France

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LIBRARY

UNIVERSITY OF
CALIPORNIA

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LOUIS XVIII.

■Frmttct, FroHtii^iece, vol. eight.

FRANCE

M.'tjUIZOT

AND

MADAME GUIZOT DE WITT

TRANSLATED BY ROBERT BLACK
IN EIGHT VOLUMES

WITH A SUPPLEMENTARY CHAPTER OF RECENT EVENTS

By MAYO W. HAZELTINE

ILLUSTRATED

VOL. VIII

NEW YORK

PETER FENELON COLLIER & SON

• MCM •

Digitized by tine Internet Archive

in 2007 witii funding from

IVIicrosoft Corporation

Iittp://www.arcliive.org/details/franceguizot08guiziala

TABLE OF CONTENTS-VOL. VIIL

PMOM

Ohaptkb XrV. The Decline (1818) 5

XV. The FaU (1813— 1814) 69

XVL The First Restoration (1814— 1815) 108

'" XVn. The Hundred Days (86th February to 16th July, 1816) 146

** XVm. Parliamentary Oovemment. The Bestoration under King

. • Louis XVra. (1815-1884) «07

•* UX. King Charles X. and the Revolution of 1830 (1824—1880) 257

" XX. Parliamentary Gtovemment. King Louis-Philippe (1830— 1840). . SOS
* ZU. Reform and Revolution (1847— 1849) 870

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

FRANCE

VOL. VIII

Frontispiece— "Loyns XVIII .
Napoleon Returning to France
Marshal Foy . . . ,

Tomb of Napoleon

THE HISTORY OF FRANCE.

CHAPTER XIV.

THE DECLINE (1813).

It was now more than seven months since Napoleon left
France. He had been Hving in a distant country, almost with-
out communication, isolated by the madness of his undertaking,
and was now returning, condemned by human reason and divine
justice. The rumor of his defeat had preceded him, though
without unfolding the extent and gravity of his disaster.

On reaching Paris the emperor addr^sed a message to the
Senate, in reply to their solemn professions of devotion: —
"Senators,^ what you tell me affords me great pleasure. I
have at my heart the glory and power of France, but my first
thoughts are for all that can perpetuate tranquilHty at home,
and place my peoples forever out of danger of the distractions
of factions and the horrors of anarchy. It is upon those
enemies of the happiness of nations that, with the wiU and
love of the French, I have foimded this throne, with which,
henceforward, the destinies of our coimtry are boimd up.

"Timid and cowardly soldiers ruin the independence of
nations, but pusillanimous magistrates destroy the empire of
law, the rights of the throne, and social order itself. When I
undertook the regeneration of France, I asked from Providence
a fixed number of years : to destroy is the work of a moment,
but to rebuild requires the assistance of time. The greatest
need of the State is that of courageous magistrates.

"Our fathers had as a rallying cry, 'The king is dead: long
live the king ! ' These few words contain the principal advan-
tages of the monarchy. I think I have deeply studied the dis-
position which my peoples have exhibited during the different
centuries ; I have reflected upon what was done at the various
epochs of our history. I shall continue to consider them.

"The war which I am waging against Russia is a poMtical
war. I began it without animosity I should have wished to
spare her the evils she has done to herself. I might have
armed against her the greater part of her population, by pro*

^ BISTORT OF FRANOB. \ca. rvr.

^»]ftiTning the liberty of the slaves: a large number of villages
asked me to do so. But when I learned the savage state of
that numerous class of the Russian people, I opposed that
measure, which would have devoted many families to death,
devastation, and the most horrible torture. If my army has
imdergone losses, it is on account of the premature severity of
the season."

Napoleon had recently had good reason to lay stress upon the
advantages of an hereditary monarchy, anciently bound up
with the memories and traditions of the nation. He was at the
same time brought to estimate under its value the devotion of
the magistrates to whom he had in his absence entrusted the
government of the empire. He was leaving Moscow on fire,
and beginning the series of battles which was to be concluded
by his fatal retreat, when Paris, on its awakening, was terror-
struck by a vague rumor that the emperor was dead. When
the minds of all were disturbed, and news of a revolution was
mixed with the general behef of a catastrophe in Russia, the
discovery was made of a bold conspiracy, the arrest of the con-
spirators, and the falseness of the information which had
alarmed the capital. But a little more and the daring attempt
of a monomaniac had changed the form of government in
France. For a moment or two General Malet and his accom-
pUces were masters of the pohce, and of part of the garrison of
Paris.

Claude Francois de Malet was bom at Dole, in 1754. He was
a man of good family, and had served in the king's armies.
Becoming a keen partisan of repubhcan principles, he had
fought with some distinction from 1790 to 1799, and was opposed
to Napoleon's accession to power. Unsettled, ambitious, and
daring, he soon became a conspirator; and after being twice
arrested, he had been at the prison La Force for several years,
when he conceived the idea of attacking the imperial power.
Pis project was already in progress during the Austrian war
of 1809. The poUce getting a hint of his plot, Malet was separ-
ated from his accomplices, Generals Lahorie and GuidaL In
1812 he succeeded in being transferred to an asylmn in the
fauboiu'g St. Antoine, and there took up the broken thread of
his conspiracy. When everything was prepared, he, on the
night of the 22nd October, escaped from the garden of the
asylum, and putting on his uniform of general oflScer, went
inunediately to the Popincourt barracks. There, under the
name of General Lamotte, he annomiced to Colonel Soulier,

OH. nv.] THE DECLINB. ^

who was in command of the 10th cohort of the national guard,
that the emperor had been killed by a musket-shot at Moscow,
on the 7th October; that the Senate having met secretly, had
decided upon restoring the republic, and had just appointed
General Malet to the command of the public forces in Paris.
He was provided with the copy of a "s6natus-consulte," and
his voice and appearance being full of authority, the colonel
had not the slightest suspicion, and had his troops drawn up
in battle-order in the barracks' quadrangle. Malet marched
immediately at their head to the prison La Force, and ordering
Gtenerals Lahorie and Guidal to be set at Uberty, made them
his aides-de-camp. He then ordered Lahorie to go to the house
of the minister of pohce and arrest the Duke of Eovigo, or, if
necessary, blow out his brains. Lahorie had formerly been
principal oflBcer in Moreau's staff, a man of talent and honor,
deceived most probably by Malet, but originally a republican,
and with a strong personal antipathy to Napoleon. He had
formerly been in the army with Rovigo, whom he found in bed,
after forcing open the door of his room. * ' Surrender yourself 1"
said Lahorie. " I like you, and have no intention of harming
you. The emperor is dead ; the empire is abolished, and the
Senate has restored the republic." Savary protested against
this, declaring that he had received a letter from the emperor
on the previous evening; but Guidal coming to his friend's as-
sistance, they both conducted to La Force the amazed mmis-
ter, asking himself if it was not all a frightful dream. Pas-
quier, the prefect of police, was there before him, also arrested
at daybreak.

Frochot, prefect of the Seine, had not even been put under
arrest. More credulous than Savary, he received the false de-
crees of the Senate without reserve, and gave orders that the
Hotel de Ville should be prepared to receive the provisional
government. A note from one of his assistants, with the words
"imperator fuit," prepared the way forMalet's daring attempt.
The colonels of the garrison at the same time received orders
to guard all the entrances to Paris.

Malet had himself gone to the house of General HuUin, the
military governor of the capital, who showed some astonish*
ment, and asked to see the orders. "In yom* private room,*
replied Malet. As they entered, he fired a pistol at Hullin,
breaking his jawbone, and then locking the door of the room,
ran to the house of Doucet, chief of his staff. He was diflBcult
to convince, and understood by a hint from Major Laborde,

% EISTORT OF FRANCS. [oh. xit.

that the visitor was an escaped prisoner. At the moment when
Malet was making ready to fire upon them, the two officers
suddenly seized him by the arms, and threw him down. A
few minutes later, the Duke of Rovigo was at liberty, as well
as Pasquier. They ran to assist Greneral HuUin; the accom-
plices or dupes were everywhere arrested. The victims of the
daring attempt looked at each other, thunderstruck at the
event which had just endangered their Uves and the emperor's
government. Paris, now reassured, laughed, and made fun of
the police. * * They have made a grand tour de Force, " said the
wits.

The conspirator and his accomplices in this one day's plot
paid dearly for the anger and alarm of the great functionaries
whom they had humbled. The Arch-chancellor Cambac^rte
had not been taken in Malet's net, but his customary modera-
tion could not restrain Savary's vengeance, much less the mili-
tary indignation of the Duke of Feltre. The three generals,
the colonels, and their agents, were brought before a court-
martial, presided over by Gteneral Dejean. "Who are your
accompUces?" asked the judge, of General Malet. " The whole
of France," replied the accused; "and you also, Dejean, if I
had succeeded." When put on his defence he said, " A man
who has undertaken to be his coimtry's avenger, needs no de-
fence; he triumphs or he dies." Fourteen prisoners were con-
demned to death, two only obtaining delay of punishment.
*' I die," exclaimed Malet to the soldiers appointed to shoot him;
" but I am not the last of the Bomans. I die, but I have made
the enemy of the republic tremble." When Napoleon returned
to Paris, Frochot, the prefect of the Seine, appeared before tho
Coimcil of State, was deprived of his office, and compelled to
leave Paris. " Frochot is an idiot," said the emperor, " but he
is not a republican."

It was with as much annoyance as astonishment that Napo-
leon, at Dogoborouge, received the news of Malet's conspiracy,
proving how precarious was the edifice which he had erected
"What!" he said, again and again, "did nobody think of my
son, my wife, or the constitutions of the empire?" It showed
him the uncertainty of human affaira and the^^ulf ever open
beneath his feet. Malet had not succeeded, and could not
succeed; "but," says Eovigo in his memoir, "the emperor
understood the danger better than any one else— not from
what Malet had done, but from what had not been done by
those whom he had invested with his confidence in the dif'

CH. xrv.] TEB DEOLINB. 0

ferent branches of his administration." His anger and uneaed'
ness caused by the conspiracy hastened his departure from
Russia. "I am wanted in Paris," said he repeatedly.

It was the fundamental error in that constitution of the
empire, so wisely combined and powerfully organized from an
administrative point of view, that the government properly so
called depended on a single will, and rested on a single person.
In his immense states, which were strangers to each other in
origin, interests, and language, Napoleon's presence was neces-
sary, and his absence was felt by most disastrous results. His
distance from Paris made Malet's daring attempt possible.
By leaving his army, at the end of the cruel Russian campaign,
he had delivered them up to the last extremity of despair.
The disgust which he felt for the Spanish war, and the neglect
with which he treated his lieutenants there, while despotically
imposing his plans upon them, powerfully assisted towards the
disasters by which we were pursued in that comer of the
world. Marshal Suchet had indeed reduced Valencia, and
been victorious at Albufera; on the 12th June, 1812, the battle
which he gained before Tarragona put that important place in
our power, and finally assured us the possession of Catalonia
and Aragon. Yet these advantages did not compensate for
our checks, and in particulai* they did not give to the com
mand that unity which was necessary for success. Napoleon
wished for it, but wished for it in his own hands ; and now he
had set out for Russia, and Lord Wellington was at the head of
the EInglish in the Peninsula. However displeased with his
Portuguese and Spanish allies, he still succeeded in imposing
his plans upon them, and the general direction of the war was
entrusted to him. He pursued his operations with a steady and
systematic firmness, which resisted the agitations and changes
of policy which his country was then undergoing in her govern-
ment. The EngUSh premier, Perceval, had been killed by a pis-
tol-shot in the lobby of the House of Commons, without the
motives of the cripie having ever been discovered. His suc-
cessors, less determined upon a warlike policy, had to contend
against the increasing sufferings of the English population, as
well as the well-founded dissatisfaction of the United States.
War with the United States had just broken out, being
solemnly declared by President Madison on the 19th May,
1812, and already some small engagements had taken place, and
the English minister had quitted the United States, when the
English cabinet at last agreed to withdraw the orders in

JO HISTORY OF FRANCE. [CH. siT.

Oouncil which, by unfairly shackling American trade, had. been
the real cause of hcetility between the two countries. The
burden was heavy for England, and the position of her armies
in the Peninsula was becoming more difficult and dangerous;
but the faults of Napoleon was sufficient to restore the equilib-
rium. Henceforward, the difficulties of England no longer
weighed decisively in the balance. From one end of Europe
to the other the mad enterprises of Napoleon, and the reverses
naturally resulting from them, stirred up all the sovereigns
and peoples against the colossus now beginning to totter.

In January, 1812, Lord Wellington besieged Ciudad Rodrigo,
resuming the campaign on Spanish territory by an assault
which speedily gained him the place, and with the place
important; supplies of ammunition and artillery. The English
at once advanced against Badajos, to the great astonishment of
King Joseph's staff in Madrid, and of the Emperor Napoleon
himself, who maintained that as the English general was not a
madman he was certain to direct his efforts toward Salamanca.
On the 7th April, after repeated attacks, and at the expense of
great losses in his best troops, Wellington at last took our last
fortress on the Portuguese frontier. * Marmont's army was
now isolated and threatened, without the hope of being suc-
cessfully assisted by the armies of the north, which were
occupied in guarding the places— or by the army in Andalusia,
which Marshal Soult made no exertion to bring to the assist-
ance of his companions in arms. Napoleon repUed to Mar-
mont's complaints: " He grumbles about the distances and the
difficulty of food; I shall have, in Russia, very different dis-
tances to go over, and very different difficulties to overcome
to feed my soldiers ; well 1 we must do as we can." The master's
difficulties brought no remedy to those of the servant. In spite
of Eling Joseph's orders, henceforward appointed by his brother
to the chief command of the troops, no reinforcement had been
Bent to Marmont. Soult persisted in waiting in Andalusia for
the attack of the English, even after Wellington, on taking
Badajos, had brought back his forces to Fuente Guinaldo, in
the north of Portugal. Grenerals Dorsenne and Caffarelli, who
held the command in the north of Spain, plainly refused their
assistance or made vague promises. General Hill, however,
had advanced with 15,000 men upon the Tagus, and after
attacking the works and garrison which Marmont had pre-
pared to defend the bridge of Almaraz, carried the bridge and
destroyed the fortifications. Wellington commenced to march

OH. xnr.] THE DEOLINR H

towards Agueda, this time seriously threatening the province
of Salamanca. He justly reckoned upon the discord and
weakness of the government, and the jealousy which reigned
among the military leaders. Unity of action in the French
armies would have made his operation impossible. Yet he
advanced, and Marmont, imable to resist alone, found himself
compelled to evacuate Salamanca, leaving a garrison in
the three fortified convents commanding the town. He
withdrew first beyond the Tormes, and soon after beyond
the Douro. The defenders of the convents kept Wel-
lington for several days before their walls, but at last
yielded ; and on the 28th June the English occupied Salamanca.
All Marmont's efforts were for the purpose of concentrating
his forces, and Wellington's to prevent him from being as-
sisted. An Anglo-Sicilian army occupied Marshal Suchet in
Catalonia; and English squadrons, cruising in the Bay of
Biscay, threatened the armies of the north with a disembark-
ation. King Joseph in vain issued orders to Soult ; Marmont
was obliged to measure himself alone with Wellington, against
an English army equal to his own, assisted by Spanish and
Portuguese troops. The marshal was both bold and conceited^
but being conscious of the danger of his situation, he tried to
restrain the enemy without joining battle.

Marmont's first movements were successful He had re-
crossed the Douro, and the English general was compelled to
retire gradually till in his turn he was protected behind the
Tormes, nearer Salamanca; while the Marshal became hopeful
of gaining a victory before the promised assistance could
arrive. He took up position opposite the hills of Arapiles,
about a league from Salamanca, fortifying the heights with its
batteries of artillery. The situation of the English was becom-
ing critical, when Marmont made a movement to outflank the
enemy's right, and thus necessarily sei)arated his left wing from
the centre of the army. Wellington had left the heights which
he occupied, and when he saw this mpvement b^in he turned
to Gteneral Alava, "who commanded the Spanish auxiliaries, " I
have them I My dear Alava, Marmont is lost!"

He was indeed lost; for the whole of the English army, in
one mass, rushed like a torrent into the gap separating our two
corps. The centre was keenly attacked, while Greneral Mau-
cune bravely met the enemy, and drove them back to the
village of Arapiles. But the battle was engaged in hurriedly,
without precise orders or general plan. Marmont was severely

12 HISTORY OP FBANOa. [oh. xit.

wounded at the commencement of the battle, and also General
Bonnet on succeeding him in the command. When General
Clausel, young and ardent but endowed with rare self-posses-
sion, was in his turn called to direct operations, he saw that
the importance of the advantages to be gained would not
justify the price they should cost, and ordered the retreat,
falling back behind the Tormes. The English had suffered heavy-
losses; but the consequences of the battle of Arapiles were
more serious than had been foreseen by either of the combat-
ants. Clausel recrossed the Douro and fell back upon Burgos,
being joined on the way by King Joseph, who was bringing
him, too late, a body of 13,000 men, the approach of whom he
bad wrongly neglected to announce in time. The campaign
was finished — unhappily finished. Joseph withdrew towards
Madrid, but Wellington followed him in this movement. The
army of the centre, the only resource of the King of Spain, did
not allow him to defend his capital, and he found himself
obUged to withdraw towards Valencia. There he sent orders
to Soult to rejoin him, and abandon Andalusia. A strange
suspicion had insinuated itself into Soult's distrustful mind as
to King Joseph's loyalty towards the emperor; and having
been informed of it by accident, the sovereign's first interviews
with the great military chief were so stormy as to still further
increase the difficulty of combining their military plans.

Meantime, WeUington had taken up his quarters at Madrid,
where the pride of the English officers, and the violence of the
Spanish democrats, frequently irritated the population. They
had been accustomed to the kindness and winning ways of
King Joseph, who had thus almost become popular in his capi-
tal, and was well received when the English, after failing be
fore the citadel of Burgos, were in their turn compelled to fall
back upon Salamanca. The King of Spain had brought back
with him the army of the centre and that of Andalusia, and
effected a junction with the army of Portugal, which had been
rallied and re-formed by General ClauseL Marshal Jourdan
urged him to march to Arapiles where Wellington was again
settled, in order to cut off General Hill's forces, then separated
from the main army. The want of concord which always
reigned among the feeble king's advisers delayed that opera-
tion, and a different movement was attempted too late. The
English withdrew without opposition, and the concentration
of the three great armies of Spain remained without any result.
Madrid was now covered by 24,000 men; but not a single place

en. xrv,] THE DEOLINB, 13

was left us on the Portuguese frontier, and we had been
obliged to evacuate Andalusia, and raise the siege of Cadiz.

In Spain, as well as in Russia, we were beaten. Europe was
every day becoming emboldened against the conqueror, so long
irresistible, but now at last beginning to gather the fruits of
his wrong-doing — fruits which were also bitter for ourcoimtry,
successively engaged in senseless enterprises of which she was
80 long to bear the burden !

In his real mind, the Emperor Napoleon, as he left Smorgoni,
wished for peace. He thought it necessary, but impossible to
obtain without another grand display of his power. He was
coimting upon the remains of his army which were left behind.
"I have 120,000 men," said he, to Abb^ Pradt, as he passed
through Warsaw incognito ; " I am going to find 300,000 more;
I shall lead them in three or four battles on the Oder, and
in six months I shall be again on the Niemen. After all, I can-
not prevent it from freezing in Russia !" Every post brought
him news of a disaster more complete than the preceding. On
General York's defection, he wrote as follows to the princes
of the Rhenish confederation : —

" I flattered myself that I shoiild have no new efforts to ask
from my peoples; but that state of things has just been sud-
denly changed by the treason of Gteneral York, who, with tho
Prussian corps, 20,000 men strong, under his orders, has joined
the enemy. On this occasion Prussia has given me the strongest
assurances of her intentions, which I have reason to beUeve
sincere, but which do not prevent her troops from being with
the enemy. The immediate'results of that treason are, that the
King of Naples has had to retire behind the Vistula, and that
my losses wiU be increased by those yet to be made in the hos-
pitals of Old Prussia. A remote result may be a war in Ger-
many. I have used all proper measures to guard the frontiers
of the confederation; but all the confederate states ought, on
their side, to feel the necessity of making efforts proportioned
to the demands of circumstances. It is not only against a
foreign enemy that they have to guard themselves; they have
a more dangerous one to dread— the spirit of revolt and anarchy.
The Emperor of Russia has appointed Baron Stein a minister
of state: he admits him into his most intimate coimcils— him
and all those who, aspiring to change the face of Germany,
have long been trying to succeed by overthrow and revolution.
1 ought to expect that the confederate princes will not neglect
their own interests and betray their own cause ; they would

14 mSTOBT OF FRANOa. [oh. XIT.

betray it by not assisting me by every means in their power,
or by not doing all they can to baffle the enemy's plans. They
would also betray it by not rendering agitators of every kind
powerless to injure, by allowing the public sheets to lead men
astray by lying news, or corrupt them by pernicious doctrines;
or by not anxiously watching what is preached, what is taught,
cmd whatever can in any way influence the public tranquillity,"

That fermentation of men's minds which in France Napoleon
termed "ideology," and had violently attacked in a speech re-
cently addressed to the Council of State, was characterized in
Grermany, and especially in Prussia, by an ardent and patriotic
enthusiasm. For a long time the evils and humiliations un-
dergone by Germany had kindled in men's hearts a deeply-
seated feeling, which secretly increased under the yoke of
silence. The disasters of the Russian campaign loosened their
bonds, and broke the seal which had been placed on every Up.
An explosion of hatred against France was everywhere mani-
fested, with enthusiastic trust and admiration for the Czar,
though he had not fought, and had only allowed old KutuzofE,
with the assistance of the cold, to triumph over an enemy come
to brave the deserts and formidable climate of his country.
Alexander hastened to Wilna, intoxicated by his trimnph, no
longer modest and distrustful of himself, but eager to put him-
self forward as the hberator of Germany, welcoming all who
bad fought against the French power, and laboring to rally
round him a new coalition. The thoughts of the enemies of
France were of course mainly directed to the King of Prussia;
no one had suffered as he had done by NapcAeon's greedy am-
bition; no one was conscious amongst his people of a more ar-
deno passion of vengeance. At Berlin, in spite of the presence
of our troops, the universal joy insulted our reverses, and
French soldiers had great difficulty in getting food. The same
sentiment burst forth throughout all Grermany, together with
that idea of national unity which is easily produced in
the minds of conquered races by conquests and arbitrary
power.

The perplexity of King Frederick William was great. Still
convinced of Napoleon's preponderating power, he dared not
yet openly abandon him, but hoped to profit by our misfor-
tunes so far as to obtain some improvement of his position. He
sent Hatzfeldt with hia instructions to Paris, and backed up
his demands by increasing his armaments. In case his claims
were rejected, the EUng of Prussia gave it to be understood

ea. xiT<] THE DEOUNS. Jg

tiiat he should consider himself free from his engagements with
France.

Austria was united to Napoleon's fortunes by closer ties, yet
she also felt the thrill by which Germany generally was stirred.
The Emperor Francis, as well as Mettemich, began to modify
their policy, hitherto more French than not, suited to the state
of affairs and public opinion. Austria wished for peace; but
while making the independence of Germany its basis, she also
leckoned upon herself deriving several advantages. War
preparations were begun in her states as well as in Prussia.
Mettemich, by skilful manoeuvring, disseminated everywhere
the idea of a Qerman peace, and in France he laid stress upon
the necessity for a glorious repose. Bubna was sent to Paris
to offer for this purpose Austria's intervention with Europe.

In reply to the ideas thus commimicated, Napoleon wrote to
his brother-in-law, after much discussion in Council, and not
without hesitation; at one time he thought of addressing him-
self to the Czar directly. Becapitulating the causes of his
checks, he said,—

" In such a horrible tempest of cold, bivouacking became
insupportable. The soldiers sought for houses and shelter in
vain. That is how the Cossacks captured thousands. It is a
fact that from the 7th to the 16th November the thermometer
went down from ten degrees to eighteen, and even to twenty-
two, and 30,000 of our horses in the artillery and cavalry died.
I left several thousand artillery, ambulance, and baggage car-
riages, from the loss of horses. My losses were great, but the
Russians cannot take any glory from the fact in any shape; I
defeated them everywhere, I wished to enter into these de-
tails, not from military susceptibility, but because it seemed
necessary in order that your Majesty might form a proper
opinion of the present sitiiation." This picture of our losses
was succeeded by another of our resources, intended to impose
fidelity through fear. "The necessary restdt of all this is, that
I shall take no steps towards peace, " continued Napoleon, *' be-
cause the last circumstances having turned to the advantage of
Russia, it belongs to her cabinet to take steps, if they under-
stand the position of affairs. Nevertheless, I shall not object
to those made by your Majesty."

Then, imfolding his plans respecting the projected negotia-
tions, the emperor declared that he was ready to relax in
favor of Russia the conditions of the peace of Tilsit, which
hampered her commercial liberty ; but that he could not 3aeld

10 HISTORt OF FRANCS. [ch. nr.

up a single village of the grand duchy of Warsaw. With
respect to England, he still adhered to the letter which he had
written to Lord Castlereagh at the commencement of the Rus-
sian campaign, and which laid down the principle of the xM
possidetis. He was, moreover, determined to make no conces-
sion with reference to the countries annexed to the empire by
"s^natus-consulte;" they henceforth were part of France,
such as the whole of Italy, Holland, and the Hanseatic
provinces. Spain was to remain under King Joseph, the
kingdom of Naples to Miu^t, and Prussia might obtain some
increase of territory. Napoleon thought also of offering
Dlyria to Austria.

The concessions were illusory, and the display of pride im-
prudent and insolent. Beforehand, and by the conditions
which he laid down, the emperor's conciliatory advances to
Austria were useless; and the Duke of Bassano's bravado, in
his corresx)ondence with Mettemich, aggravated still more his
master's protestations. Napoleon undertook to put the seal to
his provocations by his speech at the opening of the Legisla-
tive Body, on the 14th February, after an absence of more
than a year from the political world : —

" Gentlemen — The war again begun in the north of Europe
presented to the English a favorable opportimity for their
plans; but all their hopes have fallen to the ground. Their
army failed before the citadel of Burgos, and after suffering
great losses was obUged to evacuate the territory of all the
Spains. I myself entered Russia. The French armies were
invariably victorious — at the fields of Ostrowno, Polotsk,
Mohilev, Smolensk, Moskwa, Malo-Jaroslawetz. Nowhere
were the Russian armies able to cope with our eagles. Moscow
fell into our power.

"When the barriers of Russia were forced, and the power-
lessness of her arms acknowledged, a swarm of Tartars turned
their parricidal hands against the fairest provinces of that
empire which it was their duty to defend. In a few weeks,
in spite of the tears and despair of the wretched Muscovites,
they burnt more than 4000 of their finest villages, and more
than fifty of their most handsome towns, thus glutting tbeir
ancient hatred imder the pretext of delaying our march by
surrounding us with a desert. We triiimphed over every
obstacle. Even the burning of Moscow, where in four days
the result of the labor and economy of forty generations was
annihilated, made no change in the prosperous state of my

m. nr.] THE DECLlim lY

affairs. But the excessive and premature rigor of the winter
subjected my army to a frightful calamity. In a few nights I
saw everything changed, and I suffered great losses. They
would have broken my heart if, at such an important time, I
had been accessible to other sentiments than the interest, tlie
glory, and the future of my peoples.

"In view of the evils which have weighed upon us, the joy
of England has been great, and her hopes unbounded. She
offered our fairest provinces as a reward for treason ; she laid
down as a condition of peace the dismemberment of this beauti-
ful empire. It was, in other words, a proclamation of per-
petual warfare. The energy of my peoples on so great an
occasion, their attachment to the integrity of the empire, the
love which they have manifested for me, have dissipated all
those chimeras, and brought back our enemies to a truer per-
ception of facts. It is with lively satisfaction that we have
seen our peoples of the kingdom of Italy, those of old Holland
and the united departments, rival the ancient French in their
zeal, and perceive that their only hope, futurity, and happi-
ness, is in the consoUdation and triumph of the great empire.

"The agents of Elngland are propagating amongst all our
neighbors the spirit of revolt against the sovereigns. England
wishes to see the whole continent a prey to civil war and all
the terrors of anarchy ; but Providence has marked herself to
be the first victim of anarchy and civil war.

"I have myself personally drawn up with the Pope a Con-
cordat which puts a stop to aU the difficulties which had un-
fortunately arisen in the Church. The French dynasty reigns,
and will reign in Spain. I am satisfied with the conduct of
my alUes; I will abandon none of them. I shall support
the integrity of their states. The Russians will go back to
their frightful climate.

"I wish for peace; it is necessary for the world. Four
times since the rupture which followed the treaty of AmienS;
I have offered it in a formal manner. I shall never make any
peace except an honorable one — one suited to the interests and
greatness of my empire. My policy is not in any way mysteri-
ous ; I have declared what sacrifices I could make. So long as
this mimierous war continues, my peoples ought to be ready
for sacrifices of every kind ; for a bad peace would cause us to
lose everything, even hope itself; and everything would bo
compromised, even the prosperity of our grandchildren."

Europe was not deceived by the pacific declarations accomf

18 UI8T0BT OF FRANCE. [oh. xiv.

panied by such haughty manifestations; France was not de*
ceived by them any more than the rest of Europe. The war*
hke preparations were on a vast scale. "If the great army
had been drowned to the last man m recrossing the Niemen,"
wrote Bassano to Prince Mettemich, "such is our martial
superiority that we should not be any the less in a situation to
recommence the campaign in the spring." A levy of 500,000
men had been decreed by the s6natus-consulte of January 11.
It was composed of the contingent of 1813, already called into
active service in the month of September, 1812, of the cohorts
drawn from the first ban of the national guard, of 100,000
men called out from the four last classes of the conscription,
and lastly, of the immediate enrolment of the contingent of
1814. This was not enough, and it was for France to respond
by national enthusiasm to the impassioned ferment with
which Grermany was stirred up. First the great cities, then the
departments, pledged themselves to supply the emperor with
a certain number of cavalry ready mounted and equipped.
An arbitrary tax was imposed by the prefects on the rich pro-
prietors. Everywhere horses were requisitioned and well paid
for; 27,000 fresh horses were in this way procured. Men were
more difficult to find ; the exigencies of military service had
drawn from France its last resources. Compiilsion was soon
to be exercised towards f amihes that until now had escaped
conscription by means of pecuniary sacrifices. In the month
of April there was a new levy of 80,000 men, from the six last
classes of the conscription. In the departments an absolute
authority was conferred on the prefects to call out frv^m the
gentry and middle class a certain number of young men who
had hitherto kept aloof from the army through their opinions
or through parental affection. From these, four select regi-
ments were to be formed, under the appellation of guards of
honor.

Dissatisfied and downcast, the upper classes were not de-
hided as to the necessity of the armaments which the Em-
peror Napoleon was preparing for war or for peace. The
Senate voted without resistance the enormous levies demanded
of it. The working classes, in the towns and in the country,
saw themselves deprived of their natural supporters ; anxiety
grew into irritation. After the Bussian campaign, to all
mothers the death of their children seemed inevitable when
they saw them called away for mihtary service. Amongst
the old wounded and invahd soldiers, more than one indig*

«K. ST.] THE DECLINE. 10

nantly remembered how Napoleon had abandoned them at
Smorgoni. "Wait till the emperor himself leads you to the
army; and whilst you are waiting, stay at home," said they
to the conscripts. At Paris, the women had more than once
let their abusive outcries be heard. Outside France — ^in Hol-
land, in the grand-duchy of Berg, in the Hanseatic provinces
— there were outbursts of indignation, and a violent opposi-
tion to the conscription was manifested. " T«ve Orange P^ was
everywhere the cry in the great towns of the Netherlands.
The energetic repression of these movements was immediately
commanded.

Napoleon was making preparations to leave France once
more. For the purpose of contributing to the expenses of the
war it was decided to sell a part of the commimal domains,
and to replace them with government annuities. This species
of confiscation was likely to excite great discontent. The issue
of a considerable quantity of paper money, necessary for the
supply of immediate needs whilst waiting for the sales of the
landed property to be effected, of course depreciated the bank-
note currency. Count MolUen, the perpetual minister of the
Treasury, long resisted the adoption of this measure; he
yielded at last, much against his will. "The emperor," says
he, in his memoirs, "was thus retrograding towards the revo-
lutionary practices which the public Treasury used to indulge
in at the time of his advent to power, when no scruple was
felt at substituting mere promises to pay for the real payments
which had been guaranteed. His method of defining credit
was this : Credit is a dispensation from paying ready money —
forgetting that the first condition of credit is a free agreement
between the borrower and the lender; and ruling himself by
his definition, he concluded accordingly that, by the privilege
of credit, the substitution of a simple promise to pay was, with-
out any other condition, equivalent to an actual payment."
Neither France nor the emperor had yet completely learned
to abandon revolutionary processes ; the transfer of the com-
mon lands was effected with ease, and without arousing much
protest.

Napoleon sought at the same time to arrange other affairs,
which had produced in his mind a feeling of alarm that does
credit to his judgment. He was continuing to keep the Pope
a prisoner, and had provisionally provided for the transmission
of episcopal authority in his states. He still, however, felt im-
pressed by the antagonist influence of this old man, so long

JO BISTORT OF FRANCS. [ch. xit.

isolated in a fortress, and whose endurance of oppression
weighed upon all Catholic consciences. For several months
past Napoleon had been desirous of bringing Pius VII. nearer
to the centre of France, and he had had him transferred to that
palace of Fontainebleau in which he had formerly received
him, when the Pope crossed the Alps to perform the coronation
of his devout son. On re-entering the royal residence the Pope
saw himself again treated with the care and respect of which
he had long been deprived ; but to all this he appeared indif-
ferent. He seemed crushed by the weight of his captivity.
"With difficulty could the prelates devoted to Napoleon rouse
the Pope from his despondency, in order to discuss the eccle-
siastical questions so closely connected with the repose of the
Church. The method of canonical institution was taken as
settled; Pius Yll. appeared disposed to accept Avignon as his
residence ; he was resolute in refusing any establishment at
Paris. The subject of the Church lands and bishoprics in the
environs of Rome, in which the Pope was personally inter-
ested, stiU remained an open question. On arriving in France,
Napoleon wrote to the Pope: — " Most Holy Father, I hasten to
send to your Holiness an officer of my house, to inform you of
the satisfaction I have experienced in hearing of your good
health from the Bishop a. Nantes, for during this summer I
was for one moment much alarmed when I learned that you
had been seriously indisposed. The new residence of your
Holiness wiD enable us to see each other, and it is much on my
heart to teU you that, in spite of all the events which have
taken place, I have always preserved the same personal regard
for you. We shall perhaps succeed in realizing the longed-for
consummation of putting an end to the differences that exist
between the State and the Church. As far as I am con-
cerned, I am strongly disposed towards it ; and it will depend
entirely ujwn your Hohness. Most Holy Father, I pray
God that He may preserve you for many years, in order
that you may have the glory of re-«ettling the government
'^f the Church, and that you may long enjoy the fruits of your
labors."

A few weeks later the emperor suddenly arrived at Fontaine-
bleau, so agitating the Pope that he could not recover his self-
possession. "My Father!" cried the conqueror, on entering
the roG-"" of the pontiff. Pius Vll., without hesitating, re-
sponded by ilie name of son so familiar on the lips of priests;
he, nevertheless, felt that there was a secret antagonism bo-

«H. XIV.] THE DECLINE. 21

tween the interests of his august visitor and his own. As soon
as the conversation turned upon important points, Napoleon
brought into play all the seductions of his manner and elo-
quence, in order to induce the pontiff to ratify the ruin of hia
tempoi^ power. Appealing to the religious sentiment which
was all-powerful in the mind of Pius VII., he set forth the
benefits that would result to the faith through a freedom from
anxiety as to those earthly possessions which had always been
to the Roman pontiffs a cause of embarrassment, and of dis-
astrous concessions and transactions. The time was past for
the material power of the popes as sovereigns to have any
weight in the balance of Eoiropean interests. Everything
around them was changed; rehgion alone remained un-
changed ; it was necessary to disentangle it from every chain.
The Pope, free and independent at Avignon, endowed with a
revenue of two millions from the property already sold in the
Roman States, the possessor of all the domains still under se-
questration, should have reserved to him the appointment of
cardinals, and of the Roman bishops, whose sees should be re-
established, and the nomination to ten bishoprics in Italy or in
France at his choice. The canonical institution of the prelates
had been settled by the Council, with the consent even of the
holy father. The situation of \se dismissed or disgraced
bishops should be provided for. The archives of the court of
Rome should be transported to the palace of the popes of
Avignon. The emperor did not even require a formal renim-
ciation of the by-gone power of the Roman Church as regards
those territories which he had annexed to the empire. He «uj-
cepted the formula which the Pope was willing to sign: " His
Holiness will exercise the pontificate in France, in the same
manner, and with the same forms, as his predecessors." The
question of residence was decided verbally. Pius Vll. exacted
one final clause for the pious satisfaction of his conscience:
" The holy father submits to the above arrangements in con-
sideration of the present state of the Church, and in the confi-
dence with which the emperor has inspired him that his Maj-
esty will entend his powerful protection to the innmuerable
necessities of the Church in the times in which we live." The
Concordat was only to be published with the consent of the
cardinals, still dispersed or prisoners. The solemn deed was,
however, signed at Fontainebleau, January 26, 1813--a new
eividence of the blindness of men. A very few months were
to pass by before this edifioe. so laboriously constructed, at the

fS HISTORY OF FRANCE. [oh. nT.

eost of so many evil actions on one side, and after so much
conscientious hesitation on the other, was to crumble away.
Soon was the Pope to re-enter Eome, and the Emperor Napo-
leon to sign, even at Fontainebleau, the sorrowful act of his
abdication. No one foresaw the events that were preparing:
neither the simple faithihil, rejoiced at seeing peace re-estab-
lished in the Church, nor the majority of the coimsellors of
the pontiff, anxious and uneasy at the concessions they had
granted, and who did not fail soon to excite in the mind of
Pius Vn. the scruples which they themselves experienced.
Napoleon no longer troubled his mind about the matter; he
had obtained the result he wished for. Everywhere the cir-
cumstances were carefuUy reported, as affording fresh hopes
of that terrestrial peace perpetually promised to Europe, and
which, it was maintained, would even now be assured to it by
new and terrible combats.

For the first time during eight years, on hearing the news
of the disasters of the Russian campaign, Louis XV ill., con-
Btantly resident in England in a silent tranquiUity that was
full of dignity, wished to remind Europe of his existence and
his claims, which seemed as if alike forgotten. He wrote to
the Emperor Alexander in favor of the 100,000 French pris-
oners detained in Russia. "Little does it matter under what
banners they have served," said he. '* I see in them only my
children; I commend them to your Imperial Majesty. May
they learn that their conqueror is the friend of their father!
Your Majesty could not give me a more touching proof of
your sentiments for me."

The royal letter remained without reply. On February 1st,
Louis XV 111. pubhshed from HartweU a manifesto explanatory
of his sentiments and his ideas — less liberal in its poHtical sen-
timents than the declaration promulgated at Mittau in 1804,
more coaxing and encouraging as regards individuals and
their titles and dignities. The maintenance of the Code, sul-
lied by the name of the usurper, was amongst the promises
lavished upon the nation and the army. In resjwnse to the uni-
versal weariness, Louis XVIII. announced the intention of
suppressing the military conscription. The manifesto made
no stir, and the efforts put forth by a few agents of the prince
produced no result. It remained for the Emperor Napoleon
himself to replace the Bourbons on the throne, by the force of
his own faults and disasters.

Meanwhile, the sixth coalition against France was being

«K. xiT.] THE DBOLINB. 33

formed. * The King of Prussia yielded at last to the irresistible
movement which drew around him all his people. His propo-
sitions had been badly received at Paris. When Bubna re-
turned to Breslau, whither Frederick William had transported
his comrt, he found the prince reoolved upon henceforth acting
in concert with Russia, but still hesitating as to the method of
effecting the transition from one alliance to the other. The
Emperor Alexander was ready to furnish him with a pretext.
Knesebeck, the Prussian envoy at his court, was ostensibly
sent to ask for explanations from the Czar, with regard to the
invasion of SHesia, and the authority which the Rus-
sians assumed over a foreign territory. It was easy to com-
prehend the secret object of his mission. The Prussians all
knew it; their king was one with them in thought and feeling;
he prudently waited till circumstances should compel him to
act. The war-party were victorious at Koenigsberg over the
hesitating arguments of Kutuzoflf. The Emperor Alexander
was already at Kalisch; Wittgenstein was advancing upon
Custrin and Berlin. The Prince of Schwartzenberg, adopting
the conciliatory attitude of his government, retired towards
Cracow without fighting. General Reynier had just fallen
back upon the Elbe. The Viceroy of Italy followed him
thither, and on March 4th he set out from Berlin towards
Magdeburg, where he gathered together all the forces still
scattered in (Germany. His army numbered about 80,000 men,
for the most part fatigued and dissatisfied. The effects of the
Russian campaign had been disastrous for the morale as well
as for the military force of the great army.

The Eling of Prussia was free ; Berlin was evacuated. The
joyful acclamations of his subjects recalled their monarch to
his capital. He still lingered at Breslau, preparing his plans
for a definite rupture with France, anxious to the very last
moment, notwithstanding the significant measures he was
every day taking. Everywhere the gentry, the students, and
even the artisans, were rushing to enrol themselves in the ser-
vice of their country. Marshal Blucher had just been called
to take the supreme command of the armies. Gteneral York,
whose trial had been formally conmienced, was acquitted, and
reinstated in his command. The Emperor Alexander was ap-
proaching. On March 15th he entered Breslau, accompanied
by a brilliant staff. Baron Stein preceded his sovereign, happy
in at length seeing his long- continued labors crowned with
oaccess, and Europe ready to unite her efforts against the Em-
HF (B) Vol. 8

94 BISTORT OF FRANCS. [oh. mt.

peror Napoleon. At the same time (March 23rd) thte Prince
Royal of Sweden wrote to his former chief: "I know how
favorably disposed towards peace are both the Emperor Alex-
ander and the cabinet of St. James. The calamities of the
continent loudly call for it, and your Majesty ought not to put
obstacles in the way. Possessor of the grandest monarchy on
earth, ought you to desire ceaselessly to extend its limits, and
bequeath to an arm less powerful than your own the inheri-
tance of never-ending wars? Will not your Majesty apply your-
self to healing the wounds of a revolution of which there re-
mains to France nothing but the remembrance of military
glory, and internal evils that are only too genuine? Sire, the
teachings of history repel the idea of a universal monarchy:
the sentiment of independence may be deadened, but cannot
be effaced from the hearts of nations. May your Majesty
weigh all these considerations, and truly tmn your thoughts
towards a imiversal peace, of which the name has been pro-
fanated for the spilling of so much blood ! I was bom, sire, in
that beautiful France which you govern, and to its glory and
its prosperity I can never be indifferent ; but, without ceasing
to indulge in good wishes for its welfare, I shall defend, with
all the faculties of my soul, both the rights of the people who
have called me to them, and the honor of the sovereign who
has deigned to adopt me as his son. In this struggle between
the freedom of the world and tyranny, I shall say to the
Swedes: 'I fight for you, and with you; and the good wishes
of all free nations will accompany our efforts.' In politics,
sire, there are neither friendships nor hatreds, there are simply
duties to be fulfilled towards the peoples whom Providence has
called upon us to govern. If, in order to succeed therein, one
is compelled to renounce ancient friendships and family affec-
tions, no prince who wishes to fulfil his vocation ought to hesi-
tate as to the part he will take. As fe,r as my personal
ambition is concerned, I admit that my ideal is a lofty one;
for it is to serve the cause of humanity, and insure the inde-
pendence of the Scandinavian peninsula,"

Bemadotte and Sweden were already bound by the conven-
tions of Abo to act against the Emperor Napoleon. The King
of Prussia gave in his adherence to the coalition on the 28th of
February: on the 17th of March he declared war against
France, Our charge d'affaires, St. Marsan, quitted Breslau;
several corps of Cossacks bad already been thrown forwards
upon Hamburg and Lubeck. Prince Eugene found himself

flB. zxv.] THB BBOUNB. f8

compelled to abandon these places in order to protect Dresden.
Hamburg was evacuated by the French authorities, menaced
on all sides by the populace. The island of Hehogoland was
occupied by the English. The King of Saxony, still faithful to
Napoleon, but anxious and troubled on account of the senti-
ments prevalent among his subjects, inclined towards the
mediatorial pohcy adopted by Austria. He quitted his capi-
tal, towards which the Russians were already advancing, and
retreated into Bavaria. Dresden forthwith beheld the enemy
appear before it. The Saxon troops were cantoned in Thurgau,
refusing to unite in resistance to the French. Marshal Davout,
resolute and harsh, immediately blew up the bridges over the
Elbe, and put the city in a state of defence. Everywhere in
Europe the conflagration was being ignited; Austria alone still
Bought to extinguish or to moderate it.

" In what way do you expect me to negotiate with England?"
said Mettemich to Otto, the French minister at Vienna; "your
emperor proclaims that the French dynasty reigns, and will
reign in Spain. How would you have me negotiate with
Bussia and Prussia, when you say that constitutional territories
or dependencies of these allies — that is to say, the Hanseatic
towns and the grand duchy of Warsaw — must remain inviola-
bly alienated from them ? Never should I be able to obtain the
consent of Europe to such conditions. Why be so positive on
points which it is impossible to defend? Peace is necessary
for us; it is also necessary for you. For even in gaining vic-
tories (and you will need to gain many to make Europe what
you would have it to be) the force of pubhc opinion is not al-
ways to be resisted, and a consequent reaction is soon experi-
enced. As for us, we shall merely have to choose: we are
offered everything — everything. "Do you understand? But 're
shall only desire those things which cannot be refused to us.
We wish for an independent Germany, and for peace. We
are thirsting for peace, and we wish to give it to the people who
are demanding it from us."

The Prince of Schwartzenberg was sent to Paris in OTder to
support, by his presence and advice, the sage councils of
Mettemich. He had formerly negotiated the marriage of
Maria-Louise, that powerful bond by which the Emperor
Napoleon exi)ected to be able to keep Austria linked with his
own fortunes. The Prince of Schwartzenberg was not dis-
posed to sacrifice for any such cause his country's freedom of
action. "The marriage 1 the marriage I" cried he one day,

96 HISTORY OF FRANCE. [oh. xxT.

whilst arguing with Bassano. " Policy brought it about, and
policy might undo it !" The Emperer Napoleon sent Narbonne
to Vienna, for the purpose of soimding the Austrian court on
the great projects which he was revolving in his mind, but
which were based on a grave error. He thought Austria desir-
ous of conquest, and ready to risk much for self-aggrandize-
ment. The Emperor Francis, and his clever minister, were
desirous of peace — ^peace at any price. They were prudently
paving the way for it, caring little for the spoils of Prussia
that were offered them, and which had only been for them a
perpetual source of embarrassment and anxiety.

Peace was being negotiated at Vienna, whilst war was being
prepared for at Paris. But every day the attitude of the Em-
peror Napoleon rendered the task of the mediators more diffi-
cult. Every day also, and by insensible degrees, Austria and
the allied powers were becoming more closely united in opposi-
tion to the all-powerful master of France. The Prince of
Schwartzenberg did not dare to announce it at Paris, but his
master had determined not to furnish any troops for the war,
and his alliance with France was becoming simply an armed
mediation. The clever manoeuvres of Mettemich drew the
King of Saxony away from Dresden. Under the pretext of
guaranteeing his safety, this prince was induced to come to
Prague, and to abandon the grand duchy of Warsaw, the
disastrous gift of Napoleon to his ally. A secret convention
was concluded at Kalisch between Austria and Russia. The
Bussian general Sacken was to march against the Austrian
corps, who should give way before him, abandon Cracow, and
retreat into Galicia, drawing in his train the Polish corps of
Poniatowski The Poles were to cross the States of the
Emperor Francis without arms, free to resume them after-
wards for the service of the Emperor Napoleon, wherever
and however might be most convenient. The news of
this arrangement reached Narbonne soon after his arrival at
Vienna.

Mettemich explained to the French envoy the bases upon
which he believed it possible to establish peace in Europe.
These were, the re-establishment of the intermediary powers
in Germany, the evacuation of the Hanseatic towns, the aban-
donment of the chimera of the grand duchy of "Warsaw, and
the reconstitution of Prussia. "We shall have quite enough
trouble," said he, " in preventing the affairs of Holland, Spain,
and Italy, from being talked about. England will probably

OB. XXV.] THE DECLINE. 97

speak of them; and if she gives way as to Holland and Italy,
she will certainly not give way as to Spain. However, if you
are reasonable in other respects, possibly we may be able to
get you through that difficulty." To these propositions Nar-
bonne, reticent for awhile, soon replied by a proposition that
Austria should take the principal part in the negotiations.
She was to menace the allied powers with 100,000 men, and, if
necessary, push them forward into Silesia, Part of this prov-
ince was to be assigned to her, whilst the Emperor Napoleon
imdertook to fight and overcome all the allied armies. " And
if the powers are willing to listen to our peaceful overtures,
what proposals shall we make to them?" asked Mettemich. It
was the part of the negotiator to bring about war, not peace.
Narbonne kept silence. " I am not yet acquainted with the
conditions," he presently rephed, " but suppose they were not
such as you desire . . . ?" The Austrian minister, in his turn,
was hesitating, not from indecision, but from a repugnance
to letting his secret too soon escape from him. He dwelt upon
the good faith he was displaying towards France, and upon
his admiration of the wisdom of the Emperor Napoleon.
"But suppose my master thinks otherwise than you," rejoined
Narbonne; "suppose he prides himself in not yielding the
territories incorporated with the empire, and that he wishes to
preserve to France all that he has conquered for it, — what
would happen then?" "It would happen — ^it would happen,"
rephed Mettemich, " that you would be compelled to grant to
France that which she herself demands of you, that which she
has a just right to demand of you after so many glorious
efforts, that is to say, peace— peace with that just greatness
which she has won with so much blood. Her right to that
greatness it does not enter into the mind of any one, even of
England itself, to dispute with her." " But in that case how
do you imderstand the rdle of mediator? Would you turn
your forces against us?" " Well, yes !" cried at last the minis-
ter, driven into a comer; "the mediator must be impartial.
The armed mediator is an arbitrator who has in his hands the
force necessary to make justice respected, it being well imder-
Btood that all the favor this arbitrator can show will incline
towards France ..." And as Narbonne turned aside with a
humorous remark the conversation which seemed to him to
be getting too animated: "I reckon upon your victories," ex-
claimed Mettemich, "and I shall have need of them, for it
will take more than one to bring your adversaries to reascm;

28 HISTORY OF FRANOB. \ca. xir.

but do not deceive yourselves, on the morrow of a victory you
will find us as resolute as to-day."

Napoleon had at length compelled Austria to declare her-
self; and the position taken up by the latter in consequence of
this premature explosion of her designs was not favorable to
our policy. In spite of the protestations of firmness on the
part of Mettemich, the opening of the campaign and the first
successes of Napoleon influenced his decisions, and facnUtated
the pleadings of the mediator in favor of France. Austria
foimd herself henceforth relieved, in part, from the necessity
for reticence. Her military preparations were completed.
The Poles were called upon to lay down their arms, greatly to
the wrath of the Elmperor Napoleon. "I do not wish to be
served by men dishonored!" he cried. Prince Poniatowski
received orders to throw himself into the grand duchy, *'as a
partisan, in order to make a diversion, and draw multitudes
of people to him." From the 17th of April Napoleon was at
Mayence.

He had set out fi*om Paris on the 15th, after having sol-
emnly confided the regency to the Empress Marie-Louise,
with the assistance and counsel of the Arch-chancellor Cam*
bac6r6s. The latter was growing old ; he felt worn out, and
dreaded the responsibility ; the emperor exacted from his de-
votion the acceptance of the task confided to "him. Napoleon
spumed the idea of confiding the care of the empire to one of
his brothers. The composition of the Council of Regency wa«
regulated by a s&nattis consulte. Napoleon calculated on the
attachment of the Emperor Francis for his daughter, and on
the satisfaction he would experience at the tokens of confi-
dence lavished on her by her husband. It was with evident
emotion that he separated from her, and from his son. Mean-
while he was full of confidence as to victory. "I shall fight
two battles," said he, on quitting St. Cloud, " one upon the
Elbe, the other upon the Oder ; I shall raise the blockade of
my fortresses ; and on reaching the Niemen I shall stay my
course, for I do not wish for endless war. The peace I shall
dictate will cost neither more nor less than the independence
of Poland, and the security of Europe."

" We have played King of France long enough," said Henri
IV., when the Spaniards were besieging Amiens; " let us now
try King of Navarre." The Emperor Napoleon resolved in the
same manner to leave behind him all imperial pomp. " It is
my intention," he gave orders to the marshal of the palace,

m. xnr.] TEE DECLINE. 29

" to arrange my equipages on an entirely different scale than
during the last campaign. I wish to have fewer people about
me, fewer cooks, fewer plates and dishes, no great dressing*
case — and all this as much for the sake of example as for the
diminishing of encumbrances. In camp and on march, the
tables, even my own, shall be served with a soup, a boiled and
a roast joint, and vegetables, with no dessert; in the great
cities one may do as one pleases. I wish to take no pages
with me, they are of no use ; perhaps I may take such of the
huntsmen as are twenty-four years of age, who, being ac-
customed to fatigue, may be of use. Diminish in the same
way the number of canteens ; instead of four beds, only have
two; instead of four tents, let there be only two, and furniture
in proportion. We must be lightly equipped," said Napoleon,
"for we shall have many enemies to fight against; and in
order to achieve success, we shall have to m^rch quickly."

On the 26th of April he quitted Mayence. Prince Eugene,
with 60,000 men, was waiting for him at the confluence of the
Elbe and Saal. Marshal Ney had pushed forward upon Wei-
mar with 48,000 men. Marmont was still organizing his forces
at Hanau, and was ultimately to take up his position, with
80,000 or 32,000 men, along the Elbe. The guard did not in-
clude more than 15,000 or 16,000 men. Davout was ordered to
take and occupy Hamburg. Greneral Bertrand was forming
an army of reserve in Italy. About 200,000 men were march-
ing with cries of " Vive I'Empereurl" acclamations that were
always wrung from the soldiers by the presence of Napoleon,
whatever might be the spite and anger towards him which
many of them nursed in secret. Already they were defiling
the whole length of the Saal, which Prince Eugene ascended,
whilst the Emperor advanced in the opposite direction. The
allies had not foreseen this manoeuvre : their forces were not
yet complete. Many of the German princes, after hesitating
a long time, decided at last upon furnishing their contingent
to the French army. Austria remained neutral; the Swedes
had not yet arrived; the alUed powers could not reckon up
more than 110,000 or 112,000 men under their flags. The Prus-
sians were as numerous as they were eager.

On the 1st of May, Napoleon commenced the march forward,
and Prince Eugene joined him. Marshal Ney repulsed the
enemy at Weissenfels, happy and proud at the conduct of the
young troops which he commanded, and who were now under
fire for the first time. " These boys are heroes," wrote he to

30 EISTOBT OF FRANCE, [ch. xit.

the emperor; "I shall achieve "with them whatever you wish
for." Next day, upon the same piece of ground, whilst de-
bouching into the plain of Lutzen, an engagement of the van-
guard cost Marshal Bessieres his life. He fell, shot in the
breast. " Death is very near us I" said the emperor, as he saw
carried away in his cloak the commander of the cavalry of his
guard, the faithful companion of his campaigns, who had
wished upon this very day to foUow him more closely. The
charges of the enemy's cavalry were repulsed, and the night
was passed at Lutzen. Napoleon visited the monument erected
by the grateful remembrance of his i)eople to King Gustavus
Adolphus, who had died on this plain more than 180 years be-
fore. "I will have a tomb erected here for the Duke of Istria,"
said the emperor. He had already directed the army to move
towards Leipzig.

On May 2nd, at two o'clock in the morning, Napoleon quitted
Lutzen, placing the corps of Marshal Ney in a group of villages
which was to serve as the pivot of his operations. General
Maison, who had gone on in advance, attacked Leipzig with a
vigor which was soon crowned with succesa As the emperor
debouched before the place, he saw it taken by his troops. At
the same time the cannonade announced that the allies were
attacking the villages occupied by Ney. The marshal was
personally accompanying the emperor. " We were going to
outflank them: they are trying the same manoeuvre. There is
no harm done; they will find us everywhere ready." Modify-
ing his plan of battle in a moment, and sending clear and pre-
cise orders to all his generals, he himself hastened towards the
midst of the combat. In spite of the division of the command,
and the recent death of old Kutuzoff, who had at last succumbed
to his fatigues, the allies had wisely arranged their plans; and
they profited on the plain of Lutzen by all the advantages that
were assured to them by the splendid cavalry which they had
at their disposal Since the Bussian campaign, in spite of the
energetic efforts of the Emperor Napoleon, our armies had
been deprived of this precious resource ; Murat and his cavalry
had disappeared.

The five villages were fiercely attacked ; the passionate ardor
of Bliicher and the Prussians forced our young divisions to fall
back. Two successive attacks had dislodged the regiments
which occupied Gross-Gorschen, Klein-Grorschen, and Bahn&
The French were entrenched in the villages of Kaja and Star*
fliedel ; Marshal Marmont was coming up with his corps. N^,

CH. XIT.3 THE DECLINB. 31

advancing from Leipzig at a furious gallop, rallied upon his
route several divisions, whom he immediately led to the ao-
sault of the abandoned villages. They fought with their
bayonets with equal vigor on both sides. Bliicher wished at
any cost to free his country ; Nay was resolute to defend the
greatness of France, Fortime had not yet abandoned the
latter; the young soldiers advanced fearlessly under fire, and
drove back the Prussians as far as Gross-Gorschen. The
Emperor Napoleon had just arrived on the field of battle.

Blucher dashed forward afresh; woimded in the arm, he did
not the less urge forward the attack. The villages were re-
taken; Kaja itself was threatened. On this occasion Napoleon
did not keep himself aloof from the combat, as at the battle of
the Moskowa; he himself brought baxjk the trembling con-
Bcripts against the enemy. "Young men," said he to them,
** I have reckoned upon you to save the empire ; and you flee !"
At the same time Count Lobau drove back the Prussian guard
from the positions of Kaja. The combat and the carnage
spread out over the plain for the space of two leagues.
Bliicher sent requests to the Czar and King Frederick William
to combine in a grand effort upon the centre. The want of
imity in the command rendered the orders feeble and confused.
Meanwhile the forces of Wittgenstein and of York were ad-
vancing to the aid of Bliicher. The divisions of Marshal Ney,
exhausted by a desperate struggle, gave way before this new
assault. Kaja was once more outflanked by the enemy, who
pushed forward beyond it to engage the guard. The reserve
corps at this moment arrived on the theatre of combat. Al-
ready the columns of attack were (^ected against Kaja and
Starsiedel ; the artillery was raking in flank the lines of the
hostile infantry. The aUies fell back in their turn. Blucher
was still pleading for a final effort ; but the sovereigns dreaded
to engage their reserves. Ammunition was beginning to faiL
Prudence carried the day, and the Prussian and Bussian corps
commenced the retreat. A charge of Bliicher against the corps
of Marmont carried for a moment disorder into our ranks on
the side of StarsiedeL Meanwhile the enemy disappeared,
little by httle, without the possibihty of pursuing them for
want of cavalry. The French army rested on the field of
battle, in the midst of the dead and the dying. "We are
beaten, it may be," said Narbonne, when the first news of the
battle was inaccurately reported at Vienna. "We shall see
to-morrow what route is taken by the conquered and the con-

82 HISTORY OF FRANCE. [CH. xiv.

querors." The movements of the two armies soon justified the
foresight of the former wax minister of King Louis XVI. The
aUied sovereigns retired beyond the Elbe; the Emperor Napo>
leon advanced upon Dresden, where the Russians did not wait
for him. The emperor received the keys of the town, sharply
reprimanding the Saxons, who had been unfaithful as aUies,
tind declaring that his clemency to them was only due to the
affection, virtues, and loyalty of their king. That honorable
prince, still more terrified than his subjects, had already taken
measures to obey the emperor's peremptory commands. He
again took the road to Dresden, accompanied by his court and
troops. On the 12th May, Napoleon came to meet him, pre-
tending ignorance of the old king's negotiations with the court
of Vienna, and the shortcomings of his loyalty. Overwhelmed
with honors and confidence, the King of Saxony was, without
a struggle, brought again under Napoleon's authority; the
latter regaining possession of the Saxon army, while solemnly
restoring his states to the sovereign who had so recently been
a fugitive. Babua had just arrived, entrusted with a letter
from the Emperor Francis, and pacific propositions from
Austria.

From his conversation with the King of Saxony, as well as
by intercepted despatches and Narbonne's reports, Napoleon
was enabled to understand the diplomacy of Austria, her
treatment of her enemies, and the fixed resolve of the Emperor
Francis, as well as his minister, to make peace if possible, but
in any case not to allow themselves to be drawn into a war in
the train of France. He was therefore in his secret mind, an*
noyed and suspicious, wth a new inclination towards direct
relations with Bussia, and disposed to grant concessions to the
Czar and to England which he refused to Austria. Neverthe-
iess, he felt it necessary that that power should take the first
step towards a congress which should allow him to treat with
the allies. After giving way to his anger, which Babua al-
lowed to pass without reply, the emperor seemed to calm down.
He listened to the propositions of Austria, which were still the
same, and had reference to the German territories. The title of
Protector of the Rhenish Confederation, and the question of
the Hanse towns, alone interested Napoleon personally. He
insisted upon those two points without violence, and showed
himself ready to admit the Spanish insm-gents to the congress.
Whilst thus oflScially agreeing to the congress, and the armis-
tice rendered necessary by the congress, Napoleon wrote to

CB. JOT.] THE DBOLINE. 38

his father-in-law:— "I am deeply touched hy what your Maj-
esty tells me in your letter regarding the interest you have in
me. I deserve it from you by the sincerity of the sentiments
which I have for you. If your Majesty takes some interest in
my happiness, I trust you wiU be careful of my honor. I am
determined to die, if need be, at the head of the men of gen-
erous feeling in France, rather than become the laughing-stock
of the English, and allow my enemies to triumph. May yoiur
Majesty think of the future, and not destroy the fruits of three
years' friendship, or revive by -gone plots which should precipi-
tate Blurope into convulsions, and wars with interminable
issues, or sacrifice to wretched considerations the happiness
of our generation, of your life, and the true interest of your
subjects, and (why should I not mention it?) of a member of
yoiu" family, sincerely attached to you I May your Majesty
be ever assured of my attachment I"

Whilst the Emperor Napoleon was thus speaking and writ-
ing, he commanded Caulaincourt to present himself to the ad-
vanced posts of the allied sovereigns, in order to institute
direct negotiations with them regarding the armistice. The
following were his formal instructions: —

'* The main point is to declare one's self. You will let me
know, from head-quarters, what has been said. By knowing
the Elmperor Alexander's views we shall at last come to an
imderstanding. My intention, moreover, is to make him a
golden bridge, to save him from Mettemich's intrigues. If I
must make sacrifices, I prefer to do so for the advantage of the
Emperor Alexander, who is an honorable foe, and the King of
Prussia, in whom Bussia takes an interest, than for that of
Austria, who has been a false ally, and who, under the title of
mediator, wishes to arrogate the right of disposing of every-
thing, after having done what suited herself. By treating now,
all the honor of the peace wOl belong to the Emperor Alexander
alone; whereas by making use of the mediation of Austria, the
latter power, whatever be the result of peace or war, should
■eem to have weighed in the balance the fate of aU Ehu-ope."

The alUed sovereigns refused to negotiate directly, and
Caulaincourt was politely referred to Stadion, who had been
appointed to treat the question of a congress in the name of
the mediating power. " A direct mission to the Russian head-
quarters would cut the world in two," Napoleon had said. It
was this rupture of European interests which the allied powers
were resolved to avoid.

84 EI8T0BT OF PBANCB. [oh. xtR

Meanwhile every preparation was made for a second and
terrible battle. Leaving Dresden on the 18th May, Napoleon
reached Bautzen on the 19th. Prince Eugene had set out for
Italy in order to organize a new army intended to alarm Aus-
tria. To these forces 20,000 Neapolitan troops were to be
added. Napoleon had sent for Murat, who though daring and
invincible on the battle-field, had proved himself a timid and
commonplace sovereign, more occupied with preserving his
throne than in maintaining towards the emperor the fidelity
which he owed him. Napoleon was well aware of his dis-
position. It was by his victories that he counted upon rally-
ing round him all his trembling allies. •

The armies of the allies were grouped round the small town
Bautzen, which lies at the base of the Bohemian mountaiius
covered with gloomy pine forests. The river Spree, in front
of the place, was strongly defended. The emperor at once
understood the necessity of a double battle, which should
probably occupy two days. Engagements had already taken
place at several points, and on the 20th, about noon, a battle
began on the banks of the Spree. Marshal Oudinot on the
right and Marmont on the left crossed the river, driving back
by main force those who defended the position indicated by
Napoleon. In the centre. Marshal Macdonald had taken the
stone bridge leading to Bautzen, and carried the town at the
point of the bayonet after the artillery had burst open the
gates. General Bertrand crossed the nearest branches of the
Spree, at the foot of the heights occupied by Bliicher, but his
movements had been delayed; the position was strong, and
well defended. He encamped on the left bank, guarding the
passage across, and waiting for next day's attack. The em-
peror entered Bautzen, and encamped under the walls of the
town.

The allied armies hield nearly all the heights, excepting Tron-
berg, which had been carried on the previous evening by Mar-
shal Oudinot. They were also protected by strong redoubts
and the marshes formed by the river. The attack was there-
fore certain to be difficult and dangerous. Napoleon deter-
mined to divide it; Marshal Ney being ordered to cross the
Spree at Klix, two leagues from Bautzen, in spite of the re-
sistance there presented by Greneral Barclay de Tolly, and then
pass behind the mamelons occupied by Bliicher, in order to
take him in rear. The emperor intended to wait for Ney's ap-
proach, which was to be announced by discharges of artillery,

CH. XIV.] THE DEOLINB. S5

before attacking the centre of the enemy's position. At day-
break on the 21st May, the cannon began to roar along the
whole line. Muffling, an officer on the Russian staff, had alone
perceived the danger which threatened Qix. He urged the
Emperor Alexander to fortify this point; but he was not
listened to. A keen engagement soon began between Marshal
Ney and Barclay de Tally. The village Preititz, held by the
Russians, was twice taken and retaken. If Ney, in the isola-
tion of his movements, had not hesitated to advance to inter-
cept from the enemy the road to Hochkirch, Bliicher's retreat
would have become a disaster. Threatened in rear, keenly at-
tacked in front by Marmont and Bertrand, the Prussian gen-
eral, in spite of his heroic obstinacy, found himself compelled
to withdraw. He had time to evacuate the mamelons by one
of the sides, whilst Ney was climbing the other; Marsh£^
Marmont and Mortier having at the same time crossed the
stream which covered the Russian positions. Oudinot, at first
driven back from Tronberg by MHoradowitch, again assumed
the offensive. The enemy were everywhere keenly pursued.
The emperor at once sent Oudinot to march upon Berlin,
against General Bulow, while he himself advanced upon Bres-
lau in pursuit of the allies, marching at the head of his army,
and commanding the attacks of the advanced guard. It was
thus that in the Reichenbach valley he had a cavalry engage
ment, which enabled him to ascertain both the warlike enthu-
siasm of his enemies, who were daily becoming more formida-
ble, and the relative inferiority of his horse soldiers, who were
lately formed, indifferently mounted, and less experienced in
war than his former troops. The ground, however, was free,
and the emperor, dismounting, was giving orders to have his
tent pitched, when he was told that General K[irgener was
killed, General Bruydre having already succumbed in a cav-
alry charge. " Fortune has certainly a spite against us to-
day," exclaimed the emperor, and at the same moment some
one called out that Duroc was dead. * ' Impossible!" said Na-
poleon, turning round quickly. "I have just been talking to
him!" The marshal, however, was then being carried off the
field, struck in the stomach by a bullet which had glanced
against a tree: he was already dying, and in great agony. Of
a serious and sorrowful disposition, he had said to Caulain-
court a few minutes previously, "You see the emperor, my
dear fellow, he is to^ay gaining victories. After our misfor-
tunes in Russia, it ia now time to take advantage <rf the leesoa;

86 mSTOET OF FRANCE. fCH. xiv.

but he is always the same, insatiable and indefatigable. That
must all end badly !" On coming near his old friend, Napo-
leon, fuU of grief and emotion, said, " This is not the end,
Duroc. There is another iife, where we shall meet again; per-
haps soon," he added, as he yielded to the dying man's earnest
request that he would leave him. His eyes were full of tears,
and he appeared for a moment to rise above merely temporal
consolations; but he allowed no religious ceremonies at the
obsequies which he ordered in Paris to be celebrated in honor
of the two friends of whom death had deprived him within a
few days. ViUemain and Victorien Fabre were appointed to
pronoimce a funeral oration over Marshals Bessiferes and Duroc.
" I will have no priests," wrote Napoleon to Cambac^r^.

A partial engagement, following upon a surprise, placed Ney
and Greneral Maison in danger at Haguenau, whilst at Sprot-
tau a very large park of artillery feU into General Sebastiani's
hands. On the 27th the whole of the army had reached the
Oder, and the French garrison, which had been blockaded for
five months in Glogau, was set at hberty. The emperor had
now reached Liegnitz, and was threatening Breslau.

The position of the aUies was become critical. They had be-
gun the campaign with the disadvantage of a great numerical
inferiority, which became stiU greater by the battles of Lutzen,
Bautzen, and the other smaller engagements which had taken
place. Barclay de Tolly affirmed that he must withdraw into
Poland to reform his army; and the entrenched camp of Bun-
zelwitz, with which they expected to be able to stop Napoleon,
had been recently dismantled by the French. The armistice,
therefore, became an indispensable condition of the very exist-
ence of the coalition. Nesselrode set out for Vienna with in-
structions to i)ersuade Austria in favor of this. In case Met-
temich should stUl hesitate, the Emperor Alexander was to re-
ceive Caulaincourt, and enter upon direct negotiations with
France. General Klelst, In the name of the Prussians, and Coimt
Schouwaloff, in the name of the Russians, went on the 29th
May to the French advanced guard. The emperor had eight
days previously annoimced that he was ready to treat about
an armistice. In spite of the recent defeats of their armies,
the commissioners remained proud, deeply impressed with the
justice of their cause, and fastidious as to the terms of the con-
vention. Napoleon at first found himself bound by his prom-
ises, whatever advantage he might have gained by actively
pursuing the war and destroying the allied forces before they

«■. XIV.] THE DECLINE. 37

could be reinforced. He also wished to supplement his re*
sources, send for the 250,000 men, which were still wanting;
strengthen his cavalry, and after the hot weather resume the
series of his triumphs for the purpose of imposing peace upon
his enemies without the mediation of Austria, which had now
become hateful to him. With this object, he agreed to an
armistice which was unnecessary to him, and in principle to
the congress which he did not really wish for, and laid down
theoretically the bases of a peace which he was determined not
to ratify. So much insincerity and falsehood were certain to
prove fatal to him; and Bliicher and the Prussian patriots
were seriously in error as to their country's interest when they
violently insisted upon immediately continuing hostiHties.

The armistice was at last concluded, on the 4th June. Na«
poleon had definitely rejected Austria's last conciliatory pro-
positions, transmitted by Bubna, which put off till the general
peace the consideration of the Hanse towns and the Bhenish
Confederation. He agreed to neutralize the territory around
Breslau, and let the position of the Hanse towns be fixed as
should have been decided by the fate of war on the 8th June
at midnight. Marshal Davout was upon the point of entering
Hamburg, a fact which told in our favor. Including the day
of declaration, the armistice was to extend to the 26th July.

