPVL(um) INDICT(um). I4. EQVOR. PROB. 15. 
LVD. PLEB. IN CIRO. 16, 17. IN OIRO, 18-21. MEBK(atus). 


DEO. 17. FERIAE BATVRN(oO). 


272 


CAP. IV. 
INSTRUMENTA Pusuica Poputr RoMANI. 


1. LEX PLAETORIA DE IURISDICTIONE. 


Paullo post v.c. 387=4.C. 365. 
Censorinus de die natali 24, Bruns, p. 31. 
Praetor urbanus qui nunc est quique posthac fuat, duo lictores 
apud se habeto isque supremam ad solem occasum iusque inter 


cives dicito [usque supremam ete., Lachmann; iusque ad su- 
premam inter cives dicito Hultsch ]. 


2. LEX AQUILIA DE DAMNO INIURIA. 
V. C. 469 — 4. C. 285? 


Dig. ix. 2, 2, pr. et 27, § 5, Gaius, iii. 210, 214, 218, Bruns, 
pp- 31, 32 (cap. i. iii). 

I. Si quis servum servamve alienam quadrupedemve pecudem 
iniuria occiderit quanti id in eo anno plurimi fuit tantum aes ero 
dare damnas esto. 

II. [Capite secundo i adstipulatorem qui pecuniam in fraudem 
stipulatoris acceptam fecerit, quanti ea res es? tanti actio con- 
stituitur. Gaius, iii. 215. | 

III. Ceterarum rerum (praeter hominem et pecudem occisos), 
si quis alteri damnum faxit, quod usserit fregerit ruperit iniuria, 
quanti ea res fuerit in diebus xxx proximis tantum ero dare 
damnas esto. 


3. LEX SILIA DE PONDERIBUS PUBLICIS. 


A duobus Siliis P. et M. rogata v.c. 510==A.C. 240. 


Fest. v. publica pondera, p. 246 M. Bruns, p. 32, Huschke, 
Iurispr. anteiust. p. 9, sub Iunii Gracchani nomine, cf. Mommsen, 
ad C. I. L. i. 48. 

Ex ponderibus publicis, quibus hae tempestate populus 


INSTRUMENTA PUBLICA POPULI ROMANI. 273 


oetier solet, uti coaequetur sedulum, uti’ quadrantal vini 
Ixxx pondo siet; congius vini x p(ondo) siet; sex sextari 
congius siet vini; duodequinquaginta sextari quadrantal siet 

5 vini. Sextarius aequus aequo cum librario siet ; sexdecimque 
librarii in modio sient. Si quis magistratus adversus hae 
d(olo) m(alo) pondera modiosque vasaque publica modica, 
minora maiorave faxit iussitve fieri, dolumve adduit quo ea 
fiant, eum quis volet magistratus multare, dum minore(m) 

IO parti(m) familias taxat, liceto ; sive quis in sacrum iudicare 
volet liceto. 


4. LEX PAPIRIA DE SACRAMENTO. 
V. C. 511? —A. C. 243. 


Fest. s. v. sacramentum, p. 247.° Bruns, p. 32. 

Quieunque praetor post hoc factus erit qui inter cives ius 
dicet tres viros capitales populum rogato, hique tres viri capitales 
quieunque posthac facti erunt, sacramenta exigunto iudicantoque, 
eodemque iure sunto, uti ex legibus, plebeique scitis exigere 
iudicareque esseque oportet. 


5. S. C. DE PHILOSOPHIS ET RHETORIBUS. 
V. C. 593 4. C. 161. 


Referunt Gellius, xv. 11, et Suetonius, de Gramm. et Rhet. 25, 
p. 119, Reifferscheid. Bruns, p. 106. 

C. Fannio Strabone M. Valerio Messala cos. M. Pomponius 
praetor senatum consuluit. Quod verba facta sunt de philosophis 





Lex Sma. 2. oetier qui solet, cod., volgo solet, Huschke ; coeretur, Huschke ; 
se dolo m(alo), Scaliger, H.; ut hi, cod. 3. decemp. is, cod. 4. congius siet 
in, cod., víni, Müller. 5, 6. sexdequinque librae, cod., sexdecimque, Urs. Scaliger ; 
librariá M. 6. medio, cod. hac, cod., h(anc) l(egem), Mommsen, Bruns. 7. 
medios, cod. 8. iussit vere, cod., qu. legendum fussitve refierit que non quod, 
cod. (teste Mommeen), quo, Scal. Müll. Mom. Bruns, quod H. 9. quis, cod., qus, 
Mommsen, Bruns. mwltaretur, cod., multare, Müller, multare q(uantum) v(olet) 


p(ecuniam) H. Io. patri, cod., minore parti, M. H., minore(m) parti(m) ego ; 
tn sacrum, cod. H. B., tm sacrum, Scal. Müller. 

Lzx PAPIBIA. I. posthoc, cod., post hac M. 5. tudicareque esse 
esseque, cod. 


274 INSTRUMENTA PUBLICA 


et rhetoribus, de ea re ita censuerunt, ut M. Pomponius praetor 
animadverteret curaretque uti ei e republica fideque sua videretur 
uti Romae ne essent. 


6. EDICTUM CENSORIUM. 


v. C. 662-4. C. 92. 

Ibidem. 

Cn. Domitius Ahenobarbus et L. Licinius Crassus censores 
de coercendis rhetoribus Latinis ita edixerunt :— 

Renuntiatum est nobis esse homines qui novum genus dis- 
ciplinae instituerunt ad quos iuventus in ludum conveniat, eos 
sibi nomen inposuisse Latinos rhetoras, ibi homines adulescentulos 
dies totos desidere. Maiores nostri quae liberos suos discere et 
quos in ludos itare vellent instituerunt. Haec nova quae praeter 
eonsuetudinem ae morem maiorum fiunt neque placent neque 
recta videntur. Quapropter et his qui eos ludos habent et his 
qui eo venire consuerunt, visum est faciundum, ut ostenderemus 
nostram sententiam, nobis non placere. 


7. LEX CORNELIA DE SICARIIS ET VENEFICIS. 
Lata intra v.c. 671-6744.c. 83-80. 


‘Verba legis exigua tantum ex parte tradita sunt apud Cice- 
ronem et in Collatione.’ Bruns, p. 70; ex Cic. pro Cluentio, 
liv. 148, lvii. 157, Dig. xlviii. 8, Coll. i. 2, 3. 

Cap. I. Capite primo legis Corneliae de sicariis cavetur, ut :— 

Is praetor iudexve quaestionis cui sorte obvenerit quaestio de 
sicariis, eius, quod in urbe Roma propiusve M passus factum sit, 
uti quaerat cum iudicibus, qui ei ex lege sorte obvenerint de capite 
eius qui eum telo ambulaverit hominis necandi furtive faciendi 
causa, hominemve occiderit, cuiusve id dolo malo factum erit. 

Cap. V. Iubet lex ...iudicem quaestionis... cum iis iudi- 
cibus qui ei obvenerint quaerere de veneno :— 

Qui venenum malum hominis necandi causa fecit fecerit ven- 
diderit emerit habuerit dederit.......... deque eius capite 
quaerito, qui tribunus militum legionibus 1111 primis, quive 


8. C. pz PHiLosoPHis. 3. de rhetoribus, Gell. 4. wt et ef Suet. 
Epicrum CENSORIUM. 10. videtur pro visum est, Suet. 


POPULI ROMANI. 275 


quaestor tribunus plebis.. (deinceps omnes magistratus nomi- 
nantur)...Juerit,quive in senatu sententiam dixit dixerit, qui 
eorum coit coierit, convenit convenerit, conmsensió consenserit, 
falsumve testimonium dixerit, quo quis iudicio publico con- 
demnaretur. 


8. LEX FALCIDIA. 


Plebiscitum v. c. 714-4. c. 40, ex Dig. xxxv. 2,1. Bruns, 
P. 84. (Verba nonnulla supplevit Mommsen, et sequenti de- 
lendum censet.) 

I. Qui cives Romani sunt, qui eorum post hanc legem rogatam 
de sua pecunia suisque rebus testamentum facere volet ut eam 
pecuniam easque res quibusque dare legare volet, ius potestasque 
esto, ut hac lege [sequenti] licebit. 

II. Quieunque civis Romanus post hanc legem rogatam testa- 
mentum faciet, is quantam cuique civi Romano pecuniam iure 
publico dare legare volet, ius potestasque esto, dum ita detur 
legatum, ne minus quam partem quartam hereditatis eo testa- 
mento heredes capiant, iéaque eis, quibus quid ita datum legatumve 
erit eam pecuniam sine fraude sua capere liceto, isque heres qui 
eam pecuniam dare iussus damnatus erit, eam pecuniam debeto 
dare quam dare damnatus est. 


9. S. C. DE AQUAEDUCTIBUS. 
V. C. 743 A. C. II. 


Postremum e sex SCtis a Frontino de aquis urbis Romae 
eap. 100—127 relatis. Bruns, p. 107. 

Quod Q. Aelius Tubero Paulus Fabius Maximus cos. v. f. 
aquarum quae in urbem venirent itinera occupari monumentis et 
aedificiis et arboribus conseri, q(uid) d(e) e(a) r(e) f(ieri) p(laceret), 
d(e) e(a) r(e) (ta) c(ensuerunt) ad reficiendos rivos specusque et 
quae per ea opera rei publicae corrumpantur, placere; circa fontes , 
et fornices et muros utraque ex parte vacuos quinos denos pedes 
patere; et ciréa rivos qui sub terra essent et specus intra urbem 
et extra urbem intra continentia aedificia, utraque ex parte 
quinos pedes vacuos relinqui; ita ut neque monumentum in his 
locis neque aedificium post hoc tempus ponere neque conserere 
arbores liceret. Si quae nunc essent arbores intra id spatium 

T 2 


276 FORMULAE VARIAE 


exciderentur, praeterquam si quae villae continentes et inclusae 
aedificiis essent. Si quis adversus ea conmiserit in singulas res 
poena H. 8. dena milia essent, ex quibus pars dimidia praemium 
aceusatori daretur, cuius opera maxime convictus esset, qui 
adversus hoc S. C. conmisisset, pars autem dimidia in aerarium 
redigeretur. Deque ea re iudicarent cognoscerentque curatores 
aquarum. 


CAP. V. 
FoRMULAE VARIAE ANTIQUAE REIPUBLICAE. 
1, FORMULAE IURIS FETIALIUM. 


(a) FORMULAE RERUM REPETUNDARUM ET BELLI INDICENDI. 


5 Ut tamen quoniam Numa in pace religiones instituisset, 
a se (i.e. Anco Martio) bellicae caerimoniae proderentur, nec 
gererentur solum, sed etiam indicerentur bella aliquo ritu, ius 
ab antiqua gente Aequiculis quod nunc fetiales habent, de- 
scripsit quo res repetuntur. 

6 Legatus ubi ad fines eorum venit, unde res repetuntur, 
eapite velato filo (lanae velamen est) * Audi Iuppiter," inquit, 
* audite fines ' (cuiuscunque gentis sunt nominat) * audiat Fas. 
Ego sum publicus nuntius populi Romani: iuste pieque 

7 legatus venio, verbisque meis fides sit.’ Peragit deinde pos- 
tulata. Inde Iovem testem facit: ‘Si ego iniuste impieque 
illos homines illasque res dedier mihi exposco tum patriae 

8 eompotem me nunquam siris esse. Haec cum fines supra- 
scandit, haec quicunque ei primus vir obvius fuerit, haec 
portam ingrediens, haec forum ingressus, paucis verbis car- 
minis concipiendique iurisiurandi mutatis peragit. 

9 Si non deduntur quos exposcit, diebus tribus et triginta 

10 (tot enim sollemnes sunt) peractis, bellum ita indicit: * Audi 
Iuppiter, et tu Iane Quirine, Diique omnes caelestes, vosque 
terrestres, vosque inferni audite. Ego vos testor populum 
illum (quicunque est nominat) iniustum esse neque ius per- 
solvere. Sed de istis rebus in patria maiores natu consulemus, 
quo pacto ius nostrum adipiscamur.' 


ANTIQUAE REIPUBLICAE. 277 


II Cum iis nuntius Romam ad consulendum redit. Con- 
festim rex his ferme verbis Patres consulebat: * Quarum 
rerum litium causa condixit pater patratus populi Romani 
Quiritium patri patrato priscorum Latinorum hominibusque 
priscis Latinis, quas res nec dederunt nec solverunt nec fecerunt 
quas res dari fieri solvi oportuit, dic,’ inquit ei quem primum 

I2 sententiam rogabat, ‘quid censes?' "Tum ille: * Puro pioque 
duello quaerendas censeo itaque consentio consciscoque.’ Inde 
ordine alii rogabantur: quandoque pars maior eorum qui 
aderant in eandem sententiam ibat bellum erat consensum. 

Fieri solitum ut fetialis hastam ferratam aut praeustam 
sanguineam ad fines eorum ferret, et non minus tribus pube- 
ribus praesentibus diceret :— 

13 ‘Quod populi priseorum Latinorum hominesque prisci 
Latini adversus populum Romanum Quiritium fecerunt, 
deliquerunt, quod populus Romanus Quiritium bellum cum 
priscis Latinis iussit esse, senatusque populi Romani Quiri- 
tium censuit consensit conscivit, ut bellum cum priscis 
Latinis fieret ; ob eam rem ego populusque Romanus populis 
priscorum Latinorum hominibusque priscis Latinis bellum 
indico facioque.' 

I4 Id ubi dixisset hastam in fines eorum emittebat. Hoc tum 
modo ab Latinis repetitae res ac bellum indictum ; moremque 
eum posteri acceperunt. Liv. i. 32, ed. Madvig. 


(b ForMULA BELLI INDICENDI. 


Cincius in libro tertio de re militari fetialem populi Romani 
bellem indicentem hostibus, telumque in agrum eorum iacientem 
hisce verbis uti scripsit. 

* Quod populus Hermundulus hominesque populi Hermunduli 
adversus populum Romanum bellum fecere deliqueruntque; 
quodque populus Romanus eum populo Hermundulo homini- 
busque Hermundulis bellum iussit; ob eam rem ego populus- 
que Romanus populo Hermundulo hominibusque Hermundulis 
bellum dico facioque.' Gell. xvi. 4. 

Cum Pyrrhi temporibus adversum transmarinum hostem bellum 
Romani gesturi essent, nec invenirent locum, ubi hane solem- 
nitatem per fetiales indicendi belli celebrarent, dederunt operam 
ut unus de Pyrrhi militibus caperetur, quem fecerunt in Circo 


278 FORMULAE VARIAE 


Flaminio locum emere et quasi in hostili loco ius belli indicendi 
implerent. Denique in eo loco ante pedem Bellonae consecrata 
est columna. Serv. ad Aen. ix. 53. 


(c) FoRMULA NOXAE DEDENDI POST CLADEM CAUDINAM. 
V. C. 534 — A. C. 318. 


Fetiales ubi ad portam venere vestem detrahi pacis sponsoribus 
iubent, manus post tergum vinciri. Quum apparitor verecundia 
maiestatis Postumium laxe vinciret, ‘Quin tu,’ inquit, * adduces 
lorum, ut iusta fiat deditio?! "Tum ubi in coetum Samnitium et 
ad tribunal ventum Ponti est A. Cornelius Arvina fetialis ita 
verba fecit :—— 

* Quandoque hisce homines iniussu populi Romani Quiritium 
foedus ictum iri spoponderunt, atque ob eam rem noxam nocu- 
erunt; ob eam rem, quo populus Romanus scelere impio sit 
solutus, hosce homines vobis dedo.' 

Haec dicenti fetiali Postumius genu femur, quanta maxime 
poterat vi, perculit et clara voce ait, 'Se Samnitem civem esse, 
illum legatum; fetialem a se contra ius gentium violatum ; eo 
iustius bellum gesturos. Liv. ix. 10. 


(d) FoRMULA FOEDERIS FERIENDI. V.C. 88=4.C. 666. 


Foedera alia aliis legibus caeterum eodem modo omnia 

4 fiunt. Tum ita factum accepimus nec ullius vetustior foederis 
memoria est. Fetialis regem Tullium ita rogavit * Iubesne 
rex, cum patre patrato populi Albani foedus ferire?' Iubente 
rege * Sagmina, inquit, te rex posco.’ Rex ait * [Puram] tol- 
lito. Fetialis ex arce graminis herbam puram attulit, postea 

5 regem ita rogavit, ‘ Rex facisne me tu regium nuntium populi 
Romani Quiritium, vasa comitesque meos?' Rex respondit 
*quod sine fraude mea populique Romani Quiritium fiat, 
6 facio.  Fetialis erat M. Valerius. Is patrem patratum Sp. 
Fusium fecit, verbena caput capillosque tangens. Pater 
patratus ad iusiurandum patrandum, id est sanciendum fit 
foedus, multisque id verbis, quae longo effata carmine non 

7 operae est referre, peragit. Legibus deinde recitatis ‘ Audi, 
inquit, Iuppiter, audi pater patrate populi Albani, audi tu 
populus Albanus, ut illa palam prima postrema ex illis tabulis 


ANTIQUAE REIPUBLICAE. 279 


cerave recitata sunt sine dolo malo, utique ea hie hodie 
rectissime intellecta sunt, illis legibus populus Romanus prior 

8 non deficiet. Si prior defexit, publico consilio, dolo malo, 
tum, illo die Diespiter, populum Romanum sic ferito, ut ego 
hune porcum hic hodie feriam, tantoque magis ferito, quanto 

9 magis potes pollesque^ Id ubi dixit, porcum saxo silice 
percussit. Sua item carmina Albani suumque iusiurandum 
per suum dictatorem suosque sacerdotes peregerunt. Liv. 
i, 24. 

(e) 1. Sagmina vocantur verbenae id est herbae purae quia 
ex loco sancto arcebantur (Müller; arce dantur, Huschke) a 
consule praetoreve legatis proficiscentibus ad foedus faciendum 
bellumque indicendum. Fest. p. 321. 

2. Certe utroque nomine idem significatum est gramen ex arce 
cum sua terra revulsum, ac semper e legatis, cum ad hostes clari- 
gatumque mitterentur, id est res raptas clare repetitum, unus 
ubique verbenarius vocabatur. Plin. N. H. xxii. 2. 

3. Ad finem belli Punici secundi, v. C. 553-4. C. 201. Fetiales 
quum in Africam ad foedus feriendum ire iuberentur ipsis postu- 
lantibus Sctum factum est in haec verba :— 

* Ut privos lapides silices privasque verbenas secum ferrent, et 
ubi praetor Romanus iis imperaret ut foedus ferirent, illi prae- 
iorem sagmina poscerent.’ 

Herbae id genus ex arce sumptum fetialibus dari solet. 
Liv. xxx. 45. 


(7) IvRAMENTUM PETIALIUM. 


I. Feretrius Iuppiter dictus a ferendo quod pacem ferre 
putabatur; ex cuius templo sumebant sceptrum per quod iura- 
rent et lapidem silicem, quo foedus ferirent. Fest. Ep. p. 92. 

2. Lapidem silicem tenebant iuraturi per Iovem haec verba 
dicentes :— 

‘Si sciens fallo tum me Diespiter salva urbe arceque bonis 
eiiciat, uti ego hunc lapidem. Fest. Ep. p. 115. 

3. Tov 82 Ópkov duvie eet rovrov, Kapxnboviovrs uà» rovs Ocovs 
vo)s zarpqovs, Popaílovs 0 érl pày rv mpórev ovvOnxay Ala A(Qos 
kará tt máAaiop Eos, éml bà ro/rwr Tov “Apny xol rov 'EvváAwor. 
"Eocr: 38 rd Ala A(ov rootrov: Aafàv els ri)v xeipa Alov 6 movovp.evos 


280 . . FORMULAE VARIAE 


và Spxia wept rev ovvOnkGv, àmeiàr» ópóog bypoolg alorea, Aéyet 
trade 

* ebopxobyrs pay por etn rTáya0a: el 3 GAAws DuavonÜe(gv ti 7) mpá£- 
ay, tavrwv TOV Drv co(ouéve»v év rois idlats marpíaw, év rois 
lb(ow vopots, ert rv id Blov, lepdv, Tábev, éyà uóvos iemécowa 
otras as 05e A(0os viv.’ 

«dl raür elnay plrre róv AlGov éx tis xewós. Polyb. ii. 25, 
V. C. 474; cp. Gell. i. 21. ) 


2. FORMULAE IURIS IURANDI MILITARIS 
CETERAQUE SIMILIA. 


(a) SACRAMENTUM MILITARE. 


I. 'EmwreAeo0e(ons 0? rijs karaypadijs tov Tpoewmuévov rpómov, 
Gbpoloavres rovs émdeAeypévous of mpoojKovres róv xuudpyov xa^ 
Ékaarov orparónebov, kal AaBdvres ex qávrov Eva róv emrydedrarov, 
éfopk((ovow 3) pny Tei0apxijo ew kal movjaeww TO mTpoorarTÓ- 
pevov m0 TOY üápyóvrov karà Uvapev’ of 8 Aovrol Távres 
óp.vóovct kaÜ' Eva mporopevóp.evo, Toor abro SnAotvres Sri roujoovat 
ndyra kaÜázep ó mpGros. Polyb. vi. 21. 

2. IIávres óuwopókaot roy orpariwrixdy Spxov, áxoAovOjaew rots 
Vnároi, é$ obs dv xadGvrat moAépovs kal uijr ànoAeiyrew rà onpeta 
pi Edo mpáfew pndty evdvriov ro vou. Dion. Hal. x. 18; 
ep. xi. 43. 

3. Apud maiores nostros tria erant militiae genera in bellis 
gerendis. Nam aut legitima erat militia aut coniuratio aut 
evocatio. Legitima erat militia eorum, qui singuli iurabant, 
pro re publica se esse facturos: nec discedebant nisi com- 
pletis stipendiis i. e. militiae temporibus, et sacramentum voca- 
batur. Aut certe si esset tumultus i.e. bellum Italicum vel 
Gallieum, in quibus ex periculi vieinitate erat timor multus; 
quia singulos singulos interrogare non vacabat, qui fuerat ducturus 
exercitum ibat ad Capitolium et exinde proferens duo vexilla, 
unum russeum quod pedites evocabat, et unum caeruleum quod 
erat equitum...dicebat ‘Qui rempublicam salvam esse vult, me 
sequatur Et qui convenissent simu] iurabant et dicebatur ista 
militia coniuratio. Fiebat etiam evocatio; nam ad diversa 


ANTIQUAE REIPUBLICAE. 281 


loca diversi propter cogendos mittebantur exercitus. Serv. ad 
Aen. viii. 1, cp. ad Aen. ii. 157, iuraret se nihil contra r. p. 
facturum: et ad vii. 614, iurat se non recedere nisi prae- 
cepto consulis post completa stipendia ....scilicet xxv 
annos. 

4. Praeiurationes facere dicuntur hi, qui ante alios con- 
ceptis verbis iurant: post quos in eadem verba iurantes tantum- 
modo dicunt, ‘idem in me.’ Fest. Epit. p. 224. 


(b) SACRAMENTUM GLADIATORUM. 


Quod maximum vinculum est ad bonam mentem, promisisti 
virum bonum: sacramento rogatus es. Deridebit te, si quis 
tibi dixerit mollem esse militiam et facilem: noli te decipi: 
eadem honestissimi huius et illius turpissimi auctoramenti verba 
sunt, ‘uri vinciri ferroque necari. Sen. Ep. 37, 1, cp. Petron. 
Sat. 117. In verba Eumolpi saeramentum iuravimus ; uri vinciri 
verberari ferroque necari, et quiequid aliud Eumolpus iussisset. 
Tanquam legitimi gladiatores domino corpora animasque religio- 
sissime addicimus. (Vide adnotata.) 


(c) IustuRANDUM MILITUM. 


I. Ad v. c. 29424. C. 458. 

‘Nobis vero’ inquit Quinctius ‘nihil delectu opus est; cum 
quo tempore P. Valerius ad recipiendum Capitolium arma plebi 
dedit, omnes in verba iuraverint conventuros se iussu consulis 
nec iniussu abituros. Liv. iii. 20. 

2. Ad v. c. 55624. c. 218, IUSIURANDUM SECVNDVM, EX VOLUN- 
TARIO AD LEGITIMUM TRANSLATUM. 

Tum, quod nunquam antes factum est, iureiurando ab tribunis 
militum adacti milites [iussu consulum conventuros neque 
iniussu abituros]. Nam ad eam diem nihil praeter sacra- 
mentum fuerat; et, ubi ad decuriatum aut centuriatum con- 
venissent, sua voluntate ipsi inter sese decuriati equites centuriati 
pedites coniurabant, sese fugae atque formidinis ergo 
non &bituros neque ex ordine recessuros, nisi teli su- 
mendi aut petendi et aut hostis feriendi aut civis ser- 
vandi caussa. Id ex voluntario inter ipsos foedere ad tribunos 
ac legitimam iurisiurandi adactionem translatum. Liv. xxii. 38. 

3. L. Paullo et C. Varrone consulibus milites primo iureiurando 


282 FORMULAE VARIAE 


facti sunt, antea enim sacramento tantummodo a tribunis roga- 
bantur: ceterum ipsi inter se coniurabant, se fugae atque formi- 
dinis caussa non abituros, neque ex ordine recessuros, nist teli 
petendi feriendivi hostis aut civis servandi causa. Frontin. iv. 1, 4. 


(d) CoNVENTUS MILITUM DIE CONDICTO, ET IUSIURANDUM 
CASTRENSR, SIVE TERTIUM. 


Totatrny bé mowcápevor rj» Dua(peoww of xtAiapya, kal Tara 
TzapayyelAavres wept tay StAwy, róre pev àméAvaar rovs dvdpas els 
Tiv olxelay’ Tapayevopévgs 88 rijs Hyépas, els fv üpocayr à0powOZgvat 
mávres dpolws els rov drodeyOévra rénov i10 rüv ónárov rárrev 8 
as ér(rav éxárepos xopls rüv rómor Trois abro? orparoméóows éxarépo 
yàp bbora. 76 wépos rv cuppdywy kol Oo rv "Pepawóv crparo- 
Tébwy* mapaylyvovyra, 0€ mávres ábuanróros of karaypadévres, ws 
dy ugbejuüs BrAAns avyyepovpérns mpopdcews rois éfopktaÜeto, zany 
ópriBe(as kal rà» übvvárov. Polyb. vi. 26. 

Mera 8¢ rijy orparonebe(ay ovva0powsOérvres oi xiMapyot TOUS Ék 
ToU otparonédov mdvras éAevOfdpovs Spot kal dSovAous Ópk(Qovot, ka6' 
Eva trovovpevor tov Ópkvouó»* 6 8’ Spxos éarl ugb?y éx tis mapep- 
Bodfjs wAéweev GAAQ xdv ebpy rt, rodr dvolcew eis rods 
xtAtdpxovs. Ibid. 33. 


* 
(e) IustuRANDUM CASTRENSE (NECNON FORMULA EX SACRAMENTO ?). 


Item in libro eiusdem Cincii de re militari quinto ita scriptum 
est. Cum dilectus antiquitus fieret et milites scriberentur iusiu- 
randum eos tribunus militaris adigebat in verba haec, 

(Magistratus verba).—' C. Laelii C. filii consulis L. Cornelii 
P. filii consulis in exercitu decemque milia passuum prope, furtum 
non facies dolo malo solus neque cum pluribus pluris nummi 
argentei in dies singulos; extraque hastam hastile pom[um] 
pabulum utrem follem faculam, si quid ibi inveneris sustulerisve 
quod tuum non erit quod pluris nummi argentei erit, uti tu ad 
C. Laelium C. filium consulem Luciumve Cornelium P. filium 
consulem, sive quem ad uter eorum iusserit, proferes aut pro- 
fitebere in triduo proximo: quidquid inveneris sustulerisve sine 
dolo malo, aut domino suo cuium id censebis esse reddes, uti 
quod recte factum esse voles.” 

Militibus autem scriptis dies praefiniebatur, quo die adessent 


ANTIQUAE REIPUBLICAE. 283 


et citanti consuli responderent; deinde ita concipiebatur iusiu- 
randum ut adessent his additis exceptionibus, * Nisi harunce quae 
eausa erit, funus familiare, feriaeve denicales quae non eius rei 
eausa in eum diem collatae sint, quo is eo die minus ibi esset; 
morbus sonticus, auspiciumve quod sine piaculo praeterire non 
liceat, sacrificiumve anniversarium quod recte fieri non posset 
nisi ipsus eo die ibi sit; vis, hostesve, status condictusve dies 
cum hoste. Si cui eorum harunce quae causa erit, tum se 
postridie quam per eas causas licebit eo die venturum adiutu- 
rumque eum qui eum pagum vicum oppidumve delegerit.' 

Item in eodem libro verba haec sunt:—Miles cum die qui 
prodictus est aberat neque excusatus erat infrequens dabatur !, 
Gell. xvi. 4, 2-5. 


(f£) SACRAMENTUM POST MISSIONEM RENOVATUM. 


[Cato ad Popilium scripsit ut si eum (fiium) pateretur in 
exercitu remanere, secundo eum obliget militiae sacramento, quia, 
priore amisso iure cum hostibus pugnare non poterat. Adeo summa 
erat observatio in bello movendo]. M. quidem Catonis senis est 
epistula ad Marcum filium, in qua scribit se audisse eum missum 
faetum a consule, cum in Macedonia bello Persico miles esset. 
Monet igitur, ut caveat, ne proelium ineat. Negat enim ius esse 
qui miles non sit cum hoste pugnare. Cic. de Off. i. 11, 36, 37, 
Cato, ed. Jordan, p. 84, cp. Plut. Qu. Rom. 39, rois un orpa- 

revopévois . . . ovx é£ijv ávópa Badety noddutov ovde rp@oat, k.r.À. 


(y) IUSIURANDUM PRO RE NATA VICTORIAE CAUSSA. 
V. C. 274— 4. C. 478. 


Centurio erat M. Flavoleius inter primores pugnae flagitator. 
* Victor, inquit, «M. Fabi, revertar ex acie. Si fallat, Iovem 
patrem, Gradivumque Martem, aliosque iratos invocat deos. Idem 
deinceps omnis exercitus in se quisque iurat. Liv. ii. 45. 


(4) Ivsturanpum A P. SciPIONE INPOSITUM CONIURATIONIS 
OPPRIMENDAE CAUSSA. V.C. 536 — A. C. 216. 


Pergit ire sequentibus paucis in hospitium Metelli: et cum 


! censebatur, Huschke, collatis Fest. Ep. v. censionem facere, Plaut. Truc. ii. 1, 19. 


284 FORMULAE VARIAE 


concilium ibi iuvenum, de quibus allatum erat, invenisset, stricto 
super capita consultantium gladio, ‘Ex mei animi sententia, 
inquit, ‘ut ego rempublicam populi Romani non deseram neque 
alium civem Romanum deserere patiar. Si sciens fallo, tum me, 
Iuppiter optime maxime, domum, familiam, remque meam pes- 
simo leto afficias! In haec verba, L. Caecili, iures postulo, 
ceterique, qui adestis: qui non iuraverit in se hune gladium 
strictum esse sciat. Liv. xxii. 53. 


3. FORMULA DEVOTIONIS DECII MAIORIS AD 
VESERIM BELLO LATINO. v.c. 415 — 4.C. 341. 


9,4 In hae trepidatione Decius consul M. Valerium magna 
voce inclamat : * Deorum, inquit, * ope Valeri opus est. Age- 
dum, pontifex publicus populi Romani, praei verba quibus 

5 me pro legionibus devoveam.’ Pontifex eum togam prae- 
textam sumere iussit, et velato capite, manu subter togam 
ad mentum exserta, super telum subiectum peditus stantem 
sic dicere :— 


6  *'Iane, Iuppiter, Mars pater, Quirine, Bellona, Lares, Divi 
Novensiles, Di Indigetes, Divi quorum est potestas nostro- 

7 rum hostiumque, Diique Manes, vos precor veneror veniam 
peto feroque uti populo Romano Quiritium vim victoriam- 
que prosperetis ; hostesque populi Romani Quiritium terrore 

8 formidine ' morteque adficiatis. — Sicut verbis nuncupavi 
ita pro re publica populs Romani Quintium exercitu legioni- 
bus auxiliis populi Romani Quiritium legiones auxiliaque 
hostium mecum Deis Manibus Tellurique devoveo.' 

9 Haee ita precatus lictores ire ad T. Manlium iubet ma- 
tureque collegae se devotum pro exercitu nuntiare. Ipse 
incinctus cinctu Gabino, armatus in equum insiluit ac se 

IO in medios hostes inmisit. Conspectus ab utraque acie ali- 
quanto augustior humano aditu visus, sicut caelo missus 
piaculum omnis deorum irae, qui pestem ab suis aversam 

II in hostes ferret. Ita omnis terror pavorque cum illo latus 
signa primo Latinorum turbavit deinde in totam penitus 
aciem pervasit. 

10, IO Postero die iuventum (corpus) inter i maximam | hostium 


ANTIQUAE REIPUBLICAE. 285 


stragem coopertum telis, funusque ei par morti celebrante 
collega faetum est. Illud adiciendum videtur licere consuli 
dictatorique et praetori cum legiones hostium devoveat, non 
utique se, sed quem velit ex legione Romana scripta civem 
12 devovere; si is homo qui devotus est moritur, probe factum 
videri; ni moritur tum signum septem pedes altum aut 
maius in terram defodi et piaculum hostiam caedi. Ubi 
illud signum defossum erit, eo magistratum Romanum escen- 
dere fas non esse. Sin autem sese devovere volet, sicuti 
Decius devovit, ni moritur, neque suum neque publicum 
divinum pure faciet qui sese devoverit. Vulcano arma sive 
I4 cui alii divo vovere volet, sive hostia sive quo alio volet, ius 
est. Telo super quod stans consul precatus est hostem potiri 
fas non est: si potiatur Marti suovetaurilibus piaculum fieri. 
Liv. viii. 9, 10. 


I 


pal 


4. CARMINA EVOCATIONIS ET DEVOVENDAE 
CIVITATI. 


(2) Repperi in libro quinto Rerum reconditarum Sammonici 
Sereni utrumque carmen, quod ille se in cuiusdam PFurii vetus- 
tissimo libro repperisse professus est. Est autem carmen huius- 
modi quo di evocantur cum oppugnatione civitas cingitur :— 


Si deus si dea est cui populus civitasque Carthaginiensis est 
in tutela, teque Maxime ille qui urbis huius populique tutelam 
recepisti, precor venerorque veniamque a vobis peto ut vos po- 
pulum civitatemque Carthaginiensem deseratis, loca templa sacra 
urbemque eorum relinquatis, absque his abeatis, eique populo 
civitatique metum formidinem oblivionem iniciatis, proditique 
Romam ad me meosque veniatis; nostraque vobis loca templa 
sacra urbs acceptior probatiorque sit, mihique populoque Romano 
militibusque meis praepositi sitis, ut sciamus intellegamus que. 
Si ita feceritis voveo vobis templa ludosque facturum. 

In eadem verba hostias fieri oportet auctoritatemque videri 
extorum, ut ea promittant futura. 


(b) Urbes exercitusque sic devoventur iam numinibus evocatis 
sed dictatores imperatoresque soli possunt devovere his verbis :— 


Dis pater Veiovis Manes sive quo alio nomine fas est 


286 FORMULAE VARIAE 


nominare, ut omnes illam urbem Carthaginem exercitumque, quem 
ego me sentio dicere, fuga formidine terroreque conpleatis ; 
quique adversum legiones exercitumque nostrum arma telaque 
ferent, uti vos eum exercitum eos hostes eosque homines, urbes 
agrosque eorum, et qui in his locis regionibusque agris urbibusve 
habitant, abdueatis, lumine supero privetis, exercitumque ho- 
stium, urbes agrosque eorum quos me sentio dicere, uti vos eas 
urbes agrosque, capita aetatesque eorum devotas consecratasque 
habeatis, illis legibus quibus quandoque sunt maxime hostes 
devoti; eosque ego vicarios pro mea fide magistratuque meo, pro 
populo Romano exercitibus legionibusque nostris do, devoveo, ut 
me meamque fidem imperiumque legiones exercitumque nostrum 
qui in his rebus gerundis sunt bene salvos siritis esse. Si haec 
ita faxitis ut ego sciam sentiam intellegamque, tune quisquis hoc 
votum faxit ubi faxit recte factum esto ovibus atris tribus, Tellus 
mater teque Iupiter obtestor. 


Cum Tellurem dicit, manibus terram tangit: cum Iovem dicit, 
manus ad eaelum tollit : cum votum recipere dicit, manibus pectus 
tangit. In antiquitatibus autem baec oppida inveni devota: 
* Stonios, Fregellas, Gavios, Veios, Fidenas, haec intra Italiam, 
praeterea Carthaginem et Corinthum ; sed et multos exercitus 
oppidaque hostium, Gallorum, Hispanorum, Afrorum, Mau- 
rorum, aliarumque gentium quas prisci locuntur annales. Macrob. 
Sat. iii. 9. 


5. FORMULA VERIS SACRI VOVENDI. 


(1) Ver sacrum vovendi mos fuit Italis. Magnis enim periculis 
adducti vovebant, quaecunque proximo vere nata essent apud 
se animalia immolaturos. Sed quum crudele videretur pueros et 
puellas innocentes interficere, perductos in adultam aetatem vela- 
bant atque ita extra fines suos exigebant. Fest. Epit. p. 579 M. : 
vide etiam s. v. Mamertini, p. 158, et Sacrani, p. 321. 


(2) Ver sacrum votum A. v. C. 535 post cladem Trasimenensem. 

10,1 His senatus consultis perfectis L. Cornelius Lentulus 

pontifex maximus, consulente collegium praetore, omnium 

2 primum populum consulendum de vere sacro censet: in- 

iussu populi voveri hon posse. Rogatus in haec verba 
populus :— 


ANTIQUAE REIPUBLICAE. 287 


Velitis iubeatisne haec sic fieri? Si respublica populi 
Romani Quiritium ad quinquennium proximum steterit uf 
velim, eamque salvam servaverit hisce duellis datum do- 
num duit populus Romanus Quiritium: quod duellum 
populo Romano cum Carthaginiensi est, quaeque duella 

3 cum Gallis sunt, qui cis Alpes sunt: quod ver attulerit ex 
suillo, ovillo, caprino, bovillo grege, quaeque profana 
erunt, lovi fieri, ex qua die senatus populusque iusserit. 

4 Qui faciet, quando volet, quaque lege volet, facito: quo- 

5 modo faxit probe faetum esto. Si id moritur quod fieri 
oportebit profanum esto neque scelus esto. Si quis rumpet 
occidetve insciens, ne fraus esto. Si quis clepsit ne populo 
scelus esto, neve cui cleptum erit. Si atro die faxit in- 
sciens probe factum esto. Si nocte, sive luce, si servus, 
sive liber faxit, probe factum esto. Si antidea ac senatus 
populusque iusserit fieri, faxitur, eo populus solutus liber 
esto. Liv. xxii. 10. 


(3) v.c. 557. Consules... ver sacrum ex decreto pontificum 
iussi facere ... Annis post uno et viginti factum est quam votum. 
Id. xxxiii. 44. 


(4) v.c. 558. Ver sacrum factum erat priore anno M. Porcio 
et L. Valerio consulibus. Id cum P. Licinius pontifex non esse 
recte factum collegio primum, deinde ex auctoritate collegi Pa- 
tribus renuntiasset, de integro faciendum arbitratu pontificum 
censuerunt, ludosque magnos, qui una voti essent, tanta pecunia 
quanta assoleret faciendos. Ver sacrum videri pecus quod natum 
esset inter Kal. Martias et pridie Kal. Maias P. Cornelio et Ti. 
Sempronio consulibus. Liv. xxxiv. 44. 


6. FORMULA ADROGATIONIS. 


Adrogatio autem dicta quia genus hoc in alienam familiam 
transitus per populi rogationem fit. Eius rogationis verba haec 
sunt: ‘Velitis, iubeatis, uti L. Valerius L. Titio tam iure legeque 
filius siet, quam si ex eo patre matreque familias eius natus esset, 
utique ei vitae necisque in eum potestas siet uti patri endo filio 
est. Haec ita uti dixi, ita vos Quirites rogo.' Gell. v. 19. 


288 


Secrio SECUNDA. 


POETARUM ANTIQUORUM FRAGMENTA 
ORDINE CHRONOLOGICO DISPOSITA. 


Cap. I.—VATICINATIONES. 


(Ante Bellum Punicum Secundum.) 


I. Ex Livio v.16: (in Veiorum obsidione) Legati ab Delphis 
venerunt, sortem oraculi adferentes congruentem responso captivi 
vatis :— 

Romane, aquam Albanam cave lacu contineri, cave in mare 
manare suo flumine sinas: emissam per agros rigabis, dissipa- 
tamque rivis exstingues. Tum tu insiste audax hostium muris, 
memor, quam per tot annos obsides urbem, ex ea tibi his quae 
nunc panduntur fatis victoriam datam. Bello perfecto donum 
amplum victor ad mea templa portato: sacraque patria quorum 
omissa cura est instaurata ut adsolet facito. 


2. Ex Livio xxv. 12 ed. Madvig: Ex huius Marcii duobus 
carminibus alterius post rem factam editi comprobata auctoritas 
eventu alteri quoque, cuius nondum tempus venerat, afferebat 
fidem. Priore carmine Cannensis praedicta clades in haec fere 
verba erat :— 

Amnem Troiugena [Romane] Cannam fuge : ne te alienigenae 
cogant in campo Diomedis conserere manus. Sed neque credes 
tu mihi, donec compleris sanguine campum, multaque millia 
occisa tua deferet amnis in pontum magnum ex terra frugifera : 
piscibus atque avibus ferisque quae incolunt terras, iis fuat esca 
caro tua; nam mihi ita Iuppiter fatus est. 


LIVII ANDRONICI FRAGMENTA. 


3. Carmen de ludis vovendis eiusdem Marcii. 


A. C. 214. 


Liv. xxv. 12. ed. Madvig. 


Hostem Romani si expellere 
vultis vomicamgue, quae gen- 
tium venit longe, Apollini vo- 
vendos censeo ludos qui quot- 
annis comiter Apollini fiant: 
quum populus dederit ex pub- 
lico partem, privatiuti conferant 
pro se atque suis. Iis ludis fa- 
ciendis praeerit praetor is, qui 
ius populo plebeique dabit sum- 
mum.  Decemviri Graeco ritu 
hostis sacra faciant. Hoc si 
recte facietis, gaudebitis semper, 
fietque res vestra melior. Nam 
is divus exstinguet perduelles 
vestros, qui vestros campos 


pascit (a/ pascunt) placide. 


289 


U.C. 540 = 


Macrob. Sat, i, 17, 28 ed. Jan. 


Hostem Romani si ex agro 
expellere vultis vomicam quae 
gentium venit longe, Apollini 
censeo vovendos ludos, qui quo- 
tannis comiter Apollini fiant. 


His ludis fa- 
ciendis praesit is praetor qui 
lus populo plebique dabit sum- 
mum. Decemviri Graeco ritu 
hostis sacra faciant. Hoc si 
recte facietig gaudebitis sem-- 
per, fietque res publica melior. 
Nam is divus extinguet per- 
duelles vestros qui vestros cam- 
pos pascunt placide. 


4. Quamvis monentium duonum negumate. 


Ex Festo p. 165, monentium, Corssen ; moventium, cod. 


Car. II.—Ltvm AnpRoNIcI FRAGMENTA. 


Cirea v.c. 470—550=.C. 284-204. 


Ex Odissia quae supersunt omnia. 


I Virdm mihi Caména ínsecé verstitum. 


2 Patér nostér Satürni filie 


(Hom. Od. 1. 1.) 
(i. 45, 81.) 


3 Me& puerá quid vérbi ex tuo ore supra fügit? (1. 64, etc.) 


4 Me& puér quid vérbi éx tuo dre aádio ? 
nequé tam /éd oblitus stim Laértie nóster. 


Livius. 1. Gell. xviii. 9, 5. 
p. 231 H ; supera, Fleckeisen. 


2. Prisc. vii. p. 305, Hertz. 
4. Charisius, i. p. 84, 8 K ; audivi, Keil. 


(4. 64.) 
(i. 65.) 


3. Prisc. vi, 


5. Prisc. vii. p. 301 H ; (amen, MSS, ; tam ted, Fleck.; tamen te, H. 


U 





290 LIVII ANDRONICI FRAGMENTA. 


6 Argénteó polübro aüreó ez güt/o. (i. 156.) 
7 Quae haéc daps ést, qui féstus dies? gutd tib rest? (1. 225.) 
8 Meám matrém prócitum plürimí venérunt. (i. 248.) 


9 Quandó diés advéniet quém profáta Mórta est.  (? 11. 100.) 
(vel potius x: 175.) 


IO Aut in Pylüm advéniezs ait ibí omméntans. (i. 317.) 
11 Tuncqué remós iüssit réligáre strüppis. (? 1. 422.) 
12 Ibídemqué vir simmus ádprimüs Patrícoles. (ii. 110.) 
rg Atqué escás habefmus méntiónem ..... (iv. 213 

vel. x. 177.) 


14 Partím erránt, nequínont Graéciám redíre. (? iv. 495.) 
15 Sanct& puér Satárni fíliá regina. (iv. 513; ? Il. v. 721.) 
I6 Apüd nimphám Atlántis fíli&m Calipsónem. (iv. 557.) 
17 Igitár demum Ulixi cor fríxit praé pavóre. (v. 297.) 
18 Utrim genuá amplóctens vírginém oráret. (vi. 142.) 
19 Ibi manéns sedéto, dónicám vidébisy 7 
me cárpentó'vehéntem dómum venísse pátris. (vi.295,296.) 
. 21 Ops puerárum mánibus cónfectüm pulcérrime. (vii.235.) 


22 Simulác lacrimás de óre noégeó detérsit. (viii. 88.) 
23 námque nüllum 


peius mácerát homónem, quámde máre saévum, 
virés cuf sunt mágnae; tópper cónfríngent 


eás inpórtunae ündae. (viii. 138, 139.) 
27 Mereürius cám eóque filiis Latónas. (vill. 322.) 
28 nam díva 

Monétas fília dócuit. (viii. 481.) 


6. Non. p. 544 M; aureo et glutro, MS.; awreo eglutro - lixXAosrpy, Müller, 
Fest. p. 396; et aureo gutio, vulg. corr.; et aureo ex gutto, Guenther. 7. Prisc. 
vii. p. 321 H ; quae kaéc tóndem dáps et qui festás diés est, corr. Guenther; sup- 
plevi dubitans quid tibf rest ! 8. Fest. Ep. p. 225; s.v. procitum sine scriptoris 


nomine. Sor., fortasse procitum. 9. Gell. iii. 16,11; quam, Guenther. 
10. Fest. p. 190, v. ommentans. ri. Isidor, Orig. xix. 4, v. struppi; statimque, 
Guenth. 12. Gell. vi. 7. 13. Prisc. vi. p. 198 H. 14. Fest. p. 162 M, 
8. Y. nequinont; neque nunc, codd. I5. Prisc. vi. p. 232 H. 16. Prisc. vi. 


p. 210 H. 17. Serv. ad Aen. 1. 92. 18. Diomedes,i. p. 334 K. — 19. Charis. 
ii. p. 197 K ; vehementem, cod. Bob. ; patris, addidi ex Homero ; parentis, Ritechl. 
21. Prisc. vi. p. 231 H ; opus, add. Guenther; hercle vel ecce vel simili, Fleckeisen. 
22. Fest. p. 174 M, 8. v. noegeum. 23-26. Fest. p. 352 M, s. v. topper; cod. 
humanum, viret, unde ; homonem, Urs. ; hemonem, Herm.; eas, add. Guenther et 
sint pro sunt. Fortasse ita transponendum est et notandum namqué nulltim péius 
micerdt homdnem | virés quotel sunt mágnae, quámde máre saévom | toppér (eá«) 
confringent fnportánae dndae. 27, 28. Prisc. iii. p. 198. 


EX ODISSIA QUAE SUPERSUNT. 291 


30 nexébant mülta intér se fléxu nódórum 
dubió. (? vii. 106.) 
32 Inferus an superus tibi fert deus funera Ulixes. 


(xi. 134, 135.) 


33 Toppér facít homónes veris vel sueris. (x. 432.) 
34 Toppér citi ad aédis vénimus Circá;. (xii. 9.) 
Simul duoná eórum pórtant 4d nfves: 
milía aliá in isdem ín/ersérinántur. (xii. 17—19.) 
37. . . . . . eic quoque fítum est. (xiii. 40.) 
38 Parcéntes praémodám . . . . . . (? xiv. 92.) 


39 Quoniám audívi paücis gávisi e 

40 Vestis pullá purpárea ámpla . . . . . . (xix.225) 
41 Cum socios nostros mandisset impius Cyclops. ^ (xx. 19.) 
42 At celer hasta volans perrumpit pectora ferro. (xxii. 82.) 
43 Carnís vinámque quód libábant ánclabátur. ^ (xxiii. 304.) 


44 lam in 4ltum expdlsa líntre . . . . (ix. 487.) 
+45 Aurátaé vaginae bálteá auráta (? Il. xi. 29.) 
illis eránt ZEND 
Ta6 . . . . . . . . . Éffatim édi 
bibilusi . . . . . . . . . . (? cp. xv. 373.) 
*48 Dequé manibás dextrábus . . . . (ii. 396.) 


3o. Prisc. ix. p. 469; x. p. 538; Diomed. i p. 369 K; nexebant, nexabant, 
nexabat, etc, codd. 32. Prisc. ili. p. 96. — 33. Fest. Ep. p. 353 M ; topper facit 
homines utrius fuerint, cod. ; faciet, Herm ; homones, Muell.; veria sueris, Scal. 
34. Fest. p. 352 M ; topper citi ad aedis venimus Circae simul duona eorum por- 
tant ad navis. Milia alia in isdem inserinuntur, cod. ; coram, Mueller, vide adno- 
tata ; interserinumtur, Ritschl, de Miliario Popiliano, p. 18. 37. Non. p. 475, 
8. V. fite ft quoque fitum est, codd. ; síc, Herm.; até quoque (sc. Livius) ' fitum est,’ 
Passer. probante Quicherat. 38. Gell. vi. 7, 13. 39. Prisc. ix. p. 482, 
gavisi pro gavisus sum. 40. Non. p. 368, s. v. pullum. 41. Prisc. viii. 
p.419. Forsan scribendum : cum sócios ndstros Cyclops émpitis mandisset.» 42. 
Prisc. vii. p. 335. 43. Prisc. vi. p. 308. — 44. Prisc. v. p. 151. T45. Non. 
P- 194, 8. v. balteus aurata baltea, sed vide adnotata : ex Odysseia vix esse potest. 
T46. Fest. p. 11. Scaliger ad Odyss. refert, ad comoediam incertam probabilius 
Ribbeck. *48. Non. p. 493, 15, omisit, Guenther. 


292 CN. NAEVII FRAGMENTA. 


Cap. III.—Cxv. Narvir FRAGMENTA. 


SCRIPSIT POST V.C. 519 = A.C. 235. 
Ex Punicorum libris quae supersunt omnia. 


Lis. I. 


1 Novém Iovis concórdes filiaé soróres. 

2 Postquám avés aspéxit in templó Anchíses, 
sacra in mensá Penátium érdiné ponüntur: 
auráíamque íÍmmolábat victimám pülcram. 

5... rés divás edicit, praédicit cástus. 

6 ei venít in. méntem hóminum fórtünas. 

7 ámborüm uxóres 
nocta Troi&d exibant cápitibüs opértis, 
flentés ambaé, abeántes lácrimís cum muültis. 

10 Eorim sectám sequüntur mülti mórtáles. 
TD mülti alii e' Troía 
strenui viri TON 
ubí forás cum aüro íllue éxíbant. 

Serv. in Aen. i. 170: * Novam tamen rem Naevius bello 
Punico dicit unam navem habuisse Aeneam quam Mer- 
curius fecerit. 

14 Senéx fretüs pietáte [deum] ádlocátus sümmi 
detim regis fratrém Neptünum régnatórem 


^ 


marum. 


Serv. in ÀÁen.i. 198: ‘O socii, ete., et totus hic locus de 
Naevio belli Punici lib. translatus est.' 
Macrobius, Sat. vi. 2, 30: ‘Sunt alii loci plurimorum versuum 


— —— — — ~ 


NAEVIUS Ponic. 1. Marius Vic. de versu Sat. p. 2587 P. 191 G. 2. Prob. in 
Verg. Ecl vi. 31, qui ad lib. iii refert; autem, avem, codd.; Anchisa, Vablen, 
coll. Quint. i. 5, 61, Charis. i. p. 9 L; immolabat auream, codd. emend. Keil. 
5. Non. p. 197, 8. v. castitas ; utramque thesin supprimit Vahlen. 6. Prisc. 
vi. p. 199 H; mente, codd. 7. Serv. in Aen. iii, 10; Troiade, codd. ; corr. 
Vossius. 10 Serv. in Aen. ii. 797. I4. Prisc. vii. p. 352 H ; pietate, 
píetati, codd ; pictatei, Vahlen ; deum uncis seclusi. 














EX PUNICORUM LIBRIS. 293 


quos Maro in opus suum cum paucorum inmutatione verborum a 
veteribus transtulit ... in principio Aeneidos tempestas describitur 
et Venus apud Iovem queritur de periculis filu, et Iuppiter eam 
de futurorum prosperitate solatur. Hic locus totus sumptus 
a Naevio est ex primo libro belli Punici. Illic enim aeque 
Venus Troianis tempestate laborantibus cum Iove queritur et 
secuntur verba Iovis filiam consolantis spe futurorum. 


17 Patrém suüm suprémum óptumüm adpéllat. 


Serv. in Aen. iv. 9: ‘Anna soror. Cuius filiae fuerint 
Anna et Dido Naevius dixit.’ 


18 Ferünt pulerós cratéras müreás lepístas. 
19 Blande ét docté percóntat Aéneás quo pfcto 
Troiam ürbem líquerít 9 ee 
Lactantius, Div. Inst. i. 6: * Quartam (sc. Sibyllam) Cimme- 
riam in Italia, quam Naevius in libris belli Punici, Piso in 
annalibus nominat. 


Serv. in Aen. ix. 715: ‘Prochyta... hanc Naevius in primo 
belli Punicf de cognata Aeneae nomen accepisse dicit. Cf. 
auctorem de origine Gentis Rom. oc. 10. 


21 silvicolaé hómines 
Bellique inértes. 

23 Ineránt signá expréssa qué modó Titáni, 
bicórporés Gigántes mágniqué Atlántes, 
Runeüs atqué Purpüreus filii térras 


E Lisgo SrEcuNDO. 


26 lamque éiüs mentém fortána fécerát quiétem. 
27 Mandsque süsum ad caélum sistulit suas rez 
Amiltus grátulátur divis 


17. Varro, L. L. vii. 5t. 18, Plotius de Sat. Metro, p. 3650 P ; Atil. 
Fort. p. 2680 P; Mar. Victorin. p. 2587 P; pulchras creterras, Plot. et 
Mar.; pateras et lepidas, Fort. (crateras, mg.) 19. Non. p. 335, ad lib. ii. 
refert. id. p. 474. 21. Macrob. Sat. vi. 5, 9 ; cp. Aen. x. 551, forsan homones. 
33 Prisc. vi. p. 198 H ; cf. Bentl. ad Hor. Od. ii. 19, 33; bicorpore, codd. ; atque, 
codd. ; ac, Mueller, plerique. 26. Prisc. vi. p. 343 H. 27. Non. p. 
116 ; isque, codd., corr. Merula; res, codd., corr. Stephanus; Ammullus, codd., corr. 
Steph., alii aliter; gratulabatur, codd., corr. Herm. 


294 CN. NAEVII FRAGMENTA. 


Serv. in Aen. i. 273: ‘Naevius et Ennius Aenese ex filia 
nepotem Romulum conditorem urbis tradunt." 


Varro, de L. L. v. 45: ‘Aventinum aliquot de causis dicunt. 
Naevius ab avibus, quod eo se ab Tiberi ferrent aves.’ 


Varro, de L. L. v. 53: *Quartae regionis Palatium ... eum- 
dem hune locum a pecore dictum putant quidam : itaque Naevius 
Balatium adpellat.’ (Balatium, codd. Flor. Havn.; Balantium, 
cett.) 

29 Primá incédit Céreris Próserpiná püer. 
30 Dein polléns sagittis, inclutüs arquítenens, 
sanctás Delphís prognátus Pyjthiás Apóllo. 


E Lisro TzrnT!IO. 


32 Simul Átrociá proícerent éxta minístratóres. 
33 Seopás atqué verbénas ságminá sumpeérunt. 


34 M(4rcus) Valérius cónsul 
partém exérciti in éxpedítiónem dicit. 
36 Seséque ei períre mávolünt ibídem e 


quam cum stupró redire 4d suds populáres. 
38 Sin illos déseránt fortíssimós virórum 
magnüm stuprüm pópulo fierí per géntis. 


E LiBRo Quarto. 


40 Transit Melit&m Románus exércitus, ínsulam íntegram 
urít, populátur, vástat, rem hóstiüm concínnat. 

42 Vicíssatím volví victóriám .... 

43 Verüm praetór advénit, aüspicát auspicium 
prosperum. 

45 Eám carném victéribis danánt ...... 


29. Prisc. vi. p. 232; prima íncédit Céreris Prósérpiná puer, Vahlen; vix recte. 
30. Macrob. Sat. vi. 5, 8; cp. Aen. iii. 75; deinde, codd. ; dein, Merula ; sanct- 
weque, codd., corr. Vahlen. 33. Non. p. 76, atrox crudum ; porricerent, Junius, 
Vahlen ; prosicerent, Mercer. 33. Fest. Ep. p. 320; scapas, scabos, scapos, codd., 
corr. Scaliger; verbenas reicit Hermann et Vahlen. 34. Charisius, i. p. 103 P ; 
M.cod.; Manius, Merula. — 36. Fest. p. 317; i, cod.; 4i, Ursinus; sei, Mueller; 


strupro, cod. 38 ibid.; deseritis, Scal. ; viros, cod.; virorum, Soal. 40. 
Non. p. 9o, ita Hermannus cum codicibus. 1. M. R. tnsulam (ntegram ómnem, 
Vahlen. 42. Non. p. 183. 43. Non. p. 468 ; virum praetor adveniet, 


codd., corr. Junius. 45. Non. p. 97. 


EX PUNICORUM LIBRIS. 295 


E Lisgo Quinro. 


46 .... díctatór ubi eárrum insédit 
pervéhitur ásque ad óppidum . . . . ... 


E Lipro SeExto. 


48 . . séptimim decimum Annum íllieó sedént ... 
49 Supériitér contémptim cónterít legiónes. 

5o Convenit regnum simul atque locos ut baberet. 
51 Censét eó ventirum óbviám Poénum. 


E LiBRo SEPTIMO. 


Gell. xvii. 21, 45: * M. Varro in .libris de poetis primo sti- 
pendia fecisse ait bello Poenico primo, idque ipsum Naevium 
dicere in eo carmine quod de eodem bello scripsit. 

52 Id quóque paciscunt ü/ moeniá eint, quaé Lutátium 
recónciliént . TEM e. 
54 - . . . eaptívos plürimós Siciliénses 
pacíscit óbsidés ut réddant 


Ex rNcERTIS Lrsris. 

56 simme deüm regnátor 

quianám genuisti . . .? 
58 Magném domüm decórémque dítem véxárant. 
59... . conférre queánt ratem aératám, qui 

per liquidum máre sudántes átque eünt sedéntes. 
61.... pulerámque ex aüro véstemqué citrósam. 
62 Oneráriaé onüstae stábant ín flüstris. 
63 Simül aliüs aliünde rimit&nt intér se. 


46. Varro de L. L. v. 153, ita Hermannus : aliter disposuit, Mueller. 48. . 
Non. p: 325. 49. Non. p. 155 bis. ; superviter, codd. 50. Non. p. 211; 
bexametrum huno, fortasse Ennianum, in metrum Seturnium coégit Hermann. 
51. Non. p. 267. 83-55. Non. p. 474 (interposito * Idem") ; pactecuntur, 
reconciliant, codd. ; pactscunt moenta, edd. ; ut, Mercer.; reconcilient, Hermann. 
Id quóque paciseunt moénia sint, Lutátiám quae | recónciliént captivos. plérimde 
idem | Sictliensés paciectt dbsidés ut réddant, Vahlen. ídem * Naevius,’ Gerl. 
Quicherat. 56. Fest. p. 257, 8. v. quianam. 58. Prisc. vi. p. 335; mag- 
tamque, vulgo; vexerant, Hertz. 59. Varro, L. L. vii. 33; non ferre, M. ; 
queant, Turnebi, cod. ; que aut reliqui; eunt atque, codd. 61. Isid. Orig. xix. 
32; cf. Macr. S. iii. 19; Fest. Ep. ps 42. 6a. Isid. de Nat. Rer. c. 44. 
63. Fest. pp. 270, 271 s. v. rumitant. 


296 CN. NAEVII FRAGMENTA. 


64 Plerique omnés subíungunt sib suám iudícium. 
65... quod brüti née satis sardáre 
queünt. 


67 . . . fames &cer 
augéscit hóstibás TOME 
69 Toppér capésset flammam Véleani 


70 . . . . &tque priüs pariét locüsta 
Lucám bovém 


72 Quam liqudum . . . . amnem. 
73 Samnite. 


Gell. v. 12: * Lucetium autem Iovem Cn. Naevius in libris 
belli Poenici adpellat.’ 


Fest, pp. 262, 3: runa genus teli significat ...... Naevius, 
etc. 


Fest. p. 310: supparum: puniceum vestimentum ita vocat, 
Naevius, de bello Punico. 


74 Apud émporiüm in cámpo hóstiüm pro moéne. 


EX TRAGOEDIIS. * 
ANDROMACHA. 
R.1 Quod tá, mi gnate, quaéso ut in pectüs tuum 
demittas, tamquam in fiscinam vindémitor. 
HECTOR PROFICISCENS. 
18 Laétus sum laudfri me abs te, páter a laudató viro. 


Lycvrevs (quae extant omnia). 


21 Tuós qui celsos términos tutánt . . 
22 Alté iudatos 4ngues in sesé gerunt. 


64. Donat. in Ter. Andr. i. 1, 28; subigunt, fugiunt, codd.; subringunt, Stephanus. 
65. Fest. Ep. p. 323, s. v. eardare, cf. Varro, L. L. vii. 108, sarrare. 67. Prisc. 


v. p. 153 H; vi. p. 330. 69. Fest. p. 352, 8. v. topper. 70. Varro, L. L. 
vii. 39 ; versus disposuit Mueller. 72. Fest. p. 393, 8. v. eublicium pontem. 
73. Prisc. vi. p. 249, ' huius neutrum Naevius, etc. 74. Feat. p. 145; moene 


singulariter dixit Ennius. ‘ Naevius’ pro Ennio, Mueller. 
Trac. 1. Serv. in Georg. i. 266, vindemtator in f. codd. ; corr. Bothe. Novio 
tribuunt Bothe et Munk. 18. Cic, Tusc. Disp. iv. 31, 67; ad Fam. v. 12; 


xv.6. Senec. Ep. 101, 16, etc. ar. Non. 476, 9. 22. Non. 191, 16; 
tugatos, libri, corr. Junius. 


EX TRAGOEDIIS. 297 


23 Líberi, 
quacünque incedunt, ómnes arvas Ópterunt. - 
25 ' suavisonüm melos. 


26 Vos quí regalis córporis custódias 
agitátis ite acbítum in frundiferós locos 
ingénio arbusta ubi náta sunt, non óbsita. / 
29 dücíte Cc 
eó cum argutis línguis mutas quádrupedis. 
31 Alis sublimen alios saltus inlicite, 
ubi bipedes volucres lino linquant lumina. 
34 Ut ín venatu vítulantis éx suis 
locís nos míttat poénis decoratás feris. 
36 pérgite 
Tyrsigerae Bacchae B&cchico cum schémate. 
38 Ignótae iteris sumus: tite scis . 
39 Dic quo pacto eüm potiti sétis, pugnane án dolis? 
40 Ne ílle mei feri ingeni atque ánimi acrem acrimóniam. 
41 Cáve sis tuam conténdas iram cóntra cum ira Líberi. 


42.Óderunt di hominés iniuros.—Egone an ille iníurie 
fácimus ? 

44 Séd quasi amnis cis rapit sed, támen inflexa fléctitur. 

45 lam ibi nós duplicat ad vénientis timós pavos. 

46 nam ut ludere laetantis inter se vidimus 
praeter amnem creterris sumere aquam ex /onte. 

48 Pállis patagiis crocotis málacis mortuálibus. 


23. Non. 192, 39 ; quaque, libri, corr. Vossius. Liberi [sunt] quáque, e. q. s., 
Ribb. 2. 35. Non. 213, 10; suave summum, libri, corr. Voss. 26. Non. 
323, 1; arbusto vineta, libri, corr. Scaliger; obsitu, obstutas, libri, corr. Scal. 
29. Non. 9, 24; tum, libri, corr. Mercer. 31, 32. Non. 6, 17 ; ita libri, sed 
sublime, A. J. M. ; sublimem, L.; alii, Scal. ; Maenaltos, Mercer, Quicherat. alis 
. . | eublimen alios in saltus inlicite ubi | quaest, Ribb.!; [alias] alis | sublime in altos 
saltus inlicile [invíos) | Ribb.? ; alià subli(mi] Maenalios | saltus illicite u[t i]bi 
bipedes | etc., Quicherat. Forsan scr. ut bipedes. 34. Non. 14, 19; locis, 
libri; lucis, Mercer. 36. Non. 335, 1; modo Bacchico, libri. 38. Prisc. 
vi. p. 695 P ; Non. pp. 124, 485. 39. Non. 481, sitis et ne, addiderunt critici. 
40. Non. 73, ingeni [tram], Ribb. 41. Non. 359, contendere. 42. Non. 
124, iniurie. 44. Non. 192, &mnem ... feminino. Ita libri... sie quasi 
amnis celeris rapit, sed, Ribb.?; sed quasi amnis vt rapit se, tamen, Quich. 45. 
. Non. 487, ita libri; Quich. om. pavos ut glossema. — 46. Non. 547, ita fere libri, 
sed ex ponte in fonte mutandum, vide Non. p. 84, 10. Versus refingit Ribb.* 
namque ludere ut laetantis inter sese. vidimus | propter amnem, aquam, creterris 
sumere ex fonte...; inter se laetantia ... propter amnem aquam creterris sumere 
ex fonte propter, Junius. 48. Non. pp. 540, 548. 


298 CN. NAEVII FRAGMENTA. 


49 Sine férro pecuá manibus ad mortém meant. 

5o Ut videam Vulcáni opera haec flámmis flora fiéri. 

51 Proinde háe Dryante regem prognatum patre 
Lycurgum cette ! 

53 lam sólis aestu cándor cum liquésceret. 

54 Laté longeque tránstra nostris férvere. 

55 VÓós qui astatis Óbstinati 


EX INCERTA. 
56 Mále parta male dílabuntur. 


EX COMOEBEDIIS. 
GYMNASTICUS. 
55 Edepól Cupido cim tam pausillás sis, nimis multüm vales. 
Lupvs. 


61 Cedo quí vestram rempüblicam tantam &misistis tám cito? 
62 Provéniebant orátores noví stulti adulescéntuli. 


TARENTILLA. 


71 Quae ego ín theatro hic meís probavi plaüsibus, 
ea nón audere quémquam regem rümpere; 
quantó libertatem hanc hic superat sérvitus! 

75 quáse pila 
{n choro ludéns datatim dát se et communém facit, 
áli adnutat, áli adnictat, dlium amat, aliám tenet. 
álibi manus est dccupata, álii percellít pedem, 
ánulum alii dát spectandum, 4 labris alium {nvocat, 
cum álio cantat, Áttamen alii suó dat digito líteras. 


49. Non. 159, pecora manibus ut ad libri; pecua wu£ cj. Grauert, Bergk, 
Diintzer : alii aliter detorserunt. 50. Non. 109, fimbriae; excidit lemma 
flora florida, Mercer. Vulcani haec opere, Quich.; ... ut vídeam—fleri fora, 
Ribb.; fieri fora, libri; fora fieri, cj. Bothe. 51. Non. 84, cette s. dicite 
vel date; proín dustriantte regem, libri; proin Dryante rege, cj. Jun. 53. Non. 
334, candor cut, libri. 54. Non. p. 503. fervit pro fervet: ita Quich.; trans 
nostros, libri; transtros nostros, Ribb.; Zruce  "ostros, Bothe; Thracia nostra, 
Grot. 55. Fest. p. 193, obstinato. 56. Y'est. Ep. p. 322; Cic. Phil. ii. 
27, 66, * apud poetam nescio quem.’ 

Com. 55. Non. p. 421, 25. 61, 62. Cic. C^*. Maior, 6, 25. v1. Charis. , 
ii. p. 192 P. 75. Isidor. Orig. i. 35; Ennius do quadam impudica, sed conf. 
Fest. Ep. p. a9 v. Adnictat, Naevius in Tarentilla, ‘alii adnutat, alii adnictat, 
alium amat, alium tenet,' pila om. Ribb.?, alii dat anulum, libri ; varie correxerunt 
docti. 


Q. ENNII FRAGMENTA. 299 


TUNICULARIA. 


99 Theodótum compellas, qui áras compitálibus 
sedéns in cella circumtectus tégetibus 
Larés ludentes péni pinxit bubulo. 


Ex INCERTIS. 
108 Etiám qui res magnás manu saepe géssit glorióse, 
cuius facta viva nunc vigent, qui apud géntes solus praéstat, 
eum suus patér cum pallio uno ab amíea abdüxit. 
112 Libera linguá loquemur lidis Liberálibus. 
121 Cócus edit Neptünum Venerem Cérerem..... 


ExLocium NAEVII A SE IPSO DICTUM. 
Apud Gellium, i. 24. 
Inmórtalés mortáles sí forét fas flére, 
flerént divaé Caménae Naéviüm poétam: 
it&que póstquam est Orci tr&ditus thesaüro, 
obliti sánt Romaé loquiér linguá Latina. 


Cap. IV.—Q. Ennit FRAGMENTA. 
V. C. 515-5852 4. C. 239-169. 
ANNALIUM Lis. I. 


(Ilia Aeneae filia sororem adloquitur.) 


V. 36* Excita cum tremulis anus attulit artubus lumen, 
Talia commemorat lacrimans, exterrita somno: 
‘Eurudica prognata pater quam noster amavit, 
Vires vitaque corpus meum nunc deserit omne. 

40 Nam me visus homo pulcher per amoena salicta 
Et ripas raptare locosque novos: ita sola 


99. Fest. p. 230, ita cod.; appellas, Müller; Theodotum | compiles [pingena], 


Ribb.* ; Theodotum, oppeilans, Bücheler. 108. Gell. N. A. vii. 8, 5, ita fere 
libri; palliod wnod, Buech. Ritschl, Ribb.* 112. Fest. Ep. p. 116. 121. Ib. 
p- 58. 


ENN. ANN. 36-52. Cic. de Div. i. 20, 40. Narrat enim et apud Ennium Ves- 
talis illa excita e.q.s. 


300 Q. ENNII FRAGMENTA. 


Postilla germana soror, errare videbar 
Tardaque vestigare et quaerere té, neque posse 
Corde eapessere: semita nulla pedem stabilibat. 
45 Exin compellare pater me voce videtur 
His verbis: “o gnata, tibi sunt ante ferendae 
* Aerumnae, post ex fluvio fortuna resistet." 
Haee ecfatus pater, germana, repente recessit 
Nec sese dedit in conspectum corde cupitus, 
50 Quamquam multa manus ad caeli caerula templa 
Tendebam lacrumans et blanda voce vocabam. 
Vix aegro cum corde meo me somnus reliquit.’ 


{Romulo auspicia data.] 


80 Curantes magna cum cura cumcupientes 
Regni dant operam simul auspicio augurioque. 
[Hinc] Remus auspicio se devovet atque secundam 
Solus avem servat. at Romulus pulcher in alto 
Quaerit Aventino, servat genus altivolantum. 
85 Certabant urbem Romam Remoramne vocarent. 
Omnibus cura viris uter esset induperator. 
Expectant vel uti, consul cum mittere signum 
Volt, omnes avidi spectant ad carceris oras, 
Quam mox emittat pictis e faucibus currus: 
go Sie expectabat populus atque ora tenebat 
Rebus, utri magni victoria sit data regni. . 
Interea sol albus recessit in infera noctis. 
Exin eandida se radiis dedit icta foras lux. 
Et simul ex alto longe puleherruma praepes | 
95 Laeva volavit avis: simul aureus exoritur sol. 
Cedunt de caelo ter quattor corpora sancta 
Avium, praepetibus sese pulchrisque locis dant. 
Conspicit inde sibi data Romulus esse priora, 
Auspicio regni stabilita scamna locumque. 


80-99. Cic. de Div. i. 48, 107, * itaque Romulus augur ut apud Ennium est cum 
fratre item augure curantese.q.s. Cp. Gell.vi. 6. 80. tum cupientes, Vind. 
Vahlen ; cum cupientes, Erl. ; concupientes, vulgo. 82. $n monte Remus, Vind. 
83. autem, V. E. — 93. isla, Eri. 96. quattuor, V. ; quatuor, E. 97. frustra 
detorserunt critici. 


EX ANNALIBUS, 301 


[Romuli nenia.) 


114* Pectora diu tenet desiderium, simul inter 
Sese sic memorant, ‘o Romule, Romule die, 
Qualem te patriae custodem di genuerunt! 
O pater o genitor o sanguen dis oriundum, 
Tu produxisti nos intra luminis oras. 

119* Romulus in caelo cum dis genitalibus aevum 
Degit. 

Lis, VI. (fragmenta quae extant omnia). 
(Bellum cum Pyrrho Epiri rege. } 
178 Quis potis ingentis oras evolvere belli? 
179 Tum cum corde suo divum pater atque hominum rex 


Effatur. 
[Postumius apud Tarentinos. } 


181* Contra carinantes verba atque obscena profatus. 
[Tarentini Pyrrhum arcessunt.] 


183 Navus repertus homo Graio patre Graius homo rex, 
184* Nomine Burrus uti memorant a stirpe supremo. 
185 Intus in occulto mussabant . . 

[Oraculum Apollinis Pyrrho datum.] 


186* Aio te Aeacida Romanos vincere posse. 
187* stolidum genus Aeacidarum 
Bellipotentes sunt magis quam sapientipotentes. 


[Proletarii armantur.) 
189* Proletarius publicitus scuteisque feroque 


114-118. Cic. de R. P. i. 41, 64; diu, cod. m. pr.; dia, cod. m. altera; dura, 
Steinacker; fda, Krarupius. II5-118, Lactant. Inst. i. 15; O Romule... 
oras. 117. Prisc. vi. p. 708, O sanguen dís oriundum. 119. Serv. in Aen. 
vi. 764, Cic. Tusc. i. 12, 28, Romulus in caelo cum dis agit aevum, cp. Inscr. 
Pomp. 3135. 

Lr. VI. 178. Quint. vi. 3, 86; Macrob. Sat. vi. 1; Diomed. i. p. 381 P; 
Serv. in Aen. ix. 528. 179. Macrob. Sat. vi. 1; cp. Aen. x. 1. 181. Serv. 
in Aen. viii. 361 ; contra carinantes | verba (atra), e. q. 8. Vahl.; et contra carinans 
verba atque, Salmasius; conira carinantes verba aeque, Castricomius Merulae. 
183. Fest. p. 169. 184. Non. p. 226, 30; Fest. pp. 313, 286. Pyrrhus, Non. 
Fest.; Burrus, v. Cic. Orat. 48, 160. 185. Feat. p. 298. 186. Cic. de 
Div. ii. 56, 116, etc. 187. Cic. ibid. 189-191. Gell. xvi. 10; Non. p. 
155, 21; sculeisque, Gronov.; scutaque, Non. sicués isque, etc., Gell.; ornatus, 
Non. orn. Gell. 


302 Q. ENNII FRAGMENTA. 


Ornatur ferro, muros urbemque forumque 
~ Excubiis curant. 
192 Balantum pecudes quatit: omnes arma requirunt. 


[Arbores ad rogos faciendos caeduntur.] 


193* Incedunt arbusta per alta, securibus caedunt, 
Percellunt magnas quercus, exciditur ilex, 
Fraxinus frangitur atque abies consternitur alta. 
Pinus proceras pervortunt: omne sonabat 
Arbustum fremitu silvai frondosai. 


(Epigramma Pyrrhi in templo Tarentini Iovis.] 


(^  198** Qui antehaé invicti fuerunt, pater optime Olympi, 
Hos et ego in pugna vici victusque sum ab isdem, 
[ Pyrrhi de captivis reddendis praeclara sententia.] 
200* Nec mi aurum posco nec mi pretium dederitis : 
Non cauponantes bellum sed belligerantes, 
Ferro non auro vitam cernamus utrique. 
Vosne velit an me regnare, era quidve ferat Fors 
Virtute experiamur. Et hoc simul accipe dictum: 
205 Quorum virtutei belli fortuna pepercit, 
Eorundem libertati me parcere certumust. 
Dono ducite, doque volentibus cum magnis Dis. 


[Sententia ab Appio dicta.] 


208* Quo vobis mentes rectae quae stare solebant 
Antehac, dementes sese flexere viai? 
210 Sed quid ego hic animo lamentor? 


2 [Cineas redit re infecta.) 
211* Orator sine pace redit regique refert rem. 
(Cineas rem Pyrrho refert.] 
212 .. ast animo superant atque aspera prima 


192. Macr. Set. vi. 1; cp. Aen. vii. 625. 193. Macrob. Sat. vi. 2; cp. Aen. 
vi. 179. 198. Oros. iv. 1, * Pyrrhus. . . [post pugnam Heracleensem] . . . ad- 
figens titulum in templo Tarentini Iovis, Hist. Miscell. ii. 16. 200-207. Cic. 
de Off. i. 12, 38, 'Pyrrhi . . . praeclara sententia.' 208. Cic. Cat. Mai. 6, 16 
(Appius Claudius) cum sententia senatus inclinaret ad pacem cum Pyrrho foed- 
usque faciendum. 210. Donat. in Ter. Phorm. v. 4, 2. 211. Varro, 
L. L. vii. 41. 212. Scbol, Veron. in Verg. Aen. v. 473. aut, animose, asp... 


EX ANNALIBUS. 303 


Volnera belli despernunt. 
(569)* . . . . deeretum est fossari corpora telis. 
-(486)* Dum quidem unus homo Romanus toga superescit. 


[Decius nepos spud Asculum se devovet.] 


214. . « . divi hoe audite parumper, 
Ut pro Romano populo prognariter armis 
" Certando prudens animam de corpore mitto. 


[De rebus ad Beneventum gestis.) 


217 Lumen . . . . . + scitus agaso 
218 Vertitur interea eselum cum ingentibus signis. 
: 219 Ut primum tenebris abiectis indalbabat. 


[Laus M’, Curii.] 
220** Quem nemo ferro potuit superare nec auro. 


Lis. VII. 
( Ennii de Naevio sententia. ] 


221* scripsere alii rem 
Versibus quos olim Faunei vatesque canebant; 
Cum neque Musarum scopulos quisquam superarat 
Nec dieti studiosus erat, 
225 ante hune 
226 Nos ausi reserare 


[Gemini Servilii amicus describitur.) 

239 Haece locutus vocat quocum bene saepe libenter 
Mensam sermonesque suos rerumque suarum 
Comiter impartit, magnam eum lassus diei _ 
Partem fuisset de summis rebus regundis 


rima, cod. ; ast, Vahlen; animo, aspera prima, Keil. ; asperrima, Maius. 213. 
...fera (1) bells epernunt, cod. ; munera, Keil. 569 et 486. Huc trahit Weidner, 
Quellenbuch, p. 135 n. 569. Varro, L. L. vii. 104, decretum est stare, libri. 
486. Fest. p. 302, 303, cp. Lachm. Lucr. ii. 466. 214. Non. p. 150, 6, v. 
prognariter dtu, libri; anima, libri; anémam, Aldina. 217. Fest. p. 330; 
sumen(ta], H. Ilberg. 218. Macr. Bat. vi. 1. 219. Achilles Stat. ad Catull 
lxiv. 40, * lustravit aethera album.’ 220, Cic. de Rep. iii. 3, 6, ‘ex qua vita. 
(civili) sic summi viri ornantur ut vel M'. Curius quem, e. q.s. 

Lr». VII. 221-226. Cic. Brut. 18, 71; 19, 76; orator, 51, 171 ; cp. Varro, 
L. L. vii. 36; fauns et, Var.; fauni, cet. 239-256. Gell. xii. 4. 241. cométer, 
comitum, libri; émpartit, émpertit, libri; congeriem partit, Vahlen; copiam $m- 
pertit, oonj. Luc. Mueller, D. R. M. p. 306. 





304 Q. ENNII FRAGMENTA. 


wv 
Consilio ifidu foro lato sanctoque senatu: 
Cui res audacter magnas parvasque locumque 
‘ 245 Eloqueretur, et cuncta malaque et bona dictu 
' Evomeret, si qui vellet, tutoque locaret. 
Quocum multa volup ac gaudia clamque palamque. 
Ingenium cui nulla malum sententia suadet 
Ut faceret facinus, levis, haut malus, doctus, fidelis, 
250 Suavis homo, facundus, suo contentus, beatus, 
Seitus, secunda loquens in tempore, commodus verbum 
Paucum, multa tenens antiqua sepulta, vestutas 
Quem facit et mores veteresque novosque tenentem, 
Multorum veterum leges divumque hominumque; 
255 Prudenter qui dicta loquive tacereve possit: 
Hune inter pugnas compellat Servilius sic :— 


Li. VIII. 


[De bello Hannibalico.] | 
270* postquam Discordia taetra 
Belli ferratos postes portasque refregit. 


272 Pelltur e medio sapientia, vi geritur res, 
Spernitur orator bonus, horridus miles amatur. 
Haut doctis dictis certantes sed maledictis 

275 Miscent inter sese inimicitiam agitantes. 

Non ex iure manu consertum sed magis ferro 
Rem repetunt, regnumque petunt, vadunt solida vi. 


Lis. IX. 
[De consulatu Cethegi et Tuditani, v.c. 548.] 


304 Additur orator Cornelius saviloquenti 
Ore Cethegus Marcus Tuditano conlega 


245. cuncta simul (pro et cuncta), Th. Hughius prob. Vahlen. 247. voluptate, 
Reg.; volup tate, Voss. ; volup . . Bern. ; ac, conj. Hughius. 249. haut; Bern. 
Reg.; haud, cet.; aut, Voss. Vahlen. 252. paucorum, libri. 253. quae 
factt et, libri; quem facit et, Gronov.; quem fecit, Vahlen. 256. Servilius sic 
compellat, J. Dousa, Lachm., Vahlen. 270. Serv. in Aen. vii. 622, Hor. Sat. 
i. 4, 60. 272. Gell. xx. 10, Latt. Div. Inst. v. 1; pellitur. . . res, Cic. ad Fam. 
vii. 13, 2; non... repetunt, pro Murena, 14, 30; pellitur .. . amatur, non . . 
repetunt, 75. inimicitias. vulgo corr. 304. Cic. Brut. 15, 58, Quint. 
xi. 3, 31; suaviloquents o. C., Cic. Cat. Mai. ™ 50, et Quint. ii. 15, 4; suadae 
medullam, cp. Gell. xii, 2. 


EX ANNALIBUS, 305 


Marci filius 

is dictust ollis popularibus olim, 
Qui tum vivebant homines atque aevum agitabant, ‘ 
Flos delibatus populi suadaeque medulla. 


(Fabii Cunctatoris elogium.] 
313* Unus homo nobis cunctando restituit rem. 
Non enim rumores ponebat ante salutem. 
Ergo postque magisque viri nunc gloria claret. 


[De Hannibale.] 
316 . . . . mortalem summum fortuna repente 
Reddidit, e summo regno ut famul infimus esset. 


Lis. X. 
(Bellum Macedonicum.) 


332* Insece Musa manu Romanorum induperator 
Quod quisque in bello gessit cum rege Philippo. 


335* Egregie cordatus homo catus Aelius Sextus. 
(Charopi Epirotae pastor T. Quinctium adloquitur.) 
338** Sollicitari te Tite sic noctesque diesque 
* * * * * 
O Tite si quid ego adiuero curamve levasso, 
Quae nune te coquit et versat in pectore fixa, 
Ecquid erit praemi ? 
* * * * * 
Ille vir haud magna cum re, set plenus fidei. 


(T. Quinctius ante pugnam ad Cynoscephalas.] 
347  Aspectabat virtutem legionis sua, 


30y. is dictust ollis, Gronovius. variant libri, Cic. Brut. om. ollís. 313-315. 
Cic. de Off. i. 24, 84, Cat. Mai. 4. 10, etc. 314. non enim, Cic. de Off. ; 
non ponebat enim, cet.; noenum, Lachm. 315. plusque, J. Bernays prob. Vahlen. 
316. Non. p. I10, 7; summa, Leid. Qu. summum summa f.1 317. reddidit 
eummo regno famul ut, codd. corr. Soal. Gifanius, alii aliter. LiB. X. 332, 
Gell. xviii. 9. 335. Cic. de R. P. i. 18, 30; de Orat. i. 45, 198; Tusc. i. 9, 18; 
cp. Varr. L. L. vii. 46. 338-342. Cic. Cat. Mai. i. 1, te adiuuero, Par.; te 
adtuero, Vahlen; ego adiuto, Monac. ; ego adéwuero, Gud. 341. praem, Par. 
marg. ; premit, Gud. ; precii, Monac. 347-349. Philarg. in Georg. iv. 188. 

° x 





306 Q. ENNII EX ANNALIBUS. 


Ezpectans si mussaret quae denique pausa 
Pugnandi fieret aut duri finis laboris. 


Lis. XI. 


359 Quae neque Dardaniis campis potuere perire, 
Nee cum capta capi, nec cum combusta cremari. 


Lis. XVII. 
[Res gestae A. V. C. 572, 573-] 


423 Concurrunt vel uti venti cum spiritus austri 
Imbricitor aquiloque suo cum flamine contra 
Indu mari magno fluctus extollere certant. 


— Lis. XVIII. 
[Pugna C. Aelii tribuni ; cf. Liv. xli. 4.] 


431* Undique conveniunt vel ut imber tela tribuno: 
Configunt parmam, tinnit astilibus umbo 
Aerato sonitu galeae: sed nec pote quisquam 
Undique nitendo corpus discerpere ferro. 

435 Semper obundantes hastas frangitque quatitque: 
Totum sudor habet corpus multumque laborat, 
Nec respirandi fit copia: praepete ferro 
Histri tela manu iacientes sollicitabant. 


[De se ipso.] 
440** Nos sumus Romani qui fuimus ante Rudini. 


441* Sieut fortis equus, spalio qui saepe supremo 
Vicit Olimpia, nune senio confectus quiescit. 


INCERTAE SEDIS FRAGMENTA. 
492 Moribus antiquis res stat Romana virisque. 


348. sive spectans, cod. emend. Bergk.; suspectans fortasse melius esset ; mussaret 
dubitaretque denique causa, cod. em. J. Dousa. 349. finie, add. Bergk. ; pauea, 
Dousa. LiB. XI. 359. Macrob. vi. I, cp. Aen. vii. 395. Lis. XVII. 
423-415. Macrob. vi. 2; cp. Aen. ii. 416. LiB. XVIII. 431-438. Macrob. 
Sat. vi. 3, cp. Il. ii. 102, hunc locum Ennius in xv ad pugnam Celii (i. e. C. Aelii) 
tribuni his versibus transfert undique e.q.s. (in duodecimo Par. leye duo de vice- 
simo]. 435. abundantes, libri, corr. Pontanus. 440. Cio. de Or. iii. 4a, 168. 
441. Cic. Cat. Mai. 5, 14. INc. 492. Aug. de Civ. D. ii. 21. 


Q. ENNII TRAGOEDIARUM FRAGMENTA. 307 


493 Septingenti sunt paulo plus aut minus anni 
Augusto augurio postquam inclita condita Roma est. 


503 Et tum sic ut equus, qui de praesepibus fartus 
Vincla suis magnis animis abrupit, et inde 
Fert sese campi per caerula laetaque prata 
Celso pectore, saepe iubam quassat simul altam, 
Spiritus ex anima calida spumas agit albas. 


545 Perque fabam repunt et mollia crura reponunt. 


ENNII TRAGOEDIARUM FRAGMENTA, 
ALEXANDER. (Quae extant omnia.) 

V.57** . . máter gravida párere se ardentém facem H. inc. inc. 5 
Visa ést in somnis Hécuba: quo factó pater — — 
Rex ípse Priamus sómnio, mentís metu 

60 Percilsus, curis sümptus suspirántibus 
Exsácrificabat hóstis balántibus. 
Tum céniecturam póstulat pacém petens, 10 
Ut se édoceret óbsecrans Apóllinem, 
Quo sése vertant tántae sortes sómnium. 
65 Ibi éx oraelo véce divina édidit 
Apóllo, puerum prímus Priamo quí foret 
Postíla natus témperaret tóllere : 15 
Eum ésse exitium Troiae pestem Pérgamo. 


69 Voláns de caelo cám corona et taéniis. Enn. Alex. 33 

70 lamdüdum abludit ánimus, atque aurés avent 34 
Avide éxpectantes nüntium. 

72 Hóminem appellat: ‘quid lascivis stólide?' non in- 


téllegit. 36 
73 Malti alii adventént paupertas quórum  obscurat 
nómina. 37 

493. Varro, R. R. iii. 1, a. 503-507. Macr. vi. 3, cp. Il. vi. 506, Aen. xi. 
492. 545. Serv. in Georg. ii. 76; fabas, Scaliger. 

TRAG. ALEX. 57-68. Cic. de Div. i. 21, 42, sit sane etiam illud commenticium, 
quo Priamus est oonturbatua, quia mater gravida e.q.s. 57. quia mater, vulgo. 
58. facto, libri; fato, Heins. Ribb. Vahl. 62. variant codices inter contecturam, 
contecturum, coniectorem. 69. Feat. p. 360, tenias. 70, 71. Varro, L. L. 
vi. 83, ab ludis, vulgo ; abludiz, Vetranius, prob. Madvig. 73. Feat. p. 317, 


8tolidus, lasciri, cod., corr. Scaliger. 73. Macr. Sat. vi. 1; cp. Aen. v. 302. 
X 2 


2 


‘ 





308 Q. ENNII 


74 Quápropter Parim pastores náne Alexandrim vocant. 38 
75* Is habét coronam vitulans victória. Inc. 349 


Hecuba. 


76** Séd quid oculis rábere visa es dérepente ardéntibus? 39 
ábi illa ¢va paulo ánte sapiens virginalis modéstia ? 


Cassandra. 


Mater, optumárum multo mülier melior mülierum, 
Missa sum supérstitiosis áriolatiónibus. 

80 Néámque Apollo fátis fandis démentem invitám ciet: 
Virgines gequális vereor, pátris mei meum factám pudet, 
Óptumi virí. Mea mater tuí me miseret, meí piget: 45 
Optumam progéniem Priamo péperisti extra me: héc 

dolet : 
Mén obesse, illós prodesse, me óbstare illos óbsequi! 
* x * * * 

85 Adest adest fax óbvoluta sánguine atque incéndio! 

Máltos annos látuit: cives férte opem et restínguite! 
lámque mari magnó classis cita 50 
Téxitur ; exitium éxamen rapit: 

Adveniet fera vélivolantibus 
9o Návibus, complebít manus litora. 


g1* eheü videte! R. 54 

Iádieabit ínclitum iudicium inter deás tris aliquis 

Quó iudicio Lácedaemonia mülier, Furiarum üna, ad- 
veniet. 


94 O lüx Troiae, germáne Hector! 57 
quid Ze ita contuó lacerato córpore 





74. Varro, L. L. vii. 82. — 75. Fest. Ep. p. 369. — 76-90. Cic. de Div. i. 31, 66; 


rabere, Lambin. e codd., Muret. ; rapere, vulgo codd. ; est, libri. 77. tua, 
addidit Reizius. 78. optumatum, libri, corr. Haupt. Bergk. 80. neque 
me, libri ; namque, Ribbeck, V. 81. virgines vero aequalis (is Leid.), libri, 
corr. Ribbeck. 84. men, Vind. Leid.; me, cet. ; med, Lambin. 89. ad- 


veniet, Leid. Erl.; advenit et plerique. — 90. complevit, Erl. Ribb. 91-93. Cic. 
de Div. i. 50, 114, ibid. ii. 55, 112; £udicavit, libri corr. Bergk. 94-96. Macr. 
vi. 2, cp. Aen. ii. 381 ; te f(a contuo, Voasius ; dta cum tuo, libri. 





TRAGOEDIARUM FRAGMENTA. 809 


Miser, dut qui te sic tractavere nobis respectantibus ? 
97 Nam máximo saltü superadit grévidus armatis equus 60 
Qui suó partu ardua pérdat Pergama. . . . . 
99 . . amidio purus putus. 62 


ANDROMACHA AECHMALOTIS. 


112 Quid petam praésidi aut éxequar? quóve nunc R. 75 
Aüxilio éxili aüt fugae fréta sim? 
Aree et urbe órba sum. Quo Áccedam ? quo ápplicem ? 
115 Cui nec arae pátriae domi stant, fráctae et disiectaé 
lacent, 
Fána flamma déflagrata, tósti alti stant párietes 
Déformati atque ábiete crispa 0. 8o 
* * * * * 
O páter, o patria, o Príami domus 
Saeptum 4ltisono cardíne templum! 
120 Vidi égo te adstante ope bárbarica / 
Tectis caelatis lácuatis, 
Auro ébore instructum régifice. 85 
Haec ómnia vide? inflámmarei, 
Priamó vi vitam evitarez, 
125 lovis áram sanguine türparei. 


128* Vídi, videre quód sum passa aegérrume 9I 
Hectérem curru quádriiugo raptárier 
Hectóris natum dé muro iactárier. 


96. respectantibus tractavere nobis, libri, transposuit Ribbeck. 97, 98. Macr. 
vi. 2, cp. Aen. vi. 515 (cp. Macr. ii. 9); superavit, libri; gravibus armatis, codd. 
pl.; gravis armatus, Salisb. 98. qui suo eto, libri, alii aliter transposuerunt. 
99. Fest. p. 217 M, cp. Gell. vi. 5. Catamédeo, V ossius. 

ANDROM. 113-125. Cic. "Tusc. iii. 19, 44, cp. ib. i. 35, 85, iii. 22, 53, de Orat. 
iii. 26, 101, Orat. 27, 93 ; numeros constituit Bentleius. 112-114. Cp. Herm. 
E. D. M., de vers. creticis, 14. 113. auxilio aut exili, Ribbeck ; aut auxilio 
exsili, Herm. ; fugae, unus Oxon., prob. Bent]. Ribb. Vahl. ; fuga, cet. libri, Herm.; 
fugas, Bergk. 114. arcem et urbem orbaa, lib. in Orat. ; accedam, libri pler. 
Bentl. R. V. ; accidam, Bern. b. corr. 123. videt, Abrinc. Erl. b. de Or. iii. 217 
(vidi, cet.) ; evitaret, ibid. 128-130. Cic. Tusc. i. 44, 105, laudat duo versus, 
128, 129, Varro, L. L. x. 70, tertium : coniunxit Scaliger. 130. de T'roiano 
muro iactari, libri, corr. Scal. et moero pro muro, scripsit. 


310 Q. ENNII 


ATHAMAS. 


148 Is érat in ore Brómius, his Baechüs pater, ^ R. 107 
Ilís Lyaeus vítis inventór sacrae; 
Tum páriter euhan edhoe euhoe eühium 
Ignótus iuvenum coétus alterná vice 
Iníbat alacris Bácchico insultás modo. 


Hecroris Lyrra. 


204 Quid hóc hie clamóris, quid Adc Aic tumilti est? 142 
Nomén qui usurpát meum ? Quid in castris strépiti est ? 


IPHIGENIA. 
Agam, 
244 Quid nóctis videtur in Áltisono 177 
Caelí clipeo? 
Senex. 


Tem6 superat 
Stellás sublime etiám cogens 
Atque étiam noctis itér 


Agam. 


248 Procéde; gradum proférre pedum 181 
Nitére: cessas, o fide senex? 


250¥ Gallíque favent faucibus russis Inc. 356 
' Cantü, plausuque premünt alas. 


Achilles. 
11 5 Astrologorum signa in eaelo quaésit, observát Iovis 199 


ATHAMAS. 148-153. Charis. p. 214 P.; ts erat, cod.; his, Fabr. Ribb. ; Z4saeus, 
cod. ; Lyaeus, ed. pr. ; euhan euhium, cod. sed laudatur sub voce euoe; euoe euoe add. 
Fabric. ; insultas, cod. EU. exsultans. edd. plur. Hrcr. LyTBA. 204,205. Lv8TRA. 
RV. LvTRA Ribb.? Non. p. 489, 37, quid . . . meum ; p. 490, 6, quid in castris strepttt 
est. Herm. E. D. M. duo versus bacchiacos effecit, addito hoc hic. —— IPHIG. 244- 
247. Varro, L. L. vii. 73, cp. ib. v. 19, Fest. p. 339. etc. stellas sublime cogens etiam 
atque etiam, libri; stellas sublime etiam c. atque etiam, Mueller; cogens sub. et. 
atque e., Ribb.' Vahl. omisso stellas. stellas cogens e. a. e. noctis sublime iter, Ribb.* 
248, 249. Fest. p. 249, Schol. Ver. in Verg. Ecl. 5, 88. 250, 251. Cic. de 
Div. ii. 26, 57. 275-277. Cic. de R. P. i. 18, 30, de Div. ii. 13, 30; QVvIpsrr, 


TRAGOEDIARUM FRAGMENTA. 311 


Cam capra aut nepa aüt exoritur nómen aliquod béluae. 
Quód est ante pedes némo spectat: caéli serutantür 


plagas. 


MEDEA EXUL. 


Nutriz. 


280 Utinám ne in nemore Pélio secüribus 205 
Caesa áccedisset abiégna ad terrám trabes, 
Neve inde navis inchoandae exórdium 
Coepisset, quae nunc nóminatur nómine 
Argó, quia Argiva in ea dilecti viri 

285 Vectí petebant péllem inauratam árietis 210 
Colchis, imperio régis Peliae, pér dolum. 
Nam nümquam era errans méa domo ecferrét pedem 
Medéa, animo aegra, amóre saevo saücia. 


TELAMO. 
Telamo. 


353 Ego deum genus ésse semper díxi et dicam caélitum: 269 
Séd eos non curáre opinor, quid agat humantim genus: 
N&m si curant béne bonis sit, mále malis, quod nünc 

abest. 


356 Séd superstitidsi vates inpudentesque drioli, 272 
Aut inertes ait insani aut quíbus egestas imperat, 
Qui sibi semitám non sapiunt álteri monstránt viam, 
Quibus divitias póllicentur, 4b eis drachumam ipsi 


petunt. 275 
360 De hís divitis síbi deducant dráchumam, reddant 
caétera. 


OBSERVATIONIS, palimpsestus ; quaesit, Heinrich; quaerit, observat Iovis, Muius. 
276. NLVPA, NOMEN, BELVARVM, palimps. ; nepa, beluae, Maius; lumen, Heinrich. 
MzEDEA. 280-288. Rhet. ad Herenn. ii. 22, 34; Cic. de Fato, 15, 35, laudat utinam 
. - . coepteset, cp. pro Caelio 8, 18, de Inv. i. 49, 91; Topic. 16, 61, de Nat. Deor. 
iii. 30, 75; Tusc. Disp. i. 20, 45. alii alia. — 281. cecidisset, R.! ; accedisset, V. R.? 


Fleck. ; variant codd. 284. cepisset, ood. ; coepisset, R. et V. TELAMO. 
353. 354- Cic. de Div. ii. 50, 104. 355. De Nat. Deor. iii. 32, 79, et de Div. 
i. 58, 132. 356-360. Cic. de Div. i. 58, 132; sed Ciceronis an Eunii dubium. 


357. tertium auf omittit Herm. 360. uncis includit Ribb. 


312 Q. ENNII SATURARUM RELIQUIAE. 


Ex INCERTIS. 
387 Homó qui erranti cémiter monstrát viam, R. 366 
Quasi lámen de suo lámine accendat, faci : 
Nihiló minus ipsi lácet, cum illi accénderit. 


Neoptolemus. 340 

417 Philosophari est mihi necesse, at paücis: nam omnino 
haüt placet. 

Dégustandum ex eÁ, non in eam ingürgitandum cénseo. 


SATVRARVM RELIQVIAE. 


SCIPIO. 


V. 6 Enni poeta sálve, qui mortálibus 
Versüs propinas flammeos medillitus. 


8 *Numquam poetor nisi si podager. 


IO ... mundus caéli vastus cénstitit siléntio, 
Ét Neptunus saévus undis ásperis pausám dedit: 
Sol equis itér repressit ángulis volántibus: 
Cónstitere amnés perennes, arbores ventó vacant. 


AESOPI CASSITA. 


Gell. 11. 29: * Avicula,’ inquit, ‘est parva, nomen est cassita. 
Habitat nidulaturque in segetibus, id ferme temporis, ut appetat 
messis pullis iam iam plumantibus. Ea cassita in sementes forte 
congesserat tempestiviores; propterea frumentis flavescentibus 
pulli etiam tune involucres erant. Dum igitur ipsa iret cibum 
pullis quaesitum, monet eos, ut, si quid ibi rei novae fieret 
dicereturve, animadverterent idque uti sibi, ubi redisset, nun- 
tiarent. Dominus postea segetum illarum filium adulescentem 
vocat, et: 'videsne, inquit, ‘haec ematuruisse et manus iam 
postulare ? idcirco die crastini, ubi primum diluculabit, fac 


Inc. 387-389. Cic. de Off. i. 16, 51, cp. ibid. 52 et pro Balbo, 16. 36; ad Tele- 
phum revocat Vahlen; ut homo, Basil. Oehl. ^" 417, 418. Ex comparatione 
plurium locorum, Cic. Tusc. Disp. ii. 1; de Orat. ii. 37, 1560; de Rep. i. 18, 30; 
Gell. v. 15 et 16; Appul. de Magia, c. 13, p. 415 (Oud.)' 

Sat. 6, 7. Non. p. 33, 7, et p. 139, 14. 8. Prisc. viii. p. — «4P. 10-13. 
Macrob. Sat. vi. 2, cf. Aen. x. 10¢—103. . 


AESOPI CASSITA. 313 


amicos eas et roges, veniant operamque mutuam dent et messim 
hane nobis adiuvent. ^ Haec ubi ille dixit, et discessit. Atque, 
ubi rediit cassita, pulli tremibundi, trepiduli, circumstrepere ora- 
reque matrem, ut iam statim properet inque alium locum sese 
asportet: ‘nam dominus, inquiunt, ‘misit, qui amicos roget, 
uti luce oriente veniant et metant. Mater iubet eos otioso 
animo esse: ‘si enim dominus, inquit, ‘messim ad amicos 
reiicit, crastino seges non metetur neque necessum est, hodie 
uti uos auferam. ‘Die,’ inquit, ‘postero mater in pabulum 
volat. Dominus, quos rogaverat, opperitur. Sol fervit, et fit 
nihil; it dies, et amici null erant. "Tum ille rursum ad filium : 
‘amici isti magnam partem, inquit, *cessatores sunt. Quin 
potius imus et cognatos adfines (amicos)que nostros oramus, ut 
adsint cras tempori ad metendum ?' Itidem hoc pulli pavefacti 
matri nuntiant. Mater hortatur, ut tum quoque sine metu ac 
sine cura sint, cognatos adfinesque nullos ferme tam esse ob- 
sequibiles ait, ut ad laborem capessendum nihil cunctentur et 
Statim dieto obediant: ‘vos modo,’ inquit, *advertite, si modo 
quid denuo dicetur. Alia luce orta, avis in pastum profecta 
est. Cognati et adfines operam, quam dare rogati sunt, super- 
sederunt. Ad postremum igitur dominus filio: *'valeant, in- 
quit, ‘amici cum propinquis. Afferes primo luci falces duas: 
unam egomet mihi et tu tibi capies alteram, et frumentum 
nosmetipsi manibus nostris cras metemus. Id ubi ex pullis 
dixisse dominum mater audivit: ‘tempus,’ inquit, ‘est cedendi 
et abeundi; fiet nune dubio procul, quod futurum dixit. In 
ipso enim iam vertitur, cuia res est, non in alio, unde petitur. 
Atque ita cassita nidum migravit, seges a domino demessa est. 
Haec quidem est Aesopi fabula de amicorum et propinquorum 
levi plerumque et inani fiducia. Sed quid aliud sanctiores libri 
philosophorum monent, quam ut in nobis tantum ipsis nita- 
mur, alia autem omnia, quae extra nos extraque nostrum ani- 
mum sunt, neque pro nostris neque pro nobis ducamus ? Hune 
Aesopi apologum Q. Ennius in satiris scite admodum 
et venuste versibus quadratis composuit. Quorum duo postremi 
isti sunt, quos habere cordi et memoriae operae pretium esse 
hercle puto : 
Hoc erit tibi árgumentum sémper in prompt situm: 
Né quid expectés amicos, quód tu[te] agere póssi[e]s. 





314 FRAGMENTA M. PACUVII. 


EPIGRAMMATA. . 
I. 
V.1 Aspicite o cives senis Enni imaginis formam! 
Hie vestrum panxit maxima facta patrum. 
Nemo me lacrumis decoret nec funera fletu 
Faxit. Cur? volito vivus per ora virum. 


II. 
De Africano. 
5 Hic est ille situs, cui nemo civis nec hostis 
Quivit pro factis reddere * operae pretium. 


III. 
7 A sole exoriente supra Maeotis paludes 
Nemo est qui factis me aequiperare queat. 
9 Si fas endo plagas caelestum ascendere cuiquam est, 
Mi soli caeli maxima porta patet. 


Cap. V.—FnAGMENTA M. Pacuvit. 
Cirea V.C. 534-622 = A.C. 220—132. 


ANTIOPA. 
Amplio. 

R. 2 Quadrupés tardigrada agréstis humilis áspera, 
Capité brevi cervice ánguina, aspecti truci, 
Evíscerata inánima cum animalí sono. 

Astict. 
5 Ita saéptuose dictio abs té datur, 


Quod céniectura sápiens aegre cóntulit. 
Non intellegimus, nisi si aperte dixeris. 


EPIGRAMMATA. 1-4. Cic. Tusc. Disp. i. 15, 34. 2-4. ibid. 49, 117 ; Cat. 
Mai. 20, 73. 3. fetum, Scalig. ooni. ; leseum, Bentl. 5, 6. Sen. Ep. 
xviii. 5 (108), 33; cp. Cic. de Leg. ii. 22, 57 ; quivit, Stephanus; quibit, Scaliger ; 
qui vult, libri paene omnes ; operae, libri plerique; opis, Vahlen. 7-10. 
coniunxit Scaliger. 7-8. Cic. Tusc. Disp. v. 17, 49. 9, 10. Senec. 
Ep. xviii. 5 (108), 34; Lactant. Div. Inst. i. 18; faciendo, libri plerique. 

M. Pacuvil ANTIOPA. 2-4 et 7, 8. Cic. de Div. ii. 64, 133; cp. Tert. de Pal- 
lio, c. 3. 5, 6. Non. p. 170, 17, 8. v. saeptuose. Astict, Orell., Ribb.; rustici, 
Bergk; Bacchici, Welcker ; Atticé ceteri ; artict, attici et accité, codd. — 5. díctione, 


Ribb. 6. coniectura, Rothe ; consectura et consecutura, libri; consulit vel contutt, 
Voss. ; contwil, Ribb. 








FRAGMENTA M. PACUVII. 315 


Amphio. 
Testüdo. 
ILiona. 
197 Matér te appello, tá, quaé curam sómno suspensó levas 
Neque té mei miseret, sárge et sepeli nátum [tuum] 
prius quám ferae 
Volucrésque 
200 Neu réliquias semiési s sireis dénudatis óssibus 
Per térram sanie délibutas foéde divexárier. 


Ex 1iNcERTIS FABVLIS. 


366 Fórtunam insanam ésse et caecam et brütam perhibent 
phílosophi, 
Sáxoque instare in globoso praédicant volübili, 
Quía quo id saxum inpülerit fors eo cádere fortunam 
aütumant. 
Ínsanam autem [esse] aíunt, quia atrox incerta insta- 
bilísque sit : 
370 Caécam ob eam rem esse iterant, quia nil cérnat quo 
sese Adplicet : 
Britam, quia dignum Atque indignum néqueat inter- 
nóscere. 
Sünt autem alii phílosophi qui cóntra fortunám negant 
Ésse ullam, sed témeritate [rés] regi omnis aátumant. 
fd magis veri simile esse usus reápse experiundo édocet : 
375 Vélut Orestes módo fuit rex, fáctust mendicüs modo. 
TNaufragio nempe res ergo id fructum forte aut fortuna 
obtigit. 


Iniona. 197-201. Cic. Tusc. i. 44, 106; cp. Hor. Sat. ii. 3, 60 et intpp.; Cic. 
pro Sest. 59, 126; tw volgo omittitur; suspensam, libri deteriores, R.! 198. 
tuum, addit Bentleius. 200. Ita fere Ellis. Neu reliquias semíassireis vel regis, 
codd. Neu tu reliquias atc meas sierts, Fleck. ; Neu reliquias sic meas stris vel semiesas 
stris, Bentl. ; quaeso mías sireis, Ribbeck. Ino. 366-376. Rhet. ad Herenn. 
li. 22, 36. 367. emendavit Salmasius; Sarique esse instar globos praedicant 
volubilem probarunt Hermannus et Spengelius. 368. spurium censet Ribbeck ; 


variant codices in primis verbis. 869. esse addit Herm. 373. ita Ribbeck 
et Fleckeisen; contra metrum et sensum peccant codices; omnia regi, codd. ; 
fortasse scr. omnia autumant regi. 374. ita Salmasius, Ribbeck, Spengel. 


376. Ita Paris. m. pr. alii codices aliter. Naufragio nempe ergo td structum, haut 
forte fortuna obtigit, proponit Fleckeisen. Herm. et Ribb. scholiastae sententiam 
tribuunt. 


316 EX AQUILII (?) BOEOTIA. 


408 Nérei repándirostrum incürvicervicüm pecus. 
409 . .. profectióne laeti piscium lasciviam 
Íntuentur, née tuendi cápere satietás potest. 
Ínterea prope iam óceidente sóle inhorrescit mare, 
Ténebrae conduplicántur, noctisque ét nimbum occaecát 
nigror, 
Flámma inter nubés coruscat, caélum tonitru cóntremit, 
Grándo mixta imbrí largifico subita praecipitáns cadit, 
415 Undique omnes vénti erumpunt, saévi existunt tárbines, 
Férvit aestu pélagus. 


EroaivM I»ssivs. 


Aduléscens tam etsi próperas te hoc saxüm rogat 
Ut sése adspicias, deínde quod scriptum ést legas. 
Hie sünt poetae Pácuvi Marci sita 

Ossa. Hóc volebam néscius ne essés, vale. 


Cap. VI.—Ex AquiLnn(?) Bokoria. 


Ut illam di perdant, primus qui horas répperit, 
Quique ádeo primus státuit hic solárium. 
Qui mihi comminuit mísero articulatim diem. 
Nam [olim] me puero vénter erat solárium 

5 Multo ómnium istorum óptumum et verissumum : 
Ubi wd: monebat ésse, nisi quom nil erat. 
Nune étiam quom est, non éstzr, nisi soli lubet. 
Itaque ádeo iam oppletum óppidumst soláriis, 
Maiór pars populi [ut] áridi reptent fame. 


408. Quintil. i. 5, 67; cp. Varr. L. L. v. 7. - 409-412. Cic. de Div. 
i. 14, 24. 411—416. inhorrescit—pelagus, de Orat. iii. 39, 157. 409. 
ut et éntuerentur, Cicero paulum detortis pro re nata, ut videtur, Pacuvii verbis. 
410. satietas capere possit v. posset, libri; emendavit Hermann; satias capere pos- 
siet, Gruter. 

ELocivM. ‘Epigramma Pacuvii verecundissimum et purissimum dignumque 
eius elegantissima gravitate Adulescens, e. q. s. Gell. N. A. i. 24, ed. Hertz. 
tamen etsi et se adspicias, libri. 

BoEkOTIA. 1-9. Gellius, iii. 3, 4, vide adnotata. 4. olim, addit Ritschl. ; 
unum, Hertz R1 6. ubi iste, libri; ubi ubi, Ritachl cum edd. ant. ; ub$vis ste, 
Hertz ; wht is non monebat ....1 R.* ; nihil, libri. 7. est, libri ; estur, edd. ant. 
8. est oppidum, libri, emend. Bothius. 9. ut, Ritschl, et repient pro reptant. 


. foris: ta uxor mea f. et f. facit, Ribb.? 


Fleck., alii aliter. 


place, eo privatum me iL; me servat suum. 


CAECILIUS STATIUS. 317 


Cap. VIL—CaArEciruiUs STATIUS 


PacuvH AEQUALIS, fcirca V.C. 588 = a.c. 166. 


PLOCIVM. 


142 .... is démum miser est, qui aérumnam suám nequit 


Occultare. Férre ita me uxor [ét] forma et factis facit, 
Ft 8i taceam, támen indicium. Quaé, nisi dotem, ómnia 
145 Quae nólis habét : qui sapít de me discet : 
Qui quasi ad hostis cáptus liber sérvio salva urbe atque 
arce, 
Dum éius mortem inhio, égomet vivo inter vivos mórtuus. 
Quaés mihi quidquid plácet, eo privatum i¢ me, servatam 


[velim] ? 
Éa me clam se cám mea ancilla aít consuetum, id me 
árguit : 
150 Íta plorando orándo instando atque óbiurgando me óp- 
tudit 


Eam uti venderém. Nunc credo inter suás 
Aequális, cognátas sermónem serit : 
* Quis vostrarüm fuit integra aetátula 
Quae hóc idem a viro 
155  Ímpetrarít suo, quód ego anás modo 
Efféci paelice Gt meum privarém virum ?' 
Haéc erunt concília [hic] hodie; differor sermóne misere. 


C. SrATIUS. 142-157. Gell. ii. 23. 143. et, addidit Fleckeisen ; occultare 


144. St caceam tamen indícium fi, 

Fleck. ; etsí taceam tamen indécium [meae], Ribb.? 145, 6. quae nolis habet : 

qui sapiet de me discet : qué quasi | ad hostis captus libere | servio salva urbe et arce, 

147, 148. ita transposuit Ribbeck. 148. ita Ribb.?; 

cod. palimps. privatu' vin’ me servatum ; Madv. adv. 2. p. 591, quae mihi quicquid 

| 153. nostrarum, Buon. B. C. Harl. 

Vind. vestrarum, ceteri; vostrarum, Ribb. 157. concilia hodie : dífferor sermone 
miser, libri; [híc] hodée, R.! ; hocedte, Bergk., R.?; Aodie concilia, Fleck. 





318 L. ACCII TRAGOEDIARUM 


Cap. VIII.—L. Accitr TRAGOEDIARUM FRAGMENTA. 
V.C. 584— circa 660 = A.C. 170-94. 


MEDEA. 
Pastor, log. 


391 Tánta moles lábitur 
Fremebünda ex alto ingénti sonitu et spíritu, 
Prae se ándas volvit, vórtices vi süscitat : 
Ruít prolapsa, pélagus respargit, reflat. 

395 Ita dum ínterruptum crédas nimbum vólvier, 
Dum quód sublime véntis expulsám rapi 
Saxum aüt procellis, vél globosos türbines 
Exístere ictos ündis concureántibus : 

Nisi quás terrestris póntus strages cónciet, 

400 Aut fórte Triton füscina everténs specus 
Suptér radices pénitus undanti ín freto 
Molem éx profundo sáxeam ad caélum erigit. 


403 Sic incitati atque álacres rostris pérfremunt 
Delphíni. 


405 Silvaní inelo 
Consímilem ad auris eántum et auditám refert. 


PHILOCTETA. 
520 Incláte, parva prodite patria, 
Nomine celebri claróque potens 
Pectóre, Achivis classibus auctor, 
Gravis Dárdaniis gentíbus ultor, 
Laértiade ! 


L. Acci MED. 391-402. Cic. de Nat. Deor. ii. 35, 89; cp. Prisc. de Metr. Ter. 
P. 424 K. Non. 9o, 8. 392. spiritu, Prisc.; strepitu, Cic. — 394. reflat, Prisc.; 
profutt, Cic. 403-406. Cic. 1. c. 403. sicut énciti, Erl. cum codd. pl. ; ste 
incita, Heindorff; sic aut inciti atque, Ribb! ; sicut lascivi atque, Ribb.*; (tem 
alia multa Silvané melo, Cic. ; item alto mulcta (i. e. a mari leniter impulsa navis), 
Ribb.? quasi Accii verba. PHILOCT. 520—524. Appuleius de Deo Socratis, 
c. 24, Jo. Sarisb., Victorinus, Attilius, Charisius; prodite, Ribb.; praedite, Bergk. 
ductor, Sarisb. Herm. R?; auctor, alii. 


FRAGMENTA. 319 


525... . . Lemnia praesto 
Litóra rara, et celsá' Cabirum 
Delübra tenes, mystéria quezs 
Pristina castis concépta sacris 
* * * 
. . Vóleania templá sub ipsis 
530 Collíbus, in quos delátus locos 
Dicitur alto ab limine caeli. 
* * * 
Nemus éxpirante vapóre vides, 
Unde ígnis cluet mortálibus clam 
Divísus: eum dictus Prometheus 
535 Clepsísse dolo poenásque Iovi 
Fato éxpendisse suprémo. 


EX PRAETEXTATIS. 
Brvrtvs. 
Tarquinius. 
17 Quom iam quieti córpus nocturno impetu 
Dedí, sopore plácans artus l4nguidos : 
Visum ést insomnis pástorem ad me adpéllere 
20 Pectis lanigerum exímia puleritüdine, 
Duos cónsanguineos árietes inde éligi 
Praeclárioremque ílterum immoláre me. 
Deinde eíus germanum córnibus conítier 
In me 4rietare, eoque ictu me ad casüm dari. 
25 Exín prostratum térra, graviter saücium, 
Resupínum in caelo céntueri máxumum 
Miríficum facinus: déxtrorsum orbem flámmeum 
Radiátum solis líquier cursü novo. 


525-534. Varro, L. L. vii. 11 (Lemania . . . divisus). 533-536. Cic. Tusc. 
Disp. ii. 10, 23. 517. que, libri; queis, Herm.; quae, Ribb.* 528. castis 
concepta, Paris. a et b? castris concepta, ceteri libri; cistis consepta, Bergk. 
530. lumine, libri. 534. doctus, libri paene omnes, Scal., Bentl., Herm., Elem., 
dictus, Herm., Opusc. 535. clepisse, Reiz., Herm. 536. furis, Bentl. 

Ex PRAETEXTATIS. BnvTVB. Cf. Cic. ad Att. xvi. 2. 17-38. Cic. de Div. i. 22, 
44. 17. quoníam, libri, Ribb.? 19. visust, Lambin. ; pastor, Erl. Vind. 
Lambin. 20 sq. invorsum ordinem correxit Muretus. a5. terga, Erl.; 
terrae, Pareus. 26. maxumum cc, libri. 


320 FRAGMENTA EX LUCILII SATURIS. 


29 Réx, quae in vita usürpant homines, cógitant curánt vident, 
Quaéque agunt vigilÁntes agitantque, éa si cui in somno 
Accidunt, 
Minus mirum est, sed d rem tantam haut témere inproviso 
ófferunt. 
Proín vide, ne quém tu esse hebetem députes aeque Éc pecus, 
fs sapienti& munitum péctus egregié gerat, 
Téque regno expéllat: nam: id quod dé sole ostentum ést 
* tibi, 
35 Pópulo commutátionem rérum portendit fore, 
Pérpropinquam. Haec béne verruncent pópulo! nam quod 
déxterum 
Cépit cursum ab laéva signum praépotens, pulcérrume 
Aüguratum est rém Romanam püblieam summám fore. 


39 . . . qui recte cónsulat, consül c/wat. 


40 Tullius qui libertatem civibus stabiliverat. 


Cap. IX.—FnRAGMENTA EX LucILIt SATURIS. 


v. C. circa 606-651 =A. Cc. 148-103. 


III. 6, ed. Gerlach (vii. L. M.). 

I. Verum haec ludus ibi susque omnia deque fuerunt, 
Susque Zaec deque fuere, inquam, omnia ludus iocusque ; 
Illud opus durum, ut Setinum accessimus finem: 
Aly(Avrot montes, Aetnae omnes, asperi Athones. 


IV. 1 (ii). 


2. O lapathe, ut iactare, nec es satis cognitus qui sis! 
In quo Laeliu' elamores codós ille solebat 
Edere, compellans gumias ex ordine nostros. 





29-38. Cic. l. c. 31. ín re tanta, libri; corr. Neukirch. 39. Varro, 
L. L. v. 80 M ; consul cluat, Palmnerius, Ribb.; conselciat, Flor, Goth., Havn. ; 
consul ciat, Par. b ; consul fiat, Par. c; consul fuot, Augustinus; consul sie, 
Niebubr. 40. Cic. pro Sestio, 58, 123. 

LvorLrvs. ITI. 6. Gell. xvi. 9, 1; e. 2, eusque et, codd. ; haec, Dousa, L. Müller. 
IV. 1. Cic. de Fin. ii. 8, ne cessatis, codd. ; nec es satis, Lachm. Lucr. p. 39 ; alii 
alia perperam coniectarant. 


FRAGMENTA EX LUCILII SATURIS. 321 
IV. 2 (iii). 


3. O Publi, o gurges Galloni: es homo miser, inquit; 
Cenasti in vita numquam bene, cum omnia in ista 
Consumis squilla atque acipensere cum decumano. 


IV. 7 (xi). 

4. Aeserninus fuit Flaccorum munere quidam, 
Samnis, spureus homo, vita illa dignus locoque. 
Cum Pacideiano hie componitur, optimus multo 
Post homines natos gladiator qui fuit unus. 


IV. 8 (xii). 

5. Occidam illum equidem et vincam, si id quaeritis, inquit: 
Verum illud credo fore: in os prius accipiam ipse 
Quam gladium in stomacho furiae ac pulmonibu' sisto. 
Odi hominem, iratus pugno, nec longius quicquam 
Nobis, quam dextrae gladium dum accommodet alter. 
Usque adeo studio atque odio illius, efferor ira. 


V. 1 (vi). 

6. Quo me habeam pacto, tametsi id non quaeris docebo. 
Quando in eo numero mansi, quo in maxuma nunc est 
Pars hominum, 

Ut periisse velis, quem visere nolueris, cum 

5 Debueris. Hoc nolueris et debueris te 
Si minus delectat, quod ürexvov et Eisocratiumst, 
Anpóbesque simul totum ac sumpetpaxtóbes, 

Non operam perdo. Situ hic . . . . 


a 





IV. 2. Cic. ibid., cp. Hor. Sat. ii. 2, 46; acupensere, L. M. IV. 7. Non. 
p- 393 M. 8. v. spurcwn, saevum vel sanguinarium, id. p. 257 ; Samnis, e. q. 8., cp. 
Cic. de Opt. Gen. Or. 6, 17; Tusc. ii. 17, 41; ad Q. F. iii. 4,2; Orat. 48, 161; 
Quintil. ix. 4, 38; munere, Turnebus; wnae quidam, una equidem, codd.; longe, 


Cicero. IV. 8. Cic. Tusc. iv. a1. Serv. ad Aen. xii. 646, usque adeo, e.q.8.; 
suria, vel furia, codd. ; furiae, Scal., Ellis; Furi vel Fulvo, Bentl.; furi, Tischerus, 
L. M. V. 1. Gell. xviii, 8, mansi, codd. Ellis ; mansti, Nannius, Gerl., Hertz. 


L. M. ; non, codd. ; nunc, edd. 3-5. Versus iustos efficit Dousa Pars hominum, 
ut periisse velis quem visere nolue|ris cum debueris. Hoc nol- et debueris te, e. q.s. 
ita fere Hertz et Gerl.; Madv. adv. 2, p. 609, pars hominum ut visisse velis, quem 
nolueris, cum | debueris e.q.s. — 6. &rexvov et, edd. pro ateznon et (‘ fere scripti," 
L. M.); rex»loy, Scal. L. M. 7. óxAgpüBesque, libri ferme; dxAnpdy, Hertz. ; 
Anpades, Scal., Ellis, L. M.; subpecpax:d8es, Francken ; ewnpeiparitbes, Ellis ; ovp- 
pecpaxiades alii. 8. st tu hic, L. M.; si tu sicuti, codd. 
Y 


322 FRAGMENTA EX LUCILII SATURIS. 


VI. 1 (xvi). 


7. Cui neque iumentumst nec servos nec comes ullus; 


~g,  Bulgam et quiequid habet numorum seeum habet ipse. 


Cum bulga cenat dormit lavat: omnis in unasé 
Spes hominis bulga: ua haec deviucta /acertost. 


IX. 2 (iv). 
8. A primum est, hine incipiam et quae nomina ab hoc sunt, 
* * * * - * 


A primum longa brevis syllaba. Nos tamen unum 
Hoe faciemus, et uno eodemque, ut dicimus, pacto 
Seribemus pacem placide Ianum aridum acetum, 
"Apes "Apes Graeci ut faciunt. 


| IX. 3 (xix). 
9. tAr. Non multum hoe abest cacosyntheton atque canina 
Si lingua dico, ‘nihil ar me:’ nomen hoc illist. 
IX. 6 (xi). 
10, ‘Iam puerei venere, E postremum facito atque I 
Ut pueri plures fiant. 1 si facis solum 
‘Pupilli,’ * pueri, * Lucili hoc unius fiet. 
IX. (xii). 
‘Hoc illi factumst uni; tenue hoc facies 1, 
5 ‘Haec illei fecere; addes x, ut pinguius fiat. 





VI. 1. Non. s. v., bulga, p. 78 M. ; una setí, codd. ; wnast, Lachm. Lucr. 66 ; spes, 
Mercer, alii; res, Lachm.; haec devincta certo est, codd.; bulga haec devincta lacer- 
tost, Lachm. ; lacertost, Dübner. IX. 2. Ter. Scaurus, p. 3255 P. Ita Putech 
et Ellis; dizimu’, * docti, L. M.; dtcimw’ codd. IX. 3. Velius Longus, p. 3214 P. 
Ita Ellis dubitans ; a re non multum abest hoc c. atque canina si tibi lingua dico 
nihil ad me, codd, Putsch.; r. nonnullum habet hoc c. ; utque caninalsic lingua dico 
‘nihil ar me.’ nomen ab hoc est | illi, L. M.; ad me, codd.; ar, Dousa ; hoc h. illé 
est, codd. teste L. M. IX. 6. Quint. i. 7, 15, habet tam—flant et mendaci— 
iusserís ; Velius, p. 2220, tam—/ie, hoc illi—pingwiu’ fiat ; Scaurus, p. 3255, meile 
—pleniu’ fiat; quaedam habet Charis. p. 60 P. p. 43 L. Ita fere Ellis, exceptis vv. 
6, 7, quos restituit ex Charisio Müller. IX. (xi). Pupilli pueri hoc unius, 
Velius. 3. Luc, Charis.; Luceili, Dousa. IX. (xii). tenue heic facies 1, 
L. M. IX. (xiii). filiu’ Luci, ‘Dousa ex Cod. haud dubie, L. M. 7. Fecerist 
solum, Schmidt.; fecerit colum, MS. Neap.; ferit collum, Putach.; dare furi vel 
dari furei, codd. ; ‘dato Furei, Lachm. Lucr. p. 345; ‘dabi’ Furei, L. M. IX. 
(xiv). heice utroque, L. M.; hue e, cod. I1. tenuest $ pílaé qua ludimu,’ pilam, | 
qua pisunt, tenues, L. M. ; tenue si pilam in, cod. ; pínso, Scal. ; pisuntt ipse, cod. 


FRAGMENTA EX LUCILII SATURIS. 323 
... IX. (xiii). 
porro hoe sit ‘filius Luci:' 
Fecerie 1 solum ut * Corneli Cornificique.' 
Mendaci furique addes x cum ‘dare furei ' 


Tusseris. 
IX. (xiv). 
Io ‘Meile hominum,’ ‘duo meilia,’ item huic utroque opu': 
* meiles ' 


‘Meilitiam’; tenues I ' pilam' qua ludimus, ' pilum ' 
Quo pisunt, tenues. Si plura haec feceris pila 
Quae iacimus, addes E, 'peila' ut plenius fiat. 


IX. 12 (xxii). 

11. Nunc haec quid valeant, quidve hzic intersit illud 
Cognosces. Primum hoc quod dicimus esse poema 
Pars est parva poema. 

* * * epistula item quaevis non magna poemast. 
5 Illa poesis opus totum, w/ tota Ilia summast 
Una poesis, ut Annales Enni. Atque s; foc unumst, 
Est maius multo quam quod dixi ante poema. 
Quapropter dico, nemo qui culpat Homerum, 
Perpetuo culpat, neque quod dixi ante poesin, 
10 Versum unum culpat, verbum, enthymema, locumve. 
XV. 1 (1). 

12. Multa homines portenta in Homeri versióus ficta 
Monstra putant; quorum in primis Polyphemus ducentos 
Cyclops longus pedes, et porro huie maius bacillum 
Quam malus navis in corbita maximus ulla. 

XX. 1 (XV. ii). 
13. Terricolas Lamias, Fauni quag Pompiliique 





IX. 12. Non. p. 428 M.,' poesis et poema." Ita fere Ellis, cp. Riese Varr. Menipp. 
p. 190 et 191 n. Non haec . . . cognoscis, codd. Quicherat; nunc haec et cognosces, 
Dousa ; valeant, Lachm. prooem. 1851; valeat, codd.; hoe éntersiet tllud, codd. ; 
Àuic $. $, L. M. ; hoc (ntersit et (llud, Gerl., Quich., alii. 4. idem epistola item, 
e. q. s. codd., varie correxerunt edd. 5. totaque illa summast una Odors, codd. ; 
wt tota Ilias wna est thesis, Dousa, alii aliter; unast avv6«cis, Francken, L. M.; 
atque stoc unum, codd. Riese, Lo.; annalesque Enni atque e stoc liber unus, L. M. 
IO. inversum, codd. ; versum, edd. ; verum, L. M. XV. t. Non. 533, corbita est 
genus navigii tardum et grande ; versibu', Fruterius; versificta, versifacta, codd. ; 
navi, Dousa. XX. 1. Lact. Inst. Div. i. 22, op. Non. p. 56 M., qui vv. 3, 4, 
usque ad homines, quasi ex lib. xv. citat.  Terriculas, L. M. 

Y2 


324 FRAGMENTA EX LUCILII SATURIS. 


Instituere Numae, tremit has, hic omnia ponit. 
Ut pueri infantes credunt signa omnia ahena 
Vivere et esse homines: et sic isti omnia ficta 
Vera putant, credunt signis cor inesse in ahenis. 
Pergula pictorum, veri nihil, omnia ficta. 


XXII. 2 (i). 


I4. Servos neque infidus domino neque inutilis quoiquam, 
Lucili columella, hic situs Metrophanes. 


Ex Lib. Inc. 1 (i). 
14. Virtus, Albine, est pretium persolvere verum 
Quis in versamur, quis vivimus rebus potesse: 
Virtus est homini,seire id quo quaeque habeat res. 
Virtus scire homini rectum, utile, quid &t honestum; 
5 Quae bona, quae mala item, quid inutile, turpe, inhonestum ; 
Virtus quaerendae finem rei scire modumque: 
Virtus, divitiis pretium persolvere posse: 
Virtus, id dare, quod re ipsa debetur, honori; 
Hostem esse atque inimieum hominum morumque malorum, 
IO Contra defensorem hominum morumque bonorum; 
Hos magni facere, his bene velle, his vivere amicum ; 
Commoda praeterea patria? prima putare, 
Deinde parentum, tertia iam postremaque nostra. 


Inc. 2 (iv). 

15. Nune vero a mane ad noctem, festo atque profesto 
Toto itidem pariterque die populusque patresque 
Iactare indu foro se omnes, decedere nusquam, 
Uni se atque eidem studio omnes dedere et arti; 

5 Verba dare ut caute possint, pugnare dolose; 
Blanditia certare, bonum simulare virum se; 
Insidias facere, ut si hostes sint omnibus omnes. 


haec omina, L. M. ; homines : sic istic, L. M. ; éstice, Dousa. — X XII. 2. Donat. 
ad Ter. Phorm. ii. 1, 57; Mart. xi. 9o, 1, habet versum alterum. Ino. 1. Lactant. 
Inst. Div. vi. 5, 2. Ita Ellis. I. Albeine, L. M. 3. scire id quod quaeque 
habeat, codd. ; scírei quo quaeque abeat res, L. M., et scire versu sequenti. 5. 
rei, codd.; re, L. M., Ellis. — 11. magni facere, edd.; magis facere et magnificare, 
codd. I2. patriae, codd. ; patrias * docti.’ Ino. 2. Lact. lc. v. 9. Ita Ellis 
et Miller ; totus item v. totos (tem, codd. corr. Dousa. 


Q. LUTATII CATULI VERSUS. 825 


Inc. 3 (ix). 

16. Graecum te, Albuci, quam Romanum atque Sabinum 
Municipem Ponti, Tritani, centurionum, 
Praeclarorum hominum ac primorum signiferumque, 
Maluist dici. Graece ergo praetor Athenis, 

5 Id quod maluisti, te, cum ad me accedis, saluto: 

Xaipe, inquam, Tite! Lictores, turma omnis, cohorsque, 
Xaipe, Tite! hine hostis mi Albucius, hinc inimicus. 


Inc. 4 (x). 


17. Quam lepide lexeis compostae ut tesserulae omnes 
Arte pavimento atque emblemate vermiculato. 


Cap. X.—Q. LurATII CATULI VERSUS. 
Cos. v. c. 652=4.C. 102; 166787. 


I. Constiteram exorientem Auroram forte salutans 
Cum subito a laeva Roscius exoritur. 
Pace mihi liceat caelestes dicere vestra, 
Mortalis visu'st pulchrior esse deo. 


2. Aufugit mi animus. Credo ut solet ad Theotimum 
Devenit. Sie est: perfugium illud habet. 
Qui? si non interdixem, ne illune fugitivum 
Mitteret ad se intro, sed magis eiceret ? 
Ibimus quaesitum. Verum ne ipsi teneamur, 
Formido. Quid ago? Da Venus consilium. 





Ino. 3. Cic. de Fin. i. 3, 8. Ita Ellis; Albuti, Albutius, Tritanni, Gerl. ; xalpere 
et hinc hostis, L. M. Ino. 4. Cio. de Or. iii. 43, 171, cp. Orat. 44, 149, Brut. 
79, 274, Quintilian. ix. 4, 113; pavimenti atque emblemati" vermiculati, L. M., 
variant codices. 

Lorati. 1. Cic. de Nat. Deor. i. 28, 79. 2. Gell. xix. 9, 14, v. I sihi, 
codd. v. 3, guid, sí non, Gronov. ; qui, si non, Hertz.; quod si non, alii. Vide 
adnotata et confer Callim. Ep. 42, fyov pev yuxije Er: T0 wvéov, fjpuav 3° ode of8' | 
el "Epos efx’ 'Albys Hpnace, whi dgavés. | 4 pá tw’ ls wallow wddw dixero" xal piv 
dxeixov | soAAdun, ‘riv Spiorw pi) tw6dexGe, ves. | Edgideow Bipgaor, ixeioe yap 
jj AUOéAevoros | xelvy kal 3vadpas O18’ Sr: wou arpéperar. [obmcaungnaor, oodd. ; Evgi- 
Geor, Ellis coll. Epig. 31, 5; Sipnoor, Schneider, cf. Epigr. 32, 2; alii aliter.) 


326 EX LABERII MIMIS. 


Cap. XI.—Ex LaBEenu Minis. 


v. C. 649-71T =A. C. 105-43. 
REstTIOo. 

R. 72 Demécritus Abderítes physicus phílosophus 
Clipeám constituit céntra exortum Hyperionis, 
Oculés effodere ut pósset splendore aéreo. 

75 Ita rádiis solis áciem effodit láminis, 
Malís bene esse né videret cívibus. 
Sie égo fulgentis spléndorem pecüniae 
Volo élucificare éxitum aetatí meae, 
Ne in ré bona esse vídeam nequam fílium. 


Ex Incertis. Prologus. 

98 Necéssitas, euius cursus transversi impetum 
Voluérunt multi effügere pauci pótuerunt, 

100 Quo mé detrusit paéne extremis sénsibus! 
Quem nülla ambitio, nülla unquam largitio, 
Nullás timor, vis nálla, nulla auctóritas 
Movére potuit in iuventa dé statu, 
Ecce in senecta ut facile labefécit loco 

105 Viri éxcellentis ménte clemente édita 
Summíssa placide blAndiloquens orátio! 
Etenim ípsi di negáre cui nil pótuerunt, 
Hominém me denegáre quis possét pati? 
Ego bís tricenis ánnis actis síne nóta 

110 Equés Romanus é lare egressüs meo 
Domüm revertar mímus. Nimirum héc die 
Uné6 plus vixi míhi quam vivendüm fuit. 
Fortüna, inmoderata ín bono aeque atque ín malo, 
Si tíbi erat libitum líterarum laüdibus 

115 Floréus cacumen nóstrae famae frángere, 
Cur cám vigebam mémbris praeviridántibus, 
Satis facere populo et táli cum poterám viro 
Non fléxibilem me cóncurvasti ut cárperes? 


LABERII. 73-79. Gell. x. 17. Ita Ribbeck et Hertz. 77-79. Non. 136, 
20, 8 v. elucificare. PRoLoc. 98-124. Macrob. Sat. ii. 7, cp. Gell. viii. 15. 
100. detrusti, Scaliger; exiremts, codd. Ribb.; varia temptavit Oudendorp. 109. 
ergo, codd. I TO. € vel ex add. ex coniectura. I15. floris, codd. 118. me 
fexibilem, Bothius, Ribb. 


MISCELLANEA. 327 


Nuncéne me deicis? quó? quid ad scenam ádfero? 
120 Decórem formae an dígnitatem córporis, 

Animí virtutem an vócis izcundaé sonum? 

Ut hédera serpens víres arboreás necat, 

Ita mé vetustas ámplexu annorum énecat: 

Sepüleri similis nil nisi nomen rétineo. 


125 Porró Quirites líbertatem pérdimus. 
126 Necésse est multos tímeat quem multí timent. 


127 Non póssunt primi esse ómnes omni in témpore. 
Summum 4d gradum cum cláritatis véneris, 
Consistes aegre, níc/u citius décidas. 

Cecidi égo, cadet qui séquitur: laus est publica. 


Cap. XIT.— MIscELLANEA. 


$ 1. P. Syri sententiae antiquo testimonio firmatae. 


Alienum est omne quicquid optando evenit. 
Ab alio expectes alteri quod feceris. 
Aliena nobis, nostra plus aliis placent. 
Beneficium dando accepit qui digno dedit. 
5 Comes facundus in via pro vehiculo est. 
Cui plus licet quam par est, plus vult quam licet. 
Cuivis potest accidere, quod cuiquam potest. 
Feras non culpes, quod mutari non potest. 
Furor fit laesa saepius patientia. 
IO Frugalitas miseria est rumoris boni. 
Heredis fletus sub persona risus est. 
In nullum avarus bonus est, in se pessimus. 
Inopiae desunt parva, avaritiae omnia. 
Ita amicum habeas, posse ut facile fieri hunc inimicum putes. 
15 Iniuriarum remedium est oblivio. 
Inprobe Neptunum accusat, qui iterum naufragium facit. 


119. nuncine, Schneidewin, Janus. 123. enecat, Par. a Schneid.; necat ceteri 
libri. 125. Macrob. 1. c. 126. Macrob. 1. c., Seneca de Ira, ii. 11, 3. 
127-130. Macrob. Sat. ii. 7, 9. 129. néctu, Ribb. ; nec vel et, MSS. ; nec me, 


Ianus; nímio citius decides, Bücheler. 


328 MISCELLANEA. 


Is minimo eget mortalis, qui minimum cupit. 
Malum est consilium quod mutari non potest. 
Numquam periclum sine periclo vincitur. 

20 Nimium altercando veritas amittitur. 
O vita misero longa, felici brevis! 
Pars benefici est, quod petitur si belle neges. 
Tam dest avaro quod habet, quam quod non habet. 
Veterem ferendo iniuriam, invites novam. 


§ 2. Epigramma Pravur: ex Varrone in lib. de Poetis 1. ap. 
Gell. i. 24. 
Postquam est mortem aptus Plautus comoedia luget, 
Seaena est deserta, dein Risus Ludus locusque 
Et Numeri innumeri simul omnes conlacrimarunt. 


§ 3. C. Iunius Carsar de Terentio, ap. Suet. Vit. Terent. 5, 
Reifferscheid, p. 34. 

Tu quoque tu in summis, o dimidiate Menander, 

Poneris et merito, puri sermonis amator. 

Lenibus atque utinam scriptis adiuncta foret vis, 

Comica ut aequato virtus polleret honore 

Cum Graecis, neve hae despectus parte iaceres. 

Unum hoc maceror ac doleo tibi desse, Terenti. 


§ 4. Vorcatius Sgprerrus in lib. de Poetis, ap. Gell. xv. 24. 


Multos incertos certare hane rem vidimus, 
Palmam poetae comico cui deferant. 

Eum meo iudicio errorem dissolvam tibi, 
Ut, econtra si quis sentiat nihil sentiat. 

5 Caecilio palmam Statio do mimico. 

Plautus secundus facile exuperat caeteros. 
Dein Naevius, qui fervet, pretio in tertiost. 
Si erit, quod quarto detur, dabitur Licinio. 
Post insequi Licinium facio Atilium. 

IO In sexto consequetur hos Terentius. 
Turpilius septimum, Trabea octavum optinet. 
Nono loco esse facile facio Luscium. 
Decimum addo causa antiquitatis Ennium. 


329 


Secrio TERTIA. 


EXCERPTA EX 
PROSAE ORATIONIS SCRIPTORIBUS. 


Cap. I.—Ex M. Ponon CaTonis RELIQUIIS. 
V. C. 520—605 z- A. C. 234—149. 


§ 1. Ee libro de Re Rustica. 


[Scriptus est in usum L. Manlii, qui Casini et Venafri fundos habuit ; et vineae 
oleaeque potius quam agrorum culturam tractat. Capita ea praesertim delegi 
quae ad mores et religionem spectant. Schneideri textum plerumque secutus sum, 
emendatis subinde orthographia et interpunctione, adbibitis etiam H. Keilii 
observationibus oriticis.) 

Est interdum praestare mereaturis rem quaerere ni tam peri- 
eulosum siet; et item fenerari, si tam honestum siet. Maiores 
enim nostri hoc sic habuerunt, et ita in legibus posiverunt, furem 
dupli condemnari, feneratorem quadrupli. Quanto peiorem 
civem existimarint feneratorem, quam furem, hine licet existi- 
mari Et virum bonum eum laudabant, ita laudabant, bonum 
agricolam bonumque colonum. Amplissime laudari existima- 
batur, qui ita laudabatur. Mercatorem autem strenuum studio- 
sumque rei quaerendae existimo; verum (ut supra dixi) peri- 
culosum et calamitosum. At ex agricolis et viri fortissimi et 
milites strenuissimi gignuntur, maximeque pius quaestus stabi- 
lissimusque consequitur, minimeque invidiosus: minimeque male 
cogitantes sunt, qui in eo studio occupati sunt. Nunc (ut ad 
rem redeam) quod promisi institutum principium hoc erit. 

I. Praedium quum parare cogitabis, sie in animo habeto, uti 
ne cupide emas, neve opera tua parcas visere, et ne satis habeas 
seme] cireumire. Quoties ibis, toties magis placebit, quod bonum 
erit. Vicini quo pacto niteant, id animum advertito: in bona 
regione bene nitere oportebit: et uti intreeas, et circumspicias 
uti inde exire poseis (Keil cum codd. p. 31) : uti bonum caelum 
habeat, ne calamitosum siet. Solo bono, sua virtute valeat. 


~ ^ 


330 EX M. PORCII CATONIS 


poteris, sub radice montis siet, in meridiem spectet, loco salubri, 
operariorum copia siet, bonumque aquarium, oppidum validum 
prope siet, aut mare, aut amnis, qua naves ambulant, aut via 
bona, celebrisque. Siet in iis agris, qui non saepe dominos 
mutant: qui in his agris praedia vendiderint, quos pigeat ven- 
didisse: uti bene aedificatum siet. Caveto alienam disciplinam 
temere contemnas. De domino bono colono, bonoque aedifi- 
catore melius emetur. Ad villam cum venies, videto vasa tor- 
cula et dolia multane sient. Ubi non erunt, scito pro ratione 
fructuum esse.  Instrumenti ne magni siet, loco bono siet. 
Videto quam minimi instrumenti, sumptuosusque ager ne siet. 
Seito idem agrum quod hominem, quamvis quaestuosus siet, 
si sumptuosus erit, relinquere non multum. Praedium quod 
primum siet, si me rogabis, sic dicam. De omnibus agris 
optimoque loco iugera agri centum ; vinea est prima, si vino dono 
vel multo est (Ketl, p. 33, cf. Parr. i. 7, 9); secundo loco hortus 
irriguus, tertio salictum, quarto oletum, quinto pratum, sexto 
campus frumentarius, septimo silva caedua, octavo arbustum, 
nono glandaria silva. 

2. Paterfamilias ubi ad villam venit, ubi larem familiarem 
salutavit, fundum eodem die, si potest, circumeat: si non eo die, 
at postridie. Ubi cognovit quomodo fundus cultus siet, operaque 
quae facta infectaque sient, postridie eius diei vilicum vocet, 
roget quid operis siet factum, quid restet: satisne temperi 
opera sient confecta, possitne quae reliqua sient conficere: et 
quid factum vini, frumenti, aliarumque rerum omnium. Ubi 
ea cognovit, rationem inire oportet operarum, dierum, si ei opus 
non apparet. Dicit vilicus sedulo se fecisse, servos non valuisse, 
tempestates malas fuisse, servos aufugisse, opus publicum effecisse. 
Ubi eas aliasque causas multas dixerit, ad rationem operum 
operarumque vilicum revoca. Cum tempestates pluviae fuerint, 
videto quot dies, quaeve opera per imbrem fieri potuerint, dolia 
lavari, picari, villam purgari, frumentum transferri, stercus foras 
efferri, sterquilinium fieri, semen purgari, funes sarciri, novos 
fieri (ita Keil, cum codd. p. 30): centones, cuculiones familiam 
oportuisse sibi sarcire. Per ferias potuisse fossas veteres tergeri, 
viam publicam muniri, vepres recidi, hortum fodiri, pratum pur- 
gari, virgas vinciri, spinas runcari, expinsi far, munditias fieri. 
Cum servi aegrotarint, cibaria tanta dari non oportuisse. Ubi 
haec cognita aequo animo sient, quaeve reliqua opera sient, curare 


DE RE RUSTICA. 331 


uti perficiantur: rationes putare argentariam, frumentariam, pa- 
buli causa quae parata sunt; rationem vinariam, oleariam, quid 
venierit, quid exactum siet, quid reliquum siet, quid siet quod 
veneat; quae satis accipiunda sient, satis accipiantur. Reliqua 
quae sient, ut compareant. Si quid desit in annum, uti paretur ; 
quae supersint, uti veneant: quae opus sient locato, locentur: 
quae opera fieri velit, e& quae locare velit, uti imperet, et ea 
scripta relinquat: pecus consideret. Auctionem uti faciat. Vendat 
oleum, si pretium habeat, vinum frumentumque quod supersit. 
Vendat boves vetulos, armenta delicula, oves deliculas, lanam, 
pelles, plostrum vetus, ferramenta vetera, servum senem, servum 
morbosum, et si quid aliud supersit, vendat. Patrem familias 
vendacem, non emaeem esse oportet. 

3. Prima adulescentia patrem familiae agrum conserere studiose 
oportet, aedificare diu cogitare oportet; conserere cogitare 
non oportet, sed facere oportet. Ubi aetas accessit ad annos 
XXXVI, tum aedificare oportet, si agrum consitum habeas. Ita 
nedifices, ne villa fundum quaerat, neve fundus villam. Patrem 
familiae villam rusticam bene aedificatam habere expedit, cellam 
oleariam, vinariam, dolia multa, uti lubeat caritatem expectare, 
et rei et virtuti et gloriae erit. Torcularia bona habere oportet ut 
opus bene effici possit. Olea ubi lecta siet, oleum fiat continuo, 
ne eorrumpatur. Cogitato quotannis tempestates magnas venire, 
et oleam deicere solere. Si cito sustuleris, et vasa parata erunt, 
damni nihil erit ex tempestate, et oleum viridius et melius fiet. 
Si in terra et tabulato olea nimium diu erit, putescet, oleum 
foetidum fiet. Ex quavis olea oleum viridius et bonum fieri 
potest, si temperi facias. In iugera oleti cxx vasa bina esse 
oportet. Si oletum bonum beneque frequens cultumque erit, 
trapetos bonos, privos, impares esse oportet: si orbes contriti 
sient, ut commutare possis; funes loreos privos, vectes senos, 
fibulas duodenas, medipontos privos loreos, trocleas Graecanicas. 
Binis funibus sparteis ducunt. (K. p. 31, codd. ducant). Orbi- 
eulis superioribus octonis, inferioribus senis citius duces. Si rotas 
voles facere, tardius ducentur, sed minore labore. 

4. Bubilia bona, bonas praesepis, faliscas clatratas. Clatros 
interesse oportet pede. Si ita feceris, pabulum boves non eicient. 
Villam urbanam pro copia aedificato. In bono praedio si bene posi- 
veris, bene aedificaveris (codd. K. p. 30); ruri si recte habitaveris, 


332 EX M. PORCII CATONIS 


libentius et saepius venies, fundus melios erit, minus pecca- 
bitur, fructi plus eapies. Frons occipitio prior est. Vicinis bonus 
esto. Familiam ne siveris peccare. Si te libenter vicinitas 
videbit, facilius tua vendes, operas facilius locabis, operarios 
facilius conduces. Si aedificabis, operis, iumentis, materia adiu- 
vabunt. Si quid (bona salute) usus venerit, benigne defendent. 
5. Haec erunt vilici officia. Disciplina bona utatur. Feriae 
serventur. Alieno manum abstineat. Sua servet diligenter. 
Litibus familiae supersedeat. Si quis quid deliquerit, pro noxa 
bono modo vindicet. Familiae male ne sit, ne algeat, ne esuriat ; 
opere bene exerceat: facilius malo et alieno prohibebit.  Vilicus 
si nolet male facere, non faciet. Si passus erit, dominus impune 
ne sinat esse. Pro beneficio gratiam referat, ut aliis recte facere 
libeat. "Vilieus ne sit ambulator, sobrius siet semper, ad cenam 
ne quo eat. Familiam exerceat: consideret, quae dominus impe- 
raverit, fiant. Ne plus censeat sapere se, quam dominum. 
Amicos domini, eos habeat sibi amicos. Cui iussus siet, au- 
scultet. Rem divinam nisi compitalibus in compito aut in foco 
ne faciat. Iniussu domini credat nemini. Quod dominus credi- 
derit, exigat. Satui semen, eibana, far, vinum, oleum mutuum 
dederit nemini. Duss aut tres familias habeat, unde utenda 
roget, et quibus det: praeterea nemini. Rationem cum domino 
erebro putet. Operarium, mercenarium politorem diutius eundem 
ne habeat die. Ne quid emisse velit insciente domino, ne quid 
dominum celavisse velit. Parasitum ne quem habeat. Haru- 
spicem, Augurem, Hariolum, Chaldaeum ne quem consuluisse 
velit. Segetem ne defrudet: nam id infelix est. Opus rusti- 
cum omne curet uti sciat facere, et id faciat saepe, dum ne lassus 
fiat. Si fecerit, scibit in mente familiae quid siet, et illi animo 
sequiore facient. Si hoc faciet, minus libebit ambulare, et valebit 
rectius, et dormibit libentius. Primus cubitu surgat: postremus 
cubitum eat. Prius vilam videat clausa uti siet, et uti suo 
quisque loco cubet, et uti iumenta pabulum habeant. Boves 
maxima diligentia curatos habeto. Bubulcis obsequitor, partim, 
quo libentius boves curent. Aratra vomeresque facito uti bonos 
habeas. "lerram cariosam caveto ne ares, neve plostrum, neve 
pecus impellas. Si ita non caveris, quo impuleris, triennii 
fructum amittes. Pecori et bubus diligenter substernatur; un- 
gulae curentur. Scabiem pecori et iumentis caveto. Id ex 


DE RE RUSTICA. 333 


fame, et si impluit, fieri solet. Opera omnia mature conficias 
face. Nam res rustica sic est: si unam rem sero feceris, omnia 
opera sero facies. Stramenta si deerunt, frondem iligneam legito ; 
eam substernito ovibus bubusque. Sterquilintum magnum stude 
ut habeas. Stercus sedulo conserva, cum exportabis, spargito 
et comminuito. Per autumnum evehito. Circum oleas autum- 
nitate ablaqueato, et stereus addito. Frondem populneam, ul- 
meam, querneam caedito, per tempus eam condito, non peraridam, 
pabulum ovibus. Item faenum cordum, sicilimenta de prato, 
ea arida condito. Post imbrem autumni rapinam, pabulum, 
lupinumque serito. 


56. [57.] Familiae cibaria qui opus facient per hiemem, 
tritici modios III; per aestatem modios 11 8.; vilico, vilicae, 
epistatae, opilioni modios rrr. Compeditis per hiemem panis r. 
III. Ubi vineam fodere coeperint, panis P.v. usqueadeo dum 
ficus esse coeperint, deinde ad P. 1111 redito. 

57. [58.] Vinum familiae. Ubi vindemia facta erit, loram 
bibant menses rrt. Mense quarto heminas in dies, id est, in 
mense congios II. S. Mense quinto, sexto, septimo, octavo, in 
dies sextarios, id est, in mense congios quinque. Nono, decimo, 
undecimo et duodecimo, in dies heminas ternas: id est am- 
phoram. Hoc amplius Saturnalibus, et Compitalibus in sin- 
gulos homines congios. Summa vini in homines singulos inter 
annum Q. vri: compeditis uti quiequid operis facient pro por- 
tione addito: eos non est nimium in annos singulos vini quad- 
rantalia x. ebibere. 

58. [59.] Pulmentarium familiae, oleae caducae quam pluri- 
mum condito. Postea oleas tempestivas, unde minimum olet 
fieri poterit, eas condito, parcito, uti quam diutissime durent. 
Ubi oleae comesae erunt, halecem et acetum dato. Oleum dato 
in menses unicuique sextarium 1. Salis unieuique in anno 
modium satis est. 

59. [60.] Vestimenta familiae tunicam P. III. 8., saga alter- 
nis annis. Quoties cuique tunicam aut sagum dabis, prius vete- 
rem accipito, unde centones fiant. Sculponeas bonas alternis 
annis dare oportet. 

60. [61.] Bubus cibaria annua in iuga singula lupini modios 
cxx. aut glandis modios coxr, faeni pondo 10xxo, ocini, fabae 





334 EX M. PORCII CATONIS 


modios XX, viciae modios xxx. Praeterea generatim videto uti 
satis viciae seras.  Pabulum cum seres, multas sationes facito. 


132. [133.] Dapem hoe modo fieri oportet. lovi dapali 
eulignam vini quantum vis polluceto. Eo die feriae bubus 
et bubulcis, et qui dapem facient. Cum pollucere oportebit, 
sic facies. lupiter dapalis, quod tibi fieri oportet, in domo 
familia mea culignam vini dapi, eius rei ergo macte hac illace 
dape pollucenda esto. Manus interluito. Postea vinum sumito. 
Iupiter dapalis, (macte istace dape pollucenda esto); macte vino 
inferio esto. Vestae si voles dato. Daps Iovi assaria pecuina, 
urna vini lovi caste. Profanato sine contagione. Postea dape 
facta serito milium, panicum, alium, lentim. 