Instigated by his pride, the Emperor Napoleon practically
refused Austria's mediation, which he had accepted in princi-
ple, and thus surrendered to his adversaries all the advantages
which had been gained at so great cost since the beginning of
the campaign. His actual secret intentions were opposed to
the peace which he pretended to wish for, and he considered
the rest asked from him, by France as well as Europe, to be
dishonorable. Yet he was sure of preserving, as the price of
his long years of warfare, Belgium, the Ehenish provinces,
Holland, Piedmont, Tuscany, the Roman Statea No one ob-
jected to the vassal kings of France retaining Westphalia,
Lombardy, and Naples, The possession and redistribution of
the Spanish territory still remained an open question. The
sacrifices demanded from us in exchange for the jKjace were,
the cession of the grand duchy of Warsaw, and its partition in
favor of Russia and Austria, the restitution of the free towns of
Hamburg, Bremen, and Lubeck, the restoration of Dlyria to
Austria, and the abohtion of the Rhenish Oonf ederation. Such
was the cost, in 1813, of the general peace.

The Emperor Napoleon preferred to assemble the congress,

38 HISTORY OF FRANCE. [ch. xiv.

in order to gain the time necessary for his military prepara-
tions. No information of it was yet given in France, and he
took measures to conceal the proposals which had been made
to him. The anxiety shown by several of his great function-
aries with reference to the peace excited his displeasm-e. On
the 13th Jime he thus wrote to Greneral Savary, Duke of
Eovigo: — " I am dissatisfied with the tone of your communica-
tions ; you constantly annoy me about the need for peace. I
know better than you the situation of my empire ; and that
tendency given to your correspondence produces no favorable
impression in me. I wish for peace, and I am more interested
in it than anybody ; your remarks on the subject are therefore
useless. But I shall not make a peace which would be dis-
honorable, or would in six months bring back a more deter-
mined war. Make no reply to this: these matters are no busi-
ness of yoiu«; do not interfere in them."

The desire for peace in opjKJsition to Najwleon's intention,
and which he in vain sought to evade, was universal. On the
day after the signing of the armistice at Pleiswitz, Bubna re-
turned to Dresden, instructed to annoimce that the allied
powers accepted Austria's mediation, and to ascertain what
conditions of peace Napoleon intended submitting to the con-
gress. The Austrian envoy waited, and when at last the em-
peror deigned to reply to his lu-gent application, it was by
chicanery, discussing technicalities of his mission, and the
part Austria had taken in the negotiation. The days of the
armistice were passing away ; Mettemich resolved to handle
this important question himself. In order to provoke Napo-
leon's jealousy, he set out at first for Oppontschna, where the
aUied sovereigns were. They had just concluded a treaty
with England as to subsidies. The Austrian minister with
some diflBculty succeeded in making the allies accept the
bases of the peace as he wished, and as he had several times
proposed to Napoleon. " The emperor will never grant what
you ask," declared the Russian and Prussian diplomatists.
" Should he not consent, the emperor my master will be free
to join the alliance," repUed Mettemich. He at once set out
for Dresden, and, as he expected. Napoleon had already sent
to summon him for an interview.

I borrow from Thiers the accoimt of the interview of the
Emperor Francis's minister with the angry and suspicious
conqueror: by means of an account written by Mettemich
himself, he has modified the official reports of the imperial

CH. xrv.] TEE DECLINE. gQ

diplomacy. The truth was abeady obvious under the reti-
cences of Bassano and Baron Fain, but in the sad recollections
of the distinguished diplomatist it assumes an incisive force.
"Ah! there you are, M. de Mettemich!" exclaimed Napoleon,
as he saw him enter. "You are very late." Then, recount-
ing his grievances against Austria, he said, "I have thrice
restored his throne to the Emperor Francis ; I have even com-
mitted the fault of marrying his daughter: nothing could
bring him to a better way of thinking. Last year, reckoning
upon him, 1 concluded a treaty of alliance, by which I guar-
anteed to him his states, and he guaranteed to me mine. Had
he told me that that treaty did not suit him, I should not have
insisted upon it, nor should I have even engaged in the Russian
campaign. But he signed it ; andaf ter a single campaign, which
the elements rendered unfortunate, you now see him waverings
interposing between my enemies and me — to negotiate the
terms of peace, he tells me ; but in reality to stop me in my
victories, and rescue from my hands enemies whom I was
about to destroy. Under the pretext of mediation you have
been arming; and then when your armaments are completed,
or nearly so, you pretend to dictate to me conditions which
are those of my enemies themselves. Explain yourself: do
you wish to have a war with me? The Russians and Prus-
sians, emboldened by the misfortunes of last winter, dared
to come to meet me; and I have beaten them— thoroughly
beaten them, although they have told you the contrary. Do
you therefore wish also to have your turn? Very well, let it
be so; you will have it. I make an appointment with you in
Vienna for October."

Mettemich listened, hurt by this disdainful vanity, without
wishing to appear so. He dwelt upon the necessity for peace,
mdispensable for France as well as Ehirope. The emperor
stopped him after each proposition. " Oh, yesl I imderstand
you I" he exclaimed at last. "I know yoiu* secret; I know
what you all really wish ! You Austrians, you wish for the
whole of Italy; yoiu* friends the Russians wish for Poland, the
Prussians for Saxony, the English for Holland and Belgium.
If I give way to-day, to-raorrow you will ask me for those
objects of your desires. But in that case, prepare yourselves
to raise millions of men, to poiu* out the blood of several gen-
erations, and then come to treat at the foot of the heights of
Montmartre. "

The emperor walked up and down in his private room, er

40 EI8T0RT OF FRANCE. [oh. xrr.

cited by his own words. Mettemich tried to calm him. " AD
admire the courage of France, " said he, ' ' and the ardor which
she devotes to yom* service. But, sire, France herself has need
of rest. I have just passed through your army : your soldiers
are children. You have raised anticipated levies; and as soon
as the present generation, who are scarcely formed into
armies, are destroyed by the war now waging, whom will you
caU out? Will you again anticipate?"

Napoleon became pale. No one knew better than himself
the value of the objection raised by Mettemich. He went up
to his visitor, letting his hat fall, which the Austrian minister
did not pick up. "You are not a soldier, sir," he exclaimed;
"you have not, hke me, a soldier's soul; you have not lived
in camps; you have not learned to despise the life of another
man, and your own, when need be. What care I for 200,000
men?"

Mettemich turned to him, full of emotion in spite of his im-
t)assibility as a German and diplomatist. "Let us open the
doors, sire 1 open them !" he exclaimed. " And if the doors are
not suflScient, open the windows ! that the whole of Europe
may hear you. The cause which I have been defending before
you will lose nothing by it !"

Napoleon calmed down, feeling that he was at fault. But
his unconquerable pride still refused to think for a moment of
any concession whatever to those sovereigns whose armies he
had conquered, whose capitals he had occupied, and whose
empires he had dismembered. "Take no part in this quar-
rel," said he to Mettemich; "you run too many risks; you
have too little to gain from it: remain neutral. You wish
for Ulyria; I cede it to you. The peace which you wish to
gain for Europe, I shall give to it with certainty and justice.
But what you proi)ose to me, in the name of a mediation, is an
imposed peace: they wish to lay down the law to me — to me,
who have just gained two brilliant victories. If you wish for
war, you shall have it. Good-bye, tiU we meet in Vienna !"

Mettemich left. The conversation had been a long one, and
the courtiers were waiting very anxiously. "Well," asked
Marshal Berthier, ' ' are you satisfied with the emperor ?" " Yes,
I am satisfied," replied the Austrian minister, "for from to-
day my conscience is at rest. I declare to you, marshal, sol'
emnly, that your master is out of his mind."

It was Napoleon's custom to show a si)eedy reaction from
his fits of passion, and remove the effects by kindness. When

CH. xiT.] THE DECLINE. 41

Mettemich left Dresden he had arranged with Bassano to pro-
long the armistice till the 10th August, as the emperor had
long wished to do; the question of a conference in coumion, or
of the exclusive interference of mediation, heing left unde-
cided. Napoleon showed himself accommodating upon every
formal point. The negotiator had gained nothing, except a
profound conviction that in his real heart the emperor wished
for war, always war, so long as the imposition of peace did not
lie entirely with him. Nevertheless, the plenipotentiaries were
summoned to meet at Prague on the 12th July, and the Aus-
trian court had already moved to the suhurbs of that town.

The Emperor Napoleon, on his part, concluded from his in.
terview with Mettemich, that war with Austria must result
from the attempts to negotiate. He therefore chose his line of
operations along the Elbe, and employed himself in fortifying
it in every part with that watchful foresight which had so
often secured his success. The ramparts of Dresden had been
restored, and the mihtary supplies were collected there in
great abimdance. Works had been ordered at Torgau and
Wittemberg, provisions collected at Magdeburg, and barracks
built at Werden. Marshal Davout took up his head-quarters
at Hamburg, imposing enormous contributions from the
wealthy merchants, who had recently risen against France,
and had for a short time taken refuge in Altona. They asked
leave to return. "If, on the day after your arrival," wrote
the emi)eror to Davout, "you had got a few of them shot, it
would have been well ; it is now too late, and pecuniary pim-
ishments are better." The war contributions of the Ham-
burgers served to fortify and provision their town. Davout
refused to listen to their complaints, and Napoleon would not
receive them. The fortress of Gluckstadt was entrusted to
the keeping of the Danes, who had been compelled, by the
necessities of the coalition, to form a closer union with us.
Before the expiration of the armistice the emperor counted
upon having under his flags 400,000 men in active service; he
kept 80,000 men in Italy, and 20,000 in Bavaria, without coimt-
Ing the garrisons still kept in the strongholds. The cavalry
were being daily improved.

Meantime, however, the news arriving from Spain depressed
and irritated Napoleon during his constant exercise in the
suburbs of Dresden and as far as Magdeburg and Torgau. The
winter had passed without any serious hostilities; but Well-
ington, in spite of some opposition from the Cortes of Cadi^

43 HISTORY OF FRANCE. [CH. xir.

had been named generalissimo of the Spanish army, as he
was already of the Portuguese army, and had been prepaiv
ing, instructing, and forming his auxiliaries, in the hope of
crushing the French power in the Peninsula. On the em-
peror's peremptory order, Bang Joseph had at last followed
Marshal Jourdan's advice, abandoning Madrid, and falling
back upon Valladolid ; the army of Portugal, commanded by
General Reille, marched from Salamanca to Burgos; Greneral
Clausel, with the army of the north, was appointed to destroy
the bands of guerillas, who interrupted communication in
every direction; Count Erlon, with the army of the centre,
covered Valladolid and Madrid ; while the army of Andalusia,
under the orders of General Gazan, occupied the Douro and
Torm^. Marshal Suchet still wisely governed Aragon. The
best officers and soldiers in Spain had been ordered by the em-
peror to join the campaign in Saxony. Marshal Soult's depar-
ture had lessened the difficulties of the command, without ren-
dering it more prudent or energetic; Jourdan, now old and
worn out, saw the faults, without being able to avoid them.
WeUington began the campaign in May, with 48,000 English
and 25,000 Spanish, fairly disciplined; and having at once
crossed the Ezla, he advanced towards Salamanca and Tormes.
The French forces were scattered, holding extended positions,
which rendered their concentration difficidt, when, on the 24th
May, they heard of the approach of the enemy.

Napoleon's real intention was to make use of Spain some
day as a means of concluding peace with England, by restoring
Ferdinand to the possession of his hereditary states, except
the provinces north of the Ebro, which were to be made into
French departments. With this object, therefore, he had
ordered the capital to be abandoned, and all our forces to be
collected in the north. Wellington seemed to have guessed
this piupose, and the first movements of the campaign of 1813
appeared only intended to drive us slowly back towards the
Pyrenees. General Eeille fell back before the enemy, cov-
ering the line of retreat from Valladolid to Burgos. King
Joseph and his court had already gained the latter town,
but stayed only a short time, being aimoyed by the scarcity
of food and the advance of the English. On leaving Bur-
gos, orders were given to blow up the fortress, which had
recently stopped Wellington himself. After some hesitation,
Joseph resolved to march towards Vittoria. All detached troops
were recalled ; and the arrival of General Clausel was specially

m. XIV.] THE DECLINE. 43

hoped for— an able soldier, at the head of a considerable army.
On the evening of the 19th June, after several skirmishes, in
which the army of Portugal was successful, 54,000 French
troops, in good condition had collected near Vittoria. General
Clausel had not arrived being informed only after considerable
delay, of his danger, as well as of the place of meeting, by
peasants who were false to us or stopped by the enemy. The
enormous convoys which accompanied our troops marched
towards Bayonne. Jourdan who alone was capable of direct-
ing the mihtary operations, was ill of fever; their positions
were bad, and the inferiority in nimiber great. On the 2l8t
Jime, Wellington fell upon General Gazan and the army of
Andalusia, at the moment when that general was ordered to
occupy the heights of Zuazo. The Spanish had already taken
possession of the Sierra Andia, and the disconnected attempts
of the French to dislodge them were at first unsuccessful. In
spite of Eeille's heroic resistance, the EngUsh at the same time
forced a passage over the Zadorra, the bridges not having been
destroyed. In vain had Marshal Jourdan and King Joseph
placed a battery of guns at Zuazo ; the artillery was not sup-
ported. The English everywhere succeeded in taking our posi-
tions ; and orders for retreat were given, which, with some of
the forces, became a rout. All who had been left in Vittoria
took to flight. The horses' traces were cut, to abandon their
guns and baggage-wagons ; and even the king's carriages and
papers were lost. Joseph found himself obUged to take refuge
in the valleys of the Pyrenees, covering the last limits of our
frontiers, at St. Jean-Pied-du-Port, and Bastan on the Bidassoa.
General Clausel, arriving too late to prevent the disaster of
Vittoria, had fallen back upon Saragossa, in order to protect
Marshal Suchet's rear. Spain was henceforward lost to us ; • and
Soult's last efforts to rally the army, and still check the Eng-
lish, only served to delay the invasion of France.

Badly informed by his war minister, and absorbed in the in-
cessant cares of a decisive campaign. Napoleon did not at all
weigh the difficulties and impossibiUties of the position which
he had imposed upon his brother ; he did not trace to their real
causes his failures in Spain ; nor did he take into account the
new ardor with which the Russians had been inspired by the
misfortunes of his Russian campaign. He let his anger fall
upon King Joseph, at once replacing him in the command by
the Duke of Dalmatia ; and to overwhelm him with disgrace,
sent him te his castle of Montefontaine, without allowing him

44 BISTORT OF FRANCE. [ch. xit.

time to visit Paris and see his family — without even granting
hiiTi the right to receive any one. Perpetually haunted by the
incurable distrust of despotic power, he had now come to fear
the intrigues of even his brothers, and could not rest unless he
felt them bending under his hand or crushed beneath the
weight of his displeasm-e.

Meantime the time was passing away during the constantly
increasing agitation of men's minds. The news of the English
victory at Vittoria came to revive the hopes of the aUied pleni-
potentiaries, now about to set out for Prague, without inspiring
Napoleon with any wisdom. He had appointed Narbonne and
Caulaincourt as his representatives at the congress ; but mider
pretext of some disagreement as to the final date of the armis-
tice, the second, and principal, of the envoys had not set out.
Even Narbonne was hampered by his instructions. "I give
you more nominal power than real influence," were the words
of the Duke of Bassano to him; " your hands will be tied, but
your legs and mouth left free to walk about and dine." The
only thing thought of by Napoleon was gaining time, to com-
plete his mflitary preparations, and then fall like a thunder-
storm upon his enemies with much superior forces. Amongst
those intended to be crushed the principal was Austria, still
entrusted with a mission of concihation.

Scarcely had Narbonne arrived at Prague before being con-
vinced that Austria would certainly soon join the coalition it
Napoleon continued to mock her and the general desire for
peace felt by Europe. The minister of the Emperor Francis
complained of the delay caused in the meeting of the congress.
"Let the Emperor Napoleon not deceive himself," said he;
"the limit of the 10th August having arrived, not another
word concerning peace will be spoken, and war will be declared.
We shall not be neutral ; let him not flatter himself as to that.
After having used all imaginable means to bring him to rea-
sonable conditions— which did not admit of being changed,
since they constitute the only situation Europe can endure —
nothing remains for us, if he refuses to agree to them, but to
become belUgerents ourselves. Should we remain neutral,
which is what he really desires, the aUies would be beaten; but
after their turn, ours would come — ^and we should well deserve
it. At the present moment, whatever you may be told, we
are free. I give you my word, and that of my sovereign, that
we have entered into engagements with nobody. But I give
you my word also, that at midnight of the 10th August w«

OH. XIV.] TEE DECLINE. 45

shall have done so with everybody except you, and that on the
morning of the 17th you will have 300,000 Austrians besides to
cope with. The emperor my master has not taken this resolu-
tion lightly, for he is a father and loves his daughter; but we
prefer everything, even the chance of defeat, to dishonor and
slavery. Let no one, therefore, after the event tell us that we
have deceived you. Till midnight of the 10th August every-
thing is possible, even at the last hour ; the 10th of August
once x)assed, not a day, pot a moment ; war ! war I with every-
body— even with us." "What?" asked Narbonne, "not even
if negotiations were begun?" "No," repUed Mettemich, "un-
less all the bases of peace are accepted, and nothing remains
but the arrangement of details."

The Austrian minister thus anticipated the new exx)eclient
devised by Napoleon for gaining time without forming any
serious engagement. A great effort was at this moment being
made by those about him to induce him to embrace the over-
tures of peace still presented to his haughty will. For all
those who had guessed, or who knew the conditions offered,
the conclusion of the peace had become an object most passion-
ately desired. His servants who were most compromised and
least scrupulous, as well as the most honorable and faithful —
Fouch6, Savary, Cambac^r^, Caulaincourt — ^incessantly re-
peated to him all the reasons which made rest necessary to
France and glorious to himself. Angry, and ill at ease, he shut
the mouths of soldiers who took the liberty to criticise his
operations, and bluntly told his most intimate councillors to
hold their tongues. He sent Fouch^ to Ulyria, where General
Junot had recently lost his reason : and at last ordered Cau-
laincourt to set out for Piague, while at the same time pur-
posely delaying his journey. Before setting out on the 26th
July, Napoleon's plenipotentiary, a man of honor and candor,
conscientiously felt it his duty to write as follows to his mas-
ter, who had just started for Mayence : —

"Sire,— I wish to ease my mind, before leaving Dresden,
that I may carry to Prague nothing but a sense of the duties
which your Majesty has imposed upon me. It is two o'clock,
and the only instructions conveyed to me by the Duke of Bas-
sano are the replies of Neumarkt, and your Majesty's orders
prevented me receiving them sooner. They are so different
from the arrangements to which you seemed to agree when
persuading me to accept this mission, that I should not hesitate
again to refuse the honor of being your plenipotentiary if, after

4S BISTORT OF FRANCE. [oh. xit.

80 much time lost, every hour were not counted at Prague,
while your Majesty is in Mayence, and I am still in Dresden.
Whatever, therefore, may be my repugnance to negotiations
so illusory, I resign myself entirely to duty, and obey. But,
sire, permit your faithful servant's reflections to find a place
here. The political horizon is still so gloomy, everything looks
so serious, that I cannot resist the desire of beseeching your
Majesty to form, as I trust you will do, a salutary resolution
before the fatal limit of time. May you be convinced that time
is pressing — that the irritation of the Germans is extreme —
and that by this exasperation of men's minds, still more than
by the fear of cabinets, events are irresistibly hurried with in-
creasing speed. Austria is already too much compromised to
retreat, if the peace of the continent does not reassure her.
Your Majesty well knows that it is not the cause of that power
which I have pleaded with you ; it is certainly not her deser-
tion of us in our reverses that I beg of you to recompense ; it
is not even her 50,000 bayonets which I wish to remove,
although that consideration is somewhat important; but it is
the rising of Germany, which the former ascendancy of that
power might cause, that I entreat ypur Majesty, at any cost,
to avoid."

The patriotic rising of Germany, which Caulaincourt justly
dreaded, was already formidable, and everywhere contagious;
but "Napoleon's haughty obstinacy was more dangerous than
the warlike excitement of his enemies, I forbear giving in de-
tail the petty tricks, the systematic delays, the insolent acts or
childish cunning, which the emperor up to the last moment
made use of to render the peace negotiations impossible or illu-
sory. On the 6th August secret proposals, entrusted to Cau-
laincourt alone, were addressed to Austria, with no other object
but to hinder that power from entering upon the campaign.
Mettemich replied by stating the indispensable conditions of
peace, which had from the beginning been laid down with an
invariable discretion and moderation. Caulaincourt accom-
panied that communication with the following requests: —
" Sire, this peace may cost something to your self-conceit, but
nothing to your glory, for it will cost nothing to the real great-
ness of France. I earnestly beg of you to grant this peace to
France, to her sufferings, to her noble devotion to you, to the
imperious circumstances in which you are placed. Take no
notice of that fever of irritation against you which has taken
possession of the whole of Europe, and which even the most

€■. Xiv.] THE DECUNS. 4ff

decisive victories would excite still more instead of calming.
I ask it of you not for the empty honor of signing it, but because
I am certain that you can do nothing more advantageous to
our country or more worthy of yourself. "

Napoleon did not reply till the 11th, making some fresh pro-
posals, which were really inadmissible, though they seemed
to contain some concession. It was too late, Austria having
signed her adhesion to the Eiu*opean coalition. Mettemich
transmitted the emperor's overtures to the allied jwwers, with
the declaration, " We are no longer mediators." The Emperor
Alexander had, in his tarn, been seized by the war-fever; and
there were now nearly 600,000 men ready to take the field in
the name of the allied powers, who rejected Napoleon's late
and insulting advances. The latter dared not publish in
France the conditions of the peace rejected by him. Even
Cambac^res was persistently deceived. Napoleon had just
taken leave of the Empress Marie-Louise, who visited him at
Mayence, with many tears and alarms. He sent her back to
France before the breaking up of the armistice, arranging for
her a journey into Normandy, in order to divert her attention
at the time when her father and husband were to meet on the
battle-field. The lot was now cast, and the last struggle wa»
beginning which proved fatal to Napoleon, as well as to France^
in spite of the heroic efforts of the nation, and the incompar-
able genius of its sovereign.

On this occfision Napoleon again deceived himself by despis*
ing the resources and determination of his enemies. The ar-
mistice and its prolongation were of more use to the allies than
they could be to him. On the 17th August, 1813, he coiinted
about 380,000 men imder his flag, and his reserves were not
equal to those of the allied army. Three armies were advanc-
ing against him — ^that of Bohemia, commanded by Prince
Schwartzenberg; that of Silesia, under the orders of Bliicher,
and that of the north, entrusted to the Prince Royal of
Sweden.

Bemadotte had joined the allied sovereigns at their head-
quarters in Trachenberg, fuU of pretension, and unreservedly
claiming to play the part of generalissimo. The Germans had
a strong antipathy to this intruder, the armies feeling but
small confidence in him. In their real hearts, Bliicher's officers
regarded the French general who had become a Swedish prince
with feelings analogous to that expressed by (General Dufresse,
commander of the French garrison at Stettin, when some shots
HF (0) Vol. 8

^ mSTOBT OF FRANCE. [oh. xit.

were fired from the ramparts at Bemadotte, as he rode under
the walls. The armistice still existing, the Swedes complained,
on which the commandant said, "Oh, it's nothing; the guard
saw a deserter pass, and fired upon him."

Bemadotte was not the only one of the military chiefs of our
great wars who took that oportimity to fight against us. Hav-
ing become a foreigner by a distinguished adoption, the Swed-
ish prince had undertaken towards his new country, duties
which lie accomplished without reference to the country to
which he owed his life and glory. General Moreau, who had
just arrived in Sweden (20th July, 1813), and at once went to
the head-quarters of the enemy, had contracted no obligations
towards our enemies, and was not, like Bemadotte, followed
by 25,000 brave and well-armed men. Buoyed up by his chi-
merical hopes, Moreau made use of his mihtary authority, his
consummate experience, his long knowledge of the theatre of
war, as well as of soldiers, and of Napoleon himself, to serve a
deep-seated hatred and personal rancor, justified by the past
— the lamentable passions of a generous mind, which had been
embittered by misfortune and injustice. Moreau was received
at Trachenberg with special attention. He was accompanied
by Gteneral Jomini, of Swedish origin, so skilled in the art of
war that his opinion even with Napoleon had often been of
great weight. Badly recompensed, badly treated by Berthier,
with whom he had often disagreed, dissatisfied with the situa-
tion of the French army, and invited by the Emperor Alexan-
der, who knew his merit, Jomini had recently joined the 'ser-
vice of our enemies. ** The Czar thinks that the French can
only be beaten by French generals," muttered Bliicher, angrily.
The advice of Jomini and Moreau had, in fact, modified the
plan of campaign of the allies. At first it was proposed to
march upon Leipsic; now, on the contrary, the troops were
advancing towards Dresden, the defence of which had been
entrusted to Marshal Gtouvion St. Cyr.

Napoleon had already marched to Bohemia, and thence to
SileBia, where Bliicher attackedr Ney, almost without waiting
for the expiration of the armistice. After several well-fought
engagements, the Prussians were obliged to fall back upon
Jauer. Macdonald was appointed to keep them behind the
Bober, and had to intercept communications between Bohemia
and Prussia, in order to stop the operations which might ham-
per Marshal Oudinot's movements upon Berlin. Napoleon's
desire of again occupying that capital by a bold stroke had

«■• xiT.] THE DECLINE. 40

decided him in extending much too far the h'nee of his troops.
Henceforwaxd, it was upon Dresden that his principal efforts
were to be directed.

Napoleon's scheme was to take up position on the camp at
Pima, after crossing the Elbe at Koenigstein, intending to de-
scend thence on the enemy's rear, and push him towards
Dresden, so that he might be caught between his armies, the
EUbe, and Marshal St. Cyr. The terror which seized Dresden,
and the king and comi; of Saxony, at the approach of the aUied
armies, prevented the emperor from abiding by his firet inten-
tions. Greneral Vandamme, with 40,000 men, was ordered to
march by Koenigstein and Pima, while Napoleon himself ad-
vanced upon Dresden with the main army. He arrived there
on the morning of the 26th August, and was welcomed with
cheers by the population and soldiers. Marshal St. Cyr, after
gallantly defending his advanced positions, had fallen back
under the walls of the town. His arrangements already made
were approved of by the emi)eror. The enemy still hesitated
about making the attack, when Napoleon's arrival quickly de-
cided the question. The battle began at three o'clock, just as
the clocks of Dresden were striking the hour. The fighting
was keen, and nearly all the redoubts were attacked at the
same time; one of the works was already carried, and the
defence at other points was becoming diflScult, when the arri-
val of the guard changed the face of affairs. The French be-
gan the offensive, leaving the redoubts to march on the enemy.
Murat was again at the head of the cavalry. The enemy were
obliged to withdraw. Our success had cost us Uttle, and the
joyous confidence of victory animated the troops. "I shall
see them again, to-morrow," said Napoleon, reviving by his
courage the depressed heart of the King of Saxony. All the
orders for the military operations had been given by the em-
peror before he took rest or food. On the 27th, the fighting
b^an at daybreak, under a downpour of rain, which quite
neutralized the first operations on both sides. Barclay de Tolly
refused to effect a concentrated movement which had been rec-
ommended, against Marshal Ney's forces. "The fields are too
much soaked," said he, " and the canals intersecting the plain
overflow in all directions." A movement, which Napoleon had
the night before ordered Murat and Victor to perform, threw the
Austrian army into the valley of Plauen, and they were obliged
to lay down their arms. The left wing of the allies was destroyed.
In the centre. Napoleon, himself directing the artillery against

5D BISTORT OF FR Aires. [oh. xZ7.

the Austrians posted on the heights, sent forward several
guns towards Racknitz, where the Emperor Alexander was.
Gteneral Moreau was beside him, and said, "It is rather warm
here;*' when, after the Czar advised him to withdraw, a ball
struck Moreau on the legs, and overthrew him and his horse to-
gether, ' ' That Bonaparte is always lucky !" he exclaimed as he
fell. He was carried dying into a hut, and his dog, bearing a col-
lar with his name, brought by the soldiers to his master's bed-
side. The report of the illustrious general's death spread in both
armies. Greneral Vandamme had left Koenigstein, and driven
the Prince of Wurtemburg into the camp of Pima. The battle
of Dresden was lost by the aUied sovereigns ; they retired, leaving
us masters of the battle-field, and fell back upon Bohemia by
different roads. They had undergone considerable loses.

Napoleon, however, was not deceived by the brilliant victory,
but wished immediately to follow up his advantage. Advanc-
ing to Pima, he despatched General Vandamme in pursuit of
the Bussians. Several checks, undergone by Oudinot in his
movement towards Berlin, and by Macdonald in opposing
Bliicher, brought the emx)eror back to Dresden ; the main army
pursued the allied columns in all directions. On the morning
of the 29th, Vandamme defeated the Russian rear-guard, and
the Emperor Alexander halted opposite Kulm, being resolved
to fight him. The time was now passed when Napoleon's
victories inspired his opponents with permanent fear. After a
terrible struggle, lasting the whole day, the French remained
in possession of Kulm, which they had carried even in the
morning, without being able to dislodge the Russians from
Priesten. General Vandamme asked for assistance, and on
the 30th still waited in vain. The emperor's return to Dresden,
the movements which he had ordered, and those which he was
preparing, and the piu*suit of the enemy's columns, all removed
the forces which might have arrived in time. The allies at
first limited themselves to restraining Vandamme ; and whilst
he still expected the assistance of Marshals Mortier and Gou-
vion St. Cyr, some Prussian forces, under General Kleist, who
were about to retreat, feU upon the rear of Vandamme's army.
His soldiers had fixed their bayonets on their muskets, deter-
mined to force a way through ; and the French general himself
had now no resource but a last desperate effort. He went up
the Peterswald highway, leaving his artillery, which had been
doing good execution upon the Russians, when the Emperor
Alexander's entire army rushed upon him, and in the confiv

OH. xnr.] THE DEOLINB. Q|

edon of men and horses, the French divisions, crushed by the
enemy, at laat wavered, and a large number of soldiers took to
flight. Generals Vandamme and Haxo, woimded and taken
prisoners, were no longer present to rally their troops; the
army was decimated ; and the allied sovereigns, so soon smiled
upon by fortune after their defeat before Dresden, again took
courage and confidence. Henceforward, our very victories
were without advantage or result.

The skilful combinations of the Emperor Napoleon had, more-
over, failed in nearly every quarter under the hands of his
most able lieutenants. Marshal Oudinot, defeated at Gross
Beeren by General Tauenzien, had been forced back to Wittem-
berg by Bemadotte. Macdonald, thrown back upon the Katz-
bach by Bliicher, was now at Bautzen, so vigorously pressed
that Napoleon himself was obliged to go to his assistance.
Bliicher did not wait for him; but scarcely had the emperor
returned to Dresden before Marshal Ney, who had been de-
tached to assist Oudinot and recommence the movement upon
Berlin, was in his turn beaten at Dennewitz, by the combined
army of the Swedes, Eussians, and Prussians. The Saxon
regiments having disbanded, a large number deserted, accom-
panied by several Bavarian battalions. The marshal could not
succeed in re-forming his army till they reached the gates of
TorgaxL For the first time his mind was overwhelmed with
discouragement, and like Macdonald and Oudinot, he entreated
the emperor to be relieved from the command, "It is my
duty," he wrote from Wurtzen, on 10th September, "to de-
clare to your Majesty that, with the present organization of
the fourth, seventh, and twelfth army-corps, no good results
can be expected from them. They are united by duty, but not
in reahty. Each of the generals-in-chief does almost what he
thinks suitable to his own preservation; and things are at such
a pass that I have great diflBculty in getting a position. Both
generals and officers are demoralized; I should prefer being a
grenadier. I do not require, I believe, to speak of my devotion.
I am ready to shed every drop of my blood, but I wish it to be
done usefully. As things at present are, the emperor's pres-
ence alone can restore general confidence, because the wills of
all yield to his genius, and all petty vanity disappears before
the majesty of the throne. Your Majesty ought to be informed
that the foreign troops of all nationalities show a very bad dm-
position, and that it is doubtful if the cavahry which I havt
with me be not more hurtful than useful."

B2 HISTORY OF FRANCE. [CH. xiv.

Thus, under the blows of misfortune, was destroyed that
bundle, painfully composed, of so many inconsistent and dis-
cordant elaments, and till then obstinately kept together by the
grasp of an all-powerful hand. Having had his combinations
baffled or badly executed, and being ignorant of the plans of
the enemy, who were now retreating after having a second
time appeared in the suburbs of Dresden, Napoleon halted at
Pima, where he joined Marshal St. Cyr. The latter wished to
pursue the alUes, in order to intercept their advance to the
Gteyserberg, and the emperor agreed to this movement, which
was in fact begun; but on the 11th September, being uneasy
about the increasing difficulties of the march, anxious about
the position of the Austrian forces, which he had received no
information about, and afraid of his lieutenants being again
worsted. Napoleon suddenly resolved to fall back upon Dresden.
His intention was to form cantonments there during the win-
ter; he had again grouped all his troops on the line of the Elbe,
and was increasing his military supplies. The perpetual and
repeated attacks of the enemy, the wide distribution of our
forces, and the defeats undergone by several armies, had
seriously diminished our resources, and the ntunerical dispro-
portion between our troops and those of the allies became con-
stantly greater. The minister of war had already been in-
structed, by a letter in cypher from the Duke of Bassano, to
put the Rhenish fortresses in a state of defence. " Our army
is still large, and in good condition," said the minister, who
constantly shared all his master's secrets, ' ' but the generals and
officers, wearied with the war, have no longer that action
which formerly led them to great exploits ; the theatre is too
extended. The emperor is victorious whenever he can be on
the spot ; but he cannot be everywhere, and the generals who
command in his absence seldom answer to his expectations.
You are aware of what happened to Greneral Vandamme ; the
Duke of Tarento met with some reverses in Silesia; and the
Prince of the Moskwa has just been beaten in marching upon
Berlin. I present you with this picture in order that you may
know all, and take steps accordingly."

The war, nevertheless, was still prolonged, gradually ex-
hausting the strength of all ; and the allies at last resolved to
strike a decisive blow. They had long avoided the Emperor
Napoleon, attacking his lieutenants, and incessantly harafis-
ing his armies ; but being now assured of their crushing superi-
ority in numbers, and urged on by the ardor of Bliicher's stafl^

OH. xnr.] THE DEOLJimf. B3

the sovereigns resolved to penetrate into Bohemia, and ad-
vance by different roads upon Leipsic, after again threatening
Dresden. Their whole effort was, for a short time, to deceive
Napoleon; with the purpose of concentrating the allied forces
before he could attack the armies apart. Bliicher was ap-
pointed to push on first in advance, to compel Bemadotte to
cross the Elbe at Roslau. The Gtermans impatiently blamed
the backwardness of the prince royal of Sweden. "He dare
not attack the French," said they.

Napoleon, also, as well as the allies, wished for a battle.
Having some idea of the plans of the enemy, he guessed their
combinations, but counted upon delays which, as it happened,
they did not make. His first thought was to abandon the Elbe
and Dresden, and by marching with aU his forces towards
Leipsic, separate the three allied armies from each other. He
made preparations for this purpose, and allowed the old King
of Saxony to accompany his armies. Marshal St. Cyr was al-
ready rejoicing at the thoughts of leaving Dresden, when the
emperor, on reaching Dresden, became hopeful of beating Ber-
nadotte and Bliicher in rapidity of march, and thus fighting
the armies of the north and of Silesia, before they could effect
their junction with the army of Bohemia. For this purpose,
it was necessary to keep Dresden, in order to recross the Elbe
there, and the evacuation of the town was deferred. This im-
fortunate measure deprived us of 30,000 men, and Marshal St.
Cyr, and was, moreover, useless, as the rapid concentration of
the enemies round Leipsic soon compelled Napoleon to resmne
his march towards that place.

I have no intention of narrating, in all their technical de-
tails, the successive battles then about to be fought under the
walls of Leipsic, to decide the fate of France and Europe. The
feehng of the lowest soldiers, as well as of the emperor himself,
was, that the hour of final struggle was at hand. "Boys!"
said General Maison, on the morning of the 16th, when joining
battle, "this is France's last battle, and we must be all dead
before night." The same gloomy ardor reigned throughout all
the ranks. Everywhere men hastened to fight, without illu-
eion, with the courage of wounded lions. "You are long in
coming, my old Augereau," cried Napoleon to the marshal, as
he reached the head-quarters ; " you have kept us waiting; you
are no longer the Augereau of Castiglione !" "I shall always
be the Augereau of Castiglione," replied the old soldier of the
republic, " when your Majesty gives me back the soldiers of

54 HISTORY OF FRANCE. [oh. xit.

the army of Italy." Those were dead; theh* sons also were
dead ; their grandchildren had not had time to grow, and had
already been mowed down on the field of battle. Napoleon had
just prepared the decrees for a new levy, calling upon 280,000
more men to join his flag, 120,000 being from previous contin-
gents, and 160,000 from the conscription of 1815. On reaching
Leipsic, on the 15th October, the French army could not
amount to more than 190,000 men, whereas the imited forces of
the aOies reckoned 300,000. Napoleon himself felt the load that
lay upon his shoulders. "What an intricate problem is all
thisl" said he. "No one but myself can get me well through
it, and even I shall find it no easy task."

The exterior difficulties and complications constantly in-
creased around the emperor, opposing or threatening his mili-
tary operations. The kingdom of Westphalia, composed of
heterogeneous elements, and provinces differing in origin and
interests, had just crumbled to pieces before a charge of Czer-
nichefs Cossacks. Arriving, without opposition, at the gates
of Cassel, they found King Jerome almost deprived of troops.
The defence was but for an instant, the population being every-
where hostile to him ; the dethroned monarch was obliged to
withdraw to Coblentz, and his States no longer existed. News
of another danger was brought. The King of Bavaria had
asked for reiaforcements, having long been displeased to
see his army, under the orders of General Wrede, exposed
on the Inn to the attacks of the Austrians. Marshal Auge-
reau's departure for Leipsic having rendered assistance hope-
less, the prince yielded to his personal desires and fears, as
weU as to the enthusiastic wishes of his people. On the 8th
October, Bavaria adhered to the coalition by a treaty secretly
signed at Munich. Behind us every way of escape was being
closed. Before us opened the battle-field of Leipsic.

Napoleon carefully inspected the gi'ound on the 15th, trying
to form an idea of the position of the enemies, and their plan of
battle. The army of Bohemia, imder Prince Schwartzenberg,
threatened our positions at Mark-Kleeburg, Wachau, and Lie-
bert-Wolkwitz. Bliicher with his forces on the Halle road,
several leagues from Leipsic, was eager to reach the battle-
field. Bemadotte was still some distance off on the lower
Saale, two of his divisions being on the march along the right
bank of the Elbe. Two days' marching would bring the allies
a reinforcement of 110,000 men. Of the troops at the disposal
of the French, those of (General Eegnier only had not yet

CH. XIV.] THE DEOLINE. Q5

reached Leipsic, and they did not amount to more than 15,-
000 men, mostly foreigners. The emperor could not delay
giving hattle, which therefore began on the 16th, at nine o'clock
in the morning.

The fighting was continued the whole day with the same
keen determination. When, in the evening, by the last rays
of twilight. Napoleon rode over fhe field of the dead, he saw
that his soldiers had fallen in their ranks, as men of honor;
but the enemy had shown equal courage. Incessantly taken,
and retaken, by the opposing tides of combatants, the positions
were defended, attacked, and turned, without any decisive
result. Napoleon several times put forth a great effort to reach
a definite success, which he felt necessary, but a skilful move-
ment of the enemy constantly hampered his plan. At the
sheep-farm of Avenhayn, at the village of Gulden-Gossa, at the
wood of the University, dead bodies were heaped up in vain.
The cannon in the distance were heard resounding, in reply to
the thunder of the main battle-field. At Lindenau, (General
Margaron had difficulty in holding his own against Giulay. At
Mockern, Marshal Msizaron had been stopped in his march to-
wards Leipsic by the arrival of Bliicher, who was hastening to
the combat. Alone he had to struggle with the army of Silesia,
and when at last compelled to fall back upon the Partha, the
Marshal had lost 6000 men. Nothing now prevented the junc-
tion of Bliicher and Schwartzenberg.

Though 20,000 Frenchmen lay strewed over the ground
at Wachau, we had not lost our positions, or retreated a step.
The situation, however, was not less terrible and threatening,
in presence of the enormous masses which were advancing to
surround us on every side. Napoleon felt this. On the 17th,
he for a short time thought of retreating. That was to confess
his defeat, and risk the loss of the excellent troops still shut up
in the strongholds at Dresden, Hambiug, Dantzic, Glogau, and
Stettin. The emperor sent for Merveldt, the Austrian general,
who had been taken prisoner on the evening of the 16th, in a
skirmish at Dolitz. "Did they know I was here when they
made the attack?" he asked. '• Yes, sire." "You wished then,
this time, to give me battle?" "Yes, sire." Then, after some
remarks as to the respective numbers of the two armies, "Will
you attack me to-morrow?" " Yes, sire." "This struggle is
becoming very serious; should we not put a stop to it?" con-
tinued the emperor; "will there be no thought of peace?"
" May GU)d grant it !" exclaimed the Austrian ; " that is all we

66 EI8T0RT OF FRANCS. [ot. XIT.

are fighting for. If your Majesty had agreed to it at Prague 1"
*' Let England give me back my colonies, and I will give her
back Hanover." "She will want more than that" "I will
restore the Hanse towns, if need be." It was now too late;
Merveldt spoke of Holland. He at the same time jwinted out
the determination of the allies with regard to the independ-
ence of Italy. The kingdom of Westphaha no longer existed.
Witn reference to an armistice, the emperor said, *' I know
that you maintain it is part of my military policy, yet- we
might in that way avoid much bloodshed. During the nego-
tiations I should retire as far as the Saale." " The allies would
never agree to an armistice on these terms," objected Merveldt:
"they reckon to go to the Rhine this autumn." "To the
Rhine 1" exclaimed Napoleon. " Before I retire as far as the
Rhine I must lose a battle, and till now I have yet lost none.
Set out, nevertheless. You know my opinion of your merit; I
restore you to liberty on parole. You may repeat what I have
told you."

Merveldt's report went to strengthen the alUed sovereigns in
their intention of following up their advantages to the end.
The emperor, however, had resolved to beat a retreat in a lei-
surely and dignified manner, through Leipsic, as if merely to
modify the position of his troops. At two o'clock in the morn-
ing the whole army was to effect a concentric movement upon
Leipsic, so that when the circle was completed roimd the town
they might reach by the Lindenau bridge the small town
divided from Leipsic by the Elster; beyond that extended the
plain of Lutzen, which General Bertrand was ordered to clear
of the few troops of the enemy occupying it. General Rognial
was to throw bridges over the Saale. They neglected, how-
ever, to build several over the Elster.

After having everywhere given his orders personally, the
emperor was returning to his bivouac at Probstheyda on the
18th, at daybreak, when he saw three columns of the enemy
advancing upon his new line of battle. The allies, like Napo-
leon, had allowed the 17th to pass without a battle, because
they waited for the arrival of Bemadotte, whom Bliicher had
compelled to cross the Partha, and advance before Prince
Schwartzenberg. On every side of the battle-field, the French
army, who had fallen back within their new positions, now
found themselves simultaneously attacked. The Austrians
charged Probstheyda; Poniatowski and Augereau defended
themselves at Connewitz. Marshal Ney and Marmont, atk

m. xiT.] THE DECLINE. (jj

tacked by Bliicher and Bemadotte, had seen General Reynier
suddenly deserted by the Saxon forces, who passed over to the
enemy, and turned their guns against Durutte's division, with
whom they had served for several years. Napoleon hastened
up with the cavalry and artillery of the guard, to close the
breach opened in oiu" lines by this defection. The news of it
quickly spreading in both armies, stimulated still more the
hopes of one side, and the heroic despair of the other. Prince
Schwartzenberg had now given up the attempt to carry Probst-
heyda, and limited himself to bombarding our works. The
batteries were still vomiting flames at nightfall, yet the French
had not modified their positions ; the rows of dead men alone
showed at what price our lines had been defended, and how
much our forces had been weakened.

Henceforward resistance became impossible, with 40,000
soldiers dead or woimded in our ranks, and the retreat began
immediate!/. The emperor had entered Leipsic to issue his
orders. The wounded had been abandoned on the battle-field,
but some of the victims of the engagements on the 16th were
carried oflE. The ambulance-wagons, and those for baggage
and artillery, already blocked up the bridge leading to Linde-
nau, which was very long and narrow, and soon covered with
a crowded throng of soldiers, prisoners, and camp-followers,
who were frequently trodden under foot by columns advancing
in good order. The guns commenced their roar at sunrise, as
the rear-guard were stUl fighting in the suburbs. The passion-
ate anger of our troops lent them new strength against the
enemies who ventured to pursue them. It was at the point of
the bayonet that several regiments forced their way towards
Lindenau.

These last defenders of the national honor were soon to pay
dearly for their devotion. The bridge had been mined on the
Leipsic side, where it crosses the main branch of the Elster,
and orders were given to set fire to the train when the French
troops were replaced at the bridge-head by the enemy. This
frightful duty was entrusted to a simple corporal of the sappers.
In the confusion of battle, while the remains of the seventh,
fifth, and eleventh corps were still fighting on the ramparts of
the town, some of Bliicher's soldiers, mixed with ours, were
seen through the streets of the suburb HaUe. " Set fire to it I
set fire to itl" immediately shouted those who were already in
safety, terrified at the thought of pursuit. The corporal, shar-
ing in the alarm, obeyed, and the bridge was blown up, covep

Ife HISTORY OF FRANCE. [CH. xjv.

Ing both banks with its ruins, and condemning to death or cap-
tivity 20,000 Frenchmen, who were thus deprived of all com-
mimication with the army. A cry of despair arose, and while
the last ranks of our soldiers still rushed upon the enemy,
many of the others threw themselves into the river, where the
majority speedily perished. In that number was Prince Ponia-
towsM, who had been raised on the previous evening to the
dignity of marshal. Macdonald succeeded in gaining the oppo-
site bank.- The Grenerals Eeynier and Lauriston fell into the
hands of the enemy. The Emperor Alexander gave the King
of Saxony to imderstand that he must consider himself a
prisoner of war. A few hours previously, Napoleon had bidden
adieu to the unhappy sovereign, whom he was drawing on to
his ruin. The defection of the Saxons on the field of battle was
destined to save neither their king nor their country.

The battle of nations was finished, and the lot of arms liad
decided against us. Napoleon now hastened to reach again
those limits of the Rhine which he had recentiy scorned as too
confined, fortunate in being able to pass freely over the Saale,
thanks to the energy of Bercrand and Mortier, and hurrying to
be before the enemy, who were advancing tx) bar their passage.
The Austro-Bavarian army came to encamp on the Mein,
whilst the emperor rested at Erfurt, their object being to inter-
cept his march to Mayence. The remains of the army, re-
formed by Napoleon's personal vigilance, at last crossed the
passes of Thuringia; but disease, desertion, and disorder daily
weakened our resources. Of 100,000 men who left Leipsic,
50,000 at most endured the fatigue and hardships of the march.
Napoleon had less than 20,000 men under him when he attacked
the Bavarians at Hanau, on the 30th October, and brilliantly
forced his way through them. "PoorWrede!" said the em-
peror, disdainfully, as he cast a glance over his adversary's
positions. "I made him a count, but I could not make him a
general!" The Bavarians were crushed, and the French army
entered triumphantly into Mayence, though reduced to the
number of the smallest of the army-corps which had so recently
passed through that town, one after another, marching to new
conquests and new victories. The Rhine was not defended,
and the garrisons which ought to have been protecting it were
scattered from the Oder to the Vistula, delivered up before-
hand, in spite of their heroism, to the vengeance of the allies.
After making his final arrangements for distributing in the
Rhenish strongholds the troops left him, the emperor set out

CH. zv.] THB FALL. 09

from Mayence on the 7th November, and aa. the 9th reached
Paris, still proud in spite of his profound dejection. His last
words at Mayence were a challenge to the German princes who
had deserted him. "The King of Bavaria and I will meet
again," said he. "He was a little prince whom I made great;
and now he is a great prince, whom I shall make little."

CHAPTER XV.

THE FALL (1813—1814).

Immediately after the battle of Dresden, during the depres-
sion of defeat, the allied powers renewed and gave reasons for
their alliance, being more than ever resolved to strengthen it
in their misfortune ; and after the battle of Leipsic, after gain-
ing a brilliant victory which the conquered coiild not dispute,
the allies wished to declare to all the world their mutual en-
gagements and their reasons for continuing the alliance. * ' The
allied sovereigns declare," said they, " that they do not make
war upon France; that they desire that she may be strong and
happy, that her commerce may revive, and the arts again
flourish ; that her territory may remain more extensive than it
ever was imder her kings — because the French influence, great
and powerful, is in Europe one of the fundamental bases of the
social system— because the tranquillity of a great people de-
pends upon their happiness — ^because a brave nation does not
sink lower on account of having in its turn undergone reverses.
It is upon the emperor alone that they make war; or rather,
upon that excess of influence which he has too long brought to
bear upon nations foreign to his own, to the misfortune of
France and Europe."

We have in 1870 heard analogous declarations, and been able
to estimate their value. In 1813 the aUied sovereigns were sin-
cere, as was proved by their conduct in 1814, and France
miderstood their declarations to be earnest. She was at once
annoyed, exhausted, and tired; tired of her past glories now
vanishing before the present reverses, exhausted by the super-
natural efforts she had for so many years been exerting, and
annoyed at seeing a peace which she felt to be honorable and
practicable scorned by the unconquerable pride of her master,

00 HISrORT OF FRANCE. [ch. tt.

immediately after the victories of Lutzen and Bautzen, All
the oppressions which had gradually more and more weighed
down all classes of society, the increasing burdens caused by
requisitions, the hardships under which commerce groaned on
account of the ports being closed, and above all the constant
mowing down of men, and almost boys, in all the battle-fields
of Europe, with families destroyed, and hopes ruined, such
were the evils accmnulated upon France by fifteen years of
military despotism, succeeding to ten years of revolution. The
imperial police were no longer suflBcient to smother the com-
plaints and murmurs. No one now believed in the declarations
of the official journals; and tragical rumors exaggerated even
the facts of our disasters. The cry of the mothers rose to the
very heavens.

It was certainly not in favor of the various parties, long
crushed under a powerful hand, that those elements of disturb-
ance and fermentation were in agitation. The republicans,
still numerous, remained silent, or dreamt of an enthusiastic
stirring up of the country analogous to that of 1792, which
would drive back the enemy far from our threatened frontiers ;
the constitutionals seemed to be forgot ; the royalists criticised
in the drawing-rooms, and ironical smiles again were seen on
women's lips. Several intriguers were coming and going,
though no attempt of importance, nor any effective influence,
had yet resulted from the secret party-meetings. The most
alarmed of all those whom Napoleon would see or hear on his
arrival in France, in November, 1813, were amongst his most
confidential servants. Those most resolved to injure him in
the future had recently been of service to him, and he had
assisted in raising them to the brilliant social and moral posi-
tion which they occupied. In Ulyria, Fouch^, Duke of Otranto,
a terrorist and spy, revolutionary and venal ; in Paris, Talley-
rand, Prince of Benevento and Vice-Grand-Elector— both sus-
pected by Napoleon, and both removed from any active share
In his government — were both meditating schemes of ven-
geance, still only vague, and subordinated to their personal in-
terest. Talleyrand could reckon upon able and devoted friends
—the Abb^ Louis, formerly clerk to the *' Parliament" of Paris;
the Duke of Dalberg, who had been, like himself, made a coun-
cillor of state by the emperor, and who still nursed some griev-
ances against the imperial power. These men both kept up in
Talleyrand's mind the sense of injury. He, however, still hesi-
tated, and the emperor had more Uian once thought of entrust-

-«& XT.] TBB FALL. 0|.

ing important misdcms to him. They both felt themselves on
the brink of a gulf of unfathomable depth, the opposite aide of
•which still remained hid to even the most daring eyes.

This gulf was constantly becoming greater, and the situation
from hour to hour became more gloomy, as if the prestige d
victory, so long attached to our colors by the powerful hand
of Napoleon, had all at once escaped from his grasp. In Spain,
Marshal Soult had for a short time tried to force Wellington
back beyond Pampeluna and St. Sebastian, which he then held
in a state of siege; but both places succmnbed, and the French
army after recrossing the frontiers foimd itself attacked and
itormed at St. Jean de Luz by the English. WeUington first
set foot on the soil of France on the 11th November. 1813.

In Germany the fate which Napoleon had foreseen threat*
ened the various garrisons, which had been left to themselves,
isolated in a coimtry which was daily becoming more hostile,
without mutual communication, without personal attachment
among the officers in command. The majority stiU held out,
though reduced by disease, gallantly resolving to defend them-
selves and sell their lives dearly. Dresden had just capitu-
lated. Count Lobau had made an unsuccessful attempt to
force his way to Torgau, in order to secure a retreat far the
garrison; but the effort being too long delayed, and made with
insufficient resources, had not succeeded, and Marshal St. Cyr,
dissatisfied and depressed, agreed to an honorable capitulation.
The 30,000 soldiers shut up in Dresden were to return to France
upon laying down their arms, without any condition to pre-
vent them again serving the coimtry, so dear to them, which
they were about to see again. They were already on the
march, and leaving Dresden, when General Klenau, who had
treated with Marshal St. Cyr, suddenly announced that the
EJmperor Alexander, having had no share in the negotiation,
refused to agree to the capitulation, and that the French
troops must return to Dresden or acknowledge themselves
prisoners of war. Most of the works of defence were de-
stroyed, the provisions consumed, and many of the soldiers ilL
The alternative was deceptive, and in spite of his indignant
protestations, the marshal found himself compelled to submit
to the conqueror's unjust demands. Generals and soldiers
were reduced to captivity.

The Emperor Napoloon disliked Marshal St. Cyr, whose in-
dependence of character often rendered him ill-natured and
rude; but on this occasion he did justice emphatically to hia

(J2 mSTORT OF FRANCS. [ct. xt.

rare merit, in a maimer as honorable to himself as to his illus*
trious lieutenant. " It is not for the 28,000 men of the garri-
son that the Emperor Alexander and Schwartzenberg have
done that," said he on being informed of the disloyal rupture
of the capitulation of Dresden ; " it is in order to have Gouvion
St. Cyr: they are well aware that he is the first man of our
time for defence; I surpass him in attack,"
It was for defence that the Emperor Napoleon was this time pre-
paring, the greatly reduced remains of his army no longer sup-
plied with sufficient forces to repel the invasion which he fore-
saw. The levy of 280,000 men announced in October had now
become too weak a resource against the enemy, and a " s^na-
tus-consulte" ordered out 300,000 new combatants upon the
past conscriptions, which had already been so often subjected
to fresh calls. On this occasion the order extended back to the
year 1803. Since July, 30,000 supplementary conscripts had
been raised in the southern departments for the defence of the
Spanish frontiers. For the future the interior was to be garri-
soned by the cohorts of the national guard.

The effort was something enormous, and to have carried out
Napoleon's plan was beyond the resources of the exhausted
coimtry. The emperor knew this to a certain extent, and did
not reckon upon collecting under his colors all the soldiers
whom he demanded from the coxmtry. He had already
given orders to delay levying the contingent of 1815, and he
especially lu-ged calling out the three last conscriptions. He
counted upon the winter months to complete his military
preparations. CoimtDaru had just been apjwinted minister
of war, which was an assurance that the utmost pains would
be bestowed, with skill and energy. Greneral Drouot was
placed in command of the guard, now largely increased, and
was appointed to regulate their recruiting as well as their
equipment. Money was now wanting, because the resources
formerly supplied by imposing contributions upon the con-
quered cotmtries had disappeared with victory. On the 17th
November, Napoleon thus wrote to his minister of finance:

*'M. le Comte Mollien, in times of penury like the present,
the Treasury cannot be administered on the same principles or
in the same manner as in times of abundance, such as we have
had till now. All the orders of the war administration for
supphes, all those of the war minister for the expenses of
engineering, artillery and the re-arming of strongholds, are not
paid; hence most disastrous results to the defence of the State.

tm. XT.] TEIS FALL. 09

It is a misfortune that the public debt, the<peiision8 and salaries
of Holland, Rome, Piedmont, and even France, are behind-
hand ; but that misf orttuie is in no respect to be compared to
what would result from the least delay in the payment of the
orders of the war administration or the war minister. The
public safety has no law ; these orders ought to be paid before
the salaries of civilians and the public dividends. In the
present circumstances there has not been an inch of ground
stirred anywhere, because the war orders remained everywhere
unpaid. I have not more than 30,000,000 of silver in the treas-
ury of the crown, and I give you ten of them, though with a
strong feeling of repugnance, for I was keeping it against a
rainy day, and if that money were used in civil expenses it
would be a sacrifice of the last resource."

The Emperor Napoleon had at his disposal a resource more
precious. The Spanish war had for five years absorbed, in
men and money, a considerable part of the strength and life ot
France. The hopes which Napoleon had conceived as to the
provinces to the north of the Ebro, vanished with his power.
The time for annexation was past. Marshal Soult was still de-
fending the southern frontiers, and Suchet still held Catalonia,
having garrisoned the strongholds of Aragon: 80,000 men of
excellent troops could be restored to the coimtry in her necee-
sity. The emperor resolved to negotiate, and sent Laforest to
Ferdinand VII. at ValenQay. The old king, Charles IV., and
his wife, always accompained by the Prince de la Paix, had
left Compi^gne, to take up their abode at Marseilles, and after-
wards at Rome. It was with their son, who alone was popular
in Spain, and whose name had served as a rallying-cry in the
National war, that the Emperor Napoleon, wearied and threat-
ened, at last consented to negotiate.

An unjust and disloyal policy was legitimately punished by
meeting at every step with distrust and treacherous complica-
tions. No one in Si)ain amongst the chiefs of the insurrectitm
could trust to the word or advances of the Emperor Napoleon,
and none of them was inclined even to receive instructions com-
ing from a captive prince, who might be inspired by his jailers.
Caulaincourt had recently replaced the Duke of Bassano as
foreign minister, the emperor being obliged to sacrifice the lat-
ter to public opinion ; and the new minister's advice was to set
the King of Spain at liberty, after ma,king a bargain with him
as to the conditions of his restoration, so that he might plead
•with his subjects his own cause and that of France. Napoleon

04 HISTORY OF FRANCE. [ch. xv.

did not aaopt that idea, being mistrustful, not without reason,
of the Spanish prince, who was more cunning and deceitful
than ever in his isolation and captivity. At first Ferdinand
refused to discuss matters with Laforest, declaring that he
was ignorant of what was going on in the world and in Spain,
and that he wished to remain at rest under the emperor's pro-
tection. A proposal was made to him that his states should
be completely restored to him, on condition of the with-
drawal of the English, the freedom of the prisoners, and the
integrity of the Spanish colonies, none of which were to be
ceded to Great Britain. A proposal of marrying Ferdinand
to one of King Joseph's daughters had been considered;
but Laforest, from diplomatic reticence, reserved that con-
dition.

Joseph Bonaparte refused to take part in the negotiation,
imless assured of some compensation in Italy. Napoleon ex-
claimed indignantly against this claim. "Joseph blames him-
self for having committed some military faults; he has no
thought of such a thing. He is not a soldier; he could not
commit them; he has not committed theml Li fact, he has
lost Spain, and will certainly not recover it. Let him consult
the lowest of my generals, he will see if it is possible to claim
a single village beyond the Pyrenees. But if I wished to make
a treaty with Spain, I should not be even listened to ! The first
condition of any peace with Europe is the restoration, pm«
and simple, of Spain to the Bom-bons — ^happy if at that price I
can rid myself of the English, and bring back my armies of
Spain to the Rhine 1 As to compensations in Italy, where
are they to be found? Can I turn Murat out of his kingdom?
I have diflSculty in keeping him to his duties towards France
and me. How should I be obeyed if I went to ask him to de-
scend from his throne in favor of Joseph? As to the Roman
States, I shall be compelled to give them up to the Pope, and I
am resolved to do so. As to Tuscany which belongs to Elisa,
Piedmont which belongs to France, or Lombardy where
Eugene has so much difficulty In maintaining his position,
how can I know what they will leave me? To keep France
with its natural limits, I must gain many victories; but to
gain anything beyond the Alps, I should have to gain many
more. And if they leave me some territory in Italy, could 1,
on Joseph's account, take it away from Eugene, that son so
devoted and brave, who has constantly risked his life for me
and for France, and never incurred my displeasure? The

OH. XT-l THE FALL. Q8

Spanish and I can very well dispense with S[ing Joseph, and
replace Ferdinand VII. on the throne of the Spains."

The Spaniards at the head of the insurrection were not eager
to see their sovereign very soon, united as he was to the Em-
peror Napoleon by a treaty. They wished to avenge them-
selves; and the English had no wish to lose the fruit of their
victories. Ferdinand had no liking for the liberal principles
which ruled the insurgent leaders, and the Cortes disliked ab-
dicating in his favor. Napoleon, however, sent to Valengay
the Duke of San Carlos, formerly a special favorite of the
Prince of the Asturias, and long imprisoned at Lons-le-Saul-
nier. Canon Esquoiquiz and Jos6 Palafox were anxious to re-
gain their liberty and secure the independence of their coun-
try. On the 13th December, after long negotiations, the duke
started for Madrid, bearing a treaty, signed on the 11th at
Valengay, between the Emperor Napoleon and King Ferdinand
VII. At the same time, and by another road, the illustrious
defender of Saragossa was carrying into Spain a copy of the
conventions. Henceforward, Napoleon was anxious to free
himself from the burden which he had formerly been eager to
lay upon his shoulders. The justice which reigns supreme
over human actions rendered this renunciation difficult to him
at the very time when the thrones which he had raised were
crumbling to pieces round his own, or escaping from his con-
trol. Murat had already seemed to waver in his fidelity : the
intrigues of Austria had influenced the mind of Queen Caro-
line, who had complete power over her husband. He aimed at
becoming the head of an independent Italy, and asked Napo-
leon himself to furnish the means. Such was the advice given
by Fouch4, who had been sent to strengthen his fideUty. Only
a few months more were to elapse before Murat, thinking he
should save his throne by treachery, signed with Austria and
England a treaty of alliance (6th, 11th January, 1814), which
he was soon after to violate, in order to pay at last with his
life for the vacillations of a mind which was always unstable
and weak, imless when face to face with the dangers of the
battle-field and under the constraint of military honor.

Time was pressing, and Napoleon began to think that he
could not make use of the whole winter to complete his war-
like preparations. Probably even the alUed powers would not
allow him time to recall by his negotiations the troops stiD
occupying Spain and those which he wished to bring away
from the German strongholds. Scarcely 40,000 men of the new

06 BISTORT OF FRANCE. [oa. X7.

levies were yet brought together in the depots; from 50,000 to
60,000 weary soldiers still occupied the Khenish frontiers; and
in Italy Prince Eugene had not collected 40,000. After the
battle of Leipsic the allies stopped, as if astonished at their
success, hesitating to pursue him and beard the hon even
in his den. About the middle of November the sovereigns,
who had met in Frankfort, had some intention of negotia-
ting.

The Prussians were enthusiastic, from the ardor of ven-
geance, and the necessity of reconstituting their dismembered
country with some glory. The Russians were fully aware of
the difficulties of carrying out an enterprise against France to
the very end: they had been fighting incessantly for eighteen
months, and were anxious for rest. Their emperor was more
eager than his generals to piirsue his advantages; he beheved
himself the arbiter of Europe, and wished to eflEace the humili-
ations which Napoleon had recently subjected him to. When
stepping upon French territory, Lord Welhngton addressed to
his troops that famous proclamation: "Let the officers and
soldiers of this army not forget, that if the nations are at war
with France, it is only because the ruler of France will not
allow them peace, and because he aims at subjecting them to
his yoke." The English Cabinet had sent as a plenipotentiary
to the allied sovereigns, Lord Aberdeen, still very young, but
already remarkable by his calm yet self-reliant disposition.
Favorable in their real hearts to that restoration of the house
of Bourbon which England had always considered the surest
guarantee of lasting peace in France, Lord Castlereagh and his
ambassador were not disposed to make it a condition. The
Emperor of Austria and his minister still hoped to obtain from
Napoleon the concessions necessary to restore peace: it was
their wisdom and influence that produced the harmony which
presided over the resolutions of the allied princes. It was Met-
temich who took the initiative at Frankfort in pacific over^
tures towards the emperor, entrusting with that duty St.
Aignan, the brother-in-law of Caulaincourt, who had recently
been French Minister at Weimar. Caulaincourt was asked to
gain information for negotiations on the baso of the natural
limits of France — the Rhine, the Alps, and the Pyrenees. The
sovereigns did not aim at the humiliation of their illustrious
and now defeated enemy, but were resolved upon granting
nothing beyond what they had already stipulated. Nesselrode
and Lord Aberdeen spoke to the same effect. The charg^

OH. XV. J THE FALL. fff

d'affaires set out for Paris bearing a summary of the conditions
of the peace.

It required a great effort to renounce the habits of illimitable
power, and learn, after fifteen years of indisputable authority,
to reckon with the various powers abroad and at home. While
accepting the idea of a negotiation, and specifying no place for
the future congress, the Emperor Napoleon did not condescend
in his first reply to touch upon the question of the bases of the
peace ; and when at last, on the 2nd December, Caulaincourt
succeeded in obtaining his explicit agreement to the Frankfort
proposals, it was too late. England claimed a share in the ad-
vantages of the victory, and Aberdeen's instructions were
modified. Time had advanced, and events advanced with it.

Public opinion in France was advancing, together with time
and events, and the emperor acknowledged it with an angry
feeling, which he was unable to contain. A month after the
Legislative Body had been summoned, the session was at last
opened by the emperor, on the 19th December. The faces of
all were gloomy, and their hearts full of the anxiety which
weighed upon every household in France. The partisans of
the imperial regime exerted themselves in vain calming the
general uneasiness and imposing silence upon just complaints,
when Napoleon himself thus addressed his Parliament : —

" Senators, councillors of State, deputies of the Legislative
Body,—

"BriUiant victories have shed lustre upon French arms dur-
ing the present campaign, but unparalleled defections rendered
those victories useless, and everything turned against us.
France herself would be in danger without the energy and
union of the French.

"I was never seduced by prosperity, and adversity would
find me above her assaults.

" I have several times given peace to the nations when they
had lost everything. "With part of my conquests I raised
thrones for kLags who have deserted me. I conceived and
executed great schemes for the prosperity and happiness of the
world. A monarch and a father, I feel what peace adds to the
security of thrones and of families. Negotiations have been
begun with the allied x)owers. I have adhered to the prelim-
inary bases proposed by them, and was therefore in hopes that
before the opening of this session the Congress would have as-
sembled at Mannheim ; but new delays, for which France is
not blamable, have deferred that event, which all are eagerlj

08 HISTORY OF FRANCE. [en. xt.

awaiting. I have given orders that all the original documents
of the Department of Foreign Affairs should he laid before you.
You will receive information of them through a commission,
and my councillors will acquaint you with my intentions re-
specting them. There is on my part no opposition to the resto-
ration of peace. I know and share in all the sentiments of the
French people. I say the French people, because there is none
of them who desires peace at the cost of honor."

" When the emperor laid before the Senate and the Legisla-
tive Body several of the docmnents of his negotiations with
the allied powers," says Guizot, in his Memoirs, "and wished
for an expression of their sentiments, if he had had a real pur-
pose of making peace, or of seriously convincing France that if
peace were not made it was by no means on account of the ob-
stinacy of his overbearing wiJl, he would certainly have found
in both houses, however enervated they might be, energetic
and popular support. I frequently conversed on intimate
terms with three of the five members of the Commission of the
Legislative Body, Maine de Biran, Gallois, and Eaynouard, and
from them knew also the opinions of the remaining two, Lain^
and Flaugergues. Biran was, like Eoyer-CoUard and myself,
a member of a small philosophical club, where we freely dis
cussed everything, and kept us well informed of what was
going on in the Commission and in the Legislative Body itself.
Though originally a royalist, he was independent of all parties
and intrigues, conscientious almost to a fault, sometimes even
timid when his conscience did not absolutely impose courage
upon him, with little liking for poUtics, and in any case ever
averse to the adoption of an extreme resolution or any active
initiative. Gallois, a man of the world and a student, a mod-
erate liberal of the philosophical school of the eighteenth cen-
tury, was more concerned about his library than public notor-
iety, and wished to perform worthily his duty to his country
without disturbing the habitual serenity of his life. Witii
more energy of manner and language, as a proven^al and a
poet, Eaynoiiard was nevertheless disinclined to rash measures,
and his complaints, which were said to be severe against the
tyrannical abuses of the imperial administration, would not
have prevented him being contented with those moderate re-
parations which in the meantime save honor, and give hope
for the future. Flaugergues, an honest republican, who put on
mourning for the death of Louis XVI,, imyielding in disposi-
tion and charactOT, was capable of energetic resolution, but be

ea. XT.] TffE FALL. 00

could not communicate it to others. He had but small influ-
ence upon his colleagues, though he spoke a great deal. Laine,
on the contrary, had a warm and sympathetic heart under a
downcast manner, and a nobleness of mind without much
originahty or power. He spoke with great point and force
when his feelings were moved. Formerly a republican, and
afterwards simply a disinterested partisan of the liberal ideas
and sentiments, he was at once appointed leader of the com-
mission, and agreed without hesitation to be its mouthpiece.
But, unlike his colleagues, he had no premeditated hostihty or
secret engagement against the emperor. They all wished only
to convey to him the earnest desire of France for a really
pacific foreign policy, and the respect for the people's rights at
home with legal exercise of power.

" With such men, animated with such views, it was easy to
come to an arrangement; but Napoleon would not even grant
them a hearing." He had beforehand chafed the remains of
self-respect which were reawaking amongst the deputies by ig-
noring their right to present a list of candidates for the presi-
dentship. The Duke of Massa (Regnier) formerly one of the
high judges, minister of justice, and who had just been replaced
in the cabinet by yomag Count Mol^, was named President of
the Legislative Body. To explain this transformation, which
was annoimced by a sSnatiis-consulte, Mol^ had recourse to sin-
gular arguments. "It might happen," said he, " that the can-
didates presented by the Legislative Body, however honorable
or distinguished, have never been personally known to the em-
peror, or that they themselves were unacquainted with the
forms and ceremonial of the palace. Whereas, on the contrary,
by the emperor choosing the president directly, the Legislative
Body will be sure of finding in him a useful intermediary, a
guide and support."

Lain^'s report was keenly discussed by the commissioners of
the government who were present at the meetings of the five
deputies. Massa was also there; and on his charging Ray-
nouard with making unconstitutional claims, the author of
Les Templiers turned quickly to him and said, "I see nothing
here that is unconstitutional, but your presence and func-
tions."

The Archchancellor Oambac^r^ obtained several modifica-
tions in the original form of the report, yet when the dociunent
was submitted to the emperor, he burst into a violent rage.
He pretended to see in the terms used by the Commission of

1^0 HISTOBT OP FBANGB. [m. xT.

the Legislative Body a return to the daizns and peseions of the
revolutionary assemblies; and in spite of all that could be
urged by several of his coimciUors, more particularly Camba-
ceres and Rovigo, he determined to suppress the report and ad-
journ the Legislative Body. The decree appeared in the Moni-
teur of the 1st January, 1814, and when the deputies appeared
at the Tuileries to pay their respects on the occasion of the new
year, the emperor abruptly stopped them, and getting into a
passion, exclaimed, with the most violent gestiu'es and Ian*
guage, such as he sometimes gave way to: "Deputies of the
Legislative Body, you can do much good, and you have done
much harm. I summoned you to assist me, and you have
come to say and do what is necessary to help the foreigner.
Eleven twelfths of you are good, the rest are factious, and you
have been their dupes. Your commission has been inspired by
the spirit of the Girondins. M. Lain6, who drew up your re-
port, is a worthless man. He is sold to England, with whom
he has communication by means of Des^ze, the barrister: I
shall keep my eye ujwn him. Two battles lost in Champagne
would have done less harm than his report. M. Eaynouard
said that Marshal Mass^na pillaged a citizen's country-house;
M. Eaynouard is a liar . . . How can you blame me for my
misfortimes? You say that adversity has given me good ad-
vice. Is it by reproaches that you propose to restore the glory
of the throne? I am one of those men who can face death, but
not disgrace. Besides, what is the throne? Foiur pieces of
wood covered with a piece of velvet: everything depends upon
him whose seat it is. The throne is in the desire of the nation,
whom I represent; I cannot be attacked without attacking it.
Four times have I been called by the nation; I had the votes of
6,000,000 of citizens. I have a title, and you have none. You
are only deputies of the departments. Is this a time for re-
monstrance when 200,000 Cossacks are crossing our frontiers?
Yoiu* theorists ask for guarantees of defence against power; at
this moment France only asks for those against the enemy.
You speak of abuses and vexations, which I am as well aware
of as you; they are due to the circumstances and misfortunea
of the times. When before Em'ope in arms, why speak of our
domestic quarrels? One's dirty linen should be washed at
home. You surely wish to imitate the Constituent Assembly,
and begin another revolution? I am beyond reach of your de-
clamations In three months we shall have peace, or I shall
be dead. Om* enemies have never conquered us, nor will they

cm. XT."] THE FALL. 71

conquer us. They wiH be driven away more speedily than
they came."

Even when his passionate outbursts were genuine and pain-
ful, the Emperor Napoleon always considered what effect they
might produce, and tried to make use of it. When communi-
cating to the commission the documents of the negotiation, he
forbade the Duke of Vicentia to place amongst them that which
laid down the conditions on which the allied powers were
ready to treat, not wishing to agree to any basis of peace. The
Duke of Eovigo undertook to carry to its utmost extremity the
indiscretion of his anger. " Your words are very imprudent,"
he said to the members of the commission, " when there is a
Bourbon in the saddle."

"Thus in his great extremity, under the blow of the most
startling manifestations, human and divine, the despot at bay
made a display of absolute power; the conquered conqueror
showed that the negotiations for peace were, so far as he was
concerned, only a means of waiting till the chances of war
should again turn in his favor, and the tottering head of the
new dynasty proclaimed himself that the old dynasty was
there, ready to take his place." ♦

The Senate was more deferential than the Legislative Body,
and Fontanes in his speech expressed the wish of the nation
under the form of a panegyric. **Sire," said he, "obtain
peace by a final effort worthy of yourself and of Frenchmen;
and may your hand, so many times victorious, lay its sword
aside after securing the repose of the worl^." It was the
senators whom the emperor appointed to go to the depart-
ments to stir up patriotic zeal. His last interview with them
was touching. Like King Louis XIV., on his death-bed hold-
ing in his arms the little prince who was about to become
King Louis XV., he acknowledged the wrong which he had
done to his people. '* I have made too many wars. I formed
immense projects, and wished to secure to France the empire
of the world. I counted too much upon my good fortune, and
must expiate that faidt. I shall make peace, and shall do so
according as the circumstances require; it will be mortifying
to no one but me. It is I who have been deceived^ and I
ought to suffer, not France; she has freely shed her blood for
me, and spared no sacrifice. Tell the French that I no longer
claim their efforts for myself and my projects; I ask from

* Goizot's Mimoiru pour »eroir. Eta, tqL L

HF (D) Vol. 8

78 BISTORT OF FRANCS. [cH. XT.

them only the means of thrusting back the enemy out of our
territory, Alsace, Franche-Comt6, Navarre, and B6am are
invaded ; I wish to treat on the frontiers, and not in the bosom
of our provinces laid waste by a horde of savages. I summon
the Frenchmen of Paris, Brittany, Normandy, Champagne,
Burgundy, and the other departments, to the assistance of
their brothers. To rescue these from the enemy is the only
point at issue ; there is no longer any question about recover-
ing the conquests which we formerly made."

Napoleon still spoke of peace, but he knew well that at that
moment war alone was preparing for France as well as him, a
war of fury and desperation. Up to the time of his return
from the campaign of Saxony, after the defeat of Leipsic, he
wished to beat down the conditions of peace, but his hesitation
and falsehood, so much regretted by the allies who were will-
ing to negotiate, supplied arms to those who were hostile.
Coimt Stein, formerly leader of the national rising in Ger-
many against Napoleon, and now governor of the German
territories recovered from France, was openly opposed to any
pacific overture ; and with the Emperor Alexander, whose in-
timacy he already shared, Coimt Pozzo di Borgo displayed
against the Emperor Napoleon an hereditary hatred, of that
sort, both persistent and keen, which is frequently called a
Corsican hatred. Sprung from a family always at feud with
the Bonapartes, belonging traditionally to the aristocratic
party, and defeated in Corsica by the French revolution repre-
sented by General Bonaparte, he had run over Europe inspired
by his revenge — England, Austria, Russia, Sweden — stirring
up enemies against us, provoking annoyance and difficulties,
creating or exciting distrust and suspicion. Singularly suited
for this task by his political genius, so supple and yet compre-
hensive, keenly determined to pursue it even to the day when
the Emperor Napoleon's deposition was pronounced by the
Senate, Coimt Pozzo di Borgo was soon after to whisper to a
lady's ear, when sitting with the diplomatists, "I told you
that I should kill him !" At the close of the year 1813, during
the terrible crisis which threatened the power and throne of
the Emperor Napoleon, he appeared amongst the allies as a
skilful adviser, anxious to forewarn them against the perfidies
of their adversary, and inspiring the most complete distrust.
Henceforth England claimed Aiitwerp and Flushing. She had
again conceived the idea of checking France with that strong
barrier which had formerly been the subject of so many nego*

«■. xv.j THB FALL. 73

tiationa at the time of the threatening conquests of Louis
XlV. She wished to estabhsh a kingdom of the Netherlands,
which could protect the coast from the Texel to Antwerp.
The spontaneous insurrection by which Holland had just re-
gained her national independence was of the most important
service to the plans of the EngUsh cabinet.

Holland had docilely submitted to the yoke imposed upon
her by revolutionary France, assisted by those parties of her
own citizens who were rending her bosom. She had after-
wards seen her burden grow heavier and her chains tighten.
King Louis Bonaparte had reigned with difficulty, and the an-
nexation to the French Empire was the cause of profound dis-
satisfaction, which was constantly kept aUve by their com-
mercial grievances and the crushing load of the conscription.
Partial risings took place, and were severely repressed. When
fortune seemed to desert the Emperor Napoleon, Holland was
worked upon by agents of the allied powers who promised to
support the national movement. The approaches by sea were
blocked by Admiral Missiessy with the fleet of the Scheldt,
and Admiral Verhuell with the fleet of the Texel. Bemadotte
had been appointed to support the Dutch patriots by entering
tiieir territory on the land side, but had directed his forces
towards Denmark, in order to secure the possession of Nor-
way, and was treating with Marshal Davout about the evacua-
tion of Hamburg. The allied princes were annoyed at his
selfish delay, and the prince royal of Sweden was obliged to
detach part of his army against General Molitor, who had a
very small nimiber of troops at bis conunand. When the
general advanced npon Utrecht to guard the line from
Naarden to Gtorkum the national insurrection immediately
burst forth at Amsterdam, with shouts of '* Long live Orange f*
repeated a thousand times. The Amsterdam patricians, stead-
fast supporters of the old republic of the United Provinces,
understood that the people ought to rally round the honored
name of the house of Nassau, twice their hberator from the
most cruel oppression- They accepted the popular revolution,
and did not conceal from the Arch-Treasurer Lebnm thefa*
xesolution to supfKurfc the cause of national independence.
ISiereupon the French authorities, civil and militsury, foimd
liiemselves no longer able to resist the national movement;
Qeneral Molitor withdrew upon the Waal, and Prince Lebrun
took the road to France. AU the Dutch towns imitated the
ttzample of Amsterdam. The Prince ci Onmge did Httte

74 BISTORT OF FRANCE. [oh. XfS

after his return. An army of 6000 English landed on the
coast, and the foundation of a kingdom of the Netherlands
became the most important article in Lord Aberdeen's new-
instructions. Henceforth the allied powers no longer adhered
to the propositions of Frankfort, which Napoleon at last
agreed to accept as base of the negotiations. Following the
lead of England, the sovereigns now allowed France no other
limits than those of 1790.

Nevertheless, after long hesitation and some dissension
among themselves, which had placed the coalition itself in
danger, the allied armies violated the Swiss neutrality which
the Diet had taken care should be acknowledged even by
Napoleon. The emperor had in fact recalled his troops from
Ticino, declaring that his title of " Mediator of the Confedera-
tion" was only intended to recall the services rendered to
Switzerland by France. Some risings which took place in
Berne and several other towns in favor of a counter-revolu-
tion, suited the wishes of Prince Schwartzenberg and the pur-
poses of the Austrians. On the 21st December, 1813, the
Austrians and Russians advanced by Berne and Geneva
towards Besangon and D61e, while the Bavarians marched
ui>on Belfort. The Prussians with Bliicher were between
Mayence and Coblentz, waiting for the moment to cross the
Rhine in their turn, when they at once marched towards the
fortress protecting that river. The allied army amounted to
about 200,000 men. The emperor had sent as quickly as possi-
ble his conscripts to Marshals Macdonald, Marmont, and Victor,
who had been appointed to defend the Rhenish frontiers. He
was at the same time organizing an army at Lyons for the
purpose of blocking the roads from Switzerland and Savoy.
Then entrusting old Marshal Kellermann, Duke of Valmy,
with the care of organizing an army of reserve before Paris,
he himself started for Chalons on the 25th January, 1814, after
tenderly bidding his wife farewell, though he did not know it
was the last, and leaving her invested with the cares of the
regency under the direction of the Arch-chanceUor Cam-
bacer^s. When appointing the council, he openly expressed
his distrust of Talleyrand, whose presence in it he could not
dispense with. "I am well aware," said he, "that I have in
Paris other enemies besides those I am going to fight, and that
my absence wiU leave them the field open." He had, how-
ever, recalled to Paris King Joseph, and recommended the
empress and his son to his care. Murat had by this tinie

OB. XT.] THE FALL. 75

openly completed his defection. The government of the
Spanish CorteB had not replied to the communication of the
treaty concluded with Eling Ferdinand. Wellington and the
English still threatened the departments of the south, and the
army of Spain was therefore not availahle. Napoleon had
just sent the Pope to Savona, as a preparation for that restora-
tion of the Roman States which he seemed now to be resolved
upon. He had sent Caulaincourt himself to the head-quarters
of the sovereigns, which was already at LuneviUe, ordering
him to demand a reply to the pacific proposals formerly sent
from Frankfort by St. Aignan. "The emperor having ad-
hered to the projected bases," wrote his plenipotentiary, *' was
astonished to see negotiation growing languid."

Napoleon's most faithful servants were not deceived as to the
uselessness of the last efforts which he was still putting forth
to defend his tottering power. ' ' We are about to \mdertake a
task not only difficult, but very useless," said the Duke of
Vicentia, as he left Paris; '' do what we may, the era of the
Napoleons is drawing to a close, and that of the Bourbons is
recommencing." Napoleon himself fully realized the terrible
results of that invasion, which he wished to check with ex-
hausted troops, in a coimtry depopulated by war. One of his
ministers * asked him for instructions in case commmiications
should come to be intercepted between Paris blockaded by the
enemy and head-quarters. "My dear fellow," replied he, "if
the enemy reach the gates of Paris, there is no more empire."

" I have still before my eyes the appearance of Paris," says
Guizot, in his Mimoires; "for example, the Rue de Rivoli,
which was then only partly built. No workmen, no move-
ment, materials in heaps unused, deserted scaffolding, erec-
tions abandoned from want of money, hands, and confidence,
new ruins. Eiverywhere the population seemed uneasy and
restlessly idle, like people who are in want both of work and
rest. On the highways, and in the towns and villages, there
was the same appearance of inaction and agitation, the same
visible impoverishment of the country, many more women and
children than men; yoimg conscripts, sadly on the march to
join their corps; sick and wounded soldiers pouring back to
the interior; a nation mutilated and attenuated. Moreover, in
addition to this physical distress, there was great moral per-
plexity, the distiu'bance caused by contrary sentiments; the

• VleiKlMtel, Hiatoire de la Etestawratioik, voL L

76 HISTORY OF FRANCE. [oH. XT

eager desire for peace, and violent hatred of the foreigner,
with the alternatives of anger against Napoleon or sympathy
for him ; at one time cursed as the author of so many woes, at
another celebrated as defender of the country and avenger of
her wrongs. There was no enthusiasm in his defence, and but
small confidence in his success, but no one made any attempt
to opi)ose him. There were some hostile conversations, several
preparatory announcements, some going and coming accord-
ing to the results anticipated, but nothing more. The emperor
acted in perfect liberty, and with aU the energy to be expected
from his isolation and the moral and physical exhaustion of the
country. Never was such public apathy seen in the midst of
so much national anxiety, or discontents refraining to such an
extent from all action, or agents so eager to disavow their
master while remaining so subservient to his purposes. It was
a nation of harassed onlookers, who had lost all habit of taldng
any share themselves in their own lot, and knew not what de-
termination they were to desire or to dread for the terrible
drama in which their liberty and national existence were at
stake."

The sudden changes in the drama became daily more urgent.
Being surprised, with their forces insufficient or badly pre-
pared, the Marshals Victor, Marmont, and Ney found them-
selves compelled to abandon their positions, and fall back to
the river slopes of the Vosges. The departmental administra-
tions withdrew before the enemy, and thus delivered up with-
out resistance Alsace, Lorraine, and Franche-Comte. The
population, troubled, disarmed, abandoned to their own re-
sources and suggestions, were divided in their real sentiments
by different and contradictory opinions. " Among the well-tO'
do and intelUgent classes the desire for peace, disgust with the
demands and speculations of imperial despotism, the certainty
of its overthrow, and the near approach of another poUtica)
rule, were evidently the ruling ideas. The people, on the other
hand, only intermitted their weary depression to give them'
selves up to patriotic rage and revolutionary recollections. No
moral union in the country, no conmion thought or feeling, in
spite of a common experience and misfortune."* The old
soldiers of Napoleon were still to show prodigies of courage in
his name and under his orders ; but the conscripts grumbled as
they joined their regiments, and many deserted their colors.

* Mimoiretpowr aervir d VHittoUrt He mon Tempt.

OL XT.] THE FALL. 77

When Napoleon reached ChalonsHsur-Mame, along with the
shouts of "Long live the Emperor!" he heard ringing in hia
ears, " Down with joint taxes!" As usual, the popular anger
first showed itself against the taxes.

" Does your Majesty bring reinforcements?" asked the mar.
shals as they gathered round Napoleon. * ' No, " rephed he ; and
he passed in review the forces whom he had at hand, making
an estimate of those who might soon join them. Victor and
Marmont had each kept 10,000 men, and Ney reckoned 6000.
General Gerard and Marshal Mortier together made up more
than 20,000 soldiers, and General Lefebvre-Desnouttes brought
from 6000 to 7000. Macdonald was returning from the Ardennes
with 12,000 men, and Marshals Soult and Suchet had detached
several divisions of the army of Spain, which were coming up
with all speed by the Bordeaux road. Bodies of reserve were
being prepared at Troyes and on the Seine. At first, in order
to meet the attack of 220,000 allies, the soldiers about Napoleon
did not amount to 60,000. There was a large supply of excellent
artillery, and the emperor revived by his courage all who were
disheartened. He occupied all the passages over the Mame,
the Aube, and the Seine, fixing his head-quarters at St. Dizier,
which he had just recovered from the enemy. Bliicher had
already set out to join Prince Schwartzenberg on the Upper
Mame; and the allied sovereigns met at Langres where Lord
Castlereagh had just arrived, the head of the English cabinet,
having decided to direct personally the important negotiations
which were in preparation. ChUtillon-sur-Seine was desig-
nated as the seat of the future congress. Caulaincourt had
hitherto only received evasive repHes, and remained at the ad-
vanced posts of the enemy's army. " We are waiting for Lord
Castlereagh," was the reply sent him by Mettemich.

A favorite disciple of Pitt, and passionately engaged, since
the beginning of his political career, in resisting France,
whether revolutionary, republican, or absolutist, Lord Castle-
reagh brought to the congress an influence which was certain
to become preponderating. His firmness and simplicity of
mind, and resolution of character, well fitted him to play the
great part which was reserved for England in the congress of
nations. For a long time she had sustained, with her pecuni-
ary resom*ces, a principal share of the burden of the war. She
alone had persistently remained hostile to Napoleon, and never
became subject to his yoke. Her adhesion or opposition was
to decide upon peace or war, and all the powers were disposed

fB HISTORY OF FRANCE. [CH. xr.

to grant her great concessions. The foundation of the kLngdom
of the Netherlands, with the possibility of a matrimonial imion
which should bind the new state to the English monarchy, and
the reduction of France to the frontiers of 1790, were the points
fixed at the commencement of the negotiations by the head of
the English cabinet. He did not admit that the question of
maritime rights should even be discussed ; and, as soon as his
conditions were accepted, he brought the whole weight of his
influence to bear on the side of moderation, and came to agree-
ment with Austria as to those views and intentions which
were not afEected by the question of a French dynasty.
Popular opinion in England was becoming more and more
favorable to the restoration of the house of Bourbon, that
being r^arded as necessary to the peace. The diplomatists
assembled at Langres had not yet come to a decision on this
point, thotigh they all foresaw that the question of maintaining
the imperial throne would not occasion dissension in the coal-
ition. The Emperor Francis gave them to understand that he
should not claim the crown for his grandson, if his son in-law
were overthrown. The idea of placing Bemadotte on the
throne had sometimes occurred to the mind of the Emperor
Alexander.

The plenipotentiaries had already been designated for all the
aUied nations: Mettemich and Stadion for Austria, Castle-
reagh and Aberdeen for England, Pozzo di Borgo and Rasou-
moffski for Russia, Wilhelm Humboldt for Prussia. Metter-
nich and Schwartzenberg had proposed that the armies should
remain at Langres to wait for the result of the negotiations;
the two first divisions of the work of the coalition being ac-
complished— the advance to the Rhine and the invasion of
France— there remained only the march upon Paris to be de-
cided upon. The Austrians were not eager to hasten it, and
thus ensure the triumph of Russia and the i)assionate venge-
ance of the Prussians. Bliicher baffled those calculations by
the temerity of his operations. The plenipotentiaries had just
started for the Chatillon, and Mettemich sent to inform
Caulaincourt, urging him to persuade his master to treat on
this occasion, whatever sacrifices might be imposed upon him.
All at once news was brought that Napoleon had come up to
Bliich^ when separated from part of his forces, and beaten
him before Brienne (29th January, 1814), after a keenly-con-
tested battle. Prince Schwartzenberg immediately set out
from Langres for the piirpose of supporting the Prussians.

OH. XT.] THE FALL, 79

On the 1st of February 170,000 allies were collected in the
suburbs of Rothi^re, while the Emperor Napoleon, with 32,000
or 33,000 men, was supported on one side by the Aube, and on
the other by the heights of Ajou. The battle recommenced
with fury, and, in spite of the frightful disproportion of the
forces, Napoleon held his positions till the evening, falling back
during the night upon Troyes. He had been obhged to aban-
don part of his artillery — too important, considering the re-
sources at his disposal, which were reduced by every engage-
ment. The first rush of victorious ardor was already diminish-
ing among the troops, and the population of Champagne made
no effort to revive their courage. Napoleon was compelled to
reckon upon the faults and crimes of his adversaries, of which
he took care to inform Caulaincourt, who had just set out for
Chatillon. "The enemy's troops behave everywhere in a
shocking manner," he wrote, on the 2nd February; "all the
population take refuge in the woods. No peasants can be foimd
in the villages The enemy eat up everything, take all the
horses, all the cattle, all the clothes, even to the peasants' rags.
They beat everybody, both men and women, and commit
crimes of every sort. This picture, which I have seen with my
own eyes, must make you easily understand my great desire
to extricate my people from this state of misery, and suffering
so tmly horrible. The enemy will also be obliged to reflect,
for the Frenchman is not long-enduring, and is naturally
brave; I expect to see them organize themselves into bands.
You ought to make an energetic picture of these excesses.
Towns of 2000 souls like Brienne have not a single inhabitant."

The proposal of an armistice, made by Caulaincourt, had
been rejected by Mettemich, without being even communicated
to the congress, to the great indignation of the emperor. "The
letter which Mettemich has addressed to you is quite absurd,"
he wrote on the 4th and 5th February, to Caulaincourt; "but
I see in it what I have long known, that he believes he leads
Europe, while everybody is leading him. It is very natural
that, at the moment when negotiations are being opened, seve-
ral days should pass without anything being done, even with-
out making an armistice on that accomit. To-day I stay at
Troyes, expecting to receive news of the congress and confer-
ences of the Srd. It seems you have only commenced on the
4th. If they wish for peace, and this is not a feint to unani-
mously prolong the hostilities, they ought to finish promptly,
and be able to come to their decisions in the early conferences:

80 HI8T0BT OF FBANOB. CoH. xr.

for in fact there will be a general engagement in a few days,
which will decide everything. I am now going to Nogent to
meet 20,000 men of the army of Spain, who arrive to-morrow
and the day after. After that there must be an engagement, to
cover Paris. Therefore matters must be decided immediately.
Since the allies have already fixed the bases, you ought to have
them already. Accept them if they are acceptable ; and in the
contrary case we run the risk of a battle, and even of the loss
of Paris, and all that may result therefrom. I have told Bes-
nardi^re all that I think on the present state of France, and
the necessity of delivering ourselves from these guests, who
are burning and robbing the country. You ought ah'eady to
know how to decide."

That was precisely what Caulaincourt did not yet know. The
most absolute secrecy was kept over the terms which were to
be offered to France. Our plenipotentiary was unable to learn
anything even from Lord Aberdeen, the most moderate, and,
so far as we are concerned, the best-disposed of all the diplo-
matists met at Chatillon. Urged on £dl sides by his eager
councillors, by the fears of the empress. King Joseph, and
Louis Bonaparte, the emperor had angrily consented to grant
Caulaincourt full liberty of action. That permission did not
last long, not having been sincere in Napoleon's mind. A few
dajrs afterwards, resuming his military operations, he ordered
his minister not to make any haste. Hope was again springing
up in that unconquerable soul; but the Duke of Vicentia was
unable to share his illusions, as he now knew what were the
terms of peace, which no one had dared to enunciate before-
hand, and which were now put in place of the Frankfort pro-
posals. To be reduced to her frontiers of 1790, deprived of the
conquest both of the republic and the empire, isolated in Eu-
rope, and without a vote in the council of the powers about to
decide the lot of the countries removed from her authority, and
compelled to give an immediate reply to those insulting pro-
posals— such was the abdication which the allied sovereigns
claimed the right of imposing upon France, recently still flat-
tered by the hope of keeping the Alps and the Rhine ! Caulain-
court's despair was soon increased by being assured that,
though he used, in their full extent, the powers which he still
possessed, he should not obtain the immediate cessation of
hostihties, which was the only jwseible chance still left of sav-
ing Paris. His anger and protestations being in vain, he com-
municated the sad details of the negotiation to the emperoK

OB. rv.] THE FALL. 81

The conferences were suspended at the formal request of the
Emperor Alexander. Napoleon had left Troyes, and was again
marching against Blucher, watching for the favorable moment
when some fault would enable him to recover the upper hand.
"There is aprobabihty," he wrote, on the 2nd February, to the
Duke of Feltre, "that Bliicher's army may advance between
the Marne and the Aube, towards Vitry and Chalons; accord-
ing to circumstances, I shall endeavor to delay the movement
of the column, which is now marching, as I am assured ui>on
Paris by Sens, or to return and delay Bliicher's march by
manoeuvring."

" The day was come when even glory no longer is a repara-
tion for the faults which she still conceals. The campaign of
1814, an uninterrupted masterpiece of ability and heroism on
the part both of the leader and the soldiers, nevertheless bore the
imprint of the false thought and false situation of the emperor.
He constantly wavered between the necessity of covering Paris,
and his passion to reconquer Europe, wishing to save both his
throne and his ambition, and changing his tactics at every
moment, according as fatal danger or favorable opportunity
seemed to be in the ascendant. God was avenging justice and
reason, by condemning the genius who had so often defied
them, to succumb in hesitation and doubt under the weight of
his irreconcilable desires and impossible resolutions." *

Before falling upon his enemies like a thunderstorm at the
head of the heroic soldiers whom he had collected axound him,
Napoleon took care to destroy the fatal clogs which had so long
interfered with his policy. He gave orders to conduct the
Pope to Eome, as he might be of service to him by hindering
the King of Naples in his treason. He opened the gates of the
castle of Valengay to Ferdinand VII., who promised to remain
faithful to the treaty recently concluded, the conditions of
which he alone could impose upon his people. He ordered
Marshal Suchet to evacuate Catalonia, and forward his troops
to Lyons; while Prince Eugene was to evacuate Italy, and
march in the same direction. Thus 60,000 men of the old
troops would threaten the enemy, and might turn them from
their march upon Paris.

It was Paris, in fact, that Napoleon wished at any cost to
protect, while keenly conscious of the danger with which he was
threatened. He had given order that, in case of the approach

* Quizot, M4moiretpour aervir, v«>L L

82 BISTORT OF FRANCE. [CH. XT.

of the enemy, the King of Rome and the empress should he
conducted towards the Loire. Owing to the increasing alarm
of the population of the capital, there was some hesitation in
following this order, which would naturally thi*ow Paris into
terror. On the 8th February the emperor thus wrote from
Nogent to his brother King Joseph: —

"I confess that your letter of the 7th was painful to me,
because I see no consistency in your ideas, and you are weak
enough to listen to the silly opinions of a heap of persons who
do not reflect. Now I wiU speak to you frankly: if Talleyrand
for some reason holds that opinion of leaving the empress in
Paris if our forces evacuate it, it is an act of treason implying
conspiracy. I repeat to you, have no trust in that man. For
sixteen years I have had experience of him, and have even
shown favor for him, but he is certainly the greatest enemy of
our house, now that fortune has for some time abandoned it.
Adhere to the advice which I have given you. I know more
than those people. Should there occur a lost battle and news
of my death, you will be informed of it before my ministers.
Cause the empress and the King of Rome to leave for Ram>
bouillet; order the Senate, the Council of State, and all the
troops, to assemble on the Loire; and leave to Paris the pre-
fect, or an imperial commissary, or a mayor. Never leave the
empress and the King of Rome to faU into the hands of the
enemy. Be certain that from that moment Austria would be
disinterested, and would carry him off to Vienna in state; and
under the pretext of seeing the empress happy, the French
would be persuaded to adopt all that the English Regent and
Russia might suggest. Thus all our party would find itself
overthrown by that horrible league between the republicans
and royalists which would have killed it, instead of having, as
in the contrary case, an unknown result, on account of the
national will and the large number who are interested in the
revolution. Moreover, it is possible that on the enemy near-
ing Paris I may fight them ; it is also possible that I may make
peace in a few days. It is clear in any case, from your letter
of the evening of the 7th, that you have no means for defence.
To imderstand my advice to you, I find your judgment always
at fault. Besides, even the interest of the coxmtry is insepa-
rable from their persons, and since the world b^an I have
never heard of a sovereign allowing himself to be taken in
open towns. The wretched King of Saxony was wrong to let
himself be taken at Leipsic: he lost his states, and was taken

«& XT.] THE FALL. fjj^

prisoner. In the very difficult circumstances of the presenfe
crisis one does his duty, and leaves the rest to chance. Now, i£
I live I ought to be obeyed and I have no doubt will be so; if I
die, my son and the empress in regency ought, for the honor
of the French people, not to allow themselves to be taken, but
withdraw to the last village with their last soldiers. Recollect
what was said by the wife of Philippe V. What in fact would
they say of the empress? That she had abandoned her son's
throne and ours. The allies, too, would prefer to make an end
by conducting them prisoners to Vienna. I am surprised that
you did not think of that. I see that fear is turning all the
heads in Paris. As for my opinion, I should prefer that my
son's throat be cut rather than ever see him brought up at
Vienna as an Austrian prince ; and my opinion of the empress
is so good that I beUeve she is also of the same way of think-
ing, as far as a wife and mother can be so. I never saw
Andromache on the stage without pitying the lot of Astyanax
in surviving his house, and considering him happy in not sur-
viving his father."

All the edifice which he had erected was now about to be
overthrown, more completely than he anticipated, without
that favor being reserved for him of being himself struck by
the 1 ightning. He had well estimated the misfortune of his
son and the sad fate awaiting his Astyanax. The Empress
Marie- Louise was not an Andromache.

Then began "the great week," as they termed the final
effort of the Emperor Napoleon and France against the crush-
ing mass of their enemies — against the woes and humiliations
of invasion, which they had formerly inflicted upon all the
peoples now allied against them. The alUed sovereigns resolved
to force back the emperor towards Paris, by outflanking him,
now on one wing, now on the other, so that at last they might
throw themselves aU together upon his exhausted troops, and
destroy him. Blucher had raUied the reinforcements recently
arrived, those of York, Langeron, K'eist; and the army of
Silesia now amounted to 60,000 men. He advanced according
to arrangement with Schwartzenberg, who kept 130,000 men.
The Prussians were to oi)erate on the Mame, drive back Mar-
shal Macdonald, who was covering Paris, and take Napoleon in
pear in order to hem him in a net of enemies. As the two armies
were separating to accomplish their movement, Schwartzenberg;
with the view of defending his left flank against the troops
which were said to be arriving from Lyons, gradually iur

igl HISTORY OF FRANGB. [en. «y

creased the distance between him and Bliicher. Napoleon per*
ceived this, and rushing like a tiger upon his prey, reached
Sezanne, after crossing the marshes of St. Gond on the 10th
February, and fell upon the Russian troops under Olsouvieff,
then occupying the plateau of Champaubert. They were
small in number, and were completely destroyed, the general
and staff being taken prisoners. On the 11th, Napoleon ad-
vanced upon Montmirail, in pursuit of Sacken, who was march-
ing along the left bank of the Marne to attack Marshal Mac-
donald. General York followed the right bank, intending to
cross the river to support Sacken, but the latter had already
been beaten between Epine-aux-Bois and Marchais. On the
12th, York in his turn was attacked at Chateau Thierry by
Napoleon's cavalry. The infantry, grouped before the town,
were broken. The French soldiers and those of the allies
fought in the streets, and the inhabitants seconded the em-
peror's efforts, because they had been ill-treated by the Prus-
sians. The latter had unfortimately destroyed the bridge
over the Marne, and pursuit was momentarily stopped ; but
while Napoleon was renewing his communications, Bliicher
returned towards Montmirail, and Marshal Marmont, to whom
that district had been entrusted, having too few forces to
oppose him, fell back upon Vauchamps. The emperor ran
thither, and on the 14th, after a keenly-fought engagement,
Bliicher was driven back with great loss. By the four engage-
ments with the Silesian army. Napoleon gained 18,000
prisoners, whom he at once sent to Paris, in order to raise the
depressed spirits of the populace. In that, however, he only
succeeded imperfectly, for while Bliicher was beaten on the
Marne, Prince Schwartzenberg advanced up the Seine near
the capital. The emperor Alexander, excited against Napo-
leon by a haughty and vindictive passion, pressed forward
their military movements, and resisted any attempt to reopen
negotiations ; he had told Bliicher to wait for him before enter-
ing Paris. Austria and England, however insisted on the
necessity of conferences; Mettemich showed Caulaincourt's
letter, written at Ch§,tillon, to obtain at least a momentary
cessation of arms. It was on this base, supposing all the con-
ditions imposed upon France were accepted, that the prelim-
inaries of peace were drawn up. The severity of the terms
^as a concession granted to the Emperor Alexander.

Nax)oleon had just reached Meaux and Guignes, after rejoin-
ing Marshals Victor and Oudinot on the Y^res, when ht

CH. Tr.\ THB FALL. ^

attacked (on the 17th February) CJotmt Wittgenstein^s van,
and after beating it marched towards the bridges over the
8eine at Nogent, Bray, and Montereau. Some delay in VictoriB
operations hindered this movement, to the emperor's greafc
annoyance, and thus a keen engagement, which took place at
Villeneuve on the 17th imder General Gherard's orders, led to
no result. It was only on the 18th that the bridge of Montereau
could be taken from the Wirtemburgers who defended it.
Count Colleredo had had time to withdraw his Austrians. Nape
leon advanced upon the Seine against Schwartzenberg's mnin
body, and our troops were already defiling by Montereau to
march towards Nogent and Troyes, which were still held by
the Emperor Francis.

At the moment he was mounting his horse at Nangis, after
the battles of Mormant and Villeneuve, the emperor received
an ill-timed request of an audience from Count Parr, Schwartz-
enberg's aide-de-camp. He had come with the proposal of a
suspension of arms, and pleaded the imjKtrtance of a renewal
of conferences as likely at least to diminish the hostilities.
Napoleon deferred his reply and pursued his journey towards
Montereau, but from this procedure of the allies he derived
new hopes and illusions. He wrote immediately to Caidain-
coiu^: — "I gave you carte blanche in order to save Paris,
and avoid a battle which was the last hope of the nation. The
battle has taken place, and Providence has blessed our arms.
I have made from 30,000 to 40,000 prisoners, taken 200 cannon,
a large number of generals, and destroyed several armies,
almost without striking a blow. Yesterday I made a com-
mencement with the army of Prince Schwartzenberg, and I
expect to destroy it before it recrosses our frontiers. Your
attitude must remain the same: you should do your best to
secure peace, but I wish you to sign nothing without my order,
because I alone know my position. If the aUies had received
your proposals on the 9th, there should have been no battle,
and I woidd not have risked my fortune at a moment when
the slightest failure was the ruin of France; moreover, I
should not have known the secret of their weakness. It is true
I have the advantage of the chances which have tiurned in my
favor. I wish for peace, but not one that would impose upon
France more humiliating terms than those of Frankfort. My
position is certainly more advantageous than at the time when
the allies were at Frankfort: they could defy me; I had gained
no advantage over them, and they were far from my territory.

05 HISTORY OF FRANCE. oh. x^

To-day the case is very different. I have had enormous ad-
vanti^es over them, advantages to which a military career of
twenty years and some celebrity presents nothing comparable.
I am ready to cease hostihties, and allow the enemy to return
home undisturbed, if they sign the preliminary bases on the
proposals of Frankfort."

While thus detailing the favorable turns his luck had taken,
and reckoning his chances, the great gamester seems to have
forgot what cards the enemy held in his hand. In his bold
illusions he transformed strength into weakness, and dwelt
upon the invasion as an argument fatal to the allies. At Ch§,-
tillon, Caulaincourt bitterly contemplated the reverse of the
medal. He had received on the 17th the preliminary project,
as severe as the protocol of the 9th, and still more imfeeling in
its form, all the sacrifices demanded from France being enu-
merated at length. According to these terms, hostilities were
to cease inmiediateJy: the only restitution promised to France
was that of Martinique and Guadaloupe, on condition that
Sweden should agree to restore that colony, which had been
left her by England. Caulaincourt sent the plan to the em-
peror. The plenipotentiary, hopeless and powerless, had
listened in silence to the proposals which were breaking his
heart, but his master's rage burst forth, as usual, with a vio-
lence that shows itself in the following letter written on the
19th February to Caulaincourt :—

** I look upon you as under restraint, ignorant of my affairs,
and influenced by imposters. As soon as I reach Troyes I
shall send you the counter-project which you have to give. I
thank heaven that I have that document, for there is not a
Frenchman whose blood will not boil with indignation at the
sight of it. I therefore wish to make my ultimatum myself.
I should a himdred times prefer the loss of Paris to the dis-
honor and annihiliation of France. I am not pleased that you
have not formally intimated that France, in order to be as
strong as she was in 1789, must have her natural limits in
compensation for the partition of Poland, the overthrow of
the ecclesiastical system in Gtermany, and the great acquisi-
tions made by England in Asia. Say that you are awaiting
orders from your government, and that it is very natural they
should keep you waiting, since your couriers are obliged to
make a detour of seventy-two miles, and three of them have
already not turned up. I have given orders to arrest the
Engli^ couriers. I feel so deeply the infamous proposal

ffr. xv.l "-^ TES FALL, g$

which you send me, that it seems a dishonor even to be sup*
posed to be in the circumstances assiuned in their proposal. I
shall let you know my intentions at Troyes, but I thinlr I
should rather lose Paris than see such proppsals made to the
French peopla You are always talking of the Bourbons; I
should prefer seeing the Bourbons in France, on reasonable
terms, to accepting the infamous proposals which you send
me. I repeat to you my command to declare by protocol that
the natural limits only give France the same power which
Louis XVI. had."

While the army was advancing beyond Montereau, the Em-
"peroT Napoleon halted in the chateau of Surville, and took
time to glance over the afiEairs still under his management in
various parts of Euroi)e, everywhere threatened by the
enemy. Prince Eugene had beaten the Austrians on the
Hincio, and from his delight at this victory the emperor im-
fortimately determined still to hold Italy in his hands, as a
pledge of his victories, and as something to fall back upon in
the negotiations still pending. Marshal Suchet was obliged to
evacuate Catalonia and withdraw upon Lyons. Soult stiU
kept Wellington and the English on the Adoiu*, after being
compelled to abandon the line of the Bidassoa, and that of the
Nive. Gteneral Maison, with insufficient forces, was defending
our positions in Belgium. Camot had offered his services to
the emperor, and now held Anvers with a garrison which waa
decimated by bombardment. Augereau was at Lyons, exert-
ing himself to organize the recruits and national guards, and
impatiently waiting for the trooi)s from Spain, that he might
join in the campaign, and annoy the allies by taking Chalons
and BesanQon. Napoleon thus bitterly reproached him for
delay :—

" The Minister of War has placed before me your letter writ-
ten to him on the 16th, and it has deeply wounded me. What!
six hours after receiving the first troops arriving from Spain
you had not yet started the campaign ! A rest of six hoiurs
was sufficient for them. I gained the battle of Nangis with
ttie brigade of dragoons come from Spain, though they had
not unbridled since leaving Bayonne. You say the six bat-
talions of the Nimes division are in want of clothes and equip-
ment and not yet drilled; what a poor excuse to give me,
Augereau! I destroyed 80,000 of the enemy with battalions
composed of conscripts, who had no cartridge-boxes and were
badly clothed I You say the national guards are in a pitiaUe

i§ HISTORY OF FBANOB. [ct. xv.

condition; I had 4000 of them who came from Angers and
Brittany with roimd hats and wooden shoes, without cart-
ridge-boxes, yet I got good work out of them. There is no
money, you go on to say; and where do you expect to get
money from? You can have none till we have forced our
income from the enemy's hands. You are in want of harness ;
then take it wherever you can find it. You have no stores,
you say: hut it is quite ridiculous. I order you to set out
within- twelve hours after receiving this letter, in order to
take the campaign. If you are still the Augereau of Castig-
Hone, retain the command; if your sixty years weigh upon
you, resign it in favor of one of your general officers, accord-
ing to seniority. You must have a nucleus of more than 6000
men from the best troops. I have not so many, yet I have
destroyed three armies, made 40,000 prisoners, taken 200 can-
non, and thrice saved the capital. The enemy flies from all
quarters towards Troyes. Be there when the ball begins.
There is no chance now of doing as in recent years, but we
must to saddle, with the resolution of '93 \ When Frenchmen
see your plume at the advanced posts, and see you the first
to expose yourself to the musket-balls, you can do with them
what you like!"

Napoleon nevertheless left Montereau with 70,000 men,
having never since the campaign opened had so many troops
at his disposal He expected to cross the Seine at M6ry,
reach the neighborhood of Troyes before Schwartzenberg, and
then offer him battle after having re-crossed the river. But
Bliicher had just appeared on the right bank, after speedily
rallying all the remains of his forces, and an engagement took
place on the 22nd, on the half -demolished bridge of M6ry ; the
town was burnt, and our soldiers were obliged to withdraw.
The Emperor took the main road to Troyes, expecting to meet
the Austrians and join battle; but Prince Schwartzenberg
prudently refrained, and between Chatres and Troyes, Napo-
leon received a new proposal of armistice. Being thus con-
vinced of the embarrassment of the allies, as well as the
reviving superiority of his arms, he avoided replying to the
messages of the Austrians and entered Troyes after the re-
treating rear-guard of the alUed princes had left. On the 21st,
at Nugent-sur-Seine, he had Avritten to the Emperor Francis,
trying by indirect means to separate him from the coalition,
by proving how important were the interests both of his
States and his family. The offers of peace on both sides were

es. XT.] THE FALL. St

ef no effect. One of the Emperor's aides-de-camp, Count
Flahaut, was sent to the enemy's outposts, and a preliminary
conference was opened at the village of Lusigny. The single
point to consider, said the foreign commissioners, was deter-
mining the line of demarkation between the armies while the
negotiations lasted. The starting-point and intentions of the
belligerents being absolutely contradictory, a ruptvu^ was in-
evitable. Meanwhile hostilities were not suspended, and on
the 26th February, Napoleon again left Troyes to march
against Blucher.

The Prussian general's ardor frequently chafed against his
sovereign's prudence. He addressed himself to the Elmperor
Alexander, who took share personally in the struggle against
Napoleon. On the day after the battles which so neai-ly anni-
hilated the Silesian army, he asked for the troops of Bulow
and Wintzingerode to be added to his own. These 50,000 men
served under the Prince Royal of Sweden, who thought of
nothing but his conquest of Norway, and the allied sovereigns
were afraid lest Bemadotte should take offence, and therefore
leave them. He had already shown his annoyance at the pro-
tection granted by Austria to Denmark, as well as at the re-
fusal made to admit a Swedish plenipotentiary at the congress.
The great powers had undertaken to treat for the small states.
When the council of allied princes was met, Lord Castlereagh
took upon him the responsibility of obtaining the consent of
the Prince Royal of Sweden. The English subsidies were in-
dispensable to Bemadotte, and the English prime minister
had besides entirely at his disposal the army lately formed in
Holland under the Prince of Orange, the munber of which was
about the same as the detached corps of the army of the North.
Castlereagh placed tinder Bemadotte these troops in the Eng-
lish pay. At the same time, to avoid the disputes which often
threatened the very existence of the coalition, the English
plenipotentiary proposed to conclude a treaty between the four
great powers, which should bind them solemnly to one an-
other, at first till the conclusion of the existing war, and then
for twenty years afterwards. So long as peace was not signed
to the satisfaction of the coalition, each of the contracting
parties was to furnish a contingent of 160,000 men. After the
peace, each power was to maintain an army of 60, 000 men for the
service of those allies who might be attacked by France. Eng-
land, moreover, undertook to furnish, during the whole
duration of the war, a subsidy of fifty million francs each,

fO HI8T0BT OF FBANOB. \ca. X9.

yearly, to Russia, Austria, and Prussia. By this bold initit^
tive Castlereagh secnired both to his country and himself an in-
disputable preponderance in the congress, and in all the
military or diplomatic resolutions which were taken by the
allied powers. The treaty was signed on the 1st of March, at
Chaumont, where the sovereigns then had their headquartera
The prolongation of the n^otiations at Ch§,tillon was at the
same time resolved upon, but for a limited time, and the propo-
sitions addressed to Napoleon remained open for a fortnight
longer. If he refused to admit them, the powers were to break
all negotiations with him, and thus declare bim an outlaw to
aU Europe.

The formal summons to fulfil engagements was final and
complete. Just after the signing of the treaty of Chaumont,
Napoleon wrote to Caulaincourt to reiterate his resolution to
accept no base of negotiations except the Frankfort proposals,
"the minute presented by the plenipotentiaries of the aUies
not being a proposal, but a capitulation, which in several
points is dishonorable to France." He at the same time
ordered King Joseph to communicate to the council of the
regency the terms offered by the allies, and the replies which
he had addressed personally to the Emperor Francis, and
officially to the congress of Caulaincourt. " I do not ask a
formal opinion," he wrote, " but I am ^ad to know the vari»
OU8 sentiments of individuals." To Cambac6rte he wrote:
"you will see from what King Joseph communicates how
moderate these gentlemen are; just like their soldiers, who
pillage, slaughter, and bum everything."

Meanwhile, Marshals Mortier and Marmont, who had been
appointed to keep the SUesian army in check, while the em-
peror was pursuing Prince Schwartzeuberg, had scarcely had
time to throw themselves into Meaux, while Bliicher, hence-
forth free in his movements, advanced towards the Mame.
Napoleon at once conceived the idea of taking him in rear and
crushing him between two of his army corps, before the rein-
forcements brought by Bulow and Wintzingerode could effect
a junction. Leaving Marshals Oudinot and Macdonald to
guard the Aube, he concealed his march from the enemy, and
ordering from Paris some bridge apparatus, which he had for
several days previously asked for in vain, he advanced as fax
as Fert6-sous-Jouarre. Bliicher was not expecting him, and
after vainly trying to force the line of Ourcq, which was held
by the marshals, he fell back on the 3rd of March towards the

OT. XV.) THE FALL. 91

Aisne, hoping to join the auxiliary forces. His situation,
however, was serious. The emperor was ahout to cross the
Mame, and the bridge of Soissons, the only outlet by which he
could cross the Aisne, was in our power, as well as the town.
The emperor made haste in order to intercept from the enemy
the Rheims road ; and after crossing the Mame, he advanced
towards ChS.teau-Thierry, and then Oulchy; Marmont and
Mortier having occupied F6re-en-Tardenois. Bliicher was
cantoned in the direction of Soissons, when Napoleon halted,
on the evening of the 3rd March, at the village of Bezu-St.
GJermain.

The emperor's soldiers were full of hope, and the 4th was
waited for with impatience ; but while the army marched to
meet Bliicher, thus entrapped, the news came of the surrender
of Soissons. Moreau, who was in command of the garrison of
the town, had lost courage before the threatening and impos-
ing forces of Bulow and Wintzingerode, united round its weak
walls, and capitulated without any attempt at resistance.
Bliicher therefore was now able to cross the Aisne, and effect a
jimction with his reinforcements. The indignation of Napo-
leon equalled the consternation of his troops. "The enemy
were in the greatest embarrassment," he wrote on the 5th to
the minister of war; "we were hoping to reap to-day the
fruit of several days of fatigue, when the treason or idiocy of
the commandant of Soissons delivered the place up to them.
On the 3rd, at noon, he marched out with the honors of war,
taking with him four cannon. Let the wretch be arrested, as
well as the members of the council of defence; have them
brought before a court-martial composed of generals, and in
God's name ! let the result be that they are shot within twenty-
four hours on the Place de Gravel It is time some ex-
amples were made. Let the sentence be printed, with the rea-
sons set forth, posted on the walls and sent everywhere. I am
now compelled to throw a trestle- bridge over the Aisne, and
must thus lose thirty -six hours, and encounter difficulties of
every sort."

General Nansouty, however, had with his cavalry carried
the bridge of Berry-au-Bac, which was badly guarded by the
Russians; and Napoleon being enabled to cross the Aisne,
marched towards Laon. The enemy held all the plateau of
Craonne, on the road to that town. The emperor's object then
was to beat Bliicher before he threw himself back upon
Schwartzenberg. On the morning of the 6th, the town of Cra-

JB BISTORT OF FRANCE. [OH. XT.

cmnewas attacked and carried; and on the Tth, after a fight
lasting till the evening, which cost us a large number of sol-
diers on account of the strong position of the enemy, and our
inferiority at the time in artillery, the plateau was taken, and
Bliicher compelled to withdraw to the plains of Laon. The
bloody victory, however, was useless miless we succeeded in
intercepting the enemy's road to Paris; and Marmont was or-
dered to effect a diversion by bringing his troops out to the
plain by the Rheims road, while the emperor led his solaiers
by the pass between the Etouvelles heights at Chivy. On the
morning of the 9th, Ney forced the passage. Bliicher had en-
trenched himself in the town, and on the rocks defending it
like a natural growth in the midst of the plain. He had deter-
mined to make a desperate resistance. His forces were twice
as many as om«, yet the suburbs were twice taken and retaken.
General Charpentier, with two divisions of the young guard,
effected a flank movement in order to attack Laon in rear.
Marshal Marmont did not arrive; night came before he could
push beyond Athies, which he had taken from Gteneral York.
He took up position there about evening, in a dangerous situa-
tion, without proper guard, and being surprised during the
night, his conscripts were seized by a panic and ran away, the
artillerymen leaving their guns. When the rout halted on the
heights of Festieux, the diversion on which the emperor calcu-
lated had failed; he wished to attack Laon to carry it, but the
Russians were already attacking the positions taken on the
previous evening in our rear. All the emperor's attempta
upon Laon were useless, so well was it defended by Bliicher,
and our troops being inferior in number, could not long protect
the villages which they had taken. Napoleon decided to faD
back upon Soissons, which the enemy had merely passed
through. He was dejected, his plan having failed and hia
situation now rendered dangerous; and a victory gained on
the Rheims road against a body of 15,000 men commanded by
a French emigrant, Count St. Priest, was not suflBcient to
raise the dejected spirits of om* soldiers. Oudinot and
Gerard, after gallantly defending the passage of the Aube, had
fallen back upon the Seine, which was still protected by Mar-
ehal Macdonald. Schwartzenberg again occupied Troyes, and
threatened the Seine from Nogent to Montereau. The confer-
ences of Lusigny had been abandoned.

The ChUtillon congress was also soon to be closed. Oaulain-
court had not produced the counter-project asked of him, Nar

CH. XV.] THE FALL. 98

poleon having forbidden it. "They cannot insist upon UB
offering ourselves the sacrifices which they openly propose to
force from us," said he. "If they wish to give us a drubbing,
the least they can do is not to compel us to give it to ourselves.''
Caulaincourt had, however, been informed that the last hopes
of peace were certainly doomed if he did not consent to offer
some proposals. He was made aware by VitroUes, an agent
of the princes, of the intriguing pursued by the royalists at
the headquarters of the allies. On the 15th of March he re-
solved to detail in a memorandum the sacrifices to which
France consented: to give up "Westphalia, Holland, Dlyria,
and Spain ; to restore the Pope to Rome, and Ferdinand VII.
to Madrid. Napoleon claimed an appanage for the Princess
Baciocchi and Prince Eugene. He gave up Malta to England,
as well as most of her colonial conquests.

The foreign diplomatists were never for a moment deceived.
In other words, the emperor was still obstinate in claiming for
France her natural limits, the Rhine and the Alps, according
to the proposals made at Frankfort. The plenipotentiaries
did not enter upon a useless discussion, but declared that the
negotiation was broken up. The reply of the sovereigns to
the coimter-project was to be sent to Caulaincourt on the 17th,
and the congress dissolved on the 18th. Lord Aberdeen ex-
pressed his intense regret to Caulaincourt; and the latter
informed the emperor of the result, at Rheims.

The diplomatic commimications addressed to the council of
the regency in Paris by no means excited the indignation which
Napoleon anticipated. Pliant for fifteen years under his des-
potic laws, the emperor's highest servants showed no energy
at the hour of resistance. They surrendered to him the Hberty
which he granted them, but a secret instinct, nevertheless, in-
clined them towards a peace of some sort. A messenger was
despatched to the emperor to inquire if it should be his pleasure
that the peace so much desired be asked from him by for-
mal procedure. Napoleon's mind was more steadfast than thafc
of his councillors: he despised their prudent weakness, and
abused them indignantly in a letter to the Duke of Rovigo : —

" You tell me nothing of what is done in Paris. They are
occupied only with clever shifts, the regency, and a thousand
intrigues as silly as they are absurd. None of those people
ever think that, like Alexander, I am cutting the Gk>rdian knot.
Let them be well assured I am the same man I was at Wagram
and Austerlitz, that I will have no intrigue in the State, that

94 HISTORY OF FRANCE. [oh. XT.

there is no other authority whatever but mine, and that in an
urgent crisis it is the regent that exclusively possesses my
confidence. Eing Joseph is feeble, and allows himself to be
led into intrigues which might be fatal to the State, and
especially to himself and his plans, imless he promptly returns
to the right course of conduct. Mark well, that if they had
drawn up an address contrary to authority, I should have ar-
rested the king, my ministers, and all who had signed it.
They are spoiling the national guard, as well as Paris, through
their weakness and ignorance of the country, I will have no
tribime of the people. Let it not be forgotten that I am the
great tribune. The people wUl then act always as is suitable
to their true interests, which are the object of all my
thoughts."

At almost the same moment (12th March), as if to prove to
the very last day the unconquerable pride which sprang up
more indignantly than ever when surrounded by adversity,
the emperor wrote to King Joseph: " I am pained to see that
you have spoken to my wife about the Bourbons, and the op-
position which might be made by the Emperor of Austria. I
beg of you to avoid such conversations. I have no wish to be
protected by my wife. Such a notion would spoil her and
compromise us. Let her live as she has lived ; say nothing to
her of what she should know before signing; and above all
avoid any conversation which might lead her to think that I
agree to be protected by her or her father. For four years the
word Bourbon or Austria has never passed my lipa The Em-
peror of Austria can do nothing, because he is weak, and led
by Mettemich, who is in the pay of England— that is the secret
of the whole. . . . You always write as if the peace depended
upon me, yet I sent you the documents. If the Parisians wish
to see the Cossacks, they wiU have cause to repent; still the
truth should be told them."

The agitation in Paris constantly increased, not only on ac-
count of the rupture of the negotiations for peace, the suc-
cessive checks to Napoleon's most skilful manoeuvres, but of
the new arrivals from the south of France. Soult, slowly
driven by Wellington, had to leave Bayonne, blockaded by the
enemy, and, after leaving the river at Ol^ron, fell back upon
that at Pau, in the suburbs of Orthez, where he was attacked
h^ the English on the morning of the 27th February, over a
long line of defence. Gtenerals Reille and Clausel kept their
positionB, but the marshal would not risk a second battle with

€■. XT.] THE FALL. g§

the loss of the only French army which still remained com-
plete. He abandoned the Bordeaux road, which he had been
ordered to cover, and marched towards Toulouse, hoping to
draw the enemy in pursuit. Wellington did, in fact, follow
him, but after detaching General Hill for Bordeaux. The
English were well informed as to the state of public opinion
in the south of France, which has always been favorable to
extreme parties, and was then somewhat influenced by royalist
agents. The Duke of Angouleme, eldest son of Count d'Artois,
had not l&een admitted to the English head-quarters; but when
the gates of Bordeaux were opened without resistance to the
English colunms, the prince was at the same time sunmioned
by the spontaneous action of the citizens. He hastened to re-
spond, and the restoration of the Bourbons was proclaimed by
the mayor, in the midst of shouts of joy from the merchants
who had been ruined by the continental blockade. There was
none who misunderstood the official protest of Wellington
against the Bordeaux manifestation. The example was dan-
gerous, and the popular excitement increased. The yoke be-
gan to weigh heavily on the shoulders of all as soon as ever
the possibility of shaking it off appeared on the horizon.
Nevertheless, the emperor had no fear of a popular excitement
in Paris resembhng that of Bordeaux; he was then planning a
great movement towards the north, which should enable him
to rally all his garrisons, and intercept the communications of
the allies with Grermany. It was, moreover, necessary to
withdraw from the capital, now threatened from every quar-
ter. Napoleon resolved to attempt another blow at Prince
Schwartzenberg.

The latter had fallen back upon Troyes, summoning round
him his scattered forces, which the Czar Alexander thought
were threatened by Napoleon. This retreating movement con.
firmed the emperor in his intention of marching eastward in
the meantime. He therefore went towards Arcis-sur-Aube,
without waiting to encoimter the Bohemian army. Several
general officers had informed him of Schwartzenberg's concen-
trations, but he would not believe it. On the the 20th of Marcli,
between Troyes and Arcis, he found himself face to face with
the enemy. The first charge of the Russian cavalry threatened
the emperor's person, and a Polish battalion had scarcely time
to form in square for his protection. A few minutes after-
wards a shell fell at his feet, and severely wounded his horse.
Ney defended the village of Grand-Farcy, and General Friant
HF (E) Vol. 8

96 HISTORY OF FRANCE. [oh. t^

came up with the old guard. The soldiers, though only one
against three, fought everywhere with prodigious valor, but
all their efforts could only succeed in rendering the result
doubtful. "Your Majesty has no doubt other resources,
which we are not aware of?" asked General Sebastiani in the
very midst of the fight. "Nothing more than is before your
eyes," repUed Napoleon. "Then, why does yoiu- Majesty not
think of a general rising?" "Such ideas are purely chimerical,
my dear Sebastiani, fine recollections of Spain and the French
revolution I A general rising in a coimtry where the revolution
destroyed the nobles and priests, and where I myself have
destroyed the revolution !"

The emperor had destroyed the life and strength of the
revolution, and the national vigor by which the country waa
formerly defended; but he had not extinguished the revolu-
tionary germs — so much the more full of life that the despotism
had long diverted France from the real and earnest govern-
ment of its affairs. He had exhausted the military ardor by
constant misuse of it, and the wearied country called aloud for
rest. That is what Caulaincourt tried to make him sensible of,
when he again met him at St. Dizier, to which Napoleon had
transferred his head-quarters af^r the indecisive and useless
engagement at Arcis-sur-Aube, from a conviction that he could
not at once risk a second battle without absolutely compromis-
ing his subsequent operations. "You did well to return," said
the emperor; " if you had accepted the ultimatum of the aUies,
I should have disavowed you. They wish to ruin us, or
weaken us till we are reduced to nothing. Death is preferable
to that. We are old enough soldiers to have no fear of death.
But you are going to see something worth while. The enemy
are evidently following me. Schwartzenberg has not dared to
advance upon Paris, because he knows that I threaten his
conununications. As soon as I have rallied the 30,000 or
40,000 men in the garrisons, I shall burst like a lightning-cloud
upon whoever is nearest, Bliicher or Schwartzenberg, no mat-
ter which, and crush him, leaving the peasants of Burgundy
to finish. The coalition is as near its ruin as I am to mine."

The most faithful of Napoleon's servants could not be de-
ceived by such language, whether sincere or pretended ; and
the allies had not allowed themselves to be so far drawn by
military considerations as to despise political combinations.
They knew well that the war could only finish at Paris; and
did not anticipate much resistance before its walls. The goo-

m. TV.] THE FALL. 97

eral discontent, the weariness caused by the empire, and the
crushing load which weighed down men of every class, were
betrayed by too certain proofs for the Emperor Francis to be
now deceived as to the stabihty of his daughter's throne. The
thought of a general march upon Paris gradually rallied men
of the greatest prudence. Intercepted letters from the empress,
King Joseph, and the Duke of Eovigo confirmed the sovereigns
in their convictions as to the moral and political state of the
capital. The Elmperor Alexander and the King of Prussia re-
solved to advance; the Emperor of Austria remained behind.
He could not himself go to the gates of Paris arms in hand.
Schwartzenberg and Bliicher had effected the junction of their
armies. Wintzingerode was appointed to watch Napoleon's
movements with 10,000 horse. Qq the 25th March, the allied
armies commenced their march to Paris.

Marmont and Mortier, left behind to defend the Aisne, had
been obliged to abandon their positions in presence of superior
forces. They at first fell back upon Fismes, with the view of
rejoining the emperor by Chateau-Thierry; but being separ-
ated by the whole army of the enemy from the eastern road,
they resolved to advance towards Paris to cover the capital,
and meantime made an appointment together for Sommessons,
with the object of retreating as far as F6re-Champenoise.
The GJenerals Pacthod and Compans, at the head of detached
corps, took the same direction. On the 25th, at mid-day, just
after the two marshals had met, they were suddenly attacked
by the allied army; and after bravely defending the position
which they had taken on the road, between two hollows, found
themselves obliged to retreat slowly, overwhelmed by the
enemy's fire and whirlwinds of heavy hail. General Pacthod's
corps, almost entirely composed of national guards, was sur-
rounded by the enemy. Before these improvised soldiers
would agree to surrender, the Emperor Alexander was obUged
to send them one of his aides-de-camp to stop the fighting.
The losses of our little army were irreparable. The marshals
had difficulty in avoiding being taken by the enemy. On the
29th they arrived under the walls of Paris; several other corps
rallied round them, 20,000 or 25,000 men of the regular troops,
and 10,000 or 12,000 of the national guards. Such were the
resources to be disposed of for the defence of the capital, then
without fortifications. We have seen the ramparts of Paris
prolong the resistance without, however, sufficing to save
France when invaded, but the Coundil of the B^ency and

98 HISTORY OF FRAirCE. [ch. itv.

NapoIeon*s lieutenants scarcely had ordinary walls; and the
population of Paris were not disposed to attempt such efforts
of heroism as they did in recent times. After a stormy and
long-continued deUberation, the majority of the Council in-
sisted upon requesting that the empress and King of Rome
should remain in Paris. Talleyrand strongly pleaded for this.
King Joseph produced the emperor's formal commands, such
as that given on the day after the battle of Rheims: — "You
must under no circiunstances allow the empress and the King
of Rome to fall into the hands of the enemy. Should they ad-
vance towards Paris with such forces that resistance is impos-
sible, then the regent empress, my son, the great dignitaries,
the ministers, the officers of the Senate and presidents of the
Council of State, the grand officers of the crown and treasury,
must leave, and go in the direction of the Loire. Do not leave
my son; and remember that I should rather know he was at
the bottom of the Seine than in the hands of the enemies of
France. The fate of Astyanax as prisoner with the Greeks
always seemed to me the most unhappy fate in history."

The Council gave way, and the empress, turning to her
brother-in-law and her husband's most intimate servants, said,
"Tell me what I must do, and I shall do it." Nobody dared
to advise her to disobey Napoleon's wish, so clearly expressed.
Gtoing out on a last reconnoitring expedition. King Joseph and
the Duke of Feltre foimd that Paris was surrounded by the
armies of the enemy, against which they could only make a
pretended resistance. The carriages were standing ready,
with the crowd looking on, silent and gloomy, like people who
are deserted by those who ought to protect them. The last ex-
tremity of pain and disgrace could not reach Paris so long as
her sovereigns made it their residence. Several officers of the
national guard obtained admission to the empress, and en-
treated her to stay. She wept, full of hesitation and alarm.
The King of Rome asked what they wished to do, and refused
to go Into the carriage, clinging to the curtains of the palace
which he was about to leave forever. The long train of im-
perial carriages took the road to Rambouillet, escorted by 200
soldiers of the old guard, whose sorrow was more bitter than
that of the courtiers, full of consternation at the fall of gran-
deur. The all-powerful emperor was again become an ad-
renturer.

Meanwhile Paris was full of disturbance. The preparations for
the defence were oonfused, bandied from General Hullin. gov-

CM. XV.] THE FALL. 99

emor of the city, to Marshal Moncey, who commanded the
national guard. These again had no muskets, and scarcely
half of them were armed. Several guns were placed on the
heights of Montmartre, St. Chaumont, and Charonne, but they
had not enough of harness for the artillery. No horses were
requisitioned from private persons, and nowhere were barri-
cades thought of. A recollection of old times crossed M. Eeal's
mind, when he proposed to the Duke of Rovigo that they
should take up the paving stones from the streets and throw
them down upon the enemy, at the same time firing at them
from the windows of the houses. " Why, that is a revolution-
ary mode of defence," exclaimed General Savary; "I shall
most certainly not do that. What would the emperor say?"

The resistance of Paris was to be confined to a battle before
the octroi- wall, between 29,000 soldiers and 170,000. The result
was known beforehand, and it was the remains of their honor
and ours which the two marshals defended. Mortier took his
station at the foot of the heights of Montmartre, his right rest-
ing on the Ourcq canal and his left on Clignancourt. Marmont
was to occupy the plateau of Romainville, and extend as far as
Pr4s-St.-Gervais- When he advanced towards the heights, the
advanced guard of Barclay de Tolly was already posted there,
but it was driven back, and the marshal's troops deployed
between Charonne and Vincennes: Montreuil and Bagnolet
were occupied. The enemy's armies, divided into three col-
umns under the orders of Barclay, the Prince Royal of Wur-
temberg, and Bliicher, were to attack on the east, south, and
north ; Romainville, the Barri^re du Trone, and the heights of
Montmartre being the points threatened.

It was at the last post that King Joseph had fixed his head-
quarters. On the morning of the 30th there was already some
fighting in the east of Paris, and the plateau of Romainville
was several times taken and retaken. Bliicher and the Prince
of Wurtemberg had not yet arrived. The generals, however,
were not deceived with false hopes ; the soldiers said they were
determined to be killed to the last man, but Paris would cer-
tainly be compelled to surrender. This news, and the sight of
the enemy's columns on the horizon, filled up the measure of
King Joseph's alarm, being fully resolved not to fall into the
enemy's hands. He deliberated with the ministers who still
remained with him, and they all advised him to fly, urging
that the emperor had given that order beforehand. Joseph set
out, accompanied by the Duke of Feltre, and Paris wa6 now

100 HISTORY OF FRANCE. [CH. XT.

left without government, and its defenders without any poUti-
cal supervision. Only one order was sent to the marshals, in
these terms:— "KM. le Marshal Duke of Bagusa and M. le
Marshal Duke of Treviaa cannot hold their ground, they are
hereby authorized to enter into pourparlers with the Prince of
Schwartzenberg and the Emperor of Eussia now before the
walls. "Joseph.

" Montmartre, 30th March, 1814, at a quarter past twelve,
noon. — They will withdraw upon the Loire."

Thus abandoned to themselves, with no hope but that of a
glorious death, the generals in command everywhere joined
battle. Bliicher, after approaching Montmartre with caution,
because he thought this important point was strongly fortified,
took possession of it without difficulty. The Prince of Wur-
temberg carried the bridge of Charenton against the national
guards and the pupils of the Alfort School. Some vigorous
fighting took place at Pantin, Bagnolet, and Charonne. Ro-
mainville was on the point of being taken by the enemy, when
Marshal Marmont made a charge, sword in hand, against the
enemy's centre, but was driven back, and very nearly made
prisoner. The defence was concentrated upon Belleville and
MenOmontant. Mortier still held Villette, and the fighting
there was keenly contested. The pupils of the Polytechnic
School had been vigorously attacked at the Barri^re du Trone,
but they succeeded in holding their ground, though many were
killed by their guns. A rumor ran that the emperor had ax-
rived, but it was without foundation ; Greneral Dejean alone
had succeeded in passing the enemy's posts, announcing Na-
poleon's approach. It was sufficient, he said, to hold out two
days, for the army to come and back the efforts of the brave
defenders of Paris; the emperor was already advancing with
his staff to the assistance of the capital, hastening across the
country by relays of horses, and they must make an attempt
to gain time. The emperor had written to the Emperor Fran-
cis, proposing to reopen the negotiations ; and Schwartzenberg,
as soon as he was informed of it, would most certainly grant a
suspension of arms. Marshal Mortier, having heard this from
Gteneral Dejean, immediately sent an orderly to the prince.
Marmont had already twice sent messengers, but they had
been kUled before reaching the generals of the enemy, and his
third emissary reached Prince Schwartzenberg at the same
time as the officer bearing Mortier's request. "I have had no
information of the renewal of negotiations," said the Austrian

oa. XT.] TEE FALL, 101

general, "and therefore cannot grant an armistice; but it de-
pends upon the marshals to put a stop to this butchery, if they
agree to deliver up Paris to me immediately." Several hours
previously, when Marmont received the authorization to treat
which was sent by Joseph, he replied that they were not yet
come to that. Now, at mid-day, with his back against the
octroi wall, driving back the enemy, some of whom were al-
ready advancing into the Rue du Temple, fighting himself Uke
a soldier in the ranks, on foot, in the midst of his oflBcers fall-
ing around him, the marshal had no resource left but capitula-
tion. An aidenie-camp had reached the chateau of Bondy
where the Emperor Alexander and the King of Prussia were.
" It is not my intention to do the least harm to the town of
Paris," said the Czar; " it is not upon the French nation that
we are waging war, but upon Napoleon." "And not upon
himself, but upon his ambition," added Frederick William.
The suspension of arms was granted, and the only point at
issue was the withdrawal of the army and the capitulation of
Paris. The terms of agreement were drawn up at Villette be-
tween the marshals, Nesselrode and a few of the enemy's offi-
cers. The allies at first declared they would insist upon the
defenders of Paris giving up their arms; they also insisted
upon their withdrawal to Brittany. These two articles having
been rejected, the marshals remained at liberty to direct the
movements of their troops as they pleased. The convention,
generally termed the " Capitulation of Paris," was confined to
several articles exclusively military : —

" The corps of the Marshals the Dukes of Trevisa and Bagusa
will evacuate the town of Paris on the 31st March, at seven
o'clock, forenoon. They will take with them their regimental
property and furniture. HostiUties cannot be resumed till two
hours after the evacuation of the town, viz,, on the 31st March,
at nine o'clock, forenoon. All the military arsenals, work-
shops, establishments, and stores will be left in the same state
as they were in before the present capitulation was discussed.
The national or city guard is entirely distinct from the troops
of the Une, and will be preserved, disarmed, or disbanded ac-
cording as the courts appointed by the allies may think proper.
The mimicipal gendarmes corps will be treated exactly as the
national guard. The wounded or marauders who remain in
Paris after seven o'clock, will be prisoners of war. The town
of Paris is committed to the generosity of the high allied pow-
ers."

102 HISTORY OF FRANCE. [ch. xv.

Such was the convention signed on the 30th March, at six
o'clock, afternoon, by the marshal's aides-de-camp, in a small
public-house in Villette, in the midst of the distm*banc© and
consternation which were reigning in the capital. Her last de-
fenders were making their preparations to leave; Marshal
Marmont, his face blackened with gunpowder, and his clothes
torn by balls, was surrounded by his friends in his house in
the Rue Paradis-Poissonniere. "And Paris?" they exclaimed,
when he had annoimced the conditions of the armistice. ' ' Psuis
is no business of mine ; I am only leader of a corps, and my
troops have done all that was humanly possible to do. I fall
back upon Fontainebleau, where the emperor is. A capitula-
tion will be made for Paris." It was at last decided that the
two prefects of poUce and administration should wait upon the
aUied sovereigns, to obtain the treatment to which Paris was
entitled. These were the only remains in Paris of the imperial
government. Clear sighted men could already distinguish the
aurora of new influences. Talleyrand did not leave Paris along
with the court.

Meanwhile the Emperor Napoleon had reached as far as
Fromenteau, being himself in advance of the whole army.
Retained for several days in the neighborhood of St. Dizier and
Vassy, by the vain hope of fighting Schwartzenberg's army,
which he thought was still following him, he was able to see,
by a well-fought battle between St. Dizier and Vitry, that the
only troops behind him were a cavalry-corps. One of the ene-
my's bulletins, also, which had fallen into his hands, informed
him of the affair at F^re-Charapenoise, from which he inferred
the movement of the allied armies ujwn Paris. Napoleon hesi-
tated, incUned to follow up his plan, so that he might attack
the enemy when he should have collected some forces ; but the
troops were seized with excitement, and all asked to march to
the assistance of Paris. The danger of the capital implied that
of many families, and threatened the honor of France. The
emperor was obliged to yield. Always rapid in his resolutions,
he advanced by forced marches, being conscious, moreover, of
the imminent danger, and suspecting, not without reason, that
it was too late to save Paris, He hurried his journey as far as
Villeneuve-l'Archev^ue, where he threw himself into a car-
riage and flew towards Paris. At Fromenteau, about midnight,
he was told that a body of cavalry were approaching. " Who
Is there?" he exclaimed. "Greneral Belliard." Napoleon
stepped out of the carriage and drew the general to the road

OH. XVI.] THE FIRST REBTORATIOK 103

side. "Where is the army?" he asked. "Sire, it Is coining
behind." " And the enemy?" " At the gates of Paris." "And
who holds Paris?" " Nobody, it is evacuated," "What! evac-
uated? And my son, my wife, the government, where are
they?" " On the Loire, sire." " On the Loire ! who sent them
there ?" " Sire, it was said to be by your orders. " ' ' My orders
did not imply that. Where is King Joseph, and Clarke, and
Marmont, and Mortier?" "Sire, we did not see King Joseph
or the Duke of Feltre ; the marshals did all that it was possible
for men to do. A defence was made in every part, and the
national guards fought like soldiers. We had nothing, not even
cannon I .Ah! sire, had you been there, you and your troops 1"
" No doubt, if I had been there, — ^but I cannot be everywhere.
Joseph lost Spain, and now he is losing me France ! And Clarke,
too ; if I had believed that poor Rovigo, who always kept tell-
ing me that he was a coward and traitor 1 But we must go
there at once I My carriage, Caulaincourtl" The officers threw
themselves before the emperor, to stop him as he proceeded to
walk along the road. "It is impossible, sirel It is too late I
There is a capitulation ! The infantry is behind us, and will
presently reach us." Some of the detachments were already
coming in sight. Napoleon let himself fall by the roadside,
holding his head in his hands and hiding his face. The on-
lookers, with heartfelt sorrow, silently stood by him. On that
solitary road, at the dead of night, the grand empire, founded
and sustained for fifteen years by the incomparable genius and
commanding will of one man alone, had now crumbled to
pieces, even in the opinion of him who had raised it.