134. [135.] Priusquam messim facies, porcam praecidaneam 
hoe modo fieri oportet. Cereri porca praecidanea, porco fe- 
mina, priusquam hasce fruges condantur, far, triticum, ordeum, 
fabam, semen rapicium; ture, vino, lano, Iovi, Iunoni prae- 
fato. Priusquam porcum feminam immolabis, Iano struem 
commoveto sic: Iane pater, te hac strue commovenda bonas 
preces precor, uti sies volens propitius mihi, liberisque meis, 
domo familiaeque meae. Ferctum Iovi moveto et mactato sic: 
lupiter te hoc fereto obmovendo bonas preces precor, uti sies 
volens propitius mihi liberisque meis, domo familiaeque meae. 
Mactus hoe fercto. Postea Iano vinum dato sic: Iane pater, uti 
te strue commovenda bonas preces bene precatus sum, eiusdem 
rei ergo macte vino inferio esto. Postea Iovi sic: Iupiter macte 
fercto esto; macte vino inferio esto. Postea porcam praeci- 
daneam immolato. Ubi exta prosecta erunt, Iano struem com- 
moveto, mactatoque item uti prius obmoveris. lovi ferctum 
obmoveto, mactatoque item uti prius feceris. Item Iano vinum 
dato, et Iovi vinum dato, ita uti prius datum ob struem obmo- 
vendam, et ferctum libandum. Postea Cereri exta et vinum 
dato. 

135. [136.] Romae tunicas, togas, saga, centones, sculpo- 
neas: Calibus et Minturnis cuculliones, ferramenta, falces, 
palas, ligones, secures, ornamenta, murices, catellas: Venafro, 
palas. Suessae, et in Lucanis plostra, treblae Albae: Romae 
dolia, labra: tegulae ex Venafro. Aratra in terram validam 


DE RE RUSTICA. 335 


Romanica bona erunt, in terram pullam Campanica, iuga Roma- 
nica optima erunt. . . vomer, is indutilis optimus erit ( KeZ, p. 77). 
Trapeti Pompeiis. Nolae ad Rufri maceriam claves. Clostra 
Romae. Hamae, urnae oleariae, urcei aquarii, urnae vinariae, 
alia vasa ahenea Capuae. Nolae fiscinae Campanicae. Hae hamae 
utiles sunt. Funis subductarius, spartum omne Capuae.  Fis- 
cinas Romanicas Suessae, Casino. Eae optimae erunt Romae. 
Funem toreulum si quis faciet Casini L. Tunnius; Venafri C. 
Mennius L. F. Eo indere oportet coria bona vill. nostratia 
recentia quae depsta sient, quam minimum salis habeant, ea de- 
psere et unguere unguine prius oportet, tum siccare. ... . P 


138. [139.] Boves feriis coniungere licet. Hoc licet facere, 
arvehant ligna, fabalia, frumentum, quod non daturus erit. 
Mulis, equis, asinis feriae nullae, nisi si in familia sunt. 

139. [140.] Lucum conlucare Romano more sic oportet. 
Porco piaculo facito. Sic verba concipito: Si deus, si dea es, 
quoium illud sacrum est, uti tibi ius siet porco piaculo facere, 
iliusce sacri coercendi ergo. Harumce rerum ergo sive ego sive 
quis iussu meo fecerit, uti id recte factum siet. Eius rei ergo te 
hoe porco piaculo immolando bonas preces precor, uti sies volens 
propitius mihi, domo familiaeque meae, liberisque meis. Harumce 
rerum ergo macte hoc porco piaculo immolando esto. 

140. [141.] Si fodere velis, altero piaculo, eodem modo 
facito; hoc amplius dicito, operis faciundi eausa: tum opus 
quotidie per partes facito; si intermiseris, aut feriae publicae aut 
familiares intercesserint, altero piaculo facito. 

141. [142.] Agrum lustrare sic oportet. Impera suovitau- 
rilia cireumagi. Cum divis volentibus, quodque bene eveniat, 
mando tibi Mani, uti illaee suovitaurlia fundum, agrum, 
terramque meam quota ex parte sive circumagi, sive circum- 
ferenda censeas, uti cures lustrare. lanum, lovemque vino prae- 
famino, (sie dicito): Mars pater te precor, quaesoque uti sies 
volens propitius mihi, domo, familiaeque nostrae, quoius rei ergo 
agrum, terram, fundumque meum suovitaurilia cireumagi iussi. 
Ut tu morbos visos invisosque, viduertatem, vastitudinemque, 
calamitates, intemperiasque prohibessis, defendas, averruncesque. 
Utique tu fruges, frumenta, vineta, virgultaque grandire, bene- 
que evenire sivis. Pastores, pecuaque salva servassis, duisque 








836 EX M. PORCII CATONIS 


bonam salutem valetudinemque mihi, domo, familiaeque nostrae. 
Harumce rerum ergo fundi, terrae agrique mei lustrandi, lustri- 
que faciendi ergo, sicuti dixi, macte hisce suovitaurilibus lacten- 
tibus immolandis esto. Mars pater eiusdem rei ergo, macte 
hisce suovitaurilibus lactentibus esto. Item cultro facito struem, 
et ferctum uti adsiet. Inde obmoveto. Ubi porcum immolabis, 
agnum, vitulumque, sic oportet, Eiusque rei ergo macte hisce 
suovitaurilibus immolandis esto. Nominare vetat matrem, neque 
agnum, vitulumque. Si minus in omnes litabit, sic verba con- 
eipito: Mars pater, si quid tibi in illisce suovitaurilibus lacten- 
tibus, neque satisfactum est, te hisce suovitaurilibus piaeulo. Si 
uno, duobusve dubitaverit, sic verba concipito: Mars pater, quod 
tibi illoce poreo, neque satisfactum est, te hoce porco piaculo. 

142. [143.] Viliei offieia quae sunt, quae dominus prae- 
cepit, ea omnia quae in fundo fieri oportet, quaeque emi para- 
rique oportet, quomodoque cibaria, vestimenta familiae dari 
oportet, eadem uti curet, faciatque moneo, dominoque dicto 
audiens sit. Hoc amplius, quomodo vilicam uti oportet, et quo- 
modo eae imperari oportet, uti adventu domini, quae opus sunt, 
parentur, curenturque diligenter. 

143. [144.] Vilicae quae sunt officia, curato faciat. Si eam 
tibi dederit dominus uxorem, ea esto contentus. Ea te metuat. 
Facito ne nimium luxuriosa siet. Vicinas aliasque mulieres 
quam minimum utatur; neve domum, neve ad sese recipiat. 
Ad cenam nequo eat, neve ambulatrix siet. Rem divinam ni 
faciat, neve mandet, qui pro ea faciat, iniussu domini, aut 
dominae. Scito dominum pro tota familia rem divinam facere. 
Munda siet. Villam conversam mundamque habeat. Focum 
purum circumversum quotidie, priusquam cubitum eat, habeat. 
Kalendis, Idibus, Nonis, festus dies cum erit, coronam in focum 
indat. Per eosdemque dies Lari familiari pro copia supplicet. 
Cibum tibi et familiae curet uti coctum habeat. Gallinas multas, 
et ova uti habeat. ira arida, sorba, ficos, uvas passas, sorba in 
Sapa, et pira, et uvas in doliis, et mala struthea; uvas in 
vinaceis, et in urceis, in terra obrutas; et nuces Praenestinas 
recentes in urceo in terra obrutas habeat. Mala Scantiana in 
doliis, et alia, quae condi solent, et silvatica. Haec omnia quot- 
annis diligenter uti condita habeat. Farinam bonam, et far 
subtile sciat facere. 


ORIGINIBUS. 337 


160. [161.] Luxum si quod est, hac cantione sanum fiet. 
Harundinem prende tibi viridem r. 111. aut v. longam. Mediam 
diffinde, e£ duo homines teneant ad coxendices. Incipe cantare, 
IN ALIO. 8. F. MOTAS VAETA, DARIES DARDARIES ASTA- 
TARIES DISSVNAPITER, usque dum ooeant. Ferrum insuper 
iactato. Ubi coierint, et altera alteram tetigerit; id manu prende, 
et dextra sinistra praecide. Ad luxum, aut ad fracturam alliga, 
sanum fiet. Et tamen quotidie cantato IN ALIO 8. F. vel LvxaTO. 
Vel hoe modo, HVAT HANAT HVAT, ISTA PISTA SISTA, DOMIABO 
.DAMNAVSTRA ET LVXATO. Vel hoc modo, HVAT HAVT HAVT, 
ISTA SISTAR SISAR, DANNABON DVNNAVSTRA. 


§ 2. Hae Ortginibus. 
[Numeri sunt editionis Henrici Iordan.) 

Corn. Nep. Cat. 3. 3, 4. 'Senex (Cato) historias scribere 
instituit. Earum sunt libri septem. Primus continet res gestas 
regum populi Romani, secundus et tertius unde quaeque civitas 
orta sit Italica: ob quam rem omnes Origines videtur appellasse. 
In quarto autem bellum Poenieum est primum, in quinto se- 
eundum. Atque haec omnia capitulatim sunt dicta; reliquaque 
bella pari modo persecutus est usque ad praeturam Servii Galbae, 
qui diripuit Lusitanos; atque horum bellorum duces non nomi- 
navit sed sine nominibus res notavit. In iisdem exposuit quae 
in Italia Hispaniisque aut fierent aut viderentur admiranda. In 
quibus multa industria et diligentia comparet, nulla doctrina.' 


Ex Lisro I. 


2. Cicero pro Plancio, c. 27, 66. * Etenim M. Catonis illud, 
quod in principio scripsit originum suarum, semper magnificum 
et praeelarum putavi, clarorum virorum atque magnorum non 
minus otii quam negotii rationem extare oportere. 

7*. Servius ad Verg. Aen. viii. 638, Curibusque geveris.] ‘Cato 
autem et Gellius a Sabo Lacedaemonio trahere eos (Sabinos) 
originem referunt. Porro Lacedaemonios durissimos fuisse omnis 
lectio docet. Sabinorum etiam mores populum Romanum secu- 
tum idem Cato dicit." 

8*, Servius ad Verg. Aen. i. 5. ‘Troiam autem dici quam 
primum fecit Aeneas, et Livius in primo et Cato in originibus 
testantur.' 

7. 


338 EX M. PORCIT CATONIS 


g*. Servius ad Verg. Aen. xi. 316. ‘Cato enim in originibus 
dicit Troianos a Latino accepisse agrum qui est inter Laurentum 
et castra Troiana. Hic etiam modum agri commemorat et dicit 
eum habuisse iugera IIDCC.’ 

IO*. Servius ad Verg. Aen. i. 267, At puer Ascanius cui nunc 
cognomen Iulo additur.] * Secundum Catonem historiae hoc habet 
fidem: Aeneam cum patre ad Italiam venisse et propter invasos 
agros contra Latinum Turnumque pugnasse, in quo proelio periit 
Latinus; Turnum postea ad Mezentium confugisse eiusque fre- 
tum auxilio bella renovasse, quibus Aeneas Turnusque pariter 
rapti sunt; migrasse postea in Áscanium et Mezentium bella. 
Sed eos singulari certamine dimicasse.' 

11*, Servius ad Verg. Aen. iv. 620. * Cato dicit iuxta Laurola- 
vinium, cum Aeneae socii praedas agerent, proelium commissum, 
in quo Latinus occisus est ; fugit Turnus et Mezenti auxilio con- 
parato renovavit proelium, qui idem victus est ab Aenea. Aeneas 
autem in ipso proelio non conparuit. Ascanius vero postea 
Mezentium interemit." 

I2. Macrobius Sat. iii. 5, 10 p. 280 Ian. * Adeo autem (Ver- 
gilius) omnem pietatem in sacrifieiis quae diis exhibenda sunt 
posuit, ut propter contrariam causam Mezentium vocaverit con- 
temptorem deorum. . . . Sed veram huius contumacissimi nominis 
causam in primo libro originum Catonis diligens lector inveniet. 
Ait enim Mezentium Rutulis imperasse ut sibi obferrent quas 
dis primitias obferebant. Et Latinos omnes similis imperii 
metu ita vovisse: "Iupiter, si tibi magis cordi est nos ea tibi 
dare potius quam Mezentio, uti nos victores facias." ' 

13*. Servius ad Verg. Aen. i. 269, At puer Ascanius...triginta 
magnos volvendis mensibus orbes explebit] * Triginta quod xxx 
tantum annos regnavit, vel quod Cato ait xxx annis expletis 
eum Albam condidisse.’ 

. 16*. Macrobius Sat. i. 10, 16, p. 78 Ian. ‘Cato ait Laren- 
tiam meretricio quaestu locupletatam post excessum suum populo 
Romano agros t Turacem Semurium t Lintinum et t Solinium 
reliquisse, et ideo sepuleri magnificentia et annuae parentationis 
honore dignatam.' 

18*. Servius ad Verg. Aen. v. 755, Urbem designat aratro.] 
‘Quem Cato in originibus dicit morem fuisse. Conditores enim 
civitatis taurum in dextram, vaccam intrinsecus iungebant et 


ORIGINIBUS. 339 


ineincti ritu Gabino, id est togae parte caput velati parte suc- 
cincti, tenebant stivam incurvam, ut glebae omnes intrinsecus 
caderent, et ita sulco ducto loca murorum designabant, aratrum 
suspendentes circa loca portarum." 


Ex Lipo II. 


2. Pleraque Gallia duas res industriosissime persequitur, rem 
militarem et argute loqui. (Charis. ii. p. 181 P.) 

21. Lucum Dianium in nemore Aricino Egerius Laevius 
Tusculanus dedicavit dictator Latius, hi populi communiter, 
Tusculanus, Aricinus, Lanuvinus, Laurens, Coranus, Tiburtis, 
Pometinus, Ardeatis Rutulus. (Priscian, iv. p. 629, vii. p. 761 P.) 


Ex Lisro IV. 


1. Non lubet scribere, quod in tabula apud pontificem maxi- 
mum est, quotiens annona cara, quotiens lunae aut solis lumine 
caligo aut quid obstiterit. (Gell. ii. 28, 6, 44a Hertz; lumini ceteri.) 

7. Gellius iii. 7, 1. * Pulerum, dii boni, facinus Graecarumque 
facundiarum magniloquentia condignum M. Cato libris originum 
de Q. Caedicio tribuno militum scriptum reliquit. Id profecto 
est ad hanc ferme sententiam. Imperator Poenus in terra Sicilia 
bello Karthaginiensi primo obviam Romano exercitu progreditur, 
colleis locosque idoneos prior occupat. Milites Romani, uti res 
nata est, in locum insinuant fraudi et perniciei obnoxium.  Tri- 
bunus ad consulem venit, ostendit exitium de loci importunitate 
et hostium circumstantia maturum.  Censeo, inquit, si rem 
servare vis, faciundum, ut quadringentos aliquos milites ad 
verrueam illam (sie enim Cato locum editum asperumque ap- 
pellat) ire iubeas, eamque uti oceupent imperes horterisque. 
Hostes profecto, ubi id viderint, fortissimus quisque et promp- 
tissimus ad occursandum pugnandumque in eos praevertentur, 
unoque illo negotio sese alligabunt, atque illi omnes quadringenti 
procul dubio obtruneabuntur. Tune interea occupatis in ea 
eaede hostibus tempus exercitus ex hoc loco educendi habebis. 
Alia nisi haec salutis via nulla est. Consul tribuno respondit, 
consilium quidem istud aeque providens sibi viderier. (Madvig. 
adv. 2, p. 592, c. q. fidele istud atque providens, e.q.s.) Sed istos, 
inquit, milites quadringentos ad eum locum in hostium cuneos 
quisnam erit qui ducat? Si alium, inquit tribunus, neminem 

Z2 


340 EX M. PORCII CATONIS 


reperis, me licet ad hoc periculum utare; ego hanc tibi et rei 
publicae animam do. Consul tribuno gratias laudesque agit. 
Tribunus et quadringenti ad moriendum proficiscuntur. Hostes 
eorum audaciam demirantur, quorsum ire pergant, in expectando 
sunt. Sed ubi apparuit ad eam verrucam occupandam iter 
intendere, mittit adversum illos imperator Karthaginiensis pedi- 
tatum equitatumque, quos in exercitu viros habuit strenuissimos. 
Romani milites circumveniuntur, circumventi repugnant, fit 
proelium diu anceps; tandem superat multitudo. Quadringenti 
omnes cum uno perfossi gladiis aut missilibus operti cadunt. 
Consul interim, dum ibi pugnatur, se in locos tutos atque editos 
subducit. Sed quod illi tribuno, duci militum quadringentorum, 
divinitus in eo proelio usus venit, non iam nostris sed ipsius 
Catonis verbis subiecimus.’ 

Dii immortales tribuno militum fortunam ex virtute eius 
dedere. Nam ita evenit, cum saucius multifariam ibi factus 
esset, tamen vulnus capiti nullum evenit, eumque inter mortuos 
defetigatum vulneribus atque quod sanguen eis defluxerat cogno- 
vere, eum sustulere, isque convaluit, saepeque postilla operam 
rei publicae fortem atque strenuam perhibuit, illoque facto quod 
illos milites subduxit exereitum servavit. Sed idem benefactum 
quo in loco ponas nimium interest. Leonides Laco qui simile 
apud 'Thermopylas fecit, propter eius virtutes omnis Graecia 
gloram atque gratiam praecipuam claritudinis inclitissimae 
decoravere monumentis signis statuis elogiis historiis aliisque 
rebus; gratissimum id eius factum habuere. At tribuno militum 
parva laus pro factis relicta, qui idem fecerat atque rem ser- 
vaverat. 

8. Cicero de Senect. 20, 75. * Legiones nostras, quod scripsi 
in originibus, in eum saepe locum profectas alacri animo et 
erecto, unde se numquam redituras arbitrarentur. 


Lisxe& VII. 


10. Servius ad Verg. Aen. iii. 64, Caeruleis vittis.] ‘Cato ait 
deposita veste purpurea feminas usas caerulea, cum lugerent.’ 

12*. Cic. 'Tusc. iv. 2. * Gravissimus auctor in originibus dixit 
Cato morem apud maiores hunc epularum fuisse, ut deinceps qui 
accubarent canerent ad tibiam clarorum virorum laudes atque 
virtutes. (Cp. Tusc. i. 2, 3, Brut. 19, 75.) 





ORATIONIBUS. 341 


13*. Servius ad Verg. Aen. i. 726, Atria.] ‘Ut supra diximus 
tangit morem Romanorum. Nam, ut ait Cato, et in atrio et 
duobus ferculis epulabantur antiqui.' 


X'$ 3. He Orationibus. De Sumptu Suo. 


Tussi caudicem proferri, ubi mea oratio scripta erat de ea 
re quod sponsionem feceram cum M. Cornelio. Tabulae prolatae. 
Maiorum benefacta perlecta, deinde quae ego pro re publica 
fecissem leguntur. Ubi id utrumque perlectum est, deinde 
scriptum erat in oratione * numquam ego pecuniam neque meam 
neque sociorum per ambitionem dilargitus sum.’  Attat noli noli 
scribere (peribere coni. Mommsen), inquam, istud, nolunt audire. 
Deinde recitavit *numquam praefectos per sociorum vestrorum 
oppida inposivi qui eorum bona, liberos diriperent. Istud 
quoque dele, nolunt audire.  Recita porro. ' Numquam ego 
praedam neque quod de hostibus captum esset, neque manubias 
inter pauculos amicos meos divisi, ut illis eriperem qui cepissent." 
Istuc quoque dele, nihil minus volunt dici; non opus est recitato. 
* Numquam ego evectionem datavi, quo amici mei per symbolos 
pecunias magnas caperent. Perge istuc quoque uti cum maxime 
delere. *Numquam ego argentum pro vino congiario inter 
apparitores atque amicos meos disdidi, neque eos malo publico 
divites feci? Enim vero usque istuc ad lignum dele.  Videsis, 
quo loco res publica siet, uti (Z/aupt. ubi) quod rei publicae bene 
fecissem, unde gratiam capiebam, nunc idem illud memorare non 
audeo, ne invidiae siet. Ita inductum est male facere inpoene, 
bene facere non inpoene licere. (Fronto, Epist. ad Antonin. i. 2, 
P. 99 Naber.) 

De Suis Virtutibus contra |. L.] Thermum. 

I. Ego iam a principio in parsimonia atque in duritia atque 
industria omnem adulescentiam meam abstinui, agro colendo, 
saxis Sabinis, silicibus repastinandis atque conserendis. (Fest. 
p. 281.) 

2. Quid mihi fieret, si non ego stipendia omnia ordinarius 
meruissem semper. (Fest. p. 185.) 

3. M. Fulvio consuli legatus sum in Aetoliam. Propterea 
quod ex Aetolia conplures venerant, Aetolos pacem velle; de 
ea re oratores Romam profectos. (Fest. p. 182.) 


342 EX M. PORCII CATONIS RELIQUIIS. 


X4. Aliud est properare, aliud festinare. Qui unum quicquid 
mature transigit, is properat; qui multa simul incipit neque per- 
ficit, is festinat. Ego unum quiequid quod adortus eram transi- 
gebam. (Gell. xvi. 14.) 


Gi se M. Caelius Trib. pl. appellasset. 


Fx. Numquam tacet quem morbus tenet loquendi, tamquam 
veternosum bibendi atque dormiendi. Quod si non coveniatis, 
cum convocari iubet, ita cupidus orationis conducat qui auscul- 
tet. Itaque auditis, non auscultatis, tamquam pharmacopolam. 
Nam eius verba audiuntur, verum se nemo committit [ei] si 
aeger est. (Gell. i. 15, 8.) 

2. Frusto panis conduci potest, vel uti taceat vel uti lo- 
quatur. (Ibid. 10.) 

3. In coloniam me hercules scribere nolim, si trium virum 
sim, spatiatorem atque fescenninum. (Fest. p. 344-) 

4. Descendit de cantherio, inde staticulos dare, ridicularia 
fundere. (Macrob. iii. 14, 9.) 

5. Praeterea cantat, ubi collibuit, interdum Graecos versus 
agit, iocos dicit, voces demutat, staticulos dat.  (Ibid.) 

6. Quid ego cum illo dissertem amplius, quem ego denique 
eredo in pompa vectitatum iri ludis pro citeria atque cum specta- 
toribus sermocinaturum. (Fest. Ep. p. 59.) 

7. Si em percussi, saepe incolumis abii. Praeterea pro scapulis 
atque aerario multum rei publicae profui. (Fest. p. 234.) 


6 4. dd Marcum Filium. 


- I. Dicam de istis Graecis suo loco, Marce fili, quid Athenis 
exquisitum habeam, et quod bonum sit illorum literas inspicere, 
non perdiscere. Vincam nequissimum et indocile (inoetile cont. 
Jordan) esse genus illorum. Et hoc puta vatem dixisse, quandoque 
ista gens suas literas dabit, omnia conrumpet, tum etiam magis, 
si medicos suos huc mittet. Turarunt inter se barbaros necare 
omnis medicina, sed hoc ipsum mercede facient, ut fides iis sit 
et facile disperdant. Nos quoque dictitant barbaros et spurcius 
nos quam alios Opicos (Opicos codd.) appellatione foedant. 
Interdixi tibi de medicis. (Plin. N. H. xxix. 7, 14 sq.) 


HISTORICORUM FRAGMENTA QUAEDAM. $43 
§ 5. Carmen de Moribus. 


I. Avaritiam omnia vitia habere putabant. Sumptuosus, 
cupidus, elegans, vizosus, incitus qui habebatur, is laudabatur. 
(Gell. xi. 2. Ita Madvig. adv. 2. p. 601; codd. vitiosus, inritus.) 

2. Vestiri in foro honeste mos erat, domi quod satis erat. 
Equos carius quam coquos emebant.  Poéticae artis honos non 
erat. Siquis in ea re studebat aut sese ad convivia adplicabat, 
grassator vocabatur. (Ibid.) 

3. Nam vita humana prope uti ferrum est. Si exerceas, con- 
teritur; si non exerceas, tamen rubigo interficit. Item homines 
exercendo videmus conteri; si nihil exerceas, inertia atque tor- 
pedo plus detrimenti facit quam exercitio. (Ibid.) 


Cap. IL—HisroRIcCoRUM FRAGMENTA QUAEDAM 
[Numeri sunt editionis Hermanni Peter.] 
6 1. Ha L. Cassi Heminae Annalibus. 


Lis. IV. 


37. Plin. N. H. xiii. 84. Cassius Hemina, vetustissimus auctor 
annalium, quarto eorum libro prodidit, Cn. Terentium scribam 
agrum suum in laniculo repastinantem effodisse arcam, in qua 
Numa, qui Romae regnavit, situs fuisset. In eadem libros eius 
repertos P. Cornelio L.filre Cethego, M. Baebio M. filio Tam- 
philo cos., ad quos a regno Numae colliguntur anni Dxxxv; hos 
fuisse e charta, maiore etiamnum miraculo, quod infossi du- 
raverint. Quapropter in re tanta ipsius Heminae verba ponam : 
* Mirabantur ali, quomodo illi libri durare possent. Ille ita ra- 
tionem reddebat: lapidem fuisse quadratum circiter in media 
arca evinctum candelis quoquo versus. In eo lapide insuper 
libros insitos fuisse, propterea arbitrarier non eonputuisse. Et 
libros citratos fuisse, propterea arbitrarier tineas non tetigisse. 
In iis libris seripta erant philosophiae Pythagoricae.’...Eosque 
conbustos a Q. Petilio praetore, quia philosophiae scripta essent. 
T Inter omnis vero convenit, Sibyllam ad Tarquinium Su- 
perbum tris libros adtulisse, ex quibus sint duo cremati ab ipsa, 
tertius cum Capitolio Sullanis temporibus. 


344 HISTORICORUM FRAGMENTA QUAEDAM. 


§ 2. Em Fabu Pictoris Iure Pontsficio. 
Lis. I. 


1. Gell. i. 12, 14. In libro primo Fabii Pictoris, quae verba 
pontificem maximum dicere oporteat, cum virginem capiat, serip- 
tum est. Ea verba haec sunt: Sacerdotem Vestalem, quae sacra 
faciat, quae ius siet sacerdotem Vestalem facere pro populo 
Romano Quiritibus, uti quae optima lege fuit, ita te, Amata, 
capio. 

2. Gell. x. 15.  Caerimoniae impositae flamini Diali multae, 
item castus muitiplices, quos in libris, qui de sacerdotibus pu- 
blicis conpositi sunt, item in Fabii Pictoris librorum primo 
scriptos legimus, unde haec ferme sunt, quae commeminimus: 
Equo Dialem flaminem vehi religio est, e¢ classem procinctam 
extra pomoerium, id est exereitum armatum, videre. Idcirco 
rarenter flamen Dialis creatus consul est, cum bella consulibus 
mandabantur. Item iurare Dialem fas numquam est. Item 
annulo uti nisi pervio cassoque fas non est. Ignem e flaminia, 
id est flaminis Dialis domo, nisi sacrum efferri ius non est. 
Vinctum, si aedes eius introierit, solvi necessum est et vincula 
per impluvium in tegulas subduci atque inde foras in viam de- 
mitti. Nodum in apice neque in cinctu neque alia in parte 
ullum habet. Si quis ad verberandum ducatur, si ad pedes eius 
supplex proeubuerit, eo die verberari piaculum est. Capillum 
Dialis nisi qui liber homo est, non detonset. Capram et carnem 
incoctam et ederam et fabam neque tangere Diali mos est neque 
nominare. Propagines e vitibus altius praetentas non succidet. 
Pedes lecti, in quo cubat, luto tenui circumlitos esse oportet et de eo 
lecto trinoctium continuum non decubat neque in eo lecto cubare 
neque alium fas est neque... . apud eius lecti fulcrum capsulam 
esse cum strue atque ferto oportet. Unguium Dialis et capilli 
segmina subter arborem felicem terra operiuntur. Dialis cotidie 
feriatus est. Sine apice sub divo esse licitum non est. (Sub 
tecto uti liceret, non pridem a pontificibus constitutum Masurius 
Sabinus scribsit et alia quaedam .remissa gratiaque aliquot caeri- 
moniarum facta dicitur. Farinam fermento inbutam adtingere 
ei fas non est. Tunica intima, nisi in locis tectis, non exuit se, 
sé sub caelo, tamquam sub oculis Iovis, nudus sit. Super 


PICTOR, PISO, TODITANUS. 345 


flaminem Dialem in convivio, nisi rex sacrificulus, haut quisquam 
alius accumbit. Uxorem si amisit, flaminio decedit. Matri- 
monium flaminis nisi morte dirimi ius non est. Locum, in quo 
bustum est, numquam ingreditur, mortuum numquam attingit ; 
funus tamen exequi non est religio. Eaedem ferme caerimoniae 
sunt flaminicae . . . . flaminicas Dialis seorsum aiunt observitare, 
veluti est: quod venenato operitur, e£ quod in rica surculum de 
arbore felici habet, et quod scalas, nis: quae Graecae appellantur, 
ascendere ei plus tribus gradibus religiosum est, atque etiam, 
cum it ad Argeos, quod neque comit caput neque capillum 
depectit. 

3*. Serv. ad Verg. Georg. i.21. Fabius Pictor hos deos enum- 
erat, quos invocat flamen, sacrum Cereale faciens Telluri et 
Cereri: Vervactorem, Reparatorem, Inporcitorem, Insitorem, 
Obaratorem, Occatorem, Sarritorem, Subruncinatorem, Messo- 
rem, Convectorem, Conditorem, Promitorem. 


§ 3. Ee L. Calgurnii Pisonis Annalibus. (Tr. pl. v. c. 6052149.) 
Lp. VI. 


33*. Plin. xvii. 41. C. Furius Cresimus e servitute liberatus 
cum in parvo admodum agello largiores multo fructus perciperet 
quam ex amplissimis vicinitas, in invidia magna erat, ceu fruges 
alienas perliceret veneficiis. Quam ob rem a Sp. Albino curuli 
aedile die dicta metuens damnationem, cum in suffragium tribus 
oporteret ire, instrumentum rusticum omne in forum attulit et 
adduxit familiam suam validam atque, ut ait Piso, bene curatam 
ac vestitam, ferramenta egregie facta, graves ligones, vomeres 
ponderosos, boves saturos. Postea dixit: Veneficia mea, Quirites, 
haec sunt, nec possum vobis ostendere aut in forum adducere 
lucubrationes meas vigiliasque et sudores. Omnium sententiis 
absolutus itaque est. 


6 4. Ez C. Sempronii Tuditani Annalibus. (Cos. v.c. 6252 129.) 


5. Gell. N. Att. vii. (vi.) 4, 1. Quod satis celebre est de Atilio 
Regulo, id nuperrime legimus in Tuditani libris: Regulum 
captum ad ea, quae in senatu Romae dixit suadens, ne captivi 
eum Carthaginiensibus permutarentur, id quoque addidisse, ve- 
nenum sibi Carthaginienses dedisse, non praesentarium, sed eius 


346 HISTORICORUM FRAGMENTA QUAEDAM. 


modi quod mortem in diem proferret, eo consilio, ut viveret 
quidem tantisper quoad fieret permutatio, post autem grassante 
sensim veneno contabesceret.. Eundem Regulum "Tubero in 
historiis redisse Carthaginem novisque exemplorum modis ex- 
cruciatum a Poenis dicit... Tuditanus autem somno diu pro- 
hibitum atque ita vita privatum refert, idque ubi Romae cogni- 
tum est, nobilissimos Poenorum captivos liberis Reguli a senatu 
deditos et ab his in armario muricibus praefixo destitutos eadem- 
. que insomnia cruciatos interisse. 


§ 5. He L.Coel Antipatri Belli Pun alterius. historia. 
(Historias edidit post C. Gracchi mortem x. c. 633 2121.) 


Lis. I. 


11*, Cicer. de Div. i. 24, 49. Hoc item in Sileni, quem 
Coelius sequitur, Graeca historia est; is autem diligentissime 
res Hannibalis persecutus est: Hannibalem, cum cepisset Sagun- 
tum, visum esse in somnis a Iove in deorum concilium vocari.... 
Quo cum venisset, Iovem imperavisse, ut Italiae bellum inferret, 
ducemque ei unum e concilio datum, quo illum utentem cum 
exereitu progredi coepisse. Tum ei ducem illum praecepisse, 
ne respiceret, illum autem id diutius facere non potuisse elatum- 
que cupiditate respexisse: tum visam beluam vastam et imma- 
nem, circumplicatam serpentibus, quaeunque incederet omnia 
arbusta, virgulta, tecta pervertere. Et eum admiratum quaesisse 
de deo, quodnam illud esset tale, monstrum: et deum respon- 
disse, vastitatem esse Italiae, praecepisseque ut pergeret protinus. 
Quid retro atque a tergo fieret, ne laboraret. 

20*. Cicer. de Div. i. 35, 77. Quid? Bello Punico secundo 
nonne C. Flaminius consul iterum neglexit signa rerum futura- 
rum magna cum clade rei publicae? qui exercitu lustrato cum 
Arretium versus signa movisset et contra Hannibalem legiones 
duceret, et ipse et equus eius ante signum Iovis Statoris sine 
eausa repente concidit, nec eam rem habuit religioni, obiecto 

"signo, ut peritis videbatur, ne committeret proelium. Idem 
cum tripudio auspicaretur, pullarius diem proelii committendi 
differebat. Tum Flaminius ex eo quaesivit, si ne postea quidem 
pulli pascerentur, quid faciendum censeret. Cum ille quiescen- 
dum respondisset, Flaminius: ‘ Praeclara vero auspicia, si esu- 


ANTIPATER, ASELLIO. 347 


rientibus pullis res geri poterit, saturis nihil geretur.’ Itaque 
signa convelli et se sequi iussit. Quo tempore cum signifer 
primi astati signum non posset movere loco, nec quiequam pro- 
ficeretur, plures cum accederent, Flaminius re nuntiata suo more 
neglexit. Itaque tribus iis horis concisus exercitus atque ipse 
interfectus est. Magnum illud etiam quod addidit Coelius, eo 
tempore ipso, cum hoc calamitosum proelium fieret, tantos terrae 
motus in Liguribus, Gallia compluribusque insulis totaque in 
Italia factos esse, ut multa oppida conruerint, multis locis labes 
factae sint, terraeque desiderint fluminaque in contrarias partes 
fluxerint atque in amnes mare influxerit. . 


§ 6. Ex Sempronit Asellionis rebua gestis. (Videtur scripsisse 
inter annos V. C. 664—674 22 90-80.) 


Lis. I. 


I. Gell. v. 18, 7. Cum vero non per annos sed per dies singulos 
res gestae scribuntur, ea historia Graeco vocabulo édnpepis 
dicitur, euius Latinum interpretamentum scriptum est in libro 
Semproni Asellionis primo, ex quo libro plura verba ascripsimus, 
ut simul ibidem, quid ipse inter res gestas et annales esse dix- 
erit, ostenderemus: Verum inter eos, inquit, qui annales relin- 
quere voluissent, et eos, qui res gestas a Romanis perscribere 
conati essent, omnium rerum hoc interfuit: annales libri tantum 
modo quod factum, quoque anno gestum sit, ea demonstrabant 
ita, quasi qui diarium scribunt, quam Graeci épypepida vocant. 
Nobis non modo satis esse video, quod faetum esset, id pro- 
nuntiare, sed etiam, quo consilio quaque ratione gesta essent, 
demonstrare. 2. Paulo post idem Asellio in eodem libro: Nam 
neque alacriores ad rem p. defendundam neque segniores ad rem 
perperam faciundam annales libri commovere quiequam possunt. 
Seribere autem bellum initum quo consule et quo confectum sit 
et quis triumphans introierit ex eo bello, quaeque in bello gesta 
sint non praedicare, aut interea quid senatus decreverit aut quae 
lex rogatione lata sit, neque quibus consiliis ea gesta sint iterare: 
id fabulas pueris est narrare, non historias scribere. 


348 HISTORICORUM FRAGMENTA QUAEDAM. 


§ 7. Ex Q. Claudii Quadrigaris Annalibus. 
(Scripsit tisdem fere temporibus.) 
Lx. I. 


IO. Gell. ix. 13, 4 sqq. (ep. Liv. vii. 9, 6). Quis hostis 
[Manlit Torquati] et quid genus, quam formidandae vastitatis et 
quantum insolens provocator et cuimodi fuerit pugna decertatum, 
Q. Claudius primo annalium purissime atque inlustrissime sim- 
plieique et incompta orationis antiquae suavitate descripsit.— 
Vefba Q. Claudi, quibus pugna ista depicta est, adscripsi: Cum 
interim Gallus quidam nudus praeter scutum et gladios duo 
torque atque armillis decoratus processit, qui et viribus et mag- 
nitudine et adulescentia simulque virtute ceteris antistabat. Is 
maxime proelio commoto atque utrisque summo studio pugnan- 
tibus manibus significare coepit utrisque, quiescerent. Pugnae 
facta pausa est. Extemplo silentio facto cum voce maxima con- 
clamat, si quis secum depugnare vellet, uti prodiret. Nemo 
audebat propter magnitudinem atque inmanitatem facies. Deinde 
Gallus inridere coepit atque linguam exertare. Id subito per- 
dolitum est cuidam Tito Manlio, summo genere gnato, tantum 
flagitium civitati adeidere, e tanto exercitu neminem prodire. 
Is, ut dico, processit neque passus est virtutem Romanam ab 
Gallo turpiter spoliari. Scuto pedestri et gladio Hispanico 
cinctus contra Gallum constitit. Metu magno ea congressio 
in ipso ponti utroque exercitu inspectante facta est. Ita, ut 
ante dixi, constiterunt: Gallus sua disciplina scuto proiecto 
cunctabundus, Manlius animo magis quam arte confisus, scuto 
secutum percussit atque statum Galli conturbavit. Dum se 
Gallus iterum eodem pacto constituere studet, Manlius iterum 
scuto secutum percutit atque de loco hominem iterum deiecit; 
eo pacto ei sub Gallieum gladium successit, ne Gallus impetum 
in ictu haberet, atque Hispanico pectus hausit, deinde continuo 
humerum dextrum eodem congressu incidit neque recessit us- 
quam, donec subvertit. Ubi eum subvertit, caput praecidit, 
torquem detraxit eamque sanguinulentam sibi in collum imponit. 
Quo ex facto ipse posterique eius Torquati sunt cognominati. 

12**, Gell. N. Att. ix. 11 (cp. Liv. vii. 25, 26). De Maximo 
Valerio, qui Corvinus appellatus est ob auxilium propugnatio- 


CLAUDIUS QUADRIGARIUS. 349 


nemque corvi alitis, haut quisquam est nobilium scriptorum, qui 
secus dixerit. Ea res prorsus miranda sic profecto est in libris 
annalibus memorata : 

Adulescens tali genere editus, L. Furio Claudio Appio con- 
eulibus, fit tribunus militaris. Atque in eo tempore copiae Gal- 
lorum ingentes agrum Pomptinum insederant, instruebanturque 
acies a consulibus de vi ac multitudine hostium satis agentibus. 
Dux interea Gallorum, vasta et ardua proceritate armisque auro 
praefulgentibus, grandia ingrediens et manu telum reciprocans 
incedebat, perque contemptum et superbiam circumspiciens de- 
spiciensque omnia venire iubet et congredi, si quis pugnare se- 
eum ex omni Romano exercitu auderet. Tum Valerius tribunus, 
ceteris inter metum pudoremque ambiguis, impetrato prius a 
consulibus, ut in Gallum, tam inaniter adrogantem, pugnare sese 
permitterent, progreditur intrepide modesteque obviam ; et con- 
grediuntur et consistunt et conserebantur iam manus. Atque 
ibi vis quaedam divina fit: corvus repente inprovisus advolat et 
super galeam tribuni insistit atque inde in adversarii os atque 
oculos pugnare incipit; insilibat, obturbabat et unguibus manum 
laniabat et prospectum alis arcebat atque, ubi satis saevierat, 
revolabat in galeam tribuni. Sic tribunus spectante utroque 
exercitu et sua virtute nixus et opera alitis propugnatus ducem 
hostium ferocissimum vicit interfecitque atque ob hane causam 
cognomen habuit Corvinus. Id factum est annis quadringentis 
quinque post Romam conditam. 


Lrs. III. 


40. Gell. iii. 8. Cum Pyrrus rex in terra Italia esset et unam 
atque alteram pugnas prospere pugnasset satisque agerent 
Romani et pleraque Italia ad regem descivisset, tum Ambra- 
ciensis quispiam Timochares, regis Pyrri amicus, ad C. Fabricium 
consulem furtim venit ac praemium petivit et, si de praemio 
conveniret, promisit regem venenis necare; idque facile esse 
factu dixit, quoniam filius suus pocula in convivio regi minis- 
traret. Eam rem Fabricius ad senatum scripsit. Senatus ad 
regem legatos misit mandavitque, ut de Timochare nihil pro- 
derent sed monerent, uti rex cireumspectius ageret atque a proxi- 
morum insidiis salutem tutaretur. Hoc ita, uti diximus, in 
Valeri Antiatis historia scriptum est. Quadrigarius autem in 


350 HISTORICORUM FRAGMENTA QUAEDAM. 


libro tertio non Timocharem sed Niciam adisse ad consulem 
scripsit, neque legatos a senatu missos sed a consulibus, et 
Pyrrum populo Romano laudes atque gratias scripsisse capti- 
vosque omnes, quos tum habuit, vestivisse et reddidisse. 41. 
Consules tum fuerunt C. Fabricius et Q. Aemilius. Literas, 
quas ad regem Pyrrum super ea causa miserunt, Claudius Quad- 
rigarius scripsit fuisse hoc exemplo: 

* Consules Romani salutem dicunt Pyrro regi. 

Nos pro tuis iniuriis continuis animo tenus commoti inimi- 
citer tecum bellare studemus. Sed communis exempli et fidei 
ergo visum, ut te salvum velimus, ut esse£ quem armis vincere 
possemus. Ad nos venit Nicias, familiaris tuus, qui sibi prae- 
mium a nobis peteret, si te clam interfecisset. Id nos negavimus 
velle, neve ob eam rem quiequam commodi expectaret, et simul 
visum est, ut te certiorem faceremus, ne quid eius modi, si ac- 
cidisset, nostro consilio civitates putarent factum, et, quod nobis 
non placet, pretio aut praemio aut dolis pugnare. Tu nisi caves, 
lacebis.’ 

§ 8. Ez Valerit Antiatis Annalibus. 


Lis. II. 


6. Arnob. v. 1. In secundo Antiatis libro, ne quis forte nos 
aestimet concinnare per calumnias crimina, talis proscripta est 
fabula: Numam illum regem, eum procurandi fulminis scientiam 
non haberet, essetque illi eupido noscendi, Egeriae monitu castos 
duodecim iuvenes apud aquam concelasse cum vinculis, ut, cum 
Faunus et Martius Picus ad id locorum venissent haustum—nam 
illis aquandi solemne iter hue fuit—invaderent, constringerent, 
conligarent. Sed quo res fieri expeditius posset, regem pocula 
non parvi numeri vino mulsoque complesse cireaque accessus 
fontis insidiosam venturis opposuisse fallaciam. Illos more de 
solito bibendi adpetitione correptos ad hospitia nota venisse. Sed 
eum liquoribus odoratis offendissent fragrantia pocula, vetus- 
tioribus anteposuisse res novas, invasisse aviditer, dulcedine 
potionis captos hausisse plus nimio, obdormivisse factos graves. 
Tum bis senos incubuisse sopitis, iniecisse madidatis vincula, 
expergitosque illos statim perdocuisse regem, quibus ad terras 
modis Tuppiter posset et sacrificiis elici; et accepta regem scientia 
rem in Áventino fecisse divinam, elexisse ad terras lovem, ab 


ORATORUM FRAGMENTA. 351 


eoque quaesisse ritum (Joríasse rectum) procurationis morem. 
Iovem diu contatum ‘expiabis’ dixe ‘capite fulgurita. Regem 
respondisse *caepitio. lovem rursus humano. Rettulisse regem 
‘sed capillo. Deum contra ‘animali.’ *' Maena subiecisse Pom- 
pilium. Tunc ambiguis Iovem propositionibus captum extulisse 
hane vocem : * Decepisti me Numa; nam ego humanis capitibus 
procurari constitueram fulgurita, tu maena, capillo, caepitio. 
Quoniam me tamen tua circumvenit astutia, quem voluisti, 
habeto morem et his rebus, quas pactus es, procurationem 
semper suscipies fulguritorum.’ 


Cap. IIL—OnATORUM FRAGMENTA. 


$1. L. AEMILIVS PAVLLVS MACEDONICVS. 
V.C. 528—594 = A.C. 228-160. 


Oratio de Rebus a se gestis ad populum, paucis diebus post 
iriumphum. | V.C. 587 = a.c. 167. 


Cum in maximo proventu felicitatis nostrae, Quirites, timerem 
nequid mali fortuna moliretur, Iovem optimum maximum Tuno- 
nemque reginam et Minervam precatus sum, ut, si quid adversi 
populo Romano inmineret, totum in meam domum converteretur. 
Quapropter bene habet; annuendo enim votis meis id egerunt, 
ut vos potius meo casu doleatis quam ego vestro ingemiscerem. 
(Val. Max. v. 10, ed. Halm.) 


$2. OC. TITIVS. 
Oratio pro Lege Fannia, dicta v.c. 593 = A.C. 161. 


Ludunt alea studiose, delibuti unguentis, scortis stipati. Ubi 
horae decem sunt, iubent puerum vocari, ut comitium eat per- 
contatum, quid in foro gestum sit, qui suaserint, qui dissua- 
serint, quot tribus iusserint, quot vetuerint ; inde ad comitium 
vadunt, ne litem suam faciant. Dum eunt nulla est in angi- 
porto amphora quam non impleant, quippe qui vesicam plenam 
vini habeant. Veniunt in comitium tristes, iubent dicere; quo- 
rum negotium est narrant, iudex testes poscit, ipsus it minctum. 


352 ORATORUM FRAGMENTA. 


Ubi redit, ait se omnia audivisse, tabulas poscit: literas inspicit, 
vix prae vino sustinet palpebras. Eunt in consilium ; ibi haec 
oratio: *Quid mihi negotii est cum istis nugatoribus? quam 
(quin con;. Madvig) potius potamus mulsum mixtum vino graeco, 
edimus turdum pinguem bonumque piscem, lupum germanum, 
qui inter duos pontes captus fuit.' (Macrob. Sat. iii. 16, 15.) 


$3. Q. CAECILIVS METELLVS MACEDONICVS. 
Natus v.c. 566 = 188, censor v.c. 614 = 140. 


Oratio de Prole augenda in censura. 


(a.) Si sine uxore possemus, Quirites, [esse], omnes ea molestia 
eareremus: sed quoniam ita natura tradidit ut nee cum illis 
satis commode, nec sine illis ullo modo vivi possit, saluti per- 
petuae potius quam brevi voluptati consulendum. 


(.) Di inmortales plurimum possunt, sed non plus velle nobis 
debent quam parentes. Át parentes, si pergunt liberi errare, bonis 
exheredant. Quid ergo nos a diis inmortalibus diutius exspec- 
tamus, nisi malis rationibus finem faciamus? Isdem deos pro- 
pitios esse aequum est, qui sibi adversarii non sunt. Di inmor- 
tales virtutem adprobare non adhibere debent. (Gell. i. 6, qui 
Metello Numidico tribuit.) 


$4. P. SCIPIO AEMILIANVS AFRICANVS MINOR. — 


V.C. 569—625 = a.c. 185-129. 


(1.) Oratio pro se c. Tt. Claudium Asellum tr. pl. de multa 
ad populum, habita v.c. 615 — 139. 


Omnia mala probra flagitia quae homines faciunt, in duabus 
rebus sunt, malitia atque nequitia. Utrum defendis malitiam 
an nequitiam an utrumque simul? Si nequitiam defendere vis, 
licet : sed tu in uno scorto maiorem pecuniam absumsisti, quam 
quanti omne instrumentum fundi Sabini in censum dedicavisti. 
Si hoc ita est, qui spondet mille nummum ? Sed tu plus tertia 
parte pecuniae paternae perdidisti atque absumsisti in flagitiis. 
Si hoc ita est, qui spondet mille mummum ? Non vis nequitiam. 
Age malitiam saltem defendas. Sed tu verbis conceptis coniura- 


METELLUS, SCIPIO, LAELIUS, C. GRACCHUS. 353 


visti sciens sciente animo tuo. Si hoc ita est, qui spondet mille 
nummum? (Gell. vi. (vii.) 11, 9.) 
(2.) Oratio contra Legem Iudiciariam Tib. Gracchi. v.c. 621—133. 
Docentur praestigias inhonestas: cum cinaedulis, et sambuca 
psalterioque eunt in ludum histrionum. Discunt cantare quae 
maiores nostri ingenuis probro ducier voluerunt. Eunt, inquam, 
in ludum saltatorium inter cinaedos virgines puerique ingenui. 
Haec cum mihi quisquam narrabat, non poteram animum indu- 
cere ea liberos suos homines nobiles docere. Sed cum ductus 
sum in ludum saltatorium plus medius fidius in eo ludo vidi 
pueris virginibusque quinquaginta (a/. quingentis) ; in his unum, 
quod me reipublicae maxime misertum est, puerum bullatum, 
petitoris filium non minorem annis duodecim, cum crotalis sal- 
iare, quam saltationem inpudicus servulus honeste saltare non 
posset. (Macrob. Sat. iii. 14, 6). 


(3.) Diseuasio Legis Papiriae, | v.c. 623—131. 
Auctor de Viris Illustribus, 58. Ob res gestas superbus 
Gracchum iure caesum videri respondit (Scipio) obstrepente 


populo, Taceant, inquit, quibus Italia noverca non mater est; 
et addidit: quos ego sub corona vendidi. 


$5. C.LAELIVS SAPIENS. Cos. v.c. 614 = 140. 
Laudatio P. Scipionis Aemiliani Q. Fabio Maximo scripta, 4. C. 129. 


Quiapropter neque tanta diis inmortalibus gratia haberi possit, 
quanta habenda est, quod is cum illo animo atque ingenio hac 
civitate potissimum natus est, neque ita moleste atque aegre ferri 
quam ferundum est, quum eo morbo mortem obiit et in eodem 
tempore periit, quum et vobis et omnibus, qui hane rempublicam 
salvam volunt, maxime vivo opus est, Quirites. (Schol. Bobiensia 
' in Cic. pro Milone, p. 283, ed. Orell.) 


$6. C. SEMPRONIVS GRACCHVS. 
V. C. 600—633 —4. C. 154-121. 
(1.) Pro Lege Papiria, v.c. 623—131. 


(a.) Pessimi Tiberium, fratrem meum optimum, interfecerunt : 
em, videte, quam par pari sint! (Charis. p. 143.) 
AB 


354 ORATORUM FRAGMENTA. 


(5.) Qui sapientem eum faciet? Qui et vobis et reipublicae et 
sibi communiter prospiciat, non qui pro suilla humanam trucidet. 
(Charis. p. 116, pro syllahumanem cod.; emendavit H. Nettleship.) 


(2.) Apud Censores, v. c. 630 124. 


(z.) Abesse non potest, quin eiusdem hominis sit probos im- 
probare, qui improbos probet. (Cie. Orator, 70.) 

y (b) Versatus sum in provincia, quomodo ex usu vestro ex- 
istimabam esse, non quomodo ambitioni meae conducere arbi- 
trabar. Nulla apud me fuit popina, neque pueri eximia facie 
stabant, et in convivio liberi vestri modestius erant, quam apud 
principia .... Ita versatus sum in provincia, uti nemo posset 
vere dieere, assem aut eo plus in muneribus me accepisse, aut 
mea opera quemquam sumptum fecisse. Biennium fui in pro- 
vineia. Si ulla meretrix domum meam introivit aut cuiusquam 
servulus propter me sollicitatus est, omnium nationum postre- 
missimum nequissimumque existimatote. Cum a servis eorum 
tam caste me habuerim, inde poteritis considerare, quomodo me 
putetis cum liberis vestris vixisse . . ... Itaque, Quirites, cum 
Romam profectus sum, zonas, quas plenas argenti extuli, eas ex 
provincia inanes retuli. Alii vini amphoras, quas plenas tule- 
runt, eas argento repletas domum reportaverunt. (Gell. xv. 12.) 


(3.) De Legibus a se promulgatis, v. c. 631—123. 


(a.) Si vellem apud vos verba facere et a vobis postulare, cum 
genere summo ortus essem et cum fratrem propter vos ami- 
sissem, nec quisquam de P. Africani et Tiberi Gracchi familia 
nisi ego et puer restaremus, ut pateremini hoc tempore me 
quiescere, ne a stirpe genus nostrum interiret, et uti aliqua 
propago generis nostri reliqua esset: haud scio an lubentibus 
a vobis impetrassem. (Schol. Bobiensia in Cic. Orationes, p. 365, | 
ed. Orell.) 

(6.) Nuper Teanum Sidicinum consul venit, uxor eius dixit se 
in balneis virilibus lavari velle. Quaestori Sidicino a M. Mario 
datum est negotium uti balneis exigerentur qui lavabantur. 
Uxor renuntiat viro, parum cito sibi balneas traditas esse et 
parum lautas fuisse. Idcirco palus destitutus est in foro eoque 
adductus suae civitatis nobilissimus homo M. Marius. Vesti- 


C. GRACCHUS. 355 


menta detracta sunt, virgis caesus est. Caleni ubi id audierunt 
edixerunt, ne quis in balneis lavisse vellet cum magistratus 
Romanus ibi esset. Ferentini ob eandem causam praetor noster 
quaestores arripi iussit ; alter se de muro deiecit, alter prensus 
et virgis caesus est. (Gell. x. 3.) 

(c.) Quanta libido quantaque intemperantia sit hominum adule- 
scentium, unum exemplum vobis ostendam. His annis paucis ex 
[S.e. in] Asia[m] missus est, qui per id tempus magistratum 
non ceperat, homo adulescens pro legato. Is in lectica ferebatur. 


Ei obviam bubulcus de plebe Venusina, venit, et per iocum, cum ~ 


ignoraret qui ferretur, rogavit num mortuum ferrent. Ubi id 
audivit, lecticam iussit deponi, struppis, quibus lectica deligata 
erat, usque adeo verberari iussit, dum animam efflavit. (Ibidem.) 


(4.) In P. Popilium Laenatem, v.c. 6312123. 


Quae vos cupide per hosce annos adpetistis, atque voluistis, ea 
si temere repudiaritis, abesse non potest quin aut olim cupide 
adpetisse aut nunc temere repudiasse dicamini. (Gell. xi. 13.) 


(5.) De Rege Mithridate, v. c. 63121253. 


Nam vos, Quirites, si velitis sapientia atque virtute uti, etsi 
quaeritis, neminem nostrum invenietis sine pretio hue prodire. 
Omnes nos, qui verba facimus, aliquid petimus, neque ullius rei 
causa quisquam ad vos prodit, nisi ut aliquid auferat. Ego ipse, 
qui apud vos verba facio, uti vectigalia vestra augeatis, quo 
facilius vestra commoda et rempublicam administrare possitis, non 
gratis prodeo, verum peto a vobis non pecuniam, sed bonam 
existimationem atque honorem. Qui prodeunt dissuasuri, ne 
hane legem accipiatis, petunt non honorem a vobis, verum a 
Nicomede pecuniam. Qui suadent, ut accipiatis, hi quoque 
petunt non a vobis bonam existimationem, verum a Mithridate 
rei familiaris suae pretium et praemium. Qui autem ex eodem 
loco atque ordine tacent, hi vel acerrimi sunt: nam ab omnibus 
pretium accipiunt et omnes fallunt. Vos, cum putatis, eos ab 
his rebus remotos esse, inpertitis bonam existimationem.  Lega- 


tiones autem a regibus, cum putant eos sua causa reticere, 


sumptus atque pecunias maximas praebent, item uti in terra 
Graecia, quo in tempore Graecus tragoedus gloriae sibi ducebat, 
A 8 2. 


N 


356 ORATORUM FRAGMENTA. 


talentum magnum ob unam fabulam datum esse, homo eloquen- 
tissimus civitatis suae, Demades, ei respondisse dicitur: * Mirum 
tibi videtur, si tu loquendo talentum quaesisti? Ego, ut tace- 
rem, decem talenta a rege accepi. Idem nunc isti pretia maxima 
ob tacendum accipiunt. (Gell. xi. 10.) 


$7. L. LICINIVS CRASSVS. 
V. C. 614—663 — 4. C. 140-91. 
Adversus L. Marcium Philippum, v.c. 663-91. 


Deploravit enim casum atque orbitatem senatus, cuius. ordinis 
a consule, qui quasi parens bonus aut tutor fidelis esse deberet, 
tamquam ab aliquo nefario. praedone diriperetur patrimonium digni- 
latis, neque vero esse mirandum, si, cum suis consiliis rempublicam 
profligasset, consilium senatus a republica repudiaret. . . . An tu, 
cum omnem auctoritatem universi ordinis pro pignore putaris 
eamque in conspectu P. R. concideris, me his existimas pigno- 
ribus teneri? Non tibi illa sunt caedenda, si L. Crassum vis 
coercere: haee tibi est excidenda lingua, qua vel evulsa spiritu 
ipso libidinem tuam libertas mea refutabit. (Cic. de Orat. iii. 1.) 
... Ego te consulem putem, cum tu me non putes senatorem ? 
(Quint. viii. 5, 89.) 


Cap. IV.—Ex M. TERENTI VARRONIS RELIQUIIS. 


Natus est Reate, v.o. 638—4.c. 116; mortuus est prope 
nonagenarius Vv. C. 727 —4A.C. 27. 

Catalogus librorum Varronis, ex indicibus manuscriptis * et 
auctoribus quorum nomina subiciuntur. Videsis Ritschl, Rhein. 
Mus. vi. pp. 481-560, xii. pp. 147—154, Teuffel, Gesch. der 
Róm. Litteratur, $ 153, 154. 


*Pseudotragoediarum libri vi. 
*Poematum libri x. 
*Saturarum Menippearum cl. 
*Saturarum iv. 
De Rerum Natura (?). Quint. i. 4, 4, Lact. Div. Inst. ii. 12, 4. 


INDEX OPERUM M. VARRONIS. 357 


*Orationum xxii. (Laudatio Porciae, Cic. ad Att. xiii. 48). 
*Suasionum iii. 
* Aoyurropiküy Ixxvi, (=“Hpaxreideror? Cic. ad Att. xvi. 11, 3.) 
*Legationum iii. 
*De Pompeio iii. 
*De Sua Vita iii. 
*Antiquitatum xli. (codd. xlv).; cp. Aug. de Civ. Dei, vi. 3, 
infra p. 363. 
(Sc. rerum humanarum xxv. rerum divinarum xvi). 
"'Erropu) Antiquitatum ix. 
* Annalium iii. 
*De Vita Populi Romani iv. 
De Gente Populi Romani iv. ; Arnob. Adv. Nat. v. 8. 
De Familiis Troianis libri plures; Serv. ad Aen. v. 704. 
Aetia vel atria, cp. Plut. atria 'Pepaixd. 
* Rerum Urbanarum iii. 
Tribuum liber; Varro, De L. L. v. 56. 
* De Bibliothecis iii. 
*De Proprietate Scriptorum iii. 
De Poetis libri plures ; Gell. i. 24, 3. 
*De Poematis iii. 
*De Lectionibus iii. 
De Compositione Saturarum ; Non. p. 67. 


*De Originibus Scenicis iii. 
*De Scenicis Actionibus iii. ; (Charis. i. p. 74 P, librum quintum 
laudat.) 
*De Acti[bu]s Scenicis iii. 
*De Personis iii. 
*De Descriptionibus iii. 
*Quaestionum Plautinarum v. 
De Comoediis Plautinis libri plures; Gell. iii. 9. 


*Imaginum xv. sive Hebdomades; Gell. iii. 1o, 17, etc. 
(=Lemoypadia? Cic. ad Att. xvi. 11, 3). 
Emon Imaginum libri iv. 
*Disciplinarum ix.; cp. Plin. N. H. xxix. 4, 65. 
*De Lingua Latina xxv. 
* Entropy libri ix. 
De Antiquitate Literarum libri plures; Priscian. i. p. 540 P. 








358 EX M. TERENTII VARRONIS RELIQUIIS. 


*De Origine Linguae Latinae iii. 
IIepi yapaxrnpey libri iii. vel plures; Charis. ii. p. 170 P. 
*De Similitudine Verborum iii.- De Analogia. 
De Utilitate Sermonis libri iv. vel plures; Charis. i. p. 98 P. 
*De Sermone Latino v. ; cp. Gell. xii. 6, 3, ete. 
*De Forma Philosophiae iii. 
De Philosophia (t) ; Aug. de Civ. Dei, xix. 1, 8qq. 
Rhetoricorum libri iii. vel plures ; Priscian. ix. p. 872 P. 
De Mensuris; Priscian. viii. p. 818 P. 
De Ora Maritima libri (Serv. Aen. i. 108, etc.) - De Littoralibus 
(Solin. rr.) 
*De Principiis Numerorum ix. 
*De Valitudine tuenda. 
*De Iure Civili xv. 
De Gradibus libri; Serv. Aen. v. 410. 
Epistulicae Quaestiones, viii. vel plures; Gell. xiv. 7, 3; 8, 2; 
Charis. i. p. 84 P. 
Epistularum libri (?) ; Nonius, pp. 121, 141, 419, 473. 
*Rerum Rusticarum iii. 
De Aestuariis; Varro, L. L. ix. 26. 
Ephemeris Rustica; cp. Prisc. vi. p. 711 P, ete., Bergk, Rh. Mus. 
N. F. i. p. 369. 
Ephemeridis Navalis libri ad Pompeium ; Non. p. 71, 19. 
*Libri Singulares x. 


Summa operum Varronis, qui in hoc indice continentur est 
ad quinquaginta novem. Summa librorum plus quam pxxx. 


§ 1. Fcerpta ex Saturarum Menippearum fragmentis. 
(Numeri sunt editionis Riesianae.) 
Bimarcvs. 1. Cum Quintipor Clodius tot comoedias sine 
ulla fecerit Musa ego unum libellum non ‘edolem’ ut ait Ennius. 
5. Karáxpnoeis est enim vera cum in candelabro pendet strigile. 


24. Avi et atavi nostri eum alium ac cepe eorum verba 
olerent, tamen optume animati erant. 


BrxAROVS. 1. Non. 448, 10, edolare ; Clodianus, coni. Carrio, probant Ritachl. 
et Quicherat; fecerimus, codd. ; fecerit musa, Iunius. 5. Non. 223, 4, ert 
gilem ; strigilis, codd. ; strigil, Quich. a4. Non. 201, I, cepe. 


SATURAE MENIPPEAE. 359 


f Dx Orricio Mariti. Vitium uxoris aut tollendum aut feren- 
dum est. Qui tollit vitium, uxorem commodiorem praestat; qui 
fert sese meliorem facit. 


DorivM avt SERIA. 


Mundüs domus est maxima homulli 
quam quínque altitonae flámmigerae 
Zonaé cingunt, per quám limbus 
bis séx signis stellümicantibus 
aptüs in obliquo aethére lunae 
bigás acceptat 


Est MODVS MATVLAE [7epl pé6ns]. 
I. Vino nihil iucundius quisquam bibit. 
Hoc aegritudinem ad medendam invenerunt, 
hoe hilaritatis dulce seminarium, 
hoe continet coagulum convivia. 


EUMENIDES. 14. Empedocles natos homines ex terra ait ut 
blitum. 


15. Postremo nemo aegrotus quicquam somniat 
tam infandum, quod non aliquis dicat philosophus. 


16. Aiax tum credit ferro se caedere Ulixem 
eum bacchans silvam incedit porcosque trucidat. 


18. Quid dubitatis? utrum nunc sitis cercopitheci 
An eolubrae an beluae ant vel bucinu’ flavus ahenus f ? 


19. JNón tu insanis quód tibi vino córpus corrumpís mero? 


20. Denique qui sit avarus 


Dx Orr. Mar. Gell. i. 17, 4. 

DoLiUM cet. Probus in Verg. Ecl vi. 31, p. 18 K.; fragminae et fragmine, 
codd. ; fammigerae, Riese. 

Est Mops cet. Non. 28,18, coagulum, emend. Junius et Scaliger, dnvenerant, 
Ellis. 

EUMENIDES. 14. Non. 550, 13, blitum. 15. Non. 56, 16, infans. 16. 
Non. 271, 32, caedere : silvam, codd. ; suile, Riese ; suillam caedit, Ellis, 18. 
Non. 201, 21, colubrae. Ita Riese; boluae an de alba cibus labus Athenis, codd. ; 
volvac an de Albuci subus Athenís, Rothe; an de Albi mulabus et hinnis, Roeper. 
I9. Non. 344, 1, merum. Ita Ellis; tu non insanis quo, codd.; aliter Riese. 
20. Non. 392, 1, stat; quis sanus est a. codd.; terra id, codd. emend. Lachm. 








' 360 EX M. TERENTII VARRONIS RELIQUIIS. 


sanus? cui si stet terrai conditus orbis, 
furando tamen ac morbo stimulatus eodem 
ex sese ipse aliquid quaerat cogatque peculi. 


21. Nam ut arquatis et lutea quae non sunt et quae sunt lutea 
videntur, sic insanis sani et furiosi esse videntur insani. 


26, 27. Hospes quid miras nummo curare Serapim? 
Quid quasi non curet tanti item Aristoteles? 
Aut ambos mira aut noli mirare deum me 
de eodem 


28. I’n somnis venít iubet me cépam esse et sig mbrium. 

32. Vix vulgus confluit, non Furiarum, sed puerorum atque 
ancilarum, qui omnes me bilem atram agitare clamitantes 
opinionem mihi insaniae meae confirmant. 


33. Commodum praeter Matris Deum aedem exaudio cymba- 
lorum sonitum. 


34. Cum illoe venio video Gallorum frequentiam in templo 
qui dum + messem hornam adlatam imponeret aedilis signo Cy- 
belae t, deam gallantes vario recinebant strepitu. 


35. Tibi typana non inanis sonitus Matri' Deum 
tonimu', [eanimu'] tibinos tibi nunc semiviri : 
teretem comam volantem iactant tibi galli. 

36. Phrygius per ossa cornus liquida canit anima. 

45. Sed nos simul atque in summam speculam venimus, 
videmus populum, Furiis instinctum tribus, 
diversum ferri exterritum formidine. 





46. . . . Tertia Poenarum 
21. Non. 35, 13, arquatus, 549, 18, luteus. 36,27. Non. 480, 29, miras, 
animo, codd. ; nummo, Turn., Scal.; tantidem, libb. ; tanté item, Ribb. ; de me de 
eodem, codd. emend. Riese; idem eodem, Roeper; probat Ellis, 38. Non. 
201, 8, cepa; et fessiminum, codd. ; et vesci cuminum, Iunius. 32. Non. 242, 
21, cum 356, 15, cf. 153, 2. 33. Non. 539, 13, en domum omnes; demum, 
Popma; en commodum, Vahlen ; commodum, Riese. 34. Non. 119, 1, gallare. 


Corruptum : essena hora nam adlatam imponere aidilis signostae et deam gallantes 
vario retinebant studéo, codd. ; messem hornam adlatam imponunt Ailidis signo 
synodiam g. v. recinebant studio, Lachm. : alii alia. 35. Non. 49, 19 et 22, et 
328, 10. Ita Riese. typana, Herm. metri causa; inani sonitu, Scal., alii. 36. 
Non. 233, 12, et 334,14; frigios, frigus, codd. ; Phrygios . . . cornus, Riese. — 45. 
Non. 434, 17, et 295, 23. 46. Non. 390, 9, infamia, codd. ; fuctuatim, codd. ; 
J'uitanti, Herm. ; fluctanti, Ribb.; fuctatim, Vahl. 


SATURAE MENIPPEAE. 361 


Insania, stans nexa in vulgi 
pectore fluctanti, intonsa coma, 
sordida vestitu, ore severo. 


48. Et ecce de inproviso ad nos accedit cana Veritas Attices 
philosophiae alumna. 

49. Forenses decernunt ut existimatio nomen meum in sanorum 
numerum referat. 


TEPONTOAIAAZKAAOZ. 

I. Quotiens priscus homo ac rusticus Romanus inter nundi- 
num barbam radebat ? 

2. Novos maritus tacitulus taxim uxoris solvebat cingulum. 

3. Sed simul manibus trahere lanam, nec non simul oculis 
observare ollam pultis ne aduratur. 

4. Vehebatur cum uxore vehiculo semel aut bis anno, cum 
* arceram si non vellet non sterneret’. 

5. Manius Curius consul [in] capitolio cum dilectum haberet, 
nec citatus in tribu civis respondisset, vendidit tenebrionem. 

6. Noctu cultro coquinari se traiecit: nondum enim inibi 
invecti erant cultelli empaestati e Bithynia. 


Nrxscis QVID VESPER SERVS VEHAT. (Gell. xiii. 11, 1 sqq.) 


Lepidissimus liber est M. Varronis ex saturis Menippeis qui 
inscribitur, ‘ Nescis quid vesper serus vehat, in quo disserit de 
apto convivarum numero, deque ipsius convivii habitu cultuque. 
2. Dicit autem, convivarum numerum incipere oportere a Gra- 
tiarum numero et progredi ad Musarum, id est proficisci a tribus 
et consistere in novem, ut, cum paucissimi convivae sunt, non 
pauciores sint quam tres, cum plurimi, non plures quam novem. 
3. ‘Nam multos, inquit, ‘esse non convenit, quod turba ple- 
rumque est turbulenta et Romae quidem stat, sedet Athenis, 


48. Non. 86, 26, canum ; 243, 26, alumnos. 49. Non. 385, 16, decernere ; 
381, 18, referre. 

TEPONTO. 1. Non. 214, 24, nundinae; Romanus om. Quicherat. 2. Non. 
47, 24, cingillum ; taciturus, codd. ; tacitus, Iun. ; tacitulus, Merc. 3. Non. 
543, 3, aulla vel olla. 4. Non. 85, a, arcera. 5. Non. 18, 27, nebulones 
et tenebriones ; (n om. codd. 6. Non. 195, 15, culter et cultellus; quoguinari, 


codd.; coquénario, Iun.; mihi inventi, codd. ;. empestati, codd.; 4mportaté, Lips. ; 
empaestati, Vahl, etc. ; eupetasti, Quich. 


362 EX M. TERENTII VARRONIS RELIQUIIS. 


nusquam autem cubat. Ipsum deinde convivium constat,’ inquit, 
*ex rebus quattuor et tum denique omnibus suis numeris ab- 
solutum est, si belli homuneuli conlecti sunt, si electus locus, 
si tempus lectum, si apparatus non neglectus. Nec loquaces 
autem, inquit, ‘convivas nec mutos legere oportet, quia elo- 
quentia in foro et apud subsellia, silentium vero non in convivio 
sed in cubiculo esse debet.) 4. Sermones igitur id temporis 
habendos censet non super rebus anxiis aut tortuosis sed 1ucun- 
dos atque invitabiles e£ cum quadam inlecebra et voluptate utiles, 
ex quibus ingenium nostrum venustius fiat et amoenius. 5. 
* Quod profecto,’ inquit, *eveniet, si de id genus rebus ad com- 
munem vitae usum pertinentibus confabulemur, de quibus in 
foro atque in negotiis agendi non est otium. Dominum autem,’ 
inquit, * convivii esse oportet non tam lautum quam sine sordibus, 
et in convivio legi non omnia debent, sed ea potissimum, quae 
simul sint BwdeAi et delectent.’ 6. Neque non de secundis 
quoque mensis, cuiusmodi esse eas oporteat, praecipit. His enim 
verbis utitur: ‘ Bellaria,' inquit, ‘ea maxime sunt mellita, quae 
mellita non sunt; méugacw enim cum qéye societas infida." 
7. Quod Varro in loco hoc dixit bellaria, ne quis forte in ista 
voce haereat, significat id vocabulum omne mensae secundae 
genus. Nam quae zéuuara Graeci aut tpayjuara dixerunt, ea 
veteres nostri bellaria appellaverunt. Vina quoque dulciora est 
invenire in comoediis antiquioribus hoc nomine appellata dictaque 
esse ea Liberi bellaria. 


Parra PAPAE [epi éykejuov ]. 
I. Ante auris nodo ex crobyli subparvuli 
intorti emittebantur sex cincinnuli; 
oculis suppaetulis nigelli pupuli, 
quantam hilaritatem significantes animuli ! 
2. quos ealliblepharo naturali palpebrae 
tinetae vallatos mobili saepto tenent. 
3. Rictus parvissimus 
ut refrenato risu roseo . . . . . . . - 
4. Laculla in mento impressa Amoris digitulo 
vestigio demonstrat mollitudinem. 


PAPIA. 1 et 3. Non. 455, 32, réctum. a. Non. 218, 26, palpebrae. 4. 
Non. 135, 20, molittudinem. 


ANTIQUITATES. 363 


5. Collum procerum, fictum levi marmore, 
regillae tunicae definitur purpura. 


$2. Antiqutatum libri xxx. 


* Quid sit partitio Varronis librorum suorum, quos de Antiquitatibus 
rerum humanarum divinarumque composuit;' ex S. Augustino de 
Civitate Dei, vi. 3. 

Quadriginta et unum libros scripsit Antiquitatum ; hos in res 
humanas divinasque divisit, rebus humanis xxv divinis xvi tribuit : 
istam secutus in ea partitione rationem, ut rerum humanarum libros 
senos quattuor partibis daret. Intendit enim qui agant, ubi agant, 
quando agant, quid agant. In sex itaque primis de hominibus scrip- 
sit; in secundis sex de locis ; sex tertios de temporibus; sex quartos 
eosdemque postremos de rebus absolvit. Quater autem seni xxiv fiunt : 
sed unum singularem, qui communiter prius de omnibus loqueretur, 
in eapite posuit. In divinis identidem rebus eadem ab illo divisionis 
forma servata est, quantuim attinet ad ea quae diis exhibenda sunt : 
exhibentur enim ab hominibus in locis et temporibus sacra. Haec 
quattuor, quae dixi, libris complexus est ternis: nam iii priores de 
hominibus scripsit, sequentes de locis, tertios de temporibus, quartos 
de sacris ; etiam hic, qui exhibeant, ubi exhibeant, quando exhibeant, 
quid exhibeant, subtilissima distinctione commendans. Sed quia opor- 
tebat dicere, et maxime id expectabatur, quibus exhibeant, de ipsis 
quoque Diis tres conscripsit extremos, ut quinquies terni xv fierent. 
Sunt autem omnes, ut diximus, xvi: quia et istorum exordio unum 
singularem, qui prius de omnibus loqueretur, apposuit ; quo absoluto 
consequenter ex illa quinquepartita distributione tres praecedentes, 
qui ad homines pertinent, ita subdivisit, ut primus sit de pon- 
tificibus, secundus de auguribus, tertius de xv viris sacrorum. 
Secundos tres ad loca pertinentes ; ita ut in uno eorum de sacellis, 
altero de sacris aedibus diceret, tertio de locis religiosis. Tres 
porro qui istos sequuntur, et ad tempora pertinent id est ad dies 
festos; ita ut unum eorum faceret de feriis, alterum de ludis cir- 
censibus, de scenicis tertium. Quartorum trium ad sacra per- 
tinentium uni dedit consecrationes, alteri sacra privata, ultimo 
publica. Hanc velut pompam obsequiorum (lege exequiarum) in 
tribus qui restant Dii ipsi sequuntur extremi, quibus iste universus 
cultus impensus est: in primo Dii certi, iu secundo incerti, in 
tertio cunctorum novissimo Dii praecipui atque selecti. 





5. Non. 539, 10, regilla vestis. 


864 EX M. TERENTII VARRONIS RELIQUIIS. 


I. Ex ANTIQVITATVM RERVM HYVMANARVM lib. xxi. 

Gell. xii. 12, ‘Verba ipsa... Varronis adscribsimus :' 

In magistratu (inquit) habent alii vocationem alii prensionem, 
ali neutrum ; vocationem, ut consules et ceteri qui habent im- 
perium ; prensionem, ut tribuni plebis et alii qui habent viatorem ; 
neque vocationem neque prensionem, ut quaestores et ceteri qui 
neque lictorem habent neque viatorem. Qui vocationem habent, 
idem prendere, tenere, abducere possunt, et haec omnia sive ad- 
sunt quos vocant sive acciri iusserunt. "Tribuni plebis vocationem 
habent nullam ; neque minus multi imperiti, proinde atque si 
haberent, ea sunt usi: nam quidam non modo privatum, sed 
etiam consulem in rostra vocari iusserunt. Ego triumvirum, 
vocatus a Porcio, tribuno plebis, non ivi, auctoribus principibus, 
et vetus ius tenui, Item tmbunus eum essem, vocari neminem 
iussi, nec vocatum a conlega parere invitum. 


2. Ex ANTIQVITATVM RERVM DIVINARVM libris. 


(a.) Serv. ad Aen. 1. 382. Varro in secundo rerum divinarum 
dicit: ex quo de Troia est egressus Aeneas, Veneris eum per 
diem cotidie stellam vidisse, donec ad agrum Laurentem veniret, 
in quo eam non vidit ulterius, quare et terras cognovit esse fatales. 

(.) Serv. ad Georg. i. 269 (ex lib. viii de feriis). Sane scien- 
dum secundum Varronem contra religionem esse si vel irrigentur 
agri, vel laventur animalia festis diebus: nymphae enim sine 
piaculo non possunt moveri. 

(c.) Aug. de Civ. Dei, vi. 9, 5 (ex libro xiv de deis certis). 

Denique et ipse Varro commemorare et enumerare deos coepit 
a conceptione hominis, quorum numerum exorsus est a Iano; 
eamque seriem perduxit usque ad decrepiti hominis mortem et 
deos ad ipsum hominem pertinentes clausit ad Naeniam deam, 
quae in funeribus senum cantatur: deinde coepit deos alios 
ostendere, qui pertinerent, non ad ipsum hominem, sed ad ea 
quae sunt hominis, sicuti est victus atque vestitus, e& quaecunque 
ali huie vitae sunt necessaria, ostendens in omnibus quod sit 
cuiusque munus, et propter quid cuique debeat supplicari. 

(d.) Aug. ibid. iv. 21. Quid opus erat parturientibus invocare 
Lucinam, cum si adesset Felicitas non solum bene parerent sed 
etiam bonos ? Quid necesse erat Opideae commendare nascentes, 
deo Vaticano vagientes, deae Cuninae iacentes, deae Ruminae 


ANTIQUITATES. 865 


sugentes, deo Statilino stantes, deae Adeonae adeuntes, Abeonae 
abeuntes; deae Menti, ut bonam haberent mentem ; deo Volumno 
et deae Volumnae, ut bona vellent; diis nuptialibus ut bene 
coniugarentur ; diis agrestibus ut fructus uberrimos caperent, et 
maxime ipsi divae Fructiseae; Marti et Bellonae, ut bene belli- 
gerarent; deae Victoriae, ut vincerent; deo Honor, ut hono- 
rarentur; deae Pecuniae, ut pecuniosi essent ; deo Aesculano et 
filio eius Argentino ut haberent aeream argenteamque pecuniam ? 
Nam ideo patrem Argentini Aesculanum posuerunt, quia prtus 
aerea pecunia in usu esse coepit, post argentea. 

(e. Aug. vii. 17 (ex lib. xvi de deis selectis). 

‘De diis, inquit, * populi Romani publicis, quibus aedes dedi- 
caverunt, eosque pluribus signis ornatos notaverunt, in hoc libro 
seribam ; sed ut Xenophanes Colophonius scribit, quid putem, 


non quid contendam, ponam. Hominis est enim haec opinari, 
} 


Dei scire.’ 

(7) Ib. 2. Hos certe deos selectos Varro unius libri con- 
textione commendat, Ianum, Iovem, Saturnum, Genium, Mer- 
eurium, Apollinem, Martem, Vulcanum, Neptunum, Solem, 
Orcum, Liberum patrem, Tellurem, Cererem, Iunonem, Lunam, 
Dianam, Minervam, Venerem, Vestam : in quibus omnibus ferme 
xx, xii mares, viii sunt feminae. 

(g.) Ib. 23. 'Tres esse affirmat animae gradus in omni uni- 
versaque natura: unum, qui omnes partes corporis quae vivunt 
transit, et non habet sensum, sed tantum ad vivendum valetu- 
dinem: hane vim in nostro corpore permanare dicit in ossa, 
ungues, capillos ; sicut in mundo arbores sine sensu aluntur et 
crescunt, et modo quodam suo vivunt. Secundum gradum 
animae, in quo sensus est : hanc vim pervenire in oculos, aures, 
nares, 08, tactum. Tertium gradum esse animae summum, quod 
vocatur animus, in quo intelligentia praeeminet; hoc praeter 
hominem omnes carere mortales: hanc partem animae mundi 
dicit Deum, in nobis autem Genium vocari. Esse autem in 
mundo lapides ac terram, quam videmus, quo non permanat sensus, 
ut ossa, ut ungues Dei: solem vero, lunam, stellas quae sentimus, 
quibusque ipse sentit, sensus esse eius. Aethera porro animum 
eius: ex cuius vi, quae pervenit in astra, ipsam quoque facere 
deos; et per eam quod in terram permanat, deam Tellurem; 
quod autem inde permanat, in mare atque oceanum, deum esse 
Neptunum. 


366 EX M. TERENTII VARRONIS RELIQUIIS. 


§ 3. Ew libris de Lingua Latina. 


(Opus Varronis constabat libris xxv, quorum sex solum extant, a quinto scilicet 
ad decimum, et hi quidem non integri. Primus erat fortasse de origine linguae 
Latinae: reliqui in tres partes divisi, Etymologiam, Declinationem, Syntaxin. 

Etymologia continetur sex libris a secundo ad septimum. Secundus erat de iis 
quae contra artem Etymologicam dicuntur, tertius quae pro ea, quartus 
quae de ea. Quintus est de vocabulis locorum et quae in his sunt, sextus 
de vocabulis temporum, septimus de verbis quae a poetis sunt posita. 

Ab octavo incipit pars operis secunda, sc. de Declinationibus. Octavus continet 
quae contra similitudinem declinationum (dvadcyiay) dicuntur; nonus 
quae pro analogia; decimus est de forma doctrinae de declinationibus. 
Undecimus ad decimum tertium erant de declinationibus generatim. 

A decimo quarto incipiebat pars operis tertia, ut verba inter se coniunguntur 
give Syntaxis, cuius vix fragmenta minima supersunt.] 


Ex Lr». VI, qui est DE VOCABULIS TEMPORUM et earum rerum, 
quae dieuntur cum tempore aliquo. 


86. Nunc primum ponam de Censoriis tabulis :— 

* Ubi noctu in templum censurae auspicaverit atque de caelo 
nuntium erit, praeconi sic imperato ut viros vocet: 

‘Quod bonum fortunatum felixque salutareque siet populo 
Romano Quiritium, reique publicae populi Romani Quiritium, 
mihique collegaeque meo, fidei magistratuique nostro! omnes 
Quirites, pedites, armatos privatosque, ?uratores (44a Madv.; 
curatores vu/go) omnium tribuum, si quis pro se sive pro altero 
rationem dari volet, voca inlieium hue ad me.’ 

87. Praeco in templo primum vocat; postea de moeris item 
vocat. Ubi lucet, Censor, scribae, magistratus murrha unguen- 
tisque unguentur. Ubi Praetores, Tribunique plebei quique in 
consilium vocati sunt, venerunt: Censores inter se sortiuntur, 
uter lustrum faciat. Ubi templum faetum est, post tum conven- 
tionem habet qui lustrum conditurus est.' 

88. In commentariis Consularibus scriptum sie inveni :— 

Qui exercitum imperaturus erit, accenso dicit hoe: * Calpurni, 
voca inlieium omnes Quirites huc ad me.’ Accensus dicit sic : 
* Omnes Quirites, inlicium visite huc ad Tudices. ‘C. Calpurni,’ 
Cos. dicit, *voea ad conventionem omnes Quirites huc ad me.’ 
Accensus dicit sic: * Omnes Quirites, ite ad conventionem hue 
ad Iudices. Dein consul eloquitur ad exercitum : * Impero qua 
convenit ad comitia centuriata.’ 

89. Quare hie accenso, illic praeconi dicit haec, est causa : 


DE LINGUA LATINA, VI. 86-93. 367 


in aliquot rebus item ut praeco, accensus acciebat, a quo ac- 
census quoque dictus. Accensum solitum ciere, Boeotia ostendit, 
quam comoediam Aguzlii (alii codd.) esse dicunt, hoc versu : 


‘Ubi primum accensus clamarat meridiem. 


Hoc idem Cosconius in actionibus scribit, praetorem accensum 
solitum esse iubere, ubi ei videbatur horam esse tertiam, incla- 
mare horam tertiam esse, itemque meridiem et horam nonam. 

go. Circum moeros mitti solitus quomodo inliceret populum 
in eum /ocum, unde vocare posset ad contionem, non solum ad 
consules et censores, sed etiam quaestores, commentarium indicat 
vetus anquisitionis M. Sergii Mani filii Quaestoris, qui capitis 
accusavit Trogum ; in qua sic est :— 

91. *Auspieio orando sede in templo auspicii, dum aut ad 
Praetorem aut ad Consulem mittas auspicium petitum. 

* Commeet tum praeco, reum vocet ad te, et eum de moeris 
vocet praeco: id imperare oportet. (Commeatum praetores, codd.) . 

* Cornicinem ad privati ianuam et in Arcem mittas, ubi canat. 

* Collegam roges, ut comitia edicat de Rostris, et argentarii 
tabernas occludant. 

* Patres censeant exquiras, et adesse iubeas. Magistratus cen- 
geant exguiras, Consules, Praetores Tribunosque plebis collegasque 
uos, et in templo adesse iubeas omnes, ac cum mittas, contionem 
advoces. (Censeat ex ara, altero loco; vos, et homines, codd.) 

92. In eodem commentario anquisitionis ad extremum scriptum 
caput edicti hoc est :— 

‘Item quod attingat qui de Censoribus classicum ad comitia 
centuriata redemptum habent, uti curent eo die quo die comitia 
erunt, in Arce classicum canatur (ta Madv.; classicus canat tum 
vulgo) cireumque moeros, et ante privati huiusce T. Quinti Trogi 
scelerosi hostium canat, et ut in Campo cum primo luci assit. 

93. Et inter id, quom circum muros mittitur et cum contio 
advocatur, interesse tempus apparet ex iis quae interea fieri scrip- 
tum est. Sed ad comitia tum vocatur populus ideo quod alia 
de causa hic magistratus non potest exercitum urbanum con- 
vocare ; censor, consul, dictator, interrex potest, quod censor 
exercitum centuriato constituit quinquennalem, quom lustrare et 
in urbem ad vexillum ducere debet; dictator et consul in sin- 
gulos annos, quod hic exercitui imperare potest quo eat : id quod 


368 EX M. TERENTII VARRONIS RELIQUIIS. 


propter centuriata comitia imperare solent. 94. Quare non est 
dubium, quin hoc inlicium sit, quom cireum muros itur, ut 
populus inliciatur ad magistratus conspectum, qui viros (Mar- 
quardt; ros codd.; Quirites Müller) vocare potest, in eum locum, 
unde vox ad contionem vocantis exaudiri possit. Quare una 
origine inlici et inlicis, quod in Choro Proserpinae est, et 
pellexit quod in Hermiona, quom ait Pacuvius: 
* regni alieni cupiditas pellexit.’ 

Sie Elieii Iovis ara in Aventino ab eliciendo. 95. Hoc nune 
aliter fit atque olim, quod augur Consuli adest tum cum exer- 
citus imperatur, ac praeit quid eum dicere oporteat. Consul 
auguri imperare solet, ut is zzlicium vocet, non accenso aut 
praeconi ; id inceptum credo, cum non adesset accensus et nihil 
intererat quoi imperaret; et dicis causa fiebant quaedam, neque 
item facta, neque item dicta semper. Hoc ipsum ‘inlegium :a- 
lezit' Scriptum inveni in M. Iunii commentariis, quod tamen ibi 
idem est quod * inlicivm inlexit ;’ quod e! 7 cum E et C cum G 
magnam habent communitatem. (Inlicium scriptum; ibidem ; 
inlicite ; quae cum E, codd.) 


Ex Lr. VII, qui est DE POETICIS VEBBIS. 


7. Quaqua in/uifus erat oculi, a tuendo primum templum 
dictum. Quocirca caelum, qua attuimur, dictum templum. Sie: 


* Contremuit templum magnum Iovis altitonantis,’ 
id est, ut ait Naevius: 


* Hemisphaerium ubi concavo 
Caerulo septum stat.’ 


Eius templi partes quattuor dicuntur, sinistra ab oriente, dex- 
tra ab occasu, antica ad meridiem, postica ad septentrionem. 
8. In terris dictum templum locus augurii aut auspicii causa 
quibusdam conceptis verbis finitus. Concipitur verbis non isdem 
usquequaque. In Arce sic :— 
‘Templa tescaque me ita sunto quoad ego caste lingua nun- 
cupavero. 
* Olla veter arbos, quirquir est, quam me sentio dixisse, 
templum tescumque fiato in sinistrum. 
* Olla veter arbos, quirquir est, quam me sentio dixisse, tem- 
plum tescumque finito in dextrum. 


DE LINGUA LATINA, VII. 7-9, IX. 1-4. 369 


* Inter ea conregione, conspicione, cortumione, utique ea 
rectissime sensi.’ 


9. In hoe templo faciundo arbores constitui fines apparet, et 

intra eas regiones, qua oculi conspiciant, id est tueamur, a quo 

templum dictum et contemplare, ut apud Ennium in Medea: 
* Contempla et templum Cereris ad laevam aspice ;’ 


contempla et conspicare idem esse apparet; ideo dicere, tum 
cum templum facit, augurem: conspicione, qua oculorum 
conspectum finiat. Quod, cum dicunt conspicionem, addunt 
cortumionem, dicitur a cordis visu; cor enim cortumionis origo. 


Ex Lr. IX, qui est PRO ANALOGIA DECLINATIONUM. 


1. . . . nesciunt docere quam discere, quae ignorant. In quo 
fuit Crates nobilis grammaticus, qui fretus Chrysippo homine 
acutissimo, qui reliquit sex libros wept àvepoA(as, heis libris 
contra dvadoylay atque Aristarchum est nixus, sed ita ut scripta 
indicant eius, ut neutrius videatur pervidisse voluntatem ; quod 
et Chrysippus de inaequabilitate cum scribit sermonis, propositum 
habet ostendere similes res dissimilibus verbis et dissimiles 
similibus esse vocabulis notatas (id quod est verum); et quod 
Aristarchus, de aequabilitate cum scribit et de verborum simili- 
tudine, quorundam inclinationes sequi iubet, quoad patiatur con- 
suetudo. 2. Sed ii qui in loquendo partim sequi iubent nos con- 
suetudinem, partim rationem, non tam discrepant, quod consuetudo 
et analogia coniunctiores sunt inter se, quam iei credunt. 3. 
Quod est nata ex quadam consuetudine analogia, et ex hac con- 
suetuudine item anomalia; aque (supp. M.) consuetudo ex dissimi- 
libus et similibus verborum quod declinationibus constat: neque 
anomalia neque analogia est repudianda, nisi si non est homo ex 
anima, quod est homo ex corpore et anima. 4. Sed ea, quae 
dicam, quo facilius pervideri possint, prius de trinis copulis dis- 
cernendum (nam confusim ex utraque parte pleraque dicuntur, 
quorum alia ad aliam referri debent summam): primum de co- 
pulis naturae et wsuis; haec enim duo sunt quae ezigunt diversa, 
quod aliud est dicere verborum analogias, aliud dicere uti oportere 
analogiis; secundum de copulis multitudinis ac finis, utrum 
omnium verborum dicatur esse analogiarvm usus, an maioris 
partis ; tertium de copulis personarum, qui eis debent uti, quae 

Bb 





370 EX M. TERENTII VARRONIS RELIQUIIS. 


sunt plures. 5. Alia enim populi universi, alia singulorum, et 
de i¢is non eadem oratoris et poétae, quod eorum non idem ius. 
Itaque populus universus debet in omnibus verbis uti analogia, 
et si perperam est consuetus, corrigere se ipsum, quom orator non 
debeat in omnibus uti, quod sine offensione non potest facere, 
cum poétae transilire lineas impune possint. 6. Populus enim 
in sua potestate, singuli in illius; itaque ut suam quisque con- 
guetudinem, si mala est, corrigere debet, sic populus suam. Ego 
populi consuetudinis non sum ut dominus, at ille meae est. Ut 
rationi obtemperare debet gubernator, gubernatori unusquisque 
in navi, sic populus rationi, nos singuli populo. Quare ad quam- 
cunque summam in dicendo referam, si animadvertes, intelliges, 
utrum dicatur analogia esse, an uti oportere ea; et quom poscitur, 
ut usus ad id quod (supp. M.) oporteret redigeretur, dici id in 
populum aliter, ac (inde omnibus dici seq. ?n codd.) in eum qui 
sib in populo. 

7. Nune iam primum dicam pro universa analogia, cur non 
modo videatur esse reprehendenda, sed etiam quor in usu quod- 
ammodo sequenda. Secundo de singulis criminibus, quibus re- 
bus possint, quae dicta sunt contra, solvi, dicam ita, ut generatim 
comprehendam et ea quae in priore libro sunt dicta, et ea quae 
possunt dici, atque illic praeterii. 

8. Primum quod aiunt, qui bene loqui velit, consuetudinem 
sequi oportere, non rationem similitudinum, quod alterum si 
neglegat, sine offensione facere non possit; alterum si sequatur, 
quod sine reprehensione non sit futurum : errant; quod qui in 
loquendo consuetudinem, qua oportet uti, sequitur, eam sequitur 
(supp. M.) non sine (ea seg. iz codd.) ratione. 9. Nam vocabula 
ac verba, quae declinamus similiter ac in consuetudine esse 
videmus, et ad eaz conferimus, et si quid est erratum, non sine ea 
corrigimus. Nam ut, qui triclinium constrarunt si quem lectum 
de tribus unum imparem posuerunt, aut de paribus nimium aut 
parum produxerunt, una corrigimus et ad consuetudinem com- 
munem et ad aliorum tricliniorum analogias: sic si quis in oratione 
In pronuntiando ita declinat verba ut dicat disparia, quod peccat 
redigere debemus ad ceterorum similium verborum rationem. 

10. Cum duo peccati genera sint declinationum, unum quod 
in consuetudinem perperam receptum est, alterum quod nondum 
est, et perperam dicatur: unum dant non oportere dici, quod 


DE LINGUA LATINA, IX. 5-17. 371 


non sit in consuetudine, alterum non conceditur quin ita dicatur ; 
ut si£ similiter, quod id faciant, ac, si quis puerorum per delicias 
pedes male ponere atque imitari vatias coeperit, hos corrigi 
oportere si concedat; contra si quis in consuetudine ambulandi 
iam factus sit vatia aut compernis, si eum corrigi non concedat. 
11. Non sequitur ut stulte faciant, qui pueris in geniculis alli- 
gent serperastra, ut eorum depravata corrigant crura? Cum 
vituperandus non sit medicus, qui e longinqua mala consuetudine 
aegrum in meliorem traducat: quare reprehendendus sit, qui 
orationem minus valentem propter malam consuetudinem tra- 
ducit in meliorem ? 12. Pictores Apelles, Protogenes, sic alii 
artifices egregii non reprehendundi, quod consuetudinem Mi- 
conos, Dioris, Árimnae f, etiam superiorum non sunt secuti; 
Aristophanes improbandus, qui potius in quibusdam veritatem 
quam consuetudinem secutus? 13. Quod si viri sapientissimi, 
et in re militari et in aliis rebus multa contra veterem consue- 
tudinem cum essent usi, laudati: despiciendi sunt qui potiorem 
dicunt oportere esse consuetudinem ratione. 14. An quom quis 
perperam consuerit quid facere in civitate, non modo patiemur, 
sed etiam poena afficiemus: idem, si quis perperam consuerit 
dicere verbum, non corrigemus, cum id fiat sine poena? 15. Et 
hi, qui pueros in ludum mittunt, ut discant quae nesciunt verba, 
quemadmodum seribant, idem barbatos, qui ignorabunt verba, 
quemadmodum oporteat dici, non docebimus, ut sciant qua ratione 
conveniat dici ? 

16. Sed ut nutrix pueros a lacte non subito avellit a consue- 
tudine, cum a cibo pristino in meliorem traducit; sic maioris 1n 
loquendo a minus commodis verbis ad ea quae sunt cum ratione, 
modice traducere oportet. Cum sint :» consuetudine contra 
rationem alia verba ita ut ea facile tolli possint, alia ut videantur 
esse fixa: quae leviter haerent, ac sine offensione commutari 
possint, s/atim ad rationem corrigi oportet; quae tamem sunt . 
ita, ut in praesentia corrigere nequeas, quin ita dicas, his oportet, 
81 possis, non uti: sic enim obsolescent, ac postea iam obliterata 
facilius corrigi poterunt. 17. Quas novas verbi declinationes 
ratione introductas respuet forum, his boni poétae, maxime scae- 
nici, consuetudine subigere aureis populi debent, quod poétae 
multum possunt in hoc; propter eos quaedam verba in decli- 
natione melius, quaedam deterius dicuntur. Consuetudo loquendi 

Bb2 








372 EX M. TERENTII VARRONIS RELIQUIIS. 


est in motu; itaque solet fieri ez meliore deterior, ex deteriore 
(add. M.) melior. Ac verba perperam dicta apud antiquos 
aliquos propter poétas non modo nunc dicuntur recte, sed etiam 
quae ratione dicta sunt tum, nuzc perperam dicuntur. 

18. Quare qui ad consuetudinem nos vocant, si ad rectam, 
sequemur; in eo quoque enim est analogia: si ad eam invitant 
quae est depravata, nihilo magis sequemur quam (add. M.), nisi 
cum erit necesse, sequar in ceteris rebus mala exempla; nam 
ea quoque, eum aliqua vis urget, inviti sequemur. Neque enim 
Lysippus artificum priorum potius est vitiosa secutus quam 
artem. Si (add. M.) sic populus facere debet: etiam singuli, sine 
offensione quod fiat populi. 

I9. Qui amissa non (om. codd.) modo quaerant, sed etiam quod 
indicium dent: idem, ex sermone si quid deperiit, non modo nihil 
impendunt ut requirant, sed etiam contra indices repugnant, ne 
restituatur verbum. 20. Quod novom et ratione introductum, 
quo minus ut recipiamus, vitare non debemus. Nam ad usum in 
vestimentis, aedificiis, supellectili, novitati non impedit vetus 
consuetudo. Quem enim amor assuetudinis potius in pannis 
possessorem retinet, quam ad nova vestimenta traducit? An 
non saepe veteres leges abrogatae novis cedunt? 21. Nonne 
inusitatis formis vasorum recentibus ex Graecia allatis obliteratae 
antiquae consuetudinis sinorum et capularum species: his formis 
vocabulorum wu contaminatis uti nollent, quas docuerit ratio 
praeter consuetudinem veterem ? Et tantum inter duos sensus 
interesse volunt, ut oculis semper aliquas figuras supellectilis 
novas conquirant, contra auris expertis velint esse? 22. Quotus 
quisque iam servos habet priscis nominibus? quae mulier suum 
instrumentum vestis atque auri veteribus vocabulis appellat? 
Sed inductis non tam irascendum, quam huiusce pravitatis pa- 
ronis. 

23. Si enim usquequaque noz esset analogia, tum sequebatur, 
ut in verbis quoque non esset; non, cum esset usquequaque ut 
est, non esse in verbis. Quae enim est pars mundi, quae non 
innumerabiles habeat analogias? ^ Caelum, an mare, an terra, an 
aér, eb cetera quae sunt in his? 24. Nonne in caelo, ut ab 
aequinoctiali circulo ad solstitialem et hine ad septentrionalem 
divisum: sic contra paribus partibus idem a bruma versum con- 
traria parte? Non, quantum polus superior abest a septen- 


DE LINGUA LATINA, IX. 17-30. 373 


trionali eireu/o e£ is ad solstitium, tantundem abest inferior ab 
eo quem dvrapxrixdy vocant astrologi, et is ad brumalem? Non, 
quemadmodum quodque signum exortum hoc anno, quotquot- 
annis eodem modo exoritur? 23. Num aliter sol a bruma venit 
ad aequinoctium, ac contra cum ab solstitio venit ad aequinoc- 
tialem eireulum, et inde ad brumam? | Nonne luna, ut a sole 
discedit ad aquilonem et inde redit in eandem viam: sic inde 
fertur ad austrum et regreditur inde? Sed quid plura de astris, 
ubi difficilius reperitur quid sit aut fiat in motibus dissimiliter ? 
26. At in mari, credo, motus non habent similitudines geminas ; 
qui in xxiv horis lunaribus quotidie quater se mutant; ac cum 
sex horis aestus creverunt, totidem decreverunt, rursus idem ; 
itemque ab his. An hanc analogiam ad diem servant, ad mensem 
non item, alios motus cum habeant, sie item alios inter se con- 
venientes? de quibus in libro, quem de aestuariis feci, scripsi. 
27. Non in terra in sationibus servata analogia ? nec quoiusmodi 
in praeterito tempore fruetuum genera reddidit, similia in prae- 
senti reddit? et quoiusmodi tritiéo iacto reddidit segetes, sic 
ordeo sato proportione reddidit parilis? Non ut Europa habet 
flumina, lacus, montis, campos, sic habet Asia? 28. Non in 
volucribus generatim servatur analogia? non ex aquilis aquilae, 
atque ut ex turdis qui procreantur, turdi, sic ex reliquis sui 
quoiusque generis? An aliter hoc fit, quam in aére, in aqua? 
non hic conchae inter se generatim innumerabili numero similes ? 
non pisces? an e murena fit lupus aut merula? Non bos ad 
bovem collatus similis? et qui ex his progenerantur, inter se 
vituli? etiam ubi dissimilis foetus ut ex equa e£ asino (om. codd.) 
mulus, tamen ibi analogia; quod ex quocunque asino et equa 
nascitur, id est mulus aut mula, ut ex equo et asina hinnulei. 
29. Non sie ex viro et muliere omnis similis partus, pueri et 
puellae? non horum ita inter se omnia similia membra, ut sepa- 
ratim in suo utroque genere similitudine sint paria? Non, omnis 
cum sint ex anima et corpore, partes quaeque horum proportione 
similes? 30. Quid ergo cum omnes animae hominum sint divisae 
in octonas parteis, eae inter se non proportione similes? quinque 
quibus sentimus, sexta qua cogitamus, septuma qua progenera- 
mus, octava qua voces mittimus? Igitur, quoniam loquimur voce 
orationem, hane quoque necesse est natura habere analogias ; 
itaque habet. 


374 EX M. TERENTIT VARRONIS. 


§ 4. Ea Epistulicis Quaestionibus. 


Gell. xiv. 7. Gnaeo Pompeio consulatus primus cum M. Crasso 
designatus est. Eum magistratum Pompeius cum initurus foret, 
quoniam per militiae tempora senatus habendi consulendique, 
rerum expers urbanarum fuit, M. Varronem, familiarem suum, 
rogavit, uti commentarium faceret * isagogicum,' sic enim Varro 
ipse appellat, ex quo disceret, quid faeere dicereque deberet, cum 
senatum consuleret. Eum librum commentarium, quem super ea 
re Pompeio fecerat, perisse Varro ait in literis, quas ad Op- 
pianum dedit, quae sunt in libro epistulicarum quae- 
stionum quarto, in quibus literis, quoniam quae ante scripserat 
non comparebant, docet rursum multa ad eam rem ducentia. 

Primum ibi ponit, qui fuerint, per quos more maiorum senatus 
haberi soleret eosque nominat: ‘ dictatorem, consules, praetores, 
tribunos plebi, interregem, praefectum urbi, neque alii, praeter 
hos, ius fuisse dixit facere senatusconsultum, quotiensque usus 
venisset, ut omnes isti magistratus eodem tempore Romae 
essent, tum quo supra ordine scripti essent, qui eorum prior aliis 
esset, ei potissimum senatus consulendi ius fuisse ait, deinde 
extraordinario iure tribunos quoque militares, qui pro consulibus 
fuissent, item decemviros, quibus imperium consulare tum esset, 
item triumviros reipublicae reconstituendae causa creatos ius 
consulendi senatum habuisse. 

Postea scribsit de intercessionibus dixitque intercedendi, ne 
senatusconsultum fieret, ius fuisse iis solis, qui eadem potestate, 
qua ii, qui senatusconsultum facere vellent, maioreve essent. 

Tum adscripsit de locis, in quibus senatusconsultum fieri iure 
posset, docuitque confirmavitque, nisi in loco per augurem con- 
stituto, quod * templum" appellaretur, senatusconsultum factum 
esset, iustum id non fuisse. Propterea et in curia Hostilia et in 
Pompeia et post in Iulia, cum profana ea loca fuissent, templa 
esse per angures constituta, ut in iis senatusconsulta more 
maiorum iusta fieri possent. Inter quae id quoque scriptum 
reliquit, non omnes aedes sacras templa esse ac ne aedem quidem 
Vestae templum esse. 

Post haec deinceps dieit, senatusconsultum ante exortum aut post 
occasum solem factum ratum non fuisse, opus etiam censorium fe- 
cisse existimatos, perquos eotempore senatusconsultum factum esset. 


EPISTULICIS QUAESTIONIBUS. DE RE RUSTICA. 3875 


Docet deinde inibi multa, quibus diebus habere senatum ius 
non sit, immolareque hostiam prius auspicarique debere, qui 
senatum habiturus esset, de rebusque divinis prius quam humanis 
ad senatum referendum esse, tum porro referri oportere aut 
infinite de republica, aut de singulis rebus finite; senatusque 
consultum fieri duobus modis: aut per discessionem, si con- 
sentiretur, aut, si res dubia esset, per singulorum sententias 
exquisitas; singulos autem debere consuli gradatim incipique 
a consulari gradu. Ex quo gradu semper quidem antea primum 
rogari solitum, qui princeps in senatum lectus esset ; tum autem, 
cum haec scriberet, novum morem institutum refert per ambi- 
tionem gratiamque, ut is primus rogaretur, quem rogare vellet, 
qui haberet senatum, dum is tamen ex gradu consulari esset. 
Praeter haec de pignore quoque capiendo disserit deque multa 
dicenda senatori, qui, cum in senatum venire deberet, non adesset. 


§ 5. Ex libris de Re Rustica. 


Ex Lis. I, qui est DE AGRICULTURA. 


x I. 1. Otium si essem consecutus, Fundania, commodius tibi 
baec scriberem, quae nunc, ut potero, exponam, cogitans esse pro- 
perandum, quod (ut dicitur) si est homo bulla, eo magis senex. 
Annus enim octogesimus admonet me, ut sarcinas colligam ante 
quam proficiscar e vita. 2. Quare, quoniam emisti fundum quem 
bene colendo, fructuosum cum facere velis, meque ut id mihi 
habeam curare roges, experiar. Et non solum, ut ipse quoad 
vivam, quid fieri oporteat ut te moneam, sed etiam post mortem. 
3. Neque patiar Sibyllam non solum cecinisse, quae, dum 
viveret, prodessent hominibus, sed etiam quae cum perisset 
ipsa, et id etiam ignotissimis quoque hominibus; ad cuius 
libros tot annis post publice solemus redire (ire, scire Madvig), 
eum desideramus quid faciendum sit nobis ex aliquo portento: 
me, ne dum vivo quidem, necessariis meis quod prosit facere. 
4. Quo cirea scribam tibi tres libros indices, ad quos re- 
vertare, si qua in re quaeres, quemadmodum quidque te in 
colendo oporteat facere. Et quoniam [ut aiunt] Dei facientes: 
adiuvant, prius invocabo eos; nec, ut Homerus et Ennius, 
Musas, sed XII deos consentis: neque tamen eos urbanos, quorum 


376 EX M. TERENTII VARRONIS RELIQUIIS. 


imagines ad forum auratae stant, sex mares, et feminae totidem, 
sed illos XII deos, qui maxime agricolarum duces sunt. 5. 
Primum, qui omnes fructos agriculturae caelo et terra continent, 
Iovem, et Tellurem. Itaque quod ii parentes magni dicuntur, 
Iuppiter, pater appellatur, Tellus, terra mater. Secundo Solem 
et Lunam, quorum tempora observantur, eum quaedam seruntur 
et conduntur. "Tertio Cererem et Liberum, quod horum fructus 
maxime necessarii ad victum. Ab his enim cibus et potio venit 
fundo. 6. Quarto Robigum ac Floram, quibus propitiis, neque 
robigo frumenta atque arbores corrumpit, neque non tempestive 
florent. Itaque publicae Robigo feriae robigalia; Florae ludi 
floralia instituti. Item adveneror Minervam et Venerem, qua- 
rum unius procuratio oliveti alterius hortorum; quo nomine 
rustica vinalia instituta. Nec non etiam precor Lympham, ac 
Bonum Eventum, quoniam sine aqua omnis arida ac misera agri- 
cultura, sine suecessu ae bono eventu, frustratio est, non cultura. 
7. lis igitur deis ad venerationem advocatis, ego referam ser- 
mones eos, quos de agricultura habuimus nuper, ex quibus quid te 
facere oporteat animadvertere poteris, in queis quae non inerunt 
et quaeres, indicabo a quibus scriptoribus reperias et Graecis, et 
nostris. Qui Graece scripserunt dispersim, alius de alia re, sunt 
plus quinquaginta. 8. Hi sunt, quos tu habere in consilio poteris, 
cum quid consulere voles, Hieron Siculus et Attalus Philometor : 
de philosophis, Democritus physicus, Xenophon Socraticus, Aris- 
toteles et Theophrastus peripatetici, Archytas pythagoreus .... 


11. Quo brevius de ea re conor tribus libris exponere, uno de agri- 
cultura, altero de re pecuaria, tertio de villaticis pastionibus ; hoe’ 
libro cireumcisis rebus, quae non arbitror pertinere ad agricul- 
turam. Itaque prius ostendam, quae secerni oporteat ab ea, tum 
de his rebus dicam, sequens naturales divisiones. Ea erunt ex 
radicibus trinis, et quae ipse in meis fundis colendo animadverti, 
et quae legi, et quae a peritis audii. 

. XVII. 1. De Fundi m1 partibus, quae cum solo haerent, et 
alteris I11I, quae extra fundum sunt, et ad culturam pertinent, dixi. 
Nune dicam agri quibus rebus colantur. Quas res alii dividunt 
in duas partes, in homines et adminicula hominum, sine quibus 
rebus colere non possunt. Alii in tres partes instrumenti genus 
vocale, et semivocale, et mutum. Vocale, in quo sunt servi. 


DE RE RUSTICA, I. i. xvii. 377 


Semivocale, in quo sunt boves. Mutum in quo sunt plaustra. 
2. Omnes agri coluntur hominibus servis aut liberis aut utrisque. 
Liberis, aut cum ipsi colunt, ut plerique pauperculi cum sua 
progenie: aut mercenariis, cum conducticiis liberorum operis 
res maiores, ut vindemias, ac faenisicia administrant: iique quos 
obaerarios nostri vocitarunt, et etiam nunc sunt in Asia, atque 
Aegypto, et in Illyrico complures. De quibus universis hoc 
dico: Gravia loca utilius esse mercenariis colere, quam servis, et 
in salubribus quoque locis opera rustica maiora, ut sunt in con- 
dendis fructibus vindemiae aut messis. 3. De his cuiusmodi esse 
oporteat, Cassius scribit haec: Operarios parandos esse, qui 
laborem ferre possint, ne minores annorum xxl, et ad agri- 
eulturam dociles. Eam coniecturam fieri posse ex aliarum rerum 
imperatis, et uno eorum e noviciis requisito, ad priorem dominum 
quid factitarent. Mancipia esse oportere neque formidolosa, 
neque animosa. 4. Qui praesint esse oportere, qui literis et ali- 
qua sint humanitate imbuti, frugi, aetate maiore, quam operarios, 
quos dixi Facilius enim his, quam minore natu sunt dicto 
audientes. Praeterea potissimum eos praeesse oportet, qui periti 
sint rerum rusticarum. Non solum enim debere imperare, sed 
etiam faeere, ut facientem imitentur, et ut animadvertant eum 
cum causa sibi praeesse, quod scientia praestet et usu. 5. Neque 
ili concedendum ita imperare, ut verberibus coerceat potius 
quam verbis, si modo idem efficere possis. Neque eiusdem 
nationis plures parandos esse. Ex eo enim potissimum solere 
offensiones domesticas fieri. ^ Praefectos alacriores faciundum 
praemiis: dandaque opera, ut habeant peculium, et coniunctas 
conservas, e quibus habeant filios. Eo enim fiunt firmiores, ac 
coniunctiores fundo. taque propter has cognationes Epiroticae 
familiae sunt illustriores ac cariores. 6. Ad inci/andum voluz- 
latem praefectorum honore aliquo habendo (Kei/, p. 41), et de 
operariis, qui praestabunt alios, communicandum quoque cum iis, 
quae faciunda sunt opera. Quod ita cum fit, minus se putant 
despici, atque aliquo numero haberi a domino. 7. Studiosiores 
ad opus fieri liberalius tractando, aut cibariis, aut vestitu lar- 
giore, aut remissione operis, concessioneve, ut peculiare aliquid 
in fundo pascere liceat, aut huiuscemodi rerum aliis, ut quibus 
quid gravius sit imperatum, aut animadversum, qui consolando 
eorum restituat voluntatem, ae benevolentiam in dominum. 


378 EX M. TERENTII VARRONIS RELIQUIIS. 


Ex Lis. II, qui est DE RE PECUARIA. 


IX. 1. Relinquitur, inquit Atticus, de quadrupedibus, quod ad 
canes attinet, maxime ad nos, qui pecus pascimus lanare. Canis 
enim ita custos pecoris, ut eius, quod eo comite indiget ad se 
defendendum. In quo genere sunt maxime oves, deinde caprae. 
Has enim lupus captare solet, cui opponimus canes defensores. 
In suillo pecore tamen sunt, quae se vindicent, sues, verres, 
maiales, scrofae. Prope enim haec apris, qui in silvis saepe den- 
tibus eanes occiderunt. 2. Quid dicam de pecore maiore? cum 
sciam mulorum gregem cum pasceretur, eoque venisset lupus, 
ultro mulos circumfluxisse, et ungulis caedendo eum occidisse? 
et tauros solere diversos assistere clunibus continuatos, et cornibus 
facile propulsare lupos? Quare de canibus, quoniam genera duo, 
unum venaticum, et pertinet ad feras bestias, ac silvestres: 
alterum, quod custodiae causa paratur, et pertinet ad pastorem: 
dicam de eo ad formam artis dispositam in novem partes. 3. 
Primum aetate idonea parandi, quod catuli et vetuli neque sibi, 
neque ovibus sunt praesidio, et feris bestiis nonnunquam praedae. 
Facie debent esse formosi, magnitudine ampla, oculis nigrantibus 
aut ravis, naribus congruentibus, labris subnigris aut rubicundis, 
neque resimis superioribus, nee pendulis subtus, mento suppresso, 
et ex eo enatis duobus dentibus dextra et sinistra, paulo emi- 
nulis, superioribus directis potius, quam brocchis: acutos, quos 
habeant, labro tectos: (4.) capitibus, et auriculis magnis, ac flaccis: 
erassis cervicibus, ac collo: internodiis articulorum longis: cru. 
ribus rectis, et potius varis, quam vatiis: pedibus magnis, et 
altis, qui ingredienti ei displodantur: digitis discretis: unguibus 
duris, ac eurvis: solo nec ut corneo, nec nimium duro, sed ut 
fermentato, ac molli: a feminibus summis corpore suppresso: 
spina neque eminula, neque curva: cauda crassa: latratu gravi: 
hiatu magno: colore potissimum albo, quod in tenebris specie 
leonina. 5. Praeterea feminas volunt esse mammosas aequalibus 
papillis. Item videndum, ut boni seminii sint. Itaque a regio- 
nibus appellantur Lacones, Epirotici, Sallentini. "Videndum ne 
a venatoribus, aut laniis canes emas. Alteri, quod ad pecus 
sequendum inertes. Alteri, si viderint leporem, aut cervum, 
[quod] eum potius, quam oves sequentur. Quare aut a pasto- 


DE RE RUSTICA, II. ix. FRAGMENTA. 379 


ribus emta melior, quae oves sequi consuevit : aut sine ulla con- 
suetudine quae fuerit. Canis enim facilius quid assuescit, eaque 
consuetudo firmior, quae sit ad pastores, quam quae ad pecudes. 
6. P. Aufidius Pontianus Amiterninus, cum greges ovium emisset 
in Umbria ultima, quibus gregibus sine pastoribus canes aeoeg- 
sissent ; pastores ut deducerent in Metapontinos saltus, et Hera- 
cleae emporium: inde cum domum redissent, qui ad locum 
deduxerant, e desiderio hominum diebus paucis postea canes sua 
sponte, cum dierum multorum via interesset, sibi ex agris cibaria 
praebuerunt, atque in Umbriam ad pastores redierunt. Neque 
eorum quisquam fecerat quod in agricultura Saserna praecepit, 
Qui vellet se a cane sectari, uti ranam obiciat coctam. Magni 
interest ex semine esse canes eodem, quod cognati maxime inter 
se sunt praesidio. 7. Sequitur quartum de emtione: fit alterius, 
cum a priore domino seeundo traditum est. De sanitate et noxa 
stipulationes fiunt eaedem, quae in pecore, nisi quod hic utiliter 
exceptum est. Alii pretium faciunt in singula capita canum. 
Ali ut catuli sequantur matrem. Alu ut bini catuli unius 
canis numerum obtineant, ut solent bini agni ovis. Plerique 
ut accedant canes, qui consuerunt esse una. 8. Cibatus canis 
propior hominis, quam ovis. Pascitur enim e culina et ossibus, 
non herbis aut frondibus. Diligenter ut habeant cibaria provi- 
dendum. Fames enim hos ad quaerendum cibum ducet, si non 
praebebitur, et a pecore abducet. 9. Nisi si (ut quidam putant) 
etiam illue pervenerint, proverbium ut tollant antiquum: vel 
etiam ut piov aperiant de Actaeone, atque in dominum afferant 
dentes. 10. Nec non ita panem ordeaceum dandum, ut non potius 
eum in lacte des intritum, quod eo consueti cibo uti, a pecore 
non eito desciseunt. Morticinae ovis non patiuntur vesci carne, 
ne ducti sapore minus se abstineant. Dant etiam ius ex ossibus, 
et ea ipsa ossa contusa. Dentes enim facit firmiores, et os magis 
patulum: propterea quod vehementius diducuntur malae, acrio- 
resque fiunt propter medullarum saporem. Cibum capere con- 
suescunt interdiu, ubi pascuntur: vesperi, ubi stabulantur. .... 


§ 6. Fragmenta librorum incertorum. 
Fragmenta Varroniana ex auctore Moralitatum in Spicilegio 
Solesmensi primum edita, vol. iii. p. 320, anno 1855. 
(a) Gressum seu volatum cucullus habet furtivum et remissum, 


380 EX M. TERENTII VARRONIS RELIQUIIS. 


quia prope terram. ... Est maximae pigritiae avis: nam nun- 
quam facit nidum, quia taedet eum laborare: immo ab aliis 
avibus inferioribus se (/ege a se vel pro se?) factos invadit, et ova 
non sua comedit. Praeterea habet a natura purgare hortos 
a bruchis sive erucis, quibus libentius vescitur: esto quod 
incipiat, statim resilit .. . quando cantum suum sentit irrisioni 
haberi per hominem simili voce sibi cantanti respondentem, post 
aliquam dissimulationem dimittit suum naturalem cantum : mul- 
tiplicando vocem quasi per insultum, irridet ipsum hominem, et 
invehit in eum irridentem. .. . Magnam vocem edit et multi- 
plicatam, et continuatam eam cantibus uniformibus reddit, absque 
aliquo fructu. : 

(b) Cyenus fortitudinem suam habet in alis. Instanti morte 
pennas in caelo erigit et sic dulce canit. Cholericae complexionis 
est, et ideo iracundus. Cum uno pede natat, et cum alio se 
regit, veli modo. Quum (/ege cum) piscibus nutritur, eis in- 
noxius est; dentes habet minutissimos in rostro unde cibos 
incidit. Super aquas nidificat sollicitus in pullis educandis; avis 
oneris impatiens. 


6 7. Incerti liber de Praenominibus a Iulio Paride in epitomen 
redactus ; qui paene totus ex Varrone haustus videtur. | Ad calcem 
Valerii Maximi ed. C. Halm.] 


I. Varro simplicia in Italia fuisse nomina ait existimationisque 
suae argumentum refert, quod Romulus et Remus et Faustulus 
neque praenomen ullum neque cognomen habuerint. Qui ab eo 
dissentiunt aiunt matrem eorum Ream Silviam vocatam, avum 
Silvium Numitorem, fratrem eius Amulium Silvium, ac supe- 
riores Álbanorum reges Capetum Silvium, Agrippam Silvium, 
posterioresque duces Mettum Fufetium et Tutorem Cloelium 
vocatos. Nec contenti his ad Sabinos transgrediuntur: Titum 
Tatium, Numam Pompilium et patrem eius Pompium Pompi- 
lium eiusdemque regionis principes enumerant Pustulanum Lau- 
ranum, Volesum Valensium, Mettum Curtium, Alium Fumu- 
silleaticum. E Tuscis recitant Lartem Porsennam, ab Aequiculis 
Septimum Modium, primum regem eorum, et Fertorem Resium, 
qui ius fetiale constituit. In hune modum Varronis sententia 
subruitur. 

2. Romanos autem arbitrandum est maxime ab Albanis et 


LIBER DE PRAENOMINIBUS. 381 


Sabinis multiplicandorum nominum consuetudinem traxisse, quo- 
niam ab illis orti sunt. Omnia autem quae ad unum quemque 
nostrum definiendum excogitata sunt, eandem vim significandi 
hominis optinent. Quod per proprietatem dicitur, hoc distat, 
quia eo gens cognoscitur, ideoque dicitur gentilicium: cetera 
ordine variantur. Nam quod praeponitur praenomen, quod post 
fertur cognomen, quod ad ultimum dicitur agnomen. Quorum 
series non ita ut exposui semper servata est. Animadverto enim 
in consulum fastis perplexum usum praenominum et cognominum 
fuisse. Dictum Postumum Cominium Auruncum, et Postumum 
Aebutium Helvam, et Vopiscum Iulium, et Opitrem Verginium 
Tricostum, et Paulum Fabium Maximum. Quin etiam quaedam 
eognomina in nomen versa sunt, ut Caepio: namque hoc in 
Bruto nominis locum obtinuit. 

3. Gentilicia nomina Varro putat fuisse numero co, prae- 
nomina circa XXX.  Pueris non prius quam togam virilem sume- 
rent, puellis non ante quam nuberent praenomina imponi moris 
fuisse Q. Scaevola auctor est. Quae olim praenomina fuerunt, 
nune cognomina sunt, ut Postumus, Agrippa, Proculus, Caesar. 

4. Opiter, qui patre mortuo, avo vivo gignebatur. Vopiscus, 
qui in utero matris geminus conceptus, altero abortu eiecto 
incolumis editus erat. Hostus praenomen fuit in eo, qui peregre 
apud hospitem natus erat, idque habuit Lucretius Tricipitinus, 
collega L. Sergii. Volero in praenomen abiit, quod volentibus 
nasci liberi parentibus videbantur: quo usus est Publilius Philo. 
Lartis praenomem sumptum est a Laribus, Tuscum autem esse 
creditum, fuitque consul Lar Herminius cum T. Verginio Tri- 
costo. Statius a stabilitate, Faustus a favore praenomina cepe- 
runt. "Tullus praenominatus est ominis gratia, quasi tollendus, 
o littera in u conversa. Sertor qui per sationem natus erat 
adpellatus est. Ancum praenomen Varro e Sabinis translatum 
putat: Valerius Antias scribit, quod cubitum vitiosum habuerit, 
qui Graece vocatur dyxév. Lucii coeperunt adpellari qui ipso 
initio lucis orti erant, aut, ut quidam arbitrantur, a Lucumonibus 
Etruscis. Manii, qui mane editi erant, vel ominis causa quasi 
boni: manum enim antiqui bonum dicebant. Cnaeus ob insigne 
naevi appellatus est. Quod unum praenomen varia scriptura 
notatur: alii enim Naeum, alii Gnaeum, alii Cnaeum scribunt. 
Qui G littera in hoe praenomine utuntur, antiquitatem sequi 


382 LIBER DE PRAENOMINIBUS. 


videntur, quae multum ea usa littera est. Olim enim dicebatur 
frugmentum, nune frumentum ecfertur, et forgtis, non fortis, et 
gnatura, non natura: ergo etiam qui in corporibus gigni solet 
gnaevus appellabatur. Qui CN ponunt corruptione syllabae 
delectari videntur, qui Naeus, levitate. Gai iudicantur dicti 
a gaudio parentum, Auli, quod dis alentibus nascuntur, Marci 
Martio mense geniti, Publi qui prius pupilli facti erant quam 
praenomina haberent, alii ominis causa e pube. 6. Tiberii voci- 
tari coeperunt qui ad Tiberim nascebantur. "Titus e Sabino 
nomine t Tito fluxit, Appius ab Atto, eiusdem regionis prae- 
nomine. Caesones adpellati sunt qui e mortuis matribus exsecti 
erant, Servius, quod mortua matre in utero servatus est, Spurii 
patre incerto geniti quasi omopddiot. Numeriis sola tantum modo 
patricia familia usa est Fabia, idcirco quod trecentis sex apud 
Cremeram flumen caesis qui unus ex ea stirpe extiterat, ducta in 
matrimonium uxore filia Numerii Otacilii Maleventani sub eo 
pacto, ut quem primum filium sustulisset, ei materni avi prae- 
nomen inponeret, obtemperavit. 

7. Antiquarum mulierum frequenti in usu praenomina fuerunt, 
Rutila, Caesellia, Rodacilla, Murrula, Burra a colore ducta. 
Illa praenomina a viris tracta sunt, Gaia, Lucia, Publia, Nu- 
meria: ceterum Gaia usu super omnes celebrata est. Ferunt 
enim Gaiam Caeciliam, Tarquinii Prisci regis uxorem, optimam 
lanificam fuisse et ideo institutum, ut novae nuptae, ante ianuam 
mariti interrogatae quaenam vocarentur, Gaias esse se dicerent. 


NOTES. 


384 


NOTES ON PART II. 


INSCRIPTIONS. 


In editing the Inscriptions that follow I have adopted the order of 
the first volume of the Corpus of Latin Inscriptions (indicated by C.), 
of which the second part may be considered almost an epitome. I 
have selected those that appeared to be most useful for my purpose, 
adding a few that have been discovered since its publication in 1863, 
and which have been edited in Ritachl’s five Supplements, in the 
Hermes, and in the Ephemeris Epigraphica. A few here and there 
have been added from the later volumes of the Corpus. The text has 
also been occasionally emended from the same or similar authorities. 
In some of the legal documents I have inserted the supplements 
adopted by Bruns in his Fontes Iuris Romani Antiqui, but generally 
my object has been to represent the Corpus as closely as possible. To 
those selected from the first volume I have added, in an appendix, 
some of the wall inscriptions from Pompeii, as edited by C. Zange- 
meister in the fourth volume of the Corpus. The notes are throughout 
based on Mommsen’s, of which they are not unfrequently merely 
abstracts, but I have not thought it worth while to refer to his name 
particularly, except where I wished to contrast his views with those of 
other scholars. I have added a good deal in the Introductions, parti- 
cularly on points of grammar, law, and religious custom. My object 
has been to attempt a solution of every real or even apparent difficulty, 
or else to notice where an explanation was wanted but had not yet 
been discovered.. The Inscriptions in the first volume of the Corpus 
are divided into two parts. The first consists of the Inscriptiones 
Vetustissimae, those most archaic, and generally antecedent to the 
Hannibalic war. Of these I have given almost all (with the exception 
of the coins, of which I have given only a few). The second contains 
the remainder up to the death of Julius Caesar. This latter part is 
divided again into four principal sections,—(1) Public Documents, 
(2) Coins, (3) Inscriptions referring to public officers, and others of 
certain date, (4) other Inscriptions of uncertain date. I have omitted 
section (2) entirely, as too detailed for the purposes of this book, but 
have given a very large proportion of the remainder. The remainder 
of the first volume of the Corpus contains the Elogia Clarorum 
Reipublicae Virorum, honorary inscriptions mostly set up in imperial 
times, the Fasti Anni Iuliani, from which a good deal has been 
borrowed in my notes on the Calendar, and the Fasti Consulares up 
to the year of the city 766, the latter edited by Henzen. I have not 
thought it to my purpose to select anything from this part of 
the . 


385 


INSCRIPTIONES VETUSTISSIMAE. 


Beto HANNIBALICO QUAE VIDENTUR ANTIQUIORES. 


NUMMI ANTIQUISSIMI. Pace 156. 


I BAVE given only a few of these inscriptions on coins, and none of those of the 
second division, as the subject, though very interesting, is too detailed for the 
purposes of this book. Mommsen has written at length upon it, das Rómische 
Münzwesen, Berlin 1860, 8. 

C. 1 and 2. Must be before 490 v. c., as then the as ceased to weigh a pound. 
No. 1 is an unique specimen, weighing 41b. 11 0z. Roman weight. It was found 
at Velitrae, and is now in the Kircherian Museum at Rome. Obs. the full form 
of the gen. Romanom not preserved in others. 

C. 5, 2. Se(rvio) Pos(tumio) P(ublio) Bab(io). Similar specimens of the aes 
grate are found with the inscriptions, HAT, FIR, VES=Hat(riano), Fér(mano) 
Ves(tino). 

C. 11. Obs. the early G, of a different form to that mentioned Int. ii. $ 4. Cp. 
C. 30, 2. 

C. 14. See Introduction, ii. § 3. 

C. 16. proboum is perhaps a Graeciam. Cp. vivous, C. 1418. 

C. 19. Benventod, abl., so Ladinod, 24. 

C. 20. Aisernim, gen. pl., so Safiném on Samnite coins. Volcanom, acc., with a 
head of Vulcan. Cp. the accusatives on works of art below, C. 57, 59. 

C. 24. Ladinei, locative; the d for r indicates that it is rather Oscan than 
Latin. Cp. the form Frentrei on coins of Frentrum (Mom. Unterit. Dialekt. pp. 
20I, 230). 


CARMEN FRATRUM ARVALIUM. PAGES 157, 158. 


C. 38. Tuis inscription is taken from the most important table of the acts of 
the College, discovered at Rome in 1778, and edited by Gaetano Marini, Atti e 
Monumenti de’ Fratelli Arvali, 3 vols. 4to, Rome 1795, with a very important com- 
mentary. Similar acts have been discovered in thelast few years on the site of 
the grove itself, now the Vigna Ceccarelli, and have been edited by Henzen, Scavi 
nel Bosco Sacro dei Fratelli Arvali, fol. Roma 1868. The publication by Dr. 
Henzen of the whole series of documents, in an accessible form and with explana- 
tory notes, will be & great gain to scholars. The book has, however, appeared 
too recently for me to make full use of it in these notes. (Acta Fratrum Arvalium, 
Berolini, 1874, 8°.) We have in it a chronicle of the society, more or less complete, 
from the reign of Augustus to that of the Gordians, A.D. 241. It is generally 
supposed that before the time of Augustus it had fallen almost into abeyance, 
but that, like many other religious institutions, it was restored by him. 

ce 


386 INSCRIPTIONES VETUSTISSIMAE. 


The Arval Brothers or Brethren are defined by Varro (L. L. v. 85) ‘qui sacra 
publica faciunt propterea ut fruges ferant arva. They seem to have done for the 
whole people what each father of a family did for his own farm at the Ambarvalia, 
or lustratio agri, described by Cato, R. R. 141, Tibullus, EL ii. 1, and others. The 
formula addressed to Mars pater in Cato should especially be compared with the 
carmen. There is even a probability that the same naine was applied to both 
ceremonies, if at least the gloss of Festus (Epit. s.v. Ambarvales) should be 
thus read, ‘ Ambarvales hostiae dicebantur quae pro arvis a duodecim fratribus 
sacrificabantur,' instead of duobus. But we must be careful not to confound the 
public and private Ambarvalia. These brethren—called * fratres,’ like the Attidian 
brethren of the Iguvine litanies, whose office seems to have been to perform a 
sort of Amburbium, just as that of the Arvales was an Ambarvale—were no doubt 
a very old college of priests, like the Augures, the Pontifices, the Flamines, ete. ; 
and they seem to date from the time of the kings, The legend states that Acca 
Larentia, foster mother of Romulus, had twelve sons, with whom she ased to 
sacrifice once in every year for the fields. On the death of one of them Romulus 
took his place, and with his eleven foster brothers constituted the first college, the 
members of which wore, as a sign of priestly rank, a crown of ears of corn bound 
with a white ribband (Masurius Sabin. ap. Gell. N. A. vii. 7; Plin. N. H. xviii. 2, 
who seems to have drawn from the same source). . 

From this we may gather at least that the brethren, like the other priestly 
colleges, were delegates of the king in his capacity of Father of the people. 
What may be the meaning of the rest of the story is not so clear. Preller (Rom. 
Myth. p. 422 foll, cp. Schwenck, Rh. Mus. xxii. p. 129, 1867) interpreta Acca 
Larentía as ‘mother of spirits,’ i.e. the great earth-spirit. Acca, according to 
him, answers to Sk. akká, ‘mother,’ op. Gk. drra, while the Lares, or ‘ Lords,’ 
Gk. dvaxes, are spirits in general, the word itself being closely akin to larvae. 
Acca Larentia in this view is only another name for the special deity of the 
Arvals, the Dea Dia, else unknown, but generally identified with Ops. Mommsen, 
on the other hand (die echte und die faleche Acca Larentia, Weidmanns, Berlin 
1871), considers the name to be originally Larentina Acca, and that she has 
nothing whatever to do with the Lares, but was only a bit of rationaliam intro- 
duced into the legends of Romulus to take the place of the dupa. Even the 
story which is the oldest about her, the explanation of the parentatío Accae 
Larentiae (Dec. 23) he holds to be a mere ‘verger’s legend,’ and to have no 
mythological meaning. Those who are fond of mythology will hardly assent to 
this; but it is well to be on our guard against mere fancies. 

Whatever may be the origin of the college, occult or simple, ita members, like 
those of others, were chosen by co-optation and for life, and it was considered 
among the highest families an honour to be a brother; in fact, the election of several 
of the emperors is chronicled in the acte. The other officials were chosen yearly 
in May, in the festival at the grove, but did not come into office till the Saturnalia, 
the last day of which (Dec. 23), it may be remarked, was also the Larentalia, or 
parentatio Accae Larentinae. These were a Magister and Promagister (in case of 
nbsence or death), a Flamen and Profiamen, and a number of lower officers, scribes, 


CARMEN FRATRUM ARVALIUM. (P. 157, 1). 887 


sacristan (aedituus), criers (calatores), and publici. We find also boys of noble 
birth, who were also necessarily ‘patrimi et matrimi,' serving as attendants or 
* camilli' at the sacrifices and public fenste. 

The chief seat of their worship was outside Rome, ‘in luco deae Diae via Cam- 
peu) apud lapidem V ' (Marini, Atti, Tab. xxxii, etc., Orell. Inscr. 961), that is, 
about four miles from the present gate of the city, on the road to Portus. The 
yearly festival took place in May, alternately on the 17th, 19th, and aoth, or the 
27th, 29th, and 3oth, just at the time when the first fruits were ripe and the 
harvest was now about to begin. (See Henzen, p. 4.) The first day was kept in 
Rome, generally in the house of the Magister or some other member of the college. 
It consisted chiefly of a morning service, in which ‘dry and green fruits,’ i.e. 
of the old and new year, and laurel-crowned loaves were touched and blessed 
(* fruges aridas et virides contigerunt et panes laureatos’), and the image of the 
Dea Dia anointed, and of an afternoon banquet, from which the Camilli took 
portions to the altar. No doubt, in the first ceremony we are to see a sort of 
blessing of the first fruits of the year, before the ordinary use of them began, a 
custom referred to by Pliny, N. H. xviii. 2, ‘ac ne degustabant quidem novaa 
fruges aut vina antequam sacerdotes primitias libassent.’ (Cp. Plin. xxviii. 2, 5, 
and see on the Fasti, Vinalia Apr. 23. It is interesting also to trace some 
analogies to the ceremonies of Passover and Pentecost. Lev. xxiii. 10-17.) 
Some of last year's produce was also kept to be used at the same time—some- 
what, perhaps, like our superstition of preserving a Good Friday cake through 
the year— and loaves, probably of new corn, were blessed and crowned with 
laurels, The offering of portions of the banquet in the afternoon is also an old 
Roman custom, thus described by Servius, ad Aen. I, 730, ‘apud Romanos cena 
edita sublatisque mensis primis silentium fieri solebat, quoad ea quae de cena 
libata fuerant ad focum ferrentur et igni darentur, ac puer deos propitios nun- 
tinsset.' The anointing of the goddesses was no doubt a naive way of making 
them partake the other good things of this life. Cp. Tibull. ii. 2, 5 foll, Cio. 
Verr. iv. 35, etc. Prudentius speaks of anointing the Lares as one of the com- 
monest Roman superstitions :— 

' puerorum infantia primo 

Errorem cum lacte bibit: gustaverat inter 

Vagitus de farre molae: saxa inlita ceris 

Viderat, unguentoque Lares humescere nigroe. 

Contra Symmachum, i. 201-204. 

Every boundary-stone or terminus was also anointed before being set up in its 
consecrated hole, see on the Fasti, Feb. 33. We have a similar practice in Greek 
religion referred to by Theophrastus describing the 9ecisaípor (Char, xvi), xal r&v 
Aumapüw Alóom TG» iv vais TpióDous wapiby te ToU AnKOoy (Aciov xaraxeiy xal txt 
yivara w«càw xal wpockvvíjcas dzaAAáTTeoÓn.. (For a superstition of the same 
kind, preserved in Norway to the end of the last century, see Tylor, Primitive 
Culture, ii. 153, who also refers to this passage of Theophrastus ; and for the Hebrew 
custom cp. the act of Jacob at Bethel, Gen. xxviii. 18, and the commentators there). 

Pace 157, L 1. Item uu Kal. Iunias, etc. The next day there was no 


Cc2 


388 INSCRIPTIONES VETUSTISSIMAE. 


festival in this particular year, but the day after, in this case, the 29th 
of May, A.D. 218, the consulship of Macrinus Aug. and Adventus, there 
was a meeting early in the morning in the grove of the goddess. Here 
were not only a temple and an altar, but various smaller altars and *foculi, a 
circus, and a tetrastylum. The latter was apparently a square building gp- 
ported with columns, not necessarily with four, for we read of one in the house of 
Gordian, which had two hundred of four different kinds of marble (Iul. Cap. 
Gord. 32). In the circus races were run, the signal being given by the Magister 
or Promagister in full official costume, ‘ riciniatus coronatus, as we read on several 
of the tables. 'The service on this day began with an offering of two expiatory 
pigs (porcilias, *sucking-pigs,' a form which may support the disputed Aaediliae, 
Hor. 1 Od. xvii. 9), luci coinquendi (causa), lit. ‘for the sake of pruning the 
grove.’ The word coinquere or coninquere (leas correctly coínquire) is explained by 
Festus, Ep. as deputare, coercere, and occurs outside of these inscriptions in the 
Digest (Alfen.) xix. 2, 29, ' Redemptor silvam ne caedito neve coínquito neve 
deurito neve quem cofnquere oaedere urere sinito. (See also note on the Fasti, 
March 19.) I regard the root of it as probably the same as that of cae-d-o. 
Naturally enough trees often fell down or decayed and lost their branches, or 
were struck by lightning, and had to be removed; and all work of this kind, 
especially all work done with tools of iron, had to be atoned for by a preliminary 
sacrifice. In this case two pigs sufficed, a sacrifice of similar size was enough to 
atone for the ordinary work of cutting and carving marble, ‘ob ferri inlationem 
scripturae et scalpturae marmoris (causa).’ (Tab. xliii) But when a fig-tree had 
grown into the fastigium of the temple and had to be removed aud the temple 
repaired (Tab. xxxii), or when a number of trees had been struck by lightning, 
and altars had to be restored (Tab. xliii), nothing less than a procession and 
sacrifice of suovetaurilia (lustrum missum suovetaurilibus maioribus) could atone for 
the intrusion. The custom of preceding religious services by expiatory sacrifices, 
praecidaneae hostiae, to avoid a possible pollution of an unknown kind, seems to 
have been a common one at Rome. But here the particular act of using iron upon 
the earth and its products seems the one to be expiated. Similarly, Cato gives 
directions for a piaculum of a pig, before thinning a grove (lucum conlucare) or 
digging. In the first case he directs you to use the formula, ‘Si deus, si dea es, 
quoium illud sacrum est uti tibi ius siet porco piaculo facere ilius sacri coercendi 
ergo. Harumce rerum ergo sive ego sive quis iussu meo fecerit, uti id recte 
factum siet,’ adding in the second case operis factundi causa (R. R. 139, 140; Part 
iii. p. 335) after ‘éllius sacri,’ eto. 

The use of iron, for some reason or other, was proscribed in more than one 
ancient religion, or if used, as in these cases, had to be atoned for. Sometimes 
this may have been a piece of mere religious conservatism, as probably the ordi- 
nance that the pig slaughtered in striking a treaty had its throat cut with a flint 
by the pater patratus (Liv. i. 24, ‘ porcum saxo silice percussit,’ p. 379). Compare 
the custom of using bronze implements in sacred matters, such as the plough- 
share with which the outline of a city was treced by Etruscan discipline, or the 
razor with which a priest was shaved among the Sabines and sometimes among 
the Romans (Macrob, Saturn. V. xix. 11-14, op. Serv. Aen. i. 448, ' flamen Dialis 


CARMEN FRATRUM ARVALIUM. (P. 157, L. 1-10.) 389 


aereis cultris tondebatur, Lydus de Mensib. i. 31, who makes it a law of Numa's). 
The dislike to iron itself might also arise in a tribe from ite becoming first known 
in the ghape of offensive weapons in the hands of another tribe, especially if one 
of differing religion. In connection with this we may remark that the fetialis 
who declared war at Rome was ordered to carry in his hand ' hastam ferratam aut 
praeustam sanguineam,' and to throw it across the boundaries of the enemy's 
country. (Liv. i. 32; p. 277.) But further, particular deities were supposed to 
be averse to iron, especially the Fire-god, as is seen not only in the Greek proverb 
wip paxalpg pt) oxarevey, adopted by the Pythagoreans, and the Latin ‘Ignem 
gladio ne fodias’ (cp. Hor. 2 Sat. iii. 276), but also in the superstitions of several 
savage nations of North-east Asia and North America. (Tylor, Early Hist. of 
Mankind, p. 275.) 

Is it too fanciful to conjecture that this dislike was conceived to arise from the 
Fire-god being forced to slave so hard in the smelting and moulding of iron, and that 
the Earth-spirit, with whom we have here to do, bad a similar feeling with regard 
to the instruments which shore her foliage and cut down her groves and scarred 
her breast in mining and ploughing? Man might very well be called upon to 
atone for his 3exé7ns who, in the words of Sophocles— 

Oct ray imeprdéray, Tay 
dpiiroy dxapdray dworpieras 
lAAopéyo dpórpom eros els eros, lwwely ylver wodevow, 

1, 3. After the sacrifice of the young pigs followed that of a vacca honoraria, 
probably white, and so called as distinguished from piaculares. The extae were 
then offered iu different places, and the Master, after making a formal entry 
(in codice cavit) of the proceedings, laid aside his praetexta and retired to his 
tent (papilio). The word extae is a parallel form to the more common exa, just 
as sertae to serta ; 80 arvas, Naev. Lycurg. 24. 

5. Cavere has the same sense lower down, caverunt se adfuisse ; cp. the legal 
usage of making a formal disposition or appointment. The sense here is evidently 
‘to do something in a formal way,’ and so ‘ make a formal entry on the register.’ 

Papilio is a pavilion or tent. The word occurs in this sense in the writers of the 
Augustan History. The idea would seem to be taken from the shape of a butter- 
fly, the body being comparable to the pole over which the canvas is stretched 
hanging down on both sides like the wings. Jn papilione suo reversus. Of this 
use of in, which is common in the Latin Bible and later writers generally, Ronsch 
gives numerous instances, It. und Vulg. pp. 406, 407. Cic. N. D. i. 21, ‘ne in 
cogitatione quidem cadit,’ which he quotes, is, however, to say the least, doubtful. 

6-11. In the forenoon, after a formal entry of their presence on the register, 
the brethren breakfasted together, and then, in their robes and crowns, went 
up into the thicket of the grove and sacrificed a fat lamb and examined it for 
omens. This, says Mommsen, was the crowning-point of the sacrifice ; see the 
parallel in Verg. Georg. i. 339-350. The lamb is properly called hostia: a víctima 
is a larger animal (Henzen, p. 39). Returning to the temple they offered ollae 
upon the table, an important feature in an ancient temple, *in qua epulae liba- 
tionesque et stipes reponuntur, and serving almost as an altar (Ius Papirianum, 
quoted in Macrob. Sat. III. xi. 5, 6). On the use of ollae in sacrifices, cp. Varro, 


390 INSCRIPTIONES VETUSTISSIMAE. 


L. L. v. 98, who says, defining arvigae, ‘haec sunt quarum in sacrificiis exta in 
olla non in veru cocuntur, quas et Accius scribit et in pontificiis libris videmus." 
In the meanwhile the Master and Flamen sacrificed on the turf in front of the 
altar. The brethren then went also out and laid their tAesaurs on the altar, 
evidently not the one in tbe temple, but that on which the extae porciliares had 
been offered. These thesauré are no doubt caskets of some kind into which offer- 
ings of money (stips) were placed, as is gathered from the following passage, 
Varro, L. L. v. 182, * Stips ab eros) fortasse, Graeco verbo. Id apparet, quod 
ut tum institutum etiamnunc diis cum thesauris asses dant stipem dicunt." Seneca, 
Ep. 115, also speaks of a god being worshipped ‘in thesauros stipe infusa, cp. 
de Benef. vii. 4. 

11. After this collection or ‘ offertory,' the Flamen and Master offered wine and 
incense outside the temple, holding in their hands scypAi and simpuvia, the latter 
being ladles much like cyathi, and oensers (acerrae). (We notice here the care- 
lessness of the cutters, some word such as ferentes being wanted after acerras, 
ostium being miswritten osteum and simpuviis sumpuvis.) After this two of the 
brethren went down (desciderunt, as Henzen shews, is probably from descendo, 
rather than dtecedo or descíndo. He compares lucum descidisse, a. 319, and supra 
carcares escidit, a. 87), accompanied by public slaves, ad fruges petendas, i.e. to 
collect the specimens of the old and new year’s produce, probably the same 
as those which they had blessed two days before, or it may be others brought 
by the crowd round them. These were passed from hand to hand, from the 
right hand of the first to the left hand of the next, and from bis right hand to 
the left of his neighbour, and then backwards in exactly reverse order, for this 
is how I understand dezíra dederunt, laeva receperunt, deinde ad. alterutrum sibi 
reddiderunt, not of course confining it to the two brethren who went and came 
back (retersi) with the *fruges. That this was not an awkward, but rather 
& natural and graceful action, may be seen from the following diagram, be- 
ginning of course at the right :— 


reddiderunt Ld l.d Ld Ld: ld dederunt 
v. iv. iii, ii. i. 
These having been thus duly inspected by all the brethren, were handed over to 
the public slaves. 

I4. Then they entered the temple and said a prayer, as de Rossi thinks, to 
the ollae. Henzen also explains sacrum fecerunt ollis, ‘sacrificed to the ollae,' 
relying on the mention of prayers offered to the simpuvium Numae, Prudent. 
Peristeph. 3, 277, Henzen, p. 30. Zacuerunt, in the text, should be éactaverunt, 
—& curious rite. The panes laureati were divided amongst the people! 





1 It is probably to rites like these, as to those of Mithras and Hercules Victor 
or Invictus that the Christian fathers, Tertullian and Justin Martyr, refer as 
suggested by the devil in imitation of the Christian Liturgy (Tert. de Praescr. 
Haeret. xl, Just. Apol. i. 66; compare the Christian Poem of the fourth century 
lately disoovered by M. Delisle, line 42 ‘qui.. | Pollatos panes infectos ture vaporo 

| poneret in risum. This poem may be found in the Revue Archéologique for 


CARMEN FRATRUM ARVALIUM. (PP. 187, 158,1. 10-17, etc.) 391 


by the public slaves, and a division of food of other kinds (adopting Klausen's 
emendation tum edulia), and a scramble (cum rapinis) The use of the latter 
word is illustrated by an epigram of Martial, deacribing the scramble at the games 
of Stella, Epigr. viii. 78. 7, 8:—' Omnis habet sua dona dies: nec linea dives | 
Cessat, et in populum multa rapina cadit, the things scrambled for, in that case, 
being coins and tickets for presents. Such a sparsio was a common feature of 
' muners,' and is described at some length by Statius (Silv. I. vi., cp. Inscr. Pomp. 
C. I. L. iv. 1177, 1181, 1184, 1779). Henzen, however, thinks rapina was the 
vegetable, and compares Cato, R. R. 5, 8; 35, 3, Colum. 11,2, 71. He therefore 
supposes lumemulta to be something also of the same kind. This over, the statues 
were anointed, &nd the public excluded, and, the doors being shut, the brethren, 
with their robes girt up and taking the sacred texts in their hands, sung the 
following hymn, the oldest complete specimen of a Latin poem in existence. 
I translate according to the punctuation given in the text, but somewhat freely, 
so as to give, if possible, the impression of the original. The parts of the chant 
addressed by the brethren to one another—forming a sort of burden or refrain— 
are enclosed in brackets. Henzen takes carmen descindentes together, ‘ recitando 
et quasi dividendo carmen ex numero et rbythmo, remarking on the parallel 
carmen dic[entes], a. 219, p. ccviii. I had supposed, with Mommsen, that it meant 
'separating themselves into two parties For Henzen's interpretation cp. Hor. 1. 
Od. xv. 15. Each line, it will be seen, is repeated thrice, according to the Roman 
fashion expressed in the word tripudiare ter pede pellere humum. 
* Help us, O Lares, help us, Lares, help us! 
And thou, O Marmar, suffer not 
Fell plague and ruin's rot 
Our folk to devastate. 
Be satiate, O fierce Mars, be satiate! 
(Leap o’er the threshold! Halt! now beat the ground.) 
Be satiate, O fierce Mars, be satiate! 
(Leap o’er the threshold! Halt! now beat the ground.) 
Be satiate, O fierce Mars, be satiate ! 
(Leap o'er the threshold! Halt! now beat the ground.) 
(Call to your aid the heroes all, call in alternate strain, 
Call, call the heroes all. 
Call to your aid the heroes all, call in alternate strain.) 
Help us, O Marmor, help us, Marmor, help us! 
(Bound high in solemn measure, bound and bound again: 
Bound high and bound again !’) 


1, Enos. The explanation of the ¢ is not at all certain. No trace of it appears 
elsewhere in the Latin pronouns, though the forms in Greek, iuo0, ps offer some 


1868, with a commentary by Ch. Morel. See also Prof. R. Ellis, Journal of 
Philology for 1868, No. 2.) The offertory, the reception of the fruges from the 
people and the distribution among them of the panes laureati, which had been 
blessed by the touch, would of course be here the chief points of comparison. The 
explanation of such rites as belonging to natural, as well as to revealed religion, 
would probably not be difficult. 





392 INSCRIPTIONES VETUSTISSIMAE. 


analogies. On the whole, it may be best to explain it as the interjectional e which 
combines elsewhere only with vocatives, such as Ecastor, Edepol (i.e. e De Pol, 
*O God Pollux’), Edt medi (‘O God, my God,’ Span. Adi me/ *O dear mel"), 
etc. We ought perhaps here to write it E nos. Cp. Introd. xii. § 11. 

Lases= Lares. It is superfluous to multiply instances of this fact that the 
old Latin s between two vowels constantly changes tor in later Latin. Varro 
remarks on it (L. L. vii. 26), quoting the well-known fragmenta of a Salian hymu, 
and the following words, foedesum, plusima, meliosem, asenam, tanitos. Cp. sum 
and eram, quaeso and quaero, nasus and naris, etc., etc. The introduction of r 
into names like Furius, Papirius, Valerius is ascribed to Appius Claudius, the 
great censor, V. C. 442. 

The invocation of the Lares is very much in place here, if we allow Preller's 
interpretation of Acca Larentía. The Lares, as we have said, were not only 
household spirits, but spirits in general, whom we can only separate in idea from 
genti by supposing them once to have had a human life. That they were spirits 
in general is shown by their worship at the Compitalia. Here we may take them 
to be the guardians of the Roman soil, the mythical ancestors of the race. 

a. Neve lue rue, Marmar, sins incurrere in pleores. In modern Latin this 
appears to be equivalent to Neve luem rucm, Mars, sines (or sinas) incurrere in 
plures. It seems decidedly better to take luerue (with Mommsen) as two words, 
than as=a supposed Juerem. No doubt such a word is possible, but on the analogy 
of sperem, speres, rather than on that of boverum, Ioverum, lapiderum, which are 
perhaps mere introductions of the second form of genitive into the consonantal 
declension. But though possible, there is no direct evidence for it, and we have 
still to explain the presence in the supposed luervem of the v or uw. On the other 
hand, /ue, rue are two distinct and known words, the latter occurring in a glossary 
(apud Labb.)zruina. Remark of course the omission of final m, common alike 
to old and late Latin. Ae for e in luae is merely an error frequent enough at 
the date of the inscription (see Introd. iii. $ 4). The concurrence of two or more 
substantives without a conjunction is quite regular in old Latin, cp. Ep. Scip. 
C. 30, Taurasia(m) Cisauna(m) Samnio cepit, Col. Rostr. C. 195, 14, arcentom 
eaptom, praeda, and even a closer parallel in the prayer at the *lustratio fundi' 
ap. Fest. s. v. Pesetas, * Avertas morbum, mortem, labem, nebulam, impetiginem.' 

Marmar, Marmor, or Mamor is the reduplicated form of Mars, seen also in the 
Oscan or Sabine Mamers. From it two names of men are formed, one the prae- 
nomen Mamercus, confined at Rome to the Aemilian gens, and exactly parallel to 
Marcus from Mars; the other Mamurius, which has its parallel in the commoner 
Martus, as well as in the Oscan Mápas. The name Mamurius has been sometimes 
ascribed to the god himself, as by Preller (Róm. Myth. p. 317), who interprets 
Mamurius Veturius, the man clothed in skins, representing Winter, who was led 
through the city the day before the Ides of March and driven out of it with 
white wands, as Mars of the old year(vetus =éros). Otherwise Mamurius appears 
as the smith who made the ‘ancilia,’ who begged as a reward that his name 
might be mentioned at the end of the Salian hymns— 

‘Tum sic Mamurius ‘‘ Merces mihi gloria detur 
Nominaque extremo carmine nostra sonent.” 


CARMEN FRATRUM ARVALIUM. (P. 158.) 393 


Inde sacerdotes operi promissa vetusto 
Praemia persolvunt Mamuriumque vocant.' 
Ovid, Fasti, iii, 389, sq. 

Marma stands for Marmar merely as a vulgar pronunciation. So in late Latin 
we have mate, pate, Alexande, soro, uzso. Schuchardt, Vok. des Vulg. L. ii. 390. 

Sina is probably a contraction of the future stnes, just as advocapit for advoca- 
bitis, below, in an imperative sense. Cp. Fest. s. vv., ‘ prospíces prospice . .". per- 
fines perfringas,’ apparently quoting from the Salian hymns. This future appears 
to be originally an optative, and may be compared with the Greek usage of the 
optative dv in polite commands. A similar uae of the future is common in 
Cicero's Epistles and elsewhere, e.g. Hor. 1 Ep. xiii. 2, ‘Augusto reddes signata 
volumina, Vini.' 

Pleores is no doubt the oldest extant form of plures. It seems to be a contrac- 
tion of * ple-ior-es or * ple-£oe-es from a form * ple-4os, plous, plus, closely answer- 
ing to Greek wAc-lov-es. See above, Introd. xi. $ 5. No one would now interpret 
it as a form of flores. 