CHAPTER XVI.

THE FIRST RESTORATION (1814—1816).

The Bourbons had long been forgot by Europe, even when
showing some kindness personally to the princes of that illus-
trious race. England alone had occasionally supported them
in their attempts, but the support was always insufficient and
late. The French princes paid Httle attention to the noble
effort made by the country gentlemen and peasants in Vendue;
when they believed the dying spark could be revived they en*

104 HISTORY OF FRANCE. [ch. xvi

coura^ed the Quiberon expedition, but without resolving to
share in it themselves. The Count d'Artois had something to
do with the conspiracy of Gteorges and Pichegru, and his per-
sonal friends were engaged in it. The emigrants were divided
into two classes, the "observers" and the "conspirators," so
termed during the last days of the monarchy according to their
bias, one towards Monsieur, the other the Count d'Artois.
The advisers differed in like proportion; so long as men of
eager and rash disposition fostered the count's illusions, and
encouraged him to beheve that it was impossible to return to
the past. Monsieur, or " the king," as the emigrants now called
him, chose, amon^ the most hberal and sensible of the roya-
lists in Paris, some friends for the purpose of letting him know
the state of pubUc opinion, and managing his affairs. This
" royal council" was composed of only four persons, chosen by
Royer-Collard, one of them being the Abb6 Montesquiou. Oia
the 18th Brumaire, Clermont-Gallerande, who was also a mem-
ber, received from Louis XVUI. instructions to lay before the
first consul certain proposals of alliance. His credentials were
conceived in the following terms: — "I give to the bearer of
these presents aU necessary power to treat in my name with
(General Bonaparte. I do not instruct him to propose either
conditions or recorapences to that general. The faithful inter-
preter of my sentiments will give him the assurance that all
that he may ask for his friends will be granted immediately
after my restoration. The safety of my people will be the guar-
antee of my faithfulness in fulfilling my promises."

At first no reply was sent to the prince's letter. When he
made a second attempt, Bonaparte's refusal was as peremptory
as was afterwards that of Louis XVIII. in 1803, to the propo-
sal that he should renounce his claim to the throne. "I do
not confound M. Bonaparte with those who have preceded
him," repUed the king to the President of the Diet of Warsaw,
who had been entrusted with that commission by the first
consul. "I owe him thanks for several acts of his adminis-
tration, because the good done to my people will always make
me grateful; but he is deceived if he thinks to jwrsuade me to
traffic with my rights: so far from that, he himself by his
present procedure would strengthen them, if they could be-
come matter of dispute. I know not what may be God's pur-
poses regarding my race and myself, but I know what are the
obligations he has laid upon me by the rank to which by His
will I have been bom. A Christian, I shall fulfil those obHga*

OB. XTL] THE FIRST RESTORATION. 105

tions till mj latest breath ; the son of St. Louis, I should be
able like binn to act worthily even in chains; the successor of
Francis I., I wish to be able at least to say as he did, * All is
lost, save honor.' " Royer-Collard in name of the secret Ck)un-
dl wrote a long letter to Louis XVIII., approving and com-
menting on the prince's conduct ; which letter was pubhshed
afterwards, when a serious disagreement broke out between
the restored Bourbons and their wisest and best servants..

As the princes of the house of Bourbon had protested against
the crimes of the revolution, so they protested against the set-
ting up of a throne which they were not called upon to occupy.
"By taking the title of emperor," said Louis XVIIL in Ids
protest of the 5th June, 1804, " and wishing to render it hered-
itary in his family, Bonaparte has just put the seal to his
usurpation. The new act of a revolution in which everything
from the first has been without legal effect, can certainly not
weaken my rights ; but accountable for my conduct to all the
sovereigns, whose rights are not less assailed than mine by the
principles which the Senate of Paris has dared to put forward,
I should consider myself a traitor to the common cause by
keeping silence on this occasion. I therefore declare, in pres-
ence of all the sovereigns, that far from acknowledging the
imperial title which Bonapartef has just got bestowed upon
himself by a body which has not even a legal existence, I pro-
test against that title, and against all the subsequent acts to
which it may give place."

The protest was of no use, as was weU enough known by the
prince who pronounced it. Several months later (2nd Decem-
ber, 1804), to satisfy the need for action felt by Count d'Artois
and his Mends, he pubhshed a declaration promising to up-
hold all the rights gained by the revolution. " My proclama-
tion contains everything," he wrote to Mittau. "Is it the
military question? The soldier's rank and employment are
retained, promotion according to length of service — all are
secured. Is it a question of a public man? He will be con-
tinued in office. Or one of the lower orders? The conscrip-
tion, that tax of persons, the most burdensome of all, will be
abolished. Or a new proprietor? I declare myself the protec-
tor of the rights and interests of all. Or, finally, those who
are guilty? Prosecutions will be forbidden: a general amnesty
is annoimced. Nevertheless everything, in France and with-
out, since the beginning of the Revolution, turns in a vicious
circle. Placed between two parties, I cry to both ' You are

106 EISTOBT 'OF FBANCB. [CH. xn,

wrong I ' But my voice is not heard by the one, or listened to
by the other."

Dating from this fom ^1 declaration, which he considered
due to his family and the monarchical traditions, Louis XVin.
aimed at nothing more than a qmet and dignified retreat.
This he long found at Mittau, remaining an entire stranger
to the intrigues in the midst of which the Count d'Artois was
actively employed. "When the Emperor Alexander, conquered
and cajoled at the same time by Napoleon, gave the illustrious
exile to understand that his presence in Courland was trouble-
some, the prince asked for an asylum in England, the only
nation in Europe that still refused to acknowledge the all-
subsiding power of the Emperor of the French. It was a char-
acteristic proof of this power that the English cabinet for a mo-
ment hesitated to receive Louis XVILL He was at last allowed
to reside in England, and had hved there seven years when the
tottering state of Napoleon's throne again revived the hopes of
the few friends who remained true to his cause. England
openly showed her indifference for the royalist cause: — "The
only opinion I can form," wrote Wellington to Lord Bathurst,
'* is that twenty years having elapsed since the princes of the
house of Bourbon left France, they are as much, and perhaps
more imknown there, than the princes of any other royal
family in Europe ; that the aUies should agree amongst them-
selves to propose to France a sovereign in place of Napoleon,
who must be got rid of before Europe can ever enjoy peace;
but that it matters httle whether it be a prince of the house of
Boiu'bon or one of any other royal family." The English gen-
eral wrote this at the time when the Duke d'AngoulSme fol-
lowed his army, without ever being able to obtain an intro-
duction. The Duke de Berry's stay in Jersey produced no
rising of the royalists in Vendue or Brittany. Count d'Artois,
after crossing the eastern frontier along with the aUied armies,
had great difficulty in obtaining permission to pass through
Vesoid from the Austrian general in command of the place.
The Russians allowed him to enter Vesoul on condition that
he came alone, without -cockade or decorations, took no poUti-
cal title, and occupied no public building. The aUied sov-
ereigns were on their guard against every manifestation which
might give a dynastic color to their poUtical or military action.
They were not disposed to lend an ear to the urgent requests of
the royalists, nor to place much confidence in their declared
assurance as to the state of pubhc opinion. " If they were to

CH. xn.] THE FIRST RESTOBATlOHr. 107

give up treating with Bonaparte, ** said YitroHes to the Em-
peror Alexander, "and march upon Paris, determined to
allow public opinion full liberty, it would declare itself. I
leave my head in your Majesty's hands, and am willing that
it should fall at the block, if Paris — ^if public opinion, does not
declare itself."

"Vitrolles was bold, enterprising, and unscrupulous. His
supple and subtle mind was well-suited for intrigue. He had
risked his liberty, and even his life, by coming to CHiaLtillon to
sound the secret intentions of the powers with reference to
the Einperor Napoleon. Two unfortunate gentlemen had dis-
played the white colors of the royalists at Troyes during the
stay of the allies in that town, and when Napoleon regained
possession of it one of them, named Gault, was shot. Vitrolles
was sent to ChS,tiIlon to prove to Stadion, his former friend,
the identity of the Duke of Dalberg. Around TaUeyrand and
his intimate friends there had already begun a movement in
favor of the new posture of aflfeirs, and he did not oppose it,
though he refrained from taking an active share in it. The
Emperor Napoleon's distrust, and unmistakable weakness of
his fortune, had, however, determined the quondam bishop,
afterwards vice-grand-chancellor under the imperial rule.
The instinct of the race, his personal interest, and a sense of
the wants of the country, all combined in Talleyrand's mind
to separate him henceforth from the threatened dynasty.
When King Joseph left Paris, a few hours after the capital
was invested by the enemy. Prince Benevento proceeded to
follow ; but the guard stationed at the gates showing some re-
sistance, he retiumed to Paris without insisting upon it. Be-
fore the departure of the marshals for Fontainebleau he had
an interview with the Duke of Ragusa, and strove by argu-
ments to weaken his military fidehty to a chief who was no
longer accomi)anied by victory. As soon as the allied sov-
ereigns took possession of Paris, they were careful to request
Talleyrand to remain.

On the 30th March, 1814, was seen the first declaration of
the aUies in Paris, signed by Prince Schwartzenberg as gener-
alissimo. It clearly announced their intention of no more
treating with the Emperor Napoleon.

"Inhabitants of Paris," it said, " the aflied armies are now
before your walls. The object of their advance upon the capi-
tal of France is the hope of a sincere and lasting reconciliation
with her. For twenty years Europe has been flooded with

108 HISTORY OF FRANCE. fcH stl

blood and tears. The attempts to put a stop to so much wretch-
edness have been in vain, because there exists in the very
power of the government which oppresses you an insurmount-
able obstacle to peace. Who is the Frenchman that is not con-
vinced of the truth of this? The aUied sovereigns are sincerely
anxious to find a tutelary authority in France that can cement
the union of all nations and governments with her. It belongs
now to the city of Paris, in the present crisis, to hasten the
peace of the world. Let her declare herself, and inmiediately
the army now before her walls becomes the supporter of her
decisions. Parisians ! you know the situation of your country,
the conduct of Bordeaux, the occupation of Lyons, the evils
brought upon France, and the real inclinations of your fellow-
citizens. You will in these examples see the limit of foreign
war and civil discord. Make haste to reply to the confidence
placed by Europe in your love for your country and in your
good sense." Preparations were already being made for the
entry next day into Paris of the allied sovereigns.

We have in our time heard words less sympathizing, and,
like our fathers, have known the anguish caused by the faults
and reverses of absolute power. The population of Paris re-
mained calm and dejected. When, on the 31st, the allied sov-
ereigns approached the rich quarters, they were hailed with
the joyful shouts of a band of royalists, who displayed the
white Bourbon flag, and welcomed with delight Napoleon's
conquerors. Women gave way to the same enthusiasm. By
the hope of peace their children were snatched from deadly
danger; several of them distributed white cockades. This dis-
play of different passions, which had long been silently re-
pressed, was confined to a small number of houses and streets.
When the Emperor Alexander, who marched in front, and at-
tracted the looks of all, reached the hotel in the Rue St. Flor-
entin which Talleyrand had put at his disposal, a large crowd
gathered round the doors, full of curiosity and adulation. In-
doors, earnest negotiations had begun.

It is a characteristic of critical junctures that they bring to
the front those men who are destined to exercise preponderat-
ing and decisive influence upon human events. By his fore-
sight and acuteness Talleyrand prepared beforehand the place
which he was to take in that formidable crisis of our destinies,
no one disputing it with him, and the allied sovereigns at once
acknowledged him as the natural and inevitable plenipotentiary
of France. Caulaincourt, who had been sent by Napoleon, was

fB. XVI.] THE FIRST RESTORATION. 109

received by the Czar at Bondy; but he obtaiiied nothing bat
courteous expressions, and the sad conviction that his master
was to be opposed. On his return to Paris for the purpose of
reneTving the attempt, he had secretly resolved to accept, if
need were, the Ch§,tillon terms of peace. He considered the
contrary resolutions were emphatically expressed.

On March 31st, a proclamation from the allied princes was
everywhere posted up.

" The armies of the allied powers have occupied the capital
of France. The allied sovereigns respond to the prayer of the
French nation. They declare :—

"That whilst material guarantees were necessarily included
in the terms upon which peace could alone be concluded when
it was a question of restraining the ambition of Bonaparte, yet
these terms must be made more favorable when by an inclina'
tion towards good government France offers assurances of
tranquillity.

" The allied sovereigns consequently proclaim that they will
no longer tx'eat with Napoleon Bonaparte, nor with any mem-
ber of his family ; that they respect the integrity of ancient
France, as it existed under its legitimate kings ; they may even
do more than that, for they acknowledge the principle that for
the welfare of Europe it is necessary for France to be great and
strong.

"That they will recognize and guarantee the Constitution
which the Blench Nation shall form for itself. Accordin^y
they invite the Senate to appoint a provisional government
which may provide for the necessities of administration, and
prepare such a constitution as may meet the views of the
French people."

Such were the results of the conferences which had taken
place in the morning between the allied sovereigns, Talleyrand,
and the Duke of Dalberg. Upon one point only were the vic-
lorious allies thoroughly agreed — the downfall of the Emperor
Napoleon, the author of aU the evils that oppressed Europe,
the insatiable conqueror whom no treaty of peace could bind.
The regency of the Empress Marie-Louise, Prince Bemadotte,
even the republic, all seemed to offer certain advantages. The
preferences of the allies in favor of the house of Bourbon were
as yet only feeble. Lord Castlereagh was not present to plead
their cause; Talleyrand took charge of it. So far as he waa
concerned he had fully made up his mind.^ A member of the
Constituent Assembly, a great nobleman tmd a bishop, he had

110 HISTORY OF FRANCE. [CK. xvi.

been too close an eye witness of the'terrible tragedies resulting
from revolutionary fury and of the humiliations of the Direc-
tory to believe in the possibility of the re-establishment of the
republican rSgime. His clear judgment rejected the idea of
government by Marie-Louise in the name of an infant — the im-
perial dynasty with all its faults, and without its power, tmder
the continual menace of a despot banished in vain. He did not
tolerate for a moment the absxird idea of the elevation of Ber-
nadotteto supreme power; the Bourbons alone could assure
tranquiUity to France. France cotdd exact from them guaran-
tees for its liberties. "The republic is an impossibility; the
regency, or Bemadotte, means nothing but perpetual intrigue ;
the Bourbons alone represent a principle." Such was the sum
of the thoughts of Talleyrand, strongly supported by the men
of intellect who surrounded him, and who were soon admitted
into the presence of the sovereigns.

" If we are to believe the enemies of the restoration, it was
imposed upon France by hostile bayonets, and nobody in 1814,
either in Europe or in France, cared much about it. Puerile
blindness of party spirit ! The more it can be proved that no
general desire, no great force, internal or external, demanded
and accomplished the restoration, the more do we bring into
view its own innate force, and that supreme necessity by which
the issue of events was determined. In the fearful crisis of
1814 the re-estabhshment of the house of Bourbon was the only
natural and serious solution, the only one that was linked with
principles as independent of mere force as of the caprices of
human wishes. In accepting this solution anxiety might be
felt for the new interests of the French people, but under the
aegis of institutions mutually accepted, there was reason to
hope for that of which France had the most pressing need, and
which had been most wanting to it for five-and-twenty years —
peace and hberty. Thanks to the two-fold hope, not only was
the restoration accomplished without a struggle, but in spite of
revolutionary memories it was promptly and easily accepted
by France. Axid France was right, for the Bestoration in fact
gave it peace and liberty.

"Never had peace been more talked about in France than
during the last twenty-five years. The Constituent Assembly
proclaimed: No more conquests I The National Assembly pro-
claimed the union of peoples. The Emperor Napoleon con-
cluded in fifteen years more treaties of peace than any other
king. Never had war so oftsn broken out; never had peace

CH. XVI.] THE FIBST BESTORATIOIT. Ill

been so short-lived a lie. Treaties were only truces during
which new combats were prepared for. It was the same with
liberty as with peace ; at first enthusiastically celebrated and
promised, it soon gave place to civil discord, even amidst re-
newed celebrations and promises. Then in order to put an end
to discord, liberty also was put an end to. Just as people be-
came intoxicated with the word without caring to realize the
thing, so also in order to escape from a fatal intoxication, both
name and reality became almost equally proscribed and for-
gotten.

" Real peace and liberty returned with the restoration. For
the Bourbons, war was not a necessity, neither were they pas-
sionately fond of it; they could reign without having recourse
every day to some new display of force or some new excite-
ment of the popular imagination. With them foreign govern-
ments might hope for, and in fact did hope for, a sincere and
lasting peace. In the same way the liberty that France recov-
ered in 1814, was not the triumph either of a philosophical
school or of a x)olitical party ; it gave no satisfaction to the law-
less and unbridled appetites bom of turbulent passions, extrav-
agant theories, and imaginations at once ardent and unoccu-
pied; it was truly that social Uberty which consists in the prac-
tical and legal enjoyment of the rights essential to the active
life of citizens, and to the moral dignity of the nation." *

The allied sovereigns dimly comprehended these higher
reasons for the restoration of the Bourbons, whilst simply
yielding to what appeared to them to be the mianimous wish
of the chosen men who appeared before them to represent
Prance immediately after the capitulation of Paris. The pub-
lic declaration of their intentions was meant to faciUtate the
manceuvres of Talleyrand in the Senate. The conquerors hav-
ing resolved not to treat with Napoleon, or with any member
of his family, the Senate could not hesitate to declare itself in
fevor of the Bourbons. The Corps L4gislatif , which had been
less submissive than the Senate to the imperious will of the
master, had still stronger reasons for concurring without diffi-
culty in his overthrow. In vain did Caulaincourt argue with
Talleyrand in favor of a regency for Marie-Louise. *' It is too
late," said the Prince. '* I have done all I could to save them
by detaining them in Paris ; but a letter from this man, who
has lost everything, has ruined them in their turn, by leading

* Quizot: M&moirespour urvir d Vkistoire de mon tempt, voL L

119 EI8T0RT OF FBANOE. [oh. xn,

them to decide on flight. Think of France, and also of your
own children." The loyal servant of Napoleon, who had so
long deplored the intoxications of unbridled ambition, hence-
forth sought in vain to reanimate the courage and fidelity of
those whom he had f onneriy seen upon their knees before the
master of all their destinies. The Senate had already appointed
the members of the provisional government, carefully chosen
by Talleyrand. He was assisted in this difficult task by the
Duke of Dalberg, of German origin, and on friendly terms with
all the foreign diplomatists; General Beumonville, formerly
war minister of the Convention; Jaucomi;, a sincere Protes-
tant, and a gentleman of good family, the descendant of a
daughter of Duplessis-Momay, and who had sat on the right
in the Legislative Assembly; and lastly, the Abb6 Montes-
quiou, one of the wisest friends of King Louis XYIH., and a
constant member of his secret council at Paris, witty, amiable,
and Uberal minded. The Senate was ready to stretch its com
plaisance yet further. It set about proclaiming the dethrone-
ment of the Emperor Napoleon, but not without taking care to
assure itself beforehand of some recompense for its services.
The following were amongst the fundamental principles of the
constitution determined upon by the senators : 1st. That the
Senate and the Corps L^gislatif should be integral parts of the
projected constitution, admitting such modifications as might
be necessary in order to assure an unrestricted suffrage and
freedom of opinion. 2nd. That the army, and all superannu-
ated oflScers and soldiers, and the widows of such, should re-
tain their various grades, honors, and pensions. 3rd. That
there should be no repudiation of the public debt. 4th. That
the sales of the national domains should be considered as iri'e-
vocable. 5th. That no Frenchman should be brought under
examination as to any political opinions he might have given
utterance to. 6th. That freedom of worship and of conscience
should be maintained and proclaimed, as well as the liberty of
the press, excepting only the legal repression of abuses of that
liberty.

Great were the precautions taken as regards material in-
terests; and the fimdamental guarantees of liberty did not
occupy a prominent position in these first foundations of the
new social system as suggested by the personal motives
and prejudices of the senators. Talleyrand and his wise asso-
ciates were, however, specially careful not to let imprudent
men rush forward, and events be precipitated, before the base*

OH. XVI.] THE FIB8T RESTORATION, US

of a mutual accord could be arranged between the legitimate
sovereign and the nation which recalled him. An untimely
manifestation by a part of the Municiiml Council of Paris, and
the zeal of Vitrolles, who thought the way for the return of
the princes was already open, were coimterbalanced by the
repugnance of the national guard to moimt the white cockade,
in spite of the friendly disposition manifested by General Des«
solle, who had just been appointed its commander. Besides,
the Emperor Alexander took pleasure in showing how com-
pletely the French people were left at liberty to regulate their
internal affairs in accordance with their own will and pleasure.
Appeased by his victory, and the downfall of his enemy, he
resumed the natural mildness of his character— he displayed in
favor of the Parisians that desire to please which had formerly
led him to show too much partiality towards the all-powerful
conqueror. The Senate had just voted the dethronement of
the imperial dynasty, when Talleyrand selected ninety out of
the 400 senators, and oflBcially presented them to the Emperor
Alexander. The latter effusively praised them for their patri-
otic zeal, and said he thought he could do nothing to give
them greater pleasure than the restoration to liberty of all
French prisoners detained in Russia. Lambrechts was ap-
pointed to set forth the grounds for the act of dethronement.
It was a duty which naturally devolved onone of those rare
members of the Senate who had remained in opposition; they
alone bad not participated in the errors and the crimes with
which every one was now reproaching the fallen regime. I will
give the text of this Act of Accusation, which fell back like a
chargeo f cowardice upon the greater nimiber of those who had
Just voted for it.

" The conservative Senate — considering that in a constitu-
tional monarchy the monarch only exists by virtue of the con-
stitution, or the social pact; that Napoleon Bonaparte during a
few years of firm and prudent government gave the French
nation reason to expect in the future acts of wisdom and jus-
tice, but that subsequently he destroyed the pact which united
him to the French people, notably by levying imposts and es-
tablishing taxes otherwise than by legal authority, contrary to
the express tenor of the oath which he took on his accession to
the throne; that he has sought to take away the rights of the
people, even by adjourning without necessity the Corps L^gis-
latif , and causing to be suppressed as criminal a report of this
Corps, whose very title and part in the national representation

114 BISTORT OF FRANCE. [ch. xn.

he has oaniested; that he has carried on a series of wars in vio-
lation of the 50th article of the Act of the Constitutions of the
22nd Frimaire, in the year VIIL, which ordains that a declara-
tion of war he lawfully proposed, discussed, decreed, and pro-
mulgated; that he has unconstitutionally issued many decrees
bearing the penalty of death, seeking to have a war recognized
as national, when it was only carried on in the interests of his
unbounded ambition ; that he has violated the constitutional
laws by his decrees relative to State prisons ; that he has an-
nihilated the responsibility of ministers, confused the author*
ity, and destroyed the independence of the judicial bodies; con-
sidering that the freedom of the press, established and conse-
crated as one of the rights of the nation, has been constantly
subjected to the arbitrary censure of his police, and that at the
same time he has always made use of the press for flooding
France and Europe with facts of his own invention, false max-
ims, and doctrines favorable to despotism and to outrages
against foi-eign nations; considering that instead of reigning, in
accordance with his oath, solely for the interests, the welfare,
and the glory of the French people, Napoleon has brought the
misfortimes of the country to a climax, by refusing to make
peace on conditions which the nation's interests required him to
accept, and which did not compromise the honor of France— by
the bad use he has made of all the men and money entrusted to
hie care — ^by the abandonment of the woimded without medical
care, attendance, or even the means of subsistence — by various
measures resulting in the ruin of the cities, in the depopulation
of the country districts, in famine and contagious maladies;
considering that for all these reasons the Imperial government
established by the s^natus-consultum of the 28th Floreal, in the
year XTT. has ceased to exist, and that the manifest will of all
the French people calls for a new order of things, of which the
first result shall be the re-establishment of general peace, and
which shall be also the epoch of a solemn reconciliation
amongst all the States of the Great Emx)i)ean family — the
Senate declares and decrees as follows:

" Napoleon Bonaparte is deposed from the throne, and the
hereditary rights established in his family are abolished. The
French people and the army are relieved from the oath of
fidelity towards Napoleon Bonaparte."

The cry that rose up from the inmost soul of France van-
quished, wounded, and bleeding, was more eloquent, as it was
more simple, than the long exposition of the grounds of action

OH. XVI.] THE FIRST RESTORATION. 115

drawn up by Lambrechts ; the decree of the Corps L^gislatiC,
tardily and unwillingly convoked by the Provisional Govern-
ment, was more dignified in its cold brevity.

"The Ck)rps L^gislatif, having seen the Act of the Senate of
the 2nd instant, by which it pronounces the dei)08ition of Bon-
aparte and his family, and declares the Frfench people absolved
from all civil and military duties towards him ; having seen
also the decree of the Provisional Government of the same
date, by which the Corps L^gislatif is invited to participate in
this important operation; considering that Napoleon Bona-
parte has violated the constitutional pact— the Corps Legislatif,
concurring in ^the Act of the Senate, recognizes and declares
the deposition of Napoleon Bonaparte and the members of his
family."

All the constituted bodies hastened to give in their adhesion
to the declarations of the Senate and the Corps Legislatif. The
army alone still remained, to all appearance, faithfully
gathered around the Emperor Napoleon, who remained at Fon-
tainebleau, where he awaited the results of the mission of Cau-
laincourt, at the same time concentrating little by little the
corps that had become scattered, or hindered from assembhng.
Upon the Duke of Vicenza devolved the sorrowful duty of an-
nouncing the fact of his deposition to the sovereign, to whom
he had always extended the firmest and wisest coimsels. The
emperor had already collected his old guard in the great court
of the chateau; he was on horseback, having just come from
visiting the cantonments, and he advanced towards the ranks:
"Officers, subalterns, and soldiers," said he, "the enemy haa
stolen upon us three marches. He has entered Paris. I have
offered to the Emperor Alexander a peace involving great sac-
rifices—France with its ancient boundaries, renoimcing our
conquests, and relinquishing all that we have gained since the
Revolution. Not only has he refused, he has done still more:
through the perfidious suggestions of these emigrants, to whom
I have granted life, and whom I have loaded with benefits, he
has authorized them to carry the white cockade, and will soon
desire to substitute it for our national cockade. In a few days
I am going to attack Paris. I count upon you. Am I right?
We are about to prove that the French nation knows how to
be supreme in its own territory, and that if we have long been
80 abroad, we shall not be the less so at home. We will sho^
that we are capable of defending oiu* cockade, our independ*
ence, and the int^prity of our territory."

116 mSTORT OF FRANCE. [cH. xvi

The soldiers, with enthusiastic cries, responded to the words
of the Emperor; they were still ready to foUow him and to
^ve him all that was left of their blood. The officers took a
sounder view of the situation; the generals felt that the cause
was lost, and that resistance would be impossible and murder-
ous. Some amongst them were not quite clear of selfish mo-
tives. Many were influenced by the feeling that France was
weary of fighting, and in evident need of peace. The first to
feel and express this idea were the most illustrious and most
heroic of the marshals. Whilst the soldiers were swearing that
they would march upon Paris, with the emperor, to-morrow,
Lefebvre, Oudinot, Ney, Macdonald (who had just arrived with
his corps), entered the room of Napoleon, resolved upon forcing
him to comprehend the truth. The emperor was very excited,
already forming a plan for his last battle, reckoniag up the
forces still at his disposal, and the reinforcements that he might
expect in a few days. " They are scattered in Paris," said he;
" the people will rise in revolt and deliver them into my hands;
they are lost. All who flee from Paris I shall hurl back into
the Rhine, and we shall once more become masters of the situa-
tion. There is one last effort to be made to reconquer the
world."

Napoleon appeared at first absorbed in his own thoughts; he
presently addressed himself to the men who surrounded him—
to those companions of his life who had so often gained battles
for him, and whom he judged to be still animated with his own
indomitable ardor. Their countenances remained frigid, and
their words were embarrassed. They dwelt upon the horrors
to be expected if the battle took place within the walls of the
capital. *'It is not I who have chosen the place," cried the
emperor. " I grapple with the enemy wherever I meet him.
It is my only chance— and your only chance also. How would
you bring yourself to live under the Bourbons?" All protested
emphatically against this idea. ' ' The Regency could not last, "
replied the Emperor, "in a fortnight you would be making
overtures to the Bourbons ..." Here the marshals hesitated;
their thoughts were revealed in their faces. The strong judg-
ment of their master had forestalled their own. That which he
deemed impossible they were themselves disposed to attempt;
but in order to place the crown upon the head of the King of
Bome, the abdication of Napoleon was necessary. No one as
yet dared to pronounce this word.

Marshal Macdonald held in his hand a letter from Qeneral

OB. XTL] THE FIB8T RESTORATION. 117

Beumonville, who had long been his friend. The emperor
asked bim what news he had received. "Very bad news,**
said the Marshal. " I am assured that there are 200,000 aUies
in Paris. If we give battle it will be a frightful affair ; is it not
time to bring all this to a close?" The emperor asked from
whom the letter came. "Beumonville, sire. I have nothing
to hide from you; read it.'' The Duke de Bassano read the
letter aloud. It conjured Macdonald to abandon the tyrant,
and take part in restoring peace and hberty to France under
the rule of the Boiu'bons. " Your Bourbons won't last long,"
said Napoleon; "instead of pacifying, they will make worse
confusion eveiywhere. In a battle of four hours' length we
could re-establish everything." "Possibly," said Macdonald,
"by fighting in the midst of the ashes of Paris, and over the
corpses of our children." All the marshals supported these
words. "Besides," said they, "we cannot count upon the
obedience of the soldiers," Napoleon saw that defection and
opposition were getting too strong for him. With a gesture he
dismissed his lieutenants, who left him to himself. "I shall
weigh the matter, gentlemen," said he, "and apprise you of
my resolutions."

Napoleon was not deceived by this bitter sign of his fall.
"Poor fellows I" he said, " they have been persuaded that dur-
ing the regency they may keep their honors and endowments.
They don't see that all this is nothing but a dream, and that
the Bourbons are played out. Ah! men! men 1 These owe me
everything. " Caulaincourt, always sincere, insisted on the idea
of abdication in favor of the King of Rome, generally accepted,
he said, and which might serve as the basis of negotiation.
The emperor after reflecting a moment said, " In any case we
shall gain time by it. Caulaincourt, I wish it success. Return
to Paris ; take with you two or three marshals ; you will relieve
me of them — that will be something gained. While you are
negotiating, IshaU finish my preparations, and, sword in hand,
[ will fall on Paris and make an end if the matter. Take Mar-
mont with you — no, I want him at the Essonne; he will do well
there with his corps. Take Ney ; he is the bravest of men, but
I have others who will do as well as he. Take care not to let
him fall into the hands of the Emperor Alexander, or M. de
Talleyrand; he is a child, watch over him." It was decided
that Ney should be accompanied by Macdonald, who was not
suspected of complacency towards the emperor, and whose
military talents were appreciated everywhere. Napoleon re-

118 mSTORT OF FRANCE. [ch. xvi.

vised himself the act of his conditional abdication, and ordered
the marshals to enter. ''I have reflected," he told them, " and
I have made up my mind to put the loyalty of the sovereigns
to the test. They consider me as the only obstacle to the peace
of the world. I am ready to abdicate in favor of my son, who
will be placed under the regency of the empress. What do
you think of it?" And he handed them the paper which he
had just been writing.

' ' The alhed powers having proclaimed the Emperor Napoleon
as the only obstacle to the re-establishment of the peace of Eu-
rope, the Emperor Napoleon, faithful to his oath, declares that
he is ready to abdicate, to leave France, and even to die for the
good of his country, independent of the rights of his son, of
those of the regency of the empress, and of the laws of the em-
pire. Written in our Palace of Fontainebleau, April 4th, 1814."

Those present applauded, and showed their admiration and
gratitude. The emperor looked at them sorrowfully, and said,
*' And yet, if we would, we might beat them." Then taking up
the pen, he signed, and the marshals left. Caulaincourt only
knew Napoleon's second thoughts, and the hope which he was
still nourishing. The soldiers thought they were carrying
away the fate of the imperial dynasty. They had obtained the
authorization to add Marmont to their number, and stopped at
Essonne for him to join them.

Marching through France at the head of their corps, even at
Fontainebleau and in the presence of the emperor, Macdonald
and Ney had felt the influence of the general emotion ; they
had felt the weariness and the irresistible need of rest
which seized the whole of France ; they had spoken and acted
in the name of the cotmtry, of whose misfortunes they well
knew. The companion-in-arms they were going to visit, the
brilliant and weak Marmont, had been exposed to more subtle
and direct temptations. Talleyrand had enveloped him already
with his seductions and flatteries before he left Paris on ac-
count of the capitulation; his agents had followed him to
Essonne, insisting on the necessity of breaking definitively
with the emperor, who was drawing France into an abyss of
calamities. The Duke of Ragusa was able to restore peace to
his country by joining the temporary government charged to
negotiate with the allied powers. The fate of France de-
pended on him; the honors which he would thus merit from
the restored dynasty would surpass all the benefits from the
Emperor Napoleon. The marshal had entertained hliB generals

OB. XTL] THE FIRST BESTORATIOV. 119

with these ideas, and he had found them ready to accept them.
All the instruments of the imperial ambition revolted at once
against the incessant abuse of their devotedness. Marmont
had entered into negotiations with the Prince of Schwartzen-
berg, who had established himself in the Chateau de Petit-
Bourg; he had consented to turn his army towards Normandy,
placing it at the disposal of the temporary government. Only
one condition had been stipulated in writing in that agreement
which tarnished his military honor — Marmont claimed for the
master he was deserting, his life, his liberty, and an establish-
ment worthy of his dignity. Thus a third of the troops which
were at Napoleon's disposal for the realization of his hopesi
were at a stroke placed beyond his reach.

The arrival of the marshals at Essonne, then* importunities,
their reproaches when they became acquainted with Marmont's
meditated act, troubled the latter deeply. Vain and ambitious,
he had allowed himself to be drawn into a line of action the
culpabiUty of which he acknowledged; he consented to accom-
pany the negotiators to Paris, and even passed by Petit-Boiu^
in order to obtain a release from his promise from the Prince
of Schwartzenberg. The generals who were implicated in the
jrfot had to wait for new orders, or the return of the marshal,
before being able to accomplish the projected move. The
plenipotentiaries of the Emperor Napoleon arrived at Paris at
ten o'clock in the morning of April 5th, and were immediately
received by the Emperor Alexander.

There was great uneasiness among the members of the Pro-
visional Government, and the same feeling animated all those
who had already boldly broken with the imperial dynasty.
The Czar's will was dominant over his allies, capricious, and
subject to sudden impulses. General Dessolle, who was present
at the interview, tried to mitigate the effect which the words
of the marshals produced on the Emperor Alexander. Marshal
Macdonald was the first to state Napoleon's proposals. Cau-
laincomii, always certain of the Czar's good intentions, did not
interrupt his colleagues, who were eager to acquit themselves
of the task for which they had solicited. Their reception was
neither respectful nor flattering.

"Agree among yourselves," said the Emperor Alexander;
"adopt the constitution you desire; choose the chief who is
best adapted for such a constitution ; and if it is from among
yourselves, who by your services and glory have acquired so
many titles, that the new chief of France has to be chosen, we
HF (F) Vol. 8

120 BISTORT OF FRANCS. [oH. xn

will consent most heartily, and receive him eagerly, provided
he does not threaten our peace nor our independence."

The marshals eagerly rejected this suggestion, -which could
only apply to Bemadotte. They agreed also in their resolution
not to serve any longer the unbounded ambition of Napoleon;
but they claimed the right of the army to appoint his son his
successor, and to remain the support of a throne which he had
erected himself.

The Emperor Alexander appeared touched by their reasons,
so eloquently and ardently unfolded. General Dessolle tried
in vain to recall the steps already taken, and the interests of
all those who had committed themselves. The negotiators re-
tired at last, full of hope. It was now day, and the salons of
the Emperor Alexander were already filling. Marshal Mac-
donald shocked by his rude fideKty all those who had too soon
abandoned the emperor's cause. He repulsed General Beur-
nonviUe, who held out his hand to him. "Away!" he said;
" your conduct has e£Eaced a friendship of t^c^nty years ;" and
to General Dupont, who had just been made minister of war,
"They have been hard upon you, general, but you have cer-
tainly chosen a bad time to revenge yourself." The plenipo-
tentiaries refused to confer with Prince Talleyrand. "We do
not acknowledge your Provisional Government," said Mac-
donald, "and therefore we have nothing to say to it." A
second interview with the Emperor Alexander was fixed for
the following day.

It was not at Paris, but at Essonne, where the grave ques-
tion, which, for the moment at least should settle the fate of
France, was to be decided. The emperor sent for Marshal
Marmont, and as he failed to appear, the general officer ap-
pointed to replace him. This office had been confided to Gen-
eral Souham, an old servant of the Repubhc, habitually dis-
contented, and but Uttle in favor of Napoleon, whom he had
served well however. Peremptorily called to Fontainebleau,
he thought that the secret convention concluded with the
Prince of Schwartzenberg was known, and that the lives of
the generals engaged in these negotiations were threatened.
He therefore assembled his comrades, and told them his sus-
picions. They were all surprised at the non-appearance of
Marshal Marmont, and resolved not to wait for him, but to
take without him the course in which they were all agreed.
Without informing the troops of the object of their march,
notwithstanding tha objections of Colonel Fabvier, Marmont's

«H. XVI.] THE FIRST BBSTOBATIOir. 191

aide-de-camp, the generals of the 6th corps gave orders to
leave the quartera of Essonne, and to advance upon Versailles
on the 5th at four o'clock in the morning. Marshal Marmont
received this news while with Marshal Ney, in company with
his colleagues. "I am lostl" he cried; "I am dishonored 1**
He gave vent to his irresolution and weakness in wailings and
lamentations. The marshals were bewildered when they had
to return to the Emperor Alexander. The allied sovereigns
and their representatives were awaiting them; none of them
knew of the move of the 6th corps. The plenipotentiaries of
Napoleon renewed their importunities; the Czar, less hostile
than his alUes to tha regency of the Empress Marie-Louise,
seemed to hesitate, when an aide-de-camp entered, an^ an-
nounced quietly the great event of Essonne. "The whole
corps?" inquired the Czar. " Yes, the whole corps."

The die was cast. The Czar, after a moment of deliberation
with the allied pi-inces and their ministers, informed the nego-
tiators that they must give up the maintenance of the imperial
dynasty. The army itself being divided, the emperor had no
longer at his disposal any power with which it was possible to
treat. Then, leaving the mihtary men under the impression
that they were receiving the most courteous treatment, he
drew Caulaincourt aside for a moment, renewed to him his
assurances concerning Napoleon, insisting on the offer of the
island of Elba, which he had already formally offered, and
promised a principality in Italy to Marie-Louise and the King
of Rome. "Make haste I" he said, " for every hour the situa-
tion of your master is losing what the Bourbons are gaining;
you will very soon find it out of your power to treat at all."

Marshal Marmont had not dared to show himself at the
hotel in the Rue St. Florentin; he had just returned from a
hurried visit to Versailles, where a mutLg^y had occurred
among the soldiers, who had discovered the defection of which
they were the unconscious instruments. The Provisional
Government had flattered and urged Marmont ; he appeared
In the midst of his troops, explaining to them the danger
which threatened them from the side of the enemy, beseech-
ing them to return to obedience, and to trust him. "They
knew him," he said; " they knew very well that he would not
lead them aside from the path of honor." The soldiers were
appeased; the allied armies were already advancing to cut off
the road to Fontainebleau. Marshal Marmont retrmied to
Paris, laden with praise and thanks from the royalists— hence-

132 mSTORT OF FRANCE. [ch. xti

forth dishonored before that tribunal of public opinion which
rarely takes into consideration the difficulties of the situation,
and loves to visit on one man the faults and misfortunes of all.

In time the negotiators had returned to Fontainbleau: Mar-
shal Ney ardently resolved to obtain from the emperor an
abdication pure and simple, which he had imprudently
promised to Talleyrand. Caulaincourt and Macdonald ex-
plained in sadness to Napoleon the insurmountable obstacles
they had to deal with. The emperor was aware of the revolt
of the 6th corps, and spoke bitterly of Marmont. "I have
treated him as my own child," he said, " and the wretch has
ruined me. The others blame him^ but* they are sorry not to
have been before him. One hundred and fifty thousand men
are left to me; but if I had them all at hand, I could only
carry the war beyond the Loire, draw the enemy into the
heart of France, and increase our misfortimes. No, there is
an end of it. But to leave France in this state 1 I wanted her
to be so great ; and how small she has become ! And to think
that in a few hours' time I might have been able to raise her
up. Oh, Caulaincourt, what joy! I have, however, no more
taste for reigning; your hearts are tired of me, and eager to
give themselves to others. I frighten them, and the Bourbons
must be allowed to come. God knows what will be the result 1
To-day they are going to reconcile France with Europe ; but
into what state will they bring her to-morrow? They will
bring on an internal war. They will not even know how to
take care of Talleyrand. Never mind, I must surrender; the
struggle it would be necessary to engage in would entail horri-
ble calamities. You will see how content they will be to act
like Marmont without dishonoring themselves."

Caulaincourt insisted on the material conditions of the
agreement. The emperor seemed to disdain them, without
losing sight of the interests of his family. He wanted to
secure Tuscany for his son; but the Emperor Alexander, when
he was sounded on the subject, replied that Austria would not
consent. "What!" cried Najwleon, "not even Tuscany in
exchange for the French Empire?" He also made a pretence
of stipulating advantages for the army ; his faithful negotiator
deUcately hinted that he no longer reigned, and that the great
national interests were no more at his disposal. He brought
bim back to the cession of the island of Elba, which had
seemed to satisfy him. " Attend you to that matter," rephed
the emperor; "think of my family, Caulaincourt: such de

OK. xn.] THIS FIRST RESTORATION. 138

tails are hateful to me. Let them allow me an old soldier's
pension ; I want no more I"

The last ofl&cial act of the Duke of Vicentia, and his last
service to his fallen master, was to carry to t*aris the formal
deed of abdication, expressed in almost the same terms as
when he had reserved the throne for his son, and the regency
for his wife. He loftily and unreservedly relinquished that
power which by transcendant genius he had raised so high —
which by his faults and overmastering ambition he had under-
mined and destroyed. Joy btirst forth on every side, scarcely
restrained by shajne, or any feeling of remorse. In Paris the
demonstrations of dehght of all parties, monarchical, repub-
lican, or constitutional, exceeded the boimds both of reason
and propriety; the most cringing of Napoleon's worshippers
showed the most eagerness in insulting him. Those who had
shown self-respect enoiigh to resist his despotism, now forgot
their dignity in giving full sway to their gratified hatred.
Chateaubriand published an abusive pamphlet, which he had
prepared during the last days of the empire. Napoleon's
statue, which some royalists had in vain attempted to throw
down from the top of the Vendome colunm on the day the
allies entered Paris, had been carefully imscrewed, and now
rested in a warehouse. "I frequently told you that statues
were of no use," said Napoleon, on hearing of this insult. He
tried, when too late, to recall his abdication. " Since I am the
only diflBculty, there is no need at all for a treaty," said he;
"a simple arrangement for exchange of prisoners is enough to
secure my liberty." The sovereigns allied against him wished
to have other guarantees, though even these were soon to
prove insufficient to secure them repose.

The treaty was concluded, securing to the Emperor Napo-
leon entire sovereignty of the island of Elba, with an income
of 2,000,000. The same sum was to be every year divided be-
tween his brothers and sisters. Parma and Placentia became
the dowry of the empress and the little king of Rome. The
Empress Josephine kept an income of 1,000,000. With the
" extraordinary treasure," formerly increased by war-contri-
butions from conquered nations, the emperor had at his com-
mand a capital of 2,000,000 to recompense his servant&
Napoleon's agents defended his interests in so haughty and
offensive a manner, that but for the Emperor Alexander's de-
termination to be generous they would have had no support.
Napoleon accepted everything, not without irritation and

124 HISTORY OF FRANGB. [CH. xn.

painful recollections of the past. " If they had shown courage
for two hours longer, I might still have saved France," he
repeated. »

For twenty-five years the men who had successively ruled
the destinies of France promised her, one after another, to
save her. They had dragged her through the massacres of the
T^iTor, the degradations of the Directory, and the pomp of
the Empire, from battle-field to battle-field; in the midst of
glory and bloodshed she had driven back, and then conquered,
Em*ope; and after holding in her hands the history of the
world, she was now vanquished and exhausted, calhng aloud
for rest at any price, and for order and hberty. The Emperor
Napoleon was conquered like her, and more than her, and he
conceived the idea of escaping from those humiliations and
griefs which nations can endure with courage, beiug certain of
their existence at least. On the night of the 11th he tried to
poison himself. Long previously, during the extreme dangers
of the Bussian campaign, he had had this remedy prepared
against the captivity which he dreaded, and kept it ever since.
The poison acted feebly 9,nd imperfectly, and Napoleon did
not succeed in procuring death. He felt ashamed of his mo-
mentary cowardice. "God does not allow it," said he, refer-
ring the result, as he always did at important junctures of his
life, to that Supreme Will which he often believed was in
alliance with his own. He signed the treaty on the 11th
April, while waiting at Fontainebleau for the completion of
the formalities necessary to put him in possession of the island
of Elba, and now every day deserted by some of those who
recently served him on their knees. When Marshal Berthier
set out for Paris, he promised to return. "I shall see no
more of him," said Napoleon to Caulaincourt. Berthier did
not come back.

I have no wish to dwell upon the painful details. Only a
few faithful friends, the Duke of Vicentia, the Duke of Bas-
sano, Grenerals Drouot and Bertrand, still remained with
Napoleon when, on the morning of the 20th April, he for the
last time assembled before him the regiments of the old guard.
He was visibly affected, and his voice faltered. " Soldiers,"
said he, " my old companions in arms, I now bid you fare-
well. For twenty years I have constantly found you on the
road to honor and glory. In these recent days, as well as in
those of our prosperity, you never ceased to be models of
valor and fidehty. With men such as you our cause was not

«■. XTi.] THE FIRST BESTORATIOK 136

lost; but the war was interminable, and would have been a
civil war, rendering France only more unhappy. I hav9
therefore sacrificed all our interests to those of the country.
I go away; you, my friends, continue to serve France. Its
happiness was my sole thought, and will always be the object
of my desires. Be not sorry for my fate; if I have consented
to survive myself it is in order to assist your glory. I wish to
write the great deeds we have done together ! Farewell, my
children! I wish to press you all to my heart; at least, let
me embrace your general and your flagl"

He, at the same time, clasped in his arms the brave Greneral
Petit, who was bathed in tears, and held the eagle of the old
guard. Many voices, choking with emotion, replied to the
voice of the emperor. He cast a parting look over the faith-
ful companions of his battles and fatigues, who had heroically
devoted themselves, without personal ambition or secret mo-
tive, and then rushed into his carriage and drove oflf, abandon-
ing the throne and jwwer which he had so misused, and taking
with him that incomparably brilliant renown which only he
alone could have tarnished, and was again to tarnish.

General Drouot agreed to command the small corps of the
old guard which was to accompany Napoleon to the island of
Elba. General Bertrand's personal devotion kept him close to
his master. The commissioner of the allied powers accom-
panied the great captive to his place of exile. " You will an-
swer to me for him with your head," said the Emperor Alex-
ander to Count SchouvaloflE. During the last days of the jour-
ney, when Napoleon had to cross the southern departments,
which were violently excited by old royalist passions against
the man who was to them the representative of revolution,
oppression, and war, all in one, the protection of the foreign
commissioners was almost indispensable to Napoleon's per-
sonal safety. When giving up Lyons, Marshal Augereau had
issued against him an abusive proclamation. The emperor
was for a short time compelled lo put on the uniform of an
Austrian oflScer, in order the more easily to conceal himself in
the ranks of his own escort. This last stage of bitter disgrace
only lasted for a moment, and as they approached the sea the
people appeared more kind or indifferent. The deposed em-
peror embarked on the 2Sth April, in the gulf St. Baphael, on
board the English frigate the Undaunted, and on the 3rd May
cast anchor in the harbor of Porto-Farrajo, with shouts of joy
from the Elban population, who were proud of the sovereign

126 HISTORY OF FRANCE. [en. xvi.

whom the chances of fortune had just thrown upon their
shores. Hi» wife and son were at the same time leaving Kam-
bouillet, where the Emperor Francis had come to fetch his
daughter. She took the road for Vienna, after sending as-
sxu'ances to her illustrious spouse of her constant attachment,
and the wish she felt to visit him soon with her son. The
princes of the imperial house were now scattered, and Napo-
leon remained alone.

" Since I have taken any share in the government of men,"
writes Guizot in his MSmoires, "I learned to do justice to the
Emperor Napoleon, a genius of incomparahle activity and
power, to be admired for his horror of disorder, his profound
instincts of government, and his energy, rapidity, and success,
as a reconstructor of the social system: a genius, however,
without bounds or restraint, that would receive neither from
Grod nor men any Umit to his desires or will, and therefore re-
mained revolutionary when opposing the revolution; of supe-
rior intelligence with regard to the general conditions of society,
but with only an imperfect, or shall I say coarse? understand-
ing of the moral wants of human nature, and at one time
doing them justice with sublime good sense, at another mis-
understanding and outraging them without impious haughti-
ness. Who could have believed that the same man who made
the Concordat and reopened the churches in France, should
take away the Pope from Rome, and keep him prisoner in
Fontainebleau? Amongst great men of the same rank. Napo-
leon was the most necessary to his time, for no one ever with
such promptitude and success brought order out of anarchy;
but he was also the most chimerical in the view of the future,
for after obtaining possession of France and Europe, he foimd
himself driven by Europe from France itself; and his name
will remain greater than his works, the most brilliant of
which, his conquests, immediately and entirely disappeared
with himself. While paying homage to his greatness, I am not
sorry that my appreciation of him was only in his last days, of
after his removal. Under the empire, in my opinion, there
was too much arrogance of power, and too much disdain of
right and justice, too much revolution, and too little liberty."

What were henceforth to be the guarantees for liberty, and
therefore for all the iaterests which liberty was herself to
guarantee? By what institutions should the control and iit
fluence of the country in its government be exercised? That
was the great problem discussed at Paris while the Emperor

OH. xn.] THE FIB8T BESTORATIOir. 127

Napoleon saw gradually disappear around him the last traces
of his fallen greatness. The Senate had got rid of the prudent
direction of Talleyrand, and eagerly, though with difficulty,
pursued a two-fold purpose, that of preserving its influence and
wealth under the new regime, while at the same time main-
taining in the new Constitution the revolutionary principles
and theories. Those who drew up the project mostly belonged
to the minority in the Senate, derived from the Republic.
They were keenly opposed to the Abb6 Montesquieu, who
passionately defended the royal prerogatives. The executive
power and the nomination of the High Chamber were con-
ceded to the sovereign, but his elevation to the throne was ex-
clusively attributed to the spontaneous motion and free will of
the nation. Louis Stanislaus Xavier, of France, brother of the
last king, was only to be proclaimed king of the French after
having officially accepted the Constitution and promised to re-
spect it. An additional article securea to the senators then in
office, that their salaries were to be in perpetuity, and not
shared by their future colleagues. On the 6th April the Senate
enthusiastically voted for the new Constitution, and it was at
once ratified by the Legislative Body.

" The senators of 1814 have been much and justly blamed for
the self-conceit with which, when overthrowing the empire,
they attributed to themselves not only the integrity, but the
perpetuity, of the material advantages which, owing to the
empire, they had enjoyed. It was in fact a cynical fault, and
one of those which are most prejudicial to the powers and the
minds of a people, for they offend both honorable sentiments
and envious passions. The Senate committed another, which
was less glaring, and more conformable to national prejudices,
but still more serious, both as a poKticaJ blunder and from its
consequences. At the moment of proclaiming the return of
the ancient royal house, they made a display of their claim to
choose the king, thus misunderstanding the monarchical right
whose empire they were accepting, and practicing the repub-
lican vight even when restoring the monarchy. This was a
startling contradiction between their principles and actions, a
childish boast with respect to the great action to which homage
was being paid, and a deplorable confusion both of rights and
ideas. It was obviously from necessity, not from choice, and
on accoimt of his hereditary title, not as the elect of the day,
that Louis XVIII. was recalled to the throne of France. There
was no truth, dignity, nor prudence, but in this procedure

128 msTonr of fbanob. [oh. xn

alone: to openly acknowledge the monarchical right of the
house of Bourbon, and ask of it to acknowledge openly in its
turn the national rights as proclauned by the state of the coun-
try and the spirit of the times. This mutual avowal and re-
spect for mutu&l rights constitutes the very essence of free
government. It is by a steady adherence to that, moreover,
that monarchy and liberty develop together; and it is by
frankly returning to it that kings and peoples have put a stop
to those civU wars called revolutions. Instead of that the
Senate, being at the time obstinate and timid, while wishing
to place the restored monarchy under the flag of republican
election, merely summoned up the despotic principle to oppose
the revolutionay principle, and excited the rivalry of the
absolute right of the people and the absolute right of the
king." ♦

For several days the representative of the absolute princi-
ples of the royalty, in his own mind as well as inpubUc opinion,
Coimt D'Artois (soon afterwards termed "Monsieur") hadbe^i
making preparations to return to Paris, through his able agent
Vitrolles; and on the 12th April he made his entry as the
king's lieutenant-general, a title soon after confirmed by a vote
of the Senate. It was with great difficulty that the prince waa
induced to accept this condition of his new power, and the Em-
peror Alexander had to interpose to persuade Vitrolles that it
was absolutely necessary for the house of Bourbon to enter
into the sentiments and ideas of new generations. The Count
D'Artois insisted on keeping the white cockade, but consented
to wear the uniform of the national guard. The kind and
courteous manner which had always characterized the youngest
brother of Louis XVI. again appeared in the affecting words
used by the prince as he entered, after so many years, into the
capital of his ancestors: "Why should I be tired?" said he;
' it is the first happy day I have had for thirty years." It waa
observed, however, that no engagement was entered into, and
that no indication of the future intentions of the government
escaped from the hps of the lieutenant-general of Louis XVDX
The Moniteur undertook to fill up the omission by attributing
to the prince the following short speech, which was composed
by CJount Beugnot after the event: — " Gentlemen of the Pro-
visional Government, I thank you for all you have done for
our country. My emotion prevents me from expressing all that

* GuLsot^B Mimories^ etc., vol. i.

CH. XVI.] THE FIB8T RESTORATION. 129

I feel. No more divisions ; peace and France; I returato her.
Nothing is changed, unless it be that there is now one French-
man more."

The prince's speech to the Senate was more explicit and au-
thentic. It was composed by Fouch6, who had recently re-
turned from Ulyria, and took an active part in the n^otiations
of the Provisional Government with Monsieur's councillors,
though at the same time without yet presenting himself before
the latter. "I have received information of the constitutional
act calling the king, my august brother, to the throne of
France," said the coimt. "I have not received from bim
power to accept the Constitution, but I know his sentiments
and principles, and have no fear of being disavowed when I
give the assurance in his name that he will accept its bases.
The king, by declaring that he would maintain the present form
of government, has acknowledged that the monarchy must be
counterbalanced by a representative government divided into
two chambers, viz., the Senate and the Chamber of the Depu-
ties of Departments; that taxation will be according to the
free consent of the representatives of the nation, political and
individual liberty secured, the liberty of the press respected,
with the restrictions necessary for the public order and tran-
quillity, and the liberty of religious worship guaranteed; that
property will be inviolable and sacred, ministers responsible,
and liable to prosecution by the representatives of the nation ;
that the judges be appointed for life, tne judicial power inde-
pendent, none being separable from the courts to which it
naturally belongs; that the national debt will be guaranteed,
military pensions, grades, and honors preserved, as well aa
the old and new nobility, and the legion of honor maintained,
the Iring deciding who shall receive the decoration ; that every
Frenchman will be admissible to civil and military service,
that no person wiU be prejudiced by his opinions or votes, and
that the sale of national property will be irrevocable. These,
gentlemen, seem to me to be the bases essential and necessary
to consecrate all rights, define all duties, secure all existences,
and guarantee our future."

The Senate expressed itself satisfied. The Legislative Body,
showing more cordiality, was received with marked favor. The
crowds in the streets showed good-will, as well as curiosity
and astonishment. The involimtary eagerness of Marshal
Jourdan — who had suppressed the use of the tri-color amongst
his soldiers from a conviction that the Duke of Bagusa had

130 BISTORT OF FRANCE. [CH. xfi

done the same — quietly disposed of the difficult question of the
national colors, and by an order of the Provisional Grovemment
the whole army resiuned the white cockade of Bourbon.

Meantime the congress of sovereigns had just been completed
by the arrival of the Emperor of Austria and the Prince Royal
of Sweden, neither very popular, though in different ways and
for different reasons. Count d'Artois took in hand the manage-
ment of affairs, and added to the members of the Provisional
Gtovemment Marshals Moncey and Oudinot, and General Des-
solle. The names of heads of departments were not changed,
though the prince's confidants, with VitroUes at their head, re-
tained fuU influence with him. There were already frequent
disputes about nominations, and even the financial resources;
Baron Louis, appointed minister of finance, had some difficulty
in seciuing the addition to the Treasury of the 5,000,000 which
had been uncivilly taken from the carriages of the Empress
Marie-Louise, at Orleans. A continuance of the taxes decreed
by the Emperor Napoleon without consent of the Legislative
Body was decided upon, and an issue of Treasury bonds
ordered, the financial difficulties being enormous, as well as the
burdens left by the empire. The resolution and ability of the
new minister, however, now began to inspire confidence. The
only tax suppressed was the war-decime, added to the indirect
contributions.

A diplomatic convention preceded (23rd April) the definitive
treaty which was to determine the position of monarchical
France in Europe. It secured the evacuation of the territory as
fixed in the month of January, 1792, and decided what places
still held by French troops beyond those limits were to be
restored. All the conquests of the revolution and empire were
thus taken from us vmder the head of preliminaries, and with-
out "affecting the arrangements for the peace." In the very
midst of the enthusiasm excited among certain classes of soci-
ety by the faU of Napoleon and the restoration of the monarchy,
there was felt generally a painful sense of depression. So
much blood shed to no piuT)ose, so much wealth spent without
result, constituted fatal charges against the fallen regime,
which cast their shadow upon the disarmed princes who had
been unable to defend us against our victorious enemies.

Meantime, King Louis XVill. had embarked at Dover.
When at Hartwell he recently gave a cold reception to La-
rochefoucauld-Liancoiuii, whom he disliked personally, and
trhom Talleyrand had stupidly chosen to inform him of what

ciL XTt] THB FIRST RESTORATIOIT 131

was taking place in Paris. The restored monarch was speedily
inundated with advice from his brother and friends. The Em-
peror Alexander had taken care to send Pozzo di Borgo to wait
upon him. Some unfortunate words addressed to the Prince
Regent as he was leaving England displeased the royalist lil>-
eralsin France as well as the Emperor Alexander. "It is to
the advice of your Royal Highness," said Louis XVIII., "to
this illustrious country and the confidence of its inhabitants,
that I shall always attribute, imder divine Providence, the
restoration of our house to the throne of its ancestors." The
people, however, everywhere hailed the king's progress with
shouts of joy, and on the 29th April he reached Compi6gne.
Politicians alone were anxious to know under what title the
monarch intended resuming his authority. The corporate
bodies and chief officers of the army hastened to overwhelm
him with their homage, though it sometimes lacked dignity.
Marshal Berthier assured Louis XVill. that his armies would
be happy to be called upon to second his generous efforts by
their devotion and fidelity. The king received their eager
civihties with much kindness and dignity. Leaning on the
arms of the marshals who were beside him, he said, "Come
closer, and stand round me; you have always been good
Frenchmen. I hope France will no longer require your swords ;
but if we ever are compelled, which Grod forbid, to draw them,
as gouty as I am I should march with you." The embarrass-
ment which some naturally felt in no degree lessened their
vanity. The deputation of the Legislative Body was received
with marked distinction. The Senate was not represented.

TaUeyrand undertook to lay before the monarch the new
Constitution. "We shall have a constitution," he had assured
the anxious senators, "but our king is a man of culture and
education, and you must be ready to defend your work." His
first interview with Louis XVIII. convinced him that he had
a difficult and useless task before him. He had just rendered
most eminent services to the House of Bourbon, supporting
their cause with distinction, and preparing beforehand the
way for the triumphant return of the monarch who now kept
him waiting in his ante-chamber. On his entering, Louis
Xvm. at once reminded him of their former discussions, be-
fore the opening of the Constituent Assembly. " If results
showed that you were right," he added, " you woidd say to
me, * Let us sit down and talk 1' and as I have triumphed I say
to you, * Sit down and let us talk t<^ther.' " The conversar

132 HISTORY OF FRANCE. [ch. xvi.

tdon led to no result. The king avoided any positive engage-
ment as to the terms of the Constitution which he had evi-
dently resolved to substitute for that projected by the Senate.

The Emperor Alexander, in his turn, set out for Compi^gne.
Since his overthrow of Napoleon and rejection of the imperial
dynasty, the Czar openly supported Talleyrand and the liberals,
even beyond the actual and natural sphere of his influence, and
believed that by the enormous leverage of the services he had
rendered Louis XVIII.. he should impose upon him the accept-
ance pure and simple of the Constitution drawn by the Senate.
He insisted strongly, reminding the king, who had scarcely yet
again stepped on his native groimd, that his return was due to
foreign arms. "Less is asked from your Majesty than from
Henry IV.," said he, "yet he conquered his kingdom him-
self."

Louis XV 111. acknowledged the necessity for a constitu-
tional government. He had never liked the violent proposals
of the emigrants, but kept carefully aloof from them ; yet he
was profoundly impressed with the greatness of his race and
the rights which it conferred upon him. To the claims of the
Senate, the urgent pleading of Talleyrand, the intervention of
the Czar, he stiU proved inflexible. He rejected a scheme for
a royal declaration, which was drawn up by Talleyrand ; and
instructed his private coimcillors, Blacas, Maisonfort, and
Vitrolles, to prepare his preliminary programme of a Constitu-
tion. The impassioned eagerness and enthusiasm which were
visibly increasing every day around him, confirmed him in the
belief that he was free to act as he chose. " What would you
have me to do?" said the Czar to Lafayette. "My wish was
that instead of them giving a Constitution, the Bourbons
should receive one from the nation. I went to Compi^gne ir>
the hope of getting from the king a renunciation of his nine-
teen years of reign, and other claims of that sort; but the
deputation of the Legislative Body had been there before me
to acknowledge it xmconditionally. Against the king and the
Legislative Body I was powerless."

It was after advancing to the Chateau St. Ouen, near Paris,
that Louis XV HI. at last issued the royal declaration which
afterwards became the "Charter." No copy had been com-
municated to Talleyrand, when on the 3rd May, before the
king had left his room, it was posted everywhere: —

" Louis, by the grace of God, King of France and Navarre,
to all who shall see these presents.

CH. rvi.] TEE FIRST RESTORATION. IflB

"Recalled by the love of our people to the throne of our
fathers, enlightened by the misfortxuies of the nation which
we are destined to govern, our first thought is to invite that
mutual confidence so necessary to our power and their hap-
piness.

" After giving our careful attention to the plan of a Consti-
tution proposed by the Senate at its sitting of the 6th ultimo,
we acknowledge that its bases are good, but that many of its
articles, bearing the marks of the precipitation with which
they were drawn up, cannot in their present form become
fundamental laws of the State.

" Besolved to adopt a Uberal CSonstitution, and wishing that
it may be wisely constructed, while unable to accept on©
which necessarily imphes correction, we convoke on the 10th
of the month of June, of this year, the Senate and Legislative
Body, promising to lay before them the result of our labors
with a commission chosen from both these chambers, and to
give as basis of that Constitution the following guarantees: —

" The representative government will be maintained as it at
present exists, consisting of two bodies, the Senate and Uie
Chamber of Deputies of the Departments.

"Taxation will be by free consent.

" Public and personal liberty secured.

" The liberty of the press respected, with the precautions
necessary for public tranquillity.

"The liberty of religious worahip guaranteed.

"Property will be inviolable and sacred; the sale of what
belonged to the nation irrevocable.

"Responsible ministers can be prosecuted by one of the
Legislative Chambers and judged by the other.

"Judges will be appointed for life, and the judicial power
independent.

" The pubUc debt will be guaranteed; and military pensions,
grades, and honors preserved, as well as the old and new
orders of nobiUty.

" The legion of honor shall be maintained, the decorations
being at our disposal.

"Every Frenchman will be eUgible for civil and military
service.

" Finally, no person will have need to be anxious on account
of his opinions or his votes."

As a matter of fact. King Louis XVm., while maintaining
the principle of his sovereign and free will, accepted all the

134 mSTORT OF FRANOB. [oh. xn.

guarantees of liberty claimed by the Senate ; granting, more-
over, what was claimed by public opinion, which had no very
clear notions as to constitutional rights, and was for the
most part unfavorable to the Senate, despising them for
their former complaisance and recent defection. The parti-
sans of absolute power, the very men who afterwards
ranked as the moderates of their party, with Villele at
their head, pleaded various arguments against this contriv-
ance of English importation, foreign to French history,
ideas, and manners, and which would cost more to establish,
said they, than our former organization would cost to repair.

For all parties it is difficult to learn the lesson that a return
to the past is impossible. The royalists of 1814 could not go
back to absolute power. " Henceforth with us it can only be-
long to the revolution and its descendants, they alone can as-
sure the masses of their interests by refusing them the guaran-
tees of Uberty. With the house of Bourbon and its partisans
France has need of being free, and she only accepts their
government when herself sharing in it. The Charter was al-
ready written in the experience and mind of the country ; it
was the natural result of the thoughts of Louis XV III. return-
ing from England as well as of the deliberations of the Senate
when throwing off the yoke of the empire. It was the pro-
duct of the necessity and reason of the times. Power and
liberty found in it something to employ themselves upon, or
defend themselves with success. The workmen were more
likely to be scarce than tools or work." *

The Senate accepted, though rather ungraciously, the royal
declaration, and waited upon the king at St.Ouen, under the
presidency of Talleyrand, who in his speech took care to dwell
upon the liberal guarantees. The pubUc satisfaction was gene-
ral when Louis XVIII. made his entiy into Paris, on the 3rd
May, 1814, at eleven o'clock forenoon.

Beside the king, in the open carriage drawn by eight white
horses, was seated one who attracted the looks of all by a natu-
ral and touching sympathy— the Duchess of Angouleme, for-
merly the royal princess, who when a child left the Temple,
after the cruel death of all her family, and had never since left
her uncle's protection. Her face showed that many tears
had been shed by those fair eyes, as had long previously been
said by Madame de S^vign6 of Marie d'Este, wife of James IL

* (ihiiaot's ilimoires^ •(».

OH. xn.] THE FIRST BESTOBATIOlf. 185

Shouts of joy resounded round the royal procession, which
proceeded at once towards Notre Dame. Only the grenadiers
of the old guard, lining the street, showed in their looks some
indications of a past that was still threatening. Motionless and
stem from their imbending disciphne, they seemed cut out of
marble, each like a terrible image of restrained anger. " If at
that moment they had been summoned to take revenge," says
Chateaubriand in his Memoirs^ "it would have been necessary
to exterminate them to the last man or they would have eaten
everything." On entering the palace of the Tuileries, which
she last left on the 10th August, 1792, the Duchess of Augouleme
fainted.

Meantime neither the allied sovereigns nor their soldiers had
appeared in the procession of the king now returned to his
coimtry and capital. Next day they defiled before him, as if
to honor him and say farewelL The negotiations were already
being arranged for the definitive treaty of peace, which was to
restore the French frontiers to the limits of 1792, and restore
our colonies, except the Isle of France, St. Lucia, and Tobaga
Part of St. Domingo formerly belonging to Spain was again re-
stored. Some rectifications of territory added about 500,000
souls to the various eastern departments. The Great Euro-
pean questions as to the new formation of states lately con-
quered or dismembered by Napoleon, were mostly referred to
the congress which was soon to be opened in Vienna. The
kindness of the Emperor Alexander, with the justice and pru-
dence of Castlereagh, alone made those conditions acceptable.
Public opinion in England, and the passion for revenge of the
Germans, demanded excessive severity. On the 2nd and 3rd
June the allied sovereigns left Paris, the highways being all
already crowded with the columns of their soldiers ; and on
the day when the Eling opened the Chambers (4th June, 1814),
the foreign troox>s had evacuated the capital and immediate
suburbs.

The charter had been discussed by a commission chosen in
the Senate and Legislative Body, including Barb^-Marbois,
Barth^lemy, Boissy d' Angles, Chabaud-Latour, Fontanes, and
Laine. The king's commissioners were Ferrand, Count Beug-
not, and the Abb6 Montesquieu, who had recently been ap-
pointed home minister, and had immediately chosen as
secretary-general, M. Guizot, still quite yoimg, and recom-
mended to him by Royer-Collard. This choice seemed to mod-
erate men an omen of good. Talleyrand, of coiu^e, became

136 HISTORY OF FRAJ^OB. [oh. xti;

foreign minister; and Blacas, the king's friend and private
secretary since the death of the Duke of Avary, became
minister of the royal household.

*' I believe it was quite possible, "says Guizot in his memoirs,
" for a king of energy and steady purpose to employ three
such men at once, whatever difference and inconsistency there
might be amongst them. None of them aspired to govern the
State, and each in his sphere could be of service. Talleyrand's
principal object was to treat with Europe alone ; Montesquieu
had no desire to rule at court ; and Blacas, calculating, pru-
dent, and faithful, could be a useful favorite in opposition to
the claims and intrigues of the princes and courtiers. But
Louis XVIII. was not qualified to govern his ministers ; as a
king he had great negative talents, but nothing active or eflB-
cacious. Of an imposing presence, judicious, shrewd, and self-
possessed, he could restrain, stop, or baffle, but was unable to
direct, inspire, or convey impulse while holding the reins. He
had few ideas and no passion, and steady application to work
scarcely suited him any better than movement. He supported
well his rank, rights, and power; he guarded himself from
faults; but, if only his dignity and prudence were unassailed,
he was led anywhere or did anything, having too little mental
and physical energy to govern men and make them assist in
accomplishing his purposes."

The Constitutional Charter, promulgated on the 4th June,
1814, was generally in faithful agreement with the spirit and
principles of the declaration of St. Ouen. Its preamble was
drawn up by Beugnot, but so hurriedly that he had not time
to show it to the king, who was then engaged with the speech
he was about to make. The new peers of France were invited
to the sitting, and fifty -five of the senators were excluded from
the list, twenty-seven as foreigners, and twenty-eight as regi-
cides or revolutionists. Forty great lords of the old regime,
and nearly all the marshals of the empire, were added to the
remaining senators. The Legislative Body was termed the
Chamber of Deputies, and was to sit for its regular time.
From the very diversity of its sources, the Chamber of Peers
was necessarily doomed to be divided and powerless. The
Chamber of Deputies, however, generally in favor of the
Restoration, recovered with the regular exercise of its power, a
confidence and energy never seen under the empire, and it was
its hands that were to exercise a real and preponderating action
in a government which was confused and badly assorted,

es. xn.] THE FIBST BE8T0RATT0N. 137

worked upon from within by different tendencies and inspira-
tions. Nevertheless, the king's speech at the opening of the
Chambers, had the good fortune to satisfy nearly all parties.
The king himself was greatly delighted at his success.