Pleores may perhaps mean much what of moAAo) does in Greek, the folk, 
or mass of the people, and we might compare incurrere in pleores with ^eveás éw? 
vAfjdos fprov, Soph. Ant. 585. 

3. Satur fu. fere Mars. So Bergk, making fu a shortened imperative of the second 
form of the substantive verb. This seems better than to suppose that FVRERE is 
the right reading. The objection to fere Mars (as a matter of style) is a slight 
difficulty, since it is the only epithet in the poem ; but no other epithet could be 
better in place. It is found, for instance, Ovid, Heroid. vii. 160 :— 

* Mars ferus et damnis sit modus ille tuis.' 
A third explanation, making fufere one word, a contraction from a supposed 
fufueris, is also possible, but not so probable. The loss of the w would, in this 
case, have to be explained, as in the supposed origin of the terminations -bam, -bo, 
from * f(u)am, * f(u)o. 

Limen sali. Sta. Berber. This punctuation is, of course, conjectural. Accord- 
ing to it these will be words addressed by the brethren to one another, a sort of 
refrain continued in the next line, and parallel, as a direction to the brethren, to 
the last call to beat the ground in solemn measure, Triumpe, Triumpe, etc. 

Preller, on the other hand, makes them an appeal to the god (R. M. p. 429), 
* Rated with fury (satur furere), return home to thy Temple and cease to lash thy 
steeds.' Butto this various objections may be taken ; first, to the construction satur 
furere, and, secondly, to the rather far-fetched idea put upon berber, though somewhat 
confirmed by the quotation he makes from Ovid, Met. xiv. 821, * conscendit equos 
Gradivus, et ictu Verberis increpuit, but especially to the construction sta ver- 
ber(e), which I understand him to translate, ‘Halt with thy lash '—one perhaps 
unexampled in Latin. According to the text there is no great difficulty in 
translating— 

‘Leap o'er the threshold. Halt: now beat the ground.’ 

The superstition of not treading upon the threshold is one common to many 

nations. The priests of Dagon introduced it into their worship after the image 





894 INSCRIPTIONES VETUSTISSIMAE. 


of their god had fallen down (1 Samuel v. 5), and some rites of the kind seem to 
have been imported into Jerusalem in the time of the prophet Zephaniah (i. 9). 
At Rome it was unlucky for anyone to tread on the threshold with the left foot, 
and a bride, on entering her husband's house, ought not to touch it, xod was 
often carried over it by the pronubi; cp. Catull. Epithal. 61, 159 sqq., ‘ Transfer 
omine cum bono | Limen aureolos pedes, | Rasilemque subi forem ; and Plaut. 
Caaiit. iv. 4, I— 
* Sensim super adtolle limen pedes, nova nupta,' 

and Plutarch, Quaest. Rom. init. The idea, no doubt, was to avoid striking 
the foot, as would often be the case if the frame of the door was raised above the 
level of the entrance. The Romans also put the threshold under a special divinity, 
Limentinus or Lémentius. 

We muat suppose, then, that this was originally part of a processional hymn of 
some sort, for the *limen' can only be the entrance tothe temple; while to leap on 
the threshold would be difficult, and senseless as a rite. Of course, here, to leap 
over the threshold with closed doors, was impossible; but we know from Quin- 
tilian that the priests hardly understood their own songs, and, if they did, no 
doubt did not think it necessary to act them out. 

Berber is for verbera or verbere, probably the latter, as the short vowel would be 
more easily elided, and we know that many derived verbs had once a simple form, 
e.g. triumpe, not tríump(A)a, in the last line. The confusion of b and v, though 
not very early, would be sufficiently common at the date of the inscription 
(A.D. 218) to account for the error in berber. No one will now accept the ingenious, 
but unscientific, explanation of this line as = lumen solis da fervere. 

4. Semunis -semones, agreeing with conctos. Semo, there can be little doubt, 
is for se homo, something beside, more than, a man (just as nemo is for ne homo), 
and has no connection with semen. The length of the vowel, in the oblique cases, 
corresponds to the archaic homónem, etc. The semones, then, are the inferior class 
of gods, such as Priapus, Epona, Vertumnus, who are to be invoked all together 
to avoid offending any by omission, just as the Romans invoked the ‘ newly-settled 
gods,’ the ‘ Divi Novensiles, as well as the ‘ Divi Indigetes. See below, note to 
no. 178. Semo answers to Divus, e.g. in the name Semo Sancus= Dius (i.e. 
Divus) Fidius. 

 alternei, ‘alternately.’ The brethren doubtless were in two parties, whatever 
sense be given to descindentes and desciderunt, above. Probably the first, fifth, 
and sixth lines were sung in chorus, and the remainder were divided in the 
middle and sung antiphonally, according to the regular Italian method, ‘amant 
alterna camenae.' 

adnocapit for advocabitis. So we find propom for probum on early coins (C. 19), 
and poplicus, etc., for publicus, etc. The loss of final -(s may be paralleled by 
nominatives like vigtl, facul, par, celer, etc. 

6. Triumpe — later triumpha, from a verb of simple formation, so in the formula 
Io! triumphe/ the latter is probably an imperative, not a vocative. The aspi- 
rated consonante were unknown in Rome till the time of Cicero, when they were 
introduced to represent Greek sounds and letters more closely (Int. ii. $$ 1, 7). 
Thus 6píauBos was represented at first by triumpos (cp. Quint. Inst. i, 5, 20) and 





SCIPIONUM ELOGIA. 395 


& verb formed from it. We have a similar Greek word, borrowed, it may be, 
very early, in cozeulodos or cozeuloidoe = xopatAgdoe in the Salian hymn (Varro, 
L. L. vii. 36). @plagzBos, no doubt, meant a solemn march, especially to music, 
and seems etymologically the same as the English tramp, both probably being 
onomatopoeic. The other words for triumphing, vitulars, ovare, are said to be 
derived from the sacrifices offered, but see note on Naevius, Tr. Frag. 34. 


SCIPIONUM ELOGIA. (Pp. rg9-162.) 


Description of the Monument. 


THE monument of the Scipios stood outside the city, beyond the Porta Capena, 
and near the Appian Way. It consisted of two parta, a vault in which were the 
stone coffins or sarcophagi of the family, and, over it, » chamber with columns. 
These may have formed & portico in which were the statues of P. and L. Scipio 
and of the poet Ennius (op. Liv. 38, 56, Cic. pro Arch. 9, 33). The tradition that 
the latter was buried here is weak, and not confirmed by the excavations. These 
were made towards the beginning of the seventeenth and the end of the eighteenth 
centuries, but in a barbarous and careless manner. The dust and bones were 
thrown away, and the sarcophagi and epitaphs taken to the Vatican museum. It 
is interesting to observe the confirmation of the statements of Cicero (De Legg. ii. 
2, 27) and Pliny (H. N. vii. 54, 187), that none of the patrician Cornelii were 
burnt till the time of Sulla, for no epitaphs belonging to urns were found except 
those of Cornelia Gaetulica and M. Iunius Silanus, and others of at least the 
time of Augustus. On the custom of burial, as opposed to burning, see below, 
on C. 74 foll. and XII. Tables, x. fr. 1, 5. 

The Epitaphs themselves are interesting on many grounds. They are the first 
Latin inscriptions of any length to which we can attach a date; they are instances 
of a change of custom at Rome, for the Latins were not originally in the habit of 
thus commemorating their dead, but borrowed the fashion, with others in the fifth 
century of the city, from the Greeks; they are also important historically, but 
especially as metrical and grammatical monuments. Four of them are in the 
Saturnian metre, and one in elegiacs. This metrical character waa first noticed by 
E. Q. Visconti (Mon. degli Scipioni, Rome 1785): the division of verses is generally 
indicated upon the stone by spaces or lines. Whether Niebuhr was right in his 
suggestion, that they were fragments of ' neniae,' is very doubtful. They might 
indeed easily be supposed to be parts of longer poems, but they are sufficiently 
complete as they stand. 


The Gens Cornelia and the Scipios. 


The gens Cornelia was a very old one, as might be inferred from the existence 
of the Cornelian tribe, and from the Cornelius who was Pontifex under Servius 
(Plut. Q. R.4). It consisted of many families, four of which seem to have been of 
nearer kin to one another than the rest; viz. the Maluginenses, Cossi, Scipiones, 
and Lentuli. The relationship of the others, the Rufini, Sullae, Dolabella, Cinnae, 








396 INSCRIPTIONES VETUSTISSIMAE. 


and Cethegi, is less evident. The surname Scipio is first assigned to P. Cornelius, 
Trib. Mil. v.c. 359. According to Macrobius, ‘non aliter dicti Scipiones nisi quod 
Cornelius qui cognominem patrem luminibus carentem pro baculo regebat Scípto 
cognominatus nomen ex cognomine posteris dedit. It might be said to become 
& nomen, inasmuch as several branches of the family assumed additional cognomina 
for the sake of distinction. Two branches of it, the Nasicae and Asinae, do not 
seem to have used this burial place, though both equally descended from the 
Scipio Barbatus, cos. 456, to whose tomb the first inscription belongs. It appears 
that in the age of Augustus the Scipios became extinct, and that the monument 
passed into the use of the Lentuli, to whom several inscriptions of that date 
belong. 

It is to be remarked that neither here nor elsewhere do we find more than three 
praenomina in use among the Scipios, viz. Gnaeus, Lucius, and Publius. 

The Stone employed in the Sarcophagt. 

Three kinds of volcanic stone are used in these sarcophagi, as in many other 
Roman works, and a few words about them may be here in place. These are 
tufa, peperino, and travertine. Specimens brought by Mr. Parker may be seen in 
the Ashmolean Museum at Oxford. | 

Tufa, tophus, Germ. Tufstein, is the general name for the volcanic con- 
glomerate, which is the ordinary stone of Rome and the neighbourhood. It is 
not hard like lava, but full of dust and ashes, and often as light as pumice stone. 
Tt is sometimes used for inside vaulting, but is not strong enough for the outside 
of buildings. 

Peperino, or lapis Albanus, or Gabinus receives its Italian name from the black 
volcanic dust, like pepper, mixed with it. It is of a harder and more crystalline 
substance, and of a better colour than tufa. 

Travertine, lapis Tiburtinus, found especially near Tivoli, as peperino is in the 
neighbourhood of Alba and Gabii, is a still better stone. When Mr. Browning 
speaks of * mouldy travertine, it is in comparison of fine marble or porphyry, but 
travertine is almost marble, when compared with tufa. It has generally a yellow 
tinge, and was used in Rome chiefly for the outsides of public buildings. 


The Saturnian Metre. 


The Saturnian verse, in which four of these epitaphs are written, requires some 
words of explanation. The derivation of the name has been questioned, but it 
seems best to explain on the analogy of that of Faunian, also given to it. These 
two names would seem to connect it with the two patrons of rustic life, one of 
whom, by his kindness ( favor) preserved the flocks, while the other was the 
guardian of the tilth (sata). As to the long a of Saturnus or Sacturnus, see 
below, C. 48. 

As to metre, the most regular scheme is the following, that is, & double set of 
three trochees, preceded by an anacrusis, or base— 

2[zo[2o[-zo] zo | te] te 


but the following seem to be the special rules which are drawn from a comparison 


SCIPIONUM ELOGIA. C. 29, 30. 897 


of the more regular specimens. They are the reault of & considerable train of 
investigation, the details of which have escaped my memory, but I have not 
intentionally borrowed them from any one, though I believe they are substantially 
the same as those adopted by Spengel. 

(1) The anacrusis at the beginning of the line, and the thesis at the end of each 
half of $t, cannot be suppressed. fut of, C.3t, p.160, L.2.., 

(2) With this exception, one thesis, or syllable without an ictus, may be sup- 
pressed, the last but one * in the last half, is that most commonly omitted. 

(3) The ordinary substitutions of two short for one long syllable, and of a long 
syllable for a short one in the thesis, are freely admitted. 

(4) The caesura in medio versu is generally, but by no means always, observed. 

(5) Elision is admitted or disregarded at pleasure. 

(6) Smaller peculiarities of ancient prosody, especially with regard to archaic 
long vowels, are discussed in the notes on these inscriptions, and in the 
introduction to the fragments of Livius' Odyssey. 

With these licences, the full scheme of the metre will be as follows :— 


! / 
;. " (Z) 
VAM. "ETAT 





I. L. CORNELIUS SCIPIO BARBATUS CN. F. 


C. 29, 30. PAGE 159. 


THE following inscriptions are from a sarcophagus cut out of Alban stone 
(peperino) in one piece, and gracefully ornamented. The first is painted in 
red letters (not cut), upon the margin of the sarcophagus. The second is cut, 
and coloured afterwards, and stands upon its side. The first line, and about 
twelve letters of the second, are wanting in it. Ritschl concludes that it was 
added at a later date than the painted title, and in place of one erased. The 
first is certainly older in form, the nominative case ending in o, while, in the 
second it is formed in us; and for the same reason it is held that No. 32, the 
epitaph of the son, is in ita form older than that of the father. ) 

The subject of this epitaph is mentioned by Livy as colleague in the consulsltip 
with Cn. Fulvius Maximus Centumalus, v.c. 456, and is said by him to have 
fought against the Etruscans at Volaterrae, while Fulvius was victorious in Sam- 
nium (Liv. x. 11, 12). The epitaph, on the contrary, tells us nothing of Scipio’s 
battle in Etruria, which was by no means a decisive victory, but of his taking two 
towns in Samnium, and subduing the whole of Lucania. Fulvius alone triumphed 
over the Samnites and Etruscans, and possibly the recognition of Scipio's victory 
was suppressed to conciliate the Lucanians, whose allianoe was needed by the 
Romans. We may suppose that Fulvius, having conquered the Samnites at 
Bovianum, left the subjugation of Lucania to his colleague and moved north to 
Etruria, where Scipio had fought somewhat unsuccessfully in the previous year. 





398 INSCRIPTIONES VETUSTISSIMAE. 


We have the two following entries in the Acta Triumphorum Capitolina (C. p. 
456) :— 
455, V.C. M. Fulvius Cn. f. Cn. n. N(obilior). Ann. opléits. 
Paetinus Cos. de Samnitibus Nequinatibusque. vi. k. Oct. 
456, V. 0. Cn. Fulvius Cn. n. Maxim(us). An. opLv. 
Centumalus Cos. de Samnitibus Etrusceisque. Idibus Nov. 

L r. Cornéliis Lucíus, not Lucius Cornelius. Observe the praenomen standing 
after the nomen ‘ metri causa,’ a not very unfrequent anomaly in old Latin poetry. 
So in the epitaph of Pacuvius (apud Gell. i. 24; below, p. 316), 

‘Hic sunt poetae Pacuvi Marci sita 
Ossa. Hoo volebam nescius ne esses. Vale.’ 
and in the prologue to the Mercator of Plautus, v. 10, according to Ritechl's 
certain emendation— 
' Eadem Latine Mercator Macci Titi.’ 

The epitaph, C. 831, ALFENOS LvCl(us) is probably merely a blunder of an 
ignorant man, perhaps a Greek. 

Lucius. In this word the ¢ is evidently long, as in no. 32, Lucíom Scipióne; 
and the same quantity is preserved in the Italian Lucía. The name is apparently 
formed from * Lucus ( = Aeveds), just as Alpheius and Albius from dAqós, albus, and 
would at first mark a certain complexion. Lucullus, again, is evidently a diminutive 
from * Lucus, just as Catullus from Caius. Cp. also Fabullus, Marullue, Tertullus, 
though Fabius, Marius, and Tertíus are in use, not *Fabus, etc. Varro derives 
. Lucius, conjectarally, from the time of birth, ‘forsitan ab eo qui mane natus 
esset ut is Manius diceretur; qui luci Zucius; qui post patris mortem Postumus ' 
(L. L. ix. 38, (0), but this does not seem so good an analogy as the other. 

The same uncertain length of the vowel i is seen in such double forms as 
Pompeius and Pontius, Turpleius (65-72) and Turpilius, Proculetus and Proquilia 
(Sep. Praenest. C. 74-165), Saufeius and Sawuf(os) (Sep. Praen.), Vetteia and 
Vettius (1b.). (Cp. also Schleicher, Comp. § 68, a.) 

3. Gnaicod. In this word, and in prognatus and subigit, we have the earliest 
known instances of the use of the letter g in Latin, except perhaps in the word 
Gabinio, Gabinius, on three paterae found at Tarquinii (Eph. Epigr. 8, a, b, c, 
below p. 163; cp. Corss. i. p. 10). The probable date of Scipio's death, circ. v. c. 
474, B.C. 280, will then be the time to fix the introduction of this letter. Sp. 
Carvilius, probably, was the first to teach ita use, and to give it the seventh 
place in the alphabet. (See Introd. ch. ii. $ 4, and above C. 11.) 

This is the only instance of the ablative in d in these epitaphs. It is used, 
however, in the later S. C, de Bacchanalibus, in ali except the last words, a strik- 
ing instance of the variety of usage. Legal documents, no doubt, retained many 
archaisms which had elsewhere gone out of vogue. 

The name Gnairos is the oldest form of Gnaeus, to which it seems to be related, 
as Gavius to Gaius. The root of both appears to be ga or gen, ‘to beget,’ and the 
first meaning, ‘son,’ 'offspring.' (Corss. i. p. 79, note.) Naevus, ‘a wart,’ is pro- 
bably something that grows on the skin. Patré. On the length of the e see 
Introd. x. $ 1o. 


SCIPIONUM ELOGIA. C. 30. 899 


Saptensque may be either scanned Vv -^ o, or by synizesis, eapiensque. 

3. quoius forma, ete. The scansion of this line is a somewhat difficult problem. 

In the Introduction, iv. § 4, I inclined to adopt the suggestion of Corssen, 
that quoius is here to be taken as a lengthened form quo-i-us, like quotei, eiei, for 
quoi, ei. But this cannot be proved, inasmuch as the long i of ilius, etc., is the 
result of 4 contraction, and I prefer the scansion in the text. There is one other 
possibility, according to the rules of the Saturnian metre, which has been sug- 
gested to me, viz. to make quofus a monosyllable, and to scan 

quoius fórma vírtutef parisumá © fit, 
suppressing the last thesis but one. (For quoius, as a monosyllable, compare 
Plautus, Captivi, 102, etc.) 

parisuma is the superlative from par, hardly found elsewhere, and must mean, 
' was the only thing comparable to,’ or ‘quite equal to.’ The -is (later -4ss) of the 
superlative can hardly be made short, being probably a contraction, Int. xi. 19; 
but the final a in forma or parisuma may be, and constantly is, long. 

Suit has here a long wu, as in the line of Ennius, Ann. 440— 

‘Nos sumus Romani qui füimus ante Rudini, 
and füisset, v. 242. 

So füit, Plaut. Capt. 633; füimus, ib. 262 ; füerint, Poenul. prol. 110; fuerim, 
Naev. Com. Rib p. 18. (Corssen, ii. 681.) 

The form fut appears to be for fuvi, which becomes fai, just as plivi, plái, 
lüi, rüi become short. See Introd. xvii. $ 13 and 15. 

4. censor, like Greek ffo: so Enn. Ann. 42— 

* Postilla germana soror errare videbar,’ 
and Vergil, Aen. xii. 550— 
‘Et Messapus equum domitér et fortis Asilas.’ 

fuit. On the length of the termination, see Introd. xvii. $ 3. 

5. Taurasia Cisauna are accusatives with m dropped ; Samnio is, in all pro- 
bability, an ablative =‘in Samnium. So Mommsen: but Ritschl would make it 
an accusative, as well as the others. Of the two places mentioned as taken by 
Scipio, one is known to us from Livy, xl. 38, who mentions the foundation of 
a colony in the ‘ager’ of the Taurasini ; the other is quite unknown. It would 
seem abaurd to put a whole country, Samnium, after two apparently unimportant 
places in it, though we have Corsíca, and ite principal town Alería, naturally 
enough in the next epitaph. Historically, too, there is little evidence that Sctpio 
conquered the whole of Samnium. Samnfo will then be the ablative without 
a final d; see note on Gnaivod. Such ablatives, without prepositions, are not 
uncommon, in old and colloquial Latin, as in parentis loco, hoc loco, libro primo, 
terra marique. We have good instances below, with names of places, and the 
idea of ‘from,’ or ‘ out of,’ in the tituli, C. 530, ' Hinnad cepit,’ and 534, ‘ Actolía 
cepit,’ and in classical Latin, as in Horace, 1 Epist. xi. I1 :— 

' Sed neque qui Capua Romam petit, imbre lutoque 
Adspersus volet in caupona vivere.' 
6. subigit . . abdoucit seem to be presents, with a not uncommon change of 


400 INSCRIPTIONES VETUSTISSIMAE. 


tenses. Abdoucit can hardly be a perfect. On the quantity subigit, see Intr. 
xiv. § 10. 

The phrase omne(m) Loucanam seems also against the notion that Samnio can 
be the accusative. ‘He takes two towns in Samnium, and subdues all Lucania.’ 


IL L. CORNELIUS L. F. SCIPIO. C. gr, 32, pp. 159, 160. 


THE subject of these inscriptions was son of the preceding, and consul with 
C. Aquilius Florus, V.C. 495. He invaded Corsica with 4 fleet, and took Aleria 
and subdued the whole island. Thence he passed to Sardinia, and attacked Olbia. 
The Carthaginian general Hanno was killed in battle outside the town, and 
honourably buried by Scipio. He did not take the place, but retired before 
Carthaginian reinforcements. On his return, however, he triumphed, de Poeneis et 
Sardin(ta) Corsica an. cpxclv. v. td. Mart. The temple, vowed no doubt when 
he was in danger of shipwreck, is referred to by Ovid (Fast. vi. 193) :— 

‘Te quoque, Tempestas, meritam delubra fatemur 
Cum paene est Corsis obruta classis aquis.’ 

It stood by the porta Capena, near the monument of the Scipios. 

C. 31. The title and the metrical epitaph seem rightly to belong together, 
though there is no absolute proof. Like those of the preceding, the title is 
painted, the epitaph cut. Aidéles, beside aédilis, is a good instance of the un- 
certainty of writing, arguing also uncertainty of pronunciation. 

C. 32. The stone is broken off, and the ends of the lines have been supple- 
mented by Ritschl, with very great probability ; the second line, however, pre- 
sents a difficulty, as there is a space on the stone between viro, and the break 
large enough for vtroro, but left blank. Probably, like C. 38, the epitaph was 
cut on different stones, and then joined together. 

The epitaph itself is more archaic than that of Scipio Barbatus, inasmuch as it 
preserves the termination -o or -os, instead of -us. That of Barbatus waa, perhaps, 
first painted, and then cut at a later date, in order to preserve it, and some of the 
archaisms removed. This would seem to me, also, the probable account of the 
way in which the columna Rostrata was dealt with, rather than that any fresh 
archaisms were introduced in either. . 

I. ofno(m), the archaic form for unus: so Oinumama, a name for an Amazon = 
‘unomamma,’ below (C. 1501), p. 164. Non is, of course, for ne ofnom, noenum, 
moenu. Corssen holds the derivation to be the same as that of Sanskrit e-na-m, 
* these,’ Greek * olvos, olvn (zapà rois “Iwor povds, Pollux, vii. 33, p. 347, ed. 1608), 
Latin e-ni-m, Umbrian ei-ne, &no-m — and, and Oscan e-a», í-níé-m, ‘and,’ viz. 
the two pronominal roots ¢ and -na. (i. 387.) On the change from of to oe 
and à, see Corssen, i. pp. 702-710. 

ploirume for ploirumei. The change of the a or e, of the root ple-, to w, is 
noticeable, so Greek sAo-0-ros, soA-/s. The ir- is probably the ordinary -is of the 
superlative. Further, the insertion of an 4 or u before the superlative suffix is 
somewhat remarkable. See Introd. xi. $$ 11, 16. 

H(omai) will of course be a locative, as below, C. 54. Ritschl had before 


SCIPIONUM ELOGIA. C. 31-33. 401 


conjectured R(omane). The thought is very like that of another contemporary 
Elogium of A. Atilius Calatinus, of which Cicero preserves the recollection (Cat. 
Mai. xvii. 61, de Fin. II. xxxv. 116), ‘unum bunc (codd. uno cum and unicum) 
plurimae consentiunt gentes populi primarium fuisse virum.' 

duonoro = bonorum, so *duonus Cerus' (Carm. Sal.), duellum — bellum, * duis e 
bis. We must suppose the final syllable unelided, as in the preceding epitaph, 
Loucanam | opsidesque. 

(viroro) is absolutely required by the metre, but seems to have been omitted on 
the stone. See note at the beginning. 

3. Luciom, see above, 30. Observe the m added here, and dropped in every 
other case in this epitaph. 

5. hec appears on the stone, though the e is rather rubbed. Cp. que for quef, 
in the epitaph of Protogenes. C. 1297. 

(pugnandod) is supplied, apparently, from a comparison of the Col. Rostr. § 
(p)ucnandod cepet, and 10, pucn(andod vicet). 

6. We must, apparently, suppress the thesis after dedét. On the form and 
quantity Tempeslatebás, see Intr. x. $ 15. 

The Tempestates are personified, as in Lucretius, v. 742 :— 

‘Inde aliae Tempestates ventique secuntur 
Altitonans Volturnus et Auster fulmine pollens.’ 
Vergil, Aen. v. 772 :— 
‘Tris Eryci vitulos et Tempestatibus agnam 
Caedere deinde iubet, solvique ex ordine funem.' 

Cp. Aen. iii. 120, 527, and see Preller, Rom. Myth. p. 291, sq. 

mereto(d) votam. Mereto, or meretod, must be here an adverb, and so, probably, 
in the inscriptions below, 183, lubs mereto, and 188, liben(s) merítod, though in 
the Titulus Soranus, 1175, 

‘donu danunt Hercolei maxsume mereto,’ 

it appears to be in the dative case. 

(votam) must be simply —*quam voverat, and be taken separately from 
enereto(d). 


HI. P. CORNELIUS SCIPIO AFRICANI F. C. 33. 


This inscription was also upon the front of a sarcophagus, it is cut on two 
' slabs of peperino, and was originally miniated. The verses are separated by 
rather a longer space than is left between single words. The subject of it is 
supposed to be the son of Sc, Africanus Maior, and adoptive father of Sc. Aemi- 
lianus, or Africanus Minor, who is described by Cicero as of weak health, though 
not deficient in eloquence and literary power (Cic. Cato Maior, 11, 35, De Off. i. 
33, 121, Brut. 19, 77). He was also augur (Liv. xl. 42). This identification is 
quite possible, but not certain. 

C. 33, I. quei apice, etc. This line is metrically rather curious, from the fact 
that quei is not elided, and that the last syllable of tns{gne(m) is made short. 

The apex of the famen Dialis was, properly, the twig or spike of olive wood on 
the top of the sacred bat (‘albogalerus’). The hat itself was made of the skin 

pd 


402 INSCRIPTIONES VETUSTISSIMAE. 


ofa white victim offered to Jove, and was, with the spike or ray, no doubt 
symbolic of thé god of light and purity. A hat of the same kind was worn also 
by the Salii. The flamen could never take off his apex in the open air, and was 
for many centuries obliged to wear it even indoors. fo late as 87 B.c., when 
L. Cornelius Merula committed suicide, in order to anticipate a violent death in 
the time of Marius’ proscription, he left behind him a written declaration that he 
had taken off his apex before he opened his veins. 

The office itself was one of the most interesting in Roman religion. It was 
dignified and fenced about with numerous ordinances, all tending to render the 
Flamen as nearly as possible symbolic of the god whom he served. Though not 
absolutely forbidden to hold a public office (Fab. ap. Gell. x. 15), he was rarely in 
one, as he was allowed neither to ride on horseback, nor to see an army in battle 
array outside the pomoerium. He was (like the Vestals) not allowed to use an 
oath, a simple affirmation being held sufficient. He might have no closed or 
complete ring on his hand, no knot on his clothes or apex, or anywhere about 
him, that is, nothing to bind or shackle him. His hair and beard could only be 
cut by a free man, and with a bronze razor; and his clothing must be of wool, 
and woven by his wife. He must touch nothing unclean, or connected with death 
or confinement. His house, and his very bed, were sacred, and he could not 
sleep out of it three nights together. His household was to be the very model 
of a Roman family, and his wife an ideal matron, and a priestess of Juno. They 
could only marry once, and could only be divorced by death. For further details 
see Preller, Rom. Myth. p. 179 foll., and the passage of Fabius, below, p. 344. 

3. essent, the first instance in these epitaphs of the use of doubled consonants. 
Intr. ii. § 9. 

émnia ^ brévia. This appears to be the best way of scanning this line ; for 
the quantity which is commoner with omnia than other words, see Intr. ix. § 10. 

3. fama, so terra, v. 7, vita, in the next epitaph. Intr. iv. § 4, vi. § 5. 

4. In this line the caesura is not observed.  Utier must be scanned as a di- 
syllable by synizesis. On the form, see Intr. xix. § 5. 

5. facilá is here probably the ablative case, ‘with ense. There are hardly 
any other such forms from ablatives of the $ declension, except perhaps proclivd ; 
but consonantal ablatives are not uncommon, such as sponte, vesperi, tempori, 
repente, antid, ante, postid, post, etc. 

6. in greméu(m) is written on the stone almost as one word, without a dot, 
illustrating the fact of Latin accentuation, that prepositions with cases are atonic. 
This may be compared with the fact that és, i», ix are atonic in Greek. See 
Intr. iv. § 2. 

7. terra, see on line 3. 

Observe here, again, the names Scipio ... Publi ... Corneli, inverted metri 
causa. See on C. 30, 1 Cornelius Lucius. 


SCIPIONUM ELOGIA C. 33-36. 403 


IV. L. CORNELIUS SCIPIO CN. F. CN. N. C. 34. 


Visconti refers this epitaph to a grandson of Calvus, cos. V. C. 532, and son of 
Hispallus, who died as consul 578. This is not impossible, but by no means 
certain, nor can the date of the inscription be otherwise determined, except as 
far as is indicated below. 

C. 34. 1. The pointing virtttes, making the ictus fall on two following syllables 
in the same word, is very awkward, but seems necessary to the metre. 

2. quom —- cum, the preposition. So oina quom, Lex Agr. 200, 21. 

posidet. See Intr. xiv. § 10. 

saxsum. The use of xe for x is not found, according to Ritschl], before the date 
of the S. C. de Bacchanalibus, B.0. 186. It may perhaps indicate a weakening of 
the z to a softer sibilant. 

3. quoiet vita, etc. The rendering of this line is rather difficult. The writer 
evidently plays on the two meanings of honos, * worth’ and ‘ official post." Honore 
is probably honore(m), ‘In whom life, not worth, fell short of official post.’ 

4. vírtutei. The use of this form for the ablative is not found on inscriptions 
before about B.o. 150. See Intr. x. $ 10. 

5. There is a difficulty in the reading here, the word after ts may begin either 
with a d or 7. Lachmann oonjectured LETo .EsT, suggested, no doubt, by the 
formula of proclaiming a public funeral, *ollus Quiris leto datus est.’ (Varro 
' L. L. vii. 82, Fest. v. Quirites, p. 354 M.) But this, though ingenious, does not 
agree so well with the indications of the stone. Thewame may be said of Ritechl's 
conjectures, DEITIST or DITEIST, though in itself very probable. Mommsen's 
LocEIS comes nearest perhaps, but this use of the word has not been accurately 
paralleled, though loculus is common enough, and locus, especially locus sepulchri 
or monumenti, in later Latin, with a name in the genitive case, stands often as 
an epitaph, e.g. Orell. 8, 4167, 4499-4503. We get, however, a more absolute 
use occasionally, e.g. e(ieus) loc(wm) f(ecit), Orell. 4144. Cp. Wilmanns, 217, 
291, 

6. ne quatratis honore quei minus sit mandatus. This line is ambiguous, from 
the different senses which may be assigned to honore and quei. The first may 
be dative or accusative, the second ablative or nominative. Visconti’s explanation, 
adopted by Mommsen, is probably the true one, ‘ne quairatis honore(m), quei 
minus sit mandatus,’ i.e. ‘quem non acceperit. I had thought it possible to 
translate, ‘He died at twenty, leat you should ask why (quei, abl.) he was not 
advanced to office.’ Quairatis is a very rare quantity. 


V. C. 35. L. Cornelius L. f. P. n. Scipio. This Scipio was selected as cicerone 
to attend Prusias, king of Bithynia, when he came to Rome, v. c. 587, probably 
on account of his knowledge of the Greek language and family connection with 
the kings of Bithynia. See Liv. xlv. 44. 


VI. C. 36. .. . Cornelius L. f. L. n. Scipio Aeiagenus Comatus. This cannot 
nda 


404 INSCRIPTIONES VETUSTISSIMAE. 


be a brother of the foregoing, and son of the Scipio ‘qui regem Antioco(m) 
subegit,’ as his grandfather would then be Publius (like no. V), not Lucius. 
Yet from its antiquity it cannot be much more than a generation below. 

Asiagenus is a form else unknown : it is a pure Latin compound, like privignus, 
abiegnus, aprugnus, and Umbrian Truttknos. Livy and others sometimes use 
Asiagenes, while Asiaticus became the ordinary form. 

VII. C. 37. Ritschl supposes this to have been a Saturnian epitaph. He 
would join ‘ quo adveixei,’ not ‘ quoad.' 

VIII. C. Cornelius Cn. f. Scipio Hispanus. This epitaph—the earliest speci- 
men of Latin elegiacs, except a few of Ennius'— is on three numbered slabs of 
peperino, which formed the front of a sarcophagus. The inscription does not 
exactly fit the stone, so that there are spaces in the middle of two or three words. 

The person here designated corresponds to the praetor of v.c. 615, son of 
Scipio Hispallus. The JDecemviri sl(itibus) éudik(andis) are here mentioned for 
the first time by this name. The iudices decemviri were originally appointed by 
the tribunes— after the first ‘secesaio plebis'—to assist them in cases where their 
auxilium was invoked against the consular tribunals. (Liv. iii. 55.) As the 
rights of the plebs and patricians became more equal, the sudices decemviri lost 
this peculiar position, and gained that of true judges and magistrates, under the 
title of zvíri slitibus tudicandis. We know little of their exact judicial province. 
See further, Lange, Róm. Alt. i. p. 752 foll 

sles, or stlis, (cp. Germ. Streit) becomes lis, just as eflocus — locus, stlata = lata. 

decenwir sacr(is) fac($undis). These were not raised to the number fifteen 
certainly up till v. c. 655, and probably not till the time of Sulla. Mommsen. 

2. progenie mi genui. Mommsen quotes Lachmann ad Lucr. ii. 997, ‘est hoc 
rarissimum cvrekQovíoeos genus in quo é vocalis ita delitescit, ut syllabam non 
faciat longam,' to support the quantity of progenie as a dactyl It is certainly 
very harsh, but perhaps not harsher than to scan stbei as a pyrrhic in the next 
line, and tideé in tit. Mum. C. 552. | 

‘De decuma victor tibeé Lucius Mummius donum.' 

The other alternative is to suppose the 4 of m$ a mistake of the stone-cutter, 
and to write progeniem genut, which is also the commoner construction. 

4. stirpem nobilitavtt honor means, of course, that the nobility of his descend- 
ante was increased by the number of curule offices he had held. 

1X. C. 39. (P)aulla appears to be the better reading than Aulla for Aula, for 
the later is only found once as a female praenomen, and the J, which is usually 
doubled in Paullus, is not in Aulus. She was perhaps mother of the preceding 
Scipio Hispanus, who was son, in all probability, of Hispallus, cos. v.c. 578. On 
the use of female praenomina, see on C. 177. 


POCULA SPECULA SIMILIA INSCRIPTA. Pp. 162—165. 


C. 43. Aecetia is, no doubt, merely another name for Aequitas, a goddess known 
to us from Arnob. iv. 1, and from the inscription on imperial coins, AEQVITAS 
PVBLICA, and elsewhere. Her symbol was the opened left hand. Preller, R. M. 


POCULA SPECULA SIMILIA INSCRIPTA. 405 


p.629. Aequitia may be inferred from nequitia. Op. saevitia and saevitas, duritia 
and duritas, etc. The form Aecetia is intereating, as showing a hard c before e. 

C. 44. Belola is else unknown. It might, phonetically, be a diminutive of 
Bellona, cp. Hispallus for Hispanulus, etc. 

C. 45. This is the only one of these inscriptions without final m to pocolom. 
If it is genuine, Coera must be the goddess Cura, else unknown, except as 
personified by Horace. Some would read Cotra here. 

C. 46. Kerus ie known to us from the fragment of the Salian hymn, Varro, 
L. L. vii. 26, *duonus Cerus es, duonus Ianus,' and Festus, p. 122 M. ‘“ Cerus 
manus” intelligitur creator bonus.’ Cp. the use of (erfus and Qerfa in the 
Iguvine tables, and the adjective kerríireis, applied to creative powers in the 
tablet of Agnone, See further, Preller, R. M. p. 7o, who would connect it also 
with caertmonia and cerritus. The root is evidently the same as in Ceres, creo, 
cerno, etc., viz. kar, ‘to make,’ and probably also in the suffixes cro-, ori-, etc. 
The use of k before e is evidently that of à hard guttural. Intr. iii. § 23 foll. 

C. 47. Laverna, Hor. 1 Ep. xvi. 60, lavernio=fur. The name is probably 
connected with /ar and larvae, Prell. R. M. p. 218, cp. Corss. Kr. N. p. 340. 

C. 48. Saeturnus has been introduced by Ritschl into Festus, s. v., *qui deus 
a Saliaribus Saeturnus nominatur videlicet a sationibus, where the MSS. read 
Saturnus, and the best MSS. of the epitome Sateurnus. The diphthong has 
probably arisen from the simple vowel, just as se-vi, se-men, 8e-ia, from sa-vi, ete. 
Cp. paelex, scaena, from sáAAat, oxdva, Corss. i. pp. 417, 418. The vessel is an 
oenochoe with handle, not a patera. 

C. 49. Salutes. Intr. x. $ 7. 

C. 51. This is the first inscription extant in which a tribe is named. The use 
here, and at first, was to serve instead of a cognomen for plebeians, the cognomina 
proper being reserved for patricians. In legal documents, however (such as 
Senatus consulta), the tribe, as well as the cognomen, was added, as Serv. Sul- 
picius Q. f. Lemonia Rufus, Cic. Phil. ix. 7, or, more shortly, Q. Verres Romilia, 
Verr. i. 8, 33. Similarly, the Lex Rep. 198, 14, orders as to iudices, ' quos legerit 
eos patrem tribum cognomenque indicet The tribus Oufentina or Ufentina, was 
added with the Falerna, v. c. 436, from the country round the river Ufens. 

C. 52. The Quir(ina) tribus was added v. 0. 513. This inscription is, therefore, 
& good deal later, but too like to be disjoined from no. 51. 

C. 54. This remarkable inscription is on & bronze plate, on which stood some 
Bacchic figures, and was fixed on to the cover of the Cista Ficoroniana, a chest 
no doubt originally brought from the sepulchre at Praeneste. 

The reading fileaí haa only lately been substantiated : filea used to be read here. 
Dindia is here a praenomen, cp. the others from the sepulchre at Praeneste ; but 
it is elsewhere found as à nomen. 

med is found nowhere else in inscriptions; but see Intr. xii. $ s. 

Roma, a decided locative. fecid, Intr. xiv. § 9. 

C. 1500. Micos, Greek uuxkós, puxpds, beneath the figure ofa boy, Aciles, obs. 
the omission of the aspirate. So Teses, in next no. Hercles, a form between 
"HpaxA s, and Hercules, which some have needlessly derived from another root. 


406 INSCRIPTIONES VETUSTISSIMAE. 


lacor stands beneath the figure of a youth with a pallium on his back, armed 
with a sword, with a spear in his left, and touching his chin with his right hand, 
intent upon Mercury. Otto Jahn (who has described this chest) takes him for 
Memnon, and remarks that he is elsewhere designated by a name otherwise 
unknown. Vepitus is a rather doubtful reading, and very doubtfully explained. 
It stands under the figure of a woman giving a helmet to Aiax. Ritechl suggests 
Veritus, Virtus. Mommsen thinks Venus may have been intended. 

C. 1501. Venus and Aucena are represented in chariots. Jahn thinks that 
Paris is holding a judgment ‘non dearum quidem sed heroidum pulchritudine 
celebratarum, locus iudicii balneum. He would read ANireus rather than T'eses, 
but the latter is apparently nearer the truth. Aucena may perhaps be a goddess 
of * growth,' from augere, cp. Lucina. 

Observe here in Aiax and Alixenter, and in Aiaz in the preceding, the early use 
of rin Latin. Oinumama, i. e. Unimamma, represents an Ámaszon, and naturally 
stands by Teses, Theseus. In Ateleta obs. omission of » before t, Intr. iii. $ 19. 
Alsir is represented by a woman leaning on a small column, naked, except that 
she has shoes and a necklace and bracelets. 

C. 55. This mirror refers to the combat of Pollux with Amycus, king of 
the Bebryces, from the Argonautic cycle, described by "Theocritus, Id. xxii, Apoll. 
Rhod. ii. etc, With the forms Poloces, Polowces, cp. Varro, L. L. v. 73. ‘in 
Latinis litteris veteribus inscribitur ... Polluces non ut nunc Pollux.’ Loma 
is attached to a figure of a woman with a half moon beside her. It is evidently 
& form of Lucina, * Lucna, Luna, and is remarkable for the softened guttural, 
which is generally confined to Umbria. See Intr. iii. $ 25, note. The signi- 
ficance of her presence is obscure. She was, however, connected with the Dios- 
curi as a goddess of the circus. Cp. the lines from Anthol., Meyer 819, 17, quoted 
by Preller, R. M. p. 290 n.—' Lunae biga datur semper, Solique quadriga : | 
Castoribus siropli rite dicantur equi.’ 

Eph. Ep. 19. A£az Ilios is Aiax Oileus. Leces=leges; Lavis-Lais,cp. Achéivus, 
Argivus, Oinomavos. Silanus and ebrios go of course together. The fable repre- 
sented is obscure, and so are some of the names. 

Eph. Ep. 20. Pater poumilionom is, naturally, a pygmy. 

Eph. Ep. a1. Obs. Apolo, amongst a group of Latin gods, as we have already 
found Hercules. lovos is a very remarkable form; Jovis is, however, used by 
Enoius (Ann. 64 V), in a list of the twelve gods. 

Eph. Ep. 22. Telie or Thetis (Varro, R. R. iii. 3, 19) is here represented helping 
Aiax. Alcmena and Silenus stand by. 

Eph. Ep. 33. Lugorcos, i.e. Lycurgus, is represented as going to kill Pélonicos, 
son of Taseos—an unknown fable. 

Eph. Ep. 24. Vibis Pilipus, i.e. Vibius Philippus, is a form of name hardly 
explicable according to ordinary rules, unless it be a nomen and praenomen in 
inverted order. 

C. 56. Obs. the case Jovet, but upon the base of an allar on which tbe god is 
sitting. We have generally nominatives Juno, Hercele(s), Venos, but accusatives 
in Diovem (57), Alixentrom (59), and Volcanom on coins of Aisernini, C. 20, and 


ANTIQUISSIMA EX LATIO. 407 


one genitive, Prosepnais (57). The Greeks use nominative, and sometimes geni- 
tive, but never accusative. 

C. 57. Prosepnais is now the recognised reading. On the form of the genitive 
see Intr. viii. $ 4. It is quite isolated in early Latin. 

Venos is sitting weeping. Dtovem represents Jove holding a thunderbolt, and 
beneath him a little box or chest. Prosepna points to the chest with her finger. 
We may conjecture a reference to the myth of the death of Adonis, whose bones 
(like those of Osiris) may be supposed to be shut up in the chest. 

C. 58. Cudido is merely a mistake for Cupido. So Dionysius, i. 68, misread 
Penates as Denates. Vitoria is probably Victoria, by a similar error or looseness 
of pronunciation. C seems to have had a very slight sound before f£. Thus we 
have quintus for quinctus, fultus for fulctus, nasturtium for nas-torctium, and 
conversely conctio by mistake for contio. (Jn conctione, Lex Acilia, 198, 18.) It 
seems impossible to accept Mommsen’s derivation of this name Vitoria from 
the same root as Vitula, a goddess of joy and victory, and eitularí, ‘to triumph.’ 
The suffix surely implies such a word as ei(c)tor, which we have no warrant for 
assuming in connection with the other words. Victoria occurs twice above 
C. 1500 and Eph. Ep. 21, and below C. 184. Rit(us?)=@eopdée is Mommseu's 
conjecture, as the name for a god connected with marriage. 

C. 59. This representa Mercury, with a petasus and winged shoes, coming to 
Alexander, who is seated, with a dog at his feet. Observe here, as elsewhere, the 
early identification and commixture of Greek and Latin mythology. 

C. 60. This represents the horse Ario, created by Neptune, between two most 
famous horsemen, Oenomaus and Bellerophon. Melerpanta is curiously corrupted, 
like Catamitus for Ganymedes. In the Ambrosian MS. of Plautus, Bacch. 820, 
we find Bellerophantes. 


ANTIQUISSIMA EX LATIO. Pp. 165, 166. 


C. 61. Cp. an inscription at Tivoli, « . 8CANDIVS.C.F | O. MVNATIVS . T. F | 
AEDILES . AERE . MVLTATIOO and C. 181. 

C. 62. This plate was not intended to be read on both sides, but taken down 
and turned the other way, and fastened against the wall at a somewhat later date, 
when « was substituted for o. Her(ius) is a rare praenomen from the same root 
as herus, heres, and Herennius. Dede for is dedeit or dedet, Intr. xiv. $ 9. 

C. 63, 64. In these we have good examples of the peculiarities of old Latin 
case forms, but have nothing especially remarkable. Maurte is evidently a middle 
form between Mars and Mavors ; cp. Oinomavos for Oinomaos, Lavis for Lais, etc. 

C. 65-72. The name Z'urpleius, later Turpilius, is a good instance (1) of loss of 
1 before 1, so viglias, C. 1139, cp. Tit. Mum. C. 543, where facilia is a dactyl, and see 
Corasen, ii. 548 ; (2) of double formation, in -íus and -eius, see above, Ep. Scip. 
C. 29, 1. Turpilius is probably from turpis -*' ugly, cp. ‘turpe caput.’ 

C. 73. Ritechl gives a various reading of this inscription, P. L. Suppl. ii., the 
chief point is the conjecture ‘vaRIANDO praefuit, applied to the servant who was 
set over the adornment or colouring of the statue. 


408 INSCRIPTIONES VETUSTISSIMAE. 


C. 74-165. Eph. Ep. 25-131. The burials of the Praenestine Sepulchre belong 
to three different ages, in all of which no burning seems to have been employed, 
though the latest probably belong to imperial times. The text is an analysis 
of a large series. The female praenomina are a mark of antiquity (see below, 
on C. 177), but all except one (Maria) seem intended to distinguish sisters. 
On Maio(s), Mino(s) see Intr. xi. § 3. 


ANTIQUISSIMA EX PICENO. P. 164. 


C. 167-180. The inscriptions from the sacred grove of Pisaurum, all of a votive 
character, are chiefly in the names of women, and put up to female divinities. 
Only two male names appear; those of women have, in all cases (four), prae- 
nomina, though that to no. 180 (Nomelia) is lost. This is itself a sign of 
antiquity (see on no. 117). The inscriptions exhibit further many marks of 
antiquity, especially in their truncated forms, viz. the datives, Diane, Feronta, 
Loucina, Marica, Matuta (Intr. xi. § 6); Féde; Jwnone, matre, Salute, but 
once Apolenei ; the nominatives plural, matrona (twice), Písaurese, and the verbal 
forms dede, dedro, dedrot, and deda (1). For the latter, see Intr. xvii. $ 1. We 
find no diphthongs, except Apolenei, dei(va?), deiv(es t), Popato; and no final 
m or 8, or doubled consonants, e. g. dono, Ceaula, Tetio, Popaio, Pola, instead of 
later donum, Caesulla, Tettius, Poppaeus, Paulla. These facts all point to 
a considerable antiquity, and though Pisaurum did not become a colony till 
V.0. $70, B.C. 184, they cannot well be later than the Hannibalic war. 

167. Apolenet, with this exception the gods and goddesses here commemorated 
are all pure Latin. Apollo was probably the earliest Greek god widely worshipped 
in Italy. See on Eph. Ep. 21. 

168. Cesula, later Caesulla, a praenomen, cp. 177 ; donu(m) dat, accusative ; and 
this is apparently the origin of the classical dono dare, which was afterwards 
mistaken for a dative. 

C. 169. Feronia (dative), see Preller, R. M. p. 375 foll. She was one of the 
native Italian goddesses whose cult was most widely spread, from Verona to 
Terracina. She appears in Vergil as mother of King Erulus (Aen. viii. 564)— 

*Nascenti cui tres animas Ferenia mater— 

Horrendum dictu—dederat, terna arma movenda; 

Ter leto steruendus erat.' 
She seems to have been & goddess of spring and of freedom, and as such is 
represented (on coins of the gentes Plaetoria and Petronia) as a young maiden 
crowned with flowers. She was also a patron of freed-men, and in her temple, 
near Terracina, by the spring which Horace mentions (Sat. I. v. 24), was a 
bench with the inscription (Serv. ad Aen. l. c.) 

* benemeriti servi sedeant, surgent liberi.’ 

Sta(tíus), it will be observed, is generally a slave's praenomen. Tetio= Tettios. 

C. 171. Tuno(ne) Loucína. See Preller, R. M. p. 242 foll. Juno Lucina cor- 
responds to Jupiter Lucetius, and, as such, was worshipped upon all the Kalends 


ANTIQUISSIMA EX PICENO. 409 


as he upon the Ides. Her great day was the first of March, the beginning of the 
old year (Matronalia) The name is only a longer form of Luna: her principal 
prerogative was that of helping women in child-birth, and giving fertility to 
parents. 

C. 173. Junone Re(gina), or Re(ginae). Preller, p. 353. This is the name for 
the heavenly goddess, consort of Jupiter Rex, and worshipped with him on the 
Capitol. It was her geese that saved Rome from the Gauls, as Lucretius says 
{iv. 684), 

‘humanum longe praesentit odorem 
Romulidarum arcis servator, candidus anser, 

She was also worshipped on the Aventine, and we have several accounts of 
processions and costly offerings in her honour made by the Roman matrons 
(Liv. iv. 22, xxvii. 37). 

C. 173. Matrona=matrona(e), or matrona(s)! Intr. viii. § 9. Pteaurese, id. 
lii. $ 19; dedrot, ibid. 

C. 174. Lebro for Leíbero. 

C. 175. Marica. See Preller,p. 363. The best known seat of her worship was 
at Minturnae on the Liris (Hor. III. Od. xvii. 7). She was considered identical 
with Circe, and wife of Faunus, and mother of Latinus. 

C. 176. Mat(re) Matut(a). See Preller, p. 285. She was, as her name implies, 
goddess of the early morning, cp. mane, maturus, matutinus. Hence Lucretius 
(v. 654) uses the name for Aurora— 

‘Tempore item certo roseam Matuta per oras 
Aetheris auroram differt et lumina pendit. 
With this attribute was naturally connected that of presiding over birth, and her 
festival, on July 11th, was called the Matralia. She was also identified, in later 
times, with the sea-goddess Leucothea, and her son Portunus, with Palaemon, or 
Melicertes. 

C. 177. MW. (not M as it is printed by mistake) Curia, Pola Livia appear to be 
two (not four) names of matrons with praenomina, in the old fashioned style. 
The first, Mania, is mentioned by Varro, together with Lucia and Postwma, as 
well as Secunda, Tertia, and Quarta (L. L. ix. 38, 61). It is read doubtfully 
below, no. 867. Pola, or Pauila, is not uncommon, as Pola Aponia, 1303, and 
Pola Ablese, 1313; (P)aulla Cornelia, 39 (El. Scip.), and cp. 952, 1155, 1555. 
Besides Cesula, 168, and those from the Praenestine Sepulchre above, we have 
Dindia Macolnia, no. 54, (Zu)cia Pacia, 194, and a number of others in in- 
scriptions of the republic. Such are Agria, Dercina, Gavia, Himinis, 98a, 
Marta, 981, Mazuma or Maaeswma, Philomena, Posilla, Rutila, Prima, Secunda, 
Tertia, Quarta. This rather large number of female pracnomina is further in- 
creased by a grammarian, who says, ‘Antiquarum mulierum frequenti in usu 
praenomina fuerunt Rutila, Caesellia, Rodacilla, Murrula, Burra a colore ducta. 
Illa praenomina a viris tracta sunt, Gaia, Lucia, Publia, Numeria’ (Auct. de 
Praen. 7 ; below, p. 382.) These references shew that women were in early times 
at least as free as men in respect of personal names. On the other hand, under 
the republic they seem never to have used cognomina, which were assumed at 


* 


410 INSCRIPTIONES VETUSTISSIMAE. 


pleasure to any extent by men, and in the later times of the republic noble 
women at least were designated simply by their father's gentile name. About the 
same time, however, another fashion crept in, of putting their personal name or 
praenomen after their gentile name, sometimes the feminine of their father's 
cognomen, e.g. Caecilia Meella, one of the earliest; sometimes an ordinary 
praenomen, e.g. Junia Tertía, or Tertulla (Macrob. 8. ii. 2, 5), Arricidia Tertulla 
(Suet. Tit. 4), Vespasia Polla (id. Vesp. 1); sometimes, in later times, the gentile 
names of both father and mother, e. g. Orell. Inscr. 2749, Valeria Attia, daughter 
of S. Attéus Atticus and Valeria Sextina. (See more in Marquardt, vol. v., Privat 
Alterthtimer, p. 19 foll.) 

For deda see Intr. xvii. $ 1. It can hardly be anything but a verb. Corssen’s 
conjecture, that it is for Didia, or something of the sort, is very improbable, 
considering the use of praenomina in these monuments. He reads wrongly 
MVOVBIA as one word. It will be observed, however, that an initial for a female 
praenomen is rare. 

C. 178. The detw(€) nove sede(s), Novensides, or Novenstles, appear to mean the 
* newly-settled gods,’ opposed to the ‘dii Indigetes, or 0«ol byydpro. According 
to Livy, viii. 9, (given below, p. 284) they were invoked in the following conjunc- 
tion by the Pontifex at the devotion of Decius, ‘Iane, Iupiter, Mars Pater, 
Quirinus, Bellona, Lares, Divi Novensiles, Divi Indigetes, Divi quorum est potestas 
nostrorum hoetiumque, Diique Manes vos precor...' The Romans considered 
them as introduced from the Sabines, together with Minerva and Feronia (Varro, 
L. L. v. 74). The origin of such a worship would be the superstitious desire to 
be on good terms with every divine power known or unknown, and to omit none 
in invocation. The same idea is expressed by the formula si deus, si dea es (Cato 
R. R. 139, p. 335), by the semunis invocapit conctos of the Carmen Arvale, and hy 
the choice of names constantly given to a god or goddess, e.g. in the devotéo, 
C. 231, Catull. 34, 21, Hor. Carm. Saec. 15, etc. etc. A similar idea is prevalent 
in Greek religion ; cp. also the 0«o?. dyvworo: and commentators on Acts xvii, 23. 

The name is found in one or two. other inscriptions, e. g. Fabretti 2742 bis, cp. 
Mommeen, Unt. Dial. Pp. 339, from the Fucine Lake, rrsos | wovir er prr | Prisoo . 
. PAORII, i.e. ‘ Novesede(bus) postulatis (f) pacatis, or ‘Novesedi sacrum paci- 
ferum; but always with a d. The interchange of d and J i$ seen again in 
consilium, from the same root; cp. dingua and lingua, Báxpv, dacrima, and lacruma, 
odor, etc, and olere, uligo for * udígo, etc. (Corssen, i. 323 foll.) The form of 
the word is like that of prae-sides, re-eides, de-sides ; the case here is probably 
the dative for Deio(eis) Novesede(bus). Others make it novesede(is) or, in this 
dialect, Detv(es) novesede(s). 


ANTIQUISSIMA EX MARSIS. P. 168. 


C. 183. V(alesus) is the praenomen from which the gentile name Valesius or 
Valerius is formed, cp. 187. It is probably of the same origin as the names 
Volesus, Volero, and even Volsci. 

Vesuna is a goddess of whom we know little. It may be conjectured that 
she is the same as Feronia, and her name might be connected with that of the 


ANTIQUISSIMA LOCORUM VARIORUM. 411 


city of Verons. It is found appended to that of Puemunus on the Iguvine 
tables. The following inscription has been found at Antinum, near the Fucine 
jake, in the Volecian dialect (Momms. Unt. Dial. p. 3a1, Fabretti, 3740) :— 

P&.VI.PACVIES, MEDIS i. e. Pa(cuius) Vi(bius) Pacuii(f.) 

VESYNE . DVNOM . DED Meddix | Vesunae donum 

CA . CVMNIOB . CETVR dedi|cat (cymbos *) quattuor. 

Of Erina and Erinia we know nothing. The first appears to be from an 
a stem (cp. Diane, Victorfe, etc.), but Corssen would bring it into the conso- 
nantal declension (i. 581 note). See Fabretti a. v. and cp. Herennius, etc. 

C. 183. In this inscription we observe a curious tendency to e sounds, in vecos, 
Queistores, Seing(ue), dedet, mereto. In accordance with this, we may probably 
explain Seing(ue) as connected with Sancus, Sanqualis, and Sanctus. 

Lube = lubens, op. ibs, libes ; for the omission of n, see Intr. iii. $ 19. The loss 
of the final vowel must be explained by the influence of accent. Magios, an 
Italian gentile name, seems to be formed from a praenomen Magus (Verg. Aen. 
X. 521), a simpler form of magnus, Greek péyas. Pac(utus) is here a praenomen, 
as in the inscription from Antinum. 


ANTIQUISSIMA LOCORUM VARIORUM. Pp. 168, 169. 


C. 185, 186 (not 185 as printed p. 169). The quaestors here must be compared 
with those of Firnum, C. 181, and with the Roman (resviri sacris conquirendis 
donisque persignandis (Liv. xxv. 7), etc. They must have had the power of consult- 
ing the (local) senate, who decided that a certain spot (locom, 186) was either sacer 
or publicus, i.e. pretty much the same thing. (Cp. Liv. xxv. 1, in publico sacrove 
loco.) The form senatu d (the lacuna is blank) may possibly be an error for 
senatuo(m), as in S. C. de Bac. 196, 15, d stands for o, but analogy, says Mommsen, 
is for senatuem. 

C. 187. pars Apolenes, or Apollinis, must be explained on the analogy of pars 
Herculea. Parti(m), an accus., as in the adverb. Dederi is an isolated form for 
dedere. 

C. 188. The first word would be something like (Nu)misto, but is quite un- 
certain. Obs. the freedman has a Roman praenomen, which does not accord with 
Mommsen’s statement, Róm. Forsch. p. 30. 

C. 194. This and the next are interesting, as containing the most archaic forms 
of the dative of the o declension, exactly like the Greek, i.e. suoís enatois and 
Joviois Puclois. They are properly not Latin, but of the dialect of the Frentani. 
The first cannot be wholly made out. I have ventured to supply [inom Cu]brais, 
though only one dea Cupra, i.e. * Dea Bona,’ worshipped on the coast of Picenum, 
is known (Preller, p. 249). Inom=et, cp. Latin enim, etc. Sefi=sibi. The rest 
I cannot explain. The obscure word brat occurs in an Oscan inscription like 
this, 7. Vetio | duno | didet | Herclo | Iovio | brat | data, found in the Paelignian 
country (Eph. Epigr. i. p. 32). 

Add. p. 555. In Latin this inscription would probably run— 


412 INSCRIPTIONES VETUSTISSIMAE. 


St(atíus) Ponteius | N(ovius?) Pontetus | V(alesus) Alpius | Tr(ebsus) Apidius | 
Joviis | Poculis statuerunt . .. . See Corssen, Aunali del Inst. Arch. xxxviii p. 
113-118 (1868), and for Joviois Puclots, Vok. i. p. 274. Ponlies evidently is 
another form of Punteius, Pontius, Pompeius, just as Alpis of Albius, Alpheius. 

P. L. Suppl. ii. p. 12 (C. 389 has only the first words). The castus, or ‘fast’ 
of Jove, is elsewhere unknown, except, perhaps, as inferred from statements 
about the Flamen Dialis, Gell. N. A. x. 15, ‘ Caerimoniae impositae flamini Diali 
multae, item castus multiplices, etc. The castus of Ceres (Dionys. Hal. i. 33, 
Liv. xxxvi. 37), and of the Great Mother, is well known. Cp. Naev. Punica, 5, 
for the nature of such castus. Mommsen now explains it, however, as = Iunoni 
Lncinae Iovis (coniugi). Caste facito! (Wilmanns, no. 35, as if from C. vi. 357, 
at pres-nt unpublished.) 


COLUMNA ROSTRATA. P.:;o. 
C. Duilii Cos. A. U. C. 494. 


C. 195. The following inscription, on a stone of Parian marble, now preserved 
in the Capitol, was found in 1566 in the forum close to the arch of Septimius 
Severus. The original no doubt formed part of the column set up by the Roman 
people in honour of C. Duilius, cos. v.c. 494, and adorned with the beaks of 
ships captured by him at sea, Pliny mentions it (H. N. 34, 5, 20) in company 
with the two set up to C. Maenius, about eighty years before, ‘item C. Duillio 


qui primus navalem triumphum egit de Poenis quae est etiam nunc in foro. 
Quintilian observes the d at the end of many words upon it (Inst. i. 7, 12). 


Criticism of the restored Inscription. 


The inscription in its present form is confessedly of a late date. This is proved 
by the forms of the letters, which can hardly be of the age of the republic. The 
long I in MABID, for instance, was not used before the times of Sulla. But it 
is more difficult to decide whether the words themselves are old, or (as Ritschl 
&nd Mommsen suppose) the inscription is one set up, or restored with affected 
archaisms, by antiquarians of the time of Claudius. The opinion of such experts 
is of great weight, and is, at any rate, sufficient to throw doubt upon the inscrip- 
tion as & prime authority on points of language. On the other hand, Quintilian 
(1. c.) seems to quote it, without any hesitation, as a monument of early Latin. 

M. remarks that the inscription, besides being generally badly expressed, 
has not the simplicity aud brevity of the ancient language, and has characteristics 
which are unlike the writing of the fifth century. For instance, s and s, at 
the end of words, are never omitted in it; c is used instead of g, which was 
the case in the XII. Tables, but not at this time, and tn or en is found where 
we should expect endo. But the second and third points of criticism seem 
doubtful. G is certainly found in the epitaph of Scipio Barbatus, who may be 
supposed to have died about the same date as the victory of Duilius. But the 
actual date of that inscription is, as we have seen, probably later than the date 


COLUMNA ROSTRATA. 418 


of the burial of the Scipio whom it commemorates, Nor is it likely, from the 
analogy of the employment of other letters, that g came into general use at once. 

Endo does not, I believe, occur anywhere in inscriptions except in the form 
endotercist (dies), in the Calendars. The earliest known use of in with the ablative 
is in the fourth epitaph of the Scipios (subject and date uncertain), ‘ Quibus sei 
in longa licuiset tibe utier vita,’ etc., so that evidence is really wanting on point. 

The danger of arguing from small peculiarities of language is shown by com- 
paring the Decree of Aemilius Paulus with the nearly contemporary S. C. de 
Bacch., both undoubtedly genuine, while the later in date is the most archaic 
of the two. Mommsen further compares the titulus of L. Aemilius for bis victory 
over K. Antiochus, in Liv. xl 52, as perbaps the model from which this is imi- 
tated; but it is evident that the imitation might have been the other way. The 
titulus, as given in the text of Livy, is extremely corrupt. We find in it, how- 
ever, the similar expressions, *naves longae cum omnibus sociis captae LXII,' and 
‘inspectante ipso Antiocho. From the phrase pucnandod cepet,l. 5, compared 
with Sallust, Hist. i. 75, ‘et Diponem validam urbem multos dies restantem 
pugnando vicit, R.s emendation of Ep. Scip. iii, * Hec cepit Corsica Aleriaque 
urbe [pucnandod],’ seems to be drawn. 

The following are the chief archaisms of the inscription which are consistently 
observed :— 

C for g in leciones, macistratoe, exfociont, pucnandod, ceset, Cartaciniensis. 

D in the ablative, (opeidione)d, pucnandod, macistratud, in altod marid, Hani- 
baled dictatored, navaled praedad. 

et for i, exemet, ceset, ornavet, etc. 

O for « in terminations, macistratos, consol, primos, captom ; cp. exfociont. 

Single instead of double consonante, clases, ceset, numet. — .Nawebos, navebous for 
navibus, triresmos for triremes. 

On the other hand, we have the following inconsistencies and modernisms :— 

(1) No final consonants are dropped. 

(2) The variations clases, claseis, Cartaciniensis, naveia; maximos, maxumas ; 
navebos, navebous, 

(3) praeda for pratda. 

(4) ,numes, nom., where we should expect genitive. 

On the whole we shall not, I think, do wrong in concluding that the archaisms 

are real archaisms, but that it was not restored with sufficient accuracy, and 

that so modernisms were introduced. If it had been really the work of an 
antiquary of the time of Claudius, we should certainly have had praida, instead 
of praeda, as the diphthong ai was then used freely, even in contemporary 
inscriptions. It is much more like the work of a careless, than of a learned, 
restorer. 


Data for its modern Restoration. 


The principal historical authorities on which the supplements of the inscription 
are based are as follows : — 
Polyb. i.24. After the battle of Mylae, the Romans wpooxóvres Tj aeg 





414 INSCRIPTIONES VETUSTISSIMA E. 


Tí» re Alyeotéow éAvcay soXopklay laxáros abray Gdn Sraxepiver’ kará re Ty 
ix rhe Alyéorne ávaxdpncu MáxeAXay sóXw xarà epáros elAov. 

Fast. Triumph. ‘C. Duilius M. f. M. n. cos. primus navalem de Siculeis et 
classe Poenica egit an. CDXOIII k. intercalar.’ 

Tacit. Ann. ii. 49. ‘C. Duilius primus rem Romanam prospere mari gessit 
triumphumque navalem de Poenis meruit. 

Oros. iv. 7. ‘Hannibal amissa navi qua vehebatur scapha subductus aufugit : 
triginta et una naves eius captae, tredecim mersae, tria milia hominum occisa, 
septem milia capta referuntur.' 

t. The first success is the raising of the siege of Segesta. The Carthaginian 
legions and their commander (macistratos = magistratus) beat a retreat (ezfociont 
=ecfugiunt) in broad daylight. Z(uci palam), a common formula, e. g. Lex Bant. 
197, 17, ‘pro aede Castorus palam luci, and ib. 24; and Vergil, Aen. ix. 153, 
says Turnus, ‘ Luce palam certum est igni cireumdare muros. On the form (uci, 
see Intr. x. $ 16. Palam, on the surface; cp. éwt-wéA-acos, Em-wodal. 

8. navebous. Intr. x. $ 22. 

IO. olorom. Intr. xiii. $ 6.  Inaltod, in one word, cp. ingremiu(m), C. 33, 6, 
Ep. Scip. iii., and the next inscription, line 8. 

II. cum socieis, ‘with their crews ;’ elsewhere * socii navales." 

I2. triresmos. Resmus=rémus, cf. iperpós ; the ¢ appears in Latin ratís. Cp. 
dumus for dusmus (3ac-d2), Camena for Casmena, etc. Notice also the form in 
-08, beside that in -is; so we have exanimis and exanimus ; trermés and énermus ; 
necessis and necessus ; see below, S. C. de Bacch. 1. 4. 

I3. numei, we should here expect nummum, the genitive. Tt is doubtful whether 
this is to be looked upon as an archaic coordination for subordination, i.e. a case 
in apposition for a dependent genitive, or whether it is an unskilful alteration. 

I4. The words arcentom captom, praeda, mean ‘the silver money that was taken, 
and the silver obtained by the sale ofthe booty. This, with the aurom mentioned 
above, make up the omne captom, which was reduced into aes. The Romans 
only carried gold and silver in their triumphs, not copper. The booty was sold 
by the quaestors ‘sub hasta,’ for the purpose of reducing it to a common measure, 
and then dividing it among the soldiers; and hence, I should suggest, we must 
draw the etymology of ‘sector,’ ‘a broker’ or ‘ purchaser’ at such an auction. 

15. [omne] captom, aes (plus vicies semel). So Liv. xlv. 40, ‘summam omnis 
captivi auri argentique translati sestertium milies ducenties fuisse Valerius Antias 
tradit." 

Q is the Greek 4, used as a sign for 1,000, and generally changed to M from 
the influence of M(ille). Cp. Introd. ii. § 6. Every half-circle introduced into 
it multiplies it by 10. Thus (p 210,000, *decem milia,’ @ (as in lines 14 foll.) 
a= 100,000, * centum milia,' the ordinary unit in calculating large sums in sesterces. 
Thus plus cicies semel, in the lower text, means that there are twenty-one of these 
signs, as well as two which are apparently halves, and space for a good many 
more. 

Xp is often written cCI00, and @ occiooo. D —500 is simply half ©. 

Similarly P, or Ioo « 5,000, and B, or I900 = 50,000, as in Lex Iulia Mun. t9. 


415 


INSCRIPTIONES A BELLO HANNIBALICO 
AD C. CAESARIS MORTEM. 


PARS PRIOR. 
INSTRUMENTA PUBLICA POPULI ROMANI. 


DECRETUM L. AEMILII PAULI. P. 171. 


C. ii. 5041. There can be no doubt that the author of this decree was 
L. Aemilius Paulus, the conqueror of Perseus at Pydna, the greatest of the 
Aemilii, son of the consul at Cannae whom Horace describes, 

'animaeque magnae 
Prodigum Poeno superante Paulum, . 
and father of two distinguished sons adopted into two other families, Scipio 
Africanus Minor, the destroyer of Carthage and Numantia, and Q. Fabius 
Maximus, the pupil and patron of Polybius. (See more on Aemilius Paulus, under 
Oratorum Fragmenta, below, p. 351, and the life in Plutarch.) 

This decree belongs to the earlier period of his life, when he served in Spain, 
after his praetorship, v.0. 563 (Liv. xxv. 24, xxxv. 2). At first he was un- 
successful, but in 565, 'prius aliquanto quam successor veniret, L. Aemilius 
Paulus, qui postea regem Persea magna gloria vicit, cum priore anno haud 
prospere rem gessisset tumultuario exercitu collecto signis collatis cum Lusitanis 
pugnavit; fusi fugatique hostes, caesa decem octo milia armatorum, duo milia 
trecenti capti et castra expugnata. Huius victoriae fama tranquilliores in His- 
pania res fecit. Liv. xxxvii. 57. It was in consequence of this victory, no 
doubt, that he was named émperator, as again twice for his victories over the 
Ligurians and Perseus. Hence we get PAVLLVS.TER (sc. Imperator) on a 
denarius of a descendant, about v. c. 700. 

The substance of the decree is to liberate a subordinate community living 
in the Turris Lascutana from service to their neighbours at Hasta, or Asta 
Regia. We are not, of course, to understand personal slavery by servi. The 
manner of making a decreefl&nd the ratification, dum populus Senatusque R. vellet, 
is somewhat obscure. 

AB to the language and grammar, this decree, though three years earlier than 
the Bacchanalian Decree, is less archaic. We find doubled consonants the rule, 
turri, essent, oppidum, possidere, vellet, single the exception, as posedisent. The 
ablatives are without final -d. On the other hand, we find -ei for -i, generally, 








416 INSTRUMENTA PUBLICA. 


and only once furri. Further, we notice two curious misspellings, Znpeirator 
and decrewit. Of the first, we can offer no explanation, except that of careless- 
ness. Decreivit ia less strange, as we find a later Latin form decriví (Schuch. 
i. 263, 264). Pletbes, also, is found for plebes. (See Corasen, ii. 291, 331.) 

The inscription is remarkable as being quite complete; the e of oppidumque 
being merely omitted for want of space, and poplus being a regular form for 
populus. The? is throughout pointed, the p is not quite square, but yet in no 
case completed: the other letters have little to distinguish them, but are perfect 
and well shaped. 

I. L. Aimilius L. f. This designation, without cognomen, is the proper one 
on a legal document of this age, cp. the next decree; and so in the Agrarian Law, 
200, C. Gracchus is always called C. Sempronius Ti. f. Cognomina are added, 
however, in the Fasti Capitolini put up in the reign of Tiberius. 

7. iousit. When the ou becomes u, the s is doubled, not before; hence this 
cannot be cited as an instance of single for double consonanta. 

8. tncastreis, preposition and case conjoined, see Col. Rostr. v. 10, etc. So 
often, even when it is not so printed, e.g. Lex Rubria, inGallia, 7, inea, 21, 32, 
inalbo, 25, indure, etc., etc. 

9. The date, A.D. XII. K. FEBR. is the 19th of January, according to the old 
calendar (not the a1st), as January had only twenty-nine days before the Julian 
calendar, instead of thirty-one. On the importance of observing this distinction, 
see Lange, Rom. Alt. vol. iii. pref. p. 9. 


SENATUS CONSULTUM DE BACCHANALIBUS. 
Pp. 172, 173. 

C. 196. The origin and circumstances of this decree are given by Livy at great 
length, xxxix. 8-18. The story of P. Aebutius and his mistress, Hispala Fecenia, 
leading to the discovery to the consuls of the secret orgies, villanies, and con- 
spiracies of the initiated, is told as Livy can tell it, and is one of the most interest- 
ing episodes in his history. 

The text of Livy contains several modernised phrases from the decree, which 
prove that this is substantially the same as the one he refers to. It is not, 
however, absolutely in the form of a Senatus Consultum, or rather one or two 
technicalities are omitted, so that some scholars prefer to call it Epistula Con- 
sulum ad Tewranos. 


Form of making a Senatus Consultum. 


It may be in place here to give some acoount of the manner and formalities 
with which such decrees were passed and written down. (See especially the 
passage of Varro, pp. 374. 375, and for modern writs Lange, Róm. Alt. $$ 114, 
115, ii. pp. 375-392, and cp. Rudorff, Róm. Rechts Gesch. i. p. 106 foll.) 

The magistrate who summoned tbe senate, and who had the presidency 
of it—generally the consul or consuls— was said, referre ad senatum, to lay a 
matter before the senate. It was, in fact, the theory of the senate, that it was 
the body of wise men consulted by the chief magistrate. After his question had 


SENATUS CONSULTUM DE BACCHANALIBUS. 417 


been disposed of, other magistrates present had the ius referendi. The magis- 
trate began his relatio with the formula, ‘Quod bonum felix faustum fortuna- 
tumque sit populo Romano Quiritium referimus ad vos patres conscripti, etc. 
This was also called senatwm consulere, and his speech (as well as that of other 
senators) verba facere. In his speech the president might or might not give 
an outline of what he wished the decision to be. If the matter was a simple 
one he asked for a division upon it (discessio), if not, he took the opinions all 
round in regular order (per sententias exquisitas). If a senator thought the presi- 
dent was wrong in asking merely for a discessio, he called out consule. The 
president asked for opinions in order (gradatim, ordine) and by name, Dic Sp. Pos- 
tumé or dic M. Tulli, de ea re quid fleri placet, quid videtur or quid censes? The 
order of giving votes is not exactly known, but apparently the president first asked 
the princeps Senatus, i.e. ‘qui princeps in senatum lectus esset" (see esp. Liv. 
xxvii. 11), unless consules designati were present, an exception probably introduced 
about B.O. 153. In the time of Varro, however, the president might ask whom 
he chose first (cp. Varro, l.c. p. 374 with Cic. Philip. v. ad init., and Mr. King's 
note). Then he took the votes of the consulares, praetorti, aedílicii, etc. Senators 
who did not speak were called pedarié, as they would only take part in a divi- 
sion (pedibus ire in sententiam) ; but it does not seem at all certain that they 
were forbidden to speak, or that they were any more a separate class than 
the ‘silent members’ of our own Parliament. As a rule the pedarit would be 
senators who had held no office. When a sententia was generally approved, sena- 
tors clustered round the speaker in token of approval ( pedibus tre in sententiam), 
or they could verbo adsentiri sitting. They stood to give their opinion (senten- 
tiam dicere), which might be a long speech, such as several of Cicero's Philippics, 
but always ended with some such formula as ‘ quod retulisté ad senatum .. de ea re 
tia censeo, etc.; and if they chose they might present a written form of decree 
(sententia scripta), which they proposed. They might go quite beyond the ques- 
tion in hand (egredi relationem), just as Cato the censor did, when he ended 
every speech ‘ceterum censeo delendam esse Carthaginem.' So, again, Cicero's 
seventh Pbilippic only touches the relationes in two or three lines. At the end of 
a debate the president summed up, and took a division on the different sententiae 
in the order he thought right. All senators voted except the magistrates, the 
president calling upon them with the formula ‘ qui hoc censetis illuc transite, qui 
alia omnia in hane partem, or words to that effect. If no sententia obtained 
an absolute majority, they were put again till one did so. After the relatio 
or relationes were over, the president dismissed the senate with the words ‘nthil 
tos moramur patres conscripti. . 

A sententia which thus obtained a majority, if no tribune interposed a veto, 
became a Senatus Consultum ; if there was & veto it was called Senatus auctoritas. 
Senatus decretum implies the matter, as opposed to the document Senatus Consultum. 
After the session the president had the decree written down, rarely before the 
meeting was dismissed, in the presence of witnesses, of whom it was said that they 
scribendo adfuerunt. They vary in number: thus we find two, three, seven, eight, 
and even eleven and twelve. The rules observed in writing down a decree seem 


Ee 


418 INSTRUMENTA POBLICA. 


to be as follows. First gtand the names of the consuls, the date and place of the 
session ; then the names of the witnesses; then the question proposed and the 
magistrate who made the relatio, e. g. ‘Quod M. Marcellus consul verba fecit de 
provinciis consularibus de ea re ita cenguerunt.' At the end of a Senatus Consul- 
tum appeared the letter C, i.e. Censuere; at the end of an auctoritas the record 
of the tribune or tribunes who interposed, e.g. Cic. ad Fam. viii. 8, 6 sqq. The 
letters T(ribuni) and J(ntercessit) N(emo) are not found usually at the end of Seta, 
but i. n. followa one in the same letter, $ 5. Decrees were brought into the aera- 
rium, and placed under care of the quaestors, 

The only necessary technicality omitted here, seems to be ‘ quod .. verba fecit, 
ete. at the beginning of the decree proper. 

It may be noticed that the municipal senates adopted the same form at the 
beginning of their decrees, e.g. in the Decretum Colonise Pisanae, V.O. 755, 
Wilmanns, 883, Orell 642...a. d. xm k. Octobr. Pisis in foro in Augusteo. 

Serib. adfuer. Q. Petillius Q. f. (and five others, four with cognomina). Quod 
— C. Canius C. f. Saturninus 1I vir. v. f. de augendis honoribus:L. Caesaris, Augusti 
Caesaris, etc. . . q. d. e. r. f. p. d. e. r. i. c. ete. 


Archatems of the Inscription. 

(1) No case of a doubled consonant is found. | . 

(2) -d is found in the ablative case in every case except the last words in agro 
Teurano, which were perhaps added by a different hand. Notice also a 
paragogic -d in sed and ead. 

(3) The archaic diphthongs are generally preserved, as ai in Duelonai, haice, 
aiquom, tabelai datai; ei in exdeicendum, utei, vírei, sei; o$ in foideratei, 
comoinem, oinvorsci ; ou in plous, iousiset, ioubeatis, coniourare. But we 
have aedem, and the genitives of the o decl. in ¢, Latini, urbani, sacri, as 
well as nequis, ne. 

(4) The genitives nominus, senatuos ; nom. pl. ques, eeis ; the verbal forms adéese, 
adieset for adiisse, etc. ; figier, gnoscter, etc. 

On the other hand we notice the following modernisms. 

Termination in -us instead of -os, Postumius, Romanus; and gen. u for o, aa in 

later times ; but tabolam. . 

These variations in spelling are also noticeable: consoluerunt by cosoleretur 
(twice) and coventionid ; ques, que$ (but see note); quisquam and quiquam ; sena- 
torbus, senatoribus (twice) ; neiquis, nequis. 

There are also the following errors on the brass. Line 3. Sacanal for Bacanal ; 
5. utra for verba; 6. quom e is omitted on the brass; 9. iousisent for (ousiset ; 12. 
magistratuo ; 15. dquoltod ; in both of which d and o are confused. 

2. Dueolonai=Bellonae. This temple was founded by the great Appius Clau- 
dius, after a vow made v.c. 458. It was close to the Campus. 

arf (uerunt); so arfuise, 21. Cp. arvorsum, 21; see Introd. iv. $ 29. 

3, 3. De Bacanalibus quei foiderateé esent seems to mean, ' Decreed that an 
edict to the following effect about the Bacchaualia should be communicated to 
those in league with Rome.' 


SENATUS CONSULTUM DE BACCHANALIBUS. 419 


Obs. quei, f. e. with the antecedent omitted, as is very frequently the case in 
legal documents. 

3. velet — vellet; so adteset = adiisset. 

Ques and eeis, nominatives pl. See Introd. xiii. $ 34. Ques is used here appa- 
rently with an idea of distinguishing the indefinite from the definite quet. 

4. necesus is evidently a nominative case masc. (Corssen unnecessarily makes it 
neuter) used indeclinably with the substantive verb, just as potis is. 1t is indif- 
ferent whether you say necessus est or necessum est, just aa you may say either potís 
est or pote est. There is further an adjective of the ¢ form, necessis, neut. necesse; 
cp. ezanimus and exanimis, etc. Necessia is very rare, but occurs in Lucr. vi. 815. 
The derivation of the word appears to be ne and oed-ere. Cp. successus, eto. 
Corseen, ii. 238, Kr. Nachtr. 272. eis, nom. pl. ; Introd. xiii. $ 34. 

7. nomtnus, gen., Introd. x. $ 13 ; soctum, gen. pl., Introd. ix. $ 10. 

adiese, the vowel in this verb varies frequently between e, i, eí. I is no doubt 
the proper vowel, but it is constantly changed for the sake of euphony, as here, to 
prevent two ¢’s concurring. 

8. senatuos beside nominus, shows that the preservation of the archaic o here is 
for the sake of euphony. Cp. equos, quom, volgus, to avoid the concurrence of two 
us. The form in -u-us is, however, sometimes found later. Introd. ix. § 14. 

10. Sacerdos nequis vir eset, as properly this was confined to women. Liv. xxxix. 
13, ‘primo sacrarium id feminarum fuisse nec quemquam virum eo admitti solitum 
... sacerdotes invicem matrunas creari solitas It was a Greek priest who had 
introduced the worship into Etruria, and then into the neighbourhood of Rome. 
The office of magíster was forbidden to exist, as this implied the possibility of 
a collegium or guild ; hence also the prohibition of having pecunia comoinis, which 
was one of the regular circumstances of such an association. The sacerdos und 
the magister are related, as the flamen and magister of the Arvala. 

13. post hac= post haeo, Introd. ix. $ 8, xiii. § 35. 

inter sed, Introd. xii. $ 5. Cp. ead, line 24. 

15. oguoltod — occulto. The root cal is very widely diffased in xaAdvmrra, kaAÍa, 
éwexdduov, callim ( — clam), cél-o, super-cil-ium, culeua, etc. 

I6. exstrad, so 28, and suprad, 21, 29; both are ablative forms. s for x is here 
found for the first time in inscriptions. 

19. Homines plous V, etc. Homines, ‘persons,’ is in loose apposition with qutv- 
quam, ‘Not more than five persons altogether, men and women.’ 

ne quisquam is a rather awkward repetition of the same phrase that we find 1. r5. 

20. inter ibei =interibi. Observe the slight change of construction, ‘vired. .. muli- 
ertbus.’ The latter falls into the case of duobus and tribus, between which it comes. 

22. Haice = ha-t-ce; n. pl, the ¢ being merely the prosthetic pronominal $; in the 
feminine hat or hai-c, it is part of the regular a declension. Introd. xiii. $$ 1, 16, etc. 

In coventionid =in contione, Thus nondinae, nundinae=novendinae; tunior, 
tuniz, cp. tuvenis, tuvencus. There is no trace of another derivation, and the 
spelling concio is quite wrong, though it is found even in a standard book like 
Rudorff, R. R. G. On conctio see above, C. 58. The act of summoning the people 
to such an assembly was called indifferently vocare ad conventionem and vocare ad 


Ee2 








420 INSTRUMENTA PUBLICA. 


contionem, etc. (cp. Varro, L. L. vii. 87, 91; pp. 366, 367). They were of two 
kinds, those that immediately preceded a vote of the people in the comitia tributa 
or centuriata, and those more ordinarily called contiones, which were assemblies 
of the people called by a magistrate to listen to harangues, in which, however, they 
did not appear in tribes or classes (but fuse), and came to no vote. Every 
magistrate had the right to summon a contio, and they could be held on dées 
nefasti as well aa fasti, but necessarily in the daytime. The term is of course 
applied also to the speech that was delivered, and such were the second and third 
of Cicero's orations against Catiline, and the fourth and sixth Philippics. 

Here the word seems to be used in much the same sense as at Rome. A contio 
could also be summoned by a public priest (Fest. Ep. p. 38; see on Lex Reg. 9.) 

ne minus trinum noundinum, ‘for not less than three market-days. So a new 
law had to be exposed to public view between three market-days; promulgatio 
trinum nundinum. Cp. Cic. Phil. v. 3, 8. Noundinum, nondinum, or nundinum, 
is properly the gen. pl. of nundinae (novemdinae), just as sestertium of sestertius. 
It is here apparently a neuter accusative agreeing with trinum. The two expres- 
sions are not exactly parallel, as here the contfones must be on three successive 
market-days, the promulgatio must be on three, and the space between them. In 
both, however, speaking grammatically, we seem to bave an accusative of the 
duration of time. For other legal usages connected with nundinae see XII Tab. 
iii, 5, 6, and notes on the Calendar, p. 266. 

24. arvorsum ead. Ritechl takes this for an ablative, by an anomalous use of 
the preposition; but then he makes posthac, postea also ablatives. For the same 
reason he reads adversus hac in the Lex Silia, q.v. p. 273. (Neue Plaut. Exc. 
Auslautendes d, $ 35.) The d may just as well be added by false analogy, as it 
is in med, sed ; and posthac, postea, are probably accusatives. 

25. rem caputalem, will be held to involve natural or civil death. 

27. figier, gnoscier. Introd. xix. 5. facilumed=facillime, an ablative form. 
potisit = potis sit, possit. 

38. exstrad quam, etc. Liv. xxxix. 18, ‘datum deinde consulibus negotium est, 
ut omnia Bacchanalia Romae primum, deinde per totam Italiam diruerent extra 
quam si qua ibi vetusta ara aut signum consecratum esset.’ 

30. (n agro Teurano. Mommsen considers these words to have been added by 
another clerk in larger characters, as a direction, as it were, to the tabellarius. He 
evidently considers this to be the actual document sent from Rome; but is it not 
rather the ‘tabola ahena' which the Teurani were directed to cut and fix up! 


LEX INCERTA REPERTA BANTIAE. Pp. 173-175. 


C. 197. The fragments of this law are so general in their application, that it is 
impossible to say exactly what its subject was, or to define its relation to the 
Oscan or Romano-Oscan fragments on the other side. What we have relates to 
the punishment of any magistrate for non-observance of the law, and to the oath 
to be taken that they will perform its provisions. On this Mommsen remarks, 
* Commode . . . haec referuntur ad foedus—foedus enim cum quotannis recitaretur 


. LEX INCERTA REPERTA BANTIAE. 421 


(C. T. Gr. 2485, v. 14) ius iurandum quoque quotannis recte renovari potuit; 
denique foedere magistratus praecipue tenebantur—neque tamen quidquam in 
bac lege apparet quo argumentum accuratius difiniatur praeter iudicem ex ea 
quotannis ut videtur faciendum,' p. 46 b. 

The date is conjectured from the lista of magistrates: in one case T'r. pl., Q., 
II vir cap., III vir a. d. a, touder (v. 7), in another Cos, Pr., Aid., Tr. pl., Q., 
nil vir Cap., 1 vir a. d. a. In the Lex Repetundarum we have díc(tator), Cos., 
Pr., Mag. eq., Cens., Aid., Tr. pl., Q., 1rr1 vir cap., ut a. d. a., Tr. mil. leg. rm. 
primis aliqua earum. The list in the Bantine law is substantially the same, with 
the exception of the military tribunes and the addition of a iudex. The magis- 
irates named seem to be the ordinary magistrates created by the people in their 
comitia. Hence it is argued that the tresviri agris dandis assignandis are to be 
counted amongst the ordinary magistrates, and such regular land commis- 
sioners only existed at Rome between the years 621-635 or 636. In the first 
case they were appointed under the Sempronian law of Tiberius Gracchus, v. C. 
621, B.C. 133, when he himself, and his brother Gaius, and his fatber-in-law 
Appius Claudius Pulcher, were named the first commissioners. See below on the 
Lex Agraria. 

They were done away by the Lex Thoria, v.c. 635 or 636; and therefore we 
must put this law, as well as the Lex Repetundarum, between these limits. The 
character of the writing and language fits very well with the age of the Gracchi, 
and agrees mainly with the Lex Rep. 


Argument of the Law. 

(1) 1-6. Senators and magistrates who have transgressed the law are debarred 
the public service and public dignities. 

(2) 7-13. Imposes a fine in the same cases, and gives facilities for an action 
against offenders. 

(3) 14-22. Existing and future magistrates are to take a public oath within five 
days of taking office, by Jove and the Penates, that they will observe the 
law. The penalty for non-compliance is loss of office and of power to be a 
candidate. 

(4) 23-32. Applies the same provisions to present or future senators. 


4. sen [tentiam rogato]. See above, S. C. Bac., on the form of making a S. C. 
[tabellamve nei dato], i. e. praetor. For a full description see Lex Rep. vv. 49-52. 

4. [fudicem . . . arbitrum . . . recupe]ratorem. On the distinction between these 
see Rudorff, R. R. G. ii. p. 25 foll. Z7udex and arbiter are opposed to Recuperator, 
as national to international judges. Between themselves there is this distinc- 
tion, that the tudex decides sharply for or against one of two contending parties, 
in matters which admit of such decision. So Cicero says, ‘ad dudicium . . . veni- 
mus ut totam litem aut obtineamus aut amittamus, Pro Rosc. Am. 4,10. An 
arbiter (ad bito) is a ‘vir bonus,’ an unprejudiced man, probably an expert, called 
jn to decide or arbitrate between two parties, where the law is certain, but where 
the extent of its application is not clear, e. g. in cases of disputed boundaries, liqui- 
dation of damages, divisions of property, separation of partnership, dilapidations, 


422 INSTRUMENTA PUBLICA. 


eto. The terms were, however, often used loosely, tudex arbilerve, and Cicero 
laughs at the lawyers for not having decided which was to be used (Pro Mur. 123, 
27). Recuperatio or Rectperatio ia thus defined by Festus: ' R. est ut ait Aelius 
Gallus cum inter populum et reges nationesque et civitates peregrinas lex convenit 
quomodo per reciperatores reddantur res reciperenturque, resque privatas inter se 
persequantur. The action of recuperatores extends in fact to all cases before the 
praetor peregrinus, and to similar cases in the provinces. So in tbe action to 
exact & fine from offenders against the law (below, 1. 10), tbe praetor is to name 
recuperatores; and in the Lex Antonia de Termessibus we find similar provisions. 
C. 204, ii. 1-5 ; op. Lex Rep. 7. 

4. luuct, a rare combination of two u's, perhaps merely as a sign of length. See 
Introd. ii. $ 8; on the case, which is probably an ablative, see Introd. x. $ 16. 

practextam neive soleas, ‘the bordered toga and the senatorial shoes) The 
soleae here appear to mean the mullei worn at first by nobles who bad been 
curule magistrates, and then by all senators who had held such offices. This 
distinguished them from the magistratibus curulibus non functs, or pedarté, though 
the terms are perhaps not absolutely equivalent. 

5. comitia conciliumve. The original distinction between comitia and conciltum, 
says Lange (R. A. $ 119), is that a concilium consists of a meeting of part, and 
not the whole of the people, and is not called together or presided over by 
a magistrate. He explains the fact that the comitia tributa is called more pro- 
perly concilium, on the ground that the tribunes were not magistratus populi 
Romani. He does not, however, notice this passage, where magistrates are said 
eoncilsum Àabere ; and it looks as if the shorter definition of Laelius Felix, which 
he quotes as inadequate, was, at least at this time, practically true, ‘is qui non 
{ut} universum populum sed partem aliquam adesse iubet, non “comitia” sed 
'" concilium " edicere debet ' (ap. Gell. N. A. xv. 27, 4). 

7. rit vir cap(italis). These were police magistrates who had the control of the 
prisons and of executions, and penal jurisdiction over slaves and persons of the 
lower classes. They were first instituted v.c. 465. Liv. Epit. xi. 'triumviri 
capitales tunc primum creati sunt. Their tribunal was ‘apud columnam Maeniam.' 
Their office, as far as executions went, in imperial times, was transferred to the 
* praefectus vigilum." Rudorff, ii. pp. 328, 455. A toudex is named by this law, 
but for what purposes we do not know, except so far as we may gather from 
lines 20, 21. . 

ez hace lege plebeive scito. See on Lex Rep. 1. 

8. sciens d(olo) m(alo). Dolus, as opposed to culpa, is ‘evil intent,' i. e. wrong- 
doing with knowledge of the circumstances likely to follow, while culpa is negli- 
gence or fault without such knowledge. Dolus is not necessarily an antithesis of 
violence, though often so used. A higher degree of dolus is called, in English 
Law, malice. See Poste's Gaius, pp. 391 foll. 

9. [multa tanta esto, etc.] This supplement is borrowed from the Oscan Law, 
ine 12, molto etanto estud n. D (D, where 2000 H. 8. are mentioned as the amount. 
On the process of fining see below, line 12. 

Se postulabit quei petet. Such a case in practice is referred to by Mommsen as 


LEX INCERTA REPERTA BANTIAE. 428 


mentioned in Cic. pro Cluent. xxxiii. 91 (see below, on line 17), ‘Multam petivit. 
Qua lege? quod in legem non iurasset; quae res nemini unquam fraudi fuit,’ 
showing, it may be remarked, that such laws were constantly neglected. 

sei ita pariat (for pareat; so sicet, scare, Sont. Minuc. 199, 40, 41; Mirgqurios, 
C. 59, Mircurios, 1500, p. 164, etc.), more often sé paret or sé parret, ‘if it 
appears so,’ ‘if it is proved,’ cp. Lex Rubr. 20s, 31, 40, Set n(on) p(arret). 

condumnari for con-damnari, & rare vowel change, seemingly accounted for by 
the tendency of vowels to become thick before m or ». For the idea cp. the 
formula populo dare damnas esto. 

11. [Praedes] ad q. urb. det. Praedes, or prae-vides (Lex Agr. 46, 47), are dis- 
tinguished from the simple vades as securities for money from sureties or bail for 
appearance. Sub-vades (XII Tabb. i. 10, p. 254) is a compound of the same 
root vadh, which appears also in Germ. Wett, our wed, eto. See on Lex Rep. 57. 

multam tnrogare. Mulia never appears ae mulcta in early inscriptions, or in the 
dialects: it is perhaps, therefore, not safe to connect it, as would otherwise be natural, 
with mulc-are. Corssen, ii. 155, derives it from a Sk. root smar, ‘to mark.’ 

To inflict a fine (multam dicere) was part of the potestas of every mayistrate, 
the only limitation at first being that it must not exceed half the property of the 
person fined (dum minoris partis familiae taxat; cp. Lex Silia, p. 273, Cato pro 
Rhod. ap. Gell. vi. 3, 37, mille, minus démidium familiae, multa esto). This 
restriction was necessary, as the fine was intended to be a means of bringing 
contumacious persons to order, not to entail a loss of position in the state. Mr. 
Davidson compares the old English rule ‘salva continentia sua.’ 

This power was further reduced by the Lex Valeria, V.C. 245, which allowed 
provocatio to the comitia, and by the Lex Aternia Tarpeia, v. 0. 300, and Menenia 
Sextia, V. C. 302, and the Lex Iulia Papiria, v. 0. 324 (perhaps even for censorial 
fines). The mulia suprema, or highest fine that a magistrate could inflict without 
appeal (see Lex Rep. 45, 'Judices multam supremam debeant"), was fized at 
3 sheep and 30 oxen «3020 libral asses, this value being determined by the last. 
named law. (See especially Gell. N. A. xi. 1: a sheep was fixed at 10 asses, 
an ox at 100). Owing to these restrictions the magistrate was generally said (as 
here) multam inrogare, rather than multam dicere, inaamuch as he proposed a 
certain fine (énrogabat) to the comitia, and, in later times, to a publicum iudicium. 
This was followed by a multae certatéo in court, whether the fine was just or not. 
In some cases, however, the particular fine was fixed by law under given circum- 
stances, as probably here, line 9. (For these details see especially Rudorff, 
R. R. G. i. $ 10, p. 25, ii. $$ 100, 125, pp. 332, 418, cp. Lange, R. A.i. p. $34) 

dum minoris partus familias tazsat, ‘eo far as it reaches (only) the lesser half of 
the property.’ So in the Oscan law, line 12, ‘susepis ionc fortis meddis moltaum 
herest ampert minstreis aeteis eituas moltaum licitud,' i.e. ‘ siquis eum forte (1) 
magistratus multare volet intra minorem partem pecuniae (or familiae) multare 
liceto.' Taxsat or taxat is from a frequentative of tango, root tag, and hence the 
conjunction dum taxat, which, in republican inscriptions, is always written in two 
words, as in Lex Rep. 198, 33, 34, Lex Rubr. ao$, ii. 19. mnoris partus. The 
case is remarkable here, though we have an analogy in Greek, where the genitive 





424 INSTRUMENTA PUBLICA. 


is used generally with verbs of touching. Draeger, § 212, has a number of Greek 
genitives, but not this. 

partus, & very rare form, perhaps the only one found in an i stem, Intr. x. $ 13. 

I2. eiremps lex esto, ‘let the law be exactly so.’ A common legal formula. 
See Introd. xiii. $ 39. 

omnium rerum, ‘in all matters, ‘about all matters.’ For a similar genitive of 
relation cp. the common formula ‘ eíus hac lege nihil rogatur.' 

16. eis, nominative plural, cp. S. C. Bac. 4, eeís, and Introd. xiii. § 34. 

17. (pro ae)de Castorus, according to Festus, ‘tn the temple,’ pp. 228, 246, cp. 
226, like pro rostrís, pro tribunali, pro censu ; but the text implies (what is more 
probable) in front of it. Three pillars of it still remain on the south-west side 
of the Forum, under tbe Palatine. It was used for meetings of the senate, and 
the space in front for contiones, etc. So at least I understand ‘pro aede Castoris 
dixit,' said of Scipio Aemilianus and Antony (Fest. p. 286, Cic. Phil. iii. 11, 27, q.v.). 
On the form Castorus see Introd. x. $ 13; cp. note on Epist. ad Tiburtes, 201, I. 

apud q(uaestorem). This was a general requirement exacted from all magis- 
trates, who had to appear before the quaestors in the temple of Saturn, within five 
days of their entrance upon office, and swear to observe the laws (in leges éurare). 
The quaestors were appointed for this purpose, no doubt, as having generally the 
custody of the laws, plebiscita and senatus consulta, which were kept in the aera- 
rium. (Lange, i. pp. 608, 742.) The aerarium is mentioned, line 24, as the place. 

18. seese, cp. luuct, above 4. 


LEX ACILIA REPETUNDARUM. Pp. 176—186. 


C. 198. This law was written on the smooth front of a bronze plate, and on 
the rough back of it was added the Lex Agraria, in v. c. 643, no doubt at a time 
when this law had been superseded by another. The Lex Repetundarum contained 
go lines, the other 105, and each line contained a number of letters varying from 
about 380 to 425. The number of letters wanting, or supposed to be wanting, 
is indicated in the middle of each lacuna. 

The restoration of the law is chiefly due to Klenze, who published his edition 
under the title of Fragmenta Legis Serviliae Repetundarum, Berlin, 1825, 4, 
Rudorff and Mommsen have completed his work; the diagrams composed by the 
latter are particularly valuable, as showing the general relation of the two laws, 
the amount lost, etc., and Bruns gives a useful sketch of them. 

The notes on this law are arranged for convenience in the following sections, 
$ 1. On the Date and Name of the Law; § 2. The Quaestio de Repetundis; 
$3. Argument of the Law; § 4. Notes on the Text. 


$ 1. On the Date and. Name of the Law. 


Besides the indication given above, the following arguments enable us to fix 
the date to the years of the tribunate of C. Gracchus. 

(1.) The mention of the tresvirí agris dandis adsignandis, as ordinary magis- 
irates, limits it, like the Tabula Bantina, to the time of the Gracchi, between 
y. 0, 621-636. 


LEX ACILIA REPETUNDARUM. 425 


(2.) Senators are forbidden to act as iudices (lines 13, 16), ‘dum ne quem 
eorum legat....queive in senatu siet fueritve. This was a provision of the 
judicial law of C. Gracchus, v. 0. 631 or 632. It must, therefore, be after 631. 

(3.) The Lex Rubria de Colonia Carthaginem deducenda, one of the schemes of 
C. Gracchus, is referred to as in force, line 22. This was abrogated directly after 
the murder of Gracchus, v.c. 633. It must, therefore, be before 633, and belong 
to the laws of the tribunate of C. Gracchus, 631 and 632. 

(4-) The style is somewhat earlier than that of the Agrarian law. 

(5.) The provision of amplíatio (line 48), and the absence of any comperendi- 
natio, is another proof that this is not the Servilian law which abolished ampliatio 
and instituted adjournment (comperendinatio) The Servilian law was probably 
passed about the same time as the Lex Agraria, and by it this became obsolete. 

As to the Lex Acilia (with which this is now generally identified), our chief 
external knowledge is derived from Cicero's first speech against Verres, where he 
addresses the son of the framer of the law, who was tbe praetor before whom 
Verres was tried. *Fac tibi paternae legis Aciliae veniat in mentem qua lege 
populus Romanus de pecuniis repetundis optimis iudiciis severissimisque iudicibus 
usus est’ (in Verr. i. 17, 51), and again (ib. ii. 1. 9, 36), comparing it with the 
Servilian law, he says, * Glaucia primus tulit ut comperendinaretur reus ; antea vel 
iudicari primo poterat vel "amplius" pronuntiari. ... Ego tibi illam Aciliam 
legem restituo, qua lege multi semel accusati, semel dicta causa, semel auditis 
testibus condemnati sunt nequaquam tam manifestis neque tantis criminibus, 
quantis tu convinceris. The notes of Pseudo-Asconius, on this paesage, are only 
misleading. Of Acilius we know nothing more than that he was son-in-law of 
P. Mucius Scaevola, and died young (perhaps being murdered as a friend and 
colleague of Gracchus), as his son was brought up by his grandfather. There 
is nothing to disprove the supposition that he was one of the tribunes who sup- 
ported C. Gracchus, but it is not absolutely certain, and therefore the name of the 
law, though now generally agreed upon, is not perfectly and absolutely proved. 


§ a. The Quaestio de Repetundis. 


The subject of this law is the institution of a court for the recovery of money 
unjustly taken or received by Roman magistrates, or judges, or others in autho- 
rity, from socii or Latins. Livy tells us that no charges of this kind were 
made before v.c. 581, B. 0. 173 (xlii. 1), and from that time till the Calpurnian 
law we know little of the mode of procedure in respect to them. They must 
either have been subject to the jurisdiction of the comitia, or to that of an extra- 
ordinary senatorial commission (Liv. xliii. 2). In the first case, the accuser must 
necessarily have been a magistrate, and hence, no doubt, there might have been 
great difficulties in the way of the provincials seeking redress. In v.c. 605, 
B.0. 149, L. Calpurnius Piso Frugi Censorius tr. pl. passed a law, or rather 
a plebiscitum, establishing the first quaestío perpetua iu this matter. It was 
called perpetua, inasmuch as it now became the duty of one of the praetors, 
probably the praetor peregrinus, to take cognizance of such cases by virtue of his 
office, and it created a select body of sudices, of senatorial rank, to sit with him. 


426 INSTRUMENTA PUBLICA. 


We do not know whether other quaestiones were created by this law, but three 
others, of Maiestatis, Peculatus, and Ambitus, were in existence before the time 
of Sulla, and four were added by him, viz. De Sicariis et Venefcte, de Parricidto, 
de Numnis adulterinis, de Falsis et Testamentaria. 

The history of the Quaestio de Repetundis is of some importance, and may be 
considered under two heads, the first, general, as to the appointment of fudices ; 
the second, special, as to the procedure in this particular court, and the penalties 
allowed by it. 

(1.) Appointment of $udices. This soon became almost as important an object 
of political contention as capacity for the magistracies had once been. The iudices 
were at first only senators, but this was by no means satisfactory to the pro- 
vincials, and it was, no doubt, & popular, as well as & needful reform, to take 
away the office from them. C. Gracchus very naturally placed it in the hands 
of the equites, and hence the restoration, lines 12 and 16, ‘qui in hac ceivitate 
H. 8. OCOO &(wmmiwm) plurieve census sict.’ Sulla, as naturally, restored the sena- 
- tors, and not altogether without reason, inasmuch as the publicani, being from 
the equestrian order, had too often presumed on immunity from judgment, as the 
provincial governors had done before. But it was evident that restriction to one 
class or order was not desirable in the interests of public justice, and in B. C. 70, 
& compromise was made by the Aurelian law constituting three decuries of 
senators, equites, and tribuni aerarii—the latter of uncertain position, but no 
doubt to some extent representing a popular element. It is to this law that 
Cicero refers in his oration against Verres, as just impending, thereby putting 
& pressure upon the senatorial iudices to do their duty. A Lex Pompeia, in 
B. 0. 55, seems to have made a higher census necessary, and in B.C. 46, the Leges 
Iuliae set aside the third decury, and made the lowest census the equestrian. 
Antony, during his term of usurpation, entirely reduced the qualification, by 
adding a new third decury, in which private soldiers form the Legio Alauda, and 
other persons of mean or doubtful character were introduced, ‘legit aleatores, legit 
exsules, legit Graecos. (Cp. Cic. Phil. i. 8, 19, v. 5, 12, etc.) This was, however, 
soon set aside. The Leges Iuliae Augustae iudiciariae remodelled the whole 
matter, adding a fourth decury, with & smaller qualification and lower competency 
(the Ducenarii) to the three of senators, knights, and citizens (tribuni aeris, ferreo 
anulo). From this time the office of iudex must have ceased to be of political 
importance, and became, like many other offices, a burden on property, rather 
than an honour. 

(2.) Mode of procedure in the court de Repetundis. From line 23 of this law it 
appears that by the previous laws, the Calpurnian and the Iunian—though 
nothing more is known of the latter—the procedure was by the ordinary civil 
action known as sacramento. Apparently the process employed was simply one 
for recovery of what was in the hands of another, in which case the only penalty 
(besides restitution) was the loes of the caution-money by the guilty party, while 
the plaintiff merely recovered what the jury estimated as the sum extorted or 


unjustly received. (For a description and explanation of the sacramentary action, 
see on the XII Tables, ii. 3.) 


LEX ACILIA REPETUNDARUM. 427 


This law did away with the sacramentum, for both parties, and made the 
method of proceeding, on the whole, a simple one, and apparently appointed 
& special praetor repetundis to preside (see on line 15), and increased the number 
of iudices. Especially it enacted that the sum recovered was to be twice the 
estimated loss, dup!é not simplé (line 59). If the name of the accused was given 
in before Sept. 1, the regular and longer course of action was to be followed, but 
otherwise the way of procedure was to appoint recupera£ores to decide summarily 
(lines 7, 8). Lastly, this law allowed one new trial (ampliatio), but not more, if 
two-thirds of the iudices could not make up their minds (lines 46-48). 

The Servilian law of Glaucia forbade ampliatio, but allowed adjournment or 
com inatio, and permitted accusation of a third party, quo ea pecunia perve- 
nerat (Cic. pro Rab. Post. c. 4). The Lex Cornelia inflicted, besides the pecuniary 
penalty, aquae et ignis interdictio, answering perhaps to outlawry rather than 
exile. Appian, however (i. 22 and 37), shows that such a punishment often followed 
these trials at an earlier period. The Lex lulia, B. 0. 59, in the first consulship 
of Julius Caesar, repealed the latter penalty, but substituted considerable losses of 
status and of competency to be witnesses, iudices, or senators. The litís aestimatio 
was also raised to fourfold (quadrupis). 


$3. Argument of the Law. 


The rubrics of the law are marked by being spaced. 

Line 1. TITLE or Praescriptio. 

1-8. Definition of the persona who may recover, and from whom. 

8,9. Exception of magistrates during tenure of office. 

9-11. Appointment of patrons by the praetor, if required. 

11,12. Rejection of a patronus by claimant. © 

12-14. REGULAR APPOINTMENT OF iudices directly after the passing of the law, 
450 in number, to be made by the praetor peregrinus, and to include neither 
senators nor certain other magistrates, with other restrictions. 

14, 15. The names of the iudices to be exposed to public view, read out in a 
contio, and set down in public registers. 

15-17. Appointment of fudtces every year within ten days after the praetor 
enters office [by the praetor repetundis]. 17-19. Their names to be exposed, etc. 

19-26. PROCEDURE IN CASE OF A TRIAL. JVominis delatto, editio and selection 
of iudices. The defendant to give a list of those related to him, etc., among 
the 450; the claimant to choose 100 from the remainder, excepting all similarly 
related to himself, with other exceptions, The defendant then is to choose 50 
out of the 100. Ifhe will not choose or make a list of those related to himself, 
the claimant may choose any 50 he pleases out of the 100. 

26, 27. The names of patroni and selected iudices to be registered and open to . 
tbe public. 

27. The same iudices to remain for the same case. 

28. An informer under this law not to be visited with 4gnom4nia. 

39. Judgment on a man who dies or goes into exile before decision. 

30, 31. Appointment of a day and place for the trial. 


428 INSTRUMENTA PUBLICA. 


32, 33. Calling of 48 witnesses, with exceptions. 

33. A fine (probably for witnesses). 

34, 35- On the production of witnesses and public or private documents. 

35. The praetor to interrogate (probably as to the absence of iudices, etc.) 

36-38. Iudices to swear before the praetor. 

38. No iudex to interrupt proceedings (Judex neiquis disputet). 

39. On postponement of the day of trial, de re proferenda. 

39-43. Trial of a iudex for non-attendance (probably at a preliminary session), 
and fine if necessary. 

44, 45. OATH of tudices before going finally into court (én consilium ire) not to 
divulge their vote. 

45-46. Fine for non-attendance at the final session to be the mulia suprema. 

46-48. One ampliatio allowed. If the fudices twice refuse to give a verdict 
they are to be fined 10,000 H. 8. 

49-52. If two-thirds have made up their minds, the praetor is to remove the 
others and take the votes. MANNER OF VOTING. 

53, 54. One tudex chosen by lot to examine the votes and call out the letter 
of each. 

54. Numbering the votes. 

55. [Defendant to be absolved if the A's are more than or equal to the C's.] 

55. Condemnation if C's are more in number. 

55. Restrictions of grounds for a new trial. 

57, 58. The condemned party to give securities ( praedes) to the praetor for the 
payment of the sum in which he is condemned. 

58, 59. Lrri8 AESTUMATIO. Restoration of equal value for everything extorted 
Before the passing of this law, and of double for everything since. 

59-61. The money to be paid from the aerarium in three days after it is received 
by the quaestor to those who can prove their right to it. 

62 63. Appointment of a time for apportioning the money recovered if the 
whole sum cannot be obtained. . 

63, 64. Apportionment and order to the quaestor to pay. 

64. The portion of any one who does not attend to be kept in the aerarium. 

65, 66. Amount of the money to be placarded in the forum. 

66. Unclaimed money after five years to belong to the populus. 

66, 67. Money not paid by the condemned party to be exacted from his 
gecurities. 

67, 68. Such money to be sealed up in fisci, labelled and examined by every 
new quaestor. 

69. The praetor's order for payment to suffice to the quaestor. 

69. The quaestor not to delay. 

69-73. No magistrate or other person to impede a trial. 

72, 73. If any official dies during the trial his successor takes it up without a 
break or alteration of procedure. 

73-75. Previous trial under the Calpurnian or Junian laws to be a bar to pro- 
ceedings under this law. Its action not retrospective. 


LEX ACILIA REPETUNDARUM. 429 


75. As to praevaricatio. 

76-78. Citizenship to be offered to any one who has procured a condemnation. 

78, 79, 87. The right of appeal and immunity to be offered to one of the Latin 
name, if he prefer not to become a citizen. 

[Then follows a repetition of lines 72—79.] Option to be given. 

87. Rewards of a Roman citizen who procures a conviction. 

88-90. Of uncertain import, perhaps of appeal. 


$ 4. Notes on the Text. 


I. [Praescriptio]. Sctta plebei are defined by Festus, ‘quae plebs suo suffragio 
sine patribus iussit, plebeio magistratu rogante. By the Lex Hortensia, v.c. 
467, they were made equal in all respecta to leges, i. e. laws proposed by patrician 
magistrates in the comitia centuriata or tributa. Hence the common formula ex 
hace lege plebive scito (e.g. Lex Bant. 7) or lex sive id plebtacitum est. 

The praescriptio or index is preserved in a Lex Quinctia de aquis given by Fron- 
tinus, c. 129, and is of the form printed in italics at the beginning of this law. 

It runs as follows :—''T. Quinctius Crispinus cos.... populum iure rogavit 
populusque iure scivit in foro pro rostris aedis divi Iulii pr. [k.) Iulias. Tribus 
Sergia principium fuit; pro tribu Sex.... L.f. Varro [primus scivit] The dis- 
tinction between plebes and populus in the two cases is simply owing to the different 
standing of the proposer. Here it is a tribune, and he is said plebem rogare, and 
so Antonius, etc. in the Lex de Termessibus; but Sulla in the Lex Cornelia, 
Quinctius in the Lex de Aquis, etc. are said populum rogare, as being curule 
magistrates. In the Lex Cornelia and Lex de Termessibus we have only 
fragments of the formula. 

[Quoi ceivi Romano sociumve no|minieve Latent. This is Bruns’ reading, follow- 
ing Lex Agr. 231. Mommsen omits the c. E. inasmuch as the whole matter rests 
on the jurisdiction of the praetor peregrinus, line 12, even though the law contem- 
plates the possibility of a Roman citizen being an accuser (ll. 76, 87); for this he 
might be as the legatus of a king or people (ll. 60, 63). 

The persons who may be accused under this law are those who have held an 
ordinary magistracy or are senators or sons of senators. Secondly, they must have 
wrongly obtained money in their magistracy, whether ordinary or extraordinary. 
Thirdly, the sum must be of a certain amount in any given year. The amount is 
lost, but it cannot have been greater than 4,000 H. 8. (says M.) since C. Cato in 643, 
probably under this very law, was condemned to pay 8,000 H. S., i.e. dupli, l. 59. 
(Cic. Verr. iii. 8o, 84.) 

3. [ pro émperio prove potestate), ‘in the use of his imperium or potestas. See 
below on 1. 8. 

suos, 80 senatuos, volgus, equos, aevom, to avoid the occurrence of two u's. 

(praetoris, etc.] This supplement is taken from below and 1. 6. On leitis 
aestumatio, see below, ]. 58. 

4. It seems best to understand this provision of an action against the praetor 
who denied a trial, though the supplement is only conjectural. 

5. This seems to provide that a previous trial under this law should not be a 


430 |». INSTRUMENTA PUBLICA. 


bar to a fresh trial, if either the first accuser was a praevaricator or dropped the 
accusation. Praevaricationis causa, ‘in the way of collusive accusation.’ So 
kalumniae causa, ‘in the way of false accusation, exsilii causa, ‘ under sentence 
of exile,’ Aonorís causa, ‘with all respect’ (not ‘for the sake of honouring’). 
A praevaricator is one who is in league with the man he pretends to accuse, 
probably from seeming to go one way and going another. Such an accusation 
was that which Caecilius intended to make against Verres. See Cicero's Divinatio 
in Caecilium. 

ex À. l. ex reis exemptum. The provision for this does not appear in the portion 
of the law preserved to us, Mommsen quotes the Digest, xlviii. 2, 11, 3, ‘eam 
qui abolitione publica vel privata interveniente aut desistente accusatore ex veis 
exemptus est alius deferre non prohibetur. bolítio or nominis exemptio took place, 
(1) publice as an act of the senate on some festal occasion, (2) as an action of the 
judge on petition of the accuser and with consent of the accused, to avoid the 
penalties of tergiversatio, (3) owing to the death or legal hindrance of the 
accuser or informality in the act of acousation (Rudorff, R. G. ii. $ 130). 

6. In order to have full benefit of the law, the name of the accused must be 
handed in to the praetor before the 1st of September, a general rule of Roman 
law for quaestiones ordinariae, in order that if possible a case might be tried before 
the same praetor to whom the accusation was made. See Mommsen, ad loc. If 
a name was not given in before the 1st of September the process was by the less 
severe, but sometimes more convenient, private jurisdiction of recuperatores (Lex 
Bant. 4, etc.). Hence the praetor is ordered 'facito .. . utei privato solvatur, 
while in the other case he pays to the quaestor. 

8. De heisce dum mag(istratum) aut inperium habebunt. The words magis- 
tratus and énperium, especially the latter, have a long and somewhat obecure 
history. A magistratus is one who is elected by the people, or regularly coopted 
by one so elected, to take part in the executive government, originally accu- 
mulated in the hands of the king. The magistratus matores are those who shared 
the power which the king exercised in his own person, the magistratus minores 
that which he delegated to others, i. e. the aediles and quaestors and all below them. 

From the royal power also, according to Lange's theory, was derived the 
division of magisterial authority into potestas and imperium. He repre. 
sents the distinction between them as follows (E. A. i. pp. 237, 264 foll.) :— 
Potestas is & natural or constitutional right belonging to the king as patriarch, 
and representing, with certain limitations, the authority of the paterfamilias. 
It has its origin therefore from the extension of the theory of family and 
gentilician rights to the state, but it is limited by a wish to preserve those 
rights in the hands of the patres and gentes. By virtue of his potestas the 
king could make orders as to the use of the ager publicus and other state 
property, could nominate priests and secular officers, convoke the senate and 
comitia curiata, take auspices and offer sacrifices for the people, and treat 
with foreign states. But he had, by virtue of his potestas, no power over 
the persons and private property of his subjects (I. c. p. 264). This was 
given him after his election and inauguration by the patrum auctoritas or lex 


LEX ACILIA REPETUNDARUM. . 481 


curiata de snperio. The origin of this imperium or power of command seems to 
have been the necessity felt in a federal state composed of different nationalities 
(such as Rome was) for lodging a greater sovereignty in the hands of the ruler, 
than was required under a patriarchal constitution. The imperium of the king in 
consequence consisted of two parts, (1) in relation to property, of the right to 
impose a tax (íributum), a fine (multae dictio), and to adjudge on questions of 
disputed ownership; (2) in relation to persons—of the power of life and death as 
General in time of war, of punishment by stripes and imprisonment (vinclis ct 
verberibus) in time of peace, and of jurisdiction in civil and criminal causes so far 
as to take away tbe civil position of a citizen (capitis deminutio). 

The relation of potestas and imperium under the republic was no doubt some- 
what different, though the latter always required a special lex curiata for its 
transmission, According to Lange (i. p. 586), the common attributes which con- 
stitute the potestas of a magistrate are as follows :—(1) ius multae dáctionis (see 
Lex Bant. 11); (2) $us edicendi, the right of promulgating ordinances with re- 
gard to his conduct of office, which have the force of law during bis personal 
tenure; (3) ius contionem. habendi (see on. S. C. Bac. 1. 22) ; (4) $us auspictorum 
or spectéo (Cic. Phil. ii. 32, 81.) The imperium of magistrates, like that of the 
kings, contained the bighest military and judicial power, but generally limited by 
the rights of appeal and intercession. The magisiratus cum imperio, i.e. dictator, 
decemvirs, consuls, consular tribunes, and praetors, had the right of summoning the 
army under their own auspices, and consequently that of convoking the comitia 
centuriata and the ius cum populo agendé (though this was only allowed the 
praetors for certain purposes). Further, they had the right of jurisdiction (ius 
lege agendi) and that of vocatio, including that of prensio or summoning the 
attendance of an absentee. In token of this imperitum, they alone were allowed 
lictors. A magistrate, by virtue of his imperium, could enforce the obedience of 
another lower magistrate, and even suspend him and force him to abdicate 
(l. c. pp. 590, 591). The censors, standing in their origin in a peculiar relation 
to the consular power, had a sort of delegated imperium, but only for certain 
purposes. The potestas of the censors, on the contrary, was a special one con- 
veyed to them by a Lex Centuriata de Potestate Censoria, which put them above 
tribunician intercession and gave them other important powers. 

It must be remarked that Mommsen does not think the distinction between 
the terms so strong or 80 definable. Potestas may include (mperium, though it 
is naturally used of those magistrates who are without it. See Handbuch, 
Rémiaches Staaterecht, i. pp. 48 foll. Cp. Festus, Ep. p. 50. 

patronos tn eam rem darei. In older Latin the patronus is distinguished from 
the advocatus as one who speaks or pleads for another, while the advocatus stands 
by and gives counsel (Rudorff, R. G. ii. p. 5o, note). Afterwards they become 
combined. ‘ Ait Praetor: Si non habebunt advocatum, ego dabo.' See Liv. xliii. 2. 

10, at(t]igat. This form is found in Pacuvius, 228, ‘ne vim qui attulat neve attigat;’ 
and Accius, 304, ‘cave vestem attigas,’ and not rarely in Plautus, as Bacchid 445, 
* ne attigas puerum istac causa.’ It may either be treated as a separate verb or as 
an instance of x lost before a guttural (Introd. iii, § 19), or thirdly, and perhaps 


432 INSTRUMENTA PUBLICA. 


most probably, as an isolated aorist form. Attigeret is found 1. 21, apparently for 
attingeret. 

tn codem conlegio. Conlegium is a word of wide signification, and may denote 
association in a magistracy, a priesthood, or in a corporation or private guild 
(collegium artiyicum, etc.) Here it cannot well mean the first, an no one can be 
accused while actually in office; nor the third, as the persons contemplated are 
of a higher rank of life than the members of such guilds. It probably here implies 
association in the other state collegia, not magistracies, such as the pontifices, 
augures, Fratres Arvales, etc.  Sodalis is a leas general term, and is properly 
restricted to association for the purpose of a common religious feast or sacrifice, 
one of the objects of all collegia. See the authorities collected by Mommmsen, 
De Collegiis et Sodaliciis, c. x. Cp. especially Cic. pro Caelio, 11, 26. On 
sodalitas as an association for bribery in the comitia tributa, see Mommsen, 
l.c. pp. 41 foll. 

quoiace in fide is ertt. ‘In fide esse’ is best illustrated by a passage of Gellius, 
v. 13, in which, in accordance with the ‘ mores populi Romani,’ he classes as binding 
upon a inan, first the relation of tutor and pupillus, then that of a patron and 
client, then that of hospes, lastly, his relation to cognati and adfines. The 
relation of clientela is usually called in fide esse, and is meant here. See on C. 531, 
and Mommsen, Róm. Forschungen, die R. Clientel, pp. 355, 362. | 

11. mori[bus suspectus) ia Klenze's very apposite supplement. 

12. deicet, the future (says Mommsen) is probably to be explained on the sup- 
position that the tribune or tribunes promulgated this law between the day on 
which they entered office, 1v Id. Dec. and that on which the praetors came in, 
Kal. Jan. Similarly the third Philipptc was spoken at a meeting of the Senate 
held by the tribunes in this interval, the consuls Antony and Dolabella being 
absent. 

The census CCCC n., or census equestris, is here introduced by Mommsen, in 
accordance with what we know of the Gracchan judicial law. which forbade 
senators to be iudices, but required a property qualification. cccc n. quadrin- 
genta milia H. 8., 400,000 sesterces. So the colloquial expression, ‘Sed quadrin- 
gentis sex septem milia desunt ; | plebs eris," Hor. i. Ep. 1. 58. 

13. [dum nei quem]. The curule magistrates are here omitted in the supple- 
ment as they were, after their tenure of office, members of the senate de facto, if 
not de iure, baving the right ‘in eenatu sententiam dicere.' 

queiv[e mercede conductus depugnavit], cp. 16 queive merc[ede, etc.] Mommsen 
supplements thus, queiv[e mercede conductus depugnavit depugnaverit artemve ludi- 
cram fecit fecerit], comparing Lex Iul. Mun. 112, ‘queive depugnandei | caussa 
auctoratus est erit fuit fuerit, and 123, ‘queive lanistaturam artemve ludicram 
fecit fecerit, where they stand among the disqualifications for a place in the pro- 
vincial senate, etc. 

in urbem Romam, where we should usually have the ablative. So Lex Iul. 
Mun. 20. See on Lex Agr. 1, in terram Italiam, where otber instances are 
given. [ p(assus) M.) from the Lex Iulia, where it occurs frequently = the suburban 
district for a mile outside the walls. This, it appears, was counted as part of the 


LEX ACILIA REPETUNDARUM. 433 


city iteelf, and within this limit consequently the imperium of the magistrates was 
subject to provocatio and the tribunician veto. 

- 14. quos legerit eos patrem tribum cognomenque £ndácet, see on no. 52. Such a 
designation is, for example, ‘Ser. Sulpicius Q. F. Lemonia Rufus, in a S. C. 
proposed by Cicero (Phil. ix. 7), and is in fact the fullest possible, unless the 
grandfather's name, etc., were added. 

CDL vireis, nom. pl. Introd. ix. § 7. 

15. in taboleis puplicis, kept in the aerarium. So Cicero, Philippic v. 5, 
15 ‘hos ille demens iudices legisset, horum nomina ad aerarium detulis- 
set.’ 

$s pr(aetor), hence the supplement (Praetor quet post À. l. rogatum ex h.l. toudex 
factus erit]. See above, on the change $n procedure, etc. The title IVDEX : Q* VENE- 
FicIS : PR * BEPETVNDIS, i.e. iudex q(uaestionis) veneficis, pr(aetor) repetundis, is 
found in the Elogium of C. Claudius Pulcher, praetor v. c. 659 (C. p. 279), & later 
monument, but preserving a genuine tradition. This praetor repetundis appears 
to have been appointed first under this law, the jurisdiction for the first year 
being left to the praetor peregrinus, l. 12. 

18. (€ conctione. Perhaps the c, when written by mistake, was afterwards 
scratched out, but the braes is not very clear. At any rate it can give no support 
to the spelling concio for contio. See above on no. 58. 

legise . . . [(optumos]. Op. Cic. pro Cluent. xliii. 121 ‘praetores urbani... 
iurati debent optimum quemque in selectos iudices referre." 

19-26. De nomine deferundo iudéícibusque legundeis. This is one of the most 
difficult chapters of the law, though it is made coherent and intelligible in a very 
great measure by Mommsen's supplements. For & short analysis, see the argu- 
ment above. First comes the delato nominis, and the oath that the accuser does 
not come forward calwmniae causa. — Calumnia is simply the accusation of an 
innocent person whom you know to be innocent, by one ‘qui sciens prudens per 
Íraudem negotium alicui comparat, Paul. i. 5, 1, etc. The word is connected 
with calvere, calvi, to injure, betray, and perhaps incilare (Corss. ii. 172). When 
this oath became too weak to deter false accusers, a subscription was exacted by 
which the accuser became liable to the same penalty that was pronounced against 
the defendant. Later a counter trial was allowed, and various penalties, such as 
branding with a K, inflicted (see Rudorff, ii. § 138). 

20. arvoreario. Cp. S. C. Bac. 1, Introd. iv. § 29. 

31. attigeret, apparently for attingeret. Op. attigat, 1. 10. 

22. Twenty days after the accused has made his editéo, the accuser is to choose 
100 out of the remainder, excepting his own relatives, etc., and those who are 
forbidden to be $udices by the terms of this law. The enumeration of these 
is made again, probably to prevent anyone from being selected who had become 
incapable since the choice of the 450 by the praetor, which might be more than 
eight months previous. 

22. l. Rubr(fa 111 vir col. ded.] There are two Rubrii known to us about this 
time, both tribunes and colleagues, the first of Tiberius, v. C. 621, the second 
of C. Gracchus, v.c. 631. The latter carried a law for founding a colony at 


Ff 


434 INSTRUMENTA PUBLICA. 


Carthage, one of C. Gracchus’ favourite plans. The triumviri for this purpose would 
naturally be mentioned here. M. 

a3. The exception of anyone condemned under this law is superfluous, inasmuch 
as they must be senators or magistrates who had been already excepted. By 
whose carelessness it was introduced it is quite impossible to say, but it came in 
rather easily after the exception of persons condemned under the previous laws, 
who were not perhaps necessarily of this standing. 

lege Calpurnia, etc., passed v.c. 605. See above on the change tn procedure, 
etc. 
lege Iunia. Nothing else is known of this law besides the reference in line 74, 
but we must conclude from the mention of it here, that it was passed between 
v.0. 605-632. Borghesi believes its author to have been probably M. Iunius 
Silanus, cos. V. 0. 645, the first consul in his family. Sacramento actum ; we learn 
from this that peregrini could use legal actions. Cp. Gaius, iv. 31. M. Incen- 
tumviral causes in the time of Gaius, the legal action sacramento was still in use 
before going into court: ‘aput Praetorem urbanum vel peregrinum. t was pre- 
served after the other legal actions went out, partly by the Lex Aebutia, circa 
B. 0. 170. 

26. eie, nom. pl. So lines 57, 67; cp. Tab. B, lines 16, 23, Introd. ix. $ 7, xiii. 
$ 34- 

27. Cio. Verr. act. i. 6, 17, *libelli nominum vestrorum consiliique huius in mani- 
bus erant omnium. M. 

28. q]uei pequniam, etc. This is very obscure, but must relate to some infor- 
mation given before the trial, probably against one or other of the iudices, which 
the law orders shall not injure the informer. Tribu mo]veto; this was part of the 
potestas censoria, and was a species of degradation (ignoménia), which could be 
put in practice in two ways. Either a man was moved from a tribus rustica into 
a tribus urbana, which involved a lowering of his dignity, inasmuch as the country 
tribes contained the patricians, while the urban were mostly artisans, clients, and 
proletarii; or he lost the $us suffragii altogether, an action on the part of the 
censor which was called tribubus omnibus movere, aerarium facere, in tabulae Cae- 
ritwn referre, sometimes less exactly tribu movere (Lange, i. p. 679). 

neive equom adimito. The censors held at the census a parade of the equites, 
sitting themselves in the forum, while they passed before them up the Via Sacra, 
leading by the bridle the egué publici. Those who were to be left in the centuries 
of knights were bidden traduc equum, those who were thought unworthy were 
ordered vende equum (Lange, i. p. 683). After the year 625 v.0. a senator could 
not serve equo publico, and therefore others besides senators must here be intended. 
M. 

30. utei g]uod recte factum esse volet, & common formula, in these or like words, 
meaning ‘ without prejudice,’ ‘to the best of his ability.’ 

31. oppedeis foreis concilíab]oleis. Oppidum is a general word signifying a town, 
used even of Rome. According to Corssen (ii. 870), however, by derivation 
country-town (ob pedum, on the field), opposite to urbe. Forum, a market- or 
assize-town. Fora, conciliabula, castella, are smaller places with incomplete 


LEX ACILIA REPETUNDARUM. 435 


organisation; praefectura i8 a place to which a praefectus or praefecti ture dicundo 
is or are sent from Rome, instead of the local duumviri ; municipium is a free 
town governed by its own magistrates. Colonia partly covers both the last terms. 
For further details, see Mr. Watson's Select Letters of Cicero, App. xii. 

toure deicundo, dative in e, preserved in legal forms. Introd. x. § 15. 

32. refere =re-ferre. 

33. c]ausam detcet. This exception is referred to by Cicero, Verr. ii. 8, 24, 
speaking of Hortensius, ‘te mihi testem in hoc crimine eripuit legis exceptio. M. 

dwmtaxat here means, * provided that he may call one.' 

34- de ro[ganda multa. This fine no doubt had to do with the inquiry and 
denuntiatio of witnesses. 

dum taxat homines UL, ‘to the number of 48 persons.’ I1L=‘duo de quinqua- 
ginta, By 4 later law 120 might be called, as in the case against M. Scaurus, 
v.c. yoo (Val. Max.8, 1). M. 

35. Praetor utei interroget. This (says M.) cannot be an interrogation of the 
reus or the witnesses, as thia did not take place ín twre; but probably was for 
the purpose of determining the day, and citing or excusing iudices. 

39. loudex nei quis dispulet. ‘A iudex is not to interrupt proceedings’ by 
making remarks in confirmation or refutation of a witness, Hence the particular 
provision in the case of Clodius, reported by Asconius in Cic. Milon. p. 41, *ut 
priusquam causa ageretur testes per triduum audirentur dictaque eorum iudices 
confirmarent.’ See M. 

rem proferet, ‘shall postpone the case. The contrary was unlawful, 'referri 
diem prodictam, id est anteferri religiosum est,’ Fest. p. 289. 

nomen referre is obscure. The whole section seems to have something to do 
with the excuses of jurors, not with the principal matter, and the toudex qjuet eam 
rem quaeret (line 42) is probably one of the jurors appointed by the praetor to 
examine them. 

40. utei ts, The Table has ué eius, an evident error, especially as wei, not ud, is 
the form in use at this date. 

42. causam non noverit, ‘ shall not have approved the excuse.’ So Cic. de Leg. 
i. 4, II, ‘atqui vereor ne istam causam nemo noscat,’ says Atticus to Cicero, who 
is urging the excuse of age, and ad Fam. iv. 4, 1, ‘illam partem excusationis . .. 
nec nosco nec probo. M., 

* fec[tsse videri’ or * parum cavisse,’ is the ordinary euphemism for pronouncing 
a sentence of condemnation. So supplement to line 56. ‘ Parum cavisse videri 
pronuntiat magistratus cum de consilii sententia capitis quem condemnaturus est,’ 
Fest. p. 238, Cic. Verr. v. 6, 24. 

45. multam supremam, i.e. 3020 asses. See above on Lex Bant. line 11. 

46. isque quaestor. The mention of the quaestor is rather remarkable; probably 
we must suppose the names of the iudices brought (deferri) to the aerarium. 

in colnsilium eant. The president was said méttere in consilium as soon as the 
pleaders had finished their speeches and the herald had cried Dixerunt. (Rud. ii. 
p. 441.) 

48. amplius bis, ‘more than twice, One ampliatio was allowed, but a second 


Ff2 


486 INSTRUMENTA PUBLICA. 


refusal to come to a decision was to be fined, each juror saying ‘non liquet' paying 
10,000 H.8. Mommsen’s supplement is considerably different, making amplius 
the phrase for ampliatio, viz. |... Judices maior pars eorum sei ita noluerint de ea 
re iudicare, is HS. n COIND quotiens quomque * amplius' bis in uno éu[dicio pro- 
nontiatum erit, singulis multa esto. Notice also that here is is to be taken as the 
dative for ize. The sense is however the saine. 

. 49. duae partes, ‘two-thirds.’ 

semovant(ur. If this is anything more than an error, it must be an instance of 
conjugation varying between the and and 3rd. Movere certainly does make its 
perfect, etc. in the third conjugation, and felgere, fervere, stridere, etc., are 
often conjugated in both forms, though perhaps not in the present subjunctive. 

51. sorticola, also called tabella and cera legítima, in distinction to a particular 
kind used, or intended to be used, at least in one case, that of Verres, cera discolor 
(Cio. Verr. i. 13, 40). In that case the bribed iudices were provided before they 
went into court with a tablet covered with coloured wax, which they were to sub- 
stitute for the cera legitima; so that when they held up the hand to show it to the 
people, it might be known whether they had kept their promise or not. 

Sitella cum sortibus, in a different sense, was an ordinary way of drawing lots, 
water being poured in, and that which rose to the top being taken as an omen. 
See below on the Sortes, nos. 1438-1454. 

54. transdito, so line 58. 

55. quod praevaricatíonts causa factum non erit, ‘except in case of conspiracy 
with his accuser.’ See above, line 5. 

B6. de sanctioni hoiusce legis, on the ground of something in the final clauses 
of this law.’ Sanctio legis is properly the conclusion, containing provisions against, 
and penalties for, cases of transgression of a law, the other two necessary divisions 
being Praescriptio, the heading or title, and Rogatio, the law itself. Without 
a Sanctio a law is imperfecta, and $ketnore complete the sanctio the more perfect 
the law. In this law, for example, there would be a provision against an abroga- 
tion or derogation, per saturam (see on line 7a). 

. 88. de leitébus aestumandeis. The ‘assessment of damages, or of the sum claimed 
to be recovered, took place directly after the sentence. ds, or stlís, is compared 
by Corssen to Germ. Streit, stóren, Gk. orep-foxw, etc. See on C. 38. 

60. nomine &u]o, a supplement taken from Lex Rubria, ii. 13, ' quei eam suo 
nomine petierit quoive eam d(arei) o(portebit).’ 

leitem aestumatam, with the dative of the person in whose favour it is assessed. 

62. A tributus (another form of tribidéum) is made when a sum, either to be 
collected or dispensed, is divided proportionately among several persons. So the 
people is said tributwm facere when it exacts a tax upon land, according to the 
value of the estates; and a master has to make a íríbutus when he divides the 
goods of a slave, who has been in business, amongst hia creditors, according to the 
sums he owes them—a somewhat parallel case to this. So Mommsen; cp. Lex 
Iulia, 41. . For the formula of this actío tributorta see Rud. ii. p. 165. 

64. sed fraude sua, or se f. s., & common phrase, ‘without any danger or preju- 

dice to himself.’ 


LEX ACILIA REPETUNDARUM. 437 


65, 66. We have here in full the formulae ‘apud forum palam, ubei de plano 
vecte legi possitur' introduced into the supplements of two or three lines above, 
e.g. 14, 18. De plano, ‘from the ground,’ without using a ladder, ete. 

possitur and potestur are curious abnormal formations of possum, on the analogy 
of the ordinary Latin passive. So poteratur, possetur, quitur, queatur, etc. : see 
Fest. p. 241, Non. p. 508, Lucr. i. 1045, iii. Toro. 

67. in fiscis, baskets, especially for keeping money. &o Cic. Hence in later 
times the emperor's privy purse, the fiscus proper. 

69. pr(aetor) . . . éuserit . . . quaestor . . . extra ordinem dato solvitoque. Such a 
provision was necessary to hold the quaestor harmless, inasmuch as ordinarily the 
quaestor could pay on the consul's order alone, but required from all other magis- 
trates & direction or decree ef the Senate to that effect (Pol. vi. 13, Liv. xliv. 16, 
Lange, pp. 614, 741). 

71. neive éudicium dimitere tubeto. The two reasons for dissolving a court are 
an assembly of the senate or of the comitia tributa, and hence the resolution of 
the senate ap. Cic. Fam. viii. 8, 5, ‘cum de ea re ad senatum referretur a consu- 
libus, qui eorum in cco iudicibus essent, eos (cod. ses) adducere liceret.' So that 
later, when Augustus appointed fixed days for meetings of the senate, they were 
all made nefasti (Dio Cass. lv. 3). M. 

tribus intro vocabuntur. This seems to be a phrase taken from the comitia 
centuriata (intro vocari centurías) and applied to the comitia tributa. According 
to Lange (ii. p. 458) the intro implies the passage from tbe saepta—of which 
there was one for each tribe—across the pontes into tbe general enclosed space for 
voting or ovile. The convenience of this method for orderly voting is evident. 

72. extra quam sei quid in saturam feretur. The general prohibition of passing 
enactments of different kinds in one law (per saturam = medley-wise) was already 
in existence, as we learn from the words of T. Annius Luscus in a speech against 
Ti. Gracchus (Festus v. Satura, p. 314), ‘imperium quod plebes per saturam 
dederat id abrogatum est;' and hence the provision in the sanctio of & law, NEVE 
PER SATVRAM ABROGATO AVT DEBOGATO. It was declared again by the Lex 
Caecilia Didia v. 0. 655—some years later—a law which also imposed under 
penalty the promulgation for seventeen days at least (promulgatio trinum nun- 
dinum). . 

73. The five following chapters of the law are, for some reason or other, 
repeated again, ll. 79-86. For that they are a mere repetition, and not a number 
of similar enactmente (as above, 1. 12, de CDL vireis in hunc annum legundis com- 
pared with l. 15) is at once visible when they are printed under one another, 
as in Bruns, and for this reason I have thought it perfectly allowable to omit 
them. Some of the supplementa and corrections of course depend upon the second 
copy, and the words in this, and not in the first, are enclosed in round brackets. 
Possibly the writer found he had made a number of blunders and thought it 
better to repeat than to attempt to erase and alter. 

74. fuit fuerit, ‘has been or shall have been.’ Actions for money exacted before 
this law was passed might still lie under the Calpurnian and Junian laws (the latter 
being apparently a supplement to the former); indeed it was in all probability 


438 INSTRUMENTA PUBLICA. 


specially provided that this law should not touch cases which had taken place 
before it was passed. See the supplement in the next sentence. Quetque contra 
h. l. fecisse dicentur, nisei lex rogata erit ante quam ea res facta) erit, quom eis 
hace lege actio nei esto. 

75. Lf the same praetor and éudices, or the survivors of them, are convinced that 
praevarícatio has taken place, certain penalties are to follow. What these were 
is of course now unknown. Mommsen quotes from Cicero, Fam. viii. 8, 2, the 
case of M. Servilius, who accused C. Claudius, praetor v.c. 698, of extortion, and 
obtained a condemnation. The son of Claudius is said 'iudicasse pecuniam ex 
bonis patris pervenisse ad Servilium, praevaricationisque causa depositum H. 8. 
LXXXI, et, misisse in consilium eosdem illos qui lites sestimarant iudices.' 

76. De ceivitate danda. By the Servilian law it appears that the citizenship 
could only be granted in this way to Latini (see M. ad loc.), whereas by this it 
was opened to any one quei ceivis R. non erít. 

77. gnateis, n. pl. ; 80 CDL vireis, 1. 14, Introd. ix. § 7. Cp. eis, }. 26, etc. 

censento=censentor. In this form we have a trace of the original passive forma- 
tion in -se or -s, and must consider this an instance of the loses of a final -s. 
Introd. xiv. $ 15. So rogato for rogator below (Madv. Opusc. il. 241) and twice 
in the Lex Quinctia preserved by Frontinus, c. 129 ; praefato z praefator, Cato, 
R. R. 134, p. 334, and tollito (7), Leg. Reg. 4, p. 253. 

militiaeque eis vocatio, i. q. vacatio. So Lex Iul. Mun. c. 206, 93, 203. Cp. 
Laudatio Murdiae, ‘rocuamque (do]mum alterius fecunditate t[radidisti liberis 
replendam),' Plaut. Trin. 11, eocívas aures (Ambros. MS.), Cas. prol. 29, aures 
vocivae (MS. Pal) In Sen. Lud. c. 11, Bücheler reads * rerum iudicandarum 
vocationem dari.’ See Mommsen, ad loc., Corssen, ii. 66, and the authorities there 
referred to. Cp. other o's after v for a, e. So voz, votare, vortere, Voturia tribue 
for *vak-s, vetare, vertere, Veturia. 

78. rogato for rogator. See on censento in the preceding line. 

dícta tor praetor aedilis are the ordinary magistrates among the Latins; e.g. 
Milo was dictator at Lanuvium, one Aufidius Luscus was praetor at Fundi when 
Horace went to Brundisium (i. Sat. 5. 34), etc. Such men are excepted, as they 
had by virtue of their office already become Roman citizens. 

De provocation|e immunitat}eque danda. The object of this was to give a 
Latin who did not care to change his citizenship the same right to freedom from 
corporal penalties as a Roman had. Similarly the elder Livius Drusus at this 
very time set himself to outbid C. Gracchus by a law Srws pndt Eri orpareias tf7 
rive Aarlyer paBdoe alkícaca, (Plut. C. Gracch. 9). 

quoius eorum opera ma|xime eum condemnatum esse constiterit. So the supple- 
ment, with the help of the second copy. Mommsen compares Ascon. in Cic. Mil. 
P- 54, ' Damnatum opera maxima []. maxime] Ap. Claudii [Milonem] pronun- 
tiatum est, which shows that there was & legal decision on the point at least in 
that age, and aS. C. in Frontinus de Aq. 127 and Lex Mamilia, c. 55, Bruns, 
P. 90. 





439 


SENTENTIA Q. M. MINUCIORUM INTER GENUATES 
ET VETURIOS, v.c. 637. 


C. 199. Though I have omitted the text of this document as being of leas 
general interest, it may be worth while to give a short account of it. It is written 
on a bronze plate, containing forty-six lines, found in 1506, about six miles froin 
Genoa, on the river Succo, and is now kept in the Senate-house at Genoa. It 
consists of an arbitration as to boundaries pronounced v. c. 637, B. 0. 117, by Q. and 
M. Minucius, one of whom was consul seven years afterwards. The dispute was 
between the Langenses Veturii and their neighbours of Genoa, and appears to 
have been brought before the Roman Senate, who appointed the two Minucii as 
arbitri, they being descended from Q. Minucius, who subdued the Ligures 
V.C. 557, and therefore having an ancestral connection and perhaps right of 
patronatus. Cp. the relation of the Marcelli to Sicily. The arbiters decided 
upon the spot and gave orders for the erection of boundary stones ('eos fines 
facere terminosque statui iusserunt') On their return to Rome they pronounced 
the sentence (‘ ubei ea facta essent Romam coram venire iouserunt’). 

The following grammatical forms may be noticed :— 

The plural nominatives—Mínucieis Rufeis 1, eis 29, hisce 13, Veituris 25, 36, 
Vituries 37, Dectunines, Cavaturineis 38, Cavaturines 39. See Introd. ix. § 7. 

Ablatives—arbitratuu, fontei, faenisicet (from an unused consonantal stem). 
Introd. x. § 16. 

Dative plural—Dectuntnebus. Introd. ix. § 12. 

ager vectigal 6,=vectigalis. Introd. x. $ 4 (1) c. 

fruimino 3a, — fruatur. composeiverunt 2, « composuerunt. sicet = secet. 

The writing of preposition and case in one word is extremely frequent, especially, 
as usual, with in. See Int. iv.6$ 2(5). Ob eas res occurs |. 43, the only instance where 
ob is go found in this volume. Cp. aacetereis, Lex Corn. 202,ii. 29 where we notice also a 
doubled vowel. vis doubled in Q. Muucio cos. 5, 29, 37, a3 well as in arbitratuu above. 

Consonants are sometimes found doubled, sometimes not. We have annos and 
anos, Mannicelo and Manicelum, possiderent and posident, etc. (the latter in all the 
cases), mitat and tnmittere. But doubled consonants are far rarer than single ones. 

The whole style of the document is of a hard and somewhat archaic character. 

In describing the boundaries we have some expressions rather difficult to 
analyse, e.g. ‘Inde flovio suso vorsum inflovium Lemurim. Inde flovio Lemuri 
susum usque ad rivom Comberane(am).’ This appears to mean, ‘Thence upwards 
from the river to the river Lemuris. Thence from the river Lemuris upwards to 
the watercourse of Comberanea.' Flovio being without a preposition, is defined 
by inde. See the general formulae given by Hyginus, p. 114 of the Gromatici. 

susum or guso is found side by side with sursum, just aa rursum by rusum or 
russum in Plautus. Suswm is found also in Cato, R. R. 157, 15. 

With prata quae fuerunt proxuma faentsicei ... invites eis niquis sicet nive pascat 
nive fruatur, Mr. Nettleship compares Virg. Aen. xi. 319, ' vomere duros | exer- 
cent collis atque horum asperrima pascunt, i.e. pascuis utuntur. Depasco is used 
in the same way not unfrequently. 


440 INSTRUMENTA PUBLICA. 


LEX AGRARIA. Pp. 189-204. 


C. 300. The fragments of this law are on the back of the same table as the Lex 
Repetundarum, and were, as we have seen, in all probability added at a time when 
that law was superseded by another, and when consequently the table could be 
turned to another use. 

We have then on the one side a sample of the legislation of Gracchus, and in 
the Agrarian law, as will appear directly, a specimen of the reaction against that 
legislation. 

The arrangement of the fragments is chiefly due to Rudorff, who edited the law in 
1839, following up and making morally certain the arrangement adopted by Klenze 
in the Lex Repetundarum. The valuable review of it by Huschke in Krit. Jahrb. 
für deutsche Rechtswissenschaft, vol. x, 1841 (says Mommsen), is equal to a new 
edition: and lastly we have Mommsen’s own commentary in the Corpus, which 
I bave used freely, adding a good deal of explanation on minor points. I must 
also express my obligations to Mr. J. L. Strachan Davidson, Fellow of Balliol 
College, for many valuable suggestions. 

For agrarian matters generally I have referred to the Gromatict veteres of Blume, 
Lachmann, and Rudorff, 2 vols., Berlin, 1848, 1852: as well as to Becker and Mar- 
quardt, vol. iii. pt. 3, and the new edition (Mommsen and) Marquardt, vol. iv. 
pp. 430 foll, and Lange, Róm. Alt. for the history. There are some useful ex- 
tracts from the agrimensores in Bruna, pp. 242-249, but their statements require 
criticism. 

$ 1. On the Date of the Agrarian Law. 

There can be no reasonable doubt that the law was passed in the consulship of 
P. Cornelius Scipio Nasica and L. Calpurnius Bestia, v.c. 643, B.O. I 11. 

To take only the most decisive arguments— 

(1) The censors of the year 639, L. Caecilius and Cn. Domitius, are mentioned 
lines 38, 85, 88. 

(2) Cn. Papirius consul of line 89 is the consul of the year 641—as his law 
added something to that of the preceding censors. 

(3) M. Livius, L. Calpurnius (line 29) are the consuls of 642. 

(4) P. Cornelius, L. Calpurnius (line 95) are the consuls of 643. 

(5) Tbe censors above mentioned are so spoken of in the law as to make it 
appear that they are the last created before it passed. But new censors came in 
v.0. 645. Cp. lines 34 and 35 together. 

(6) The messis and vindemia of the year 643 are spoken of as future: hence 
Rudorff has made it very probable that it was passed in that year between Jan. 1 
and the summer. 

$ 2. On the Object of the Law. 

The only author who mentions this law is Appian, Bell. Civ. i. 37. He there 
speaks of three laws passed to subvert the Sempronian. (1) One to permit the 
Gracchan possessores to sell their lands, 4 proceeding which had been forbidden 
by the Sempronian laws. The result of this was that the rich bought up the 
lots and matters only became worse. The author and date of this law is unknown, 
but it may have been 633 or a little later, i.e. just after the fall of Gaius: 

(2) This went on till a tribune, called in the MSS. of Appian Xrovpoe Bépios, 


LEX AGRARIA. 441 


but generally identified with Sp. Thorius, repealed the Sempronian law entirely 
about v.0. 635 or 636. He forbade any further division by the commissioners, 
ratified the existing possessiones, and imposed a vectigal, the sum of which was to 
be divided among the people. This identification is probably correct, but we have 
great difficulty in reconciling Appisn's words with those of Cicero, Brut. xxxvi. 
136, ‘Sp. Thorius satis valuit in populari genere dicendi, is qui agrum publicum 
vitiosa et inutili lege vectigali levavit. Cicero seems to say just the reverse of 
Appian, that he ‘relieved the public land of the vectigal by a vicious and useless 
law, which is the natural sense of the words. Nothing is gained by making 
vectigalé epithet to lege, and so Mommsen is obliged to turn it into the instrument, 
and to render ‘relieved the public land from s vicious and useless law by impos- 
ing a vectigal’—which is extremely harsh. Probably either Appian or Cicero 
made a slip in the name. The only other reference to the Thorian law (Cic. 
de Orat. ii. 70, 384) throws no light upon its provisions. The date is decided by 
an obscure statement of Appian (1. c.) that after fifteen years spent in idle litigation, 
the people were deprived of all the benefits promised by the Sempronian laws 
(wevrexaisexa padsora Érecw dà rijs l'páxyov vouo0eaías, iat Slecus ty dpyiq yeyo- 
vores), Counting these fifteen years from 621, we get 636 as the year for the 
Thorian law which abolished the triumviri agris dandis adsignandis. 

(3) Tbe third law is mentioned by Appian alone, “Araf 32 rois copicpac: roiobe 
ToU Tpaxxelov vóuov wapadvbdrros, dpicrov xal dxpeluporrárov, el b3uvaro wpax6ijva:, 
yevoutyou, kal rods pépovs ob word Ücrepor BiéAvce Düuapxos Érepos, i.e. ‘another 
tribune abolished even the vectigalia. This is almost without doubt the law of 
which we have here the fragmenta. The date ‘not long after’ agrees fairly with 
the space of seven years between the Thorian law and v.c. 643, and the abolition 
of the vectigal is expressed in lines 19, 20, 26. We only know of two tribunes of 
this year, C. Memmius, a popular tribune, and his opponent, C. Baebius, who 
may be the author of this law. At any rate it was a tribune who took the 
side of the nobility against the people. 


$3. The History of the previous Agrarian Laws. 

The best introduction to the complicated provisions of this law will be a shurt 
sketch of the history of the ager publicus and the attempts made to divide it. 

The ager publicus is the land conquered or otherwise acquired by the state and is 
the property of the community—the Quirites. Such land may either (1) be assigned 
by law as private property (agrum dare, adsignare), or (2) it may be sold by auction 
like other praeda, in which case it was called ager quaestoríus, (see $ 7, 3 (1) and 
commentary on l. 45), or (3) it may remain ager publicus, and while the dominium 
continues in the hands of the state its use may be allowed to private citizens, either 
as pasture land let to several persons (ager compascuos) for which a ascríptura of so 
much per head of cattle is expected, or in separate estates held by individuals for 
which a rent (vectigal) is paid. This rent is stated by Appian (Bell. Civ. i. 7) to have 
been one tenth of sown crops, and one fifth of fruits, but there is reason to believe 
that this rent was sometimes raised. For instance, 1l. 88 enacts that no magistrate 
is to make a change in the conditions of tenancy established by the censors L. 
Caecilius and Cn. Domitius. Cp. l. 82, n. This tenure is commonly called possessio 





442 INSTRUMENTA PUBLICA. 


and the tenant possessor, the term being used naturally enough to indicate that 
his tenancy was incomplete ownership. For though in private property the 
dominus was also generally the possessor, yet the two persons were not neces- 
sarily united, e.g. when an estate was the subject of litigation the dominus was, 
ex hypothesi, uncertain, though the possessor was easily ascertained, or again 
when a res mancipi was sold by simple tradition the’ possessor did not acquire 
deminium till after the time necessary for usucapio had elapsed. Occupare and 
occupatio hardly seem to be technical terms in reference to this tenancy, though 
they may be naturally enough used of it. 