A statement of the condition of the kingdom, mainly drawn
up by Montesquiou, and published soon after the opening of
the session, was deficient in grandeur and display compared
with the pictures — often false, but always bearing the stamp
of indisputable power— which Napoleon used to flaunt in the
eyes of the nations. It left no doubt as to the liberal and
earnest intentions of King Louis XVIII., and had the merit of
making known the state of affairs, and the necessity for rem-
edying the evil of every kind under which France was labor-
ing. Baron Louis undertook to lay out in fuller detail the
state of the finances ; the statement of his method, which was
of extreme simplicity, depended upon two things — constitu-
tional order in the State, and the credit of the Government;
reckoning, with these two conditions, upon public prosperity
and public honesty, he was afraid neither at debts to be paid
nor expenses to be made.* The empire left debts exceeding
800,000,000; yet the whole of the ministry bravely supported
the baron, and his budget was passed.

At one time new burdens seemed about to be laid on the
State. When proposing to the Chambers that emigrants
should be re-possessed of their properties which had not been
sold, Ferrand, the Postmaster-General, who held the rank of a
minister, and had been appointed to state arguments in favor,
excited a violent discussion in the Chamber. He threw out
hopes of still lai^r restorations in the future, which were im-
possible in the financial circumstances, and added a eulogium
upon emigration, which caused miiversal censure. Thanks to
the minister's imprudence, the proposal as to the unsold
property was very nearly lost. The law as to the press was
also keenly attacked. "In its first and fundamental idea,"
says Guizot, " this project was sensible and sincere. Its object
was to consecrate by law the liberty of the press, as the gen-
eral and permanent right of the nation, while at the same time
imposing on it, immediately after a revolution of long despot-
ism or at the commencement of a free government, several
limited and temporary restrictions. The two persons who
mainly drew up the scheme, Royer-Collardt and myself, had

* Guizot's M4moirts, etc. t Then " Director of the Press."

138 BISTORT OF FRANCS. [oh. rwh

this double end in view— nothing more and nothing less. Buft
that good sense may prevail, there must be frankness and dar-
ing. The attitude of the government was embarrassed; and
in presenting the scheme, the real meaning or true intention of
it was not pointed out. An amendment was necessary in the
Chamber of Peers to give to the measure that political and
temporary character which it should have borne at first, and
which showed its real origin as well as its proper limits. The
moderate liberals themselves became alarmed and violently
resisted any return to censure. Thus, through not being pre-
sented under its proper designation, the measure caused more
discredit to the government than any security its success
could have gained."

The reorganization of the army and its necessary reduction,
the payment of arrears of pay, and placing a multitude of offi-
cers on the reserve list, also caused threatening difficulties,
which were complicated by the restoration of the old military
household of the king, for the ptupose of supplying employ-
ment and food to that part of the emigrant and ruined nobility
towards whom the restored monarch was conscious of great
obligations. Titles of honor granted in the army to princes of
the royal family also produced discontent, since it caused
those generals to whom Napoleon had formerly granted them
to be deprived. The legion of honor, however, was continued,
the only modification being that the head of Henry IV. was
substituted for that of Napoleon, on the cross. Talleyrand
proposed to place on it that of Louis XVIU. himself, but the
king refused. The attentions paid to the national guard were
not successful in rallying them freely. At the first muster of
the body-guards, they expected to supplant the absent national
guards. Even amongst the miUtary chiefs, dissatisfaction
soon displaced their first enthusiasm. Mass^na had been ex-
cluded from the Senate as a foreigner. Davout bad by his
long resistance at Hamburg offended the allied sovereigns, and
on the king refusing to receive him, he at once became the idol
of the army, and in spite of his miJitary severity, which he
never relaxed, he was incessantly surrounded by the half -pay
officers who thronged Paris, and even by those who were
under orders to join their regiments, thus incxuring the cen-
sure of the Minister of War. The marshal retired to his
property of Savigny.

In presence of the general dissatisfaction fermenting in the
army and amongst the pubUc, the king asked Greneral Dupont

cm. xn.] THE F1B8T RESTORATION, 13^

to resign, and appointed Marshal Soult to be Minister of War.
The last of Napoleon's lieutenants, he had had the honor of
gaining a battle, and for a moment driving back the English,
before Toulouse (12th April, 1814). At first he had been un-
justly treated on this accoimt, because he fought during a sus-
pension of arms, of which he was ignorant, and had even been
excluded from the Chamber of Peers ; but his great display of
ardor as a royalist had effaced this fault, and Blacas went him-
self to announce his promotion. The " direction " of the
poUce was at the same time taken from Beugnot, whose tem-
perate and cautious reports were at variance with the secret
police of the Count d'Artois and his friends. He was appointed
minister of marine in place of Malonet, who had just died.
Monsieur wished to appoint to the police the Duke of Otranto,
who had gained favor with the most fanatical royalists ; but
the king refused, choosing Andre, who had been a member of
the Constituent Assembly, an honorable and moderate man,
yet popular among the emigrants, to whom he had frequently
been of service. Talleyrand had just set out for Vienna, ap-
pointing Jancourt as interim foreign minister. The insuflB-
ciency of the cabinet became daily more obvious, and preju-
dices became daily more general and serious.

" Scarcely had France entered upon her new regime when
distrust took possession of her, and became daily worse. This
regime was libei-ty, with its doubts, struggles, and dangers; no
one was accustomed to hberty, and it satisfied no one. By the
Restoration, the men of old France had promised themselves
victory; from the Charter, new France expected security.
Neither the one nor the other finding satisfaction, they on the
contrary found themselves face to face with their mutual claims
and passions. A wretched disappointment for the royalists, to
see the king victorious without being so themselves ; a stem
experience for the men of the devolution, to have to defend
themselves — they who had so longed ruled. Both were as-
tonished and annoyed at the situation, as to a wrong done to
their dignity and rights. In their irritation they both gave
themselves up to all kinds of chimerical plans and proposals, to
any i)assionate longings or alarms.

" That was only the natural and inevitable result of the very
novel state suddenly introduced into France by the Charter
put into practice. During the Revolution men fought, under
the empire they kept silence; the Restoration brought liberty
into the midst of peace. In the general inexperience and

140 HI8T0BT OF FRANOB. [cH. m

susceptibility, the raovement and bustle of liberty, it was the
civil war ready to begin again." *

To be suflBcient for such a crisis, to maintain both peace and
liberty, no government would have been too strong or too able.
In their timidity and inexperience, the councillors of King
Louis XVm. were constantly committing faults, which they
tried in vain to correct. The philosophical spirit, sprung from
the eighteenth century and the revolution, was on its guard
against the attacks which it feared from the liberty of thought.
An order of Count Beugnot as to the observation of Sundays
and holidays, intended to quiet the consciences of Count
d'Artois and the Duchess of Angouleme, gave offence to the
liberals, and was not carried out. A request was made to the
Pope to abolish the Concordat; and Pius VII. himself, on being
restored to Rome, claimed the restitution of Avignon and the
Comtat-Venaissin. Much popular excitement was caused at
the funeral of the actress Mdlle. Raucourt, because the Church,
in accordance with its former rules, refused to read the service
over her body. This common feai* and distrust found danger-
ous interpreters in the newspapers. The Cenaeur, a liberal
organ, keenly attacked the faults of the government and the
procedure of the partisans of absolute power, while declaring
its devotion to the house of Bourbon; but its heavy and solemn
style rendered it already harmless. The pungent jokes of the
Nain Jaune against the " throne and altar party" struck naore
dangerous blows at the new State, and served the cause of the
exiled Napoleon. Pamphlets were circulated in great number;
and Carnot having conceived the strange idea of addressing to
the king a defence of regicide, his brochure was soon published.
It gave expression to the public disappointment and regret:
** We did not reckon up the sacrifices to recover the son of
Louis IX. and Henri IV., but the return of the lilies has not
produced the effect which was expected." Chateaubriand re-
plied with much talent and moderation to Carnot 's accusations
and sophisms.

The government of the king strove in vain to calm the in-
creasing fermentation. The princes made journeys into the
provinces, with but little success. The army gave many in-
dications of annoyance and discontent: General Vandamme
was reported to have been insulted. General Exelmans had
written to Murat to offer his sword in defence of Naples, and

• OulaoC'B Mimoire*, eto.

OH. xn.] THE FIRST RESTORATION. 141

the letter falling into the hands of the police, he was put on
half -pay, and received orders to report himself at Bar. He
maintained that, being no longeron active service, the minister
of war had no right to fix his residence, and remained in con-
cealment. His wife being near confinement when a forced
search was made in her house, she addressed to the Chamber
a protest, which was referred to the government. The Cham-
ber passed to the order of the day when the general's petition
came before them, and by a royal order he was sent before the
court at Lille, where he was imanimously acquitted, and re-
ceived an ovation from the oflBcers of the garrison.

The reorganization of the magistracy also supplied grounds
for serious charges. The reduced "Court of Cassatioa" saw
several of its members discharged ; and a bill as to the respec-
tive duties of the magistrates was so much changed by amend-
ment, that the government gave up the idea of bringing it be-
fore the Peers. A plan for reconstituting the University also
met with much opposition. Fontanes, recently "Grand Mas-
ter" of the Imperial University, a post which he occupied with
distinction, found himself obliged to retire, with a pension of
80, 000 francs (12001.), and the grade of grand officer of the legion
of honor. Every day the spirit of opposition and distrust was
more developed in the country as well as the Chambers. Mod-
erate and honorable, the king's government "held no formida
ble designs whatever against the new interests and rights of
the country ; but it was without initiative or vigor, isolated in
its own country as if foreign, divided and hampered within,
weak with its enemies, weak with its friends, its onl y object
being security and rest, and daily called upon to treat with a
restless and daring people, who were passing suddenly from
the severe shocks of revolution and war to the difficult labors
of liberty."*

The Chambers were prorogued on the 30th December. On
the 21st January, an expiatory ceremony, which was natiu^
and legitimate on the occasion of removing the remains of
Louis XVI. and Marie Antoinette, awoke painful memories and
passions, still only half -extinguished. Anxiety and anger were
mixed in the minds of those who had formerly been com-
promised in the crimes of the French Revolution. There was
heard everywhere that wind the forerunner of the tempest
which Napoleon with clear-sighted malevolence saw, when he

* Qoizot's Mimoires, etc.

142 HISTORT OF FRANCE. [CH. xvL

said, " The Bourbons will put France at peace with Eurojw, but
how will they put her at peace with herself?"

While the horizon, recently serene, was thus becoming
gloomy at home, Talleyrand's steadfast mind and consummate
skill was securing for us at the Congress of Vienna a position
which on account of our recent misfortunes was more honor-
able than influential. The plenipotentiary of France had from
the first taken his position as representative of legitimacy, that
divine right which had just replaced the head of the house of
Bourbon on the throne of his ancestors ; and it was by the as-
sistance of this principle that he maintained the national dignity
in face of the arbitrary claims of the four great alUed powers,
England, Austria, Prussia, and Russia, whose ambition was to
regulate as they pleased the affairs of the world, without
admitting sovereigns of a lower order to the discussion.
Nearly all the monarchs of Europe were assembled at Vienna,
or had sent their most eminent statesmen. The Porte alone
was not represented in this great congress of nations. The
Pope had sent a legate.

Two great questions were laid before the congress, that of
Poland and that of Saxony. The Emperor Alexander had
formerly shown himself disposed to reconstitute, himself and
under his sovereignty, an independent kingdom of Poland, but
the difficulties and opposition which he encoimtered in Russia
removed the desire. He continued, however, well disposed to-
wards the Poles; but the national instinct of Russia aimed at
nothing short of claiming possession of the whole of Poland,
just as pubUc opinion in Prussia loudly insisted upon the
annexation of Saxony. Austria was naturally opposed to this
double ambition, though Mettemich's pr:::'.ence moderated the
expression of his anxiety. England attached no great import-
ance to the fate of Saxony, but kept anxious watch upon the
excessive aggrandizement of Russia, and therefore foimd it
necessary to look to the French plenipotentiary for the assist-
ance which Castlereagh's haughty bluntness was loath to re-
quest. Talleyrand had instructions to protect the interests of
the King of Saxony, who was alhed to the royal family of
France, and whose misfortunes moreover were due to his long-
continued attachment to the French cause. Another import-
ant part of his duty was to obtain the overthrow of Murat, and
the restoration of the Bourbons to the throne of Naples, as well
AB an indemnity for the Parma brandi, who had been dis*

OH. xvl] the FmST RESTOBATlOir. ]49

pcMssessed by the appanage granted to Marie Louise and the
King of Rome.

TaUeyrand's personal intentions went still further. With a
painful sense of the disadvantages caused by the isolation of
France, he resolved to use every efiEort to break the coalition
recently formed to fight against us, and the various contradic-
tory interests discussed at the congress supplied him with both
opportunity and means. Castlereagh failed in his wish of
separating Russia from Prussia, and joined with France in a
treaty, to which Austria at once adhered. On the 3rd January,
1815, Talleyrand signed a diplomatic and miUtary alliance with
these two powers. The secondary states speedily sent in their
adhesion. France had regained her rank among the great
states, and her plenipotentiary's joy and pride broke forth in
his correspondence. "The coalition is broken," he wrote
Louis XVIII. " Fifty years' negotiations would not have been
worth so much to France as the federative system which we
have secured for her."

Thus all parties were boimd together upon the great ques-
tions of diplomacy, while exteriorly their affairs seemed to
make no progress. " If the congress does not go on, it dances,**
said the old Prince of Ligne, when attending one of the innu-
merable evening parties where the sovereigns and ministers
daily met together. Negotiations still proceeded, however ; and
the new alliance had a decisive influence upon the resolutions
of the congress. In March, 1815, the question of Poland, much
reduced by the abandonment to Prussia of the Grand Duchy
of Posen, was nearly disposed of. The Emperor Alexander
kept Warsaw as the centre of his new state; and Prussia had
reduced her claims ujwn Saxony, which was to recover her in-
dependence and her sovereign at the cost of one third of her
territory. The kingdom of the Netherlands was formed, con-
sisting of Belgium and Holland, and receiving Luxemburg and
Limburg in exchange for the Rhenish provinces, now ceded to
Prussia. Hanover became a kingdom, with some increase of
territory. Denmark lost Norway, and in exchange for Swe-
dish Pomerania — which had been promised her, but excited
Prussia's cupidity— received the Duchy of Lauenburg, though
not without a struggle. The territory of Q«noa was granted
to Piedmont, as an additional guarantee against France. The
negotiations seemeJ generally rather unfavorable to the
French project against Murat, some engagements having been

HF (G) Vol. 8

144 BISTORT OF FBANGB. [CH. xvi.

entered into with him ; but Castlereagh had need of Talleyrand
to obtain from the congress a unanimous adhesion to the noble
crusade undertaken by England against the slave-trade. The
Duke of Wellington haxi just arrived at the congress in order
to take the place of the English prime minister, who was re-
caUed to London by the opening of Parliament : he was well-
disposed towards the Bourbons, and disliked Murat's presence
in Italy as being an element of disorder. He was also disposed
to second Talleyrand in wishing to see Napoleon removed from
the French coasts to a further distance than Elba. Mettemich
had no objection to transport him to the Azores, but the Czar's
generosity and loyalty were obstinately opposed to this. He
rightly considered himself the author of the treaty of the 11th
April, and peremptorily insisted on its strict fulfilment. He
even made a claim upon the French government for the pay-
ment of the sums stipulated in Napoleon's favor. The latter
had received no money. The Empress Marie-Louise refused
to leave the Duchy of Parma, which they wished to restore to
the Queen of Etruria, and the Emperor Alexander supported her.
When they stiU kept urging him, he at last lost temper and
■aid, "Why, they may some day, very possibly, let loose the
• monster who is so much dreaded by Austria and many
others !"

The "monster" was meanwhile fully informed of all that
took place at the Congress of Vienna. The great negotiations
were completed, and the sovereigns preparing to separate, en-
trusting their plenipotentiaries with the duty of drawing up
the articles, when all at once the news came that the Emperor
Napoleon had left Elba and landed at the Gulf Juan. Their
surprise was exceeded by their alarm. The final operations of
• .-^j. the congress were immediately prorogued. It was no longer a

'0H- time for treating, but for fighting. The bonds of coalition
I were drawn tighter by the common danger. They waited for
news from France, all the foreigners behoving instinctively
that Napoleon would march upon Paris. Talleyrand alone
attempted vainly to persuade himself and others that the em-
peror was directing his march towards Italy.

For several months there had been a general persuasion,
secret or declared, that u neys shock was in preparation, and
that the new government, which was scarcely founded, was to
be shaken in its insufficient authority. There were numerous
plots of various kinds. " They plotted openly," says the Duke
of Rovigo in his Memoirs, "even a<= the corners of the streets;

CH. XVU.1 THE HUNDRED DATS. 145

and everybody, except perhaps the ministers, knew what was
going on." Generals, such as Davout, Savary, Maret, and
Lavalette, who remained faithful to Bonaparte, and displeased
with their treatment at the hands of the Bestoration, or who
had naturally no share in the royal favors on account of having
so long served Napoleon, plotted simply and purely for Napo-
leon's return from Elba and his restoration to the throne.
Other generals, who were formerly attached to the emperor,
and shared in the illustrious memories of his victories — Lefeb-
vre-Desnouettes, Drouet dllrlon, liallemand— were preparing
a miUtary movement in the forces under their command, to
compel King Louis XV III. to accept the conditions of a more
liberal government. In case of refusal, these conspirators in-
tended to conduct the monarch and his family to the frontier,
and proclaim the regency of the Duke of Orleans, whose opin-
ions we're considered, on good grounds, to be favorable to the
constitutional party. It was also upon the Duke of Orleans
that the hopes of those liberals were fixed who determined to
attempt the work of legal reform by means of the Chambers,
though some had dreams of a republic. Fouch6 had a share in
all these plots with more or less ardor and display; his connec-
tion with Elba was unimportant and unf requent.

It was against the government of the Bourbons, and the ten-
dencies with which it was charged, that public opinion was
excited. The majority of the conspirators had no wish for
Napoleon's return, yet he was hovering over the situation like
a threatening phantom, and all men felt secretly convinced
that he had not ended his life. Some pitied him, some dreaded
him, some hated him, but nobody had yiet forgotten him.

CHAPTER XVn.

THE Hmn>RED DATS (26TH FEBRUARY TO 15TH JULY, 1816),

" The question has been much discussed as to who were tbe
conspirators that on the 20th March, 1815, overthrew the Bour-
bons and brought back Napoleon. This is a minor point and
is only interesting as an historical curiosity. The silliness of
those who organize plots is boundless, and when results seem
to prove that they were in the right, they take credit to them-

146 mSTORT OF FRANCS. [ch. xth

selves for what is due to causes much greater and more com-
plicated than their machinations. It was Napoleon alone who
in 1815 overthrew the Bourbons, by evoking in person the fana-
tical devotion of the army and the revolutionary instincts of
the people. However tottering the recently restored monarchy
might be, it required this great man and his great strength to
lay it low. France was stupefied, and allowed the event to be
accomplished without either resistance or confidence. Napo-
leon's own opinion of the matter was formed with admirable
good sense: ' They have allowed me to come,' said he to Count
Mollien, ' just as they allowed me to go.' "*

The Emperor Napoleon never finally abandoned confidence
in his cause, though it had seemed absolutely ruined on the
6th April, 1814, when he signed his abdication at Fontainebleau.
On leaving France to shut himself up in the island of Elba, he
always cherished the hope of returning. When apparently
occupied with securing his position in his narrow kingdom, he
took care to form a small body of troops, 1100 men strong, most
of whom belonged to his old guard. With over 3,000,000 francs
which he had brought with him, he was able to buy four small
vessels. He carefully read the newspapers, and received some
private news from France, which kept him informed of the
state of increasing agitation in the army and the nation. From
Vienna he was informed that the allied sovereigns proposed to
remove him from the coasts which he still menaced by his
presence, and«at the same time learned that the negotiations
were finished and the congress about to break up. This double
news caused him some alarm, because he had long feared lest
be should be removed to such a distance as would render his
proposed enterprise impracticable. The faces of his compan-
ions told him how utterly weary they were of waiting. ' ' When
do we set out for France?" they sometimes asked. Several sol-
diers had already left the island, tired of the first sorrows of
exile. Napoleon's plans were already becoming less vague,
and he had secretly begun to prepare to leave, when a young
man, Fleury de Chaboulon, formerly an " auditor" in the Coun-
cil of State, landed (22nd February) at Porto Ferrajo. He
came from France, and being supplied with a pass-word from
the Duke of Bassano, received at once the emperor's attention.
His instructions were to inform ^the illustrious exile of the
actual state of aflEairs in France, and the discontent in the

* Guizot's Mimoires, etc., toL i.

«H. xrn.] THE HUNDRED DAYS. ygf

army. He had himself requested the mission, and now deliv<
ered his message with enthnsiasuL " Then, they still remem-
ber me?" said the emperor two or three times; "the soldiers
have not forgot me?" Then, looking keenly at the young man,
he said, " What are your instructions for me? What do they
advise me to do?" No one had dared to take the responsibility
of an opinion, as Fleury declared to the emperor, who on dis-
missing him had him conveyed to Naples, lest the secret of
which he had had a glimpse should prove too much for the
young emissary of his friends. The emperor's mother alone
knew of her son's determination, having taken up her abode
with him to console him in his exile. Though generally firm,
even to impassibility, she was for a moment alarmed at the
terrible chances of another tragical enterprise. Then summon-
ing up her strength, she said, '* Go ! and may God protect you,
as He has so many times protected you 1 You cannot remain
here."

On the 26th February the soldiers of the little army were still
engaged in some works at the harbor when they received orders
to go on board. Several days previously Colonel Campbell,
who had orders from England to keep a secret watch upon
Nai)oleon, had gone to Leghorn on duty. A merchantman
which was seized in the harbor, and two small transport ves-
sels freighted for Eio, constituted the little fleet. All other
preparations being completed, no notice was givon to the sol-
diers, but they all knew the object of the voyage. The Prin-
cess Borghese, who came frequently to Elba to see her brother,
was present with her mother at the embarkation. For two
days an embargo had been laid on all vessels, and no news of
his departure was possible. The Emperor Napoleon put to sea.

The wind being uncertain, the sailors were doubtful as to
what course to take. Some ships-of-war were seen out at sea,
but Napoleon was resolved not to go back. On meeting a brig
of the French navy he ordered his soldiers to lie down on the
decks of the small vessels. The Elba flag floated in the breeze
— white, strewed with bees. The captain of the brig recognized
the commander of the small imperial fleet, and they hailed
each other. " Whither bound?" asked Captain Andrieux of
the royal marine. " Gtenoa." "We are for Leghorn: how is
the emperor?" "Very well." The vessels resumed their
course; and a favorable wind starting up, the small vessels
cast anchor on the morning of the 1st of March in Gulf Juan,
the soldiers landing with shouts of "Long live the Emperor 1*

148 HISTORY OF FRANCE. [OH. xvn.

The population of Cannes showred neither opposition nor enthu-
siasm. A sudden attack made upon Antibes had not succeeded,
but several artillerymen escaped from the town and joined the
small army. They procured horses and provisions. The em-
peror ordered a table and chair to be brought, and sat down in
a wood of olive-trees to examine his maps. He resolved to fol-
low the road to Dauphin^ because it was rough and hilly, and
therefore more suitable for his purpose. Another reason was,
that the garrisons on that route were weak, and more easily
gained over than large forces commanded by superior oflBcers.
It was upon the " nation of camps" that Napoleon calculated
to exercise the prestige of his presence, the leaders of the army
having for the most part escaped from his influence. By foL
lowing the road along the coast he would have to meet Massena,
who was in command at Marseilles; and besides, the moimtain
road led to Grenoble, a bustUng town not well-disposed to the
BouiJ)ons, which he might stir up for his cause. At eleven
o'clock in the evening the bivouac on the coast was raised, and
the little army was drawn up in marching order, having re-
sumed the eagles and tricolor almost as soon as they planted
foot on French soil. After the emperor had ordered them to
close their ranks, the handful of faithful and devoted men who
had accompanied him heard him read with a loud voice the
proclamation, which he thus addressed to the whole of the
French army : —

"Soldiers!

" You have not been conquered! Two men from our
ranks betrayed our laurels, their prince, their benefactor.
Those whom for twenty -five years we have seen overrun Eu-
rope to stir up enemies against us, or who passed their hves
fighting against us in the ranks of foreign armies, and curs-
ing our beautiful France— how will they presume to command
and chain up oiir eagles, they who never dared look upon them?
Shall we suffer them to inherit the fruit of our glorious labors,
to take possession of our honors and property, to slander our
g^ory? Should their reign last, all would be lost, even the
memory of those immortal days. With eagerness do they
change their natures ! They are trying to poison that which is
the admiration of the world ; and if there still remain any de-
fenders of our glory, it is amongst those very enemies with
whom we fought on the battle-field.

"Soldiers! In my exile I beard your vcAces, and am come

•H. xyn.] THB HUNDRED DATS. 140

' through all obstaclee and dangers. Yoiir general, summoned
to the throne by the prayer of the people, and raised upon
your shields, is now restored to you ; come and join him. Tear
down those colors which were proscribed by the nation, and
which for twenty -five years all the enemies of France have
raUied round. Display the tricolor which you carried in our
great battles. We ought to forget that we were the rulers of
the nations, but we ought not to permit any one to mix him-
self in our affairs. Who would pretend to be, who could be,
our master? Get back those eagles which you had at Ulm,
Austerlitz, Jena, Eylau, Friedland, Tudela, Eckmiihl, Essling,
Wagram, Smolensk, Moskowa, LUtzen, Wiirtchen, and Mont-
mirail! Do you think that that handful of Frenchmen, to-day
so arrogant, could bear the sight of them? They would return
whence they came, and there, if they wish, they would reign,
as they pretend to have done for nineteen years. The veterans
of the armies of the Sambre and Meuse, of the Rhine, Italy,
Egypt, the West, and the grand army, are hmniliated ; their
honorable scars are mocked at; their successes would be
crimes; these brave men would be rebels if, as the enemies of
the people pretend, their lawful sovereign were in the midst of
foes. Honors, rewards, their affection, are for those who
fought for them, against the fatherland and against us.
Come, soldiers I stand by the banners of your chief 1 His
existence is only yours; his rights are only yours and the
people's; his interests, his honor, and his glory are only your
interests, your honor, and yom* glory. Victory will march
at the double; the eagle, with the colors of the nation, will fly
from steeple to steeple, even to the towers of Notre Dame I and
then will you be able to boast of your deeds, then will you be
the liberators of your country I"

A second proclamation, conceived in the same spirit, but
toore expUcit as to the " treason" of Marmont and D'Augereau,
was addressed to the French nation. A number of copies of
these two incentives to civil way had been prepared dtu*ing the
voyage, and were immediately printed. Napoleon spoke to
the nation and the army; the moment had now come for
action. From Grasse, where he arrived at daybreak, he
directed his steps towards Sisteron, crossing the snow. The
population remained curious and indifferent. On his way over
the mountain, the emperor stopped for a few moments in a
cottage to warm himself. " Have you any news from Paris,"

160 HISTORY OF FRANCE. * [cH. xva -

he asked the mistress of the place: "do you know what the '
king is doing?" The old woman shook her head. " The king I
the emperor, you mean ; he's always down there. People don't
know much in these parts." On these heights, life always
flows smoothly in the same channel of ignorance. Five-and-
twenty yeare before this, some mountaineers of the High Alps
first learned of the French Eevolution by going down to the
plain to buy salt. They had got a good bargain, and it was
while inqturing the cause of this diminution in price that they
were informed in the same breath of the aboUtion of the tax,
and of the events which turned France and the world upside
down. On the 4th of March Napoleon arrived at Sisteron, and
on the 5th at Gap. The country people began to be roused into
enthusiasm, and the peasants' carts were placed at the disposal
of the worn-out soldiery. The news of the landing, sent by ex-
press from Draguignan, began to spread, but the officers still
remained shut up in the mountain recesses, with much ado to
restrain their soldiers. Nowhere did Napoleon find any ob-
stacle to hinder his rapid march. GreneraJ Mouton-Duvemet,
who had arrived at Grenoble post-haste from Valencia, placed
himself in the emperor's way with the view of disputing the
mountain passes with him; but he had already overcome these
difficulties, and the general fell back upon Grenoble, where
great excitement prevailed. The lower orders were, like the
peasantry, favorably disposed towards Napoleon, even though
they had not, like these, acquired any large quantity of the
national property. The bourgeoisie was divided ; the royalists
talked big. Gtenerals Marchand and Mouton-Duvemet, and
the savant Fourier, prefect of the Isere, ordered a general con-
centration of troops, the regiments stationed at Vienne and
Chamb^ry being called out. Lab^doy^re, the colonel of pne
of the latter, was yoimg, of good family, and distinguished
bravery ; and his influence with the troops was reckoned on to
keep them to their duty. A detachment of engineers was told
off to destroy the bridge over the Bonne at Ponthaut. The in-
habitants opposed this, and the soldiers had no heart in their
work. They had been reinforced by a battalion of the 6th of
the line, and a small body of Polish Lancers attached to Napo-
leon, had just arrived to protect his passage over the river,
when the men began to mingle and to converse amicably with
each other. Lessard, the commander of the battalion, fell
back with his corps upon the mountain passes; and, almost at
the same moment, General Oambronue appeared upon the

•B. xm.] THE HUNDRED DATSL 151

scene with the grenadiers of the island of Elba, who at once
proceeded to take possession of the abandoned bridge. The
emperor himself advanced with the bulk of his following.
Several scouts had already appeared, announcing the arrival
of Napoleon, and calling upon the soldiers of the 5th not to
fire. The lieutenant-colonel ordered them to retire. "They
won't fire," said some citizens or half -pay officers who had
made haste to get near Napoleon, and who knew the temper of
the men. The emperor approached the soldiers in person.

"What do you wish me to do?" said the brave Lessard to
one of General Marchand's aides-de-camp, who happened to be
near him; "see how they tremble like aspens at the bare
thought of seeing him." He had ordered the retreat, but
Napoleon appeared at the same moment. "Soldiers of the
5th," he cried, " do you recognize me?" "Yes, yes 1" exclaimed
every voice. "What man among you would fire upon his
emperor?" A unanimous shout of "Longhve the emperor I"
was the immediate response. The lieutenaiit-colonel, alone
and dismayed, saw all his soldiers throwing themselves at the
feet of Napoleon, when the latter advanced towards him.
"Who made you heutenant-colonel?" "You, sire." "And
captain?" '.'You, sire." "And you wished to fire upon me?"
"Yes, sire, because it was my duty." So saying, he tendered
the emperor his sword. The latter took it, and pressed his
hand. "We shall meet again at Grenoble," he said: then,
turning to Generals Drouot and Bertrand, "There, that's all
right ; to-night we shall be in Grenoble, and in ten days in
Paris."

In truth, all was over. The irresistible prestige of Napo-
leon's presence had had its effect on the first body of troops
which he had encountered, and would, by its swift contagion,
gain over all those who had not yet beheld him, but who were
rushing to meet him. Colonel de Labedoy^re called out his
regiment, raised the eagle of the 7th on leaving Greneral
Marchand's house, and left the town, marching at the head of
his soldiers to join the emperor. They embraced, and Napo-
leon thanked the yoimg chief for his ardent devotion. "We
are tired of seeing France hunuliated,"said Lab^oy^re; "but,
sire, everything is much changed, a new reign must be in-
augurated." "I know it, and am resolved upon it," was the
emperor's reply.

He repeated this to every one who visited him at Grenoble
during the next few days. At the news of his coming the au*

152 mSTOBT OF PBAN(m. [OT. xm.

tiiorities retired; Qeneral Maxchand went over into tlie da
partment of Mont-Blanc, in the hope of assembling some ele-
ments of resistance about him. The prefect, dreading, on his
own account, the charm of the presence of Napoleon, whom La
had accompanied in Egypt, and ccmtinued to cherish a great
liking for him, had directed his steps towards Lyons, not with-
out apologizing for his departure. The town gates were closed,
but the peasants on the one side, and the townspeople on the
other, succeeded by their efforts in breaking them open, and
soon the little troop of soldiers from the island of Elba was
saluted by the fran+ic cheers of the populace, as weU as- the
soldiers. The massing of the troops ordered for the defence of
Grenoble against Napoleon would immediately furnish him
with a small army, and with enormous resources, both in
artillery and ammimition. Such guns as had come from the
island of Elba the emperor had left on board his ships. "It
is not with cannot-shots that I am going to make this cam-
paign," he had said. The same enthusiasm spread like wild-
fire through every regiment. Seven thousand men, ready to
perish in his cause, set out on the 8th for Lyons. The soldiers
had aU moimted their old cockades with the tricolor, which
they had carefully kept. " To-morrow I will be at your head,"
Napoleon told them. The news of the landing of Napoleon in
the bay of Juan, on the 1st of March, did not reach Paris till
the 5th. At first, it was kept a close secret, and only troubled
for a moment the king, Louis XVIIL, naturally calm, and a
little dull of comprehension, by age and infirmities. The first
thought was to place the princes at the head of the armies
which were charged with the task of opposing the invader.
The Comte d'Artois offered to repair to Lyons, and took with
him the Duke of Orleans, much against his will; the Due
d'Angouleme was at Bordeaux; the Due de Berry remained
near the king, while Marshal Ney advanced on Besangon;
Marshal Macdonald was to join the Due d'AngoulSme at Nimes.
These two commanders had negotiated the abdication of Napo-
leon, and their fidelity was reckoned on accordingly. Marshal
Ney displayed the greatest zeaL He is reported to have said,
in his soldier-like, passionate manner, "Fear nothing, sire; I
will bring him to you in an iron cage." The public was con-
firmed in its fears by the convocation of the two chambera
An ordinance was promulgated, enjoining aU citizens to pursue
Napoleon, and to seize him alive or dead, in order to deliver
him over to a military commission. The ministers, particularly

tJH. xvn.] THE HUNDRED DATS. 158

Blacas and the Abb6 de Montesquiou, ^vBre troubled at these
grave events, without putting any great faith in them ; Mar-
shal Soult knew better the redoubtable spirit which was about
to enter the lists, and he meanwhile made a show of necessary
zeal. The public was divided; among sensible men, sadness
and uneasiness reigned supreme over all other sentiments.
War appeared to all to be inevitable abroad ; it was threaten-
ing at home; the remembrance even of past oppression and
suffering was not yet effaced. Meanwhile the towns were
animated by various interests, and almost everywhere in the
coimtry districts the return of Napoleon was* eagerly wel-
comed, for those who had acquired national property had
learnt mistakenly to tremble for the security of their posses-
sions. The country regarfled with apathy the recommence-
ment of that terrible struggle, of which it was the stake, and
in which it had not yet learnt to take any important part.
The army was agitated by the keenest passions. The f eehng
of duty, or, in some cases, personal animosity, caused several
of the leading military men to incline rather to resistance,
while the great body of the officers and men yielded to the
powerful charm which compelled them to follow in the foot-
steps of their emperor. The Comte d'Artois had been coldly
received at Lyons, and all the efforts of Marshal Macdonald
were unavailable in extracting from the troops a single shout
of "Long live the king!" Napoleon was already approaching
the city gates, and the princes took their departure in the sad
conviction that the soldiers were going to break forth into
cheers at the sight of their old general. Macdonald, once
more attempting to gain over the army, awaited the arrival of
Napoleon's advance guard, and placed himself at the head of
the leading battalions. Meanwhile, the hussars preceding the
emperor, uttered shouts of triumph, to which the marshal's
soldiers were not long in responding. These latter now has-
tened to overthrow the barricades erected on the bridges and
ran to meet their comrades, making, hke them, the air resound
with the cry of " Long live the emperor 1" Macdonald spurred
his horse to the gallop, accompanied only by his aides-de-camp.
Some of his troopers insisted on pursuing him, in the hope of
bringing him back to the emperor, and effecting a reconcilia-
tion, but the marshal made good his escape from their some*
what obtrusive zeal. Napoleon was already estabhshed at the
archiepiscopal palace as the guest of his uncle, Cardinal Fesch.
His language was evidently affected by his triumphal progress,*

i54 HISTORY OF FRANCE. [ch. xvn.

it was less modest upon the necessities of the new government,
less exclusively preoccupied with the wants and views of the
people. Yet Napoleon knew what the force was upon which
he depended for aid, and also that the hidden groundwork of
revolutionary instincts was still favorable towards him. He
announced his intention of immediately convoking the electoral
bodies in Assembly. The coronation of the empress and the
King of Rome would then be celebrated, and the nation itself
would preside over the carrying out of such changes in the
constitution of the empire as might be desirable. This convO'
cation was announced by decree from Lyons, and other
measures followed, restoring to office procurators and magis-
trates who had been dismissed by the Restoration Government.
Thus Napoleon, at the first blow, and by an act of daring, re-
gained the power of a master for the moment absent from the
throne. He nominated, as prefect of Lyons, Foiuier, who had
fled from Grenoble to avoid him, and the illustrious savant
accepted the post.

. Vengeance occupied the first place in Napoleon's thoughts on
his return to France. All the emigr^ who bad not obtained,
prior to 1814, the regular erasure of their names from the revo-
lutionary list, were to be forthwith expelled, while those who
had purchased commissions in the army were degraded. The
white cockade and all orders before or subsequent to the Legion
of Honor were abolished ; the decrees of the assembly which
had reference to the old nobility and titles were re-established;
and the goods of the Bourbon princes were confiscated, as also
were those of Talleyrand, Dalberg, and Vitrolles; and the same
measure was put in force against the Mayor of Bordeaux and
Marshals Marmont and Augereau. These latter were to be tried
impartially. Grand Marshal Bertrand, now the emperor's
major-general, raised objections to such severities, which he
thought neither generous nor well-timed. "You will listen to
nothing," said the emperor, angrily, and postponed the defcree
in the meantime. A fortnight after his arrival in Paris, he
ordered Bertrand to countersign it. "Sire," responded his
faithful servant, "a minister who countersigns an act of the
sovereign is morally responsible for it. Your Majesty has de-
clared by your proclamations that you will grant a general
amnesty; these I countersigned with all my heart, but I will
not countersign the decree which revokes them." The decree
appeared without the countersign.
Meanwhile the emperor was hastening his march, for he felt

OH. xvn.] THB HUNDRED DATS, 165

around him the pressure of a paramount necessity. The south
was agitated, passionately excited by royalist tendencies and
the recollection of long-slighted interests. At Marseilles, the
populace dreaded the return of the continental blockade which
caused its ruin, and a column of volunteers was advancing
upon Grenoble. Marshal Massena did not oppose this; he re-
mained sad and motionless in his military command, restrain-
ing with much ado the fury of the populace and resolved sim-
ply to do his duty. Marshal Ney was advancing to meet the
emperor.

He had faithfully accomplished his task at Besan^on, cheer-
ing the sinking courage of the royalists, making up the de-
ficiency in military preparations, and strongly convinced that
Napoleon cherished a personal grudge against him for what he
had dared to say and do at Fontainebleau at the time of the
abdication. Genei*als de Bourmont and Lecourbe were chained
with the command of the two divisions of his brigade. The one
was an old royalist and former chief of Vendeans ; the other,
an old republican of the army of the Ehine who had been dis-
graced by the emperor. They advanced with the marshal to
Lons-le-Saulnier.

The attitude of the troops began to grow doubtful. Napoleon
had arrived at Macon amid the mad enthusiasm of the popu-
lace, both town and country along the route bursting forth into
transports of rejoicing. The Burgundians, formerly animated
by the most fervent revolutionary sentiments, bore themselves
with corresponding delight before the great leader, bom of the
revolution, which he had subdued without forsaking, and which
required his support in the future. The popular enthusiasm
spreading, the marshal perceived around him its earliest effects.
Flying into a passion, he fronted his royalist staff, who ap-
peared somewhat restless. ' ' Let them go, " said he ; " let them
go ; if they tremble, leave me alone ; I shall know how to seize
a gun from the hand of a dragoon and fire the first shot." A
speech in which he had addressed his officers had left them
cold and discontented ; and the news received every day of the
triumphant demonstrations of the people in the emperor's
presence, increased his anxiety. With anger he heard of the
evacuation of Lyons, but already MUcon had driven out the
royalist authorities, and Dijon was proceeding to proclaim the
restoration of the empire. In the department of Ain, the prefect
had been pursued by the insurgent inhabitants of Bourg.
Everywhere i>eople told with what dreadful facility the con-

166 HISTORY OF FRANCE. [CH. XTU

flagration gained. A letter from Marshal Bertranfl was con-
veyed to his old friend Marshal Ney on the night of the 13th.
Perhaps a letter from the emperor accompanied that of the
major-generaL The oflBcers entrusted with it commented, upon
these words in the letter, used by Bertrand for the purpose of
gaining over his comrades in arms to the emperor's cause : —
"All the requisite measures are taken and success is inevi-
table." Marshal Ney believed he saw the vast network of
Bonapartist conspiracies embracing all France, the blow al-
ready struck at Paris, an understanding established in Europe
with the Emperor of Austria and the coalition powers : Napo-
leon, it was said, accepted the treaties and had no further de-
sire for war. AU the rumors floating in the air, eagerly caught
and magnified by the people, acted on the mobile spirit of the
illustrioiis soldier, himself drawn on to his destiny by the al-
lurement which moved the masses, alike military or rustic.
Believing himself duped by the government of the king, he
now suddenly saw in exaggerated proportions all the petty
injuries inflicted on his amour-propre, all the transient dis-
satisfactions which he had experienced since the restoration of
the Bourbons. "My dear," he wrote to his wife, "thou shalt
cry no more to get away from the Tuileries." He conferred
with his generals of division, and they both sadly perceived
the uselessness of resistance. "Thou hadst better not have
meddled in the aflEair at all," said Lecourbe, "and left me
alone in peace." The marshal caused the troops to be assem-
bled. Some stir had already manifested itself in the barracks.
Ney advanced in front of the lines. "Officers, sub-officers,
and soldiers," he .exclaimed, "the cause of the Bourbons is
lost forever. The legitimate dynasty which the French nation
has adopted is going to remoimt the throne. To the Emperor
Napoleon, our sovereign, belongs alone the right to reign over
our beautiful country 1 Whether the Bourbon nobility choose
to return to exile or consent to live among us, what matters it
to us? The times are gone when the people were governed by
suppressing their rights. Liberty triumphs in the end, and Na-
poleon, our august emperor, comes to confirm it. Soldiers, I
have often led you to victory ; now I would escort you to join
this immortal legion which the Emperor Napoleon conducts to
Paris, and which in a few days shall reach the capital, where
our hope and our happiness shall forever be realized. Long
Kve the emperor !"
A cheer, loud and unbroken, burst from the lips of all in re-

«B. xvn.] THE HUNDRED DATB. Wt

sponse to the marshal's cry; swords leapt £rom their scab-
bards, shakos waved on the points of bayonets, the soldiers
rushed upon their general to kiss his hands and his garments.
The marshal yielded to the enthusiasm of the men, whom he
had freed by a single word from a restraint that was insup-
portable. The officers of his staff alone maintained an ominous
silence. One of them, an old 6migr6, broke his sword, saying,
"You should have warned us, monsieur le marshal, before
making us be present at such a spectacle. " Without exception
the inferior officers participated in the feelings of the soldiers.

From Lyons, and as if he had never ceased to reign. Napoleon
ordered the march of the army corps. On the eve of Tnalring
his submission, Ney was troubled at the thought of again see-
ing Napojeon. *' Tell him that I love him still, and to-morrow
shall embrace him," said the emperor to Marshal Bertrand,
when Ney joined him at Auxerre. Next day the marshal
wished to attempt some explanations; "There is no need,"
said Napoleon. "I have always held you to be the bravest of
the brave." "You have done well," replied Ney, "to count
on me for the defence of the fatherland; it is for France that I
have shed my blood, and for her I am ready to shed it to the
last dropl I love you, sire, but the fatherland before alir
** It is for the sake of the fatherland that I have returned,"
interrupted the emperor. " I know her to be unhappy, and I
shall render her all the aid that she expects of me." Four
divisions were united at Auxerre, and they took the way for
Fontainebleau. Everywhere the public gave themselves iq)
to transports of irresistible excitement. To send troops agaiDst
Najwleon was only to send him reinforcements.

The agitation was growing in Paris; and the precautions of
the pohce, the indignant protestations of the constituted aU'
thorities, and the false news circulated by the royalist jour-
nals, were no longer able to conceal the rapid progress of a
conflagration unexpected and terrible. The royalists, startled
and exasperated, attacked all those who did not share in their
indignation, or whom they could suspect of even a thought of
defection. They were goaded into measures that were con-
flicting and badly conceived, promising to the army favors
which they had but recently refused, roKjalling to activity
officers and non-commissioned officers who had been placed on
half -pay, invoking the support of the national guard, replac-
ing the minister of war, Marshal Soult, by the Due de Feltre,
and Andr6, the minister of x>ohce, by Bpurienne. Fouch^ had

168 mSTORT OF FRANOB. [oh. xm.

declined the offer of the latter office. "It is weakness that
has ruined us," said the newly appointed officers, who were
resolved to employ force at the moment when power had es
caped from their hands.

Meantime, Laine, president of the Chamber of Deputies, and
Montesqmou, minister of the interior, had formed a better un-
derstanding of the instincts of the country and the profound
causes of discontent which delivered the nation over to a mili-
tary sway. LaLne, held in esteem by all, and an eloquent and
conscientious man, sought to rally around the throne the clear-
headed and honest men who formed the constitutional opposi-
tion party. Lafayette and Benjamin Constant seconded his
efforts ; they promised liberal measures, they emphasized the
dangers which liberty ran at the hands of the Emperor Napo-
leon, they attempted at the same time to obtain from the king
a change of the ministry, and particularly the removal of Bla-
cas, who was distrusted by all the constitutional party. But
these efforts were fruitless ; the friends of the Comte d'Artois,
and even the confidants of Louis XVm., were opposed to the
concessions. The Bonapartist movement set on foot recently
in the department of the Nord, by Grenerals Lallemand and
Lefebvre-Desnouettes, had miscarried; from this they con-
ceived the hope that the movement for the defence would here
be able to find an effectiial basis, and they prepared an army
outside of Paris, which was to be commanded by the Due de
Berry, with Marshal Macdonald for major-general. The Due
de Orleans and Marshal Oudinot were charged with the task
of concentrating the army corps. The king and the princes
returned to the Chamber for the purpose of renewing their
alliance with the people. The king had written his own
speech; on his entering he was received with loud cheers.

"Gtentlemen," said he, "in this moment of crisis, when the
public enemy has entered a part of my kingdom, and when he
menaces the hberty of all the rest, I come into your midst to
draw closer the bonds, which, in uniting you to me, constitute
the power of the State. I come, in addressing you, to explain
to all France my sentiments and views. I have reformed my
country, and have reconciled it with all the foreign powers, —
powers which undoubtedly will be faithful to the treaties by
which we have restored peace. I have labored for the good of
my people; I have received— I receive every day— the most
touching marks of their love. Could I, at sixty years of age,
more fitly end my career than by dying in their defence?

CB.XTIL] THE HUNDRED DATS. Ifl©

" I fear then nothing for myself, but I fear for France. "Bb
who comes among us to light the torch of civil war, brings
also the plague of foreign war; he comes to place our country
once more under his iron yoke; he comes, in fine, to destroy
this constitutional charter which I have given you,— this char-
ter, my best title in the eyes of posterity — this charter which
all the French cherish, and which I here swear to maintain.
Let us then rally roimd it! May it be our sacred standard I
The descendants of Henri IV. shall be the first to range them-
selves beneath it, and they will be followed by all good French-
men. Let the concurrence of both Chambers give all necessary
support to the authority, and this truly national war shall
prove by its happy result what a great people are capable of,
united by the love of their king and the fundamental law of
the kingdom."

It was too late to rally by conciliatory words the forces im-
prudently sundered ; too late to incite en honest and courar
geous effort on behalf of constitutional liberty. The enthusi-
asm, popular and military, had brought back Napoleon with
an irresistible impulse. Already he had reached Fontainebleau
(19 March), re-entering with triumph the palace which, almost
broken-hearted, he had quitted some months before. The next
march he resolved to direct to the Tuileries. The more san-
guine supporters of the government wished to advajice towards
the west, there, relying on the one side on Bordeaux, and on
the other on Vendue, to raise up aU this region, supremely roy-
aUst, against the usurper. Others, with the Duke of Orleans
and Marshal Macdonald at their head, proposed to retire into a
place in the Nord, Lille or Dtmkirk, with a faithful following,
in order to await on French soil the great duel which would in-
fallibly take place between the Emperor Napoleon and Eiux)pe.
The personal desire of the king, old and easily fatigued, was to
abide in Paris as long as possible, and when flight was ima void-
able, to pass immediately to England, the only asylum that
was really safe. The ^migr^s in a body bitterly opposed the
idea of again quitting France. Departure from Paris, mean-
time, became necessary, for the enemy was already at the
gates, and the city was almost surrounded by the army. The
king resolved to set out secretly, fearing a popular outburst
and a pursuit. The retreat on Ldlle was decidad, and Marshal
Macdonald was charged with its protection. On the night of
the 19th, at eleven o'clock, all the members of the royal family
then in Pans set out stealthily to drive to St. Denia The last

leO BISTORT OF FRANCE. [cH. rviL

efforts of Lain^, by which, during the day, he attempted to re-
concile the constitutional party, were useless; Lafayette had
vainly proposed to put himself at the head of the national
guard. At the same moment Madame de Stael, like the king,
prepared to quit Paris. Her drawing-room had been the centre
of the liberal movement: she fled before the retiim of the des-
pot, who had for a long time pursued her with his hatred.
" Well, he is back again I" she had exclaimed a little while be-
fore to La Valette ; " it is no illusion. My God ! Hberty is now
lost I Poor France 1 after so much suffering, and despite vows
so ardent and imanimous 1 Since he prevails, I go away from
this country I Ah I if the Bourbons had the power of will — if
they had listened to us 1 But no matter; I love them, I sorrow
for them. They are honest men, and they alone were able to
give us liberty."

So fled royalists and liberty, abandoning the game without
any resistance to th* powerful genius who now advanced-
little caring for engagements contracted, and for the dangers
which menaced the country from within, or the terrible calam-
ities of war ready to unloose themselves on us anew. One
hope still remained to France, overcome in these first move-
ments by stupor and disquietude ; liberty had not raised her
head in vain, she had reasserted her proper place, and her
power ovei^the minds of men. It was in the name of liberty
henceforth that all parties fought, and even despotism was
obliged to raise her flag. Napoleon invoked the Eevolution,
and the Bourbons invoked the Charter; times indeed were
^^nged. Already the emperor promised, some liberal conces-
sions. The whisper of an intention to resist all oppression
passed ere long throughout the whole of France.

On the 20th March, 1815, Napoleon once more entered Paris,
having been warned at daybreak of the departure of the royal
family. ' ' Never was the personal grandeur of a man displayed
with more tremendous 4clat; never had act more audacious, or
better calculated in its audacity, struck the imagination of the
people. And outward force failed not the man who found so
much of it in himself, and in himself alone. The army clung
to him with a blind devotion. Among the masses of the people
the revolutionary spirit and the warlike instincts, the hatred
of the old regime and the national pride, were stirred up by
his appearance, and rushed forth at his service. He re-mount-
ed, with an eager retinue, a throne forsaken at his approach.
But alongside of all this show of strength, brilliant and strik'

OT. Tvn.] THE HUTWItED DATS. 161

ing, the?e revealed itself, almoBt simultaneously, an element ol
remarkable weakness. The man who came to traverse France
in triumph, carrying all before him by his personality, whether
friends or enemies, re-entered Paris by night, as Louis XVIII.
had left it, his carriage surrounded by cavaliers, and encoun-
tering in his passage only a handful of gloomy-looking people.
Enthusiasm had accompanied him on his route ; at his destina-
tion he found coldness, doubt, UberaJ mistrust, prudent ab-
stentions, France profoundly disturbed, and Europe irrevoc-
ably hostile.

** The journey in the vicinity of Paris had enlightened Na-
poleon as to the state of feeling in the metropolis. Alighting
at the foot of the staircase in the Tuileries, he remarked to
Count M0I6, who attended him, ' Well ! I have played a fine*
prank! ♦"♦

The king and the royal family had meantime proceeded on
their way, and further than their best and wisest friends might
have desired. Once arrived at St. Denis, Louis XVIII. had
directed his course towards Abbeville, always inclined to draw
nearer to England. His household troops followed in great dis-
order; Marshal Macdonald alone preserved discipline in the
corps. The marshal rejoined the monarch at Abbeville, and
conjured him to proceed to Lille, where the Duke of Orleans
had already arrived, with Marshal Mortier. The gates of the
town were so jealously guarded, that Macdonald had some
difficulty in reaching the prince, who was able, he said, to as-
sure to the king the possession of the place for a very short
time, on condition that he was not accompanied by his house-
hold troops. The soldiers in the garrison at Lille were not ill-
disposed, but they were persuaded that the 6migr6s wished to
deliver France over to the English. The royal party then ran
the risk of being received with bullets, and on the other hand,
the town was incapable of defence without considerable forces.
The advice of the Duke of Orleans was that the king should
shut himself up in Dunkirk, a small and very strong place, that
could be reached from England by sea, and which consequently
oflfered great guarantees for safety. The marshal supported
this advice, as also did Blacas, who accompanied the king on
his arrival at Lille. A visit made to the barracks confirmed
experienced soldiers in this view, and all were of opinion that
the king should fix his departure for the morrow.

* Mimovrtt pour aervir d Vhittoire de mon tempt.

162 BISTORT OF FRANCE. [ch. xy»

The will of Louis XVIII., although seldom exhibited, was
absolutely unchangeable. He was anxious for repose, of which
he could not be certain except in England. The twenty-five
leagues, he declared, which separated Dunkirk from LiUe pre-
sented serious dangers, and he preferred to pass at once into
Belgium, where he would be free to return afterwards to Dun-
kirk. TTie arguments of the Duke of Orleans, and Marshals
Macdonald and Mortier, being exhausted before the resolve of
the king, the two military chiefs stated that they would escort
his Majesty to the frontier, but that they were resolved on no
account to emigrate, their intention being to retire into the
country. The Duke of Orleans, who had shared the counsel of
the marshals, did not beheve it safe, in his quality of prince of
the blood, to remain in France. Meanwhile, he himself pro-
posed to leave the king at the Belgian frontier, the rallying-
point of hostile troops, and to return to England, to the Utile
house at Twickenham, on the banks of the Thames, which he
had long inhabited under the empire, and which was his own
property. Only Marshal Berthier, captain of a company of the
body guards, felt impelled to accompany Louis XVIII., as he
had formerly accompanied Napoleon. The household troops
were disbanded, and only 300 men, imder the orders of Marshal
Marmont, left French soil to join the king, who, with the
CJomte d'Artois and the Due de Berry, directed his course
towards Ghent. The Duke and Duchess of Angouleme were
Btill in the south of France; the Duke of Bourbon was in Ven-
due, and lost no time in embarking at Nantes. The military
leaders who had attempted to oppose some resistance in the
north and east. Marshal Victor in Champagne, and Marshal
Oudinot in Lorraine, had abandoned their commands, finding
that they could not control their troops. In Alsace, Marshal
Suchet had hoisted the tricolor; while at Orleans, Marshal
Gk)uvion St. Cyr had peremptorily ordered his corps to resume
the white cockade, and put (General Pajol in prison for excit-
ing the troops in favor of the emperor. But meantime the
movement had become too violent even for the energetic will
of Marshal Gouvion St. Cyr; a regiment of cuirassiers revolted,
and released General Pajol, putting to flight the royalist au-
thorities, and Marshal Gouvion St. Cyr himself. The south
alone was seriously agitated by rancorous political and religious
passions. At Paris, the Emperor Napoleon had recovered the
reins of government without obstacle.

The formation o£ his ministry was his first care. In sur*

OM.xvn.] THB HUNDBED DATS. 1^

rounding himself with devoted men, it was still important
that he should avoid names stained by associations of arbitrary
power; the Duke of Rovigo being inadmissible for the police,
the gendarmerie was entrusted to him, with instructions to-
watchFouch^, who was said to have an understanding with the
Bourbons. The emperor shrugged his shoulders, having some
knowledge of the compUcated and contradictory intrigues of
the Duke of Otranto ; still he put him at the head of the pohce.
Decr^ resmned his post as minister of the navy, Coimt Mollien
of finance, the Duke of Vicentia of foreign affairs, and Marshal
Davout of war, though not without some resistance on his part.
*' I had always the misfortune to meet with little sympathy in
the army, being blamed for severity," said the marshal.
"That is precisely what I want," replied the emperor. " The
discipline is loose, and I must have a man of inflexible honor
and courage, with suflSicient talent and resolution to meet with
me the whole of Europe face to face." Camot was appointed
home minister, his former renown as a republican standing him
in good stead: his brilliant defence of Angers drew upon him
the pubUc attention. The command of Paris, as well as of all
the movable troops, was entrusted to Count Lobau. Thus the
highest military authority was placed in the heart of France,
under the direction of men of the greatest ability and energy.
Replaced upon the throne by an insurrection of the army,
Napoleon had no intention of leaving the power at their mercy.
While reconstituting the empire, he resolved to reconstitute
the army.

Forces were already in preparation to guard the frontiers;
and on the 21st, 25,000 men assembled on the Place Car^ouseL
The emperor was hailed on his arrival with loud and enthusi-
astic shouts. "Soldiers," said he, "I came with 600 men into
France, because I depended upon the love of the nation and the
memory of my veteran soldiers. I have not been deceived in
my expectation ; and for that, soldiers, I thank you. The glory
of what we have just accomplished belongs to the people and to
you; mine merely consists in having known and appreciated
you. Soldiers, the throne of the Bourbons was illegitimate,
because it was raised by foreign hands, and had been proscribed
by the will of the nation, expressed in all our national assem*
bliee ; and also because the only interests it guaranteed were
those of a small number of arrogant men, whose claims are
opposed to our rights. Soldiers, the imperial throne can alone
guarantee the rights of the people, and especially the f oremoeit

104 . HI8T0BT OF FRANOB. JoH. xvn

of our Interests, that of our glory. Soldiers, we are going to
march to drive from our territory those princes, the foreigners'
auxiliaries. The nation will not only assist us with its wishes,
but will even follow our impulse. The French people and I
both depend upon you. We have no wish to meddle in the
affairs of foreign nations, but woe to him who meddles in ours I"

It was an unfortunate and irreparable fault of the Emperor
Napoleon on this occasion to throw upon Europe the blood-
stained burden of his own unbridled ambition, on account of
which the afEairs of France had become those of the whole
world by the primitive right of self-defence. Though he had
long had an acciu*ate knowledge of the various dispositions of
the allied sovereigns, he was now anxious to test the intention
of the Emperor Francis. The Austrian ambassador, Uke those
of the other powers, had asked for his passports as soon as the
ministry was constituted; and by a general order and aiTange-
ment, the couriers despatched by Napoleon to all the coiuiis, to
announce the emperor's restoration to the throne of France,
had been everywhere arrested. Flahault, Napoleon's aide-de-
camp, who had previously been well received at Vienna, was
now imabl-^ to proceed beyond Stuttgart, and the despatches of
which he was tiie bearer were taken from him and sent on to
Vienna. On Fouch^'s recommendation the emperor gave secret
instructions to Montrond, a man of the world, a wit, but fond
of intrigue, and of doubtful character. He was intimate with
Talleyrand, and was supposed to have considerable influence
over that diplomatist, the most important of all to be gained
over. Kontrond had been in the army, and when made
prisQner showed his rare courage even in his transactions
with the English who detained him on board a man-of-war.
Admiral Keith, commander of the squadron, was hot-tempered
and violent, and happening one day to fall into a passion be-
fore Montrond, he told him that Frenchmen were all rascals
without any exception ; to which the prisoner immediately re-
pUed, "Englishmen are aU weU bred, my lord, with only one
exception." It was this daring and skilful man who succeeded
in reaching as far as Vienna, with instructions to carry off the
Empress Marie-Louise on certain conditions, if she seemed
willing to bring back her son to Paris. Fouch6 had added some
instructions to those of the emperor. Montrond was to speak
of the r^ency of the empresa

The course to be followed by the allies was irrevocably taken,
as Napolecm was weU aware, at the very time when he was

OT.XVII.] THE HUNDRED DATS. 165

still trying to negotiate through Montrond at Vienna, as well
as by Queen Hortense's mediation with the Emperor Alexander.
The Czar had intimate relations with her, and secured for her
children the duchy of St. Leu. On the 13th March, at the very
moment when the emperor was leaving Lyons to advance upon
Paris, the representatives of the sovereigns assembled at Vienna
signed a declaration, drawn up by Talleyrand, which was soon
after published all over Europe : —

'* Napoleon Bonaparte," said the manifesto, "by breaking the
convention which assigned him a residence in the island of
Elba, has destroyed the only legal title on which his poUtical
existence depended. By his reappearance in France, with
projects of disturbance and revolution, he has voluntarily de-
prived himself of the protection of the laws, and has proved to
the eyes of the whole world that peace or truce with him is
impossible. The powers therefore declare, that Napoleon Bona-
parte has placed himself without the pale of civil and social re-
lations ; and that, as an enemy and distm-ber of the peace of
the world he has deUvered himself up to public vengeance.
They at the same time declare that they will employ every
means and combine all their efforts in order to defend Europe
from any attempt which should threaten again to plunge the
nations in revolutionary disorder and wretchedness."

On the 25th March "the attempt" was consimimated at
Paris; the king and royal family were in flight. The allied
powers renewed with each other the treaty of Chaumont, and
began to devote their whole energies against the enemy of the
general peace. They had not in every point fulfilled their en-
gagements concluded with him on the llth April, but he on his
side had so notoriously violated them, that the shortcomings of
the other contracting parties were entirely overlooked. The
Emperor Alexander, who had been accused by his allies of be-
ing weak and fickle on accoimt of his kindness to Napoleon,
announced oi)enly that he would spend against him his last
soldier and last penny. Metternich and Wellington, with Tal-
leyrand's concurrence, used their influence against the imhappy
^ng of Saxony, to compel him to agree to his own spoliation.
The final arrangements were completed, and the allied sov-
ereigns took the title-deeds of thair new States. The Duke of
Wellington boldly undertook in the name of England to fulfil
all the engagements comprised in the treaty of the 25th March.
This procedure excited some stormy discussion in the English
Parliament, but the opposition was more apparent and theo

166 mSTORT OF FRANCE. [CH. xvtt

retical than earnest and practical. In their real hearts, with
greater moderation and respect for the national liberty, the
English wished for Napoleon's overthrow and the restoration
of the Bourbons, as much as the Austrians, Prussians, and
Russians. The habitual prudence of the Emperor Francis and
his minister, as well as a consciousness of what was due to
family considerations, modified at Vienna the national eager-
ness of Prussia, the wounded susceptibility of the Czar, and the
hereditary hate of Pozzo di Borgo. The latter gave vent to his
passion in his letters to Castlereagh. " "We left Louis XVIIL
face to face with aU the elements of revolution," he wrote;
"and when burdened with the results of our imprudence and
his own, Bonaparte came upon the scene, the army overthrew
the throne which they ought to have supported, the people
■were amazed and stupefied. They will applaud stfll more the
contrary piece when, as I trust, we shall put it on the stage.
But, if we wish for repose, we must put the king in a position
to be able to disband, the army and form a new one — to purge
France of fifly first-class criminals, whose existence is incom-
parable with, peace. The French ought to undertake the execu-
tion, and liifi allies ought to provide them with the opportimity
of keeping their word."

In presence of such passions as these, in so violent a state of
excitement, Montrond's mission had no chance of success.
Talleyrand repulsed it with friendly but firm candor. After
some short emotion on the first report of her husband's return
to France, the Empress Marie Louise still adhered as before to
the resolutions and choice which had been made at Napoleon's
abdication. She declared she would never return to the em-
peror, and preferred for her son the duchy of Parma to the
throne of France. The httle King of Rome, separated from
his mother, had already been installed in the imperial palace
at Vienna, and treated as an archduke of Austria. On the 13th
April, the Moniteur published in Paris the declaration of the
powers, which had previously been treated as an apocryphal
document. A report by Caidaincourt proved the inutility of
the efforts made with the allied powers to maintain peace.
** The emperor did not expect any important result from such
a procedure, and was but little surprised at not finding from
family ties, and sentiments, some assistance against political
interests and engagementa Without anger against any one,
and probably also without blaming himself, he understood and
accepted the position now forced upon him by his past life: 5t

OH.xvn.] THE HUNDRED DATS. t&7

was that of an unrestrained gambler, completely ruined though
stiU standing, who is playing a desperate game against all his
rivals together, with no chance left but one of those unfore-
seen strokes of luck wMch the most consummate skill cannot
bring about, but which is sometimes granted by fortune to her
favorites."*

While Napoleon was thus accepting the challenge of Europe,
and preparing to meet it, his affairs in France seemed to super-
ficial observers to proceed still more and more triumphantly.
TheDukec^Boiu-bon's attempt at an insurrection inVend^
had temporarily failed. Yitrolles fixed his headquarters at
Toulouse, to organize the attempts at resistance in the south.
The Duchess of AngoulSme was at Bordeaux, where the troops
had recently sworn fidelity to her. She reckoned upon the
royalist sympathies of the population; but General dausel was
advancing to take possession of the town in the emperor's
name. He had brought no armed force with him, but rallied
several battalions on his way, and at his approach the Blaye
garrison displayed the tricolor. On reaching the bridge of
Cubzac, which had been destroyed, the general held a confer-
ence with Martignac, the commander of the royal volunteers
at Bordeaux, and soon after destined to a more illustrious
career. The moderation of Napoleon's delegate did not con
ceal his confidence, and the increase of dissension in Bordeaux
8i)eedily proved it well-founded. The princess was soon in-
formed by her most Mthful friends of the hesitation shown in
the regiments, and the personal danger she might incur. Dis-
regarding all danger, she wished to ascertain personally the
sentiments of the troops. The left bank of the Dordogne,
recently held by the royalist outpost, was already abandoned,
and the right bank also soon after. The duchess wished an
attack to be made on the detachments seen near the river,
with tricolor cockade and flag. "Madame," replied General
Decaen, " we should certainly be taken between two fires,
that of Clausel's troops and that of the garrison."

The duchess went herself to the barracks, and walked up to
the soldiers, who were drawn up in the court. " Gentlemen,"
said she, "you are aware of the events now taking place; a
stranger has just taken possession of the throne of your law-
ful king! Bordeaux is threatened by a handful of rebels; the
national guard are resolved to defend the town, are you willing

*GhilBOt's MSmoirea, etc. vol. i.

HF (H) Vol. 8

1(18 BISTORT OF FBANOEL [CH. xnt

to assist them? I wish you to answer me frankly, yes or na
I await your reply."

Nobody spoke; and the ranks remained silent as death. The
princess again spoke : "Have you then forgotten already the
oath you so short a time ago renewed in our presence? If
there be still among you some men remaining faithful to the
king's cause, let them show themselves." A small group of
oflBcers immediately gathered before her; and the duchess, as
she looked at them said, "You are a very small niunber; no
matter, one knows at least on whom to depend. " Some voices
in the ranks called out, " We shall obey our chiefs in all orders
given for the service of the country, but we do not wish a
civil war, and will never fight against our brothers." The
princess received a similar reply fro m all the regiments which
she visited with such fearless courage. At the Chateau
Trompette, which was held by the Angouleme regiment, she
asked them, " Do you no longer acknowledge me? Do you not
call me your princess?" Then raising her eyes to heaven, as
if at the same time declaring her resolution and throwing the
disgrace of it back upon those who rendered it necessary, she
exclaimed, " Good God! how hard it is, after twenty years of
misfortune and exile, to leave one's country again ! Yet I
never ceased to pray for France, and always do it still, for I
am a Frenchwomen; but you! you are no longer French! Go!"

Murmurs of complaint were heard, and the soldiers were
themselves on the point of provoking that civil war which they
so justly feared. The Duchess of Angouleme withdrew, assur-
ing the people of Bordeaux that all she asked from their
loyalty was calm, and temporary submission. Several quar-
rels having taken place in the subm-bs, General Clausel fired
some cannon on the right bank of the river. " It is to Madame
the Duchess of Angouleme that you owe your safety," he said
next day, on taking possession of Bordeaux. "I never dared
fire upon the princess while she was writing the fairest page in
her history." It was only on the 19th April that the Duchess
of Angouleme reached the coast of England at Plymouth.

Meanwhile the Duke of Angouldme, after leaving Mont-
pellier and Nismes, had carried Pont St. Esprit on the 28th
March. On the 29th he marched to Mont^limar, and on the
2nd April forced the bridge over the Drome, which was de
fended by troops sent from Valence by General Debelle ; and
next day he took possession of Valence. At the same time^
VitroUes and his partisans were arrested at Toulouse by an

OB. xvnj TSB HUNDRED DATS. 160

inBiirrection of the troops. At Nismes, Qeneral Gflly was at
the bead of two regixoeuts who revolted ; they had been left in
the town by the Duke of Angouleme, and were encouraged by
the Protestant population to resume the tricolor. Pont St.
Esprit was retaken from the royalist volimteers, who had
charge of it. A column marching towards Grenoble, under
the oixiers of General Gardanne, also refused to obey, taking
their officers along with them. General Grouchy arrived from
Lyons, accompanied by a large number of militia-men, who
bad volunteered their services, and the Duke of Angouleme,
seeing that he was in danger of being hemmed in, evacuated
Valence, only to find the Avignon road intercepted by Gilly.
The prince was surrounded, and compelled to capitulate; he
sent Damas to wait upon General Gilley, who showed the
greatest readiness to come to terms, granting to the duke full
freedom, on condition that the regular troops should enter the
imperial service, and the volunteers be disbanded. The capitu-
lation was submitted to Grouchy for ratification, who thought
it necessary to refer it to the emperor. Napoleon's first
thoughts were in accordance with his orders to the generals
ordered to resist the princes, " Push them out." But, on hear-
ing of the dissatisfaction among the troops, and the excite-
ment of the revolutionary populations, which was shown by
great severity against the royalists, the emperor was, for a
moment tempted to retain the Duke of Angouldme; the pre-
vious despatch, however, had been forwarded hurriedly by
Baasano, and the prince, who had been well-treated dining his
retention at Pont St. Esprit, was conducted to Cette, whence
he sailed, on the 16th April, for Barcelona. Marshal Mass^na
bad decided to declare himself in favor of the empire, and on
threatening Marseilles from Toulon, to which he had retirv>d,
the municipality did not dare resist, and thus the restoration
of the empire was proclaimed throughout all the south of
Trance. The civil war was smothered ; and on the 16th April
the emperor assembled the national guard of Paris, and an-
noimced this happy result. His real object was to show them
the entire nation submissive to his laws, in order to draw them
mto the same way.