More difficult and more important is it to determine the duration of the lease 
and the terms under which it was granted. What in fact was the censoria locatio 
and what exactly is meant by agrum fruendum locare? Scholars up to the time 
of Niebuhr took it to refer to the assignment of lands to possessores, and so 
Becker and Marquardt, but without discussing the other view (Handb. vol. iii. 
pt-2,p. 140. The new edition is not yet out.) Niebuhr, however, has made it very 
probable that these terms refer to the letting of the vectigal to publicani for col- 
lection. In the first place a locatio or letting by auction, if made to the possessores, 
would imply that their quit-rent was not fixed to a certain proportion (whatever 
it might be) of the crops. Again it appears that it took place at Rome, which it could 
hardly have done if ordinary provincial farmers were interested in it (Cic. Verr. II. 
iii. 6, cp. de Leg. Agr. ii. 21, $5): and in the same place the land in question in 
Asia is said, by Cicero, to have been restored to its old inbabitants, which is 
inconsistent with the idea of 4 possible constant change of tenancy. Yet he pro- 
ceeds ‘is ager a censoribus locari solet.” Other passages might be adduced to the 
same effect: perhaps the most decisive is Cic. de Lege Agraria, ii. 19, 50, *adiungit 
agros Bithyniae regios quibus nunc publicani fruuntur: deinde Attalicos agros in 
Cherroneso: in Macedonia, qui regis Philippi sive Persae fuerunt qui item a cen- 
soribus locati sunt et certissimum vectigal.’ The conjunction of these words 
' fruuntur . . (agri) locati . . vectigal ' seems to make it certain that fructus is here 
used in the sense of the net-profit or vectigal going to the state, not, as we might 
have supposed, the usu-fruct accruing to the possessor. (So again ibid. 30, 83.) 
The importance of this point is of course that it proves the tenancy to have been 
much less uncertain than we should have otherwise had to suppose. In fact there 
seems no reason for believing that the possessio when once granted could be re- 
voked except by an Agrarian law. It became a regular piece of property, which 
could be bought and sold, mortgaged, leased, divided, inherited, etc. This accounts 
both for the great eagerness to obtain grants of public land, and the revolutionary 
character attributed to the authors of agrarian laws. These measures were no 
doubt strictly legal, but they upset a number of reasonable expectations and in- 
troduced great confusion and embarrassment. They were hardly less acta of con- 
fiscation than would be the resumption of land in England by the crown on the 
theory of feudal lordship—only they had this in their favour, that constant 
agitation kept alive the sentiment of state dominion, and that land gave apparently 
the only opening for productive industry. Hence it was difficult for a would-be 
patriot to devise any other means of helping his poorer countrymen, the abolition 


LEX AGRARIA. 443 


of the real source of evil, slavery, being a thing unthought of in ancient times. 
There is a good summary of the evils which the Gracchi wished to reform in 
Appian, Bell. Civ. i. 7, and of the evils which they themselves introduced, ib. 10 
and 18, and the whole may be taken as applying to such laws in general. 

The beginning of the struggle must be dated very early in Roman history. The 
patricians were at first alone entitled to the ownership of the ager publicus, though 
rights in it had in time to be conceded to the plebs. Nevertheless it was not the 
poor among the plebs who had the capital to undertake, or the interest to gain, 
from the consuls (or censors) under direction of the senate, an occupation of 
newly conquered territory. This was granted to patricians or rich plebeians, 
whose interests were thus detached from those of their poorer brethren. The 
latifundta or broad possessions thus acquired were not even worked by plebeian 
labourers, as slaves cost leas to keep and could not be taken away to serve in the 
army. Nor was the vectigal (even if exacted regularly) of any use in relieving the 
poor plebeian, as it went into the aerarium, the key of which was in the hands of 
the consul and the senate. Poor plebeians had to be contented with an assign- 
ment of two tugera (heredtum) in a military colony set upon a great road in the 
newly conquered district. 

This state of things naturally led the plebs to desire by some legal means to 
improve their position, especially when they found themselves encumbered by 
debt, the result of the wars that followed the expulsion of the kings. For the 
Roman plebe, consisting of a number of small landholders, suffered by war in a 
variety of ways. First, by destruction of their farms and devastation of the crops. 
Secondly, by their own enforced absence as soldiers, which besides often gave a 
grasping neighbour an opportunity to encroach upon their land. Thirdly, by being 
liable to the land-tax (tributum) imposed in time of war. This had to be paid in 
coin, and consequently ruinous debts to the patricians, and even legal slavery, were 
the results. Theee causes, among others, led to the various secessions and con- 
stant agrarian commotions. 

The patricians, on the other hand, were debarred both by law and custom from 
commerce or other speculation, and this led them to be grasping in regard to land 
and to be given to secret usury. 

The first magistrate to take the cause of the plebe in hand was a patrician, Sp. 
Cassius Viscellinus, consul, who had restored the league with the Latins. He 
promulgated an agrarian law, that the land conquered from the Hernici should be 
divided viritim amongst plebeians and Latins, and if this were not sufficient, a part 
of that occupied by possessors was to be resumed by the state. This law was 
naturally not acceptable to the patricians on the one side, because it increased the 
power of the comitia centuriata at the expense of the senate, on the other, because 
the possessiones had already come to be treated as private property to be sold and 
inherited, and had naturally been much improved by the occupiers. The plebeians, 
on the other hand, did not care for the provision to benefit the Latins, and yielded 
to the promises of the patrician party, which were never fulfilled. Cassius died a 
violent death, how it is not exactly known, and was made in after times (it would 
seem most unjustly) a stock example of a self-seeking demagogue. 


444 INSTRUMENTA PUBLICA. 


Between this attempt of Sp. Cassius and the Licinian laws, 377 V. C. and B. C., 
there were many ineffectual attempts to pass measures to resume and redivide 
the public land, which were staved off by the upper classes by various means. 
The most honest of these were the foundation of new colonies, the assignation of 
newly conquered territory to plebeian owners, and especially the payment of the 
military stipendium from the treasury (aerarium) and consequently from the 
proceeds of the vectigal, which implied a great lightening of the trfbutum or land- 
tax. This measure is probably to be assigned to the patriotism of the great 
Camillus (censor v.c. 351). Nevertheless the social position of the plebs grew worse 
and worse, and was not lightened by attempts such as that of M. Manlius to relieve 
them. At last the tribunes C. Licinius Stolo and L. Sextius Lateranus deter- 
mined to win the sympathy of both classes of the plebeians, by combining in a 
lex satura enactments which should improve the social position of the poor with 
others that should increaze the political power of the rich. This is not the place 
for a discussion of the other provisions, which were important as a new assump- 
tion of the power by the comitia tributa (see Lange, i. p. 573 foll.). The second 
article, on the ager publicus, forbade ne quis plus quingenta tugera agri possideret, 
that is, probably a limitation of the possessio in its technical sense of public land. 
It contained also an order for the number of free labourers to be employed on 
each estate as well as slaves, and a provision that no one should feed on the 
common pasture more than 500 head of small and 100 of large cattle. How the 
land which was thus recovered was to be employed is not now known to us; it 
was perbaps divided viritim, but of this evidence is wanting. The punishment 
for transgression of the limits of the law was a fine’ imposed ($nrogata) by the 
aedile, and brought before the comitía tributa. But it was not difficult to evade 
the law: and Licinius himself was afterwards tried for possessing 1000 iugera, 
500 of which he held in his son's name, whom he had emancipated with this 
intention (Liv. vii. 16, etc.). And we read that it was in fact constantly evaded, 
App. Bell. Civ. 1,8, Plutarch, Ti. Gracchus, 8. 

The same causes which had produced the Cassian and Licinian laws acted with 
even greater force to inspire the Sempronian (v. c. 620, B.C. 134). The ever in- 
creasing growth of the latifundía ; the poverty of the small possessors following 
the Hannibalic war; the enormous number of slaves which the Roman victories, 
especially in Sardinia, Gaul, and Africa, had brought into the market ; the de- 
population and perhaps consequent unhealthiness of the country; the degeneracy 
of the urban plebs in character, and the readiness which they showed to live on 
state doles and the alms of the nobles—were facts which might well engage the 
attention of a thoughtful man. (See Lange, iii. p. 1 f. $ 136.) These things 
seem specially to have struck Ti. Gracchus on his return in 617 from the army 
before Numantia, The outbreak of a slave rebellion in Sicily might do much to 
open the eyes of other men. 

The Lex Sempronia agraria was promulgated directly he entered upon his 
tribunate, Dec. 10 v. 0. 610. Being strongly opposed by his colleague M. Octavius, 
Gracchus, after doing everything to induoe him to recall his intercession, obliged 
him to give up office by taking a vote of the tribes against him; and the law was 





LEX AGRARIA. 445 


at last carried (v. c. 621). It was a development of the Licinian law, with the 
following provisions, (1) while each possessor was restricted to 500 iugera, fathers 
of two sons might hold 1000—a vectigal being still paid ; (2) possessors of larger 
portions were to be compensated for improvements out of the serarium ; (3) the 
land resumed by the state was to be redivided, viritim, by a nominally annual but 
practically permanent commission of three tresviri agris dandis adseignandis (cp. 
Appian, i. 9, and Mommsen, Bk. iv. c. 3. p. 101); (4) such allotmente were not 
io exceed 30 iugera and could not be sold: they must also pay a vectigal to 
the state; (5) certain portions of public land, such as the ager Campanus, were 
not to be divided; (6) lastly, it seema that any new occupations of public land 
were forbidden. (This is Mommsen's inference ; see C. p. 87. I. 2.) 

The first commission consisted of the two Gracchi (Gaius being nine years 
younger than his brother) and Appius Claudius Pulcher, father-in-law of Tiberius. 
They were soon met with the difficulty of deciding which was public and which 
was private land ; and their powers had to be increased by a second law, which 
provided * ut idem triumviri iudicarent, qua publicus ager, qua privatus esset.' 'This 
wide extent of power was taken away—four years after the violent death of Tiberius 
Gracchus—by a proposition of the great Scipio Aemilianus, who represented the 
cause of the Latini, many of whom were interested in opposing the law. This 
led practically to a standstill of the commission for the next six years. It was not 
till ten years after the death of his brother that C. Gracchus proposed and carried 
his agrarian law. This was speaking generally a re-enactment of the former in 
a systematic form with some additions. The necessary judicial power was of 
course restored, and somehow or other the interests of the Latins were conciliated. 
Power also was given to make roads between the lots of the small possessors. 
It may perhaps be inferred from Appian's words about the Thorian law (above 
P. 441) that Gaius had abolished the vectigal, at least to some extent. Livius 
Drusus certainly did so, according to Plutarch, C. Gracchus, c. 9. 

We have already noticed the laws which superseded the Sempronian shortly after 
the violent death of C. Gracchus, of which the one before us is the third and last. 


$ 4. Explanation of some common terms in the Mensuration of Land. (See Rudorff, 

Gromatische Institutionen, vol. ii. of the Gromatici, esp. pp. 279 f. 336 f. 

342-356.) 

The unit of agrarian measurement is a square of twelve ten feet rods, or forty 
yards square, called an actus. The rod or perch is decurfa, decempeda, pertica. 
The square rod is scriptulum. The term actus is supposed to denote the length 
of a furrow suitable to the strength of oxen, 120 feet long (Colum. ii. 3, 27). 
Two actus make a iugerum (or yoke of land) 120 ft. x 240 ft. The ordinary way 
of measuring out land was as follows. The groma (Greek yva@pa) was a cruciform 
machine of wood (hence sometimes called stella) supported on an iron leg ( ferra- 
mentum) coming from the centre and fixed in the ground. It was used by 
agrimensores to mark out the land in lots by lines exactly perpendicular to each 
other, tested by looking along the cross in opposite directions, and backwards 
and forwards, signa or metae being set up at each end of the lines, which 


446 INSTRUMENTA PUBLICA. 





+ =Groma. Each angle of a centuria had its terminus marked according to its 
position in reference to the two principal lines. Those given in the woodcut are 
only specimens from which the others may be easily inferred. 

@ KMDM=kardo maximus decumanus maximus. b kKMDII=kardo max. dec. 
secundus. c KMDIII etc. 

x, y are called anguli clusares. x SDIVKI s: sinistra dec. primum, ultra kardinem 
pr. y SDIKKI=sinistra dec. pr. kitra kard. primum. 


of course were obliged to cover one another (consumere). It would seem 
that the augur, or whoever drew out the division, stood himself upon the centre 
of the groma, and according to the direction he took the four regions were 
named. 'The most usual aspect of the augur, though not the earliest, was towards 
the east, (The oldest known was towards the west.) Hence the region in front 
of him was called antica or citrata, that behind him postica or ultrata ; that 
on each side dextrata and sinistrata. The line from east to west was called 
decimanus, and was the most important and the broadest; that from north 
to south was the kardo or cardo. The two principal of these lines were public 


LEX AGRARIA. 447 


military roads. On each side of them were limites dividing the land into square 
plots called centuries. Every fifth limes (quintarius) was also a road, but 
not so broad as the two principal lines. The others were generally merely lines of 
demarcation (límites línearit), though in Italy they were rough agricultural roads for 
the occupiers, eight feet broad (subruncivi). The lots lying between the limites 
were square in shape but varying in size according to the enactment which was 
being carried out at the moment. The oldest and commonest size for a lot was 
two hundred iugera, and possibly it may have been called centuria, as containing 
100 x bina éugera, which last was the ordinary amount for an heredium. Pieces of 
land smaller than a century, cut off in irregular shapes outside the limites, were 
called subseciva. These might either be on the outskirts of the ager, or round a 
colony, a fortress, or & piece of common pasture (ager compascuus, commune) 
which might be in the centre of the territory. The centuries were marked out 
by terminé, stones or stakes with letters upon them indicating their distance in 
this or that direction from the centre and from the main lines of division. By 
this means each single lot had, like the squares on a chess-board, ite proper 
notation. Examples are given on the diagram. It is noticeable that K is the 
regular initial for citra as well as cardo, cf. Introd. iii. $ 22. 1. 


$ 5. Argument of this Lav. 


The law evidently consists of three parts, although the rubricae are absent. 

I. De agro publico P. R. in Italia (lines 1-44 f). 

II. De agro publico P. R. in Africa (45-95). 

III. De agro publico P. R. qui Corinthiorum fuit (96-105). 

That it did not contain regulations as to more than two provinces is inferred 
from the mention of the duovir(ei) line 57, cp. 52. 


I. ON THE Acer PusBLiCUS in ITALY. 


This part may be divided roughly into three sections—(1) Lines 1-24 defining 
ager privatus ; (3) 24-32 defining ager publicus; (3) 33-44 on disputed cases. 

Line 1. TITLE or Praescriptio. 

1-7. LAND left in possession, given or assigned by Sempronian commissioners to 
be PRIVATE. 7-10. Definition of the rights of ager privatus. 

11-13. Land granted to vfasts vicant by Sempronian commissioners to remain 
in their possession, but to be theoretically publicus. 

13, 14. Land occupied since 621 [agré colendi caw|sa, not over xxx iugera to be 
private. 

14, 15. Those who hold ager compascuos may pasture 10 head of greater and... 
of lesser cattle free of vectigal or scriptura. 

15, 16. Possession of land granted by the commissioners in a colony since 621 
to be confirmed before the Ides of March next. 

16, 17. The same for land granted otherwise by the same. 

18. Such occupants if forcibly [or otherwise] ejected to be restored. 

19, 20. Such ager privatus not to be subject to scriptura or vectigal. 





448 INSTRUMENTA PUBLICA. 


20-23. Land assigned by the Sempronian commission, tn compensation for land 
in a colony which had been made public, to become private. 

23, 24. Confirmation of the title or restitution of such land to be made before 
the Ides of March next. 

24, 25. LAND besides this which remains PUBLIC is not to be occupied, but to be 
left free to the public for grazing. Fine for occupation of it. 

25, 26. Number of cattle that may be let to graze freely on such land. 

26. Freedom of grazing on public roads and paths without scriptura. 

37. Land given in compensation out of public land to be privatus «tei quoi 
optuma lege. 

27. Land taken in this way from private ownership to be publicus as in 621. 

27, 28. Land gtven in compensation for ager patritus to be itself patritus. 

28. Public roads to remain as before. 

29. Whatever Latins and peregrini might do in 642, and whatever is not for- 
bidden citizens to do by this law, they may do henceforward. 

29, 30. Trial of a Latin to be the same as for a Roman citizen. 

31, 32. Territory (1) of borough towns or colonies, (2) in trientabulis, to be, as 
before, public. 

33, 34. Cases oF Dispute about land made private between 621-643, or by 
this law, to be judged by the consul or praetor before next Ides of March. - 

35, 36. Cases of dispute after this date to be judged by consuls, praetors, or censors. 

36-39. Judgment on money owing to publicani to be given by consuls, pro- 
consuls, praetors, propraetors. Regulations for the appointment of recuperatores 
and carrying out sentence. 

40. No one to be prejudiced by refusing to swear to laws contrary to this law. 

41, 42. No one to be prejudiced by refusing to obey such laws. 

43, 44. On the colony at Sipontum ! 


II. ON THE AGER PUBLICUS IN AFRICA. 


This part of the law seems to fall into two sections—(1) 45-78 defining land 
that is to be sold and rights concerning it; (2) 78-96 on ager publicus P. R. a 
censoribus locari solitus (see p. 457). 

45-50. The AGER PUBLICUS in Africa, with certain exceptions, is to be SOLD by 
certain magistrates at Rome. Different precautions for the recovery of the 
purchase money. 

50-52. On the tenure of this land ! 

52-58. Colonists to make their claims to the commissioner appointed under this 
law for land held or bought by them. 

58-61. He is to confirm their claims, if proved, and make the land held by 
them private property. 

61-64. Land bought by them is to be confirmed as privatus vectigalisque to 
them or their representatives. 

65, 66. If land has been sold to two persons, the commissioner to give com- 
pensation to the one not confirmed in his possession. 

66, 67. Compensation to a colonist whose land has been sold by the people, 


LEX AGRARIA. 449 


67, 68. and to one who has purchased from a colonist. 

68, 69. Similar compensation to & purchaser from the people, when his lot has 
been adjudged to a colonist already in possession. 

7o. The publicanus who has bought up the liabilities of purchasers, who have 
not paid within a certain period [120 days], is to pay in bis own purchase money 
to the state on the Ides of March. 

71, 73. After this he has the right of exacting the money from the purchasers, 
who cannot free themselves on the plea that they have paid up to the state in the 
interval. 

73. The sureties and securities which must be given by purchasers who have 
not paid within 120 days after the sale. 

73. 74. The lots of those who do not furnish such securities to be resold for 
ready money. 

75, 76. If land granted to a free state, or to deserters in the war, has been sold, 
compensation is to be made. 

77, 78. Similar compensation to stipendiarii. 

78-82. LAND not already disposed of in these or other ways—e. g. land given 
to the kings of Numidis or the site of Carthage—is TO BE SUBJECT TO VEOTIGAL, 
DROUMAE, AND SCRIPTURA. 

82. Tenants freed by the law of C. Gracchus, ‘de provincia Asia, to remain 
free from vectigal. 

83. A peregrinus in this matter to have equal rights with a citizen. 

84. [Out of place.] Purchasers who have given securities, but not paid the pub- 
licanus in a certain period, to owe him three times as much and give further 
securities. 

85, 86. The vectigal, etc. to continue as it is now. 

87. But the publicani may bid higher if they choose. 

87-89. No magistrate to change the terms of possessio in the interest of the 
publicani. 

89. Viae publicae to remain as at present. 

go. If a claim is made contrary to this law, the portion of land is to be taken 
away and awarded to the informer. 

gt. If a claim has been rightly allowed, but the land bas been sold, compensa- 
tion is to be made from the land. 

92. No one is to pay vectigal on land taken from him. 

93. Manner of judging ager vectigalis ? 

94, 95. How crops and fruits are to be stored ? 


III. ON THE AcER PUBLICUS WHICH BELONGED TO THE CORINTHIANS. 


96, 98. The land of Corinth to be measured. 

99-101. The sale of this land, and giving securities for ita price. 
102. Judgment of the praetor. 

I03-105. Uncertain fragments. 


ag 


450 INSTRUMENTA PUBLICA. 


§ 6. De Agro Publico P. R. in Italia (1-44). Pp. 189-197. 


Mommaeen, pp. 87-91. 

It is to be remarked that the land here treated of is that only which was public 
at the time of the first Sempronian law, v.0. 621, together with that which was 
afterwards under that law changed from private to public, but that nothing is here 
enacted about land which was and remained private in and after 621. 

The gist of the law, then, is to distinguish what kinds of land falling under this 
description are to remain public and what to become private. 

There are (according to Mommsen) seven descriptions of land which are to be 
private, and seven to be public. 

I. Ager privatus, under this law, i.e. land which may be bought or sold and 
which is to be reckoned in the census (1.8), and which is not to pay vectigal, 
consists of the following seven descriptions. [N.B. I have not here followed 
Mommsen's arrangement, the principle of which is, to say the least, obecure, but, 
as far as possible, that of the law itself. I have added Mommsen’s numbers, 80 
that those who wish may judge as to the merit or demerit of the change.] 

(1) [M. 2.] Land under goo iugera, etc. left in possession of the original or 
existing occupants by the Sempronian commissioners (line 3). 

(2) (M. 4.] Land assigned by the same commissioners in a colony (sortito) 
(lines 3, 15, 16). 

(3) [M. 5.] Land divided by the same viritim (lines 4-6). 

(4) [M. 3.] Land assigned by the same tn compensation for land in a colony 
(taken from the possessors and made public) (lines 21-23, 4 !). 

(5) [M. 1.] Land assigned by the same in compensation for other land taken 
from the possessors (lines 27, 28, 41). 

(6) [M. 6.] Land occupied by new possessors, [agri colendi caujea, and under 
xxx iugera, between 621-643 (lines 13, 14). 

(7) [M. 7.] Land which this law allows to be sold, etc. (line 12, cp. 32,) of doubt- 
fal import. 

Il. Ager publicus, according to this law (following Mommsen's arrangement) : 

(1) Territory of colonies or municipia (line 31). 

(2) Land given ín trientabulis, i.e. as guarantee to the public creditors, who 
lent money to the state in the Hannibalic war (line 31). 

(3) Land given to the viasié vicani by the Sempronian commission, i.e. to 
persons having the duty of keeping up public roads (lines 11, 12). 

(4) Ager compascuos. Public land oocupied by several persons with a common 
right of grazing (lines 13, 14). No vectigal or scriptura to be exacted 
for it. 

(5) Viae publicae. 

(6) Land excepted from division ín the Semprontan Law, i.e. ager Campanus 
(passim). 

(7) Other public land, chiefly wastes. Not to be occupied, but (with public 
roads and paths) to be left free for all persons to graze cattle upor (lines 24-36). 





LEX AGRARIA. 451 


NOTES on the Section de Agro Publico P. B. in Italia. 

1. On the praescriptio see on Lex Rep. ad init. 

In terram Italiam, eleewhere in terra Italia, lines 4, 7, 13, 33. though 
Mommsen (perhaps merely for the sake of preserving the average) restores it in 
the supplement of line 10. The distinction in the use of the cases with in does 
not seem to have been so decided in early as in later Latin. We have similar 
variations from ordinary usage, e.g. line 55, ‘in provinciam er[it], and again 
line 74, ‘tn publico obligatum, and 75, ‘ (in) ameicitiam populi Romani... man- 
gerunt, as well as ‘in wrbem Romam .. [domicilium non habent], Lex Rep. 13 
and Lex lul. Mun. 20, ete. 

Many instances have been quoted from older authors; the following, amongst 
others, seem certain: Plaut. Amph. 180, ‘mi in mentem fuit," ibid. 710. Cp. Gell. 
i. 7, 17 and others with the same phrase, Bacch. 159, Ter. Ad. 528, Haut. 986, 
R. C. in Cic. ad Fam. viii. 8,8, ‘in provinciam cum imperio fuerunt.' See Draeger, 
i. p. 617. 

P. Muucio L. Calpur(nio cos.], i. e. the year of Ti. Gracchus, v.c. 621. Muueto, 
so below 4, 13 and Sent. Minuc., q. v. 

[exceptum . . nei dévideretur.] This exception, which recurs continually, refers 
to the ager Campanus of which Cicero says, against Rullus, de Lege Agr. ii. 39, 81, 
‘nec duo Gracchi . . . nec L. Sulla. . . agrum Campanum attingere ausus est.’ 
It was very rich land and paid a considerable vectigal to the state, and therefore 
was worth keeping. Caesar, however, in his agrarian law, as consul (2. 0. 59), 
assigned lots in it to the veterans of the Asiatic army, to be saleable after twenty 
years, It was a strong point against Antony that he divided it amongst his 
associates: Cic. Phil. ii, 39, 101, * Agrum Campanum qui cum de vectigalibus exi- 
mebatur ut militibus daretur (i.e. lege Iulia] tamen infligi magnum reip. vulnus 
putabamus, hunc tu compransoribus tuis et collusoribus dividebas.' It is to be 
remarked, however, that C. Gracchus, though he excepted the ager Campanus in 
his agrarian law, proposed to divide some part of it in his later law for founding a 
colony at Capua: and to this there is seemingly a tacit reference in the text. 

3. sortito, i.e. in a colony. New colonies formed no part of the scheme of 
Tiberius Gracchus, but they were one of the leading ideas of Gaius. That to 
Carthage is of course spoken of under the second section. In Italy he carried out 
one at least to Tarentum, and projected another to Capua. Further, his opponent 
Livius Drusus, who, in the interest of the senate, tried to outbid him for the 
favour of the people, carried & bill for founding twelve, but of these only Scy- 
lacium seems to have been actually founded. It is to these two, at Tarentum and 
Scylacium, that Mommsen supposes reference here to be made. It does not appear, 
however, why we should restrict the reference of this clause to new colonies only, 
especially as Mommsen himself (on the next page, 88 a) shows that C. Graochus 
added, or intended to add, a number of new colonists to the old colonies, in 
which case land was also distributed sortito. 

4. This clause is of course conjectural, Mommsen makes it refer generally to 
all land given in compensation for land either in a colony or elsewhere, which the 
commissioners had taken out of private hands and made public. More exact 


aGg2 


452 INSTRUMENTA PUBLICA. 


regulations about such titles to such land are given below lines 21~23 and 
27, 28. 

5. quod, eius 1rIvir dedit adsignavit. This is referred by Mommsen to ager 
publicus divided viritim, i.e. to an indefinite number of citizens, not, as in the 
case of a colony, to a select body. Such land was called viritanus (Fest. Epit. 
P. 373), ‘ Viritanus ager dicitur qui viritim populo distribuitur, and is to be 
carefully distinguished from ager coloniarius. Mommsen has shown that where 
Livy combines the two he is either speaking loosely or in error (Liv. iv. 48, V. 24). 
The manner of dividing land viritim was in nominibus. Probably those who con- 
ducted the division first measured and portioned out the country (saltus) into lota 
of two, or later generally of seven, iugera, and then opened a list of names on 
which any citizen might put himself down, and in that order registered the name 
against the lot marked on the roll of division. Mr. Davidson, however, supposes 
that the words én urbe, etc., may refer to town-buildings given to colonists along 
with their farms (1. 3). 

6, 7. Here follows (according to Mommsen) a general clause summing up the 
preceding descriptions of land as given, assigned, left im possession, or registered 
by the Sempronian commissioners, and 7—10, the conclusion of the whole, that this 
land should henceforth be privatus, and defining accurately what the rights of 
ownership over it are. 

Mr. Davidson sees more in relíquit—a side-wind legislation, making private all 
the public land on which no decision had as yet been given. But this seems to 
me doubtful, 

II. viasiei]s vicaneis. This name is found only here and line 12 [vi]asieis vican- 
ieve, and nothing certain is known about them. Viasius would of course be in 
later Latin víarius. Mommsen says, * Videntur fuisse quibus ager publicus iuxta 
viam publicam attribuebatur ita, ut tamdiu ipsi heredesve eorum haberent, quam- 
diu via recte mupiretur.’ Either then they sent their own labourers to work, as 
Cato says (R. R. 2), that on holidays the ‘familia’ is to be employed in mending 
the roads, or paid a vectigal for the purpose, of which there are one or two traces 
in inscriptions. Mommsen further supposes the different Fora Appii, Claudii, 
Flaminii, Iulii, Popilii, Sempronii, and others, to have been originally vici of these 
viasis or víarii, Cic. ad Fam. viii. 6, § speaks of a proposal of Curio's as *legem 
viariam non dissimilem agrariae Rulli.' ° 

In the supplement Mommsen inserts mivirei a. d. a. although above we have 
IIIvfr in lines 3, 5, 7, because in those cases grants to individuals are spoken of, 
but here the grants are to communities. 

I4. The supplement [agri colendé cau]sa is due to Rudorff, cp. Sent. Minuc. 31, 
‘Praeter ea in eo agro niquis posideto nisi de maiore parte Langensium Veitu- 
riorum sententia, dum ne alium intro mitat nisi Genuatem aut Veiturium colendi 
causa.’ This fresh occupation of land was not permissible under the Sempronian 
law, or else it must have been classed under that head at the begiuning of this one, 
but it seems, at some subsequent time, to have been again allowed up to the limit 
of thirty iugera. We may fairly conjecture that after the Lex Thoria had 
abolished the /resviri matters began to return of themselves into their old channels, 





LEX AGRARIA. 458 


and this had now been passed about seven years. See, however, note on the 
Popilian milestone (n. §51, 1. 14), which would perhaps make it earlier. 

tugra for iugera, so line 25, and cp. domnets line 27, tablets 46. 

agrum compascuom. This is pasture land occupied by a limited number of 
private individuals or commoners, and opposed to public pasture land (line 25), of 
which it is said neive is ager compascuos esto. Momunsen quotes a decisive passage 
from Frontinus, de Controv, p. 15, Lachm., ‘ Est et pascuorum proprietas per- 
tinens ad fundos sed tn commune; propter quod ea compascua multis locis in Italia 
communia appellantur, quibusdam provinciis populi Romani indivisa.’ Such rights, 
we learn from an opinion of Scaevola (Dig. viii. 5, 20), might follow the sale of 
the estates of the commoners. 

pequdes madores, i. e. boves, equi, muli, asini. The number of head of smaller 
cattle that might be pastured sine scriptura is lost, but Rudorff conjectures, with 
probability, that it was 50, & proportion observed in the Licinian law (Appian, 
Bell. Civ. i. 8), which allowed 1oo larger and 500 smaller cattle. 

I5. The construction is very involved, ‘quoi ceiví Romano Ultir eius agri, quei 
ager .... fuit, agrum dedi. 

sortíto, so sorté, 1. 16. Cp. line 3. Here, as there, land in a colony precedes 
ager viritanus. 

I6. [ex À. 1... . . dus deicere oportebit], i. e. consul or praetor, line 33. 

The Ides of March appear to have been the beginning of the financial year at 
Rome. It was not indeed necessarily the day of the censorial locatíones (as Ma- 
crobius states, Sat. i. 12, 7, e. g. line a1, we have one as XI k. Oct.), but it waa 
the day from which all public leases or contracts dated. 

secundum eum heredemve eius, ‘in his favour or that of his heir: cp. ‘ vindiciae 
secundum libertatem." 

18. neque vi neque clam neque precario : these are the three regular flaws in pos- 
sessio, whether of public or private land, and so possession neque vf, etc. was pro- 
tected by the praetor, by the interdict, ‘uti possidetis, Digest. iv. 3, 17, 1, and 
Festus, s. v. Possessio, p. 333 M., * uti nunc possidetis eum fundum qQ. D. 4., quod nec 
vi nec clam nec precario alter ab altero possidetis, adversus ea vim fieri veto.' 
Clam of course means clandestinely, and precario on sufferance, or by leave of the 
other party. The latter is illustrated by such an inscription as C. 1215 (ep. 1109), 
PRIVATVM | PRECARIO | ADEITVR. Mr, Davidson compares the distinction of 
Scotch law between ‘ roads of good neighbourship ’ and ‘ rights of way.’ 

I9. In this clause we have the abolition of vectigal and scriptura for all land 
which had become privatus, thus repealing apparently the provision of the Lex 
Thoria. The day on which vectigalia consistunt is probably the Ides of March. 

2I. oina quom una cum. Trans Curione for trans Curionem, either by an 
enallage of case, such as we have noticed above, line 1, q. v., and such as we again 
seem to have below line 74, in publico obligatum ; or merely a loss of final m, 
such as appears above l. 10, in sententia(m). What this land is is wholly un- 
known. 

formula togatorum apparently means *according to the census of the Roman 
empire. The supplement is illustrated by such passages as Liv. xxii. 57, xxvii. 


454 INSTRUMENTA PUBLICA. 


10, which speak of requisitions of soldiers ‘ex formula.’ Cp. xliii. 6, ‘ Lampeacenos 
in formulam referre.’ 

[milites 1n terra Italia inperare solent] recurs line 5o. 

inperare is ‘to make a requisition,’ so with frumentum. 

33. testamentum is will, hereditas, inheritance of an intestate, dedftio implies 
both legacy and donation ‘ mortis causa.’ 

24. We now pass to the ager publicus. First we come to the pascua—dis- 
tinguished from the ager compascuoe—i.e. wastes or unoccupied public land, on 
which any one may drive a certain number of cattle without paying scriptura, 
though for more he has to pay. Enclosers of such land are to be fined for every 
iuger 50 H. 8., quotiens faxit, possibly every day. 

25. id publicum fruendum, etc. Note the use of frui here of the publicanus, and 
ep. note on line 31. The exact reference of publicum here seems to me to be 
doubtful. Was the right of collecting such fines let apart from the vectigal ! 

26. callete, says Moinmsen, are now called tratturi. 

37. optuma lege privatus. Land which is private optuma lege is avitus and 
paternus, which was preserved to the children by intervention of the praetor if the 
father wished to alienate it. (Paullus, Sentent. iii. 44, 7, Huschke, p. 380.) 

38. ager patritus appears to be land inherited from a father, and from this 
passage we gather, interpreting p. p. with Rudorff as = pro patrito, that such land 
alone could be registered (subsignatus) in the aerarium ; cf. Cic. Pro Flacco, xxxii. 
8o, *Illud quaero sintne ista praedia censui censendo! . . . . subsignari apud 
aerarium aut apud censorem possint!' Huschke interprets p. p. = pro praede, 
giving subsignare the same sense that it has below, 1. 73. Cp. note on 1. 45. P(ro) 
p(atrito) supsignent must mean, ‘register the land received in compensation for 
ager patritus, just as pro vetere possessore means the man who stands in the place 
of the vetus possessor, and so commonly pro consule, etc. in any regimen. 

(ZL. Caecilio Cn. Dom]itio, are the last censors before the law v. c. 639. 

facteis is either a nom. pl. for factei (Introd. ix. $ 7) or a confusion of case 
owing to censoribus above. There is the same doubt in the next line, ‘tn agreís . . . 
quei publiceis P. R. (fuerunt). 

rieérum. Cp. Dio C. liv. 26, ol 8vo of rds (£o rot reiyous ddode lyyeips(dpevor, 
Lex Iul. Mun. l. $0, 'Ireir(ei) vieis extra propiusve urbem Romam passus M 
purgandeis,' i.e. outside the city or the district within a mile from the walle—which 
is counted as part of the city. See above Lex Rep. 13. 

To these officers Mommsen, following Borghesi, refers the following tituli from 
Campania. D. 0. 8.=d(e) c(onsili) s(ententa). C. 1196. M - ARBIVS - W-F | 
M - SEXTIVS. M-F | DVO- VIRI-D:C- 8 | VIAM. FACIVND | ET- REFIOIVND | CORRAV | 
C. 1197. + - MAENIVS-P-F |. . oBINIVS-Q-F | DVO-VIE | DE-C-8-VIA8-F-C | They 
seem to have belonged to the Vigintisexviri. 

31. We should expect to find the same exception granted to temples, and this is 
probably lost. 

prove motnicipteis, a brachylogy for prove iis oppidis quae pro moíniciptets 
sunt. Cp. above pro patrito. 

ager fruendus datus est. This might seem inconsistent with the explanation 





LEX AGRARIA. 456 


of agrum fruendum locare, given in the Introduction, $ 3; but firstly, the 
colonies and municipia had the vectigal for public purposes as well as the pos- 
sessio ; just as the holders in trientabuleis had to pay only a nominal quit-rent, and 
kept the real rent as & compensation for the interest of their money : and so are 
said frui as well aa possidere. Secondly, that frui and fructus have sometimes 
a wider sense can hardly be denied, as in lines 88 and 92, and Lex de Term. 204. 

in trientabule(is}. During the Hannibalic war (v. c. 544) certain private individuals 
lent money to the state (Liv. xxvi. 36), the first instalment of which was repaid in 
530 (id. xxix. 16), and the third in 558 (id. xxxiii. 42). But money being wanting 
to pay the second instalment in 554, certain allotments of public land within fifty 
miles of the city, of the same estimated value were given as securities, to be held 
ata nominal vectigal of an as per tuger, and to be exchanged for the money, if 
the occupiers wished, at a future time. (Liv. xxxi. 13.) Such land was called 
* trientabulwm, quia pro tertia parte pecuniae datus erat’ (l.c.)  Tréentabulum is 
simply a verbal substantive from trientare, as stabulum, patibulum, venabulum, etc. 
from stare, pati, venari, eto. 

33. cos. pr. queiquomque erit. A double jurisdiction is provided of the consul or 
praetor here, and below of the consul, praetor, or censor, line 35, and of the consul, 
proconsul, praetor, propraetor, line 37. The case here appears to be that of controver- 
sies arising directly from this law, and to be decided before the Ides of March next. 
See above lines 16, 17, 18, and the consul or praetor representa ‘ ts quem ex À. l. ius 
deicere oportebit’ there. The second case (lines 35, 37) represents future contro- 
versies, either as to the right of possession against the government (line 35), or 
rights of ownership or freedom from vectigal against the publicané (line 37). In 
all three cases the jurisdiction is not the ordinary one of the praetor, but rather a 
matter of goverument administration, such as was that of the Sempronian commis- 
sioners. (It may be compared with the jurisdiction of the Revenue Courts in 
India. Cp. Maine, Village Communities, pp. 33, 34.) This fact (says Mommsen) 
explains why censors are mentioned, who have no jurisdiction at all according to 
the civil law. Their right would be in the city itself, that of the other officers 
in the provinces. Censors are not mentioned, it would seem in the first case, as 
being now out of office. In the third, between private persons and publicani, 
such questions would lie in all probability outside the city. 

34. The supplement [quei ab co de ea re mag. adpellaté erunt] answers to line 36. 

[sed quis ab eo de ea re mag. adpellaverit . . . ]) . . - quo[ minus id impediat ve]l 
(ntercedat e.h.l.n.r., i.e. the provision that only such magistrates should be 
judges does not interfere with the rights of their colleagues or the tribunes to in- 
tercede and prevent such a trial. On adpellatto cp. note on Cato's oration in 
M. Caelium, p. 342. 

37. recuperatores ex ci]tibus L. See Rudorff's note hh to Puchta, $ 154. The 
supplements are due to Mommsen, Ztschr. f. Gesch. der Rechtswissen, xv. pp. 323 
foll. On the reiectio op. Edictum Venafranum ad fin. Henzen, 6428, Wilmanns, 
784. The limit dum4axat quaternos prevents the panel from being reduced to lesa 
than three, i. e. 11-8. 

quei classis primae sient: the relation of the comitia centuriata to the com. 





456 INSTRUMENTA PUBLICA. 


tributa is one of the most difficult questions of Roman antiquities. See, for a good 
discussion of various theories, Becker and Marquardt, Handb. ii, pt. 3, p. 19 f. 

38. praevaricationus, Introduction, x. § 13. Mommmsen supplements [. . . veé 
per dolum malum petitorum patronor ]umve factum non siet. 

39. se dulo malo — sine dolo molo. A similar change of o to u before / occurs con- 
stantly and regularly in tuli, detuli for toli, etc., adulescens for adolescens, consul, 
consulo for consol, consolo, etc. (Cp. Corssen, ii. 138.) 

40. [non iuraverit.) Cp. 42, sed fraude sua nei iurato. See Lex Bant. 17. 

41. plebeve, generally in this law plebeive, so nei and ne. 

43, 44- Most commentators make here the transition to Africa. Mommsen, 
however, conjectures that we have here provision de eo agro quem ex h. l. vendere 
licet, etc., which has come in nowhere else. The particular colony he thinks may 
have been Sipontum, at the foundation of which M. Baebius Tamphilus was one of 
the triumviri (Liv. xxxiv. 45). The exact date of its foundation is not known, 
but Baebius was praetor v. c. 562, and it is known to have been founded before 
560. Later laws, the Licinian and Aebutian, forbade à man to propose to found 
a colony, and to be himself a commissioner. 


§ 7. De Agro Publico P. R. in Africa (45-96). Pp. 197-204. 


There appear to be three kinds of land in Africa mentioned in this law: 
1. ager privatus ex iure Quiritium ; 2. ager privatus iure peregrino ; 3. ager 
publicus P. R. 

I. The first kind is ager colonicus, which must have belonged to the colonists 
settled at Carthage (Col. Iunonia) by C. Gracchus in 631 v.c. Rubrius, a tribune 
of his party, passed a law for the settlement of a certain number of colonists, and 
appointing three commissioners. CO. Gracchus and M. Fulvius Flaccus and an- 
other were elected and took out 6000 Roman citizens in 632, being more than the 
law had specified. Superstition was also aroused against them; Scipio’s solemn 
curse was remembered, and it was stated that wolves tore up the boundary stones 
(Appian, Bell. Civ. i. 24, etc.) The Rubrian law was repealed by Minucius Rufus 
tr. pl. in the next year. This law recognises the repeal of the Rubrian, but does not 
deprive the colonists of their land, except by implication so far as they exceeded 
the number allowed in that law (L 61). They are required to make a claim (pro- 
fessio) within a certain time. The lots appear to have been of 200 iugera (1. 60), but 
others of a smaller size were very likely aleo mentioned in lost portions of the law. 
What was done with the actual site of the city is not here recorded, but it was 
no doubt the policy of the optimates to keep it deserted and accursed. It is men- 
tioned (line 81) as ager publicus. The roads between the centuriae were to re- 
main public, 1. 89, q. v. 

2. ager privatus ex iure peregrino is that which belongs to the seven free and 
friendly states : Utica, H(adrumetum), Tampsus (Thapsus), Leptis Minor, Aquilla 
(otherwise Acilla, Acholla, or Achulla) Usalis, and Teudalis (or Theuda- 
lis). The same rights were given to perfugae (l. 76), one of whom, Himilco 
Phameas, is known from history as commander of the Carthaginian cavalry, 
who came over to Scipio with 3200 men (Liv. Ep. 50; App. Pun. 100, 109, etc.). 








LEX AGRARIA. 457 


These lands of course paid no vectigal (1. 85), and were probably free from other 
taxes, 

3. ager publicus P. R. is all other land beside these two sorts just mentioned, 
and, with the exception of the viae publicae, is all vectigalis: but of this there 
are several kinds. 

(1) ager privatus vectigalisque (1. 49, 66) is identified by Mommsen with ager 
quaestorius, which was bought from the state, and was for all purposes private pro- 
perty, but like the ager in trientabulis had to pay a quit rent, probably nominal in 
amount, as acknowledgment of the ownership of the P. R. The reason for selling 
such land, rather than assigning it, would naturally be the wish to raise ready 
money for state purposes: it seems also that a sale could be authorised by a 
senatus consultum, whereas assignation of land required a law (see Cic. de Lege 
Agr. ii. 14, 35). 

(2) ager publicus stipendtartis datus adsignatus is mentioned lines 77, 80. It is 
land taken from provinciale, who bad not been faithful or had opposed the P. R., 
and restored to them in possession at a certain fixed rent in money. Cicero men- 
tions it as being the tenure of land in Spain as well as Africa (Poenorum plerisque) 
and contrasts it with Asia, where there was a censoria locatio, and Sicily, where the 
locatio took place in the island and remained on the terms fixed by the law of 
Hiero. (In Verr. ii. 3, 6, 12.) 

(3) agri publici regibus civítatibusve sociis et amicis permássi of two kinda, the 
first given to the sons of King Masinissa by Scipio (1. 81), the second left by the ten 
commissioners under the Livian law to the people of Utica, and probably to other 
cities. It would seem that the first were encroachments permitted by Scipio, but 
not guaranteed by treaty, and so still technically public land. The title of the 
latter seems to have been less complete than that mentioned above, no. 2. 

(4) ager publicus P. R. ubi oppidum Carthago quondam fuit. This was devoted 
by Scipio to perpetual desolation, ‘de consilii sententia" (Cic. de Lege Agr. i. 2, 
5, li. 19, 51), a fact which it is difficult to harmonise with the carmen devotionis 
preserved by Macrobius, Sat. iii. 9; pp. 385, 286. It is mentioned in line 8r. 

(5) Viae publicae (line 89). 

(6) Ager p. P. R. a censoribus locari solitus, treated of from lines 78-96 : appa- 
rently all other land beside that already mentioned. It would be naturally the 
land of the least certain tenure and held under the hardest conditions, such as we 
may conceive the territory of Carthage to have been, and that of other cities 
teken by storm. 

NOTES on the section de agro publico P. R. in Africa. 

45. A comparison of tho section about the Corinthian land (1. 96) shows that 
we have here to do with Africa. This part begins with regulations for the sale of 
what is elsewhere called ager quaestorius, probably by the quaestor urbanus with 
the praetor urbanus (1. 92); the business of the latter being apparently approval 
of securities, etc. The manceps, or purchaser, must be a Roman citizen (1. 76, 78, 83). 
The amount he has offered is to be registered in the public accounts (70, cp. 46, 
100) Payment must be made within a certain day ; if not, he must give sureties 
(praedes, praevides) and register securities (praedia supsignato, |. 73), and his debt is 





458 INSTRUMENTA PUBLICA. 


considered as no longer payable to the state but to a publicanus, who contracted 
for the recovery of such moneys. Further proceedings in this case are obscure : no 
doubt in the last resort the praedia would be sold. A third case is when the 
manceps had no sufficient securities to offer. Here the land is taken away from 
him and sold by the praetor for ready money (1. 74). 

This part of the law is very fragmentary, and the sense is very conjecturally 
restored. 

52. vir quel exh. l. factus creatus erit]. The magistrate here mentioned (as 
rightly restored in the supplement) is frequently referred to later on, but unfor- 
tunately the account of his duties etc. is obscure. His name is always singular, 
and he appears to be an extraordinary magistrate for the purposes of this law. 
Hence Mommsen fairly concludes that two commissioners were appointed agrís 
dandis adsignandis iudicandis, and one of them sent to Africa and one to Greece. 
(Cp. 57, 59-64, 68, where some of these functions are mentioned.) 

53. cognitores, cp. Lex Malacitana, c. 63, 64, Bruns, p. 102, where praediorum 
cognitores are mentioned, apparently as public witnesses to, or rather examiners of, 
titles. 

55. praefectus milesve in provinciam erit. Who are meant and what was deter- 
mined about them is uncertain. Rudorff thinks an extension of time in which 
absentees on public business might make their claim ; Huschke, permission to 
make it by a proctor; Mommsen, that officials in the province of Africa were for- 
bidden to hold public land at all, referring to Cic. Verr. iv. 5, 9, Plut. Apophtheg. 
Cat. Mai. 27, Marcian. in Dig. xlix. 16, 9, etc. 

56. bonorum emptore, magistro, curato[reve. The first is the purchaser of a 
bankrupt's estate, the second a person appointed by the creditors to conduct the 
sale by public auction, the third a person similarly appointed to divide the estate 
amongst them according to convenience. (Dig. xxvii. Io, 5.) 

64. planum facere joined with probare. Lucr. i. 934, etc. 

65-69. Treats of a concurrence of rights when the same piece of land has been 
sold to two persons, or sold to one and assigned to another as colonist. In the 
first case the commissioner is to make a fictitious sale to one of the purchasers, of 
another equivalent lot for a single sestertius; in the second case we have three 
sections which it is difficult to discriminate, directing what compensation is to be 
made to the colonist or his representative, by inheritance or purchase. 

66. centuria subsicivov[e. See $ 4, p. 447. 

. 69. pro curatore, like pro consule, used for all cases. Cp. line 28 n. 

73. mercassitur = mercatus fuerit. Cp. Introd. xviii. $ 10. 

74. in publico obligatum is strange for in publicum, which is the regular form. 
It is probably a mere slip, like those noticed on line 1. Mommsen suggests it 
arose from the old form publicom. 

78. ts stipendiariei[s, i. e. its, Introd. xiii. $ 37. The plate has stipendiaries. 
Rudorff would read td stipendiarieis. 

82. ex lege Sempronia. It is supposed that the Lex Sempronia de Provincia 
Asia is meant. Cic. Verr. iii. 6. See Mommsen, R. H. book iv. ch. 3 (vol. iii. 
p. 115). 


EPISTULA PRAETORIS AD TIBURTES. 459 


85. The lex agri aedificf loct are the terms imposed by the censors on the pos- 
seayores. This and other indications would prove that, if the censors had not the 
right of substituting other tenants, they had some powers of raising or lowering 
the vectigal and altering the conditions on which it was paid, unless forbidden to 
do so, as they are hereafter in line 88. Notice that this lex is distinguished from 
that given to the publicani, the lex locationis proper. For alterations suggested 
by publicani op. Cic. in Verr. lib. iii. 7, 18. 

94. comportent. Rudorff suggests that this refers to the carrying of the tithes 
of corn to be stored in certain places. The next line seems to refer to pro- 
duce of fruits. 


§ 8. De Agro Publico P. R. Corinthiorum qui fuit (96-105). P. 304. 


The slight fragmente of this part tell us fittle or nothing about this land, except 
that the second oommissioner was to go out and see that it was measured and 
properly divided, and that some of it should be sold. This could not have been 
the whole, and was probably not a large part of it, as Rullus afterwards proposed 
that the land of Corinth should be sold. Cic. de Lege Agr. i. 3, 5; ii. 19, 51. 

98. opu]sque loc[at]o. Such a locatio to a mensor was not allowed in private 


property; Dig. xi. 6, 1 pr. 


EPISTULA PRAETORIS AD TIBURTES. Pp. 204, 205. 


C. 201. The age of this tablet (which is now lost) is conjectured entirely by 
the spelling. The most certain indication is the regular doubling of consonants 
in it (esse five times, potuisse once), which would place it after the Agrarian law. 
The argument as to the absence of cognomina is not very strong as a sign of 
antiquity, for though they do not appear in the body of the Lex Repetundarum 
and the Lex Agraria, the first of these orders their use in publishing the list of 
iudices, ‘eos patrem tribum cognomenque indicet, line 14. There may perhaps 
have been & distinction between their use in the case of senators and of others, 
like the iudices of that law, who were not senators. Certainly the first dated S. C. 
in which we find cognomina is of the year 676, 8. C. de Asclepiade. On the 
other hand, forms like {ndoucere and oitile can bardly be of the age of Caesar. 
The historical indications, the name of the praetor, and the suspicion against the 
Tiburtines, are not explicit enough to help us. 

The document, like the Bacchanalian decree, is not a proper B. C., but a letter ~ 
of the praetor, embodying most of the forms of a S. C., directly addressed to the 
Tiburtines, and so couched in the second, instead of the third, person plural. 

1. Sub aede Kastorus, frequently used for meetings of the senate; and contiones 
were often delivered from its steps. From the Lex Bantina we learn that magis- 
trates had to take an oath standing in front of it, and looking towards the forum. 
See the note there, line 17, and compare Burn, Rome and the Campagna, p. 100. 

II. af vobis. Ritschl notices this form, De Miliario Popiliano, p. 7. It is 
mentioned by Cicero, Orator. 47, § 158, ‘una praepositio est af eaque nunc tantum 
in accepti tabulis manet et ne his quidem omnium, in reliquo sermone mutata est,’ 


460 INSTRUMENTA PUBLICA. 


as well as by Priscian and Velius Longus. Besides this place, it occurs several 
times in inscriptions, C. 551, 8, af Capua; 587, Populus Laodicensis af Lyco; 
1055, af Lucretia ; 1143, af muro; 1161, af solo; af specula is also given in 
Bullett. d'Inst. R. 1864, p. 93. It occurs therefore before the letters c, J, m, s, v. 

Corssen considers it to be entirely different from ab, and compares it with 
Sk. adhi. A change of original b or p to f is unexampled, while that of dA to f 
isregular. (Corss. i. 151, 157.) 


LEX CORNELIA DE XX QUAESTORIBUS. C. 202. 


This is part of the dictator Sulla’s law for creating twenty quaestors, ‘ supplendo 
senatui cui iudicia tradiderat, Tacit. Ann. xi. 32. It appears to have been passed 
at the comitia tributa, from the words principium fuit: pro tribu, which are all 
that remain of the praescriptio, which seems to have run all along the top of the 
plates of which this is marked viii de xx q. This plate is written on both sides, 
so that fourteen pages before it have been lost, and several after it. It is 
properly called a lex, though passed in the comitia tributa, as being proposed by 
& curule magistrate. 

The portion that remains contains enactmente as to the officials of the quaestors: 
the conclusion of those relating to their scribae, and the chief part about their 
viatores and praecones. These attendants belonged only to the city quaestors. 

It appears that the quaestors entered office on the nones of December. 

The character of the language is between that of the laws of Gracchus and those 
of Caesar. We have the doubled vowels íuus, i. 39, ii. 3, and aaceterets, ii. 29. 

Lachmann's emendation of caulas for CAVIAS should be noticed. The names of 
the attendants are to be set up ad aedem Saturni in pariete intra caulas. Caulae 
seem to be the walls of the temple enclosure, or of that round the aerarium. 


S. C. DE ASCLEPIADE, ETC. Pp. 205-209. 


C. 203. This decree is a grant of privileges and friendship to Asclepiades of Clazo- 
menae, Polystratus of Carystus, and Meniscus of Miletus, three naval captains who 
had been present at Rome at the outbreak of the Italian revolt, and had rendered 
material assistance, though in what way is not specified. The expression in 
patriam dimittere, aa well as bello Italico coepto, makes it impossible that they 
were employed in checking the piracy and privateering stirred up by Mithridates, 
as that did not show itself till the end of the revolt, B. c. 89, though it had 
apparently some connection with it. (See Mommsen’s description, R. H. bk. iv. 
ch. 8. vol. iii. p. 291.) 

For a similar grant of privileges see Liv. xliv. 16. Speaking of Onesimus, son 
of Pytho, who had come over from K. Perses (about ninety years before this), he 
says, ‘ad Romanos transfugit et magno usui consuli fuit. ... Ea introductus in 
curiam quum memorasset, senatus in formulam sociorum eum referri iussit; locum, 
lautia praeberi: agri Tarentini, qui publicus P. R. esset, oc iugera dari, et aedes 
Tarenti emi. Uti ea curaret C. Decimio praetori mandatum. Mommsen has 





S. C. DE ASCLEPIADE, ETC. 461 


discussed these rights, Das Rémische Gastrecht, in his Róm. Forsch. i. pp. 
340 foll. 

These documents were kept ín Capitolio, as appears from line 25, and from the 
similar foedus with the island of Astypalaea, one of the Cyclades (C. I. Gr. 2485). 
Polybius (iii. 36) saw the Carthaginian treaties àv yaAadpaci wapd rév Ala TÓv 
Kareriduov ty TQ rav dyopaybpov rayuely, and Mommsen identifies this with the 
aedes thensarum tn Capitolio of Or. Henzen, 5407. He also mentions the Temple 
of Fides (close to that of Jupiter Capitolinus) as another record office, or 
tabulariwm. Mommsen emphatically denies (on no. 592) that the large building 
on the Forum (over which is now the palace of tbe senator), lying between the 
intermontium and the temples of Saturn and Concord, was ever called tabularium, 
though this is the common opinion. Hence he refers to the temple of Jupiter 
Capitolinus and the buildings near it the inscriptions recording the restorations 
by Q. Lutatius Catulus (cos. of this year), nos. 591, 592, a8 well as the restoration 
by Vespasian, after the fire caused by the Vitellians, A. D. 70, which are usually 
referred to the so-called tabularium in the Forum, e.g. by Burn, Rome and 
ihe C. p. 97. The passage of Suetonius, Vesp. c. 8, seems certainly to refer to 
documents similar to this, three thousand of which were destroyed, and attempted 
to be restored by Vespasian, ' paene ab exordio urbis scta, plebiscita de societate 
et foedere ao privilegio cuicumque concessis. Mommsen has discussed the 
question at length, Annals of the Institute of Archaeology at Rome, vol. xxx. 
1858, pp. 198 foll., and p. 211. 

The Lex Antonia de Termessibus belongs to the same class of documents, and 
is the only other of all the records of the Capitol still preserved on the brass. 

Another important document of the same class, but only in Greek and on stone, 
has lately been discovered in Boeotia, the S. C. de Thisbaeis, a full account of 
which is given by Mommeen in the fifteenth of his Observationes Epigraphicae, in 
Eph. Epigr. vol. i. p. 278 foll. Its date is v. c. 584, B. c. 170, and it is therefore 
older than any of the documents here given, except the decree of Paulus and that 
about the Bacchanals It is in the common Greek (Alexandrine f) dialect, and 
seems to have been made at Rome by a regular public interpreter or scribe, as 
this about Asclepiades evidently was. We observe in it the same regular forms 
for Roman legal terms: senatus — 7) ov-yxAnros, ante diem z apd f)uepav, scribendo 
adfuerunt = ypapopéyy waphcay, censueres(Dofe. It is also important as the first 
known Greek document in which bwaros is used for consul. Cognomina are not 
found in it. 

I. Catulo ... Lepido. This is the first legal document in which cognomina are 
found. They occur of course much earlier in epitaphs, etc., e.g. in that of Scipio 
Barbatus. 

a. The mention of eponymous praetors is noticeable ; it occurs only here and in 
the Astypalaean treaty. 

4. tn comitio, i.e. in the Curia Hostilia. So the Senatus Consultum in Jose- 
phus, Ant, xiii. 9, 3, is made lv xoperío, as well as that De Thisbaeis in Eph. Epigr. 
i. p. 278; and cp. Becker, Handbuch, ii. part 2, p. 408. It had just been rebuilt 
by Sulla, and was afterwards burnt down by Clodius. ; 





462 INSTRUMENTA PUBLICA. 


Lepyla, MowA:Ala = Lat. ablatives: of the Sergian, of the Publilian, tribe. 

6. Meniscum Irenaet, etc., i.e. adopted by Irenaeus, being the son of Thargelius, 
Tho ordinary usage would be $óc« 9é OapygAÍov: op. no. 1356. For IIoAvápaov 
above we should expect IIoAvápxovs, but the scribe has followed the Latin genitive 
Polyarci. 

9. karaAo^yf; probably means reception into the ‘ formula sociorum." Liv. xliv. 16. 

I9. Italicis tudicibus, ‘quia quae magistratus Romanus in provincia ordinabat 
iudicia patria cum civibus Romanis tum etiam Latini iuris hominibus redde- 
bantur.’ M. 

25. sacrificium facere. So in the decree about Astypalaea, and that about the 
people of Priene, C. I. Gr. 3905 ; and so Livy, xliii. 6, * Alabandenses . . . donum 
ut in Capitolio ponere et sacrificare liceret, petebant.’ So the Thisbaeans obtained 
leave to place a crown in the Capitol. 

26. munusque eis ex formula, ‘and a contribution of the regular amount.’ The 
term munus is constantly used in reference to ambassadors; perhaps it was a con- 
tribution of & certain value in place of provisions, for we find that it was usual 
only to provide a table and bread and wine for their entertainment (Mommmsen, das 
R. Gastrecht, p. 346, from whence I draw the following). The amount was 
frequently 2000 heavy asses, ‘munera binum milium aeris data, Liv. xliii. 19, 
xliii. 5, 6, 8, xliv. 14, 15, xlv. 42; often it was higher, 4000, 5000, 10,000 88868, up 
to 120,000 asses. The formula here seems to imply that there were regular 
classes of state guests, with a separate taxation. Similarly in Greek documenta, 
from which the Romans drew many of their usages in this matter, we find {éa rd 
péyora tx ton vópoy (C. I. Gr. 1193. 133, ap. M.). If Livy (xxxv. 23, xliii. 5) 
can be taken as sufficient ground for inference, these munera were not in mone y, 
but in articles of value—chains, vessels, horses, etc. 

locum, ‘free quarters.’ The villa publica on the Campus Martius was used for 
the lodging of ambassadors (Liv. xxx. 21, xxxiii. 24). Sometimes we find this 
privilege called aedes líberae, and sometimes a private house was hired (Liv. xxx. 
17, etc. and xlv. 44). 

lautia. Fest. Ep. P 68 n. ‘dautia quae lautia dicimus dantur legatis hospitii 
gratia '«'necessaries;" apparently at first necessaries for bathing, the idea of a 
stranger's first requisite that we find in old times, as in Homer. It would of 
course include beds and bed-room furniture. 

32. The Greek names at the end seem to be intended for a short title or index 
for purposes of reference, necessary enough in the great mass of documents. 


LEX ANTONIA DE TERMESSIBUS. Pp. 209—a11. 


C. 204. Termessus maior was a town in Pisidia, and had received autonomy 
from Cn. Manlius in v.c. 563 (Liv. xxxviii. 15), which is hereby confirmed to it. 
These privileges are to date from the Ist of April, 682. The tribune who moved 
the bill, C. Antonius, M. £, was praetor 688, and cos. 691 (with Cicero), and may 
therefore have been tribune in 683. The words of the praescriptio de s(enatus) 
s(ententia) are important, as Sulla had taken away from tribunes the right of 


- 





LEX RUBRIA. 468 


moving laws, except with this authorisation (Appian, Bell. Civ. i. 59), and the full 
right was not restored to them till the next year, 684, by the Lex Pompeia. 
Mommsen supplementa the praescriptio, which ran along the top of the pages in 
large letters (as in the Lex Cornelia), from no. 593, where the other tribunes seem 
to be named, viz. Cn. Cornelius, Q. Marcius, L. Hostilius, C. Popilius, M. Valerius, 
C. Antius, Q. Caecilius, L. V(olceius?), and C. Fundanius. We may conclude 
that four or five other tables have perished. 

(I) 1. Thermeses matores. Cp. the coin in Smith's Dict. of Geography, which 
has Tepugccéov raw pe(dvew. Observe the variations in spelling, Termesibus, 
Thermeses, Termensium, Thermensie. 

14. L. Marcio Sex. Iulio, cos. v.c. 663, the beginning of the first Mithridatic 
War, and time of the Italian revolt. 

15. énsulae, lodging-houses, houses containing a number of tenements. See 
Rich’s Dict. of Ant. for plans of such houses, 

(II) 16. lege Porcía. Cp. Liv. xxxii. 27 de Catone maiore Sardiniam admini- 
strante ; 'Sumptus, quos in cultum praetorum socii facere soliti erant cireumcisi 
aut sublati; Plut. Cat. Mai. 6. M. 


LEX RUBRIA. Pp. 212, 213. 


C. 205. The fragments of this law were found on a bronze plate among the 
ruins of Veleia, close to the basilica, a few steps from the celebrated tabula alimen- 
taria of Trajan, establishing a fund for the sustenance of poor children. Veleia 
was destroyed by a landslip from a neighbouring mountain, it is supposed about 
the time of Probus, as no coins have been found of a later date (Murray’s Hand- 
book of North Italy, p. 403). 

The text has been best edited by Ritechl, Berlin, 1851. Commentaries have 
been written by the lawyers Hugo, Dirksen, Puchta, Savigny, Huschke, as well as 
by Mommsen. To Puchta is due the determination of the name, and to Huschke 
the correct interpretation of certain of the notes. 

In the year 705 Julius Caesar gave the citizenship to all the inhabitants of 
Cisalpine Gaul who had the ius Latii. In the year 712, after the battle of 
Philippi, it ceased to be a province. This law must fall between these two dates. 
It cannot of course fall after 712, nor can it fall before 705, as otherwise the 
letters o. R.=C(ivium) R(omanorum) would have to be added to the formula 
O. M. €. P. F. C. C. T. VE, a8 in the Lex Iulia Municip. ll, 83, 108. 

The name Lex Rubria is found in the law itself in the formula for appointing & 
iudex, line 39; but nothing is known of the tribune who was its author, appa- 
rently in the absence of Caesar. The objects aimed at in this and the succeeding 
law are generally indicated by Mommsen (R. H. book v. ch. 11. vol. iv*. p. 538): 
‘ The leading principles in the two municipal ordinances, issued in 705 for Cisal- 
pine Gaul, and in 7c9 for Italy, the latter of which remained the fundamental law 
for all succeeding times, are apparently, first, the strict purifying of the urban 
corporations from all immoral elements, while yet no trace of political police 
occurs ; secondly, the utmost restriction of centralisation, and the utmost freedom 





464 | — INSTRUMENTA PUBLIGA. 


of movement in the communities to which there was even now reserved the elec- 
tion of magistrates, and a limited civil and criminal legislation. The general police 
enactments, such as the restrictions on the right of association (p. 503), came, it 
is true, into operation also here.' According to Mommsen, the arrangement of 
matters in this law is the same as that of the perpetual edict. We have parts of 
five chapters remaining; the end of the 19th, on ‘operis novi nuntiatio ' (protest 
against a new work to tbe damage of property); the 20th, which gives the muni- 
cipal magistrate or the prefect of Mutina jurisdiction in cases of ‘damnum infec- 
tum’ (threatened or apprehended damage); the 21st, which gives jurisdiction 
in cages of ‘ pecunia certa credita’ (debts of Roman money up to a certain sum) ; 
the 24nd, dealing with cases of other debta ; and the beginning of the 33rd, which 
relates to the action ‘familiae erciscundae’ (move for dividing an hereditas amongst 
co-beira). 

Chapter twenty-one, which I have given, enacts that those who acknowledge a 
debt, or who are held by law to have acknowledged it, by reason of their silence 
or incorrect answers before the magistrate, should be handed over (as addicti) by 
the municipal magistrate to the creditor, if the sum did not exceed fifteen 
thousand sesterces. For sums above that amount, the debtor was to promise to 
appear at Rome personally or by sufficient proxy. If he did not so promise, this 
law allowed the magistrate to appoint iudices or recuperatores on the spot. 

XXI.2. The interpretation of the letters c.c.T.vVE was long doubtful. 
Mommasen's conjecture is now generally received, territorio being in place as the 
last of the list, a8 being à general term ; cp. ager, locus, aedificium, possessio ; res, 
lex, ius, causave ; ablatum, captum, conciliatum, avorsumve. See Ritschl, in Rh. 
Mus. vol. viii. p. 475. 1858. Savigny says oppidum is an introductory generic 
designation; mynicipium denotes the greatest number and the most important 
places ; colonia belongs only to a few, and praefectura only to Mutina. (Verm. 
Schriften, iii. p. 335.) 

Io. s(éremps) res lex ius caussaque. For siremps see Introd. xiii. $ 39. The 
meaning of res is doubtful; Ritschl, l.c. p. 456, suggests ' process.’ 

18. t(antae) p(ecuntae) . . . dum t(axat) [H. 8.] Xv s. f. s. duci iubeto, * order him 
to be led off by the creditor as debtor to the amount in question, up to (and not 
above) 15,000 sesterces.' This sense of ducere is found XII Tab. iii. 3, * secum 
ducito, vincito,’ etc. Cp. the quotation from Novius (1), Cic. de Orat. ii. 63, 255, 
‘A. Quanti addictus? B. mille nummum. C. nihil addo, ducas licet, Probably 
this addictio amounted to little more than retention of the debtor's person till the 
sum was paid. Cp. Puchfa, $ 179, Rudorff's note mm. For dum taxat -*not 
1nore than,' see on Lex Bant. r2. 


LEX IULIA MUNICIPALIS. Pp. 213-218. 


C. 206. Of the two tables on which the remains of this law were found, one 
was for some time in England in the last century, and was first edited by Mattaire, 
London, 1736. The other was first edited by A. S. Mazocchi, Naples, 1754, 1755, 
together with the English table. Both are now at Naples. The text has been 


LEX IULIA MUNICIPALIS. 465 


re-edited from the brass by Ritschl. The best commentary is that of Savigny, 
Vermischte Schriften, 3, 279-412. (Mazocchi first suggested the name, as well 
as the passage of Cicero fixing the date, Sav. p. 404.) 

The date of the law has been determined by Savigny to be A.U.O. 709, to 
which it is fixed by a number of indications, one of the most certain being some 
words of Cicero, quoted in the note on line 94. It could not have been 710, 
as in that year the number of aediles was increased from four to six, and in the 
year after the month Quintilis was called Julius. 

It was carried, then, in the fourth consulship of Julius Caesar. It was drawn up 
in the beginning of the year, as we find Cicero writing about it in February, but 
not passed till the close, as Caesar was absent in Spain, and did not return till 
September. The name is preserved in an inscription found at Padua, and still in 
existence, which runs thus :—m IvNIVS | SABINVS | UIT. VIR . AEDILI|CIAE . POTES- 
TAT .| E LEGE . IVLIA . | MVNICIPALI | PATRONVS | COLLEGI . CEN|TONARIORVM | 
FRONTEM .TEMPLI | vERvIs.ET.HERMIS | MARMORRIS . PE,CVNIA . BVA. ORNA|VIT . 
ET. TVITION. | DEDIT HS co oo | N.ooxxxxu. [The unknown word vervis is sup- 
posed to mean ‘sheeps’ heads.”"] "The law is called simply Lex Municipalis by the 
jurists, e. g. Dig. i. 7, 9 L, 1 tit., and Paulus wrote a book entitled Ad Munici- 
palem (Savig. 1. c. p. 359). The question which arises, why this law which makes 
so many regulations about Rome is called Lex Municipalis, is a difficult one. 
Mommsen interprets it as a token of Caesar's policy, ‘ut palam fieret urbem 
Romam imperii locum obtinere desiisse et inter imperii Romani municipia factum 
esse primum; eodemque refero quod ex hac lege nemini, nisi qui duo plurave 
domicilia habet, lice& Eomae censeri' (v. 157). This seems a correct, and at the 
game time a very important, inference. See the quotation on p. 463. 

The law as it at present stands deals with three subjecta: I. The public dis- 
tribution of corn; II. The duties of the aediles at Rome; III. Municipal 
eelf-government. The law is mutilated both at the beginning and the end, but 
runs on very clearly as far as it is preserved. 


I. Rules for the public distribution of Corn, §§ 1-6, lines 1-19. 

$$ 1, 2. NAMES are to be given in to the consul in person, or by a curator 
for an absentee, or in case of minors by a tutor. $$ 3,4. In the absence of 
the consul, the praetor urbanus may receive names, then the pr. peregrinus, 
then the tr. pl. § 5. Such names are to be registered on the public books, and 
@ copy exposed on a white board in the forum. § 6. The officer who distributes 
the corn is not to give to any person of those whose names are upon the list, 
[but of course to wait till the subsortitio takes place, which no doubt had been 
spoken of earlier in the law]. For every modius so wrongly given he is to pay 
as a fine 50,000 sesterces, . 

Caesar's object had been to reduce the number of recipients of the state dole ; 
and he had been successful enough to bring it down from 320,000 to 150,000. 
The eubsortítio to which these professiones led up was to fill the places of those 
who had died within the year. (Suet. Caes. 41.) The recension of the people 
for the purpose of reducing the numbers had taken place in the preceding year. 


Hh 


466 INSTRUMENTA PUBLICA. 


In the paragraphs above condensed we notice the forms profitemino (Int. xvi. 
§ 13), and va=pu(pilla), cp. 0» G(aía), i.e. mulier, and occasionally 1 l(éberta). 

18. proposita erunt. Some critics have inserted a non, through not understand- 
ing the object of the enactment. 

I9. in tr. m. I8 Iooo «in tritici modios singulos sestertium quinquagena milia. 
Cp. Col. Rostrata ad fin. p. 414. 


II. Duties of the Aediles, $8 7-21, lines 20-82. 


These are, shortly, cleaning and repairing roads, regulating traffic, and keeping 
public places free from impediments and encroachments. 

§ 7. Roaps within the city, or in the district immediately round it, to be kept in 
order by the owners of houses, in front of which they are, to the satisfaction of the 
aediles. § 8. Aediles, within five days after their appointment or entrance into 
office, to draw lots for the superintendenoe of a particular quarter of the city. 
§ 9. Half of a road between a temple or public building and a private house to 
be offered for contract by the aedile, to be kept in order. § 10. If the owner 
of a house does not repair the road in front of it, the aedile is to offer the repair 
to contractors by means of the quaestor. The owner to pay the contractor his 
assessment within thirty days ; if he does not pay, he is liable to pay half as much 
again, and to be actionable for it as a debt. § 11. The quaestor is also to be 
employed in putting up to auction the repair of other roads (cp. § 9), and to pay 
the contractor from the treasury. § 12. Nothing in this law to affect existing 
rights and duties of the aediles, and the four commissioners for cleansing roads 
within the city, or of the two commissioners for the suburban and extra-urban 
district, with respect to cleaning the roads. § 13. A semfta round a house to be 
repaired with stones by the owner, to the satisfaction of the aedile. 

$ 14. No waaGoN may be used in the streets between sunrise and 4 p.m., 
exoept when used for bringing or taking away materials to or from public works 
or temples, with certain other exceptions. § 15. Waggons may be used for vestal 
virgins, etc., triumphs, games, ete. § 16. Waggons brought in at night not for- 
bidden to be in the city or suburban district between sunrise and 4 p.m. 

$ 17. PUBLIC PLACES AND PonRTIOOES to be kept free from building or en- 
croachment, or erection of hoardings, except when permission has been granted 
by law or 8. C. $ 18. No interference is intended with present or future con- 
tracts, under a ‘lex locationis' of the censor or other magistrate. § 19. Nor 
is this law to prevent anyone who gives games in the district, from erecting 
a stage and using a public place for the purpose. § 20. Nor does it forbid clerks 
and secretaries of magistrates from using public places, according to their orders. 
§ 21. Nor the use of public places by public slaves, according to the censors’ 
appointment. 

l 20, in urbem Rom(am) is constantly used z' within the city, so we have 
ín u. R. (domicilium habere), Lex Rep. 13. See note on Lex Agrar. 1, p. 451. 
propiusve u. R. p. M=‘the suburban district for a mile outside the walls,’ Lex 
Rep. 13, p. 432. 





LEX IULIA MUNICIPALIS. 407 


al. pars «rbis h. l. obvenerit. The city district was divided into the tribus 
Palatina, Suburana, Esquilina, and Collina. 

23. a[qua], the brass reads ao; perhape AQ was a note for it. 

40. in tabulas publicae pecuniae factae. * Populo quod debetur (haeo enim est 
pecunia facta ut, nomen factum dici solet) exigi non potest antequam in tabulas 
publicas referatur? (Tac. Ann. xiii. 38). M. 

Et... cum eomve adtríbuito. ‘Let him make him or them (the owners of 
houses) responsible to the contractor for such and such an amount.’ Cp. Lex Rep. 
62 note. On the duovtri mentioned line 50, see on Lex Agr. 38, p. 454. 

53. semita £n loco, join quoius in loco ante aedéficium semita erit. Se-mi-ta is a 
side path, or by-path, here a foot path, trot(oir, just as tra-mé-tes are cross paths: 
the root appears in me-are (Corss. ii. 212). 


III. Municipal Self-govermment, §§ 32-30, lines 83-160. 

This part treats of four subjects: the magistrates; the councils; the census; 
and alterations in the oodes of municipia. 

$ 22. MUNICIPAL MAGISTRATES are not to make additions to the municipal 
council except in the place of a dead man, or one condemned, or one who oon- 
fesses that he ought not to be a member under this law. § 23. No one shall be 
competent to hold a municipal magistracy after the first of January next but 
one after the passing of this law, who is under thirty years of age, unless he 
has served three yearly campaigns in the cavalry, or six in the infantry, or has 
had special exemption from service. Nor is anyone, while he is a praeco or an 
undertaker, eligible either to a magistracy or a place in the council. The penalty 
for breaking this law is 50,000 sesterces. 

§ 24. No municipal magistrate may elect such persons as are mentioned 
in the previous section under the same penalty. 

§ 25. No one may be à MEMBER OF THE COUNOIL who has been condemned for 
theft or has compromised a theft; or has been condemned for breach of trust, 
partnership, wardship, or agency; or for outrage or malicious intent; or has been 
condemned for cheating minors; or has served as a gladiator; or has declared 
himself insolvent; or made a composition with his creditors; or has had his debts 
paid by a sponsor (f); or has had his goods proscribed; or has been condemned 
by a public court, and outlawed either at Rome or in the provinces; or been con- 
demned as a malicious or collusive accuser; or been degraded in or dismissed from 
the army ; or received head-money for killing a Roman citizen; or ‘corpore quae- 
stam fecit fecerit ;’ or exercised the trade of a lanista, public dancer, or actor; or 
shall be a pander. The penalty is 50,000 sesterces. 

§ 26. Forbids any magistrate from placing such persons on the council, or in 
any way treating them as decurions. 

$ 27. Forbids any such person from becoming a municipal magistrate. The 
penalty as before. 

§ 28. In every MUNICIPAL TOWN the highest magistrate is to make A CENSUS 
of the citizens at the same time as the census takes place at Rome, within sixty 
days; the census is to contain their full names and ages, and the account of their 

Hha 


468 INSTRUMENTA PUBLICA. 


property subject to census; the registers are to be sent to Rome by the proper 
delegates before the sixty days are expired; copies to be made by the censor 
within five days, and kept with the other registers of the census. 

§ 29. A man who has been registered at Rome need not be registered on the 
books of another town, if he has a domicile there. 

§ 30. The Commissioner already sent to give LAWS TO A MUNICIPAL LATIN 
TOWN is authorised to make any alterations or emendations in the laws that 
he has given, and to bind the burgesses by them, provided it is done within the 
year succeeding the passing of this law. 

83. duoviri and quatuorviri are the ordinary names for municipal magistrates. 
These officers were generally four in number, two being ture dicundo, and answer- 
ing to the Roman praetors, and two generally being aediles. They composed 
either two colleges of duoviri or one of quatuorviri, the former arrangement being 
generally adopted in coloniae, the latter in municipia (Marquardt, new ed. iv. 
pP. 479). It would seem that the magistrates here meant are the two higher 
officials ture dicundo. The two next in rank are similarly duoviri or quatuorviri 
aediliciae potestatis (1. c. p. 491 : cp. the inscription on p. 465). 

86. senatum decuriones conscriptosve. This municipal council consisted of a fixed 
number of life-members, generally roo. The lectio in senatum took place every 
five years by means of two quinquennales, who were merely the two ordinary 
magistrates for the year acting as censors in addition to their usual offices (cp. 
§ 28). The main impediments toa man's becoming a decurion specified in this law 
(§ 25), are condemnation for certain offences, insolvertcy, degradation in or dismissal 
from the army, and the exercise of certain trades or professions. Caesar prob- 
ably wished to give great liberty in the matter. We may infer, however, that 
the commissioners mentioned in § 30 made ordinances for particular cities on these 
details, not that there were absolutely no such restrictions. We learn from Cicero 
that C. Claudius Pulcher, pr. 659, made just such ordinances when sent to give 
laws to the people of Halesa in Sicily (in Verr. ii. 49, 122): ‘C. Claudius adhibi- 
tis omnibus Marcellis, qui tum erant, de eorum sententia leges Halesinis dedit: in 
quibus multa sanxit de aetate hominum, ne qui minor xxx annis natu: de quaestu 
quem qui fecisset ne legeretur, de censu, de ceteris rebus. The age was raised by 
Augustus to fifty, as was that of the Roman senators; the property qualifica- 
tion differed in different towns (see Marquardt, vol. iii. pp. 364-375). It was 
not till after the time of the Antonines that the condition of the decurions or 
curiales began to decline, till in time it became a mere punishment to force a man 
into the curia. This was owing to the confiscation of municipal property, and the 
responsibility laid on the council of: paying to the state the taxes of the com- 
munity. The title about decurions in the Theodosian code is one of the most 
painfully instructive in the whole book. 

nei ...legito, etc. This of course was a necessary result of the principle that 
membership of the council was for life, except a man was disqualified under 
this law, and that the number of members was limited. There is an inter- 
esting inscription giving the album of Casinum (Orell. 3721, Marquardt, 1. c. 
P. 505), of which the following is a summary: L. MARIO MAXIMO II. L. ROSCIO 


LEX IULIA MUNICIPALIS. 469 


AELIANO . . COS (a. d. 223) | M. ANTONIVS . PRISOVS . L ANNIVS . SECVNDVS II. VIR. 
QVINQVENN .| NOMINA DEOVBIONVM IN AERE INOIDENDA OVRAVERVNT | PATRONI 
C. €. V. V. (i. e. clarissimi viri, XXXI nomina) || PATRONI E. E. Q. Q. B. B. (i. e. equites 
Romani, nomina VIII)|| QVINQVENNALIOII (nom. VII, quorum duo inter patronos 
equites, duo huius anni quinquennales sunt) || ALLEOTI INTER QVINQ. (nom. IV) || I1 
VIBALICII (nom. XXXIII) || AEDILICII (XIX) || QVAESTOBICII (IX) || PEDANI (i.q. pedarii 
vel pedanei XXXII) || PRAETEXTATI (i. e. decurionum filii, xxv). 

coptato. The brass has coaptato, but the contraction is of course for cooptato, 
and is found 1. 106. 

89. The restrictions as to magistrates are more explicit. See argument. 

92. annueis is Mommsen's correction for anneis of the brass. 

vocalio- vacatio. Mommsen adds, fr. ll. 102, 103, ‘dumtazxat quod ei legibus pl. 
ve sc. procedere oportebit, as lost by dpzocoréAevroy here. 

94. praeconium . . . dum eorum quid faciet. It is to this provision Cicero refers 
in his letter to Lepta, Feb. v.c. 709 (ad Fam. vi. 18, 2): ‘Simul accepi a Seleuco 
tuo litteras statim quaesivi e Balbo per codicillos, quid esset in lege. Rescripsit 
eos qui facerent praeconium vetari esse in decurionibus, qui fecissent non vetari. 
Quare bono animo sint et tui et mei familiares; neque enim erat ferendum cum 
qui hodie haruspicinam facerent in senatum Eomae legerentur, eos qui aliquando 
praeconium fecissent, in municipiis decuriones esse non licere.' 

dissignationem libítinamve. The relation of these two trades to one another is 
not very clear. Perhaps there was no real distinction between them. The dís- 
signator seems so called from his ordering the funebris pompa; the libéténarius 
from his station at the Temple of Libitina, where, amongst other things, a register 
of deaths was kept (Suet. Nero, 39, ‘xxx funerum milia in rationem Libitinae 
venerunt") The phrase libitinam exercere is found in Valerius Max. v. 23, ro. 
The díssignator of the Pompeian inscriptions, 597, 768, is a stage manager. 

IIo. The following cases are almost exactly those which were visited legally 
with infamia. See Dig. iii. 2, Cod. Just. il. 12. The tit. in the Digest contains 
the words of the praetor's edict with comments. 

furtei quod ipse fecit. fecerit is explained by Ulpian's commentary on Dig. iii. 2, 
6, * Si quis alieno nomine condemnatus fuerit non laborat infamia et ideo nec pro- 
curator vel defensor vel tutor vel curator vel heres furti." 

pactus ; see on XII Tab. viii. 16. Ulpian explains ‘si cum pretio quantocun- 
que pactus est.' 

III. éudicio fiduciae pro socto tutelae mandatei, ‘condemned for breach of trust, 
partnership, tutelage, or agency. Fiducia is the transference of property to 
another, for a given purpose, on the condition that it is afterwards to be restored to 
you. Condemnation for not restoring it was visited with énfamia. Hence Cicero 
says, Pro Rosc. Comoed. 6, 16, ‘Si qua enim sunt privata iudicia summae existi- 
mationis et paene dicam capitis, tria haec sunt, fiduciae, tutelae, societatis. Pro 
socto is the action which one partner has against another; it is illustrated by the 
speech just mentioned, which was in behalf of Roscius (who had recovered under 
it from a third partner) against the other partner Fannius, who claimed from 
Roscius half of what he had so recovered. The éudéictum tutelae combined both 





470 INSTRUMENTA PUBLICA. 


the action of pupil against tutor, as well as tutor against pupil (actio contraria). 
Similarly, the actio mandati was either that of principal against agent or agent 
against principal, But only tutors and agents are here intended as subject to dis- 
ability. The praetor's edict expressly excepted the contraria actio: ‘qui pro socio, 
tutelae, mandati, depositi suo nomine, non contrario iudicio, damnatus erit So 
Ulpian's comment, ‘nam in contrariis non de perfidia agitur sed de caloulo qui 
fere iudicio solet dirimi. 

For the subject of iniuriae see Gaius, iii. $$ 220-225, and Mr. Poste’s notes on 
this and dolus malus, ‘ malicious intention.’ 

112. lege Plactoria, which punished fraudulent persons overreaching young 
men under the age of twenty-five. It was as old as Plautus, Thus tbe young 
man says in the Pseudulus, i. 3, 69, ‘Tum lex me perdit quinavicenaria | Metuunt 
credere omnes.’ It was different from the Lex Plaetoria de Iurisdictione. 

113. auctoratus, ‘who has bound himself to serve as a gladiator. This he did 
by a contract (auctoramentum), and took an oath something like the soldier's oath, 
‘uri, vinciri, verberari, ferroque necari. See p. 381. 

bonam copiam abíuwraeit. A similar form is found Cic. Fam. ix. 16, 7, "bonam 
copiam eiures.' This seems to mean, ‘has declared his insolvency.’ 

The phrase bona copia -* solvency,' is first found in a citation from the so-called 
Poetelian law in Varro, L. L. vii. 105, which enacted, ‘ut omnis qui bonam copiam 
iurarunt ne essent nexi sed soluti' (The MSS. of Varro have C. Poptlio vocare 
Mllo díctatore; Müller reads C. Poplilio auctore, Visolo (i.e. Poetelio Libone) 
dictatore. Op. Liv. viii. 28, ‘necti desierunt.) The meaning of bonam copiam 
furavit here seems to be, ‘anyone who, after being addictus for debt, has been 
released on a deolaration of solvency.’ This law seems to except not only all who 
&re or have been insolvent, but also all who have been imprisoned for debt. 

II4. quei[ve]; ve is added by Mommsen as beginning another sentence. 
Rudorff (R. R. G. ii. p. 395, n. 37) takes it with what goes before, ‘Has made 
an oath of his solvency, after he has (qui) declared to his creditors or sureties 
that he cannot pay in full.’ 

115. prove quo datum depensum est erit, seems to mean, ‘For whom a composi- 
tion has been made with his creditors by intercessio. This arrangement was 
made by sponsores, fidepromissores or fideiussores, who had an actio depensi in 
duplum against the principal debtor. Cf. Gaius, iv. $ 25, where he is called ‘is 
pro quo depensum est.’ 

117. (bona possessa proscriptave sunt erunt). These words are no doubt rightly 
added by Mommsen as having dropped out by dpooréAevrow. They imply adju- 
dication of bankruptey: on the distinction between this and insolvency, see 
Poste's Gaius, pp. 277 foll. 

120. k(alumniae) praevaricationis caussa, seo on Lex Rep. 5, p. 430; 19, p. 433- 

122. ob caput c. R. referundum, referring to the times of the Sullan proscriptions. 

123. lenocinium faciet. It is difficult to account for this difference of tense 
which seems to give a greater privilege to those who may have been lenones than 
to other persons disqualified. 

I42. quei ... mazimum mag., etc. This official is sometimes called the censor, 


TITULI CONSULARES. MINUCIUS. 471 


as C. 1166, 13, q.v., more often guinquennalks, as in the inscription: on p. 
468. 

159. This last section ($ 30) is (says Savigny) the hardest in the law. The 
best general illustration is the case of C. Claudius Pulcher, already referred to on 
1. 86. Permissus est is explained by Savigny, ‘has been sent out;' not ‘has re- 
ceived permission, which is not good grammar. The only parallel, however, 
that can be brought forward seems to be from Columella, de R. R. vii. 8, * hoc 
genus cagei potest etiam trans maria permitii. Mommsen seems to make the 
words ==‘ cui permissum est ut’ by attraction. He compares Lex Corn. de xx q. 2, 
36, *quel... utei legerentur institutei sunt.’ Prof. Palmer translates, ‘who has 
been granted for the purpose of giving laws,' comparing the paralle] use of dare, and 
I am inclined to follow him. Fuit is on the braes zvIT, but seems a certain correction. 
ERIT, which would also be possible, is not in point, aa the reference seems to be to 
commissioners present (est) or past ( fuit), not future. In municipio fundano. The 
adjective is elsewhere unknown, but the phrase fundus fieri is not very uncommon. 
The legal bearing of the term is one of the principal topics in the oration of 
Cicero pro Balbo, who, being a citizen of Gades and having received special 
Roman citizenship from Pompey, was attacked by a fellow citizen, whose first 
argument was that Gades had never become a ‘ fundus legis Gelliae Corneliae,’ 
which gave the citizenship to Pompey’s nominees. It is found in the same collo- 
cation, Gell. xvi. r3, 6. Cicero’s explanation (if it may be called one) is very far- 
fetched, ‘si ea lex, quam nos haberemus, eadem in populo aliquo tanquam in 
fundo resedisset" (pro Balbo, viii. 20). The right explanation is no doubt to be 
gathered from Festus, Epit. p. 89, * Fundus quoque dicitur populus esse rei, quam 
alienat, hoc est auctor,’ i.e. ‘the people is the foundation’=‘the people ratifies, 
confirms, establishes a thing.’ Besides this legal use, there is an instance in 
Plautus, Trin. 1122, of a literary one :— 

*Nüne mi is propere cénveniundumst, it quae cum elus fílio 
Égi, ei rei patér sit fundus pótior ;’ 

and Gellius applies it in his pedantio way, xix. 8, 12, *non ut huius sententiae 
legisque fundus subscriptorque fierem.’ A municipium fundanum is then, in this 
place, one which becomes fundus of a law offering it the Roman citizenship with 
its rights and obligations. ‘Spectant haec (says Mommsen) ad municipia Sicula 
Hispana alia a Caesare Latinitatis iure donata: vide quae dixi in commentario ad 
aera Salpensana et Malacitana p. 409.’ 


Pans SECUNDA. 


TITULI CONSULARES, CERTAEQUE AETATIS RELIQUI. 
Pp. 219-229. 

C. 1503. This inscription is by no means without difficulty. Dictators ceased 
after V.C. 552, and it is hard to find a Minucius before that date to whom to refer 
it. Mommsen assigns it, somewhat boldly, to the magister equitum who fell at 
Cannae (Liv. xxii. 49) and who appears as magister equitum in the fasti. This he 


472 TITULI CONSULARES. MARCELLUS. 


supporta by citing Polyb. iii. 103 and Liv. xxii. 25, to prove that the rights of the 
two officers were equalised, and, as Polybius says, that there were two dictators. 
This altar was erected to Hercules Victor—for whom see on the tituli Mummiani 
below—in gratitude probably for his success at Gerunium, when a defeat was 
turned into a victory by the advent of Fabius. The letters at the side have never 
been satisfactorily explained. 

C. 530, 531. Two inscriptions set up by M. Claudius Marcellus, conqueror of 
Syracuse. Htnnad (abl.)=from Hinna or Enna, as it is generally called, the 
sack of which is mentioned by Livy, xxiv. 39. So we have M. Fulvius m. f. | Ser. 
n. Cos. | Actolia cepit, no. 534, V.0. 565. Marcellus is known to have dedicated 
his spoils in various places at Rome. No. 531 was probably attached to the 
Temple of Honos and Virtus, built by him close to that of Mars at the Porta 
Capens. He triumphed over the Sicilians in v. 0. 543 — 1I. 

C. 532. TESsRRA FUNDANA. This is a good deal the oldest of such monuments, 
the others being plates of brass or copies on stone affixed to the walls. This is a 
regular ovmfodoy, intended to be carried on a journey and compared with the one 
given to the other party; here 74. Claudtus(?). This old sort of tessera is referred 
to in well-known passages of Plautus' Poenulus, v. 1, 25 (apparently there a small 
image)—' Deum hospitalem ac tesseram mecum fero;' and 2, 87, 'tesseram 
conferre" and ‘est par probe, nam habeo domi,’—passages which, with the 
existing examples, show that the idea of putting together two parta of a fractured 
object is an error. Conferre tesseram, avuBáAX&v, etc. is simply to compare one 
copy with another. For a more ordinary tessera hospitalis cp. the Tessera Pallan- 
tina, p. 229, and note, p. 484. 

The object of this tessera was apparently to record the creation of a peculiar 
relationship, a sort of compound of the ordinary guest friendship ($us hospitis) 
and the relation of patron and client, wbich existed between noble Romans and 
dependent cities or states, and in later times between them and colonies and 
municipia, etc., and in fact all kinds of communities, whether incorporated in or 
simply dependent on the Roman state. It was, in fact, neither, but a way of 
securing representation of their interests at Rome, something like the proxenia of 
the Greeks and our own consular system, only with much more of dependence on 
the side of the client state. It was no doubt as patrons of the Ligures that the 
Minucii made their decision as to boundaries (no. 199). Similarly, the Marcelli 
were patrons of Sicily. Cp. Liv. ix. 20, ‘ Antiatibus... dati ab senatu ad iura 
statuenda ipsius coloniae patroni, and cp. Lex Iulia, $ 30. The term defensor 
seems also to have been applied to them, Inscr. Pomp. iv. 768, 1032, 1094, but 
not in the same technical sense as it was used under the later emperors. 

The formula for appointing such a patron is found in a decree of Gurza (?) in 
Africa, B.C. 12, ‘Senatus populusque . . . hospitium fecerunt quom L. Domitio .. . 
eumque et poster[o]s eius sibi posterisque sueis patronum coptaverunt isque eos 
posterosque eorum in fidem clientelamque suam recepit. (Marini, Arvali, p. 782, 
Orell. 3695, Wilmanns, 2850; cp. Mommsen, R. Forschungen, pp. 335, 353; 358. See 
also Ed. Philippi, Zur Geschichte des Patronata tib. Juristische Personen in Rh. Mus. 
vol. 8, for 1853, who distinguishes patroni from defensores. The material on the 


TESSERA FUNDANA. TITULI MUMMIANI. 478 


subject of this patronatus has been collected by Prof. Gazzera, Memorie d. R. 
Academia di Torino, t. xxxv.) The word patronus is probably closely connected 
with pater, patricius, i.e. one who is capable of acting as a patrician towards 
others, cp. matrona, wife of a burgess. The date of this tessera can only be fixed 
approximately, as there are thirteen cases of a M. Claudius M. f. cos., and the 
language of it may be either of the sixth or seventh centuries of the city. 

Conseríptes, nom. pl. Introd. ix. $ 7 «the decurions or senate of Fundi. See 
on L. Iulia, 86, p. 467. 

eose(nsu) . . . [pra&fecti], the last word is a probable restoration, as Fundi was 
a prefecture. (Festus, p. 233. M.) 

in eius fidem : in fide esse, is especially used of the relation of client and patron. 
See on Lex Rep. line 1o, p. 432. 

covenumis = convenimus, perhaps by a simple blunder of transposition. But cp. 
spatiarus, no. 1220, and the genitives in -we. 

co[ ptamus), as in Lex Iul. 86. 106, coptato, and so the formula quoted above. 

C. 533. If this is rightly referred to L. Cornelius Scipio Asiagenus, who was 
praetor in Sicily in 561 ; it is the carliest instance preserved of an honorary statue 
erected by Greeks in Greek fashion (Aonorís caussa) to a Roman. For Italicei 
cp. no. 55I, fugiteivos Italicorum conquaesivei. 

C. 535. This and two other milestones found near Bologna, on another road (to 
wbich the no. xv. seems to belong), must have once stood on the great via 
Aemilia, made by this consul from Ariminum to Placentia. Ariminum was 212 
Roman miles from Rome, and Bologna 77 from Ariminum; therefore this stone, 
marked 268 miles, could not have been far from Bologna on the Aemilian road. 
The date of the stone is doubtful from the closed P and the form of the milestone, 
which is the later one. The early date also is inconsistent with Plutarch, who 
ascribes the setting up of mile-stones to C. Gracchus, The x is rubbed upon the 
stone and of uncertain shape. 

TiruLI MuMMIANI. PaGBa20. The worship of Hercules Victor or Invictus at 
the ara maxima is a well-known topic of Roman antiquities. Instances of a 
tithe vowed to him by private persons and then consecrated (deewma pollucta), 
and generally consumed in a popular banquet (cena Herculana), are found both in 
history and inscriptions. Thus we have M. Octavius Hersennus (Maocrob. Sat. iii. 
6, 11, Serv. ad Aen. viii. 363), Sulla and Crassus (Plutarch. Sull. 35, Crass. 2), 
and in inscriptions, esp. no. 1173,q.v. Mummius (and perbaps M. Minucius, 
above, no. 1503), must have vowed his tithe of praeda in the same way as 
Camillus did when he dedicated the tithe of the spoils of Veii to Apollo (op. n. 
187, of a twentieth paid to Apollo by certain aediles). The expression moribus 
antiqueis shows that he rather revived an ancient custom than introduced a new 
one, and it is to be supposed that the vows of private persons, merchants, and 
others, were an extension of this practice to common life. It is curious that the 
only clear indication of this should be found in Athenaeus (v. 65, cp. iv. 38), where 
he speaks of triumphant generals feasting the people in the Temple of Hercules. 
The spoils taken by Mummius were the great ornament of Rome, and also were 
to some extent distributed to the neighbouring towns, and even to the provinces. 





474 ' TITULI CONSULARES. 


Roman writers praise him for keeping nothing to himself, e.g. Cicero, de Off. ii. 
22, 76, ‘Italiam ornare quam domum suam maluit Similar dedications by 
Mummius are found relating to Nursia, Parma, Trebula Mutuesca, and even 
outside Italy, to Italica, near Seville. 

The locus classicus about the worship of Hercules is of course Aen. viii. 184 
foll. with the notes of Servius. See also De Rossi on the ara maxima, Annali del 
Inst. 1854, p. 28. The worship was introduced by Greeks, two points in the 
ceremony being contrary to early Itoman custom, the feast in his temple being 
taken sitting and with uncovered head ; and the name Hercules is now acknow- 
ledged to be Greek. The legend of the recovery of his oxen is localised in several 
other places, as at Erytheia, near Gibraltar (Hes. Theog. 287-294), and Eryx, in 
Sicily, and when compared with parallel myths like those of Saramáà and Sára- 
méya (Max Müller, Lect. ii. p. 462 aq.) is seen to be explicable as a common solar 
myth. The scyphus used in his worship is found also in Greek authors with 
various ideas attached to it (Apollod. ii. 5, § ro, Stesich. Fr. v. 7, Mimnermus, 
1a[9)). 

No. 541. duct(u). These lines Ritschl turns into rough Saturnians; they bave 
a metrical run about them, but hardly sufficient to warrant any exact notation. 

No. 542. Sancte and victor are both vocatives. | 

2. Notice tibei as a pyrrhich; so síbei, no. 38. pro usura is good sense =‘ ag 
interest or return for the help lent by thee in war.’ Mommsen acutely suggests 
promiserat, which no doubt makes the long and awkward sentence run better; but 
the hiatus seems admissible in such rough verses. 

4. visum may be either for eisum erat, or more probably is governed by per- 
fecit; in either case it goes with hoc dare sese. The construction will then be 
Sancte victor, Lucius Mummius donum tibé de decwna moribus antiquis perfecit, 
visum (i. e. quod constituerat) animo suo dare sese hoc pro usura. 

tua pace, probably ablative. It might be for tuam pacem, as Ritschl suggests, 
but this is not such good sense. 

B5. Cogendei, eto., ‘that thou wilt make it easy for him to collect and pay the 
debt, and effect that he make a perfect tithe, and for tbis and other gifts give him 
bis deserts.’ Cogendei refers of course to the collection of spoils from those into 
whose hands they bad fallen. Cp. Liv. v. 23, * Haud facile inibatur ratio iubendi 
referre praedam populum, ut ex ea pars debita in sacrum secerneretur, of the 
tithe vowed to Apollo by Camillus. 

facilia may, 1 think, stand, though it is obviously a strong poetical licence. 
The vowel between c and / is constantly lost, as in poclum, saeclum. Cp. Licnia, 
C. 892, Viglias, C. 1139, Cemna, 99, etc. Ritschl even quotes an instance of fácilia 
as & trisyllable from Plautus, Persa, 761, 'Quórum opera haec mihi fdctlia factu 
facta sunt quae vólui ecfieri, which appears to be a trochaic octonarius (Opera 
Philol. ii. p. 777, n.) The neuter plural of an adjective for an abstract substan- 
tive, e.g. facultatem, is to some extent paralleled by Lucret. i. 86, ‘prima virorum,' 
where see Munro's note. The Greek usage is freer, but the use of rd dDóraror, rà 
dbírvara, in Demosthenes, ‘inability or excuse of inability,’ seems a sort of counter- 
part to facilia here. 





MILIARIA. TERMINI. TITULUS CAPUANUS. 475 


C. 550, p. a1. MiQLIABIUM PorILLIANUM (Hadriae), set up by the same consul 
as the next. The road from Ariminum to Hadria is about eighty Roman miles. 

C. 551. Mfliarium Popillianum (Pollae). The name of the magistrate is not 
and never was on (Ais stone, but perhaps on a capital or epistyle. It is known to 
have been a Popillius or Popilius, as Polla is called by geographers forum Popillsi, 
cp. line 15. Lines 13, 14 imply that it was after the Sempronian law 621, and this 
leads us to P. Popilius Laenas, who was consul in the next year. It is to be 
noticed that roads are always ascribed to consuls (not praetors), and the subject 
of this inscription speaks of what he did as praetor, as different from his present 
action. Line 9, e£ eidem praetor, e. q. &., is opposed to eidemque, line 12. He 
was praetor in Sicily about 619, and had to suppress the brigandage which was 
then ripe, carried on by the slaves of rich proprietors, as described by Diodorus, 
p- 526, Wess. The same writer tells us that the praetors attempted to put down 
the brigands, but did not dare to punish them for fear of the great power of their 
masters. Hence Popilius expression, fugiteivos Italicorum conquacsivel redi- 
deique homines Doocoxvu.  lialíci are these great owners, who might either be 
citizens or have the ius Latii. For Popilius' acts as oonsul cp. note on C. 
Gracchus’ oration against him, p. 355. 

3. méliaríos appears to be masculine (8c. lapides) instead of the ordinary 
miliaria. 

3. tabelarios, (‘ letter-carriers "), is curious with poseives. 

8. suma summa ; af Capua, see on Ep. ad Tiburtes, 201, I1, p. 459. 

I4. paastores, see Introd. ii. $ 8. The historical reference seems to be to the 
law of Tiberius Gracchus, which the consuls continued to carry out after his death. 
The land which seems to be in view is that taken away from possessors of too 
large an amount and assigned to others, agri colendi causa. We find this tenure 
referred to in Lex Agraria, 13, 14, where see note p. 452. 

C. 554, 556. TERMINI. Cp. libri coloniarum, p. 243, 'triumvirales lapides Grac- 
chani, rotundi columniaci in capite, diametrum pedem I et pedem 1 et semis, altus 
ped. met mis.’ The three commissioners are styled in the laws agris dandis 
adsignandis, but here and in no. 555, agrís fudfcandis adsignandis or adiribuendis. 
Op. no. 583 of the time of Sulla, where they are called m1 vir. a. d. a. 4. Cer- 
tainly the éudicatio was their most important and difficult function, and it is 
here probably referred to as being in point for these particular boundaries. The 
top of the stone no doubt marked the angle between two lots; somewhat in the 
same way, though not with the same symbols, are the termini described Lex Agr. 
$ 4, from Hyginus. Only one of these can be explained at present. 

C. 565, p. 222. TrrTULUS CAPUANUS. The series to which this belongs falls 
between v. 0. 543 and 695, the destruction of the independence of Campania in the 
war with Hannibal, and the foundation of the colony at Capua by the, Lex Iulia. 
The government was administered by praefecti and the land allotted to plebeian 
possessores. The magistri pagorum were a sort of superior local officers, but only 
for purposes of religion. The inscriptions all belong to collegia, either called from 
their trade or from their tutelary deity (as here). They seem to have been 
governed by twelve magistri, if they were guilds of ingenui (as here), or of 


476 TITULI CONSULARES. 


libertini, or twelve ministri, if they were guilds of slaves. They record the giving 
of games and the repairs or improvement of temples, theatres, etc. Heisce or 
hisce is the usual form in this serios. Int. xiii. § 34. Venerus Joviae, else 
unknown. muru|m with the m above, cp. no. 551, 9; Tory, 16. 

C. $77, p. 222. Lex PaRIETI FACIENDO. The matter of this document is evidently 
ancient, but the division into columns and the form of the letters show that it was 
recut in imperial times, to which also such forms as duumvirum, faciendo (for 
duomvirom, faciundo) belong. This is called a lex, in the same sense as the lex 
locationis of the censor: it is the copy of specifications for a piece of public work 


PLAN OF BOOF. 
Paries. Paries. 









Limen robustum, 8 ft. 


Mutulus, 4 ft. 


(Projection of the Porch.) 


Antepagmentum. 


Antepagmentum. 






A. M. Trabicula. M. A. 


ELEVATION OY ROOF IN FRONT. 


Margo. 





to be done byacontractor. His name is given below, C. Blossius, and the amount 
for which he contracted (1500 sesterces=about £13 5s. 6d.), as well as the 
names of his praedes. Tho work can hardly be perfectly understood without an 
architectural drawing such as Mommeen gives. The accompanying sketch plan 
will, it is hoped, make the whole pretty clear, though it is of course inaccurate, as 
only the length of the beams, etc., not the breadth, has been considered. The 
work may be described generally as building a porch rather than making & 
wall The doorway is to be six feet wide and seven feet high. It is to have two 
sides (antae), standing out from the wall two feet, and one foot thick. Above the 





LEX PARIETI FACIENDO. 477 


doorway is to be laid a lintel of hard oak (limen robustum) eight feet long, and 
therefore covering the tops of the antae. At right angles to it and in the same 
direction as the antae are to be placed two mutulf (see note) four feet iu length, 
and therefore standing out two feet before the antae. These are to be covered 
externally with ogee mouldings (simae). This projection is to be joined together 
in front and at the back by trabiculae half a foot thick every way, lying on the 
mutulí, and of course at right angles to them and parallel to the lintel. The 
framework thus formed is to be roofed over with asseres five inches thick every 
way, not more than nine inches apart. The front or tympanum is to be boarded 
(opercula), and the ends of the beams finished with an ornamental moulding 
(antepagmentum cum cymatio). Each side of the roof is to have six rows of tiles, 
the lowest row (regulae primores) to be fixed to the antepagmentum, and the ridge 
to be connected with a coping (margo). Inside there are to be two folding doors 
witb gratings ( fores clatratae). 

I. 1. Ab colonia deducta, a rare use of such an era (here dating from 560) in 
Italy, though common enough in Asia. It is found once at Interamna (Orell. 
689, ‘anno post Interamnam conditam Docrmt, in the reign of Augustus) and 
very rarely at Rome. 

2. The names of the consuls are properly added in a colony. 

5. aedem Serapi. The genitive is something like those used by the comedians 
Chremi, Phtlolacht. The worship of Serapis or Sarapis was one of those foreign 
culta which had greatest attraction for the Romans. It rose first into prominence 
at Alexandria (where it was introduced, it is said, from Sinope) in the time of the 
early Ptolemies, and, in connection with that of Isis, it spread rapidly in the 
islands of the Mediterranean, into Greece, Italy, and Gaul. Like the worship of 
Bacchus, it fell into discredit at Rome and was forbidden by a S. C., to which 
Valerius Maximus refers, i. 3, 3, * L. Aemilius Paulus consul cum senatus Isidis 
et Serapis fana diruenda censuisset, eaque nemo opificum attingere auderet, posita 
praetexta securem arripuit templique eius foribus inflixit.. Who this Paulus 
was is uncertain; some make him the consul of 219 and 216 5.0.; others, as 
Marquardt (Handb. iv. p. 85, n. 514), the consul of 183 aud 168, the victor of 
Perseus; others place him in B.c. 50. The same prohibitions were repeated later 
on with little success, and in the time of Augustus it became publicly recognised, 
and in that of Plutarch was even orthodox and respectable, at any rate in com- 
parison with some of the Asiatic cults. 

I3. limen robustum, a lintel of hard oak; limen superum, supercilium or tugu- 
mentum. 

I4. p. I :: e pedem unum et quadrantem. p. 8. :- e pedis dodrantem, nine inches, 

I5. mutulos are here evidently very different from the ornamental mutules or 
modillions known to architects, i.e. brackets representing the ends of beams and 
standing out under the eaves of a building. They are, in fact, small beams four 
feet long, one foot broad, and eight inches thick. The idea common to both 
seems to be that of projection, and the word is probably identical with the adjec- 
tive mutilus, in the sense of something standing out and cut off short, This 
agrees with other uses of the same word in Varro, R. R. iii. 5, 13, ‘mutuli crebri 


478 TITULI CONSULARES. 


omnibus columnis impositi sedilia avium,’ and Columella, viii. 9, 3, ' mutuli per 
parietem defixi,' for perches or props. 

I5. 8: =bessem, eight inches. 

16. simae, ‘ ogee-mouldings, from Greek oipds, bent upwards. Cp. Vitruv. iii. 
5» 15. 

17. ferro offgito seems needlessly altered by Mommsen to ferro figito, since it 
seems to mean ‘ along the mutuli.’ 

trabiculas, of no specified length, but no doubt projecting so as to make 
eaves. 

II. 1. Inasserato. Mention is only made of the asseres or rafters on which the 
tiles were laid, but probably there must have been also a king post (columna) with 
struta (capreol and a ridge-pieoe (columen). See woodcuts in Rich's Dict. of 
Ant. 8. v materiatio, etc. 

3. pedario, a foot broad, but of no specified thickness. 

4. crassa g =semunciam. 

6. portula(m). The m is dropped in the stone in archaic fashion : cp. line 19 foll. 

9. clatratas, a rare word, found, however, Plautus, Miles, 378, with fenestra ; it 
means with a trellis or grating, probably inserted in each panel. 

11. Honorus, on the form see Introd. x. $ 13. 

Is. parietem should probably be pariete. 

17. calce harenato, says Mommsen, is for calce et harenato (quicklime and . 
mortar), which is supported by the use of calce uda below, else we might have 
supposed it to be masculine here. Cp. Cato, R. R. xviii. 7. Oalx uda, lime-wash. 

I9. opus structile, apparently the tiles and copings for the roof and the top of 
the wall; or are we to suppose that the wall itself was to be built with tiles? If 
so, this would be an earlier date than is generally supposed for walls of Roman 
brick. We find murum caementicium, no. 1279, but this is probably only one of 
small stones and rubble. The tiles are to be made of clay mixed with a quarter of 
slacked lime. Caementa[m] (cp. portula[ m], angolaria[m] ) fem. acc., heres 
tegulam. Arda- arida : when dry each tile is not to weigh more than 15 pounds. 

38. angolaria| m], the tiles at the corner are not to be higher than four and a half 
inches. The right explanation of this part of the inscription is due to Otto Jahn. 

III. 8. duoviralium is duoviratium on the stone. 

16. C. Blossius, eto., is the manceps or redemptor, ‘qui quid a populo emit con- 
ducitve—qui (dem praes dicitur, quia tam debet praestare quod promisit quam is 
qui pro eo praes factus est,' Fest. p. 151, M. Otherwise he would not be liable 
for insufficient execution of the contract, which would be visited on the praedes 
by the lex praediatoria. 

C. 585. ‘Qui dedicant Cornelii sunt de quibus Appianus Bell. Civ. i. 100,’ M. 
Sulla set free the youngest and strongest of the slaves of persons killed in the 
proscription, to the number of over 10,000, and gave them the citizenship, and 
called them from himself Cornelii, so that he had a large force of adherents always 
at his disposal. They seem to have formed a regular collegium. 

C. 591, 593. On the Tabularium see on S. C. de Asclepiade, p. 460. The 
Temple of Jupiter Capitolinus was burnt down in 671, and the restoration, com- 





SULLA, CATULUS, ANTONIUS, CICERO. TIT. FURFENSIS. 479 


menced by Sulla, was finished by Q. Catulus, who was curator restituends Capitolsi 
from his consulship in 676 onwards. So Liv. Epit. xoviii, 'templum Iovis in 
Capitolio, quod incendio consumptum ac refectum erat, a Q. Catulo dedicatum 
eat.’ The year of the dedication was 685. 

Other passages cited by Mommsen seem to prove abundantly that these inscrip- 
tions refer to the temple and the buildings on the hill. The inscription of his 
name is frequently mentioned, o. g. by Plutarch, Popl. 15, éweypdgy ry xaGephou 
KárovAos XóAAa wpoawo8avóvros, and Tac. Hist. iii. 72, ‘Lutatii Catuli nomen 
inter tanta Caesarum opera usque ad Vitellium mansit. These are probably & 
few out of a large number, as the work of Catulus extended over nearly twenty 
years. The second may refer to his work amongst the ' cellae et cisternae’ under 
the area of the Capitol, which Varro calls favisae or favisae (ap. Non. p. 112). 

eidemque probavit, sc. senatui. We must suppose a process of giving in 
accounts, inspection of work, etc., such as is referred to in Lex Par. Fac. iil. 1r. 
The phrase is a common one. 

C. 593. This list is supposed to give the names of the tribunes of the year 683, 
which should be in the praescriptio of the Lex Antonia de Termessibus, q. v. 
The name of the actual curator viarum is doubtfal. Mommsen suggesta Volceius 
or Volcatius. 

e lege Visellia. This law appears to have been one for administering certain 
matters in Rome, but the appointment of a tribune as curator viarum is only 
inferred from this inscription. Such an officer is mentioned, no. 600, on the bridge 
from the city to the island, but not called a tribune. 

de con(legts) sent(entia) ; conlegium conlega seems generally to be written up to 
A.D. 32, and after that collega collegium, except in the reign of Claudius (Mommsen, 
in Eph. Epigr. i. p. 79). 

The sum is 21072 sesterces. Each 4» stands for ten thousand. Tho fullest form is 
@, or simply &, which is found in Lex Rep. 198, 48, and is expressed in ordinary 
letters, coloo. The form given here is the last cipher reversed. Cp. Introd. ii. § 6, 
and note on Col. Eostr. p. 414. 

C. 599. Cicero’s consulship; the names are carelessly cut, apparently for no 
public purpose, perhaps as the date of a house. The names are thought by 
Mommsen to be nominatives. 

C. 603. LxzGzs AEDIS Iovis LIBERI FURFONE, p.224f. This difficult inscription, 
which has generally been considered extremely corrupt on account of errors of the 
stone-cutters, has recently received some light from a paper of Jordan’s, in the 
Hermes, vol. vii. pp. 201 foll., for 1872, who attempts to explain many of the sup- 
posed blunders as expressiuns of the vulgar dialect (Ausdrücke des Bauernlatoins). 
I learn from him that Huschke has also attempted to rehabilitate it, and to 
explain some of the peculiarities as Sabine. (Fifth supplementary volume of the 
Jahrb. für class. Philol. 1872, pp. 856-861). Mommsen says of it, ‘Sane inter 
lapides Romanos quos novi nullum offendi, qui ad similem corruptelarum immaní- 
tatem ascendat, in hoo tantum, ut pleraque codicibus tradita emendatiora ha- 
beamus.’ Jordan’s paper is worth reading; it would have been improved by a 
connected tranelation of the inscription. His chief points are made by comparing 


480 TITULI CONSULARES. 


the Narbonne inscription, the dedication of the altar to Augustus (Orell. 2489, 
Wilmanns, 104). 

Furfo was a vicus of Peltuinum, in the country of the Vestini, about fourteen 
miles south-east of Aquila. It had no municipal rights of its own except in rela- 
tion to this temple, which had its aediles. Mommsen thinks the two officers, 
Aienus and Baebatius, to have been not aediles, but duoviri for the purpose of this 
dedication. 

3. lupiter liber, Zeds trevOépios, is found in an Oscan inscription (Unterit. Dial. 
p. 170) and in a Campanian one (I. N. 3568). 

mense Plusare-sFlorali See Unterit. Dial. pp. 340, 343- 

3. comula teis is very difficult. Mommsen's commutateis, though ingenious, gives 
but little sense. Jordan thinks that cumwlatis may be a rustic phrase for ‘bound 
together,’ and compares ‘ per saturam derogari,’ etc. Olleis legibus illeis regionibus, 
so the inscription of Narbo, ‘his legibus hisque regionibus dato dedicatoque.’ 
Ille, in old Latin, seems to have been used in a wider sense than in the classical 
language ; cp. the formulae ‘olla veter arbos, ‘ollus Quiris, etc. It is possible 
that the parallel use of iste-— hic, in eoclesiastical Latin, may have been a relic of 
old usage, preserved in popular speech. Cp. also the instances from the Latin 
bible of ie used as an article, Rónsch, Itala und Vulg. p. 419. The next clause 
is very obscure. I feel inclined to emend facta into factae, and to connect it with 
regiones, and to translate as follows:—' Aienus and Baebatius dedicated this 
temple with these laws and boundaries, as (they stand) in stone, at the extremities 
on every side (undaequae = undique), for the purpose of this temple; and as by the 
temple and the steps built of stone the columns stand inside, on this side the steps 
and towards the temple; and (as) the beams and boards of this temple (stand); 
(declaring) that it shall be (law) and right to touch, repair, roof over, remove, 
take down, improve (1), use iron, carry them forward or backward.’ Aocording 
to this, the definition of the regiones goes down in substance to tabulamenta, and 
the leges begin with we. The definition of the regiones in the Narbonne inscrip- 
tion is, * utei infimum solum huiusque arae titulorumque est. The parallel in 
the same inscription is ‘his legibus hísque regionibus dabo dedicabo, qua hic 
hodie palam díxero, utí infimum solum huíusque arae titulorumque est: si quis 
tergere ornare e. q.8.' The regiones there are the extremities of the lowest step 
or base of the altar: here I understand them to be not only the exterior limits or 
boundary wall, extremae undique lapide factae hotusque aedts ergo, but the lines of 
the building, its columns as the dedicator saw them, *standiug on this side the 
steps,'—perhaps the ground only sloped one way, and so the temple was only 
approached by steps on one side,—as well as its woodwork, beams, and boards, 
forming probably the roof and doorway (see on C. 577, ‘lex parieti faciendo "). 
This, however, is not Jordan's view, who expressly limits the regiones to the 
extremae, and begins a new sentence lapide facta hoiusque aedis, e. q. 8. ; but he 
cannot really construe the passage with such a pointing. As given above, the 
passage will construe, almost as it stands, whether we alter structu into structa 
(making it with Jordan a neuter apposition to aedem and scalas), or into structas. 
Undaequae = undeque undique. For ae=68, see Introd. iii. $ 4. E for ¢ as in 


TITULUS FURFENSIS. 481 


Menerva, mereto, navebos, eto., eto. Hotusque=huiusce: so * huiusque arae,’ in the 
Narbonne inscription ; ' huiusque diei, the name of a street or vicus in the tenth 
region, Orell. 5, Jordan, Topogr. d. Stadt Eom. ii. p. 585 ; ‘ hufusq(ue) loci,’ Orell. 
1580; ‘huiusque loci, ib. 3300. Cp. *eiusque rei ergo, Cato, R. R. 141. Ergo is 
placed after its noun, as usual in archaic Latin. Endo, if correct, must be 
adverbial « Gr. évbov. Endo and even indu does not occur in prose so late; but 
Lucretius has ‘ quod genus endo marist Aradi fons dulcis aquai,' vi. 890. 

tabulamentum is only quoted elsewhere from Frontinus, Strat. i. 7. 

6. sarcire. See XII Tabb. vii. 8; viii. 9, 13. 

mandare can hardly be correct, unless it be taken with ferro oeti, ‘order the use 
of iron.’  Huschke's emendare may perhaps be right. For the use of iron see on 
Carmen Arvale, p. 388 f., luct coinquendi. — octi ; cp. Lex Agr. C. 200, 11. 

7. promovere referre, ‘enlarge or contract, showing that the lex here speaks of 
future, not present, alterations. Jordan instances the Temple of Castor in the 
Forum as one in which the regiones have been altered ; see further his remarks, 
PP. 205-207. ($us) fasque esto is the formula of the Narbonne inscription, and so 
more likely here than Mommsen's liceto fasque esto. The parallel clause is 
ab qués tergere órnare reficere volet, quod beneficii causa flat, tus fasque esté. 

8. The second chapter of the lex is less difficult. It orders that all gifts to the 
temple (which have become sacra) may be sold or put up for contract for the 
benefit of the temple, and the money so obtained shall be profanum—a very 
liberal and sensible provision. The aediles appointed by the vicus are to have 
the management of it, and to decide whether they can or cannot sell any given 
thing without incurring guilt; e.g. such things as the statue of the god and the 
instruments proper to his worship could not be sold sine piaculo. 

9. Mommsen writes sentiat, but sentiunt may stand as the collegiate action of 
the aediles, who we know were ¢wo from an inscription brought forward by 
Huschke (Bull. dell’ Instit. 1861, 40, referred to by Jordan). 

10. (vendere locare) again may be unnecessary to be expressed, if we take into 
consideration other like irregularities and omissions in this inscription. 

«lis ne potesto = alíus: cp. Introd. xiii. $ 11. Icanfind no other instance of potesto. 

11. quo id templum. Orelli wrongly reads quod, which has sometimes been 
quoted as an ablative in d. 

12. ea pequnia is in apposition to aere aut argento. 

13. ad id Templum may surely stand, especially if, with Jordan, we bracket 
the words quod emptum erit as a mistaken repetition. Cp. the citations in Rónsch, 
P. 390. It might possibly be an ellipse of the gerundive, ad (d Templum refi- 
ciendum, or the like; possibly a vulgar usage, instead of the usual dative; cp. 
* dare litteras ad aliquem." 

15. No one can make anything certain of ffellares. Huschke conjectures that 
it is Sabine: from fifla —- ibula would come fifeltar —fibulatus, and the ‘ fibulati" 
would be a high class of persons in the vicus. Jordan suggests that just possibly 
it may be a careless and false repetition of the preceding words. The clause, 
which of course provides for a multae certatio before the township, is, it must be 
remarked, grammatically incomplete. 

I1 








482 POMPEIUS, CAESAR. 


I6. huc templum, cp. Introd. xiii. $ 28. The use of ad here ia like that of the 
preposition in the phrases * supplicatio ad omnia templa,’ or ‘ad omnia pulvinaria." 
See above, line 13. 

Jovis Genio, see Preller, R. M. pp. 74, 75. He quotes a Iuno Deae Diae from 
the Arval inscriptions, a Genius Iunonis Sospitae from Martian. Cap. i. 54, ete. 
He believes the genius of a god to be its ‘ localised numen." 

C. 615. This is interesting for the illustration of the story in Gellius, x. 1, who 
quotes a letter of Cicero's libertus Tiro, q. v. Pompey asked him whether he 
should put consul tertium or tertio; Cicero advised tert. We find ‘Ti. Caesare 
tertio Germanico Caesare iter. cos.’ (A.D. 18), on a Pompeian graffito, no. 1885, 
and Wordsworth, p. 8, q.v., as well as ‘duovir fertio,' ib. 188. The record of 
the iteration of honores begins about this time. Zmperalor is curious, inasmuch 
as Pompey was at Rome all this year, and present honours alone were generally 
recorded at this period. Mommsen thinks that this is an exception to the rule. 
Mr. Davidson suggests that one of his legati in Spain might have earned him the 
title by some recent successes. 

C. 620. Erected to Julius Caesar by the municipality of Bovianum, D(ecu- 
rionum) C(onsulto), or D(ecreto) C(onscriptorum). 

C. 626. The name divus was first given to Julius Caesar during his lifetime, 
after the battle of Pharsalia, according to Dio Cassius, xliii. 14, in the inscription 
beneath a bronze statue standing on a globe. Dio says that he at first approved 
it, but afterwards ordered it to be erased (ib. 21). This inscription can hardly 
belong to his lifetime. The name seems to have been solemnly voted to him after 
the appearance of the comet at his funeral games, but whether by the Lex 
Rufrena or not is uncertain. Cp. the Titulus Aeserninus, I. N. 5014, ‘genio 
deivi Iuli parentis patriae, quem senatus populusque Romanus in deorum 
numerum rettulit. The name divom Julium appears on one of the bullets found 
at Perugia, no. 697. 


GLANDES. Pp. 226, 227. 


The use of slings and bullets was probably taken by the Romans from the 
Greeks (funda — opevddrn, cp. fallo = a$áAXo, eto.). Writing or impressing words 
upon them was also a Greek custom. We find in Greece generally a name (of 
@ general or officer ' in nominative or genitive case, more rarely a jocular word, 
such as 8éfa: or tpayduov. In Sulla’s siege of the Piraeus two traitorous slaves 
gave information to the besiegers on bullets, Appian, Bell. Mithr. p. 191, Stephens. 
Similar communication was carried on in the siege of Afegua, in Caesar's war 
against the sons of Pompey (Auct. Bell. Hisp. c. 13, cp. ch. 18), ‘glans missa est 
inscripta: quo die ad oppidum capiendum accederent, se scutum esse positurum.' 
The form of the bullets is oval, pointed at both ends. 

C. 642. This and others were found near Enna, in Sicily. Piso was also the 
author of the quaestio perpetua and a historian (cp. p. 345, and note, p. 425): he 
is known, from histories, to have attempted to put down the fugitive slaves, but 
bis siege of Enna ( firmissimum fugitivorum refugium, Oros.) is only known from 
these bullets. 


GLAN DES, 488 


C. 644-680. Glandes Asculanae. The siege of Asculum, in Picenum, by Cn. 
Pompeius Strabo, was one of the most important events in the social war. The 
revolt began here with a massacre of the Romans, and the town was not taken 
till after a protracted siege. (See Mommsen, R. H. bk. iv. ch. 7, vol. iii. pp. 
234, 440, 251). These bullets are interesting indications of the feeling between 
the combatants, and give some historical information, as to the presence of parti- 
cular legions, These are, however, not free from doubt, as some names are of 
a much later date, which I have omitted, e. g. no. 660, L. xu ful(minata), 662. 
Leg. xvii | Fir., which Mommsen supposes to be Leg. XVI Flavia Jirma, and 
664. L. xxx | vv, which he thinks must be Ulpía Victric. 

C. 681. Glans Mundensis, the only one as yet found, though we have a reference 
to inscribed bullets, as used in this war (Auct. Bell. Hisp. c. 13 and 18, see 
above) Cn. Magnus is the ordinary title of the younger Pompey; Magnus of 
the elder. 

C. 682-705. Glandes Perusinae. Appian tells us that this siege was carried on 
Aí80w xal rof eópaci xal podvBdlvae (Bell. Civ. v. 36), and that the Caesarians were 
better shots (dxovrica: dpelvoves), while Lucius’ gladiators were formidable at 
close quarters. 

C. 682. The name Octavius, or Octavianus, was always used by the opponents 
of Augustus, or by those who thought lightly of him. Cp. Cic. ad Att. xiv. 12, 2, 
* nobiscum hic perhonorifice et amice Octavius, quem quidem sui Caesarem saluta- 
bant, Philippus (his step-father) non, itaque ne nos quidem. He never used 
it himself as his ordinary name. 

C. 685. L. Antoni Calvi. We ought probably to read CALVII or CALVE. He ap- 
pears with a bald forehead on a coin (given in Smith's Dict. p. 217), on the other 
side of which is a head of his brother, the triumvir, with plenty of hair. 'This coin 
was struck in his consulship, the year of this war. The dispute between him and 
Octavian was about division of lands among the veterans. 

Caesarus, & late use of this termination. See Introd. x. $ 13. 

C. 686. mar(s) VLT(or), said to have been found in Aprutium, but probably to 
be placed in this collection. The first mention of this god is in the war against 
the liberators, when Octavian vowed a temple to him. 

C. 689. Q. Sal(vidienus Rufus Salvius) Im(perator), probably consul designate, 
who was on his way to Spain with six legions, and recalled by Octavian against 
Perusia Eckhel (v. 299 al.) gives a denarius of his, having on one side the head 
of Octavian, with legend C. Caesar. 111. vir r. p. c.; on the other, a winged thunder- 
bolt, as here, with the legend Q. Salvius . Imp. cos. desig. 

C. 692. Esureis, et me celas. Appian (v. 35) graphically describes the famine 
and its concealment. Lucius began by starving the slaves, and would not allow 
any funeral piles to be lighted. 


TESSERAE GLADIATORIAE, ETC. Pp. 227-229. 


These curious little inscriptions are now generally allowed to be rightly called 
gladiatorial, but the exact purpose to which they were applied is not known. 
Rather more than sixty bave been catalogued and copied, almost all coming from 

I12 





484 TESSERAE: GLADIATORIAE. 


Rome or central Italy. They consist usually of small oblong prisms of bone 
or ivory, with a handle at one end, pierced so as easily to receive a ring, by which 
it could be strung or hung up, and with writing on each of their four sides. The 
inscriptions upon the sides consist: 1. of the name of a man in the nominative 
case; 2. of another in the genitive case, rarely followed by S(ervus) ; 3. of SP. or 
SPE. or SPECT., followed by a date of the day of the month; 4. the name or names 
of the consuls. As to the meaning of these inscriptions, it is to be remarked that 
the first names are either Greek or servile Latin names, especially such as else- 
where occur as gladiatorial names, or are like them. Such are Celer, Asper, 
Suavis, Boreas, Fructus, Repentínus, Pinus, Pinitus, Feliz. The second name is 
certainly that of the master or patronus, whose gentile name is rarely taken by 
the slave, as no. 736. I believe L(iíbertus) has never been found marked on 
a tessera. No. 755 (if sociorum is right, not Sosiorum) seems to have belonged to 
& company. As to the dates, rather less than half are Kalends (of all the months 
except March, May, and August); a good many others are Ides and Nones; com- 
paratively few intermediate days. Curiously enough, the regular days of the 
gladiatorial games, x111-X Kal. April. (Ovid, Fasti, iii. 118), do not seem to occur. 
A few have only the name of the month. As to the years, these range from about 
85 B.C. to 75 a.D., that is, from the time of Sulla to that of Vespasian. The great 
difficulty is the interpretation of the word usually written sp. The fullest form 
of it is given by the MS. copy of the tessera of Arles; and, if that is (as it would 
seem to be) genuine, we arrive at a simple and natural explanation: Reading, as 
we certainly must, mun., and not num., we find there a fuller formula, spectat(us) 
mun(ere), and infer that sp. is to be explained as sp(ectatus) in all cases, which 
obviously gives a new and very apt meaning to Horace's familiar lines, * Spectatum 
eatis et donatum iam rude quaeris | Maecenas iterum antiquo me includere ludo?" 
Ep. i. 1, 3. It is a very plausible theory that gladiators who had received a 
certain number of these tesserae for good service, were entitled to honourable dis- 
missal. What, however, is to be made of the tesserae with spectavit? Hübner, 
with the fullest knowledge of the difficulties of the subject, and the greatest suspi- 
cions, saw no reason to doubt the genuineness of the one in Brit. Mus., Protemus 
Falert spectavit .N. 8.; and this confirms the other two given m the text. Can 
it simply be an ignorant misuse of the active for passive! or does it refer to a 
different matter altogether? or are we wrong in the plausible explanation of 
spectatus? The question cannot at present be answered; but it is very desirable 
that all the tesserae as yet inedited, & good many of which exist in private, 
and even in public collections, should be critically examined. 

The Andalusian tessera offers other difficulties. The first is the peculiar F, 
about which nevertheless there can be no doubt.  Límscus is one of a tribe settled 
on the river still called Lima, in northern Lusitania. Borea appears to be a 
dative, though exactly parallel instances cannot be quoted; if we may suppose 
the man to have been a gladiator, the name will be natural enough: cp. Repenti- 
nus. Cantibedonie(n)s$ will be the name of his tribe or birth-place, but Cantibe- 
donia is else unknown. Munerie tesera(m) will of course be in this case the ticket 
given to the gladiator Boreas by the munerarius Celer. The date anno, etc. 








TESSERAE. TITULI AETATIS MINUS CERTAE. 485 


is curious, and perhaps unexampled. The year intended is probably A.D. 27, 
when M. Licinius Crassus and L. Calpurnius Piso were consuls. The two consuls 
named M. Licinius Crassus, of v.¢. 684, 5.0. 70, and of A.D. 64, are probably 
excluded, as they were consules minores; whereas the Licinius of A.D. 27 was 
consul maior, i.e. the first elected. It is a general rule that when one consul only 
is mentioned, the consul maior of the year is intended, as the one who stood first 
in all official documenta. 


Tessera. hospitalis Pallantina. P. 229. 


This is the oldest of the Spanish tesserae hospitales, of which there are five 
besides this, in existence (C. ii. 1343, 2633, 2958, 2960, 3695). Cp. notes on S. C. 
de Asclepiade and no. 532, Tessera Fundana. The names are mostly found 
nowhere else. Acces may be compared with other Spanish names, Aefes, Orises, 
Sipipes. Licirnt is genitive, f(slíus) being frequently omitted in Spanish inscrip- 
tions, as twice below. A similar name is Logirnus (C. ii. 4970, 268).  Intercatía 
is a town of the Vaccaei, to whom Pallantia also belonged. <Aneni, son of Amme- 
dius (1), and so Ammius, son of Caenecaenus. Flaisicum is supposed to be gen. pl. 
of the name of a people: cp. Calnicum, Canbaricum, etc. ‘Aneni igitur Ammedi 
(fli puto..) nomen eius putandum est qui inter Accem et Palantinos egit per 
magistratum illum hospitio, i. e. domi, Ammi filii Caeneceni, Hübner. Perhaps 
we may. suppose some such word as egit lost or understood. But, as Hübner 
explains it, the transaction seems to have been a curious roundabout affair, done by 
somebody else through the magistrate of another people, at somebody else's house. 

C. vii. 1262. The tes(sera) Dei Mar(tis!), which has a handle and ring com- 
plete, was (and perhaps is) in possession of the Royal Society. Sedtarum is 
conjectured to be a tribal name =‘ of the Sediae,’ but this is quite uncertain. 


Pars Terria. 


TITULI AETATIS MINUS CERTAE. Pp. 230-242. 


C. 807. After the destruction of Alba, Bovillae appears to have succeeded to its 
place in regard to the ceremonies on the Alban Mount. The Iulian gens took its 
rise from Alba, but we find that *sacrarium genti Iuliae effigiesque divo Augusto 
apud Bovillas dicantur' (Tac. Ann. ii. 41) after the death of Augustus. This 
inscription shows the gens holding sacrifices at the same place. The name Vediovis 
is rather the ‘ destructive Jove’ than the ‘little Jove,’ as Ovid and Festus explain 
it. Gellius, v. 12, and Macr. Sat. iii. 9, identify him with Pluto; and Martianus 
Capella (ii. 166, Eyssenhardt) no doubt rightly explains the name to be the same 
as that of the Etruscan god Vedius, ‘quem etiam Ditem Veiovemque dixere.’ He 
was the god of destructive lightning, and was represented armed with arrows (see 
Smith's Dict. Biog. s.v.) The first element in his name is probably the same as 
in vi-dua, ve-cors, ve-sanus, ve-stígium, a preposition vi or ve signifying separation, 
which is very possibly the same as di, dis (orig. dvi ; cp. bis= duis, and vi-gints 

. for det-ginti, Curt. Gr. Etym. p. 36). Leege Albana, according to the use of Alba; 


486 VEDIOVIS, CORNISCAE. TABULAE DEVOTIONIS. 


no doubt & written ritual; op. ‘Larib(us) d(ona) d(ata), Romano more dedicata," 
on an altar at Amiternum, Henzen, 6118. 

C. 814. Corniscas is remarkable as an elsewhere unexampled form of the dative. 
Mommmsen compares the singular Fortuna, etc. See Introd. viii. $ 11. 

C. 818-820. TaBULAE DExvorIoNIs. Pp. 330, 231. These three are found in 
sepulchres, and are put together on account of the similarity of the subject; and 
I have added two others of slightly different character from other sources. Similar 
devotiones are read in Greek inscriptions, of which a specimen may be given as 
found at Athens, near the portae Hippades: ‘Epyjjs xOdvios, T'j w&roxos, | xal xpos 
T)v Specpdvny. | Sepcepsvn, xarabà Kryolay | wpds Toros [i. e. rovrovs] Gxarras, | 
wat KAcojpábgr | xarad apie rds aürós, Geowep | xad NavBárrv xarabO apds ros 
abrbs. | TAnréAcpov xarada | wal roe pera Kryolov daayras xarabG. For others 
see an article by F. Lenormant, de Tabulis devotionis plumbeis Alexandrinis, in 
Rh. Mus. xix. p. 364 foll. for 1854. Tacitus mentions such things in his account 
of Germanicua’ death, which was attributed to Piso's magical arts: ‘Saevam vim 
morbi augebat persuasio veneni a Pisone accepti; et reperiebantur solo ac parie- 
tibus erutae humanorum corporum reliquiae, carmina et devotiones, et nomen 
Germanici plumbeis tabulis insculptum, semusti cineres ac tabo obliti, aliaque 
maleficia quis creditur animas numinibus infernis sacrari,’ Ann. ii. 69, and similarly 
Dio,lvii. 18. Plato speaks of such éwayoryat and xarájegzuo, Rep. ii. p. 364 C, 
and De Leg. xi. p. 933 A. At Rome they may be considered an applicátion for 
private purposes of the incantations used in public, when a general devoted him- 
self or the enemy to the infernal gods. See the formulae, pp. 384—286, and notes. 

C. 818. nec logut nec sermonare. So on an Oscan tablet quoted by Mommsen, 
‘nep fatium nep deicum putians’=‘nec fari nec dicere possint) ‘Sermonari,’ 
says Gell. xvii. 2, 17, ‘rusticius videtur . . . sermocinari rectius." 

Inl. 12 Rhodine was added later, says de Rossi, in order to have it repeated 
thrice. Cp. Theocr. Id. 2, 43, és rpls dwoowévdm xal rpis rade, wérma, Powe, etc. 

C. 819. Danaene seems to be the accusative; we have often such genitives as 
Danaenis, and datives as Danaené in later inscriptions, and Mommsen quotes a 
MS. inscription, *quei me reliquit leiberta(m) Helpine annorum natam XIII, for 
the accusative, though this is not an exact parallel. See note on no. 1059. 

C. 820. delatum, sc. *apud deos inferos. Observe the legal formality with 
which the writer guards against an alias, and cp. the next inscription. L. L.= 
Lucti libertae. Nomént, see Introd. x. § 10, p. 70. 

TABULA ARETINA. Observe desacrificio for desacrifico. 

sive quo alio nomine, etc. The importance of addressing a god by the right 
name is often noticed ; so the formula sf deus si dea es. Cp. note on no. 178, 
p. 410. 

itusm is difficult. Gamurini’s conjecture that it — istum — hunc, has this diffi- 
culty, that this usage is probably later, though common enough in ecclesiastical 
Latin. Rónsch does not mention it in his useful book Itala und Vulgata, though 
it is found frequently in St. Cyprian. 'The conjecture which I propose has another 
difficulty, the rareness with which £ stands for d in the middle of a word, though 
frequently put for it at the end. We have, however, in C. vol. i. Alizentrom and 











OLLAE. EPITAPHIA METRICA. 487 


Alixenter, 59 and 1501, and Hortioniue, 568; in C. ii. (Hispan.) atiutorium, 
atlectus, atnato, Ind. p. 777; and C. iv. (Pomp.) 1486, Add. p. 208, atcesid t= 
adcessts. 

C. ii. 462. imudavit, rustic for Ámmutavit ; this also is a much rarer interchange 
in the middle than at the end of words, forms like fecid, inquid, diced, rogad, 
being pretty common. So Sadria, 1256, is probably for Satria, and id(em) for 
tt(em), Or. 4396, quoted below on no. 1313. Quodannis occurs in Inscr. Hisp. 474, 
3664, 4514.  Involare, ‘to steal, is used in good authors, e.g. Catullus, xxv. 6, 
with ‘pallium.’ It is probably to be treated as a separate word from involare, 
‘to fly upon,’ coming, as Eónsch suggests (1. c. p. 372), from tola, the hollow of 
the palm. He notices as derived from it the French embler, and frum the simple 
verb the ordinary voler, which is not unlike Laberius' manuari. 

paenula is plural from a neuter paenulum. The end may be variously supplied. 

C. 822-1005. OLLABE EX VINEA B. CAESARII. P. 232. The name of the person 
whose ashes are in the olla stands generally in the nominative; we have genitives 
only twice, as 916, 952. Besides this stands generally the day of the month, and 
nothing else ; other instances here given are exceptional There is an admixture 
of Greek usage, some being quite Greek, and to this is to be referred the Dekem- 
(bres) of 844; similarly the termination -is for -ius in Anavis, 831, Caecilis, 842, 
Clodis, 856, Ragonts, 945, etc., is a common Greek usage. 

No. 868. This has a curious likeness to a fessera gladiatoria, but must be 
different, though the interpretation sepultus cannot be considered as certain. 

Notice the female praenomina, 952, Paulla, and 981, Marta. 

C. 1006. Maarco. It is remarkable that we have Máapxos regularly in S. C. de 
Thisbaeis, B. C. 170, and since it is not a Greek custom to represent leng Latin 
vowels by doubling them, Mommsen conjectures that the Romans said in old 
times Ma(h)arcus, Eph. Epigr. i. p. 287 ; he considers this epigram to be one of 
affected archaism, and notes the omission of the cognomen. In line 2, in the lower 
text, quod is a misprint for quom. 

C. 1007, 4. Sovo : so sovom, gen. pl. C. 588; soveis, Lex Rep. 50, and 1258. 
Tovam is probably to be read in 1290, but is elsewhere unknown. This epitaph 
has often been noticed as finely expressing the Roman idea of a good woman. 

C. 1008, 3. statuérunt. Cp. invenérunt, Varro, Menipp. ‘est modus,’ p. 359 and 
note. 16. tolit ; so in 1019, vixsi et fortunam quoad vizsi toli. 

C. 1009, 5. parentets ; see Introd. iii. $ 5, note. 13. Graeca in scaena. Mommsen 
has spoken of the ' Greek entertainmenta, probably musical and declamatory, in 
his R. H. vol. iii. p. 424, and iv. p. 618, E. T., referring to Liv. xxxix. 23 for Greek 
artists (rexvira:) and athletes in 568, and to Polyb. xxx. 13 for Greek flute- 
players, tragedians, and puyilists in 587. Tacitus (Ann. xiv. 31) wrongly states 
that no Greek games were exhibited before 608 v. c. Women now first began to 
perform in public at Rome. 

33. lerram. The note 8. T. T. L.= ‘sit tibi terra levis, is very common; but 
does not, I believe, occur in these early inscriptions. 

C. 1010. Observe Prima as & praenomen ; ossua from nom. oss. Two iambic 
lines can be made by reading Fors for Fortuna. 


488 TITULI ALIT SEPULCRALES ROMANI. 


C. 1011, line 7. una meo praedita, animo=untce mihi amata, ‘ sole mistress of 
my heart.’ 10. quin is conjectured for qum, and amaritie for avarities. The 
first seems unnecessary, though approved by Haupt and Mommsen; the second 
is more probable, i.e. ‘Never in any bitter chances left her duty towards me 
undone.’ In avarities would mean, ‘ Never left her duty for love of gain.’ 

I. Observe Phtlematio beside Philemattum. 10. ee vero is superfluous after ree, 
but does not want correction on that account in such a poem ; ex vero is found, 
but not in quite similar usage. I had doubtingly conjectured e puero. 15. necis 
polior is of a piece with the other rough phrases of the poem, as nex ought pro- 
perly to be a violent death. It seems simply put for ‘I died.’ The end is broken 
off. 

C. 1051. The sepulchral formula goyaros rot ibíov yévous is referred to by 
M. Aurelius, viii. 31. The only other parallel known is on a bust, ‘ quisquis hoc 
sustulerit aut laeserit wtimus suorum moriatur,’ Reines. xx. 441 (Le Blant, 
Manuel p. 57). The cutter seems to have made a mistake in Cupiennia, and 
then to have gone back and half corrected it. 

C. 1059, 3. Hymnini should be Hymntdi; but such a metaplasmus of declen- 
sion in Greek words is common in Roman inscriptions, especially in the case of 
stems ending in d. Thus we have Hymninis, 1206, Lampyrini, 1031, aud so 
in Inscr. Pomp. Scepsinz, Sinurini, Mysine (abl.), and, in later times, such forms 
as Philemationt, as well as Agapenis, Zosimeni. It seems, then, most probable 
that this metaplasmus first arose by a substitution of n for d in the consonantal 
declension, and was.later carried on by false analogy in the mouths of ignorant 
people to the a and o declensions. We must note, however, that Parnacens, 
from Pharnaces, occurs in no. 1064, and Danaene has been noticed, no. 819. 
Neue, i. p. 64, gives many instances in the first declension, but not in the others. 

In fronte, etc., the regular designation of the size of a burial ground, towards 
the road and towards the field. Cp. Hor. i. Sat. 8. 12 foll.:— 

‘Hoc miserae plebi stabat commune sepulcrum 
-  Pantolabo scurrae Nomentanoque nepoti. 
Mille pedes in fronte trecentos cippus in agrum 
Hic dabat, heredes monumentum ne sequeretur ;' 
though the passage seems to be hardly serious: at least, if the Esquiline was so 
devoted to burial, it is difficult to see how Maecenas could have secularised it. 
For the formula of the last line see on no. 109o. 

C. 1064. Parnaceni, see on the last inscription, Zymnini. 0.L- mulieris 
libertus, see Introd. ii. $ 3, note. ' Aucti coniux, Corymbi patrona Montana fuit, 
cuius fortasse fuit patronus Pharnaces.' M. 

C. 1086. scurrae homini; there seems to be nothing necessarily contumelious 
in the word. Corssen derives it from the wide-spread root skar, ‘to cut.’ pii]e- 
sumo is not absolutely certain, but this superlative is often used in epitaphs. 
Cicero criticised it in Antony, but is said to have used it in his own letters 
(Philip. xiii. 19, 43. I cannot verify the reference to Pompeius given by King 
and Neue, ii. p. 82). It is used by silver age writers, Seneca, Tacitus, and 
Florus. 











LANUVIUM, TIBUR, PRAENESTE, ALETRIUM. 489 


C. 1090. hoe sep]ulerum heredes non [se]quetur, one of many similar formulae. 
So 1031, H. M . E(XTERUM) NON . 8EQ. ; Orell. 2807, etc... H. M. H.N.8; ib. 4875, 
H.M.E.H.N.8; ib. 4182, H.M.S(ive) S(epulorum) E. H. H. (i.e. heredes) N.8. 

C. 1108. serrarium is genitive plural. The word means a stone-sawyer, Aifo- 
aplorns, lapidarius. 

C. 1110. A pretended antique copy of this is found at Basle, and was, from the 
shape of its letters, universally condemned by antiquarians. Mommsen, agreeing 
that the letters were falsified, defended the genuineness of the inscription, and 
the original was shortly afterwards found near Lanuvium—a great triumph. 
Q. Caecilius is freedman of Gnaeus and Aulus Caecilius and of Q. Flaminius. 
Festus, p. 343, speaks of sispitem Iunonem aa an ancient form of sospitem. The 
name Iuno mater regina was not found in full before this inscription, and the m 
used to be wrongly interpreted m(agna). 

C. 1113. On the tithe, see above, on no. 541, and below, on no. 1175. 

C. 1119. Cam(ilia), sc. tribu. For rmrviri (ure dicundo see Lex Iulia, 83, p. 468. 

C. 1143. Q(uaestores), these magistrates are mentioned more rarely than the 
praetores or duovirí or quatuorvirt (see note on p. 468). They had, of course, the 
control of the municipal treasury, and the letting of the revenues and vectigalia. 
Cp. note to C. Gracchus, quaestort Sidicino, p. 354. Culinam. Are we to under- 
stand the sort of kitchen, mentioned Fest. Ep. p. 65, ‘locus, in quo epulae in 
funere comburuntur, or simply one attached to a town hall? F.D.8.8.c.» 
faciundam de senatus sententia curaverunt. Af muro. See on Ep. ad Tiburtes, 201, 
1I, p. 459. 

C. 1166. Trt. ALETRINAS. <A facsimile has been separately edited by Ritechl, 
with a commentary, Berlin, 1852. The date must be earlier than the Lex Iulia 
Municipalis, as we find the municipal senate granting immunity from service to 
the sons of Betilienus, which they could not otherwise do. The doubled vowels, 
which we first find in inscriptions in the age of the Gracchi, give us a probable 
terminus a quo, as they are supposed not to have been used much after v.c. 680, 
see Introd. ii. $ 8. The rarity with which consonants are doubled here (once 
only, oppido, beside macelum, opidum, ese, iousit), inclines us to put it as early as 
possible in this period, as do other peculiarities noticed by Ritechl. 

2. infera=infra, cp. supera, no. IOIT, II. 

3. senatu is perhaps contracted for senatui, a locative form, which appears 
ordinarily as senati, see Introd. ix. $ 15. 

7. horologium. This must be either a sun-dial (solarium) or a water-clock 
(clepsydra), the only two with which the ancients were acquainted. 

8. basilicam is the town hall. calecandam=calce poliendam, ‘plastered and 
cemented.’ Festus has calcata and decalicatum, pp. 59, 75, M., but other parts 
of the verb are not found. 

11. adque arduom =ad arcem ; the fornices were to support the aqueduct. 

I2. fistulas, water-pipes. These are found, says Rich. s.v., of this form in 
gection ©; soledas, ia a remarkable epithet, but must mean merely ‘ substantial.’ 

13. censorem. Such officers in allied states are mentioned by Livy, xxix. 37, 
‘deferentibus ipsarum coloniarum (Latinarum sc.) censoribus, The ordinary 


490 SORA, PETRINUM. 


name for such an officer is quinquennalis, see on Lex Iul pp. 468, 470. Cp. 
Mommsen, R. H. vol. i. p. 439, E. T. From holding this office, no doubt he got 
the cognomen censorinus, line 16, as did Marcius Rutilus, censor for the second 
time at Rome, v. c. 489, an honour gained by no one else. (Fast. Cap.) 

14. For stipendia mereta cp. Lex Iulia, go foll. Caesar tacitly disallows such 
exemptions, at least in candidates for municipal honours. 

C. 1175. TrruLUS SORANUS, also edited by Ritschl, with the milestone of Polla, 
Bonn, 1852. 

The Vertuleii are evidently merchants; such persons were accustomed to vow 
a tithe to Hercules, who, from a god of victory, had become simply one of luck : 
cp. ‘dives amico Hercule, Hor. ii. Sat. 6. 13, of a man who found a crock of gold. 
For the nom. Vertuleieis and leibereis see Introd. ix. § 7. This would fix the date 
as between V.C. 564-664 = 190-90 B.0., as far as has been observed up to the 
present time. We may place it about on an equality, in age, with the milestone 
of Popilius, i.e. in the age of the Gracchi, 620-630 v. 0. The use of Saturnians 
must be considered an affectation of archaism. Cp. no. 1006, p. 487. 

2. re sua afleicta are ablatives. 4. heic ad hano aram, where the children 
paid his vow, the tithe of his gains. 

6. poloucta = pollucta. Pollucere is probably the same in meaning and derivation 
a8 porricere, ‘to proffer to a god, consecrate.’ For this root see on XII Tab. x. 3. 
The method was to place a certain portion of the provisions for the cena upon the 
altar, with regular forms of prayer, and then to proceed to eat, on the supposition 
that the god accepted the whole. See Cato, R. R. 133, and Varro, L. L. vi. c4, 
as well as many others referred to in the dictionaries. From this come the 
metaphors of Plautus, polluctus virgis, pollucta pago, etc. 

7. danunt, a lengthened form of stem da, as nequinont from nequi-re, eto., etc., 
see note on Enn. Ann. 181. 

10. orant se volé . ., ‘they beg that thou wilt frequently condemn them in their 
vows, i.e. grant their prayers on other occasions. So Vergil' ‘damnabis tu 
quoque votis, Ecl. v. 8o, implies that Daphnis will be possessed of a god’s full 
power to help his Worshippers. Voti and votis are both locatives in form and sense. 

C. 1199. L. Papius Pollio, according to his father's last will, did three things 
in honour of his father under the approval of L. Novercinus, In the first place, 
@ feast of mulsum et crustum (sweet wine and pastry) to the colonists of Sinuessa 
and Caedicii, perhaps at the funeral; secondly, a spectacle of gladiators, and 
a dinner to the colonists of Sinuessa and the members of his own gens; thirdly, 
he made a monument costing 12,000 sesterces. The use of apices on the vowels 
dates this inscription as late as Cicero's consulship. Cp. Intr.ii. 8. Caedicianess, 
the vicus of Caedicii, is six miles from Sinuessa, on the Appian Way.  arbüratwu, 
cp. Hor. ii. Sat. 3. 84 80.— 

‘Haeredes Staberi summam incidere sepulcro: 
Ni sic fecissent gladiatorum dare centum 
Damnati populo paria et cenam arbitrio Arri.’ 
Such an arbiter is often mentioned, e. g. no 1238, . .. Tullio C. f. Macro | duo. vir. 
quinq. | ex testamento | arbitratu Ofilliai C. f. | Rufai uxoris. 


CAPUA, BENEVENTUM, LUCANIA. 491 


C. 1200, 1201 probably refer to altars. The forms are ancient; compare the 
Pisauran inscriptions, 167-180. They must, however, be later than the Hanni- 
balic war, says Mommsen, before which the Campanian territory was not in the 
hands of Romans. 'The name Pales seems the only one that will fit the space, 
Cybele and Semele being too long. 

C. 1302. Notice the apex on fdto, and cp. no. 1199. vitas es, to be pronounced 
vitaf's, Lach. Lucr. iii. 374. aetate duenta ; both $uventa and senecta are properly 
adjectives. For the loss of v compare Juentia, C. 885, duents, C. iv. 1373, 1755. 
Martem is of course a misprint for matrem. 

C. 1215. See on Lex Agr. line 18, p. 453. 

C. 1220. spatiarus, cp. 1267, utarus. 

C. 1238. We notice here that the name Lumphieis —- Nvpoais. Cp. the inscrip- 
tion found near Vicenza, Orell. 1637, and vol. iii. p. 151, NYMPHIS LYMPHISQ. | 
AVGVsT(is) (cp. n. 2324) OB REDITVM | AQVARVM | P. POMPONIVS CORNELIANVS 
C(larissimus) I(uvenis) vr vovIT, and Hor. i. Sat. 5. 97, ‘dein Gnatia lymphis | 
iratis exstructa;' and so iymphatus —vvu$dóAg Tos. It is more probable, however, 
that both are Greek words, than that Lympha or Lumphia is Latin, for we find 
the interchange of A and » in Greek dialects, but not in Latin: thus Henychius 
gives vápva£ for Adpvaf, and we have, conversely, Alzpoy for virpoy, cp. Bévriaros, 
$lvraros, Hyer, etc., Doric forms. Two words only are instanced in which Latin 
has | for Greek n, clendes « Gr. xovides (egzs of lice, nits), and pulmo =avetpow, 
but sAedpow is, at any rate, also found in Greek. (Cp. Ferrar, pp. 76, 139.) The 
Oscans, also, would seem to have borrowed from a form beginning with I, as they 
write Diumpais, which cannot be formed directly from NógdQa:e. Historically, 
too, the worship of the nymphs is Greek, and not Latin. The only trace of such 
beings in Roman mythology are certain Virae Querquetulanae mentioned by 
Festus, p. 261, as ‘praesidentes querqueto virescenti ' (the MS. has ut re, but virae 
is evidently right, from what is said a few lines down). Are they to be identified 
in any way with the Víres of inscriptions! e.g. Henzen, 5763, LvMPH(is). 
VIRIB(us) | Q(ue) . VIBIVS. SERENVS | V.8, and 5764, where we have cellas Fontis 
et Venténae et Virium. 

C. 1256. Q. Medicus must mean Quinté libertus medicus, though elsewhere, 
perhaps, unexampled. Physicians were frequently foreigners and slaves. Old 
Cato's horror of the new Greek medicine is well known ; see the passage quoted 
by Pliny, given on p. 343, and the notes on it. Slaves in this position are 
mentioned by Suetonius, Calig. 8, Nero, 3. «vice 06 is also irregular: here it 
means before he was a slave; generally it gives the name before adoption into 
another family. gvoids olvobórgs no doubt means that he belonged to the 
sect of wine-doctors established by Asclepiades of Prusa, and frequently men- 
tioned by Pliny. This places the inscription in the time of Pompey the 
Great. Sadria=Satria! S(purit) f(élia), not Sexti, which would be Sx. or Sez. 
Spurius is, in later times, represented by Sp. (cf. Mommsen, Róm. Eigennamen, 
p. 17). 

C. 1290. Notice tou{am], which seems certain, though elsewhere unexampled, 
cp. 1007 and 1418. deoyMa is of course a misprint for deovma. 





492 ETRURIA. SORTES. 


C. 1297. A very early hexameter distich, Mommeen supposes the lines ought 

to have run— 

Protogenes Clouli suavis situs est hio mimus, 

‘Plouruma que(i) fecit populo soueis gaudia nuges ; 
following two observations of Lachmann's (Lucr. i. 993), that heíce is not found 
in old authors, but heic; and that -us est, not -ust, is the use of this age. But 
heicei may be hefc ei/ and situst stands on the stone, Lachmann notwithstanding. 

C. 1313. Abelese and Plenese seem to be names of wives in the dative, which 
might be in later writers Abelisiae and Plenisiae. This is better than supposing 
them to be the names of mothers, as we should expect n(ato). 

3. Are we to read lectu(s) e(st) or lectu(s) unus? — Lectus seems to be a rare use 
for loculus or locus, the hole in the rock in which the body is buried. The last 
lines are obscure. 

Amplius nihil may either be a limitation on the grant to the Vecilii, or it may 
go more probably with the last lines, nshil and ne being a double negative ; or, 
best of all, there is a mixture of two sentences. ‘Nothing more (must be done) 
without the consent of the Levii, and no one must place a body in front of those of 
the Vecilii (without the consent of him), whose duty it is to sacrifice to their manes.' 

parentaret is apparently a solecism for parentet. 

The use of anteponat is paralleled by an inscription at Ravenna, Orell. 4396, 
D.M | ANNIA.CRESTINA ET | O.SEXTILIVS MABIVS.V(ivi) SIBI P(osuerunt). | 
PETIMVB NE QVIS NOS|INQVIETET EX ARCA NOSTRA | NEQVE AB.ANTE.ALIAM 
PONAT.NEO | COMMVTET ID(em item) qQvoT(annis) D(ivisio) F(iat) 8-H c(entum). 
This last line also illustrates the custom of parentalía. See on the Calendar, 
Feb. at, the Feralia. 

C. 1346, etc. These bilingual inscriptions from Etruria illustrate the Etruscan 
usage of putting the mother's name as well as the father's. The forms Alfni and 
Varnalisla beside Alfius and Varius show that the Etruscan names rather repre- 
sent Alfenus and Varenus. So Canzna answers to Caesius, or rather perhaps 
Caesenus. 

Vl. Alfni Nuvi Catnal = Volesus or Valesus Alfenus or Alfius Novii flius Cainnia 
natus, and evidently was a different person from C. Alfíus. 

C. 1349. Should, I suppose, be Larth, not arth, as Mommsen gives it. 

C. 1418, 4. auctorateis. See Lex Iul. 113, p. 470. 

15. vivous. Cp. pr(o)boum, C. 16, on coins, for a similar termination: ou for 
short w or o is found in clouacas, 1178, souom, 588, etc. It seems to be a Graecism. 

C. 1434. Observe the forms of the letters, and correct Introd. ii. $ 8 ad fin. 

C. 1438-1454. Sortes. Pp. 241, 242. These sortes would seem to belong to 
a Temple of Fortune near Padua. Suetonius (Tiber. 14) mentions the place, which 
he calls Geryonis oraculum, and says that Tiberius drew a lot there which ordered 
him to cast golden tali into the spring of Aponus. The form of these metal sortes 
is illustrated by & coin of M. Plaetorius Cestianus (given in Smith's Dict. p. 381), 
where the word SORS occurs on a tablet with a handle at the end (Mommsen says 
each end), held by a female figure. "They were probably strung together by these 
handles, and one chosen at random by the enquirer. To this arrangement it 





INSCRIPTIONES POMPEIANAE. 498 


seems we must refer the well-known prodigies mentioned by Livy of sortes 
growing thinner or longer, or leaping from their place, which might naturally 
occur with changes of temperature. Mommsen would explain the derivation of 
the word from their arrangement in such a series; but surely it is simpler to 
explain sors as what is ordered by Fate or Providence. The sortes best known to 
literature, and the only ones in vogue in the time of Cicero, were those of Prae- 
neate, which were of wood and kept in a chest. When consulted they were 
mixed by a boy and then drawn (Cic. de Div. ii. 41, 85 and 86). Livy preserves 
the inscription on one at Falerii, Mavors telum suum concutit (Liv. xxii. I. See 
other authorities in Marquardt, iv. p. 103). These are in vulgar hexameters, 
which Ritechl has criticised in Rh. Mus. l.c. but often suggests unnecessary 
alterations. There is no reason to think the writer was an accurate versifier. 
The sentiments are generally bits of cautious common sense, applicable to almost 
any circumstances, —' Y ou can't put what's crooked straight; ‘Don’t be such a 
fool as to believe them ;' ‘Take care lest what is uncertain becomes a fact;' 
‘Don’t let what's true become false by judging falsely ;’ ‘It’s a very fine horse, 
but not one for you to ride ;’ ‘ Ask boldly and cheerfully aud you will succeed ;’ 
‘Don’t despise what you are running away from, what you are tossing aside, 
I mean what is being offered you;' ‘Why ask too late? you ask for something 
that has no existence.’ Sometimes they address the enquirer as coming with an 
incredulous or ungrateful temper—‘ We are not liars, as you said ; you ask ques- 
tions like a fool;' ‘I often help very many, but when I have done so I get no 
thanks.’ 

The following points of metre may be noticed :—In thesi conrigt, vehi, tibet, 
ubel, profuel, rogás. In arsi, certá, faled. Synizesis, cáteas twice as a spondee, 
consilium (as in Hor. Od. iil. 4, 41), and others of the same sort. 

C. 1439. ne fore is a colloquial imperative, like the Greek =‘ Don't be a fool, 
and requires no emendation. 

C. 1448. quod must be cut out to make a hexameter, or pete read for petito. 

C. 1449. sum[us] is necessary to the sense; the sortes speak: ‘We are not 
liars, as you said,’ quas dicti. 

C. 1451. gratia[sn] nemo, sc. refert. 

C. 1453 requires no alteration whatever: for iactas in this sense cp. Plautus, 
Rudene, 372, ‘ Novi, Neptunus {ta solet : quamvís fastidiósus | aedílis est : siquae 
Ínprobae sunt mérces iactat ómnis.' 


APPENDIX. 
Inscriptiones Parietariae Pompeianae. 


I have thought it well to give a small selection from the large number of these 
curious inscriptions, very carefully edited by Dr. C. Zangemeister, librarian at 
Gotha. For a general account of the book I may be permitted to refer to a 
review in the Academy, vol. ii. p. 443 foll. for 1871. The first collection of any 


494 INSCRIPTIONES POMPEIANAE. 


size was made by my father (the present Bishop of Lincoln) in 1832, and pub- 
lished in 1837, and it excited & good deal of interest as being a decided novelty in 
philology. His readings have been revised in great measure by later investigators, 
who have had advantages which he did not enjoy; but his book (if I may say so) 
is in some respects still a model of what such a book should be. 


Titult Picti. Pp. 243-245. 

P. 64. The last lines are obscure. My father read Urna *vinaria periit de 
taberna. | Set eam quis rettulerit | dabuntur | B. 8. Lx. Sei furem | qué abduxerit | 
dabitur *duplum | a Vario, noticing a doubt in the words vinaria and duplum, 
p. 26. He compares the Elegy of Propertius, ‘ergo tam doctae,' and the mock 
advertisement in Petronius, c. 97, ‘ Puer in balneo paullo ante aberravit, annorum 
circa XVI, crispus, mollis, formosus, nomine Giton. Si quis eum reddere aut com- 
monstrare voluerit, accipiet nummos mille.’ Cp. the others given in Bruns, p. 140, 
from & Greek Alexandrian papyrus. 

P. 67. The reading o(ro) e(05) f(aciatis) has been shown by Zangemeister to be 
the only correct one, p. 9. 

P. 138. The advertisement of an insula or large house containing separate 
tenements. The only difficulty in it is the cenacula equesiria. Z. suggests 
equil(ta) tria, Mommsen et vestibula, but neither is convincing. Does it perhaps 
mean lodgings of a better class, lodgings for gentlemen? Cp. the note on no. 1136, 
nongentum. 

P. 222. We have here two election placards of different years. Note that we 
have always dignum rei publicae, not the ablative when the formula is written 
fully. Is it an imitation of the use of d£ios1 Similarly cum is frequently followed 
by the accusative, as cum discentes suos with his pupils, cum sodales, etc. The 
obscure formule v. a. 8. p. p. occurs frequently, especially in recommendations of 
candidates for the aedileship. The only word in it written out at all at length is 
the last, which appears as proc. no doubt = proc(wrandis), and the whole has been 
interpreted by Avellini (following Cic. de Leg. iii. 3), as urbi, annonae, solemnibus 
publice procurandis, and by Henzen not dissimilarly, vits, annonae, sacris publicis 
procurandis. Zangemeister follows Mommeen’s remark, Inscr. Neap. p. 461, and 
on Henzen, 6968, that since this note is only found in inscriptions relating to 
Augustales, it is right to adhere to what we know, and reads v(otis) A(ugusta- 
libus), s(acris) p(ublicis) p(rocurandis). On the Aügustales, who were a body in 
the municipalities between the senate and the plebs, something like the equites in 
the capital, see Marquardt, new ed. iv. p. 514 f. They seem to have been devoted to 
the worsbip of Augustus, but exact information about them is difficult, as they are 
once only mentioned in Roman literature (Petron. c. 30), though very frequently 
in inscriptions. Tacitus mentions the Sodales Augustales instituted at Rome by 
Tiberius, Ann. i. 54, iii. 65. dealbatore Onesimo ; so 1190, *de'albante Victore.' 

P. 768. defensorem Coloniae ; Bee on tessera Fundana, C. 53a. Suedius Clemens 
is mentioned in an inscription on the base of a statue, I. N. 2314, ‘ex auctoritate 
Imp. Caesaris Vespasiani Aug. loca publica a privatis possessa T. Suedius Clemens 
tribunus causis cognitis et mensuris factis rei publicae Pompeianorum restituit.’ 





TITULI PICTI. EDICTA MUNEBUM. 495 


He is no doubt the same person that is mentioned by Tacitus (Hist. i. 87, ii. 12), 
a primipilaris sent by Otho, with two others, to head his expedition to Narbonese 
Gaul. Consensu ordinis, i.e. decurionum, the municipal senate. Dissignator is 
here a stege-manager. The meaning of the word is one who arranges a show; 
and hence it is applied to an undertaker, as ordering the funebris pompa. 

P. 807. The last line should probably be mT.comM(oda). Cp. a similar adver- 
tisement (which I have seen at Bologna, in the University), IN. PRAEDIS | 0. LEGI- 
ANNI. VERI | BALINEVM MORE VRBICO LAVAT | OMNIA OOMMODA PRAESTANTVB. It 
is also given in Orell. 4328. 

P. 1136. Cp. the advertisement just quoted. Balnewm Veneriwm; so there was 
& Balnewm Dianes in the fourteenth Region at Rome. 

Nongentum is very obscure. Z. suggests 54. cenfum was intended, but this 
is overbold. Mommsen makes it a gen. pl, as if referring to a class of men, 
thinking of Plin. xxxiii. 2. § 31, where nongents (and gen. pl. nongentum) appears 
as a common name for the iudices selecti; and he says that there is said to have 
been a balneum iudicum at Carthage. Cp. the phrase cenacula equestria in no. 138. 

The formula of the last line is a puzzle. The following, amongst other unsatie- 
factory solutions, have been suggested: si quis domi (or damnatum) lenocinium 
exerceat me conducito ; sí quem deceat locatio eorun nos convenito. Fiorelli’s is 
more plausible: sí quinquennium decurrerit locatio est nudo consensu, comparing 
Ulp. in Dig. xix. 2,14; but Ulpian’s words refer to first letting, as well as second 
letting or reletting. 

P. 1173. Interesting for the dropping of the final t, except (as in French pro- 
nunciation) before a vowel: nosci —mnon scit, ne scít ; eota(t) — vetat. The first 
line oocurs again 3199, cuscus amat. valeat, pereat quí noscit amare. 

P. 1177, 1182, 1186. Bdicta munerum edendorum. Pp. 244, 245. 

It may be worth while to give & summary of the chief points observable in these 
programmes of gladiatorial games or munera. Sometimes they begin with giving 
the occasion of the show—for the health of the emperor, or the dedication of batha 
or an altar. Then they name the owner of the familia, the number of the pairs 
(the highest thirty), the place and date. Besides gladiators, the following attrac- 
tions are sometimes promised: venatio (fight with wild beasts), sparsiones (scent- 
fountains), athletae, vela (awnings), mala (scaffolds ?), and matutini!, of doubtful 
import. In addition, we find acclamations of the following kind: Mato quin- 
qu(ennals) feliciter ; omnibus Neron(enstbus) muneribus feliciter ; totius orbis desi- 
derium. The formulae sine ulla dilatione and qua dies patientwr are sometimes 
introduced. 

P. 1177. POLY, perhaps the beginning of the writer's name. 

thermarum is a probable restitution ; Preller, however, thinks balnea]rum more 
likely. 

Sparsiones (sometimes written spassiones), probably a scattering of scent or 
perfumes, such as Seneca describes as rising from the centre of a theatre to its top 
(Q. N. ii. 9). A sparsio of another kind, a ecramble for presents, is described by 
Statius, Sylv. i. 6. See note on Carmen Arvale, p. 391. 

Vela. Cp. Lucr. iv. 73, and Prop. iii. 18, 13 referring to the games of Marcellus; 





496 INSCRIPTIONES POMPEIANAE. 


these were often beautiful in colour, and a great desideratum in hot weather. 
One of Caligula’s jests was to draw back the awnings in a blazing sun, and forbid 
anyone to go out (Suet. Calig. 26). 

P. 1182. This inscription is pretty well explained in the text. The gladiators 
seem almost all to belong to a corps of Jul(ianf), this being the most probable 
explanation of the note IVL., since we have a similar term Neronianus, 1421, in full, 
and elsewhere N. or NER. "V stands for e(ícit), and M for m(éssus), or ‘let off.’ 
Missio, in earlier times, was in the hands of the editor muneris, who decided when 
a conquered gladiator should be spared. Appeal was in imperial times made 
to the people, who decided for death ‘ verso pollice, moving the thumb upwards 
and inwards towards the throat (Iuv. iii. 36, Prudent. adv. Symm. ii. 1098), and 
for release it would seem by waving a handkerchief. Cp. Martial, xii. 29, 7, 

‘Nuper cum Myrino peteretur missio laeso, 
Subduxit mappas quattuor Hermogenes.’ 

© added to m(fesus), means that, though spared, he died of his wounds. See 
on no. 1891, p. 497. P. is sometimes found, no doubt = p(erfit), a euphemism for 
‘was put to death,’ no. 2387. For further references see Marquardt, iv. p. 565. 

P. 1186. mala would seem to be supporta for the ‘ vela,’ or perhaps some kind of 
scaffolding or stage for exhibition. 


Graphio inscripta. Pp. 345-249. 

These inscriptions, scratched with the point of a stilus upon the plaster, are the 
grafitt proper. They are found everywhere, and are of the most miscellaneous 
character; often very gross, and never very important, but curious records of 
common life. 

P. 1291. fridam, vulgar contraction for frigidam, sc. aguam, in apposition with 
pusillum. Cp. adde calicem. Setinum and the appositions in no. 1507 pesu(m) 
trama(m), etc, Cp. the regular German idiom, ‘Ein Glas Wein,’ ‘ein Stück Brod,' 
etc. 

P. 1293. This seems to refer to the events described by Tacitus (Ann. xiv. 17), 
A.D. 59; how there was a riot between the men of Nuceria and Pompeii at a 
gladiatorial spectacle given at the latter place, and the latter worsted the Nuce- 
rians, and killed many of them. The senate in consequence forbade such gather- 
ings at Pompeii for ten years, and dissolved the illegal clubs. We have other 
inscriptions which may relate to the same time, 2183, Puteolanis feliciter, omnibus 
Nucherints felicía, et uncu(m) Pompeianis, Pet(h)ecusanis, and 1329, Nucerinis 
infelicia. We may perhaps gather that the Campanians, Nucerians, and men of 
Puteoli were on one side, and the Pompeians and Pithecusans on the other. 

P. 1507. trama(m) pe(n)su(m), ‘a hank of woof,’ trama being used popularly for 
the woof or subtemen (not, as originally, for the warp, when opened by the licia). 
Notice the form pesu, from whence the French pots, wrongly written poids. On 
the apposition see above. The forms Pil, PIIS, may either be short for pesu, or = 
(esa) 1r, p(esa) 11 semés ; probably the latter. 

P. 1520. Candida me docuit, a travesty of the line of Propertius, i. 1. 5 (Cynthia), 
' Donec me docuit castas odisse puellas,' joined to one of Ovid, Amor. iii. 11, 35. 





GRAPHIO INSCRIPTA. 497 


Venus Fieica is found I. N. 2253, ‘Imperio Veneris Fisicae Pom(peianae).’ 
Preller identifies the name with Venus Feltz, the goddess of female productiveness. 
Pompeii was specially under the patronage of Venus, and had the name ‘ Colonia 
Veneria Cornelia.’ Cp. Martial, iv. 44, ‘Haeo Veneris sedes, Lacedaemone 
gratior illi, an epigram on the destruction of Pompeii and Herculaneum (Róm. 
Myth. p. 394). So we have a programme P. 26, ‘N(umerium) Barcha(m) 1m 
v(irum) v. b. o. v. f. Ita vobeis Venus Pomp(eiana) Sacra [sancta propitia sit].’ 

P. 1527. est is read in the Roman MS., and in the first hand of the Palatine in 
Verg. Ecl. ii. 56. 

P. 1545. O vobis Nero Popp(a)ea seems to be the right reading, but the letters 
are, probably purposely, ambignous, as they are in others referring to such 
dangerous subjects, e.g. 1813, where the words ‘Colonia’ and * Vae tibi Nero’ may 
perhaps be read. 

P. 1595. Sepumius seems closely allied to the Pompeian name Sepuntus, 
P. 1460; I. N. 23197, 3227: Wilmanns, 1914, 1915. 

lances pares can only mean, *may'st thou always hold the scales even,’ like 
Vergil's *duas aequato examine lances Sustinet, Aen. xii. 725. Does he mean, 
‘as even as I have drawn the two sides of my snake’? 

P. 1712. nerviaria = corrigia t, i. e. shoe-lacee. 

P. 1852. A jocose epistle from a slave, in the high flown stylo. 

P. 1860. This is the only inscription which I could find in my father's inedited 
notes that had not been already deciphered by Dr. Zangemeister, & proof, if one 
was wanted, of the skill and patience of the latter. For the thought cp., amongst 
others, Ov. Ars Am. i. 469 foll., the passage beginning 

*Si non accipiet scriptum, illectumque remittet, 
Lecturam spera propositumque tene,' 

P. 1864. My father read Samtus Cornelio $us pendre (perendie!). For suspen- 
dere=‘hang yourself,’ Jahn quotes Seneca, de Ira, iii. 23, 2: Philip asked an 
Athenian embassy how he could please their countrymen, ‘ excepit Demochares et 
te, inquit, suependere.’ It is also pretty common in Plautus. 

P. 1877. Notice mi similat =mthi similis est. 

P. 1880. L. Istacidi, ac. sententia. at—ad apud ; Gell. xix. 7, a, ‘cum ad 
eum cenassemus. 

P. 1891. Littera, ac. nigrum ©, the mark of death; found in these inscriptions 
attached to lists of gladiators, slaves, etc. See also C. i. 1033, 1042, Wilmanns, 
158, 475, 1549, 1701, 2412, 2614, etc. In several of these cases it appears on 
gravestones, e.g.‘ @ D(is) M(anibus) Telesphoro etc.,’ or as an adjective =‘ the 
late,’ ‘ Memoriae © M. Aureli Melliti,' etc. The following epitaph of a gladiator 
is curious and worth quoting (C. V. 3466, Wilmanns, 2614): *D. M. Glauco 
n(atione) Mutinensis, pugnar(um) VII, © VI (i.e. mortuus octava), vixit ann(os) 
XXIII d(ies) v. Aurelia marito b(ene) m(erenti) et amatores buius. Planetam 
suum procurare vos, moneo; in Nemese ne fidem habeatis; sic sum deceptus. 
Ave. Vale.’ It has been usual to consider this O as a cipher for 6ávaros, and ta 
conclude from Pers. iv. 13, and Martial, vii. 37, that it was used by judges to 
mark a tablet voting for the execution of a criminal. This seems very probable, 

Kk 





498 INSCRIPTIONES POMPEIANAE. 


but Mommsen conjectures that it is properly an O =obtét, obitus. The sense here 
is of course, ‘the unlucky letter is made lucky by being the initial under which 
we wish the health of such a man as Theortanes.’ Are we to understand a refer- 
ence to a drinking custom, like that several times noticed by Martial, e. g. i. 71, 
‘Laevia sex cyathis, septem Justina bibatur,’ etc. (according to the number of 
letters in the name)? or is it simply the first letter written down! 

P. 1894. dantes and pulset are read in Propertius. 

P. 1895. The MSS. of Ovid have ‘quid magis est saxo durum, quid mollius unda." 

P. 1896. My father read quoi. Z. apparently understands the remains of the 
ham to be put on table next day; so that we have here the complaint of a guest. 
Cp. Plautus, Persa, i. 3, 25, ‘calefieri iussi relliquias. Pernam quidem ius eat 
apponi frigidam postridie.’ 

P. 1926. pilicrepus, a player at trigon. Cp. Seneca, Ep. 56, * ecce varius clamor 
me circumsonat; supra ipsum balneum habito ....si vero pilicrepus supervenit 
et numerare coepit pilas actum est.’ The word no doubt is derived from the 
sound made by the balls rebounding from the floor or wall; so Statius speaks of 
the crepantes pilae in a room over a hypocaust, Silvae, i. 5, 57. The word also 
occurs twice in the elegant iambic inscription Ursus Togatus, etc. (Orell. 3591 ; see 
Mommsen in Eph. Epigr. i. p. 55). The other most interesting notices are 
Martial, iii. 71, xii. 84, and Petronius, 27; and we have an advertisement of 
a game below, no. 1936. It is difficult, however, to form an accurate idea of the 
mode of playing, and these references may probably be to different kinds of the 
same game. It would seem on the whole to have been a sort of fives with no 
wall Marquardt says it is called in Greek dwdppafis, and in Latin expwleim 
ludere, opposed to datatim and raptim (v. a. 423). 

P. 1927. Cp. St. John ix. 24, xal od &ibáckeis fps ; 

P. 1928. My father read ah/ which is not now to be seen, and is perhaps 
doubtful in itself. Z. suggests ad - at.  Dispeream may be possible. 

P. 1936. See on 1926. Correct oW (i.e. cum) HEDYSTO, which is printed 
wrongly in the text. Petat is a puzzling word, can it mean ‘call time’! sumeret 
is of course *act as marker.' | 

P. 1943. My father conjectured that this should be read son est exsilium ex pa- 
iría s[apientibus] ; but the text now seems certain. Ex albo=‘on the roll.’ 

P. 1951. These are perhaps rhymed trochaics. My father compares Suetonius, 
* Ego nolo Caesar esse | ambulare per pruinas," etc. 

P. 2005 a. Cp. Petron. 58, where & slave has been too free, *etiam tu rides, 
caepa cirrata? Io Saturnalia, rogo, mensis December est! quando vicesimam 
numerasti ?’ 

P. 2013. Nicerate, ‘vain little pig, who art in love with Felicio, and takest him 
down to the gate; just remember that ——.' luc -— iliud, or rather, illud-ce, like 
hoc for hod-ce. 

P. 2258 a. A pathetic little bit, made more so by the grossness of the 
surrounding graffiti. Condiscessscondiscens, Introd. iii. § 19; diéscems is often 
used as a substantive for pupil, apprentice. So in the Old Latin Bible and 
Tertullian =discipulus, ua05rís, Ronsch, p. 107. Observe dolet impersonal, 





VASA FICTILIA. 499 


found also in Plautus, Terence, and Cicero, and in the well-known ‘ Paete, 
non dolet. 

P. 2361. This and similar quotations, in classical authors and inscriptions, are 
testimony that the Aeneid was supposed to begin with Arma virumque, not Ille 
ego qué quondam, though the latter is found in some inferior MSS., and known to 
Donatus and Servius. So 1282, 3198 have Arma viru. So we have Arma vírum- 
que cano Troiae qui | primus ab oris Italiam fato profugus | Lavinaque on a tile 
at Italica, C. ii, 4967, 31. The two first words of Lucretius’ poem are found in 
this collection, no. 3072, Aeneadum genetriz; and no. 3139 has Aeneadum alone 
(not Aenedum, as printed by mistake). 

P. 2387. See on no. 1182, and the epitaph quoted under no. 1891. 


Titulé vasis fictilibus inecripti, Ed. Ric. Schoene, pp. 249, 250. 


These seem to require little illustration beyond what they have received in the 
text. 

P.2551. If this is correct we must read bis f(usum). Does bis=‘iterum,’ as 
in Martial's ‘bts Frontino consule,’ x. 48, 20? Schoene suggests diff(usum). Cp. 
Hor. iii. Od. 8, 9, foll. 

_P. 2565. Schoene reads Gran(ianum), comparing no. 2556, ‘Surrentinum 
Fabianum. We may also read Gran(iana) of(ficina). In either case the maker's 
er importer's name seems to have been Grantus. Cato gives various receipts for 
making Greek wine at home, E. R. 112: cp. Pliny, H. N. xiv. 79. 

P. 3569. Garum castimondarwm or castimoniale. Pliny, H. N. xxxi. 44, says, 
*aliud vero (Bc. garum) castimoniarum superstitioni etiam sacrisque ludaeis 
dicatum, quod fit e piscibus squama carentibus.' It is not quite clear how this is 
to be construed with the precept in Leviticus xi. ro, forbidding the use of fishes 
without fins and scales. Perhaps the reference to Jewish usage was simply a mis- 
conception on Pliny's part, not unlike the fable of the ass's head in the Temple 
of Jerusalem. 

P. 2583. The term ussus or «sus is illustrated by passages in the Digest, xxxiii. 
9, 4, 2, and Gellius, iv. 1, 23, compared by Mommsen, which show that a wine- 
grower often separated his private stock from his saleable stock. 

P. 3597. Lomentum is bean-meal, Pliny, H. N. xviii. i17. It was used as a 
cosmetic. ONPS is very puzzling. Can it be for C. Nepos! 


Kk 2 


500 


NOTES ON PART III. 


SELECTIONS FROM AUTHORS. 


EX SCRIPTORIBUS ANTIQUIS DELECTA. 


SECTIO PRIMA. 


MONUMENTA ANTIQUA. 


Cap. IL —EXCERPTA EX LEGIBUS QUAE FERUNTUR 
REGIIS. 


On Early Roman Law in general see a book by Mr. E. C. Clark, London, 
Macmillan, 1872, and many of the authors cited at the beginning of the next 
chapter. 

All these fragments come, probably, from the so-called (us civile Papirianum, said 
by Pomponius, Dig. ii. 2, to have been edited by a Papirius under the last king. 
The date of this collection and its character is, of course, very uncertain. The 
only thing certain is that it contained early customary law ascribed to various 
kings. 

I. estod, the only instance of this full imperative termination in Latin, see 
Introd. xiv. § 7. On the form sacra, or sacer esto, see on XII Tab. viii. 21. 

2. Vino, a sumptuary law with regard to funerals, of whioh many were incorpo- 
rated into the XII Tables, see Tab. x. 

3. Pellex, or , & concubine of a married man. 

4 a. fulmen Iovis is Scaliger's emendation for fulminibus. Ne supra genua tollsto. 
There seems no reason to change this to tollitor, as it is in the style of these old 
laws to omit distinctive nominatives, e. g. the finder here, see Introd. to XII Tab. 
iv. $ 1. Tollito might, of course, stand for tollitor in old Latin, Introd. xiv. $ 15. 
The point seems to be that he is to be left as near the ground as possible, and 
buried directly on the spot ; supra genua probably means on the knees of the man 
who finds him, the subject of tollito, who would naturally lift up a corpse to bury 
it. Pliny says, ' hominem ita exanimatum cremare fas non est, condi terra religio 
tradidit, H. N. ii. 54. The place had to be expiated with a sacrifice, and became, 
probably, a bidental— 

‘An quia non fibris ovium Ergennaque iubente 
Triste iaces lucis evitandumque bidental.’ Pers. ii. 37. 


EXCERPTA EX LEGIBUS QUAE FERUNTUR REGIIS. 501 


The inscription rvi(gur) con(ditum) P(ublice) refers to the burial vault open 
to the sky (hence puteal), erected on a place struck by lightning. Mommsen, 
I. R. N. 1313, Orell 2483. See Marq. iv. p. 249. 

5. This law, which is very corrupt in its arrangement in Festus, has been 
emended by Hertzberg in Schneidewin's Philologus, i. 331-9.  Cué suo is his 
conjecture for cutus, and dari ae[ris] for darier. There is, however no need for 
this latter change, as all early value was expressed in pounds of copper, and 
therefore aeris need not to be expressed, see on XII Tab. fr. inc. 9. Spolía opima 
are those of a general in command taken by the Roman imperator, suo auspicio ; 
spolia secunda would, perhaps, be those taken similarly by a general under 
another's auspices ; spolia tertia would be, again, inferior, but how is uncertain. 

classe procincta, *the army being prepared for battle, cp. testamentum in pro- 
cinctu. ‘The well-known expression procinctus would appear from Servius’ 
explanation to mean that the sort ef plaid which formed the ordinary Italian 
dress, instead of falling in a loose fold over the breast, was thrown over the back, 
then brought tightly round the front of the body and tied so as to form a girdle,’ 
Clark, Early R. Law, § 24, Serv. Aen. vii. 612. This was otherwise called the 
Gabine cinctare. Cp. Fest. p. 225 (and 249), ‘ Procincta classis dicebatur, quum 
exercitus cinctus erat Gabino cinctu confestim pugnaturus. Vetustius enim fuit 
multitudinem hominum quam navium classem nominare. Classis is derived by 
Corssen from the root cal- (in cal-are, etc.), with a suffix ¢, as in Greek «An-reda, 
cp. messís from metere (i. pp. 496 f.). Jovi Feretrio, Liv. i. 10, iv. 19, xx. 55. 

Solitaurtlia, see Fest. p. 293, offerings said to be of a bull, ram, and boar, 


‘solidi integrique corporis.” For the derivation ep. Oscan and Latin sollus, sollis- . 


timum tripudium, Gk. dos, etc. 

utra voluerit, ‘maiora an lactentia, Scaliger. anui, in the u declension, 

6. pollucerent. See on C. 1175, titulus Soranus, p. 499. 

8. parícidas esto. On the termination see Introd. viii. § a.  Parricida has 
been variously derived from parens, pater, par and caedo: the first explanation, 
which makes it <parenticida, seems best to suit the usage of the word, and is 
supported by Plautus’ comic perenticida from pera (so Clark, Lc. p. 42 f.). Patri- 
cida seems simplest, and is perhaps after all right, though such an assimilation of 
t is unexampled: but we have other anomalous assimilations in Latin, e. g. press. 
Paricida, from par, does not account for the later doubling of the r, and this use 
of par is not usual in Latin. Supposing either the first or second derivation to be 
right, the law is important, as extending the punishment for murder within the 
family to murder within the state, cp. the tribunician lex sacrata, ‘si quis eum 
qui eo plebei scito sacer sit occiderit parricida ne sit, Fest. p. 318. We can 
hardly suppose, however, that the technical punishment for literal parricide, the 
‘insutio in culeum,’ was extended to ordinary murder. It was indeed perhaps of 
later introduction. The appointment and power of the quaestores parricidii is one 
of the most difficult questions of Roman antiquity, and cannot be here investi- 
gated; see, however, Clark, 1. c. $ 17. It would be convenient if we could identify 
this larger sense of parricidium with perduellio, and the quaestores parricidii with 
duwmvirt perduellionts, but there seems to be no authority for so doing. 


502 MONUMENTA ANTIQUA. 


9. agnatis cius in contione. Agnatis is Huschke’s emendation for ef nates 
(through ac natis), and contione Scaliger’s for cautione. Seo Clark, $ 8. Accept- 
ing these emendations, we must suppose that the law distinguished between 
voluntary and involuntary homicide, making the former a state offence, and 
allowing the other to be dealt with as a family matter, and to be condoned by 
those interested. Cp. the XII Tab. viii. 24. A contfo we know could be called 
by & priest as well as by a magistrate. Fest. Ep. s.v. p. 38, *a magistratu vel 
a sacerdote publico per praeconem convocatur.’ See on S. C. Bac. 22, pp. 419, 
420. The ram was probably employed as a vicarious sacrifice. 

10. aliuta. On the form see Introd. xiii. $ 43. 

11. perduelito seems to mean war on the part of an enemy. Dionysius, ii. 10, 
renders it by xpo8ocia. Perduellis, as applied to a citizen, would mean a treason- 
able person, an enemy of his country. The derivation is from per, as in per- 
iurus, per-fidus (cp. certain senses of Gk. wapd, Germ. ver), and duellum — bellum. 
Why Horatius, who had committed an evident parrícide, should be charged with 
this offence is extremely obscure. Mr. Clark says, ‘I can see no reason . . . but 
the prevalent tradition that the accused of treason had the right of appeal, which 
is made available for the hero's escape’ (p. 73), and he interprets in this connection 
Livy's rather obscure words * clemente legis interprete." 

infelici arbori is perhaps the ablative (Introd. x. § 16), ‘from a barren tree, 
i.e. not a fruit-bearing one, cp..XII Tab. viii. ro. It may, however, be either 
dative or locative. 

obnubito ... suspendito . . . verberato refer of course to the executioner, the 
. subject being omitted, .s usual in these laws, when not absolutely necessary. 

pomerium, from post and murus. The original form of the adverb is postid, this 
is shortened to poste, post, pos, and finally po, ep. postempus, C. 1454, ‘pos multum 
temporis, O. Henzen, 7087, po-meridéem, pomeridianus, Quintil. ix. 4, 39. See 
Corssen, i. 183 f. 

The pomerium is the vacant space left on each side of the city wall. The 
religious idea is the same as that which ordered a private dwelling to be left with 
an ambitus. See XII Tab. vii. 1. 

12. verberit is probably from a verb of third or fourth conj. cp. vindécit ; see 
Introd. to XII Tab. $ iv. p. 511. 

divis is the reading of Festus: dirís has been unnecessarily conjectured. 


Car. IL.—LEGIS XII TABULARUM QUAE EXTANT. 


The following authorities may be consulted with great advantage :— 
Livy, iii. 9-57. Dionys. Hal. x. 1-60. 
Pomponius in the Digest, 1. 2, 2; 3. 4, 24. 
Sir H. Maine, Ancient Law. 
Mommsen, Roman History, bk. ii. ch. 2. (E. T. i. pp. 289-291). 
Rudorff, Róm. Rechta Gesch. § 94, vol. i. p. 285 foll. 
Puchta, Institutionen, vol. i. §§ 54, 55, 73. 
Lange, Róm. Alt. $ 73, vol. i. p. 535 foll. 


LEGIS XII TABULARUM QUAE EXTANT. 508 


De Coulanges, La Cité Antique, pt. iv. ch. 8. pp. 370 foll. (A brilliant, but 
not thoroughly trustworthy, sketch.) 


Poste's Gaius, passim. 


The best edition for some time was that of H. E. Dirksen, Leipzig, 1824. This 
has now been superseded by the careful critical edition of R. Schoell, Leipz. 1866, 
which has excellent prolegomena and a full collection of authorities, but no com- 
mentary. The fragments may also be found in many other books, e.g. in Donald- 
son's Varronianus, and in the legal handbooks of Cumin, Bruns, and Giraud, but in 
none of these is there much in the way of illustration. The present is probably 
the longest direct commentary upon the law. 


$ 1. Origin and Importance of the Law of the XII Tables. 

Ancient law among the Romans, as among other Aryan nations, was a matter 
rather of religious custom than an expression of the conscience of the people 
reflecting on matters of abstract right or wrong. The latter is, indeed, in its 
fulness an essentially modern conception, and, in reality, is the pervading element 
of no historical code of laws. Nevertheless such reflection is eminently necessary 
to the progress of a nation; and without its introduction, in some form or other, 
into customary law, a stationary, or even retrograde, condition must result. 
There is another factor also of almost equal importance, in the scale of progress, 
the act of codification, that is, the reduction of unwritten law or custom to 
written formulas. This is, like the other, no doubt a distinctive mark of a rise in 
civilisation, and is one to which comparatively few races have attained. The time 
at which it appears is also of very great moment. If imposed upon a nation late 
in its history, when custom has become second nature, it may serve only to rivet 
more tightly the fetters which enchain it. 'The earlier (relatively) the act of 
codification takes place, the greater the probability of a nation's advancement in 
intelligence, and in influence in the world. Yet in a country where progress of 
ideas is too rapid, and respect for religious customs is too slight, early codification 
may not bring about stability of constitution, or respect for law. In the Eastern 
nations, especially among the Hindus, as Sir H. Maine has pointed out in his first 
chapter, the act of codification has taken place relatively at a late date in the 
history of the people. The code has been imposed frum above by a religious 
aristocracy possessing a monopoly of legal knowledge. In it prohibitions and 
ordinances originally enacted for good reasons, sanitary or otherwise, have been 
transferred by false analogy to matters where they have no such function. Certain 
articles of food, for instance, have been prohibited merely because they were like 
certain other food; necessary ablutions have become the foundations of endless 
unnecessary ceremonies; and what was once a useful division of society in its 
early development, has been stereotyped and formalised into caste. 

This is to some extent an explanation of the stationary, unprogressive character 
of Hindu society, comprehended more easily when we reflect on the nature of the 
soil and climate, and the large masses of population which are naturally grouped 
together in India. Just the contrary course seems to have been taken by the 
Greek communities, the smallness and isolation of which is as marked as the 


504 LEGIS XII TABULARUM QUAE EXTANT. 


extent of those of their Asiatic kinsmen. Among them precedent and custom, for 
various reasons, never obtained a firm hold upon the national mind. Codification 
took place early, ahd in several states almost simultaneously; so that, by com- 
parison with one another, abstract principles began soon to be publicly mooted, 
while respect for law as law was not developed. Thus arose among the Greeks 
the pernicious habit, at least at Athens, of trying every case upon its merits, and 
the constant appeals to ideal first principles, rather than to the text of the law. 
If a law is cited it is not enough, but it must be proved to be the best possible 
law ; if Solon is appealed to, it is as an dy?)p Snporieds, or as an ethical theorist. 

Rome, on the other hand, though intellectually at an early stage at the time of 
the publishing of her great code—the Law of the XII Tables—had passed pre- 
viously through a very important period of history. Less confined in area than 
the Greek states, less subject to excitement by the contact of other civilisations, 
standing more alone in respect of language, the great Latin city had nurtured 
a spirit of proud reverence for tradition, and a love of constitutional forms. A 
single state rising to eminence and solid power among a number of half-organised 
communitios, constantly on the defensive, and always on the look out to draw into 
itself other elements of strength, and apparently at all times under the direction of 
vigorous-minded men, is the natural home for that mixed product which we call 
law, as distinguished from custom or philosophical principles. For, without being 
either, it is a mixture of both; on the one hand it is closely allied to custom 
in appealing to the feelings of reverence for religious sanctity, and claiming a right 
to be heard irrespective of abstract truth, while it is distinguished from custom by 
speaking clearly in a human voice, as a litera ecripta, not a religious chant. To 
philosophy, on the other hand, it has this relation, that while making no claims to 
be founded on absolute principles of right and wrong, it constantly endeavours to 
infuse such principles into custom, not consciously I suppose at first at Rome, but 
as a valuable ingredient of eustom, borrowed in great measure (like its population) 
from the surrounding tribes. 

The Law of the XII Tables, then, is important, not only as the first Roman 
code, but as coming into Roman society when it did, neither too early nor too 
late; as coming, not as an intellectual effort, or as imposed from above, but as 
demanded by the good sense of the people working, and used to work, in constitu- 
tional forms. 

Let us now look at the circumstances of this act of legislation. It took place in 
the years of the city 303, 304, B. C. 451, 450, &bout forty years, that is, after the 
establishment of the tribunate, and about sixty after the expulsion of the kings. 
The tribunate was already increased from two to five members, perhaps by the 
Publilian plebiscite, v. 0. 283, the more important and certain enactment of which 
was the transfer of their election from the comitia curiata to that of the tribes, 
over which the tribunes presided. Thus the conflict between the orders had 
already advanced some way, and the plebe, since the secession to the sacred 
mount, had learnt to act as part of the state in an orderly manner, and under its 
own leaders. But the tribunician power was frequently abused, and had become 
@ source of much confusion. The failure, again, of Sp. Cassius to carry into effect 


$ 1. ORIGIN AND IMPORTANCE. 505 


his agrarian law, and to put a stop to the selfish occupation by the rich alone 
of the ager publicus, was, on the other hand, a matter of heart-burning and vexa- 
tion to the plebe (Mommsen, R. H. i. p. 389). Then it was that the tribune 
Gaius Terentilius Arsa began his agitation for the concession of equality of rights, 
by proposing a commission of five to prepare a code by which the consuls should 
be bound in judging patrician and plebeian alike (Liv. iii. 9). In v.0. 393 it was 
taken up by the whole college of tribunes, and brought on year after year, and as 
pertinaciously impeded by the patricians. In 297 the tribunes were increased 
from five to ten; and in the following year, by the Lex I¢lia de Aventino publi- 
cando, a small agrarian concession was made to the plebs, biving them hereditable 
lots of ground upon the Aventine, till then uninhabited. Another more important 
concession was made in the year 300, by the Lex Aternia Tarpeia, on the subject 
of fines. This extended the power of multae dictio possessed by the consuls to all 
magistrates, and established a maximum (suprema multa) of two sheep and thirty 
oxen, allowing, it would seem, appeal against any fine of a higher sum (see on 
Lex Bantina, l 11, p. 423). In the same year a comyomise was effected in 
regard to the Terentilian law. It was determined to prepare & code, and an 
embassy was sent as a preliminary to Greece to bring back copies of the laws 
of Solon, and to learn the customs and rights of other Greek states (Liv. iii. 31). 
This mixture of Greek elements in the code is asserted by all the ancient author- 
ities, and is further supported by the mention of the interpreter, Hermodorus of 
Ephesus, who either accompanied the embassy, or assisted in the redaction of the 
materials, and had the honour of a statue in the comitium (Plin. N. H. xxxiv. 5: 
cp. Pompon. in Dig. i. 2, 4, who says he is reported to have suggested the last two 
tables. See aluo Strabo, xiv. 1, p. 177, Boxet 3 otros 6 àr))p vópovs rivas 'Pouaíos 
ovyypaya, with the sentiment of Heraclitus upon him). Again, Cicero (De Leg. ii. 
23, 59) tells ua that certain of the enactments with regard to funeral lamentations, 
in the Xth Table, were taken from Solon almost word for word, and Gaius 
thinks that the law about Collegia must have been drawn from the same source 
(Dig. xlvii. 22, 4). It is probable also that the neighbouring Italian states 
were put under contribution, when we remember the strong tradition which 
connects many ceremonial observances with Etruria. The ‘iura fetialia’ and 
certain other supplements are said by Servius to have been taken from the Falisci, 
though he seems to give too great weight to the tradition that the body of the 
laws came from Athens: ‘ missis x viris, ab ipsis (Faliscis) iura fetialia et nonnulla 
supplementa duodecim Tabularum accepit, quas habuerant ab Atheniensibus’ 
(Serv. ad Aen. vii. 695: cp. Plin. Ep. viii. 24). 

There can be little doubt, then, that the view of Dionysius is correct, that the 
decemvirs compiled their code ‘both from Greek laws and from the unwritten ous- 
toms in use among the Romans themselves,’ and that it was very different from, 
and superior to, the Greek codes (x. 57, xi. 44. Cp. Puchta, i. p. 164). What 
elements were Homan and what foreign can only be partially discriminated at 
present; but internal evidence is in favour of the statement put forward by ancient 
authorities. On the return of this embassy, then, in v.c. 303, the decemvirs 
were elected ('consulari imperio legibus scribundis’), and the tribunate and the 


506 LEGIS XII TABULARUM QUAE EXTANT. 


other magistracies were suspended. Though Livy asserts that they were omnes ez 
patribus, this is scarcely likely to have been accepted by the tribunes (cp. iii. 31, 
32), who had demanded a joint magistracy ; and in the case of the second decem- 
virate some of the gentile names are plebeian. The first ten Tables were prepared 
and accepted by the people, being exposed on plates (of brass [ Diodorus), wood, or 
ivory [Pomponius]) before the rostra in the forum. But, as they appeared in- 
complete, it was determined to renew the office in the next year, and two more 
Tables were the result (304). 

Whether the intention of this compromise was, as Mommsen bas suggested, an 
abolition of the tribunician power, and a return to the government by consuls, 
fettered only by the certainty of legal administration thus secured to the plebs, is 
not now our purpose to enquire. At any rate, if such an idea was entertained 
and had any real chance of being carried out, it was rendered impossible by the 
arbitrary conduct of the second body of decemvirs, who refused to lay down their 
magistracy as the first had done, a proceeding which culminated in the attempts 
of Appius at despotism, This produced the popular reaction centring round the 
outrage on Virginia, and leading, whether as cause or occasion, to the restoration 
of the tribunate, and to the lively continuance of the struggle between the two 
orders. The event of that struggle was now no longer doubtful Though full 
equality of rights such as Terentilius had demanded was not conceded by the 
XII Tables, yet certainty of administration was, and this great outwork being 
gained, it needed only time to force, point by point, the other strongholds of the 
oligarchy. 

§ 2. Comparison of the Law with the earlier system. 

The following are the main points of comparison between the Law of the 
XII Tables and the older law. (See Lange, R. A. $$ 72, 73, Puchta, i. pp. 165, 
166, and De Coulanges, pp. 373 foll., who is, however, not sufficiently critical.) 

The points in which it maintained the position of the old law are the following. 

It preserved the patria potestas, allowing the father to sell his son three times, 
though not more. Whether it still gave him the power of life and death, as the 
law of Romulus did, is doubted by Schoell (Proleg. p. §2), though it is generally 
concluded from Dionysius and from the formula of arrogation that it did so . 
(A. R. ii. 26, 27: cp. iv. 2; and see p. 287). In matters of succession the rights 
of the agnati, that is, of relations through males, are preserved. In default of 
agnates, the inheritance passes to the gentiles. The law allows no suocession of 
cognati, that is, of blood relations generally, including relations through females. 

The ideas of emancipation and adoption naturally remain much the same. The 
emancipated son has no longer any part in the sacra or succession of his own 
kindred, but passes entirely into his adopted family. 

Similarly, the marriage between patricians and plebeians was forbidden in the 
additional Tables (Cic. de Rep. ii. 36, 37, etc.) This was probably no new enact- 
ment, but, as we shall see, the definition by statute of a custom which no one 
before had thought of infringing. The XII Tables made marriage in general 
much more easy, and it was therefore natural to guard against extending it farther 
than the decemvirs intended. 





$2. COMPARISON WITH EARLIER LAW. 507 


Lastly, the old law of debt, with its harsh penalties, appears to have been 
unaltered, though perhaps the interests of the incarcerated debtor were to some 
extent provided for, and the amount of punishment partly defined. 

On the other hand, there are several important points on which the new law 
seems to have been an advance upon the old. It is of course very difficult to say 
in detail how far its enactments were new, how far they were merely a codification 
of existing rules, or, as we should say, ‘declaratory of the common law.’ 

The actio familiae erciscundae, and the emancipation of a son after the third 
sale, cannot with certainty be spoken of as novelties. If the right of primogeni- 
ture and the indivisibility of landed property were, as is not improbable, original 
ideas in Roman law, there is certainly no proof that they existed long enough 
to be superseded by the decemvirs. There is a similar doubt as to the date 
of the fiction by which emancipation was effected. But in the important 
matters of testament and marriage there is more reason to imagine an advance. 
The law now substituted for the testament made before the calata comitia (an 
assembly, apparently for special purposes, either of the curies or the centuries), 
that by fictitious sale per aes et libram, common both to patrician and plebeian. 
It farther sanctioned a common form of civil marriage, that by coemptio, also a 
pretended purchase, conducted with similar formulae. It may be inferred that 
the impulse given to this easier mode of marriage, and the disuse of the more 
ceremonial confarreatio, rendered it necessary to define the separation of the 
orders more clearly. Another mode of acquiring rights over a wife—not strictly 
a mode of marriage—was that of usus or cohabitation for a year. The XII Tables 
fixed that absence of three nights continuously broke the usus, an enactment 
which was naturally made use of when it became undesirable that a woman 
should surrender her own family and its rights. 

Of special enactments which are expressly mentioned as being novel, the three 
following, assigned by Dirksen to the VIIIth Table, are noticeable. First, the 
restriction of interest and the imposition of penalties on usurers, no higher 
amount being allowed than wnciarium fenus, the meaning of which will be dis- 
cussed below. Second, the prohibition of nocturnal meetings, ‘ne quis in urbe 
coetus nocturnos agitaret, viii. 27, though the genuineness of this fragment is 
sometimes doubted. See Schoell, Proleg. p. 46 and note ad loc. And, thirdly, 
the important provision to sanction voluntary associations of sodales in making 
what rules they choose for their own conduct, provided they iransgressed no 
public law (viii. 28). This seems rightly to be understood of all collegia, whether 
sacred or otherwise, and is obviously a principle of great moment (Mommsen, De 
Collegiis et Sodal. p. 35). This and the sumptuary laws of the Xth Table to 
restrain funeral expenses are expressly said to have been taken from Solon. 

The matters here noticed are chiefly concerned with private law. The enaot- 
ments on public mattere, however important as declarations and confirmations of 
existing law, were already, as far as we know, part of the constitution. The 
right of appeal against penalties on person or property was already guaranteed to 
citizens by several laws. The restriction of judicial competence over citizens to the 
centuriata comitia (comitiatus maximus) and the prohibition of privilegia or bills 


508 LEGIS XII TABULARUM QUAE EXTANT. 


against a private individual, were also necessary consequences of the Lex Valeria 
de provocatione. The principle, ut quodcumque postremum populus tusstesct id $us 
ratumque essct, could searcely be more than the formulation of a primary axiom 
taken for granted in all legislation. 

What is remarkable, however, in a general review of the fragments of these 
laws is that, with the exception of the prohibition of conubium, there is no 
distinction raised between the orders. What distinctions there are between man 
and man relate rather to position on the census, to age, or to the difference 
between freeman and slave. Such are the order that an adsiduus must have 
an adsiduus for vindex, the different penalties for nocturnal depasturing inflicted 
on a pubes and an émpubes, and the smaller assessment in payment for an injury 
to the person of a slave, namely, half that payable in the case of a freeman 
(Frag. i. 4, viii. 3, 8). 

§ 3. Preservation of the Law among the Romans. 

At the taking of Rome by the Gauls, sixty years after the passing of the law, 
& great destruction of public documents took place. Livy tells us that after their 
retirement the XII Tables and other earlier royal laws, as well as some 
treaties, were sought out and recovered (Liv. vi 1, 9). But there is no certain 
tradition that they were set up on brass to public view. Notwithstanding abro- 
gations of certain enactments, such as that of the prohibition of conubium 
removed by the Canuleian law, the alteration of the law of damage (de damno 
iniuriae) by the Aquilian, the changes in the conduct of public business by the 
Plaetorian, the position of the law in public estimation remained as high as ever. 
But of much greater importance than these was the paseing of the Lex Aebutia 
(supposed to have been carried about B.C. 170, see Poste, Gaius, p. 425), which did 
away in a great measure with the legís actífones and substituted for them formulae 
or written instructions, issued by the praetor to the iudex (Gaius, iv. § 30). The 
study of the law did not of course cease, but its practical importance in the courts 
did. For some time after it still remained & general text-book for grammatical 
instruction. ‘Discebamus enim pueri xi ut carmen necessarium, says Cicero 
(de Leg. ii. 23, 59), and again, ‘a parvis, Quinte, didicimus “st (n tus vocat" atque 
alias eiusmodi leges nominare' (de Leg. ii. 4, 9), queting apparently the opening 
words of the law. That we are to infer, however, from the words carmen necessa- 
rium that the law was throughout in metre or put into a metrical verse, perhaps 
in Saturnians (as Ritschl has suggested), seems to me extremely hazardous (Ritschl. 
Poes. Saturn. Spicilegium, i. Bonn. 1854, followed by Schoell). My own idea of 
what is meant by carmen is given below, Introd. to Fragments of Prose Authors. 
See also note on Tab. x. 3. (The reading in Cic. de Orat. i. 57, (n magistri car- 
mine, is doubtful, and can hardly be explained as it stands.) Cicero complains, 
however, that what he had learnt in his boyhood was now given up as a school 
book. The complaint was natural, but the change was no doubt a very sensible 
one. From this time forward the study of the XII Tables was left to antiquarians 
and students of the history of law, with only occasional intrusion of it into 
common life and oratory, when an antiquarian taste prevailed. Horace criticizes 
the archaic predilection of his own day (Ep. ad August. ii. 1, 23, foll.),— 


$3. PRESERVATION. § 4. STYLE. 509 


‘Sic fautor veterum ut tabulas pecoare vetantes 
Quas bis quinque viri sanxerunt, foedera regum 
Vel Gabiis vel cum rigidis aequata Sabinis, 
Pontificum libros, annosa volumina vatum, 
Dictitet Albano Musa in monte looutas.’ 
And so Seneca (Ep. 114, 13), ‘ Multi ex alieno seculo petunt verba, XII Tabulas 
loquuntur: Graocbus illis et Crassus et Curio nimis culti et recentes sunt, ad 
Appium usque et Coruncanium redeunt.’ 

Of proper antiquarian writers upon the law we have a considerable list, begin- 
ning with Aelius Stilo, the tutor of Cicero, and his fellow pupil the greatest 
Roman antiquary, Terentius Varro. Others of note were Ser. Sulpicius Rufus, whose 
encomium Cioero proneunces in the ninth Philippic, L. Cincius, and Antistius 
Labeo (quoted by Gellius and Festus) and Verrius Flacous, whoee book on the 
Roman language was epitomised by Festus, and in its present form is the source 
of the largest proportion of fragments of the law. Later on, in the time of 
Hadrian and the Antonines, the eminent jurist Gaius wrote a commentary on the 
Tables, some extracts from which, as well as from his commentaries on the Edicts, 
are preserved in the Digest. His Institutes of Civil Law, which is perhaps the 
most valuable classical work recovered in the present century, contains many 
important references and illustrations. His object there is of course not so much 
to elucidate the text of the Tables, as, taking them for the basis of his reasoning, 
to exhibit the development and method of Roman law in general. Later refer- 
ences to the law are rare, those in the grammarians being taken generally from 
earlier grammarians, and often carelessly, as Schoell has shown in his preface, 
particularly in the case of Servius. It appears, however, that a copy of the law 
on bronze plates was standing in the forum at Carthage in the time of St. Cyprian, 
in the third century (Ep. ad Donatam, ch. 10), and even in the fifth (Salvian, de 
Gubernatione Dei, viii. 5, ap. Schoell). At the same time also we bear from 
Sidonius Apollinaris of a teacher at Narbonne (in Elogio Narbonia, xiii. 446 sq.) 

‘Sive ad doctiloqui Leonis aedes, 
Quo bis sex tabulas docento éurís 
Ultro Claudius Appius taceret 
Claro obscurior in decemviratu.’ 
Later references to MSS. are very doubtful indeed. 


§ 4. Style of the Fragments. 

The actual text of the fragments, as it has come down to us, has been much 
modernised, so as to be nearer the forms of the Ciceronian age than that of the 
earliest dated inscriptions—the Scipionic epitaphs. This is no doubt owing in 
great measure to the popularity of the law as a text-book in later times, and 
to the fact that it was probably not extant on public tables after the Gallic 
invasion, Yet some remarks may be made as to the forms which have been 
preserved by the industry of the grammarians, and as to the style in which the 
enactments of the law were couched’. 





1 The following notes are chiefly taken from Schoell, Prolegomena, pp. 72-112. 


510 LEGIS XII TABULARUM QUAE EXTANT. 


1. In the first place there is considerable obscurity as to the persons designated, 
caused by the constant omission of pronouns, and distinctive nominatives, such as 
we have already seen in the Leges Regiae. Thus in the first fragment there is no 
distinction at all of the two grammatical subjecta, ‘Si in ius vocat, ito: ni it, 
antestamino, igitur em capito. Si calvitur pedemve struit, manum endo iacito.’ 
This is the case generally when the two persons opposed are merely, as it were, 
M or N, Titius or Seius, and such clauses as those enclosed in brackets in the 
following, are very probably later interpolations, merely for the sake of clearness. 
i. 3, *S$ morbus aevitasve vitiwm escit, [qui $n tus vocabit] éumentum dato, and 
Ui. 4, ‘ Si volet, suo vivito. Né suo vivito [qui ewn vinctum habebit] Ubras farris 
endo dies dato.’ 

On the other hand, where a special relation or opposition of person or class is in 
point, the subject ¢s expressed: e.g. iv. 2, * Si pater filiwm ter venum duit, filius 
a patre liber esto ;’ x. 4, * mulieres genas ne radunto ;' xii. 3, ‘st servus furtum 
facit, etc. 

3. It is to be noticed that orders or prohibitions are always couched in the 
third person of the imperative. At any rate, the only exception to this rule 
(except those which modern commentators have foisted in from time to time) 
is the law against incantation as quoted by Servius, ‘ Neve alienam segetem pellex- 
eris, viii. 8, q. v. This is rendered doubtful by the parallel quotation, ‘ qué fruges 
excantassit,’ which is not likely to have occurred to express the same idea a second 
time, and by the fact that Servius in another instance appears to quote inaccu- 
rately (Schoell, pp. 49 and 15). Where the plural is used, it is not merely to 
express a general enactment, but to apply to two or more persons actually con- 
ceived: e.g. i. 6, ‘rem ubi pacunt, orato—ante meridiem caussam, cotciunio ;' 
lii. 6, ‘tertiis nundénis partis secanto ;’ x. 4, * mulieres genas ne radunto.' 

3. The object is left only less indefinite than the subject of the verb. The pro- 
noun almost always used is 4s, and that only where the object has been previously 
introduced : e.g. i. 1, * n4 it antestamino, igitur em capito,’ etc. 

The uses of alter, e.g. viii. 4, ‘at iniuriam alteri faxeit, ‘st membrum alteré ruptt,’ 
etc., are suspected by Schoell, as belonging to a later phraseology. For, he argues, 
injury is always done to another, and this specification is alien from the simple, 
direct character of the law. 

4. The same character of simplicity is borne out by the clauses relating to 
things as well as persons. Thus we have the direct constructions, without any 
use of adjectives or abstract substantives, ‘sol occasus suprema tempestas esto,' 
* triginta dies iusti sunto, ‘ viginti quinque poenae sunto," * si aqua pluria nocet," * si 
membrum rupsit . . . talio esto.’ 

5. The mood used in all these enactments is the (mperative, even where the law 
only means to permit, not to enforce, a given course of action. This is most 
clearly seen in the clause directing how a defendant is to be brought in (wa : i. 3, 
* Sá nolet, arceram ne sternito, ‘If the plaintiff does not choose, he need not prepare 
a covered car (for the defendant) Cp. iii. 4, * Si volet, plus dato,’ ‘If he choose 
he may give him more.’ 

6. The subjunctive mood in fact is apparently never used, even in conditionals. 


§ 4. STYLE OF THE FRAGMENTS. §11 


Those which otherwise seem to be subjunctives are either, (1) present indicatives, 
or (2) second futures. 

Of (1) we have the following instances—escit, verberit, vindicit, fartatur, or 
fatiatur. 

escit, though equivalent in meaning to erit, seems, as C. O, Müller was the first 
to observe, to be a regular inchoative present from root es-, as in es-t, es-tis, es-to, 
etc. It occurs also in Lucretius, i. 619, ‘Ergo rerum inter summam minimamque 
quid esctt?’ and super-escit is found in Ennius, Ann. 486, ‘dum quidem unus homo 
Romanus toga superescit, and Aocius, Fr. Tr. 266, * qui hinc superesctt Spartam ei 
aique Ámyclas trado ego,’ both quoted by Festus as=<supererit. Eecunt is found 
in Cic. de Leg. iii. 3, 9, ‘ast quando duellum gravius, discordiae civium escunt,’ 
and should no doubt be read in his quotation from this law (x. 9), De Leg. ii. 24, 
60, ‘cui auro dentes iuncti escunt,’ not essent, nor, as sometimes corrected, csunt. I 
should also read escis with Bothe, in the fragment of Accius' Decius (Ribb. 16, who 
reads, apparently with the MSS., essis). The future meaning is easily explained, 
and may be paralleled with the use of the German werden. 

verberit and vindicit appear to be also presents indicative, according to Schoell 
from verbs of the third conjugation, according to Corssen (ii. p. 405, note) from 
verbs of the fourth—*verberire, *vindicire related to verberare, vindicare, as 
insignire, impetrire to signare, impetrare, etc. This is of course quite possible, but 
I do not see that Schoell's theory need be upset (even if supported by false 
analogies, which he sees in the forma modestus, in-tempestus, honestus, etc.). The 
parallel of berber in the Arval song verbere for verbera, seems to me a fair one, 
and inuch more, I should add, triumpe = triumpha in the same poem, q. v. p. 394. 

fariatur, in vili. 22, ‘ni testimonium fariatur inprobus intestabilieque,’ is also 
probably an indicative present. Schoell would alter it to fatiatur, comparing the 
verb énftiari, etc.; but there seems no reason against the existence of a verb 
farior, connected with the same roots, and with the cognates ne-fartus, fariolus = 
hariolus, etc. (Cp. Corssen, ii. p. 1013, add. to p. 421.) 

ardwitur appears to be the right reading in x. 7, ‘qui coronam parit ipee pecu- 
niave eius [honoris] virtutisve ergo, [si] arduitur e$ [ parentique eius, se fraude esto].' 
The MSS. have arguitur, duwitur or duitur, and other forms. Schoell reads 
arduwitur, and makes it the second future, allowing at the same time that duim 
is also sometimes a subjunctive, or rather optative, present, like velém, malim, 
edim. It seems simpler to make it as present indicative additur. (See the long 
note in Corssen, ii. pp. 400-405.) On the interchange of d and r see Introd. iil. 
§ 29. It is fairly common before v or gutturals, but rare before d. Schoell 
(p. 81) quotes further ardesus (i. e. adesus, exesus) from Thom. Mag. Thes. p. 57, 
and cp. armessarius = admissarius, Lex Salica, p. 96. 

Similarly nancitor or nancttur, which Müller and Schoell would write nanzitor, 
and explain as 2nd future, may very well be a present indicative. Festus (p. 166) 
explains it by nactus erit, praenderit, but this does not, any more than in the case 
of escit, imply an etymological exactness in the explanation. Nanctiur, according 
to this simple interpretation suggested by Mommsen (Rh. Mus. xv. p. 464: cp. 
Corssen, ii. p. 400, note), comes directly from a verb of the same stem as the 





512 LEGIS XII TABULARUM QUAE EXTANT. 


inchoative nanci-scé. This is found in Priscian, p. 888 P, as wancio, and in 6 
quotation from Gracchus, ' sí nanciam populi desiderium. Here it is a deponent, 
and probably, as well as naneio, of the third rather than of the fourth conjugation. 
(Schoell, p. 88, note.) 

(2) Seoond futures are no doubt fazit (rightly corr. for factum sit) and occistt, 
in viii. 11, * Sé nox furtum faxit, ef im occisit iure caesus esto ;? so also nozit in 
xii. 3, *S$ servus furtum faxit nociamve noxit.  Hupeit is Scaliger’s conjecture 
adopted by Schoell for the obscure ‘ Rupitéas [in] xu significat damnum dederit," 
Fest. p. 265, and introduced in viii. 2, ‘st membrum rupsif, né cum eo pacit, talio 
esto, where two MSS. of Festus read rapserit. Cp. the glosses of Placidus, dis- 
rupsst, dispersit (Sch. p. 97). Other such forms are legassit, nuncupassit, delapi- 

Tbis rule does not of course exclude the use of the subjunctive in a final clause, 
as X. 5, ‘homini mortuo ne oesa legito, quo post funus faciat." 

7. The verbal predicate seems always to be added, and must be conjectured to 
have been present, even where we have words quoted without it, e.g. iii. 7, 
* adversus hostem aeterna auctoritas, was probably followed directly, or at a short 
interval, by esto. 

8. The connection between sentences is of the simplest kind, as is usual in old 
Latin. Oonjunctions are few, and are frequently omitted. Of this we have a 
striking example in the fragment i. 7-9, as emended by Scaliger, Bergk, and 
Schoell, * Ni pacunt, in comitio aut in foro ante meridiem causam coiciunto ; com 
peroranto ambo praesentes. Post meridiem praesenti litem addieito. Sol occasus 
suprema tempestas esto.’ 

Prepositions in composition are but lightly attached to their verbs, as we find 
not unfrequently in later poetry, e.g. endoque plorato, transque dato, etc. Other 
compounds, too, are in a state of formation, as venum davit, or duuit, usus auctor- 
ttas, usus capio. Cp. satisve datio, in Lex Rubria, C. 205, 15, pignoris capio, 
Gell. vi. ro, Gaius, etc. Usucapto is a later expression. Usurpare, similarly, 
seems to be from usum rupere or some such form, lit. *to break asus.’ Cp. the 
shortened phrase usu venit for the older usage of Plautus and Terence, usus 
venit. 

The ablative absolute is perhaps never found, unless the rule ‘aeris confesst 
rebusque iudicatis Xxx dies iusti sunto, is an exception. Aerts confessi, according 
to Schoell, is genitive, and iudicatis dative, but this requires the omission of vebus. 
This is actually omitted in the explanatory paraphrase of Gellius, N. A. xx, 1. 42, 
* Confessi igitur aerís ac debiti iudicatie xxx dies sunt dati conquirendae pecuniae 
causa.’ See note on Tab. iil. 1. 

The conjunctions ast and égitur are used in somewhat different senses from. 
those that they have in later Latin. Igitur, according to Fest. Ep. p. 105 M, 
* apud antiquos ponebatur pro inde et postea et tum ;’ and so we find it in Fr. i 
I, ‘nt it antestamino : igitur em capito, i. e. then, and not till then.” Plautus 
has similar usages: Most. 125, ‘igitur tum ;' ibid. 367, ‘igitur demum ;' Trin. 
676, ‘tum igitur;’ Amph. 301, ‘igitur demum,' and alone Mil. 772, ‘quando 
habebo, igitur rationem mearum fabricarum dabo,’ and Lucretius once, ii. 678— 


§ 5. ARRANGEMENT. TAB. I. 1, 2. 518 


‘Cetera consimili mentis ratione peragrans 

Invenies tgftur multarum semina rerum 

Corpore celare et varias cohibere figuras.' 
Ast is used again in the sense (as Schoell has well shown) of # or cum, in the 
second part of a conditional sentence. It is well explained by Labbaeus' glossator 
dày 34. Thus we have in all probability the right reading, * Sé furiosus escit, ast ei 
eustos nec escit, adgnatum gentiliumque in eo pecuníaque eius potestas esto, v. 7; 
and ‘ cui auro dentes iuneti escunt, ast im cum illo eepeliet uretve, se fraude esto,’ x. 9. 


$ 5. Arrangement. 


The arrangement of the fragments which is here followed is that of Dirksen. 
It might no doubt be in some few points emended, and it is, we must always 
remember, nearly wholly conjectural. But it is on the whole sensible, and has 
the secondary advantage (which is no slight one) of being generally accepted as a 
basis for reference. Even though, as is probable, the Tables did not contain each 
2 separate chapter of the law, but were rather like continuous pages, it is advan- 
tageous to view the fragments that belong to each subject separately. The follow- 
ing table of contents no doubt fairly represents on the whole the subjecta embraced 
by the Law. 

Table I. Preliminaries to Trial. 
II. Trial. - 
III. Execution and Law of Debt. 
IV. Patria Potestas. 
V. Succession and Guardianship. 
VI. Acquisition and Possession of Property. 
VII. Rights pertaining td Land. 
VIIL Delicts. 
IX. Ius Publicum. 
X. Ius Sacrum. 
XI.) Supplementary, including the Calendar, law 
XII. forbidding conubium, etc. 

Very few of the fragments are cited as occurring in this or that Table. Such 
are, however, ii. 3, iv. 2, and the sumptuary laws about funerals of the Xth Table. 
We know also something of the contents of the Supplementary Tables. 


'TABLEI. Preliminaries to Trial. 


I, 2. in (us, before the magistrate, appearance before whom was a necessary 
preliminary to a Roman trial. See on fr. 4. 

vocat, antestamtno, capito, the plaintiff; «£o, (t, the defendant. Antestamino is 
no doubt, the right reading, though the MSS. are corrupt, the form being rather 
rare, For other instances see Gramm. Introd. xiv. $ 13. An-testor is of course 
‘to call to witness to a thing,’ the preposition being the same as in an-fractus, 
am-sanctus, an-helare, and perhaps in a-stasint or a-stasent, explained by Festus, 
p. 26, as statuerunt, (See Corssen, ii. p. 564.) The manner of calling a man to 
witness was by the formula ' licet antestari,’ and touching the tip of his ear. Pliny 

Ll 





514. LEGIS XII TABULARUM QUAE EXTANT. 


gives a philosophical explanation, ‘est in aure ima memoriae locus quem tangentes 
antestamur,’ N. H. xi. 45, but no doubt the practice was older than the explana- 
tion. It was probably merely a naive way of fixing attention, or, as we should 
say, ‘serving a sub-poena.’ Cp. Vergil, Ecl. vi. 3, ‘Cynthius aurem vellit et 
admonuit,’ and Copa, 38, * Mors aurem vellens “ vivite " ait *' venio." ' 

tgitur (though the root is doubtful) is probably of the same form as simttur for si- 
mitus, or símitu; cp. funditus, penitus, divinitus, forms which are classed as ablatives 
plural. On the meaning, aee § 4, 8, pp. 512, 513. Em - eum, see Introd. xiii. § 27. 

calvitur = frustratur, moratur, decipit(ur], Gloss., i.e. ‘shirks.’ Nonius, p. 6, 
gives a number of instances from Plautus, Casina, ii. 2, 3, Pacuvius (2), Attius, 
Lucilius, and Sallust Hist. The sense in these seems to be ‘to deceive,’ ‘ delay,’ 
‘try to escape.’ The root is probably skal- or skar-, ‘to cut,’ ‘maim,’ ‘harm, Gk. 
GKÓA-o, oxod-tds(1), KoA-ovw, xodde, etc., Lat. cal-u-mnia, car-inare (Enn.), scur-ra, 
tn-cil-are (Lucr. iii. 976), and perhaps cal-amítas, (n-col-umis. (See Corssen, ii. 172.) 

pedem struit was uncertain even to the ancients, ‘ alii putant significare retrorsus 
ire, ali in aliam partem, alii fugere, ali gradum augere, ali minuere : ac (fort. si) 
vix pedem pedi praefert, otiose it, remoratur,’ says Festus, p. 313 M. The anti- 
thesis would seem to be best explained by ‘runs away,’ calvitur thus implying 
evasion, or shirking in an underhand way, pedem struit, ‘open flight.’ 

3. morbus is explained by Gellius, N. A. xx. 1, 27, as ‘ vitium aliquod imbecilli- 
tatis atque invalentiae . . . non periculum vitae, the last being morbus sonticus. 

iumentum he also explains as a vectabulum, i. e. some kind of carriage or cart ; 
arcera is defined as a large covered carriage, ‘quasi arca quaedam magna,’ ‘ vesti- 
mentis instrata, for old or sick people. Cp. Varro, T'eporr. 4, p. 361. 

ne sternito, ‘he need not,’ ‘is not obliged to prepare.’ Cp. $ 4, 5, p. 510. 

4. adsiduo vindex adeiduus esto. Adetduus, or assiduus — locuples, is regularly 
explained by the grammarians as derived ‘ab asse dando. But the form adsi- 
duus seems necessarily to be compounded otherwise, from ad and sid-, or sed-. 
It will probably mean ‘a constant settler,’ one who is, as it were, grown into the 
soil. As a constitutional term, it signifies a member of one of the five classes who 
were subject to the tributum, and who were rated on the censors’ books as owners 
of land, ‘ex iure Quiritium. Proletarius, ou the other hand, is, perhaps, rather 
one who has grown up, an after-growth (not an original citizen), since proles — 
pro-ol-es, cp. sub-ol-es. It is generally explained as a citizen of the sixth class, 
who oould do nothing but breed children for the state. 

vindex is an ‘assertor of rights, a ‘claimant,’ ‘representative.’ The root is 
probably the same as in ven-da, Ven-us (not however vi-num), signifying ‘ will,’ 
‘desire,’ etc. : the second half is from root dic-, as in med-diz, in-dex. As to the 
office of vindex see Gaius, iv. $ 46, Poste, p. 438. He was & responsible person 
who appeared before the magistrate instead of the defendant, somewhat, it may be 
supposed, like an attorney, Roman law requiring such presence in iure before an 
action could begin. The name vindex is also given to the advocate put forward 
by a judgment debtor when arrested ; see Tab. iii. 3. 

5. This is a very obscure and fragmentary enactment, but apparently meant 
(according to the traditional explanations of it) to give the same rights, as to 


TAB. I. 3—II. 1. 515 


making contracts, to those allies of Rome who had revolted and returned to their 
allegiance (sanates), as were allowed to those who had been always faithful 
( forctes, or fortes). So Festus, p. 348 M, ‘in xii cantum est ut idem iuris esset 
sanatibus quod forctibus, id est bonis et qui nunquam defecerant a P. R.' Sanase 
is to sanatus just as damnas to damnatue. Forctis and forctus (also horctus) are 
old forms of fortis. The same stem appears in furca, furculae, fulcire, and with- 
out the c in firmus, fer-me, and perhaps frenum. (Cp. Corus. i. pp. 149, 476.) 

6. Pacunt for pagunt. Terent. Scaurus, p. 2253 P, says, ‘male quidam per 
c enuntiant,’ thus testifying to the old form. Thec appears, of course, in paz, 
pac-ts, pac-tacor. 

7. caussam. coiciunto, ‘let them make a concise statement.’ This was also 
called * caussae collectio’ (Gaius, iv. § 15), and took place ‘ antequam perorarent.' 

com peroranto, *[then] let them plead it out together.’ Cum perorant is the 
MSS. reading; Bticheler (Rh. Mus. xix. p. 605) suggested comque peroranto, but 
the que is unnecessary, considering the style of these laws. 

8. praesenti, i. e. if the opposite party does not appear before mid-day, judgment 
goes by default. Addécito is said of the tudex. 

9. sol occasus suprema tempestas esto, i.e. the court rises at sunset, This was 
modified by the Lex Plaetoria (see p. 272 and note below), which substituted the 
call of the crier for the actual moment of sunset : but evening business was always 
illegal at Rome, so Antony is accused of making ‘senatus consulta veepertina.’ 
Cic. Phil. iii. 10, 34. Sol is read by Gellius, solis by Varro, Festus, p. 305 M, 
Macrobius, Sat. i. 3, 14, Censorinus, de Die N. 24. 

Io. eubvades are probably ‘sureties for vades.’ Wades are sureties for appear- 
ance; prae-vid-es, or praedes, for money. Cp. p. 423. On the Lex Aebutia see 
above, $ 3, and Gaius, iv. § 30, p. 425 P. 


TABLE II. Trial. 


1. Sacramenti Actio was the general action in all civil cases, and was, no doubt, 
much older than the time of the Decemvirs. (Cp. Lex Repet. 23, and Introd. 
§ 3). The sacramentum, as here defined, answers very nearly to tho wpvraretov of 
Attic law, a deposit of equal value made by both parties before the beginning of 
2 suit, varying, in Attic law certainly, and in Roman law probably, according to 
the sum in dispute ; only at Rome, we read in Gaius, in the case of a slave, it waa 
not to be higher than 50 asses, in order to give facilities to the assertion of liberty. 
At Athens the loser both forfeited his fee and had to repay that of the sucoceasful 
party, the two spvrayeia being taken by the state as coste. (See Boeckb, Pub. 
Econ. ii. p. 64, E. T.). At Rome the loser seems only to have forfeited his own 
deposit. It went into the state chest, no doubt, as a compensation to the magis- 
trate for loss of time in the decision of the suit. Sir H. Maine (Anc. Law, p. 377) 
compares it with the two talents of the Homeric trial-scene, on the shield of 
Achilles, to be given to the man who pronounced the most upright decision on a 
question of homicide. The magnitude of the sum, as compared with the trifling 
amount of the sacramentum, seems to him ‘indicative of the difference between 
fluctuating usage and usage consolidated into law.’ The comparison is perhaps 

L12 


516 LEGIS XII TABULARUM QUAE EXTANT. 


rather hazardous, seeing the very ideal character of some other of the scenes on 
the same shield. 

The origin of the term sacramentum is generally explained on the authority of 
Varro, from the sacred place (ad pontem) where it was deposited pendente lite. 
* Sacramentum & sacro ... ad pontem [sometimes corrected, but needlessly, ad 
pontificem) deponebant . . . qui iudicium vicerat suum sacramentum e sacro aufe- 
rebat, victi ad aerarium redibat, L. L.,v. 180. Cp. also the phrase ‘in sacrum 
iudicare' of the Lex Silia, Instrumenta Publica, p. 373. But it would seem 
much more in harmony with the other uses of the word and its cognates, to 
explain it in its original meaning, as an oath calling down the wrath of heaven if 
the swearer was perjured. Cp. Festus, pp. 344, 345 M, ‘sacramento dicitur quod 
[iuris iurandi sacrati]one interposita actum [est; unde quis sacramen]to dicitur 
interrogari,' e. q.s., and p. 344, ' Sacramentum aes significat quod poenae nomine 
penditur sive eo quis interrogatur sive contenditur, e.q.s. According to these 
two passages of Festus (which have not been sufficiently compared and con- 
sidered), the sacramentwm is the deposit made, either in a private action (contentio) 
by both parties, or in a public action (under the Aquilian law) by the accused 
party, who bas to answer the éinterrogatéo ‘ guilty’ or ‘not guilty’ of damage done 
to the plaintiff]-damnum iniuria facium. (See Rudorff, R. R. G. $ 41, and 
passages there referred to.) In the first passage Festus explains it of the 'iuris- 
iurandi sacratio’ which accompanies the deposit. It is true that he goes on in 
the second to connect sacramentum with the expenditure of the sums forfeited on 
the sacra ‘propter aerarii inopiam,’ but he is contradicting his former, and (1 
think) more correct statement. The oath of the justice of the cause defended, 
and the religious penalty it involved (perhaps loss of civil rights, cp. sacer esto), 
must, in process of time, have been commuted for a payment in kind, or money, 
ata fixed rate. And though the oath seems to have continued, at least in the 
interrogatio lege Aquilia, it naturally got to be regarded as less important than 
the deposit of money which accompanied it, so that the latter acquired, in time, 
the name of sacramentum exclusively, and was variously explained by Varro, and, 
once at least, by Verrius Flaccus (the original of Festus), as derived from some 
connection of place or usage with religion. Modern writers have, I believe, 
universally followed them, though ready enough, on other occasions, to criticise 
Varro's derivations. It is curious that a perverse note of this kind, which seems, 
on the face of it, only a guess on his part, should have had so much influence, 
especially in the interpretation of an action so constantly appealed to as an 
important relic of antiquity. And this is more remarkable, seeing that the 
inetaphors taken from the process tusto, or iniusto sacramento contendere, etc., 
(Cic. de Or. i. 42, Pro Mil. 75, Pro Domo, 78, Pro Caecina, 97), seem necessarily 
to imply the assertion of the rightfulness of a cause such as in old times must have 
taken the form of an oath. 

The taxation of the sacramentum at so many asses was, no doubt, the work of 
the decemvirs, who seem rightly to be credited with the introduction of coined 
money. See Mommmsen, Ueber das Rómische Münzwesen, pp. 237 foll., who shows 
that previously we have no trace of fixed sums except in cattle, pecus muliaticium, 


TAB. II. 1, 2. 517 


etc. Gaius, too, expressly draws the conclusion from his knowledge of the XII 
Tables, that there were no silver or gold coins in use at this time, and that the 
copper coins were ‘ asses, dupondii, semisses et quadrantes, Inst. i. $ 122, He 
does not, however, see that the ‘aes et libra’ is a relic of a still older time, when 
there were no regular coins. . 

The whole process of the actio sacramenté is an interesting one. See especially 
Poste’s Gaius, iv. § 16, and his commentaary, pp. 410-413, for fuller details, 
and Maine, Anc. Law, pp. 375-378, cp. Cic. Murena, 12, Gellius, N. A. xx. Io. 

In the case of the vindicatio of a slave, given by Gaius, the first step was 
a claim, made in turn by each party, by imposition of a vindicta, festuca, or wand, 
signifying a lance or hasta, the symbol of dominion. The formula used was 
‘Huno ego hominem ex iure Quiritium meum ease aio secundum suam causam 
sicut dixi. Ecce tibi vindictam imposui' The praetor then said, 'mittite ambo 
hominem ;’ the first claimant went on, ‘ Postulo anne dicas qua ex causa vindica- 
veris!' the other answered, ‘ius peregi sicut vindictam imposui’ (i.e. ‘I stated 
my title before I touched him with my lance’), The first then said, ‘Quando tu 
iniuria vindicavisti, D aeris sacramento te provoco ;’ the other 'Similiter ego te," 
or else they wagered 50 asses. After this followed the assignment of the ‘ vin- 
dicia,’ or interim possession, and an appointment of a set day, etc. According to 
the XII Tables, in the case of a person whose freedom was disputed, the vindiciae 
ought to be given secundum libertatem. See below, Tab. vi. 6. The ‘impositio 
vindictae,’ in the case of a moveable thing that could be brought into court, 
was paralleled in the case of land by the * manuum consertio’ (cp. Tab. vi. 5, which 
should probably be transferred here). This took place, at first, ‘in iure,’ i. e. the 
praetor went to the spot, afterwards, when the Roman territory was enlarged, 
‘ex iure,’ in the presence of witnesses ; lastly, it became a mere fiction (Gell. 
xx. 10). It is defined by Gellius 4s ‘manus correptio in re atque loco praesenti,' 
and appears to have been a relic of a preliminary to a trial by battle, a trace of 
which is seen also in the ‘impositio vindictae.’ This is Mr. Poste’s view, who at 
the end of his note seems to be tending to the explanation of ‘sacramentum’ 
given above, without, however, really touching upon it. 

2. This is one of the fragments of which the number of the Table is certainly 
known. See Fest. p. 373 M. | 

morbus sonticus, defined by Gell. xx. 1, 27 as ‘morbum vehementiorem vim 
graviter nocendi habentem. Sons, sonticus, are very probably explained by 
Lottner (followed by Corssen, Kr. Beitr. p. 34, Kr. Nachtr. p. 70) as cognate 
with O. H. G. sunta, modern Germ. Sünde, our sin. A recent writer has sug- 
gested tbat sons is properly the participle of sum, and signifies 'real'; bnt this, 
though ingenious, is not so probable. 

status dies cum hoste, i.e. ‘iudici causa constitutus cum peregrino, Fest. p. 
314 M. Cp. Plautus, Curculio, i. 1, 4— 

'Si media nox est sive est prima vespera, 
Bi status condictus cum hoste intercedit. dé«s, 
Tamen est eundum;' 
and Gell. xvi. 4, 3. We do not know for certain whether the full term ‘status 


518 LEGIS XII TABULARUM QUAE EXTANT. 


condictus dies’ was in the Tables, or whether the action of condictio existed 
so early, but we must suppose something of the kind at least in relation to 
peregrini. For further particulars as to this action see note on formulae rerum 
repetundarum, p. 554 foll. 

hostis -* peregrinus qui suis legibus utitur. So ‘adversus hostem aeterna 
auctoritas, Tab. iii. 7, Cic. de Off. i. 12, 37, Varro, L. L. v. 3. The latter 
passage is important for the meaning of the word: ‘Multa verba aliud nunc osten- 
dunt, aliud ante significabant, ut hostis, nam tum eo verbo dicebant peregrinum 
qui suis legibus uteretur, nunc dicunt eum qui tum dicebant perduellem. This 
is borne out by the older citations of the word, with the seeming exception of the 
frst instance in the formula given by Cincius, ‘vis hostesve, status condictusve 
dies cum hoste,’ p. 383; but that formula bears traces of being modernised. We 
are probably right, therefore, in assuming that hostis originally meant ‘ stranger,’ 
and in comparing it with Gothic gast-s (used in Ephes. ii. 19 =¢évo:), Church 
Slavonic gostt, Germ. Gast, our guest, words which seem, like févos, to have first 
implied ‘ stranger’ rather than ‘ guest’ or *guest-friend, See Mommsen, Forsch- 
ungen, pp. 326, 349, and the remarks of Curtius there quoted. There is a diffi- 
culty, however, as to the root, which is generally assumed to be Sanskrit gÀas, 
‘to eat,’ as hostis seems never to have implied the relationship of hospitality which 
hospes does. On this and similar grounds Corssen rejecta the usual explanation, 
and divides the root ghas into the two senses of ‘tearing’ and ‘eating.’ — Hostis, 
and words like it, hostére, redhostire, hostia, hasta, he derives from what he 
holds to be the original meaning of ‘tearing’ or ‘striking,’ while guest, etc., come 
from the secondary use of the root to describe first savage, and then hearty eating. 
(Corssen, Kr. Beitr. pp. 217-326, Kr. N. p. 247, Ausspr. i. p. 796). But the 
sense of ‘ tearing ' has, I believe, not been substantiated, and Gothic gast-s, as we 
have said, does not seem originally to mean a ' guest-friend, any more than Aostis. 
It is best, therefore, to leave the ultimate derivation undecided. Hospes is probably 
& compound of hostis = hosti-pe(t)-s, the ‘ protector of a stranger,’ or the ‘ protected 
stranger.’ Cp. sospes = 80s-pe(0)-s, ‘that which keeps or is kept safe.’ 

vitium, ‘impediment.’ The root of this, as of many other words, is of, ‘to bind, 
bend, or wind’ (Corss. i. $40). The original meaning probably is a weak or 
defective place, ready to bend or give in. 

tudex and arbiter, see on Lex Bant. line 4. 

reus -' alteruter ex litigatoribus,’ Ulpian, etc. The root is the same as in re-or, 
ra-tus, ra-to, Germ. Rede, Rath. The sense of legal or judicial investigation or 
decision seems to be common to them all, but another derivation for res is prob- 
ably to be preferred, though Corssen assigns it the same etymology. 

eo, on that account. 

3. This appears to mean, ‘Whoever is in want of a witness, is to go and call 
loudly before his (the witness'!) house every third day, as if ‘tertiis diebus" = 
‘ tertio quoque die.’ It may be merely a plural for a singular, to express generality 
‘on the third day in every case, meaning the third day after the summons before 
' the praetor. Similarly, we have * libras farrís endo dies dato,’ which seems merely 
to mean, ‘a pound of meal every day. The clause would appear to express the 
means of subposnaing a witness who otherwise would not attend. 


TAB. II. 2—III. 7. 519 


Portus is explained as=domus by Festus; ianua has also been suggested 
by other grammarians. 

Obvagulatum ia evidently connected with vagitus, which is as evidently a word 
expressive of sound. 


TABLE III. Execution—Law of Debt. 


1. Schoell would omit rebusque ture, joining * confessi aeris iudicatis, ‘those who 
have been condemned in an acknowledged debt, which Bruns criticises by saying 
*confessum iudicari non posse in iure Romano’ (p. 16). Gellius, however, certainly 
uses the expression ‘ confessi igitur aeris ac debiti iudicatis triginta dies sunt dati 
conquirendae pecuniae causa quam dissolverent, etc. (N. A. xx. I, 42), where he 
goes on to quote this law. On the other hand, the words appear in that passage, 
and rebusque without dure in Gellius, xv. 13. On the whole, it is best to keep 
the text as it stands, making confessi aerís a genitive of relation. 

2, 3. iudicatum facit, ‘pays the judgment debt.’ Endo eos»ineo, abrov, ‘on 
the spot ;’ cp. (nibí. Others correct em or eom. Vindicit, probably a pres. indi- 
cative. See § 4, 6, p. 511. Ducito, see on Lex Rubria, 18. Nervo aut 
compedibus, ‘stocks or fetters. The correction here given by Schoell is ne maiore, 
aut si volet minore vincito ; the MS. of Cujacius is said to have read maiore aut at 
volet mtnore vincito ; all known MSS. of Gellius ne minore, aut st volet matore 
vincito, which is defended by Niebuhr and Puchta, § 179 f, as directing you to 
secure the prisoner with a weight at least sufficient to prevent escape. But it 
would be contrary to the general tendency of this law, and of law in general, to 
fix only the minimum of punishment, especially if it is to be inflicted by private 
individuals. The next section, too, is clearly conceived in the interest of the debtor. 

4. libras farris endo dies,‘a pound of coarse meal every day.’ This would 
appear to be the lowest daily ration of a slave, ‘cui satis una | farris libra 
foret gracili sic tamque pusillo,’ Hor. Sat. i. 5, 68. Other writers speak of four or 
five modii a month, which would give (roughly) two or three pounds a day. Cp. 
note on Cato, R. R. c. 56. 

6, 7. tertiis nundinis, ‘on the third market-day the creditors are to cut or divide 
their shares,’ explained by capite poenas dabant. But are we to understand caput 
in the sense of life or of civil status? Was the sectio an anatomy of the debtor’s 
person or of his estate The former is the unanimous explanation of those ancient 
authorities who speak of it (though they assert that an actual anatomy never 
took place), and they are followed by Niebuhr and Puchta (Gellius, xx. 1, 48, 
Quinct. iii. 6, 84, Tertull, Apol. 4, Dio Cass. Fr. xii Mai). Schoell says, on the 
other hand, ‘nimirum bona debitoris non corpus,’ and it is very unlikely that the 
utilitarian Romans should have neglected such a simple procedure as the division 
of a bankrupt’s estate. It must also no doubt be presupposed as a necessary step 
to the bonorum venditio introduced by the praetor P. Rutilius about 100 B.c. 
(649 v. C. according to Puchta, vol. ii. p. 207, $ 179 aa.) But was such a divi- 
sion introduced so early as the XII Tables? There seems reason to doubt it. In 
the first place, ancient authority as to the meaning of the law is supported by 
other analogies, e. g. that of sacer esto; and secondly, private law seems to have 


620 LEGIS XII TABULARUM QUAE EXTANT. 


been slower in its growth than public, e.g. the kindred action for distress, pignoris 
capio, was, a8 far as we know, restricted to cases of a public character being 
allowed ‘in claims relating to military service, to religion, or the revenue’ (Poste'a 
Gaius, p. 421. See below on xii. 1). Iam inclined therefore to believe that the 
Tables still authorised creditors to take the ‘ pound of flesh,’ but that in course of 
time a custom grew up of simply dividing the debtor’s estate if he had any. The 
meaning of se fraude esto, ‘let it be without risk or prejudice to them,’ depends of 
course on the interpretation of partis secanto. If we explain it with the ancients, 
we have here a provision against such a line of retaliation on the part of the 
debtor's friends, as that taken by Portia in the Merchant of Venice; if with 
Schoell, it must mean, ‘an inexact division among the creditors cannot be made 
the ground for a further action of one creditor against the others.’ He must abide 
by the division made by the whole body, even if he thinks he has not received 
exactly his share. Such a difficulty would certainly be naturally incident to 
a division in kind, and such disputes would make it very desirable to substitute a 
* venditio bonorum for a partition. 

7. adversus hostem aeterna auctoritas, cp. ii. 2. The meaning is, ‘a stranger can 
never obtain rights over land or other property by usucapio,’ or more literally, 
‘rights of possession against a stranger are eternal. Cp. the similar maxim of 
English law, * nullum tempus occurrit regi,’ or ‘ecclesiae.’ This fragment would 
perhaps be more in place under Tab. VI, where usucapio is mentioned more at 
length. 


TABLE IV. Patria Potestas. 


I. The law seems to have allowed or ordered deportation or destruction of 
monstrous infante. Cp. the law ascribed to Romulus by Dion. Hal. ii. 15, dwo- 
krwvUya, 32 pndty raw *yevopé£row vewrepoy Tpierovs, Ady elt: *yérocvro wa:dloy dyá- 
anpov 1) répas évOis dnd yorns. Pliny, N. H. vii. 4, describes the deportation of a 
monstrous child. Exposure of children was, however, allowed by custom till 
a late date: cp. the phrase ‘ filium suscipere,’ as if the preservation of a child was 
an act of grace on the father's part. It was not till the time of Constantine that 
a general attempt was made to prevent infanticide or exposure of children, by 
offering state aid to all who professed inability to support their offspring, though a 
good number of the emperors— Augustus, Nerva, Trajan, Antoninus, Marcus, and 
Alexander Severus—had done sometbing to establish funds or institutions for the 
maintenance of the children of poor citizens. But though Constantine orders 
'proponatur lex quae parentum manus a parricidio arceat votumque vertat in 
melius’ (Cod. Theod. xi. 37, 1 and 2, A. D. 315 and 322), he attaches no penalty to 
infanticide. A penalty is not distinctly mentioned till 374, by a constitution 
of Valentinian, Valens, and Gratian, which, however, simply speaks of *animad- 
versio quae constituta est’ (Cod. Lust. viii. 52, 2). The remarks of Milman, Latin 
Christianity, book iii. ch. 5, are not very clear, and especialy want fulness in 
the references to authorities, 

2. Sí pater filium, etc. This is quoted by Ulpian, Fr. x. 1 ed. Huschke, Iurisprud. 
Ant. p. 468, and by Gaius, i. 132, but from ter to patre Gaius is defective. The 


TAB. III. 7—V. 1. 521 


Vatican MS. of Ulpian reads venum dauft ; this has been corrected to venum dabit 
by Turnebus, which is adopted by Lachmann and others. Schoell and Huschke 
read duuit, after Cujacius; see Sch. Proleg. p. 85 sq. Others read simply duit. 
A great deal has been written about this form, but it would seem to be much 
simpler to take the MS. of Ulpian as it stands, and to suppose that he wrote 
venumdavit, whatever the law may have had originally. So the jurists use prae- 
stavit, praestavimus, praestarim, repraestaverit ; see instances in Neue, Lat. 
Formenl. $ 52, vol. ii. p. 368, one being from Ulpian, Dig. xxii. 1, 37. If duuit 
is read, it may as well be perfect indicative (cp. pluvi, fuvi, Introd. xvii. $ 13) as 
second future. 

_ This is one of the very few fragments of which we know the place. éorw i» Tfj 
Terápry Taw Aeyopévom 3h3exa 3éATow, says Dion, Hal. ii. 37, who ascribes the 
permission of a triple sale to Romulus. The enactment here was probably 
intended first as a check to arbitrary use of the patria potestas, but it was histori- 
cally used as a legal principle, (1) as supplying a means by which a father could 
emancipate a son willingly, e.g. when he wished to transfer him by adoption to 
another gens, or to enable him to hold a separate possessio of public land, etc. ; 
(2) by a strict interpretation of filius, and by deducing the general principle that 
sale terminated patria potestas, to assume that one sale was & means of enfran- 
chising any other relation. 

A father's rights over his son with regard to punishment were gradually modi- 
fied and extinguished. With regard to property, they remained till a compara- 
tively late date. On the Castrense and quasi-Castrense peculium, the private 
earnings of military and civil officials, and their exemption from paternal power, 
see Maine, Anc, Law, p. 142. 

3. Divortium appears to be dissolution of marriage by consent; repudium by a 
message sent by either party in the form ‘tuas res tibi habeto, or ‘ tuas res tibi 
agito, Gaius, Dig. xxiv. a, 2,1. The XII Tables seem to have required some 
outward sign of repudiation, probably in the case of a wife claves adimere, exigere, 
the last word being used in a rare sense, ‘to turn out of doors.’ 

4. Some law was no doubt needed to settle the question of the rights of posthu- 
meus children to succeed their fathers. 


TABLE V. Succession and Guardianship. 


1. The ordinary rule is that tutela ceases at the age of puberty, which was 
defined by Justinian at fourteen years for boys and twelve for girls; but in old 
times it seems that women never came of age. A tutor is generally distinguished 
from a curator by the maxim ‘tutorem personae dari, curatorem rebus.’ The 
former supplied the place of his ward as a citizen ; the latter acted more like our 
guardian, and his office could continue up to the age of twenty-five. <A curator 
was sometimes appointed temporarily for a special purpose, and sometimes to 
manage the estate of a madman or spendthrift. In cases of women, according to 
the XII Tables, as well as in that of boys, an agnate must be tutor (Gaius, Inst. 
i. 157). The reason why a Vestal was excepted was partly the sacredness of her 


522 LEGIS XII TABULARUM QUAE EXTANT. 


office, and, as it were her perpetual wedlock to the state, partly her incapacity for 
inheriting by the ordinary rules (Labeo, ap. Gell. i. 12, 18). 

a. ‘The res mancip: of old Roman law were, land—in historical times, land on 
Italian soil—slaves, and beasts of burden, such as horses and oxen. It is impossible 
to doubt that the objects which make up the class are the instruments of 
agricultural labour, the commodities of first consequence to a primitive people.’ 
Maine, Anc. Law, p. 377. Mancipium seems originally to have been a general 
term for property, so called as being in a man's power, or 4» manu, though manws 
historically as a legal term is restricted to the power over a wife (see on vi. 4). 
We have, however, the metaphors in general literature in manu esse, in manu 
positum, used of things under a man's power or control. Res mancipi, then, at first 
included all kinds of*property' thought worth the name. They could only be 
transferred by the ceremony of mancipatio per aes ef libram, in the presence of five 
witnesses, all puberes and Roman citizens representing the five classes of the 
Servian constitution, and a libripens, theoretically, to weigh the uncoined bars of 
copper. See on vi. I for various formulae. All other things were called nec 
mancipt, and could be transferred by simple tradítto. 

3. uti legassit super pecunia tutelave suae re$ sta $us esto. This rule was appealed 
to by the later jurists, Gaius, Pomponius, etc., as giving unlimited power of testa- 
mentary disposition. It was restricted in later times by the Furian, Voconian, 
and Falcidian laws, for which see note on p. 549 foll. Legare is properly to give 
directions to the heres. 

On the subject of Roman wills, the whole of Sir H. Maine's sixth chapter 
should be read. He considers the object of this law to be the legalisation of the 
plebeian will, in place of the old one at the Comitia Calata (p. 202). That old 
will was a declaration, in presence of the gentes assembled for private business, of 
& man's intentions after death, and was not valid without their consent, real 
or supposed. The inconvenience was obvious, and naturally recourse was had to 
the other form, probably in use among the plebeians, which was a modification of 
the mancipium, i.e. a fictitious sale, in which the testator disposed of his estate to 
the heir, or to & person representing the heir, though he did not of course transfer 
the property. See below on vi. I. 

4, 5 are the rules of intestate succession, when a man did not leave a heres sues 
or necessarius, i.e. a son or daughter, or a son’s child, or child of a son’s son—for 
a daughter's child had no right to inherit. In default of sui heredes succession 
went to the agnati, i. e. blood relations through males, first to a brother or sister 
by the same father, then to the children of a brother, and generally to relatives 
through males, not through females, for ' mulier est finis familiae. If there were 
no agnates, the inheritance passed to the 'gentiles The tendency of equitable 
praetorian jurisdiction was to introduce the idea of modern or ‘ cognatic' relation- 
ship, and consequently to destroy the exclusive rights of the agnates and gentiles. 
Gentiles . . . habento seems to be the right reading, not genéflis habeto or nancitor : 
see the citations in Schoell. The corporate action of the gens is obscure. 

7. The words ast ei custos nec escit from Fest. p. 162, M, are introduced by 
Schoelf and others after sí furiosus escít; but probably Bruns is right in saying 


TAB. V. 1—VI. 1. 523 


that they belong elsewhere, as the existence of a custos could not exclude the 
agnates from their rights. The same law was extended to spendthrifte, prodigi. 

8. The application of the words ex ea familia in eam familiam to the case of 
the patronus succeeding to an intestate freedman is not very clear. Huschke 
suggests ‘ea f. in eam f. ius habeto.’ 

Io. actio familiae herciscundae. This was an action for a judicial division of 
property left to coheirs, which it was competent for any one of them to bring 
against the other coheirs, in case they could not agree as to the division. Such 
an action was called a duplex or miata actio, inasmuch as in it, as in the other 
actions of the same class, communt dividundo and finium regundorwm, the plaintiff 
was both actor and reus. The derivation of herciect and cognate words herctum, 
heres is discussed by Corssen, Kr. Beitr. p. 39 fol. He derives them from a root 
har or ghar, ‘to take.’ Cp. stem her-e, ‘to will,’ in Umbrian. 


TABLE VI. Acquisttion and Possession. 

I. nezum ... mancipium. ‘In making & bond or conveyance the terms of the 
verbal declaration are to be held binding.’ Nexum is a bond or contract; manci- 
piwm & conveyance or transfer. The two seem to have originated in the same 
process, since nerwm is defined as ‘omne quod geritur per ses et libram.' 
Gradually mancipium waa restricted to actual transfer, while nezum was used to 
express an incomplete conveyance. See Maine’s oth chapter, ‘The Early His- 
tory of Contracts.’ Persons who had not fulfilled their share of the supposed 
conveyance, e.g. debtors, were called nex, and were hardly treated by the law, 
inaamuch as they were supposed to be evading fulfilment. That the necwm and 
mancipium implied originally the same process is shown by the fact that a nexum 
was dissolved per aes et libram as described by Gaius, iii. § 174, according to 
Poste's translation of the somewhat defective passage, ‘There must be present five 
witnesses and a holder of the scales, and the debtor to be released must say these 
words, ‘ Whereas I am condemned to thee in so many thousand senterces by such 
and such a nexum, or by such and such a judgment, that debt I pay and discharge 
by this ingot and balance of bronze. When I have struck the scale with this first, 
this last ingot of bronze, no further obligation by the terms of the nexum, or by 
the judgment, remains in force.” Then he strikes the scale with the ingot and 
gives it to the creditor as if in payment.’ For a historical instance see Livy, 
vi I4. The form of making a testament (i. e. a mancipium) per aes et libram is 
given by Gaius, ii. $ 104. The familiae emptor (at first the heres, then a fictitious 
person) there says, * Familiam pecuniamque tuam endo mandatela tutela custode- 
laque mea [esse aio, eaque], quo tu íure testamentum facere possis secundum 
legem publicam, hoc aere,’ and, as some continue, ‘aeneaque libra esto mihi 
empta. He strikes the scale and gives the ingot to the testator, who makes the 
nuncupatio as follows, holding the tablets of his will which has been already 
written, * Haec, ita ut in his tabulis cerisque scripta sunt, ita do, ita lego, ita 
testor, itaque vos Quirites testimonium mihi perhibetote. The ordinary manci- 
patio or formula of sale by which res mancipi were transferred was almost exactly 
similar, and is given by Gaius, i. $ 119. See also above on v. 2. 


524 - LEGIS XII TABULARUM QUAE EXTANT. 


The uti lingua nuncupasstt, like the wt legassit, gave great freedom both to 
testators and persons making conveyances or contracts. At first, doubtless there 
were no written wills or contracts, and hence the importance of giving validity to 
the words used, irrespective of the technical terms in which the old formula was 
couched, and of insisting on the presence of so many witnesses. Later on, in 
the time of Gaius (ii. § 104), the nuncupatio seems to have been restricted to 
a declaration in the presence of witnesses that the document named is the act of 
the person who signs it, such as is still required by our own law in the case of a 
will or other legal document. The verbal recitation of the text of a will in 
presence of witnesses is still, it may be remarked, required in the island of Jersey, 
and perhaps elsewhere on the continent. 

3. On wsucapío, see Gaius, ii. § 40 foll, cp. esp. § 42, ‘[usucapio] mobilium 
quidem rerum anno completur, fundi vero et aedium biennio; et ita lege XII 
tabularum cautum est. The object of making prescriptive right of this sort 
depend upon so short & tenure was no doubt at first to ensure the speedy adition 
of inheritances, so that a man’s place, with its duties to the state and to religion, 
ghould not long be left unfulfilled. It was used as an important principle by the 
later lawyers to give Quiritarian or complete ownership to persons who otherwise 
had only possession *in bonis' or bonitary dominion, which, though protected by 
praetorian law, was not so complete or full. 

4. Manus was no doubt at first & general term (see on v. 2) for all rights of 
possession, but is in extant Roman law confined to the power of husband over 
wife, though otherwise exactly like the potestas of a father. It waa acquired in 
three ways, either (1) by confarreatio, a religious marriage, which could only be 
dissolved by a ceremony of reversal, the diffarreatio. This soon went out of 
general use, though it remained in use for the ‘flamens’ and some others. (2) By 
coemptio, which was a form of mancipium, just like the testamentum per aes et 
libram, i.e. a fictitious sale in the presence of five witnesses and a libripens, the 
exact formulae of which are unknown. See, however, Poste's Gaius, p. 78. 
(3) By «sus. In the last case manus was acquired after the uninterrupted cohabi- 
tation of a year; but the XII Tables ordered that, in case a woman was absent 
three nights in succession, manus was not acquired, thus introducing a form of civil 
marriage without manus, which was not of course of the essence of marriage. In 
process of time this civil marriage without manus became the usual one, and the 
theory of usus in respect to marriage was allowed to fall into desuetude. A 
woman thus married without manus was called wsurpata (uswrpo is prob. from 
usura, not, as sometimes said, from usum rumpere). See Mucius in Gellius, iii. 2, 12. 

5. See above on Tab. ii. 1, at the end of the note. This fragment ought pro- 
bably to be placed under the second Table. 

6. vindiciae secundum libertatem — temporary possession to the claimant who 
asserts liberty, lit. ‘on the side of or in the direction of liberty.’ See the same 
note a little before. 

4-9. Tignum tunctum, etc., ‘a man must not dislodge a beam (that has been 
stolen from him), either from a house or the framework of a vineyard, from the 
time of the first pruning unti] after the vintage.’ gnum alienum or furtivum, 


TAB. VI. 3—VII. 6. 525 


The reading is doubtful. The MSS, of Festus read vineaque or minerve, Cujacius 
vineaeque, Scal. vineaeve, and the MSS. et concapit, for which O. Müller suggests 
e concape, which Schoell changes slightly to e concapi. The word concapis is never 
found, but we have ‘procapis progenies quae ab uno capite prooedit, Fest. p. 225, 
M. Concapis would mean the framework, arrangement of posta, etc., on which 
Italian vines are often trained. Schoell reads vineave, though vineaeve would 
seem to be a more natural construction. ungere is indeed used by Cicero several 
times with an ablative, as with scelere, De Orat. ii. 58, 337; defensione, Brutus, 
44, 162; invidia ac multorum inimicitiis, Ad Att. i. 19. 6. With a material 
object, however, the dative appears to be more usual. The passage adduced by 
Schoell from Vergil, Aen. vii. 724, *curru iungit equos,’ is not really an exception, 
as Vergil uses the form in & for the dative of that declension. Here vineaque of 
the MS. is as like vineaeve as it is vineave, if not more so. Zt concapit can only 
be construed ‘if the owner discovers it.’ See below on viii. 15, furtum conceptum. 

Sarpta, from sarpío, which is explained by * putare. The root is no doubt the 
same as in Gk. fps, Germ. scharf, our sharp, and probably many other words, 
such as scrap, scrape, scarp, scarf, scar, etc. The root is probably ' skarp.' 


TaBLE VII. Rights relating to Land. 


I. ambitus. Fest. p. 5, M, * circuitus aedificiorum patens duos pedes et semis- 
sem.’ This might or might not be surrounded by a wall Serv. ad Aen. ii. 469, 
speaks of the ‘maceries quae ambit domum’ as being sacred ‘ Hercaeo Iovi. 
The latter name seems to be borrowed from the Greek Zeis ‘Epxeios, and rightly 
enough (whatever may have been the actual use of the term), since the Roman 
house, like the Greek, stood apart in a sacred precinct, as Épwos lepóv. Cp. De 
Coulanges, La Cité Antique, ii. 6, pp. 66, 67, though his comparison of fpxos and 
* herctum ’ may be doubted. 

3. Hortus is of uncertain derivation, though certainly the same word as Greek 
xópros and cognate with co-hor(t)-s. As hortus signifies any enclosure, garden, and, 
as here, a ‘ villa,’ so co-hors is an enclosure wailed $n, a court (cp. the distinction 
between vallés and con-vallis), or a division of the army separated from the rest, 
a cohort. 

Herediwm is a small plot of land of two iugera, the smallest amount of public 
land given at a division. See above, Introd. to Agrarian Law, p. 443. 

tugurium, a cottage, connected with tego, toga. 

4. According to Cicero the XII Tables did not allow a piece of ground intra 
quinque pedes (less than five feet in breadth!) to be acquired by usucapio, pro- 
bably to prevent small encroachments which it might be difficult to detect. 
Further, they ordered three arbtirs fimum regundorum in case of dispute. 

5. turgant. Iurgare is for tur-tgare, 80 pur-gare for pur-igare, both these being 
found in Plautus (Corssen, ii. 583). Zurgiwm is described by Nonius, p. 430, a8 
less than Us and as ‘inter benivolos aut propinquos dissensio vel concertatio.’ 

6. Viae privatae are to be eight feet in width, or sixteen where they make a 
bend. Such are roads over another man’s land over which one has a servitude or 
easement. Owing to the paucity of public roads, rights of way were the most 


526 LEGIS XII TABULARUM QUAE EXTANT. 


important of ancient servitudes. The three classes are, iter, which allows walking 
or riding on horseback ; actus, which further permits driving cattle or driving in a 
carriage; and via (the greatest), which gives the right to drag stones or timber. 
In Roman, though not in English, law the greater servitus includes the leas. 
Besides the breadth of road, the ‘servitus’ of ‘via’ allows a man space to carry a 
spear upright in his hand, i.e. overhanging branches of the neighbours’ trees must 
be clipped above the roadway a certain height. 

7. This allows a man to use his easement anywhere on his neighbour's land, 
provided the latter does not mend the road. The words muntunto: nt sam dela- 
pidassint are Mommsen's acute emendation for the strange confusion of the MBS. 
and the guesses of the commentators. Sam, see Introd. xiii. § 39. 

8. aqua plucia is natural rain-water or water mixed with such which increased 
from showers. See the article in Smith’s Dict. of Antiquities. We should read 
rívus aquae ductus, i.e. ‘a water-course’ of any kind, not aquaeductus, and so Bruns. 

10. glandem is defined to include all kinds of fruit, ‘omnis fructus.’ Gaius, 
ad 1. XII Tab. in Dig. L, 16, 236, § 1. glans is etymologically the same as 
BáAXavos, though the derivation is uncertain. Cp. gravis and Bap?s, and perhapa 
ger-men, gre-mium and Bpépos, Curt. Gr. Et. pp. 416, 420. 


TABLE VIII. Delicte. 


Delicts or torts, that is, civil wrongs, include in Roman law a great many 
actions which we should treat as crimes. Crimes or offences against the state 
were not at first touched by Roman law, but each special case was made a matter 
for the whole oomitia. The first step in advance was to nominate committees or 
quaestiones on particular cases pro re nata. The next is the periodical nomination 
of commissioners, ‘like the Quaestores Parricidii and the Duumviri Perduellionis, 
on the chance of certain crimes being committed, and in the expectation that they 
will be perpetrated. The last stage is reached when the Quaestiones, from being 
periodical or occasional, become permanent benches or chambers... and when 
certain acts are described in general language and declared to be crimes, to be 
visited in the event of their perpetration, with specified penalties appropriated to 
each description. Maine, Anc. Law, p. 385 fol. (The whole of the ninth chapter, 
Early History of Delict and Crime, should be read. See also Introd. to Lex Acilia 
on the Quaestio de Repetundis, p. 425 foll.). We find, then, amongst delicta the 
following criminal offences: robbery, theft, violenoe, outrage, arson, and even 
murder, and we find them treated with curious inequality, and still iu several 
cases rather as sine than crimes. 

1. Among the very few capital offences of the XII Tables, says Cicero (de Rep. 
iv. 10, 12), was libel, occentatio or malum carmen, and this, we learn from tbe 
commentators on Horace (Ep. ii. 1, 152), was punished with fustuarium or beating 
to death; or, as he says of older poets, ‘ vertere modum formidine fustis. — Fustu- 
arium, as a military punishment, £(vXoxosía, is described by Polybius, vi. 37. 

2. rupsit is the probable reading, conjectured from the various readings of 
Festus, rapeerit, rapit, rupitias (=‘rupsit’ in) Gellius has rupit. For a number 


TAB. VII. 6—VIII. 8 (9). 527 


of other double forms of the perfect, see Introd. xvii. § 11. Scaliger’s emendation, 
‘rupett in XII (rupitias x11 MS.) significat damnum dederit’ ( Fest. p. 265, M), is 
probably to be accepted. There is no particular reason for making a substantive 
rupitías and joining it with sarcito, which Festus (p. 33a M.) explains, ‘damnum 
solvito,’ especially as sarctre in this sense seems to have been used rather fre- 
quently in the law. See below, 9 and 13. 

The method of exacting talío is illustrated by a quotation from Cato's Origines, 
v. (p. 17, fr. 5, Jordan), *si quis membrum rupit aut oe fregit, talione proximus 
cognatus ulciscitur.’ For the principle compare the law of arson, fr. 9. 

The Mosaic law of very similar import ia, curiously, not quoted in the Collatio 
Mosaicar, et Rom. Legum. ‘If a man cause a blemish in his neighbour; as be 
hath done so shall it be done to him; | Breach for breach, eye for eye, tooth for 
tooth, Lev. xxiv. 20. Cp. Exod. xxi. 24, Deut. xix. ar. 

3. sestertiorum is probably a gloss, and is condemned both by Huschke (Collat, 
Mos. et Rom. Leg. ii. 5, where this is quoted) and Schoell. In fact, the sum pro- 
bably meant asses not sestertii, and so Gaius, Inst. iii. 223, ‘tercentorum assium 
poene erai statuta. And so in the next fragment, viginti quinque poenae sunto is 
explained as twenty-five asses, Goll. xx. 1, 31, Fest. p. 371, M, Gaius, iii. 223. 
The libral as was no doubt at first the unit, and need not be expressed. 

4. iniuriam. According to Gaius, Inéuria denotes not only actual violence or 
assault and battery, but defamation and injury to personal honour or reputation, 
libel, malicious persecution and the like (Gaius, iii. $ 220). Libel indeed was by 
the XIT Tables liable to severer punishment than iniuria. But the whole subject 
of such wrongs was reconstituted by the Lex Aquilia, carried probably A. v. 0. 469, 
B. C. 285. Cp. Ulpian in Dig. 9. 3. 1, and the notes upon it below. 

5. pauperies, ‘damnum dicitur quod quadrupes facit. Fest. Ep. p. 220, M. 

6. noxalis actio, in the case of theft or injury done by a son or slave, or 
pauperies caused by an animal might lie against the father or master. Either the 
full amount of damages must be paid or the person or animal surrendered (noxae 
dare or dedere), a proceeding which took place by mancipatio. See Gaius, iv. 
$ 75-81. 

7. qué fruges excantassit. The words quoted by Servius, ‘neve alienam segetem 
pellexeris, ad Ecl. viii. 99, ‘atque satas alio vidi traducere messes, are of a 
different character and construction from the other words of the law, which con- 
tain no instances of such direct prohibitions in the second person, nor do they 
really add any new idea. For though fruges excantare seems to mean ‘to charm 
away crops from a neighbour's field,’ and segetem pellicere, ‘to attract them to one's 
own, yet it is hard to imagine these crimes separately treated in the law as of 
dissimilar character or unequal guilt. Schoell is therefore probably right in con- 
sidering them as a gloss adduced by Servius without much caution. Compare, 
however, the quotation from Cicero, pro Tullio, below, fr. 12, where non occidea 
seems to be part of the law. 

8 (9). Suspensumque Cereré necari. This is a good instance of the continuance 
of religious ideas in Roman law. The man who depastures, or cuts hia neigh- 
bour’s crops by night, is evidently considered as ‘sacer Cereri,’ and may be 


528 LEGIS XII TABULARUM QUAE EXTANT. 


offered as a sacrifice to her. The good farmer, on the other hand, is her favourite, 
‘neque illum 
Flava Ceres alto nequicquam spectat Olympo.' Georg. i. 95. 

noxia, according to Servius Sulpicius, signified ‘damnum,’ in the Tables, and 
noza, ' peccatum,' though, in poets and orators, noxia had always the signification 
of crime or blame, ap. Fest. pp. 174, t75, M.  Duplionemve decerni is the MS. 
reading of Pliny, N. H. xviii. 3, 12, for which Schoell acutely conjectures duplione 
decidi, i.e. ‘make double compensation, Damnum decidere is a regular legal 
term, occurring in a praetorian formula, Gaius, iv. § 37, cp. ib. § 45, as well as in 
the XII Tables, infra xii. 4, ‘fructus duplione damnum decidito. Decidere, in the 
sense of coming to terms, making a composition, is not infrequent in Cicero, 
especially in the phrase decidere cum aliquo, e. g. 2 Verr. i. x25, ii. 79; Pro Roscio 
Am. 114. Cp. Iuv. xii. 33, *decídere iactu ooepit cwm ventis.’ The signification 
of giving 4 judicial decision appears to be derived from the other. 

9 (10). Arson, if wilful, is made a capital offence, and is punished, according to 
the principle of talio, by death by burning. 

10 (11). arbores is here generally understood to mean arbores felices, especially 
*vines;' ep. the use of arbustum for a ‘vineyard,’ Hor. 1 Sat. vii. 29, * expressa 
arbusto regerit convicia, and Vergil, Ecl. iii. 1o, ‘Tum credo cum me arbustum 
videre Miconis | Atque mala cites incidere falce novellas.’ Gaius tells us that 
a man who had a claim for vites succisae lost his cause, because he called them in 
the action vites, and not arbores, Inst. iv. $ 11. In Cato, however, we find 
arbustum opposed to certain specific plantations, vinetum, oletum, and salictum 
(de R. R.). 

II. nor-noctu, Gell. viii. 1. The case is doubtful: it has been explained as 
a contracted genitive=vverds, or as à locative plural, cp. vvtí. Mox is another 
adverb of similar form, but uncertain derivation. Cp. Ennius, Ann. xvi. 412 v., 
‘gi luci, si nox, si mox, si iam data sit frux.’ 

faxsit, so Schoell. Macrobius’ text reads factum sit. Cujacius emended faxit. 

im -eum. Introd. xiii. $ 27. 

I2. Luci, etc. A manifest thief by night may be killed, but by daylight, only 
if he defends himself with a weapon. In both cases a 'testificatio' is required, 
which the law expressed by endoque plorato. 'The best explanation of the law is 
by Gaius in the Digest, ix. 2, 4, § 1, ‘Lex duodecim tabularum furem noctu 
deprehensum occidere permittit, ut tamen id ipsum cum clamore testificetur : 
interdiu autem deprehensum ita permittit occidi, si is se telo defendat, ut tamen 
aeque cum clamore testificetur.' This is rightly compared with the Mosaic law in 
Collat. M. et R. viii. I. It runs thus, ‘If a thief be found breaking up (perfo- 
diens parietem Coll.), and be smitten that he die, there shall no blood be shed for 
him. If the sun be risen upon him, there shall be blood shed for him. (For) he 
should make full restitution ; if he have nothing, then he shall be sold for bis 
theft.’ Exod. xxiii. a, 3. It should be observed that the Mosaic law (and I 
believe the English), in dealing with thefts committed in daylight, does not admit 
the exception nisi se telo defendit, but protects the person of the thief more than 
the Roman. Other manifest thieves, we learn from Gellius, xi. 18, 8, could be 





TAB. VIII. 8 (9)-18. ] 529 


beaten and made slaves of the owner of the property, if they were freemen, while, 
if they were slaves, they were thrown from the Tarpeian rock. The nec-mani- 
festus, on the other hand, was treated much more lightly, being only obliged to 
pay double the value of what he had stolen. Sir H. Maine remarks that the law 
here takes as ita guide the measure of vengeance likely to be exacted by an 
aggrieved person—very severe while his blood was hot, very much less so in cool 
and sober reason. ‘The principle is precisely the same as that followed in the 
Anglo-Saxon and other Germanic codes, when they suffer a thief chased down and 
caught with the booty to be hanged or decapitated on the spot, while they exact 
the full penalties of homicide from anybody who kills him after the pursuit has 
been intermitted. Anc. Law, ch. x. 379 foll. In Gaius’ time the manifest thief 
was let off with four times the value. For the form luci, which is probably an 
ablative, see Introd. x. $ 16. 

14. lance et licio. This was a method of making a search for stolen property, 
or pursuing a thief, which, if successful, placed him in the class of manifest thieves. 
The method is described by Gaius, Inst. iii. § 92, ‘hoc solum praecipit (lex) ut 
qui quaerere velit nudus quaerat linteo cinctus, lancem habens; qui si quid inve- 
nerit iubet id lex furtum manifestum ease. The licium, or linteum, was a linen 
girdle, the smallest dress possible, and the lanx was to be held in the hands, both, 
no doubt, in order to prevent anything being brought in by the searcher. A gloss 
on lust. Inst. iv. 1, 4, says of the lanx, ‘discum fictile(m) in capite portans, utrisque 
manibus detentus (! detentum). A similar custom prevailed in Attic law, and is 
described by Plato, Legg. xii. 7, p. 954 A, pupay .. .yvpyós 2 xyerawíokor. Éyorw 
Eworos, mpoopdcas rods voyi(opévovs 0€oUs 3$) phy iXniQew ebpfjaew, and cp. Aristoph. 
Nubes 499, where, at the door of the Phrontisterion, Socrates says— 

(0. viv waráOov Ooluáriov. ETP. Adland Ti; 
ENK. oix, áAAd yupvots elorévar voul(erac. 
ETP. dAA' obxl papdcaw (oy elaépxopai. 
But the absence of mention of the lanz makes it improbable that the custom was 
borrowed directly from the Athenians. (Provide is a misprint for proinde.) 

15. furtum concipere is to discover a theft, and this would be the sense of the 
word ‘concapit’ in the difficult law Tab. vi. 7, * tignum iunctum,’ p. 524. It is 
rarely used of visual perception, as in Plautus, Poen. i. 2, 65, *qui haec tanta 
oculis bona concipio.' 

furtum conceptum (simply, i. e. not lance et licto) was subject to a triple penalty, 
Gaius, Inst. iii. $ 119. 

16. adorat; *adorare apud antiquos significabat agere, Fest. Ep. p. 19 M, 
i.e. causain agere. This means apparently, ‘Ifa man pleads on his defence for 
a * nec-manifest " theft, he must compromise by paying double the value.’ The 
amount is known from Gellius, xi. 18, 15, and Gaius, iii. $ 190, and that a thief 
might make terms ( pacisci) in such a case. Cp. Lex Iul. Mun. 110, p. 469. 

I7. usu capi, not of course by the thief, but by anyone to whom he sells stolen 
goods, Gaius, ii. $ 49. 

18. Unciarium fenus. The explanation of this term is one of the acknowledged 
difficulties of the law. We have no ancient interpretation of it, the only other 


Mm 


530 LEGIS XII TABULARUM QUAE EXTANT. 


historical references to it being in the seventh book of Livy, who does not tell us 
the amount, and does not refer it to the decemvirs. The facts related by him 
are as follows. In v.c. 398—nine years after the passing of the Licinian laws— 
the tribunes, Duilius and Maenius, proposed a bill de unciario fenore, which was 
accepted with great readiness by the people (Liv. vii. 16). Apparently it had 
become obsolete in the interval since the decemviral legislation, we may con- 
Jecture, owing to the commotions of the Gallic invasion. Five years later the 
plebs was deeply encumbered with debt, and five commissioners, called mensarii, 
were appointed, who opened banks in the forum, and offered ready money to 
the people on security, or as a price for their land or cattle. (Liv. vii. 21.) 
This measure had some effect, but a further alleviation was soon after attempted, 
by reducing the legal interest by half to semunciarium fenus, and allowing 
payment to be spread over three years (V. C. 408, Liv. vii. 27, Tac. Ann. vi. 16). 
Nevertheless, but five years later usury was entirely forbidden by the Genucian 
laws, ne fenerare liceret (Liv. vii. 42, V. 0. 413). From this time onward, perhaps 
till the time of Sulla, usury was legally prohibited to Roman citizens, thougb, no 
doubt, evasion of the law was constantly going on, and interest was at times 
enormous. At a later date, for instance (V. 0. 559, Liv. xxxv. 7), we find Roman 
usurers trading under the names of Latins or allies, and so escaping the legal 
penalties. To do away with this subterfuge, the law of the tribune Sempronius 
put them, in this matter, on exactly the same footing as Roman citizens. In 
665 =B. 0. 89, the praetor Sempronius Asellio was murdered because he attempted 
to put the laws in favour of debtors into action. In connection with these dis- 
turbances we are, probably, to explain the law of the consuls of the next year, 
' which Festus thus describes, p. 375, ‘Unctaria lez appellari coepta est, quam 
L. Sulla et Pompeius Rufus tulerunt, qua sanctum est ut debitores decimam 
partem ....' Rudorff is probably right in interpreting this of a reduction of 
debts 10 per cent., not of a limited rate of interest (on Puohta, § 261 m, q. v., 
Mommsen holds the latter, R. H. iii. p. 265). A certain Valerius Flaccus, two 
years later, even attempted a reduction of 75 per cent., but suffered in consequence 
(Vell. ii. 23). 

We are ignorant by what steps the change took place, by which, from a com- 
plete prohibition of usury it came to be tolerated, and the legal, or at least 
usual, rate in the time of Cicero fixed at centesimae. This, at any rate, was 
ihe rate assigned by him, as it had been before by Lucullus, in his *customary 
edict’ as proconsul of Cilicia (éxarooriy txéAcuce xal 1?) wAdov els rods Tókove Aoyi- 
(«c0a;, Plutarch, Lucullus, 20, Cio. ad Att. v. 21, 11, cp. Mommsen, R. H. iv. 
pt. 2, p. 526). "There can be little doubt that this was equivalent to 12 per cent. 
per annum, centesima being 1 per cent. per mensem, after the Greek and Jewish, 
if not the early Roman, fashion (cp. Nehemiah, v. 11). The only other 
passage that I am aware of in which this rate of usury is mentioned, is in a 
passage of Seaevola's Responsa, in the Digest, xxvi. 47, 4. The question there 
treated is whether tutors are justified in lending their wards’ money, at a higher 
interest, on their own account, if the father has given them authority to borrow 
it at this rate, ‘huius summae uncias inferre usurarum nomine, ‘to enter to the 





TAB. VIII. 18. 531 


credit of the estate J,th per annum on account of interest.’ Scaevola decides 
in the affirmative, if they have not lent in their wards' name, but in their own. 

The rate of usury was much reduced by Justinian, in certain cases to 4 of the 
centesima, in others to j, the full centesima being only allowed for bottomry 
(fenus nauticum). (Codex Iust. iv. 32, 26). 

What, then, is fenus unciarium ! 

Uncia, the unit of division in the as, is used generally. for the twelfth part of 
anything. Thus, heres uncíaríus is the heir to the twelfth part of an estate, etc. 
It is, therefore, acknowledged on all hands to be interest of 44th; but this has 
been understood in several ways. (1.) 45th of the centesima, or 1 per cent. per 
annum, which would be understood as a practical prohibition of usury. But it is 
evident that the uncfarium fenus was nothing very small, but sufficient to create 
uneasiness, and, even when reduced to half its amount, was more than the 
plebeians could easily pay. The absurdity of this explanation is obvious, and 
besides, it rests on the supposition that the centesima was the normal rate of 
interest, whereas we hear nothing about it at so early & date, and the existing 
evidence goes to show that it was introduced from the Eastern provinces. (2.) 
Nor, again, can it be 44th of the principal paid monthly, i.e. 100 per cent. per 
annum, which is as extrnvagantly large as the other is preposterously small. 
(3) There remains only one other alternative, that the unciarium fenus is jth 
of the principal paid yearly, i.e. 499, 84 per cent. per annum. This would, in 
fact, be far the most natural explanation, if it were not for the supposition that 
interest must necessarily be counted monthly. But on this we may remark that, 
though interest might be due monthly, it was not necessarily counted so, and, 
secondly, that in Attic law both & monthly and & yearly system were in vogue 
together, probably at this very time. The Greeks reckoned both ii 9pax pf, eto 
i.e. a drachma a month in the mina, coming to 12 per cent. per annum; and by 
rénos tmBécato, iaxdéy8oo, etc., i. e. sth or 4th per annum — 10 p.c., 124 p. c., eto. 
The latter rate was common in the time of Demosthenes, but apparently was 
thought somewhat low. At the time of the XII Tables it was probably higher. 
(See the references in Smith's Dict. of Antiquities, s. v. Fenus.) 

This being the case, uncíarium fenus will mean at this period 8} per cent., suffi- 
cient to be considered a fair legal rate of interest, considering the difficulties of 
obtaining money and the contemporaneous rates in Greece, and yet high enough 
to cause difficulty to plebeian debtors. The Genucian law for the abolition of 
interest altogether was one of those wild schemes of reform which we can scarcely 
understand without a closer experience of the circumstances which made usury 
and all its associations unbearable. We must remember, however, that even in 
Greece, where such measures were impossible, the philosophic mind of Aristotle 
condemned usury altogether as an unnatural use of money (Arist. Pol. i. 3, 23). 
Nay, even as late as our own Reforination, it was forbidden in that proposed code, 
which would have become law but for the untimely death of Edward VI—the 
Reformatio Legum. 

Those who interpret the note of Festus on the unciaria lex of Sulla as referring 
to interest, follow Niebuhr's ingenious explanation of decimam partem, viz. that 


Mm 2 


532 LEGIS XII TABULARUM QUAE EXTANT. 


8} p.c. per annum for the old year of 10 months — A,th or 10 p. c. per annum for 
I2 months, (So Mommsen, iii. p. 267.) But we have already seen that another 
explanation is to be preferred. 

19. This is adduced in the Collatio to illustrate the law of Moses, Exod. 
xxii. 7, 8- 

21. Sacer esto. Bruns suggests the insertion of Diti patri from the law of 
Romulus, ap. Dion. H. ii. 10, about patroni, "Evoxos fv TQ véuy Tis wpobocías, dy 
lxipocer ó 'PéüpvAos, rdv 32 dAóvra TQ BovAouévo xreivew Eovov zv we O0Upa. ToU 
&arax6oriov Aids. The sanction sacer esto was one of those religious penalties 
which in time acquired a civil meaning. Cp. Leges Regiae, i. 10 and 12, and the 
tribunician Lex Sacrata quoted under no. 8. At first, indeed, it implied the idea 
of actual sacrifice. Macrobius remarks that while consecrated animals were sent 
beyond the bounds of the country, with regard to men ‘animas quas sacras in 
caelum mitti posse arbitrati sunt viduatas corpore quam primum ire illo voluerunt’ 
(Saturn. iii. 7. 3. Cp. Serv. on Aen. x. 419). Then it became unlawful to put 
such & man to death at the altar, though he might be killed without the guilt of 
murder (Fest. p. 318, ‘neque fas est eum immolari,’ cp. the law quoted by Livy, 
iii. 55). He was, in fact, outlawed, forbidden fire and water, and his goods sold 
by auction and consecrated. The consecratio bonorum, which is frequently found 
by itself, was a religious action, ‘contione advocata, foculo posito, capite velato, 
adhibito tibicine, verbis priscis et solennibus.' (Cic. pro Dom. c. 47, 48, and see 
more in Marq. iii. p. 229.) In later times he was no doubt permitted to go into 
exile, the means allowed to citizens under the Republic of escaping civil or actual 
death. For a similar change from human sacrifice to exile, compare what is said 
of the ver sacrum, the vow made by an Italian tribe under great danger or to 
avert a pestilence, etc. The fruits and animals produced in the consecrated 
months were consumed in sacrifices, the children were allowed to grow up till 
they reached maturity, and then sent out with their heads covered, velaté (like 
the devoted general), to seek their fortunes in a foreign land (Fest. Epit. p. 379. 
Cp. Fest. s. v. Mamertini, Sacrani). The Romans, when making such a vow, with 
their usual prudence in religious matters, restricted it to animals (Liv. xxii. Io, 
xxxiii. 44). On the connection of these usages with Latin religion generally, see 
Mommsen, Bk. i. ch. 12 (vol. i. p. 180, E. T.) 

The word sac-er is derived, according to Benfey and Pott (Wurzel-Lex, a. v.), 
from the same root as £roya and sequor, in the sense of ‘respect.’ From the root 
sap, sak, are further derived in Latin prae-sep-e, sep-elire, as-sec-la, socius, etc., see 
Corssen, ii. pp. 153, 154. It has occurred to me, as a conjecture, though I would 
noi lay stress upon it, that sacer might be rather connected with the same root as 
sacena (dolabra pontificis), seco, secespita, etc., in the sense of something ‘cut off,’ 
‘especially dedicated.’ Cp. répevos, templum, etc. This would certainly agree with 
the sense of sacer esto, implying consecration by cutting off from the body of citizens. 
[Compare perhaps the Mosaic sanction, é£oAopev6fjcera: tx Tov AaoU.] Sanctus is 
no doubt from the same root as sacer nasalised, and has apparently a somewhat 
different connotation, meaning something defined and made clear, whether by law 
or otherwise, hence unalterable, inviolable, holy. Sacro-sanctus, then, means 


TAB. VIII. 19—X. 1. 588 


what is made sacer by law; while sanctio naturally implies any legal fixing or 
determination, generally tbe penal clause or clauses of a law. See on Lex 
Repet. 55, p. 436. 

22. testarier is here evidently passive, not deponent, ‘to be called as a witness.’ 
So Prisc. viii. p. 797, P, ‘testo pro testor, and the participle testatus in passive 
sense. Libripens, in a mancipium, especially a will, see on v. 2. Faríatur, MSS. 
Schoell reads fatíatur; see above, p. 511, $$ 4,6. Inprobus; cp. the sanction 
of a Lex Valeria de Provocatione in Livy, x. 9, ‘inprobe factum.' We can 
bardly doubt that in both cases some civil disability was really implied, though 
Livy conceives it as a merely moral censure. Intestabilis, ‘incapable of acting as 
witness or testator, involved certainly a partial &r«uía of a substantial kind, con- 
sidering the Roman dislike of intestate succession. 

24. St telum ; a good instance of the sudden change of grammatical subject, 
the nominative to iecit being of course understood as the holder of the telum. 

The penalty for voluntary homicide is not clearly known, that it was not abso- 
lutely death appears from Pliny's statement that nocturnal depasturing, etc., was 
visited more severely. See above, fr.8. It was probably sacratio capitis. See 
on the /eges regiae, 8 and 9, where the substitution of a ram in cases of involun- 
tary homicide is referred to Numa. 

25. venenum malum. So the Lex Cornelia in Cic. pro Cluent. 53, 148, below, 
P. 274, ‘qui venenum malum fecit fecerit.' Venenum was evidently at first a 
word of indefinite import (like our potson from potion), which has got a bad sense. 
Cp. the formula dolus malus, and our proverb, ‘tll weeds grow apace,’ for similar 
cases of an old usage of words that have later got a bad sense fixed to them. 

36. The genuineness of this fragment is doubted by Schoell, see Proleg. p. 46, 
as it is only mentioned in this declamation, together with a Gabinian law else 
unknown. 

a7. See above, Comparison, § 2, p. 507. On the restrictions on such collegia, 
see Mommsen, de Colleg. et Sodal. p. 35 foll. There seems to be a reference to 
some such restrictions contained in the XII Tables (perhaps in connection with 
the preceding fragment) in Plautus, Captivi, 489, 490— 

* Nune barbarica lege certumst ius meum omne persequi 
Qui consilium :néere quo nos victu et vita prohibeant, 
where the parasite is speaking of the conspiracy of the young men not to ask any 
of his profession to diuner. See Brix's note. 


TABLE IX. Jus Publicum. 

I. Privilegium, a law relating to a single citizen— whether in his favour or the 
reverse: here particularly the latter. Comitiatus maximus, the centuriate comitia, 
as including ail citizens, which the c. tributa perhaps did not. Cp. pp. 507, 508. 

4. quaestores parricidéi. See on Leg. Reg. 8, 11, pp. 501, 502. 


TABLE X. Ius Sacrum. 


1. Hominem mortuum. In the most ancient times it was customary to bury not 
only inside the city but in the immediate neighbourhood of the house, and even in 


534 LEGIS XII TABULARUM QUAE EXTANT. 


the house itself. Serv. ad Aen. v.64: ‘Sciendum etiam quod domi suae sepelie- 
bantur: unde est orta consuetudo ut Dii Penates in domibus colantur.’ Id. vi. 
162: ‘ Unde ortum est ut lares colerentur in domibus. Unde etiam umbras larvas 
vocamus, For the connection of this practice with the worship of dead ancestors, 
see De Coulanges, La Cité Antique, ii. 6, p. 68, etc. Servius has another note 
relating to this matter on Aen. xi. 308 : urbique remittunt, ‘nam ante etiam homines 
in civitate sepeliebantur, quod postea Duellio consule Senatus prohibuit et legavit 
nequis in urbe sepeliretur. Unde imperatores et virgines Vestales, quia legibus 
non tenentur, in civitate habent sepulcra. Denique etiam nocentes virgines 
Vestae licet vivae tamen intra urbem in campo Scelerato obruebantur. For 
other references, see Marquardt, Privatalterthtimer, p. 362 note. The whole 
section ‘das Begribniss’ is excellent. 

ne sepelito nere urito. We find here burying and burning put together as natural 
alternatives, and as such they always continued to be in Rome till the diffasion of 
Christian ideas drove out the custom of burning which had come to be identified 
with heathenism. In the second century we find a heathen complaining of the 
Christians, who, on the ground of their hope of resurrection, ‘et execrantur rogos 
et damnant ignium sepulturas' (Minuc. Felix, Octav. 11, 4, c. 150-180 A.D.). 
At the end of the fourth century Macrobius, though a heathen, writes, * urendi 
corpora defunctorum usus nostro seculo nullus, Sat. vii. 7, 5. The two customs 
at first probably belonged to different nationalities, and Grimm has plausibly 
assigned the one to agricultural and the other to nomadic people (Marquardt, 
P. 375 note, where see other references). Burial indeed appears to belong to a 
different idea of religion—among heathens to the worship of the great mother the 
earth and of the spirits of dead ancestors, who protect the family dwellings, the 
consecrated precincts of the temples, aud the soil of the fatherland in general. 
Among Christians it has been hallowed by the symbolic language drawn from 
planting seeds in the ground to be transformed in a new life, and by the general 
increase of respect for the body engendered by a new hope of resurrection. Burning 
connects itself very naturally with a philosophical pantheimm engrafted upon fire- 
worship, and with theories of the emanation and reabsorption of souls. As this 
was the general tendency of heathen culture from the Christian era downwards it 
was natural that Christians should have a prejudice against cremation, which 
they justly associated with it. And in fact this natural association of ideas is the 
chief argument against the re-introduction of the system of burning the dead. 

In Rome there is every reason to believe that inhumation was the original 
practice, and traces of it are found even in the rites for burning. The essential 
ceremony was glebam in os inicere (Cic. de Leg. ii. 22, 57), and it was a sin re- 
quiring expiation not to throw a handful of earth upon an unburied corpee (Hor. 
Od. i. 28, 43 fol., Fest. Epit. p. 223, etc.). The antiquity of burial in Latium is 
further shown by the discoveries in the Praenestine sepulchre (C. 74 foll). Sulla, 
we know, was the first of the Cornelii who was burned, and we have still the 
sarcophagi of the Scipios (see Elogia Scipionum, p. 395). Burial was also prac- 
tised in Greece, though burning was generally much more common ; see for an 
instance the words of Socrates, Phaedo, p. 115 E. Burning when introduced at 


TAB. X. 1-4. 585 


Rome had no doubt the double recommendation of being a sanitary measure, and 
of reducing very much the space necessary for burial places. 

2. ascea, an axe or adze. The rogus was sometimes built up in the form of an 
ara, adorned with painting and surrounded by cypresses. (Marq. p. 377. See 
Serv. ad Aen. vi. 177, * aramque sepulcri, Ov. Trist. iii. 14, 20, 'funeris ara mihi 
ferali cincta cupresso, etc.). <Ascia is evidently cognate with dfírn, Eng., ‘ axe, 
hack, hatch, hatchet.’ It is used in another sense in reference to burials in the 
formula sub ascia dedicavit, or the like (Orell. Inscr. 248, 4464 8q.) of dedication 
of an unfinished sepulchre, while still ‘ under the mason's trowel,’ to preserve it 
from violation. 

3. carmen necessarium. So Livy, i. 19, ‘lex horrendi carminis," and i. 32 of the 
fetial’s meseage, iii. 64, * rogationis,' x. 38, an oath. See above, p. 508, and Teuffel, 
Rom. Lit. $ 51, who says, what appears to be near the truth, ‘ In the oldest times 
everything beyond a mere register that was put in writing had no doubt a certain 
rhythmical form, and waa so far & carmen;' and the references there to the 
modern controversy on the subject. There is no reason to suppose, however, that 
the ‘rhythmical form’ can be reduced to any distinct type of metre, as Ritschl 
and others have attempted to do with scanty success. 

recinium, cognate with rica, ricula, pro-ric-ere, O. H. G. rethh-an, M.G. rethen, 
reichen, Eng. reach, etc., and signifying ‘ extended, spread out :’ hence a woman's 
mantle or toga. Corssen further connects with this root lic-ert, pol-lic-eri, lic-et, 
pol-luc-ere (i. 500). This being an antique dress, came to have a sort of ceremonial 
importance as a mourning garment, ao ‘riciniis lugere’ of women. Varro, Vit. 
P. R. iii. ap. Non. p. 349 M. v. pullus. It was probably worn by the praeficae or 
hired female mourners, who were employed ‘ usque ad Poenicum bellum.’ (Varro, 
de Vit. P. R iv. ap. Marq. p. 358.) It was worn also by mimes, who likewise 
attended a public funeral, as well as a triumph. Marquardt supposes these ricinia 
were thrown on the pyre (p. 378, n. 2431), see on fr. 6. 

clavus is anything long, stretched out : hence the meanings of nail, handle of a 
rudder, and, as here, stripe. The other sense of tumour, wart, is probably an idea 
taken from the head of a nail standing out on the surface. It may be connected 
perhaps etymologically with cal-amus, cel-sus, etc. The stripe of purple would be 
on a male dress. [Claro in the text is a misprint for claco.] 

decem, tibictnibus. The flute-players went at the head of the procession, and 
were followed by the praeficae singing the neenia, then came the dancers and 
mimes, then the persons wearing the imagines or wax-masks of the dead ancestors 
who had borne office, each on a separate carriage, with a separate array of lictors 
(see esp. Polyb. vi. 53), then the bier borne by sons, near relations, or slaves freed 
in the testament, then the other kinsmen and friends. The musicians at a funeral 
were called in general siticines, said to be from situs and cano. (Gell. xx. 2, * qui 
apud sitos canere soliti essent, hoc est vita functos et sepultos’ ). 

4. Mulieres genas. Cutting of the flesh and hair was a common form of mourn- 
ing, especially in the East. As connected with the worship of Adonis, and otherwise 
leading to excess and fanaticism, it was forbidden in the Mosaic law, Lev. xix. 
27, 28, etc., but in later times it seems to have been reintroduced. See Jerem. 





586 LEGIS XII TABULARUM QUAE EXTANT. 


xvi. 6,7. Similarly this and other such prohibitions were not obeerved with any 
strictness at Rome. Cp. Propert. iii. 13, 37 :— 
‘Tu vero nudum pectus lacerata sequeris, 
Nec fueris nomen lassa vocare meum.' 
Serv. ad A en. iii. 67, ‘ Varro dicit mulieres in exequiis et luctu ideo solitas ora lace- 
rare, ut sanguine ostenso inferis satisfaciant." 

lesum. ‘Thetis quoque etiam in lamentando lessum fecit filio, Plaut. Truc. 
iv. 2, 18. Cicero, de Leg. ii. 33, 59, explains it as lugubris eiulatio ‘ut vox ipsa 
significat. It would seem therefore to have been like our alas/ Cp. the Phoe- 
nician and Hebrew cries Hoi Adon! Hoi lanu ! eto. 

5. Homini mortuo ne ossa, etc. This passage is explained by Marquardt, 
p.377, note. It was the custom to keep up the time of mourning by preserving 
unburied some part of the corpse (os resectum, e. g. a finger, Fest. Epit. p. 148), 
for till that was covered the family remained funesta. The reason for it may have 
been perhaps a religious scruple smong the conservative portion of the community 
as to whether the more recent fashion of burning was a sufficient ceremony. The 
os resectum was always inhumed. See Varro, L. L. v.23. Cp. Cic. de Leg. ii. 22, 
55, ‘neque necesse est, edisseri a nobis, qui finis funestae familiae, quod genus 
sacrificii Lare verberibus fiat, quemadmodum os resectum terra obtegatur. [For 
Lore see Introd. x. $ 15.] But in cases of death in war, or in a foreign country, 
the law allowed a limb to be brought home, as was done, for instance, with the 
head of Varus, Velleius Pat. ii. 119, 5. 

Of course the law did not forbid the usual custom of collecting bones and ashes 
after burning (ossa legere), and the placing of the urn in which they were in a tomb 
(componere, condere), which took place some days afterwards. Cp. the epitaph 
found at Puteoli, C. I. L., p. 210 a. *Chrematine | Numisiae ornatrix | obieit . 
vi Eidus . Octobr. | Paullo. Fabio. Maximo. Q . Aelio || cos. (U.C. 743) | oesua . con- 
lecta . iv . idus Oct. | eisdem cos. | Diaphyrus.conservae. Cp. Tibullus, El. iii. 2. 

6. servilis unctura, etc. This refers to the various costly things, such as the 
dead man had possessed or valued in life, as dresses, ornaments, weapons, but 
especially valuable unguents and perfumes, thrown upon the pile just before it 
was kindled. Cp. the description of the funeral of Glaucia, Stat. Sylv. ii. 1, 157 
foll. :.— 

‘Quid ego exequias et prodi;a flammis 
Dona loquar, maé@stoque ardentia funera luxu; 
Quod tibi purpureo tristis rogus aggere crevit : 
Quod Cilicum flores, quod munera graminis Indi 
Quodque Arabes, Phariique Palaestinique liquores 
Arsuram lavere comam 1 cupit omnia ferre 
Prodigus, et totos Melior succendere census.' 

7. Qui coronam parit, cp. Serv. ad Aen. xi. 80. ‘Skeletons with golden 
crowns on their heads have been several times found in Etruscan and other 
Italian tombs.’ Marq. p. 354, note. 

On arduitur see above, on Style, $ 4, 6, p. 511. 

The reading of the text is, probably, not quite correct. Schoell, comparing the 





TAB. X. 4—XI. 2. 537 


words of Cic. de Leg. ii. 24, 60, *coronam virtute partam et ei qui peperisset et 
eius parenti sine fraude esse impositam iubet,’ reads ' honoris virtutisve ergo, si 
arduitur ei parentique eius, se fraude esto.’ 

8. lecti, etc. This Schoell transposes, and places after frag. 5. The lectus is 
probably, here, the couch or bier on which the dead man was laid. Cp. Quint. vi. 
1, 31, of Julius Caesar, ‘corpus denique ipsum impositum lecto erat,’ and Tib. El. 


i. r, 61— 
‘Flebis et arsuro positum me Delia lecto.’ 


9. dentes. This may seem to show a pretty high antiquity for the art of 
dentistry, but I believe Egyptian mummies of early date have been found with 
false teeth in them *joined with gold.' 

to. bustum is the place where a person is burnt and buried, ustrénwm is a burn- 
ing place separated from the tomb. See Fest. Epit. p. 32, and Serv. ad Aen. xi. 
201, emended by Müller there. Corssen derives bustum and com-buro from a dif- 
ferent root from uro, the first being cognate with Sk. prush, ‘to burn,’ cp. pruna 
(i. 127, ii. 1004), the second with the well-known root us, ‘to be bright,’ ‘burn,’ 
and with Aur-ora, Aus-ter, aur-um, wr-tica, wena (‘vessel of burnt clay,’ i. 349). 


TABLE XI. Supplement. 

1. conubia. This prohibition was in all probability no new idea, but merely a 
declaration of custom which was breaking down. The X Tables, very probably 
by making all kinds .of transactions by mancipium easy, had rendered marriage by 
coemptio possible between patricians and plebeians (see note on vi. 4). Before 
that time marriage must by custom have been restricted to persons possessing 
& gens. Livy expresely tells us that the argumenta urged against the Canuleian 
law were religious. Liv. iv. 2 and 6. 

2. deintercalando. The method of intercalation was to add in every alternate 
year an intercalary month, first of 22 days and then 23 days, so that 45 days were 
added in four years. This took place between the 23rd and 24th of February, the 
Terminalia and Regifugium. (Censor. D. N. ao. 6, Macrob. Sat. i. 13, 12, and 15.) 
The year at that time consisted of 355 days, so that four years, together with the 
iwo intercalary months, consisted of 1465 days, or 4 days too much (four Julian 
years = 365 X 4+1==1461). The matter was then committed to the pontifices, who, 
according to Censorinus, intercalated at pleasure ‘ob odium vel gratiam," so that 
Julius Caesar, when he corrected the calendar, had to make a year of 445 days 
(Censorin. D. N. 20, 4-8). 

Mommsen concludes from this passage, and especially from Cicero, ad Att. vi. 
I, 8, speaking of Flavius, the scriba of the great censor Appius, great grandson of 
the Decemvir, * Quid ergo profecit quod protulit fastos ! occultatam putant quodam 
tempore istam tabulam, ut dies agendi peterentur a paucis, that the actual 
calendar formed part of the Tables. Cp. Liv. vi. 1, who says that when the 
Tables were looked up after the Gallic conflagration, the pontifices suppressed 
‘quae ad sacra pertinebant ... ut religione obstrictos haberent multitudinis 
animos. Schoell has ventured to carry out this idea by subtracting from the 
Julian Calendar the days added by Caesar, viz. those marked with a * in the 
table in chap. iii, and by conjecturing the note of the new feasts marked with a T. 


538 LEGIS XII TABULARUM QUAE EXTANT. 


TABLE XII. 


I. pignoris capio =‘ distress, the act of a private person previous to the com- 
mencement of an action; pignoris captio, gen. — ' execution,’ the act of the execu- 
tive following judgment.  Pignoris capio existed by custom, Gaius tells us, in 
military matters. A soldier could distrain for payment of his aes militare, aes 
equestre and aes hordearium. In matters of religion, as here, it was introduced 
by the Tables. In matters of revenue it was given to publicani by the Lex 
Praediatoria. .A set form was used in all cases; but the act was distinguished 
from other legal actions by being performed ‘extra ius, and on any-day, nefastus 
or otherwise. Gaius, iv. §§ 26-29, ed. Poste. Cp. above on iii. 6, 7. 

3. norit is here a very probable conjecture for nocuit. The paterfamilias was 
obliged either to make restitution for his son's or slave's misconduct, or be might 
get quit of the obligation by surrender of his person (noxae dedere). The action 
against a paterfamilias was called noxalis; on which see Gaius, iv. $$ 75-81, and 
Mr. Poste's notes. The Romans made use of the principle of noxae deditio 
(which may have once extended to covenants as well as delicta) to get rid of the 
humiliating treaty of the Caudine Forke, by surrendering Postumius to the 
Samnites (Liv. ix. 10). This was done by a fetialis, doubtless by the pater 
patratus, who represented the patria potestas of the kingly office. See on the 
fetiales and the similar case of Mancinus, p. 552. The formula in the case of 
Postumius is given in the text, p. 278; it contains the words noxam nocuerunt. 

3. vindiciam falsam tulit, ‘made a false claim,’ ‘ obtained temporary possession 
of an object which afterwards proves not to be his,’ as in the Actio Sacramenti. 
See on ii. t, p. 517. The word elsewhere appears generally in the plural, but we 
have vindicia in Gell. xx. 10, 8. Fructus damnum - compensation for its ad 
interim retention. 

FRAGMENTS OF UNCERTAIN POBITION. 


t. The MS. of Festus reads nancitor, but nanzitor is a correction generally 
received. This form would be a second future deponent or middle, somewhat 
parallel to mercassitur, etc. I am inclined, however, to think that we should 
retain nancitor = nancitur as à present indicative of an obsolete deponent, of which 
renancitur, in Fest. p. 277, is another instance. See above, p. 511, bottom, and 
Corssen's long note, ii. p. 400 foll. 

2. quandod is perhaps the form intended, which would thus have an ablative 
termination, such as is preserved in sed, and no doubt was attached to pro, 
de, re, etc. 

4. dolo malo. See on viii. 25, p. 533. 

6. tureiurando ; perhaps in the Actio Sacramenti. See on ii. I, p. 516. 

8. meridies is however found, i. 7, 8. 

9. asses, i.e. librales. dupondii, * pieces of two asses.’ quadrantes, i.e. teruncii. 
On the introduction of coinage by the decemvirs, see on ii. 1, p. $16, bottom. 
Observe that no mention is made of sesterces. Cp. viii. 3, p. 527. 

1I. detestari is to make a solemn announcement, especially a renunciation, e. g. 
the detestatio sacrorum made at the comitia calata on arrogation, Gell. xv. 27, 3. 





539 


Cap. I1I.—TABULA FASTORUM. Pp. 266-271. 


Introductory Note on the Calendar. 


The origin of the Roman Calendar and its divisions is a most obscure and com- 
plicated subject, about which much has been written without very clear and 
settled results. A discussion of it may therefore be omitted in a book like the 
present. The following books may be referred to : Th. Mommsen, Die Rémische 
Chronologie bis auf Caesar, Berlin, 1858 1859; C. I. L. i. Fasti Anni Juliani, 
pp. 293-412; Huschke, Das altrómische Jahr, ; Lange, Rom. Alt. i. pp. 303-316. 
For a popular account see Mommsen, R. H. i. pp. 218-220, 488. 

The Tables here given are from the most complete Calendar of the Julian year 
existing on stone, supplemented from others, of which there are nineteen in a 
more or leas fragmentary condition. The Fasti Maffeiant were engraved on stone 
between the years 746-757 V.O. Where they were found is unknown, nor do 
they now exist. They were for some time in the Farnese palace at Rome, and 
derived their name from ite owners, the Maffei. A small fragment is supposed to 
be now in the Capitoline Museum.  (Mommmsen, C. p. 303.) 

The general body of the Fasti, deducting the days added by Julius Caesar to 
prevent the need of an intercalary month, and omitting the explanatory remarks 
(which are not given here), is perhaps the oldest monument of Roman history— 
the very calendar attributed to Numa (l1. c. p. 362 b). It has been concluded, with 
some probability, that none of the festivals mentioned in it are of later origin than 
the expulsion of the kings (1. c. p. 376, where see further). 

The general term Fasti is no doubt originally applicable only to this calendar, 
though afterwards given also to the annual registers and chronicles of events. It 
means, in fact, a list of the days on which it is fas to do publio business with the 
people, or in the Law courts, of the days on which sacrifices ought to take place. 
Hence the importance to the Pontifices of keeping the knowledge of the Calendar 
to themselves. See on XII Tab. xi. 2. Under the empire it became the practice 
to introduce into the Calendar records of the emperor’s doings. The first known 
instance is that of the offer of the crown to Julius, Cic. Phil. ii. 34, 87. Cp. Tac. 
Hist. iv. 40, and the Corpus, p. 377 5, and notes to March 6 and 27, Aug. 3 and 9. 

The signs used in these Fasti are the following :—(1.) Those recurring weekly. 
(2.) The monthly divisions. (3.) The signs attached to particular days. 

(1.) The Roman year was divided into weeks of eight days, called nundínae, 
denoted in the calendar by the recurring alphabetic cycle A-H, which has been 
simply transferred to our own with the omission of the last letter. The first days 
of these weeks were used by the country people as market-days, and, according to 
Dionysius, for the meetings of the concilia plebis (R. A. vii. 58), and were conse- 
quently at first nefasti, as it was forbidden to interrupt the tribunes and people in 
their assemblies (Fest. p. 173). This, however, was altered by the Lex Hortensia, 
v.0O. 467, which made them fasti (Macrob. Sat. i. 16, 30). At the time of the 
Julian reform, no doubt, they had lost their importance. Cp. on 8. C. Bac. l. 22, 
XII Tab. iii. 5, 6 for other usages relating to nundinae. 