** Soldiers of the national guard," said he, " this very morn-
ing the Lyons telegraph has informed me that the tricolor- flag
floats at Antibes and Marseilles. A salute of a hundred guns,
firod on oiu* frontiers, will let the foreigners know that our
civil dissensions are at an end. I say foreigner, because as

170 EI8T0RT OF FBANCR [CH. xra,

yet we have no experience of enemies; should they assemhle
their troops we shall also assemble ours. Oiu* armies are all
composed of brave men, who have gained distinction in a him-
dred battles, and who will present to the foreigner a barrier of
iron, whilst numerous battalions of grenadiers and chasseurs
of the national guard are defending our frontiers. Soldiers of
the national guard, you have been compelled to display colors
which were rejected by France, but the national colors were
in your hearts. You swear ever to take them as a signal to
rally round, and to defend this imperial throne, the only and
natural guarantee of your rights I You swear never to suffer
strangers, over whom we have several times shown our-
selves masters, to interfere with our government ! You swear
finally to sacrifice everything to the honor and independence
of France 1"

The emperor spoke to the national guard of what then
principally filled his mind, that impending struggle with the
foreigner which had become the supreme question between
him and France, and was presently to decide the actual pos-
session of the throne. He had a deep sense, however, of other
difficulties and dangers which were less obvious and glaring
than the armies of the enemy, foreboding a threatening future,
and already beginning to destroy that union of sentiment and
purpose so indispensable to a people who inust defend their
national independence. Since his return from Elba, Napoleon
made constant efforts to become or appear hberal. He
abolished censure of the press, and restored to it perfect
liberty. "After what has been written about me for a year,"
said he, "they cannot say more against me; wherea« there
are still many charges to lay on my adversaries." He pre-
pared the "Act Supplementary to the Constitutions of the
Empire," for the purpose of absolutely modifying their charac-
ter; and, in spite of Madame de Stael's departure, it was to
her friend, Benjamin Constant, that he apphed to draw up that
important document, the latter assenting, either because he
was gained over, or from submission. Napoleon accepted in
principle the constitutional monarchy, romid which all Uberals
had rallied, while admitting beforehand the opposition he was
Kkely to meet with from the Assembhes. "With reference
to projects, I have now none but that of gaining a battle, re-
gaining our independence, and avenging the misfortune of
having seen 200,000 strangers in oiu' capital 1 and that done,
peace I When the only question left is the administration of

OH. xvn.] THE HUNDRED DATS. 171

France, I shall certainly feel no humiliation in hearing the
representatives oppose me with objections, or even refusals;
after ruling and conquering the world, there is nothing so im-
pleasant in being contradicted at home that I cannot bring
myself to submit. In any case my son will do so, and I shall
try to prepare him by my lessons and example. But let me
be allowed to conquer, only once to conquer, those sovereigns
formerly so humble, to-day so arrogant: that is what I ask
from God and the nation !"

'* For intelligent men," says Guizot in his M4moires, " it was
a strange sight, and in two respects somewhat ridiculous:
Napoleon and the Uberal leaders engaged in a close struggle^
not as enemies, but in order to persuade, gain over, or over-
master each other. There was no need for very close in-
spection to see that on neither side was their conference or its
discussions considered trustworthy. The one, as well as the
other, knew weU that the real struggle was not between them,
and that the question on which their fate depended would be
decided by other means than their conferences. If Napoleon
had conquered Europe, it is very certain he would not have
long remained a rival of Lafayette and disciple of Benjamin
Constant ; and as soon as he was beaten at "Waterloo, Lafay-
ette and his friends applied themselves to the task of over-
throwing him. From necessity, or of set purpose, men's real
intentions and passions are sometimes concealed in the inner>
most thoughts, but they promptly rise to the surface as soon
as they think there is a chance of reappearing with succesa
For the most part. Napoleon resigned himself with infinite
suppleness, cunning, and intellectual resource, to the comedy
which the liberals and he played tc^ether; at one time defend-
ing quietly, but obstinately, his old policy and present views;
at another gracefully abandoning them, without denying
them, and as if from courteous respect to opinions which he
did not hold. Occasionally, however, whether purposely, or
from want of patience, he violently became himself again, and
the despot, who was both son and subduer of the Revolution,
reappeared in his whole entirety. When asked to insert in
the Supplementary Act the abolition of confiscation, as pro-
claimed by the Charter of Louis XVIII., he angrily exclaimed,
* I am being forced on a x)ath that is not mine, weakened, and
fettered! France wishes for me, but is not allowed to have
me. Such an idea was excellent; it is execrable! France
asks what had become of the emx)eror'8 arm, that arm which

172 HiaroRT OF France. [ch. xvil

■he is now in want of to subdue Europe. Why should I be
told about kindness, abstract justice, natural laws? The first
law is necessity; the highest justice is the public safety I
Every day has its own difficulty, every circumstance its law,
every man his own natural character. Mine is to be not an
angel ! When peace is secured we shall see.'

" On another occasion, when engaged with the same Supple-
mentary Act with reference to the institution of the heredi-
tary peerage, he gave fuU swing to the abundant fertUity of
his ideas, and considered the question from all sides, throwing
in a multitude of opposing arguments and opinions, without
drawing any conclusion. 'Peerage is out of harmony with
the natiu^ state of men's minds ; it will offend the pride of the
army, and raise against me a thousand individual claims.
Where do you imagine I can find the aristocratic elements
which a peerage demands? Yet a constitution without an
aristocracy is only a balloon lost in the atmosphere. A ship is
directed because there are two counterbalancing forces, and the
helm finds a fulcrum ; but a balloon is the sport of a single force,
there being no fulcrum; the wind carries it away, and it is
impossible to guide it.' When the question of principles was
decided upon, and the Chamber of Hereditary Peers was
about to be appointed, he was strongly inclined to call to it
many names of the old monarchy. After mature reflection
he gave up the idea — not without regret, we are told by Ben-
jamin Constant, and declaring, ' We must nevertheless come
back to that some time, but recollections are too recent: let
us defer the matter till the fighting is over, and I can easily
have them if I am the winner.' He would have liked to ad-
journ in the same way all questions, and do nothing till his
return as winner. But liberty had returned to France along
with the Eestoration, and he himself had. just awoke the
Revolution afresh. He was face to face with those two
powers, compelled to endure them, and was now attempting to
make use of them until he should be able to conquer them."*

From an undefined but powerful sense of the eternal strug-
gle which exists between them and liberty, the revolutionary
masses were disposed to serve the Emperor Napoleon. In the
&ubourgs of Paris, the population organized a confederation,
and resolved to go to the emperor and ask leaders and arms.
He agreed to their wishes, giving them a name, "Confedr

4> Qujzot's Mimoiretf etc., toL L

CH. zvn.] THE HUNDRED DATS. 173

erates," which had no sinister associations, and their cohorts
defiled one after another across the Place du Carrousel. "I
remember," says Guizot, "meeting in the gardens of the
Tuileries a group of about a hundred of the confederates, of
rather disreputable appearance. They gathered imder the
windows of the palace, shouting ' Long live the emperor 1 ' and
trying to persuade him to show himself. After keeping them
waiting a long time a window at last opened, and he ap-
peared and waved his hand to them ; but almost at the same
instant the window closed, and I plainly saw Napoleon shrug
his shoulders as he retired, much annoyed no doubt at having
to take part in demonstrations the character and importance
of which were disagreeable to him." A similar movement
took place in several provinces, that in the west taking the
form of reprisals for the hostilities of the Vendeans and
" Chouans." The civil war again broke out.

Meantime the Supplementary Act had been completed, and
was published on the 22nd April. The Uberals asked for an
entirely new constitution, which should confer upon Napoleon
the imperial crown by the will of the nation, on condition that
that condition was fulfilled. Napoleon when proclaiming it
did not thus imderstand the sovereignty of the people. "You
deprive me of my past," he said to his experts; "I wish to
keep it. What would you make of my eleven years' reign?
The new constitution must be a continuation of the old, and
it will be the sanction of several years of glory and success."
It was on the emperor's part a proof both of his skill and pride
to maintain, both by the preamble and the very name of Sup-
plementary Act, the old empire which he was re-forming.
With the exception of the confiscation, which Napoleon did
not consent to abolish, the additional act contained in principle
all the liberties necessary, and justified the following decla-
ration of the preamble: — "The emperor wishes to give to the
representative system its full extension, while combining in
the highest degree poUtical liberty with the power necessary to
secure respect abroad for the independence of the French
people and the dignity of the throne. "

It had nevertheless the bad fortime to be unfavorably
received by all parties, except the constitutionals, who, owing
to Constant's assistance, thought they had some interest in it,
and moreover found in the new constitution several of their
dearest theories. The revolutionists were violently opposed to
this act, coxiceded by favor of the monarch, and the royalists

174 EiarORT OF FRANGB. ch. XVII.

ridiculed it as a parody of the Charter. All were certain that
the imperious will of the master would soon be manifested be-
hind the studied moderation of language, regardless of the guar-
antees granted at the moment. " Your constitution is better
than it is said to be," was said to Constant by Lafayette, who
was then much courted by partisans of the liberal empire ; " but
you must get people to beheve that ; and to bring that about, it
must be at once put in force." The promulgation of the Addi-
tional Act took place on the 1st June at the Champ de Mai,
with a great display of the old imperial pomp — a useless and
painful reminiscence of the times when the glory of victory
made amends for demonstrations which were frequently
puerile. The Chambers were immediately convoked, and on
the 7th June the emperor himself gave the oath to the new
members. "Gentlemen of the Chamber of Peers, gentlemen
of the Chamber of Representatives," said he, "three months
ago circumstances and the confidence of the people reinvested
me with an unlimited power. To-day the most urgent desire
of my heart is fulfilled ; I am about to begin the constitutional
monarchy. Men are powerless to guarantee the future; insti'
tutions alone secure the destinies of nations. The monarchy is
necessary in France to guarantee the Hberty, independence,
and rights of the people. I aspire to see France enjoy all the
liberty possible,— I say possible, because anarchy always
brings back absolute government. A formidable coalition of
kings have a spiteful hatred against our independence, and
their armies are arriving on our frontiers. ... It is possible
that the first duty of a prince will soon call me at the head
of the children of the nation in order to fight for our country:
we will do our duty, the army and I. As for you, peers and
representatives, show the nation an example of confidence,
energy, and patriotism; and, like the senate of the great
people of antiquity, be determined to die rather than survive
the dishonor and degradation of France. The holy cause of
our country will triumph 1**

The WSJ* had already begun, and the Emperor Napoleon pre-
pared to set out under sorrowful and painful auspices. With
few friends about him in his palace, often reduced to the
society of Queen Hortense and Lavalette, who had become a
&,vorite with him, he left to his brothers Joseph and Lucien a
certain amount of political action. They undertook of their
own accord to flatter and gain favor with the Chambers.
Joseph was partly lespousible for the disaster which had fallen

OL XTIL] THE HUNDRED DATS. 175

upon one member of the imperial family. Before leaving
Switzerland, where he had recently taken refuge, he wrote to
Murat, urging him to join the emperor and join his forces to
his. *' Reassure the Austrians, in order to separate them from
the coalition," said he. "Talk and act as your heart dictate;
march to the Alps, but do not cross them." Murat, through
the intervention of the Princess Borghese, had already been
reconciled to Napoleon, but the latter carefully advised him
not to begin hostilities. But the excitable and fickle-minded
King of Naples became inflamed with a return of warlike
ardor, and having collected 50,000 men crossed Italy, causing
much confusion. The Pope withdrew to Grenoa as well as the
TTing of Sardinia, and the Grand-Duke of Tuscany set out for
Leghorn. Murat then, without consulting the emperor, or
making any reference to France, proclaimed himself King of
Italy, promising Italian unity aa the result of that new author-
ity. After several days' stay at Bologna, hesitating and
uncertain about his march, he saw his troops, who were still
more undecided, gradually disperse; and when he joined
battle with the Austrians at Tolentino and Macerata, he was
completely beaten. Returning to Naples in disguise, the
unhappy king said to his wife, who had disapproved of the
enterprise, " Madame, don't be astonished to see me still alive;
I did everything I could to die." All chance of victory or
revolution being lost, Murat set sail for Provence. Queen
Caroline came to terms with the Austrians and EngUsh, and
the house of Bourbon again ascended the throne of Naples.
The dethroned king having asked leave from Napoleon to join
him, received orders to remain in the department of Var. His
wife and children were conducted to Trieste, in spite of the
engagements entered into by the Austrians. Queen Oaroline
merely claimed the right of personal freedom.

Thus fell to pieces the last of the thrones raised in Europe by
Napoleon for members of his family, a few days before the
commencement of the great struggle which was to decide his
fate as well as that of France, so imprudently identified with
his destinies. The military preparations, as well as was
possible within so short a time, were at last completed : and on
12th Jime the Emperor Napoleon left Paris, anxious about the
state of afEairs in the interior, the excited and confused state
of men's minds, and that test of a new form of government
which was about to be tried in painful and difficult circum-
gtances. He had information of all the intrigues carried on

176 HI8T0R7 OF FRANCE. [ch. unt

about him or abroad, by some of his own servants even, under
Fouch^'s direction- "You will not succeed in governing the
Chambers," he said to his ministers on the eve of his depar-
ture. " If I dont soon gain a battle they will eat you all up,
however big you may be. Fouch6 thinks that assembUes are
ruled by gaining over several old members, by finding their
price, and flattering several yoimg enthusiasts; but he is
wrong. That is intrigue, and intrigue does not go far. In
England, though those means are not absolutely neglected,
they have others, much greater and more important Pitt
used to govern the Chambers by a movement of the eyebrow,
and Castlereagh still does the same. Ah 1 if I had the same
tools to work with, I should not fear the Chambers. But have
I nothing similar? At present, we must get out of the dif-
ficulty as we best can. If I am victorious, we shall easily
compel everybody to confine himself to his prerogatives; if I
am conquered, God only knows what wiU become of you and
myself!" Even when signing the act constituting the Council
of Government, he still repeated "Ah I it is indispensable for
you that I should gain a battle I"

The whole of Europe was waiting for that battle — ^that day
which was to decide the fate of all. For more than a month the
belligerents had paraded their forces, and Napoleon made
unparalleled efforts to fill up the gaps caused by the reductions
of the Restoration. He had foimd 180,000 men under arms,
and by calUng out soldiers on leave and retired veterans,
brought up the efl&cient forces to 288,000. He still awaited the
levy of 1815, the mobilized national guards— resources of no
use on entering a campaign. The line, therefore, who alone
were really fit for service, had to supply the wants of the
interior, as well as face the dangers on the frontiers. Only
180,000 fightingmen marched under the emperor's orders.
The nucleus of the army was still composed of old troops
accustomed to the hardships of war; even then and in the
midst of those insufl&cient forces, a certain number of recruits
marched for the first time against the enemy. France had
not had an opportunity of resting after the efforts which had
lasted for twenty-five years. '* The moment is at hand to
conquer or perish," said Napoleon to his soldiers on the 14th
Jmie, when reaching hig head-quarters at Avesnes.

The forces of the allies had long been prepared. Wellington,
resting on Brussels as the basis of his operations, counted about
100,000 men under his orders. BlUcher, cantoned aroimd Li^

«. xm.] THE HUNDRED DATS. 177

with 120,000 soldiers^ excited their ardor by his insatiable pa»-
sion. The Russians, Aiistrians,\and secondary powers of (Ger-
many, formed on the east an army of 300,000 combatants,
which was still further from the theatre of war, and could not
enter upon the campaign before the middle of July. The em-
peror was informed of this situation of the enemy, and drew out
his whole plan of operations accordingly. He resolved to take
the offensive immediately, in order not to have upon his hands
at once the armies of the north and east. He proposed therefore
to throw himself between the Prussians and the English, and
then beat them, successively and separately, with an army of
about the same strength as those of Bliicher and Wellington
taken separately. It was with this object that he ordered a
concentration of troops on the northern frontiers, Beaumont
being chosen as centre. On the evening of the 14th all the
corps had come up, with only thick forests between them and
the enemy, from whom they concealed our movements. The
ardor of the soldiers was extreme. ' ' The excitement of the
troops," wrote General Foy on that (tate in his military jour-
nal, "is not that of patriotism, or enthusiasm, but an actual
madness to fight for the emperor and against his enemies ; no
one ilurrks there is any question about the triiraiph of France.**
Napoleon had fully decided to march immediately upon the
enemy. The Duke of Wellington had labored to moderate
Bliicher's impetuosity by showing him the necessity of com-
bining his operations with those of the eastern army, in order
to invade the French territory on all points at once. His main
object was to protect the new kingdom of the Netherlands, as
that of the Prussians to defend the Rhenish provinces. The
Duke of Wellington's brilliant staff had a constant succession
of balls and entertainments at Brussels, where the great Eng-
lish general remained in case of an attack by the sea-coast.
On the night of the 14th, Charleroi, being insuflSciently de-
fended by the Prussians, was carried by Generals Pajol and
Rogniat; and other corps having crossed the Sambre at Mar-
chiennes, the enemy fell back on Quatre-Bras and Fleurus.
The emperor thus foimd himself placed between the two
armies of the enemy, and advanced towards Namur, the road
to which was barred by General Ziethen. Resolving to pre-
vent the movements of the English, which could only be
effected by the Quatre-Bras road, Napoleon at once took meas-
ures to take this important post from the Prussians. Marshal
Ney had lust arrived unexpectedly ; there being some embar-

178 HISTOST OF FRANCE. [ch. vm.

rassment in their relations, the emperor had sent him on a
mission to the frontier without any further orders. When
Ney took part in the Champ de Mai ceremony, Napoleon dryly
saluted him with, "Ahl there you are; I thought you had
gone abroad 1"

He had now need of the marshal in the great engagement
which was about to take place, and immediately entrusted him
with the command of the left wing, enjoining him to husband
his forces carefully, without, however, neglecting the effort
necessary to occupy Quatre-Bras. "Do you know this post?"
asked the emperor. * ' I certainly ought to know, " rephed Ney ;
" I served in a campaign here in my youth, and remember that
it is the point where all the roads meet." "Exactly so," con-
tinued Napoleon; " take possession of it; the English might by
means of it join the Prussians."

The emperor at the same time himself advanced towards
Gilly, to carry the Prussian position near the river Soleilmont.

During his long military career. Marshal Ney held the char-
acter of being brave even to extreme rashness. On the 15th
June, 1815, in presence of the perilous position of the army and
France, he showed hesitation and fear, and, believing that he
was threatened by superior forces, did not dare to advance as
far as Quatre-Bras; but leaving a division at Frasnes, at about
a league from the post he was to occupy, returned to Charleroi
for new orders. Our forces were thus scattered, and the em-
peror ordered a concentration in the plain of Fleurus on the
morning of the 16th, Marshal Ney's coi-ps being still ordered to
occupy Quatre-Bras. The orders were somewhat late. Gene-
ral Gerard's corps were much grieved at the departure of Gene-
ral Bourmont, who had formerly, after being leader of the Nor-
man "Chouans," served the emperor and then King Louis
XVin. Wishing to continue his career, he had again entered
the service during the Hundred Days till he was influenced by
fresh insurrections in Vendee, and withdrew to Ghent. " The
Blues are always blue, and the Whites always white," said
Napoleon on hearing this news.

A-t noon he arrived with the army near the village and
stream of Ligny. The Prussian masses deployed before us to
defend the highway leading from Namur to Brussels. There
were three villages on its banks, St. Amand-le-Hameau, St.
Amand-la-Haye, and St. Amand the Greater. The generals
inspected that the English were near, but Napoleon said they
fX)uld not iiA<re yet arrived, that at the very most the advanced

CH. xvn.] THE HUNDRED DA TS. IW

guard might have attacked Ney at Quatre-Bras. He was now
waiting for the signal of attack which was to have been given
by his illustrious lieutenant's cannon ; he had ordered him to
fall on the Prussians' rear, after occupying the point where the
roads met. When no cannon-shot was heard, Napoleon at laslf
ordered the attack at half-past two, carrying immediately St.
Ainand the Greater and St. Amand-la-Haye. There was a
keenly-contested struggle in the village of Ligny. After tak-
ing most of the houses, our soldiers could not pass beyond the
village, because the Prussians' reserves were ranged out in an
amphitheatre on the heights as far as the Windmill of Bry.
The emperor had already twice sent an order to Ney to hurry
his march, in order to execute the backward movement which
he had already indicated. Forbin-Janson carried the follow-
ing letter from the major-general; " Marshal, the engagement
of which I gave you notice is very important; the emperor
commands me to say that you are to manoeuvre immediately
so as to surround the enemy's right and fall sharp on his rear.
The Prussian army is lost if you act with vigor; the fate of
France is in your hands."

The greatest of all misfortunes for an illustrious warrior is to
find himself in a critical juncture inferior to the resolution de-
manded by necessity. Ney had this misfortune on the day of
Quatre-Bras, whatever personal heroism he may have dis-
played. After receiving late information of the movements of
the French, the Duke of Wellington, after giving his army
orders to march, secretly left Brussels in the midst of a grand
ball given by the Duchess of Richmond, and hurried to Quatre*
Bras with Count Perponcher and several oflficers of his staflE.
On being informed of his arrival, Ney, who was already in
hesitation when face to face with the small army of the Prin?e
of Saxe- Weimar, believed that he was about to be attacked by
the whole English army. Greneral Reille was seized with the
same apprehension, and had not advanced with his corps be-
yond Gosselies. Count Erlon, who was placed in rear, was
ordered to make two contradictory movements. The emperor
had coromanded him to march on the mill of Bry, and after he
had taken that direction, Ney insist^ed on his coming to his as-
sistance. He was impatiently expected at Ligny when he turned
to go back, and thus deprived the gallant defenders of the vil-
lage of the support necessary to complete their victory. After
losing most valuable time in marching and counter-marching,
Erlon arrived at Quatre-Bras too late to assist Marshal Ney.

180 BISTORT OF FRANCE. [CH. xvn.

Blood flowed in torrents in the plain of Fleunis, and the battle
assumed quite a new character of ferocity. The movement
upon the Prussian rear not being executed, the emperor ordered
a fresh manoeuvre which at last compelled the enemy to evacu-
ate the positions which had been so many times taken and
retaken during the day. The Prussians retired, leaving a
large number of dead on the blood-stained field. The high road
from Namur to Brussels remained in our hands, but the enemy
were allowed to retreat unmolested. No news had arrived
from Quatre-Bras when the emperor returned to Fleurus at
about eleven o'clock in the evening, leaving his troops to
bivouac on the plain, exhausted as they were with march-
ing and fighting. The battle was gained most creditably,
but Napoleon waited for the report of Marshal Ney's opera-
tions.

It was three o'clock before Ney made up his mind to attack
the 20,000 men of the English army who had just arrived at
the important post which he was directed to occupy. 'After
allowing them time to take up their position before him, he
charged all along the line : and attacked by a trouble to which
he was entirely unaccustomed on the battle-field, he persist-
ently tried to break the English lines, hurling upon them charge
after charge of cavalry with complete success at several points;
but he was finally repulsed by the unyielding obstinacy of the
enemy. At six o'clock Wellington received a reinforcement of
10,000 men; and a last attempt by Valmy's cuirassiers having
failed upon Quatre-Bras, the marshal determined to remain on
the defensive, and held his ground about Frasnes with heroic
courage. Advancing on foot in the midst of his soldiers, Ney
felt bitterly the uselessness of his efforts. As the bullets
whistled round him like hail, the illustrious soldier muttered
sadly, *' Would to heaven they were all in my body I"

The English, however, had been detained at Quatre-Bras the
whole day, and were thus unable to bring assistance to the
Prussians. Napoleon took this into account, and made due
allowance for it, when the marshal informed him of the results
of the battle. He at once sent him orders to advance towards
Brussels, the direction which he intended to take himself. He
hoped to fight the English in front of the forest of Soignies,
without leaving them time to rally the Prussians. Marshal
Grouchy* with the right wing, was at the same time ordered to
watch the Prussians, pursue them and keep them apart from
the English, whilst the emperor with his centre and left winit^.

0B. xvn.] THE HUNDRED DATS. 181

gtdll amounting to 70,000 men both together, should advance
against the Duke of Wellington.

On the 17th the whole day was occupied with the various
movements necessary to come up to the enemy. A violent
storm hindered the march, soaking the fields and rendering
the transport of artillery extremely difficult. After staying
some time at Quatre-Bras, the Duke of Wellington had fallen
back upon the position on the height of St, Jean. He de-
spatched an aide-de-camp to Marshal Bliicher, to know if he
could reckon upon being supported by one of his corps. "At
one o'clock I shall be on the ground," replied the old hero, who
on the previous evening had been trod under the horses' feet
during the battle of lagny; "if the French don't make an at-
tack on the 18th, we shall certainly attack them on the 19th. "
In spite of their heavy losses, all the Prussian corps had rallied
roiuid Wavre, at four hours' distance from the English.

The emperor's last verbal instructions to Grouchy were
" above everything push the Prussians forward vigorously and
keep up constant communication with me by your left." Dur-
ing the whole day, on the 17th, the marshal, being led astray
by indications which he had misunderstood, sought in vain for
the Prussians, thinking they had marched towards the Bhine.
In the evening the emperor sent him new instructions; " Pur-
sue the Prussians with only one detachment, if they are on the
road to the Rhine ; do the same if they are marching upon
Brussels. If they are xKMted in front of the forest of Soigniee,
keep them together and occupy them, while you detach a
division to take the left wing of the Eiiglish in rear.** This
order was as precise as it was prudent and masterly, and the
fate of the day depended on its execution. Marshal Grouchy .
declared till the day of his death that he never received it. By
an unfortunate neglect the message was not sent more than
once, and over the confined area where the destinies of the
world were then being decided there were numerous small de-
tachments of the enemy. From Grouchy's personal report
which arrived during the night, Napoleon felt somewhat con-
fident that Grouchy had himself anticipated the manoeuvre.
His only fear now was lest the English should escape him by
plunging into the forest of Soignies, and the two hostile armies
effect a junction behind that thick curtain of verdure. At
night, when out on a difficult reconnoitering expedition, tmder
rain and cannon-shot, on suddenly coming in sight of the fires
of the English behind Mont St. Jean, he exclaimed with heroio

182 mSTORT OF FBANCB. [ch. xm.

joy, "Ah! I have them, those English! "We have nine
chances out of ten against them!" "I know them well, sire,"
repUed Major-General Soult; "there are no troops to match
them for the defensive ; they will die on the sjwt, without stir-
ring an inch." "I know aU that," said the emperor, "but I
shsdl manoeuvre. " He went to bed at his bivouac at the village
of Rossomme ; he slept, and the Duke of WeUington also re-
posed. The rain still continued faUing. When Napoleon rose
before daybreak, the clouds seemed to be going off, and Gren-
eral Drouot assured him that in five or six hours the ground
would be firm enough to bear the weight of the artillery.
"That will give Grouchy time to arrive," said the emperor.
It was Bliicher who gained by the attack being delayed.

I have no intention of entering upon a minutely detailed ac-
count of that keenly contested battle, so often described by
eye-witnesses with contradictory statements and conclusions.
The battle-fields extended over a space of nearly a league, from
the old chateau of Hougoumont on the right to La Haie-Sainte
on the left. It was crossed by the highway from Brussels to
Charleroi. Wellington occupied the small village of Waterloo,
atsome distance from the road passing in front of the farm of
Mont St. Jean. The French army was grouped round the vil-
lage of Belle- Alliance and the hamlet of Eossomme. The Eng-
lish positions were partly protected by the slope of the height,
the summit of which was provided with formidable artillery.
They had held their posts for some time ; were well rested and
fed, and quite prepared to endure the fight, as in the fatal days
of the ancient struggles between the two nations at Crecy or
Agincourt. The French came to the battle without having
taken time to renew their strength by several hom« of rest;
the ardor which animated them was suflBcient for every effort.
The Enghsh general had taken the precaution to post a body of
reserve on the road from Mens to Brussels, and had written to
King Louis XVIII. to withdraw to Antwerp in case the French
should march upon Ghent. The long trains of ambulance
wagons which had gone to the capital with the wounded had
meantime caused much excitement and alarm there, and the
English, who were very numerous, were making preparations
t« leave it. Brussels was awaiting in terror the triumphant
arrival of the Emperor Napoleon.

The fighting, however, was not begun before eleven o'clock,
•when Jerome Bonaparte's corps attacked the hedges, walls,
and defences of the ch§,teau of Hougoumont. The English

CKTvn.] THE SUNDRBD DATS. 188

were dislodged from it, and the building set on fire, with a
body of foot guards still in possession of the main court.

It was round La Haie-Sainte, however, that the fighting
raged with greatest fury. A charge of English cavalry had
forced through Ney's battalions, carrying off his batteries, cut-
ting the horses' traces, and sabring the cannoniers and artillery-
men. On Napoleon sending reinforcements the fighting again
began. Wellington, motionless under a tree, listened to the
bullets and balls which crashed through the branches over his
bead: "Well directed," said he; "they did not aim so weU as
that in Spain." Marshal Ney was now master of La Haie-
Sainte, and wished to push forward on the Brussels road, but
already the practised eye and foreseeing genius of Najwleon an-
ticipated the approach of the Prussians. No news had been re-
ceived from Grouchy, and it was necessary to stop the new ene-
mies who were advancing. Count Lobau was entrusted with
this duty, and took up a position parallel to the Charleroi high-
way. At three o'clock the Prussians were on the ground, having
easily crossed the thick woods which had been left undefended
on account of Grouchy's arrival being expected. They inunedi-
ately joined in the fighting; and, before going himself to this
j)art of the battle-field, the emperor, who had no more infantry
at his disposal, sent General Milhaud's cuirassiers to Ney, with
instructions to wait for his orders before charging the English
centre. On his way, Milhaud said to Lef ebvre-Desnouettes, who
was in command of the hght cavalry of the guard, " I am going
to charge ; support me. " Without waiting for other orders, the
general put his corps in movement, and a terrible mass of men
and horses advanced to the front. Ney, full of joy, and the
hope of a great triumph in his eyes, exclaimed, " I undertake,
entirely alone, to put an end to the English army I" And with-
out waiting a moment in his unrestrainable impatience, he
ordered the attack, at the moment when the Duke of Welling-
ton had just reformed his lines which were shaken by serious
losses: the batteries had been abandoned. A first charge of
oiu* cavalry having failed at this point, the second charge
forced the ranks of the English brigade and drove them back
violently upon the second line of infantry; the confusion be-
came general. Scarcely had the corps of Lef ebvr»-Desnouettes
arrived, when Ney hurled them into the furnace of battle,
where each soldier, "being only witness of his own feats of
prowess, could not teU how the fate of the day inclined." One
after another the corps of the Elnglish cavalry came to measiire

184 mSTOST OF FRANOB. Jch. rm.

strength with our cuirassiers, fighting with a keen determina-
tion as unconquerable as the courage of their general. Ney,
with his hat and clothes torn by bullets, mounting one horse
as soon as another fell under Mm, always as inaccessible to
fear as to death, rushed forward in the van of his soldiers;
asking from the emperor the cuirassiers and grenadiers of the
guards which he had not yet given. Napoleon beheld at a dis-
tance this terrible combat, begun without his orders. "It is
too soon," said he; " too soon by an hour 1" He ordered, how-
ever, the movement asked by Ney, who himself led the rein-
forcements to the attack, with shouts of "Long live the Em-
peror!" Once again the English lines were broken, but they
re-formed again after each charge, frequently hemming in
some of our cavalry in their fatal circle. Wellington had on
his side sent forward all that remained of his cavalry. Thus,
one after another, all the corps were engaged in this ever-
renewing struggle. Ney, more ardent and indefatigable than
when the fighting began, in a transport of heroism and despair,
asked for the infantry of the guard in order to triumph at last
over the English resistance. " If we don't die here imder the
English bullets," said he to Greneral d'Erlon, "there is nothing
left for you and me but to fall miserably under those of the
emigrants !" The emperor had shrugged his shoulders and said,
" Infantry 1 where does he think I can get any? You see what
I have on hand, and look at what I have still to cope
with .... 1" In fact, Bulow's corps of 20,000 against Lobau's
10,000 soldiers were now being joined by the masses of Bliicher's
army, fresh for the fight, and the old Marshal himself had al-
ready arrived on the battle-field.

It was an essential part of Wellington's plan to wait for this
assistance, every moment more and more necessary. Greneral
Picton had been killed at the head of the left wing, and when
General Kemp, who replaced him in command, sent to ask the
general-in-chief for reinforcements, Wellington repUed, "Tell
him that I have no reinforcements to send him. He and I and
all the Englishmen here have only one thing to do, to die at
our posts." " Hold firm, 95th," he said, a few minutes pre-
viously, under the attack of Milhaud's cuirassiers; " what will
they say in England if we give way?" " Don*t be afraid, sir,"
replied the soldiers, "we know our duty." "This is hot
work," repeated the Duke twice, as he threw himself within
one of the squares which had just been formed to meet a
charge of the French cavalry, " but we shall stand it out !"

mrrtt} THE HUNDRED DATS. , 188

In every part of this battle-field, so obstinately contested,
there was displayed the same enthusiasm, ardent or re-
strained, fuU of passion and determination to win the victory.
The emperor himself rallied the young guard when giving way
before the Prussians, and ordered two battalions of the old
guard to support them. ' ' My dear fellows," said he, " now is
the critical moment; shotting is no longer of any use; you
must close with the enemy, man to man, and throw them down
at the point of the bayonet into the gully from which they
have come to threaten the army, the empire, and France !"
" Long live the Emperor!" shouted the grenadiers in reply, as
they drove back the Prussians for a long distance, and crossed
in their turn the gulf which lay between. In the distance ap-
proached Bliicher's soldiers. Ney loudly called for the in-
▼incible veterans, who alone might decide the victory, and
gupported by General Friant, he at last hurled them forward
upon the Ehiglish centre. That was the decisive moment.
General Hill, who had just joined Wellington, said, "You may
be killed here, what orders do you leave me?" "To die on the
spot to the last man, so that the Prussians may be all on the
ground," replied the invincible leader of the English army.

Meanwhile Grouchy had not arrived, and the Prussians
were all at hand. After Ney's heroic imprudence, and the
absence of reinforcements which might turn the tide of battle,
the emperor had only one more chance to try, that of crushing
the centre of the English army. To meet the attack of the old
guard, Mortlaiid's regiment, who had been lying on the ground
on the plateau by Wellington's order, suddenly rose and fired
their muskets when almost touching their opponents. General
Friant was wounded, and some squadrons of English cavalry,
now relieved by the approach of the Prussians, charged in their
tarn. Our heavy cavalry were destroyed, and only 400
chasseurs of the guard remained at the disposal of the em-
peror. They rushed against the hostile tide which was ever
advancing, but were everywhere out-munbered. The cuiras-
siers who held Mont St. Jean found themselves compelled to
fall back to avoid the danger of being separated from the main
body, and D'Erlon's corps were dispersed at the same time.
Wellington had taken the offensive. Night being come, the
soldiers could no longer distinguish the emperor, from whom
alone they now derived confidence. The terrible suspicion of
treachery pervading their minds, the ranks were becoming
conscious of defeat. There was no ^onger any reserve in the

J86 BISTORT OF FRANCE. [oh. xvn

rear, the Prussians had forced our lines at Plancenois, and
were all on the battle-field. The guard alone still resisted,
forming in squares which kept constantly contracting as death
made larger and larger gaps in their ranks. One cry was in
the mouths of aU, the expression of the single thought in all
their hearts, whoever may have first chosen the words:
"The guard dies, and never surrenders!" "Let none of us
surrender 1" was still repeated by the soldiers when there were
not more than 150. The English fired with grape-shot upon
this fortress of unconquerable hearts and arms. The wounded
and dying took refuge behind the lines that were still stand>
ing. A final charge with the bayonet, urged by heroic despair
and passion, signalized the last effort of the old guard. The
emperor watched them from a distance, in the midst of the
rushing and raging tide of battle. "All is lost; they are
mixed together I" said he, when he saw the hairy hats of his
grenadiers confounded with the English horses and soldiers.
The confusion and rout were becoming general. Marshal Ney,
after rallying the remains of the Durutte division, said to
them, " Come, my friends, and see how a marshal of France
dies 1" and led them again to face the enemy, while the com-
mander of the EuUi^re battalion detached the eagle from their
standard and concealed it imder his jacket. After a fifth horse
had been killed under him, he headed the charge on foot, but
without finding the death which he sought, and without re-
ceiving a single wound. A square of the 1st regiment of
grenadiers surroimded the emperor with their ranks, and drew
him to a distance from the battle-field. Not a word waa
spoken. On the Charleroi road, which was a crowded scene of
frightful disorder, men flying and pursuing, foot soldiers and
horse soldiers wounded and dying, all hurried on or fell in a
confused mass. Wellington's aides-de-camp tried to draw him
out of the danger in which he stood of being shot by both
friends and foes. "What does it matter?" said the English
general, as impassible in victory as during the fight, "let
them fire as they like, the battle is gained 1"

The Emperor Napoleon alone said a few words to tile soldiers
who were protecting him. His brother Jerome and the major-
general marched by his side. No one knew what had become
of several of the generals: some were killed, and a large num-
ber wounded, and more than 20,000 French soldiers remained
on the battle-field. The Prussians had given no quarter. The
Elnghsh showed hmnanity to the woxmded. "Leave it all to

OLXTiLj THB HUNDRED DATS. 18?

me," said Bliicher to Wellington, when the two leaders of the
allied army met between Belle- Alliance and Plancenois. " I
undertake the pursuit." A large number of the flying soldiers
fell into the hands of his cavalry. Fortunately fatigue obliged
them to halt at the small river Dyle. The Belgians every-
where received the escaping army with kindness.

The emperor advanced to Charleroi, whence he set out for
Laon, ordering Jerome and Soult to lead the remains of the
army towards that town. By a despatch sent in search of
Marshal Grouchy, he was informed of the disaster, and ordered
to retreat upon Namur. The orderly who carried the message
met the marshal and his corps between Wavre and LimaL
The previous evening they had made an ineflfectuaJ attack on
Wavre, and General Q«rard was severely wounded; yet
though certain of death, he tried, with General Vandamme's
concurrence, to persuade their chief to march to the noise of
cannon at Waterloo, which thundered in the distance.
Nothing now remained for him but to obey the emperor's in-
structions, as he ran the risk of being surprised by the victor-
ious enemy, and thus adding a new misfortune to the deplora-
ble position of affairs. He commenced the march towards
Laon with his corps, saying repeatedly to his lieutenants,
"When you see my orders, gentlemen, you will admit that I
could not act differently from what I have done."

It was the end, and everybody knew it ; none better than the
Emperor Napoleon. He had risked on one cast of the die his
fortune and his empire, but fate had betrayed him. He vainly
made a final effort to enumerate the resources still at his dis-
position. When he reached Paris, on the evening of the 20th,
urged by his councillors to return to his capital, and sorry to
leave the army, he for a moment gave vent to his bitter dis-
appointment before Caulaincourt. ' ' The army fought magnifi-
cently," said he; " they were seized by a panic terror, and all
was lost : Ney acted like a madman ; he made me massacre my
cavalry. I am quite knocked up, and must have two hours'
rest before I do anything. I am choking 1" While a bath was
being prepared he said, " I shall at once assemble the two
chambers in special session ; I have no longer an army or a
single musket ; my only resource is the coimtry. I hope the
representatives will second me when they feel the responsibility
which rests upon their heads."

The Duke of Vicentia made no reply. He had in vain tried
to enlighten the emperor as to the state of public opinion in

188 BISTORT OF FBANGB. [cH. xva

Paris and the Chambers. The rumor of the disaster had spread
over the capital, in spite of the lying message read by Regnault
de St. Jean in the tribune of the representatives. For three
days every battle had been represented as a brilUant victory,
and on the 21st the minister of state announced that a great
battle had been fought four leagues from Brussels ; that the
English army, after fighting the whole day, had been obliged
to yield up the field, when some traitors by spreading alarm
caused a state of disorder which the presence of his Majesty
could not rectify ; that some serious disasters were the result,
but that his Majesty having come to Paris to confer with his
ministers as to the means of restoring the material of the army,
also intended to consult the Chambers as to what legislative
measures present circumstances demanded.

No one considered the result of such false statements, not
even those who suggested them. The emperor was aware of
the distrust with which several leading representatives were
animated against him. On the day after the elections they
chose Lanjuinais to be president, as a living proof of their in-
dependence, and Napoleon felt greatly annoyed. During his
absence, men's minds became more and more uneasy. The
reports of Camot, Caulaincourt and especially that of Fouch6
on the home and foreign aflEairs of France, had aggravated the
alarm, without throwing the representatives into the em-
peror's arms. When discussing the reply to the speech from
the throne, LepeUetier, an old "terrorist," proposed that the
title " saviour of the country" should be conferred upon the
emperor. *'But wait till he has saved it!" exclaimed Dupin,
then quite young.

Every hour the chance of safety seemed more doubtfuL On
the 2l8t of March, at the opening of the session, La Fayette
mounted the tribune and said, " Gentlemen, when for the first
time during many years I raise a voice which the older friends
of liberty will still recognize, I feel that I am called to speak
to you of the dangers of our country, which you alone at
present have the power to save. Sinister rumors have spread
. . . . , and they are unhappily confirmed. The moment has
now come for us to rally round our old tricolor flag of '89, the
flag of liberty, equality, and public order, and it is this only
which we have to defend against foreign pretensions and ex-
ternal aggression. Permit, then, a veteran of this sacred
cause, who has never known party-spirit, to submit to you a
few preliminary resolutions the necessity of which I trust you

m. xm.] THE HUNDRED DATS. 189

will appreciate :— The chamber of representatives declaree the
national independence to be in danger; it declares its sittings
permanent; it invites the ministers to throw themselves forth-
with upon its confidence."

The proposition was carried unanimously.

Whilst the ministers were being thus appealed to in the
chambers, they were assembled in Council with the emperor.
Marshal Davout had foimd him in his bath, his body worn out
with fatigue and his mind weighed down by misfortune, but
he had recovered his strength, announced his intention of
claiming from the country the dictatorial power which was
necessary to him at this supreme crisis. The ministers looked
at each other, confounded in the presence of the illusions
which still existed in the mind of their master. ' ' The em-
peror is wrong to count upon the chambers," said the Due
Decres, "they are resolved upon a separation from him."
Eegnault de Saint Jean d'Ang^ly expressed himself in the same
sense. " Speak frankly," said Napoleon, " it is my abdication
which they desire." "Yes, sire," replied the Minister of State,
" and if your Majesty does not tender it, the chamber will per-
haps dare to demand it."

Lucien Bonaparte now rose, always faithful in the time of
trouble to that brother whose imperial yoke he had but lately
shaken off.

Since the chamber does not appear disposed to join the
emperor in order to save France," he said, " the emperor must
save her by himself. Let him declare himself dictator, put
the country in a state of siege, and call all patriots and good
Frenchmen to its defence." "I do not fear the deputies,"
cried Napoleon, "whatever they may do; the people and
the army I have still. One word from me, and they
woidd be annihilated." At the same moment the proposal
of La Fayette arrived from the chamber. Napoleon was
troubled. " I was wrong not to dismiss all these people before
my departure," he said, "they will ruin France. Regnault
has not deceived me; I will abdicate if I must." Meanwhile,
after long uncertainty and several vain attempts at reconcil-
iation, the emperor decided upon sending Lucien as bearer of
his message to the chamber. He entered in the uniform of the
national guard, ticcompanied by Camot, Caulaincourt, Fouchd,
and Davout, and said, "Gentlemen, being appointed commis-
sioner extraordinary from his Majesty to the representatives
d the people, I come to propose to them certain means of sav-

190 EISTOBT OF FRANCE. [oh. xvn.

faag the country." He at the same time annomiced that a com-
mittee had been charged with renewing and carrying out nego-
tiations with the foreign powers with the view of putting an
end to the war. " But," added the emperor's message, "it is
necessary that there should be the most complete harmony.
I count upon the patriotism of the chambers and on their per-
sonal attachment to me."

Jay ascended the tribune. Moderate and honest by nature,
he was that day the instrument of Fouche's intrigues. In a
few simple but effective words, he asked the ministers if they
believed peace to be possible as long as the Emperor Napoleon
remained on the throne. Seeing their silence and embarrass-
ment, he rose to eloquence, and described the deplorable con-
dition of France, and concluded with a proposal that the cham-
ber should demand the emperor's abdication. In vain did
Lucien courageously attempt to defend his brother and re-
proach France for her inconstancy. La Fayette rose, and
vividly expressed the general sentiment. "Prince, you are
calumniating the nation. It is not for having abandoned Na-
poleon that posterity will be able to reproach France, but, alas,
for having followed him too far. She has followed him in the
fields of Italy, in the scorching Egyptian sands, in the burning
fields of Spain, in the vast plains of Germany, and the icy
wastes of Russia. Six hundred thousand Frenchmen sleep by
the banks of the Ebro and the Tagus; can you tell us how
many have fallen on the banks of the Danube, the Elbe, the
Nieman and the Moskowa? Alas! had she been less constant,
France wooild have saved two millions of her children; she
would have saved your brother, yom* family, us all, from the
abyss into which we are to-day being dragged, without know-
ing if we will be able to extricate ourselves from it."

The i-eal gravity of the situation bm«t upon the chambers.
It bm*st upon the Elys^ Palace in spite of the emperor's agita-
tion and changes of thought. He had received news from the
army; about 50,000 men had already rallied at Laon, and some
reinforcements could be counted upon; with the depots, some
hundred thousand men could be formed. The miUtary party
was not absolutely lost, and the impassioned obstinacy of the
great gambler was unwilling to abandon it. Two commissions
had been appointed by the chambers, charged with deliberat-
ing with the ministers upon salutary measures. The home
poUcy was' discussed, but at every motion, at every proposal,
the idea of the abdication cropped up in the propositions and

•■.xm.] THE HUNDRED DATS. igi

speeches. The representatives expected to hear it proclaimed
on the morning of the 22nd of March. When they assembled
in the hall at nine o'clock, they received a communication
from General Grenier to the effect that several negotiators had
been sent to the allies' camp charged with treating in the
name of the chambers. The germ of the abdication was con-
tained in this declaration, but the impatience of the represen-
tatives was not satisfied with this. It was said that the em-
peror still hesitated, and Fouch^'s creatures industriously dis-
seminated the fear of seeing him all at once again vigorously
take possession of power by a direct appeal to the people and
the army. Forfeiture b^an to be talked of: a vote was even
proposed. General Salignac, who had been disgraced under
the empire, craved an hour of respite for his old chief, in
order to give him time to take his resolution before voluntar-
ily laying down the proudest sceptre in the world. "If I
asked you to give him till to-morrow, or till this evening," he
said, "I could understand your objections, but one hourP
"One hourl one hourl Let him have one hour!" was the cry
from every bench. The news was immediately carried to Nar
poleon.

For a moment his pride revolted at the summons, and at the
respite allowed him. " I will not abdicate for a hare-brained
lot of Jacobins and adventurers!" he cried, " I ought to have
denounced them to the people and turned them out ; but lost
time can be made up !" Then, recovering himself, and perceiv-
ing the vanity of his hopes and the uselessness of his anger,
" Write to these gentiemen, that they need not disturb them-
selves," said he to Fouche, who took care to follow the pro-
gress of his own intrigues, "they are going to get all they
want." Fouch6 wrote to Manuel. The emperor dictated his
second abdication to Lucien Bonaparte. " Frenchmen, in com-
mencing the war to sustain the national independence, I
counted upon united efforts, united wishes, and on the concur-
rence of the national authorities. I had reasons for hoping for
success, and I braved the declarations of all the powers against
me. Circumstances appearing to be changed, I offer myself as
a sacrifice to the hatred of the enemies of France. May they
be sincere in their declarations that they have only cherished
it against my person ! My political life is over, and I proclaim
my son Emperor of the French, under the titie of Napoleon the
Second. The present ministers wiU form pro^'isionally the
council of government. The interest which I tak« in my son
HF (I) Vol. 8

192 BISTORT OF FRANCS. [CH. xvn.

compels me to invite the chambers to organize a regency by
law without delay. Unite yourselves in the interests of tho
public safety, and that you may remain an independent nation. "

The emperor did not attempt to deceive himself as to the
meaning of the step which he took in abdicating. " My sonl"
he repeated two or three times, "my sonl what a chimera I
No, no. It is not in favor of my son that I am abdicating, but
in that of the Bourbons. They at least are not prisoners at
Vienna I"

After some waverings, which for a moment seemed to be fa-
vorable to the preferment of Napoleon the Second, the chambers
ignoring that part of the emperor's message, resolved upon the
nomination of an executive committee charged provisionally
with carrying on the government. Three of its members were
to be elected by the Chamber of Representatives and two by
the Chamber of Peers. Fouch^, Camot, and G^eoeral Grenier
were inunediately chosen by the representatives, and a deputa-
tion was appointed to thank the emperor for his self-sacrifice.
" I hope my abdication will be for the good of France," he re-
plied to Lanjuinais, " but I do not expect it to be." Then, as
if to satisfy his conscience, he commended his son to his care.
" It is in his favor that I am abdicating," he said.

He repeated this to the delegates from the Chamber of Peers.
A sad and violent scene had taken place in their assembly.
Marshal Ney had arrived, still greatly distressed by the disas-
ters of "Waterloo, and declaring that all was lost and that noth
ing was left but to treat with the enemy. Greneral Drouot had
prevailed upon him not to contradict these assertions, and the
imperial message had completed the work of sowing dissension
among the peers. Lucien Bonaparte had insisted upon the
proclamation of Napoleon n., some other members had pro-
tested against this, and Lab^doy^re had flown into a passion.
" There are some people here who, lately at the feet of Napo-
leon fortunate, wish to abandon Napoleon unfortunate. If his
son is not recognized, his abdication is annulled, and he ought
to take it back. The traitors will perhaps put the finishing
touch to their intrigues with the foreigner. I see some now on
the benches who have already done so." — A tumult of shouts
had interrupted the imprudent orator, and the chamber had
appointed as members of the Executive Commission, Caulain-
court and Quinette, formerly members of the convention.

In vain did certain revolutionaries and old servants of the
empire still adhere to the notion of a regency which they could

OH. xvn.] TEB HUNDRED DATS. 193

nominate tinder the name of Napoleon II. Public opinion, bold
and steadfast in its good sense, went dead for the re-establish'
ment of the Bourbons, the emperor once out of the way.
Manuel, a young advocate of Aix, known to Fouch6, who
availed himself of his services without employing him, cleverly
dissuaded the Chamber of Representatives from a vote in favor
of Napoleon n., which might have the effect of interfering
with its liberty of action. " What party have we to fear?" he
said. " Is it the republican party? There is no reason to sup-
pose that that party longer exists, whether in heads devoid of
or in those matured by experience. Is it the Orleans party?
That party, doubtless, by the protection which it offers to the
principles and to the men of the revolution, would seem to
offer more chances than any other for the liberty and happi-
ness of the people ; but we know that it has not many opinions
on its side. Finally, is it the royalist party ? Every one opposes
it in the chamber, and we are generally agreed ujwn the prom-
ises of the future which it holds out to France. Nevertheless,
it cannot be concealed that, especially among men who cannot
rise above the level of their own selfish interests, there are nu-
merous followers who are devoted to it, some from remem-
brance, sentiment, or custom, others by love of peace, welfare,
and quiet enjoyment."

Manuel concluded by moving an order of the day on the
simple ground that, Napoleon II. being Emi)eror of the French
in his own right, his proclamation was not necessary. The
Chamber adopted his idea, and contented itself by appointing
Generals La Fayette and Sebastiani, Pont^coulant, Argenson
and Laf orest, to go to the head-quarters of the allies, to an-
nounce oflficially the abdication of Napoleon, and to treat for
peace. Almost deserted at the Elysee, the emperor had retired
to Malmaison, where Queen Hortense had been living since the
death of her mother (May 29, 1814). The acts drawn up by
the executive commission bore this significant title suggested
by Bouch6: " In the name of the French people."

Ever since the departing of the king, in the midst of that
coniusion of parties and opinions, there had existed on the part
of the constitutional royalists, an ardent and sincere desire to
let the fugitive monarch know the truth about the state of
France, and to convey to him useful suggestions as to the
course he should pairsue. " It was not only necessaiy to insist
upon the necessity for his persevering in the constitutional
system, and in the open acceptation of French society, such as

194 HISTORY OF FRANCE. [oB. XVJt

modem times had made it, it was necessary to enter into per*
sonal questions ; to tell the king the presence of Blacaa near
him was essentially prejudicial to his cause; to demand the
banishment of the favorite ; to call forth some act, some public
words which would serve to explain frankly the intentions of
the king before again possessing himself of the government of
his estates ; to persuade him, in fine, to trust implicitly in the
coimsels of M. de Talleyrand, with whom, moreover, at this
time, hardly any of the men who gave this advice had the
slightest relation, and for whom even the majority of them had
little liking." *

M. Guizot accepted this difficult mission, and has often been
blamed for its unfortunate conclusion. He foimd at Ghent his
friends, Jaucourt, Louis, Beugnot, Lally-Tollendal, and Mou-
rner, sad and broken-spirited, bravely struggUng against the
passions and designs, odious or ridiculous, of party-spirit. He
saw the king, calm in the midst of the storm which was raging
around him. "What troubles us, sire, is that, believing in
the re-establishment of the Monarchy, people have no confidence
in its lasting." "Why? when the great maker of revolution is
removed, the Monarchy will last. It is clear of course, that if
Bonaparte returns to the island of Elba, it will be begun afresh;
but when he is finished, revolutions will be finished too."
" There are other things to be feared besides Bonaparte, sire.
People fear the weakness of the royal government ; its vacilla-
tion between old and new ideas and interests; the disunion, or
at least the disagreement, of its ministers." Guizot mentioned
Blacas. "I will stick to everything I have promised in the
Charter," replied Louis XVllL, " what does it matter to France
what friends I keep in my palace, so long as no act emanates
from it which does not meet her views?" The battle of Water-
loo had precipitated events and rendered prompt decisions in-
evitable. The king set out for Mons ; there he got rid of Blacas,
appointed ambassador at Naples; at the same time, and while
refusing his resignation, Louis XV Hi. had coldly received
Talleyrand. This conduct was neither prudent nor clever.
Europe wished to see with whom she was going to treat, and
Talleyrand had made a great name in Vienna for success and
abiHty. On the advice of the Count d'Artois, the king directed
his steps towards Cateau-Cambresis, the head-quarters of the
English army. Pressed by Pozzo di Borgo to put an end to

*Quizot's Mimoiretpovr aervir, etc., vol. L

OB. zvn.] THE HUNDRED DATS. igft

these difficulties, the Duke of Wellington wrote to Talleyrand
at Mens. *'I greatly regret," he said, "that you did not ac-
company the king here. It is I who have eagerly persuaded
him to enter France at the same time as we do. Had I been
able to teU you the motives which have directed me in this
circumstance, I do not doubt that you would have given the
king the same advice. I hope you will come and hear them."
Talleyrand immediately joiaed the king at Cambrai. A liberal
proclamation, drawn up by Beugnot, and containing the indL
cations of a sound policy, was signed without difficulty by
Louis XVIII. Monsieiu* had protested violently, and he ob-
tained with trouble a few unimportant modifications. The
armies of the allied powers were already on the march towards
Paris. A proclamation of the Duke of Wellington, dated June
24th, announced to the French people that he entered their
country not as an enemy (except of that enemy of the human
race, with whom he could have neither peace nor truce), but in
order to aid them in shaking off the iron yoke which had op«
pressed them. Marshal Bliicher, intoxicated with the ven-
geance which he had exercised, and with that which he waa
preparing, loudly announced his int-ention of seizing and pun-
ishing Napoleon if he could get him into his clutches, without
waiting for what the allied powers should determine upon with
regard to hiuL "It will not accord with the part we have
played during these late events to debase ourselves to the trade
of the executioner," the Duke of Wellington said to him. At
Paris, Fouch6 had let Vitrolles out of prison, and charged him
with making his advances to Louis X VilL '* Perhaps we shall
not go quite straight, but we shall finish by arriving at him,"
the Duke of Otranto had said. " Have no fear for your head,
it will be put on the same hook as mine, which is, it is true, in
some very tolerable danger. All the madmen in the army
have sworn to make me out a bad lot. We are working here
in the king's service; perhaps meanwhile we shall have to go
by way of Napoleon II. and the Due d'Orleans."

" In the deplorable condition into which the enterprise of an
heroic and chimerical egotism had thrown France, there was
clearly only one course to follow, namely, to recognize Louis
XVm., to take action upon his liberal ideas, and to act in con-
cert with him in order to treat with the foreigners! This was
a duty in the interests of peace, and a course calculated to af-
ford the best chances of diminishing the evils of invasi'^n, for
Louis XYHI. alone was able to repel them with some authority.

196 BISTORT OF FRANCE. [oh. xnt

To accept without hesitation or delay the second restoration,
and to place the king between France and Europe, was the
course clearly pointed out by patriotism and common sense.
But not only was this not done, but everything was done, or
was allowed to be done, which was necessary to make the res-
toration appear the work of foreign efforts only, and to make
France, after her mihtary defeat, undergo a political and diplo-
matic one. The chamber of the hundred days lacked inteUi-
gence and resolution. It did not lend itself either to imperial
despotism or to revolutionary violence, it did not become the
instrument of any of the extreme parties, it applied itself hon-
estly to the task of holding back France on the brink of the
abyss into which they would have liked to push her; but its
policy was entirely negative, it beat about timidly outside the
harbor, instead of resolutely entering, shutting its eyes when it
reached the bar, and submitting, not through confidence, but
through weakness, to the infatuation and obstinacy of the old
or new enemies of the king. It was to these hesitations, to
these fruitless gropings of the only pubUc power then in exist-
ence, that Fouch6 owed his importance and his ephemeral suc-
cess. When honest men fail to imderstand and carry out the
designs of providence, dishonest people undertake the task.
On the spur of necessity, and in the midst of general impotence,
there always gather together certain corrupt spirits, bold and
sagacious in discovering what is likely to happen, and what
contingencies may arise ; and they make themselves the instru-
ments of a triumph which does not actually belong to them,
but by which they succeed in giving themselves airs in order
to appropriate for themselves its fruits. Such a man was the
Duke of Otranto in the hundred days. A revolutionary turned
grand seigneur, and wishing to ingratiate himself under this
double character with the old French royalty, he displayed in
the pursuit of his object all the savoir-faire and audacity of a
gamester, endowed with more foresight and wisdom than hia
fellows. " ♦ Through the endless labyrinth of these compUcated
and shameless intrigues Fouch^ marched, always with the defi-
nite view to the restoration of the Bourbons, but he required
time in order to serve his personal interests under the Eestora-
tion ; he was not anxious for the conclusion.

Others were more urgent, perhaps because they were honest
and sincere. Marshal Davout had been badly treated by the

* Chiiiot, JMmoirM powr tmnrir d VhmMr* <U mon tonyt

OL rm.} THB HUNDRED DATS. 197

court in 1814; he had at that time dipped into the military
plots, and had actively and ardently served the Emperor Na-
poleon during the hundred days. After the battle of Water-
loo, he saw France conquered, and ready to be once more torn
by civil war; he took his resolution courageously, and received
favorably the advances which Marshal Oudinot had been
charged to make to him by VitroUes. With the consent of
Fouch6 a grand council was convoked, to which were nomi-
nated the presidents, vice-presidents, and secretaries of the two
chambers. The marshal demonstrated from military reports
that the army was henceforth unfit to oppose the aUied forces;
then, as all present remained silent, he repeated : "In the light
of the tidings that have reached me from the departments, as
well as from the corps posted on the Moselle, and the Rhine, I
regard France as lost, if she does not hasten to treat with Louis
XVIII." He immediately added some conditions. The king,
he thought, ought to enter Paris without a foreign guard, ac-
cepting the national colors, guaranteeing the personal security
of every one, and the conservation of all property and appoint-
ments, and, finally, maintaining the Legion of Honor as the
principal order of the State.

The marshal thus cut the knot of the situation with a firm
hand, accustomed to serve France resolutely; the hesitations
and dislikes of the old conventionals, obstructed and delayed
the decision. They were encouraged in their opposition by the
report that certain commissioners had just been received, em-
powered to treat with the allies. Before advancing towards
Haguenau, where the allied sovereigns were at the time, they
had seen the Duke of Wellington and BlUcher at Laon, and
they had gathered some impressions rather than obtained any
categorical declarations. They transmitted to the feeble ex-
ecutive power which governed France provisionally, their
opinion that the allied princes were not absolutely opposed to
the ascension of Napoleon II., and that they did not insist upon
the restoration of the Bourbons. This assxirance circulated in
the chambers by the members of the grand council whose
wishes it flattered, increased the excitement and imcertainty.
Meanwhile the hostile armies approached Paris. The commis-
sioners of the chambers had not been allowed to come near the
sovereigns in Alsace ; they had taken the way back to Paris,
not without difficulty. Negotiators were chosen afresh, and
were charged to treat for an armistice with the victorious gen-
erals. The intrigues of Fouch^ brought them within reach of

198 mSTORT OF FBANGB. [ch, xvn,

the Duke of Wellington, who was always steady, sensible, and
favorable to the restoration, pure and simple, of the house of
Bourbon to the throne. He communicated to the commission*
era of the executive the declaration signed at Cambrai by King
Louis XVni., coimselling them to hold by the Charter of 1814,
without claiming to impose on the king any humiliating con-
ditions. A homogeneous and strongly constituted ministry
was alone necessary to assure good government. Louis
XVin. had promised to confide the direction of it to Tally-
rand. The Duke of Wellington did not conceal from the
negotiators that the advice of the Austrians and of the majority
of the aUied princes was, that they should not grant an arm-
istice, and that they should not consent to treat before occupy-
ing Paris. Already Marehal Blucher had caused the environs
of the capital to be devastated by his cavalry. He had blown up
several of the bridges on the Seine, and had posted his troops
on the left bank.

The possible defence of Paris remained the last hope of the
determined adversaries of the Eestoration. More than 60,000
men were imited under the hand, or were within the reach of
Marshal Davout. " K he would only engage in a battle," said
he, " I am ready to fight, and I hope to win." "Are you able
to answer for the victory?" slyly asked Fouch6. "Yes," re-
pUed the marshal; " if I am not killed in the first two hours."
Camot and Marahal Soult held the defence to be impossible,
even after the gain of a battle.

It was necessary to be prepared for the most painful alter-
native; with hearts full of patriotic anger and sadness, the
executive commission resolved to send plenipotentiaries to
Marshal Blucher, who had drawn nearer to Paris than the
Duke of Welhngton, in order to obtain the renewal of the arm-
istice negotiations. They behoved themselves certain of a
favorable reception. Marshal Davout, at the head of the
troops, had great difficulty in restraining their eagerness to
fight. He repressed at the same time his own indignation in
the presence of the menacing enemy. The three negotiatora,
Bignon, interim minister of foreign afiEairs, General Guille-
minot, and Bondy, perfect of the Seine, arrived, at his head-
quartera at Montrouge. They came to demand his signature
to the projects of negotiation. The excitement was as great
among the officere as among the soldiers. " Better to die
fighting than to capitulate to the aUies," reiterated the generals
grouped around their illustrious leader. But France could Tiot

«H. xrn] THB HUNDRED DATS. 199

perish like her heroic defenders. After a brief and final
reconnaissance, Marshal Davout signed, as all the members of
the executive commission had done. " I have sent a flag of
truce," he said to Bignon, "you can set out."

It was a clever thought of Pouche to direct the plenipoten-
tiaries to the head-quarters of Bliicher, who, always violently
opposed to the French, was jealous of the Duke of Wellington,
and therefore felt flattered by the appearance of the negotia-
tors in his camp. The English general, however, was not slow
in arriving. Each had taken a side, inflexible on the import-
ant points regarding which the commissioners were empowered
to treat primarily. Discussion was impossible, and the in-
structions of the sovereigns were £is summary as the decisions
of their generals. The plenipotentiaries had proposed several
plans, and they were reduced to accept conditions more un-
favorable than they could have foreseen. The French army
should evacuate Paris and the environs within three days, and
retire beyond the Loire, carrying with it its arms, artillery,
and baggage. The officers of the federates were assimilated to
the regular troops. The allies, once in possession of Paris,
should reinstate the national guard in the interior service. The
commanders of the allied armies midertook to respect and to
uphold the actual authorities as long as they were in force.
Public property should be respected, except that which had re-
lation to war. In virtue of this exception we should soon lose
all the treasures accmnulated in our museums by victory, and
which the allies had spared in 1814. Article 12 stipulated that
the persons and property of private individuals should be re-
spected ; ' ' The inhabitants and generally the individuals with-
in the capital shall continue to enjoy their rights and liberties,
without being disturbed or affected in anything relative to
the duties which occupy them or have occupied them, to their
conduct and to their political opinions." The enemy's generals
raised no objection to this article. In his declaration of Cam-
brai, King Louis XVIII. had annoimced the intention of
making some exceptions to his general clemency.

The capitulation was signed in the evening of the 3rd of July,
and at four in the following morning the plenipotentiaries re-
turned to Paris, nearly heart broken with grief, but assured in
fheir conscience that they obtained all that it was possible to
obtain from the immovable resolution of the victors. Saint
Ouen, Saint Denis, CHichy, and Neuilly had to be evacuated on
the same day; Montmartre on the 5th, the day following; and

too HISTOBT OF FRANCE. [oh. rm.

on the 6th all the other barriers of the capital were to be
handed over to the enemy. The movement of evacuation be-
gan immediately, at every moment interrupted by the pass-
ionate emotion of the army. Marshal Davout, at the head of
his corps, seconded by the honest efforts of General Drouot,
eucceeded in re-establishing order in the exasperated multitude,
ready to refuse obedience to the chiefs, whom it accused of
having dishonored it. Meanwhile the indignation was direc-
ted especially against Fouche. The soldiers of Waterloo were
still too devoted to the emperor to shift to his shoulders the
grievous weight of the misfortunes of the Fatherland.

The army had slowly taken the road for the Loire, every-
where directed by Marshal Davout. Imposing even in his mis-
fortune, he threatened the Austrians, who were preparing to
cross the boundary agreed upon on the upper Loire, and held
in check at the same time his enemies and his soldiers. He had
laid down his functions as minister of war in order to fulfil this
mournful mission, and would have no other title than that of
** general-in-chief of the army of the Loire." Thanks to the
generous advances of a rich banker, Laffitte, whose name was
destined soon to become known, he had been able partly to dis-
charge the arrears of pay due to the soldiers.

The capitulation of Paris had been facilitated by the removal
of the Emperor Napoleon from the environs. It was one of the
principal points in the instructions of the allied sovereigns that
the person of Napoleon was to be delivered up to them.
French honor shrank from this unworthy concession. Almost
alone at Malmaison, Napoleon wavered between the desire of
taking refuge in America and the idea of throwing himself on
the mercy of Eussia or England. He had finished by request-
ing that two frigates in the roads at Eochefort should be pre-
pared to take him to America. " Since the society of men is
<fenied to me," he had said, " I will take refuge in the bosom
of nature, and there I shall live in the solitude which har-
monizes with my last thoughts." Meanwhile he was troubled
by the rumors which reached him concerning the chimerical
projects of his friends as well as by the danger which threat-
ened him from the hatred of the allies. At the last moment
he proposed to the executive commission to place him again
for a few hours at the head of the troops. " The resources of
the enemy are exhausted," said he to General Beker, who was
charged at the time with guarding and protecting him, " We
can throw ourselves between them; and under my orders the

en. xm.] THE EXTHTDBED DATS. jJOl

army will fight with the courage of despair. I shall con(iuer
not for myself but for France, and I pledge the word of a
soldier to restore on the spot the authority to the Provisional
Government. I shall not keep it for a single hour after vic-
tory."

Vain projects of an ardent and solitary imagination, driven
to the last limits of an existence given up to the most unheard
of adventures! The proposal was immediately rejected by
Fouch6, who hastened the departure of Napoleon, which had
been already decided upon. On the evening of the 29th of
June, the emperor left Malmaison on the way to Rochefort,
accompanied by General Bertrand, the Due de Rovigo, and
General Gourgaud. All his relations were to join him in
America. At the moment of his departure, Queen Hortense
constrained the emperor to accept the diamond necklace which
she wore. He took the road for Eambouillet, still repeating,
while he was leaving for ever that capital to which the noble
generosity of King Louis Philippe was one day to bring back
his ashes, "The Provisional Government does not know the
spirit of France, it is too anxious to get me away from Paris ;
if it had accepted my last proposition the appearance of mat-
ters would have changed."

Meanwhile, King Louis XV JUL was approaching Paris. At
Roye, where he had stopped, the emissaries of Fouch^ had be-
gun their final attack in order to assure for their chief the
price of his services. Monsieur went into it with ardor.
'* That is a new passion and one which does not come to you
through Divine inspiration," said the king, laughing. He made
some resistance. "In spite of what he had said to me at
Ghent with regard to the regicides," says Guizot, in his Mi-
moires, " I doubt whether he made any strong resistance. His
dignity was not always sustained by strong conviction or by
energetic feeling, and it could sometimes give way before
necessity. He had as guarantee of the necessity in this cir-
cumstance the two authorities best calculated to influence his
decision and to protect his honor, namely, the Duke of Well-
ington and the Comte d'Artois. Both pressed him to accept
Fouch6 as his minister — Wellington, in order to assure for the
king an easy return, and also in order that he himself, and
England along with him, should remain the chief authors of
the Restoration, while putting a quick stop to the war before
Paris, where he was afraid of seeing himself compromised in
the odious rage of the Prussians; the Comte d'Artois, by im*

fOf HISTORY OF FRANCE. [ch. xm.

|)atient activity, always ready to promise and to agree, en*
gaged beforehand by Vitrolles in the snares which Fouche had
planted everywhere for the royalists. Louis XVm, yielded ;
he promised to nominate Fouch^ as minister of poHce, and on
the 6th of July, at the Castle of Amouville, the king signed
the ordinance with a visible eflfort. Some hours later, Fouche,
the regicide, one of the most hateful among the hateful tribunes
of the "Terror," was received into the king's cabinet. This
was an imcalled-for degradation, which by a Uttle patience the
royal dignity might have avoided. Fouche was not in pos-
session of the keys of Paris, and France, by the necessities of
the situation, was inevitably urged towards the Bourbons.
Fouche was not to enjoy a long triimaph, but his momentary
triumph brought disgrace and weakness to the restored mon-
archy.

Fouche's excuse throughout his intrigues, and his determina-
tion, as boldly displayed before the chambers, was to impose
liberal conditions on the monarch. The pretext of patriotism
produced no result. In an interview which took place at
Neuilly between the Duke of Wellington, TallejTand, Pozzo di
Boi^o, and Golz, on one side, and the Duke of Otranto on the
other, the latter found himself compelled to accept the king's
volimtary promises thus summed up by Talleyrand: — "The
whole of the old Charter, including the abohtion of confisca-
tion, the non-renewal of the law of last year as to the hberty of
the press; the immediate election of a new chamber by the
electoral colleges, the unity of the ministry, the reciprocal
initiative in laws, by message from the Crown, and on the pro-
posal of the chambers; an hereditary right to the Chamber of
Peers. "

It was, in fact, almost a return to the situation of the pre-
ceding year. Although Talleyrand accompanied that declara-
tion with the most liberal assurances, they were not sufficient
to satisfy the chambers, who were generally influenced by a
strong antagonism against the House of Bourbon, and had for
several days been discussing a proposal of a Constitution,
which, in many points, indicated democratic and revolutionary
distrust. It was, nevertheless, necessary to decide on a plan.
*'The English are now arriving 1" repeated sensible men, tired
of hearing useless theories pompously detailed in the midst of
the dangers now threatening the country. " Though one Eng-
lish are on the spot," rephed Dupin, " I shall insist on express-
ing my opinion, and shall enoimca it." The Chamber of Bep*

OH. xm.] THE HUNDRED DAYS. 208

resentatives proudly voted a declaration of rights, to which
they remained invariably attached. The Chamber of Peers
refused to adhere to them. All the gates of Paris were already
in the hands of the allies.

The day was now come to determine so much fatal indeci-
sion, which had become childish or hypocriticaL The executive
commission sat in the Tuileries, on the 7th of July, whilst the
columns of the allies, poured, without disorder, through the
streets and boulevards of the capital, and took possession in
Buccession of all the public buildings, strongholds, and the
Champ de Mars. There were cannon placed everywhere ; the
crowds gathered in the streets silently and gloomily. A Prus-
sian officer entered into the Council-hall, and said, '*! have
orders to take possession of the palace." On Fouch6 protest-
ing, the officer repeated his orders. The new Minister of
Police of King Louis XVIII. took a sheet of pai)er and wrote
to the presidents of the new Chambers: "Monsieur le Presi-
dent, till the present we were led to believe that the allied
sovereigns had not come to an agreement in choosing a prince
to reign over them. Our plenix)otentiarie8 have given us the
same assurances on their return. Nevertheless, the ministers
and generals of the allied powers declared yesterday at the
conference held with the president of the commission, that all
the sovereigns had undertaken to replace Louis XVIII. on the
throne, and that he must make his entry into the capital to-
night or to-morrow. The foreign troops have just taken pos-
session of the Tuileries, where the Grovemment is sitting.
Under the present circumstances, we can do nothing for our
country, but express our best wishes, and since our delibera-
tions are no longer free, we feel it to be our duty to separate."