540 TABULA FASTORUM. 


(2.) The monthly divisions. The following is Mommsen's account of the 
names of the months: ‘The Roman year began with the beginning of spring ; 
the first month in it, and the only one which bears the name of a God, was named 
from Mars (Martius), the three following from sprouting (Aprilis), growing 
(Matus), and thriving (Junius), the fifth, and onward to the tenth, from their 
places in the order of arrangement (Quinctilis, Sextilis, September, October, 
November, December), the eleventh from opening (Januarius), with reference 
probably to the renewal of agricultural operations that followed mid-winter and 
the season of rest, the twelfth, and in an ordinary year the last, from cleansmg 
(Februarius). To this series ... there was added in the interealary year a nameless 
labour month (Mercedonius), at the close of the year, or after February (BR. H. i. 
p. 218), —more exactly after the 23rd of February, between the Terminalia and 
Regifugium. From the repetition of the latter (a. d. vi. Kal. Mart.) in the 
Julian calendar in leap-year we get our term bis-sextile!. The problem of the 
ancient calendar makers was to make the lunar aud solar year coincide, so as to 
keep the changes of the moon on the right days of the month, and to bave the 
natural year of the right length. This was really an impossibility; but the 
changeable arrangement of nones and ides was probably at first intended to effect 
it. The kalends, or first of every month, is to be explained as the day on which 
proclamation was made as to the falling of the nones and ides. The pontifices 
summoned the populus on the Capitoline to the curia Calabra, and made their 
announcement after sacrifice to Iuno Lucina, addressing the moon goddess, Dies 
te quinque calo Iuno Corella, or Septem dies te calo Juno Covella. The calends ought 
then to be the first day that the new moon appears visible, the nones the day of 
the first quarter. (Cp. Preller, Róm. Myth. p. 242). The idus are perhaps the 
dividing day, the half of the month, and are always eight days after the nones. 
The explanation of the term nonae is very uncertain; it may be conjectured to 
be merely an abuse of the term, which is the same as nundinae, in the sense of 
‘week,’ signifying the first week of the month, just as we use ‘month’ to signify 
a changing period of 28, 30, or 31 days, not only that of the lunar cycle. 

(3.) The signs attached to particular days are of two kinds, (a) general notes of 
legal and religious import, (b) notes of particular festivals. 


(a). General Notes of Legal and Religious import. 


Of these there are eight (Mommsen, C. p. 367). 

1. F — fastus, days on which it is allowed lege agere, and on which the praetor 
can pronounce the legal judgments, ‘do, dico, addico.’ Varro, L. L. vi. 29, 30, and 
53, followed by Ovid and Macrobius. Bat it is not lawful to hold the comitia on 
these days. 

2. F. P. only found attached to August 1g in the Tab. Maffeiana and Amiter- 
nina; its meaning is uncertain, but is perhaps — no. 6, q. v. 





! It may be worth remarking that not only the name bissextile, but the ancient 
mode of intercalating a day, is preserved in the Roman church. ‘In anno bis- 
sextili Februarius est dierum 29 et festum Sancti Mathiae celebratur 25 Februarii 
[instead of 24] et bis dicitur sexto Kalendas id est die 24 et die 25.' Note in the 
Roman Breviary. 


EXPLANATION OF NOTES. 541 


3. Q(uando) R(ex) o(omitiavit) F(as), on March 24 and May 24, i.e. fastus 
after the Rex Sacrificulus has been to the Comitium, Varro, vi. 31, Fest. p. 359. 
It was sometimes wrongly referred to the Regifugium. 

4. Q(uando) sT(ercus) D(elatum) (as), on June 15, i.e. fastus after the rubbish 
has been cleansed from the temple of Vesta. This was the end of the festival of 
Vesta, beginning June 7th. Varro, l. c. 32, Fest. pp. 258, 344, Preller, Myth. p. 543. 

5. N=nefastus (tristis), on which neither legal nor political business is allowed, 
owing to some supposed misfortune or ill omen connected with the day. 

6. NW ordinarily, or W in the fasti Pighiani=sefastus (hilaris), i. e. nefastus on 
account of some festival. Festus (p. 167) alone has an explanation of the term, 
which is unfortunately only mutilated : * Nep. [nota distincti eorum hila]riores 
sunt, q(uoniam a malo omine] liberati sunt: unde . . . . unt et in provin[ciaa 
proficiscuntur] . . . . instituta fiunt . . . . et aedes sacrari so[lent]| Mommsen 
explains it as altered from an old form of N with four strokes, retained as a dis- 
tinctive mark for nefastus in a different sense from the ordinary one, comparing 
the old initial W for Manius. But there is no other trace of this N in Latin, and 
the N of the fasti Pighiani wants explanation, consequently Lange conjectures 
that WP is only a tachygraphy for N', which may have meant nefastus fastus. (R. 
Alt. i. p. 309). The old explanation was nefastus prior, or nefastus principio, or 
nefastus parte, and though proposing another solution, he considers this right in 
principle, holding that the days were only nefasti during the time of the par- 
ticular sacrifice of the holiday. In this way he would distinguish them from dies 
endotercisi, which were fasti in the middle, and the Q. R. 0. F. and Q. 8. D. F. which 
were nefasti till a certain hour. On the other hand, I must remark that nefastus 
fastus would be a curious expression, and the idea of Lange about the limit to 
particular hours is quite conjectural. Believing that his identification of the signs 
NW and Mis most probable, I would suggest nefastus feriatus (or perhaps festus) 
as a better solution, inasmuch as these days were different from the other nefasti, 
exactly because they were dies feriati, not tristes. NN is in fact the ordinary note 
for a festival. 

7. EN=endotercisus or intercisus ; see Fast. Praen. ad Ian. 10. Varro, L. L. 
vi. 31, ‘intercisi dies sunt per quos mane et vesperi est nefas, medio tempore inter 
hostiam caesam et exta porrecta fas.’ Eight days are so marked. 

8. O=comitialis, marking all other days, on which it was lawful both lege agere 
and cum populo agere, to decide law-suits and to bold the comitia. Macrob. Sat, 
i. 16, 14; cp. Varro, l. c. 29. 


(b). Notes of Particular Festivals. 


These festivals cannot be described here at length, as information about them 
is easily accessible. On their antiquity see Mommsen, C. p. 376, who remarks 
that none are of later date than the expulsion of the kings, that most of them are 
referred to the age of Romulus and Numa, and that the explanations which refer 
others to a later date are of slight authority. The negative argument, too, from 
the absence of festivals of the later regal period, is important, e.g. the tigillum 
sororium (Oct. 1), connected with Tullus Hostilius, of sacrifices to Jove, Juno, 


542 TABULA FASTORUM. 


and Minerva, ordained by Tarquinius Priscus, of the dedications to Diana and 
Fors Fortuna, by Servius Tullius and others. Nor is there a single Greek name, 
which is certainly remarkable, considering the early introduction of the worship 
of such gods as Apollo and-Hercules. 

Jan. 9. Agonalia, or agonía. Agonium is & general name for a sacrifice, and 
agonía (fem.) for a victim, cognate with ag-ere (Corss. i. p. 369, see Fest. p. to, 
Varr. vi. 12, 14). This particular festival appears to have been a sacrifice of 
a ram to Janus, made by the king. 

Jan. 11. Curmentalia, from Carmenta, generally called mother of Evander. 
Others speak of two Carmentes, Porrima or Prorsa, and Postverta (Gell. xvi. 16) 
who were worshipped at the Porta Carmentalis under the Capitol. Carmenta, or 
Carmentis (carmen), was & prophetic goddess, as well as a goddess of child-birth. 
See Preller, Myth. p. 357 f. This day was also sacred to Diuturna or Juturna. 

Jan. 15. Carmentalia, generally said to be a festival instituted by the Roman 
ladies under the Republic, when the right of riding in carriages was restored to 
them (Varro, Ovid, etc.). Mommsen prefers the explanation in Fast. Praenest. 
(which he ascribes to Verrius), which refers to the capture of Fidenae, probably 
under the kings. 

Feb. 15. Lupercalía, a festival (says Mommsen) introduced to mark the lustra- 
tion of the Palatine city, and dedicated to the god Lupercus (lupus arceo) or 
Faunus, the protector of the flocks from the attack of wolves. Hence the name 
of the month Februarius, from februare, ‘to purge,’ or * lustrate' (Varro, vi. 13, 
etc.) Asa prelude to this lustration all preceding days (except the ides) were 
nefasti. 

Feb. 17. Qutrinalia, said to be the death day of Romulus; the sacrifice took 
place on the collis Quirinalis. 

Feb. 21. feralia. The commemoration of dead relations, or Parentalia, began 
on the ides, and continued to this day. Varro says, ‘ Feralia ab inferis et ferendo 
quod ferunt tum epulas ad sepulcrum, quibus ius ibi parentare’ (L. L. vi. 13). 
Corssen connects it with the same root, but rather in the sense of carrying to 
burial, supposing a Latin word * fér-a=a bier. Cp. May gth, and the inscription 
C. 1313. 

Feb. 23. Terminalia, the festival of Terminus, i.e. of the various boundary 
stones, all of which had a sacred character. They were inaugurated, at first, with 
the following ceremony. A hole was dug by which the term was placed, anointed 
and crowned with garlands (for the anointing see on Carmen Arvale, p. 387). 
The blood of a victim was then poured on the bottom of the hole, and the victim 
itself burnt in it, then the stone was set up on the hot ashes, other gifts having 
been already thrown into the hole. (Siculus Flaccus, de Condicionibus Agrorum, 
p. 441, ed. Lachm.) The Terminalia are well described by Ovid, Fast. ii. 639-684. 
After this day the intercalations took place, see above, p. 537. 

Feb. 24. Regifugium. This is best explained by a passage of Plutarch, Quaest. 
Rom. 63, gor: your ris bv dyopg 0vaía apis TQ Aeyouévo Kopyriy várpios, fw Oicas 
ó Bagireds xard Tráxos dme) pedyow Uf dyopds. Cp. also the note of Verrius 
Flaccus to March 24th, Q. B.C. F, which, he saya, many wrongly explain of the 


JAN. 9—APRIL 23. 643 


expulsion of Tarquinius, who, however, did not fly from the Comitium. It seems 
also from the fragment of Festus, p. 278, that the pontifices and Salii took part in 
the sacrifice. A similar ceremony, to which Roman antiquaries sought to give a 
historical meaning, was the poplifugium, July 5, see Marquardt, vol. iv. pp. 
265-267. 

Feb. 27. Equéria. See on March 14. 

March 14. Equiria, or *Ecurria ab equorum cursu: eo die enim currunt in 
Martio campo,’ Varro, vi. 13. A feast of Mars, assigned to Romulus’ institution 
by Festus, Ep. p. 81. 

March 17. Liberalia, alao called Agonia, from the sacrifices of the Salii Ago- 
nenses. It was the ordinary day for boys to put on the toga virilis, Serv. ad Ecl. 
iv. 50. 

March 19. Quinquatrus. The best account is that given by Charisius, p. 45, 
Lind., ‘a quinquando id est lustrando quod eo die arma ancilia lustrari sunt 
solita. Similarly, on the 23rd is a tubilustrium, the beginning of spring being the 
natural time for a review of arms and implementa of war, previous to à campaign. 
Just so, we have an armilustrium, Oct. 19, at the end of the summer, before 
retirement for the winter. Charisius’ derivation, however, of quinquatrus from 
quinquando, is, no doubt, wrong, the word being unknown elsewhere, though, 
I suppose, intended as a form of coinquere, see on Carmen Arvale, p. 388. Varro 
rightly rejects the theory that it was called from the number of days of the feast 
(really only one), and derives its name from being the fifth day after the ides, 
quoting other forms, sexatrus, septimatrus, L. L. vi. 14: 80 Fest. p. 254. 

The name is better known in connection with Minerva, but only from the 
accident that her temple, on the Aventine, was dedicated on this day (Festus, l.c.). 

March 23. Tubilustríum, ‘sub atrio sutorio tubi lustrantur, Fast. Praen., cp. 
Varr. vi. 14. 

March 24. @.R.0.F; see above, p. 540. 

Apr. 15. Fordicidia, or hordicidia, also called fordicalia, or hordicalia— 

* Nunc gravidum pecus est, gravidae quoque semine terrae : 
Telluri plenae victima plena datur. Ov. Fast. iv. 633. 

Fordus ia derived by Corssen, i. 102, from fer-re, where see other instances of 
change of f to h. 

Apr. 19. Cerialia, an old festival obscured by the later famous ludi circenses, 
which finished on this day. 

Apr. 21. Parilia. Some derive from Pales, others *a partu Tline, making this 
the birthday of Romulus and Remus. Preller is probably right in thinking that 
it is the festival of Pales, and that the connection with the feast of the dea Roma 
is later (Myth. p. 366). The r is only an euphonic dissimilation, just as in 
caeruleus for caeluleus, cp. the converse Remures for Lemures. For a description 
of the festival see Ovid, Fast. iv. 721 foll, the great ceremony was passage 
through a purifying fire. 

Apr. 23. Vinalia, the old Latin w@oly:a, or first drinking of the new vintage of 
the previous autumn. The sacrifice consisted of a libation to Jove, Varro, vi. 17, 
Fest. pp. 65, 374, Plin. N. H. xviii. 29, 287. On the idea involved, see Introd. 


544 TABULA FASTORUM. 


to Carmen Arv. p. 387. A festival of Venus was confused with it, just as that of 
Minerva with the Quinquatrus. 

Apr. 25. Robigalia, the festival of a male or female god, Robigus or Robigo, the 
god of blight or mildew, instituted by Numa [robus- rufus, cp. rubeus, ruber]. 
Rufae or rutilae canes were offered to him in his grove, on the via Nomentana, 
this being the time of the rise of the dog-star. Fest. pp. 45, 285. 

May 9. Lemuria, a general festival for the repose of the dead, taking place on 
three nights, the days before which are marked N. Its relation to the Feralia is 
doubtful, but the way in which the dead were regarded in each was certainly dif- 
ferent, that being a religious commemoration with some sort of merriment, this 
a painful, and rather fearful, superstition to get rid of their spirits from the house- 
hold. Ovid gives a good description of the rites used by each father of a family, 
which should be read, Fast. v. 429-444. The easy change from Lemuria to 
Remuria caused some antiquaries to confuse it with a special sacrifice to the 
injured ghost of Remus. Cp. Parilia, Ap. 31. A similar change of $ to R has 
made the term Semurium or Remurium doubtful (Cic. Phil. vi. 14), though it can 
hardly be anything but a compound of se and murus, like pomerium. 

May a1. Agonalia, or Agonia. Vediovi, Fast. Venusin. ; nothing else is known 
of this particular feast, but see on Jan. 9. 

May 23. Tubilustrium, cp. Mar. 19 and 33. 

‘Proxima Volcani lux est: tubilustria dicunt 
Lustrantur purae quas facit ille tubae.' Ov. Fast. v. 725. 

May 24. Q.R.C.F, see p. 540. 

June 9. Vestalia. A number of dies nefasti extend from June 5-15, in honour 
of this feast. On the 7th the penus of Vesta was opened, after which no marriages 
could take place. On the 9th the Matrons went, with bare feet, to offer cakes of 
their own baking on the common hearth; the Flaminica, during these days, could 
neither comb her hair, cut her nails, nor come near her husband. On the 15th 
the cleansing was finished (Q. 8. D .F, see p. 540). 

June 11. Matralia, see above, on C. 176. The temple of the Mater Matuta was 
in the forum boarium, by the porta Carmentalis. 

July 5. Poplífugium, a festival as obscure as the Regifugium, the origin of 
which is generally placed about the time of the Gallic invasion, and combined 
with the women's festival of the nonae Caprotinae, two days later. See the 
authorites in Preller, Myth. p. 255, Mommsen, C. p. 396, and cp. next note. This 
is the only ancient festival that took place before the nones of the month. 

July 19, a1. Lucaria. ‘In luco colebant Romani, qui permagnus inter viam 
Salariam et Tiberim fuit, pro eo quod victi a Gallis fugientes e proelio ibi se occul- 
taverint.' Fest. Ep. p. 119. If this were correct, this would be one feast, at 
least, later than the regal period, but nothing else is known of it. Lucar (the 
neuter of lucaris) is generally known in history as ‘a rent, or vectigal, obtained 
from luci, and spent upon theatrical performers. (S. C. de Ludis Saecularibus, 
v. 0. 737, Bruns, p. 107, Tac. Ann. i. 77, etc., and perhaps Iuv. iii. 15.) 

July a3. Neptunalia, games to Neptune on the Tiber, or-at Ostia; perhaps 
boat-races. Mommsen, ad loc. 


APRIL 25—DEC. 23. 545 


July 25. Furrinalia, to a goddess Furrina, or Furina, of whom little else is 
known, except that she had a flamen, and a grove across the Tiber. Perhaps 
Furrina = Furia. C. Gracchus was killed in her grove, which Plutarch calls dAcoe 
'Epwyiow. C. Gracchus, c. 17. 

Aug. 17. Portunalia. Portunus is the same aa Tiberinus, the god of the Tiber ; 
see Fast. Philocal., where the feast is called Tiberinalia. The sacrifices were either 
‘in portu Tiberino' (Varro, vi. 19), or in the island near the Aemilian bridge, 
crossing to the Janiculum. 

Aug. 19. Vinalta, rustica; perhaps instituted for tbe same purpose as the first, 
when wine was not drunk so new as it had been. Fest. Ep. p. 264. See Apr. 23. 

Aug. 21. Consualia. Consus is said to be the god of storing (condendi), and 
his festival is naturally placed close to that of Ops, both here in and December 
(Mommsen). According to others, his name is sbort for Consivus, and com- 
pounded with the root of sero, ‘to sow’ (Corss. i. 418). Cp. Aug. 25. 

Aug. 23. Volcanalia ; ‘eo die populus pro se in ignem animalia mittit? (Varro, 
vi. 20) ; these were little fish from the Tiber called maenae, Gk. palyg. The elder 
Pliny began to use lights for his work at the Volcanalia, apparently because the days 
then began to get shorter (Plin. Ep. iii. 5), ' Lucubrare Volcanalibus incipiebat non 
auspicandi causa sed studendi, statim a nocte multa, hieme vero ab hora septima," etc. 

Aug. 25. Opiconsiva, a festival of the earth-goddess, of thankfulness for the 
fruitfulness of the seed sown in winter. See Dec. 19. 

Aug. 27. Volturnalia. Mommsen conjectures that Volturnus (a volvendo) was 
an old name of the Tiber. Volturnus is said to have been father of Juturna, or 
Diuturna, who was, we know, a fountain goddess, ° 

Oct. 11. Meditrinalia, said to be called a medendo. People used, on this day, 
to drink new wine (must) and old together, and say, ‘novum vetus vinum bibo, 
novo veteri vino morbo medeor,’ Varro, vi. 11. See on the Vénalia, Apr. 23. 

Oct. 12. Augustalia. From Oct. 3-12; they only became annual in B. C. 14. 

Oct. 13. Fontinalia, fontium sacra. Oct. 19. Armtlustrium, see on March 19. 

Dec. 11. Agonalia, of uncertain import; apparently a festival of the Sep- 
timontium. 

Dec. 15. Consualia, on which mules and horses were crowned with flowers. 
See on Aug. 21. 

Dec. 17. Saturnalia, attributed to one or other of the kings; their popularity 
did not begin till v.o. 537, when public banqueting was added, in obedience to 
the Sibyl (Liv. xxii. 1), and they were made to last 3, 5, and at last 7, days. 

Dec. 19. Opalia, ‘anni iam fetu agrorum coacto,’ Macrob. Sat. i. 10, 18, whence 
the nearness to the Consualia and Saturnalia. 

Dec. 21. Divalia, i.e. divae Angeronae, hence=Angercnalia. She was repre- 
sented as the goddess of silence, ‘ore obligato atque signato,' and is called Diva 
muta by Catullus, according to Prof. R. Ellis’ excellent emendation, xxv. 5 :— 

‘Idemque Thalle turbida rapacior procella 
Cum diva muta gavias ostendit oscitantes. 

Dec. 23. Larentalía, or Larentinalia, the parentatio Accae Larentiae or Laren- 

tinae, of very uncertain import. See Introd. to Carm. Arvale, p. 386. 


Nn 





546 


Car. IV.—INSTRUMENTA PUBLICA POPULI ROMANI. 
Pp. 272-276. 


r. Lex PLAETOBIA DE IuRisDIOTJONE. This was a plebiscitum apparently 
passed just after the establishment of the urban praetorship, v. c. 387, B. c. 367. 
It ordered, as we see from this fragment, that he should have two lictors 
constantly with him, and should continue to hold his court up to the suprema. 
The lictors (with the fasces) were the constant insignia of a magistrate of 
the highest rank, and accompanied him up to the rostra, on visits, to the 
bath, and during his walks, and when he was at home remained in the 
vestibule. (See the references in Mommsen, Ràóm. Alt. vol. i. p. 397.) Those 
of the praetor stood by his tribunal, and their presence seems to have been 
required to make his acte valid. Ulpian records, as an exception to the general 
rule, that he allowed the praetor to manumit in the country without his lictors 
(Dig. xl. 3, 8). The number (two is mentioned by Plautus (Epid. i. 1, 36) as the 
regular thing: ' Lictores duo, duo viminei fasces virgarum. Polybius speaks of 
the praetor as orparnyos é£aséAexvs, xxxiii. 1; but this relates to the year 155 B.C. 
The form supremam is explained by Varro, L. L. vi. 5: ‘Hoc tempus XII tabulae 
dicunt occasum osse solis ; sel postea Lex Plaetoria id quoque tempus iubet esse 
supremum quo praeco in comitio supremam pronuntiavit populo. (The MSS. have 
© praetoria ' for 'Plaetoria.) This calling of the hour was naturally part of the 
effice of the praeco; but it seems by usage to have passed into the function of the 
accensus, the half-private servant of the magistrate. So Aquilius, in the Boeotia 
(quoted p. 367), speaks of the accensus calling mid-day, and Varro refers to his 
calling also the third and ninth hours (L. L. vi. 89: cp. notes to that passage 
and Mommsen, Rém. Alt. p. 381, n. 3, and 382, n. 3). 

This Lex Plaetoria seems to be distinct from the Lex P. de Circumscriptione 
Adulescentium, by which a young man under twenty-five could not give an action- 
able promissory note. It is referred to by Plautus, Pseudulus, i. 3, 69, apparently 
as anew enactment. See the note on Lex Iulia Municip. l. 112, p. 470. 

2. ‘The Lex AQuitia was a plebiscite carried by a tribune called Aquilius, 
acoording to Theophilus, at one of the secessions of the pleba, probably at the 
secession to the Janiculum, B. c. 385, on which same occasion the Lex Hortensia 
was carried, making the plebiscites binding on the patriciaus. Poste, Gaius, 
pp. 383. 4. It altered the old system of the Tables (see above, viii. 4), which was 
a mixture of talio and fixed money payment. The citation from the law in the 
Digest only mentions an equivalent payment to the owner of the slave or 
quadruped, but Cicero, Brutus, 34, speaks of a multa (i.e. a fine to the state) 
under this law. (Cp. Rudorff, R. R. G. i. p. 99, note 6, who also quotes passages 
which show that the killing a ‘bos arator' was deemed at one time a capita] 
offence. Bee Varro, R. R. ii. 5, 4, Val. Max. viii. 1, 8). The Lex Cornelia de 
Sicariis (see p. 548) further enabled the owner of a murdered slave to prosecute 
the offender criminally. The third chapter of the Aquilian law deals with 
other outrages in a similar spirit, only making the equivalent the price in the laet 





LEGES PLAETORIA, AQUILIA, SILIA. 547 


month, not year, as in the first case. Lawyers doubted whether this meant the highest 
price during that time, but Sabinus ruled that it did, on the analogy of chapter 
1. (Gaius, iii. $ 217.) The introduction of a very different matter in the 
second chapter of the law is a considerable difficulty. Bruns omits it altogether, 
hardly, I suppose, as doubting the correctness of the reference in Gaius, most 
likely only because the exact words are not quoted. Poste translates, ‘By the 
second chapter an adstipulator who defrauds a principal covenantee by releasing 
the covenantor, can be sued for the amount of the loss occasioned.’ Gaius adds, 
‘In this chapter, as well as in the others, damage is made a ground of action, 
though here the provision was unnecessary, because the action of agency (mandati) 
would give a sufficient remedy, except that the Lex Aquilia when the facts are 
traversed gives double damages.’ The mixture of a fus in personam with & tus 
in rem is no doubt remarkable as a heterogeneous disposition. Yet I can hardly 
think that Rudorff is right in supposing that the law originally only dealt with 
the case of an adstipulator who was in league with the defendant in an action for 
killing a slave or quadruped, and that its application was afterwards widened by 
the jurists. (R. R. G. i. p. 99.) 

For the ínterrogatío lege Aquilia, see above on XII Tab. ii. 1, p. 516. 

3. LEX BSiL14. The relation of this law to the better known one of the same name 
which created the action of condictio for the recovery of * pecunia certa' (Gaius, 
iv. $ 19) is uncertain. Rudorff, i. p. 48, supposes them to be connected. The 
text of this fragment is corrupt, but it has been carefully emended. 

oetier, cp. Lex. Agr. C. 200, 11 and 32, oetantur and octi, and C. 603, 6, 8, octi. 
Coaequetur is very hard, and is not sufficiently explained by the ‘ mensuras exae- 
quandas' of the Pompeian inscription, Orell. 4348, Wilmanne, 1906. Huschke’s 
coeretur certainly gives better sense. On the other hand, Scaliger's aeute emen- 
dation, se dolo m(alo) for sedulum seems unnecessary. It is noticeable that the 
orthography se dulo malo is found in Lex. Agr. C. 200, 40; but this will not 
authorise the derivation of sedulus from see and dolus, that from root sed- being 
fixed by the parallel of assiduus. — Sedulo facere is a common phrase, but I do not 
know that sedulo curare is found elsewhere. 

The quadrantal is so called from its representing the contents of a cubic foot of 
liquid (e. g. Gell. i. 20, says, ‘ xófovs illi nos guadrantalia dicimus ;’ cp. Cato, R. R. 
57) Ita other name is amphora, and it was estimated by the Romans, not by its 
liquid contenta, but as equal eighty pounds in weight—an estimate rather larger 
than the reality according to Boeckh (see Marquardt, vol. iii. 2, p. 38). According 
to the reckoning of the lower measures 6 sextarii go to a congius, and 8 eongié or 
48 sextarii toa quadrantal. For ordinary purposes the quadrantal may be reckoned 
as (a little less than) 6 gallons, and the sextaréus as (a little leas than) a pint. The 
phrase sextarius aequus aequo cum librario siet is difficult, but seems to mean ‘ the 
(liquid) sextarius is to be exactly equal to the standard (dry) sextarius,’ librarius 
being used in the sense of the Greek cra8,uxós, and not, as it elsewhere is, — * of a 
pound weight’ (e.g. with asses, Gell. xx. 1, 31). It is obvious that the sextarius 
was really 29 or 1 lbs. in weight. The use of aequus is illustrated by a paseage 
in Varro's Longe fugit qui suos fugit: ‘Solus rex, solus rhetor, solus formosus, 

Nn2 


548 INSTRUMENTA PUBLICA POPULI ROMANI. 


fortis, aequus vel ad aedilicium modium, purus putus e. q. s. (Menipp. p. 156, Riese). 
Müller refers to such balanced phrases as ‘ par pari referre,' etc. 

adversus hac, the MS. reading is defensible on the analogy of post hac, antehac 
postea, etc. See Introd. xiii, § 35. Cp. note on S. C. Bac. l. 24, p. 420. 

modica seems to mean ‘small’ as compared with the modius. Huschke says, 
‘ad modum vel ad metiendum pertinentia, which is ingenious, but wants support. 

addutt, cp. arduitur, XII Tab. x. 7. Quo ea fant, Lindemann and Müller give 
quod as the MS. reading ; Mommsen says it really ia que, and a0 accepts Scaliger's 
emendation quo: otherwise quod would be possibly an old ablative = de (Introd. 
xiii. $ 33). The parallel quoted by Huschke from Orell. 2488 =C, 603, 11 (Tit. 
Baebatii) seems a mistake of the editor. Mommsen reads ‘quo, id templum 
melius honestiusque seit.’ See above, p. 481. 

quis volet magistratus ; on this use of quis see Introd. xiii. § 26. Cp. Schoell, 
Proleg. pp. 75, 76.  Minore(m) parti(m), cp. note on Lex Bant. C. 197, I2, p. 423. 
It is there constructed with the genitive: minore parti here may be the dative, 
see Introd. x. § 9. Jn sacrum (see on XII Tab. ii. 1), the alternative seems to 
be that the magistrate may either inflict a multa, which would go into the 
aerarium, or assign the amount to the sacred treasury. 

4. LEX PAPIBIA. The actío sacramenti has been pretty fully discussed on XII 
Tab. ii. i, For the tresviré capitales see note on Lex Bantina, C. 197, 7, p. 422. 

5. S. C. ps PHILosoPpHIS ET RHETORIBUS. This decree belongs to the time 
when Cato and those like him were attempting to oppose the decay in national 
morals which they attributed to foreign and especially Greek influences. It is one 
of a series of which the Sctum. de Bacchanalibus is the earliest, V. c. 568. Some 
years later the Epicureans are said to have been driven from Rome, probably in 
V.0. 580. ('AAxaior kal SAloxov rods "Emsxoupelous é£é£BaXor rijs róAeos Aevalov Tob 
IIocrovpíov trarevovros, 5i às elovryobvro Hovde, Athen. xii. p. 547 A.) Thirteen 
years later the senate issued the decree here given. Nearly contemporary with 
this was the embassy of the three Attic philosophers or sophists, Carneades, 
Diogenes, and Critolaus (Gell. vi. 14). Cate, who found his own ideas of right 
and wrong confused by the dialectics of Carneades, voted for their dismissal as 
soon as possible (Plin. vii. 31, ‘quam primum legatos eos censuit dimittendos ^). 
Cp. his tirade against Greek physicians, p. 342. The date of the S. C. de Theatro 
Perpetuo is doubtful. Mommsen, iii. p. 458, puts it in V. C. 599 — 155, the year 
of Carneades. But Appian seems to imply that it was later, probably v. c. 643 = 
111. (App. B. C. i. 28. Cp. Val. Max. ii. 4.) 

6. Epicrum CENSORIUM. This edict, like the former, was ineffectual, though we 
cannot tell how far it checked the teaching of rhetoric for à time. A few years 
later, we find the names of Plotius Gallus and Vultacilius Plotus, as Latini 
rhetores (Teuffel, $ 36, 8). The earliest extant specimen of their method is in 
the book ad Herennium, usually published with Cicero's works, but allowed not to 
be his, and with some probability ascribed to Cornificius (ibid. § 149, 4). 

7. LEX CORNELIA DE Sicarus, etc. The early history of criminal law at Rome 
is very obscure. According to Mommsen (iii. p. 112 E. T.), C. Gracchus *' with- 
drew the cognizance of those crimes which most frequently gave occasion to 








LEGES PAPIRIA, CORNELIA, FALCIDIA, ETC. 549 


capital sentences—poisoning and murder generally—from the burgesses, and 
intrusted it to permanent judicial commissions.’ I am unable, unfortunately, to 
verify this statement. The same author says, with reference to the Cornelian 
laws, ‘From this Sullan legislation dates the distinction, substantially unknown to 
the earlier law, between civil and criminal causes, in the sense which we now 
attach to these expressions; henceforth & criminal cause appears as that which 
comes before a bench of jurymen, a civil cause as that which comes before the 
individual iudex. The whole body of the Sullan ordinances, as to the quaestiones, 
may be characterized at once as the first Roman code after the XII Tables, and as 
the first criminal code specially issued at all’ (l.c. p. 373). The quaestiones regu- 
lated or established by this code were, in all probability, (1) de Repetundis, 
(2) Maiestatis, (3) de Sicariis et Veneficis, (4) de Adulteriis, (5) Peculatus, 
(6) Ambitus, (7) de Nummis adulterinis, (8) de Falsis et Testamentaria, (9) de Vi 
Publica. 

The provisions of the present law seem to bave been pretty much aa follows. 
(Cp. Rudorff, R. R. G. i. p. 86.) 

It was directed, (1) against any one who went about within the city, or ita 
circuit, wearing a weapon, for the purpose of killing or robbing; (2) against any 
one who killed & man, or procured his death; (3) against any one who prepared, 
sold, bought, had in his possession, or administered, poison for the purpose of 
killing another; (4) against any one who committed arson; (5) against any 
magistrate or senator who conspired to procure the condemnation of any one in 
& criminal suit; (6) against any who, as magistrate or iudex quaestionis in a 
capital suit, had taken a bribe, or caused condemnation through perjury. Persons 
convicted under any of these counts were punishable with exile, and confiscation, 
if of the better classes: ‘humiliores’ were punished with» crucifixion, or had to 
fight with wild beasts. For this account, see especially the title in the Digest, 
xlviii. 5, and the passages of Paullus, v. 23, in Huschke, Iurispr. Anteiust. It is 
evident from these authors that the Lex Cornelia was taken as the basis to which 
new enactments were added, and on which new interpretations were grounded. For 
example, ‘deportatio in insulam’ is mentioned, though in republican times this 
was, in all probability, rather * interdictio aquae et ignis.’ 

8. Lex FALCIDIA. This was one of the most important enactments with regard 
to testaments, and continued to be an integral part of Roman Law. See especially 
Gaius, ii. $$ 224-227 = Inst. ii. 22, and Dig. xxxv. 2; cp. Rudorff, R. R. G.i. p. 58. 

It is desirable here to give a short account of the enactments subsequent to the 
XTI Tables (v. 3, p. $22), which were intended to check the unlimited power there 
given of testamentary disposition, and to ensure, aa far as possible, that heredes 
should accept the succession. Under the old law (Gaius tells us), a man often 
alienated his whole estate, in the way of legacies and enfranchisements, and so 
heirs declined to accept their inheritances, and (what Roman lawyers thought 
a great scandal) people often died intestate. The Furian law (before v. c. 585) 
restricted legacies or donations, mortis caussa, to 1000 asses, except to persons 
within the sixth degree of relationship, and gave an action against the legatee per 
manus $nicctionem puram, and a penalty of four times the amount. This, however, 


550 INSTRUMENTA PUBLICA POPULI ROMANI. 


left it in the power of the testator to split up his estate into small legacies, and 
this occasioned the enactment of the Voconian law, v.c. 585. "This law, which 
had the support of Cato, was, in great measure, intended to restrain the rising 
influence of women (‘de coercendis mulierum hereditatibus,' Gell. xx. 1, 23). The 
first chapter forbade classici (i.e. those of the first class, with property of 100,000 
asses, or, later, of 100,000 — 125,000 sesterces) to make women, even their daugh- 
ters or sisters, their heirs. The second chapter, however, gave them greater 
freedom in the way of legacies, allowing them to leave them to women without 
exception, and of an amount not exceeding that taken by the heir, or heirs, as 
8 body. But this liberty was restricted to members of the first class. The third 
chapter forbade, generally, *ne cui plus legatorum nomine mortisve caussa capere 
liceret quam heredes caperent. This law, also, might be defeated (us directed 
against intestacy actual or practical) by the testator giving a number of small 
legacies, which would leave the heir too little to make it worth his while to pay 
the succession duty. The Falcidian law repealed the restrictions of the Furian 
and Voconian, and enacted that the heirs should have, at least, a fourth part of 
the estate left them, hence called the legitima, and sometimes the Falcidia. The 
passing of this law seems to be rightly connected (by Rudorff) with the imposition 
of a tax upon inheritances by the second triumvirate (V.C. 714, B. C. 40), at 
& time when they were pressed for money by the war with Sextus Pompeius. 
Appian, who, I believe, alone mentions this circumstance, calls the enactment 
which imposed it a decree (d:dypaypa), and speaks of the tax as an eloQopá 
(elopipay 382 xol polpay rove tx Sadhene Ti xaproupévous, B. OC. v. 67), and, 
seemingly, it was one on legacies as well as inheritances. It was of importance to 
the revenue that wills should be made and carried out, and this was the object, 
also, of the Lex Falcidia. A permanent succession and legacy duty of 5 per cent. 
was established by the Lex Iulia vicesimaria, V. €. 759. A.D. 6, with certain 
exceptions in favour of the old citizens, and total exemption of inheritances of 
insignificant amount. 

9. S. C. DB AQUAEDUCTIBUS. This is the last of the six decrees preserved by 
Frontinus. They relate, (1), ch. 100, to the curatores aquarum (first established 
by Augustus), their attendants and expenses; (2), ch. 104, to the number and 
care of the public fountains within the city ( publict salientes) ; (3), ch. 106, for- 
bids private persons to draw off water from the channels (rivi), or from anywhere 
except the castella, reservoirs, or heads; (4), ch. 108, is of similar import; (5), 
ch. 125, gives authority for taking materials, at a valuation, for the repair of 
certain aqueducts, which Augustus had offered to undertake, and grants rights of 
way (tlinera, actus) over the neighbouring lands; (6), ch. 127, the one given in the 
text, orders the keeping clear of a space of 15 feet on each side the course of the 
aqueducts, and the clearing away of trees already planted, and the punishment of 
any offence in future. It is only necessary here to give the names of the principal 
aqueducts, and to explain the chief technical terms used in describing their con- 
struction. Four were made in republican times, viz. (1) the Aqua Claudia, by 
the great censor, B.0. 313; (2) the Amio Vetus, B.0. 273, began by the censor 
M. Curius Dentatue, and finished by M. Fulvius Flaccus; (3) the Marcia, 





S. C. DE AQUAEDUCTIBUS. FORMULAE VARIAE. 551 


B.C. 144, by the praetor Q. Marcius Rex, of great importance ; (4) the Tepula, 
B. 0. 127, by the censors Cn. Servilius Caepio and L. Cassius Longinus. Five 
were built in the reigns of Augustus and Claudius, viz. (5) Iulia, B. 0. 33, in the 
aedileship of Agrippa, connected with 3 and 4; (6) Virgo, built by Agrippa to 
supply his baths; (7) Alstetina, or Augusta, built by Augustus, probably to supply 
his naumachiae and gardens; (8) Claudía, and (9) Anio Novus, two magnificent 
aqueducts begun by Gaius Caesar, A.D. 36, and finished by Claudius, A.D. 50. 
Four were added at a later date, and these all existed up to the time of Procopius. 

The channel of an aqueduct is called rivus, when it is carried on the surface of 
the ground, or under the earth (rivus subterraneus, or cuniculus). It is called specus 
when it consists of masonry elevated upon arches ( fornices, cp. tit. Aletrin. 
C. 1166). These channels were always ventilated, even when one specus was over 
another, or when the channel was subterranean. Pipes (jistulae, tubul$) were 
used in places, especially in crossing a large valley, or going round a hill. At 
intervals there was a reservoir, for cleansing the water (piscina, piscina limosa), 
as shown in the following section, suggested by a woodcut in Rich'a Antiquities. 
It had four chambers, so arranged that the water entered at a, deposited its sedi- 





ment in b and c, and made its exit at d. The sediment was cleaned out at a door 
€, the specus, no doubt, being first closed by a hatch. The castella, or reservoirs, 
were either public or private, but, at the time of this decree, there were probably 
none but public ones, though certain private persons had the grant of using them. 

For the phrase extra urbem infer continentia aedsficia, cp. Alfen. in Dig. L. 16, 
87, and Lex Iulia Mun. C. 206, 1. 20. Continente there ia adverbial, like ‘ deti- 
nente tota nox est perviglanda canticis, in Perv. Veneris, 46, as has been sug- 
gested. For accusator$ cuius opera maxime convictus esset, cp. Lex Rep. C. 198, 
l. 78 (85), p. 438. 


Cap. V.—FORMULAE VARIAE ANTIQUAE REIPUBLICAE. 
1. FORMULAE IURIS FETIALIUM. Pp. 376—380. Jmtroductory Note. 


The Fetiales were the guardians of public faith in regard to other nations, and 
their intervention was required in performing rightly declarations of war, and in 
making, or unmaking, truces and treaties of peace. The name is written in 
inscriptions rather with a ¢ than a c, and is transcribed by the Greeks $sgrióA«s, 
$eridAeu. It appears to be derived from tho same root as fas, fará, fateri, fatum, 
Bonifatius, $n-fiteor, etc., etc. (see Corssen, i. 419), and must have meant, ori- 
ginally, much the same as orator or nuntius, both terms used in transactions 





552 FORMULAE VARIAE ANTIQUAE REIPUBLICAE. 


performed by the fetiales. Twenty fetiales are mentioned by Varro, ‘Si autem legati 
violati essent, qui id fecissent quamvis nobiles essent uti dederentur civitati statu- 
erunt; fetialesque viginti, qui de his rebus cognoscerent iudicarent et statuerent, 
constituerunt’ (De Vit. P. R. 111, ap. Non. p. 529). In general, two or three 
only were employed in one transaction. . 

Acting as chief of the fetiales we find the pater patratus, not indeed as a 
regular Master of the College, but apparently one of their number chosen and 
especially consecrated for each occasion. The name appears to mean ‘one who is 
made father,’ i.e. not a real father, but acting as such, and, according to Lange's 
probable conjecture, so called as deputy of the king (or other chief magistrate) in 
his paternal office (R. A. i. p. 280). Besides the office detailed by Livy in the 
matter of the treaty with Alba, the pater patratus had the duty of giving up to 
an enemy any Roman who had offended against international law or had 
entered, on his own responsibility, into an agreement with an enemy which was 
not ratified. The best known instances of this are the cases of Postumius, the 
general at the Caudine Forks (Liv. ix. 10), and that of Mancinus, whose treaty 
with the Numantines was unjustly disowned by the senate. There is a clove 
analogy drawn by Cicero between the deditio performed by the pater patratus and 
the ordinary venditio of a son by his father; we may compare also the novralis 
actio and noxae deditio of the Tables, viii. 6 and xii. 2, pp. 527, 538. (Cic. de 
Orat. i. 40, 181, pro Caecina, 34, 98, Appian, Bell. Hisp. c. 83.) 

The fetiales as a body had the duty of performing all the preliminaries to war 
(described under a and b). The preliminary demand for restitution (res repetere) 
was called technically clarigatio, perhaps simply from the loud cry of the pater 
patratus, who led the three or four that were usually sent on this mission. (For 
a curious use of this word see Livy, viii. 14. Serv. ad Aen. 9, 53, makes it —- the 
declaration of war, but apparently wrongly.) The further process described by 
Livy is confirmed by other writers. See references in Marquardt, iv. pp. 387 foll. 
For the use of the iron spear, cp. on Fratr. Arv. p. 389. A bloody lance is men- 
tioned by Ammianus, xix. 2, as & custom of the Chionitae as well as the Romans, 
and by Dion Cassius, lxxi. 33, as a Roman usage. Madvig bracketa the word 
sanguineam. No doubt it is difficult to combine the three words together. Livy 
probably meant ‘a lance with an iron head, or one hardened by burning and 
dipped in blood,' the two latter epitheta describing the alternative. 

This declaration of war at first took place on the enemy's territory, but as the 
Roman empire extended symbolical processes were introduced. (Cp. the changes 
in the manuum consertio, XII Tab. ii. I, p. 517.) In the war with Pyrrhus, we 
are told, they took one of his soldiers and made him buy a place in the Circus 
Flaminius, which they treated as foreign ground (Serv. ad Aen.ix. 53). Later, 
the fetialis threw his spear at the columna bellica by the temple of Bellona, a rite 
which continued to the times of the Antonines (Ovid, Fasti, vi. 205-208, and 
others). Nevertheless, the personal declaration of war was still kept up (Polyb. 
xiii. 3. See further, Marquardt, iv. p. 388). 

The insignia of the fetiales were a filum or covering of wool worn round the 
head, but especially the so-called verbenae or sagmina (cp. sacer). These were tufta 





1. IUS FETIALE. 558 


of grass, pulled up root and all, with earth clinging to them, from the arx or peak 
of the Capitol (see quotations under e). They were solemnly asked for by the fetiales 
and given by the king or chief magistrate before they set out to execute any of 
their duties, and were borne before them by a verbenarius. This tuft of grass 
from such a spot seems to have been symbolic of the power of Diespiter, the great 
god of light and the god especially of good faith and purity, of which the fetiales 
were the guardians (see Preller, R. M. p. 219). To the same idea belonged two 
other symbols of this college, first a holy pebble (or thunderbolt !), called Jupiter 
lapis or lapis silex, with which a solemn oath was taken (see p. 279), and which 
is also probably the sazum silex, with which, according to Livy, the victim was 
struck at the conclusion of a treaty; and, secondly, a sceptre or herald’s wand, 
called Sceptrum Iovis, which they held in their hand while taking oaths. Both 
these were kept ordinarily in the Temple of Jupiter Feretrius, which we may 
recollect was enlarged by Ancus Marcius (Fest. Ep. p. 92). 


Notes on the Text. 


(a) FORMULAE RERUM REPETUNDARUM ET BELLI INDICENDI. The text here 
given is almost exactly that of Prof. Seeley (Oxf. 1871). 

5. Aequiculis. The institution of fetiales appears to be one common to the 
Italians as a people; we find them in Alba, Laurentum, Ardea, and outside 
Latium, amongst the Samnites. The Aecquicult, says Marquardt (iii. pp. 381, 382), 
are named from the supposed etymology of their name « qui aequum colunt ; and 
similarly, Servius refers to the Falisci, who were similarly chosen as being Aequi 
Falisct (ad Aen. vii. 695). The traditional author of the ius fetiale is even named : 
a certain Fertor Resius, king of the Aequiculi (Auct. de Praen. § 1, cp. Auct. de 
Viris Ill. c. 5), 4 name which we no doubt ought to read in the following elogium 
lately found in the Forum, C. I. (Elog.) p. 564: FERT. ERRESIVS | REX - AEQVEI- 
COLVS | 18. PREDMVS | IVS - FETIALE - PARAVIT | INDE: P-R | DISCIPLEINAM . 
EXCEPIT. 

7. Si ego iniuste. This oath is somewbat differently given by Dionys. ii. 72. 

8. carmínis. See on XII Tab. x. 3, p. 535. 

10. Jane Quírine. Some earlier editions read Juno, Quirine. Cum tis. Madv. 
reads cum his. Livy here passes from a general to a particular case, war with the 
prisct Latini. 

1r. quarum rerum litium caussarum condizil: lites are ‘objecta of dispute.’ 
Madvig conjectures caussa, adding ‘ etsi difficile est de huiusmodi veteribus ver- 
borum formulis iudicium. The nearest parallel to the use of these genitives seems 
to be the formula eius (or eum) hac lege nihil rogatur, or the like, e. g. in Lex Rep. 
C. 198, 77, 78, Lex Agr. C. 200, 34, Lex Iul. Munic. C. 206, 52. The phrase 
damni infecti promiserit, quoted from Cic. Top. 4,23, seems less to the purpose, as 
it is evidently an ellipse of caussa or nomine, as in Gaius, iv. $ 31. Condicere is 
specially used of naming a day for the decision of a case. The action called 
condictio or ‘notice’ (it is said by Gaius, iv. § 19), ‘was created (constituta) by the 
Lex Silia and Lex Calpurnia, being prescribed by the Lex Silia for the recovery 
of a certain sum, and extended by the Lex Calpurnia to the recovery of a certain 


554 FORMULAE VARIAE ANTIQUAE REIPUBLICAE. 


thing ;’—more exactly, a definite quantity of a definite species, e. g. corn, wine, 
oil. The form seems to have been ‘a wager or verbal oontract conditioned for 
the forfeiture of the vanquished party of one-third of the sum in dispute in 
addition on the part of the defendant to the original debt’ (Poste, ad loc.) It 
drew its name from the notice given by plaintiff to defendant to appear before the 
praetor on the thirtieth day to receive a judge. But there seems to be a still 
earlier trace of such an action in the Tables, ii. 2, status (condictus !) dies cum hoste; 
and from the process of the fetiales described here, both in its general aspect and 
in its details, we may perhaps infer that the action of condictio was one of those 
national forme of procedure, or iura gentium, which were first used between 
Romans and foreigners (status dies cum hoste= peregrino), and then transferred to 
the civil law. ‘ Prisci Latint proprie appellati sunt bi qui priusquam conderetur 
Roms fuerunt. Fest. Ep. p. 226, i. e. those thirty Latin colonies of Alba Longa. 
Madvig writes dari, solvi, fieri, to suit the order of dederunt, solverunt, fecerunt. 

12. puro pioque duello, so iustum ac pium bellum, Liv. iii. 25, ix. 8, etc. Cp. 
Cic. de Off. i. 11, 36, * Ac belli quidem aequitas sanctissime fetiali populi Romani 
iure perscripta est. Ex quo intelligi potest nullum bellum esse iustum, nisi quod 
aut rebus repetitis geratur aut denuntiatum ante sit et indictum," where he goes 
on to quote Cato's words given p. 283 ; for other refs. see Marq. iii. p. 380. 

sanguineam. See introductory note, p. 552. 

(b) FormMULA BELLI INDICENDI. Cincius libro tertio de re militari. That this 
author was different from the old annalist L. Cincius Alimentus is now generally 
agreed. See a full discussion in Peter, Hist. Rom. Rell. pp. civ-ciz, and cp. 
Teuffel, § 106, 4. He may probably have been a younger contemporary of Varro. 
The very names of his books might have been enough to prove that he lived at a 
time of considerable literary cultivation. That of the Hermundulé here is equally 
conclusive ; they are mentioned by Velleius in his account of the expedition of 
Tiberius, A.D. 4, * À. Rheno usque ad flumen Albim qui Semnonum Hermundu- 
rorumque finis praeter fluit ' (Vell. ii. 106, cp. Strabo, vii. 3). We do not know of 
any actual war with this people, but may suppose that Cincius, as 4 grammarian, 
put the name in exempli gratia as one talked about in his time. 

(c) FoRMULA NoxaE DEDENDI. Here and in the other selections from Livy 
(except in the first book) I have chiefly followed Weissenborn’s text. Cp. XII Tab. 
viii. 6, and xii. 3, for the parallels of the civil law. On this case Mr. Poste says 
(Gaius, pp. 455, 456), ‘As Postumius had not committed a delict against the 
Samnites, but had made a contract with them, we may either suppose that the 
colouring of Jegality which the Romans attempted to give to their violation of the 
treaty was defective in this respect, or that under the old law the paterfamilias 
could really by noxae deditio discharge himself of liability for the contracta of 
those in his power by which he benefited, as well as for their delicte.’ 

adduces lorum. Weissenborn compares for the future Plaut. Rud. iv. 3,9=946, 
' quin audies. Fleckeisen, however, reads ‘ qué audies. hisce. Introd. xiii. 34. 

(d) FoRMULAE FOEDERIS FERIENDI. Here, as above, I have followed Mr. Seeley's 


text of the first book of Livy. 4. puram tollito, sc. verbenam, perbaps with the 
hands, not with a knife. 


1. IUS FETIALE. 2. IUSIURANDUM MILITARE. 555 


5. vasa, in a wide sense, here of the insignia of the fetial's office. 

7. tabulis cerave ; rather an important evidence of the early use of writing at 
Rome, if this may be supposed to be part of the original formula. '"Weissenborn 
considers it a later addition. He compares the formula in Gaius, ii. 104, ‘ haeo 
ita ut in Ade tabulis cerisque scripta sunt, ita do, ita lego, ita testor e. q. 8.’ 

_ 8. defexit, pf. subj. from perfect stem in -si. Cp. tepefazit, etc. — Illo die Dies- 
piter. The MSS. have tlle dies Iuppiter. but in the Medicean Jup. is erased, and 
íl is altered to éilo. Madvig retains the MS. reading, making the ille dies the 
nominative to ferito and Iuppiter vocative in a parenthesis. Others read illo die 
Iuppiter. Seeley’s reading is confirmed, as far as Diespiter is concerned, by the 
oath given below under (/); but we might perhaps read even more simply, tum 
tlle Diespiter populum Romanum sic ferito, and we may notice that the alternative 
runs tum me Diespiter, e. q. 8. eiciat. 

saxo silice, below, under (f), and note on Carmen Arvale, p. 388. So the 
Egyptians used a stone knife in embalming. 

(e) 3. The new decree seems to have been wanted, because the treaty to be 
concluded was outside Italy (Weissenborn). Privos lapides silices = singulos, Gell. 
X. 20, 4, and various passages of Lucilius and Lucretius, e.g. i. 34, 35, L. M. 

‘Ad cenam adducam, et primum hisce abdomina thunni 
Advenientibu’ prita dabo cephalaeaque acharnae.' 

praetor Romanus. Cp. Liv. vii. 3, ‘ Lex vetusta est, priscis litteris verbisque 
scripta, ut qui pfaetor muzimus sit Idibus Septembribus clavum pangat;' and 
iii. 55, speaking of the time of the decemvirs, ‘quod his temporibus nondum con- 
sulem iudicem sed praetorem appellari mos fuerit, The magistrate here meant is 
of course P. Scipio Africanus, who was, speaking exactly, proconsul. Horace uses 
the word apparently merely for general, Epist. ii. 2, 34. 

(f) IURAMENTUM FETIALIUM.  fereirius is much rather to be derived from 
feretrum, the wooden frame on which trophies and spoils were carried up to his 
temple. Preller (R. M. p. 177) well compares Verg. Aen. xi. 83:— 

' Indutosque iubet truncos hostilibus armis 
Ipsos ferre duces, inimicaque nomina figi.' 


2. FORMULAE luRISIUBANDI MILITARIS. Pp. 280-384. 


There are considerable difficulties in dealing with this subject, as our in- 
formation is fragmentary and seems inconsistent. Authorities do not tell us 
what was the distinction between the sacramentum and iusiurandum militare, 
nor have we anywhere an exact account of the words or matter of the aacra- 
mentum; and our difficulty is increased by the passage of Livy, book xxii, 
which (as it stands) is discordant with that in book iii. Cincius also, when 
we compare him with Polybius, seems either to have confounded the two oc- 
casions which Polybius mentions, or else to have known only one oath. I bave 
given the passages in the order which seems best to illustrate the three occa- 
sions on which an oath was taken. I owe a knowledge of some of the passages 
quoted to Marquardt, iii. 2. p. ag1 folL, who does not however appear to have 
clearly understood their relation to one another. 


556 FORMULAE VARIAE ANTIQUAE REIPUBLICAE. 


Polybius’ account by itself is clear, connected, and harmonious. Taking it as 
our basis we should gather that the soldiers took an oath at the time of the levy, 
that they would follow the consuls wherever they chose to lead them, and never 
desert their standards (Dion. Hal.), or do anything against the republic (Serv.), 
but would in all things be obedient to the word of command to the best of their 
power (Polyb.) This I take to be the sacramentwm proper, and to be described 
by Livy in the words conventuros se iussu consulis neque éníussu abituros. It 
also probably contained, according to the second passage of Polybius (vi. 26, 
under d), à promise to appear on a fixed day, except under certain specified con- 
ditions, which are detailed in the second part of the quotation from Cincius 
given under e. (Cp. Liv. viii. 34, 9, which is & suggestive passage). Whether 
the words virum bonwm (me praestabo) and the promises uri, vinciri, ferroque 
necari, to which Seneca refers, were ever part of the oath, either under the 
republic or the empire, is very doubtful; but they seem to afford some analogy, 
and to be worth quoting here. 

After this oath, which may well have varied from time to time in its matter, 
the recruits were dismissed (according to Polybius, chaps. 21-25) till a set day, 
when they were ordered to appear without arms. Upon this they were divided 
by the tribunes into their proper ranks and companies, according to their capa- 
city, and ordered to procure the armour proper to their station. At this time it 
would seem the soldiers were in the habit of taking a voluntary oath amongst 
themselves, which was made obligatory in the Second Punic War, shortly before 
the battle of Cannae. Weissenborn puts it after the camp oath, which I venture 
to think is a mistake (Liv. xxii. 38). Polybius does not mention this second 
oath, but goes on to describe the general day of meeting (ch. 26), when all ap- 
peared unless unavoidably prevented, and were reviewed and exercised in con- 
structing a camp, of which he gives a detailed account, chaps. 27-32. Then 
follows naturally the oath about not stealing in or near the camp (Pol. ch. 35= 
Cincius’ first paragraph). Thus we distinguish three occasions on which an oath 
was taken: (1) the sacramentum proper, the general initiation into the military 
state, taken after the levy and enrolment ; (2) the (at first voluntary) oath upon 
joining a particular legion, and taking a specified rank and station in the army ; 
(3) the camp oath, at the actual entrance into military service, and after the 
performance of the great typical military act, the construction of acamp. I be- 
lieve these three occasions have not been properly distinguished before, chiefly 
owing to the passages of Cincius, which by themselves are misleading. Of course 
it is quite possible that all three oaths might be moulded into one, or all taken in 
substance on one occasion. The chief remaining difficulty is the first sentence of 
the passage of Livy, book xxii, which is not only as it stands inconsistent with 
book iii, but affords no very clear sense taken alone. Frontinus, it may be noted, 
omits the words iussu consulum—abituros, and it is very possible that they should 
be bracketed as a gloss, according to Crevier’s conjecture. It is perhaps even 
more probable that they should be transposed to after sacramentum fuerat, as 
rightly explaining what the sacramentum was. 

That the military oath was a real sacramentum (according to the explanation of 








3. IUSIURANDUM MILITARE. 557 


the term given above on XII Tab, ii. 2)—that is that it invoked a curse upon the 
head of him who took it if he forswore himself-few persons, I suppose, will 
doubt, with the parallels of the fetial oaths and others below under g and À before 
him. Curiously enough there is no distinct trace of this part of the formula, but 
there are strong references to the sanctity of the military oath (Liv. ii. 32 and 
Dion. H. xi. 43, 6pxos 6 orpariwrixde by dxáyrow padsora tyuwedobvow of “Papaior), 
and other indications of the same sort. For instance, Livy gives us an interesting 
account of the constitution of the Samnite legio linteata, and of the ceremony by 
which they were enrolled, ‘ ritu quodam sacramenti vetusto velut initiatis militibus,’ 
and a little further, ‘dein iurare cogebatur [miles] diro quodam carmine én execra- 
tionem capitis familiaeque et stirpis composito, nisi isset in proelium quo impera- 
tores duxissent e.q.s.' (Liv. x. 38, V. 0. 459). That the sacramentum was something 
of this sort, implying a religious sanction, though with less terrible imprecations, 
seems certain. It was looked upon as a religious initiation and as part of the 
preliminaries to a just and pious war. Cp. the fetial formulae and the passages 
from Cato quoted under f. Livy, in a place already referred to, says (reporting 
a speech of the dictator Papirius), ‘inmemores sacraments licentia sola se ubi 
velint exauctorent, infrequentia deserantur signa, neque conveniatur ad edictum, 
nec discernatur interdiu nocte aequo iniquo loco, (iussu) $niussu imperatoris 
pugnent; et non signa, non ordines servent; latrocinii modo caeca aut fortuita 
pro sollemns et sacrata militia sit’ (viii. 34, 10). 


Notes on the Tezt. 


(a) SACRAMENTUM MILITARE. These passages give the soldiers’ oath in general: 
we learn from Caesar, B. O, iii. 13, that it was first taken by the legati and tri- 
buni, and then exacted by the latter from the inferior soldiers. With the passage 
of Dionysius, cp. Sen. Ep. 95, 35, ‘primum militiae vinculum est religio et 
signorum amor et deserendi nefas.' 

idem in me, sc. recipio. Cp. Liv. ii. 45. 

(b) SACBAMENTUM GLADIATORUM. Seneca is of course speaking metaphori- 
cally here of the service of philosophy, very much as Horace, Ep. i. 1. 14, 
‘nullius addictus iurare in verba magistri' (cp. Sat, ii. 7. 58). This gladiators’ 
oath is added here rather as analogous to the soldiers' oath than as absolutely 
like it in terms. 

(c) IustukanpUM MirrrUM. On these passages, see introductory note. 

2. ubi ad decuriatum, described by Polybius, vi. ch. 31-25. The word decurit- 
atus is found nowhere else, and centurfatus only in the sense of a centurion's 
office ; hence some editors, with Walch and Schoemann, wish to strike out the 
words, and Madvig proposes ad decuriandum et centuriandum. But Livy has 
elsewhere &ra£ Aeyópera, and the words may mean ‘to take their places in decu- 
ries (as equites) and centuries (as pedites) (Weissenborn). 

sua voluntate, i. e. as at a coniuratio on the occasion of a tumultus, when for 
want of time the oath was taken en masse: see the passages of Servius, a 3. 

(e) IvstunanpuM CASTRENSE. On this Cincius, see Jus feliale, p. 554. 
The first paragraph is evidently parallel to the passage of Polybius, vi. 33, and 





558 FORMULAE VARIAE ANTIQUAE REIPUBLICAE. 


may be called the tusiurandum castrense. The second seems to belong to an 
earlier oath, probably to the sacramentum itself, or one taken at the time of 
enrolment. Gellius may have simply arranged them in wrong order, or this may 
have been done by Cincius, or, as I have said, there may have been in his time 
only one oath. Feríae denicales = sacrificium novendiale, according to Preller, 
R. M. p. 482. Marquardt, however, v. p.382, arguing from this passage and 
from Cic. de Leg. ii. 22, 25, ‘eas in eos dies conferre ius ut [neque] ipsius neque 
publicae feriae sint,’ concludes that they were not on a fixed day, but on one 
chosen for the purpose. He thinks the object was to purify the household, 
whereas the ' novendiale' (or silicernium) was intimately connected with the first 
offering to the manes of the dead. Cicero's derivation from nez is the only one 
I find spoken of. 

morbus sonticus. See XII Tab. ii. 2, p. 517. 

status condictusve dies cum hoste. See on XII Tab. ibid., and Ius fetiale, p. 554. 

infrequens ; 80 infrequentia in Liv. viil. 34, 10, quoted at the end of the intro- 
ductory note, in the last page. 

(f) SACRAMENTUM POST MISSIONEM RENOVATUM. Mommsen holds the first 
ef the quotations from Cato to be due to an interpolator of Cicero: see his 
argumenta in Jordan's Prolegomena, p. civ. Cp. note on puro pioque duello, p. 554. 

(g) lUSIURANDUM PRO RE NATA VICTORIAE CAUSSA. This extemporary oath 
illustrates the execrations which were no doubt contained in the sacramentum 
proper, as well as the formula idem tn me, by which the soldiers singly took it 
upon themselves. 

(h) IusrURANDUM A P. ScIPIONR INPOSITUM CONIURATIONIS OPPRIMENDAE 
CAUBSA. This is of course not a military oath at all, but only introduced by way 
of illustration. Ez met animi sententia, almost=‘on my honour. This was a 
regular formula used at the census. Cp. the amusing anecdote of the man who 
when asked at the census if he had a wife, * Ut tu ez anim: tué senlentia uxorem 
habes,’ answered, * Habeo equidem uxorem, sed non hercle ex animi mei sententia,’ 
for which untimely jest he was degraded to the aerarii (Gell. iv. 20). Cp. the 
fusiurandum Aritinensium exacted from the people of that town at the accession 
of the emperor Gaius, A. D. 37, which begins, ‘Ex mei animi sententia ut ego iis 
inimicus ero quos C. Caesari Germanico inimicos esse cognovero,’ it contains also 
an execration, ‘Si sciens fallo fefellerove tum me liberosque meos Iuppiter optimus 
maximus ceterique omnes di immortales expertem patria incolumitate fortunisque 
omnibus faxint. C. If. Inser. Hispan. 172. It will be found also on p. 242. 


3. FoRMULA DEVOTIONIS Decr. P. 284. 


The idea of consecration of persons appears generally in three cases: (1) the 
consecratio capitis et bonorum ordered by the royal laws and the later leges 
sacratae; (23) the devotion of persons and places; and (3) the offering of the 
ver sacrum. For the first, see on XII Tab. viii. 21, and for the third, see below, 
no. 6. 'The second is illustrated by the formulas of the devotion of Decius and 
those given under 4 and 5 from Macrobius. A general can devote to the infernal 
gods (a) the city and land of the enemy frum which he has rightly evoked the 


3. DEVOTIO DECII. 4. CARMINA EVOCATIONIS, ETC. 559 


gode, or (6) himself or some other citizen out of the army. The word devote 
used technically implies the idea of a vicarious sacrifice. The latter form is 
connected with some of the grandest and most inspiriting memories of Roman 
history, the devotion of Curtius (however it was interpreted), the death of 
the senators after the disaster at the Allia, grimly waiting in their halls for the 
advent of the barbarians (Liv. v. 41, ‘sunt qui M. Fabio pontifice maximo prae- 
fante carmen devovisse eos se pro patria Quiritibusque Romanis tradant"), and 
the devotion of the Decii. The devotion of the younger Decius at Sentinum is 
recorded in Liv. x. 27 foll. On the alleged devotion of the third Decius, see on 
Enn. Ann.214. In Greek history we have a parallel in the death of Codrus. 

velato capite, the regular position of a Roman in the act of worship before offer- 
ing a sacrifice, according to the legend, * Italici auctore Aenea velant capita, quod 
is, cum rem divinam faceret in littore Laurentis agri Veneri matri, ne ab Ulyxe 
cognitus interrumperet sacrificium, caput adoperuit atque ita compertum hostis 
evitavit;' on the other haud, ' Graeco ritu’=‘ aperto capite. Fest. p. 322, 324. 
Cp. Verg. Aen. iii. 403 foll, Lucr. v. 1198, 1199, who says satirically, * nec pietas 
ullast velatum saepe videri Vertier ad lapidem," eto. The object, no doubt, was to 
symbolise and to facilitate the concentration of mind fit for such a religious 
service, and to avoid the sight of all bad omens. Cp. the formula ‘hoc age' — 
attend, addressed to the crowd. The veiled head here, as in the case of the 
ver sacrum, expressed the fact that the subject of devotion offered himself as a 
sacrifice. 

super telum subiectum ; & part of the rite that seems to want explanation. 

Dii Novensiles. See on C. 178, p. 410. 

cinctu Gabino. Cp. Liv. v. 46, where Fabius goes in this fashion to sacrifice on 
the Quirinal, and Verg. Aen. vii. 612, where it is the dress of the consul opening 
the Temple of Ianus. Servius’ note here is not so good as that on Aen. v. 755, 
from Cato's Origiues (i. 18, Jord. q. v.). From this passage it appears to have been 
a way of throwing the right corner of the toga over the head, so as to form a sort of 
cowl or hood, and throwing the left into a girdle, thua leaving the right arm free, 
A person clothed in this way is figured in the Vatican Vergil. (See woodcat in 
Rich, s. v. p. 160.) It is said to have been called Gabinus from the fact that the 
people of Gabii were thus attired when suddenly attacked by the Etruscans, and 
rushed out to repel them without changing their dress. 

signum, an image. Cp. the usage of throwing twenty-four puppets of rushes 
from the Pons sublicius into the Tiber every 15th of May (the so-called Argei), 
which were probably a substitute for human sacrifices (Preller, R. M. p. 515). 
The same rational and prudent spirit appears in many Roman rites, e.g. in that 
of the ver sacrum, below xxii. 10, which they restricted to animals. Cp, the 
device of Numa, and the use of maenae at the Lemuria; see the passage of 
Valerius Antias, p. 351, and on the calendar May 9. 


4. CARMINA EVOCATIONIS ET DEVOVENDAE CIVITATI. Pp. 285, 286. 


(a). Pliny says (N. H. xxviii. 2): ‘ Verrius Flaccus auctores ponit quibus 
credat in oppugnationibus ante omnia solitum a Romanis sacerdotibus evocari 


560 FORMULAE VARIAE ANTIQUAE REIPUBLICAE. 


Deum, cuius in tutela id oppidum esset: promittique illi eundem aut ampliorem 
locum apud Romanos cultumve. Durat in Pontificum disciplina id sacrum con- 
statque ideo occultatum in euius Dei tutela Roma esset ne qui hostium simili 
modi agerent. Cp. Serv. ad Aen. ii. 351, who no doubt rightly judges Vergil to 
have referred to this belief in the lines, * Excessere omnes adytis arisque relictis | 
Di, quibus imperium hoc steterat. It is in fact as a commentary on them that 
Macrobius introduces these carmína. 

Si deus si dea est : see note on C. 178, p. 410. 

Carthaginiensis. See Mommsen's note on Lex. Agr. C. 200, 81, ager publícus 
P. R. ubi oppidum Carthago quondam fuit, page 100. The difficulty is, not that 
the site of Carthage was not consecrated, but that much earlier authors than 
Macrobius relate that the decision on this point was made by Scipio after the 
capture and burning of the city. Is it not probable that the name had been 
inserted in an old formula, like that of the Hermunduli above, see p. 5541 

ad me meosque veniatis, cp. dit Novensiles or Novesides, C. 178. Prudentius 
contra Symm. ii. 348 foll. is quoted by tbe commentators (Jan refers, I presume 
by mistake, to ii. 18) :— 

‘Innumeros post deinde deos, virtute subactis 
Urbibus, ex claris peperit sibi Roma triumphis, 
Inter fumantes templorum armata ruinas 
Dextera victoris simulacra hostilia cepit, 

Et captiva domum, venerans ceu numina, vexit.’ 

(b). Vetovis V edius, see on C. 807, p. 485. 

quem ego me sentio dicere ; cp. the formula in Varro, L. L. vii. 8. Adates =‘ lives;’ 
Plaut. Men. 672, ‘sibi inimicus magis quam aetati tuae, is sometimes quoted as a 
parallel, but seems rather to be used in a careesing sense, ‘thy beauty,’ like 
aetatula (Brix). Jan quotes Tac. Hist. iii. 68, *innoxiam liberorum aetatem mise- 
rarentur,' but that, again, means ' youth.” Mr. E. Abbott suggests that * verum in 
aetate utile,’ in Trinum. 23, may be a parallel, translating it ‘ useful in human life.’ 
ovibus aíris ; the regular offering to the infernal gods, Lucr. iii. 52, Verg. Georg. 
iv. 547. 

5. FORMULA VERIS SACBI VOVENDI. Pp. 286, 287. 


The ‘ver sacrum’ is sufficiently explained by the passages given in the text, 
and by the note on XII Tab. viii a1. Compare the vow before the war with 
Antiochus, v. 0. 561, B. C. 193, Liv. xxxvi. 2. 

consulente conlegium praetore is Lipsius" emendation of collegio praetorum. 

steterit ut celi ; the MSS. have sic velim, and this ut is, of course, only conjec- 
tural: the following clause is also corrupt, and seems to want some words, e.g. 
eam servarerit cannot be connected with respublica, which would require se. 
Weissenborn suggests that Juppiter is wanted as the nominative. As the sentence 
stands, the only possible nominative is populus Romanus. Twiss reads sicut velim 
eam, salva servata erit hisce duellís, and transposes the clauses datum donum 
e.q.s., and quod duellum e.q.s. The latter is certainly an improvement. 
Datum donum is obscure : tum is an easy conjecture. 


5. VER SACRUM. 6. ADROGATIO. 561 


quaeque profana erunt, i.e. not already consecrated to some god. Probe factum 
esto, cp. devotio Dectt, § 12, ‘siis homo qui devotus est moritur, probe factum 
videri, and the sanction of early laws, ‘inprobe factum, which Livy so much 
admired (e. g. lex Valeria de Provocatione, ap. Liv. x. 9. Cp. p. 532). 

rumpet, ‘vulneraverit vel virgis vel loris vel pugnis ceciderit vel telo vel quo 
alio ut scinderet alicui corpus, vel tumorem fecerit.' (Dig. ix. 2, 27,17, quoted by 
W eissenborn.) 

atro die, Varro, L. L. vi. 39, q. v. Verrius Flaccus in Gell. v. 17, etc. ; the peculiar 
term for the days after the Kalends, Nones, and Ides, which were looked upon as 
unlucky. 

fazitur = factum erit, Introd. xviii. $ 10. 


6. FoRMULA AÁDBOGATIONIS. P. 287. 


Adrogation was a legislative act of the Comitia curiata, but it could not be 
performed without the consent of the person so transferred from one family to 
another. See Cic. pro Domo, 29, 77. The question put was: ‘Auctorne es, ut 
in te (P. Fonteius) vitae necisque potestatem habeat ut in filio' For further 
details see Gaius, i. §§ 97-107, and Mr. Poste’s notes. Adoption proper took 
place by the process of three fictitious sales and two manumissions, followed by 
a claim (with certain minor formalities, in which the pater fiduciarius took part,) 
by the adoptive father (Gaius, i. $ 134). Augustus adopted two of his sons by 
adoption proper, and two by adrogation. ‘Gaium et Lucium adoptavit domi per 
assem et libram emptos a patre Agrippa. . . Tertium nepotem Agrippam simul- 
que privignum Tiberium adoptavit in foro lege curiata' (Suet. Aug. 64). The 
thirty curiae were symbolised by thirty lictors. (Poste.) 


00 


562 


SECTIO SECUNDA. 
POETARUM ANTIQUORUM FRAGMENTA. 


GENERAL INTRODUCTION. 


Tux following fragments have been chosen with a good deal of 
care out of the large number that have been collected by the diligence 
of many generations of scholars. Though the reader will perhaps 
miss some passages that he would naturally look for, it is hoped that 
the whole series will be found to give a fair idea of the general course 
of Roman poetry throughout the period covered by this book—except- 
ing indeed the comic drama, which happily does not require its aid. 

The beginnings of Latin poetry are very obscure; there is evidence 
enough to show that there was a vein of natural or national poetry . 
in the people, but it was probably neither very rich nor copious. 
I have given a general sketch of this early poetry, or rather of what 
is known about it, in the third of my Introductory Lectures, published 
in 1849, to which I may be permitted to refer. The scanty fragments 
which have come down to us may be classified as follows :— 

(1) Oracles, such as the Vaticinations that go under the name of 
Marcius, collected in the first chapter of this section. 

(2) Hymns, or Litanies, or a8 the Romans called them axamenta 
or indigitamenta. The most important relic of these is the Carmen 
Fratrum Arvalium (above, pp. 157, 158). Some very obscure frag- 
ments of the Salian hymns are given in the notes that follow this 
Introduction ; they could not be wholly omitted, but are too uncertain 
to be placed in the text. Similar carmina in a modernised form may 
be found in the Formulae Iuris Fetialium, pp. 276 foll, in the Car- 
mina Evocationis et Devovendae Civitati, pp. 285, 286, and in the 
extracts from Cato de Re Rustica, pp. 334—337. Something not 
wholly alien from these is the formula used by the augur, as preserved 
by Varro, pp. 368, 369. 

(3) Metrical Epitaphs in Saturnians. The Epitaphs of the Scipios 
are of course the great example of this kind (pp. 159—161). Whether 
they were or were not fragments of neniae is quite uncertain, as is 
their relation to the ‘clarorum virorum laudes’ mentioned by Cato 
(p. 340) and Varro (De Vita Populi Romani, ii. Non. p. 77, 8. v. assa 
voce, In conviviis pueri modesti ut cantarent carmina antiqua, in 
quibus laudes erant maiorum, et assa voce et cum tibicine). We 
have one other epitaph in Saturnians of a much later date, C. 1006 ; 
and the votive inscription of Sora, C. 1175, may also be mentioned here. 

We have no relics of that satirical or comic poetry which doubtless 
flourished at Rome as early as any other, for a certain rough humour, 
& keen observation, and a love of personality are among the most 
distinguishing characteristics of the people. 

Passing to the second stage, when the contact with Greek civilisa- 
tion began to be felt, we come first to Livius Andronicus, the .en- 


GENERAL INTRODUCTION TO POETICAL FRAGMENTS. 6568 


franchised Tarentine slave. He is represented by the scanty fragments 
of his translation of the Odyssey in Saturnians. Then comes ‘ Naevius 
qui fervet, a free Campanian auxiliary, whose Punica (also in Sa- 
turnians) remains in a scarcely less ruinous condition. I have given 
also all that we have of his Lycurgus (which presents some good 
poetic touches), and some remarkably powerful lines from his comedies 
—almost enough to justify the old critic who put him next to Caecilius 
and Plautus. We then come to an undoubted giant, Ennius, who was 
certainly the greatest poet before the age of Cicero, and one who both 
in tragedy and epic poetry deserved a far better fate. I have given 
all the longer passages from his Annals, all the fragments of the Sixth 
Book, and in his Tragedies all that remains of one important one (the 
Alexander), and some other fine or remarkable passages. Pacuvius 
seems only to have been a more pedantic Ennius; and Accius, if 
more subtle in regard to character, was not (I should suppose) a very 
great poet. 'The passages from his Brutus are the only specimens 
of any length of the early national tragedy. They are not, unfor- 
tunately, from a scene of very great interest. But we cannot judge 
entirely by the fragments, otherwise we should have but a mean idea of 
the comedian Caecilius, of whom the ancients thought so much. "The 
fragments of Lucilius will always be interesting, at least to scholars; 
and we have enough of him to judge fairly of his merits—a edarse 
powerful writer, very unequal, though probably nowhere very melo- 
dious or very witty, but with a keen Roman observation that makes 
us regret the loss of his pictures of men and things, as the most 
original production of the age. 

The mime, in the hands of Laberius and P. Syrus, must have 
been a treat to a people who did not shrink from the commixture 
of serious sentiment with the most vulgar and trivial ideas. There 
is a pathos in the prologue of Laberius which never fails to make an 
impression. 

The lighter articles in the selection will speak for themselves. If 
the Boeotia was rightly ascribed to Aquilius, we are introduced to an 
unknown poet who approached very nearly to Plautus in style. 

Q. Lutatius Catulus is perhaps the first instance at Rome of an 
eminent public man taking to vers de société. The lines on Terence, 
by no less 8 man than Julius Caesar, are forcible and valuable; as is 
that other criticism by a grammarian of the same age upon the roll 
of comie poets, then finally closed. 

Literature has its fossils as well as geology, and a good many of 
these lie before us in this period ; lives and characters which we may 
put together with something like scientific accuracy without exactly 
understanding how they lived and moved. The extracts here will 
however be dull or interesting as they are read alone or with the help 
of other books. If the reader will take the pains to consult, e.g. Sellar, 
Conington, and Mommsen, he will find that these early poets were 
a real force and power in their day, and set in motion or carried on 
currents that flow around us still. A little reading of Cicero will 
show how much he turned to them to help the expression of his 

thoughts, and a comparison of the Augustan poets, but especially of 


002 


564 POETARUM ANTIQUORUM FRAGMENTA. 


Vergil, will reveal the fact that with a happy plagiarism they summed 
up in themselves almost all the characteristic traits revealed in the 
extant fragments of their predecessors. 
On the early poets in general the reader should consult— 
Conington’s Early Roman Tragedy and Epic Poetry ; an essay first 
published in the North British Review, No. 82, and reprinted in his 
Miscellaneous Works, vol. i. pp. 294-347, London, 1872. 
Sellar's Roman Poets of the Republic, Edinburgh, 1863. . 
Mommsen's Roman History, bk. iii. chap. 14; iv. ch. 13; and 


of Literature; the latter has been translated by Dr. W. Wagner. 


Fragments of the Carmina Saliaria and other early Verses. 

These have been edited by a good many scholars in the present century; 
amongst others, by Egger, in his Latini Sermonis vetustioris Reliquiae, in 1843, 
pP. 72-77, Corssen, in Origines Poesis Romanae, Berlin, 1846, Bergk, in a Lec- 
tionscatalog, at Marburg, 1847, and Donaldson, in Varronianus, 1860 (3rd ed.), 
pp. 235-238. 

I have these books before me, with the exception of Bergk, which I was unable 
to make use of, having to depend on a short summary in the Ztachr. für Alterthums 
Wissenschaft for 1847, no. 94. No recension is satisfactory. Bergk, I need 
hardly say, seems to show the greatest acumen, and the greatest audacity. 
Corssen has touched the matter again in a note, Vok. i. pp. 229, 330. 

Two fragments occur in a passage of Varro, L. L. vii. 26, 27, where the Floren- 
tine MS. reads, according to Müller— 

‘ In multis verbis, in quo antiqui dicebant S, postea dictum R; ut in carmine 
Saliari sunt haec: 

COZEVLODOIZESO ; OMNIA VERO ADPATVLA COEMISSE IAMOVSIANES DVO MIS- 
CERVSES DVN IANVSVE VET POS MELIOS EVM RECVM.... 

(spatium decem linearum relictum). 

37... . . foedesum foederum, plusima plurima, meliosem meliorem, 
asenam arenam, ianitos ianitor. Quare est Casmena Carmena, ut* carmina 
carmen; R extrito Camena factum. Ab eodein voce canite, pro quo in Saliari 
versu scriptum est cante hoc versu: 

DIVVM EMPTA CANTE, DIVVM DEO SVPPLICANTE.’ 

BERGK resolves the first passage into three :— 

(a) ‘O zeul adosiose'z*sol venerande vel inclute, referring to Gloss. Labb. 
adoriosus éy8ofos, and to the name Usti for the sun in Etruscan, and the Latin 
Aurelius, etc. 

(b) Omina vero &d Patálcie misse Tánitós 

Ianés: duonts Certs es. 
i.e. precationes vero admitte Patulcie Ianitor Iane: bonus Creator es. Cp. Tert. 
Apol. 10, for Zanes = Ianus. 
(c) Duónus Iánus atictet pó meliósem récum 
[nullum terra vidit Saturnia ....] 
i.e. bonus Ianus augeat, quo meliorem regum [nullum terra vidit Saturnia.] 





CARMEN SALIARE. bob 


No one can deny the cleverness of this attempt, but the emendations are not 
altogether convincing. 'The best seems to me the last, though I should prefer 
to keep veveí- vivit. Of course the words in brackets only express a probable 
sense, 

The second line he emends, 

Dívum témpla cánte: divum deo sápplicáte. 

Everyone sees in divwm deo a name of Ianus, following Macrob. Sat. i. 9. 
Unfortunately, there is little agreement on other points. In the first passage 
CorssEN has an extraordinary interpretation, by which cozeulo dori eso=esum 
(h. e. cibum sacrum) £n coceulum (i.e. ollam) dare (p. 56). Is not this deserving 
of Cornewall Lewis’ satire? He goes on rather better (Vok. p. 230), * omina vero 
ad patula coemise Iani cusianes. Duonus Ceruses, duonus Janus’ =‘ omina vero 
ad patulum Ianum (patulam lanuam) conceperunt curiones. Bonus creator, 
bonus Ianus. He makes pommelios = pomerius, and reads venet = veniet, etc. 

DONALDSON writes (Varron. p. 236), 

* Chorauloidor' eso; omnia enim vero 
Ad patula’ ose’ misse Iani curiones. 
Duonus Cerus esit dunque Ianus vevet,’ 
i. e. Chorauloedus sum ; omnis enim vero ad patulam aurem miserunt Iani curiones. 
Bonus Cerus erit donec Ianus vivit. Chorauloedus of course = xopavAq0ós. 

He explains the second passage (after Grotefend)=‘deorum impetu canite, 
deorum deum suppliciter canite.' 

I am inclined to think (if it is worth while to offer an opinion on such an obscure 
topic) that Chorauloedus ero is the meaning of the first words. I will not commit 
Inyself as to those that follow, though the old commentators may probably be 
right as to custanes=curiones, and Corssen may have interpreted coemisse cor- 
rectly, as a third plural of the perfect = concepere or sensere (Introd. xvii. 3). If, 
then, we construe adpatula as a compound = clara, we get an intelligible sense for 
the passage, adopting Bergk's emendafion in c,— 

‘Chorauloedus ero; omina vero adpatula concepere Iani curiones. Bonus 
creator es. Bonus Ianus vivit, quo meliorem regum [terra Saturnia vidit nullum].' 

I do not lay any stress on this, and I do not pretend to divide the lines into 
Saturnians. The metrical notation given above is not very satisfactory. 

The other line is clearer in some pointe, but I cannot venture to say whether 
empta or templa is right. 


On the other hand, Bergk seems to me to have really suoceeded in emending 
the difficult quotation in Terentianus Scaurus, p. 2661 P, with the help of a gloss 
in Festus. The corrupt text of Scaurus has, *Cume ponas Leucesiae praetexere 
monti quotibet cunei de his cum tonarem.’ Bergk compares Fest. p. 205, *prae 
tet tremonti praetremunt te' (cp. Introd. xiv. 11), and reads, 

‘Cume tonas, Leucesie, prae tet tremonti, 
Quom tibei cunei decstumum tonaront.’ 

Lucetius is mentioned by Macrobius (Sat. i. 15) as a name of the god of light 

used in these hymns, Can it be believed that Corssen saw the relation between 


566 POETARUM ANTIQUORUM FRAGMENTA. 


the two passages, but wished to change the text of Festus into practexere monti ? 
Cumet must be ‘ thunderbolts’ or ‘ forked lightning.’ For dextumum tonaront cp. 
Mommsen, Handb. pp. 4, 5. Lightning from the right was a bad sign (i£aícior). 
Other forms from these hymns have been quoted elsewhere, e. g. pilumnoe poploe 
(Int. ix. 7, etc.), privicloes (ib. 13), Cerus manus (note on C. 46, p. 405), Sacturnus 
(note on C. 48), Mamurt Veturt (Fest. p. 131, note on Carm. Arv. p. 392), etc. 
Similar forms are found scattered up and down Festus, sometimes distinctly as 
quotations from Salian hymns, sometimes not. Such are (on p. 205) ‘ praeceptat 
Saepe praecipit, ‘pa pro parte’ (patre?), and ‘po pro potissimum ' (f); ‘ pro- 
menervat promonet,’ ‘praedotiont pracoptant,’ ‘ prospices prospice, and others; 
p. 270, ‘ Redantruare dicitur in Saliorum exultationibus oum praesul amptruavit, 
quod est motus edidit, ei referuntur invicem motus; p. 390, ‘sonivio sonanti,’ 
and p. 360, ' tame tam.’ 
It only remains now to add a few lines quoted from other sources, omitting 
glosses of single words. 
I. Varro, L. L. vii. 28, cites from the Carmen Priami the following Saturnians, 
' Veterós Casmónas cáscam rém voló profári 
Et Priamum....... , 
3. Fest. p. 167, * obstinet . . . ostendit ut in veteribus carminibus; 
Sed iam se caelo oédens Aurora óbstinet suám patrem,’ 
wich is a good iambus octonarius, not a Saturnian as Donaldson makes it 
by omitting aurora (p. 337). 
3. Macrob. Sat. v. 20, Fest. Ep. p. 93, ffaminius camillus, and Serv. ad Georg. 
i. IOI, give a * rusticum vetus canticum,' addressed by a father to his son, 
' Hiberno pulvere, verno luto, grandia farra, Camille, metes.' 
4. Fest. p. 333 s. v. spicum, ‘versus est, antiquus, 
‘Quasi messor per messim unumquemque spicum oollegit.’ 
5. Varro has preserved a charm for pain in the feet, R. R. i. a, 37— 
*Terra pestem teneto: Salus hio maneto. 
Hoc ter novies cantari iubet, terram tangere, despuere, ieiunum cantare.' 
This seems to be a bacchiac rhythm. 
6. Mallius Theodorus, lib. de Metris, quotes a sentiment from Marcius vatea, 
which should have been given in the text, p. 289, 
* Postremus loquaris primus taceas.’ 
7. Gell. iv. 5, gives, from the Annales Maximi, a proverb sung against the 
Etruscan haruspices, translated apparently from Hesiod :— 
* Malám consilium cónsultori péssimum est.’ 
8. Fest. p. 385, s. v. ' retíario pugnant adversus murmillonem cantatur : 
* Non te peto piscem peto quid me fugis Galle,' 
apparently an iambic septenarius—ehorter by a syllable than the usual verse. 


Cap. L—VATICINATIONES. Pp. 288, 289. 


The fragmenta contained in this chapter consist of a Latin version of a Greek 
oracle from Delphi, and of two predictions attributed to a vates Marcius, of whom 


VATICINATIONES. LIVIUS. §1. LIFE. 567 


we know nothing, except that he lived before the Second Punic War. Cicero, in 
his Book on Divination, speaks in one place of * Marcios quosdam fratres, nobili 
loco natos,’ in another of ‘ Marcius et Publicius vates,’ as prophesying in verse 
(De Div. i. 40, 89; 49, 115). The personality of these prophets, like that of 
Bacis in Greece, ia very obscure. It is generally supposed that the oracles in the 
text must have been originally in the Saturnian metre, and this is probable, at 
least as regards the first and third. But the second shows evident traces of 
a dactylio rhythm, and can be converted into decent archaic hexameters, with 
very slight alterations. 
‘Amnem, Troiugena, Cannam fuge: ne te alieni 
Conseruisse manus cogant campo in Diomedis. 
Sed neque tu oredes mihi donec sanguine campum 
Compleris; occisaque milia multa tuorum 
Terra ex frugifera magnum in mare deferet amnis; 
Piscibus atque, avibusque, ferisque colentibus terram 
Esca fuat caro. Nam Iupiter haeo mihi fatust ;' 
or we might begin, 
* Amnem, Troiugena Romane, aio, fuge Cannam, 
. Ne te alienigenae cogant campo in Diomedis 
Conseruisse manus,’ 
and so on. 

I do not venture to affirm that these hexameters are the originals, but 1 cer- 
tainly think that this oracle was not in Saturnians. Festus (Ep. p. 73) has a 
note which may refer to it, *Diomedis campi in Appulia appellantur, qui ei 
in divisione regni, quam cum Dauno fecit, cesserunt." 

3. vomica, properly an ulcer, used here, in a general sense, for a plague or 
curse. It may be connected, etymologically, with vomo, Gk. éuéw. Praetor, 
‘magistrate,’ cp. note on Ius Fetiale e, p. 555.  negumate = negate. 


Cap. IL—LIVII ANDRONICI FRAGMENTA. Pp. 389, 290. 


Introduction to the Works of Livius Andronicus. 
$ 1. Lirs. 


Livius Andronicus (circa 470-550 A.V.0.), whose name suggests a Greek 
parentage, was a slave taken at the surrender of Tarentum, which ended the war 
with Pyrrhus (v.0. 483, B.C. 273). He was brought to Rome by his master, 
Livius Salinator—probably the same aa the conqueror of Sena and the colleague 
and rival of Nero. He was at first employed as tutor to his master’s sons, in 
which he succeeded well enough to earn his liberty. He then began to teach on 
his own account, and translated the Odyssey into Saturnian verse for the sake of 
his pupils. It was not till after the conclusion of the First Punic War that he 
came forward as a dramatic author or adapter at the Roman games, in which he 
himself took part as an actor. He did not indeed claim the title of poet, which he 
hardly deserved, but as a scriba or writer acquired a just reputation (Feat. a. v. 
scribas, p. 333). The victory at Sena (v.0. 547) was a fit occasion for a public 


568 LIVII ANDRONICI FRAGMENTA. 


recognition of his services. He was ordered by the pontifices to prepare a thanks- 
giving hymn: and at the same time the scribae and histriones received in his 
honour some of the rights of a corporation, and a place for common worship in 
the Temple of Minerva on the Aventine. 


§ 2. TRAGEDIES. 


Of the tragedies we have a few fragments of the Aegisthus, Aiax, Andro- 
meda, Tereus, Equus Troianus ; but they are not sufficient to enable us to form 
any regular judgment upon him. They must have been, however, bald imitations 
or adaptations of the Greek, with perhaps occasional good lines. The following 
have some merit :— 

Ex Aegistho, 5. Tum autém lascivum Nérei simám pecus 
ludéns ad cantum cldssem lustratür. 
Ibid. 13. Quin, quód parere míhi vos maiestás mea 
procát, toleratis témploque hanc deducitis ; 
spoken probably by Agamemnon of Cassandra (Conington, Misc. Works, p. 300). 
Andromeda, 16. Cénfluges riví conventu cámpum totum inümigant. 
Ex ine. fab. 28. Florem ánculabant Líberi ex carchésiis. 
The line (37) to which exception has been taken as grotesque— 
Quem ego néfrendem alui lacteam immulgéns opem— 
has been shown by Professor Conington to be ‘a tolerably close rendering’ of 
Aeschylus, Cheoph. 897, and is certainly no more strange than many lines of the 
Greek poet. (Misc. Works, p. 301, n.) 

We have three names of palliatae—Gladiolus, Ludius, Verpus—but the frag- 

ments are of very trifling importance. 


§ 3. TRANSLATION OF THE ODYSSEY. 


I have adopted generally the arrangement of Dr. Ottomar Günther in a pro- 
gramme of the Greiffenberg Gymnasium, Easter, 1864, though I have departed 
not unfrequently from his notation of the metre. As these fragments of the 
Odyssey are not very easy of access, I have thought it well to give the whole of 
them, as well as those of Naevius’ Punica, according to Vablen's arrangement, 
The fragments of the plays and annals of Ennius, and of the plays of the other 
poeta, can be easily seen in full in Ribbeck and Vahlen. I am indebted to 
Mr. Merry (who is engaged on a large edition of the Odyssey) for several 
suggestions. 

The translation of the Odyssey by Livius has been severely criticised by 
Mommsen—too severely, considering the insufficient data (R. H. ii. pp. 420, 421, 
E. T.). No doubt it was bald and inexact, and probably very much curtailed. 
For instance, lines 4 and 5 are a rendering of Od. i. 64, 65 :— 

Tékvov tpydv woidv ce Éros piyer Epxos óSóvrow ; 
wis dy éxer’ 'Odvajos là Ocino Aabolyny ; 
Lines 23-26 as they stand are an awkward reproduction of viii. 138, 139 :— 
ob yap Évoryé Tl dj waxdrrepow dAXo baddoons 
dybpa re ovyxeia: el xal pra wdprepos ely. 





§ 2. TRAGEDIES. § 3. ODYSSEY. § 4. PROSODY. 569 


Mommsen gives two instances of misrendering: the first, the difficult passage, 
lines 34-36, which editors generally alter in various ways, but which may, I think, 
give better sense and metre as it stands in the text of Festus, with the alteration 
of Curcae to Circat, and of inserinuntur to interserinuntur with Ritschl. It describes 
the return to Circe after the Necyomanteia, Od. xii. 8 foll. The first line, toppér 
cit ad aédís vénimds Circdé will then answer to 55 rór' éydw érápovs wpotew és 
&oyara Kíprgs, rather than be a thoughtless substitution for Circe's visit to the 
ships. Livius very probably curtailed the atory by the omission of the burial of 
Elpenor. The nominative to portant will be ancillae or dupfwoAc, and eorum will be 
=sociorum. They had left their «rhpara (x. 404, 424) or duona in caves by Circes' 
direction. No doubt this is a paraphrase rather than a translation, and, if we 
rightly apprehend it, will not give us a high idea of Livius’ powers. Tie other 
phrase which Mommsen criticises is less open to attack. It is incredible that 
affatim edi bibi lust can be meant for a translation of Od. xv. 373, Tüv ipaydy 7 émiór 
re kal aldoloow wea, as Scaliger thought. It is a sentiment common enough in 
itself, and is placed by Ribbeck, with great probability, among the comic fragments. 
For similar lines amongst the ancients (who seem to have attributed the thought 
to Sardanapalus) see the commentators on Horace's imitation, Ep. ii. 2, 214. 


$ 4. PROSODY, ETC. 


The metres used by Livius in tragedy and comedy were, as far as we know, 
the iambic senarius, the trochaic tetrameter catalectic and the cretic dimeter. 
The fragmenta of the Odyseey are in the Saturnian metre, with the exception of 
lines 32, 41, and 42, which are hexameters. These I have not thought it worth 
while to force into Satarnians, though it has frequently been done. Whatever they 
were in their original form, they must, I think, have been quoted by Priscian as 
hexameters, and may have been so written by Livius. 

The general rules of the Saturnian metre are given above, Introd. to Epitaphs 
of the Scipios, p. 397. It may be sufficient to note here the chief peculiarities 
of ancient prosody, which are observable in these fragments and those of Naevius’ 
Punica. Parallels will be found in the Introduction: cp. also Introduction to 
Ennius, § 4. 

I. ARCHAIC Lone Fina, VOoWzLs. 

(1.) a of nom. fem. Liv. Od. 3, mea puera ; 4, mea puér; I5, sanctá puér 
Saturni fid regina; 40, vestis pullá purpárea ; Naev. Pun. 29, prima incedit. 

(2.) a of neut. pl. Liv. Od. 18, utrim genuá amplóctens; 35, simul duona 
eórum (1); 36, miléa aliá in isdem ; 45, bálieá auráta (1) ; Naev. Pun. 23, ineránt 
signa expréssa ; 33, ségmina sumpsérunt. 

(3.) e of abl.sing. Liv. Od. 4; éx tuo dre audio (not elided, as orig. long); Naev. 
Pun. 3, órdiné ponáüntur ; 14, senéx fretís pietátei (1). 

(4) e in que. Liv. Od. 11, Tuncgué remós iássit ; 12, ibídemqué vir simmus ; 
13, atqué escás habeámus ; Naev. Pun. 24, mágniqué Atlántes; 25, Runcás atqué 
Purpüreus; 33, Bcopás atqué verbénas ; 61, véstemqué citrósam. 

(5.) or in nom. masc. Naev. Pun. 43, verim praetór advénit ; 46, dictatér, ubi 
cürrum insédit. 


570 LIVIT ANDRONICI FRAGMENTA. 


(6.) us in nom. masc. Naev. Pun. 25, Runcis atqué Purpüreus ; 30, (nclutiia 
arquitenens ; 31, Pythids Apéllo; 63, simul aliás aliánde. 

(7.) bus in dat. pl. Naev. Pun. 8, cápitibás opértis. 

(8.) a in ard sing. of 1st conj. Liv. Od. 24, peius mácerát homónem ; Naev. 
Pun. 43, atspicat. 

(9.) e in 3rd sing. 2nd conj. Naev. Pun. 51, censet eo ventürum. 

(10.) 4 in 3rd sing. 3rd conj. Liv. Od. 33, tópper facit homónes, cp. 41, man- 
disset impius Cyclops (1). 

(11.) ein imperative. Liv. Od. 1, ínsecé versutum. 


II. SyNrizxatS. 


Liv. Od. 3, tuo ; 4, audio ; 24, peius (1) ; + 36, milia. Naev. Pun. IO, eorum; 
12, strenui ; 26, eius ; 32, atrocia; 52, moenia, Lutatium ; 54, Stcilienses. 


III. DIAERESIS. 


Liv. Od. 25, cié or quoiei (?) ; 34, Circai (?)) ; 45, aurdtaé or aurátaí. Circai 
seems very natural, especially as Ennius never uses the contracted genitive in the 
Annals. 


IV. ARCHAIC SHORTENED VOWELS. 


Liv. Od. 16, Calipsonem ; ao, domüm ; a1, pulcerrimé. 
Naev. Pun. 40, éxercitus. See note. 


v. 


To these we may add the archaic forms of declension. 

Liv. Od. 4, 15, puer, fem. ; 7, dies (1); 24, 33, homónem, komónes (cp. Naev. 21); 
43, carnis, nom. Naev. 26, quietem, adj. 

Gen. in as. Liv. 13, escas; 27, Latonas; 29, monetas ; Naev. 6, fortunas; 25, 
terras; 33, verbenas (?). 

Abl. in d. Liv. 5, ted (t), Naev. 8, Trotad. 

Voc. Liv. 2, filie; 5, Laertie. 


Notes on the Fragments of the Odyssey. 


I. insece, active form instead of deponent sequor. Gellius (xviii. r) quotes also 
from Cato (see Jordan, p. 42, note) and Ennius (Ann, x. 332 V.): 
' Insece, Musa, manu Romanorum induperator 
Quod quisque in bello gessit cum rege Philippo. Cp. Fest. Ep. p. 111. 
insextt dixerit, also from Ennius. 

Camena = Casmena, Carmena, cognate with carmen, Carmenta, but not with cano. 

3. supra, Fleck. alters to supera. 

6. polubrum =pelvis. This answers to Homer's phrase, bwép dpyuptoro A£finros, 
while aureo ex gutto - poxóp . . . . xpuoely, ‘into a silver basin out of a golden 
ewer;' ex gutto is therefore better than Müller's eglutro =t«Aotrpy, ingenious as 
that is. 

7. díes. I have ventured to scan dies, and to suggest a completion of the line 


EX ODISSIA QUAE SUPERSUNT. §71 


= irre 8¢ ce ped; There seems no reason why the ¢ should not sometimes be 
long here, as in dius, déu, divus, e.g. sub diu, Lucret. iv. 211: cp. Feet. p. 71. 
See note on Enn. Ann. 114. 

. 9. Morta. Caesellius Vindex, according to Gellius, said the three names of the 
Parcae were Nona, Decuma, Morta. The first two, says Preller, were goddeeses of 
birth (called from the month of parturition), the third a goddess of death (p. 564). 
From Morta such words as mortalis, etc. are perhaps derived, and not directly 
from mors. Cp. note on Feralía, Calendar. 

IO. ommentans, frequentative of obmanens. The simple manfo is rather more 
common. 

11. réligare. On the long ré for red, see Corssen, ii. 465 foll. 

struppis, * with straps, from Greek arpóqor (?). 

I4. partim errant does not really answer to Od. iv. 495, woAAol pir ydp Taw 
y¢ Sper woddol Bà Aiwovro. Mr. Merry suggests a parallel in line 558, referring to 
Ulysses, Ó 9' ob duvara: fjv warpi8a -yaiay IxéoOa:, but neither partim nor the plural 
seems to allow this. 

I5. Sancta puer. I am indebted to Mr. Merry for the suggestion that this is a 
translation of the line, "Hpy wpéofBa Oed Ovyarip pewyáXow Kpórow, which occurs 
Il. v. 721, but not in our present texts of the Odyssey. Livius might have had it 
in his: at any rate, he must have had the line in his mind, if he used these words 
merely to amplify sórvia "Hpy. 

17. igitur tum. See Introd. to XII Tab. p. 512 f. It answers to wal rér’ 
"Obvactfjos Aóro yotvara xal oXov Frop. 

19. donícum. See Corssen, Kr. N. 155, 156. Wehentem, intrans. ; so Quadrigar. 
ap. Gell. ii. 2, 13, ‘consul obviam in equo vehens,’ Cic. Brut. 97, 331, ete. 

21. pulcerrimé, so, regularly, bend, malé: often prob?, Plaut. Poen. v. $5, 1, 
Pseud. 603, Persa, 650 (ex coni. Ritschl) See further Wagner, Aulul, p. zxiv. 

22. noegeo, ‘a white handkerchief.’ Some derive from naucus pomi putamen, 
says Festus. The line seems an inference from Homer's Bdxpv' Óópoptáperos 
K€$aATs dxd papos ÉAeaxev rather than a translation. 

25. topper, gen. derived from toto opere. I have suggested a slight transposition 
which would seem to make better sense and metre, as Homer has dy3pa ye ovy- 
xedas el xal páAa waprepds en. Peius would in this case be a disyllable, possibly 
a trisyllable péius; anyhow cut (quot or quoiet) must be a disyllable, and after 
madré a thesis must be suppressed. 

29. Monetas (monere), here a translation of Mynpoowwn. Monetas filia = Musa. 
Mynpoovwns Ovyar)p is, however, not Homeric. The person probably meant is 
Demodocus. 

30. Günther adds the same from Diomedes with nexabant. 

33. veris (i. e. verres) vel is not a conclusive emendation for utrius, especially 
as Homer has # ots #2 Aíxovs worhoeras à Adovras; but sueris= sues seems certain. 
Cp. Varro, L. L. v. 110, Fest. p. 330, 8. v. spetile. (The line ought to be pointed 
in the text eéris vél ederis.] 

34. See Introduction, p. 569. 

37. fitum est ; op. fitur, pro fit, Cat. ap. Prisc. viii. p. 37 7, H, Jordan, p. 42. Other 





of 


572 CN. NAEVIT FRAGMENTA. 


irrational forms are potestur, possitur : cp. caletur (Plautus) poenitetur (intp. 8 
Irenaei). 
38. parcentes praemodum, part perhaps of translation of o$8' gm: pecdd. 
39. gavisi gavisus sum. Priscian also quotes from Cassius Hemina, *'idque 
admiratum esse gavisi I can nowhere discover the parallel line in the Odyssey. 
43. carnis, nom. sing. anclabatur only here and in Fr. Trag. It is generally 
said anclo = ávrAG, but Corssen connects it, no doubt rightly, with Anculs, Anculae 
(dii Ministri), ancilla, and Cup-encus (bonus minister). See i. 40, n, ii. 430, 524. 
45. auratae vaginae. Nothing rea -y L'ke these words occurs in the Odyssey, and 
as Nonius simply quotes from Livius, lib. viiii, we are tempted to look for them in 
the ninth book of the Historian, especially in the description of the gilded Samnite 
legion. But there is no trace of them there. Mr. Merry acutely suggests that 
auratae vaginae is the dative, and tllis, a corruption due to & misconstruction of it— 
being perhaps originally illic. This being the case we should bave a near approach 
to the lines of the Iliad, xi. 29 f. (see on line 15) :— 
dugt 9 Gp’ dpoiws BdAero (ios, iv 3% of FAor 
xpíceo waudavov, árdp sep) kovAeóy fey 
&p'yópeov xpuodacw doprhpecow ápnpós. 
Even here we only get gilded straps to a silver scabbard, though containing a gold- 
studded sword. 


Car. III—CN. NAEVII FRAGMENTA. Pp. 292-299. 
Introduction to the Fragments of Cn. Naevius. 


$ r. LIFE. 


Cn. Naevius was but little younger than Livius, but while the latter was 
teaching and translating the Odyssey in Rome he was serving as a Campanian 
' socius ' in the First Punic War. Five years after the first performance of Livius, 
he brought out his first play. His attacks on the nobility, which rivalled, if they 
did not exceed, in bitterness the freedom of Aristophanes, caused him to be 
thrown into prison (Gell. iii. 3, 15, cp. Plautus, Mil. Glor. 211 f.). The common 
story of his particular quarrel with the Metelli is inconsistent with the consular 
Fasti, and is only given in the late commentator on Cicero's first Verrine. His 
subsequent banishment is, however, connected by St. Jerome with the name of 


. Metellus (anno v. 0. 550). He chose Utica as his place of retirement, and there, 


it would seem, solaced his old age by the composition of the verse chronicle, the 
chief subject of which was the war in which he had served as a young man. 


$ 2. THE Pounioa. 


I have given all the fragments that remain of the Punica, following, ‘on 
the whole, Vahlen's edition, Leipsic, Teubner, 1854, 4. The first two books 
would have been important, if they had been preserved, as the first Latin account 
of the legend of Aeneas. Just before the time of Naevius, the Sicilian historian 
Timaeus had made a definite story out of the floating fragments of legends relating 
to Aeneas, Romulus, and Ulysses. He represented Aeneas as the founder of 


$1. LIFE. §2. PUNICA. $3. DRAMAS. 578 


Lavinium, to which he brought the Trojan Penates, and afterwards as the founder 
of Rome in the same year as the foundation of Carthage. Prof. Mommsen does 
not hesitate to assert that the part of the legend about Lavinium was a mere 
fiction of the ‘ gossip-monger ' Timaeus (R. H. i. p. 183, E. T.), Polybius certainly 
attacks Timaeus, but then Polybius was a rationalist, Timaeus a collector of 
myths. However the legend may have grown, Naevius certainly made a great 
step in filling out the story, 80 as to be frequently followed in detail by Vergil. 
In his first book Aeneas and Anchises are represented as leaving Troy in the 
night with their wives weeping by their sides. They carry with them, no doubt, 
the Penates (1. 3) as well as considerable wealth, and are accompanied by a large 
following. They have, however, only one ship, built by Mercury. On their 
voyage they meet with & storm, as in the Aeneid, and Venus makes & similar 
complaint to Jove and receives similar consolation from him in the prophecy of 
Rome's future greatness. The story of Carthage was also interwoven ; Anna and 
Dido were both represented as daughters of Agenor, and to the latter, it would 
seem (though not without some hesitation), the words must be referred, ‘ blande et 
docte percontat Aeneas quo pacto | Troiam urbem liquerit.' We do not know 
whether the love-story was already part of the epic, or a later invention of the 
great poet. There was, we know, mention of the Sibyl and of Prochyta, but 
other circumstances are not known. Romulus was described as the grandson of 
Aeneas, with a happy carelessness of chronology that Vergil might have done well 
to imitate, and which Ennius actually followed. As far as we can judge, these 
first books exhibited some imaginative power as well as vigour of style; the later 
historical books seem, from the fragments, to have been merely chronicles in 
metre, no doubt with a certain swing of narrative, but not exactly poetical. 


§ 3. DRAMATIO WORKS. 


Of the tragedies of Naevius we have a few lines more than of those of 
Livius—not enough really to ‘enable us to realise the **immense chasm” which 
Mommsen affects to perceive between his productions and the “ quasi-poetry of 
Livius,”’ though we need not doubt that Naevius did make a considerable 
advance upon his predecessor (see Conington, l.c. p. 304). The comic fragments 
are somewhat more lengthy, and contain some striking lines. The reputation of 
Naevius for comic licence of invective is well known and is to a great extent sup- 
ported by them. 

Of the fabulae praetextatae, or Roman historical dramas, we have little but the 
names Clastidium and Romulus or Alimoniwm Romuli et Remi, the first an 
account of the exploits of Marcellus, who at that place (now Casteggio) took the 
spolia opima from Viridomarus, king of the Gaesatae, a tribe in alliance with the 
Insubrian Gauls, B. C. 222, i. e. just half way between the end of the First and the 
Second Punic Wars. 

The poetical period of Naevius' life and the earlier period of Plautus' thus fell 
in with the great struggle with Haunibal It is noticeable that these two great 
men were both provincials, the one from Campania, the other from Umbria, yet 


574 CN. NAEVII FRAGMENTA. 


already Latin literature was identified with Rome ; for of them we must interpret 
the lines, written indeed by a poet of a later age, 
* Poenico bello secundo Musa pinnato gradu 
Intulit se bellicosam in Romuli gentem feram. 
Porcius Licinus, ap. Gell. xvii. 21. 


Notes on the Punica. Pp. 292-296. 

5. castus = castimonias, abstinence from enjoyments of sense, especially fasting. 
Dionysius says of the castus Cereris, i. 33, i3ptcavro 32 xal Afjugrpos lepdv, wai 
TÀs Üvaías abry Did yuvaxiy re xal ynpadrlovs ébucay, &s"EMAno: vóuos. Cp. Arnob. 
v. 7, ‘Quid temperatus ab alimonio panis, cui rei dedistis nomen castus! Nonne 
ilius temporis imitatio est, quo se numen ab Cereris fruge violentia maeroris 
abstinuit!' (See Preller, 438 n, 736 n.) Cp. lamella Bononiensis, note, p. 412. 

I8. lepistas, Gr. Aerao?), ‘ goblets.’ 

I9. blande. This is only referred conjecturally to Dido, first by Lipsius and 
then by Niebuhr. Nonius quotes it from the second book, and hence Klausen 
gives it to Latinus or Evander. 

percontat =percontatur, This form is better supported than that with a c, per- 
cunctari, etc., and is derived by Verrius Flaccus (followed by Corssen) from 
contus, * & pole,’ ‘ex nautico usu quia (qui a, M.) conto pertentant cognoscuntque 
navigantes aquae altitudinem.’ Fest. p. 314, M., Corss. Kr. Beitr. p. 4, Kr. Nachtr. 
P. 42. On the other hand, this separates percontor from cunctor, which has some- 
times the meaning of hesitating intention not far removed in idea from question- 
ing. It is generally derived from a root cank-, suspicari, dubitare, diffidere. 

33. scopas, generally only in plural, scopae, 'twigs, *shoots; hence a broom, 
e. g. in the proverb *scopas dissolvere.' Verbenas appears to be the genitive case, 
or else sagmina is in apposition. For the meaning see on the fettales, p. 552 f. 

34. M(arcus) Valerius. This is referred by Charisius to the first book, but 
appears to belong to the beginning of the First Punic War, v. c. 491, Eutrop. ii. 19, 
* Insequenti anno Valerio Marco et Otacilio coss. in Sicilia a Romanis res magnae 
gestae sunt.' In Polyb. i. 16, and the Fasti Cap. the praenomen is Manius. 

exerciti, genitive of o declension, generally used by the dramatists, Introd. ix. 
85 16, 17. 

partem, unelided, as Liv. Od. 14, partím errant. 

37. stupro turpitudine. It appears to be from root stap-, and most nearly akin to 
ita derivatives, stupeo and erv$eA((o. The first meaning seems to be ‘striking,’ * ill- 
treatment,’ then * contumely,' * disgrace,’ generally with a sense of violent handling. 

39. fieri. Bee on Lycurgus, 50. 

40. Melitam. Oros. iv. 8, ap. Vahlen, ' Atilius (Regulus) consul Liparam Meli- 
tamque insulas Siciliae nobiles pervagatus evertit.' 

We must scan Exércítus. Ex is short in Plautus, Stichus, 716, *éripe ex ore 
líbias; Mercator, 176, ‘tu quidem ez ore orátionem mi éripis.’ And there are the 
following four instances of the same prosody as here in one play of Plautus, in 
Éxércilum, Amphbitr. prol. 101, 125; ab Zzércitu, ibid. 140; ad &xércitum, i. 3, 6. 
See Wagner, Aulul. Introd. pp. xxxv, xlv, xlvi. Integram is hypermetric, elided 





PUNICORUM QUAE SUPERSUNT. 575 


before urit. There is therefore no need for the emendation, or rather alteration, 
adopted by Vahlen:—‘Transit Melit&m Románus insulam íntegram émnem; 
of the last word of which he naively says, *omnem om. libri.’ 

42. vicissatim, ' haeo conveniurit Reguli sorti,’ Vahlen. 

46. Dictator. These lines are referred by Ribbeck to a comedy. They are 
quoted by Varro to illustrate the use of oppidum for the carceres of the circus. 
Vahlen, with I. V. Francke, refers to Claudius Glicia, who * coactus abdicare se 
magistratu postea ludos praetextatus spectavit, Liv. xix, epitome. 

48. septimum decimum. Klussmann refers this to the occupation of Sicily by 
Aurelius Cotta and Servilius Geminus, v. 0. 506, Zonaras, vii. 16. 

50. convenit, sc. Hiero. 

53. 4d quoque. I have followed the MSS. of Nonius here more closely than 
Vahlen. Idem probably is meant for Naevius, and indicates another citation. 
The lines no doubt refer to the peace concluded by C. Lutatius Catulus with 
Hamilcar, by which the First Punic War was ended, B.0. 244. Pactecunt € 
moenía sint ia very obscure. Moenia is probably to be taken as = munia, as in Fest. 
p. 151; but it must be in a loose sense, ‘they agree to perform the conditions (or 
services) which are to reconcile Lutatius," i.e. which he imposes as terms of peace. 
The restoration of captives is mentioned by Polybius, i. 62, as one of the con- 
ditions, dwo80vva: 'Popaíois xople Adrpwy Awayras rove alypaAdrovs. 

58. decórem, adj. Priscian also quotes ‘armis decoribus cultus’ from Salluat. 
Ought we not to read dítenqué! It may refer to the sack of Troy. Cp. Verg. 
Aen. ii. 763 foll. 

59. ratem, cited as an instance of the use of ratis for a navis longa. 

61. citrosa, ‘quasi concrispa ad similitudinem citri, Isidore. Macrobius thinks 
of the fragrance, and compares Homeric efyara Ouddea, 

62. ‘flustra motus maris sine tempestate fluctuantis Isidor. de Nat. Rer. c. 44. 

65. sardare. Varro quotes sarrare, which giver an instance of the interchange 
of d and r. Sardare is connected by Corssen with su-surr-us, ab-surd-us, sor-ex 
(shrew-mouse), Gk. Üpa£, odpryf, ovpl(e, from root evar, to sound. Sardare will 
then mean to speak, be intelligent, the opposite of BápBapos (i. 488, ii. 64, 165). 

71. Luca bos, elephas. Varro gives the generally accepted explanation found 
‘in commentario Vergilii’—I suppose an editor of Naevius—that it was so 
called because first seen by the Romans in Lucania in the army of Pyrrhus. 
Another commentator, Cornelius, connected it with Libya. Varro himself derived 
‘ab luce quod longe relucebant propter inauratos regios clupeos.' 

73. Samnite, a neuter of Samnis. 

Lucetius, much the same as Diespiter. Cp. the fragment of the Salian hymn, 
p- 565, and Macrob. Sat. i. 15, 14; Serv. in Aen. ix. 570, quotes it as Oscan. 

runa, according to Corssen, i. p. 210, has lost a d. Cp. Skr. dru-na, ‘sword,’ 
from root dru-, ‘to slay.’ 

supparum, another form of sfparium, ‘a linen chemise,’ sometimes also a small 
sail, as in Lucretius. 

pro moene, 80 ‘ pro aede Castorus.’ See p. 424. This is quoted as from Ennius 
by Festus, but assigned by Müller to Naevius. 


576 CN. NAEVII FRAGMENTA. 


Notes on the Tragic Fragments, Pp. 296-298. 


LYcURGUS. The myth of Lycurgus and Bacchus was very differently told by 
ancient writers, See Homer, Il. vi. 130, Sophocles, Antig. 955, Apollodorus, Bibl. 
vii. 5, Hyginus, Fab. 132, 242, and others. Naevius, as far as we can see, 
followed another form of the legend, which may perhaps have been that of 
Aeschylus’ Lycurgeia, though the fragments of the Edonians which remain offer 
no distinct points of comparison. Nor does the story of Pentheus, as told by 
Euripides in the Bacchae, help us to many direct illustrations, though one or two 
will be noticed below; and the feeling of the two plays probably had much 
in common. 

The following quotation from Prof. Conington, p. 303, will enable the reader to 
put the scattered fragments into something like shape and order. ‘We see the 
Bacchante, he says, ‘“thyrsigerae Bacchae Bacchico cum schemate," carrying 
crested snakes high in the air, and ruining the tilled fields—arva being used aa a 
feminine noun—wherever they tread. Lycurgus seems to command his servants 
“vos qui regalis corporis custodias agitatis,” to take these disturbers of the good 
order of his kingdom on a hunting expedition into the forest, where trees grow of 
their own will, not planted, “ingenio arbusta ubi nata sunt non obeita," that 
when they get into his hunting grounds they may be trapped themselves and leave 
the light of day like two-legged birds by a snare. The victims apparently suspect 
him, and express their fear that in the thrill and rapture of the chase “in venatu 
vitulantes," he will send them out of his forests with some savage vengeanoe as 
their guerdon '*poenis decoratas feris." Bacchus, however, is captured and 
brought before the king, when an altercation ensues, of which two or three frag- 
ments have been spared, Lycurgus boasting of the wrath of his savage disposition 
and the fierce ferocity of his spirit, "feri ingeni iram atque animi acrem acrimo- 
niam," and being warned not to set up his wrath in competition with the wrath 
of Liber. Further on we get a glimpse of the burning of the palace, the cross- 
beams far and wide all in a glow, and the whole building bursting and shining 
like a flower under the hand of Vulcan, and we hear a voice calling loudly for 
king Lycurgus, the son of Dryas.’ 

32. alte tubatos, an emendation for tugatos : so Plautus, Amph. 1108, ‘devolant 
angues iubaté deorsum in impluvium duo. Cp. Bacch. 695, xal xaracrixrovs 
Sopds | Spec: xare(icarro A yxp&ow yévur. 

24. arvas, cp. extae, sertae. See on Carm. Arv. 4. For the thought, cp. per- 
haps, Bacch. 445, 6, and more nearly 748-754. 

37. actutum ; tum is here enclitic, just as num in etiamnum, dum in agedum, 
etc. Ingenio, i.e. natura. Arbusta — arbores metri caussa, 80 always in Lucretius 
for nom. and &cc., Monro, Lucr. i. 187 ; so too Ennius, Ann. 193, ‘incedunt arbusta 
per alta.' 

29, 30. I can offer no adequate explanation of the meaning of this line. 

31. These lines have been variously dealt with. I have given the MS. reading, 
which, with the slight change of ub bipedes to ut bipedes, can be made to scan 
and construe. Alis has been generally changed to alii, and probably rightly, but 








LYCURGUS. 571 


it may be & nom. pl. in s; see Intr. ix. $ 7. Sublimem or sublimen is obscure. It 
may possibly be an adverbial accusative, like autem, pridem, and no doubt signi- 
fies ‘ aloft,’ ‘to the heights." Cp. Festus, p. 306, and Ep. p. 307, ' Sublimem est in 
altitudinem elatum,’ where this very passage may possibly have been omitted by 
Festus in his epitome of Verrius. Miller's note is ‘ex versu quodam ductum esse 
videtur, Festus non apposuit. It would be easy to conjecture sublsme in. The 
words are somewhat similar to Bacch. 957, 8, but the thought is different. 

34. vitulantis, an obscure word, derived by Corssen from the sacrifice ofa vitulus, 
and compared with ovare, Kr. Beitr. p. 10, Kr. Nachtr. p. 45. We might perhaps 
be rather inclined to suggest that the idea was taken from the gambols of the 
calf—the word seems generally to imply dancing or leaping for joy—and this de- 
rivation is actually given by Festus, Epit. p. 369, ‘laetans gaudio ut pastu vitulus. 
Ennius, “Is habet coronam vitulans victoria.”” Cp. also Varro, L. L. vii. 107, who 
saya, ‘in Clastidio vitulantes a vitula; in Dolo caperata fronte a eaprae fronte'— 
which comparison certainly deserves notice. The metaphor would be in place 
here, as we see by comparing Eur. Bacch. 162 f., jdoudva 3° dea | v3Aos Óves Gua 
párep. QopBá3i | a@Aov dye raxvrouv capripact Baeya, and 866, we veBpde xAeo- 
epais | éuwal(ovca Aciyaxos ovais, There is, however, the goddess Vitula to be 
accounted for, who is mentioned Macrob. S, iil. 2,13 (and whom Mommsen 
would connect with the Vitoria of the mirror mentioned above, C. 58, q. v.). This 
leaves a difficulty which cannot be easily explained. 

35. loeie need not be changed to lucie. | 

38. fgnotae = ignarae, so used by Cicero, Phaedrus, and Nepos. 

fterie, the regular genitive of (fer: the grammarians speak also of s&tiner. 

40 foll. recall the dialogue of Bacchus and Pentheus, Bacch. 451—519. 

41. sis — 8i vis, 80 sultis, Enn. Ann. 521. 

44. I have here retained the MS. reading, though it may not be correct. 
Cis rapit sed must mean (if it can mean anything) ‘ draws itself aside;’ and 
though there is no absolute usage of cis elsewhere that I can discover, it does not 
seem impossible: sed would be parallel to med of the Cista Ficoroniana and sed 
of the S. C, de Bac., ete. See Intr. xii, § 5; but it is perhaps only a confusion of 
se with the conjunction that follows, as if it were sed tamen. The emendations 
proposed seem uncertain, though not difficult to make. 

45. nos duplicat, ‘ bends us double,’ ‘bows us.” It is rather commonly used of 
the effect of a wound, e. g. Verg. Aen. xi. 645, ‘latos huic hasta per armos | Acta 
tremit duplicatque virum transfixa dolore,’ and by poeta of the silver age. 

46. The metrical arrangement of these lines is uncertain: Ribbeck's may be 
right, but Junius' propter for praeter seems mere licentious alteration. Cp. Varro, 
Eumen. 33. For the thought compare Bacch. 1051, fy 3° d-yxos dpdixppuror U9aai 
&áBpoxov, e. q. 8. 

48. palla may be either an upper or under garment (amictus or indumentum). 

patagium, ‘aureus clavus qui pretiosis vestibus immitti solet, Non. p. 540, ‘ad 
summam tunicam assui solet, Fest. p.221. Itis difficult to see what connection 
it can have with Gr. va Ta*yéo or wAarayéw, though the likeness is evident. crocota 
(tunica), ‘a saffron-coloured tunic,’ also called caltula or crocotula. See Non. 


Pp 


578 CN. NAEVIT FRAGMENTA. 


p. §48. malacis seems doubtful whether to be translated ‘soft’ or ‘mallow- 
coloured. mortualibus, else unknown as applied to dress, though we have mor- 
tualia, sc. ‘carmina’ in Plautus, Asinaria, 808, *haec sunt non nugae: non enim 
mortualia.’ 

49. If any alteration is necessary it would be pecua wt: applying the simile 
of animals going willingly to sacrifice, to the death of Lycurgus and those with 
him. 

50. Vulcáni, a hiatus. See Lucian Müller, De Re Metrica, p. 309, ‘Spondiaca 
verba non possunt hiare nisi proprio nomine aut Graeco. He quotes Ennius, 
Epigr. 1, ‘Senis Enni imagini' formam, and Verg. Georg. i. 437, ‘Glauco et 
Panopeae et Inco Melicertae,’ and others. This rule applies of course only to 
words in thesis: for such hiatus in arsis is very common With all sorta of words, 
as ‘munera sunt lauri et suave rubens hyacinthus, etc. eto. fieri is the older 
form, and is found above, Pun. 39, and in Enn. Ann. 15 we have fiéré. It occurs 
rather often in Plautus, e. g. Stich, 564, * quía nequit, qua lége licuit vélle dixit 
fíeri, Pseud. 786, * quamquam íllut aiunt mágno gemitu fieri! Mil 1218, Men. 
923, Most. 41, 723, and so énter-fieri, Trin. 532, confieri, Pacuv. Trag. 180, and 
others. (Cp. Corssen, ii. 680.) The fact that this word in all these cases where it 
is found in the drama forms the final cretic i8 & confirmation of the transposition 
flora fieri, necessary for the metre. 

We are no doubt to understand here a real burning of the palace of Lycurgus, 
not a mere shaking of its beams and columns and an exhibition of electric light, 
as in the house of Pentheus, Eur. Bacch. 585 foll. 

52. cette for cedite, literally, ‘ give here,’ ‘bring here.’ The word occurs Plaut. 
Merc. 965 R, * Uxor tibi placata et placidast; cette dextras nunciam,’ Enn. Med. 
336, ‘ cétte manus vestrás measque accipite,’ Att. Tr. 425, Pacuv. Tr. 63, Ribbeck. 
Ce-do is for ce-da, the vowel changing as in donum, dos, etc. 

53. candor, ‘of snow,’ or perhaps ' hoar-frost.' Cp. Bacch. 678, 3»ix^ fpuos | 
áxrivas tlnow Oeppalvaw x0óva. 


Notes on the Comte Fragments. 


Lupus. That this was some kind of satura appears from Festus, p. 257, quoted 
by Ribbeck. Cp. the title given to Seneca's mixed prose and poetical satire, 
* Ludus de morte Claudii." 

TARENTILLA. ‘Cp. Tapayrivo: Alexidis. Adulescentes duo cum peregri, Tarenti 
ni fallor, rem paternam disperdant improviso & patribus visuntur. Quorum alterius 
amica erat Tarentilla, Ribbeck. 

Quae ego in. ‘Not without reason might Naevius declare the position of the 
poet under the sceptre of the Lagidae or Seleucidae enviable as compared with 
his position in free Rome, Mommsen, R. H. ii. p. 432, E. T. 

quase pila. These lines are quoted (in a sort of iambic form) by Isidore as 
Ennius, ‘de quadam impudica, but Festus, Ep. p. 29, quotes the line, alii ad- 
nulat, alit adnictat, alium amat, alium tenet, as from this play of Naevius. This 
seems rightly to have led critics to restore both the metre and the author's name. 


EX COMOEDIIS. ELOGIUM. 579 


The train of thought is not unlike that in Plautus, Asinaria, where the con- 
ditions which are to govern Philenium's conduct are read out by the parasite 
(774 foll.) :— 
' Suspítiones ómnes ab se ségreget. 

Neque íllaec ulli péde pedem [usquam] hominí premat, 

Quom sirgat, neque [illa] in léctum inecendat próximum, 

Neque quóm descendat índe, det quoiquám manum. 

Spectíndum ne quoiquam ánulum det néque roget. 

Neque ulli illa homini nátet nictet ádnuat.' 
Isidore quotes as a parallel Prov. vi. 13, ‘ annuit oculo, terit pede, digito 
loquitur. 

TUNICULARIA. Theodotum, an instance of Naevius’ licence in direct personal 
satire. The point is, however, very obscure. Preller refers to the popular shows 
of gladiators and athletes at the Compitalia, ‘the playing Lares most probably 
must have represented the usual amusements of these games,’ Róm. Myth. p. 495. 
peni=cauda, a large brush made of an ox-tail, ‘e codis extremis faciebant 
antiqui, Fest. p. 230,80 pentculus, penicil/us. 

IO8. Ex IwcERTIB. A satire on the elder Scipio Africanus. ‘ Among other 
liberties he not only ridiculed one Theodotus, a painter, by name, but even 
directed against the victor of Zama the following verses, of which Aristophanes 
need not have been ashamed, Mommsen, ii. p. 431. 

In these lines we notice mand, a shortening perhaps elsewhere unexampled 
(ep. on Enn. Ann. 114), cuíus, a8 a monosyllable, and dpid. The last line I have 
pointed differently from Ribbeck, to avoid unnecessary complications of scansion. 

112. Liberalibus, as if at the Dionysia. There is probably no allusion to the 
actual Roman Liberalia or Cerealia, which do not appear to have been accompanied 
with dramatic representations before the time of Augustus. Set Ritachl, Parerga, 
p. 287, Marquardt, R. A. iv. p. 309 n. On the other hand, Líberalia is used by 
the Romans simply as a translation of Dionysia, e. g. by Varro, and Servius ad 
Georg. ii. 381. 

121. Neptunum Venerem, i. e. pisces, olera. The name Venus, as goddess of the 
growths of gardens, has been derived from venire ; but more probably it is to be 
referred to the root vin, * desire,’ as in vin-dez, vin-dicare, and ven-ia. Some would 
add vinum, but this canuot well be dissociated from vitis, and seems with vincire, 
vinculum, vinca, vitium, etc., to belong to the root ví, ‘to bend’ or * bind’ (Corss. 
i. 542, ii. 272). 

ELociuM. Gellius gives ‘ Trium poetarum illustrium Epigrammata, Cn, Naevii, 
Plauti, M. Pacuvii, quae ipsi fecerunt et incidenda sepulcro suo reliquerunt." 
This one he characterises as ‘ plenum superbiae Campanae, quod testimonium esse 
iustum potuisset nisi ab ipso dictum esset.' The complaint of Naevius, obliti sunt, 
etc., had reference no doubt to the influx of Hellenism, but it can hardly have 
any bearing on Ennius himself, as has sometimes been conjectured. For Ennius, 
though doubtless a Hellenist, only first came to Rome in the year in which Nae- 
vius went into exile (V.O. 550), and very shortly before his death. If it was 


Pp2 





580 Q. ENNII FRAGMENTA. 


anything more than a boast, it would be a curious instance of the incompetence 
of men, even of men of genius, to set bounds to the intellectual greatness of the 
future. 

Inmórtalés mortáles, generally rearranged to make acoent and ictus coincide, 
which it is noticeable Naevius does not do. 

Camenae . . poetam. Observe the conjunction of the Latin Camenae with the 
Greek name of poet. "This is the first use of the term in extant Latin literature, 
and no doubt distinguished Naevius from the scriba Livius, Vates did not become 
an honourable name till the Áugustan age. 

Itáque. Ita is an ablative pronoun compounded with the two stems é- and ta- 

or to-, just the converse of aliu-ta, as i-bi is of ali-bi.  i-tem is from the same ele- 
ments. The long a is found in a bacchiac tetrameter of Plautus, Capt. 499, ‘ Jt& 
me miserüm reetitándo retinénlo. There is therefore no reason for altering Oreé 
or Orchi (as Hertz prints it) into Orcine. The old name of Orcus is said to have 
been Uragus, and was derived by Verrius from urgeo (Fest. p.202): modern 
etymologists generally connect it with fpxos, to which orea perhaps also may be 
compared. Vergil seems, consciously or unconsciously, to have confused it with 
*Opkos (Georg. i. 260, Hes. Op. 802). The god Orcus is perhaps to be con- 
sidered as a reaper, and the treasure-house is that in which he stores his harvest 
(Accius, fr. Trag. (Amphitruo) 92, *cédo quid mihi redhóstis si Orc ut méssem 
obbitet fácilius — ?' Enn, Iphigen. 202, ' Ácherontem nünc obibo, ubi médrtis 
thesauri dbiacent,’ Preller, R. M. p. 454). 


Car. IV.—Q. ENNII FRAGMENTA. Pp. 299-314. 
Introduction to the Fragments of Ennius. 


$ 1. Lire AND WoRKB. 


Q. Enntus, born at Rudiae, in Calabria, in the year ji V.OC., served as 
an auxiliary in Sardinia in the Second Punic or Hannibalic War. Here he fell in 
with M. Porcius Cato, whom he accompanied to Rome, the same year that 
Naevius left it. The rest of his life was spent in the city or in the provinces in 
the train of some noble officer. He made many friends, especially in the family 
of the Scipios, of whose glories the Calabrian Pierides were to be the noblest 
trumpeters; but for some unknown reasons, perhaps from want of sympathy of 
taste, he lost the countenance of Cato. About fifteen years later he acoompanied 
M. Fulvius Nobilior to Aetolia, as a sort of private secretary, in fact to celebrate 
his campaigns in verse, which he did as well in his Annals as in the Praetexta, 
which described the siege of Ambracia. According to a trustworthy tradition, 
Ennius has given us his own portrait in this capacity in his description of Geminus 
Servilius in the seventh book of the Annals, q. v. Cato made it a charge against 
Fulvius, ‘that he had taken poets with him into his province’ (Cic. Tusc. i. 2, 
Cato, p. 46, ed. Jord.). Five years later the son of his patron procured him the 
citizenship, which he acknowledged in the line (ap. Cic. de Or. iii. 42, 268) :— 

‘Nos sumus Roniani qui fuimus ante Rudini.’ 


INTRODUCTION. §1. LIFE. § 2. ANNALS. 581 


The Tragedies, of which we possess considerable fragmenta, were probably the work 
of his earlier years, the Annals, of his old age (Cic. de Senect. v. 14). It is reported 
that he died of the gout and in poor circumstances ; but he was honoured with a 
memorial in the sepulchre of the Scipios (Cic. pro Arch. 9, 23, see above, notes to 
Scip. Elogia, p. 395). 

Besides these Tragedies and Annals, on which his fame chiefly rested, he wrote 
some Comedies, of which we know little, and Saturae, a sort-of mean between the 
farcical afterpieces of the early drama and the more didactic writings of Lucilius, 
Such were perhaps a book on ‘ delicate meats’ (Hedyphagetica), a paraphrase of a 
Greek treatise by Archestratus: a poem called Epicharmus, of Pythagorean 
tendency: a translation of the Sacred History of Euhemerus, of which the frag» 
menta at present appear in prose, and lastly, the Scipio, of which some five lines 
remain. 

This is not the place to discuss the poetical genius of Ennius, to which justice 
has been done by Conington, Sellar, and others. 

Of the twenty-two tragedies, of which we have fragmenta, about one half belong 
to the legend of Troy, already definitely connected with the fortunes of Rome 
by Cato and Naevius. The most successful imitation appears to have been in 
the case of Euripides, whose sceptical turn of mind suited the genius of Ennius. 


$ 3. THE ANNALS. 


I have merely given the chief and most poetical fragments of the Annals, as 
Vahlen’s edition is easily accessible. I have, however, given all that remains of 
the sixth book, as a sort of specimen of the rest, belonging, as it does, to an inter- 
esting period of Roman history,—the war with Pyrrhus. 

The whole of the Annals consisted of eighteen books, of which the first 
extended to the apotheosis of Romulus, the second and third contained the history 
of the other kings, the fourth and fifth the early bistory of the Republic, the sixth 
the wars with Pyrrhus, the seventh the First Punic War (shortened, so as not to 
compete with the work of Naevius on the same period), the eighth and ninth the 
Hannibalic War, and the last eight books the more recent history, the last being 
written in Ennius' sixty-seventh year, three years before his death, The follow- 
ing is s short summary of the first book. 

After an invocation of the Muses, or Casmenae, and an assertion of his own 
confidence in the future fame of his poem, Ennius proceeded to give an account of 
a dream which came to him—perhape at the port of Luna or Spezzia. He dreamt 
that as he was sleeping on Parnassus, Homer's shade appeared to him, shedding 
salt tears, and gave him an account of the nature of things, and of the manner in 
which they are vivified by the divine infusion of souls. This Pythagorean theory | 
naturally led up to the assertion, in which Ennius seems to have felt great delight, ' 
that the soul of Homer, after passing through a peacock, had entered his body. 

The proper action, then, began from the death of Priam, and the warning given 
by Aeneas to Anchises, who, in his turn, prayed Aeneas to join his flight. We 
bave no evidence how Ennius treated the voyage of Aeneas. 'The mention of 
Hesperia led to some account of its people and Saturn's reign. Aeneas, directly 


582 Q. ENNII FRAGMENTA. 


after his 'anding, seems to have been brought into contact with the King of Alba 
Longa (who fills the place of Vergil's Latinus). After marrying Eurydice (the 
king’s daughter!) he died, and was received amongst the gods, leaving two 
daughters, the youngest the Vestal llia. One of the best-known and moet 
poetical fragments relates her night adventure with Mars, q. v. After the birth 
of her children she was threwn into the Tiber, receiving an answer to her prayers 
to Venus and Father Tiber in the prophecy of Rome's future greatness. At this 
point Ennius seems to have introduced with effect a council of the gods, cp. 
Aen. x., and perhaps Hor. Od. iii. 3, 16. Upon the promise of Jupiter to Venus, 
* Unus erit quem tu tolles in sidera caeli,’ the river, with the children upon it, 
subsided between its banks. The story of the ficus ruminalis, the she-wolf, the 
pastoral life of the twins, and the slaughter of Amulius seems to have been told 
much as in Livy. The description of the auguries is preserved in a fine and 
well-conceived passage, q. v. The accounta of the rest of the life of Romulus, the 
death of Reinug,—to whom Romulus seems thus to speak (100, 101), 
* Nec pol homo quisquam faciet inpune animatus 

Hoe nisi tu: nam mi calido das sanguine poenas—' 
the rape of the Sabines, the reconciliation, the joint rule of Tatius, and the deifica- 
tion of Romulus, followed apparently the common legend. 


$ 3. CHANGES IN PROSODY INTRODUCED BY ENNIUS. 


The introduction of the hexameter into Latin is usually ascribed to Ennius. 
To him certainly was due its general use, and with it the stricter system of 
prusody which the close imitation of the Greek metre required. The revolution 
effected by him was a great one. In the first place, he must have finally settled 
the rule that all vowels followed by two consonants, or a double consonant, 
(except in the case of a mute and liquid together), were long by position. We 
have no longer such licences as we have seen in the Saturnians, Caltpsonem, 
éxercitus, or those which appear by hundreds in Plautus and the other dramatists, 
including of course Ennius himself, tle, (ste, ipse, volüptas, sen&z, eto., ete. 

Secondly, the number of uncertain quantities is much reduced : que is, I believe, 
never made long, nor -bus of the dative plural (see Introd. x. $ 22), & result owing, 
no doubt, to the influence of the accent —and us of the second declension only 
once, line 9o. 

Thirdly, elision of final m is made usual, but not universal, and hiatus is 
reduced to very narrow limits. 


§ 4 METRICAL LICENCES AND ARCHAISMS IN THE ANNALS. 


Nevertheless the prosody of Ennius still retained many archaisms and in- 
consistencies. 

(1.) Where the termination of the third person singular, active or passive, falls 
under the ictus, it is often lengthened before a vowel. In the vowel conjugations, 
in fact, there is only one extant instance of a short termination, and that naturally, 
in thesi, 1. 462, ‘ Oscitát in campis caput a cervice revulsum. Elsewhere we have 


$3. CHANGES IN PROSODY. $4. LICENCES AND ARCHAISMS. 583 


(in arsi) 83, servat; 159, memoral; 340, versat ; 399, manüt. Bo 171, tenét; 409, 
subd ; and 419, it eques; 432, tinnit. 

In the third conj. we have 123, constituit ; 258, cupit; 346, nictit ; 484, ponit. 
And in other tenses we find 100, facta ; 128, fuerit; 165, dederit ; 203, velit ; 349, 
fieré ; 599, voluit. 

Similarly, we have also in arsi, I2I, venerdr. 

Such terminations are rarely lengthened in theal, as— 

386 Infit: o cives quae me fortuna ferocem. 
86 Omnibus cura viris uter esséé induperator. 
245 Eloqueretür et cuncta malaque et bona dictu. (See note.) 
350 (f) horitatàr induperator. 
314 Non enim rumores ponebát aute salutem. (See note.) 

(2.) In nouns also the archaic long terminations are preserved: in the following 
instances under the influence of ictus, 148, aquilà (nom. fem.), etc. ; 562, populea 
frus; 42, eorór; 402, 422, clamór ; 117, genilór ; 424, $mbricitór ; 500, tergüs ; 
286, pulvis; 546, wbar; 42, postilla; 170, concubla; 245, cuncla; 420, sub 
monté or mon£et (Mull. Fest. p. 343). 

Even in thesi we get 

520 Clamór ad caelum volvendus per aethera vagit. 
484 Multa foro ponit et aged longa repletur. 

But 436, totum sudór habet corpus. 

(3.) More rarely long final vowels are shortened :— 

76, ludicré (1), which may be an adverb though quoted by Priscian as a neuter 
adjective (vii. p. 768 P). 

181, ‘ Contrd carinantes verba atque obscena profatus, which Vahlen needlessly 
divides into two half lines, interpolating atra, and ' Quis pater aut cognatus volet 
nos conird tueri?’ a good hexameter, which Ritechl, followed by Vahlen, alters 
into scraps of tragic iambics (Trag. 443, 4 V). See Introd. viii. § 8, and note. 

314, ' Non enim rumores ponebat ante salutem' has beeh generally altered, but 
may be defended. 

(4.) The licence of the old poets with regard to elision of vowels with m—for 
in Saturnians it is used or disregarded absolutely ad libitum—was very much 
curtailed by Ennius; nevertheless we find a few cases in which he avails himself 
of it. Such are 275, tntmicitiam agitantes, the MS, reading usually changed to 
inimiciltas ; 336, militum octo ; 486, dum quidem unus homo; cp. Lucilius, i. 20, 
praetextae ac tunicae Lydorum opus sordidum omne. Hiatus is rare. Cic. Orat. 
45, 152, comparing him with Naevius and others, 'qui ut versum facerent saepe 
hiabant, says, ‘at Ennius semel:—Scipio invicte.’ (321 v.) We have, however, 
in the Epigram i. 1, *senis Enni imaginis formam. See on Naev. Lyc. 5o. 

Elision of the final s of a short syllable, before an initial consonant, is common 
io Ennius, Lucilius, and Lucretius (as also to Aedituus and Q. Catulus, ap. Gell, 
xix. 9), but was given up by the Alexandrine writers of the age of Cicero, and hence 
it is found only once in Catullus, in the last line of his poems, ‘ tu dabis supplicium.' 
Cp. Cic. Orat. 45, 153; 48, 161. In the last passage he seems to confine it to s 
following t, which is a curious slip. See further Luc. Müller, D. R. M. p. 344 f. 





584 Q. ENNII FRAGMENTA. 


This elision is not universal, and such syllables are not ünfrequently long when 
they fall uuder tbe ictus of the verse; but such lines as 143, * isque dies postquam 
'Áncus Martius regna recepit, and 305, ‘ore Cetégis Marcus Tuditano collega," are 
rather rare. 

Conjunction of the substantive verb and participle i is also found in Ennius, as. 
dictust, paratust, and seemingly in Lucilius as auxiliatust, and probably oon- 
tinued later in popular usage, though not found in Lucretius (Luo. Miller, Lo. 
Pr 345). _ 

(5.) Synizesis takes place not unfrequently, with €, as in 97, avium (8 spondee); 
256, Servilius (see note); 463, semianimes ; antehac is twice used as a disyllable, 
198 and 209. More remarkable are 206, eorundem, and 278, * Poeni suos soliti dis 
sacrificare puellos,’ though the reading of the last line is not certain, varying in 
Festus and Nonius, and appearing in this form in neither. Meae, in 111, is quite 
conjectural and indeed improbable. The text of Nonius reads ‘ea mihi reliquae 
fidei regno vobisque, and has been variously emended, see Luc. Müller, D. R. M. 
P. 273, and Quicherat ad loc. 

Contraction metri caussa takes place in 150, ‘lumina sis oculis etiam bonus 
Ancus reliquit' (adopted by Lucret. iii. 1023); in 101, 200 (twice), and Epigr. 10, 
we have mi= mihi; in 379, i$» iis. 

(6.) Other Archaisms of prosody and accidence are :— 

(a) In declension of nouns and pronouns 

The genitive of the a declension is always -a$ (disyllable) or as, as 421, dux ipse 
vías; 535, rumore ruinas (the only instances extant in Ennius) never -ae. In 
3, Casmenarum = Camenarum ; 111, fide is dative; 132, 410, eperes = spea. 

In the o declension we have 317, famul = famulus (Lucret. iii. 1035). In 139, 
Mettoi Fubetioi is read by Vahlen; Mettéoeo Fufettioeo by Bonnell (Quint.i. 5, 12); 
Mettoeo (or Metioeo) Fufetioeo by Ritschl, in his article, Rh. Mus. xxii. for 1867 ; 
the Ambrosian MS. bas metti eo e£ fuuetio eo. The case intended is probably 
a dative. In the gen. plural we have 252, verbum paucwm, where the latter is a 
necessary emendation for paucorum : such genitives are commoner in bis tragedies, 
e.g. meum factum pudet, Trag. 81. Prdfundus, 474, may be noticed here. 

In the 4 and consonantal declension we have 518, canes; 329, debilo » debilis ; 
141, homónem ; 390, lapi «lapidi; 391, praectpe=praccipite; 420, sub monté (or 
montei, Müller). 

In pronouns we have 131, mis= mei; 128, me=mihi; 34, 122, 544, eto., ollé, 
dat. sing. and nom. pl.; 102, sum e eum ; 22, 52, 261, 358, 808 ; 103,302; 372, sapea. 

Adverbial forins, 29, quamde; 139, quande; 235, poste; 236, extm; 243, 425, 
etc. indd ; 563, and Epig. 9, endo; 73, indo. 

(b) In conjugation. 

15, f/rd ; 20, face fao ; 78, potitur ; 384, morimur ; 136, adnüit ; 242, füisset ; 
440, füimus ; 198, fudrunt ; 394, potestur ; 482, contüdit (see Introd. xvii. $ 8 
on the importance of this form); 521, sultis =i vultis. 

(7) Peculiar artifices to overcome diffculties of metre. 

Tmesis is not particularly common in Ennius. We have, however, 347, Annibal 
audaci cum pectore de me horíatur ; 487, deque tofondtt. He allows himself, more- 





§ 4. LICENCES. § 5. HEXAMETER. 585 


over, some very barbarous licences (unpoetical is too good a name for them) in 
nouns not compounded with prepositions, as 586, saxo cere comminuit brum ; 605, 
Massili portabant iuvenes ad litora tanas = Massilitanas lagonas. 

Apocope. Other nouns he cut short to suit his metre, as 561, divum domus alti- 
sonum cael; 451, replet te laetificum gau; 563, endo suam do in suam domum. 
These and the last are the great blots on Ennius' style. Cp. however, 3& for dapa, 
and the harsh apocopes in the Salian hymna, p. 566. 


$5. THE HxxaMxETER OF ENNIUS. 


The Hexameters of Ennius, as will be seen from the specimens in the text, 
are rough and uncertain in their movement, though they have occasionally a fine 
effect. They cannot, except in rare instances, be compared with those of Lucretius 
and Catullus, much less of the great poete of the Augustan age. Sometimes they 
are very prosaic and heavy, sometimes without any caesura or cadence; where 
they do succeed it is by a certain grave monotony, as in the lament for Romulus, 
or by the coincidence through great part of the verse of accent and quantity. The 
following are instances :— 

(1.) Occasional prosaic character, e. g. à catalogue of Numa's institutions :— 

123 Mensas constituit idemque ancilia . . . 
Libaque fictóres Argeos et tutulatos. 
125 Volturnalem Palatualem Furrinalem 
Floralemque Falacrem et Pomonalem fecit 
Hic idem. 
Cp. 174 Cives Romani tunc facti sunt Campani, 
363 Pendent peniculamenta unum ad quemque pedum [sex]. 
515 unum in 
Sorum suros ferie: ita enim defendere po-sunt. 
603 Introducuntur legati Minturnenses. 
(2.) Absence of caesura, or abrupt break in medio versu, is rare, ©. g. 
511 Cui par imber et ignis spiritus et gravis terra. 
192 Balantum pecudes quatit: omnes arma requirunt. 

The following line from his Satires, 15 V, is said to have provoked the ridicule 
of Lucilius, who, however careless himself, was a sharp critic of others (see Serv. 
ad Aen. xi. 601, Hor. Sat. i. 10, 53, 54) :— 

* Sparsis hastis longis campus splendet et horret.' 

(3-) Harsh elisions are more common, e. g. 

199 Hos ego et in pugna vici victusque sum ab isdem. 
554 Huic statuam statui maiorem horto auream ahenis. 

Ennius is, however, not nearly so bad as Lucilius in this respect. 

(4.) The cadence of the line is very carelessly treated ; quadrisyllable endings 
are extremely common, some harsh spondaic lines have been already noticed, and, 
in fact, the chief object, when any definite poetic or rhetorical impulse is absent, is 
to fit the words into the line. Vergil’s cadence, to which we are accustomed, 
seems to be constructed on the principle of making accent and ictus coincide in 
the last two feet, as Catullus had done in the last three (* prognátae vértice pínus,' 





586 Q. ENNII FRAGMENTA. 


etc.). This contrasts with the antithesis between accent and ictus in the first 
half of the verse; but all these niceties are unknown to Ennius, whose real and 
useful work was to settle the quantity of words, and to mould them into forms 
capable of being used in hexameters. 

(5.) Alliteration and coincidence of accent and ictus are two characteristics which 
are observable in Enrius, but not to any greater extent than might be expected 
in an old poet. Such lines as 

39 Vires vítaque cérpus metim nunc déserit ómne. 
43 Tárdaque véstigáre et quaérere té neque pósse. 
44 Corde capéssere sémita nülla pedém stabilibat. 
476 Lábitur uncta carina per aéquora cdna celócis, 
in which accent and ictus all but coincide throughout, are not common, but many 
might be found in which they agree in three-quarters of the line. Such lines 
again as 
113 O Tite tute Tati tibi tanta tiranne tulisti. 
452 At tuba terribili sonitu taratantard dixit, 
are rare experiments, the first grotesque, the second a suocess. But such jingles 
as prisci casci, femina feta, quae cava corpore caeruleo cortina receptat, aocipe 
daque fidem foedusque feri bene firmum, anus attulit artubus, ripas raptare, corde 
capessere, caeli caerula templa, etc. etc., are very common. 


§ 6. THE Syntax OF ENNIUS. 


The grammatical constructions of Ennius are generally simple. Like all 
old writere his conjunctions are few, and the same constantly recur, while words 
and clauses are often simply strung together without any conjunction. So we 
have the bare names of the twelve gods in two lines, the qualities of tbe friend of 
Servilius, 249 foll, etc. On the other hand, there are the natural pleonasms 
belonging to an archaic style, and to an untried hand in verse-making. Such are 
those with bene, e.g. 33, bene firmum ; 112, feliciter ac bene; 239, bene saepe; 
517, bene tempestate serena ; especially those with cum, suse, and corde, and the 
like, e. g. 44, corde capessere; 49, corde cupitus; 52, aegro cum corde meo; 179, 
cum corde suo; 473, tristi cum corde; 513, corde suo trepidat; 373, audaci cum 


pectore; 424, suo cum flumine; 504, vincla suis magnis animis abrupit; 36, excita - 


cum tremulis artubus. 


Notes on the Annals. Pp. 299-307. 


[N.B. * prefixed to a fragment indicates that it is quoted without reference to a 
particular book, ** that the poet’s name was also omitted by the author who 
cites it.) 

The fulness of the foregoing introduction will make it unnecessary to add 
many notes. 

Lib. i. 36. anus, the sister of Ilia, name unknown. It is curious that she 
should be represented as an aged woman. Eurydice was the name of Aeneas’ 

wife, according to Lesches and the Cypria, as Pausanias tells us (x. 26). 











$6. SYNTAX. ANN. I. 36—VI. 181. 687 


46. postilla, an adverb like posted, compounded with neuter plural, with archaic 
quantity. Introd. ix. § 8, xiii. $ 35. 

47. aerumnae, an archaic word, used however by Horace (Ep.) and Persius. 
aerumnula is ‘a frame for carrying burdens,’ Fest. p. 20. Both are connected by 
Corssen with root ir-, ‘to treat hardly,’ appearing in ira, irascor, passing through 
the heightened form aír- (ii. p. 172). 

resistct, ‘rise again, a rare, but perfectly justifiable use. Cic. Mur. 39, 84, 
joins ‘nos reficiamus’ with ‘ resistamus.' 

Bo. caeli caerula templa, hence the constant usage of Lucretius. See Munro on 
i. 120, ‘the phrase seems evidently adopted for the augural division of the heavens.’ 
templum seems etymologically to mean merely a division, whether of time or 
place, in earth or sky (ep. Curt. Gr. Et. pp. 200, 625). 

80. cumcuptentes=concupientes, seems better than Vahlen's (wm cupientes 
(supported by one MS.), both on grounds of sound and sense. The confusion of 
initial ¢ and c is well known. 

84. Aventino, but Liv. i. 6 ad f. *Palatium Romulus Remus Aventinum ad in- 
augurandum templa capiunt, and so Dionys. i. 86. — 

86. omnibus, the spectators, the populus of line go. 

92. sol albus, i. e. luna, cp. 1. 547, * interea fugit albus iubar Hyperionis cursum.' 
The point of making the bird of fairest augury appear at the moment of dawn is 
8 happy thought (if the invention of Ennius) and one as true to nature as it is 
worthy of the scene describing the foundation of the eternal city. 

94. praepes, apparently from same root as wéroya:. The exact meaning was 
obscure to the ancients, but it was probably ‘high-flying’ and opposed to avis 
infera : loct praepetes were still more uncertain. 

95. laeva or sínisira avis is, in this sort of augury, a bird coming from the east, 
inasmuch as the augur looked towards the south (Varro in Fest. p. 339). Ina 
templum, as applied to the sky, east and west were called sinistra and dextra, the 
south and north, antica and postica (L. L. vii. 7). 

97. avium, a spondee. Cp. p. 584, and Verg. G. i. 482, f'uviorum rex Eridanus. 

/ 114. diu can hardly be right, though not impossible. We have seen in Livius the 
quantity dies (see note on Od. 7), and have in Festus sub diu =<sub dio or sub divo. 
. Diu is itself a neuter accusative of the duration of time, and it does not seem 
impossible that the u might be shortened (cp. mand, Naev. Com. 108, and palis, 
Hor. A. P. 65, MSS, and Serv. ad Aen. ii. 69), though no other instance can 
perhaps be quoted. Of the emendations proposed, fida is probably the best. 

117. sanguen, neuter, is rare. Tu produxistt; already the people look upon 
themselves as Romulidae. 

119. dis genitalibus, the heavenly gods, * dii superi, cp. Auson. Perioch. Iliad, 4. 
‘Iuppiter interea cum dis genitalibus una | Concilium cogit superum de rebus 
Achivis,' ap. Preller, p. 47 n. 

Lib. vi. 178. oras, imitated by Vergil, Aen. ix. 528, ‘orae sunt extremitates,’ 
says Servius, It means probably to unfold to the full, lay out in all its 
breadth. 

181. contra carinantes. To construe the line aa it stands, we must disjoin verba 


— 





588 Q. ENNII FRAGMENTA. 


and obscena or suppose that some other epithet of verba or some parallel clause to 
verba. profatus had just preceded. There is really no sufficient reason to alter the 
line; but one of Vahlen's reasuns for the change he makes is to avoid scanning 
carinantes, as we have carinantibus below, line 229. The meaning of carinare is 
* to object,’ ‘deride ;’ its derivation is obscure, but see above on XII Tab. i. 1, 
calvitur. These forms in -no are compounded from the stem, as da-nunt from 
da-re, nequin-ont from  nequi-re, explén-unt from explere, ferin-unt, redin-unt, 
prodin-unt, obin-unt from feri-re, etc., 4nserin-unt from inseré-re. Therefore cari- 
munt must be from an obsolete carire or carére, and would (if we compare carina) 
probably be from the former. Carinantibus is to be explained from the tendency 
which verbs in -ío have to pass from one conjugation to another, a fact of which 
we have the instances in Ennius, politur and morimur. There is therefore nothing 
extraordinary in the uncertain length of the 4. For eontrd see Introd. viii. § 8. 
Vahlen conjecturally introduces the line here as descriptive of Postumius' speech 
at Tarentum in reply to the ill-treatment he received. 

184. Burrus, & piece of antique spelling preserved by Cic. and Quint. i. 4, 15, 
with Bruges and Belena. 

186. Aio te, the ambiguous oracle of Apollo, which Cicero suggests was invented 
by Ennius. The Greek was perhaps, $nuí ce 'Popaíovs vuchoew Alaxot vid, or 
botter (with Valesius), vua» o" Alaxíón 'Posualovs pny ddvacba:, It is not referred 
to by Plutarch in his life of Pyrrhus. 

‘189. Proletaríus. This circumstance is mentioned by Aug. de Civ. D. iii. 17. 
Non. p. 671, 22, refers it to a certain ‘Marcus praeco,' probably * Marcius praetor,’ 
perhaps Marcius Philippus, cos. v. C. 472. 

193. Incedunt, imitated from Hom. Il. xxiii. 114, where trees are cut for the 
funeral of Patroclus, and followed by Vergil in two places, relating to similar 
subjects, Aen. vi. 179, xi. 134. Wahlen therefore, following Columna, refers it to 
the burning of the dead by Pyrrhus after the battle of Heraclea, when, by his 
treatment of the slain and restoration of the captives, he hoped to gain favour for 
the embassy of Cineas. 

198. These lines were put up by Pyrrhus (probably over some spoil which he 
dedicated) in the Temple of Jove at Tarentum. Naeke, Opusc. i. 312, ap. V. has 
thus turned them into Greek, Zet wdrep of TÓ mapoi&ev dylwaro: méAow Gydpes Ol pày 
bychOncay lyixhOny 8t xpds abróv. 

201. mi=mihi. Introd. xii. $ 9. cauponantes; Aesch. Sept. 526, Addy 3 four ob 
wamevoew páxgv. cernamus ; Aen. xii. 709, ‘inter se coiisse viros et cernere ferro.” 

205. magnis Dis. Cp. Aen. iii. 12, viii. 679. If the Dii magni, peculiarly so 
called, are meant, they are the Samothracian Cabiri, identified sometimes with the 
Dioscuri and the Penates. It may perhaps be in the mouth of Pyrrhus a simple 
epithet. To the return of the captives we may perhaps refer the Frag. Inc. 466, 
‘redinunt | In patriam.’ 

208. Quo vobis. The speech of Appius made on the occasion of the embassy of 
Cineas (the orator or ambassador of line 211) was preserved as one of the earliest 
specimens of Roman prose (Isidor. Orig. i. etc.) The speech given by Plutarch, 
Pyrrhus, c. 19, may very probably be founded on the original. 


ANN. VI. 1844—IX. 313. 589 


214. divi hoc audite. This third devotion of a Decius is only rélated by Cicero, 
Tusc. i. 37, 89, de Fin. ii. 19, 61, as taking place at the battle of Asculum in 
this war, B. 0. 279, V.0. 475, and he may have taken it from this passage of Ennius. 
See Madvig on Cic. de Fin. 1. c. 

Lib. vii. 321. Ennius here gives the reason for curtailing his account of the First 
Punic War. Cicero says he bas no right to look down upon Naevius, ‘qui a Naevio 
vel sumpsisti multa si fateris vel si negas surripuisti., Faunei, i. e. dei silvestres, 
hence the name 'faunian' verse for Saturnian. Cp. the beautiful passage in 
Lucretius, iv. 580 sqq. vates, ‘bards,’ like Marcius. It did not come to be 
8 complimentary term till the Augustan age. 

239. Gellius reports, *L. Aelium Stilonem dicere solitum ferunt, Q. Enniura de 
semet ipso haec scripsisse picturamque istam morum et ingenii ipsius Q. Ennii 
factam esse.’ 

240. I have retained comiter impartit, not being satisfied with Vahlen’s conjec- 
ture congeriem partit; but the sudden change in construction is harsh, unless we 
take sermonesque suos rerumque suarum closely together, ‘his own talk and talk 
about his affairs,’ 

245. eloqueretür et cunctà malaque et bona dictu. Here also I have followed the 
MSS, the difficulties being metrical, though for both there is authority in Ennius. 
Bee above, p. 583. 

249. levis haut malus, ‘ gentle, not malicious.’ With aut both will be secondary 
predicates on faceret. ; 

355. dicta, ‘witty sayings,’ so ‘dicta dicere. prudenter seems to refer to his 
tact in knowing sehen to bring them out. The contrast between the freedom of 
the great man and the reserve of his confidant is well touched in by Ennius. 

256. compellat Servilius sic. The MS. reading is easily altered by transposition; 
but Servilius is a common synizesis, giving us a spondaic ending. See p. 584. 

Lib. vili. 270. Discordia, etc., a poetical expression for opening the Temple 
of Janus, as we see from Vergil's imitation and expansion, Aen. vii. 607 f, ‘Sunt 
geminae Belli portae, etc. postes, expressing the violence of the action; wo 
Vergil, ‘cardine verso .. . rumpit, The war is t! at with Hannibal. 

276. ex iure m. c., ‘to join hands out of court.’ See for an explanation the note 
on XII Tab. ii. 1, towards the end. 

Lib. ix. 304. Tudilanus and Cethegus were consuls v.0. 548, three years before 
the end of the war with Hannibal. delibatus, ‘the picked, chosen flower.’ 

313. There is some uncertainty as to the place of this fragment, Macrobius, 
vi. 1, who compares the first line with Aen. ray. puting it in the twelfth book. 
Vahlen is probably right in assigning it to the eighth. There seems no sufficient 
reason why enim should not be retained ; though a solitary instance in these frag- 
ments, it is constantly used as a pyrrhich in the drama, as by Ennius bimsaelf, 
Trag. 357, * Hic itidem est: enim néque domi nunc nós neque militiaé sumus.’ In 
the only other place where he uses it the last syllable is elided. Lachmann’s 
nothum is certainly very attractive, but seems to me too abrupt. JPonebát, see 
Introd. xviii. $ 5, where I should alter noenum in accordance with the text. 
rumores, ‘fame,’ joined with ‘fama,’ Liv. xxii. 39, Quintil v. 3. postque I have 


590 Q. ENNII FRAGMENTA. 


retained, thougM easy to alter. There is, I think, point in saying ' both afterwards 
and more (than in his lifetime). 

316. mortalem. It has occurred to me, though I do not feel confident about it, 
to complete this line by introducing summa after (not instead of) summum. 
Lucretius thought of it when he wrote, iii. 1032, ‘Scipiades belli fulmen Cartha- 
ginis horror Ossa dedit terrae proinde ac famul infimus easet,’ no doubt remem- 
bering that Ennius had applied them to the great opponent of Scipio, as seems 
rightly to be conjectured. famuli is probably an experiment of Ennius, some- 
thing in the style of cael and gaw, but less harsh, as having more analogies in its 
favour. See Introd. ix. $ 3. 

Lib. x. 332. 7nsece. See on Liv. Od. r. 

348. mussaret, ‘murmur,’ * mutter;' here, ‘look discontentedly for.’ 

Lib. xvii. 423. Imbricitor, ‘the sender of showers.’ Cp. Macrob. 8. i.17. He 
quotes this passage, v. 2, with Aen. ii. 416. mari magno, Lucr. ii. 1. 

Lib. xviii. 431. The eighteenth annal was written (according to the conjecture 
usually received of duodevigesimo for duodecimo) three years before the poet's death 
in his 67th year (Gell. xvii. 21). In it are naturally put Ennius' personal recollec- 
tions and reflections, as the account of his origin from Messapus, etc., Serv. on 
Aen. vii. 691. Nothing is known of a tribune Caelius. Merula acutely conjec- 
tured that the name is C. Aelius, and refers to Liv. xli. 4, where two military 
tribunes, Titus and Gaius Aelius, are mentioned in the Istrian war, and so Jan on 
Macrobius. The passage is compared with those about Ajax, IL ii. 102 f, and 
"Turnus, Aen. ix. 106 f. 

441. spatto supremo, ‘in the last stadium,’ i. e. after a hard struggle. 

INc. SEDIS. 493. Septingenti sunt. Yet this was written about A.V.C. 585, 
and is a puzzle of which we have not got the answer. See Vahlen, pp. xxx, 
xxxi, for some suggestions. 

503 Cp. Il. vi. 506, Aen. xi. 492. caerula, properly the colour of the sky, 
eaeruleus = caeluleus by dissimilation: here ‘deep green.’ It is applied to some 
planis, as the oak, olive, cucumber. 


Notes on the Tragic Fragments of Ennius. Pp. 307-312. 


ALEXANDER. I have given all the fragments of this play that are extant, 
though I cannot attempt to explain the connection of all of them. The first 
*is very probably referred to this play by Vahlen, though quoted without any 
name of author or subject. Hartung conjectures that this prologue was spoken by 
Venus (see Ribbeck, p. 2:9). That the play was probably an imitation of 
Euripides may be gathered from the testimony of Varro as to line 74. Prof. 
Conington remarks that lines 97, 98, describing the Trojan horse, are copied 
from a passage in the Agamemnon, i. e. lines 824-828. The parallel passages in 
the Aeneid are noted by Macrobius. 

62. coniecturam, a divination or oracle, used also by Plautus and later writers, 
e. g. Ov. Trist. i. 9, 51, ' Augurium ratio est et coniectura futuri! pacem petens ; 
cp. Tit. Mumm. C. 542, ‘twa pace rogans te,’ perhaps for (uat pacem. 





ANN. IX. 316—END. TRAGOEDIAE. 591 


68. temperaret tollere, ‘he should refrain from acknowledging, a not unfrequent 
construetion in Plautus. 

69. volans ; Müller says Victory is meant, and refers to Syracusan coins. 

70. Jamdudum, assigned by Welcker to Priam. 

75. vitulans, see note on Naev. Trag. 34. 

94. O lux Troiae, Aeneas’ speech, Aen. ii. 281,‘O lux Dardaniae, spes o fidis- 
sima Teucrum,’ is a rhetorical enlargement of these lines. 

97. Nam maximo saltu. Vergil’s imitation (Aen. vi. §15) is very close :— 

‘Cum fatalis equus saltu super ardua venit 
Pergama et armatum peditem gravis attulit alvo.’ 

99. ... amidio is quite uncertain. Voesius’ emendation (I suppose) makes it 
refer to Ganymede. Purus putus is quoted by Festus here in connection with 
Plautus’ ‘purus putus sycophanta, and by Gellius with the words of the Cartha- 
ginian treaty (pondus) ‘ argenti puri puti.' The relation of the word to putare is 
self-evident. The root, signifying cleansing, appears also in pa-enitel, po-ena, 
pu-nére, and pu-rus, according to Corssen, i. 370. Like merus, however, it often 
lost its stronger meaning, and came to signify ‘ pure and simple,’ * mere,’ etc. 

ANDROMACHA. That this, like the Alexander, was modelled on Euripides 
is inferred from Varro's quotation, L. L. vii. 82; but we have little means of 
comparing the two authors here. Cicero seems to have valued the play very 
highly, and praises it specially in quoting the passage given in the text. "This is 
perticularly remarkable for its fine use of alliteration, and for the effect produced 
by tbe accumulation of parallel images. ‘It is to these lines (says Prof. Conington) 
that the present Archbishop of Dublin, in his work on Sacred Latin Poetry, refers 
for the support of a theory that something like rhyme existed in the early poeiry 
of Rome.’ No doubt rhymes may oocasionally be found elsewhere, but they are 
part of the general tendency to alliteration, rather than traces of a system or habit 
of rhyming per se. We have also a specimen of Ennius’ versatility in metre, 
cretics, trochaics, anapaests, iambics, closely following one another. 

113. The MS. reading auzilio exili aut fugae seems preferable on grounds of 
sense, and metrically defensible. Bergk's fugai is probably right, as the form in 
ae is not found in the Annals. 

accfdam — accidam, so accedísset below in the Medea, 281. For a similar 
change of vowel cp. peregre and peragro. Cp. also the forms oppedum, menester, 
leber, etc. 

129. Hectorem ... Hectoris are peculiar; cp. homonem, etc. 

ATHAMAS. 78... hís... illis are contrasted. On is see Introd. xiii. $ 37, and 
cp. Lachm. on Lucr. p. 262. Prof. Ellis, however, prefers Ais. 

Hecroris Lytra. This seems to be the right title, though often quoted as 
Lustra or Lystra, e.g. by Ribbeck, in his first edition, He now reads Lutra. 
He refers the two lines here given to Achilles hearing the disturbance on the 
death of Patroclus. They are bacchincs, as Hermann has seen, not very divergent 
from the normal form u -^ — | vt—|[rut— | Ute, 

IPHIGENIA. This apparently follows the Iphigenia in Aulis of Euripides pretty 
closely. Bergk conjectures that Ennius added passages from Sophocles. A few 


592 Q. ENNII FRAGMENTA. 


lines will show the relation to Euripides, lines 6-8, AT. vis wor’ dp’ dorhp 58 
wopOpeve: ; | IIP. Xelpeos, l^ry)s 775 éxrasópov | WAaddos docov in pecogpys. And 
line 137, AAA’ f0' ipéíaaor adv wh8a yhpg | pydew berelxom. 

275. quaesit simply «quaerit. Cp. Enn. Ann. 146, *nautisque mari quaesen- 
tibus vitam,' and the common phrases, * quaeso,' eto., ‘ liberum quaesundum causa,’ 
as well as the regular forms quaesivi, quaestus. 

276. nepa=Cancer or Scorpius, acc. to Festus, p. 164, 5, M, an African word. 
He quotes Plaut. Cas. ii. 8, 7, in which it seems to mean a crab. Nomen, of the 
palimpeest, seems right, * or whatever beast gives its name to the star’ (Ellis). 

MEkDEA Exut. Cicero, de Fin. i. 3, 4, speaks of this and the Antiopa of 
Pacuvius as rendered directly from the Greek of Euripides, ‘ad verbum e Graecis 
expressas, The rendering is indeed very free, as we see by comparing the two, 
and the power of doing so is of importance in estimating the general success of 
Ennius. In the first place he omits the Symplegades, which would have been 
& difficulty to his audience, while he indulges his taste for etymology by inserting 
the name Argo and putting a false gloss upon it. Secondly, he does not care to 
follow the original in the simplicity of its details, but introduces alliterations and 
amplifications of his own, e.g. caesa accedisset, nominatur nomine, era errans, 
animo aegra amore saevo saucia. Accedisset seems to be a form of accidísset, cp. 
accedam, line 114. The sense here will not allow it to be oonsidered as an 
abnormal form of accessisset, though it is found as such in a MS. of the New Test. 
Mark vi. 61 (Rónsch. p. 286). 

TxLAMO. To this attack upon the hariolé Ribbeck suggests the possibility of 
adding inc. L 400, R. * (umquam) quidquam quisquam cuiquam quod si conveniat, 
neget! and 407, ‘omnes dant consilium vanum atque ad voluptatem omuia.’ 
The Epicureanism of these lines seems to have represented Ennius’ own con- 
victions. 


Notes on the Fragments of Saturae, etc. Pp. 312-314. 


The SATURAE of Ennius formed the step between the old national farce and the 
satire of literature. Like the former, they were a medley, having a loosely-con- 
structed plot, one in many cases couched in dialogue and a variety of metres; like 
the latter, they were intended for reading or recitation, not for the stage. That 
these poems had a distinctively satirical colouring does not appear very clearly 
from the fragments ; but Ennius was evidently inclined towards a censure of vices 
and follies, and can hardly have neglected the opportunity of touching upon them. 
The Menippean satires of Varro, among later writings, were probably most nearly 
akin to the Saturae of Ennius, but his wit was keener and more playful, and he 
mingled prose and verse together. 

Scipio. The character of this piece has been much disputed; see Vahlen’s 
Introd. p. Ixxxiv foll. It may have been a description of the last campaign 
of his patron, but then what was its relation to the parallel passage of the 
Annals? The lines 10-13 may be a description of his passage to Africa. Cp. 
Liv. xxviii. 17, ‘ipse ... profectus tranquillo mari plurimum remis, interdum et 
leni adiuvante vento, in Africam traiecit." 


SATURAE, EPIGRAMMATA. PACUVIUS. 593 


EPIGRAMMATA. The concluding lines of the fine epitaph upon himself (says 
Vahlen) appear to have been imitated from Mimnermus, for Cicero says that 
Ennius' sentiment is better than that of Solon, of which he gives this ren- 
dering :— 

‘Mors mea ne careat lacrumis: linquamus amicis 
Maerorem ut celebrent funera cum gemitu.' 
(Cic. Tusc. Disp. i. 49, 117, and de Senectute, 20, 73), while Plutarch (comp. 
Solonis et Publicolae, i.) informs us that these lines of Solon's were intended as a 
contrast to some of Mimnermus'. The objection to this is that Plutarch describes 
Mimnermus' epigram as wepi xpóvov (wis, which is hardly applicable to the lines 
before us. 

6. operae may possibly be scanned or even written as a disyllable. Cp. capra 

and caper, and facilia aa a trisyllable in the inscription of Mummius, C. 541. 


Cap. V. —RAGMENTA M. PACUVII. Pp. 314-316. 


Introduction. 

PACUVIUS was sister's son to Ennius, and born, about v. C. 534, at Brundisium. 
His uncle's reputation attracted him to Rome, where he exercised his art as 
a painter as well as a writer for the stage, and one of his pictures was esteemed 
second only to the great master-piece of Fabius Pictor. As regards the drama, 
he confined himself to tragedies and historical plays: of the first we have frag- 
ments of twelve, of the latter of one, the Paulus. He wrote also Saturae after 
the manner of Ennius. The judgment of Quintilian upon him and bis successor, 
Accius, may be quoted, *'Tragoedine scriptores veterum Accius atque Pacuvius 
clarissimi gravitate sententiarum, verborum pondere, auctoritate personarum. 
Ceterum nitor et summa in excolendis operibus manus magis videri potest tem- 
poribus quam ipsis defuisse.  Virium tamen Accio plus tribuitur; Pacuvium 
videri doctiorem, qui esse docti affectant, volunt, Inst. Orat. x. 1, 97. It 
agrees substantially with that current in Horace's time, *aufert | Pacuvius docti 
famam senis, Accius alti,’ Ep. ii. 1, 55 f£, and may be accepted as true. At the 
same time the critics accused him of harshness and want of simplicity, a charge 
fully borne out by the specimens before us. Thus Lucilius says, * tristis conforto 
aliquo ex Pacuviano exordio' (Gerl xxix. 63). He was specially criticised for 
his far-fetched and hard compound words, e. g. by Quintilian, i. 5, 67, who quotes 
his * Nerei repandirostrum incurvicervicum pecus. If we have sufficient means of 
judging, we may conclude that we have lost much more in Ennius than we have 
in Pacuvius. His tragedies show an attempt to render Sophocles, who was much 
less easy of imitation than Euripides. 


Notes. 

The ANTIOPA was the most famous of his plays, and is very highly praised by 
Cicero. It contained that dispute between Zethus and Amphion, in which 
Zethus made war upon philosophy and music, and Amphion (as Horace tells us) 
yielded to his brother’s humour and silenced his lyre. The extant remains, 
however, seem more worthy of Persius’ sneering censure :— 


Qq 


594 FRAGMENTA M. PACUVII, 


‘Sunt quos Pacuviusque et verrucosa moretur 
Antiopa, “ aerumnis cor luotificabile fulta”’ (1, 77). 
Cicero tells us that it was taken verbally from Euripides. 

The fragment given in the text is of course Amphion's enigmatic description of 
his lyre. The name of the respondents is very obscure. 

ILroNA. The story of this famous play was very different in detail from that 
which Vergil introduces in the second Aeneid. See Hyginus, cix and cexliii, and 
Ribbeck, pp. 392, 293. Iliona, eldest daughter of Priam, was married to the gross 
and avaricious Polymestor, king of Thrace. During the troubles at Troy she 
received her brother Polydorus to educate, and in her excess of caution, changed 
him with her own son Deiphilus, and brought up one as the other. The Greeks 
having taken Troy, and wishing to destroy the whole seed of Priam, corrupted 
Polymestor with a large bribe, and the promise of Electra to wife, if he would 
slay Polydorus. He in consequence killed his own son by mistake. Polydorus 
was in reality absent abroad, and on consulting the oracle at Delphi, heard that 
his city was burnt, his father killed, and bis mother a slave. In the meantime young 
Deiphilus, whose body was exposed upon the seashore and washed to and fro by 
the tide, appeared to his mother Iliona in her sleep, demanding her pity and de- 
siring burial, as described in the text. It was this speech which the drunken 
Fufius (who was acting Iliona) slept through in reality, though all the theatre 
bawled out with Catienus (who had the part of Deiphilus) ‘ mater te appello" 
(Hor. Sat. ii. 3, 60 foll., and the old commentators). After this Polydorus returned 
and was glad to find the oracle as he thought at fault, but on consulting Iliona 
learnt part of the sad truth, and together they attacked the villain Polymestor. 
But no sooner was vengeance done than a messenger arrived from Troy, giving 
an account of the capture, of which they had not yet heard, whereupon Iliona 
committed suicide. Observe Prof. Ellis’ emendation of 1. 200. 

Ex Incertis. The two last fragments show more of the learning and the 
power of Pacuvius than those already given. The first exhibits a sceptical Epicu- 
rean temper akin to that of Ennius, the second something of a true descriptive 
faculty. 

Exoeium. Of this Professor Conington says, ‘He took leave of the world in 
an epitaph, which, in ita graceful modesty, is singularly contrasted with the arro- 
gant self-assertion of his brother poets,’ i. p. 309. 

Pacuvi Marci. For this transposition of nomen and praenomen, see on El. 
Scip. C. 30, and cp. Macci Titi in the quotation from Accius on the opposite page. 

mescius ne esses. A rare use of ne for ut non. 


Cap. VI.—AQUILIUS. P. 316. 


AQUILIUS is unknown to ue except as the supposed author of the Boeotia, from 
which Gellius has preserved a fragment, very much in Plautus' manner. Varro 
ascribed it on this account to Plautua. Accius, however, distinctly rejected it in 
his Didascalica. (See introd. note to Accius, p. 596.) The lines may be quoted as 
a specimen of the work. They are in Sotadic verse, which is essentially an ‘ Ionic 


AQUILII, CAECILII STATII. 595 


& maiore tetrameter brachycatalectic, but treated in a very loose way. See 
Lachmann, Prooem. Berol. 1849-50, Meineke, Specim. alterum in Athen. deipn. 
p. 24, referred to by L. Miiller, de Re Met. p. 110, and Lucilius, p. 318, in his 
notes on Accius. I have accented these verses according to his pointing. Her- 
mann, in his Opusc. Acad. of Dec. 19, 1841, tried to prove them to be trochaica 
(and is followed by Hertz). Others had supposed them to be prose :— 

Ním néc gemineí Leónes néc Céndalifim nec 

Plaáti Ants nec Bis compréssa néc Boeótía umquam 

Fait, néque adeo Agroécus néque Cémmoriéntes 

Mfoci Titi. 
Ritechl has discussed the fragment of the Boeotia in his Parerga, 1.83 sqq., 123 sqq., 
208, Sundials (he says) were not common in Rome, according to Pliny, N. H.vii. 60, 
till the year of the city 589, and therefore the city could not have been ‘ oppletum 
solariis' till the seventh eentury, i. e. after Plautus time. These lines, he thinks, 
were not known to Varro, and not inserted till a later date. Ribbeck remarks on 
this very sensibly, that the parasite speaks as if he had lived before sundiala were 
known at all, i. e. before v. 0. 491, and though Pliny tells us that Rome was ruled 
for ninety-nine years by the first sundial which M". Valerius Messala brought from 
Sicily (‘ paruerunt .. . ei annis undecentum’), yet this may only mean that they 
did not understand how to make a better, and were ruled by it in the sense in 
which we might speak of English time being ruled by a clock at Greenwich or 
London time by that at Westminster. There is therefore not sufficient reason 
for supposing these lines to belong to a later date than that of Plautus, but as to 
the authorship we must remain in doubt. Ritschl inclines to refer them to one 
Atilius, who stands fifth in the canon of Sedigitus. 


Car. VII. —CAECILIUS STATIUS. P. 317. 


Introductton. 


Sratius CAECILIUB, or, as he is generally called, Caecilius (dropping the servile 
praenomen Statius, which was, as Gellius tells us, sometimes turned into a cogno- 
men, iv. 20, 13), was @ native of Insubrian Gaul, perhaps of Milan, a freedman like 
Terence, and a contemporary of Ennius and Pacuvius. According to many critics 
he was the best of Roman comedians, excelling in the delineation of passion, and 
as Horace (quoting Varro) haa it in ‘gravitas,’ that is, in force and independence 
as regards plot and handling. His diction was rough and archaic, and he must, 
we should suppose, have been inferior to Plautus in real comic power, else it is 
difficult to explain the almost entire loss of his works. Terence, who was notori- 
ously deficient in comic power, was valued expressly for his style, See the lines of 
Caesar and the canon of Sedigitus (on p. 328), who puta Caecilius even above 
Plautus. 

The relation of Caecilius to Terence, as a friendly critic of his early efforts, 
reminds us of that between Pacuvius and Accius. They had a common actor in 
Ambivius Turpio, and in two passages at least of Terence, in the Andria (iv. 5, 
lines 804, 5), and Adelphi (v. 9, 28, l. 985), we have verbal imitations of Caecilius. 


qQq42 


596 L. ACCII TRAGOEDIARUM FRAGMENTA. 


Lucilius also has a similar reminiscence (xxvi. 38 from the Hymnis of Caecilius) 
describing a prodigal content to live six months in pleasure and die in the seventh. 
Caecilius wrote— Mihi sex menses sati’ sunt vitae septimum Orco spondeo." Luci- 
lius' line being very close — 

‘Qui sex menses vitam duount Orco spondent septimum. 


Notes. 

PLocrux. Gellius quotes two passages from this play with parallels from 
Menander, which he compares not much to the .credit of the Latin poet. 
Neither in fact is very striking or attractive, and the one not given here is even 
repulsive. His criticism is worth quoting :— 

* Praeter venustatem autem rerum atque verborum, in duobus libris nequa- 
quam parem, in hoc equidem soleo animum attendere, quod quae Menander 
praeclare et apposite et facete scripsit, e& Caecilius, ne qua potuit quidem conatus 
est enarrare sed quasi minime probanda praetermisit et alia nescio quae mimica 
inculcavit et illud Menandri de vita hominum media sumptum, simplex et verum 
et delectabile nescio quo pacto omisit." 

143. ferre indicium, ‘to give evidence (of my misery):' forma, ‘ by her ill looks." 

146. salva urbe et arce. So in the Iuramentum Fetialium, Fest. Ep. p. 115, 
above, p. 279. Cp. Enn. Andromache, 115, ‘ arce et urbe orba sum.’ 

153. vostrarum. See Introd. xii. § 12. 


Car. VIIIL.—L. ACCII TRAGOEDIARUM FRAGMENTA. 
Pp. 318, 319. 
Introduction. 


Before his death Pacuvius retired to his own country, to Tarentum, and there, 
as an old man, he courteously entertained his young successor ÀCCIUS or ATTIUS, 
the last of the old Roman tragedians, and gave him advice on the improvement of 
his Atreus (Gell. xiii. 2). Fragments and titles of a large number of his tragedies 
(at least thirty-seven) have come down to us, and of two Praetextatae the Brutus 
and Decius. These show that, unlike his predecessors (as far as we know), he drew 
largely from Aeschylus as well as Sophocles and Euripides. Like Pacuvius, he 
was a disciple of Ennius, but approached nearer to his master in simplicity, and 
was superior to him in care and finish. He was in fact probably the greatest of 
the Roman tragedians, but unfortunately the fragments we possess are wanting in 
definite interest. Besides tragedies, he wrote nine books of Didascalica in Sotadic 
verse (a history of Greek and Roman poetry), Pragmatica, Parerga, and Praxidica 
(of uncertain character) Annales in hexameters (perhaps something like Ovid's 
Fasti and Propertius' fifth book), as well as amatory verses, and some Saturnians in 
honour of D. Brutus Gallaecus. For a quotation from the Didascalica, see p. 595, 
note to the fragment of Aquilius, The fragments of these books and of Sueius 
have been collected and edited by L. Müller at the end of his Lucilius. Cp. 
Teuffel, Róm. Lit. $ 119 and notes. 


In personal character Accius was not unlike Ennius in his self-consciousness 
- d 








MEDEA, PHILOCTETA, PRAETEXTATAE. 597 


and artistic pride. Several anecdotes are told of him to this effect, e.g. that being 
a very small man, he put up a very large statue of himself in the temple of the 
Camenae (Pliny, H. N. xxxiv. 10); that he prosecuted and recovered damages 
from a mimus who satirised him by name (ad Heren. i. 14, 24, ii. 13, 19) ; that he 
refused to rise to a magistrate, Julius Caesar, when he entered the poets’ college, 
thinking himself his superior in poetic power (Val. Max. iii. 7, 11, all quoted by 
Teuffel). It is interesting to think that Accius in his old age conversed with the 
young Cicero, as we learn from his Brutus, c. 28. This fact seems to have been 
overlooked by Teuffel, in placing his death circa v. 0. 650, B. 0. 104, inasmuch aa 
Cicero was only born B. €. 106. I have therefore dated his death about ten years 
later, which seems the earliest point to which it can be assigned. The phrase of 
the Second Philippic, 15, 36, ' sexagesimo post anno,’ may refer as well to the date 
of the composition of his Tereus as to the year of his death. 

The obligations of Vergil to Accius are noticed by Macrobius, vi. 1 and 2. Cp. 
Accius, Antigona, 136, 7 R., ‘quanto magis te istiusmodi esse intellego | Tanto, 
Antigona, magis me par est tibi consulere et parcere,' with Aen. xii. 19-21, and 
Accius, Armorum iudicium, 156, * Virtuti sis par dispar fortunis patris, with Aen. 
xii. 435. 

Notes. 


MEDEA. The description of the Argo receives some light from a comparison of 
Apollonius Rhodius, iv. 315 foll, first suggested by Brunck. Apollonius describes 
the shepherds leaving their flocks—vynav $óBy, ola re Ojpas | bccópevo: sóvrov 
peyarhreos ttaviévras. The Silvani melo consimilem cantum is explained by Bergk 
and Lachmann of the vocal beam in the Argo.  (Ribb. p. 317). 

PHILOCTETA. It is uncertain by whom the passage in the text is spoken. 
Appuleius tells us that it was ‘in tragoediae principio,’ but we cannot fairly infer 
from his words that it was addressed by Minerva to Ulysses. Perhaps it was 
spoken by a chorus of Lemnians. 

. §26. litora rara. Cp. Soph. Phil. 220, 1, vives wor’ is yv rhvbde vauTiAg wAáry | 
watécxer’ obr' eboppov ovr’ olxovpéyny ; this use of rarus seems unexampled, but 
explicable as meaning 'ubi rari habitant. Cp. Cic. Rep. 6, 19, ‘ vides habitari in 
terra raris et angustis locis.’ 

PRAETEXTATAE. 


National dramas among the Romans were called by the common name Togatae, 
whether comedies or tragedies or historical plays. - Thus Diomedes says (p. 487 P, 
Teuffel, § 14, 2) ‘ prima species est togatarum quae praetextatae dicuntur, in qui- 
bus imperatorum negotia agebantur et publica, et reges Romani vel duces indu- 
cuntur personarum dignitate et sublimitate tragoediis similes. Practextatae 
autem dicuntur quia fere regum vel magistratuum qui praetexta utuntur in 
eiusmodi fabulis acta comprehenduntur. Asa matter of usage, however, togatae 
was ordinarily the designation of Latin comedies, while praetextae or praetextatae 
denoted the serious drama. 

The fragments of the BRUTUS given in the text call for very little remark. On 
the omen coming from the left, cp. Enn. Ann. 95, note, p. 587. 








598 FRAGMENTA EX LUCILII SATURIS. 


17. nocturno impetu seems to mean *nocte ruente, ‘as night fell,’ but it is 
rather harsh. Cp. however Cic. N. D. ii. 38,97, ‘cum autem impetum caeli 
admirabili cum celeritate moveri vertique videamus, e. q.s.' 

38. liquier, ‘glides away into a new orbit. The verb generally means ‘to 
melt, *dissolve, ‘grow weak.’ Prudentius uses it in a sense like the present, 
Peristeph. 1, 88, ‘ per poli liquentés axem fulgor auri absconditur' The $ is regu- 
larly long in the deponent, but short in the transitive liquare. Cp. the uncertain 
quantity of líquidus in Lucr. iv. 1259, * Crassane conveniant /íquídis et liquida 
crassis. The same author has the subst. liquor once, i. 453. 

36. verruncent, ‘turn out, intrans.; so in the Decius, ll. 5, 6, he writes, ‘Te 
sancte venerans precibus invicte invoco, Portenta ut populo patriae verruncent 
bene ; and similarly Pacuv. Frag. 297. The compound averruncare, ‘to avert,’ 
is rather more common. 

His other Praetexta, the Aeneadae or Drcivus, described the devotion of the 
second of the Decii, v. 0. 459, B. 0. 295. The title of Aeneadae has not been fully 
explained. - 


Car. IX.—FRAGMENTA EX LUCILII SATURIS. Pp. 320-325. 
Introduction. 

LuciLIUS was born about ten years after the death of Terence, of aegood 
equestrian family, at Suessa Aurunca in Campania. He must have come early 
into the circle of Scipio Aemilianus, if, as it is said, he served with him in the 
Numantine war, when he would have been scarcely fifteen years old. Lucilius 
will always be known as the first writer of satire proper, and as such he waa 
recognized by his countrymen, notwithstanding the previous works of Ennius and 
Pacuvius that bore the same title. The words of Quintilian are well known, 
‘Satira quidem tota nostra est, in qua primus insignem laudem adeptus Lucilius 
quosdam ita deditos sibi adhuc habet amatores, ut eum non eiusdem modo operis 
auctoribus sed omnibus poetis praeferre non dubitent. Ego quantum ab illis 
tantum ab Horatio dissentio, qui Lucilium fluere lutulentum et esse aliquod, quod 
tollere possis, putat. Nam eruditio in eo mira et libertas atque inde acerbitas et 
abundantia salis’ (x. 3, 93 and 94). This is high praise, and we must feel very 
keenly the loss of Lucilius as a painter and critic of life and manners. His 
criticism was freer and more personal than that which any Roman comedian 
before or any satirist after him ventured upon. The persons who were typical in 
Horace's time were real in that of Lucilius. ‘Primores populi arripuit populum- 
que tributim, Hor. Sat. ii. 1, 69. Such were Maenius, called Pantolabus, the 
spendthrift, Nomentanus the debauchee, Alfius the usurer, Gallonius the glutton, 
Opimius the miser, Albucius the Hellenist, and a crowd of smaller personages, 
Nerius, Staterius, Pacideianus, Mutus, the Jew Apella, etc, may be justly 
assigned to the age of Lucilius. His own boldness we may conjecture was taken 
into account by the judge who would not give him damages against a man who 
had attacked him by name upon the stage (Rhet. ad Heren. ii. 13, 19. Cp. the 
contrary case of Accius, introd. note, p. 597). All sides of common life, politics, 











INTRODUCTION TO LUCILIUS. 599 


morals, manners, literature, and even grammar, were discussed in his Satires, but 
not always in a satirical vein. In fact, satire among the Romans, in the case of 
Horace and even of Juvenal, as well as in its earlier forms, had frequently little 
of ridicule or censure in its composition, and was content at times with good- 
humoured narrative or didactic exposition. We possess fragments of thirty books, 
the first twenty and the thirtieth of which are in hexameters. The twenty- 
second was written in whole or in part in elegiacs, the twenty-sixth and twenty- 
seventh in trochaic septenarii, the twenty-eighth and twenty-ninth in trochaics, 
iambics, and hexameters (see Lucian Müller, Quaest. Luc. p. xi). The metres of 
the rest are uncertain. L. Müller asserts that the books consisted of several 
satires, each in one metre, and holds it absurd to believe that more than one 
metre was used in a single poem. The careless slipshod style well bears out the 
criticism of Horace upon them; they are rough in metre, rough in expression, 
and in fact often coarse. Thus, notwithstanding his bluntness and freedom, this 
defect makes Lucilius often obscure and even ambiguous, and hence Cicero's 
metaphor ‘sine vallo Luciliano.? His poems naturally served the dictionary 
makers and phrase collectors, like Nonius, as a great repertory of curious and 
vulgar words. The licences affected by Lucilius will be sufficiently exemplified 
by the fragments given in the text without a collection of them in this place, such 
as Gerlach has attempted (without sufficient discrimination in some points) in his 
Prolegomena, $ 5, de Oratione Lucilii Lucian Müller has treated at length of 
the metres of Lucilius in his book ‘de Re Metrica,’ and bas quite recently (1873) 
completed his edition of the fragments. The most important early edition of 
Lucilius is that of Fr. Dousa, on account of the conjectures inserted in it, which 
he obtaizted from his father Janus Dousa and his father's friend Joseph Scaliger. 
Lachmann, who intended to edit Lucilius, wrote an essay de Metris Lucilii 
librorum (Index Lect. Berol. 1849), and inserted a good many conjectures into 
his edition of Lucretius. On his death his papers were committed to M. Haupt, 
who has himself since died. According to Lucian Müller, who has inspected 
them, they are not in & sufficiently perfect state to be published; and we shall 
probably not see the expected edition (Quaest. Lucil p. xxviii). The most con- 
venient edition up to the present time was that of Gerlach (Zurich, 1846), which 
was deficient, according to our present standard. That of Miiller himself will 
probably be the best for some time to come, but I have not been able to use it 
sufficiently long to judge it fairly. 1 have of course revised all the passages in 
the text with its assistance. I cannot say that I have in many instances seen 
cause to adopt his conjectures, where he stands alone. The temper of the prole- 
gomena (Quaestiones Lucilianae) is not pleasant, both in what he says and in 
what (more Germanico) he omits to say, e.g. he never mentions the name 
of Gerlach, referring in one place quite casually to the ‘editio Turicensis,’ 
p. xxvii I have to thank Prof. Robinson Ellis for very valuable assistance and 
advice, especially on the text. He has most kindly given me the use of his 
MS. translation and notes on & good many passages, as well as of a collation of & 
great part of the Harleian MS, of Nonius. He has also printed a text of some of 
the fragments, and a review of Francken's Coniectanea Critica and Müller's 





600 FRAGMENTA EX LUCILII SATURIS. 


edition in the Academy for May, 1873.  Francken's Coniectanea is also an 
important book. 
Notes on the Fragments. 


Book iii. In this book, according to ancient testimony, Lucilius described his 
journey to the Sicilian straits ; but it also contained much criticism of earlier and 
contemporary poets, Ennius, Pacuvius, Accius, Caecilius, and Terence. It served 
no doubt (as Porphyrion suggests) for the model of Horace’s journey to Brundisium. 

iii. 6. Gellius quotes this passage to illustrate the phrases, ‘susque et deque 
ferre’ or ‘habere,’ which he explains as ‘animo aequo esse et quod accidit non 
magni pendere,’ etc., and nearly= Greek d&agopeiv. The literal translation will 
be ‘up and down,’ the idea something like the French ‘tant bien que mal,’ not 
inclining one way more than another, an expressive phrase for the little ruba of 
travelling. L. Müller refers to Plaut. Amph. iii. 2, 5, Fest. 290, Ritschl, Op. ii. 
273. AlylAsgwo: is not the Greek form, but alyfArcwes. — Priscian, p. 710, quotes 
Athonem from Cic. de R. P. iii (Lucian Müller). 

Book iv is compared by the scholiast on Persius to his third satire, ‘Hanc 
satiram poeta ex Lucilii lib, iv transtulit castigantis luxuriam divitum et vitia." 
Gerlach adds that the second satire of the second book of Horace is really nearer, 
and that we can suppose neither to have drawn much of their form from Lucilius. 

iv. 1. O lapathe, ut iactare, nec es satis cognitus qui sis, ‘O sorrel diet, how 
people boast about you, and yet know very little what you really are; you, over 
whom that wise Laelius used to pour forth his censures, arraiguing our gluttons 
one after the other.’ There can be no doubt that this is the right reading and 
interpretation, though editors before Lachmann seem to have thought it worth 
while to alter the text and obscure the sense, misled by the bold personification. 
Cp. Varro, Modius (Menipp. p. 171, Riese), ‘hanc eandem voluptatem tacitulus 
taxim consequi lapatio et ptisana possum,' and Hor. Epod. ii. 57. Jactare is of 
course 2nd person of the passive. Clamores may either be applause (Ellis) or 
censure. Iam inclined to the latter. 

Gumíae is derived by Madvig, ad loc. from *éuev. Festus (Ep. p. 412) connecte 
it with a number of words like íngluvies, gula, guttur, which (as Mr. Ellis 
remarks) seems to show that it conveyed a physical idea to him. It may be 
connected with our word gums, Germ. Gawmen. So in xxx. 44, Ellis reads 
gemiae illisae, * battered gums’ =gluttonous old women. Cp. ventres in a similar 
sense, This Laelius is of course the friend of Scipio Aemilianus. Sophus is put 
for sapiens, metri gratia (L. M.). 

iv. 2. See on Horace, Sat. ii. 2, 46, 'haud ita pridem | Galloni praeconis erat 
acipensere mensa | infamis. Cicero twice uses his name as a type of gluttony and 
extravagance, pro Quinot. 30, and de Fin. ii. 38, go (Gerlach). 

iv. 7. Nonius quotes this as an instance of spurcus- saevus, sanguinarius. 
Benfey compares it with wepxvés, It can hardly be separated from Latin spargo, 
and seems to have meant originally ‘spotted,’ ‘ bemired,’ ‘ dirty.’ 

Samnis describes his profession—a gladiator distinguished by wearing the arms 
of a Samnite soldier, the winged helmet, scutum, ocrea, and manics. He was also 
a Samnite by birth, being a native of Aesernia. The name Aeserninus is found as 











NOTES ON THE FRAGMENTS. 601 


& cognomen of a man of low class, Inscr. Neap. 5079, Wilmanns, 2701. For 
Pacideianus cp. the passages quoted under the text. He must have been engaged 
in & real fight, which, from Lucilius’ description, afterwards became classical. 
Horace attempts a similar description in the journey to Brundisium. Post 
homines natos, ‘since creation, Ellis, who compares Cic. pro Balb. x, * post genus 
humanum natum. Optimus multo . . . unus, the latter word heightens the super- 
lative that it follows, ‘far the best of all.” When used before a substantive it 
has rather the force of our vulgarism ‘regular,’ e. g. Catull. xxii. 10, ‘ unus capri- 
mulgus aut fossor ;’ Cic. Philip. ii. 3, 7, ‘cum uno gladiatore nequissimo.’ Some- 
times it is weakened in force to any, and almost to a. 

iv. 8. This is spoken apparently by Pacideianus, who may be supposed to have: 
been victorious after Aeserninus had bit off his ear, according to Cic. ad Q. F. 
iii. 4, a8 Francken concludes. Tischer’s emendation, though very plausible, is 
almost too simple to have been corrupted, considering the common use of fur as & 
term of abuse. Scaliger’s fwriae, ‘the madman,’ is more probable. Cicero several 
times applies it to Clodius. Ellis well translates, ‘I hate the fellow, I go to the 
battle in a rage; there is not a thing I look for so impatiently as the moment 
when my rival fits his sword to his right hand; so violently am I transported with 
anger out of mere passion and hatred of the man.’ Note studio atque odío 
nearly =‘ passionate violent hatred.’ 

v. I. In this fragment we find the poet complaining to a friend of his negli- 
gence in visiting him in sickness. The friend (Scaliger acutely suggests) may 
have been a rhetorician, at any rate Lucilius addresses him with some allusion to 
rhetorical terms. 

mansi, ‘notwithstanding my illness you still treat me with neglect, as if I was 
no more than a chance acquaintance.’  mansti is generally accepted as a correc- 
tion, ‘because you are content to be as indifferent to your friend as the world 
at large are;’ but it does not seem necessary. Hoc nolueris, etc. Ellis translates, 
‘If you object to this rhyme of nolueris and debueris, because it is a violation of 
the rules and a trick of Isocrates’ school, anf besides mere inanity and child's 
vanity from first to last, I do not waste my trouble.’ 

vi. I. This fragment evidently describes a miser never separated from his bag 
of gold: cp. Horace's ‘ congestis undique saccis indormis inhians,' S. i. 1, 70 (Gerl.) 
Bulga is said to be a Gallic word. Cp. the Welsh bolgan (‘a pouch’), Eng. bulge 
and budget, the latter through the French bougette. 

ix. This satire was evidently one on grammar, especially on orthography, and 
in it he is further said to have criticised the poems of Ennius and Accius, but 
there are other fragmenta which do not seem to suit the subject. _ 

ix. 2. May very probably be directed against the custom of doubling vowels 
which Accius had taken up (see Introd. ch. ii. 8 and iii. 3). The à of longa is 
unexampled in the extant fragments, but Lucilius may have allowed himself the 
licence before br; the omission of the copula (as Mr. Ellis remarks) is idiomatic, 
as the words are opposites. «eodem by synizesis; so eburneo, xxvi. 8, and eodem, 
inc. I1. ué dicimus, ‘we will write as we pronounce,’ i.e. one vowel, not two. 
It may, however, perhaps be a sort of apology for the phrase * uno eodemque." 


602 FRAGMENTA EX LUCILIT SATURIS. 


ix. 3. AB is close to the MSS, though elsewhere the name of the letter is given 
aser. This consonant in fact seems, like ha and ka, to have a natural affinity to 
the guttural vowel. Ellis translates ‘Ar. This ill-sounding compound is very 
much as if I say with a dog's tongue “nihil ar me" (ar-r-r) for “nihil ad me." 
This (ar) is the name of the letter R.’ Nomen hoc illi est is the MS. reading in 
Velius Longus; in x. I2, atque sf hoc unumst, it is close to the MSS, which have 
stoc, elsewhere it is doubtful. But if, as Mr. Ellis thinks, these two passages are 
proof enough for the usage of Lucilius, it may fairly be introduced elsewhere 
where the text is corrupt, and such a change is otherwise probable. A case 
in point is the first line of this fragment. Hoc is of course long in Augustan and 
post-Augustan writers, but it seems to be short in the comedians, and the usage of 
Lucilius is in other respects not strict. 

canina lingua. Persius, in imitation of this, says of the letter r, i. 108, * sonat 
haec de nare canina | litera. It seems probable too that Lucilius spoke in the 
same way in his first book, from which Nonius, p. 31, quotes as follows: ‘ Jrritare 
. ». provocare: tractum a canibus, qui quum provocantur £rríunt, Lucilius Saty- 
rarum, lib. i: 

Irritata canes quam homo quam planiu' dicit. 

athil ar me. Gerl. p. lxviii. refers to Plaut. Truc. ii. 3, 17 :— 

‘An eo bella es, quia adcepisti! ar me advenias :: nunc places.’ 

ix. 6. The rule here laid down seems to be to write simple € in the genitive of 
the o declension and the dative of the pronominal, and to write e in the nomina- 
tive plural of the same declensions, and in the dative singular of the $ and conso- 
nantal, or, according to Lachm. and L. M., in the vocative of nouns ending in -£us. 
(He reads the line * Mendaci’ ‘Furique’ (i.o. genitives). Addes e cum dabi, 
* Furei' Iusseris.) The rules of Lucilius are not borne out by inscriptions or the 
general practice of authors, but seem to have influenced Varro and Nigidius. 

utroque, sc. elemento, * wants both letters.’ dacimus ; see Introd. ch. xiv. § 6. 

ix. 12. quidve hute intersiet (lud. Some such conjecture seems necessary in 
place of hoc. 

xv. I. navis is a monosyllable, according to L. M. cp. D. R. M. p. 217, where 
he cites cutus eius, etc., as monosyllables, from heroic poetry and other parallels. 

xx. I. Fauni. Cp. Enn. Ann. 222 and Varr. L. L. vii. 36. Lucretius, ii. 
55-58, bas imitated this passage. Müller puta it into book xv, on the authority 
of Nonius, and on account of its similarity to the preceding. 

xxii. 2. columella, so columen is used of a slave, Ter. Phorm. ii. 1, 576 = 286, 
‘bone custos salve columen vero familiae, where Donatus quotes this passage. 
situs for situs est, cp. El. Scip. C. 34, és híc situs quel nunquam, e. q. 8. 

Ex lib. inc. I. Müller calls this *fragmentum illud nobilissimum de virtute, 
quod ego cum Dousa inter inagnificentissima poesis Latinae rettulerim monu- 
menta, p. xxxii, and is very angry at Mommeen’s word ‘ Knittel-verse' applied 
to Lucilius (though not to this passage). Albinus is perhaps A. Postumius Alb. 
cos. V. C. 603, B. C. 151 (L. M.) 

Ex lib. inc. 1, 1. 6. reí, monosyllable, often written re. So plebeiscitum, etc. 

l. 8. debetur honori. Cp. Hor. Ars Poet. 167, * inservit honori? In both cases it 





Q. LUTATIUS CATULUS. 608 


seems to mean the effort to gain place and dignity for a man's self rather than the 
dignity of others. 

Inc, fr. 2 and 3 are good instances of Lucilius’ censure, both of the people and 
of the * primores populi." 

Fr. 3 is of course not spoken in the person of Lucilius himself, but of Q. Mucius 
Scaevola, propraetor in Asia, V. C. 633, B. 0. 121, who no doubt met T. Albucius at 
Athens on his way to his province. Cicero tells us of Albucius that he was 
*paene Graecus, ‘fuit Athenis adulescens; perfectus Epicureus evaeerat.’ 
Albucius showed his hostility to Scaevola (which may have had other causes than 
this sarcasm) by accusing him of extortion in his province after his return from it, 
Cic. Brut. 26, 102. L. M. in his emendation and notes, seems to have missed the 
point of the passage, or to have perversely rejected what is obvious for something 
recondite. Scaevola (in brief) describes how he met Albucius at Athens, and, to 
satirize his affectation of Greek manners, saluted him in Greek, a jest which was 
taken up by all his (Scaevola’s) retinue, beginning with the lictors, in conse- 
quence of which publio insult Albucius became his enemy. Such a note as 
‘hostis quia Graecum se haberi volebat Albucius, and such an emendation as 
‘lictores turma omni’, cohorsque xaípere,' apparently making Scaevola address his 
own staff—are simply astonishing. 

Ll 3. Pontius is mentioned as a very strong centurion by Cicero, de Senect. 33. 
Tritanus cannot well be the gladiator mentioned by Pliny, H. N. vii. 19, after 
Varro (Gerl.). 

Inc. fr. 4. L. M.'s emendation of the last line, though not supported by the 
MSS, is plausible enough. He remarks on the constant suppression by copyists of 
the truncated s. With vermiculaté he compares Varro's Sat. Men. rag?) Mevirmov, 
where ‘facies maeandrata et vermiculata ' has been rightly restored for vinculata. 
Prof. Ellis defends the vulgate, of course translating arte as an adverb, ' artisti- 
cally,’ as in Gell. iii. 5, * capillum arte compositum." 


Car. X. —Q. LUTATII CATULI VERSUS. P. 325. 


Q. LuTATIU8 CATULUS, the conqueror of Vercelli and colleague of Marius, was 
famous not only for his military and political activity, but for his culture and 
integrity. He committed suicide, B. 0. 89, to escape the condemnation which 
Marius had determined against him. He was an orator and historian rather than 
a poet, but the fragments of his prose writings are not of much interest. They are 
from his book ‘De Consulatu et de Rebus Gestis suis,’ his ‘Communes Historiae," 
apparently a Euhemeristic book on early history (not merely sacred history), and 
one of antiquities. Cf. Teuffel, $ 136, 4, and Peter's Fragments, pp. 191-194. 

The second epigram is evidently imitated from one of Callimachus! preserved in 
the Anthology. The second distich is very obscure. Mr. Ellis writes, ‘I think 
the meaning is as follows :—‘ My soul has fled away. Doubtless as usual it is 
with Theotimus. Yes, it is so: that is its place of refuge. And suppose I had 
not forbidden him to admit the runaway in doors, had charged him to turn it out 
instead ? (would it not be there? Certainly it would : therefore, in spite of my 


604 EX LABERII MIMIS. 


prohibition, it is probably there now). I shall go to look for it. But in truth I am 
afraid I shall be held prisoner myself. "What am I to do? "Venus, advise me !""' 
I am, however, inclined to think he means: ‘Why! J should not be surprised 
unless I had forbidden him, etc. &4 wow interdixem gives his reason for doubting 
about the matter. For interdixem see Introd. xviii. $ 12. It is difficult to choose 
between qui (ablat.) and quid; nor does it much matter whether we put the 
interrogative directly after it or only at the close of the distich. 


Cap. XL—EX LABERII MIMIS. Pp. 326, 327. 


D. LABERIUS, a Roman knight and famous as a composer of mimes, was re- 
quested by the dictator Julius Caesar to go upon the stage. This took place 
V. 0. 70g, and we are fortunate in possessing the prologue in which he describes 
his feelings on the occasion. Caesar was so offended by his free speech (says 
Gellius, xvii. 14, 2) that he used to declare his preference for P. Syrus over Labe- 
rius—from which we may infer that Laberius was undoubtedly in reality the beat. 
He seems to have been the first to give a literary character to the mimus, which 
had no doubt a much older existence as a popular kind of drama. It began now 
to supersede the old fabula Atellana (see Teuffel, §§ 7, 8, notes). The name 
‘ planipes' was given to it from the naked feet of the actors; its character was 
one of noisy gesticulation, practical joking, slapping and tumbling; ita plots and 
action generally very gross, and its language similar to its action, with a curious 
mixture of sensible and sententious proverbs (cp. the aretalogi); its main object to 
excite a laugh. It differed from tbe Atellan fable by the absence of the standing 
characters, and from the Togatae by the preponderance of mimicry and gesture. 
The later pantomimus was action and gesture without dialogue. 

REsTIO. These words are spoken in the character of an old miser deploring 
the extravagance of his spendthrift son. elucificare=elucum facere, i.e. ‘to 
stupify,' * dull the close of my life) For elucus see Fest. s. vv. elucum and helucum, 
pp. 75, 100, and Gell. xvi. 12. It can hardly be separated from #Avyr. 

PROLOGUB. Eztremis sensibus is harsh, but perhaps means ‘has thrust me 
down almost below anything I could have imagined.’ 

105. mente clemente. Caesar particularly affected clemency. 

109. bts tricenis sexaginta : hence we learn the year of his birth. 

IIT. mimus, the emphatic word kept to the last. From the character of the 
mimes described above, a mimus or mima was naturally much more infamis than 
a histrio. In the very play Laberius acted as a Syrian, ‘qui velut flagris caesus 
praeripientique se similis exclamabat porro Quirites, e. q. 8! The following line, 
also directed against Caesar, came shortly after. 

127 foll. are recorded by Macrobius (see below, introd. note to P. Syrus) as 
having been spoken under the following circumstances, P. Syrus was brought 
forward at Caesar's games and contended with the best writers of the time, 
challenging them to choose & subject, and giving himself one in return, and 
surpassed them all and among others Laberius. Caesar gave his judgment in 
the line— Favente tibt me victus es, Laberi, a Syro, and therefore gave Syrus the 
palm, and Laberius a ring with 500 (500,000?) sesterces, perhaps to show that he 


MISCELLANEA. P. SYRUS, EPIGRAMMA PLAUTI. 605 


had not after all lost his equestrian status. Publius said to Laberius as he retired, 
Quicum contendisti scriptor, hunc spectator subleva. 
‘Sed et Laberius sequenti statim commissione mimo novo interiecit hos versus 
non possunt, e. q. 8.” 
laus est publica, i.e. glory is no man's own possession but the gift of the 
changeful * popularis aura.’ 


Cap. XIL—MISCELLANEA. Pp. 327, 328. 


$ 1. P. PunBLiuI Syki SENTENTIAE. 


*PUBLILIUS natione Syrus cum puer ad patronum domini esset adductus 
promeruit eum non minus salibus et ingenio quam forma. Ob haec et alia 
manumissus et maiore cura eruditus cum mimos componeret ingentique adsensu 
in Italiae oppidis agere coepisset, productus Romae per Caesaris ludos (A. v. c. 
709) omnes qui hinc scripta et operas suas in scenam locaverant provocavit ut 
singuli secum posita invicem materia pro tempore ostenderent, e.q. s. Macrob. 
ii.7. Syrus was evidently strong as an improvisatore, and curiously enough, 
though we have many of his single lines, almost enough to make a book of pro- 
verbs, we have only two apocryphal titles of his plays. "The best edition of these 
Sententiae, which were much interpolated in the middle ages, is said to be by 
E. Wolffün, Leipz. Teubner, 1869. (Teuffel, § 198, 3 and 4) Ribbeck has a 
new recension of them in his last edition. 

I hesitated whether to give the one longer fragment attributed to Syrus, which 
appears in Petronius ; but it has not much to recommend it, and I have decided in 
favour of the Sen£entiae, choosing those which have ancient authority. A great 
number of them occur in Gellius, xvii. 14, and Macrob. ii. 7, 10. They do not 
seem to require illustration or comment. 


§ 2. EPIGRAMMA PLAUTI. 


Gellius says he should have doubted of the authenticity of this Epigram if he 
had not found it in Varro’s book ‘De Poetis, Varro, it is well known, had taken 
great trouble with the criticism of Plautus. 

mortem aptus is the reading adopted by Hertz on MS. authority ; see the note 
of Gronovius, who, however, follows Scaliger in his text, reading morte datu’st, 
making morte a dative. ‘Vitam aptus! is quoted by Non. p. 234, 25, from Pacu- 
vius, but I do not find it used with mors in the old writers. On the other hand, 
‘mortem adipisci’ is used by Suetonius of suicide. Plautus must have used it in 
a perfectly indifferent sense (perhaps with a tinge of irony) as «racOm, x pfjo0a 
are sometimes used in Greek, So ‘ potitust hostium,’ in the Captivi, probably 
means * has got hold of the enemy,’ half-comically put instead of the reverse. So 
our common people constantly say, ‘Do you belong to this cart? or, ‘Do you 
belong to this luggage?’ Deserta. Introd. iv. 4, vi. 5, etc. 

Numeri innumeri. It is doubtful whether innumeri =inuumerabiles or rudes, 
incompti. The second gives better sense, if it is not too literary a thought for 
Plautus, supposing he was the author of the lines. 





606 MISCELLANEA. CAESAR, SEDIGITUS. 


§ 3. ©. Ivt1us CAESAR de Terentio. 

These fine lines are well commented on by Reifferscheid and Ritechl. I have 
followed the text and pointing of the former, which differs in several respects from 
that ordinarily given, especially in the separation of vis from comica. 

Maceror ac doleo is Rothe’s and Reifferscheid’s reading after one MS. The 
Paris MS. has audoleo. Ritschl makes various suggestions—hoc doleo, hoe docto, 
hoc lecto, hoc dules ; and ends up with aureolo as the most probable—a Bentleian 
conjecture not likely to find acceptance with a careful editor. Maceror is used in 
& similar way, Ov. Heroid. a, 125:— 

* Maceror interdum quod sim tibi causa dolendi.' 
The criticism of Terence in this passage is very fair, and must be echoed by any 
candid reader, Suetonius quotes some lines of Cicero in Limone (cp. Pratum, of 
a Miscellany, and Gell. praef. 6, Plin. H. N. praef, etc.) to much the same effect, 
only more appreciative. I have given them according to Reifferscheid’s text :— 
* Tu quoque, qui solus lecto sermone, Terenti, 
Conversum expressumque Latina voce Menandrum 
In medium nobis sedatis motibus effers, 
Quiddam come loquens atque omnia dulcia miscens. 


$ 4. VOLOATIUS SEDIGITUS. 

Only mentioned here and in Suetonius' life of Terence, pp. 29, 33, Reifferscheid. 
He seems to have been an elder contemporary of Cicero. See Teuffel, § 15, 3; 
124, 3. 

I have given these lines according to Hertz’s text. They present a curious 
judgment on the comic poete, especially on Terence. 

3. eum meo, monosyllables by synizesis, making one foot. 

5. do mimtco. Gron. has comico ; Cod. Reg. has minico, from which esimico is 
an evident inference, and of course is in point, which comico is not. Caecilius 
was specially noted for his representation of the passions: see note above, 
P- 595. 

7. Naevius qui fervet. See above, introductory note, pp. 572, 573. 

8. Licinius Imbrex, meutioned as the writer of a Neaera, Gell. xiii. 23, 16, 
Fest. Ep. p. 109: else unknown. 

9. Atilius, called by Cio. ad Att. xiv. 20, 3, * Durissimus scriptor, We have a 
few fragmenta of his comedies, from which he got the name Misogynos. Varro 
has & word in his favour (ap. Charis. ii. p. 215), * IIáóy Trabea, Atilius, Caecilius 
facile moverunt." 

11, Two fragments only of Trabea are preserved, but a good many (short ones) 
of Turptlius. One of the passages from Trabea (ap. Cic. Tusc. iv. 31,67) may be 
quoted as at any rate written in a lively style :— 

‘Lena delenita argento nutum observabit meum, 

Quid velim, quid studeam: adveniens digito impellam ianuam, 
Fores patebunt; de improviso Chrysis ubi me aspexerit, 
Alacris obviam mihi veniet complexum exoptans meum; 
Mihi se dedet: Fortunam ipsam anteibo fortunis meis.’ 


607 


SECTIO TEnTIA. 


EXCERPTA EX PROSAE ORATIONIS 
SCRIPTORIBUS. 
GENERAL INTRODUCTION. 


THE cultivation of a prose literature is almost always later than that 
of poetry. Much that with us belongs to prose is at first conceived in 
a metrical or rhythmical form, and oratory, that great fountain of 
prose, is allowed in early times to well up without rule or boundary. 
The idea of a middle ground between ordinary talking and the stricter 
form of poetry or rhythm is a complex one, and belongs obviously to 
a settled and polished state of society, with leisure for thought and 
precision of statement, and with mechanical appliances for writing. 
This rule is as true for Roman literature as it is for Greek, or English, 
or German, but unfortunately we have little of early poetry or early 
prose by which to illustrate it. The following sketch of the beginnings 
of Roman prose may, however, be taken as approximately true. 

The Saturnian metre is a real one, though the rules by which it is 
governed are not nearly so strict as those of the hexameter or even the 
comic iambic. (See p. 396 f) But beside and beyond it there were 
yet looser rhythms, which it is impossible for us to reduce to the 
normal forms of Greek or Latin metrology. The hymn of the Arval 
brothers contains some Saturnian lines, or half lines, as the first, third, 
and fifth, but of the rest we can only say that they are logacdic, a 
mixture, as far as we can see, of dactyls and trochees. So again, the 
poor fragments of other hymns or early didactic poetry, which may be 
seen in the introduction to the notes on the preceding section, cannot 
be reduced with any certainty to metre. There arose in this way a 
species of intermediate rhythms, capable of being chanted, and out of 
these probably came the first efforts of Roman prose. The proverb, 
the wise saw, the legal or religious formula, to a certain extent the 
epitaph and the dedicatory inscription, perhaps even the entry in the 
annal, belong to that border-land, or peraixptov, between conversation 
and poetry. They have a constant tendency to fall into sing-song, or 
metre, just as savage or half-taught natives take to intoning, or un- 
educated people drop into blank-verse or rhyme. But the common- 
place nature of the ideas they express acts the other way, and brings 
them back into the tone of ordinary conversation, and the nation dis- 
covers, like M. Jourdain, that it has an unthought-of faculty for prose. 

We have too little information about the severer side of Roman writing, 
the raw materials of history, the annales pontificum, and the commentarii 
of the different colleges of priests and magistrates. Perhaps some 
attention to these may have preceded the cultivation of lighter matters. 
See the fragments quoted by Varro, pp. 366, 367'. But the first 


1 I may be permitted to refer to the third of my Introductory Lectures as con- 
taining & general sketch of the elemente of Roman prose in the earliest times. 
See also Mommsen, R. H. book ii. ch. 9 (especially p. 486 of the first vol., E. T.). 


608 EXCERPTA EX PROSAE ORATIONIS SCRIPTORIBUS. 


attempt at style seems to have come from a different quarter. As we 
should expect amongst a nation like the Romans, devoted to public 
life, this was an attempt to make their oratory more accurate and 
stately by reducing a noble specimen of it to writing to serve as a 
model to aspirants after eloquence. 

The old laws, even the XII Tables, partake of the intermediate 
character, which the Romans described, just as they did true poetry, 
by the word Carmen. (See Introd. to XII Tables, § 3, p. 508, and note 
on Table x. 3, p. 535). But when Appius Claudius the censor writes 
down his great speech against receiving the ambassadors of Pyrrhus, 
true literary prose has begun. Prose is, of course, prorsa, or proversa 
oratio, going straight on, without let or hindrance from the rules of 
metre—or, as Donatus has it, ‘ quam non inflexit cantilena. To have 
discovered that it was possible to write in this direct form something 
that was beautiful in its way, and rhythmical in a new sense, and 
therefore that would be worth preserving, was by no means one of the 
least triumphs of the great censor. 

It is much to be lamented that we do not possess this speech, which 
would have shown us, probably more than anything we have retained, 
the real genius of the Latin language. For directly after the time of 
Appius, that Hellenizing influence began to prevail which altered so 
strikingly the style as well as the character of the nation. As regards 
the poets, the details may be found in the last section ; prose writers 
were at first so overpowered by it that they preferred to write in Greek 
rather than Latin. Such were the historians Fabius Pictor, Cincius 
Alimentus, C. Acilius, and Postumius Albinus. M. Porctus Cato, 
the champion of all that was national, was the first to take heart, and 
to write in his mother tongue something that might really be called 
history, and he appears to have composed his Origines on a sensible and 
almost original method, with an attention to classes of facts that were 
generally overlooked by his countrymen. But he was distinguished 
not only in one department of literature; many of his orations were 
treasured up in after ages on account of their pregnant humour, biting 
sarcasm, and strong practical good sense, qualities which we can still 
discern in the fragments. His treatise on agriculture has survived in 
a modernised form to our own days, and contains much that may be 
read with interest, and even profit; and we know that he wrote also 
on medicine and rhetoric, as well as a carmen de mortbus, the character 
of Vous may be gathered from the extracts given by Gellius. (See 
P. 343)- 

I have endeavoured in the following selections to give passages 
which are characteristic in point of style, and at the same time worth 
reading for their own sake. They might have been improved by adding 
considerably to their number, especially in the cases of Cato and Varro, 
but the book is already larger than is altogether convenient. The 
selections from the Zfistorians are unfortunately very much modernised. 
It is difficult indeed to estimate what we have lost in them in respect 
of matter no less than style. But we are forced to conclude that 
history, às we understand it, was an art in which the Romans did not 
naturally excel, Cato being to some extent an exception. The earlier 


GENERAL INTRODUCTION TO PROSE FRAGMENTS. 609 


writers seem to have found it very difficult to rise above the dry 
registry of facts and fictions which is suggested by the title annales. 

* With the talent of a poet for inventing lies,’ says Mommsen (vol. iii, 
p. 470), ‘these noble chroniclers combine all the tiresome exactness of 
a notary, and treat their great subjects throughout with the dulness 
which necessarily results from the elimination at once of all poetical 
and historical elements.’ Even a man of the capacity of CALPURNIUS 
Piso, who wished to give prominence to the ethical element, seems to 
have laid himself open to the charge of ‘telling stories to children’ 
ratherthan writing history. A new era opened ‘with CoELIUS ANTIPATER 
and SEMPRONIUS ASELLI0, who confined themselves to definite and recent 
periods. Antipater was perhaps the first who attempted to infuse 
life and vigour into the style of his composition. Sempronius Asellio 
had a notion of higher things, taking from Polybius the idea of a 
history connected by cause and effect, while he gave place to delinea- 
tions of character, but fell back into a simpler manner than that of 
Antipater’ (cp. H. Peter, p. ccxlix). We can judge of the style of 
CLAUDIUS QUADRIGARIUS better than of most of these writers. It is 
very concise, and wants variety and copiousness, but it shows that 
careful observation which almost amounts to picturesque narrative. 
We may guess that Livy took from Claudius some of his best descrip- 
tions of single scenes, which he knew how to freshen up to suit the 
taste of his own time. The name of VarERIUS Antias has almost 
passed into a proverb for bad faith and exaggeration. There can be 
no doubt that he had an indiscreet passion for the marvellous and 
mythical (e. g. cp. the fragment given p. 350), and that he indulged his 
vanity by collecting and colouring up the exploits of mentbers of his 
gens. He it was probably who misled Livy in bis first decade by his 
enormous figures, but the latter takes care to repay him in the remain- 
ing books with a constant reference to his lying propensities. (See 
the citations in Teuffel, $ 142, 3). 

The fragments of orators are among the most striking relics of this 
period. All of them have an interest, as all of them evince power of 
language and intensity of feeling. This is particularly true of Scipio 
AEMILIANUS, TiTiUsS, and C. Graccuus. The latter especially seems, 
even from these scattered paragraphs, to have been one of the greatest 
orators who ever lived, and he is, I think, with Ennius and Varro, the 
writer we should most desire to have restored to us. 

Of VARRO we have the means of forming something more of a judg- 
ment than of any of the rest. There is some evidence that his style was 
almost as varied as his acquirements were encyclopaedic. His mind 
was, however, prosaic, though less so in all probability than that of 
the greatest Latin stylist, Cicero. The fragments of the Menippean 
satires show a genuine and even subtle humour; and the lighter parts 
of the de Re Rustica (which is insufficiently represented in these 
extracts) are a great contrast to the hard and coarse grained stuff of 
which the book on Latin grammar is composed. The list of his works 
(incomplete as itis), taken in connection with what is extant of them, 
gives us a picture of one of the most marvellous minds that ever 
existed. 

Rr 


610 EX M. PORCII CATONIS RELIQUIIS. 


Cap. L—EX M. PORCII CATONIS RELIQUIIS. 


Introduction. 


M. Porcius Cato, born at Tusculum 234 B.0., was a self-made man, who acquired 
his reputation as a soldier, and quickly rose to the highest offices of the 
state, becoming consul at thirty-nine and censor at fifty. His character is 
admirably described by Livy, xxxix. 40, q. v. Cicero touches frequently on it, 
especially in his ‘Cato Maior sive de Senectute. Cornelius Nepos wrote a bio- 
graphy, which is lost, but we have a short sketch extracted from his book De 
Latinis Historicis. Lastly, Plutarch, in his own delightful way, has given us his 
life, Cato was to his countrymen of a little later date a sort of national hero. 
He no doubt really summed up in himself the natural virtues and defects of the 
Roman noble. He had great industry, public spirit, courage, and honesty. He 
had oratorical and descriptive power in no slight measure, and a real, if rather 
rough and quaint, humour. On the other hand, he had not a spark of imagina- 
tion, and was in consequence often hard, selfish, and short-sighted. These cha- 
racteristics appear both in bis life and in the extracts here given from his writings. 


Some wit of the opposite party no doubt thought the combination so unpleasant | 


that he wrote his epitaph as follows (ap. Plutarch. 1):— 
suppóv, waydaxéryny, yAavaduparoy, 0082 Oayóvra 
Tidpmoy els "Aldny IlepoeQórn déxerar. 


§ 1. Cato’s Works. Ds Rx Rostioa. 


Cato was certainly the first Roman author on any large scale: see above, 
p.608. Wemay say something of his works in the order in which they appear in 
the text. 

The book De Re Rustica has been preserved to us in a modernised form, and can 
hardly have been composed in the same order as it now stands. It seems to be 
intended rather as a special handbook for the use of a certain L. Manlius, who 
had olive plantations and vineyards in Campania, than as a general treatise on 
agriculture. (Cp. Teuffel, § 111, 3. The name occurs in the leges or contract 
formulae, ch. 144, 145.) Yet it is remarkable that Cato and Varro say compara- 
tively little of the cultivation of cereals, especially wheat. The neglect of this 
part of the subject by Italian farmers was probably one of the blots which Vergil's 
Georgios was intended to remove. The main body of Cato's book is made up of 
directions for growing and making wine and oil, and many culinary and medical 
receipts, as well as formulae of sale and contract with respect to produce, which 
latter ought perhaps to have been represented in these selections. Cp. Bruns, pp. 
220-222. I have given, however, what cannot fail to be most generally interesting. 

The text of the book was modernised doubtless at an early date, and before any 
MSS. of which we have any direct knowledge. Unfortunately the best of these, 
that of S. Mark's library at Venice, can now nowhere be found. It contained 
Cato and great part of Varro when it was excerpted by Politian and Victorius. 


INTROD. §1. DE RE RUSTICA. § 2. ORIGINES. 611 


The latter seems to have done more than anyone else to give a genuine text, and 
especially one cleared from the interpolations of clever unscrupulous Merula. 
See H. Keil, Observationes Criticae in Catonem et Varronem, Halae, 1849—en im- 
portant essay, which it is still to be hoped may be followed by a critical edition. 
The best editions of the Scriptores Rei Rusticae together are those of Gesner (in 
2 vols. 4°) and Schneider (4 vols. 8°. 1794-1797). 


§ 2. ORIGINES. 


The fragments of the other books of Cato have been collected and edited 
by H. Jordan, Teubner, 1860. I have used his prolegomena pretty freely in the 
following pages. The remains of the Origines have lately been re-edited by 
H. Peter, in his Historicorum Romanorum Relliquiae, Teubner, 1870, which 
I have also used. 

A. great deal has been written as to the meaning of the title Origines, which 
need not be repeated here. We may safely follow the account of Nepos, eo far aa 
to believe that it was taken from the subject of the first three books—the begin- 
nings of Roman and Italian history. The continuation was probably an after- 
thought. Cato was engaged upon it in his old age, and had not finished it at 
his death, and might perhaps have altered the title if he had lived. (So H. Peter, 
p. oxxxvi, and Teuffel, § 109, 2.) 

The following seems to have been the argument of that part of the first book 
relating to the myth of Aeneas. (Cp. what is said above of Naevius, p. 572 f., and 
Ennius, p. 581 £) He comes to Italy with his father and founds a town called 
Troy, and receives from King Latinus 2700 iugera of land, and Lavinia his 
daughter to wife. Afterwards hostilities arise from the forays of his men upon 
Latin territory. Turnus joins Latinus, being incensed at the loss of his betrothed 
Lavinia. A. battle is fought near Laurolavinium, in which Latinus is killed. 
Turnus renews the war in alliance with Mezentius, and is himself killed in 
a second battle, at the end of which Aeneas also is removed from human sight. 
The war continues between Ascanius and -Mezentius, who in the end is killed by 
the former in single combat. — Ascanius, at the end of thirty years, founds Alba. 

The fragments, as given by Servius, are not quite consistent. In two places 
(fr. 10, 11), Latinus and Turnus are together against Aeneas, in another Turnus 
is alone against Latinus and Aeneas. The passage is to be found ad Aen. vi. 670, 
and should perhaps, in fairness, have been given in the text. He says there, 
' Aeneas, ut Cato dicit, simulac venit in Italiam Laviniam accepit uxorem, proptor 
quod Turnus iratus tam in Latinum quam tm Aeneam bella suscepit, & Mezentio 
impetratis auxiliis, e.q.s.’ Authorities differ as to what Cato really did say. It 
is best, I think, to follow Jordan and H. Peter (rather than Schwegler and 
Rubino), and to suppose that Servius, in this last passage, confused Cato’s version 
of the story with Livy’s. See Jordan, p. xxviii, Peter, p. cxxxix. 

In the second and third books Cato seems to have treated of the Gallic and 
Italian nations, proceeding down the peninsula from north to south, a geographical 
account which would have been of the greatest value to us. 

In the books that followed he is said to have described the events capitulatim, 

RrIr2 


4 


612 EX M. PORCII CATONIS RELIQUIIS. 


i. e. probably omitting trifling details (iv. 1), but giving some scenes, at any rate, 
at length (iv. 7). When he came to his own times, he became more diffuse, 
inserting his own orations for the Rhodians and against Servius Galba, and 
probably others. In the last book he gave some details of Roman life and 
manners (vii. to, 12, 13), but in what connection is uncertain. 


§ 3. ORATIONR. 


The life of & man like Cato, constantly in opposition, was productive of an 
endless number of political controversics. He was himself brought to the bar 
on forty-four different occasions (Plin. N. H. vii. 37, 100, Plut. Cato, 15), and was 
equally fond of accusing his opponents. Besides this, he was actively engaged in 
defending the causes of others, and in supporting, or opposing, public measures in 
the comitia or the senate. Cicero knew, in his day, one hundred and fifty of these 
speeches (Cato Maior, 17, 65), and ascribed to him a fertility equal to that of 
Lysias (Brutus, 16, 33). We still know something of about eighty. Of these, 
says Jordan, p. xiv, ‘dimidia fere pars in iudiciis causisque versatur, in suadendis 
dissuadendisque legibus atque in sententiis senatoriis altera pars. Quibus se 
defenderit Cato sex orationum, nisi fallunt inscriptiones, vestigia relicua sunt.’ 

It would be impossible, in our present space, to discuss the subjects of these 
speeches. That de Sumptu suo, from which I have given a striking fragment, 
belongs to a number which have to do with his conduct of affairs in Spain. His 
succexaes in that province, which was allotted to him after his consulship, gained 
him many enemies, but it seems probable that he was not brought to trial till 
five or ten years after his consulship (Jordan, p. lxviii.. The circumstances of 
the speech are very obscure. 

The oration against Thermus, de Virtutibus suis, must have been after 189 B.0., 
in which year M. Fulvius Nobilior was in Ambracia (fr. 3). Q. Thermus, who 
was also a great opponent of Cato, set out for Asia in 189, and died the next 
year ; it is therefore probable that the Thermus here attacked is his brother, 
L. Minucius Thermus (Jordan, p.lxxv.). The particular occasion is also unknown. 

The same thing may be said of the oration against M. Caelius. The MSS. of 
Gellius read si se M. Caelius tribunum plebis appellasset (which is kept by Hertz). 
Meyer and Jordan prefer to read tribunus, making the se of course refer to Cato. 
If we keep the first, se appellare tribunum is hardly good Latin for ‘to take the 
title of tribune,’ though it might be translated ‘appealed to him (Cato) as being 
tribune.’ On the other hand, appellare=‘to accuse, is almost unexampled. 
Jordan takes it in the sense of ‘appealed to him as consul to put a veto on the 
proceedings of the other consul,’ to which Mommsen objects that a tribune would 
have an equal right of intercession. (Jordan, p. Ixx.) Mr. Davidson suggeste si 
adversus se M. Caeltus tribunwm, etc., comparing the well-known ‘ tribunos plebis 
appello et provoco ad populum. 


$ 4. LiB ap MARCUM FILIUM. 


Plutarch tells us that Cato took great pains with the education of his aon, 
and we learn, from other authorities, more exactly of the books which he wrote 
for his use. They certainly included the three subjects of medicine, agriculture, 





INTROD. § 3. ORATIONS. § 4. AD MARCUM F. §5.CARMEN. 618 


and rhetoric, and possibly others. Plutarch, for instance, tells us that ‘he wrote 
histories for him with his own hand, in large characters, that, without stirring 
from his father’s house, he might gain a knowledge of the great actions of the 
ancient Romans, and of the customs of his country.’ These could not be the 
Origines, which were a work of his later life, but might, no doubt, be a rough 
draft of portions of them. 

I have given a notable fragment from the book on medicine. Jordan ascribes 
to the treatise on agriculture such wise sentences as ‘Emas non quod opus est, 
sed quod necesse est; quod non opus est, asse carum est’ (Sen. Ep. 94, 27); and 
‘quod tibi deerit a te ipso mutuare' (Sen. de Benef. v. 7, 6). The rhetoric con- 
tained the immortal phrase, * Rem tene, verba sequentur' (Iulius Victor, Art. Rhet. 
p. 197, Orell), as well as the often-quoted definition of an orator, 'vir bonus, 
dicendi peritus. Cato’s own idea of rhetoric is illustrated by a definition of the 
* vires causae" as ' propositio facti, cum persona eius qui arguitur, vel quolibet alio 
modo, invidiam comparans aut extenuans’ (Marius Victorin. in Rhet. Cic. 
ii. p. 178 Or.). 

§ 5. OTHER Books. CARMEN DE MORIBUS. 


Jordan has collected the fragments of & book De Re Militari, of Apophtheg- 
mata, and Epistles, as well as others of more doubtful character. A quotation 
from one of his letters to his son Marcus is given on p. 383. Tbe Carmen de 
Moribus followed perhaps in the track of that of Appius Claudius. It may be worth 
while to set down here the scanty relics of the earlier book, which Cicero tells us 
seemed to him of a Pythagorean tendency (Tusc. iv. 2, 4). 

I. Prisc. viii. p. 792 P, gives the following lines as an instance of passive use of 
commentus = cegogiopévos (see Keil), 

‘Amicum cüm vidés obliviscére misérias; 
Inimícus siés comméntus, néc libéns aéque, 
which seem to be very poor Saturnians. 

a. Fest. p. 317, s. v. ‘Stuprum pro turpitudine . . . in Appi sententiis, qui animi 
compotem esse, nequid fraudis stuprique ferocia pariat,' where there is obviously 
a finite verb wanting to govern esse, perhaps iubet. 

3. Pseudo-Sallust, de Ordinanda Republica, ii. 1, ‘Quod in carminibus Appius 
ait: '* Fabrum esse suae quemque fortunae." ' 

There are no such slight indications of verge in Cato's enta as there are 
even in those of Appius, at least, I am unable to see them. I believe Fleckeisen 
once made them into Sotadic lines (see note on Aquilius, p. 595), a8 Ritschl has 
turned them into Saturniaus (Poes. Saturn. Spicil. i. Bonn, 1854). 

With regard to Cato's matter, it seems to have been more historical, and Appius’ 
more didactic, in tone. 

Notes on 5 1. De Re Rustica. Pp. 329-337. e 
Y have made free use of Schneider's notes, but have added a good deal to them. 
There is an interesting chapter in Mommseu's Roman History, bk. iii. c. 12, on 


the Management of Land and Capital, which ought to be read in connection with 
this subject. | 


614 EX M. PORCII CATONIS RELIQUIIS. 


PREFACE. Est praestare = praestat, seems to require a parallel which has not 
yet been found. 

in legíbus, see XII Tab. viii. 18, p. 361. Cato, according to Plutarch (oc. 21), 
practised fenus nauticum to a large extent, making one of his freedmen, Quintio, 
his agent. But this was different from the usury prohibited by law. 

Viri fortissimi. Pliny, N. H. xviii. 5, 6, quotes and paraphrases a good deal 
from this part of the book onwards. 

I. «ii tntroeas, ‘take care to go in, and look about and see your way out again,’ 
is Keil's reading, and certainly better than the vulgate. I suppose he means 
simply look at the gates, roads, rights of way, etc. Uti introeas, by an ellipse of 
vide, facito, or cwrato, etc., common in Cato, as uti bene aedificatum siet, in this 
chapter, ut compareant, uli paretur, ut$ vencant, in the next ; cp. ' «£i nos victores 
facias, Orig. i. 12, p. 338. It is found also in Plautus, Capt. i. 2, 6, ‘Sed uti 
adserventur magna diligentia, eto. (Cp. Holtze, 2, pp. 161, 162). So Greek Saas 
wapice, etc. 

calamitosum, 80 he says, c. 35, ‘ fabam in locis validis non calamitosis serito.’ 

sub radice, quoted by Varro, R. R. i. 7, and Plin. xvii. 13. 

ambulant, quoted by Gell. x. 26. Cicero uses the word of Xerxes satling, 
De Fin. ii. 34. 

De omnibus agris. Keil remarks that the praedium is not to be one out of the 
different kinds of agrf, but to consist, if possible, of all of them, and in the order 
mentioned for choice. Notice that the campus frumentarius comes only sexto 
loco. 

3. Dicit vilicus sedulo se fecisse . . . vilicum revoca. A good instance of Cato's 
humour. Opus publicum, probably mending the roads, viam publicam muniri, see 
Mommaen’s note on the viasii vicani, Introd. to Lex Agraria, C.I. L. i. 200, p. go. 

operum operarumque = operuin dierumque. ‘Opera est quantum uno die operis 
potest fieri, et dierum significationem includit, recte monente Gesnero ' (Schneider). 

centones, * patchwork quilts or curtains,’ see below, c. 59. 

Per ferias, cp. chaps. 5 and 138. 

Nothing is more characteristic of the spirit of Cato (says Mommsen, ii. p. 368) 
than the way in which he inculcated the observance of the holiday in the letter, 
and evaded it in reality. He had a maxim that a slave ought either to be at 
work or asleep. The number of holidays and rainy days in the year was about 
forty-five (Columella, ii. 12, 9), without counting a month of rest in the winter, after 
the autumnal sowing. The most explicit passage on holiday work is Col. ii. 21. 
Cp. Verg. Georg. i. 268-272, with Conington’s notes. Vergil seems more liberal 
than Varro (see p. 364), who is quoted by Servius ad loc. But Macrobius tells 
us that there is a point in fluvio salubri. Sheep-washing to get rid of scab was 
allowed by the pontifices, but not to cleanse the wool (Macrob. Sat. iii, 3). 

aequo animo, ‘without loss of temper. satis accipiantur, the correlative of 
satisdare, * wherever security is proper let it be taken.' 

armenta delicula is a difficult phrase. Armenta are larger animals—head of 
cattle, not herds. The usc of delicula is less certain. Varro says ‘ porci depulsi 
a lacte’ are called by some delici (ii. 4, 16), but it is difficult to apply such a term 


DE RE RUSTICA, oc. 1-3. 615 


to armenta. Gesner supposes that both terms are derived from delinguo, which 
seems probable. Varro bas a similar phrase, reiculae pecudes, ii. I, 24; 5,17, 
which would be without explanation had not Nonius (p. 168) happened to pre- 
serve a quotation from another work of his, which states that they =‘ oves minus 
idoneae. Deliculus may mean something very similar, e.g. blemished, defective 
in some of their points, cp. the ordinary moral sense of delinguo. Such are 
naturally weeded out of the stock, as well as what is old and worn out. 

Cato’s unfeeling treatment of his slaves provokes a criticism from Plutarch, 
which is very pleasant to read (c. 5). Varro is more politic, but does not express 
(so far as I know) anything of actual sympathy with regard to them. The feeling 
of cultivated people in imperial times was probably much better. See Columella, 
for instance, i. 8, 15, though he touches very slightly on the moral side of the 
subject. 

8. Torcularía (torqueo), ‘presses for making oil or wine,’ See for details of 
construction ch. 18, and Rich’s Dictionary, s.v. The early presses had no screw 
(Plin. xviii. 74), but consisted of a beam ( prelium), fixed at one end, and forced 
upon the object to be squeezed by means of ropes ( funes) attached to the other, 
which were drawn tight by a capstan (sucula), moved with levers (vectes). 

vasa bina, ‘two sets of instruments and utensils.’ In chap. x. he gives a list of 
the stock and implements required for 240 iugera. 

trapetos. The nom. trapetus, trapetum, trapes (Gr. rpasnrés, etc.) means an 
olive-mill used for separating the flesh of the olive from the stone before pressing 
it. This had to be done without crushing the stone, and consequently the 
machine was very delicate. See ch. 20-23 and 135, and Rich, s.v. who gives 
& description from one still existing found at Stabiae near Pompeii. 

bonos, privos, tmpares, etc. I understand him to mean, ‘The olive-mills must 
be good, separate, and complete in all their parts, and of different sizes, but not 
so different as to prevent the mill-stones from being interchanged if one is 
broken.’ A later writer would have inserted sed or tamen. He gives the 
measurements of the two mills below, c. 125, and says one is to be 4} ft. in 
extreme diameter, the other (trapetus secundarius) 4 ft. 3 in. Privus is a word not 
unfrequently used by Cato in a similar sense, as twice again in this chapter and 
ch. 10, *opercula doliis seriis príva plura, ' ch. 11, *opercula doliorum et tectoria 
priva, and ch. 36, ‘privae scopulae. Cp. the formula from Livy, xxx. 43, on 
p. 279. Funes, etc. These all belong to the torcular or press. Fibulas duodenas. 
There is some difficulty as to their exact nature; but they seem to have been 
wooden pins or trenails, not unlike linch-pins, used to keep together the two 
uprights, between which the end of the prelwum waa fixed. See ch. 12 and 
Schneider, i.p. 645. Cp. Caes. B. G. iv. 17, where they are used in building a 
bridge. Medtpontos, probably a thick kind of rope. Meister derives from Gk. 
* péAwovra quasi rudentes, which is certainly ingenious. It is perhaps connected 
with mellere, found in Fest. Ep. p. 252, ‘ promellere litem, promovere.  Trocleae 
are blocks for pulleys (orbiculi). It is difficult to see how the eight and the six 
were combined. Rotae, I suppose, are larger pulleys. 

4. Bubilia. Varro, L. L. viii. 54, tells us not to say bovile. Cp. Charis. i. p. 81, 


616 EX M. PORCII CATONIS RELIQUIIS. 


P, (Lindemann or Keil), who tells us, however, that Cato, ‘de abrogandis legibus, 
used bovile. These accusatives may depend upon the idea expressed by esse 
oportet in the preceding chapter. Cp. Cato's elliptical use of uti. Faliscae 
clatratae, ‘racks or mangers with bars.’ Villa urbana is a residence in the 
country or suburbs, villa rustica & farm-house and buildin;s. The villa urbana 
is described by Columella, i. 6, etc. There is a similar distinction between 
praedia urbana and praedía rustica, the former being, generally speaking, land 
with a residence attached (see more in Puchta, § 223). 

melios is given by Gesner from some MSS. Schneider has meliéor. See Introd. 
xi. § 3. Fructi. Introd. ix. § 17. 

Frons occipitio prior est. Plin. xviii. 5, ad fin. paraphrases rightly, frontem 
domint. ‘A man sees more with his eyes than with the back of his head.’ 

bona salute =‘ quod omen deus avertat, Gesner. 

usus venerit, ‘if anything (untoward) happens,’ 
Plautus, Terence, and Caesar. 

5. Litibus supersedeat is explained by Schneider ‘preside over.’ Livy uses it, 
however, in the ordinary sense, ‘cum hodie (itibus et iurgiis supersederi aequum 
sit” (xxxviii 51). Non faciet, so. familia. 

Compitalibus, the festival of the lares of the neighbourhood. Cp. ch. 57 and 
note on Naevius’ Tunicularia. In foco, to the lares familiares. The latter was, 
I suppose, to be done every day, by placing upon the hearth a patella with a 
portion of the meal in it. See references and details in Preller, p. 491. 

mercenaríum politorem appears to be an extra labourer, hired during harvest, 
but for what work exactly is not so clear. Mommsen considers him to be a reaper, 
but I am rather inclined to think that he was employed in thrashing and winnow- 
ing, at least such an inference is natural from the word políre itself and the use 
of the compounds expolitus and repoliré in Colum. ii. 20, 6. He is certainly not 
& partiarius or ryot, but a labourer paid a certain proportion of the harvest, as we 
learn from ch. 136 (cp. Mommsen, ii. p. 363, note, and p. 368). He is not to be 
kept longer than a day, lest he should get familiar and inquisitive. Ne defrudet, 
‘let him not sow niggardly. Cp. Non. p. 31. Pliny seems to have read defruget, 
H. N. xviii. 34. Scibit. Introd. xviii. $ 6. 

bubulcis obsequitor partim, ‘give in to the neatherds in some respects. Cp. 
partim in ch. 6, ‘circum vias ulmos serito et partim populos." 

terra cariosa is explained by Columella, ii. 4, 5, as *ager exiguis nimbis semi- 
madidus. Per autumnum evehito, i. e. on to the cornfields. The meadows are 
manured in spring, c. a9. 

circum oleas autumnitate ublaqueato, ‘turn up the earth round the roots in 
harvest-time.’ Ablaqueato means, I suppose, score the earth crosswise, like a net, 
Autumnus, etc. is said to be the better spelling than auctumnus. See Brambach's 
Hiilfsbuchlein, p. 26. 

Frondem populneam. On the use of leaves for fodder, cp. Verg. Ecl. x. 30, 
Hor. 1 Ep. xv. 28, etc. Columella treats the subject at some length, vi. 3, 5, aq. 
As to the kinds in use he says, * Probatur maxime ulmea, post fraxinea et ab hac 
populnea. Ultimae sunt ilignae et quernea et laurea; sed post aestatem necea- 


‘if any necessity arises.’ So 





DE RE RUSTICA, oc. 4, 5; 56—58. 617 


sariae deficlentibus ceteris. Possunt etiam folia ficulnea probe dari, si sit eorum 
copia, aut stringere arbores expediat.' I understand that olive-boughs are much 
used for the same purpose at this time in the south of France. 

faenum cordum, 'after-math.! Cordus or chordus, ‘late born’ or ‘late grown,’ 
is used of plants or animals, as olus, frumentum, agni; and the word cors (says 
Fabretti, Glossarium, p. 832, s. v.) is still employed by the inhabitants of Cana- 
pitium (il Canavese) for tardo. The derivation is, I believe, quite unknown. 
Sicilimenta de prato is probably epexegetical of faenum cordum; so Varro, i. 49, 
‘ sicilienda prata, id est falcibus consectanda quae faeniseces praeterierunt." 

56. modíos 111, i.e. per mensem. Hence such an allowance was called men- 
struum. Cp. note on XII Tab. iii. 4. In Seneca’s time five modii seems to have 
been the allowance, Ep. 8o. Polyb. 6, 39, tells us the foot soldier had & of an 
Attic medimnus of wheat, i.e. 4 modii, since the medimnus « 6 modii. Op. Plut. 
Cato, ch. 6 and 10. Vilico, vilicae, epistatae, opilioni modios 111. There must be 
something wrong with the text here, for it is absurd to suppose that the vílicus 
would have a smaller allowance than the ordinary slaves. Qu. modios VI? Epistata 
must be some kind of overseer or foreman. Columella, i. 6, 7, mentions a procu- 
rator, who is to have rooms over the gate, to see who goes in and out and observe 
the vilicus. This grain was supplied whole, and was left to the slaves to grind them- 
selves; the compediti, who were unable to grind, were supplied with bread. 

Compedits. Cp. Plaut. Capt. 940, Sen. Tranq. o. 10, and Rich. s. v. for an 
illustration. Vincté and al/igaté are also used. For their treatment see Columella, 
i. 6, 3; 8, 16, and xi. 1r, 22, Marquardt, v. p. 187. The compediti were slaves 
under punishment, at least theoretically (see Mommsen, ii. p. 367, note). 

panis p.IV. Four or five pounds of bread must be the daily ration (diarium). 
As the Roman libra «about 2 of our pound, the amount would be from 3 to 33 
pounds avoirdupois a day, which is not too much for a man doing hard work. 
The compediti, it will be seen, are allowed rather more wine than the rest. 

57. lora is thus defined by Varro, R. R. 1. $4, 3, ' Expressi acinorum folliouli in 
dolia coniciuntur, eoque aqua additur; ea vocatur lora, quod lota acina, ac pro 
vino operariis datur hieme. It was called by the Greeks devrepia. 2 heminae= 
Bexiarius, 6 sextarii=congius, 48 sextarii or 8 congil- amphora or quadrantal. 
Cp. Lex Silia, p. 373, and notes. Jn dées heminas ternas id est amphoram. The 
amphora, it will be seen, holds 96 heminae, not go (3 x 30), but Cato is speaking 
roughly, and as the weather gets hotter allows a little more. The MSS. have 
inter annum cum, for which Gesner corrects inter annum Q. vir. There is a 
similar notable emendation of Ritechl's in Suet. Vit. Terent. Reiff. p. 32, where he 
changes cum ovr fabulis into cum fabulis, rejecting CvIII as a dittography. 

88. halex, alex, or alec, * pickled fish.’ 

salis modium. Supposing the modius to contain 20 Roman or 15 English 
pounds, this would give an allowance of $ oz. per diem. Some interesting 
Statistics on the amount of salt necessary for health will be found in Hunter's 
Orissa, vol. ii. pp. 152 foll. In the Bengal jails the allowance is J oz. per diem 
for adulte, and is found to be sufficient. 

59. sagum, a coarse cloak or blanket, square, and fastened by a brooch. Rich 





618 EX M. PORCII CATONIS RELIQUIIS. 


says, ‘properly a Celtic word, the original of our shag.’ For a slave's dress, cp. 
Col. i. 8,9. Sculponeae are probably sabots. Notice Cato's economy in making 
patch-work out of the old clothes. Cp. & curious passage from one of his speeches, 
‘In L. Veturium de sacrificio commisso cum el equum ademit,’ Jordan, p. 47, fr. 
Fest. p. 234: ‘Domi cum auspicamus honorem me dium immortalium velim 
habuisse. Servi, ancillae, si quis eorum sub centone crepuit, quod ego non sensi, 
nullum mibi vitium facit. Si cui ibidem servo aut ancillae dormienti evenit quod 
comitis prohibere solet, ne is quidem mihi vitium facit.’ 

60. ocfni. See the discussion in Schneider’s Index, who thinks it is probably 
‘trefoil.’ The number of modii seems to have dropped out. 

132. Daps, 'apud antiquos dicebatur res divina quae fiebat aut hiberna sementi 
aut verna, Fest. Ep. 68. Cp. Preller, p.173. Culigna=«vdlyvy. — Polluceto 
porricito ; see on C. 1175, p. 490. Jupiter dapalis, etc. Something seems wanting 
in the text. Perhaps we sbould put a full stop after dapi, understanding polluceo 
as the verb governing culigno( vint. Macte esto, ‘be honoured with,’ i. e. ‘accept,’ 
& common formula in these chapters. Macto seems to be the frequentative of the 
obsolete verb of which this is a participle. Vino inferío, ‘sacrificial,’ cp. inferiae, 
Feat. Ep. p. 112. So Serv. ad Aen. ix. 641, Arnob. vii. Festus, Ep. p. 113, explains 
vinum infertum differently, but no doubt incorrectly. . 

assaria pecuina =‘ flesh of cattle fit for roasting (1). pecuinus is found also in 
Apuleius, Met. viii., and Apol. 

«rna ving, ‘half an amphora. Popma suggests a full stop after vini, perhaps 
rightly. Caste, cp. note on castud facttud, p. 412.  Castus is an epithet of all the 
conditions and circumstances of a sacrifice. Purity was requisite in the mind and 
body of the sacrificer, in his clothes, in the vessels and instruments employed, and 
in the sacrifice itself. See quotations in Marquardt, iv. pp. 464, 465. To the 
citations in the lexicons add C. Julius Caesar Strabo, in Adrasto, ap. Feat. s. v. 
prophetae, p. 239 :— 

* Cum capita viridi lauro velare imperant 
Prophetae, sancta caste qui purant sacra,’ 
where the metre requires us to omit ida after sancta, which seems to be a ditto- 
graphy. 

Profanato sine contagione. Profanare « pollucere, to bring before a god. Varro, 
L. L. vi. 54. 

134. The ritual here seems pretty clear. The chief point is the offering of a 
porca praecidanea to Ceres before beginning harvest. This is preceded by an 
offering of wine and incense to Janus, Jove, and Juno. Then a strues is pre- 
sented [and sacrificed] to Janus, and a ferctum to Jove, with proper formulae. 
Then wine is offered, with proper words, to each in turn. The central point is 
the immolation of the porca, the exta of which are cut off, prosecta. This is 
followed by offerings of strues and ferctum and wine as above, and last of all the 
exta and wine are offered to Ceres. All these words are technical, but need not 
be illustrated at length here. Gellius, iv. 6, tells us the porca praecidanea was to 
atone for any possible impurity or neglect of religious duty in the family. Cp. 
note on Carmen Arvale, p. 388. 





DE RE RUSTICA, oc. 59, 60; 132-143. 619 


porco femina, 8o lupus femina, Enn. Ann. 7o, 73, V. ete. 

praefato — praefator, cp. censento, rogato, Lex. Rep. C. 198, 77, 78, and note, 
P- 438. 

Strues are said to be cakes, ‘digitorum coniunctorum non dissimilia,’ Fest. s. v. 
p.310. ferctum or fertum is generally found with it, but what sort of a libum it 
was we do not know. Cp. Pictor, p. 344, towards the bottom. 

mactato, by saying, I suppose, '* macte hoo fercto esto,’ and burning part of it, 
ferctum libandum, as he says in the last line. For this use of libare see the 
passages of Pliny and Servius quoted on p. 387. 

135. muríces are probably metal spikes of some sort. Cp. Tuditanus, p. 346, 
' armario muricibus praefixo, They are perhaps for horses’ bits, Stat. Achill. i. 221. 
Venafro seems to be ablative for locative. Draeger, p. 479, gives instances with 
Greek names, T'yro, Teo, Corintho, Delo, Abydo, but only one in a Latin name, 
Flor. iv. 2, 19 (=ii. 13, 19), ‘prima Aríméno signa cecinerunt. But Cato may 
mean ‘from Venafrum,’ cp. below, ‘tegulae ex Venafro. He is rather fond of 
such slight changes in style, as we sometimes purposely vary between at, in, and 
from in English. Terra pulla, Col. i. pref. 24, ‘in aliis regionibus nigra lerra, 
quam pullam vocant, ut in Campania, est laudabilis, On account of the lightness 
of the soil the Campanians used lighter ploughs, drawn by cows and asses, Varro, 
R. R. i. ao, 4. 

...omer, is, Keil supposes the name of the town to have dropped out. 
indutilis must mean ‘capable of insertion, i.e. removable at pleasure. Rufrs 
maceriae occurs above, ch. 32. Livy, viii. 25, mentions a Rufrium as in Cam- 
pania, and Verg. Aen. vii. 739 has Hufrae. I am inclined to think, however, that 
it is a personal name here. Hae hamae utiles sunt seems weak and out of place. 
Pontedera ingeniously conjectures ‘ Nolae fiscinae Campanicae olearíae utiles sunt,’ 
from ch. 153, where such hampers are mentioned.  JVostratia, from Rome, or 
perhaps Tusculum, Cato’s birth-place. Salis is probably alum, much used in 
tanning. The rest of the chapter is taken up with descriptions of ropes and the 
olive-mill, trapetum ; Bee p. 615. 

138. Boves feriis, op. ch. 2. 4n familia familiares feriae. Such were feríae 
denicales, see Iusiurandum castrense, p. 283 and note. Col. ii. 22, 5, ‘ Apud ponti- 
fices legimus feriis tantum denicalibus iungere non licere mulos, ceteris licere. 

139, 140. See on Carmen Arvale, p. 388. Sí deus, si dea es, see note on C. 178, 
p- 410, and esp. Gell. ii. 38. It occurs also in the Carmen Evocationis, p. 385. 

141. lustrare. Note on Carmen Arv. p. 386, at the top. 

Maná, probably the name of vilécus. 

pracgfamino. Int. xiv. $ 13. Cp. praefato, c. 134. 

prohibessis, servassis. Int. xviii. $ 10 foll. 

Ut tu morbos. Cp. Festus, 8. v. Pesestas, p.210, and ' viduertas, p. 369, and 
note on Carm. Arv. line 2, p.392. Hiusque re$ ergo 5 eiusce. Cp. hotusque, Int. 
xiii. § 29. Forms of ésce are very rare and doubtful : see Neue, 2. p. 142. 

143. uti with accus., so next chapter, mulieres .. utatur. It is particularly 
frequent in Plautus, rarer in Terence. See Holtze, i. p. 376, Draeger, p. 526 f. 

143. uxorem, legally contubernalem. Col. i. 8, 5, ‘ qualicunque vilico contuber- 





620 EX M. PORCII CATONIS RELIQUIIS. 


nalis mulier assignanda est.’ Cp. Varro, R. R. i. 17, § (p. 377) and ii. 10, 6. The 
rights of such marriages were recognised under the empire, and where possible 
families were forbidden to be separated, Dig. xxxiii. 7, 12, 7 and 33, Marquardt, 
V. p. 184. 

coronam in focum indat. Cp. Plaut. Aul. prol. 23, and 283, etc. 

sorba in sapa, * service-berries in boiled must,’ ch. 7. 

vinacei are the refuse grape-skins and stones (out of which lora is made, ch. 57). 
Similarly, he says, chap. 7, ' haec in ollis, ollae in vinaceis conduntur.’ The vinacei 
naturally were a large mass, and were used for food for oxen in winter, chap. 25, 
as well as to pack ollae in. See more in Schneider's note on Colum. xii. 44, 11. 

Far subtile, parched or roasted spelt or other grain ground and used as polenta. 
Schneider on Col. viii. 5, 23. 

160. Luxum, ‘a limb put out.’ This jargon is almost hopeless. I have not 
even ventured on probable emendations. See, however, Donaldson, Varron. vi. 
§ 3. p. 234, who follows Grotefend. 

ad coxendices, the split reed is to make a circle, which is to be put over the 
man’s body and gradually brought close round his waist. 

IN ALIO possibly means $n alio(m), ‘ may it go to another.’ Cp. Varro's charm, 
‘ terra pestem teneto, salus hic maneto.’ 8.»*.s0 we have below, IN ALIO 8. F. vel 
LVXATO. Can it mean s(i£) f(ractura) ! Cp. ‘ad luxum aut ad fracturam alliga.’ 
Donaldson intp. s(anum) f(éet), and for MOTAS VAETA, etc., reads tn mota et soluta 
DARIES DARDABIES ASTATARIES dic semptterno usque dum coeant. DISSVNAPITEE 
has also been resolved into dic una pariter or the like. Deztra, sínistra, on the 
right and left; when the man is enclosed in the magic circle, the superfluous 
portions of the reed on both sides are cut off. 

It is easy to alter HVAT, HANAT, HVAT into Havat, havat, havat ( habeat f) 
with Donaldson, but such jingles as often as not aim at slight variety rather than 
exact repetition. ISTA, etc., may=dstam pestem ststam ; domabo damna vestra et 
luxatum, and so probably the last lines. 


Notes on $ 2. The Origines. Pp. 337-341. 
On the contents of the Origines, see above, p. 611. 


I.7. a Sabo Lacedaemonio. Peter puts this fragment in the second book. 
Jordan thinks it cannot be dissociated from the history of the aborigines. Dionys. 
li. 49, tells us that Cato derived the Sabines from Sabus son of Sancus or Dius 
Fidius, and that the other story was i» loroplas éxixcplow. Cato very possibly 
gave both. Other Latin or Italian tribes had similar legends of Greek founders, 
e. g. Pisae, Falerii, Tibur, Tusculum, Petelia, Tarentum, etc. The exact truth of 
these stories is of course problematical, but the wide diffusion of the myths of 
Ulysses and Diomede indicates the constant presence of Greek settlers. 

9. iugera IIDOC = 2700 seems to be the right reading, not 700. What underlies 
the circumstance is obecure. 

to foll. On the relations between Aeneas, Latinus, and Turnus, see p. 611. 

16. On Acca Larentía, see on Carmen Arvale, p. 386, note, and the passage of 


DE RE RUSTICA, c. 160. ORIGINES, I. 7-IV. 7. 621 


Macrobius. Turacem may be for Tarutium (Hübner ap. Jordan, p. xxxiii) ; 
Tintirium and Solinéum are obscure. Hübner conjectures that the first should 
be Tintirium, a name which occurs Inscr. R. N. 924, 2261, 3389. Semurium is 
found Cic. Phil. vi. 5, 15; see note on Lemuria, p. 544. 

I8. Urbem designat aratro. Part of the original words are given by Isidore, 
Orig. xv. 2, 3, ‘Cato, " qui urbem" inquit “ novam condet, tauro et vacca aret, ubi 
araverit murum faciat, ubi portam vult esse, aratrum sustollat et portet et portam 
vocet.”’ Isidore goes on to explain that the sex of the animals represents ' com- 
mixtionem familiarum et imaginem merentis fructumque reddentis.. Urbs autem 
aratro conditur: aratro vertitur. Unde Horatius [i. 16, 21] imprímeretque muris 

| Aostile aratrum. Varro calls this * Etrusco ritu,’ L. L. v. 143. It may have 
been nevertheless Italian in general Cp. Lange, R. A. i. $ 22. p. 55. On the 
cinctus Gabinus, see note on the devotion of Decius, p. 559. 

II. 2. Gallia. Cato seems to have begun from the Alps, thus recognising the 
real boundaries of Italy. 

21. Lucum Dianium, probably like the ‘lucus Feroniae,’ 3 place for meeting of 
traders, etc. It is not necessary to suppose that all the Latin towns then existing 
were interested in this action. Probably Egerius Laevius was the same as the 
Manius Egerius, who, according to Festus, p. 145, *(lucum] Nemorensem Dianae 
consecravit, a quo multi et clari viri orti sunt et per multos annos fuerunt. Unde et 
proverbium Multi Mani Artciae. See Jordan, p. xlii. Dictator, cp. p. 438. Ardeatis 
Rutulus, opp. to the Latins. Ardeatis, as nominative, is quoted by Priscian. 

IV.1. non lubet. The best description we have of the contents of the ‘ Annales 
pontificum." On the literature of the subject, see H. Peter, prolegomena ad init., 
and Dyer, Kings of Rome, pp. xvii-xl. The two most important ancient authori- 
ties besides this passage of Cato are Cic. de Orat. ii. 12 and Serv. in Aen. i. 373. 
Antonius says in Cicero, * Res omnes singulorum annorum mandabat litteris pon- 
tifex maximus, efferebatque in album et proponebat tabulam domi, potestas ut 
esset populo cognoscendi: hi qui etiam nunc annales maximi nominantur.' 
Servius says, * Tabulam dealbatam quotannis pontifex maximus habuit, in qua 
praescriptis consulum nominibus et aliorum magistratuum, digna memoratu 
notare consueverat, domi militiaeque terra marique gesta, per singulos dies.’ 
Peter insists on the discrepancy between these two writers, and discusses whether 
the pontifex set down and published the events as they happened or at the end of 
the year, whether in fact the whited board answered the purpose of a newspaper, 
or of a year-book, and decides for the former. I am inclined to think the latter 
is rather more probable, and that the discrepancy is hardly a real one. 

lunae aut solis lumine (for this form of the dative, see Intr. x. 9). Prodigies 
were especially noticed in the Annals. Cp. Cic. de Rep. i. 16, 25, ‘Ex hoc die, 
quem apud Ennium et in maximis annalibus consignatum videmus, superiores 
solis defectiones reputatae sunt.’ Cicero tells us this was about A. v. C. 350, and 
that Ennius thus desoribed it, ‘nonis Iunis soli luna obstitit et nox’ (Ann. 
167 v.) 

7. Q. Caedício. Frontinus, Strat. i. 5, 15, speaking of the devotion of Decius, 
says, ‘Idem fecit sub Atilio Calatino consule [V. 0. 496—258] is cuius varie 





622 EX M. PORCII CATONIS RELIQUIIS. 


traditur nomen : alii Laberium, nonnulli Q. Caedicium, plurimi Calpurnium Flam- 
mam vocitatum scripserunt, See Florus, i. 18, 13, Plin. xxii. 6, Liv. Epit. xvii 
and xxii. 60, in all of which he is called by the last name. Possibly Cato did not 
give him any name himself. See Corn. Nep. quoted p. 337. 

in terra Sicilia, near Camarina. Insinwant; so used by Cic. without se. 
Verruca; Quint, viii. 3, 48 and 6,14, quotes with disapprobation the phrase 
‘“gaxea est verruca in summo montis vertice, which seems to belong to this 
passage, as Gronovius has seen. Quadringenti ; another version made them three 
hundred, I suppose to compare better with Leonidas. 

consilium quidem istud. Madvig’s emendation has some MS. support. Gro- 
novius reads, * consilium quidem fidum atque providens.’ On the other hand, aeque 
fbi gives good sense, ‘as much to him as to the tribune,’ In a conversation the 
second member of a comparison between the speakers may well be omitted. 

quadringenté omnes cum uno ad unum omnes. The nearest parallel seems to be 
the use of cum with other ordinals, e. g. cum decimo, cum quinto decimo = ten-fold, 
fifteen-fold, Varro, R. R. i. 44, 1, Cic. Verr. ii. 3, 47, ete. 

wusus venit, ‘happened.’ Cp. Cato, R. R. 4, p. 332. 

VII. 1o foll. There are other traces that in the conclusion of his book Cato 
reckoned up the declension of Roman manners from their pristine simplicity 
(Jord. p.lix) For instance, in describing the senator's dress, he remarked that, 
in old times, ‘qui magistratum curulem cepisset, calceos mulleos aluta vinctos, 
ceteri perones' (Fest. p. 142), and satirised the ladies of his own day as ' mulieres 
opertae auro purpuraque; arsinea, rete, diadema, coronas aureas, rusceas fascias, 
galbeos lineos, pelles, redimicula . . .' (Fest. p. 262). 

14. clarorum virorum laudes. Cp. Varro de Vita P. R., quoted on p. 562. 


Notes on § 3. Ex Orationibus. Pp. 341, 342. 
See p. 6123, for some general remarks on these speeches, 
De Sumptu Suo. 

quod sponsionem feceram. ‘Sponsio or wager was an indirect mode of submit- 
ting questions to judicial decision, which seems to have been very commonly 
employed before the introduction of the formulary system... Its principal 
division seems to be into the sponsio where the pecuniary risk was serious and the 
penal sum important (sponsio poenalis), and the sponsio where the penal sum was 
nominal and not actually exacted (sponsio praeiudicialis),’ (Poste's Gaius, p. 401). 

It seems to have been a sort of supplement to the sacramentary action. The law 
— books of the empire represent it as employed in cases of disputed possession of 
slaves or land, or for the recovery of debta; but under the republic it was used 
much more freely, e.g. in personal disputes. Cp. the phrase used by Scipio 
Aemilianus, p. 352. 

cum M. Cornelio. The cause and person are quite uncertain, but cp. Fest. s. v. 
repulsior, p. 387, who quotes from Cato, ‘in ea quae est contra Cornelium ad 
populum, ecquis incultior, religiosior, desertior, publicis negotiis repulsior !' 

scribere, if correct, is used loosely. peribere (i.e. perhibere, dicere) is ingenious. 
It is used in early poete, e. g. Ennius and Plautus, and in Cicero, as well as in Vergil. 


ORIGINES, IV. 7-VII. 12. ORATIONES. 033 


manubiae =‘ pecunia a quaestore ex venditione praedae redacta, Favorin. ap. 
Gell. xiii. 25, 26. 

evectio publica «Snuócior Óxvpa. 

per symbolos seems to mean ‘by means of my warrant or ticket The masc. 
is fonnd also in Plautus, Bacch. 263, Pseud. 717. Cp. syngraphum (aco. maac.), 
Capt. 450, etc. 

cum mazime, so cum prime, Quadrig. in Gell. xvii. 2. 

ad lignum, through the wax. For a good description of such tablets, see the 
notes on those found in Transylvania in the Corpus, vol. iii. pp. 931 sqq. Some 
of these are read by the scratches on the wood where the wax has perished. 


De Suis Virtutibus. 
repastinandis. pastinum is defined hy Columella, iii. 18, I, as ‘ ferramentum 
bifurcum quo semina panguntur. The verb is used especially of trenching vine- 


yards.  re-pastinare, ‘to turn over and over, especially at a proper season. Op. 


Gossrau on Aen. iv. 556. . 

ordinarius, who had none of the privileges or luxuries of a contubernalis: it 
seems to=manipularis here. On Cato’s early services, see Plutarch, ch. 23. 

ex Actolia. Liv. xxxviii. 10, 43 sq. The embassy was to accuse M. Fulvius 
Nobilior, who had taken Ambracia on its surrender, and pillaged the temples. 
This was the Fulvius who took the poet Ennius with him into his province ; a pro- 
ceeding which Cato reprehended, as Cicero tells us, Tusc. i. 2. (Jordan, pp. Ixxvi 
and 46, and above, p. 580.) Cato might have good reason if Ennius glorified an 
act of oppression. 

properare, etc., & passage quoted by Festus, Gellius, Nonius, Isidore, Servius, 
and the Scholia Bobiensia on Cicero. This distinction between properare and festi- 
nare is certainly not always observed. Sazís Sabinis, round his native Tusculum. 


Sé se M. Caelius Trib. pl. appellasset. 
On the uncertainty with respect to this title, see p. 612. 

I. coventatis, so coventio, contio. 

auditis .. . auscultatis. This distinction is found also in a line of Pacuvius, 
Chryses, referred to by Meyer, Ribb. 85 :— 

*...nam isti, quí linguam avium intéllegunt, 
Plusque éx alieno iécore sapiunt quam éx suo, 
Magis a&déendum quam afscultandum cénseo.’ . 

3. tréum virum, ‘one of a commission of three. Forms like tréumvir are rare 
and later. 

4. staticulos. Plaut. Pers. v. 2, 43, ' Nequeo, leno, quin tibi saltem staticulum 
dem, says Paegnium, dancing round Dordalus, and probably kicking him every 
now and then. Cp. ‘ def motus incompositos, Verg. Georg. i. 350. 

6. citeria, a squeaking puppet. The derivation from «irra, pica, and ipei» is 
suggested in Forcellini. 

7. em-» eum. Introd. xiii. 27. Scaliger conjectures hostem. Festus explains 


* pro scapulis cum dicit Cato, significat pro iniuria verberum. Nam complures . 


624 EX M. PORCII CATONIS RELIQUIIS. 


leges erant in cives rogatae, quibus sanciebatur poena verberum. His significat 
prohibuisse multos suos civis. The principal reference, I think, must be to the 
*leges Porciae, quae tres sunt trium Porciorum’ (Cic. de Rep. ii. 31, 54). The 
history and date of them is obscure, but the three Porcii are probably Cato, 
P. Porcius Laeca, and L. Porcius Licinus, the only three magistrates of the gens 
in this period. 'The general object of these laws was to strengthen the already 
existing enac(ments De provocatione. There is, I think, no sufficient proof to 
which of the three Livy refers when he says (x. 9), ‘ Porcia tamen lex sola pro 
tergo civium lata videtur: quod gravi poena, si quis verberasset necassetve civem 
Romanum, sanxit, See Lange, R.A. ii. pp. 192, 198, 333, for plausible conjec- 
tures as to the circumstances. 

aerario ia illustrated by the passage of Cicero's Tusculanae, iii. 20, 48, in which he 
speaks of the debate between C. Gracchus and Piso on the Lex frumentaria, and 
uses the phrases defendere aerarium and patronus aerarii. Cato probably refers 
to his own opposition to the distribution of grain ander market price, etc. (Cp. 
Mommsen, ii. p. 372.) 


Notes on $ 4. Ad Marcum Filium. | P. 342. 


For further details, see Pliny, xxix. 7 passim, and Plutarch, Cato, 23. Cato 
was satisfied with his own knowledge of medicine, but, as Plutarch remarks, he 
did not succeed very well, for he lost his wife and his son. 

Cassius Hemina tells us that the first physician at Rome was Archagathus, who 
came from Peloponnesus V. 0. 535, and was highly welcomed as a surgeon: ' Mox 
a saevitia secandi urendique transisse nomen in carnificem et in taedium artem 
omnisque medicos ;’ (ap. Plin. xxix. 12.) Nevertheless, for some time the profes- 
sion remained in the hands of Greeks. The exact date of Celsus is unknown, nor 
is it quite certain, though it seems most probable, that be was a physician. 

Opicon. The early Greek writers called the inhabitants of the western part of 
Italy ‘Ome«ol, and their country ’Omaia, Aristotle, e. g. ap. Dion. Hal. i. 72, wrote 
that certain Trojan exiles were brought by a storm els roy Tówov rovror rijs 
"Omuchs, 6e kaXeirau Aárioy, éxl rg Tuppyvead werddye welpevos. Cp. Polit. vii. 10, 5. 
Similarly Thuc., vi. 2, speaks of the Siceli as driven out by the Opici, and, vi. 4, 
of Cyme as being in Opicia. It was in these writers a geographical expressiun 
without any covert sneer such as Cato imagined. But Oscí (Opsci) and Opict 
came to be applied more narrowly to the effete population of Campania, and ac- 
quired a sense of vulgarity and barbarism. Cp. Tiro, ap. Gell. xiii. 9, ‘ nostri 
opici, Hor. 1 Sat. v. 54, Juv. iii. 207, Gell. ii. 21 and xi. 16, ete. It is quite pos- 
sible that some Greek writers in Cato's time applied tbe term in this sense to the 
Romans, their ‘ feri victores.' 


Notes on § $. Carmen de Moribus. P. 343. 

1. Madvig's emendation seems very felicitous. It is absurd to suppose that 
Cato should have placed vitia on one side, and then said vitiosus , . . laudabatur on 
the other. Incítus, 'violeut,' is perhaps not found elsewhere in prose. 

2. Poeticae artis. Cato notes the admiration for poetry as a fault of his own 
time, e. g. 3n M. Nobilior. See note on de suis Virtutibus, p. 623. 





. 625 


Car. IL.—HISTORICORUM FRAGMENTA. Pp. 343-351. 


Something has already been said on the first attempt towards writing history 
among the Romans, see p. 608f. Our space will not admit of more details, which 
may be found in Peter's Prolegomena, and elsewhere. I have also used his 
collections for the lives of these early authors in the notes that follow. 

$ 1, p. 343. L. Cassrus Hemina was alive in the year 146 5.0. (Censorinus, 
D. N. xvii. 11), and therefore survived Cato, who died just before the fall of Car- 
thage,in 149. He called his fourth book, about the war with Hannibal, Bellum 
Punicum Posterior (see Introd. xi. $ 3), and from this it has sometimes been 
inferred, and I think rightly, that he wrote before the Third Punic War. 

We may, therefore, conclude that he was & contemporary of Cato, thougb, 
perhaps, somewhat younger. Nothing is known of his life. 

He began from Saturnus, and gave the traditions about Aeneas, but differed from 
Cato in making him receive only 500 iugera from Latinus. The second book 
began with the foundation of Rome, with which waa connected the portent of the 
thirty pigs. Some interesting details are quoted from this book, chiefly with 
reference to ritual and other observances. We have little of the third book, which 
took the history up to the beginning of the war with Hannibal, and almost as 
little of the fourth, from which I have given one tolerably long extract. 

repastinantem, see on Cato, de sufs Virt. p. 623. On the books of Numa, see 
Livy, xl. 29, Plut. Numa, 32, etc., Teuffel, § 62, Lange, R. A. ii. p. 230. The 
object of the forgery is obscure. 

§ 2. p. 344 f. FABIUS Proror, who wrote Latin annals (and who is different from 
the earlier writer of the same name, who wrote in Greek), is probably the same as 
the author of the books De Iure Pontificio. Nothing is known of his life. 

I. Sacerdotem Vestalem. For details see Preller, pp. 539 foll., many of which 
may be found in this chapter of Gellius. The latter says, ‘capt virgo propterea 
dici videtur, quia pontificis maximi manu prensa, ab eo parente, in cuius potes- 
tate est, veluti bello capta abducitur.’ The term was, however, used of pontifices 
and augurs as well, as Gellius himself shows, 1. c. 

Amata is explained by him as being the name of the first, and, therefore, con- 
tinued by traditional usage. For suggestions about the connection of the wife of 
Latinus with the worship of Vesta see Preller, pp. 537, 682. 

2. On the Flamen Dialis see note on C. 33, p. 401 f£, Marquardt, iv. p. 271, 
and Preller, p. 179 foll. 

castus, see on Naev. Punica, 5, p. 574. 

iurare, cp. Plut. Qu. Rom. 44. The following clause occurred in the perpetual 
edict, * Sacerdotem V estalem et Flaminem Dialem in omni mea iurisdictione iurare 
non cogam.' Gell. x. 15, 3r. 

cum strue atque ferio, see on Cato, R. R. 134, p. 619, and Fest. s. v. ferctum, 
p. 85, and struefertarii, p. 294. 

feriatus (Turnebus’ emendation for festatus, or testatus), opposed to megotifs 
implicitus. 

S8 





626 HISTORICORUM FRAGMENTA. PICTOR, PISO. 


matrimonium flaminis. This was naturally according to the old rite of 
confarreatio, Serv. ad Aen. iv. 103. Uxorem si amisit. flaminio decedit. So says 
Ateius Capito in Plaut. Q. R. 45, cp. Tert. de Exhort. Castitatis, 13, ‘Certe 
Flaminica non nisi univira est, quae et Flaminis lex est. Perhaps the law was 
relaxed, for Serv. ad Aen. iv. 29, says the flamen could not have a second wife till 
after the death of the first. Or he may overlook the rule that he had to leave his 
office. 

venenato, i.e. pallio flammeo colore tincto, opposed to the white dress of the 
Vestals, Cp. note on venenum, p. 533, and Servius ad Aen. iv. 36, and the mimi- 
ambi of Cn. Matius in Gell. xx. 9, 3:— 

‘Iam tónsiles tapétes ebrií fico N 
Quos cóncha purpura imbuens venénávit. 

rica, see on XII Tab. x. 3. 

scalae Graecae, enclosed by side walls, so as to conceal the person ascending or 
descending. See Serv. ad Aen. iv. 646, who cites and explains this provision. 

cum it ad Argeos, see Preller, pp. 414, 514. The mythical Argei were the genii 
of the different quarters of Rome, and a visitation of their chapels took place on 
the 16th and 17th of March. The passage in Varro, L. L. v. 45 foll, which 
describes the poaition of these chapels, is important for the topography of Rome. 

neque comit caput. Ovid has expressed similar observances on the part of the 
flaminica, with his usual elegance, Fasti, vi. 227 foll. 

3. Vervactorem. On these gods see Preller, p. 593. Vervactor is the first 
to break up the soil, since vervactum = novalis ager, Cato, R. R. 27, etc. Reparator 
is he who does it the second time. Jmporcitor is the plougher, (porca «the ridge 
between two furrows). Jnsitor sows. Obarator ploughs transversely after the 
seed has been sown. Occator harrows. Sarritor hoes. Subruncinator weeds 
with the hand. Messor, etc., speak for themselves. The fragments of Varro’s 
Divine Antiquities are full of such personifications of practical details; see some 
specimens, pp. 364, 365. 

§ 3. p.345 €. L. CaLPuRNIUS P180 CENSORIUS FRUGI is best known as the author 
of the Quaestiones Perpetuae, especially of that De Repetundis, see on Lex 
Acilia, p. 425. As consul with P. Mucius Scaevola in 133 B.C., he had the 
conduct of the servile war in Sicily, to which belongs the glans Hennensis, C. 642. 
His name Censorius implies that he was censor, but we do not know in what 
year. He belonged to the party of the nobles, and was, in consequence, attacked 
by C. Gracchus in a speech of unmeasured and harsh invective. (Meyer, p. 243.) 
He was, notwithstanding, a man of high character, and by no means an indie- 
criminate partisan. He is considered to have been the first Roman who wrote 
history with a moral object, though some traces of this appear in Cato. (Peter, 
p. exci.) That this was often done in a somewhat puerile way is no doubt true. 
But we can hardly quarrel with them for a wish to make history useful as the 
* magistra vitae’ by idealising their ancestors; and, so far, Calpurnius deserves 
a word of praise. The style of his books seems to have been simple and common- 
place. 

Jruges alienas perliceret. Cp. XII Tab. viii. 7. 


TUDITANUS, ANTIPATER, ASELLIO. 627 


taque, so late in the clause, is rare, perhaps unexampled. 

§ 4, p. 345 f. C. SEMPRONIUS TUDITANUS was consul 5. C. 129, and triumphed over 
the Iapydes, an Illyrian tribe. (Act. Triumph. p. 459, Liv. Epit. lix.) There is no 
reason to doubt that he was the author of the histories of which we have some 
fragments. Cioero gives him the character of an elegant orator (Brut. 25, 95). 
Gellius quotes from bis Commentarii (xiii. 15), and Macrobius from his Magis- 
tratuum Libri (i. 13, 21), which seem to have been the same work, but different, of 
course, from his Annals. 

The differences in the accounts of Regulus's death are well known. Mommsen 
says, ‘His family, under the idea that he had not been treated by the Cartha- 
ginians according to the usages of war, wreaked a most revolting vengeance on 
two Carthaginian captives, till even the slaves were moved to pity, and, on their 
information, the tribunes put a stop to the shameful outrage, iii. ch. 2 (vol. ii. 
P. 46 E. T.). The cruelty shown to Bodostor and Hamilcar is related at length 
by Diodorus, De Virt. et Vit. lib. 24. exc. 

$ 5, p. 346 f. L. COELIUS ANTIPATEB is a writer much praised by Cicero (De Legg. 
i. 2, 6, De Orat. ii. 12, 54, Brut. 26, 102). In the second of these passages he says, 
* Paululum se erexit et addidit historiae maiorem sonum vocis vir optimus, Crassi 
familiaris, Antipater;' in the third he calls him ‘ scriptor . .. luculentus, valde 
peritus, multorum etiam ut L. Crassi magister. Ho is distinguished both as the 
first historian who attempted the higher flights of style, and as the first who 
chose a limited period, omitting the earlier mythical annals. Cicero informs us 
that this was the ‘bellum Punicum’” (Orat. 69, 229); the extant fragments show 
that the Second, not the First, Punic War is meant. He seems, however, to have 
added a good deal by way of digressions. From Antipater, then, we may date an 
improvement in historical literature. 

20. pullarius. On the auspicia ex tripudíis see Mommsen, Handbuch, i. p. 9. 
The fall of the food upon the ground from the beak of the chicken was the sign 
looked for. The pullarius could generally ensure it by keeping them hungry, and 
giving a particular sort of food, generally porridge (puls, Fest. p. 243, cp. Cic. de 
Div. ii. 35, 73). The cage in which the birds were carried is represented on the 
gravestone of a pullarius, and is figured in Rich, s. v. Cavea. 

$ 6, p. 347. Of SzurRoNIUS ASELLIO we know but little, gathered from the state- 
ments of Gellius and the fragments of his Res Gestae or Historiae. The first is the 
title given by Gellius, who excerpted the book, the second by Charisius, Nonius, 
Servius, and Priscian. He chose as his subject the history of his own time, and more 
particularly the actions in which he was himself concerned, or of which he heard 
from persons present, following, wisely, the precedent set by Cato. It is to be 
deplored that we know so little of one whose method promised so well. Peter 
thinks that Appian, probably, either directly or indirectly, owes something to his 
books (p. ccci). 

Gellius gives an instance of liberi used for one child, a son or daughter, from his 
fifth book (Gell. ii. 13). He might have added Cic. Phil. i. 1, 2, cp. 13, 31. 

The example get by Asellio, of writing from personal experience, was followed by 
other public men, such as M. Aemilius Scaurus, P. Rutilius Rufus, Q. Lutatius 

S82 


628 HISTORICORUM FRAGMENTA. 


Catulus, the conqueror of Vercellae (see p. 603), and L. Cornelius Sulla, the dictator, 
and from this time memoirs of all kinds became fashionable. ‘None of these pro- 
ductions (says Mommsen, ii. p. 470) seem to have been of importance to litera- 
ture otherwise than by the substance of their contents. The collection of letters of 
Cornelia, the mother of the Gracchi, was remarkable, partly for the classical purity 
of the language and the high spirit of the writer, partly as the first correspondence 
published in Rome, and as the first literary production of a Roman lady.’ Two 
excerpts are preserved by Cornelius Nepos, but the genuineness of them has 
been doubted. 

§ 7, p- 348 foll. Of the life of Q. CLAUDIUS QuaDRIGARIUS we know almost 
nothing. We may place him, chronologically, between Pictor and Sisenna, but 
this is all we can say. We have considerable fragments of his Annals, none of which 
go back before the Gallic conflagration, which may be taken as his starting-point. 
He carried his work down to his own time, perhaps to the death of Sulla. It was 
extended to, at least, twenty-three books, and must have been an important collec- 
tion of materials. Mommsen crédits him with ‘an old-fashioned but good style’ 
(iv. p. 602), which is borne out by the extant fragments. H. Peter criticises his 
rhetorical vein, and exposes some instances of exaggeration, comparing him un- 
favourably even with Valerius (p. cexcii). I cannot, however, believe that he was 
guilty of the same vanity and puerility as Antias. For a list of passages in which 
Livy is probably indebted to one or other of these writers, see the same and follow- 
ing pages. 

IO. facies. Introd. viii. $ 16. 

gladio Hispanico. Weissenborn, on Liv. vii 10, 5, remarks that this is an 
anachronism, as Spanish blades were not used till the Second Punic War, Liv. 
xxxi. 34, 4. Probably Claudius simply means a short cut and thrust sword, or, as 
Livy says, *ad propiorem habilis pugnam.' It is opposed to the gladios duo of the 
Gaul. ponti, on the Anio. eodem congressu is Gronovius' suggestion, followed by 
H. Peter for concessu, consensu, or concussu of the MSS. — Hertz has concessu. 

I2. This fragment is plausibly referred to Claudius, though Gellius does not 
name him. Madvig wishes to write *quin ... appellatus eit,’ and ‘consulari 
genere editus, Adv. 2, p. 599. There does not seem sufficient reason for either 
alteration, none at any rate for the second. ‘Nihil quo referatur tali habet, 
says Madvig; but doubtless it was introduced by a description of his ancestry, 
which Gellius did not care to copy out. 

satis agentibus ; so satis agerent in the next fragment, ‘ being in trouble,’ * not 
knowing what to do. So Plaut. Merc. ii. r, 4, * In somnis egi eatís et fui homo 
exercitus. It is used also by Cato and Cicero; see the lexicons. 

telum, reciprocans. Cp. Verg. Aen. xii. 165, ‘Bina manu lato crispans hastilia 
ferro.' 

cognomen habwit Corvinus. The Fasti Capitolini call him Corvus, v.c. 406, 
etc., p. 510, Mommsen ; but in some others he appears as Corvinus. 

40. unam atque alteram, on the Siris and at Asculum. Cp. Ennius, Ann. vi. 
198 foll. p. 302. 

Literas. Plutarch, Pyrrhus, o. 21, quotes a letter rather differently worded. 


QUADRIGARIUS, ANTIAS. ORATORES, AEMILIUS. 629 


$ 8, p. 350 f. Of L. VALERIUS ANTIAS' personal history we know nothing, except 
that he was a contemporary of Claudius and probably slightly younger. He seems 
to have been a voluminous, but very untrustworthy author. Not only was he given 
to exaggeration in numbers and to the fabulous in ancient history, but he was 
untruthful in his representations of later times. (See Mommsen's criticisms in 
the Hermes, vol. i.) These faults were further increased by his exaggerated or 
even fictitious representations of the exploits of members of his own gens. "This is 
proved, not only by scattered fragments, but by Plutarch’s life of Publicola, which 
is concluded, on very strong grounds, to be drawn almost entirely from Antias 
(H. Peter, p. ocexix). He obtained, notwithstanding, a considerable reputation 
in bis own time. 

Lib. ii. 6. Ovid has given us the same story, Fasti, iii. 285 foll, and Plutarch 
in his Numa. Cp. Varro, L. L. vi. 94, Preller, pp. 170 foll. 

madidatis, & word used by Arnobius in $ 163 of the same book. Cp. the 
Plautine madidus, madidus vino. 

dixe = dixisse; so faxe, surrexe, etc., showing evanescence of -(s, and illustrating 
the formation of words like faxo. Introd. xviii. §§ 10, 11. 

maena (a Sardine ?) was apparently chosen on account of its likeness in sound 
to anima. It was used ritually at the Feralia, Feb. 21, and at the Volcanalia, 
Aug. 23; in both cases ‘pro animis humanis. (See Preller, pp. 484, §39, and 
notes on the Tabula Fastorum, pp. 542, 545-) 


Cap. IIL—ORATORUM FRAGMENTA. Pp. 351-356. 


If writing history was a gift that did not come naturally to the Romans, 
oratory most certainly did so, Orations on public questions formed, not only the 
earliest, but the most brilliant specimens of literary prose. ‘Such (says Mommsen, 
iii. p. 471) were the political speeches of Gaius Laelius and of Scipio Aemilianus, 
masterpieces of excellent Latin as of the noblest patriotism; such were the fluent 
speeches of Gaius Titius, from whose pungent pictures of the place and the time 
-..the national comedy borrowed various points; such, above all, were the 
numerous orations of Gaius Gracchus, whose fiery words preserved in a faitbful 
mirror the impassioned earnestness, the noble bearing, and the tragic destiny of 
that highly gifted nature. The fragments that we are able to give are of such 
merit as to make us keenly alive to the loss we have sustained in this department. 

§ r1, p. 3581. L. AzMILIUS PAULLUS. See note on p. 415. On the campaign with 
Perseus—the third Macedonian war—see Mommsen, book iii. ch. 10, and on the 
share of Aemilius in it especially p. 300 f. The battle of Pydna, as Polybius 
saw, formed an era in the history of Rome, the establishment of her universal 
empire, and Aemilius was a general worthy to gain it. He was a strict discipli- 
narian and a man of incorruptible honesty, yet cultivated and generous. On his 
appreciation of Greek art and literature, see Mommsen, l. c. pp. 439, 440. The 
pathetic circumstance, which was the occasion of this speech, is well known. Of 
his two younger sons, one, who was fourteen years old, died five days before his 
triumph, the other, who was twelve, three days after it. This event excited 


630 ORATORUM FRAGMENTA. 


universal sympathy, to which Aemilius responded, as Plutarch says (c. 36), ‘not 
like a man who needed consolation himeelf, but as one who wished to console his 
fellow-citizens in their distress at his misfortunes.’ Plutarch gives a paraphrase 
of the speech, in which he explained that he had always had a dread of fortune, 
which had been strengthened by his extraordinary and rapid successes, and that 
his fears did not quit him after his return till the calamity had visited his house, 
& point where the quotation in the text must have come in. The peroration of 
the speech, in which he drew a comparison between himself and his royal captive, 
must have been remarkably fine. ‘The man who led the triumph is as great an 
instance of human weakness as he that was led in triumph. There is but this 
difference, that the sons of Perseus—yes, of the vanquished Perseus—are alive, 
those of Aemilius the victor are no more.’ 

$ 2, p. 351. C. Trius. Oratio pro Lege Fannia. Titius is said by Cicero to have 
been a contemporary of Antonius and Crassus, and is called by Macrobius * vir 
aetatis Lucilianae,’ i.e. from about B.C. 150-90. But the Lex Fannia Sumptu- 
aria, to regulate the expenses of the table and the kinds of food that should be 
eaten, was passed B. C. 161. Probably there was only one orator of the name in 
this period, who began his public life rather earlier than Cicero supposed. 
Similar errors are, I think, not uncommon in Cicero's calculations, e. g. for a long 
time he confused C. Sempronius Tuditanus the historian with his son, till Atticus 
put him right (Ad Att. xiii. 6, cp. 30, 32, and 33). The Lex Fannia was a sort 
of complement to the Lex Orchia, twenty years earlier, which limited the number 
of guests at an entertainment. See Macrob. Sat. ii. 12, and the fragmenta of 
Cato's oration in defence of it. Mommsen has given a translation of this very 
vigorous, if rather coarse, fragment at the end of the eleventh. chapter of his fourth 
book (R. H. vol. iii. p. 419). It describes a senatorial iudex unwillingly dragged 
from his boon companious and his riotous living. The following translation 
‘slightly differs from Mommmsen's: ‘They devote themselves to hazard, delicately 
perfumed, amid a throng of their mistresses. When four o'clock comes they bid 
their boy be called to go to the comitium and enquire what has been done in the 
Forum, who have spoken in favour of the bill and who against it, how many 
tribes have voted for it, how many against it; then they make their way to the 
court just in time to keep themselves from being summoned for non-appearance. 
On their way there is no opportunity in any alley that they do not avail them- 
selves of, so full are they of wine. They take their place sullenly on the tribunal 
and order the case to come on. Those who are concerned make their statementa, 
our friend the judge requires the witnesses to be summoned, and himself has a 
reason for retiring. When he returns, he says he has heard everything, and asks 
for the documents: he looks into the papers, and can scarce keep his eyes open 
for wine. The jury withdraw to consider their verdict, and their talk is such as 
this—'" Why should I trouble myself with these horrid bores? Why should we 
not rather drink a bowl of mead and Greek wine, and eat a fat thrush and a good 
fish with it, a genuine pike killed between the two bridges!"' All this, no 
doubt (says Mommsen), was very ridiculous, but was it not a very serious matter 
that such things were subjects of ridicule ? 


TITIUS, METELLUS, SCIPIO. 631 


* ludunt alea studiose. Jan well compares Suet. Claud. 33, ‘aleam studiosissime 
lusit." 

litem suam faciat, lit. ‘make the cause his own;' i.e. become liable for all 
the consequences of the verdict, since the aggrieved party had an action for 
damages against him. The jurists say this may arise when a judge gives a 
wrong sentence, either from ignorance or corruption. See Gaius, iv. 52, and 
Mr. Poste's note, p. 441. Here the fault is coming too late. We should, no 
doubt, know more of this if the Lex Repetundarum, C. 198, was less mutilated. 
Lines 39-43 and 45, 46 seem to be on this subject ; see argument of the law, p. 428. 

amphora. Jan compares Lucr. iv. 1020, * dolia curta,’ etc. 

tabulae are the documents, affidavits, ctc. See the section of the Lex Rep. 
l. 34, ‘de testibus tabulisque producendis. Meyer wrongly refers to the voting 
tablets (tabellae or sorticolae). 

Eunt in consilium; cp. Lex Rep. 46. germanum; so used by Plautus and 
Cicero. Macrobius compares the lines of Lucilius (L. M. inc. xxii) :—‘ Fingere 
praeterea, adferri quod quisque volebat. | Illum sumina ducebant atque altilium 
lanx, | Hunc pontes Tiberinus duo inter captus catillo;’ where catillo=a glutton, 
a good name for the pike. Cp. Fest. Ep. p. 44. Horace Sat. ii. 2, 31 ff. and 
Juvenal, 5, 104 ff. have similar references to this fish. inter duos pontes is the term 
generally applied to the insula Tiberina, and it may mean here ‘caught off the 
island.’ Dillenburger, on Horace 1.c., says, ‘sublicium et senatorium inter quos 
cloaca maxima sordes urbis in fluvium egerebat.’ I do not know which bridge he 
means by 'senatorius, but the pons Aemilius was not built at this date. 

$ 3. p. 352. Q. CazcILIUS METELLUS MACEDONICUS was censor B. 0. 131, and Livy 
tells us, Epit. lix, tbat he delivered & speech * ut omnes cogerentur ducere uxores 
liberorum creandorum causa. Exstat oratio eius quam Augustus Caesar, cum 
de maritandis ordinibus ageret, velut in haec tempora scriptam in senatu recitavit.' 
To this speech we may probably refer the fragments given by Gellius, though he 
assigns them to Metellus Numidicus, who was censor in 102 B. C. and likewise an 
orator. The question is, which is more likely to be right, Livy or Gellius! 

(b.) plus velle, ‘to be more kindly disposed.’ The Ciceronian use of * eius causa 
velle’ may be compared, and the common sense of voluntas = * good-will.’ 

adhibere, ‘to impose.’ 

$ 4, p. 352. P. SorPIo ABMILIANUS, son of Aemilius Paullus, and conqueror of 
Carthage and Numantia, was no less distinguished for his generous patriotism as 
@ politician, his moral purity, and his refinement and culture. Though not an 
author in the ordinary sense, he committed his political speeches to writing, and 
was fond of the society of men of letters of both nations, whom he gathered round 
him. Such were Polybius and Panaetius, Lucilius and Terence, and amongst noble 
Romans, his friends Laelius, L. Furius Philus, and Sp. Mummius, brother of the 
destroyer of Corinth. (Cp. Mommsen, vol. iii. p. 446.) The death of Scipio was 
a tragic one. He had been mainly instrumental in putting a stop to the judicial 
action of the triumviri agrís dandis adsignandis, representing in his opposition 
the interests of the Latins, who complained of their interference with rights 
granted to their communities (cp, p. 445)- 'This excited great indignation in the 





682 ORATORUM FRAGMENTA. 


reforming party, and great personal odium against himself. Scipio was found 
dead in his bed on the morning of a day when he was about to make an harangue 
on the subject of the Latins’ rights, and it can hardly be doubted that he was 
assassinated. But no inquiry was made. (Cp. Mommeen, vol. iii. pp. 85-87, 104, 
105, for a good character of Scipio. Plutarch’s life of him is unfortunately lost.) 

(1) Oratio contra Ti. Asellum. Scipio, when censor, B. 0. 142, had degraded 
Asellus from the equites (p. 434). His colleague, L. Mummius, restored him. 
Asellus, when tribune, accused Scipio before the people. The case was a long 
one, as Scipio spoke no less than five times in it. In the course of the action 
Asellus taunted him with the sickness and mortality that had prevailed during his 
censorship, to which Scipio retorted very skilfully, ‘ Noli mirari ; is enim qui te ex 
aerariis exemit [i.e. L. Mummius] lustrum condidit et taurum immolavit. (Cic. 
de Or. ii. 66, 268.) The passage in the text isa good instance of rhetorical 
dilemma. Nequitia is, as Gellius explains, ‘incontinence,’ ‘intemperance,’ and it 
is so used by Cicero ; but when Gellius wrote it had the sense of solertia or astutia. 
He notices a similar change in the use of levitas. Malitia may be rendered 
*villany, *malignity. The two between them cover the whole idea of a bad 
character, vicious self-indulgence and active villany. 

quanté omne instrumentum, ‘you have spent a larger sum on one mistreas than 
that which you have set down on the censor's books as the worth of the whole 
stock of your Sabine farm.’ in censum dedícare seems only to occur here and in 
Cic. pro Flacco, c. 32, an important passage for the enumeration of the different 
kinds of property on which assessment was made. ‘At haec praedia etiam in 
censu (in censum) dedicavisti . . . Illud quaero sintne ista praedia censui 
censendo 1 habeant ius civile? sint necne sint mancipi ! subsignari apud aerarium, 
aut apud censorem possint !' Cp. Lex Agr. C. 200, 28, note on p. 454. This use 
of dedicare requires further illustration. Fest. Ep. p. 70, says, 'proprie est 
dicendo deferre,' and we may suppose it was used of the verbal ‘ professio" before 
the censor. Müller has followed Gronovius' suggestion, and reads in Varro, L. L. 
v. 160, * omnes in censu villas inde dedícamus aedes, where the MSS. have inde 
dicamus. 

&& hoc sta est is simply, ‘Who will give me a thousand sesterces if I prove my 
point?’ which is of course equivalent to saying, ‘ Who will bet so much that it is 
mot so?’ This makes Gronovius' rendering si unnecessary. The usage of the two 
conjunctions sf and ni is a little obscure. According to Puchta the question is 
properly asked with si in the legal formula. He quotes, for example, *Sé ex 
edicto P. Burrieni praetoris bona P. Quintii dies xxx possessa non sint' (Cic. pro 
Quint. 27); or, ‘Sé bonorum Turpiliae possessionem Q. Caepio praetor ex edicto 
mihi dederit' (ad Fam. vii. 21)... ‘tot nummos dare spondes?’ To which the 
reply would be, ‘Spondeo.’ Né seems to be used in a quotation of the case by 
another party, if I understand Rudorff rightly. (Puchta, Instit. § 168, vol. ii. 
p. 131, note, ed. Rudorff, 1871). A good instance is found in Plautus' Rudens, 
1378 foll, where Gripus states his wager with si, and Latrax replies by asking 
some one to judge, ‘nt dolo malo instipulatus sis, nive etiamdum siem | Quinque et 
viginti annos natus;' where Fleckeisen reads, haw siem, I think needlessly. 


SCIPIO, LAELIUS. 633 


Puchta refers also to Huschke, Studien, i. p. 12, and Kéller, Semestrium ad 
M. Tullium Ciceronem (1843), lib. i. § 1. 

qui spondet, ‘who is there who?’ Cp. Introd. xiii. § 26. 

verbis conceptis, ‘in a set form.’  confuravisti can only mean ‘made a con- 
spiracy,’ of what sort is quite uncertain; periuravists has been conjectured. 
sciens sciente antmo tuo ; cp. ‘si sciens fallo’ in the fetial’s oatb, p. 279 and p. 284, 
1. 4, etc., and a still closer parallel, Plautus, Asinar. 562 :— 

* Ubi vérbis conceptis sciens lubénter periuráris,' 
which supporta the conjecture just mentioned. 

(2) Oratio contra legem tudiciariam T$. Gracchi. Plutarch tells us that Tiberius 
Graechus proposed a law to take half the iudices from the equites, leaving the 
other half to the senators. (Ti. Gracchus, c. 16. Cp. Dio Cass. frag. 88.) It 
was apparently under consideration at the time of his violent death, with other 
popular projects. The relevancy of the passage in the text is not very clear. 

saltatorium. See Cic. pro Murena, c. 6, de Off. i. 42, for the Roman view of 
dancing. 

bullatum. See Rich, s. v. bulla, bullatus, for illustrations. 

medius fidius. That Dius or Divus Fidius=Semo Sancus, the god of good 
faith and purity, is certain. The me is not so clear, but it is generally supposed to 
be an accusative governed by ellipse of suvet. Nevertheless, it suggests the 
Greek pd. 

petitoris flium. If we could suppose that this was the son of Ti. Gracchus, who 
was now candidate for the tribunate, it would give & point to the passage which it 
seems to want. But this is improbable. He himself married a daughter of 
Appius Claudius, consul and censor, and his sister married Aemilianus. 

(3) Dissuasto legis Papíríae. C. Papirius Carbo proposed that the same man 
might be created tribune any number of times (Liv. Ep. lix, Cic. de Amicit. 25). 
This law was supported by C. Gracchus, but vehemently and successfully opposed 
by Scipio. Carbo asked him what he thought of the death of Ti. Gracchus, who had 
been murdered in the riot which Scipio Nasica bad excited against him. Aemili- 
anus replied, ‘Si is occupandae reipublicae animum habuisset iure caesum,’ i. e. as 
far as he aimed at sovereignty (Vellius, ii. 4). He had already, it was said, let 
fall a sentiment to the same effect when the news was brought to Numantia :— 

“Qe dwéAorTo kal dAXos, Erie roatrd ye peor. 
(Plut. Ti. Gracch. ad fin. from Hom. Odyss. i. 47). The remaining words are 
variously given. Velleius says, ‘Hostium armatorum toties clamore non territus, 
qui poesum vestro moveri, quorum noverca est Italia?' Valerius Maximus, 
vi. 2, 3, * Taceant . . . quibus Italia noverca est. Orto deinde murmure, * Non 
efficietis," ait, ‘ut solutos verear, quos alligatos adduxi.”’ The proposal about 
the tribunes passed afterwards, probably after Scipio's death. 

$ 5, p. 353. C. LAELIUS SAPIENS, the elder friend of Scipio Aemilianus, and 
with him the centre of the famous literary circle. Cicero has preserved the 
memory of their union in his book De Amicitia, in which Laelius is brought in 
discussing the nature of friendship with his two sons-in-law, C. Fannius and 
Q. Mucius Scaevola, a few days after Scipio's death. Laelius paid a tribute to his 


634 ORATORUM FRAGMENTA. 


memory in reality by two funeral orations, written for his two grandsons, Q. 
Tubero and Q. Fabius Maximus, from the latter of which the fragment in the 
text is taken. Cicero considered Laelius to surpass Scipio in oratory, though both 
were great (Brutus, 21). 

Quiapropter, compared with quapropter, seems to support the notion that quia 
is properly neuter pl. of quis declined like an ¢ stem. Cp. Introd. xiii. § 30, 
p. 104. hac civitate, ‘in this city ;' so hoc loco, eo libro, etc. Seo note on Samnio, 
C. 30, p. 399. eo morbo, a rhetorical meiosis, inasmuch as there was little doubt 
that he was assassinated, see p. 6372. 

§ 6, pp. 353-356. C. Szmpronius GRAOOHUS. The reader should consult the 
third chapter of the fourth book of Mommsen’s Roman History, ‘The Revolution 
and Gaius Gracchus,’ one of the best in the whole work, though some of its 
political sentiments may well be questioned. He draws out the contrast between 
him and his brother Tiberius, noting specially the absence of good-nature and the 
presence of that fearful vehemence of temperament, by virtue of which he became 
‘the foremost orator Rome ever had,’ without which ‘we should probably have 
been able to reckon him among the first stateamen of all times’ (vol. iii. p. 108). 
His policy may be described as a mixture of enthusiasm for the public good and & 
glowing passion of revenge. He was at once the founder of the dangerous urban 
proletariate, which lay like an incubus on the commonwealth for five hundred 
years, and the source of almost all the fruitful ideas of imperial policy—a sort of 
Julius Caesar before his time (p. 122). There is a fine criticism of his oratory in 
Cicero's Brutus, c. 33, which ends * legendus, inquam, est hic orator, si quisquam 
alius, iuventuti. Non enim solum acuere sed etiam alere ingenium potest.’ 
Plutarch calls his style $ofepós wal wepuma0)s ele Selywow. He was sometimes 
so carried away by passion as to become confused or faltering (Plut. C. Gracch. 


c. 2. For the agrarian policy of C. Gracchus see pp. 445, 451, 456, 475. 


(1) Pro Lege Papiria. 

(a) See the preceding page. Em is now generally distinguished from hem on 
the one side and en on the other. Brix on Plaut. Captivi, 3, gives instances of em 
in a demonstrative sense, Plaut. Merc. ii. 2, 42, Poen. i. 1. 79, Baoch. ii. 3, 40; 
iv. 8, 39, to which we may add Ter. Phorm. 1026. Hem is an exclamation of 
feeling, implying joy, sorrow, surprise, amazement, etc. Cp. Ritechl Trin. 3, 
ed. 1871, Wagner, Aulul 633, and Ribbeck, Lateinische Partikeln, pp. 29-34. 
references which I owe to Professor Palmer. 

quam par part sint, ‘how like to like they are,’ i.e. one is as bad as another. 
Gaius had probably been enumerating some of his brother's services to the nobility, 
especially to the Scipios (e.g. his father-in-law, Scipio Africanus), one of whom, 
Scipio Nasica, was the cause of his death. This personality naturally gave an 
opportunity for the question of Carbo to Aemilianus, and his reply. 

(b) Mr. Nettleship's excellent emendation throws great light on this passage, 
but we cannot explain it entirely for lack of the context. suilla, as in Juv. 
14, 98, of the Jews, ‘nec distare putant humana carne suillam.' Translate, ‘What 
sort of man is he who will make him wise ! One who looks onwards in the interest 


C. GRACCHUS. 635 


of yourselves and of the commonwealth and of himself in common, not one who 
butchers human flesh as if it were swine's.' I believe that I have done right in 
inserting the interrogative after faciet, and in making the subject of faciet the 
same as that of prospictat, but qué prosptciat may of course be in apposition to 
eapientem. 

(2) Apud Censores. 

C. Gracchus was quaestor in Sardinia, where his enemies sought to detain him 
by not sending any one to relieve him, on which he returned without leave. The 
matter was brought to the notice of the censors, who proposed to degrade him from 
the equites. He made his defence in this speech so successfully that he persuaded 
every one to consider him a much injured man. (See Plutarch, C. Gracchus, c. 2.) 

(a) Cicero quotes this in order to correct it. ‘How much apter it would have 
been (he writes) if he had said, ' quin eiusdem hominis sit, qui improbos probet, 
probos improbare."' The modern reader will probably prefer the sentence as it stands. 

(6) apud principia, the central point of a camp, on the ‘ via principalis,’ including 
the tents of the chief officers and the space in front of them, and therefore the most 
public place of the whole. 

Biennium. Plutarch says, ‘He told them—-he had served twelve campaigns, 
while others were only obliged to serve ten. He had remained as quaestor two 
years (al. rpveríay) with his praetor, while the law allowed him to return at the 
end of one,' concluding with the passage about the zonae and amphorae. 

nationum is the MS. reading. Gronovius reads natorum, and suggesta latronum. 
postremissimus is found also in Apul. de Magia, 98, and Tertull. de Cultu Fem. 
2, I. The same writers have extremíor, Apuleius has also postremior, and Tertul- 
lian extremissimus, perhaps after some such early authority. See Neue, 2, p. 92. 


(3) De Legibus a se promulgatis. 

It is impossible to describe in this place the long series of projects embraced by 
Gracchus, which are ably summarised by Mommsen, pp. 109-119. They included 
& law for the distribution of grain, a change in the order of voting in the comitia 
centuriata, an agrarian law probably to restore the jurisdiction of the commis- 
sioners, the foundation of new colonies, restrictions in the age for enlistment and 
duration of military service, increase of the right of appeal, establishment of new 
quaestiones perpetuae for murder and poisoning, & new law for the taxation of 
Asia, and lastly, a transfer of the civil courts to the equites. The general tendency 
of these measures was to throw all power into the hands of the proletariate and the 
mercantile class at the expense of the senate, and through them to gather the oon- 
trol of the whole into his own hands. 