In reality, and by the very force of circumstances, the allied
sovereigns showed their intention to replace King Louis
XVm. upon the throne of France, and Fouche put in their
mouths words which they had not really spoken. He showed
equal audacity next day, in inserting the following paragraph
in the Moniteur: — " The Commission of the Government has in-
formed the king through its mouthpiece, the president, that it
is just dissolved, and the peers and deputies appointed under
the late Government have received information to that effect.
The chambers are dissolved. The king will enter Paris to-
morrow, at eleven o'clock. His Majesty will stop at the Tuile-
ries."

The executive commission had entrusted Fouche with no

304 HISTORY OF FRANCE. [CH. XTIL

message to the king, and the representatives were violently
excited against the sort of orders they had received. On
presenting themselves next day at the doors of the Palais
Bourbon, they found them closed by order of the Prefect of
Police, and fifty-thi'ee of them signed a protest, and lodged it
with Lanjuinais. On the following day, the 8th of July, King
Louis XVm. entered Paris, welcomed with real sincerity by
the populace, but without the display of enthusiastic delight
which signalized his previous arrival. Marshal Mass^na, on
the previous evening, had again attempted, in the name of the
colonels of the national guard, to obtain permission from the
king to retain the tricolor; and Oudinot assisted him, but
Louis XVin. obstinately refused, in spite of the advice of the
Duke of Wellington. "What a people 1" said the illustrious
leader of the English army; " it is easier to make them accept
a regicide than a reasonable idea !"

On the same day as Louis XVin. entered Paris, General
Be^r, who had arrived at Eochefort on the 3rd of July with
the Emperor Napoleon, received from the executive commis-
sion, who were still acting, the order to hasten the exile's em-
barkation. The latter had been hitherto delaying; the English
cruisers, it was reported, threatened his safety and were ready
to attack the frigates. The emperor wished a safe-conduct to
be asked from Wellington. At Eochefort various plans for
escape were proposed; and before leaving Paris he had refused
La Fayette's offer to get him conveyed to America by a mer-
chant-vessel belonging to that nation. The regiment of ma-
rines garrisoned on the island of Aix showed great enthusiasm
for Napoleon, who amused himself in reviewing them. Gen-
eral Beker insisted on the necessity for departure ; the Prefect
of Marine was authorized to embark the emperor in a man-of-
war's boat, if the state of weather or presence of the enemy
prevented the use of frigates ; but, should he prefer to go on
board an Enghsh vessel or to England itself, an ambassador
was to be put at his disposition. Only two English frigates
closed the entrance to the harbor.

It was to Captain Maitland, who was in command of the
"Bellerophon," that Napoleon sent Rovigo and Las Cases on
the night of the 9th July. Their orders were to inquire about
the safe-conducts which had been asked, and at the same time
sound the English ofl&cer as to the manner in which he should
think it his duty to treat the emperor if either taken when out
at sea, or if he should present himself on hoaxd ! With refe]>

OH. rm] TEE HUNDRED DATS. 205

ence to the first point, the captain's answer was very simplo.
He knew nothing as to the request for safe-conducts ; in their
absence, he should, of course, stop any war-ship attempting to
force the blockade, and should also stop any neutral v^sel
attempting to escape. He had received no instructions with
regard to the person of the emperor, but was disposed to be-
lieve that England would always show him the respect due to
the high position he had held.

After some hesitation and several new proposals for out-
witting the vigilance of the English cruisers, Napoleon decided
to fall back upon his original intention. Now at bay, and re-
duced to the necessity of risking an absolutely desperate at'
tempt to save himself, he wished to make before the world a
final display as striking as it was painful. On the 14th of July,
he wrote as follows to the Prince Regent of England : —

" Your Royal Highness,— After being aimed at, both by the
factions which divide my country, and by the enmity of the great
powers of Em-ope, I have finished my political career, and now
come, like Themistocles, to sit down by the hearth of the Eng-
lish people. I place myself under the protection of their laws,
which I claim from your Royal Highness as the most power-
ful, the most steadfast, and the most generous of my enemies."

No law of the EngUsh constitution could extend its protec-
tion to the mortal enemy of England and Europe, after he had
just given a new proof that oaths were powerless in chaining
him down to enforced repose. Napoleon was secretly con-
scious of this, but he wished to risk this last chance of the
hostile nation being imprudently generous. He delivered him-
self up to the risk of appearing betrayed. ** Dont accompany
me on board," he said to General Beker, when setting out to
embark on the " Bellerophon ;" " I don't know what the Eng-
lish intend doing with me; and should they not respond to my
confidence, it might be said that you have sold me to Eng-
land."

The emperor went on board the English frigate on the 15th.
General Gourgaud was not permitted to go to London with
Napoleon's letter to the Prince Regent. On the 24th, the
"BeUerophon" brought into Plymouth harbor its illustrious
passenger, who was speedily besieged by the insatiable British
curiosity, all Captain Maitland's endeavors to keep oS. visitors
being insufficient.

Meanwhile, the question was being discussed in London
what place would be sufficient^F sure for the transportation of

206 BISTORT OF FRANCE. [ch. xva

the dangerous enemy who had at last, after so long and keenly-
contested struggles, fallen into the hands of the English people.
It had been decided to treat him as a prisoner of war, and that
he should be deprived of his sovereign title and asked to give
up his sword. Thus a vengeance legitimate enough to bear the
name of justice was meanly gratified. Several members of the
English cabinet proposed to deliver up the outlaw to the King
of France ; but at last the decision was that he should be con-
ducted to St. Helena, a rock lost amid the Atlantic, between
Africa and America, the most solitary of aU prisons. Only
three of his old servants were to be allowed to accompany him
in his exile, and he was to hQ deprived of all personal re-
sources.

When Lord Keith, the admiral in command at Plymouth,
appeared before Napoleon with orders to announce the fate in
store for him, the emperor Ustened immoved, as if he had
anticipated the whole. He discussed several points, and asked
some questions as to the details, while retaining a quiet and
natural dignity that imposed respect on the most hostile of his
enemies. Throughout aU England there were violent outcries
against him, and the journals resounded with shouts of hatred
and vengeance. When Lord Keith went towards Napoleon to
demand his sword, the latter only rephed by a look, at the
same time placing his hand on the hilt. The admiral did not
insist upon it.

It was on the 8th of August, 1815, that the Emperor Napo-
leon left the English coasts to cross the seas towards his prison.
He was still in the prime of life, and having long enjoyed
robust health, seemed still to have many years before him.
Six years exhausted his physical strength and sometimes his
moral courage. The weight of his captivity was to be unneces-
sarily increased by paltry annoyances and severity -, and he re-
sented them with a bitterness which the isolation and wear-
iness alone might excuse. When, at last, he expired, on the
6th of May, 1821, Europe, astonished that '* ce mortel 6tait
mort," felt itself delivered from a secret and perpetual appre-
hension. The French people preserved in their hearts a re-
membrance of which they were thirty years later to prove
the persistence. Though exhausted, crushed, vanquished, and
reduced, France always remained dazzled and giddy by the
whirlwind of glory in the midst of which he had kept her for
more than fifteen years. The rest of a long peace was now at
last to heal her wounds, without exciting her gratitude for

OH. xvm.l PARLIAMENTAKT GOVERNMENT. 207

tiiose who healed her, or eflfacing from her eyes the sight of
the " deepest print ever left by mortal foot on ttie blood-stained
dust of the world."

The genius and renown of Napoleon have nothing to fear
from the light of history ; justice is being done him and will
continue to be done every new generation. Illustrious in the
foremost rank amongst the greatest conquerors of enslaved
humanity, whether subduing, ruling, or oi^nizing, equally
great by military genius, and by the supreme instinct of na-
tional government, he was constantly carried away by selfish
passions and desires, whatever their importance or imimport-
ance might be, and took no cognizance of the eternal laws of
duty and justice. Corrupt, he corrupted others ; despotic, he
subdued minds and debased consciences; all-powerful, he con-
stantly made a bad use of his power. His glorious and blood-
stained traces remained soiled not only by faults but by crimes.
The startling dream with which he dazzled France had dis-
appeared; the memory still remains, weakened, but always
fatal to om* imhappy country, in her days of weariness and de-
jection. It is necessary that she should know what the glory
and trimnph of the first Empire cost her: nor must she forget
the degradation and tears which were a second time to be
brought upon her by the same name.

CHAPTER XVm.

PARLIAMENTARY GOVERNMENT. THE RESTORATION UNDER KING
LOUIS xvra. (1815—1824).

The Restoration of 1815 remained burdened with a bitter and
heavy heritage, which it afterwards rendered more grievous
by its own faults. The first months which elapsed after the
definitive return of Louis XVITI. to France were disturbed by
painful political antagonism, and by much imprudent severity
displayed in the name of justice. We now, however, enter
upon a new era, till then unexampled in our history, during
which Prance, at peace in spite of its internal agitation, con-
stantly tended towards that government of the country by the
country which remains and shall remain the object of the most
noble hopes. The sentence, "Happy the nation who has no

208 mSTORT OF FRANCE. [ch. xvra.

history!" has often been ridiculed. It is indeed false in its
first application, since every free people has a history daily re-
commencing with animation, ardor, and effect; but it is true
in this point that the inner history of free peoples is especially
engraven on men's memories by striking and simple traits.
Its incidents from day to day are not striking enough to excite
the attention of all : it is by practical results and the general
result of its powerful influence on the destinies of the country
that effects of the Parliamentary regime must be judged.

In July, 1815, King Louis XVIII. had scarcely entered the
Tuileries before he had to form a " homogeneous" ministry,
imited in the same thought and from their common object. Tal-
leyrand had already been appointed the leader by the king, in
accordance with the express wish of England and Austria; and
Fouchd, by dint of intriguing and perfidious cunning, obtained
a place which was granted with great repugnance by Louis
XViil. The ministry of the interior had been in vain offered
to Pozzo di Borgo. Pasquier remained interim Home Minister,
being at the same time Minister of Justice. He summoned
Guizot from the Ministry of Justice to be Secretary-Gteneral,
without much personal favor towards him, but from a strong
conviction of his merit. From its very origin, and in spite of
the conscientious efforts both of the king and his best coun-
cillors, the new power as constituted immediately after the
fall of Napoleon was weak and was to remain so.

"Talleyrand performed a great feat in Vienna. By the
treaty of alUance concluded on the 3rd of January, 1815, between
France, England, and Austria, he put an end to the coalition
formed against us in 1813, and cut Europe into two to the ad-
vantage of France. But the events of the 20th March over-
threw his work, and the Eluropean coalition was again formed
against Napoleon and France, which made itself or allowed
itself to be made the instrument of Napoleon- There was now
no chance of breaking this formidable alliance. The same
feeling of disquietude and distrust with reference to us, the
same purpose of firm and lasting union animated the sover-
eigns and peoples. In this close intimacy again formed
against us, the Emperor Alexander was specially indignant
against the house of Bourbon and Talleyrand, who had shown
a wish to deprive him of his alhes. The second restoration,
moreover, was not, like the first, his work or personal glory.
The honor now belonged mainly to England and the Diike of
Wellington. From motives of self-love as well as policy, the

OH. xrm.] PABLIAMENTARY GOVERNMENT. 309

Emperor Alexander went to Paris, which he reached on the
10th of July, 1815, with coldness and ill-temper towards the
king and his councillors.

"France and her king were nevertheless in pressing want of
the Emperor's good services. They were now face to face
with the passionate rancor and amhition of Germany. Her
diplomatists drew up the map of our territory* deprived of the
provinces which they wished to take from us. Her generals
mined in order to blow up the monuments which recalled their
defeats in the midst of their victories. Louis XYin. resisted
with dignity such foreign coarseness: he threatened to have
his chair placed on the ' Bridge of Jena,' and asked Wellington
openly if he thought that the English government would con-
sent to receive him if he were to ask again for refuge." Well-
ington cooled down Bliicher's passion as well as he could, and
tried to remonstrate with him. But neither the dignity of the
king nor the friendly intervention of England sufficed against
the German passions and claims. The Emperor Alexander
alone could restrain them. Talleyrand tried to ingratiate him-
Belf by personal intentions. When forming his cabinet he had
the Duke of Richelieu, t who was still absent, appointed minis-
ter of the king's household ; and the ministry of the interior
was reserved for Pozzo di Borgo, who had of his own accord
exchanged the official service of Russia, to take part in the
government of France. Tallejrrand had implicit faith in the
power of temptations, but this time they failed. Richelieu re-
fused, probably by arrangement with the king himself; and
Pozzo did not obtain, or perhaps dared not ask from his mas-
ter, permission to become again French. Of a keen and rest-
less disposition, daring but suspicious, he felt his situation un-
certain, and could not conceal his perplexities from penetrating
looks. The Emperor Alexander maintained his cold reserve,
leaving Talleyrand powerless and embarrassed in that arena of
negotiations^ generally the theatre of his success.

"Fouche's weakness was different, and due to different
causes. Not that the foreign sovereigns and their ministers
were better disposed to him than to Talleyrand, his entry into
the king's council having caused great scandal to monarchical
Europe, Wellington alone still continuing to defend him; but

*After the treaty of peace, the Emperor Alexander presented Richelieu with this
map.

t Richelieu had become the emperor's intimate friend during the emigration, and
was made Qovernor of the CrtaBML ,

$10 HISTOBT OF FRANCS, [ch. xvm

none of the strangers made an attack upon him or felt in-
terested in his faJL It was within that the tempest arose
against him. With a strange mixtiire of presumption and
frivolity, he was confident of being able to deliver up the revo-
lution to the king, and the king to the revolution, trusting to
his skill and audacity to pass and repass from one camp to an-
other, and govern the one by the other by betraying them in.
turn. It is our weakness and misfortune that in great crises
the conquered become dmnb. The chamber of 1815 could not
yet be seen except in the distance; and the Duke of Otranto
already shook, as if struck by lightning, at the side of the tot-
tering Talleyrand. " *

The military discipline, the profound and touching confidence
inspired by their distinguished chiefs and all the sentiments of
genuine patriotism, produced the submission of the army of
the Loire, and maintained order in the ranks. The armed re-
sistance which took place on various points of the frontiers was
speedily disappearing. A few fortresses on the north and east
still held out. The small town Huningue was defended till the
26th of August ; and when at last General Barbanegre capitu-
lated, and his garrison defiled on the ramparts, there were not
more than about fifty men. The Archduke John, who com-
manded the blockading army, thought they formed only the ad-
vanced guard, and congratulated Barbanegre on his illustrious
defence. The excessive severity displayed by the armies of oc-
cupation caused an expiation of the patriotic rage of the provin-
cial populations ; the violence and exactions of the Prussians,
then more excusable than in recent times, frequently prcvoked
the peasantry to secret and stem reprisals. As Secretary-Gene-
ral of Justice, Guizot one day saw a peasant of Burgundy brought
into his private room, on charge of having killed several Prus-
sians. The peasant having boldly denied it; Guizot wished to
examine him alone. "I shall tell you by yourself," said the
wine-grower, " I put seventeen of them into my welL" I am
very certain his confidence did not lead him into trouble.

On the 13th of July the electoral colleges were summoned by
royal order to meet on the 14th of August for the new elec-
tions. The age of eUgibUity was reduced from forty years to
twenty-five, and that of the electorate from thirty to twenty-
one ; while the number of deputies was extended from 250 to
402. It was decided that the peerage should be hereditary,

«Quizot's Mimoirea, etc., vol. i.

eH. xvra.] PARLIAMENTARY GOVERNMENT. JU

The censure of printed works of less than twenty pages was
aholished. A large privy council composed of prominent
members of various parties assisted, on important occasions,
in the deliberations of the government. These important re-
forms were not imposed upon the restored monarchy by any
real necessity or strong expression of public opinion, but the
cabinet wished to show itself in favor of a large extension of
free institutions. They had moreover to conceal from people
or cause them to forget the severity then exercised against in-
dividuals, under the violent pressure of the ultra-royalist jour-
nals, as well as upon the advice almost amounting to a com-
mand of the foreign sovereigns.

" It is only by making a striking example of Napoleon's ac-
complices that we can hope to make the monarchy last any
time," wrote Lord Liverpool to Castlereagh. "Severity in
their case would dispose public opinion in this country to be
less stem with regard to France." The imchaining of reac-
tionary passions in the interior was still more significant.
During the hundred days the king, in his Cambray proclama-
tion, had already announced the intention of making some
exceptions to the general amnesty. On the 24th of July, 1815,
two lists were published, one of which bore the names of nine-
teen persons to be tried by coiui;-martial ; Marshals Ney,
Grouchy, Bertrand; Gtenerals Lallemand, d'Erlon, Lefebvre-
Desnouettes, Clauzel, Drouot, Cambronne ; besides LabMoy^re,
Lavalette, and Eovigo. No title was granted to the most dis-
tinguished favorites of the fallen jwwer. On the second list
were inscribed the names of thirty-eight accused persons who
were to leave Paris for certain towns indicated by the minister
of police, until the chambers should have decided upon their
fate. Marshal Soult and Bassano were in this number. It
was with great diflBculty that the ministers succeeded in eras-
ing other names which had been originally indicated by
Fouch6, and which amounted to 110: the Duke of Vicentia,
General Sebastiani, and Benjamin Constant were among these
more fortunate exceptions. Twenty -nine peers were excluded
by name from the upper chamber. Marshal Davout protested
against the exceptional measures directed against those of his
friends who like him had served the emperor during the htm-
dred days. "It is my name that ought to be substituted for
that of several of them," said he, "since they only obeyed the
orders I had given them as Minister of War. It is obvious that
to all the calamities weighing upon our unhappy country aro

212 HISTORY OF FRANCIS. [oh. xrm.

to be added those of vengeance and proscription.'' He at the
Barae time gave in his resignation as commander-in-chief of the
army of the Loire; and was replaced by Marshal Macdonald,
who began to disband the troops with great success. The order
to that effect appeared on the 12th of August.

It was by a constant exercise of self-control and resolute
patience that the king, the ministers, and the whole of the
French government succeeded in enduring the hateful vio-
lence of the Grermans, and the intentional severity of the other
allies. On entering Paris, the Prussians imposed on the cap-
ital a war contribution of a hundred millions, an exorbitant
demand which was further aggravated by exactions inces-
santly renewed. The museums had already begun to be de-
spoiled, a severe measure due to the mad attempt of the hun-
dred days. When opening the session of 1814, King Louis
XVni. was able to congratulate himself because those master-
pieces of art thenceforward belonged to us by rights more
secure and sacred than those of victory. In 1815 the English
cabinet, with the exception of Castlereagh, was more eager in
supporting the demands of the nations who had formerly been
robbed by Napoleon. The directors of the museums alone pro-
tested: the king might probably have succeeded in retaining
the works of art granted to France by treaties, but Talley-
rand's advice was to make no resistance. "Let the Prussians
disgrace themselves," said he, when the statues and paintings
were being gradually sent back to the towns they had formerly-
adorned. The foreign troops were more than once obliged to
protect the wagons loaded with them, against the strong in-
dignation of the population of Paris.

Throughout the whole country, . according to the various
temi)eraments of the provinces, there reigned a violent and
contradictory agitation. The cantonment of the allied armies
in the centres of occupation kept up indignation without im-
posing order. The English army occupied the north; the
Prussians, all the country between the Seine and the coast;
the Austrians, Bm-gundy and the centre of France, and after-
wards Provence and part of Languedoc; the Russians, Cham-
pagne and Lorraine ; the men of Baden, Alsace. Only some
western states still remained partially tmoccupied; they were
still in arms on account of the royalist risings during the hun-
dred days. The calm and resolute attitude of the leaders im-
posed resx)ect upon Bliicher himself, who wrote as follows to
General de Grisolles in command at Morbihan : " Sir, your re*

«B. xvra.] PARLIAMENTARY GOVERNMENT. 218

quest that I should send the troops under my orders into the
cantonments occupied hy the royal army in Brittany is so rea-
sonable that I agree to it with much pleasure." There was no
bloodshed in the west, but bands of men overran the coimtry
parts, demanding arbitrary contributions and ill-treating the
inliabitants. The whole of the south was on fire.

It was a bitter inheritance of the keenly-fought struggles and
long religious persecution that the population of the south of
France were left divided into parties in violent or secret hos-
tility, who had for more than a century been perpetually tossed
between the alternatives of triumph and oppression. The
Protestants, who had long bent under a painful yoke which
years had scarcely alleviated, found themselves delivered by
the dawn of the French Eevolution, which they hailed with
transport. Amongst them a certain number of the constitu-
tionals had paid, on the scaffold of "The Terror," for their
generous self-illusions in 1789. The mass of the Protestant
population remained attached to the principles of the revolu-
tion. They had been well treated under the empire, and had
been of service to it. The attempt of the hundred days found
them generally favorable, and some acts of violence were com-
mitted against the royalists who in several places supported
the brave efforts of the Due d'Angoullme. Even where
religious passions had no great influence, political passions
were violently excited among those populations who were
equally hot-headed in their opposition. Napoleon's final fall
was the signal for a shameful letting loose of vengeance which
had recently been accumidated. In their violence the populace,
in various towns, selected startling victims. Marshal Brune
was murdered at Avignon on the 2nd of August. An old
soldier of the revolution, without favor under the empire, he
had been appointed during the himdred days to a conunand in
the Var. He retired inunediately upon the restoration, after
taking the Bourbon colors from the regiment, and was fur-
nished with a passport from the king's government when he
arrived on the morning of the 2nd of August, at the Hotel de
Poste in Avignon. Being quickly recognized and denounced,
he was violently attacked by the maddened populace. In vain
did the prefect and mayor, supported by several national
guards, try to rescue him from the senseless mob. The car-
riage was stopped, the hotel surroimded and besieged; the
marshal traced to his room and shot in the head. It was at
once given out that he had killed himself to escape his execur

214 HISTORY OF FRANCE. [cH. xn&

tioners. The murtierers broke up the coflBn in which theii
victim's body was concealed from them, dragged it to the
Ehone, and hurled it into its waters. The corpse was washed
ashore on the bank, but it was not till two years afterwards
that the marshal's widow succeeded in finding her husband'fc
remains.

At Toulouse similar scenes characterized the murder of Gten-
eral Ramel. Honorable and brave, he in vain exerted himself,
as commander of the department, in repressing the excessive
violence of the royalist population. He had dissolved the com-
panies of royal volunteers formed at Toulouse during the hun-
dred days, and serving as the rallying-point of disorder. On
the 15th of August, when entering his hotel, the general was
attacked by an armed band. The sentinel before his door was
killed, and the general, severely wounded, succeeded with great
difBculty in entering his hoiise. The crowd continued to in-
crease, being at every moment encoiu^ged and excited by
base and lying reports. The doors of the house and then the
chamber were forced open The unfortimate general was
dragged from the bed whence he was rising to dress, and the
assassins threw themselves furiously upon him, but without at
once putting an end to his life. Ee expired at the end of thirty-
six hours in the most fearful agony. The authorities had
spread the report of his death in the hope of putting an end
to the violence of the populace. Marseilles and Carpentras
became the theatres of scenes of outrage. Information was
freely circulated against the partisans of the empire, but the
fury of the multitude did not await the vengeance of the law.
The efforts of the Due d'Angouleme to organize the military
government of the five divisions of the south sufliced not to
check the most terrible disorder.

The prince soon found himself obliged to enter Gard in per-
son, there to appease troubles more violent still, excited and
aggravated by religious animosities. Just after the fall of
Napoleon, various gangs of men had banded themselves to-
gether, drawn from the lowest classes, and driven on by the
shameful promoters of a cowardly revenge and an ignoble
greed. At their head marched some known leaders, Trestail-
lons, Quatretaillons, Truph^my, — names or surnames odious
still on account of the memories they excite among the Prot-
estant population. Everywhere reigned the white terror; the
Protestants of Nimes and \5zh& were plimged in fear; the gar-
rison had abandoned its artillery to the desperadoes who over

CK xrm.] PARLIAMENTARY QOYERNMENT. 215

ran the streets, maltreating and insulting Protestant women;
in retiring, a great number of the soldiers were killed, while
tbe mob pillaged the barracks of the gendarmerie. In the
country isolated houses were stacked and plimdered. In the
town, they forced the doors of numerous dwellings. The au-
thorities, feeble or disarmed, remained powerless, lavishing
proclamations in vaL^, without having recourse to effective
repression. The contagion of the evil spread; for more than
three months Nimes and the environs remained a prey to this
detestable rabble. Wheo the Tuc d'Angouleme arrived at
Nimes in the month of November, he ordered the reopening of
the Protestant churches which Jiad been closed under the pre-
text of shunning the disturbance. The day after his departure
General Lagarde, protecting the entrance of the Protestants
into the church, was seriously injured by the shot of a pistcd
fired quite close to him. A few moments afterwards, he said
to Madame Guizot, ** Keep near my horse, no harm will come
to you." Some months later his assassin, although known to
ail, was to be acquitted by the jury, under the violent pres-
sure of religious and political fanaticism, on the pretext that
the general had himself excited the crowd and wounded in-
offensive passers-by. Meantime the churches remained closed.
Enraged by this horrible violence, the passions excited in all
minds were for a long time to maintain in the departments of
the south a sullen feeling of which the remembrance is not
yet even effaced.

The disturbances of the elections had aggravated the popular
violence at various points. The scrutinies were finished, the
deputies arrived at Paris, but the whole extent of the new re-
turns was not yet understood ; enough, however, was known
meanwhile to assure people that the chamber would be keenly
royalist. The minister found himself deceived in his hopes;
his leaders were not in a condition to face the struggle which
was impending. A courtier and a diplomatist, not a man for
government, and less for a liberal government than any other,
M. de Talleyrand still suffered under the displeasure of the
Eimperor of Bussia and the secret aversion of King Louis
XV 111. Fouch6 was cleverly intriguing on his account and in
his personal interest. A few days later both had to succumb,
and their cabinet fell with them. Talleyrand was yet to ren-
der brilliant services to his country, but Fouche's career was
ended. He accepted the petty and remote mission at Dresden,
and left Parip binder a disguise, which he only dropped at the
A¥ (J) Vol. 8

216 BISTORT OF FRANCS. [ch. xmi.

frontier, in the dread of being seen in his native country,
which he was never to look upon again.

" The cabinet of the Due de Eichelieu entered on its duties
with the good-will of the king and even of the party which the
elections had sent into power. It was a truly original and
royalist ministry. Its leader, but recently returned to France,
honored by Europe, loved by the Emperor Alexander, was for
King Louis XVill. what the king himseK was for France, the
pledge of a more durable peace. Decazes, young and amiable,
distinguished from his first appearance in the magistracy, had
pleased the king personally, and he was nominated minister
of police. The new keeper of the seal, Barbe-Marbois, belonged
to that generously liberal old France, which had accepted and
sustained with an enlightened moderation the principles that
were dear to new France."* Guizot fiUed as his colleague the
ofl&ce of secretary -general.

The Due de Richelieu had a double mission. He had to
negotiate peace with the allies and to direct the new chamber,
as inexperienced as it was enthusiastic. The former task de-
manded at first all his efforts. He was more qualified for it
than for the coming struggles in the political arena. Sup-
ported in his negotiations by the faithful friendship of the
Emperor Alexander as well as by the fairness of Lord Castle-
reagh, he obtained several favorable modifications in the con-
ditions of the treaty. The insane claims of Germany for the
dismemberment of France had been long since abandoned.
Beduced in theory to her frontiers of 1790, France kept the
forts of Joux and L'Ecluse and the fortresses of Conde, Givet,
And Charlemont. The war indemnity was reduced from eight
to seven hundred millions ; the duration of the occupation of
the fortresses of the east and of the north by the allies was
fixed at five years instead of seven, but the districts of Bel-
gium, Savoy, and Germany, which had been delivered to the
French in 1814 by the treaty of Paris, were definitively taken
away from them, and the fortifications of Hiiningue were to
be razed. When he at last signed, on the 20th of November,
the vigorous conditions which he had disputed from point to
point with the exigencies of the allied sovereigns, the Due de
Richelieu wrote to his sister, Madame de Montcalm: "All is
over. I have put, more dead than alive, my name to this
fatal treaty. I had sworn not to do it, and I had said so to

* ]IL Ouizot, liimoires poitr servir a Vhi$toir« de man temp$.

CH. xvra.] PABLIAMBNTART QOrERHrMBNT. 217

the king. The unhappy prince has beseeched me, melting in
tears, not to abandon him. I have not hesitated ; I have the
assurance of beUeving that no one would have obtained so much.
France, expiring beneath the weight of the calamities which
overwhelm her, calls imperiously for a speedy deUverance."

Before the signature of the treaty, and when its principal
conditions were in abeyance, the alhed sovereigns successively
left Paris (Sept. and Oct., 1815). They had once more renewed
among themselves the engagements of Chaumont against that
power of Napoleon, fallen from henceforth, and against the
revolutionary spirit, which appeared to be conquered. They
had at the same time concluded a new convention about which
there has been much talk without clear iinderstanding, and
which has been confounded with the coalition recently formed
against the French. Under the influence of the Emperor Alex-
ander, himself inspired by a woman of great spirit, vain, and
mystic (the Baroness de Kriidener), the sovereigns of Russia,
Prussia, and Austria bound' themselves by a treaty rather
theoretical than practical, conceived in a vague spirit of re-
ligion, and prepared by the Czar. The three monarchs, con-
vinced of the necessity of establishing mutual relations be-
tween the powers based on the sublime truths inculcated by
the eternal religion of (3od the Saviour, had resolved to engage
themselves in the ties of an insoluble fraternity as the dele-
gates of Providence, charged with governing three branches
of one and the same family, and hoping for a mutual reward
for protecting rehgion, peace, and justice. They called upon
their peoples, to grow stronger every day in the principles and
the exercise of the duties which the Divine Saviour has taught
to men, and they invited all the sovereigns to join themselves
BO them in order to tie the bonds of the holy aUiance. In
deference to the wishes of the Czar, almost all the allied
princes adhered to this convention, as strange as it was sadly
inefficacious. King Louis XVIII, did not refuse his consent.
The Prince Eegent of England alone took no part in it; the
treaty was the personal work of the sovereigns, and was
signed directly by them, while constitutional government as
it was practised in England did not admit of the official inter-
vention of princes in such negotiations. .This abstention was
much remarked upon when the text of the holy alliance was
published, and curious spirits exercised themselves to dis-
cover in it a hidden meaning far from the thoughts either of
Uie Emi)eror Alexander or of his devoted friend.

fl8 mSTORT OF FRANCE. oh. xwtSL

The work of external pacification was achieved, while that
of the interior, still more necessary and important, appeared
further than ever from attainment. The hundred days had
done a still greater evil to France than the loss of the blood
and the treasure which they had cost her ; they rekindled the
old quarrel which the empire had stifled and which the char-
ter was intended to extinguish — the quarrel between old and
new France, between the emigres and the revolutionists. It
was not only among pohtical parties but among rival classes,
that the struggle began in 1815 as it had burst forth in 1789.
For the first time for five-and-twenty years the royalists saw
themselves the stronger. While beheving their triumph legit-
imate, they were a Uttle surprised and intoxicated by it, and
delivered themselves over to the enjoyment of power with a
mixture of arrogance and ardor, as if they were little accus-
tomed to conquer, and not very sure of the force which they
hastened to display. Very different causes threw the chamber
of 1815 into the violent reaction which has remained its his-
torical characteristic. First and foremost were the passions
of the royalist party, its good and bad feelings, its moral and
personal sentiments, the intention of restoring to honor the
respect for sacred things, old attachments, sworn faith, and
the pleasure of oppressing its former conquerors. To the
transports of passion was joined the calculation of interests.
For the secm'ity of parties, for the fortime of persons, the new
lords of France required to take possession of places and
power; there the field was to be cultivated and the groimd to
be occupied, that they might gather the fruits of their vic-
tory. Then came the empire of ideas. After so many years
of great occurrences and great strifes, the royalists had on all
political and social questions systematic views to realize, his-
torical traditions to perpetuate, and spiritual wants to satisfy.
They were not working to destroy the charter and to restore
the old regime, as has been often said of them; they hastened
to put their hand to the work, eager to enjoy their victory,
believing that the day was come at last to recover in their
country both morally and materially, in thought as in deed,
the ascendancy which they had lost for so long a time.

Their passions were represented by Bourdonnaye, while
Vill^le defended their interests, and Bonald their ideas. They
were all three highly qualified for their parts, and conducted
ably to its goal the party which was in power at the opening
of the session in the chamber of 1815. Under their control

OB. xvin.] PARLIAMENTART 60VEENMENT. 319

this chamber had the merit of practising energetically the
constitutional government, which in 1814 had hardly emerged
from the torpor of the empire, but in this novel task it could
guard neither equity nor propriety, nor moderation; it wished
to dominate the king and France at the same time. It was
proud and independent, sometimes liberal, often revolutionary
in its proceedings towards the Crown, £Rid at the same time
violent and anti-revolutionary towards the country. This
was too much to attempt ; it was necessary to make a choice,
and to be either monarchical or popular. The Chamber of
1815 was neither the one nor the other, the governing spirit,
yet more necessary in a free government than imder a des-
potism, was completely wanting in it.

Also there was seen promptly forming against it and in its
very heart an opposition which became ere long at once
popular and monarchical, for it simultaneously defended
against the party in power the Crown which was thus rashly
offended and the country which was deeply disturbed. And
after some great struggles, sustained on both sides with sin-
cere energy, this opposition, strong iu royal favor and public
sympathy, frequently overpowered the majority, and became
the governing party. Serre, Royer-Collard, and Canulle
Jordan were from the first the eloquent leaders of the new
party, pledged to the service of the restoration as against the
reaction. Pasquier, Beugnot, Simeon, De Barante, and De
Sainte-Aulaire supported them ardently. The struggle began
just after the opening of the session. The king's speech had
been sad and firm in its judicious moderation, and the almost
unanimous election of M. Lain^ as president, and the vote of
the address had not raised any violent storms in the Chamber
of Deputies. But the tendencies which were soon to manifest
themselves so emphatically had made their appearance in the
plan of the address of the Chamber of Peers. Chateaubriand
had demanded that they should again place in the hands of
the king the power of dispensing justice. Soon the thirst for
revenge burst forth in the discussion of the laws proposed to
the chambers by the government, some expressly temporary
in their nature, as the law on the susx)ension of individual
liberty and the establishment of courts martial, others perma-
nent and belonging to the section of definite legislation, as
those for the supression of seditious acts and for the amnesty.
Everywhere the amendments proposed by the ultra-royalists,
as they were soon caUed, tended greatly to aggravate the

f20 HISTORY OF FRANCE. [ch. xyih

troubles; many exceptions to the amnesty were loudly called
for. The moderate royalists eloquently defended the projects
of the government. " It is not always the niunber of penalties
which save an empire," said Royer-Collard, "the art of gov-
erning men is more difl&cult, and the glory of it is to be ac-
quired at a higher price. We shall be punished enough, if we
are wise and clever, never enough if we are not so." Serre
repelled boldly the confiscations disguised under the name of
indemnities to the state. " The revolutionaries have done
so," said he, " they would do so again if they seized the power.
It is precisely because they have acted thus that you should
refrain from following their odious example, and that by the
distorted sense of an expression which is untrue, by an arti-
fice which would be altogether unworthy of the stage. Gen-
tlemen, our treasure may be little, but it is pure !" The
amendments were rejected ; only the banishment of regicides
remained inscribed in the project of law, without which no one
might dare to plead in their favor. "There are divine laws
which the human powers cannot prevent, but which they
should know not to oppose when revealed by the course of
events."*

The exceptions to the amnesty remained numerous enough
and important enough. Many of the accused had already
been arrested, others had succeeded in escaping; Lavalette
was himself constituted a prisoner. Lab^doyere had been
recognized in a stage coach by an agent of police at the
moment when he was bidding good-bye to his wife. Early in
August he appeared in Paris before a council of war. His
crime was as notorious as the influence which he had exer-
cised. The Ultras let loose their passions against him whom
they regarded as a renegade from their cause. The journal
TIndipendant, which took up his defence, was suppressed;
the acciised defended himself, pleading his own cause nobly
and simply. " I have been deceived regarding the true in-
terests of France," he said; "some glorious memories, my
warm love of the fatherland, some illusions have been able to
mislead me, but the greatness even of the sacrifices I have
made in breaking off the dearest of ties proves that no per-
sonal motive entered into my conduct. I declare that I had
no hand in any plot which may have preceded the return of
Napoleon. I shall say more ; I am convinced that there was

* Quizot, Mimoirtapowr servir d VMttoirt de mon Umpa.

OH. xnn.] PARLIAMENTARY GOVERNMENT. 231

no express conspiracy to bring Napoleon back from Elba.'*
Labedoy^re was condemned, and his wife threw herself in
vain at the feet of the king. "I know your sentiments and
those of your family, madame," he replied, "never was it
more painful for me to pronounce a refusal." Benjamin Con-
stant drew up a memorial in his favor. But, on the 19th of
August, the young general died courageously, himself com-
manding the soldiers to fire.

Five weeks later, on the 27th of September, the twin
brothers Faucher, both generals of the republic, both carried
away by the enthusiasm of the hundred days, without having
ever served imder the empire, expiated, in their turn, the
insurrection which had taken place in their little town of
R6ole, and which, it was said, they had instigated. The
pubhc prosecutor, like the magistrates, displayed towards
them the most disgusting violence. A decree of the Court of
Orleans condemned Lavalette to death.

A more illustrious culprit attracted all attention at this
time. Marshal Ney had been arrested on the 6th of August in
a friend's house, where he was hiding. A rare weapon, left
inadvertently on a table, had betrayed his whereabouts. " He
does more harm to us in letting himself be arrested than he
has ever yet done," said King Louis XVHr., rightly foreseeing
the evils which he knew not how to avoid. Immediately
brought to Paris, the marshal was transferred to a council of
war, which declared itself incompetent; the accused, belong-
ing to the Chamber of Peers, was to be tried by it. The case
was opened in the Chamber with a speech by the Due de
Richelieu, composed, it was said, by Lain6, and stamped un-
fortunately, by the strong passions which then prevailed
among the Royalists. The indictment bore the same charac-
ter. It was not till the 4th of December that the marshal
appeared before the court.

The ambassadors of the four great powers signatory to the
capitulation of Paris, had refused to interi)ose on behalf of the
culprit, who claimed the benefit of this act. Meanwhile, the
defenders of the marshal recurred in the first place to the
article guaranteeing personal safety. The king, having signed
this convention, found himself, they cc«itended, bound by
such signature not to investigate past acts. Dupin and
Berryer were equally desirous of making the best of the
clause which sheltered from prosecution all the inhabitants of
the ceded countriee: the marshal belonged originally to Sarre-

222 HISTORY OF FRANCE. [CH. xnn.

louis. He himself protested against this advocate's quirk.
•' I was bom French, " he cried, ' ' I wish to live and die French ;
I thank my generous defenders, but I beg them rather to
renounce my defence than to present it incomplete ; I am
accused, contrary to the faith of treaties, and they would not
have me invoke them. From them, I appeal, like Moreau, to
Europe and to posterity I"

The court interdicted the argument on the subject of the
bearing of the capitidation of Paris; the acts of Marshal Ney
were notorious, and the hearing of witnesses was only capable
of conveying hope to the accused himself and to his friends.
The deposition of General de Bourmont drew from the mar-
shal a reply which transferred to him, in turn, the weight of
culpability. " It is seven months since the witness prepared
his evidence," Ney exclaimed ; " he has had time to do it well.
He beheved that I should be treated like Lab^doyere, that we
should never find ourselves face to face; but it is otherwise.
I come to the point. The fact is that, on the 14th of Idarch, I
asked for the signal with Marshal Lecourbe . . . pity it is
that Lecourbe is no more, but I summon him against all these
witnesses before a higher tribunal, before GK)d, who hears us,
and who shall judge us, — you and me, Monsieur le Bourmont I
I consulted you. No one said to me, you are risking your
honor and your reputation for this fatal cause 1 . . . Bour-
mont collected the troops. He had a great command, and
could arrest me; I was alone and had not a single saddle-horse
OP. which to escape. When I was reading the proclamation,
Bourmont and Lecourbe were with me ; the officers, like the
soldiers, threw themselves upon us, they embraced us, they
stifled us. The superior officers came to dine at my house; I
was sad, and nevertheless the table was merry; there is the
tanith. Monsieur de Bourmont. You said that I should have
to take a carabine and charge at the head of my troops, who
would foUow me I I was still twenty leagues from Napoleon's
columns, and I had already raised two regiments. Would
you have marched under such conditions? I believe not, you
have not strength of character enough."

Forbidden to have recourse to the capitulation of Paris, the
defenders of the marshal were completely disarmed; they
were driven to descant on the career of the accused, and on
the services which he had rendered to France. The argument
of the attorney-general, Bellart, was severe and violent. The
ipyal commissioners requested the Court of Peers to pro*

OH. xvra.] PARLIAMENTARY GOVERNMENT. 228

nounce capital sentence against Marshal Ney, convicted of
high treason. Lanjuinais alone refrained from answering the
various questions set by the court ; he declared that he was
unable, conscientiously, to decide, the defence not having
been complete. One hundred and fifty-nine voices voted the
culpabiUty, The Due de Broglie, still very young, and sitting
for the first time in the chamber, opposed it boldly ; he main-
tained that when a revolution has triumphed so completely as
to become temporarily the government of the country, there
results from it on behalf of the acts which have created the
government a kind of prescription which does not allow of
tiieir being prosecuted. When they came to the application
for the penalty, seventeen voices declared on the second vote
for deportation. Five peers abstained from voting. One
hundred and thirty-nine voices pronounced for capital punish-
ment. Among these rigorous judges, were coimted many
marshals and generals, companions-in-arms of Marshal Ney.
The fatal sentence was passed on the 7th of December, at two
o'clock in the morning.

Some hours later, Marshal Ney, Due d'Elchingen and
Prince de la Moskawa, heard in his prison of the Luxembourg
the decree of his condemnation. " Say Michel Ney, and ere
long but a little dust," said he, interrupting the Recorder of
the Court, Cauchy, in the eniimeration of his titles. His wife
and children had hastened to join him ; he spoke to them for
a long time, consoling his wife, who several times fainted.
He feigned to believe in the possibUity of a pardon, in order to
put an end to these sad farewells. The lady hurried to the
Tuileries; the audience which she solicited was refused, "her
demand not having suflScient object;" already her husband
had succumbed under platoon fire at the entrance of the
Grand Avenue of the Observatoire. " Soldiers, straight to the
heart!" he cried. Before commanding the fire, he protested
against the judgment which condemned him. " I appeal from
it to mankind, to posterity, and to Gk)d I Long live France !"

It was in 1815, in the midst of the passions which raised up
the great political persecutions, the weakness and the injury
of the king and the government to allow themselves to be
carried along by the transports of the party, to which they
yielded all without resisting. "There were assuredly grave
reasons for leaving the law to take its free course : it was of
consequence that generations formed in the vicissitudes of the
revolution and in the triumphs of the empire might learn by

t24 " HISTORY OF FRANOB. [ch. xvm

brilliant examples that the power and the success of the
moment did not decide everything, that there are inviolable
duties, that one may not tamper with impunity with the
forms of government and with the peace of the people, and
that at this terrible game the most powerful, the most illustri-
ous, risk their honor and their life.

*' But another grand truth must enter into the balance, and
weigh heavily in the final decision. The Emperor Napoleon
had maintained his position for a lengthened period and with
brilliance, accepted and admired by France and by Europe,
and supported by the devotion of a host of men, by the sirmy
and the people. The ideas of right and duty, the sentiments
of respect and fidelity, were confused and in conflict in many
minds. There were, seemingly, two legitimate and natural
forms of government, and many spirits might, without per-
versity, have been troubled in their choice. King Louis
XVIIL and his counsellors could, in their turn, without weak-
ness, have taken account of this moral disturbance. Marshal
Ney, pardoned and banished after his condemnation, by
letters royal, in which the reasons were gravely stated— this
had been royally rising up like a dam above all, friends and
enemies, in order to arrest the flow of blood, and, in this way,
the reaction of 1815 had been subdued and closed, as well as
the hundred days." *

King Louis XVm. did not know how to seize this occasion
to place clemency by the side of justice, and to display above a
head condemned that granduer of spirit and heart which had
also its influence in establishing power and commanding fidel-
ity. The passion of revenge which had seized the royaliit
party was not yet appeased. The appeal of Lavalette had been
rejected some days after the execution of Marshal Ney. A
stranger to all public duties under the first restoration, he had
not betrayed any oath in serving the Emperor Napoleon ; yet
he was condemned to death, and the most odious rage was pro-
voked against him. At the suggestion of Decazes, the Due de
RicheUeu counselled the Duchess d'Angouleme to request his
pardon from the king, who was quite ready to grant it. Per-
sonally, and by instinct, the duchess was disposed to implore
this favor, but her friends opposed it. Marshal Marmont
vainly multiplied his efforts in order to obtain a pardon,
■which Madame Lavalette begged on her knees. The culprit;

* Mitnoiret pour tervir d Vhiatoire de mon tempt.

BH. xnii.] PARLIAMENTARY GOVERNMENT. 225

aaked to be allowed to die by the bullets of the soldiers in place
of having to mount the scaffold, but his request was rejected.
His friends then concurred in a scheme to effect his escape.

On the 20th of December, Madame Lavalette arrived at five
o'clock at the gates of the prison of the Conciergerie, in order
to dine there with her husband, according to custom ; she was
accompanied by her daughter, and by an old waiting-maid.
At seven o'clock, covered with his wife's dress, leaning on the
shoulder of his daughter, his face concealed in his handker-
chief as if to hide his tears, the criminal went forth from his
prison; he crossed the halls of the Palais de Justice and the
posts of the gendarmerie ; delayed for a moment at the outer
gate by the absence of the porters, he entered a sedan chair, and
was conducted to the Rue de Harlay, where one of his friends
waited for him with a cabriolet. Harbored for five days at
the Ministry for Foreign Affairs, in the house of Bresson, head
of the account-office, he was at last escorted out of France by
Sir Robert Wilson, an English officer who generously devoted
himself to saving political prisoners.* Lavalette was to turn
old in exile, oppressed by the sufferings which ruined his life
and his energy. The emotions which his wife had undergone
affected her reason. The rage of the ultras on the subject of
the escape was so violent that they made it the object of a
summons against the minis try before the Chamber of Deputies.
The tattle of the drawing rooms was disgusting. "Ah! the
little villain!" said one lady, generally good and gentle, in
speaking of Mademoiselle Lavalette, an accomplice in her
father's escape. The poor child could not remain in the con-
vent where she was being educated, many families having
threatened in that case to withdraw their daughters. " It is
said that they make it languish," some persons remarked, in
speaking of the long interval which elapsed between the
arrest of Marshal Ney and his trial; "they make us languish
also. Do they think that two heads can suffice to expiate the
outrage of the 20th of March?"

The public sentiment in France was not in accord with this
misrule of violence, and it was with sincere satisfaction that it
received the acquittal of Gtenerals Drouot and Cambronne, and
fhe commutation of sentence granted by the king to Generals
Boyer, Debelle, and Travot and to Admiral Linois. Two
months before the execution of Marehal Ney, the companion

* Sir Robert underwent in bis turn a trial for this cause.

HISTORY OF FRANCE. [CH. xvnt

of his most brilliant military exploits, Joachim Murat, recently
King of Naples, had also succumbed imder platoon fire (13th
October, 1815). More fortunate than Ney, in spite of his still
graver faults, he owed not his death to French bullets. Flat-
terred by a vain hope of recovering his kingdom, he had pro-
jected a disembarkment on the coast of Calabria, he was in-
duced to land at the port of Pizzo ; betrayed by the captain of
his vessel, he was seized and the men who accompanied him
were either killed or made prisoners. Condemned to death by
courii-martial, he was shot in a yard of the fori;ress. " I have
too often braved death to fear it," said he when some one
wished to bind his eyes. These heroes of so many battles were
still young. Ney was foriy-seven years of age; Murat had
not attained his foriy -fifth year.

The period of great political trials was not yet at an end.
Generals Lefebvre-Desnouettes, Drouet d'Erion, and Lalle-
mand, were condemned by default ; General Chartran was ex-
ecuted ; General Mouton-Duvemet, hidden for many months
at Montbrison, in the house of M. de Meaux, an ardent royalist,
delivered himself up on seeing his protector threatened, and
was executed on the 27th of July, 1816. Donnadieu, who com-
manded at Grenoble, had attributed an iUusory importance to
a conspiracy directed by Paul Didier, an old constitutional,
who had been tossed from party to party, and who seemed to
plot from a natural turn for intrigue rather than from any
very definite object. He sometimes spoke of Napoleon 11.,
sometimes of the Due d'Orl^ans, as the sovereign whom he
wished to give to France, and his principal plan appeared to
be a sudden military attack on Grenoble. The attempt to
carry this plan into execution was soon suppressed by the
police of the town, who were on their guard for several days
before. Six men were kiUed among the insurgents. The
general wrote to Paris in a transport of excitement, "Long
live the king I I have just time to say to your Excellency that
his Majesty's troops have covered themselves with glory. At
midnight the hills were illumined by the fires of rebellion
throughout the province. The town has been attacked on all
sides at once. I should not be able to praise too much the
brave legion of the Isere, and its worthy colonel. Already
more than sixteen miscreants are in our power; a great nmn-
ber more is expected. The court-martial is going to deal
promptly and severely. We estimate the number of thfl
wretches who have attacked the town at 4000."

OH. xrm.] PARLIAMENTARY GOVERNMENT. 227

The exaggeration of the details was flagrant, but this was not
enough, unfortimately, to enlighten the government, which
was excited and suspicious. The general and the prefect, who
vied with each other in zeal, had already put Grenoble in a
state of siege. They were invested with enlarged powers, and
the ministry believed itself obliged to refuse forgiveness, even
to those of the accused who were interceded for by the most
important inhabitants in the town. Twenty -five of the insur-
gents were executed ; their chief, Paul Didier, perished on the
scaffold on the 10th of May. When the truth respecting the
gravity of the danger which threatened Grenoble at last found
its way to light, the reaction of pubhc opinion was so strong
that it accused Decazes of having combined with General
Donnadieu in getting up a mock-insurrection. Other conspir-
acies meanwhile received an undoubted stimulus. At Paris
a popular plot cost the Uves of its three leaders, Plaignier,
Carbonneau, and Tolleron, poor workmen, misled by foolish
hopes. The scaffold was likewise set up in the departments
of Sarthe and Somme. The agitation prevails at all points.
The journals fomented it with passion. In the heart evea
of the cabinet union was not complete. The Due de Riche-
lieu, ceaselessly thwarted by the whimsical independence
of M. de Vaublanc, demanded and obtained his replacement
by Lain6. At the same time, and to satisfy the royalists,
Barb6-Marbois, who displeased them, was removed from the
Ministry of Justice, and Dambray recovered the seals of oflSce.
After a prolonged and fruitless discussion on the electoral
law, and the much disputed budget vote, the chamber ended
its first session on the 20th of April, 1816. Notwithstanding
the changes, it broke up in an excited state, still disquieted by
fears of the future and of the opposition party, moderate and
monarchical, which it saw in its midst. At its head those men
took their place every day more distinctly who were then
honored by the name of Doctrinaires. They were bold and
honest, devoted to the reconstruction of society anew on wide
and soUd foundations, without animosity towards the ancien
e^gimey without weakness for revolutionary theories, and
doing thdr country the credit of believing it capable of learn-
ing to govern itself, and of emerging from chaos while advanc-
ing towards knowledge. Royer-Collard was thdr veritable
leader, and at his side fought Serre.

In 1816 it was the honor of Decazes to comprehend, and to
be the first to make, the effort necessary to escape from chaoa

228 HISTORY OF FRANCS. [CH. xvm.

The schism between the country and the chamber was every
day becoming greater. He felt that dissolution was indispensa-
ble, and he undertook to gain over to that idea the Due de
Richelieu, Laine, and the king himself. He demanded from
his friends — among others from Guizot, who had a short time
before re-entered the Council of State as master of petitions
— the notes with which he often supported his reasonings. The
disturbances which had spread among the corps diplomatique
were of equal service to his catise. "If the ultras come to
power, as the Comte d'Artois is loudly declaring," wrote the,
ambassadors, " the ministry will not last a month; but, while
waiting for its fall, he will have agitated the country, put the
monarchy in danger, and rendered impossible of fulfilment the
engagements into which France has entered at the instance of
the foreign powers."

The king chose his side. He had hesitated a long time, and
his hesitations were natural. How was he to dissolve the first
pronouncedly royahst chamber which had assembled for five-
and-twenty years— a chamber which he himself had qualified
as introwuabley and in which he coimted so many of his oldest
friends? Meanwhile the chamber had been more than once
irreverent, and almost as disrespectful towards him as a revo-
lutionary assembly could have been. It often insulted the
charter, and sometimes menaced it : now the charter was the
work of the king; he held it as his glory, and considered him-
self bound to defend it. On Wednesday, 14th August, at the
rising of the Council, the king stopped his ministers as they
were about to leave. ' ' Grentlemen, " he said, ' ' the moment has
arrived for coming to a determination with respect to the
Chamber of Deputies. Three months ago I had decided upon
summoning it, and that was my opinion a month ago. But all
I have seen, all that I see every day, proves so clearly the
spirit of the party which rules the chamber, the dangers wit)i
which it threatens France and myself are so evident, that my
opinion has completely changed. From this moment you may
r^ard the chamber as dissolved."

The king had ordered this to be kept secret, which was care-
fully done. On the 5th of September, at half-past eleven at
night, the Due de Richelieu informed Monsieur that the ordi-
nance of dissolution was signed, and would be in the Moniteur
in the morning. The king's door was closed, and the wrath of
Monsieur had to wait till the next day to blow itself off vainly.
The preamble announced that the king had determined to

«B. rvm.] PARLIAMENTARY GOVERNMENT. 229

revert simply to the original text of the charter. " We are
convinced, " said Louis XVIII. , ' ' that the wants and the wishes
of our subjects will be united to preserve intact the constitu>
tional charter, based on the public law of France and the
guarantee of general peace. We have, in consequence, judged
it necessary to reduce the Chamber of Deputies to the number
fixed by the charter, and only to summon men of the age of
forty years." The new Chamber of Deputies was called for
the 4th of November.

The ebullition of public joy was lively and general. The
anger of the ultras was equalled by the satisfaction of the
moderate men. "Those who had for a long time been accus-
tomed to shout * Long live the king I' " kept silence. Those
who had kept silence shouted 'Long hve the kingl'" says
Montlosier in his book De la Monarchie franqaise. " France
breathes again: the charter triumphs and the king reigns,"
wrote Lally-Tollendal to Decazes. The instructions given by
the latter to the prefects were as moderate as they were wise.
He himself summed them up in saying, " Whether we get to
the king by a charter, or to the charter by the king, our arrival
shall be equally welcome." On the whole, the elections re-
sponded to this honest and patriotic appeal. The government
passed henceforth into the hands of men of moderate opinions,
which people came to know under the name of the Centre.
The charter had placed the bases of constitutional government
in their great and important aspects, and it (the Centre) occu-
pied itself after this in defining them, and in regulating their
application in detail.

The discussion of the electoral law took up almost the entire
session of 1816. '*! have adopted all the principles of this
measure," wrote Laine to Guizot, a few days before the open-
ing of the debate. "The concentration of the franchise,
direct election, equal rights of voters, their meeting in a
single assembly in each department— I really believe these to
be the best. I have, however, stiU some perplexities of spirit
on some of these questions, and very Uttle time to get out of
them. Help me to prepare the draft of the motions." The
biU introduced by the ministry, and violently attacked by the
right, had a two-fold aim— to put an end to the revolutionary
r^me, and to put in force constitutional government. The
principles on which this bill rested obtained for France thirty
years of a regular and liberal government, at once seriously
sustained and contrcdled. Tossed since then cm the heaving

230 HI8T0RT OF FRANGB. [CH. xvin.

surface of universal suffrage, we turn with respectful sorrow
towards that quiet harbor which the tempest of 1848 compelled
us to leave, without other storms having brought us any
nearer to it.

The electoral law was succeeded by the law of enlistment, a
wise and far-reaching conception of Marshal Gouvion St. Cyx,
who had replaced the Due de Feltre as minister of war. The
martial insisted from the first on the principle that all classes
of the nation were called upon to assist in forming the army,
without getting into the way, as Grermany did then, of making
miUtary service compulsory for all. This idea had always
been strange to the organization of the French army, but it
was to be imposed upon us by the unforeseen reverses. In
accordance with the equality established in the military nation
by Marshal Grouvion St. Cyr, those who entered by the lowest
rank had the right of promotion to the highest ; and this was
partly assured to them by the ascending scale of the middle
ranks. Those who aspired to enter by a higher grade, were at
first bound to show by competition some merit already ac-
quired, then to acquire by hard study the special instruction
for their duty. The obligations imposed upon, and the rights
recognized by all, were upheld by law.

The supreme test of legislators is the long result of their
labors. More than one has succumbed; others have not had
time to find out by experience the merits or defects of their
conceptions. Marshal Gouvion St. Cyr created for France a
strong and faithful army, religiously preserving the memory
of past glory, and animated by a severely military spirit.
Other circumstances have enfeebled this salutary influence,
and we have gathered the bitter fruits of the lax system which
was introduced under the second empire into both the morals
and the interior organization of the army. When, at the
opening of the session of 1818, the illustrious warrior came
himself to the tribune, to defend at once the new army he
wished to create and the old army which he wished to attach
to the new one as a glorious reserve, he moved the chamber
by his grave and firm language in recalling to its memory the
sufferings of the soldiers who had recently been unhappily
disbanded. This speech assured the x)assing of the biU.

The elections of 1816, and the partial renewing of the cham-
ber, had brought into it elements which scarcely existed in
that of 1815. The Left was brilliantly represented. Lafayette, .
Benjamin Constant, and Manuel attacked the press laws which

OH. xvm.] PARLIAMENTARY OOVERNMEKT. 2Si

were introduced by the cabinet in 1818. The ministry had
undergone several changes. Pasquier had replaced Dambray
as keeper of the seals, and he was in his turn succeeded by
Serre. It was he who projected the measure which did away
with the exceptional regime under which the press lived for
three years, and which henceforth regulated its rights and
obligations. Serre has left upon those who heard him, the
impression of an eloquence imapproachable even in such a
time of eloquence. "He sustained general principles as a
magistrate who applies them, not as a philosopher who ex-
plains them. His speech was profound and not abstract,
colored and not figurative, and his arguments were actions.
As strong in impromptu as after cogitation, when he had sup-
mounted a slight hesitation and timidity at first he went to his
point firmly and impressively, like a man ardently sincere,
who sought nowhere personal success, and who only occupied
himself in making his cause to triumph, while communicating
to his audience his sentiments with, his conviction." *

During the discussion of the press laws, Guizot ascended for
the first time— as commissary of the king, and to defend some
articles of the measure — that tribune which was to become so
familiar to him. His age not yet permitting him to take part
in the assembly, he took an active and ardent part in the dis-
cussions which were carried on outside the chamber by the
polemics of the newspapers. Independent friends of the gov-
ernment, whom they sometimes annoyed even while defending
it, the doctrinaires eloquently advocated their ideas in the
Globe, the Courier, the Archit^es philosophiqties et poUtiquea,
and the Revue frangaise. Animated by the noblest hox)es for
the future, and every day engaged in the arena, they carried
into the contest a devotion equal to their pride, and a pride
which for the most part surpassed their ambition.

Their influence had increased, and became more direct and
efficacious at the time when the press laws were brought before
the chambers. The chambers, then renewed for the fifth time,
had seen new members join the opposition ; the ultras, agitated
amongst themselves, plotting in tiieir turn in a small assembly,
which took from the place where it held its meeting the name
of Terrasse du bord de Veau. Secret notes, drawn up by
Vitrolles, were addressed to the foreign powers, warning them
of the dangers which menaced the restoration, and of the

* Mimoireapovr tervir d rhiatoire de man tempa.

232 HISTORY OF FRANCE. [cH. xvm.

powerlessnees of France to keep to her engagements with them
if she again fell into the hands of revolutionaries. The culpa-
bility of this communication was all the more flagrant, inas-
much as our relation towards the allies had already been im-
proved in several ways: the army of occupation had been
reduced, a contract had been accepted for the payment of the
war indemnity, and the Due de Richelieu was preparing to go
to the Congress of Aix-la-Chapelle in the hope of obtaining a
complete hberation of the territory. Vitrolles was expelled
from the Privy Council on the 24th July, 1818. Already in
1816, for his book La Monarchie selon la Charte, in which he
had personally offended the king, the name of Chateaubriand
had been erased from the list of the ministers of State.

Richelieu succeeded at Aix-la-Chapelle, and had the pleasure
of returning to Paris as bearer of the convention, signed on
the 9th of October in the Congress, which settled the 30th of
November as the date of the withdrawal of the foreign troops.
The days of grace which had been granted to France for its
payments were doubled. Meanwhile the aUies had cemented
their imion by a protocol which was destined to perpetuate it,
and the Emperor Alexander— instructed by Pozzo, who had
joined him at the Congress— warned Richelieu against the
dangers which were menacing the government of the king.
Every one was finding fault with the electoral law. The Due
de IMchelieu was strongly in favor of modifying it, and he
arrived at Paris with that idea on the 28th of November, 1818.

The electoral law was unjustly attacked, and the inconven-
iences which resulted from its application flowed inevitably
from the violent strife of parties, equally ardent and inex-
perienced. The Due de Richelieu met in the very heart of his
cabinet an opj)osition which he could not put down, and he
decided to break with Decazes, who had become a count and a
member of the Chamber of Peers. The latter retired at first
before the fury of the right; but Richelieu having vainly
endeavored to form a cabinet, Decazes became the directing
minister, at the head of an enfeebled and divided majority,
confronted by the ultras, more and more irreconcilable, and
by the left, more numerous and animated than in the past.
TTie enterprise was beyond his powers, and all the eloquence
of Serre, who had become keeper of the seals, did not suffice to
carry it out.

He alone represented in the government the friends from
whom he was to separate with 4clat. Decazes pressed Royer*

OH. xvni.] PARLIAMENTARY GOVERNMENT.

CoUard to enter the cabinet. He hesitated, accepted for a
moment, then at last refused. ' ' You do not know what you
would do," he said to Decazes. ** My way of treating matters
is entirely different from yours. You evade the questions,
you twist them about, you gain time. As for me, I should
attack them in front, produce them in public, and turn them
inside out before everybody. I should compromise, instead of
aiding you."* Roy er-Collard was right. He was more fit to
counsel and control power, than to exercise it; he was a great
spectator and a great critic, rather than a great political actor.
(Jeneral Dessoles had become minister of foreign a£Eairs, and
Baron Louis minister of finance. The electoral law remained
still intact.

It was destined soon to undergo new attacks, for the always
precarious existence of the ministry was not to last long.
"There was in the parliamentary arena a cabinet briUiant
with integrity, and in the country a loyally constitutional
government. But it possessed more rhetorical than political
power, and neither its care for personal safety nor its successes
in the tribune were suflScient to rally the great government
party which its formation had divided. Discord was kindling
between the chambers themselves. The Chamber of Peers
accepted the proposal of the Marquis Barth^lemy for the
reform of the law of elections. The attacks of the right as
well as the left were still more efllcacious in shaking the power,
than the latter's victories were in consoUdating it. The con-
stant favor of the king sustained uneasily a friend whose
downfall he foresaw with sadness. Two sinister events— the
one long prepared by the directing committee of the afifairs of
the left, the other unforeseen by all— gave the fatal blow to
the ministry of Decazes. Gr^goire, formerly a constitutional
bishop, regicide by his approval of the condemnation of Louis
XVL, and senator under the Eknpire, at once pious and revo-
lutionary through every phase of his existence, was returned
to the Chamber of Deputies by the assembly of Grenoble (11th
September, 1819), and, on the 13th of February, 1820, the Duo
de Berry was assassinated by Louvel, on coming out of the
Opera.

The election of Gr^goire was not long in being invahdated
by the chamber itself; but it appeared none the less a sign of
the times, and caused a lively feehng of imeasiness, not only

* Mimoirts pour servir d Vhiatoire de mon Umpt.

234 '.TA'iVmSTOBT OF FBANOB. [CH. xmL

in France, among the moderate spirits which were occupied
with the progress of reaction towards the left, but in Europe,
among the sovereigns and ministers menaced with revolution.
Bisings had taken place in England, and Parliament had voted
laws of repression. The democratic fermentation was daily
increasing in Germany. A celebrated dramatist, Auguste
Kotzebue, accused of betraying the national cause, had been
assassinated on the 28th of March, 1819, by a fanatic called
Charles Sand, who cried out, as he struck his victim, " O God,
I thank Thee that Thou hast permitted me to do this deed I"
Prussia and Austria imited to repress the progress of the eviL
They did not let the fears be imknown in Paris with which they
were inspired by the state of France, always destined to assure
or to disturb the world's repose. The king inclined henceforth
to the proposed reforms in the electoral law. "Well, brother,
you see what they are driving you tol" said the Comte
d'Artois, who for a long time had abstained from talking poli-
tics in the royal circle. " Yes, brother, and I will provide for
it," repUed Louis XVITI. A draft of the law of legislature was
prepared by Serre, with the consent of the Due de Berry.

The minds of men were at the same time troubled by other
causes of agitation. There was ever since the first days of the
restoration the constant effort of the Cathohcs, eager to estab-
lish between Church and State those ties which they deemed
necessary to the independence and the dignity of the clergy.
An attempt had been made at Rome to modify in this sense
the Concordat of 1801, but the negotiations, badly entered upon,
were abortive, and the new Concordat, for a moment accepted
in 1817, was abandoned in 1819, Almost at the same time, and
in spite of the overwhelming influence which he exercised over
the great Council of Public Instruction, Royer-CoUard resigned
the presidency, uneasy, it was said, at some hostile tendencies
towards the university which he came upon when in power.
"We shall perish; this is a solution," he repUed to Decazes,
who was seeking to reattach him to the government. Marshal
Gouvion St. Cyr, General Dessoles, and Baron Louis refused to
touch the electoral law. The Due de Richelieu had not con-
sented to charge himself with the formation of a new cabinet-.
Pasquier, Roy, and La Tour-Maubqurg replaced in the council
the retiring ministers, and Decazes became its president.

More than ever was the cabinet lacking in force and unity;
more than ever was it attacked by all parties, abandoned by a
pcu*t of the doctrinaireB, and sustained by the younger and more

OB. xvm.] PARLIAMENTARY GOVERNMENT.

ardent, who inspired measures of pacification and liberalism.
Seven of the peers who had been excluded after the hundred
days were reinstalled; and Marshal Grouchy and Greneral
Gilly were comprised in the amnesty. The Due de Rovigo,
tried for contumacy, was acquitted. The projected electoral
law remained in suspense in consequence of the illness of
Serre ; what was known or guessed as to its nature roused the
violent indignation of the left, well satisfied up to that time
by the law of the 5th of February, 1817. The cabinet had
entered upon pourparlers with the chiefs of the right, and
appeared disposed to make important concessions to them;
when, on the night of the 13th of February, 1820, the rumor
ran through Paris that the Due de Berry, after conducting
his wife to her carriage on coming out of the Opera, had
been stabbed as he was re-entering the hall. The princess
hearing the cry of her wounded husband, threw herself from
the carriage at once, and was covered with his blood. Some
months before (after two miscarriages) she had given birth to
a daughter, and was again looking forward to become a
mother, when, to the sound of the joyful music, she received
in her arms the lifeless body of the duke. From the first there
was but little hope. Already, around the couch of the dying
man, sinister rumors and incredible suspicions were circulat-
ing. The grief and marked concern of Decazes as chief of the
cabinet were arousing an evident distrust. The examination
of Louvel, who declared that he had acted of his own accord
and without any accomplice, did not allay the excitement.
The prince bade farewell to those who surroimded him, be-
seeching the king to forgive the man who had stabbed him.
The Duchesse de Berry, mad with despair, asked permission
to return to Sicily. King Louis XVIII. himself closed the eyes
of the nephew whom he called his son.

The storm broke forth in the chambers before they had been
officially informed of the death of the Due de Berry. Clausel
de Coussergues, a member of the Court of Cassation, and a
fanatical royalist, rushed into the tribune, robed in mourning,
*' Gentlemen," cried he, " there is no law defining the method
of Tnq.lring an accusation against ministers, but the debate
upon such a question ought naturally to take place in publio
sitting. I propose to the chamber to vote an indictment against
M. Decazes, minister of the interior, as an accomphce in the
assassination of the Due de Berry, and I ask leave to speak
in support of my proposition." Silence was imposed on the

236 HISTORY OF FRANCE. [CH. xvin.

orator, by cries that were almost unanimous; but his idea had
taken root in many minds. A proposal by Bourdonnaye for an
address to the king, veiled the same accusation in more guarded
forms of speech. GJeneral Foy protested. " Let it be simply
a question," said he, " of the tears that we shall all shed over
a prince regretted by aU Frenchmen, and especially regretted
by the friends of liberty, because they know that advantage
will be taken of this frightful occurrence to seek to destroy
the liberties and the rights which have been recognized and
sanctioned by the wisdom of the monarch."

Immediately, and with justice, Louis XViii. instinctively
felt himself menaced by the odious attack upon his minister.
"The royalists gave me the finishing stroke," said he; "they
know that the policy of M. Decazes is also mine, and they
accuse him of having assassinated my nephew. It is not the
first calumny that they have hiirled at me. I wish to save our
country without the ultras, if it is possible. Let us seek for a
majority outside the circle of M. Clausel, and M, de la Bourdon-
naye and their friends," In the Chamber of Deputies, Ste.Au-
laire, father-in-law of Decazes, hearing Clausel de Coussergues
repeating, with a sUght modification, his denunciation of the
previous day, cried out, "I do not oppose M. Clause's proposi-
tion being consigned to the minutes. I content myself with
asking that the reply which I make to it may also be included.
This reply will not be lengthy: You are a calumniator I"

The current of excited passions was too violent to yield to
the beneficent wishes of the monarch, and the patriotic eflEorts
of sober-minded men. Sinister projects were being agitated
amongst the men of the right. They had dared to propose to
the Duke de BeUune to use force towards the president of the
Council if he persisted in retaining power. In the chambers,
the two parties in opposition, equally excited, inveighed
against the measures abridging personal liberty and the free-
dom of the press, such measures having been inunediately
proposed by the minister. It was indispensable to the govern-
ment that these measures should be adopted. The left centre
would only consent to support them on condition of the aban-
donment of the new doctoral law "It is necessary for the
ultras to be once more in power," said Eoyer-CoUard; "they
will not keep it three months. What do I say? They will not
ascend the tribune three times. There is a sword of Damocles
suspended above oiu* heads, and it is necessary to take meas*
iiree to dispel the danger."

OB. xvin.] PARLIAMENTARY GOVERNMENT. 237

Once more in possession of power, the ultras were to retain
it much longer, and to use it with more vigor than Roy er-Collard
had foreseen. Decazes, however, could not deceive himself as
to the dangers of the situation in which he found himself
placed, and he begged the king to sanction his retirement.
The royalists did not ceaso repeating that only one victim
was necessary to them, and that they were ready to support
the Due de Richelieu. The latter persisted in remaining in his
retreat; the king refused to intervene. "I have too many
times sought in vain for the co-operation of M. de Richelieu,"
said he; " my dignity does not permit me to try again." The
violence of the journals against the president of the Council
continued to increase, and the threats respecting his liberty
and his life grew more serious. VitroUes apprised Monsieur
of these things. "In the interest of the khig, as well as in
that of the monarchy," said he, "a voluntary retreat would be
more advantageous than a defeat accomplished by violence."
Monsieur repaired to the king, accompanied by the Duchesse
d'Angouleme, pleading earnestly for the abandonment of
the favorite. " "We make this request of you in order to escape
a fresh crime." " Ah !" cried the king, "I will brave the dag-
gers ; and there is a greater distance than you think between
the assassin's steel and the heart of an honest man." "Ah!
sire," replied madame, "thanks to God it is not for your maj-
esty that we fear, but for one who is very dear to you." "I
defy the crime on my friend's account, as well as on my own,"
proudly responded Louis XVIII. Decazes, who arrived a few
moments later, obtained, however, permission to retire. Riche-
lieu yielded to the entreaties that were made to him in the
name of the monarch. Monsieur wished to have his share in
the settlement, and went to the house of Richelieu who was
ill. " Only one thing in the world do I ask of you," said he;
"one man more, that is yourself; one man less, that is M.
Decazes. Form your ministry as shall seem good to yourself,
and be certain that I shall approve everything and support
everything. Your policy shall be mine, and I will be your
foremost champion."