The speech from which these extracts are taken was no doubt a contio preceding 
the voting upon some of these measures. 

P. Africanus probably means Aemilianus, who had married the sister of Tiberius 
and Gaius, and who left no children. Tiberius had had three sons, who seem to 
have been dead. Gaius had one son by his wife Licinia, who must be meant — 
here. Scipio Africanus the elder had descendants by his other daughter, who 
married Scipio Naaica, and therefore cannot be the P. Africanus mentioned here. 





636 ORATORUM FRAGMENTA. 


(b, c) Gellius quotes the passages to compare them with parallel, but more 
highly wrought, paragraphs in Cicero's Verrine—in one of which occurs the famous 
Civis Romanus sum—&nd with one from Cato's speech against Thermus De Falsis 
Pugnis. Ho remarks on the absence of an appeal to the feelings in Gracchus, 
observing that Cato, though an earlier writer, ‘iam tum facere voluisse, quod 
Cicero postea fecit.’ 

Quaestori, & magistrate not always found in municipal towns, but when existing 
taking the third rank after the highest magistrates and the aediles. Marquardt, 
new ed., iv. pp. 491, 492. M. Marius must have been the highest official, probably 
praetor. See Marquardt, iv. p. 476, and note on Lex Iulia, 83, p. 468. 

praetor noster, i. e. Romanus. : 

(c) pro legato, by an abuse of senatorial privilege. See Cic. Phil. i. 2, 6, and 
Mr. King's note. 

num mortuum ferrent. This seems to have been the earliest use of the lectica 
known to the Italians, and, as an article of mere luxury, it was only just intro- 
duced. See Smith's Dict. of Antiquities, p. 671. 


(4) In P. Popilfum Laenatem. 


P. Popilius Laenas, when consul in B. 0. 132, had brought the associates of 
Tiberius Gracchus to trial before a special commission, and had carried out a 
number of cruel sentences upon them. Gaius, when his turn of power came, pro- 
hibited, under severe penalties, the appointment of such senatorial commissions 
without a vote of the people, and out of revenge made the action of his law retro- 
spective. Popilius, to escape a conviction, went into voluntary exile. For his 
life, see notes on C. 550, 551, p. 475. 

This sentence, Gellius tells us, was near the beginning of his speech. He is evi- 
dently exhorting the people to use the opportunity of revenge for Tiberius' murder, 
which they had so long desired. 

This speech was made pro rostris. He also made others cfrcum conciliabula, 
exciting the people in the other towns of Italy to revenge. From it we have the 
following anomalous forms quoted: malo cruce, Fest. p. 150 ; poteratur, id. p. 241 
(cp. note on Lex Rep. 66, p. 437); and credo ego inimicos meos hoc dicturum, 
which Gellius (i.7) quotes to illustrate Cic. Verr. ii. 5, 65, ' hanc rem aibi prae- 
sidio sperant futurum, referring also to Quadrigarius, ‘Dum ii conciderentur, 
hostium copias occupatas futurwm, as well as to Antias, Plautus (Cas. iii. 5, 52) 
and Laberius. 


(5) De Rege Mithridate. 

Gellius calls this speech * oratio qua legem Aufeiam dissuasit.' The law is men- 
tioned nowhere else, and in fact the gens Aufeia is unknown, &o that some editors 
conjecture Saufeiam. It appears to have been in favour of king Mithridates and 
against Nicomedes king of Bithynia. This was doubtless Mithridates V, father of 
the greatest of the name. He was the first king of Pontus who made a regular 
alliance with the Romans, and for bis services in the war with Cartbage he received 
the province of Phrygia from M'. Aquilius. The present dispute was probably 


C. GRACCHUS, CRASSUS. VARRO. 637 


about Cappadocia, which the kings of Pontus and Bithynia tried to wrest from the 
heirs of Ariarathes. See Justin, xxxviii. 1 and 2. Gracchus perhaps proposed 
that the province should be taxed, as he had done in the case of the province of 
Asia. Cp. Mommsen, pp. 115, 120 n., and note on Lex Agr. 82, p. 458. 

uti, et sf quaeritis. Madvig, Adv. 2, p. 621, conjectures utier, st quaeritis ; but 
this seems unnecessary. ‘ Even if you search’ makes very good sense. Cp. Lucil. 
V. I, p. 321, ‘quo me habeam pacto, tametsi id non quaeris, docebo. Madvig also 
suggests rei familiari, which seems right. 

Graecus tragoedus. Gellius tella the same story in the preceding chapter of 
Demosthenes and Aristodemus. 

$ 7, p. 356. L. LiorxruS Crassus and M. Antonius were the two greatest 
orators of the age just before that of Cicero. The latter gives us a considerable 
criticism of both of them in many chapters of his Brutus, especially 36, foll. 44 
and 86. Both were more polished than Gracchus; of the two, Crassus was the 
more weighty, Antonius the more fiery. "Unfortunately the extant fragments are 
comparatively trifling. 

The passage in the text is from a speech delivered by Crassus shortly before his 
death. The consul Philippus was strongly opposed to the proposals of the tribune 
M. Livius Drusus — proposals by which the senate tried to gain the populace 
against the capitalists. Drusus combined in a Lex Satura the three objects of the 
restoration of the iudicia to the senate, the assignment of land to colonists, and the 
distribution of grain to the city proletariate. Philippus summoned the senate to 
cancel the law as informal (which it doubtless was), and on their refusal, publicly de- 
clared ‘ alio sibi senatu opus esse’ (Val. Max. vi. 2, 2). Thesenate in consequence, on 
the motion of Drusus, pronounced a vote of censure on the consul, and during the 
debate Crassus made a grand speech. Crassus died suddenly a few days later: 
the senate was brought round to cancel the laws, and Drusus himself waa assassi- 
nated. Then followed immediately the fearful civil war with the Italians. 

In consequence of the plain speaking of Crassus (in the passage in Oratio obli- 
qua), Philippus ' graviter exarsit, pignoribusque ablatis Crassum instituit coercere' 
(Cie. 1.c.). Here pignoris capio is the punishment of contempt, just as it was in 
case of the contumacious absence of a senator. (Cp. Cio. Phil. i. 5, 11 and 12, 
Varro, Epist. Quaest. p. 375 ad fin.) It consisted in the violent seizure, and 
generally destruction, of some articles belonging to the person in fault, sometimes 
even of an attack upon his house. Hence the expression on which Crassus plays, 
pignora caedere, & phrase with which Mommsen compares Suet, Caes. 17, ‘ pigno- 
ribus captis et direpta supellectile" (Handbuch, i. p. 129, q. v.). 


Car. IV.—EX M. TERENTII VARRONIS RELIQUIIS. 
Pp. 356-382. 
Introduction. 
M. TaRENTIUS VARRO, sometimes called Reatinus, to distinguish him from Varro 


of Atax, was by far the most learned of Roman authors. He was born, ten years 
before Cicero, of a noble family belonging to that Sabine country of which he 


688 EX M. TERENTII VARRONIS RELIQUIIS. 


always retained the savour. Like Cicero, he belonged to the Pompeian party, and 
served with great bravery under his chief against the pirates, as well as in Spain, 
and rose to the rank of praetor. After Pharsalia, he retired into private life as a 
student and antiquary, and was designated by Caesar as head of the library he was 
founding. After Caesar's murder, Antony, who bore him an old grudge, placed 
his name on the list of proscription, but he was saved by Calenus, being in this 
respect more fortunate than Cicero. He lived to almost ninety years, working 
steadily all the time, though suffering from the loss of a great part of his library. 

Of all the Roman writers there is none whose loss students of history and philo- 
logy have more cause to regret than that of Varro. St. Augustine’s ‘studiosum 
rerum tantum iste doceat, quantum studiosum verborum Cicero delectat’ is as 
tantalizing as it is evidently true. And though his learning was a quarry freely 
worked by the smaller men of later days, our loss is immense and irreparable. We 
can estimate its extent in some degree by a glance down the long list of books, to 
the contents of some of which we have scarcely a clue. ‘Vix medium descripsi 
indicem et legentibus fastidium est,’ wrote the Christian scribe to whom we owe 
it, and who was comparing the fertility of the Roman with that of the adamantine 
Origen. We should have been thankful even for a bare list of the remainder, 
making up the total of 630 books, which modern criticism assigns to him. 

Besides the great copiousness of his writings, Varro is to be admired for the 
variety of his tastes and acquirements, and for his versatile command of different 
styles (cp. p. 609). He was a thorough Roman, a true lover of old-fashioned 
country life and ways, and full to the brim of native humour; but he combined 
with it a very wide general culture, especially a large knowledge of Greek litera- 
ture, science, and customs. He had a decided turn for poetical composition, and 
some of the fragments in his Menippean satires show a mingled grace and origi- 
nality, which is not common in Latin poets. In his prose he seems to have inten- 
tionally rejected the classical Ciceronian style, but he was none the less a manly 
and vigorous, though hardly an eloquent, writer. We must judge him rather by 
his book on agriculture, and by the fragments of his essays, serious and humorous 
—the so-called Logistorici and Saturae Menippeae—than by the book on Latin 
Grammar. He shows always a fondness for coordinste rather than subordinate 
constructions; he has little variety in his use of adverbs and conjunctions, and his 
language has an archaic tinge. But there is in his earlier works little of that 
harshness which we observe in his last and probably unfinished book, in which (to 
use Mommsen's expressive phrase) 'the clauses of the sentence are arranged on 
the thread of the relative like thrushes on a string.’ 

The great gift of Varro was, however, an insatiable appetite for learning and a 
keen sense in discriminating what was worth preserving. He was the very model 
of a literary collector. We can, as it were, go into his study and admire the 
arrangement of his drawers and pigeon-holes, so carefully and minutely labelled, 
and very precious are the dust and fragments that remain in them. He was 
deficient, however, on the ideal side, and becomes lost whenever he attempts any 
deeper discussion of religious or philosophical questions. In the former he took 
a merely political line, believing that it was impossible to unite truth and expe- 


INTRODUCTION. 689 


diency (see p. 646); in the latter he floated about from one sect to another, con- 
cluding generally in a cynical disbelief in any fixed conclusions. In his treatises 
on matters of fact he showed an intense love for formal and systematic arrange- 
ment, but his desire for order often betrayed him into crude and superficial 
divisions. We must not, however, speak too alightingly of one who did so much 
for the method of grammar (would that he bad had an inkling of the principles of 
etymology !), and whose encyclopaedia of the sciences was the foundation of all 
mediaeval learning. 

It would be very much in Varro’s own style if we divided the body of his works 
into three great classes, all of them susceptible of subdivision—(1) original and 
personal books, (2) books on history and literature, (3) books on other arta and 
sciences. 

To the first class belong his poems and moral essays, his speeches and declama- 
tions, his letters and personal memoirs. To the second we assign the great 
general treatise on Antiqutties, human and divine, complemented by monographs 
on chronology, genealogy, manners, and political antiquities. His essays in 
literary history and criticiam seemed to have turned chiefly on the poets, with 
& special direction to the drama and dramatic representation, which centred 
particularly on Plautus. We must notice also a remarkable book called Imagines, 
which seems to have been a biography with portraits, not only of authors and 
artists, but of other famous men. The éhérd class consists of nothing else than an 
encyclopaedia of all arta and sciences, Disciplinarum Libri, developed in detail, 
like the Antiquities, in a number of separate treatises. We can distinguish books 
on Language, particularly Latin grammar; on Philosophy; on Rhetoric; on 
Mathematics; on Geography; on Medicine; on Civil Law; and on Rural 
Economy, besides a number of minor works. 

I have thought it well to give extracts which will in some degree represent 
these different classes. They might have been increased with grent advantage, 
but I bope the interest of tho few that are offered will incite some of the rising 
generation of scholars to & more diligent study of &n author who is too much 
neglected among us. 

The fragments of this voluminous learning have never been properly united in 
one collection, and the older recensions of Sealiger, Turnebus, and Popma, in the 
sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, must still be consulted by those who wish to 
take a synoptical view of them. The Bipont edition of 1788 supplies probably 
the most convenient form for this object. Separate books and subjects have, 
however, received careful treatment, chiefly from German scholars. The only 
entire treatise, that on Husbandry, must still be read in Gesner or Schneider, but 
it is to be hoped that Keil may execute his early purpose of re-editing it. The | 
efficient labours of Spengel and C. O. Müller on the De Lingua Latina still leave 
something to be desired. Madvig has some noticeable emendations in his Adver- 
saria, vol. ii. Augustus Wilmauns has edited very satisfactorily the fragments of 
the other books on grammar. A. Riese has followed up the work of Oehler and 
Vahlen, and given us a useful collection of the Saturae Menippeae and Logisto- 
rici and some minor fragments ; but there is still room for improvement and acute 


640 EX M. TERENTII VARRONIS RELIQUIIS. 


conjecture, especially in working out the argument of each satura and in criticism 
of the metrical fragments. Merkel collected the fragments of the Divine Anti- 
quities in his preface to Ovid's Fasti (ed. 1841, pp. cvi-ccxlvii), but he seems unfor- 
tunately to have used a bad text of S. Augustine de Civitate Dei. Krahner seems 
to have written well on the same subject, but I only know his books by quotations. 
H. Kettner has put together the remains of the books De Vita Populi Romani 
and De Gente P. R. (Halle, 1863, 1865) ; and last, but not least, Ritechl has 
written on the Disciplinarum Libri (1845, 4to) and on the whole subject of 
Varro's literary activity in the sixth and twelfth volumes of the Rheinisches 
Museum. The same periodical contains other articles by Bücheler, Mercklin, 
L. Müller, Riese, Ribbeck, Vahlen, etc., especially on the Menippean satires. 
Other monographs are referred to by Teuffel, $5 152—157. 


§ 1. SatuRAE MENIPPEAE. Pp. 358-363. 


The most lively account of these essays is to be found in Mommsen’s last 
chapter, in which he devotes a considerable space to them (R. H. vol. iv. pp. 591- 
600). They were called Menippean, from the cynic Menippus of Gadara, probably 
only twenty years older than Varro (Riese, p. 8). What little is known of him is 
chiefly from Diogenes Laertius and from his other imitator and admirer Lucian, . 
from whose dialogues we get perhaps the best idea of this whole class of writings. 
See Lucian’s Dialogues of the Dead, 1-3 and 210, Menippus sive Necyomanteia, 
especially c. 21, Icaromenippus, passim, Bis Accusatus, c. 33, and other passages 
in which Menippus speaks or is described. From the latter place it seems clear 
that Menippus adopted the same mixture of verse and prose that Varro after- 
wards did, for this I believe to have been the case, notwithstanding the disbelief 
of Lucian Müller. Jt is probable that the general colour of the composition, the 
mixture of the comic and the serious, and the sharp transition from one style and 
subject to another was a more potent reason for the name. That Varro gave it 
himself is asserted by Gellius, ii. 18. 6, and implied by a fragment from his satire 
Testamentum ap. Non. p. 478, * E mea giAopGorig natis, quos Menippea haeresis 
nutricata est, tutores do 

Qui rem Romanam Latiumque augiscere vultis.’ 

Here he is evidently referring to his Satires, whom he calls ‘children of his 
cynicism’ ($:A0$00ríq, which Riese needlessly alters to («AoQovíq), ‘and nurtured 
by the sect of Menippus, and he bequeaths the care of them to those who are 
anxious for the commonwealth, quoting a line of Ennius to express his idea. 
The date of the Menippeans is uncertain. One, the Tpuápavos, was composed in 
B. 0. 60, the subject being the first triumvirate. They were probably early works, 
as Cicero makes him call them * vetera sua’ in B. C. 45 (Acad. i. 2, 8). 

There is a review of Riese's edition by Bücheler, Rh. Mus. vol. 20, and a reply 
by Riese, vol. 21, to both which I have referred. 

BrwxAROUS. The name somehow or other refers to himself. It was a satire, 
wept rpózow, and was perhaps a dialogue in which he disputed with another 
Marcus of different temper. 1. Quintipor Clodius is touched again in his Epist. 
ad Fufium, ap. Non. pp. 144 and 117, Riese, p. 259, ‘Si hodie noenum venis, cras 


SATURAE MENIPPEAE. 641 


quidem si veneris meridie, die natali Fortis Fortunae, Quintiporis Clodi Antipho 
fies, ac poemata eius gargaridians dices :— 

* Q fortuna, o fors fortuna, quantis commoditatibus ' 

Hunc diem. 

This seems to show that he was a plagiarist from Terence, who has a couplet 
consisting of the first line, and ‘quam subito meo ero Ántiphoni ope vostra hunc 
onerastis diem,’ Phormio, 841 f. He was probably a freedman, and Varro calls 
him banteringly by the old name Quéntipor = Quinti puer or servus. He wrote 
himself a satura, Marctpor, something perhaps like Horace's Davus, Sat. ii. 7. 

DorruM aut SERIA. This proverbial title has never been satisfactorily explained. 
It may have some reference to the dolium kept in the atrium of Vesta as a repre- 
sentation of the world (according to Krahner, ap. Riese, p. 117). The dolium was 
very large and nearly globular, with a wide mouth; the seria was somewhat 
smaller, with a full body and narrow throat. See a conjectural representation in 
Rich, s.v. Perhaps this satire was a dispute as to the form of the earth. Fora 
similar proverbial expression cp. Hor. A. P. 21, *amphora coepit Institui, currente 
rota cur urceus exit i' where the opposition is between a wine-jar and a water-jar. 

Mundus domus est, etc. is quoted by Probus to illustrate Vergil, Georg. i. 231 
foll. altitonae flammigerae is Riese's emendation. Bücheler prefers alto fragmine 
zonae, but it is difficult to see how fragmen can be used of the zone covering only 
a portion of the sky. Yet aititonae is an awkward epithet. limbus is here a ‘belt, 
girdle.” Varro uses it again of the zodiac, when he is speaking jestingly of the 
destructiveness of goats, ‘quas etiam astrologi ita receperunt in caelum, ut extra 
limnbum XII signorum sint,’ R. R. ii. 3, 7. 

Est Mopvus. inventrunt is noticeable. The facts about this prosody seems to 
be that it is never found in Ennius or the tragedians, but that it is not uncommon 
in the comedians and in later dactylic poets—in the latter of course after a short 
syllable. Exactly similar instances to this are Plaut. Bacch. 928, subeg&runt ; 
Truc. ii. 5, 15, occepérunt; "Terent. Eun. 20, emérunt ; Syrus, Sent. ed. Ribb. go, 
odérunt ; all of which come at the end of a line. Cp. Corssen, i. 612, and C. 1008. 

coagulum is used in the same way by Gellius, xii. 1, 21, * vinculum illud coagu- 
lumque animi atque amoris, quo parentes cum filiis natura consociat.’ 

EUMENIDES. 'The fragments of this satura have been variously combined, but 
not, I think, with certainty, otherwise I should have given them all. The whole 
is evidently on different forms of madness, moral and physical  Oehler says, 
perhaps correctly, ‘Tractat ... Stoicorum dogma, Sr: wdyres popot palvoyra: quod 
Horatius quoque eleganter perstrinxit in Damasippo.’ The fragments here given 
open with a description of the absurdity of philosophers. A philosopher then 
seems to retort on the popular madness of self-indulgent or miserly people. Some- 
how or other Varro is persuaded that he is mad, and goes to ask advice of Serapis. 
In the latter fragmenta we catch glimpses of him hooted by a mob of slaves and 
servant girls, present at the wild orgies of Cybele, observing a popular sedition, 
and perhaps by these various experiences brought back to the belief that he is no 
worse than the rest of the world, or rather his sanity is pronounced by some kind 
of a jury. 


Tt 


642 EX M. TERENTII VARRONIS RELIQUIIS. 


14. Empedocles ; so Censorinus, D. N. 4. Lucretius seems to have followed him 
in this as in many other points, v. 803 foll. 

15. Is closely paralleled by Cicero, de Divin. ii. 119, ‘Sed nescio quomodo nihil 
tam absurde dici potest, quod non dicatur ab aliquo philosopho.' 

17. suillam caedit, as conjectured by Mr. Ellis, is very ingenious, but it is too 
like porcos trucidat to be likely. Biicheler conjectures ‘cum baccas ferula caedit." 

18, bucinus flavus ahenus. — Riese'a conjecture is founded on Aristophanes’ 
fovOde IrraA exrpiow, Ran. 932, ‘quod (ahenum) in navibus Persicis etabat signum. 
Bucinus gallum significat, Petron. c. 74.' de Albuci subus Athenis, ‘one of 
Albucius’ epicurean hogs,’ is Rothe's very ingenious, but unconvincing, emenda- 
tion. Varro is laughing at the Pythagoreanism or Darwinism of his day rather 
than at Epicureanism. 

20. cué si atet, etc., ‘if he have the whole created universe at his disposal.’ 

21. arquati, persone with the jaundice; a fact also noticed by Lucretius, tv. 334, 
‘lurida praeterea fiunt quaecunque tuentur Arquatei.’ 

26. miras. Nonius aleo quotes mirabis from Pomponius. curare, is probably 
‘to prescribe for, ‘act as a physician, ‘cure:’ cp. the quotation from Cicero in 
the next paragraph. Roeper’s noli mirare de eodem may perhaps be right, 
‘either wonder at both or do not wonder that the same thing comes to the same 
thing,' as Mr. Ellis suggesta. 

28. cepam, fem., a form used perhaps as often as cepe, Sisymbrium, ‘sacred to 
Venus.’ Ov. Fast. iv. 469, etc. On medicine prescribed in dreams, Oehler well 
compares Cic. de Div. ii. 59, ‘Quid convenit aegris a conjectore somniorum potius, 
quam a medico petere medicinam ? An Aesculapius an Serapis potest, perscribere 
per somnum curationem valetudinis ?’ 

32. viz 'statim, Non. p.421, who compares Verg. Aen. ii. 323, ‘Viz ea 
fatus eram, gemitu quum talia reddit, which is by no means an exact 
parallel. 

38. Commodum, ‘at the very moment. praeter, ‘beside;’ so *praeter 
amnem, Naev. Lycurg. 47, which Ribbeck and others needlessly alter to 
propter. 

Matris deum. The worship of the Magna Mater Idaca was introduced into 
Rome in accordance with a reference to the Sibylline books during the war with 
Hannibal The black meteoric stone was brought from Pessinus by a special 
embassy (which had obtained it from Attalus, king of Pergamus), and received 
with great rejoicing, and lodged in the house of P. Scipio Nasica, the * worthiest 
man in Rome. The temple was soon after built and lay near that of the Pala- 
tine Apollo. The festival to commemorate the arrival of the goddess, called 
Megalesia or Megalensia, took place between the 4th and roth of April, and 
was celebrated with dramatic exhibitions and races. It was not till later, 
probably in the time of Claudius, that the more fanatical and exciting Attis 
festival in March was admitted. (See Preller, p. 735 f.) The Galli and their 
wild practices, their flutes and cymbals and processions, were however already 


attracting much of public attention. See Catullus' Attis, Lucr. ii. 610 foll., Ovid, 
Fast. iv. 181 foll, etc. 


SATURAE MENIPPEAE. 648 


34. Cum illoe venio. I have followed Riese’s conjectures founded on Lach- 
mann's, which give, at any rate, good sense. 

aedilis is retained by Riese in the sense of a priestly functionary, cp. the aedilis 
lustralis at Tusculum, Wilmanns, 1759, 1761; and the aedilis et praetor sac(ris) 
Volk(ano) fac(iendis) at Ostia, ib. 1722. 

gallantes = bacchantes. 

35. Tibt typana. Riese seems right in putting together these fragments from 
Nonius, though we cannot be sure of the exact form. (tbinos is given by Nonius 
as=‘a tibiis modos;’ if this is right it is a dwaf Aeyoyevor. L. Müller reads 
bi nos. 

tibi gallá is a conclusion not found elsewhere in galliambics, which end with two 
short syllables. Hence most editors read galli tibi. Riese defends the text in his 
Prolegomena, p. 86. 

36. Phrygius. I translate, ‘The Phrygian horn thrills through the bones with 
its liquid note.’ Cornus seems to be, at any rate, a possible form of cornu. So we 
have genus and genu, penus and penu. For the idea cp. Lucr. ii. 619, ‘Tympana 
tenta tonant palmis, et cymbala circum Concava, raucisonoque minantur cornua 
cantu, Et Phrygio stimulat numero cava tibia mentes.' 

canit, cp. Cic. de N. D. ii. 8, ad fin. * canentes tibiae, etc. 

anima is quoted by Nonius, p. 233, as =‘ sonus.” 

47. pectore fluctanti may be right. Lucretius uses this rare verb, iv. 75, ‘Per 
malos volgata trabesque trementia fluctant, unless futant is read there for fluitant. 

TEPONTOAIAASKAAOS. This is one of the satires of which Mommsen gives an 
analysis, l. c. p. 599. The subject is very clear—a contrast between old times and 
new. The title is similar to that of one of Alexis’ comedies, ’Acarrod:ddoxados. 
Its exact application is obscure. Mommsen says, ‘In the Satire there appears 
*' & Teacher of the Old," of whom the degenerate age seems to stand more urgently 
in need than of the teacher of youth.’ Others think of the proverbial difficulty of 
teaching old men. . 

I. Inter nundinum, as we should say, ‘within the week.’ See note on p. 240. 
Nonius, p. 214, quotes similar passages from other works of Varro and from 
Lucilius, lib. xxvi. ‘Paucorum atque hoc pacto si nil gustat inter nundinum.' 
barbam radebat. Varro tella us (R. R. ii. 11. 10) that the first barbers came to 
Italy from Sicily, v. C. 454, and that most of the ancient statues had a long beard. 
Cp. the common use of tntonsus, barbatus, for simple old-fashioned ancestors. 

2. lazxim, ‘gently,’ ‘by degrees, from tbe same root as tago, tango, taxo; 
cp. sensim. Mommsen supposes, fr. 15, ‘rapta a nescio quo mulione’ etc. to be 
the antithesis to this. 

3. tec non. Madvig suggests nequeo, which spoils the point. The notable wife 
could do both things at once. 

4. arceram si non vellet, a quotation from XII Tab. i. 3, p. 254, where see note. 
In old days the wife was satisfied with a jaunt in an open cart, and did not bother 
her husband to put a hood to it; now she wants a fine chariot and a crowd of 
slaves. 

5. vendidit tenebrionem. The story is told more at length by Valerius Max. 


Tt 2 


644 EX M. TERENTII VARRONIS RELIQUIIS. 


vi. 3, 4, ending, ‘tunc M'. Curius praefatus, non opus esse eo cive reipublicae, qui 
parere nesciret, et bona eius et ipsum vendidit. Nonius, p. 19, gives other 
instances of tenebrio, which he compares with nebulo. It seems properly to mean 
one who shirks or skulks. 

6. cultro coquinari, i. e. ‘our ancestors were simple even in their method of com- 
mitting suicide.’ Rich gives an illustration of such a cook's knife. They are also 
found with a ring at the end of the handle to fnsten to the girdle. If empaestats 
is right, it mast mean ‘embossed,’ from Gk. éywaordés, eupetasti, from Hesych. 
ebnéracros, ‘easy to spread out,’ may mean, * with a broad rounded end.’ 

PAPIA PaPak seems to be an exclamation of exaggerated surprise, and so is a 
suitable title for this satire, which ridiculed the extravagant, fantastic, and con- 
ceited terms employed by lovers and flatterers. 

I. ante auris nodo ex. This preposition is put after its case, as in Lucr. iii. 
851, vi. 789. 

subpareulé. "Varro seems here specially to ridicule the affected use of diminu- 
tives, six of which are found in four lines. This was a characteristic of the early 
imitators of the Alexandrine poets, the ‘cantores Euphorionis, whom Cicero 
contemns, and amongst them of Catullus. The lines are so good an imitation of 
this style that we almost think them pretty. 

2. calléblepharo naturali, ‘natural dye.’ The artificial pigment for heightening - 
the beauty of the eyebrows is several times mentioned by Pliny. 

3. parvissimus, a rare superlative, also used by Lucretius, i. 616, 622, iii. 200. 


§ 2. ANTIQUITATUM LiBBI. Pp. 363-365. 


The best account of this important work, next to that given by St. Augustine, is 
in Cicero's Academica, i, a and 3, in which Varro is an interlocutor. The Divine 
Antiquities followed the Human, ‘ quia divinae istae ab hominibus institutae sunt,’ 
Aug. C. D. vi. 4. They were dedicated to Julius Caesar as Pontifex maximus, 
and therefore were probably not published till after the break up of the Pompeian 
party, to which Varro belonged; but as Cicero seems to refer to them in the 
Brutus, c. 56, we may fix their date in one of the three years, 47, 46, or 45, B. 0. 


I. Rerum Humanarum Libri xxv. 

The fragments of the Human Antiquities have, as far as I know, not been 
properly collected ; the other portion of the work has received more attention, 
chiefly on acoount of the copious extracts from it made by St. Augustine in his 
book on the City of God. The Human Antiquities must have been a most 
important treasure-house of knowledge. The first book was a general introduc- 
tion; the remaining twenty-four were divided into four sets of six, treating (1) of 
Men, (2) of Places, (3) of Times, (4) of Things. Cicero praises the whole as a sort 
of handbook, which enabled the citizens of Rome to find their way about their 
own history and to understand their own position in their native country. We 
cannot tell what method he pursued, but something may be inferred from the 
fragments compared with the arrangement of like matter in the book on Latin 
Grammar. In the first part he seems to have given an account of the early settle- 


- 


ANTIQUITATUM LIBRI. 645 


ments and combination of tribes within the city (Non. p. go), and of the constitu- 
tion of the republic (see quotations in Festus, pp. 246, 249, 347, on the comitia). 
The references to Varro in the Liber de Praenominibus may perhaps also belong 
to these books. In the second part he doubtless went over somewhat the same 
ground that he traverses in the fifth book De Lingua Latina, especially as regards 
the geography of the city, e.g. we have & derivation of the name Oppius Mons, 
Fest. p. 348. In the third part he treated of the arrangement of the calendar and 
historical chronology. Cp. Gell. i. 16, 3, and v. 4, 5, and De Lingua Latina, 
lib. vi. Of the fourth part we have rather more fragments than the rest, the most 
important referring to the rights and duties of the magistrates, e.g. Gell. xiii. 
12, 5, and t3, 4, on vocatio and prensio; Gell. xi. I, 4, and 5, cp. Non. p. 216, 
on multae dictio; Non. pp. 59, 80, 92, 314, 394, 471, all having some bearing on 
magisterial action. 

P. 364. Ex lib. a1. This passage is the most important of the extant fragments 
of this work. On the general subject of vocatio and prensio, see Mommsen, 
Handbuch, i. p. 127 f. Vocatio is the larger right, including the right of com- 
pelling the presence of an absentee as well as that of apprehension of a person 
present (prensio) and that of imprisonment and detention. The person touched 
by this power has no right of appeal, but another magistrate or a tribune might 
intervene (Pompon. in Dig. i. 2, 2, 16). Vocatto belongs to consuls, praetors, and 
proconsuls (Ulp. in Dig. ii. 4, 2). Neither Varro's remark as to prensio, that it 
belongs to 'tribuni plebis et alii qui habent viatorem,' nor his description of 
quaestores as having ‘ neque lictorem neque viatorem,’ is an exact statement. In 
fact, they are corrected by a passage of his own, given by Gellius in the next 
chapter, xiii. 13, 4, which the latter tells us came in usefully to decide a practical 
question, ‘an quaestor populi Romani a praetore in ius vocari posset?’ Varro’s 
words are, ‘Qui potestatem neque vocationis populi viritim habent, neque pren- 
sionis, eos magistratus a privato in ius quoque vocari est potestas. M. Laevinus, 
aedilis curulis, a privato ad praetorem in ius est eductus; nunc stipati servis 
publicis non modo prendi non possunt, sed etiam ultro submovent populum.' 
Now the curule aediles and the quaestores aerarii were magistrates who had 
viatores or public messengers at their command, and yet they not only had not 
the right of prensio, but were themselves properly subject to it. Varro must, 
I think, have distinguished in his mind two classes of viatores, those who were 
used for purposes of apprehension and those who were not, the former being 
probably the original class (cp. Mommsen, 1l. c. p. 384, note 3, and note on Lex 
Cornelia, p. 460, the fragments of which, it will be remembered, relate to the 
viatores of the quaestors). 


a. Rerum Divinarum Libri xvi. 

The divisions of this work were not unlike those of ita fellow. It began with 
an introductory book, which was followed by five parts of three books each, on 
(1) Men, (2) Places, (3) Times, (4) Sacred Rites, and (5) Gods. The peculiar 
subject of each book is also given by St. Augustine, to whom the greatest number 
of fragments are due; but many others are found, especially in Servius, as well as 


646 EX M. TERENTII VARRONIS RELIQUIIS. 


in Tertullian, Arnobius, and Lactantius, and the grammarians, Festus, Gellius, 
Nonius, Charisius, Macrobius, etc. They are given at length in Merkel, preface 
to Ovid's Fasti, pp. cvi-cexlvii. 

Space will not permit an analysis of the book or detailed account of Varro's 
religious system. Reference may be made to Marquardt, vol. iv. der Gottesdienst, 
pp- 67 foll., Preller, R. M. pp. 29 ff. and 62 ff., and cp. Mommsen, R. H. book iv. 
ch. 12, vol. iii. p. 434. 

Varro, like Scaevola, distinguished three kinds of theology, the mythical or 
poetic, the physical or philosophic, and the civil or popular (Aug. C. D. iv. 37, and 
vi. 5). The first of these was full of dangerous and unworthy fables, the second 
contained the truth, and the third, though not true, was expedient for common 
people, and ought to be kept up by the state. Varro'’s own idea of the philoso- 
phic or true theology, as expressed in this book, was mainly that of the Stoics. In 
its ultimate result it was a vague monotheism, little, if at all, removed from pan- 
theism. His most explicit declaration on this subject seems to have been in his 
essay ‘Curio de Deorum Cultu,’ in which he quoted with approval the lines of 
Valerius Soranus (& contemporary of Accius)! :— 

‘Iupiter omnipotens, regum rex ipse deusque, 

Progenitor genetrixque deum, deus unus et omnis.’ 
He went on to enlarge upon the text progenitor genetrixque by declaring that the 
male and female principle were combined in the highest form of the divinity. 
* Iovemque esse mundum et eum omnia semina ex se emittere ot in se recipere . .. 
Mundus enim unus et in eo uno omnia sunt’ (Aug. C. D. vii. 9). In his larger 
work, however, he put forward more commonly tbe dualistic theory, in which 
Caelus representa the male and generative principle and Terra the female, recep- 
tive, or material. The other gods were particular powers or manifestations of the 
anima mundi. In conformity with this conclusion he rejected in theory all images 
and the grosser accessories of worship, a point in which the original Roman notions 
of religion seem to have coincided with Stoic doctrine (Marquardt, p. 69). Never- 
theless, in practice he thought it quite right and necessary to keep up the tradi- 
tional observances, and probably wrote his book in great measure in the interest 
of the civil or state religion. 

(a) Lib. ii. de Pontificibus. Varro took great pains with the story of Aeneas. 
He made enquiries in Samothracia as to the meaning of the Penates, observed the 
agreement of the names of places in Epirus with those of the legend, made a 
careful chronology of the Trojan settlement in Latium, and wrote a book on the 
Trojan families in Rome (Serv. in Aen. iii. 12, 349, v. 704, etc., Preller, p. 674). 
It is probable that Vergil followed him in many places verbally, as Merkel has 
shown that Ovid did in the Fasti, p. cv. 

(P) Lib. viii. de Feriís. On the work which may or may not be done on festivals. 
See above, on Cato, R. R. a, note, p. 614. 





! Krahner may perhaps be right in ascribing to him also the following lines 
(ap. Serv. ad Aen. iv. 638), which illustrate the same position: ‘Caelicolae, mea 
membra, dei, quos nostra potestas | Officiis divisa facit Marquardt, p. 70 n. 402. 


ANTIQUITATES RERUM DIVINARUM. 647 


(c) Lib. xiv. de Deis Cortés. The last triad of books was on the gods, whom 
Varro divided into certi, (certi, and selects. There seems to be considerable 
doubt as to the principles of division adopted by him; perhaps the terms simply 
mean those whose meaning and import he could certainly explain and those about 
whieh he was in doubt. (Preller adopte another explanation, which is not so 
probable, pp. 62, 63.) In the first class he seems to have gone through a large 
number of divinities presiding over particular actions, whose names he found 
in the indigitamenta or pontifical books of invocations, such as those referred 
to in the text (cp. esp. Serv. ad Aen. ii. 141, and Georg. i. a1). These thinly 
veiled abstractions were almost endless, and form perhaps the most characteristic 
feature of Roman religion. Preller has put together the facts about them in a 
very clear manner, pp. 572-595, ‘die Gótter der Indigitamenta.’ Cp. a similar 
catalogae in Marquardt, iv. pp. 7-31. The gods invoked by the flamen in his 
sacrifice to Ceres are from one of the numerous categories belonging to this series. 
See Fabius Pictor, p. 345. 

a conceptione homines ... a Iano. Janus, the originator and beginner of every- 
thing, was invoked in this case, especially as Consivius, Macrob. i. 9, 16. 

Naenia had a chapel outside the porta Viminalis, Fest. Ep. p. 163. 

(d) This extract has been chosen as giving in a succinct form the chief heads 
of the categories of gods, the detailed liste of which would be tedious. 

Opideae or Opi Deae, the earth, on which the new-born child was placed. Ov. 
Trist. iv. 3, 46, Suet. Octav. 5. It was apparently set upright, ‘ut auspicaretur 
rectus esse, Varro de Vita, P. R. iii, Ap. Non. p. 528, Preller, pp. 332, 578. 
Vaticanus seems to have been confounded by Varro with Vagitanus, which is the 
name elsewhere found in this connection. Cp. Gell. xvi. 17. 

Aesculanus ... Argentinus. Copper or bronze money was probably not used 
before the time of the decemvirs, and silver was not coined till five years before 
the Firat Punic War, v. c. 485 = 269. 

(e) Lib. xvi. de Dets Selectis. This class is defined by Varro himself as those 
most worshipped in Rome, in fact, the most important in public estimation. The 
list contains the names of the twelve Consentes, viz. Iupiter, Iuno; Neptunus, 
Minerva; Mars, Venus; Apollo, Diana; Volcanus, Vesta; Mercurius, Ceres, and 
eight others, viz. Ianus, Saturnus, Genius, Sol, Orcus, Liber Pater, Tellus, Luna— 
the latter apparently belonging to no established system. 

(g) Varro divided life into three grades, (1) Organised life, (2) Sensitive life, 
(3) Intelligence. In respect of this there exists a parallel between man, the 
microcosm, and the universe iteelf, that is, in the highest sense, between man and 
God. In the great being of the Universe the three divisions are, (1) the Earth 
and Stones, (2) the Sun and Moon and Stars, (3) Aether. The force of the latter, 
which is the divine anima penetrating in different directions, creates, first, the 
world of gods above, and, secondly, the goddess Terra, and the god Neptune. 


§ 3. Ex LisEi8 pe LiNGUA LATINA. Pp. 366-373. 


The general contents of this work are summarised in the heading, and need not 
be repeated here. Ali the latter part of it, i.e. books v-xxv, was dedicated to 








648 EX M. TERENTII VARRONIS RELIQUIIS. 


Cicero, whence we conclude that it was finished before his death, Vv. 0. 711 = 43. 
Cicero, for some time previous, plumed himself on Varro's promise of a dedication, 
and complained he could not get it fulfilled (Ad Fam. xiii.12). In order to 
stimulate him, he addressed his Academica to him, and touched on the subject in 
the Introduction, as well as in a letter which he sent at the same time (Ad Fam. 
ix. 8. As the Academica were not composed till 5. c. 45, it would seem probable 
that Varro fulfilled his promise in the succeeding year, or early in the next, that 
is, in one of those eventful years which saw the death of Caesar, the struggle 
between Antony and Cicero, and the collapse of the senatorial party, just when it 
seemed on the eve of victory. 

Miiller observes that this leaves but a short time for the performance of so 
large a work, and that the book, as we have it, shows signs of incompleteness and 
great want of finish, repetitions, inconsistencies, and the like. He concludes, 
therefore, that it was published ‘inscio et invito auctore,’ p. xi. Everyone will 
allow a lack of revision, but it is obvious, firstly, that a man of Varro's immense 
fertility and copiousness, with voluminous note-books at command, might have 
finished his book under pressure, and, secondly, that the existence of an Epitome 
(attributed to himself) is against the theory of a stolen publication. It is possible 
either that he got tired of the subject, or that the loss of his library during the 
proscription prevented him from improving in a second edition what he had pub- 
lished to please Cicero before it was quite ready. 

The following remarks on the syntax of the book are taken chiefly from 
Müller's Preface, pp. xxxiv, xxxv. He is very careless in his combination of 
moods, e.g. vi. 82, ‘qui habent spectionem, qui non habeant ;’ id. 95, *quom non 
adesset et nihil énfererat ;’ viii. r, ‘quemadmodum . . . essent! ‘quo pacto... 
ferunt,! ‘ut... efferant,' all relative clauses in the same sentence; ix. 10, ‘quod 
nondum est, et perperam dicatur. Similarly, he combines different persons of the 
verb, ix. 15, ‘et hi qui pueros in ludum míttunt, iidem barbatos non docebimus ;’ 
and different voices, x. 16, * conferri non oportet ac dicere.' He does not shrink 
from such a harsh ellipse of pronouns as ix. 7, ‘et ea quae possunt dici, atque 
(sc. ea quae) illic praeterii, He passes, without warning, from oratio recta to 
obliqua, and from obliqua to recta, e.g. v. 16, ‘ab eis dictus vicus Tuscus, et ideo 
ibi Vortumnum stare.’ 

In the same way, in sentences closely following, he sometimes gives the nomi- 
native, sometimes the accusative, supplying, in thought, now dicitur or dicuntur, 
and now dicunt, e.g. in v. 37, ‘seges a satu... Semen . . . hinc seminaria, semen- 
tem ;' id. 88, * cohors quae in villa... manipulos exercitus minimas manus quae 
unum secuntur signum,' id. 142, ‘pinnae... turres... portas, etc. Similarly, 
he inserts an accusative with infinitive without any proper verb before it, e.g. 
v. 23, ‘terra ut putant eadem et humus: ideo (sc. putant) Ennium in terra 
cadentis dicere and confuses two constructions as, ix. 74, ‘ad huiuscemodi 
vocabula analogias esse, ut dizt’ for analogiae sunt, or esse dixi. Instances of 
construction card TÓ eyuavópervov, of anacolutha, of harsh ellipse, of attraction in 
all its kinds, might be given in large numbers, The most noticeable and most 
offensive of all his constructions is that of the repeated relative, which appears 


DE LINGUA LATINA, vr. 86, 87. 649 


in almost every page, making his sentences inexpressibly tedious, and even unin- 
telligible. 

I have given specimens from the book of two kinds. The first contains 
ancient matter introduced in Varro's own peculiar abrupt way, what may be 
called his note-style. The second (from book ix.) exhibits his more elaborate 
and quasi-rhetorical diction, which he uses generally in the prefaces to thé 
different books. With touches of his own humour, and much facility of illustration, 
it is not a good style, not so good, for instance, as that of his book on husbandry, 
Müller supposes it was influenced by the rhetorician Hegesias (cp. Cic. ad Att. 
xii. 6). 

Ex Lis. vi. In the earlier part of this book Varro has some interesting notes 
on the Calendar. In the part from which this extract is taken he seems to be 
considering actions done in time under three heads, viz. agere, including natural 
actions, facere, including those that belong to art, and gerere, under which is com- 
prehended the official proceedings here described. The book, however, wants 
coherence, and seems to be defective in parts, but even where it does not, there 
is neither fulness nor method in the discussion. The particular point here is the 
phrase vocare inlictum. 

86. The entrance of the censors into office took place directly after their election, 
and consisted in taking their seat upon their curule chairs, which were set up in 
the Campus Martius. Thence they betook themselves to the Capitol, and offered 
sacrifice. The next morning they made the proclamation given in the text. 
(Mommsen, Handbuch, i. p. 505). Censurae auspicaverit. The MSS. have censura. 
Müller conjectures censurae, comparing Plautus, Rudens, iii. 4, 12, ‘non hodie isté 
ret auspicavi ; Mommsen reads censor (Handbuch, i. p. 6, n. 2). The latter 
passage should be consulted on the auspicia of the magistrates. The clause de 
caelo nuntium ertt refers to the standing practice of reporting a good omen, 
fulmen sinistrum, on the entrance of an official into his duties, Cp. Dionys. ii. 6, 
Cic. de Div. ii. 35, 73. 

Praeconi, the public crier who attended the magistrates, to convoke assemblies, 
call silence, read out a rogatio—or rather repeat it aloud from the reading of the 
scriba—and declare the result of a vote, and the dismissal of a meeting. 
(Mommsen, l. c. p. 287.) Varro remarks below that the office here performed by 
the praeco is done for the consul by an accensus. The reason probably was that 
the censor had no accensus, any more than he had lictors at his disposal (l.c. 
p. 282, n. 3, 4). The accensus was a half-private servant, and used to do part of 
the crier's work for the sake of convenience. 

miht collegaeque meo. Müller compares xl. 46, showing that this was the 
regular formula. turatores = ' iurati pretiorum aestimatores,’ Madv. Adv. 2. p.171; 
cp. Liv. xxxix. 4, Plautus, Trin. 879. 

voca, inliciwm, i. e. * voca ad contionem; cp. Fest. Ep. pp. 113, 114. The root 
is lic-, occurring probably also in /íctor ; cp. p. 535. 

87. lucet seems a certain emendation for licet. 

templum factum est. A templum is a place solemnly marked out for the per- 
formance of such actions as have to be done auspicato, or for the taking of the 








650 EX M. TERENTII VARRONIS EELIQUIIS. 


auspices themselves. See Marquardt, Gottesdienst, iv. p. 353, and note on the 
extract from bk. vii. 

conventionem, i. e. contionem, see p. 419. 

88. Iudices, cp. the similar use of the term, Cic. de Legg. iii. 3, Liv. iii. 55. 

89. accensus acciebat. On the accensi see Mommsen, Handbuch, i. p. 280 f. and 
cp. p. 546. They probably derived their name from their position as substitutes 
for the lictors, like the supernumerary soldiers in the army, accensi velats. Varro's 
derivation is, of course, worthless. On the Boeotia, see above, p. 594. 

meridiem. Midday was proclaimed when the accensus, looking from the Senate 
House, was the sun between the Rostra and the Graecostasis. Plin. N. H. vii. 6o, 
referred to by Müller. 

Cosconius, probably Q. Cosconius, quoted by Suetonius, in his life of Terence, as 
the authority for the story of his death. sSWarro refers to him again, vi. 36. 

91. auspicto orando, etc. At the time of printing the text I was not acquainted 
with Bergk's emendation, which is accepted by Mommsen, Handb. p. 19, q. v. 
Some of the MSS. have orandesed, and all have auspictis: hence he conjectures 
‘auspicio operam des, in templo auspices. aut ad Praetorem awt ad Consulem 
mittes auspicium petitum. The auspicia maxima, necessary for such a summons, 
belonged to consuls, praetore, and censors, and therefore a quaestor had to request 
the intervention of one of the superior magistrates. Cp. Messalla in Gellius, 
xiii. 15. These auspicia aliena are not unlike the religious sanction conveyed to 
a lieutenant by his absent commander-in-chief. 

Paires censeant, i.e. ‘demand the patrum auctoritas of the senate.’ This autho- 
risation, necessary for all acts of the comitia (beyond mere formalities), was, by 
the Publiliau Law of v. 0. 415 = 339, required to be given beforehand, not after- 
wards: ‘ut legum, quae comitiis centuriatis ferrentur, ante initum suffragium 
patres auctores fierent,' Liv. viii. 12. We have two instances of the prohibition of 
comitia in later times, in Liv. xxxix. 39, Cic. pro Murena, xxv. 51. 

On the relation of the Senate to the Comitia see Mommsen, Forschungen, 
PP. 233-247. He also shows conclusively that the patrwn auctoritas has been 
wrongly identified with the Lex curiata de émperio. The statement at the bottom 
of p. 430, quoted from Lange, ought to be corrected. "The patrum auctoritas was 
required for a lex curiata, as for any other lex, but was a resolution of the senate, 
not of the comitia curiata. Cp. Cic. pro Domo, 14, 38, Liv. vi. 41. 

92. classicum ad comitia centuriata, etc., ‘those who have contracted to sound 
the horn to summon the centuriate comita.’ Cp. Liv. vii. 36, 9, ‘consul classico ad 
contionem convocat.’ Gellius tells us of the comitis ‘ curiata per lictorem curiatum 
calari, id est oonvocari, centuriata per cornicinem :' Gell. xv. 27, quoting Laelius 
Felix. The 'cornicen' was naturally used to oonvoke the 'exercitus urbanus" 
when summoned by magistrates with imperium. The censor, it will be observed, 
only employs the praeco, although he summons the assembly to the Campus, 
inasmuch as he has not imperium in its proper sense. Cp. Mommsen, Handbuch, 
i. p. 147, n. 4. 

ante privati huiusce . . . hostiwm, i.e. ostium. This is best illustrated by a passage 
from a speech of C. Gracchus, in which he excited the provincial towns to avenge his 


DE LINGUA LATINA, v1. 88-94, Vu. 7, 8. &51 


brother's murder: «afro: márpióv low f) piv el ru (xom Sleny Oavarixiy ph twaxove, 
Tourou spds rds Üípas tadey ix00rra caAmyxTiw dvaxadecioba: TH cdAmiyyi, kal ph 
apérepov émipépey Vfpoy aire rove Bixacrds, Plut. C. Gracchus, c. 3, ad fin. 

Cum primo luci, see Introd. x. $ 10, p. 70. The form duct in this sense 
is generally masculine. 

93. Híc magistratus, i.e. quaestor. "Varro goes on to explain the phrases in 
the commentary of Manius about the comitia, having already touched on circum 
moeros. . 

94. ínlict et énlécis. Inlex or illex is a decoy or allurement, Plaut. Asin. 221, 
Poen. iii 4 ad fin. Inlices also means canals: Festus, Ep. p. 113.  Elicis Jovis, 
Müller refers to Ovid, Fast. iii. 295 foll., Liv. i. 20, Plut. Numa, 15, Plin. N. H. 
ii. 53. The oldest account, however, is that of Valerius Antias, given on p. 350 f. 
Dicis causa, ‘for form's sake, originally =3iens xápw. Varro, vi 61, calls the 
phrase an old one.  Inlegium inlexit, apparently, is not found elsewhere. 

Ex Lis. vu. In this book Varro treats of poetical words: (1) de locis, 
(2) quae in locis sunt, (3) de temporibus, (4) quae cum temporibus sunt coniuncta. 
He begins with the quotation about Romulus from Ennius, * unus erit quem tu 
tolles in caerula caeli tempia. The term templum has three senses ; first, there is 
the natural templum in the sky; then, that made by auspices on the earth; and 
thirdly, that so called, from its likeness to the others, under the earth, i. e. the 
A cherusia templa of Ennius' Andromacha. 

7. Sinistra ab oriente. This shows that the augur's position in defining the 
limits of a templum for auspices was with his face southwards, along the line of 
the cardo. In measuring land he stood with his face either to the west or (in 
later times) to the east, looking along the decumanus. See above, p. 446. 

8. locus auguri aut auspicit causa. The two words are found together, aa in 
Ennius, * regni dant operam simul auspicio augurioque,' as if contrasted, and the 
grammarians, Servius and Nonius, attempt to discriminate them, but without 
much success. <Auspicium may perhaps properly mean the observation of the 
sign, augurium its interpretation. Both words seem derived from avis, the flight 
or sound of birds, being perhaps the oldest of the signs looked to for information. 
Augur, or auger (Prisc. i. 6, 36), may be derived from gerere, as it was by the 
ancients (Fest. Ep. p. 2, Serv. ad Aen. v. 523). ‘The augur may be said to lead 
or direct the birds, inasmuch as he marks out the limits of their appearance in his 
fourfold division of the heavens, Mommsen, Handbuch, i. p. 29, note 3. The 
duty of the augur is principally confined to this preliminary service; the taking of 
ihe auspices themselves is rather the prerogative of the magistrates. An augur 
might be present, but was not necessary. 

conceptia verbis finitus. Such a spot was called liberatus ef effatus, i. e. freed 
from all previous conditions attaching to it, and defined as destined for religious 
use, either, that is, for the observation of auspices, or for such actions as have 
to be performed auspicato, e.g. for the service of a god or the meetings of the 
senate. In a certain sense all public places, the city itself within the pomerium, 
fields, vineyards, camps, eto., were templa, and defined with similar ceremonies. 
The instrument used was the lituug a short staff with a spiral head, something 








652 EX M. TERENTII VARRONIS RELIQUIIS. 


like the top of a bishop's pastoral staff, but with a handle also curved, though iu 
a less degree, in the other direction. 

In arce sic. The Capitol was the chief seat of the augurs, who held their 
meetings and offered a very secret sacrifice there. See Fest. Ep. pp. 16, 18, 
B. VV. arcani and auguraculum ; the latter was the name given to their place of 
observation. Cp. the account of the consecration of Numa, Liv. i. 18, and Cic. 
de Off. iii. 16, 66. 

Templa tescaque. The latter word is of acknowledged difficulty. It is sup- 
posed to be Oscan or Sabine (Schol. on Hor. Sat. i. 153), but the derivation is by 
no means certain. Festus, p. 356, gives & number of citations, the most apposite 
being one from the Pontifical books, *(Templum) sedemque tescumque [sive deo sive 
deae] dedicaverit, ubi eos ac[cipiat volentes] propitiosque.' It appears, then, to 
be almost a synonyme for templa : the sense of wild or deserted may be connected 
with the custom of leaving consecrated places to nature. All work, for instance, 
done in pruning or thinning a consecrated grove had to be atoned for. Cp. note 
on p. 388f. 

me=rii or mihi. Festus, p. 161, quotes Ennius, bk. ii. ‘Si quid me fuerit 
humanítus, ut teneatis, and Lucilius, * Nunc ad te redeo, ut quae res me impendet 
agatur. L. Müller says, ‘Neglegentiae reus Festus qui non indicarit illud me 
Ennii loco ablativum, posteriore accusativum. This may be true of the latter 
verse, but surely Festus is right in taking Ennius' me to be the dative. St quid 
me fuertt=‘if any mischance befall me,’ just as Cicero says, perbaps with this 
verse in his mind, ‘ut, sí quid mhi humanitus accidisset . . . huius diei vocem 
testem reipublicae relínquerem, Phil. i 4, 10. This form should have been 
noticed in the Introduction, p. 88. It may be compared with Umbrian mehe= 
mihi, and other instances of final e for ei or i. 

quirquir = quisquis, feminine, Introd. xiii. $ 26. 

Inter ea, etc. I take this to mean, ‘ within these bounds (I enclose my templum) 
by drawing a line, by marking them with my eyes and with my mind, according 
to the best of my perceptions. The gloss in Fest. Ep. p. 66, ‘conregione e 
regione,’ is, as Müller says, quite unsatisfactory. It evidently refers to the linea 
drawn by the lituus, as conspicione, cortumione do to the limits marked out by the 
sight and will of the augur. Utique ea rectissime sensi seems to be a saving clause, 
like many others in Roman religious formulae, added in case any mistake had 
been made. Utique seems to be little more than «s, just as dore sometimes is 
used for &. Müller compares quandoque in Horaces quandocunque, and we 
might add quisque = quicunque in Plautus and elsewhere. 

cortumio appears not to be found anywhere else. 

Ex LiB.:x. This is chosen as a good specimen of Varro's prologues. It gives 
his general conclusion on the great grammatical controversy of ancient times, 
between the supporters of analogy and anomaly. Space forbids me to attempt 
& detailed account of it here, though it is worthy of more attention than is 
usually given to it. 'The best estimate of it with which I am acquainted is to 
be found in Prof. H. Steinthal's Gesch. der Sprachwissenschaft bei den Griechen 
und Rómern, Berlin, 1863, especially pp. 347-361, which describe its origin, and 


DE LINGUA LATINA, vn. 8, 9, IX. I. 658 


435-522, which treat of the Alexandrine grammarians and Varro. The con- 
troversy was important, as giving the necessary impulse to a complete analysis of 
the forms of language. Till the time of Aristotle, and to a great extent even 
later, grammar, as we understand it, did not exist among the Greeks, but 
language was, as regards any theory of its elements, & confused mass of sounds 
with sense attached to them. To Aristotle seems to be due the exact definitons 
and diffusion of such simple distinctions as those between letters, syllables, and 
words, between classes of letters, between nouns and verbs themselves, and 
between inflected and uninflected forms, and the like, Closer investigation pro- 
ceeded from the Stoic philosophers and the Alexandrine grammarians, but in 
somewhat different directions. When once the categories of language had been 
started, it was natural to carry them forward, and to enquire into their relation to 
thought. The Stoics, headed by Chrysippus, decided that there was no necessary 
relation, or, in other words, they upheld anomaly in language. (Steinthal, 
P. 349 £) The study of Homer by the great Alexandrine critics Zenodotus, 
Aristophanes, and Aristarchus, naturally led to a comparison of his diction with 
that of their own times, and to an attempt to specify what was right and what 
was wrong, and to give reasons for it. But their analysis was evidently very 
superficial and empirical, and the observation of likeness or analogy, which 
they used as a principle for deciding on what was right or wrong, had little 
reference to thought in its relation to language. The school of Aristarchus carried 
the principle of analogy much further, and constructed a number of cyfjgara, 
exhibiting like words accented and declined alike, and forcing seeming exceptions 
into conformity to their crude observations. Crates, and his school, on the other 
hand, showed the folly of thus taking to task the language of the greatest writers, 
and criticised the construction of the schemata, thus performing a very useful func- 
tion, and driving the Analogists to an ever closer study of the substantial likeness 
which prevails between words of the same class. Thus both were right and both 
were wrong, a fact which Varro seems on the point of discovering, though he 
never actually does so. His defence of Anomaly may be found in his eighth book, 
that of Analogy in the ninth, which contains his own position, and ought to be a 
refutation of the preceding book. 

I. Steinthal discusses the greater part of this passage, pp. 408 foll. . . . nesciunt 
docere quam discere quae tgnorant. Varro, I suppose, is speaking of the Anomalista, 
and asserting that their incompetence in teaching was no greater than in learning. 

inaequabilitate, cp. Gell. ii. 25, *'ArepuaAía est inaequalitas declinationum, con- 
suetudinem sequens.' ° 

dissimil[es] simili(bus]. Müller has dtssimilibus similes, which is an evident 
blunder, probably a misprint. Steinthal and Madvig prefer stmilibus dissimiles. . 
Steinthal quotes the next clause (p. 499) as follows, I do not know on what 
authority, * Et quod Aristarchus, de aequabilitate cum scribit, verborum simtlitu- 
dinem quodammodo in declinatione sequé iubet, quoad, patiatur consuetudo.' . There 
is, I think, no necessity for this somewhat bold alteration of the text. 

Inclinare is to form one word from another, either in the more limited sphere of 
inflexion or by derivation from a common stem. . Aristarchus (according to Varro) 





654 EX M. TERENTII VARRONIS RELIQUIIS. 


gaid that we were to take the inclinationes of certain words as & pattern for those 
of others. Jnclinare and its cognates are found in this sense in Gell. iii. 12, iv. 9, 
X. 13, xviii. 5, 9, in references to older grammarians, particularly Nigidius Figulus. 

2. Sed té qué in loquendo, etc. He here thinks of a third party, who proposed 
& compromise, evidently a harmless one so long as the amount of partém remained 
undetermined. He remarks that, as a matter of fact, custom and analogy are 
nearer than they suppose. ‘ Analogy has its origin from custom, and so likewise 
has anomaly. Therefore, inasmuch as custom consiste of anomalous and analogous 
inflexions of words, neither is to be rejected; unless indeed a man ceases to 
consist of a soul, because he consists of both body and soul.’ Steinthal remarks 
that this concedes all that the anomalist party require, and that the argument 
about man consisting of a soul, etc. is upset by the anomalist argument that 
a blackamoor does not cease to be black because he has white teeth. This is not 
quite fair, because Varro would say that the soul is the differentia by which man 
is logically defined, and answers very exactly to the rational part of language, 
which underlies the seeming confusion, though it does not always appear. White 
teeth, on the contrary, are little more than an inseparable accident of man. His 
object is to overthrow the proposition of the school of Crates, ‘analogia quod 
non sit ubique esse nusquam.’ From his want of etymological skill, he could only 
do this by indirect methods of proof, by exhibiting the method observable in 
nature and by showing that the analysis begun by the analogists had advanced a 
certain way, and could be still further perfected. In this, as in all other contro- 
versies a8 to the existence of anything of an ideal nature, a sturdy sceptic can shut 
his eyes to a truth that leaves any part of the subject in discussion unexplained. 
He can say, ‘analogy is not everywhere, therefore it is nowhere ;’ and by so doing 
he often performs a useful function in preventing the acceptance of crude hypo- 
theses. Even now, when the comparative method of study has demonstrated the 
existence of analogy in language far beyond what was dreamed of in the last 
century, such scepticism has still a part to play. Varro’s fault, or rather failing, 
was, I think, in not recognising this. 

4. de trinis copulis, *copulae sunt quas nos diceremus rationes rerum inter se 
coniunctarum,’ M. We may perhaps translate ‘correlative categories. The first 
is ‘nature and use,’ or, as we say, ‘theory and practice;' the second, ‘ universality 
and limitation ;’ the third, that of persons or ‘some men and others.’ Each of 
these is a head or summa requiring a separate argument; but Varro, in his extant 
books, does not seem to make much use of the division. 

7. cur non modo videatur esse reprehendenda, ‘why it seems right (not to speak 
of finding fault with it) that it should be followed, etc. ;’ so § 14, non modo 
patiemur, sed etiam poena. aficimus; and in Cicero. Non modo seems to be 
equivalent to nedwm rather than to be put for non modo non. 

Io. dant, i.e. the anomalist party. vatias, ‘bow-legged.’ In R.R. ii. 9, 4, 
p- 378, it is opposed to varus, ‘bandy-legged,’ with lega bent inwards. Compernis 
is quoted by Nonius, p. 26, 3, from Lucilius, and explained as=‘longis pedibus.” 
Fest. p. 41, has * genibus plus iusto ooniunctis, which seems more likely, i. e. with 
the hams too close. 


DE LINGUA LATINA, 1x. 2-30. EX EPIST. QUAEST. 656 


12. M$conos Dioris Arminaet. Micon wae an Athenian painter, contemporary 
of Polygnotus. ‘A sententia Varronis non aliena sunt nomina Cimonoe, Ewmori, 
sed etiam haec non satis conveniunt cum literis scriptis, M 

14. non modo patiemur, see on $ 7. 

16. pueros a lacte, i.e. * pueros nuper a lacte depulsos, M. maioris, ‘older 
people, acc. pl. The form in -es is regular in the consonantal declension (Introd. 
x. 12), but that in -ts is found, though more rarely, e. g. L. L. viii. 24, prioris and 
posterioris, and ix. 46, wxoris, quoted by Müller, who also refers to factlorets, and 
sanctioreis, quoted by Charisius, i. p. 104, P. from Caecilius. All these, it will be 
noticed, are from stems in -or. corrigere nequeas, quin ita dicas is to be taken 
together, says Müller. ‘You cannot alter them ae forms of language, but you 
ought if possible to drop them.' 

19. Varro complains that persons who are honest enough in common life and 
ready to restore to the owner anything that they find, are opposed to restoration 
in language. In quod indictum dent, quod is redundant, as often in Varro. 

21. capulae are mentioned, L. L. v. 121, and De Vit. P. R. Non. p. 547, s. v. 
armillum. simum is perhaps the Greek Sivos. See Rich's Antiquities under both 
words. wut contaminatis is Müller's conjecture for íncontaminati. The latter 
might mean ‘our purists in language. practer consuctudinem, Victorius and 
Vertranius, for propter of the MSS. 

24. ab aequinoctiali circulo, etc., i.e. the sky ie divided on the north of the 
equator by the tropic of Cancer and the Arctic circle (septentrionalem divisum), 
&nd in a corresponding manner in the other direction by the tropic of Capricorn 
(a bruma versum) and the Antarctic circle. Bruma is here put for the tropic of 
Capricorn, in which constellation the sun is at midwinter; so we have brumalie 
circulus in the next sentence. Bruma may perhape=superlative of brevis, con- 
tracted from brevíma (not brevissima). Cp. Introd. xi. 11, and the gloss in Fest. 
Ep. p. 252, ' purime tetinero purissime tenuero.' 

25. is printed by mistake 23. 26. rursus idem; itemque ab hís, ‘again do the 
same, and so on again after this.’ I prefer to put a stop before rursus ídem. Varro 
seems first to describe the motions of the tide in the course of twenty-four hours, 
and to go on to say that the same thing takes place the next day. Ab hís 
86. XXIV horis, not as Müller says, ‘post has x11 horas. 

26. deaestuaríts, on estuaries or arms of the sea. See Ritschl, Rh. Mus. vi.p.555,n.1a. 

38. Ainnulet, more often Anni, Varro, R. R. ii. 8, or Aénnuli, Plin. viii. 44. 

30. octonas paríeís, a Stoic doctrine. See Diog. Laert. vii. 63, 110, referred to 
by Müller. 

§ 4. Ex EPISTULICIS QUAESTIONIBUS. 


This Commentarius isagogicus belonged to the department of Antiquitates 
Humanae. The Epistulícae Quaestiones were at least in eight books, and were on 
antiquarian subjects, particularly on constitutional antiquities. They seem to 
have been different from the Epistulae and the Epistulae Latinae, of which Riese 
has collected the scanty fragments, Sat. Menipp. p. 259 f. and p. 43, note. 

This is a very important passage for the history of the senate. See p. 416, 
Form of making a Senatus Consultum. To the references there given add especially 


656 EX M. TERENTII VARRONIS RELIQUIIS. 


Mommsen, Handbuch, i. pp. 153-157, on the Tus referendi, etc., and p. 227 on the 
Ius intercedendi, and on the senate in general, his Forschungen, pp. 218-268. 

Perisse Varro ait. This probably refers to the loss of his library at the time of 
the proscription. See p. 638. The mention of the triumvirs reipublicae reconstt- 
tuendae and of the curia Iulia also helps us to fix the date of the book. 

tribunos plebi. The Jus referendi was a necessary corollary to the Jus cum 
populo agendi ; but when it was first obtained by the tribunes is a difficult ques- 
tion. Dionysius, x. 31, refers it to the consulship of Valerius and Verginius, v. C. 
300 = 454- 

The praefectus urbi is omitted by Cicero in his enumeration, De Leg. iii. 3, 6, 
but is represented as convoking the senate in Liv. iii. 9, 6; 29,4. See Mommsen, 
p. 155, note. Cicero adds the magister equitum, and this is supported both by 
analogy and by passages in the historians, Liv. viii. 33, 4, xxili. 34; 5, 45, 2, Dio. 
xli. 37. How Varro or Gellius came to omit him is uncertain. See Mommsen, 
p- 154, note 3. 

quibus imperium consulare tum esset. Mommsen suggests datum esset, p. 154, 
note 2. ; 

trtumviros, i.e. Octavian, Antony, and Lepidus, appointed B. 0. 43, Liv. Epit. 
cxx. etc, The so-called first triumvirate never had the official title. 

eadem potestate. The Jus intercedendi was restricted by & general rule to par 
matorve potestas. So Cic. de Leg. iii. 4, 10, ‘eius (senatus) decreta rata sunto ; 
ast si par maiorve potestas prohibessit, perscripta servanto,’ i. e. take the form of a 
senatus auctoritas, with the hope that the veto might be removed and the vote 
become a senatus consultum. See more in Mommaeen, p. 228. In the later period 
of the republic consular intercession seems to have gone out of usage. 

templum appellaretur, see above, p. 651. The number of meeting places of the 
senate seems at one time to have been much smaller. See Nicostratus in Fest. 
Pp: 347, 8. v. senacula. . 

et post in Iulia. This was built by Augustus in place of the curta Hostilia. 
It was not dedicated till after the battle of Actium, so that this passage must 
have been written in the last years of Varro'a life. 

aedem. Vestae. Cp. Serv. ad Aen. vii. 170, ‘Templum Vestae non fuit augurio 
consecratum, ne illuc conveniret senatus ubi erant virginos.' 

ante exortum aut post occasum solem. Cp. XII Tab.i.9,p. 515. This rule might 
of course be suspended in case of dangerous emergency; see for an instance Dion. 
Hal. ix. 63, v. c. 290, during a war with the Aequi, after the senate was collected 
in great haste during the night, yivera: 5óypa BovAzs wplv pt£pay Aapwpdy *yevíaGa:. 

opus censorium, i,e. censoria animadversione dignum. This is apparently an 
isolated usage of the word. 

quibus diebus habere senatum ius non sit. These would generally be days on 
which the comitia was held, as the two assemblies could not meet at once. It 
was, however, competent for either body to probibit the meeting of the other. 
See above, note on patres censeant, p. 650. 

immolare hostíam. So, for instance, on the day of Caesars murder bad omens 
were observed in the entrails of the victim. Appian, B. C. ii. 116. 


EPIST. QUAEST. DE RE RUSTICA, I. i. 657 


qui princeps tn senatum lectus eseet. He was at first usually the eldest of the 
censorii, but the censor was afterwards allowed greater freedom. See the case 
recorded in Liv. xxvii. 11, and the note on p. 417. 

de pignore capiendo. See note on the fragment of L. Crassus, p. 637. On the 
mulia, see note, p. 423. The formula used is given by Gellius, xi. 1, 4, from 
Varro, ' M. Terentio, quando citatus neque respondit neque excusatus est, ego ei 
unum ovem multam dico' (probably from Varro, Rer. Human. xxiii, see Non. 
p. 216). Cicero complains that Antony threatened to pull his house down 
becauso he had not attended: ‘Quis unquam tanto damno senatorem ooegit ! aut 
quid est ultra pignus aut multam ?' Phil. i. 5, 13. 


$ 5. Ex Liseis px Re RvusrICA. 


This treatise, as Varro tells us, was composed in his eightieth year, i. e. B.C. 37. 
Each of the three books is devoted to a particular branch of the subject, the first 
to agriculture, including of course culture of the vine and olive, the second to the 
breeding of cattle of all kinds, the third to that of birds and fishes (villaticae 
pastiones). The form is that of a dialogue, and is perhaps the best specimen of 
Varro's style we have, being fairly agreeable reading, with a good deal of humour 
and vivacity, and more attention to scenery and circumstance than is to be found 
in Cicero’s dialogues. The purely didactic parts are, however, marked by the 
conciseness and affectation of method that is characteristic of Varro. 

I have used Schneider's notes pretty freely. For some remarks on the text soe 
note on Cato, p. 610 f. 

LiB.1.c.i. 1. Pundanéa, his wife, daughter probably of C. Fundanius, the 
friend of Cicero. Cp. ad Q. Fratrem, i. 2, 3. 

2. cum facere. Cum here seems to be pleonastic, as quod often is in Varro, 
e. g. L. L. ix. 19, see p. 655. 

habeam curare, a harsh use of the infinitive, not altogether unlike Cato's est 
praestare, R. R. ad init. Schneider prefers Aabeam curae. 

4. Sertbam tibi tres libros indices, ‘three books of reference.’ The second, how- 
ever, had a special dedication to Turanius Niger, and the third to Q. Pinnius. 

XII deos consentis, contained in the distich of Ennius :— 

* Iuno, Vesta, Ceres, Diana, Minerva, Venus, Mars, 
Mercurius, Iovis, Neptunus, Volcanus, Apollo.’ 
. Bee above, note on dei selecti, p. 647. 

The first appearance of this enumeration is at the beginning of the Second 
Punic War, when a lectisternium was made for them on the recommendation of 
the decemviri of the Sybilline books, Liv. xxii. 10. This and Varro’s account of 
their statues indicate a Greek origin for the conception. They were represented 
as consentes or sitting in council in the Forum. See Preller, R. M. p. 60. 

6. Robígalía. April a5, see p. 544. 

rustica vinalia. Aug. 19, see p. 545. Cp. Varro, L. L. vi. 20. 

Bonum Eventum, represented with a patera in the right hand, and an ear of corn 
and a poppy in the left. 

8. Attalus Philometor. Columella, in 4 parallel passage, i. r, has * Philometor 


vu 





658 EX M. TERENTII VARRONIS RELIQUIIS. 


et Attalus, which is probably a blunder. Hiero and Attalus are the two kings 
who have written on the subject, and are opposed to the philosophers that follow. 
The most important of the other writers, whose names I have omitted, was the 
Carthaginian Mago, whose treatise was translated into Greek by Cassius Dionysius 
of Utica. 

C. xvii. 1. De fundé 11r partibus quae cum solo haerent. These are defined in 
chap. vi. as ‘quae sit forma, quo in genere terrae, quantus, quam per se tutus.’ 
By the first he means whether it is campestre, collinum, or montanum, or a 
mixture of several kinds, and how it is planted; by the second, the kind of soil; 
by the third, the size; and by the fourth, what fences and boundaries it has. 
The alterae 111 quae extra fundum sunt are—1. whether the neighbourhood is 
peaceful or the reverse; 2. whether it produces things requisite, and is likely to 
consume the produce of our farm; 3. whether there is a good land or water 
carriage; 4. whether there is anything in the neighbouring estates to profit or 
injure ours. It is obvious that all these divisions, which are merely a sample of 
Varro’s constant habit of mind, tend rather to confuse than to assist the memory: 

a. obaeraríos. Cp. L. L. vii. 105, ‘Liber qui suas operas in servitulem pro 
pecunia quadam debebat, dum solveret, nexus vocatur, ut ab aere obaeratus.’ 

3. mancipia esse oportere, e. q. 8. Schneider has shown that the following recom- 
mendations are taken almost verbally from Aristotle.. This and that about not 
having many of the same nation — Oecon. i. 5; for the latter op. Polit. vii. 11. Of 
slaves in general he says, def 0$ wai Efounpedew rate rexvosodus, Polit. 1. c., where 
see more on the subject. 

6. ad incitandum voluntatem praefectorum. I have adopted Keil's emendation 
here. Schneider reads, ad inticiendum voluptatem his praefecturae. Other conjec- 
tures may be seen in his note. 

Lis, II. ix. 1. mazime ad sos, 8c. pertinens. 

iia custos pecoris ut eius is hard, but seems to mean ‘is guardian of cattle 
in general, but especially of that kind which requires its company for defence.’ 
Cp. the use of ut followed by eic. 

sues, verres, maiales, scrofae. The distinction between scrofae and sues seems to 
be one between sows that have litters and those that have not. On matales aee 
R. R. ii. 4, 21. The derivation is doubtful. 

3. ravie. Fest. Ep. 272, ‘ravi coloris appellantur qui sunt inter flavos et 
eaesios. congruentibus, sc. colore.  resimís seems simply to mean ‘curved 
upwards. mento suppresso, ‘with a retiring chin.’ eminulis ; so used by Lucilius, 
iii. 7, xvii. 4, L. M. broochis, ‘id est tortis, Crescentius ap. Schneider. The 
word oocurs in the first passage of Lucilius in a slightly different form (ap. Non. 
p. 25, 37)— 

'Broncus Bovillanus dente adverso eminulo hic est 
Rhinoceros velut Aethiopus. 

4. polius varís quam vatis, ‘rather bandy-legged than bow-legged. The parallel 
passage in the Geoponica has oewauBórepa náAAor 1) BXatca. varus is, I suppose, 
Shakespeare's ‘crook-kneed’ in the famous description of Theseus’ hounds, Mid- 








DE RE RUSTICA, I. xvii; II. ix. FRAGMENTA, zrc. 659 


summer Night’s Dream, iv. x. The badger dog is an instance of one with pedes 
valéi or valgi. See on L. L. ix. 10, p. 654. 

displodantur =‘ late pandantur. So of oxen he says, ' pedibus non latis neque 
ingredientibus qui desplodantur.’ 

a feminibus summis corpore suppresso, ‘the body should be drawn in from the 
top of the thighs. He means, I suppose, simply that they are to have a narrow 
waist. The oblique cases of femen are used as synonymous with those of femur. 

5. The Spartan, and Molossian or Eptrote hounds are the best known. — Sallen- 
tint, in Calabria. 

6. Metapontinos, on the Gulf of Tarentum. 

Saserna, the name of two writers on agriculture, a father and son belonging to 
the Hostilia gens, who lived between the time of Cato and Varro, R. R. i. 2, 23, 
etc, Teuffel, § 147, 1. The reference is, I have no doubt, intended to be 
humorous. 

IO. uf non potius. The non here appears redundant. 


§ 6. FRAGMENTA LIBRORUM INCERTORUM. 


I thought it worth while just to draw attention to this claes of fragments, which 
seem deserving of further examination. The part in them which is really Varro's 
is very doubtful. 

cucullus is of course for cuculus, but it does not seem to be a misprint. See 
Plin. x. 9, xviii. 26, for other accounts of the cuckoo. 

bruchus = Bpoüxos or Bpoüxos. The word is quoted from Prudent. Hamartig. 
229, and explained as a sort of wingless locust: eruca is some kind of caterpillar, 
and is found in this sense in Columella and Pliny. 


$ 7. LIBER DE PRAENOMINIBUS. 


This Epitome cannot be called, in any sense, a work of Varro, but from the way 
in which his name is mentioned, we may conclude that it was founded, to a very 
great extent, on his materials. The title given above is the only one suiting ite 
present form, but the original work seems to have had a wider scope. 

On Roman proper names the reader may consult the essay in Momumsen’s 
Forschungen die Rómischen Eigennamen, the section in Marquardt's Privat 
Alterthümer, and the collections in the books of inscriptions, e. g. in Orelli-Henzen 
and Wilmanns. Prof. Hübner has lately given us an important and exhaustive 
collection of names in -anus and -an?us, whioh is particularly useful as a specimen 
of the way in which the subject should be treated, Eph. Epigr. vol. ii. 

I. Varro simplicta ai; a theory which seems to be rightly criticised here, as it 
seems to be founded only on the insecure basis of the legend of Romulus. Cp. 
Mommsen, 1. c. p. 5. 

Fertorem Resium, see note on formulae rerum repet. p. 553. 

2. per proprietatem, i. e. that which is peculiarly called nomen. 

agnomen is generally explained as an individual name, used to distinguish 
a particular member of a family on account of some striking circumstance of his 

Uu2 


660 LIBER DE PRAENOMINIBUS. 


life, and so distinguished from the cognomen, which belongs to aH his family. 
Such agnomina are Messalla, Africanus, Astaticus, Macedontcus, Creticus, eto., 
and to these, Dio Cassius, fr. 44, Bekker, seems to refer when he speaks of the 
érovupia as restricted to the eldest son. See Mommsen, l. c. p. 53, note. The 
term agnomen is found in the grammarians Diomedes and Priscian, but very rarely 
elsewhere, and not at all, probably, in prae-Augustan or Augustan literature, 
cognomen being used to denote all these appellatives. 

perplecum usum praenominum et cognominum. ‘In origin and conception’ (says 
Mommsen) ‘ the cognomen is very nearly akin to the praenomen, nay, in a certain 
degree, identical with it. For just as in the case of women the praenomen, with- 
out material alteration, and only through the absence of official recognition, has 
fallen into the position of a cognomen, as hae been the case with a number of old 
(male) praenomina, e.g. Agrippa, Numa, Postumus, Proculus, so Volusus and 
Fusus, after dropping their praenominal quality, have continued in use as cogno- 
mina’ (1. c. p. 42). 

cognomina in nomen versa, see Mommsen, l.c. p. 51. The case of M. Brutus is 
meant, who was son of M. Iunius Brutus, and adopted by his maternal uncle, 
Q. Servilius Caepio. It is noticeable that Cicero, in his tenth Philippio, after 
frequently mentioning him (as usual) as M. Brutus, designates him in the decree 
with which he ends as Q. Caepio. Another instance of a name in which the 
nomen is dropped, or rather unknown, is that of Verres. The custom is not 
known to have existed before the last age of the republic, and its origin has not 
been explained. 

3. Gentilicia nomina Varro putat fuisse numero mille, Mommsen, p. 62, note, 
thinks that little reliance can be placed on this number. He suggests that it was 
& round number accommodated to some theory of the oonstitution, or perhaps bor- 
rowed, like that of the 527 Sabine women, from Valerius Antias. 

praenomina circa XXX. This refers to patrician names. The following fifteen 
praenomina are the commonest, and have, therefore, regular abbreviations: Aulus 
(A.), Decimus (D.),Gaius (C.), Gnaeus (Cn.), Kaeso (K.), Lucius (L.), Manius( AW.), 
Marcus (M.). Publius (P.), Quintus (Q.), Servius (S£B.), Sextus (Sx., later SEx.), 
Spurius (S., later Sp.), Tiberius (Tr.), Titus (T.). Of these Kaeso is restricted, 
amongst patricians, to the Fabii and Quinctilii, but is found in the noble plebeian 
houses of the Acilii and Duilii. Decimus, again, is only found amongst patricians in 
ihe Claudian gens, and that rarely, but was used by the plebeian Iunii and Laelii. 
Three other praenomina are peculiar to single patrician houses, Mamercus (Ma M.) 
to the Aemilii, Appius (A»P.) to the Claudii, and Numerius (N.) to the Fabii. 
These eighteen seem to have been the whole stock in use amongst the old nobility, 
from about the time of the decemvirs to that of Sulla. They are discussed in 
section 5, which begins at Lucié coeperunt adpellari : the only one omitted being 
Mamercus. Besides these eighteen there are fourteen enumerated here which had 
gone out of use as praenomina, making in all thirty-two. These are Agrippa, 
Ancus, Caesar, Paustus, Hostus, Lar, Opiter, Postumus, Proculus, Sertor, Statiue, 
Tullus, Volero, Vopiscus. All, except the four printed in Italics, are found in the 
oldest liste of Roman magistrates, and can be identified as patrician ; the other are 








LIBER DE PRAENOMINIBUS. 661 


uncertain, Sertor and Statins being Italian praenomina, Caesar and Faustus patri- 
cian cognomina. The only other patrician praenomen that we can add to the list 
with certainty is that of Numa, and perhaps Denter and Aruns. Vibius is un- 
certain as a Roman praenomen, and Volusus, or Volesus, is probably Sabine. 
Whatever, then, may be said as to the number mille for gentile names, circa 
triginta is very near the truth for praenomina — understanding by that term 
personal names of patrician houses at Rome. See Mommmsen, l.c. pp. 17-22. 

pueris non prius quam togam virilem sumerent. This is difficult to believe as 
a fact, and is against the general assertion that the name was given on the dies 
lustricus, the eighth day for girla and the ninth for boys, see e.g. Festus, p. 120, 
and an inscription, Orell. 2710, of a mother, puero nato et nomine tmposito est 
mortua. On the other hand, we find in imperial times some epitaphs of children up 
to thirteen years of age with Pupus in the place of a praenomen. See Wilmanns, 
508, 1935, 2696, 2697, 2698; Orelli, 3718, 2719; Henzen, 6222a. The expla- 
nation, too, of the name Publius, given below, seems to rest on the same theory. 
The truth seems to be that the recognition of the name by the state did not take 
place till the assumption of the toga virilis, and that its imposition sometimes 
was delayed till that time, though generally given on the dies lustricus. It was, 
of course, also possible for the name hitherto used inside the family circle to be 
changed at the time of taking the toga. See Mommsen, pp. 31, 32. 

quae olím praenomina fuerunt. It would have been better to make section 4 
begin here, where we have the enumeration of the fourteen obsolete patrician 
praenomina, 

4. Tullus and Tullus I am inclined to connect rather with Festus’ Tulli, 
‘springs or spouts of water or blood’ (p. 352), cognate, of course, with Gk. 
ré\Ao, and tollo in its intransitive sense. Cp. our word offspring. 

5. Lucii coeperunt. Here begins the list of the praenomina which remained in 
general use. 

initio lucis. So Varro, L. L. vi. 5, ix. 60, and in the last passage he says of 
Manius, ‘forsitan ab eo qui mane natus esset. I am inclined to think that Lucius 
is rather from complexion, like the female praenomina of section 7; see note on 
El. Scip. p. 398. 

Gnaeus, or Gnaivos, as we find it in the Epitaph of Scipio Barbatus, is, no 
doubt, rightly connected with naevus or gnaevus ; but is not this because they are 
both from a common root gen-, rather than from any physical peculiarity in the 
child called Gnaeus? See note, p. 398. Naevus, ‘a wart, is something that 
grows up on the skin, an excrescence, or, as this author says, ‘qui in corporibus 
gigni solet.' Cp. note on Tullius, above. 

Gaius, or Gavius (for the words are the same), may also be referred to the root 
ga-, ‘to beget,’ rather than to the gaudium of the parents. 

Marcus and Marius are evidently formed from Mars, as Mamercus and Mamu- 
rius from Mamers; see note, p. 392. Tiberius is apparently the only other Roman 
praenomen from the name of a god. 

Publius, like Pupus, was probably, at first, only a name of endearment, like our 
baby. So Paullus, Paulla. 


662 LIBER DE PRAENOMINIBUS. 


6. Appius is, no doubt, the same as the Sabine Ata, and was brought by the 
Claudii to Rome. 

Servíus I take to be probably a slave-child, but, like Spurius, it ceased early to 
have a contumelious sense. Cp. the use of bastard in the Middle Ages, Servius 
is only another form of Sergius, the full form being * Sergvéus, cp. the relation 
of vivo, vici, vigil, vegelus to * vigvo. 

For Numerius cp. Fest. p. 170. The Fabius qui «nus ex ea stirpe extiterat is 
the decemvir. | 

7. On female praenomina see note on C. 177, p. 409. Cp. on C. 54, p. 405, 
and those at Praeneste and Pisaurum, p. 408. 

Burra, 80 Burrus = IIóppos, Enn. Ann. 184, Bruges — 9pvyes, Quintil. i. 4, 15. 

Gaía, cp. Introd. p. 6, note. For Gaia Caecilia cp. Fest. Ep. p. 95, Fest. pp. 
238, 241, s. v. Praebia. Mommsen, p. 11, supposes that Gaíus and Gaia are here 
properly gentile names= Gavius and Gavia, and remarks that the woman never 
took her husband's praenomen, but his nomen. He also translates Plutarch's 
formula, Quaest. Rom. 30, 3rov od Tdios &yw Tala, ‘quando tu Gaius ego Gaia,’ 
‘if thou art Gaius I am Gaia.’ He thinks that the anecdote about Gaia Caocilia, 
and Scaevola’s doctrine, that women did not take praenomina till they married, 
both rest on a misconception of the formula, I cannot, however, believe tliat 
Gaius and Gaia are here anything but praenomina. The gentile name Gavius is 
Italian, but not, I believe, Roman, certainly not, as far as we know, patrician. 
Again, where D is used befcre L(ibertus), it takes the place of the male praenomen. 
Lastly, it is unlikely that the nomen should be used in such an ancient formula, 
when, as we know, the praenomen was the ordinary appellative in the intimacy of 
domestic life. It continued to be so for men, even when spoken of by their slaves, 
and doubtless was so for women, till the praenomen came to be dropped. This 
formula seems to belong to the marriage by coemptio (Cic. pro Murena, 12, 27), 
as well as confarrcatio, but not to marriage without manus. See Mommmaen, p. 12, 
note 10. 





663 


INDEX TO THE NOTES. 


A, see archaic long termination, à in 
"Lucilius before br., 601. 

Ablaqueare, 616. 

Ablative in -d, 385, 471. 

Abolitio, 430. 

Acca Larentia, 386, 620 f. 

Accédam, acoédisset, 591. 

Accensus, servant of & magistrate, 546, 
650; derivation of word, 650. 

AOCIUS, 563, 596 f. ; Didascalica, 595. 

Acipenser, a luxury, 600. 

Actus, in mensuration, 445. 

Actutum, 576. 

Ad - apud, 497. 

Ad, use of, 480. 

Adoptio, 561. 

Adorare = agere, 529. 

Adrogatio, 561. 

Adsiduus, 514. 

Ae= 6, 392. 

Aeccetia, 404. 

Aedes thensarum, 460. 

Aediles, duties of, 466 f. 

— curule, have no right of prensio, 645. 

Aedilis, a priestly functionary, 643. 

L. AEMILIUS PAULLUS, early life, 415; 
conqueror at Pydna, 629; his speech 
after his triumph, 630. 

Aeneaa, legend of, as Sold by Naevius, 
572; Ennius, 581 f. ; Cato, 611. 
Aeneas, legend of, Varro's enquiries 

respecting it, 646. 

Aequiculi, 553. 

Aerarium, laws kept in, 424. . 

Aerarium defendere, etc., 624. 

Aesculanus, deus, 647. 

Aes et libra, £22, 523. 

Aeserninus, 6o1. 

Aestuarium, de aestuariis, 655. 

Aetas, usage of, 560 

Af, not the same as ab, 459. 

Ager publicus in Africa, 456 f. 

— coloniarius, 451, 456. 

— Campanus, 451. 

— compascuos, 441, 450, 452. 

— Corinthiorum qui fuit, 458. 


Ager, fruendus datus, 454. 

— in Italia, 450 f. 

— in trientabulis, 454. 

— patritus, 454. 

— publicus, defined, 441. 

— quaestorius, 441, 456. 

— stipendiariis datus, 456. 

— viritanus, 451 f. 

Agnomen, defined, 659 ; the term hardly 
used in classical writers, 660. 

Agonium, agonalia, 542, 544. 

Agrum fruendum locare, 442, 457. 

Aisernim, gen. pl. 385. 

Albucius Epicureus, 603. 

Alexander of Ennius, 590. 

Aliuta, 502. 

Amata, the first vestal, 625. 

Ambarvalia, 386. 

Ambivius Turpio, the actor, 595. 

Ambracia, siege of, 580, 623. 

Ambulo, of ships, 614. 

Amphora = quadrantal, 54 ; =96 hemi- 
nae, 617; =2 urnae, 618. 

Amphorsa, in the street, 631. 

Ampliatio, 425. 

Amplius bis pronuntiare, 435. 

Analogy and Anomaly in Grammar, 
652 foll. 

Analogy of the Alexandrine critics, 653 ; 
Varro's defence of, 654. 

Anclo, 572. 


Axngeronalia, 545. 

Anima = gonug, 643. 

Annales pontificum, 566, 621. 

Anointing images of the gods, 387. 

Anomaly in Grammar, 652 f; use of 
the controversy about, 653. 

Anteponere, in burial, 492. 

Antestor, antestamino, 51 3. 

AntT148, L. VALERIUS, the historian, his 
propensities, 609, 628 f. 

ANTIPATER, L. CoRLIUS, the historian, 
confines himself to a recent period, 
attempt at style, 609, 627. 

M. Antonius, tribune, 462, 479, 483. 

A pex, of the Flamen Dialis, 401. 


664 


Apex, in inscriptions, 491, Int. ii. 
E ; 


$ 8. 

Apocope in Early Latin, 566; in En- 
nius, 585. 

Apollo, early worship of, 406, 408. 

Appius Claudius the censor, his speech 
against Pyrrhus, 588, 608 ; fragments 
of his carmen de moribus, 613. 

Appius, same as Sabine Atta, restricted 
to patrician Claudii, 660, 661. 

Apposition, 496. 

Aptus mortem, 605. 

Aquaeductus, 550. 

Aqua pluvia, 526. 

AQUILIUS, 594 f. 

Aratrum, in founding a city, 621. 

Arbiter, 421; in a will, 490. 

Arbores, arbusta = vites, 538. 

Arbor infelix, 502. 

Arbusta = arbores metri causa, 576. 

Arceram sternere, 254, 643. 

Archagathus, 624. 

Archaic long terminations in declension, 
fama, terr&, vità, 402, 403; mea 
puer&, etc., 583; Runcüs, Pythiüs, 
etc., 570 ; populüs (Enn. 9o), tergüs, 
583; censór, 399; praetor, dictator, 
569; clamor, etc., 583; ablatives ita, 
580; patré, 398 ; ordin&, etc., 569; 
monté or montei, 583; facile, 402; 
neuter plurals, omni&, 402; genui, 
eto., 569; postilla, etc., 583; dative 
and abl. pl. in -biis, 570; cp. 582; 
enclitio qué, 569. 

Archaic long terminations in conjuga- 
tions of consonantal present -it, 400, 
570, 583; at, St, it, 570, 583; of 
perfect, 399, 583. 

eatis, nominative, 621. 

Arduitur, 511; cp. adduit, 548. 

Argei, genii of the different quarters of 
Rome, 626; puppets thrown into the 


. » 559- 
Argentinus, deus, 647. 
Ariarathes, heirs of, attempt to deprive 
them of Cappadocia, 636. 
Aristarchus, school of, 653. 
Aristotle, on treatment of slaves, 658 ; 
grammatical definitions of, 653. 
Arma virumque, the true beginning of 
Aeneid, 499. 
Armenta = head of cattle, 615. 
Armilustrium, 543. 
Arte « artistically, 603. 
Arvae, feminine, 576. 
Arvales, Fratree, their origin, etc., 386. 
Arx, used by augurs, 652. 
As libralis, 385. 
Ascea, ascia, 534- 
um, siege of, 483. 
ASELLIO, SEMPRONIUS, the historian, 
improvements introduced by, 627. 


INDEX TO.THE NOTES. 


Asellus, case of against Scipio Aemili- 
anus, 632. 

Ater dies, 561. 

Attalus Philometor, king, a writer on 
agriculture, 657 f. 

Attigam, 431. 

Attis, festival introduced in imperial 
times, 642. 

Auctoramentum, auctoratus, 469, 492. 

Audire and auscultare, 623. 

Auguraculum, on the eapitol, 65 2. 

Augur, position of, in taking o 
tions, 446, 651 ; derivation of word, 

51. 0. 

Augurium and avuspicium, 651. 

Augustales, in municipia, etc., 494. 

Augustalia, 545. 

Auspicare, with dative, 649. 

Auspicia aliena, 650; auspicia maxima, 
650; auspicium and augurium, 651. 


Bacchiacs, 566, 591. 

Beard, worn in old times, 643. 

Belola, 405. . 

Berber = verbere or verbera, 393, 394- 

Bergk, emendations of, 564, 565, 650. 

Bimarcus, Varro's, 640. 

Bodostor and Hamilcar, cruelly treated, 
627. 

Bonam copiam abiurare, 470. 

— — iurare, 470. 

Bonorum emptor, magister, curator, 
458. 

— venditio, 519. 

Bonus Eventus, how represented, 657. 

Brat, Oscan word, 411. 

Brocchus, bronchus, of teeth, 658. 

Bruchus, a wingless locust, 659. 

Bruma, the tropic of Capricorn, 655. 

— derivation of, 655. 

Bubile, or bovile, 615 f. 

Bucinus flavus ahenus, 642. 

Bulga, 601. 

Burial, of the Scipios, 395 ; at Praeneste, 
407 ; opposed to burning, 534. 
urial and burning, 533 f. 

Burra, female praenomen, 662. 

Burrus = Pyrrhus, 588. 

Bustum, 537. 


CAECILIUS Statius, the comic poet, 563, 


595 f. 


Caementa = tegula, 478. 
Caeruleus = caeluleus, 590. 


CAESAB C. IuLIiUS, lines on Terence, 
606 ; legislation of, 463 ; called divus, 
481; treatment of Laberius, 604. 

Caesar, whether a praenomen, 660. 

Calamitas, derivation of, 514. 

Calare comitia, 650, cp. 540. 


INDEX TO THE NOTES. 665 


Calleis, 454. 
Calitblepharum, dye for the eyebrows, 


Callimachus, imitated uy Catulus, 603. 
Calpurnius Flamma, 622. 
Calumnia, 433- 
Calvi, meaning of, 514. 
Calx, 478. 
Camenae, Casmenae, 566, 581, 
Camillus, at a sacrifice, 387, 566. 
Campania, government of, 475. 
Canere, of an instrument, 643. 
Canina lingua, 602. 
Capitolium, what, 460, 478. 
Capulae, a kind of cup, 655. 
Cardo maximus, 447. 
Carinare, or carinare, 588. 
Cariosa terra, 616. 
Carmen, meaning © of, 508, 535, 607 f. 
— Saliare, 564 foll 
Carmentalis, 542. 
Carneades, his visit to Rome, 548. 
Carthage — col. Iunonia, 456 ; devotion 
of the site of, 456, 457; XII Tables 
preserved at, 509. 
Cassius Hemina, 624, 625. 
Castellum aquae, 551. 
Caste, 618. 
Castorus, aedes, 424, 459. 
Castud, 412. 
Castus, 412, 574. 
Catillo, 'glutton, name for the pike, 
31 
Caro, M. Poncius, his character, 608, 
610; Works, de Re Rustica, 610, 614 
foll. ; Origines 608, 611, 620 foll.; 
Orations, 612,622 f.; Libri ad Marcum 
liom, 612, 624; other books, 613, 
24. 
CATULUS, Q. LuTATIUS, 478, 603. 
Caulae = walls of an enclosure, 460. 
Causa (abl.), use of, 430, 470. 
Causam noscere, 435. 
— conicere, 515. 
Cavere, peculiar use of, 389. 
Cena Herculana, 472. 
Censento — censentor, 438. 
Censor in provincial towns called quin- 
quennalis, 489, 490. 
Censoria locatio, what, 442. 
— potestas, 431. 
Censors, entrance into office, their aus- 
pices, etc., 649 f. 
Census, equestris, 432. 
roceedings at, 434; of property, 
32; iuratores at, 49. 
Centesimae usurae, 530. 
Cento, patchwork, 614, 618. 
Centuria, of land, 447. 
Cepa (fem.) = cepe, 642. 
Ceres, a man devoted to, 527. 
Cerialia, 543. 


Cerus, 405. 

Cette, cedo, 578. 

Chorauloedus, 565. 

Chrysippus, the Stoic, supports anomaly 

in grammar, 653. 

Cicero, consulship of, 479; lines on 
Terence, 6c6. 

— conversed with Accius as a boy, 596. 


Eo po his Academica to ge 
48; Varros de Lingua Latina 
dressed to him, 648. 


Cincius Alimentus, 608. 

— de Re Militari, date of, 554. 

Cis, used absolutely, 577- 

Citeria, a squeaking puppet, 623. 

Citrosus, explained, 575. 

Clarigatio, 552. 

Clarorum virorum laudes, 562, 622. 

Classicum, the summons of the cornicen 
to the comitia centuriata, 650. 

Classis prima, 455 f. 

Clavus, use of, 535. 

Clientela, 432. 

um, use of, 641. 

Coemisse = conceperunt ? 565. 

Coera, 405. 

Cognitor, 457. 

Cognomen, akin to praenomen, 660; 
used in place of nomen, e.g. Caepio 
and Verres, 660; used by classical 

writers = agnomen, 660. 

— tribal name, equivalent to, for ple- 
beians, 405. 

— legal use of, 405, 433. 

— not used by women, 409. 

— when first found, 459, 461. 

Coinage, copper, introduced by the 

vir& 516, 538, 647. 

— silver, 647. 

Coinquere, 388. 

Collegium, 432; collegia at Pompeii, 
496; general regulations about, 507, 
533- 

Columella, columen, of a slave, 602. 

C. = Comitialis dies, 541. 

Comitium = curia Hostilia, 461. 

Commentus = secogicpévos, 613. 

Commoda, in bathing, 495. 

Commodum, adverb, use of, 642. 

Compascuos ager, 447. 

Compediti servi, 617. 

Comperendinatio, 425. 

Compitalia, 579, 616. 

Concapis or concapit, 525. 

Conceptum furtum, 525, 529. 

Concepta verba =‘ set terms,’ 633, 651. 

Concilium, defined, 422. 

Condicere, condictio, condictus dies, 
517, 553. 

Com = condiscens, condiscipulus, 

P. 2258 a, 498. 

Conlegium, 432. 


666 


Conlegium, spelling, 478. 

Conregione, of the lines drawn by the 
lituus, 652. 

Consilium, in consilium ire, mittere, 


Consumere, use of, 446. 
Conubium, 537. 
Conventio, coventio, contio, 419; of 
agnati, 502. 
— — — 649, 650. 
Coptare = ‘cooptare, 468. 
Copula =‘ correlative category,’ 654. 
Cordus = late, 617. 
Cornelia, gens, 395 f. 
Cornelii, partisans of Sulla, 478. 
Corniscae divae, 485. 
Cornus = cornu, 643. 
Cortumio, explained, 652. 
Corvus, Corvinus, the cognomen when 
given, 638. 
Q. Cosconius, referred to, 650. 
Covenumis — convenimus, 472. 
Crassus, L. Licrnivs, the orator, 
attacked by L. Philippus, 637; his 
speeches, ib. 
Crates, supporter of anomaly in gram- 
mar, 653, 654. 
Cuculus, natural history of the cuckoo, 
59. 
Culima= = «Alyn, 618. 
Culina, peculiar use of, 489. 
Culter coquinaris, 644. 
On confused with Q. viri and OVIII, 
17. ^ 
Cum, preposition with accusative on 
Pompeian inscriptions, 494. 
— redundant in Varro, 657. 
— maxime, 633. 
Curare, to heal, 642. 
Curator, 521. 
Curia Hostilia, 461. 
Curia. Iulia, succeeds the Curia Hostilia, 
59. 
Curio, de Deorum Cultu, Varro's essay, 
49. 


D and L interchanged, 410. 

D and T interchanged, 486. 

De caelo nuntium, 649. 

Decemvirs, legislation of the (see Lex 
XII Tabularum), 502 foll. 

Decemviri litibus iudicandis, 404. 

— sacris faciundis, 404. 

Decidere damnum, legal use of, 528. 

Decimanus, decumanus, in land- -measur- 
ing, 447. 

Decimus, restricted to patrician Claudii, 


Decius, devotion of, 558 f. ; devotion of 
a third, 589. 


INDEX TO THE NOTES. 


' Decdrem, adjective, 575. 


Decuma pollucta, 473, 490. 
Decuriones, the senate of municipal 
towns, 467, 468; cp. C. 620, p. 
482. 
Deda, what part of the verb, 410. 
Dede, C. 62, 407. 
Dedicare in censum, technical use of, 


632. 

Dedrot, dedro = dederunt, 408, 409. 

Defensor coloniae, 472, 494. 

Dei, or Dii, certi, 647 ; consentes, 657; 
genitales, 587 ; incerti, magni, 588; 
novensiles, 410, cp. 559, 560; selecti, 

47 

Dekembres, a Graeciam, 487. 

Delicts, or torte, law of, 526. 

Deliculus, applied to cattle, 614. 

Denicales feriae, 558. 

Dentes auro iuncti, 537. 

Desciderunt, 390. 

Descindere carmen, 391. 

Designator. See dissignator. 

Detestari, ‘to renounce,’ 528. 

Devotion of Decius 558f.; of a third 
Decius at Asculum, 589. 

— of Carthage, 559 f., 457. 

— of ver sacrum, 560. 

Dictator, when the office ceased, 471; 
dictatór, prosody of, 569. 

— in Latin towns, 423, 

Dies lustricus, 661. 

Dies, possible quantity of, 570. 

d affected use of in Latin 


Discens c discipulus, 498. 

Displodi —1ate pandi, 659. 

Disaignatio, dissignator, 469, 495. 

Diü, Possible quantity of, 587. 

Dius Fidius — Semo Sancus, 633. 

Divalia, festival of Angerona, 545. 

Divortium and repudium, 521. 

Dixe — dixisse, 62 

Dogs, Varro's notes he, 659. 

Dolet, im 

Dolium, shape ot, 641; ; kept in the 
temple of Vesta, 641. 

Dolus, defined, 422. 

Dualism of Varro, 646. 

Ducere =‘ to imprison,’ 464. 

Duelona = Bellona, 418. 

Dum taxat, 423, 431, 435, 464. 

familias 


Dum minoris partis taxsat, etc., 
423, 548 

Duoviri, regular magistrates in coloniae, 
4 

— aediliciae potestatis, 465, 468. 

— viis purgandis, 454. 


— in Agrarian Law, 447. 
Duplicare = ‘ to bend double,’ of fear, 
8 wound, eto., 571- 





INDEX TO THE NOTES. 667 


Ead, probably anomalous accusative, 
420. 

Easements, or servitutes, 525. 

Eclipses, mentioned in the Annals, 621. 

Edictum censorium, 548. 

Eiusque = eiusce, 619. 

Elision of final m, etc., in Saturnians, 
397 ; in Ennius, 583. 

Elucus, elucificare, ‘to dull,’ 604. 

Em! interjection, distinguished from 
en and hem, 634. 

Em=eum, 514, 623. Cp. im. 

Eminulus, of teeth, 648. 

Empaestati cultelli, 644. 

Empedocles, sentiment of, 642. 

En{ dotercisi} dies, 541. 

Endo = in, 413 ; endo in Lucretius, 481 ; 
endo, indo, indu, in Ennius, 584. 

Enim, quantity of, in Ennius, 589. 

ENNIUS, the poet, 563 ; Life and Works, 
580; Annals, 581; Hexameter of, 
582, 585 ; metrical licences in, 582 f. ; 
Syntax of, 586. 

Enos = noe, 392. 

Epistata, on a farm, 617. 

Equiria, ecurria, 543. 

Eruca, a kind of caterpillar, 659. 

Eacit, etc., 511. 


Etai quaeritis, 637. 
Evectio publica, 623. 

Ex, éxercitus, etc., 574- 
Extae, feminine form, 389. 


F and H interchanged, e. g. fordus and 
hordus, 543. 

Fasius PrcroB, de Iure Pontificio, 625. 

— the survivor of the gens, 662. 

Fabrum esse suae quemque fortunae, 

I3. 

Facere to pay, 519. 

Facies, genitive, 638. 

Facilia, a dactyl, 473. 

Faliscae clatratae, 616. 

Familiae herciscundae actio, 523. 

Famul- famulus, 590. 

Fariatur, 511. 

Fasti, 539 foll 

— Maffeiani, 539. 

— part of the XII Tables, 537. 

Fauni, Faunian verse, 396, 589, 602. 

Faustus, whether an old praenomen, 


Faxitur, 561. 
Fecisse videri, formula of condemnation, 


435- 
Fenus, nauticum, 614. 
— unciarium, etc., 529 f. 
Feralia, 542. 
Feriae, holiday work, 614, 646. 


Feriae, denicales, 559. 

Feriatus dies, what, 541. 

— of Flamen Dialis, 625. 

Feronia, 408. 

Fertor Resius, king of the Aequiculi, 
553, 659. 

Fetiales, ius fetiale, 551. 

Fibulae, trenails, 615. 

Fides, in fide esse, of clientela, 432, 


472. 
Fiducia, legal use of, 469. 
Fieré, 583. 
Fieri, inter-fieri, 574, 578. 
Fifeltares, 481. 
Fistulae = ‘ water-pipes, 489, 551. 
Flamen Dialis, his office and character, 
401 f., 625 f. 
Flaminium, 636. 
Flucto, fluto, fluito, 643. 
Flusaris = Floralis mensis, 479. 
Fontinalia, 545. 
Forctis, fortis, etc., 515. 
Fordicidia, 543. 
Fordus, 543. 
Formula, munus ex, 461. 
— sociorum e garaA oy), 461. 
— togatorum, 453. 
Frida = frigida (aqua), 496. 
Frondes, food for cattle, 616. 
Frons occipitio prior est, 616. 
Frui, fructus, of land, 442. 
Fruimino = fruatur, 439. 
Fulmen sinistrum, on a magistrate's en- 
trance into office, 649. 
Fundania, wife of M. Varro, 657. 
Fundus, legal use of, 470. 
Funesta familia, 536. 
Furfo, 479. 
Furia — ' & madman,’ 601. 
Furrinalia, 545. 
Furtum, law of, 528. 
— conceptum, eto., 529. 


G, the letter, early form of, 385 ; when 
introduced, 398. 

Gabinus cinctus, 559. 

Gaia, Gaia Caecilia, 662. 

Gaius, Gavius, derivation of, 661. 

Galliambics, peculiur metre, 643. 

Gallonius, a type of gluttony, 600. 

Garum castimonarium, 499. 

Gavisi = gavisus sum, 572. 

Gaius not a Roman gentile name, 

2. 

Genitive of e, declension, facies, 628 ; of 
u declension in i, 574. 

Genitive plural in -om, 385. 

Genitive, Greek, 553 ; after dignus, 494. 

Genitive of relation, 424. 

Germanus - genuine, 631. 

Gladiators, names of, 484; exhibited 





668 


at a funeral, 490; programmes of, 
495; tesserae gladiatoriae, 483 f.; 
sentence of people upon, 496 ; epitaph 
of a, 497 ; oath taken by, 557. 

Glandes, leaden bullets, use of, in war, 
482 f. 

Glans =< any kind of fruit, 526. 

Gnaeus, Gnaevus, Gnaivos, derivation 
of, 398, 66r. 

GRACCRUS, C. SEMPRONIUS, his character 
and oratory, 634 ; agrarian legislation, 
445; founds colony at Capua, 451, 
and elsewhere, ib. ; at Carthage, 456; 
termini of, 475; legislative projects, 
635; quaestor in Sardinia, 635; attacks 
Popilius, 636. 

Graeco ritu = aperto capite, 559. 

Grammar of XII Tables, 509 foll.; of 
Livius and Naevius, 569 foll.; of 
Ennius, 584; of Varro, 648. 

Grammar, ancient, esp. in relation to 
Analogy and Anomaly, 652 foll. See 
Varro. 

Greek elements in Roman Law, 505. 

Greek games at Rome, 487. 

Greek translations of legal terms, 461. 

Greek physicians at Rome, 624. 

Greek rhetoricians, etc., 548. See Hel- 
lenism. 

Greek rate of interest calculated in two 


ways, 531. 
Greek, used by early Roman historians, 
608 


Greeks, defective in respect for Law, 


504. 
Groma, gnoma, in land measurement, 


446. 
Gumiae = gluttons, derivation of, 600. 


Haedilia, in Horace, 388. 

Haice — haec, neut. pl., 419. 

Huc — hoc, 482. 

Hoc, prosody of, 602. 

Hoiusque, 480. 

Hectórem, Hectoris, 591. 

Hegesias, the rhetorician, his influence 
on Varro, 649. 

Hellenism, influx of, 579, 608 ; attempts 
to check, 548. 

Her-, root, its derivatives, 523. 

Hercules, worship of, 473. 

Heredium = bina iugera, 443, 525. 

Herius, Herennius, 407. 

Hermunduli or Hermunduri, in military 


formula, 554. ME 
Hexameter, cadence of, in different 
writers, 585. 


Hiatus, with spondaic words, 578; in 
Ennius, 583; in Saturnians ad libi- 
tum, 397, 583. 

Hinnulei, hinni, hinnuli, 655. 


INDEX TO THE NOTES. 


Hispanicus gladius, 638. 

Hoc sepulerum heredes non sequetur, 
etc., 489. 

Homicide, involuntary, 502; voluntary, 
533; of a thief, 528. 

Hortus, cohors, 535. 

Hostis = peregrinus, derivation of, 518, 
520. 

Hostium = ostium, 650. 

Hymns, fragments of, 562, 564 foll. 


Iacor, 406. 

Iactare = ‘to throw away,’ 493. 

Ianus Consivius, 647. 

Ianus, Ianes, 564 f. 

Idem praes, 478 ; idem in me, 557. 

Ides of March, beginning of the financial 
year, 453. 

Igitur, 512, 514, 571. 

Iliona of Pacuvius, 594. 

Illuc =illudce, 498. 

Imperare milites, 453. 

Imperium and potestas, 430 f. 

Impetus nocturnus, 598. 

Imporcitor, an agricultural god, 626. 
In with abl.- into, 389, 458; in with 
accus. —in, 432, esp. 451, 458, 466. 
In alio(m), in the charm in Cato, 620. 

Inaequabilitas = anomalia, 653. 

Incitus violent, 624. 

Inclinare, as à grammatical term, 653. 
Incontaminati, possible use of, 655. 
Inde flovio, etc., 439. 

Indices libri = books of reference, 657. 
Indicium ferre, to give evidence, 596. 
Indigitamenta, gods named in the, 647. 
Infanticide, 520. 

Infinitive future, anomalous, 636. 


Infinitive, curare, 657; eet 
praestare, 614. 

In fronte, in agrum, 488. 

Iniuria, 527. 


Inlicium vocare=ad contionem vocare, 
649 ; inlicium, inlex, inlegium, 651. 

Inprobus, inprobe factum, 532 f. 

Inquam, 114 f. 

Inseco = insequor, 570. 

Insulae = lodging houses, 462. 

Intercalation, 538, 540. 

Interdixem = interdixissem, 604. 

Intestate succession, 522; intestabilis, 
533. 

Involare, ‘ to steal,’ 487. 

Iovis, (nom.), used by Ennius, 406, 657. 

Iovos, Eph. Ep. 21, 406. 

Iron, religious prejudice against, 388 f. 
cp. 480. 

Is=iis, 458; -is=ius, 487. 

Iste = hic, 486 

It&, quantity of, 580. ; 

Ita . . . ut, use of, 658. 


INDEX TO THE NOTES. 


Italici, 474. 

Iteration of honours, 482. 

Iudex, defined, 421. 

Iudices, appointment of, 426. 

Iudex, peculiar use of, 650. 

Iulia gens, sacrifice at Bovillae, 485. 

Iumentum, a carriage, 514. 

Iungere with ablative, 524 f. 

Iuno Covella, 540. 

Tuno Lucina, 408; regina, 409; mater 
regina, 489 ; Sispita, 489. 

Iupiter, liber, 479 ; Feretrius, 555. 

— =male and female principle, 646. 

Iuratores tribuum, at the census, 
649. 

Iurgium, 525. 


K[seso], praenomen restricted to patri- 

i abii and Quinctilii, but used by 
plebeian Acilii and Duilii, 660. 

Kalendae from calare, 540. 

Kardo maximus, etc., 446 f. 

Keil, H., Observations on Cato and 
Varro, 611. 

Kerus — creator, 405. 

Kitra- citra, on boundary stones, 446, 
447. 


D. LABERIUS, the writer of mimes, 


4. 

Lachmann, emendations of, leto est, 
403; caulas, 460; noenum, 589. 

C. LAELIUS SAPIENS, friend of Scipio 
Aemilianus, 633; writes orations on 
hís death for his nephews, 634. 

Lance et licio furtum concipere, 529. 

Lapathus, sorrel-diet, 600. 


— loculus Be »uleri, 2. 

Legare, | 522. d id 
Lemuria, 544. 
Lenocinium, a disqualification, 470. 
Lessum facere, 535 f. 
Lex Acilia Repetundarum, 425, 427. 
— Aebutia, 508. 
— agraria, 440 foll. 
— Aquilia de damno, 516, 546. 
— Aternia Tarpeia, 425. 
— Aufeia, de rege Mithridate, 636. 
— Calpurnia, 425, 434. 
— Cornelia peculatus, 427 ; ; de xx quae- 

Btoribus, 459 ; de sicariis, 548. 
Leges Corneliae, 549. 
Lex Falcidia, 549. 
— Fannia, 630. 
— Hortensia, 429 
— Iulia munícipalis, 464 foll. 


669 


Lex Iulia de repetundis, 427. 

— — Papiria, 425. 

— Iunia, 434. 

Leges Liciniae, 444. 

Lex Orchia, 630. : 

— Papiris, de Sacramento, 548. 

— — Carbonis, opposed by Scipio Aemi- 
lianus, 633; supported C. Gracchus, 

3 

— Plaetoria, de circumscriptione adu- 
leecentium, 469. 

— — de iurisdictione, 508, 546. 

— Poetelia, 469. 

Leges Porciae, pro tergo civium, 624. 

Lex Porcia, de sumptu praetorum, 462. 

— Publilia, 650. 

— Quinctia, de aquis, 429. 

— Rubria, de colon. Carthag. 433; de 
Gallia ia Cisalpins, nh foll. 

Leges Semproniae, 

Lex Sempronia iudiciaria Ti. Gracchi, 

33- 

— Sempronia de prov. Asia, 458. 

— Servilia repetundarum, 425, 427. 

— Silia de ponderibus, 547- 


50. 

— Duodecim Tabularum, 502 foll. See 
Table of Contents. 

— satura, 444. 

— locationis, 457. 

— parieti faciendo, 476 foll. 

— sive id plebiscitum est, 429. 

Liber de praenominibus, the matter of, 
perhaps from Varros Human Anti- 
quities, 645. 

Liberalis, 543. 

— = Dionysia, 579. 

Liberi <a, Ingle child, 627. 

Librarius « cra6juxós, 547. 

Lic- or ric., the root, its derivatives, 
535, 649. 

Lictors, number of attending the prae- 


tor, 540. 
Lightning, death by, 500. 
Limbus, used of the zodiac, 641. 
Limites linearii, subruncivi quintarii, 


447- 
Liquier, 598. 
Lis — stlis, 404, 436. 
Litis aestimatio, 436. 
Lrvius ANDRONICUS, 562f.; Life and 
Works, 567 f; Proaody, 564. 
Locative forms in -ei, 385. 
— in -ai, Romai, 405. 
Locus liberatus et effatus, 651. 
— s gepulcrum, 403. 
— =free quarters, 462. 
Lomentum, a cosmetic, 499. 
Lora, small wine, 617. 
Luca bos = elephaa, 575. 


670 INDEX TO THE NOTES. 


Lucaria, 544. 

Lucetius, 565, 575. 

Luci =in daylight (masculine), 414, 528, 
6 


51. 
LuciLIU8, the Satirist, 598 foll. 
Lucina, Losna, Luna, 406. 
Luctus, derivation, 398, 401, 661. 
Lucus Dianius, 621. 
Lupercalia, 542. 
Lustrare, 386, 619. 
Lustricus diea, 661. 
Lycurgus, legend of, 576. 
Lympha = nymphae, 491. 


Maarcus, Maharcus, m 487. 

Maceror ac doleo, 60 

Macistratos = magistratus, 414. 

Mactare, 618, 619. 

Macte esto, 618, 619. 

Madidatus = vino madidus, 629. 

Madvig, emendations of referred to or 
discussed, 622, 624, 628, 630, 637, 
643, 649. 

Maena pro anima, 545, 62 

Magister equitum, may 


5 

Magistratus, rights of, etc., 430. 

Mago, the Carth , & famous 
writer on agriculture, translated by 
Cassius Dionysius, 658. 

Maiales = hogs, 658. 

Mala, scaffolding at games (1), 496. 

Mamercus, praenomen of Aemilii, 660. 

Mamers, Mamercus, etc., 392. 

Mamurius Veturius, 392. 

Mancipium, res mancipi, 521 f., 523. 

Mandati actio, 469. 

Mania, praenomen, 409. 

Manius, derivation of, 661. 

— Egerius of Aricia, 621. 

L, Manlius, Cato writes for the use of, 

IO. 

Manners, decline of Roman, 622. 

Mani, quantity, 579. 

Manubiae, 623. 

Manus, legal use of, 522, 524. 

Marcus, Marius from Mars, 392, 661. 

Marica, 409. 

Marriage, of the Flamen Dialis, 402, 626. 

— different modes of, 524; formula 
used at, 662. 

Mater Magna Idaea, worship of, 642. 

— Matuta, 409. 

Matralia, 544. 

Me =mi, mihi, 584, 652. 

Medi 545. 

Medius Fidius, 633. 

Memoirs, publication of, 627 f. 

Menippeae Saturae, 640. See Varro. 

Menippus of Gadara, 640. 

Mercassitur, 458. 


old Senate, 


Meridies in XII Tables, 538. 

— when counted, 650. 

Metaplasmus of declension in Greek 
names, 486, 488. 

METELLUS, Q. * CAROILTUS, the orator, 
Macedonicus or Numidicus? 631. 

Micon, a painter, 654 f. 

Micos = jukxós, 405. 

Mille, signs for, 414. 

— multiples of, how denoted, 479. 

Mimus, 604. 

Minor pars familiae, 433, 548. 

Mirare = mirari, 642. 

Modicus, discussed, 548. 

Moene, singular, 575. 

Moenia = munia, 575. 

Moneta = Mynpootwn, 571. 

Money. Coinage, Fenus. 

Months, names of the Roman, 540. 

Morbus, 514; morbus sonticus, 517. 

— of Scipio Aemilianus' murder, 634. 

Morta, 571. 

Multam dicere, inrogare, 423. 

— suprema, 435. 

— inflicted on senators, 657. 

— formula of, 657. 

Mummius, dedications by, 472 f. 

Munda, battle of, 483. 

Municipal self-government, 467 foll. 

Municipium, etc., 464. 

Munus ex formula, 461. 

Mutulus, explained, 477. 


Naenia, dea, 647. Cp. Nenia 

CN. Narvius, 563; Life and Works, 
572 f.; Prosody of, see Livius An- 

dronicus. 

Naevus, derivation of, 661. 

Nancitor = nancitur, 511, 538. 

Navis, a monosyllable, 602. 

Ne after volo, 594. 

Necesus, necessus, 419. 

Necis potior = ‘I died,’ 488. 

Neniae, 395, 562. Cp. Naenia dea. 

Nepa, 592. 

Neptunalia, 544 

Nequitia, change i in the meaning of, 632. 

Nero and Poppaea lampooned on the 
walls of ore 497- 

Nerviaria, 4 

Nexum, disGuguished from mancipium, 
523. 

Ni and si in sponsiones, 632. 

N eina Gentilicia, supposed number of, 


Nominative plural in -ets, -es, etc., of o 
declension, 419, 434, 439, 454, 499, 
etc. ; in -ts of consonan ension, 
655. 

Non modo — nedum, 654, 655. 


i Nonae, derivation of, 540. 





INDEX TO THE NOTES. 


Nongenti, what, 495. 

Noscit = non scit, nescit, 495. 

Nox == noctu, 528. 

Noxa, noxalis actio, noxae dare, etc., 
527, 538, 554. 

Noxia, 527. 

Noxit, 538. 

Novemdinae, noundinae, nundinae, 420. 

Novensiles, novesedes, 410, 559. 

Numa, calendar of, 539, 542. 

N & praenomen, 661. 
umerius, praenomen am t the 
Fabii, 660 662. one 

Nuncupatio, 523. 

Nundinae, etc, 420; tertiis nundinis, 
519; nundinae, the Roman week, 


539- 
Nundinum, inter nundinum, 643. See 
Novemdinae. 


Obaerarii, obaerati, 658. 

Occator, an agricultural god, 626. 

Occentatio, 526. 

Ocinum, trefoil ! 618. 

Octavius or Octavianus applied to Au- 
gustus, 483. 

Oeti, oetier = uti, 547. 

Oina quom — una cum, 453. 

Oinos — unus, 400. 

^ z: unimamma, 

Ollae, religious use of, 390. 

— sepulchral, 487. 

Opalia, 545. 

Opera — opus diurnum, dies, 614. 

Operae, a disyllable! 593. 

Operis novi nuntiatio, 463. 

Opici, Opicia, use of by Greeks, 624. 

Opiconsiva, 545. 

Opides, 647. 

Oppidum, 464. 

Opus censorium = censoria animadver- 
sione dignum, 656. 

Oratory, natural to the Romans, 608, 
609, 629. 

Orcus, derivation of, 580. 

Ordinarius miles, 623. 

Origines of Cato, meaning of the title, 


an Amazon, 


II. 
Orthography, Lucilius’ criticism on, 601, 
2. 
Os resectum, 536. 
Ossa legere, 536. 
Osci, Opsci, Opici, & term of contempt, 
624. 
Ou, ov=u, 385, 487, 491, 492. 


Paastores, 474. 
Pacideianus, the gladiator, 6or. 
Pacunt x pagunt, 515. 


671 


PACUVIUS, the tragedian, style and 
character, 563, 593. 

Palam, 414. 

Pales, iim of, 543. 

Palla, 5 

Papilio, & T. avilion, 389. 

Par maiorve potestas, 656. 

— pari esse, 634. 

Parilia = Palilia, 543. 

Parricida, paricidas derivation, 561. 

Partis secare, discussed, 519. 

Parviseimus, use of, 644. 

Parum cavisse videri, formula of con- 
demnation, 435. 

Pasci = pascuis uti, 439. 

Pastinum, repastinare, 6 

Patagium, 577. 

Pater patratus, in ius fetiale, 552. 

Patria potestas, 506, 520, 521. 

Patronus, 431. 

Patronatus, hereditary, 439. 

— of Roman nobles towards depen- 
dencies, etc. 471. 

Patrum auctoritas (not =lex curiata de 
imperio), 651. 

Peoria teeta 260, done by a beast, 527. 

Pecunia facta, 

Pedarii senatoros, 417. 

Pedem struere = to run away! 514. 

Pellex, 500. 

Percontor, derivation of, 574. 

Perduellis, perduellio, 502. 

Perfect, prosody of the termination in 
Ennius, 583; statugrunt, 487; inve- 
nérunt, 487. 

Per(h)ibere, conjectured for scribere, 

22 

Permiesus, use of, 470. 

Perugia, siege of, 483. 

Pesu — pensum, 496. 

Pignoris capio, ordinary, 538. 

— — in cases of contusmey, 637, 657. 

Pignora caesa, ib. 

Pilicrepus, a player at trigon, 498. 

Piscina, of an aqueduct, 551. 

Piso, L. CALPuRNIvs, author of the 
quaestio perpetus de repetundis, 425 ; 
conducts the servile war against 
Sicily, 482; writes history with a 
moral object, 609, 626. 

Plano, de, 437; planum facere, 458. 

Piavtos, T. Macorvs, his name, 398; 
epitaph of, 605. 

Plebiacitum, 429. 

Pleores = plures, 393- 

Plocium, Menander s and Caecilius’, 396. 

Plural, peculiar uses of, 518, 519. 

Poetry, despised in ancient Rome, 624. 

— and Poets, early, general account of, 
562 f. 

Politor mercenarius, & hired harvest- 
man, 616. 


672 


Pollice verso, 496. 

Pollucere, 490, 501, 535. 

Pollux, Poloces, Polluces, 406. 

Polubrum = pelvis, 570. 

Pomerium, 502. 

Pons, on the Anio, 638. 

Pontes, on the Tiber, 631. 

P. Popilius Laenas, cos, B.C. 132, tries 
the associates of Ti. Gracchus, 636 ; 
attacked by C. Gracchus, ib.; acts 
recorded on his miliarium, 475. 

Poplifugium, 544. 

Porca praecidanea, 388, 618. 

Porcilia = sucking pig, 388. 

Portunalia, 545. 

Possessio, possessor, 442. 

Posaitur, 437. 

Posthumous children, rights of, 521. 

Postillà, 583, 587. 

Postremissimus, 635. 

Potestas and imperium, 430, 431. 

— par maiorve, 656. 

Potesto, 480. 

Potestur, 437. 

Prac tet tremonti = prae te tremunt, 
505. 

Praeconium, & disqualification for office, 


4 

Praeco, of a magistrate, 546, 649. 

Praedes, praevides, 423. 

Praefectura, 473. 

Praefectus urbi, may hold the Senate, 

56. 

Praenomen transposed, 398 (Eph. 24), 
406, 594. 

Praenomina, not used without nomen 
at Rome, 659; akin to cognomen, 
660 ; patrician praenomina, about 30, 
660; when assumed by boys and 
girls, 661; eighteen in common use 
from the decemvirs to Sulla, 660; 
fourteen rarer, 660. 

— female, 405, 408, 409, 662. 

Praescriptio legis, 429. 

Praeter — propter, 577, 642. 

Praetextatae fabulae, 573, 597. 

Praetor, his duties, 546. 

— -- magistratus, 555, 567. 

Praevaricatio, praevaricator, 430, 456. 

Precario, use of, 453. 

Prelum, described, 615. 

Prensio, magisterial right of, did not 
belong to curule aediles and quae- 
stors, 645. 

Preposition and case written together, 
402, 414, 416, 439. 

Princeps senatus, 417, 657. 

Principia, in a camp, 635. 

Privilegium, §33. 

Privus, use of, 555, 615. 

Pro legato, 636. 

Pro socio, the action, 469. 


INDEX TO THE NOTES. 


Professio nominis, demand for public 
dole, 465. 

Profitemino, 465. 

Progenie, a dactyl? 404. 

Proletarius, derivation, 514. 

Promellere, promovere, 615. 

Pross oratio = prorsa, provers 608. 

Prose, early Roman, 607 foll. 

Prosepnais, genitive, 407. 

Prosody. See notes on Epitaphs of the 
Scipios, 396-404; tituli Mummiani, 
473; epitaphia metrica, 488; tit. 
Soranus, 490 ; C. 1297, 492; sortes, 
4921. ; carminum fragmenta, 566 f. ; 
Livius and Naevius, 569 foll. ; Ennius, 
582-586. See Archaic long termina- 
tions, contra, dies, diu, facilia, fieri, 
hoc, navis, operae, rei, Saturnians. 

Provocatio, extended to Latins, 438. 

Publicum, 453. 

Publius Pupus, a term of endearment, 

I. 
Puer & lacte =‘ just weaned children,’ 

55. 
Pullarius, keeper of the sacred chickens, 


27. 
Pu(pilla\, how written, 465. 
Pupus, on children's graves, 661. 
Purus putus, 591. 


Quadrantal = amphora, a cubic foot, 
547. 

QUARIGARIUS, Q. CLAUDIUS, the his- 
torian, 609, 628. 

Quaestores in municipal towns, 489, 636. 

— parricidii, 501, §33- 

— aerarii, 460. 

— — have via res, but no right of 
prensio, 645. 

Quaestio de repetundis, 425. 

Quaestiones perpetuae, 425. 

— and C. Gracchus, 635. 

— end Sulla, 549. 

Quandod, probable form, 538. 

Quatuorviri, in municipia, 468. 

Qui, interrogative, use of, 635. 

Quiapropter explained, 634. 

Quinquatrus, 543. 

Quintipor Clodius, 640 f. 

Quirinalia, 542. 

Quirquir = quisquis, 652. 

Quis, peculiar use of, 548. 

Quod, redundant in Varro, 655. 


R, litera canina, 602. 

— interchanged with D, 418, 433. 
— interchanged with L, 543, 544. 
— for S between vowels, 392. 
Ravus, the colour, 658. 
Recuperator, 432. 

Redantruare, 566. 


INDEX TO THE NOTES. 


Regifugium, 542. 
Regiones, in a dedication, 479. 
Regulus, different accounts of his death, 


27 
Rei, monosyllable, 602. 
Rem tene verba sequentur, 613. 
Remus, resmus, 414. 
Repudium and divortium, 521. 
Resisto, to rise again, 587. 
Reus, derivation, 518. 
Ric- or lic-, its derivatives, 535. 
Ricinium, rica, 535, 626. 
Robigalia, 544. 


Rues - ruina, 392. 
Rum t = vulneraverit, etc., 561. 


Rupeit, 512, 526. 


S, final dropped, e. g. Maio, Mino, 507. 
See Profitemino, rogato, etc. 

— changed to R between vowels, 392, 
504 

Sabus Lacedaemonius, 620. 

Sac-, sap-, ita derivatives, 532. 

, Bacer esto, 500, 533 f. 

Sacramentum, sacramenti actio, 434, 
and esp. §15 foll. 

— militare, 555 foll. 

— gladiatorum, 557. 

Sacrifice to Dea Dia, 387 foll. 

— of Iulia Gens at Bovillae, 485. 

— of a criminal to Ceres, 527 f. 

— puppets a substitute for human, 559. 
See Devotion. 

Secro-sanctus, explained, 532. 

Sadria »: Satria, 491. 

Saeturnus = = Saturnus, 405. 


Salva urbe et arce, 596. 

Samnis, a gladiator, 600. 

Sanates, 515. 

Sanctio legis, final clauses of a law, 436, 


533- 
Sanctus, nasalised form of sacer, 532. 
, BarTAre, 575. 

Sarptus, 525. 

Sasernae, writers on agriculture, 659. 

Satis agere = ‘to d in trouble,’ 628. 

Satura, lex, 437, 

— li j 2; dus of Naevius, 
578 ; of Ennius, 592; Pacuvius, 593 ; 
Lucilius, 598 foll, 

Seturnalia, 498, 545. 

Saturnian verse, rules of 396 f. 

— instances of, epitaphs of the Scipios, 
396-403; C. 1006, 487; C. 1175, 
490 ; Livius Odyssey, 569 foll. ; Nae- 
vius " Punica, 74 foll. ; Appius’ carmen 
de moribus, 613. 

— attempt to press other rhythms into 
it, 508, 565, 566, 567, 569, 613. 


078 


Scaevola, Q. Mucius, his quarrel with 
Albucius, 603. 

Scalae Graecae, 626. 

Sciens = consciously, 633. 

Scipio, origin of the name, 396. See 
Scipionum Elogia for various mem- 
bers of the family, 395-404. 

P. Sorrio AEMILIANUS, his c 
and tragic death, 631; his orations, 
contra Ti. Asellum, 632; contra le- 
gem iudiciariam Ti. Gracchi, dissuasio 
legis Papiriae, 633. 

Scriba =a writer, 567. 

Scriptura, tax on cattle, 453, 454. 

Scurra, derivation of, 488. 

Sector, etymology of, 414. 

Secundum eum = * in his 6 favour,' 453. 

Sedulo egesta, siepe 547. 


f, 
nine a ++ 


Semones, 394. 

Semurium, 544, 621. 

Senate, details as to those who may 
convoke it, places and times when it 
may be held, etc. 655, foll. 

tion of to the Comitia, 650. 

Senatus auctoritas, 417, 656. 

— in provincial towns, 466 f. See De- 
curions. 

Senatus-consultum, form of making, 
416 f. Cp. 6s5f. 

— — de Asclepiade 460 f.; de Bac- 
chanalibus, 416 foll. ; de aquaeducti- 
bus, 5503 de philosophis et rhetoribus, 
548; de theatro perpetuo, 548; de 
Thisbaeis, 461. 

Sententia, in senate, 417. 

Serapis, worship of, 477, 641, 642. 

Seria, shape of, 641. 

Sermonare, sermonari, 486. 

Sertor, old Italian praenomen, 660. 

Servitudes or eagementa, 525. 

Servius, Sergius, *Sergvius, 662. 

Si and ni in sponsiones, 632. 

Si deus si dea est, 410, 560, 619. 

Simae, 477; 478. 

Sins =sines, 392. 

Sinum =8ivos? 655. 

Sipontum, colony at, 456. 

Sirempe, sirempse, 423, 464. 

Sisymbrium, a medicine, 642. 

Sitella cum sortibus, 436. 

Siticines, 535. 

Skal- or skar-, its derivatives, 5I4. 

Skarp-, ita derivatives, p 5. 

Slaves, treatment of, 615, 617, 658; 
marriage of, 619 f. 

Soci = socii navales, 414. 

Socio, pro, action, 469. 

Sodalis, sodalitas, 432. 

Sol albus =luna, 587. 

Soleae, mullei, 422. 


Xx 





674 


Solitaurilia, 5o1. 
Sortes, descri scri ption of, 492. 
Sorticola, 43 
Bortito, 451, 453. 
Sparsio at munera, 391, 495. 
Speous, of an aqueduct, 551. 
Spolia opima, etc., 501. 
Sponsio, lega legal, 623, 632 f. 
purgus, 600 
Statius, Italian praenomen, 660; used 
as a cognomen by poet Caecilius, 595. 
Stetus dies cum hoste, .517. 
Steinthal, Professor, his book on the 
: history of the science of language 
am the Greeks and Romans, 
652, 653, 654. 
Stoic division of the human being, 655. 
— fhoory of religion adapted to Romana, 
4 
— grammarians headed by Chrysippus, 


§3- 

Strues, 618, 625. 
Studiose ludere, 631. 
Studium atque odium, nearly = ‘ pas- 

sionate hatred,’ 601. 
Stuprum = violence, 574, 613. 
Sublimem or sublimen, 577. 
Subruncinator, an agricultural god, 626. 
Subvades, 423. 
Bueriswsues, 571. .. 
Sues and acrofae, distinguished, 658. 
Suilla, sc. caro, 634, 642. 
Bulla, d. Cornelius, 460, 478, 548 f. 
Sundials in Rome, 595. 
Sunset, business concluded at, 515, 656. 


uspen 

Susque et deque habere, "4 

Symboli, a warrant, 623. 

Synizesis in Livius and Naevius, 570 ; 
in Ennius, 584 ; in Lucilius, 601. 

SYRvus, P. PuBLILIUS, writer of mimes, 


605. 


Tablets, waxed, 623. 
Tabulae = documenta, 631. 
— devotionis, 486. 

Talio, law of, 526 foll. 
Taurasia, the Place, 399. 
Taxim, ‘gently,’ 643. 


Tempestates, personified, 400 
Eo explanation of the term, 651, 
52. 


Tenebrio, 644. 
Terence, imitates & line of Caecilius, 


595. 
— imitated by Quintipor Clodius, 641. 


INDEX TO THE NOTES. 


Terence, lulius Caesar and Cicero on, 
606. 


Termen, termina, 439. 
Terminalia, 452. 
Termini Gracchani, 474- 
Terminus, anointed, 387. 
Tertio consul, 482. 
seco, explained, 652. 
ospitalia, tesseram conferre, 
be ; Pallantina, 485. 
— dei Martis, 485. 
Tesserae gladiatoriae, 483 f. 
Testaments, law of, 522, 523, 549, Cp. 
555. 
Thermessus, etc., 462. 
Theta nigrum, 497. See Index Notarum, 
under O. 


Sp. Thorius = Zwovpios Bépios, of Ap- 
pian, 441. 

Threshold, superstition concerning, 393f. 

Tiberius, from Tiberis, 661. 

Tibicines, at funerals, 535. 

Tiburtinus lapis, 396. 

Tignum iunctum, etc., 5a 

C. Trrrus, the orator, 609, 630 f. ; lived 
earlier than Cicero thought, 630 ; his 
wit, ib. 

Togatae fabulae, 597. 

Tophus, the stone, 396. 

Topper = toto opere, 571. 

Torcular, 615. 

Trabes, the comedian, quotation from, 


Trem = subtemen, 496. 

Trapes, trapetus, an oil-mill, 615. 

Travertine, stone, 396. 

Tribunes, when they acquired the ius 
referendi ad Senatum, 656; have 
right of prensio, 645. 

Tributum, tributus, 436, 443, 444. 

Tribu movere, 434- 

Trientabulum, trientare, 454. 

udium aollistimum, 83; auspices 
m, 627. 

Triumpe, imperative, 394 f. 

Triumvir capitalis, 422. 

Triumviri agris dandis adsignandis, 445. 

—- reipublicae reconstituendae, 656. 

Tropic of Capricorn = bruma, 655. 

Tubilustrium, 543, 544- 

TuDrrANUS, C. SEMPRONIUS, cos. B. C. 
129; his bistories, 627. 

Tugurium, 525. 

Tullus, Tullius, derivation of, 661. 

Turpilius, the name, 407. 

Tutor, tutela, 469, 521. 


Vagitanus or Vaticanus, a god, 647. 

Valerius Soranus, 646. 

VARRO, M. TERENTIUS, the most 
learned of Roman authors, account 





INDEX TO THE NOTES. 


of his life and works, 609, 637-640; 
great copiousness, 638 ; his theology, 
638, 646; style, 609, 638, 640, 644, 
647, 649; general account of his 
works, 639 ; editions of different 
treatises, 639 f.; loss of his library, 
648, 656; Seturae Menippeae, an 
early work, 640 foll. ; Bimarcus, 640 ; 
Dolium aut Seria, 641; Est modus 
matulae, 641; Eumenides, 641 ; ye- 
povrobibáckaNos, 643; Papia Papae, 
644; Antiquities, Human, 644 ; Di- 
vine, 645 f.; dedicated to Julius 
Caesar, 644; De Lingua Latina 
647 foll.; part dedicated to Cicero, 
648; date, syntax of, 648; his po- 
sition as a grammarian, 652 f., 654 ; 
Epistulae and  Epistulicae Quae- 
stiones, 655 ; Logistorici, 638 ; De Re 
Rustica, contenta of, 657; Fragmenta 
librorum incertorum, 659; Liber de 
Praenominibus, how far Varronian, 
6 59 f.; enquiries into legend of Aeneas, 
46. 

Varus, of dogs, 658. 

Vasa, of fetialis, 555. 

— bina, 615. 

Vatia = ‘ bow-legged,' 654. 

Vatius = ‘ crook-kneed,’ 658. 

Ubi tu Gaius ego Gaia, the marriage 
formula discussed, Mommsen’s theory 

v about it, 663. 
ectigal, proportion of, 441 f. 

Vedius, Vodiovis, Veiovis, 485, 560. 

Vela = awnings, use of, 495, 496. 

Velatum caput in Roman religion, 559. 

Velle — ' to be kindly disposed,' 631. 

Venenatum, ec. pallium, 626 

Venenum, originally an indifferent term, 
533- 

— malum, 533. 

Venos, Venus on paterae, 406, 407. 

Venus Fisica, 497. 

— goddess of gardens, 579. 

Venumdavit ! 520. 

Verbena, verbenarius, 552 f. 

Verberit, 511. 

Vergil, obligations to Accius, 597; to 
early poeta in general, 564. 


| 6176 


Verruca =a mound, 622. 

Verrunco, 598. 

Vervactor, & god invoked by the Flamen 
Dialis, 626. 

Vervae = ram's heads ? 464. 

Vesta, temple of, 656, 641; cleansing 
of, 540. 

Vestalia, 544. 

Vestal virgins, 625. 

Vesuna, 410. 

Via =right of way, 525. 

Viasii vicani = viarii, 452. 

Vibius, uncertain whether a Roman 
praenomen, 661. 

Victoria, Vitoria, 407. 

Villa urbana and rustica, 616. - 

Vinacei, 620. 

Vinalia, 543. 20. 

Vindex, 514, $79; vindicta, vindiciae, 
517, 524, 538. 

Vindicit, 511. 

Vinosus, an emendation for vitiosus, 


Vitis, derivation, 579. 

Vitium - impediment, 518. 

Vitulari, 577. 

Vivo, *vigvo, 662. 

Vix =statim, 642. 

Unciarium fenus, 529 f. 

Unus, use of, with superlatives, 601. 
Vocatio=vacatio, 438, 468. 

— magisterial right of, 645. 
Volcanalia, 545. 


Usucapio, 512, 524, $29. 
Usurpo, 524 (correct p. 512 from list of 
errata). 


Usury, 529. 
Usus or ussuss private consumption, 


499. , 

Uti, with subjunctive without preceding 
verb, 614. 

Utique = uti, 652. 

Utor, with accus., 619. 





' 676 


INDEX OF SOME OF THE MORE IMPORTANT 
QUOTATIONS. 


Elogium of Atilius Calatinus, 401. 

Epigram on Cato, 610. 

— of Solon, 593. 

Formula of tion, 561. 

— at the Census, 558. 

— do, dico, addico, 540. 

— marriage, 662. 

— of imposing a mult or fine, 657. 

— neque vi, neque clam, neque pre- 
cario, 453. 

— in dissolving a nexum, 523. 

— Ollus Quiris leto datus est, 403. 

— Oscan, from Bantine table, 423. 

— oath of Samnite legion, 557. 

— from perpetual edict, 625. 

— of Pontifex at the Kalends, 540. 

— in making Senatus-consultum, 417. 

— Si non habebunt advocatum ego dabo, 


431. 

— Si paret or parret, 423. 

— in making a Testament, 523, £55. 

— of vindicatio, 517. 

Inscriptions, Album of decurions at 
Casinum, 468 f. 

— anteponat, use of, in, 492. 

— arbiter of testament in, 490. 

— advertisement of a bath, 495. 

— at Aesernia, I. N. 5014, 482. 

— of aedilis lustralis, etc., 643. 

— ascia, sub ascia dedicavit, 535. 

— Chrematine Numisiae ornatrix, 536. 

— Decretum Coloniae Pisanae, 418. 

— Decree of Senatus populusque Gur- 
zensis, 472. 

— of Duoviri viis faciundis, 454. 

— epitaph of a gladiator, 497. 

— of Fertor Resius, 553. 

— in temple of Feronia, 408. 

— Greek xarddecpor, 486. 

— at Interamna, 477. 

— of tile at Italica, 499. 

— Laudatio Murdiae, 438. 

-— referring to Lex Iulia Municipalis, 
495. 


Inscriptions, locus in, 403. 

— mensurae exaequandae, 547. 

— of a arbo, dedicating ara August, 
480. 

— Nymphis Lymphisque, 491. 

— Oscan from RATES va 

— privatum precario aditur, 453. 

— Pupus in, 661. 

— of hus at Tarentum, 588. 

— sepulchral formulae, 489. 

— on & sors in Livy, 493. 

— of Venus Pompeiana, 497. 

— in Volscian dialect, 411. 

— of Ursus togatus, 498. 

Lines of early poets :— 

— Aocius, 431, 595, 597, 598. 

— Caecilius i . 59 


581 foll, passim ; 399 ; 511. 
— Iulius Caesar Strabo 61 3° 
— Livins Andronicus, es, 568. 
— Lucilius, 555, , 602, 631, 658. 
— Cn. Matius 626, ^ à» ST, P8 
— Novius (?), 464. 
— Quintipor Clodius, 641. 
— Porcius Licinus, 574. 
— 'Trabea, 606. 
— Valerius Soranus, 646 and note. 
Proverbs, etc. :— 
Fabrum esse suae quemque fortunae, 
I3. 
Frons occipitio prior est, 616. 
Hiberno pulvere verno luto, etc., 
566. . 
Malum consilium consultori pessi- 
mum est, 566. 
Multi Mani Ariciae, 621. 
Postremus loquaris primus taceas, 
566. 
Rem tene verba sequentur, 613. 
Terra pestem teneto salus hic maneto, 
566, 620. 





677 


INDEX NOTARUM. 


A. Aulus. 

A. Annum, annos, annis, e.g. C. 1202, 
1434- . 

A.D. Amnte diem. 

A.D... Agria dandis adsignandis, C. 
198, 200 passim. 

ALA, Agris iudicandis adsignandis, 
C.554. .. 

AF. Auli filius. 

AED. Aedilis. 

AGON. Agonalia, Ian. 9, Mai. 21, 
Dec. 11. 

AID. CVR.  Aidilis curulis. 

AN, Annum, annos. 

ABB. Arbitratu, C. 200, 74. 

avevst. Augustalia, Oct. 12. 

€. Comitialis, p. 541. 

0. Gaius. 

o.F. Gai filius. 

o.L. Mulieris libertus. 

0.1. Mulieris liberta. 

O.L. Gai libertus. 

o.M.F. Gai (et) Marci filies, C. 42. 

0.8. Civis Romanus, Romana, etc. 

C.8. Gai servus, Eph. Ep. 8 a, P. 163. 

CAM. Camilia, so. tribu, C. 1119. 

CAR. Carmentalia, Ian. 11, 15. 

CN. Gnaeus. 

on. F. Gnaei filius. 

ON. N. Gnaei nepos. 

CRNS. Censor. 

CER. Cerialia, Apr. 19. 

com. Commoda, Pomp. 807. 

cons. Consualia, Aug. ar. 

cos. Consul. 

coss. Consules, consulibus. 

COS.A.A.8.E.V. Consul alter ambove si 
eis videretur, C. 203, 23. 

cosE, Co(n)sensu, C. 532. 

CVR. Curavit, curaverunt, 
curantibus. 

D, B, B. Quingenti. 


curante, 


Ioo. Quinque milia. 
Iooo. Quinquaginta milia. 
D.C. Decurionum consulto vel decreto 


conscriptorum, C. 620. 
D.C.8. De conlegii sententia. 
D.D. Donum dat, donum dant. 
D.D.L.K. Donum dant libentes merito. 
D.&R. De ea re, C. 205. 
D.IDIC. Duovirum iuri dicando, P. 768. 
D.M. Dolus malus. 
D.T. Dum taxat, C. 1418, 17. 
ILV. Duovir, Duovirum, e.g. Pomp. 67. 
ILVIB. Duovir, Duovirum. 
DE CONL. BENT, De conlegii sententia, 
C. 593. . 
DE SEN. SENT. De senatus sententia, 
C. 204, ad init. 591, 592. 

DIV. Divalia, Dec. 21. 

D.R.P. Dignum reipublicae, P. 222, etc. 

E.H.L.N.R. Eius hac lege nihilum ro- 
gato, C. aoo, 87, etc. 

EQ. Equiria, Feb. 27, Mar. 14. 

F. Fastus, P. 540. 

F.D.8,8.0. Faciundam de senatus sen- 
tentia curaverunt. 

F.P. Incertum, p. 540. 

Pr VET. Fundus possessoris veteris, 

. 556. 

FACIAT. Faciatis, Pomp. 768. 

FAL. Falerna, so. tribu, C. 1197. 

FERAL. Feralia, Feb. a1. 

FONT. Fontinalia, Oct. 13. 

FORD. Fordicidia, Apr. 15. 

FVRR. Furrinalia, Iul. 25. 

G.F. Garum factum, Pomp. 2576. 

GAR. CAST, Garum castimoniarum, P. 


2569. 
H.L, Hac lege, hanc legem. 
H.8. Sestertii, sestertios. 


HER. Herius. 
ID. Iure dicundo. 
LD.P. Iure dicundo praerit, C. 205. 





678 


I.V.E.E.R.P.F.S.V.E. Ita uti eis e re pub- 
lica fideve sua videbitur esse, C. 300; 
35, cf. 78; C. 203, 31. 

IM. Imperator, C. 689. 

ITER. terum, C. 1119. 

IVL. Iulianus, Pomp. 1182. 

K. Kalendae, Kalendas. 

K.0. Kalumniae caussa. 

L. Legio, Glandes passim, C. 642-701. 

L. LEG. Legatus, C. 198. 

L. Libertus, liberta. 

L. Lucerinorum, C. 5. 

L.C. Lucio (et) Gaio, C. 1313. 

L.F. Lucii filius. 

L.M.  Libens merito. 

LL. Lucii libertus vel liberta. 

LAR. Larentalia, Dec. 23. 

LEM. Lemuria, Mai. 9, etc. 

LIB. Liberalia, Mar. 17. 

LOMEN. Lomentum, Pomp. 2597. 

LVCAR. Lucaria, Iul. 19, etc. 

LvN. VET. Lunense (vinum) vetus, 
Pomp. 2599. 

LVPEB. Lupercalia, Feb. 15. 

M. Marcus. 

M, clo. Mille, vide ad finem. 

M. Missus, Pomp. 1182. 

AV. Manius, Mania, C. 177, (correct 
the misprint). 

M.P. Marcus, Publius. 

MAG. Magistratus. 

MAM. Mamercus. 

MAT. Matre, matri. 

MATR. Matralia, Iun. 11. 

MEDITR. Meditrinalia, Oct. 11. 

MVE. CAST. Muria castimoniarum, P. 
2609. 

N. Nefastus (tridtia). 

NW. Nefastus (hilaris), p. 541. 

W=N, p. 541. 

N. Numerius. 

NEPT. Neptunalia, Tul. 23. 

O, 8, ®. Obiit, mortuus = theta nigrum, 
P. 1182, cf. P. 1891, et adnotata, pp. 
496, 497. 

ol. Oro vos faciatis, P. 222, etc. 

0.M.C.P.F.V.C.C.TVE. Oppidum munici- 
pium colonia praefectura forum vicum 
conciliabulum — castellum — territo- 
riumve, C. 205. 

O.V.F. Oro vos faciatis. 

OPAL. Opalia, Oct. 19. 

OPIC. Opiconsiva, Aug. 25. 

ovr. Oufentina, Ufentina, sc. tribu, 
C. 5r. 

P. Pes, pedis, pedem. 

P. Periit, Pomp. 2387-' 

P. Publius. 

r.D.D.&. Populo dare damnas esto, C. 
206, 95. 

P.N. Publii nepos. 

PA. Pacuius, praenomen, C. 183. 


INDEX NOTARUM. 


PAR. Parilia, i. e. Palilia, Apr. at. 

PESV., PES., P. Pesum (pensum), pesa 
(pensa), Pomp. 1507. 

PL.SC.  Plebi scitum. 

POPLIF. Poplifugium, Iul. 5. 

PORT. Portunalia, Aug. 17. 

POST H.L.B. Post hanc legem rogatam. 

PR. Praetor. 

PR. Primipilus, C. 7o1. 

vq; Pupilla, note p. 466. 

PVGN. Pugnabit, Pomp. 1186. 

PVP. Pupinia, sc. tribu, C. 1199. 

Q. Quaestor. 


Q. Quintus. 
Q.F. Quinti filius. 
Q.D.E.R.F.P.D.E.R.I.C. Quid de ea re 


fieri placeret de ea re ita censuerunt, 
S. C. de Aquaed. p. 275. 

Q.L8.8. Quae infra scripta sunt, C. IT. 
462, p. 231. 

Quinti (libertus) medicus, C. 


Q.R&.0.F, Quando rex comitiavit fas, 
Mar. 24, Mai. 24; note, p. 541. 

Q.8T.D.F. Quando stercus delatum fas, 
Iun. 15 ; note, p. 541. 

QVIN. Quinquatrus, Mar. 19. 

QVIR. Quirina, sc. tribu, C. 52. 

QVIR. Quirinalia, Feb. 17. 

R.P.0.A. Reipublicae caussa abesset, 
C. 206, 115. 

REGIF. Regifugium, Feb. 24. 

ROB. Robigalia, Apr. 25. 

8. Semis, semissem, C. 577, 1143. 

B. Sibi, p. 17. 

8. Spurius, C. 196. 

8.0. Senatus consulto, Senatus con- 
sultum. 

B.F. Spurii filius, Spurii filia, C. 1290. 

B.Q.D.L.E.N.C. (P. 1136). Incertum, 
vide adnotata, p. 495. 

8.8. Senatus sententia. 

8.8. Supra scriptum, C. 200. 

BA. Salvius, C. 183, 184. 

sat. Saturnalia, Dec. 17. 

SCR. ADF. vel ARF.  Scribendo adfuerunt 
vel arfuerunt. 

SEI V.E. Si videatur eis. 

BEX. Sextiles. 

SP. SPE. SPECT. SPECTATYB. 
gladiatoriae, C. 717, qq. 

sta. Stamen, Pomp. 1507. 

sta. Statius. 

SVPTE. Suptemen, Pomp. 1507. 

8X, postea SEX. Sextus. 


Tesserac 


T. itus. 
TI. "Tiberius. 
TI.F, "Tiberii filius. 


TB. PL. Tribunus plebis. 

TER. Terminalia, Feb. 23. 

TER. Teretina, sc. tribu, C. 1199. 
TRO. Tromentina, sc, tribu, C. 1338. 


INDEX NOTARUM. 679 


TVBIL. Tubilustrium, Mar. 23, Mai. 33. 


v, Valesus, Volesus, C. 194. 

v. Vicit, P. 2387. 

v.A.8.P.P. "Votis Augustalibus sacfis 
publicis procurandis? P. 222, etc. 

v.B. Vir bonus, virum bonum, P. 67, 


etc. ! 
vmsT, Vestalia, Jun. g. 
vIN. Vinalia, Apr. 23. 
voL. "Volonum, C. 658. 
voLCc. Volcanalia, Aug. 23. 
voLt. Volturnalia, Aug. 27. 


€. Semuncia, C. 577, 4. 
CO. Mille, C. $77, 111. 17; 1199. 
CO. Mille, C. 195. 
@. Decem milia. 
@. Centena milia, C. 195. 
clo. Mille. 
ccIoo. Decem milia. 
ccclooo. Centena milia. 
Decem milia, C. 593, 1199. 
i. Quinquaginta, C. 550, 551, 1143, 
1166. 


JL. Quinquaginta, C. 593 


C. « Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum, vol. i. ed. Th. Mommsen, Berolini, 1863. 

P. 2 Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum, vol. iv. ; Inscriptiones Parietariae Pompeianae, 
ed. C. Zangemeister et R. Schoene, Berolini, 1871. 

P.M. vel P.L.M. = Priscae Latinitatis Monumenta Epigraphica, ed. F. Ritschl, 


Berolini, 1862. 


I.N. vel LR.N.- Inscriptiones Regni Neapolitani Latinae, ed. Th. Mommsen, 


Lipsiae, 1852. 


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