Monsieur promised for himself and his party more than he
was able, and more than he was destined, to fulfil. The Due
de Richelieu foresaw this when he saw himself compelled once
more to accept power. The new Ihic Decazes^ minister of
gtate, member of the Privy Council, set out for London in the
capacity of ambassador. The Due de Richelieu having refused

238 HI8T0B7 OF FRANCE. [oh. xvm.

to take a portfolio, there had been some diflBculty in finding a
new minister of the interior. Count Simon was at last called
upon to imdertake this difficult charge. An advocate at the
bar of AiY before the revolution, banished on the 18th Fructi-
dor, he had been councillor of state under the empire. Ap-
pointed a representative during the hundred days, and since
then a member of the Chamber of Deputies, he had gone
through all regimes with a tranquil complaisance which did
not promise to strengthen the government he consented to
serve. Moimier, son of the celebrated member of the Con-
stituent Assembly, replaced Guizot in the direction of the de-
partmental and comimunal administration, which had been
entrusted to the latter imder Decazes.

The first acts of the minister soon gave opportunity for judg-
ing what would be the direction of his policy. Serre, always
absent, but resolved upon supporting the Due de Richeheu
with all his influence, and with the venerated brilliancy of his
eloquence, retained considerable irritation against his old
friends, who had been in alliance with Decazes. "It is M.
Eoyer-Collard and his friends," wrote he to the fallen minis-
ter; "it is their intractable pride which has done- you most
harm, and which has precipitated your fall by placing you in
the power of the ultras." He hastened to satisfy immediately
his animosities and his fears: Eoyer-Collard, Camille- Jordan,
Barante, and Guizot were struck out of the list of the
Council of State. "I was e3q)ecting your letter," replied
Guizot to the keeper of the seals. " I ought to have foreseen
it, and I did foresee it, when I proudly manifested my disap-
probation. I congratulate myself on having no change to
make in my conduct. To-day, as yesterday, I shall belong
only to myself, and that completely." Decazes vainly labored
to effect a reconciliation between his friend and the govern-
ment.

The outburst of royalist violence against him did not cease
with his fall. For a longtime an enemy to Decazes, Chateau-
briand dared to write in the Conservateur these words, of
mournful celebrity. " Those who stUl struggle against public
hatred have not been able to resist public sorrow ; our tears,
our sighs, our sobs have terrified an imprudent minister; his
feet have slipped from under him in a pool of blood ; he has
fallen." The importance of the victory of the ultras was esti-
mated by their passionate attacks upon liberty. "The assassi-
nation of the Due de Berry," wrote Charles Nodier, in the

CH.XV11L] PARLIAMENTARY GOVERNMENT. ^ 239

Drapeau Blanc, " is a clause of the ordinance of September 5th.
It is asked whether the knife which killed the Due de Berry
was a poniard, a dagger, or what: I have seen it; the instru-
ment is a liberal idea."

During the trial of the assassin (whose crime had furnished
the occasion, but was not the origin of the outburst of political
I)assions) the discussion upon the "laws of exception" was ex-
citing in the chambers violent storms, which were re-echoing
far beyond, creating in Paris and in the departments an ever-
increasing agitation. Honestly but vainly desirous of main-
taining a moderate line of conduct, the government inclined
more and more towards the right, and found itself every day
more effectually and more eagerly attacked by the liberals.
"Whilst even the ministers are sometimes led astray," said
Benjamin Constant, "the representatives of the nation have
walked in the lines of the constitution. Do you wish to depart
from them? Will you re-enact the 'laws of exception?' The
Convention, the Directory, Bonaparte, governed by laws of ex-
ception! Where is the Convention? Where is the Directory*
Where is Bonaparte?" General Foy was roused up to exclaim,
" Do you think that without the presence of foreigners, and the
terror that they inspired, we should have ingloriously submitted
to the outrages and insults of a handful of wretches whom we
despised, and whom we have seen in the dust for thirty years?"
Coniay, a member of the left, rose in his place, and loudly
cried, "Monsieur, you are an insolent fellow!" A duel took
place the next day, followed by a reconciliation; but the public
fervor was less easily calmed than private quarrels; the people
increasingly gathered in crowds outside the chambers. The
voting of the laws of exception was followed by the suppression
of several journals. A national subscription was opened at the
house of Lafitte in favor of the victims of the new legislation.
The electoral law was destined to arouse more violent and more
dangerous attacks. It was modified in order to satisfy the
right. After the discussion it was found almost assimilated to
the project elaborated in 1819 by Serre, He supported it on
several occasions with an eloquence which the state of his
health rendered sorrowfully eflEective. Adversaries the most
formidable were roused up against the various articles of the
project. Twice Royer-CoUard spoke with that unanswerable
authority which his character as well as his mental superiority
merited. Corbi^re accused him of upholding the sovereignty
of the people. The illustrious defender of a wise liberty thuc

HF (K) Vol. 8

940 BISTORT OF FRANCS, [ch. xvin.

proudly expounded its eternal basis. "Privilege, absolute
power, the sovereignty of the people, are, under diverse, and
more or less unfortunate forms, the empire of force upon earth.
There are two elements in society— the one material, which is
the individual, his power and his will ; the other moral, which
is right, resulting from the true interests of society. Will you
form society out of the material element? Then the majority
of individuals — the majority of wHls, whatever they may be,
is sovereign. If voluntarily, or in spite of itself, this sov-
ereignty blindly or violently places itself in the hands of a sin-
gle person or of several persons, without changing its charac-
ter, it is a force more wise and more moderate, but it is still only
force. This is the root of absolute power and of privilege.
Will you, on the contrary, form society with the moral element,
which is right? Justice is the sovereign, because justice is the
rule of right. Free constitutions have for their object the de-
thronement of force and the accomplishment of the reign of
justice. It is force if your government represents persons; it
is justice if it represents rights and interests."

It was the glory of Royer CoUard, and the secret of his in-
fluence over the distinguished men who surrounded him, that
he always raised to the highest regions of thought the questions
upon which he spoke. This waa also the cause of his isolation
even in the midst of his brilliant renown. Lafayette more
effectively declared war against the government by a threaten-
ing manifesto. " I flattered myself," said he, " that the differ-
ent parties, yielding at last to the general need for freedom and
repose, were by mutual sacrifices, and with no mental reservsr
tions, about to seek these benefits in the exercise of the rights
which the charter has recognized. My hopes have been de-
ceived. The counter-revolution rests with the government, but
they wish to fix the blame on the chambers. It has devolved
on my friends and myself to declare it to the nation. Thinking
also that the engagements of the charter were founded on
reciprocity, I have loyally denounced the violators • of their
sworn faith."

In developing his thought, Lafayette manifested his fear lest
the younger generation, threatened with the loss of all the
fruits of the revolution, should themselves seize once more upon
the sacred fasces of the principles of eternal truth and sovereign
justice. The strnggle, in fact, was already coromencing in the
streets, betw^: the young royalists from the barracks of the
body-g^uard (as it was said) and the students, ardently liberal,

MARSHAL FOY

Franc*, V0l. tight.

OH. xvm.] PARLIAMENTARY GOVERNMENT. 341

grouped round the chambers or escorting popular deputies.
On the 3rd of June a pupil of the school of law, the young
LaUemand, was killed by a pistol-shot. The agitation lasted
for several days, maintained by the funeral obsequies of the
unfortunate victim as well as by the trial and execution of
LouveL On August 19th, after the closing of the session and
the passing of the electoral law, an important conspiracy was
suddenly discovered, hatched by a few Bonapartist oflScers,
and by the young leaders of the democratic party. The day
had arrived for carrying out the enterprise. Several arrests
were effected; the accused, numerous and important, were sent
before the Court of Peers.

The popular and pohtical emotion which was reigning in
France, and which was re-echoing afar, was, in its turn, excited
and encouraged by the blasts of revolution which had again
begun to blow across Em'ope. In England, King (Jeorge IIL
had just died, tenderly regretted by his people, who had con-
stantly loved and respected him through his long madness: the
scandalous trial instituted by the new monarch, Gteorge IV.,
against his queen, Caroline of Brunswick, excited the most vio-
lent and contrary passions. The revolution having broken out
in Spain, King Ferdinand Vil. was obliged to accept the con-
stitution voted in 1812, by the Cortes met at Cadiz during the
national war against the Emperor Napoleon and King Joseph.
The reaction was immediately felt at Naples; the sovereigns
found themselves compelled to proclaim the Spanish Constitu-
tion, though ignorant of its conditions. Portugal was affected
by the same contagion. The Diet of Warsaw rejected the laws
proposed by the Emperor Alexander ; a regiment mutinied at
St. Petersburg. The European sovereigns became so uneasy
that a congress was convoked at Troppau, and afterwards at
Laybach, for the piuT)ose of taking the measures necessary for
maintaining pubhc order. Mettemich, one of the most able
and skilful amongst diplomatists, succeeded in separating the
Emperor Alexander from alliance with France, as weU as from
the liberal ideas which had brought them together. A protocol
of Bussia, Prussia, and Austria laid down the principle of
armed intervention in the case of States in a state of revolution.
It was also decided to apply the principle to the kingdom of
Naples. England had urged Austria to interfere alone in the
affairs of the two SiciUes, and refused to adhere to the declara-
tion of the absolutist powers. France placed restrictions upon
her adhesion. The King of Naples was called to take part in

f42 HIBTOBT OF FRANCE. [ch. ma

the congress, but the Neapolitan Parliament would not agree to
his appointing his son, the Duke of Calabria, regent, till he had
sworn that he would make no change in the constitution. The
conciliatory appeals issued from Laybach by the monarch who
had thus recovered his Kberty, produced no result; the Aus-
trian troops entered the kingdom of Naples. At the same mo-
ment a mihtary insurrection broke out in Piedmont, and the
king having refused to accept the Spanish Constitution, a
model approved by all the revolutionaries, found himself
obliged to abdicate. An Austrian army was at once directed
against Piedmont, with the support of those troops who had
remained loyal. Both in Turin and Naples the Austrian forces
were completely successful, the Neapolitans scattering like
cowards. After some serious resistance, the Piedmontese in-
surgents were beaten at Novara. The fears of the congress
were removed, though some indignation was still felt. Pied-
mont, as well as the Two Sicilies, was now placed under Aus-
trian occupation by diplomatic convention; there was some
display of absolutist reaction at Naples; at Turin, a severe re-
pression was brought to bear upon the revolutionists, and even
the liberals. Lombardy and Modena were agitated by the
political trials of some prominent public men; and the lega-
tions were also much disturbed. The Pope excommunicated
the "carbonari," who had, for the most part, a share in the
disorders of the Italian peninsula. Metternich triiunphed at
Laybach: he at first succeeded in influencing the Emperor
Alexander, and secured his assistance in declaring against the
revolutionary spirit, which he was too apt to confound with
the spirit of liberty. " The allied sovereigns were not ignorant
of the fact that they had to resist a devastating torrent," said
the circular adopted by Austria, Prussia, and Russia; " to pre-
serve whatever legally exists, was the invariable principle of
their policy. The changes useful and necessary to the legisla-
tion and administration of States should emanate only from
the free will, the well-considered and enlightened impulse, of
those whom God had rendered responsible for the power. All
that exceeds that Hmit must necessarily lead to disorder and
social overthrow — to evils much more insupportable than those
pretended to be remedied."

Neither France nor England adhered to this frank declara-
tion of absolute power, and the coalition of European states
was thus virtually dissolved. The ultra-royalist party were
none the less delighted because this distant success succeeded

OH. xvm.] PARLIAMENTARY GOVERNMENT. 343

the fears caused by the rising tide of revolution. AH seemed
to conspire to urge the government towards that right side,
which alone offered it enthusiastic support. On the 29th Sep-
tember, 1820, the Duchess of Berry gave birth to a child, whose
birth caused transports of joy not only to the extreme royal-
ists, but to the mass of the population. None but a few men
of foresight were apprehensive of seeing the imprudent parti-
sans of power derive additional arrogance from that certainty
of direct succession. Every day the separation between the
ministry and UberaJs became more complete. Serre entirely
abandoned his former friends, who opposed him with increas-
ing vivacity. In his pamphlet entitled, The Government of
France since the Regtoration, Guizot severely attacked him.
Next year, 1821, he endeavored to direct his friends in the way
of legal opjKwition, and regular government offered them by
the charter. His work On the Present Oovemment and Oppo-
sition in France was entirely devoted to this purpose.

The partial renewal of the chamber was an indication that
the royahfits were being visited by a return of favor. A large
nmnber of the members of the "lost chamber" were again
elected. BicheUeu and Fasquier began to feel uneasy as to a
success exceeding their hopes and desires. The king thought
the same: — " Why, we are now like the poor knight who had
not agility enough to leap on horseback," said he; "he prayed
to St. George with such fervor that St. Qeoi^ gave him more
than there was need for, and he jumped to the other side."

The result of the increase of power on the right was inevita-
ble. RicheUeu resolved to gain over the principal leaders.
After long hesitation, mixed with some dissension, ViU61e
and Corbi^re, moderate leaders of the excited party, ac-
cepted the title of ministers without oflBce, which was also
granted to Lain6, who had long refused the office of president
of public instruction. This duty was entrusted to Corbi6re.
Chateaubriand was appointed minister at Berlin, and had
great influence in securing the admission of his friends into the
cabinet. "It is true that in the cabinet we are only two
against seven, " said VillMe, "but we rely upon a compact mass
of one hundred and sixty deputies, whereas our seven col-
leagues have not more than a hundred behind them. With
8uch support it will be our own fault if we have not the pre-
ponderance."

It was in fact the preponderance of the ardent and combative
right which was every day becoming obviously more perma-

244 HISTORY OF FRANCS. [oh. xvm

nent. Tie moderate right, approximating to the centre, both
in their views and interests, still rallied round the Due de Riche-
lieu and Pasquier, though tacitly beaten. Still the peaceful
alliance of the two parts of the right coxild not last, and the
declarations of Villele and Corbi^re in favor of an efficacious
and practical government having been repelled by Richelieu,
the two leaders of the right withdrew, one stari;ing for
Toulouse, and the other for Rennes. Their friends in the
chambers redoubled their attacks upon the ministry, and when
Richelieu complained to Monsieur, reminding him of his
promises, which had been repeated since his entry into the
ministry; "The fact is, my dear duke," replied Monsieur, "if
you allow me to say so, you have taken my words too liter-
ally: and then the circumstances then were so difficult." The
president rose abruptly, and hurrying to Pasquier' s house
threw himself into an arm-chair, exclaiming, " He has broken
his word of honor! He has broken his word as a gentleman!"
" What would you have me to do?" said the king to Richelieu.
" He conspired against Louis XVI. ; he conspired against me ;
he will conspire against himself." The explosion of a barrel
of gunpowder in the king's apartments gave room to suspect
another attempt to renew the painful circumstances preceding
the fall of the Due Decazes. The king himself shared this opin-
ion. * * These attempts are Protean, " he wrote to Decazes, ' 'every
day assuming a new form. It is quite probable that at the
bottom of the sack there may be found an infamous intrigue,
instead of an execrable wretch."

Nevertheless Richelieu succumbed to the attack directed
against him. He had refused to sacrifice several of his col-
leagues, and his collea^es in their turn refused to take share
In the new ministry. When the ultras made some advances,
Serre repUed, as Royer-CoUard had recently done: " You have
not enough for three months." Montmorency, Villele, Cor-
bi^re, Peyronnet, Bellune, and Clermont-Tonnerre, now com-
posed the government. Ravez, president of the Chamber of
Deputies, belonged to the right. Chateaubriand was sent to
London as ambassador. The power passed entirely, and for
several years, into the hands of men who had scarcely the
idightest experience of it in the chambers, without having
ever really exercised it. Villele, " moderator " of the right,
who was frequently imaware of the ideas, passions, and plans
of his friends, nevertheless found himself at the head of the
government as a party man, where he was to remain for some

gH. xvin.] PARLIAMENTARY OOVERNMENT. 845

time as a party man, although he strove to make the govern-
ment spirit have more influence with his associates than the
party spirit. He reached this result by the great and natural
way : the head of the parliamentary majority became head of
the government.

At the moment when his cabinet was being formed his posi-
tion was one of the greatest difficulty. " It was no longer
stormy discussions in the chamber, and riots in the streets:
secret societies, plots, insurrections, an enthusiastic resolution
to overthrow the established order, were everywhere ferment-
ing and manifesting themselves in the eastern, western, and
southern departments; at Belfort, Colmar, Toulon, Saumur,
Nantes, Rochelle, even at Paris before the eyes of the min-
isters, among both military and professional men, both in the
royal guard and the regiments of the Une. Within less than
three years the restoration was attacked and endangered by
eight serious plots." ♦

The general excitement and alarm was excessive. The pub-
lic liberty was not seriously endangered, and those who de-
fended it were not disarmed. To struggle against the tend-
ency of a government which displeased them, they had numer-
ous adequate legal resources. They were nevertheless sincere
in their patriotic prejudices, convinced that aU means were
not only permitted, but necessary, to protect the great liberal
institutions recently secured to the country. The three
leaders of the different parties in the opposition in the Chamber
of Deputies, Lafayette, Manuel, and Argenson, brought to the
conspiracies their characteristic habits of thought and natural
disposition. With obstinate fidehty to the principles of liberty
which he had adopted when yoimg, Lafayette coiild, at certain
periods of his life, meet the arguments of demagogues with un-
swerving firmness. A man of noble birth, hberal and popu-
lar, with no natural disposition to be revolutionary, he was
blindly induced to be urged and to urge others to repeated
revolutions. Manuel was the docile son and able defender of
the revolution which had been accomplished since 1789, capable
of becoming in her service a government partisan, but deter-
mined in any case to support her at all risks. Argenson, a
melancholy dreamer, passionately devoted to the cure of the
evils afflicting the human race, plotted with much hope of suo*
oess, but always with untiring energy.

* Quizot's Mhnoiret, etc.

246 HISTORY OF FRANCE. [ch. xvnt

The Court of the Peers showed great moderation with respect
to the accused of the 19th August. It had pronounced the
charge inappUcable to most of the principal men who were im-
phcated, and acquitted many of the others. The plots which
afterwards were divulged towards the end of 1821, at Saumur
and Belfort, seemed to be more skilfully contrived. Carbo-
narism had made great progress in France, and the leaders
were resolved not to abandon their accomplices. An accident
led to the discovery of the Saumur conspiracy, the centre of
which was the miUtary school. The movement which soon
after declared itself in Alsace and deUvered up Colmar to a
provisional government, proved abortive, like that of Saumur,
on account of repeated blunders.

On the 1st of January, 1822, Lafayette reached Belfort, to
put himself at the head of the insurrection. He found the plot
had been discovered, and several of the leaders arrested. On
January 7th, Arnold Scheffer and Courcelles went to Mar-
seilles, where they expected to find preparations made for a
rising; the same disappointment attended them, their accom-
phces were either arrested or in flight. Several weeks after-
wards, on the 24th of February, a more serious attempt at last
broke out in the west, Saumur being the centre, and General
Berton the principal leader. The town was attacked by bands
of men from Parthenay and Thenars ; but the hesitation of the
inhabitants, and the determined attitude of a certain niunber of
the pupils in the military school, put a stop to that imimpor-
tant manifestation. There was at the same time great excite-
ment in the 45th regiment of the line, then garrisoned at
Rochelle: four young sub officers were accused of taking a
leading part in the insurrection. Almost simultaneously a
rising was attempted at Colmar, to deUver those acculed of
conspiring at Belfort. In all parts of France, under the in-
fluence and auspices of the Carbonari, there was an outburst
of attempts, which were both serious and silly, foUowed up
step by step by the authorities, and sometimes even encour-
aged eagerly by interested agents. During two years these
men procured from various parts of the kingdom nineteen
condemnations to death, twelve of which were carried out.
Imprisoned after the Rochelle plot, the four sergeants, Bories,
Raoulx, Qoubin, and Pommier, were on the point of under-
going their sentence, to escape which attempts had been in
vain made in their favor, though they were ignorant of it, and
probably thought they were abandoned. The magistrates

OH. xvm.] PARLIAMENTARY GOVERNMENT. 347

urged them to save their lives by giving some informa-
tion as to the chief instigators of their fatal attempt. They
all repUed that they had nothing to reveal, and died with-
out a word. Such devotion deserved leaders of more fore-
sight.

Such noisy but powerless attempts at a rising were of service
to the new government rather than a cause of weakness. The
violence of the parliamentary debates increased, but the pro-
tection granted to the conspirators by those who did not con-
spire was necessarily prejudicial to the latter. Press censor-
i^p now brought many to trial : Beranger being twice already
condenmed for his outspoken songs, Benjamin Constant also
was prosecuted.

The elections of a fifth of the chamber strengthened the
ministerial majority. The power had really passed from the
king's hands to those of Monsieur and his friends. BicheUeu
died on the 17th May, regretted and respected even by those
who had most keenly opposed him. On his return from Aix-
la-Chapelle, after the evacuation of the territory, he at first,
with quiet simpUcity, refused the national recompense offered
him, and made over to the Bordeaux hospitals as a gift the in^
come of 50,000 livres which was finally settled upon him. The
king had always more esteemed him than loved him; habit
had great influence in his personal affection, which the Duke
Decazes had seen decrease with his removal. Henceforward
other influences bore upon Louis XVIII., which were favorable
to the predominance of the ultras.

From this time the tendencies of the government were clearly
manifested. On the 1st of Jirne the Abb4 Frayssinous was
appointed grand master of the university. An eloquent orator,
honorable and candid, weak in character and narrow-minded,
he was sometimes alarmed at the violent acts to which he
found himself driven, without resisting or blaming them.
The reorganization of the school of medicine, and school of
law, and the suppression of the normal school were succeeded
by stringent meastires against individuals. In the preceding
year Cousin's philosophical lectures were closed. Guizot's
lectm-es in modem history were attended by a multitude of
lads, who were diligently occupied in more serious studies ; the
tendency of the teaching was as moderate as it was liberal,
but the professor was well-known to be strongly opposed to
the government, and the lectures were suspended. It was in
reviews and newspapers that independent minds now found

248 BISTORT OF FRANCS. [ch. xvm

expression, not having yet attained their natural development
m the parhamentary arena.

The government were now triumphant in France, the ^er-
vescence of the opposition being less eager without losing its
earnestness ; and conspiracies ceased. VUlele had to struggle
against the interior difficulties of his party and foreign embar-
rassments. The Italian revolutionists were easily beaten by
the Austrian armies. The Spanish revolution remained tri-
umphant, and was said to threaten the life of King Ferdinand
VH., as it certainly hampered his liberty of action. Men's
minds were anxiously expecting a European intervention in
Spain, a congress at Verona having been invoked to deliberate
upon it.

When Vill^le, in forming his cabinet, proposed to the king
to appoint Mathieu de Montmorency as foreign minister, Louie
XVHL made several objections. Eagerly devoted to good
works of every kind, president of those powerful associations
consecrated to that end which were known by the name of
"the Congregation," and with great influence naturally among
the earnest CathoUcs of the right, Montmorency's iuteUect was
not in proportion to his virtue. "He will betray you without
intending it, from weakness," said the king: " when away from
you, he will act according to his inclinations, not your di-
rections; and instead of being served, you will be thwarted
and compromised." The penetration of Louis XVIII. had not
deceived him. When Vill^le sent Montmorency to the Verona
congress, the head of the ministry wished France to remain a
stranger to any armed intervention in Spain, and instructed
his representatives to undertake no engagements to that effect.
Chateaubriand accompanied Montmorency to the congress;
sharing secretly the views of the foreign minister rather than
those of VillMe, he at first withheld his views and kept himself
in the background. Mettemich had resolved to draw Prance
into the poUcy of intervention, contrary to that of England,
and thus at one blow destroy the Spanish revolution by French
arms, and the alliance between Paris and London, which was
annoying to him. Montmorency easily gave way to his influ-
eace, and Chateaubriand was seduced by the flattering atten-
tions of the Emperor Alexander. France found herself en-
gaged to a course suitable to the purposes of the three great
northern powers, which would necessarily lead to a war with
Spain. The king refused to recall at once his ambassador from
Madrid. "Louis XTV. destroyed the Pyrenees," said he; *'I

OH. rvni.] PARLIAMENTARY GOVERNMENT. 249

shall not allow them to he raised again. He placed my house
on the throne of Spain ; I shall not allow it to fall. The other
sovereigns have not the same duties as I; my ambassador
must not quit Madrid till the day when 100,000 Frenchmen
march to replace him." In reality, when thus speaking Louis
XVILL had tacitly accepted the part assigned him by Metter-
nich in the European intervention in Spain, but he was lending
his ear to the proposals made by the Duke of Wellington on
the part of England. The two powers were to treat with the
Spanish government in a friendly manner, in order to obtain
such constitutional concessions as would preserve a state of
peace. Montmorency believed his policy was condemned, and
resigned, being replaced by Chateaubriand as minister of
foreign affairs.

The war, nevertheless, became imminent. The Spanish
government, proudly resolving to maintain the national inde-
pendence, would make no concession. The French ambassador,
Lagarde, was recalled, and on the 23rd January, 1823, at the
opening of the chambers, the king himself announced the reso-
lution he had formed. "I have ordered the recall of my min-
ister," said he; *' 100,000 Frenchmen, commanded by a prince
of my family whom I fondly call my son, are ready to march
with a prayer to the God of St. Louis, that they may preserve
the throne of Spain to the grandson of Henri IV., save that
fair kingdom from ruin, and reconcile it to Europe. Let Fer-
dinand Vn. be free to give to his people the institutions which
they can have only from him, and which, while securing tran-
quillity to Spain, will remove the well-founded uneasiness of
France; from that moment hostilities will cease, as I now,
gentlemen, in your presence solemnly promise."

On the 15th March, 1823, the Duke of Angouleme and his
staff left Paris, much liked and respected by the army on
account of his moderation and justice. He soon gave a double
proof of his strength of mind. On accoimt of the loyalty of
several ofl&cers being doubted in Paris, the Due de Bellune,
then minister of war, resolved to take the i)ost of major-gen-
eral at the head of the Spanish army ; but the prince firmly
resisted, and the Due de Bellune was recalled. At the same
time the Duke of Angouleme, being with good reason dissat-
isfied with the administration of mihtary supplies, entrusted
the management to Ouvrard, already celebrated for his daring
speculations, but of great skill and foresight. On the 7th
^ril, the French advanced-guard crossed the Bidassoa, and

260 BISTORT OF FRANCE. [ch. xvm

the duke entered Irun, already thronged with his allies, the
insiirgents and royalist juntas. Almost at the same moment
the Cortes left Madrid, taking with them to Seville, King
Ferdinand VII.

On the morning of the 24th May the prince entered the
Spanish capital, without having met any serious resistance.
He at once appointed a regency under the presidency of the
Duke of Infantado. He had great difficulty in restraining the
violent opposition of the royalists to the constitutionalists, and
was perpetually hampered himself in his sensible procedure by
the instructions sent from Paris. Chateaubriand showed great
favor to the Spanish royalists, in the hope of gratifying in
France the passionate enthusiasm of the right, who alone sup-
ported the armed intervention, generally disapproved of by
the country. The three great powers of the north sent ac-
credited representatives to the regency. King Louis XVHI.
sent to Madrid as ambassador the Marquis of Talaru. The
Cortes withdrew to Cadiz; and, on the king refusing to
accompany them, they suspended his powers, and appointed
a regency to compel the monarch's obedience. The Duke of
Angouleme gave orders to begin the siege of Cadiz.

Spain was dehvered to all the horrors of civil war. Don
Miguel, second son of the King of Portugal, who was then
captive, had excited a counter-revolution at Lisbon; every-
where guerilla bands of opposing factions hindered the move-
ments of the armies, while taking an active share in the war.
General Molitor, however, defeated the constitutional General
Ballesteros, at Campillo de Arenas. The duke of Angouleme
left Madrid to conduct personally the siege of Cadiz ; and with
the hope of mitigating the violence and vengeance which his
presence was not sufficient to restrain, he published at Andujar,
on the 8th August, an order which enjoined that poUtical
prisoners were to be set at liberty, and no arrests were to be
made without instructions from the French commandants.
Journalists and newspapers were subjected to the same
authority.

This order offended both the good and the evil passions of the
Spanish royalists, their national pride, and their thirst for ven-
geance. Its pubhcation was stopped in Madrid, and it was
severely blamed in Paris. Villele wrote to the Duke of Angou-
leme that it was a brealring of the engagements entered into
with Spain that we should not interfere in her home affairs.
Every day aggravated the dissension between the Spanish

CH. xvra.] PARLIAMENTARY QOVERNMBIfT. 2W

regency and the powerful ally that had established it, and pro-
tected it with her arms. This was frequently painful to
Angouleme's honorably sincerity. His success in carrying
the Trocad^ro fort before Cadiz led to a commencement of
negotiations with the Cortes. "What most worries them,"
said the prince, "is the question of guarantees; for they know-
that the king's word is utterly worthless, and that in spite of
his promises he might very well hang every one of them."
- No guarantee could restrain the vindictive and angry pas-
sions of the victorious royalists. The war was still carried on
in several parts, but Cadiz succumbed to our attacks by sea
and land. On the 30th September, the Cortes declared them-
selves dissolved, and King Ferdinand VII. now free, embarked
next day with all his family, to meet, at port St. Marie, the
Duke of Angouleme, and the principal members of the
regency of Madrid, who had just arrived at head-quarters.
The shouts of the populace already hailed the mionarch, and
threatened his enemies. Angouleme insisted upon a general
pardon ; but the King of Spain pointed out with his hand the
ragged crowd gathered under the windows of the palace, and
replied, " You hear the will of the people." " This country is
about to fall back into absolutism," wrote the prince to Vill^le.
" I have conscientiously done my part, and shall only express
my settled conviction that every foolish act that can be done
will be done."

The reaction was already setting in with unparalleled violence.
All the acts of the constitutional government were amiulled.
Even before reaching Madrid, Ferdinand VII. banished for
nf e to fifteen leagues from the capital all who had had a share
in it. Angovd§me refused absolutely to wait for the king at
Madrid, and wrote to him with severity, boldly demanding
the fulfilment of his engagements with France for the good
government of Spain. "I asked your Majesty to give an
amnesty, and grant to your people some assurance for the
future. You have done neither one nor the other. During
the fourteen days since your Majesty recovered your author-
ity, nothing has been heard of on your part but arrests and
arbitrary edicts, measures opposed to all regular government
and all social order. Anxiety, fear, and discontent, begin to
spread everywhere."

The Duke of Angouleme returned to France thus dissatisfied
and anxious, in spite of the successes he had gained, and the
honor he had acquired. " The war was not popidar in France:

252 HISTORY OF FBANOB, [ch. xvtii.

in fact, it was iinjust, because unnecessary. The Spanish
revolution, in spite of its excesses, exposed France and the
restoration to no serious risk; and the intervention was an
attack upon the principle of the legitimate independence of
states. It really produced neither to Spain nor France any
good result. It restored Spain to the incurable and incapable
despotism of Ferdinand VII., without putting a stop to the
revolutions; it substituted the ferocities of the absolutist
populace for that of the anarchical populace. Instead of con-
firmiag the influence of France beyond the Pyrenees, it threw
the King of Spain into the arms of the absolutist powers, and
delivered up the Spanish hberals to the protection of England.
France though victorious was there politically defeated ; in the
eyes of all who could clearly judge, the general and permanent
effects of that war were no better than its causes." *

At home it was considered a great success by the leaders of
the royalists, who had imposed it upon ViUMe, and with him
upon King Louis XVm. A certain coolness reigned between
the prime minister and Chateaubriand. The latter had taken
no share in the parliamentary government, but joined in the
stormy debates in the chambers. He proudly showed his
delight at the success of his war in Spain, as he termed it, and
the favors showered upon him by foreign sovereigns. On the
Emperor Alexander sending him the cross of St. Andrew, the
king took offence, and wrote to VillMe, " Pozzo and La Ferron-
nays have just made me give you, through the Emperor Alex-
ander, a slap on the cheek, but I shall be even with him, and
give biTn a Roland for his Oliver. I now make you, my dear
Villele, knight of my orders, and they are worth more than
his."

Vill^e was then fully occupied with an important campaign.
On the 26th February, 1823, in a keen discussion on Spanish
affairs, Manuel laid tiie blame upon foreign intervention of
the evils that formerly desolated England and France. When
violently interrupted by the royalists, whose anger he con-
stantly provoked, he repUed, " Can any one be ignorant that
what caused the misfortune of the Stuarts was nothing but
the assistance granted them by France— an assistance foreign
to the parliament — a clandestine assistance, which compelled
them to place themselves in revolt against public opinion?
They were precipitated by public opinion. It is certainly a

• Ooiaot'B Mimoire*, stc

m. xvm.] PARLIAMENTARY GOVERNMENT. 253

misfortune, but that misfortune would have been avoided had
the Stuarts sought their support within the nation. Need I say
that the moment when the dangers of the royal family of
France became most serious, was when France, revolutionary
France, felt it necessary to defend herself by strength and
energy of an entirely new character?"

The orator had not finished, but no one heard the rest. The
right had risen in a body with violent protestations, demanding
the expulsion of the defender of regicide. Manuel remained in
the tribune, apparently unmoved by the indignation which he
took pleasure in exciting. In the midst of the tumult, Eavez,
the president, suspended the sitting without restoring order.
Neither a letter of Manuel, explaining his words, nor the mod-
erate and manly si)eech delivered next day, was sufficient to
calm the fury of the right. Though perhaps rather impru-
dently, it had determined to use its power in taking revenge of
this most daring opponent. The discussion lasted several
days, conducted with great keenness in the chamber, and com-
mented upon passionately by partisans of both sides without.
Manuel was saluted in the streets with loud shouts, and the
I)ohce felt it necessary to close the gates of the gardens of the
Tuileries.

Bourdonnaye made a formal proposal to exclude Manuel from
the chamber, which was agreed to by the commission ap-
pointed to consider it. Royer-Collard eloquently contested the
assembly's right to pronounce that exclusion. ** I know some-
thing more hateful than the violation of the laws," said he;
"and that is, to give that violation fine names in order to le-
gitimatize it and summon sophistry to the assistance of force.
The revolution has only too abundantly shown this scandaL
Supposing force is produced, we are sometimes powerless to
prevent it: but let us at least compel it to keep its name and
character, so that it may retain its responsibility. When I
consider one after another the various necessities which rule
human affairs, I dare not lay it down absolutely as a fixed
principle that recourse to force can always be avoided. It
holds a great place in every history, and receives various names
according to its origin. When it comes from the government
or the powers, it is called coup d^itat; when it comes from the
people, it is called * insurrection ; ' when employed by a state
against a state, it gets the name of * intervention.' The re-
coiMBe to force in the present case is of the first class, it is a
coup cTitat that is being directed against M. ManueL ... As ft

jKH HISTORY OF FRANCE. [CH. xvin.

matter of fact, M. Manuel has not justified regicide. He is only
accused of having wished to do it ; and that cannot be proved
against him when he affirms the contrary. There is therefore
no real reason for the exclusion ; and the coup d'etat does not
fulfil the first of its conditions, which is that it be necessary."

In spite of all those efforts, an amendment of Hyde de Neu-
vUle, that Manuel should be excluded from the chamber during
the remainder of the session, was carried by a large roajority.
Manuel boldly declared that he would not submit to such ex-
clusion. " I acknowledge the right of no one here to accuse
me or judge me," said he. "I look for judges, and I only find
accusers. I do not await an act of justice ; it is an act of ven-
geance to which I resign myself. I profess respect for the au-
thorities, but I have much greater respect for the law which
established them; and I fail to acknowledge their power aa
soon as, in spite of that law, they usurp rights which it has not
conferred upon them. In such a state of things, I know not if
submission is an act of prudence, but I know that whenever re-
sistance is a right it becomes a duty. Having entered this
chamber by the will of those who had the right to send me, I
am now about to leave it only because compelled by those who
have not the right to exclude me ; and if that resolution on my
part is to bring down on my head more serious dangers, I re-
flect that the field of liberty has sometimes been fertilized by
noble blood !" Manuel's friends announced their intention of
sharing his lot.

Next day, on the 3rd of March, a large crowd assembled
round the Palais Bourbon. Manuel entered in his deputy's
dress, accompanied by the whole of the left. Ravez protested
oflBcially against his presence and suspended the sitting, an-
noimcing that he was about to give the orders necessary for
executing the decision of the chamber. "M. le President,''
said Manuel, " I declared yesterday that I should only yield to
force; to-day I shall keep my word."

The members of the majority had left, and the deputies of
the left with part of the left centre remained alone, motionless
in their places. The first summons of the chief usher produc-
ing no result, a group of national guards appeared, with a de-
tachment of veterans. " It is an insult to the national guard !"
exclaimed Lafayette. The officer commanding the battalion
advanced towards Manuel, and repeated the orders he had re-
ceived for his expulsion. Then, after some hesitation, he left
to go for fresh orders. Furnished this time with written in-

m. xvra.} PARLIAMENTART BOVEBNMENT, 255

■tructions, he summoned Manuel to go out. On his refusal, he
ordered the national guards to use force against the recalci-
trant deputy. The national guard moved not a step. Showing
the same impassibility when a second order was given, the ap-
plause of the deputies burst forth, and was repeated by severaj
persons in the gallery. At last a detachment of gendarmes ap-
peared on the threshold, and their colonel advancing a few
Bteps said, "Gtentlemen, I have just received official orders to
compel M. Manuel to leave the chamber, since he resists the
summons already made, and the efforts of the national guard."
There were immediate shouts of recrimination: "Give orders
to charge, as on the 18th Bnmiaire !" The colonel advanced
towards Manuel, and seized him by the arm, while two gend-
armes laid hold on his collar. His friends rushed towards him.
*' That is sufficient, gentlemen !" said Manuel, after being moved
a short distance. He went out of the hall accompanied by all
the members of the left, and allowed himself to be conducted
to his carriage.

On account of this violation of the privileges of the chamber,
and the excitement which resulted from it, Vill61e understood
the necessity of another appeal to the country. He calculated
to derive from that source influence enough at length to rule
according to his own ideas, or that of those whose will he fol-
lowed. Immediately after the Spanish campaign the success
of the elections was great for the government, and their power
thus confirmed for a long time. Seventeen opponents alone
were re-elected. Villele resolved to present at once two pro-
posals, which the deputies of the right were in favor of. By
the one, a general election of all the deputies septennially was
substituted for the partial yearly election; that was a guaran-
tee of power, as well as duration to the new chamber. By the
second proposal, a great financial measure, the conversion of
five per cent, stock into three per cents. — that is to say, paying
up the stockholders in full, or reducing their interest, an-
noimced a great poUtical measure, an indemnity to the emi-
grants, and prepared to carry it out. The two laws were voted
without difficulty by the Chamber of Deputies ; but the second
was violently opposed in the Chamber of Peers. Chateau-
briand spoke not a word in favor of the project: he was re-
ported to have said, "I have seen a good many break their
heads against a wall, but people who themselves build a wall
to break their heads against, I never saw yet." ViUfele's anger
at his colleague was constantly increasing, and when the Cham-

fS6 HISTORY OF FRANOB. fOH. xna

ber of Peers rejected the law, Chateaubriand went up to tha
president of the council and said, " If you withdraw, we are
ready to follow." " Villele's only reply," says Chateaubriand,
in his M&moires, " was to honor us with a look, which we still
see. Next day, Whit-Sunday, the 6th June, 1824, 1 went to the
Tuileries, at hedf-past six, to pay my respects to Monsieur, The
first drawing-room of the Marson pavilion was almost empty,
only a few persons entering, and all with an air of embarrass-
ment. One of Monsieur's aides-de-camp said that he did not
expect to see me there, and asked if I had not received any
message. 'No,' said I, 'what message could I receive?' 'I
suspect you will soon know,' he replied. Then, as no one came
to conduct me to Monsieur's room, I went to hear the music in
the chapel; and when fully intent upon the beautiful chants,
an usher came to say that I was wanted. It was my secretary,
Pilorge, who handed me a letter and official note, and told me
I was no longer a minister. The Due de Eauzan, who had
charge of the jwhtical department, had opened the letter, but
had not the coiirage to bring it to me. It was from VillMe, as
follows, ' M. le Viscomte, in obedience to the king's command,
I at once transmit to your ElxceUency an order which his Maj-
esty has just given: * Count VillMe, president of our ministe-
rial council, is appointed interim foreign minister, replacing
Viscount Chateaubriand.' "

The insult was of the grossest character, and showed the ex-
treme imprudence of Villele ! There are some allies who are
necessary, though unpleasant ; and Chateaubriand, in spite of
his assumption and caprice, was less dangerous as a rival than
as an enemy. Now all at once become a distinguished and
powerful leader of the opposition, he launched incessant attacks
at the ministry, from the tribune, which was eagerly supplied
to him by the Journal des D^bats. At one time, in spite of
their friendship for him, the Bertins were on the point of
quarrelling with Villele. They requested that Chateaubriand
^ould be appointed ambassador at Rome. The minister re-
fused, alleging the king's dislike of Chateaubriand. "In that
case," replied Bertin de Vaux, " remember that les Debate have
already overthrown the Decazes and Richelieu ministries, and
can soon overthrow the Villele ministry." "You overthrew
the two first by stirring up royalism, " replied Villele ; " but to
overthrow mine you must first stir up a revolution."

It was from the bosom of royalism itself that the Journal des
DSbata and Chateaubriand were about to excite the keenest op*

5H. XIX.] GHARLES X. AND THE REVOLUTION 267

position to Vill61e. He had driven from the chamber most of
his enemies; and others, like Camille- Jordan, were dead:
Serre, also dead, no longer checked him by his attacks or his
assistance. Chateaubriand, however, attacked him in the
Chamber of Peers, and Bourdonnaye in the Chamber of Depu-
ties ; and round them were grouped the grievances of every
sort which are quickly begot by power. Besolute opponents
seconded attacks, the tendency of which they sometimes dis-
approved. Thus Vill61e found himself entirely at the mercy of
liis friends, compelled to husband them, and accept their wishes
in order to retain their support. He had just given Monsieur
and his pious advisers the satisfaction of seeing Monseigneur
de Frayssinous, already grand master of the university, raised
to the new functions of minister of public instruction. At the
bottom of his heart, and while reckoning upon the toleration
of the ultras, who were masters of the power, Vill61e princi-
pally depended on the king's good will. Louis XVHI. was old
and sickly, and died on the 16th of September, 1824, surrounded
during hk last moments, and after his death, by all the ancient
pomp of royalty. Several years previously, on receiving Barb6-
Marbois in his room, he said, as he pointed to his bed, '* My
brother will not die in that bed I" Among those sovereigns who
had inunediately preceded him, as well as those soon to succeed
him on the throne, Louis XVILE. was to be the only one to die
peacefully in his palace.

CHAPTER XTX.

KING OHABLB» X. AND THE REVOLUTION OP 1830 (1834—1830).

Afteb succeeding Louis XVni,, Zing Charles celebrated his
succession by suppressing the censure of the press, though it
was soon afterwards restored. On his return to Paris (27th
September), after spending several days at St. CJloud, the new
monarch showed a genuine desire for conciliation, and was
well received by pubUc opinion, the only favor asked from him
being dismissal of the ministry. Charles X. refused. Like
his brother and his children, he looked upon Vill^le as the
most able and useful of all his servants. Nevertheless the
president of the council soon learnt that he had changed mas-

258 msTORT OF francs. IfcH. xnt

ters, '* and that there is little to be counted upon in the mind
and heart of a king, however sincere, when the surface and in-
terior are at variance. Men are much more governed thanig
generally believed, or than they themselves beUeve, by their real
thoughts. Louis XVIII. and Charles X. have been much com-
pared for the purpose of distinguishing one from the other; the
distinction was much more profound than has been indicated.
Louis XVIII. was a moderate of the old regime, and a free-
thinker of the eighteenth century. Charles X. was a faithful
'emigrant,' and a hmnble devotee. The wisdom of Louis
XVIII. was full of selfishness and skepticism, but earnest and
genuine. When Charles X. acted as a wise king, it was by his
sense of honor, by imcalculating kindness, by momentary im-
pulse and the desire to please, not from conviction or taste.
Through all the cabinets of his reign — Montesquieu, Talley-
rand, RicheUeu, Decazes, and VillMe — the government of Louis
XVIII. was always consistent and similar to itself, without bad
intention or false purpose. Charles X. shifted about, from con-
tradiction to contradiction and inconsistency to inconsistency,
till the day when, restored to his real faith and real intention,
he committed the fault which cost him his throne."*

From the beginning of the new reign, and in spite of the
kind words or isolated acts which cleverly calmed the anger of
the Hberals, Vill^le faithfully served the king's personal in-
stincts and the wishes of his advisers. He made no effort to
correct the inconstancy and fickleness of the king, but limited
himself to making him accomplish, whenever circumstances
admitted of it, so many acts of moderate and popular poUcy
that he should not seem exclusively devoted to the party who
really held his heart and faith in keeping. The first measures
presented by the ministry at the opening of the session clearly
proved sovereign will. The law of indemnity to *' emigrants,"
that of communities of women, and that of sacrilege, were
really the manifesto of the new kingdom. The inteUigent
effort invariably made for the advantage or pleasure of the
spirit of progress, was always due to Vill61e, and to him the
honor must be ascribed.

It was VillMe who in 1825 resisted the exclusive application
of the reparatory measure brought before the chambers in
fevor of the victims of the revolutionary confiscations. Those
condemned or banished at the successive crises of the revolu-

* Guizot'B M/moires, etc.

OH. XIX.] CHARLES X. AND THE REVOLUTION. 269

tion were to have their share in that indemnity, which the
" emigrant" party tried to appropriate entirely to themselves.
Public opinion has in fact retained the recollection of their
pretensions, and the measure presented on the 3rd of January,
1825, has by succeeding generations been termed " the emi-
grants' indemnity." It provoked violent attacks; it caused
great anxiety to those who had acquired the national property,
and seemed to open a dangerous path. The right supported it
with a passionate bitterness, which VillMe and Montignac tried
in vain to modify. The law had been proclaimed as one to heal
up the remaining wounds of the revolution; it bitterly re-
vived its most painful recollections. The creation of stock to
the amount of a milliard, by a law voted on the 15th of March
by the deputies, and 23rd of April by the peers, continued to
be unpopular in spite of its evident fairness. But this unjust
criticism was soon falsified, by the good effects whcih were
produced in the provinces, and beneficial influence upon men's
minds.

The proposal of a law on sacrilege was opposed both in the
peers and deputies on higher grounds, based on earnest and
profound liberalism. Royer-Collard and Broglie were more
hostile to sacrilege than any man, but they boldly stood up
against the application of extreme penalties to a crime which
the law had no power to punish. "This bill now before the
chamber," said Royer-CoUard, " is of a special order, hitherto
unknown in our deliberations. Not only does it introduce into
our legislation a new crime, but what is much more extraor-
dinary, it creates a new principle of criminaUty — a class of
crimes which are, so to say, supernatural, which do not fall
under our senses, which human reason cannot discover or
imderstand, and which are only manifested to religious faith
enUghtened by revelation. Thus the penal law brings under
discussion both religion and civil society— their nature, end,
and respective independence. . . . The law has a rehgious be-
lief, and since it is sovereign it must be obeyed. Truth in the
matter of faith belongs to its domain ; truth in its turn takes
possession of the law, makes its constitutions both political
and civil, that is to say, it makes everything. Not only is its
kingdom of this world, but this world is its kingdom, the
sceptre has passed from its hands. Therefore, just as in polit-
ics we are shut up between absolute power and revolutionary
sedition, in religion we are confined between theocracy and
atheism. Let them beware; the revolution has certainly been

-200 HISTORY OF FRANCE. [CH. xnc

impious even to cruelty, but it is this crime especially that has
destroyed it; and it maybe predicted for the counter-revolu-
tion that reprisals of cruelty, even if only written, wiU bear
•witness against her, and shatter her in turn." The lawwas
voted without amendment, including the first article, which
pronounced capital pimishment against profaners of sacred
objects. " It is only referring them to their natural judge!"
exclaimed Bonald in an impulse of fanatical violence which
was blamed even by his friends: this sentence of his speech
was not inserted in the Moniteur.

Such procedure only the more embittered the dissension,
already so profound, which divided the men who had pro-
duced the revolution from those who underwent it. The
strug^e became as keen in the religious arena as in the political
arena. In the foremost ranks of the hottest partisans of a re-
turn to the faith and practice of the past, there fought the Abbe
Lamennais, soon destined to turn his arms elsewhere. The op-
position journals, the Courrier, Constitutionnel, and the Globe,
eagerly brought before the public the numerous questions dis-
cussed in the Chambers. Everything supplied material for
fiery discussion — a curb's sermon, the representation of a new
piece at the theatre, the recognition of the independence of
Haiti, or the conversion of public stock. King Charles X. was
consecrated on the 19th May, 1824, with all the pomp necessary
to such a ceremony. The nmnerous acts of clemency which
signalized the consecration assisted to appease the popular ex-
citement for some time.

Before the session was reopened, 21st January, 1825, Gren-
eral Foy had died — still young, passionately regretted, and with
numerous proofs of public admiration heaped upon him even
till after his death. The Emperor Alexander was also dead,
having left still pending the question of the independence of
Greece, which had been recently raised by the insurrection of
the Christians against the oppression of the Turks. The seri-
ous and resolute opposition of the Chamber of Peers to the im-
prudent procedure of the government was daily manifested
with great notoriety. Vill^le submitted against his will to the
demands of his party for a law in favor of primogeniture and
the substitution of proi)erty. He himself was by no means
deceived as to its success. " Shoidd the government propose
to restore the law of primogeniture," he wrote in the preceding
year to Prince Polignac, then ambassador in London, " they
woitld not find a majority to obtain it, because the evil is more

OH. XIX.] CHARLES X. AND THE REVOLUTION. 261

deeply-seated ; it is in our manners, which still all bear the im-
press left by the revolution. The bonds of subordination are
80 relaxed in our families, that the father is often compelled to
consider the wishes of all his children." In his eloquent speech
in the Chamber of Peers, Broglie did not criticise so severely
the state of manners and families, but boldly resisted what he
considered an ill-timed and useless return towards an anti-
quated legislation. "What is now preparing," said he," is a
social and political revolution, a revolution against the revo-
lution which took place in France nearly forty years ago. If
I had the right of advising the councillors of the crown, I
should say to them, * Give way while there is still time, to the
pressure of public opinion. Perseverance is a virtue, but not
when in excess.' There are certainly circumstances imder
which a statesman ought to resist public complaints however
general, raise his solitary voice against public opinion if led
astray, and remain alone on the breach to defend the interests
of truth; but it is only then that the truth is of such an
order that higher minds can alone reach it. Here, on the con-
trary, where the point at issue is the peace of feimilies, the re-
lationship between fathers and children, the ties between
brothers and sisters, the rudest workman or simplest artisan
knows as much as the greatest philosopher. Here we deal
with some of those truths which Grod is sometimes pleased to
hide from the wise in order to reveal them to the simple and
ignorant. It is one of those occasions when the legislator can
resign himself blindfolded to go with the stream, exclaiming
with confidence, * Vox populi, vox Dei I ' " The law was re-
duced to a single clause, which gave i)ermission to extend to a
second generation the " substitution of the disposable part of
the successions;" and was passed in that form by both cham-
bers.

The bill on the press, presented in the end of the year 1826,
was not to obtain even that meagre success. Intended to satisfy
the claims of the clergy as well as the ultras, it did not please
Lamennais, who, with his usual violence, characterized it as a
•'monument probably unique of hypocrisy and tyranny," and
roused to their highest pitch the wrath and indignation of all
the liberals. Peyronnet had announced it as a "law of justice
and love;" Chateaubriand termed it a "law of the Vandals."
"It is a censorship 1" exclaimed Benjamin Constant. "It
would amount to the same thing as a proposal in these terms:
* Printing is suppressed in France for the profit of Belgimn,'"

262 HISTORY OF FRANCE. \CB. xix.

declared Casimir P^rier, then become one of the leaders of the
opposition in the Chamber of Deputies. The French Academy
drew up an address to be presented to the king, to protest
against the painful positioii in which literature should be placed
by the new legislation. The address was not received, and
many of the academicians were deprived of the offices they
held. The Courrier was prosecuted. In spite of this display
of power and resolution on the part of the government, the bill
as amended by the Chamber of Deputies received so decided an
opposition in the peers that the ministry found themselves
compelled to withdraw it (17th April, 1827).

The public excitement constantly increased. It was notably
exhibited when the king was reviewing the national guard on
the 39th April, abusive terms being shouted in various places,
not only against the ministers, but against the princesses. On
being informed by some of his cort^e of circumstances which
had escaped his notice, the king resolved to discharge the na-
tional guard (30th April). On the 24th June, the day after the
closing of the session, he issued an order restoring the censor-
ship of periodicals and newspapers. The iU-advised severity
of its application answered to the arbitrary violence of the act
of power. Eloquent and outspoken pamphlets supplemented
the enforced silence of the newspapers. CJhateaubriand, al ways
a consistent advocate of the liberty of the press, was one of the
foremost combatants in this arena, and a society was formed
for the gratuitous dissemination of his writings. There was
at the same time a strong antipathy formed against the clerical
" congregations" and the order of Jesuits. A petition of Mont-
losier to the Chamber of Peers was the occasion of a long and
brilliant debate. In spite of the eloquent defence of the Abb6
Frayssinous, minister of public instruction, the chamber sent
the petition to the president of the cormcil, demanding the ap-
plication of the laws which interdicted Jesuitical establish-
ments in France.

The home difficulties were not the only ones then weighing
upon the cabinet. The death of King John VI. of Portugal led
to the abdication of his son Don Pedro, the first Emperor of
Brazil, on condition that his daughter Maria should marry her
uncle Don Miguel, and both should occupy the throne of Por-
tugal Pedro at the same time granted a constitutional chaa>
ter to Portugal Several provinces revolted, and declared Mig-
uel an absolute monarch. Conquered in Portugal, the insur-
gents retired to Spain, where they were well received; and on

CH. XIX.] CHARLES X. AND THE REVOLUTIOK 2(J3

an invasion into Portugal being attempted, the diplomatic rela-
tions between the two kingdoms of the peninsula were broken.
The French Government disapproving of the King of Spain's
conduct, recalled Moustier, their ambassador. The Portuguese
constitutionals having claimed the support of England, the
cabinet sent an army. " To those who blame the government
for delay," said Canning in Parliament, " the answer is very
short: it was only last Friday that I received the official re-
quest from Portugal; on Saturday the ministers decided what
waB to be done ; on Sunday, the decision received the king's
sanction; on Monday it wascommimicated to both houses; and
at this very moment the troops are on their way to Portugal'*
The English minister of foreign affairs declared his policy of
opposition to French intervention and occupation in Spain.
He had already recognized the republics in South America,
those old Spanish colonies which revolted against the yoke of
the mother country. "Should France occupy Spain," said he,
"was it necessary to blockade Cadiz to restore the situation of
England? No, I looked to the other side of the Atlantic, and
sought for compensation in another hemisphere. I thought of
Spain as she was known to our ancestors ; and determined that
if the French should have Spain, it would not be Spain with
the Indies. I called in the new world to redress the balance of
the old. I have left to France the unpleasant burden of her
invasion, which I am convinced she would gladly be rid of. "

Several months afterwards Canning died, succumbing in his
turn like Pitt, Fox, Castlereagh, and RomiUy under the weight
of a government which had long exceeded human strength.
But Spain had at last yielded to the pressure exercised upon
her by England and France. The government of Charles X.,
after some violent attacks by the right, recalled the Swiss bri-
gade sent to protect the royaJ family in Madrid.

After friendly relations between Spain and Portugal were re-
stored, the affairs of Greece became the object of a European
arrangement. Supported from the first by England, the Greek
insurants asked without success from the Duke of Orleans the
honor of placing his son, the Duke of Nemours, on the new
throne of Greece. The Duke of "Wellington was instructed by
Canning to offer the mediation of England, between Russia
and Turkey, and between Turkey and Greece. By a protocol
of-the 4th April, the cabinets of St. Petersburg and London
agreed together to guarantee to Greece a semi-independence.
The Emperor Nicholas absolutely refused to admit of any in*

HF (L) Vol. S

264 BISTORT OF FRANGB. [ch. xnt

tervention from Europe in his quarrels with Turkey. He
said to Wellington, with Oriental exaggeration, "I have just
been making reductions in my army, and have now only 600,-
000 men to place at the disposal of my friends, and 1,200,000 to
oppose my enemies." While showing favor towards ^Greece,
France did not adhere to the Anglo-Eussian protocol. On the
6th July she undertook with those allies to put a stop to the
"bloody struggle which delivered the Grecian provinces and
islands of the Archipelago to all the disorders of anarchy,
brought every day fresh hindrances to European commerce,
and occasional piracies demanding onerous measures of surveil-
lance and repression." The Porte having rejected the friendly
proposals offered by the three powers, and General Ibrahim
having violated a provisional armistice demanded by the allies,
the combined English, Russian, and French fleet, under the
orders of Admiral Codrington, the senior commander, forced
the entrance of Navarino harbor, and the Turkish fleet defend-
ing it was almost completely destroyed. The struggle between
the Turks and Greeks was still keenly contested. The ambas-
sadors of the three powers left Constantinople. The procla-
mations of Turkey formed a reason for Russian armaments.
France wished for a peaceful arrangement, but without success.
The disorder continued to reign in Portugal, and a serious in-
surrection broke out in Catalonia, yet the English ministry,
now under Wellington's direction, seemed resolved to maintain
the policy of non-intervention; France foimd herself joined to
Russia, and separated both from Austria and Prussia. Some
preparations were also being made to punish the Dey of Al-
giers, who had encouraged the Mediterranean pirates.

In the midst of this fermentation and these foreign dis-
tractions, the opposition to Vill^le was steadily increasing; he
was blamed for evils of every sort. "Even in the Palais
Bourbon and the Tuileries, its two strongholds, the cabinet
was visibly losing ground. In the Chamber of Deputies the
ministerial majority became smaller and more depressed, even
when victorious. At court, some of the king's most ti-usted
«erraaits, whether from party-spirit or from monarchical
anxiety, wished for Vill^le's fall, and were already considering
who should succeed him. The king also, on learning some
fresh indication of the public feeling, said with a tone of an-
noyance as he returned to his private room, "Always VUlMel
Always against ViU61e !" *

* Quizot's Mimoirm, flto.

•H.XIX.] CffARLBS X. AND THE REVOLUTIOK 265

In reality such judgment was grossly unjust. If the right
enjoyed power for six years, and had so exercised it as to be
able to retain it; if Charles X. not only succeeded peacefully
to Louis XVHL, but ruled without trouble, and even with
occasional popularity— it was ViU^le especially they had to
thank for it. He had kept his party and power within the
general limits of the chartfer, and for six years conducted the
constitutional government under a prince, and with friends
who were supposed not to understand it, and to have accepted
it against their wills. He was wrong in yielding to the king
or his party when he disapproved of their plans, and thus
accepting the responsibility of faults committed imder his
name, and with his consent, though against his wilL Taking
the whole burden on himself, he asked the king for a dissolu-
tion, 5th November, 1827. The elections were fixed for the
17th and 24th November.

The Uberal movement became, not only more animated, but
more concentrated and more powerful in its efforts towards a
common aid. Men of extremely different general views and
(special intentions were brought closer together. A pubUc
association, with the motto, "Heaven helps those who help
themselves," was formed by the opposition to organize in the
elections; and by rallying both liberals and royalists who
were disgusted with the ministry, its success exceeded all ex-
pectation. The more moderate friends of the government had
been much afraid of this test. Laine refused for a long time to
believe a dissolution possible. "In any case," he wrote to
Decazes, in the beginning of October, "I shall give you my
hearty assistance to secure the exercise of the public rights of
election and the hberty of the press. Whatever may be the
evils of the latter, they are not to be compared to the advan-
tages which result from it, in a nation where no right is
fixed, and which, after the horrors of the revolution, the
prostration of the empire, and the ebb and flow of the restoi-a-
tion, remains hesitating and uncertain, Mdthout being really
indifferent. The people of France are treated like a people of
puppets, and what is worse, they themselves laugh at it."

"What actually produces the elections," says Guizot in his
M&moires, "is the wind that blows and the impulse impressed
on men's minds by events. The elections, considered as a
whole, are almost always more true than is beUeved by inter-
ested or silly distrust. However anxious and adroit, the
government's influence over them is for the most part only

266 HISTORY OF FRANCE. [ch. xtx,

secondary." In 1827 the government left no means untried to
influence strongly the electoral results. Seventy-six new
peers were added to the Upper Chamber, in the hope of weak-
^ling its independence; and opposition writers were vigor-
ously repressed. Even the tribunals, however, were some-
times free from administrative pressure. At Manuel's death
his funeral obsequies were the occasion of a great pubUc
demonstration. Mignet, then a very young man, one of the
most ardent colleagues of Thiers in the management of the
Constitutionnel and Globe, wrote an account of the ceremony
in a pamphlet, which was prosecuted. On Mignet's acquittal,
" Paris celebrated the verdict as a counterpoise to the press
censorship," wrote Salvandy, always anxious to note the
progress of liberal opinion." "Frenchmen of the charter,"
exclaimed the Journal des Debats, "prepare wings to fly to
the combat! Frenchmen of the restoration, make haste to
give us a royalist chamber which will not blast that name by
servility. Frenchmen of honor and truth, purge your country
from the scandal of a perverse and dishonored administra-
tion."

The coalition of liberals with the royalists opposed to the
ministry had a brilliant trimnph, and seemed certain of a
majority. ViU^le and his coUeagues offered to resign, but
King Charles X. was undecided and alarmed. Various
schemes were devised for changing the ministry while retain-
ing the president of the council, but the force of circum-
stances was too great. Villele withdrew in favor of Martig-
nac, to be actual chief of the cabinet without bearing the
title. Count Portalis became keeper of the seals ; Coimt Fer-
ronnays foreign minister, and Count Roy chancellor of the
exchequer. Royer-Collard, chosen by seven coUeagues, was
appointed president of the chamber. Though but Uttle favor-
able to VillMe, the princess royal had been opposed to his dis-
missal " You are deserting M. de Vill61e," said she to the
king; " it is your first step downwards from the throne."

" Thus began a new attempt at government by the centre;
but with much less energy or chance of success than that
which from 1816 to 1831, under the simultaneous or alternate
direction of Richeheu and Decazes, had protected France and
the crown against the domination of the members of the right
and those of the left. The centre in 1816, while the country
was in pressing danger, had derived much energy even from
that force, and had to deal, both on the right and left, only with

•H. XK.] CHAELE8 X AlW THE REVOLUTION. ^ffj

resistance which, though resolute, was still in the opinion of
the public too inexperienced and badly organized to be capa-
ble of governing. In 1828, on the contrary, the right having
only left power after a possession of six years, believed them-
selves both sure of soon recovering it and capable of exercis-
ing it, and therefore eagerly and hopefully attacked the unex-
pected successors who had snatched it from them. Threat-
ened in the chambers by ambitious and powerful rivals, the
new-bom power only found there allies who were lukewarm,
or hindered in their good intentions; and sensible men were
much more paralyzed or compromised by the violent or
thoughtless, than successful in directing or restraining their
troublesome companions. Another point was that, whereas
from 1816 to 1821, King Louis XV ILL. gave genuine and
practical assistance to the government of the centre, in 1828
King Charles X. considered the cabinet which took the place
of the leaders of the right as a disagreeable experiment which
he had to undergo, but to which he lent himself with anxiety,
without confidence in its success, resolving not to test it more
than was strictly necessary. "The ministry resulting from
the first conflict will be necessarily rather Insignificant, " wrote
the Due de Broglie after the elections, "but we must supi)ort
them, and try to prevent any one being alarmed. Should we
succeed, after the fall of the present ministry, in getting
through the year tranquilly, it will be a triumphant suc-
cess."

Martignac's ministry was not to last long, and the hope of
seeing it establish itself and become permanent was still more
ephemeral. In vain did the cabinet try to find fresh support.
Notwithstanding his fall, Vill^le kept up with Charles X. a
constant correspondence, which had no favorable influence on
the mutual and confidential relations between the king and his
ministers. Chateaubriand rejected the overtiu'es made him,
as they had no bearing on the ministry of foreign affairs,
which alone he coveted. He still kept up a bitter opposition
in the Journal des D^bats. Vatimesnil, who formerly stood
in the ranks of the ultras, now more moderate than he
avowed, was appointed minister of public instruction, and
made all haste to reopen the professional courses of lectures
which ViU61e had closed. Gruizot and ViUemain began again
their lectures to crowded classes of enthusiastic pupils, who

*Gaiaot*B if^motres, etc.

268 HISTORY OF FBANGB. [CH. xix.

eagerly flocked to them as well as to Cousin. Guizot's prin-
cipal aim at this time was to stru^le against the error of
superficial minds separating the past from the present, and
the history of the nation from its new life. " In my lecturee
from 1828 to 1830," says he in his Memoires, " I constantly la-
bored to bring back my hearers to an intelligent and impartial
appreciation of our ancient social condition, and thus con-
tribute my share in restoring between the varir us elements of
our social system, old and new, monarchical, aristocratic, or
democratic, that mutual esteem and harmony which may be
suspended by an access of revolutionary fever, but which soon
become indispensable both to the liberty and prosperity of the
citizens, both to the power and tranquillity of the state."

Notwithstanding the distrust with which Martignac's min-
istry inspired some of the liberals, it gave good assistance to
the wise and prudent efforts of sensible men to secure at last
the foundation of the public liberties upon strong bases. A
law for the purpose of securing the annual revision of the
electoral lists, a proposal for new press-regulations and sup-
pressing the preliminary authorization of newspapers, as well
as the censorship, were soon brought before the chambers, and
passed by large majorities. Martignac defended his measures
with that persuasive and dignified eloquence which gained for
him the name of " the Syren," given him by Dupont, the Eure
deputy. Benjamin Constant attacked the press law, after de-
manding and supporting it. "Attacked by contradictory ac-
cusations," said the minister of the interior, " we reply by our
acts. We present ourselves before you with uncovered fore-
heads, and look you in the face without fear, because our con-
sciences are at rest, and you are just. The declaration of war
which has just been been addressed to us will only be signed,
we are confident, by a small number of enemies. We have
not provoked it, but we do not fear it, because we have as
witnesses and judges of the conflict you, gentlemen, and
France." At the same time, and as if to reduce at last to
nothing the attacks directed against the " clerical" tendencies
of the government, there appeared two orders regulating the
private management of the small seminaries which had occa-
sioned numerous protests, and declaring that ecclesiastical
schools, managed by religious bodies who were not authorized,
should henceforth be subject to the rule of the university. This
measure, which really excluded Jesuits from teaching, greatly
pleased and astonished the liberals, but caused much dis-

oa. XIX.] OHABLES X. AND THE REVOLUTION. 269

pleasure and anxiety amongst the ultras, who were very sus-
picious of the influence of Ravez upon the king. The journey
niade by Charles X. in the eastern provinces after the close of
the session, and the enthusiasm with which he was received,
assisted more successfully in removing the alarm of the
court. The king unfortimately derived from that source
illusions which soon after contributed in drawing him on
towards ruin.

The misfortime of the liberals in 1829 was, that they dis-
turbed with their own hands the touchy and precarious har-
mony which had been established between them and the mod-
erate royalists, Martignac brought in two bills securing to
the electoral principle a share in the administration of the
departments and communes, and imposing new rules and
limits on the central power with regard to local affairs.

"These concessions might appear either too great or too
narrow. In any case they were real, and defenders of the
people's liberties could not do better than accept them and hold
by them. But among the liberal party which had till then
supported the cabinet, two spirits but slightly allied to politics,
the spirit of impatience and the spirit of system, the desire for
popidarity and the rigor of logic, could not be satisfied with
conquests so incomplete and easy. The right refrained fi*om
voting, and left the ministers to struggle with the demands of
their allies. Notwithstanding Martignac's efforts, an amend-
ment which seemed more important than it really was formed
a sort of attack upon the bill to systematize the departmental
administration. In the king's opinion, and that of the cham-
bers, the ministry had reached the limit of their credit, unable
to obtain from the king what would have satisfied the cham-
bers, or from the chambers what would have reassured the
king. They themselves by suddenly withdrawing both bills
confessed their double powerlessness, and remained still stand-
ing, though dying." *

Two months previously, on accoimt of an accident which
had compelled Ferronnays to leave the ministry of foreign
affairs, the king tried to replace him by Prince Polignac, for
whom he had a strong attachment, but not succeeding, the
office remained vacant. Chateaubriand, who had been covet-
ing it, was then in Bome: his purpose was to take revenge
apon Yill^e, by forming a new cabinet himself. He was

• Quiaot's Stimoires, eto.

grO HI8T0RT OF FRANCE. [CH. xix

Spared, however, both the trouble and the satisfaction. On
the 9th of August, the Moniteur announced the formation of
PoUgnac's ministry. Bourdonnaye was appointed home min*
ister.

What was the object in view? No caie knew; Polignac and
the king as little as the pubHc. But Charles X. had displayed
on the Tuileries the flag of the counter-revolution. There was
a universal outburst of anger and anxiety. " There it is now
again broken, that bond of love and Confidence which joined
the i)eople to the monarch !" exclaimed the Journal des Debate^
on the 10th of August. "See again the court with its old
hatreds, emigration with its errors, the priesthood with its
antipathy to freedom, coming to interpose between France
and her kingl What constituted the glory of this kingdom
was the moderation in the exercise of power; now moderation
is impossible. Those now ruling the affairs would like to be
moderate, but they cannot. What will they do then? Will
they bring to their assistance the force of the bayonet? Bay-
onets in these days are intelligent ; they know and respect the
law. Are they about to tear up that charter which made the
immortahty of Louis XVIII., and the power of his successor?
Let them consider well : the charter now is an authority against
which all the efforts of despotism should be broken. The peo-
ple pay a milliard to the law; they would not pay two millions
on the orders of a minister. With illegal taxes there should bo
bom a Hampden to crush them. Hampden? Must we again
recall to mind that name of alarm and warfare? Unhappy
France 1 Unhappy king 1"

The Bertins were prosecuted for that article, and condemned
by the lower court, though the judgment was quashed by
the Cour de Cassation. The new ministers were extremely
astonished at this manifestation of public opinion. It was
more serious and sustained than such popular impulses gen-
erally are in France, because the danger seemed still greater
to enhghtened men than to the mass of the nation. Guizot
and Berryer had just taken their seats as deputies, being at
last qualified by age to enter the chamber; one representing
Calvados, the other Haute-Loire. Both were already known;
both destined to join together in political combat, not without
mutual respect and liking; both eager for the fray. The
struggle was everywhere concealed and threatening, and had
not yet burst forth at any point. Societies were pubUcly
formed, both in the provinces and in Paris, to refuse payment

OH.XIX.] CHARLES X. AND THE REVOLUTION. 271

of taxes, shoiild the government attempt to raise them with-
out legal sanction of the chambers. "We shall not make a
coup dfUat" said Pohgnac to Michaud. "What, jour high-
ness! you won't 1 I am sorry for that," replied the historian
of the crusades, who had formerly been insulted by VillMe.
"Why?" asked Polignac. "Because all your party wish
for coups dPitat, and if you don't make one, you will have
nobody." Polignac had not yet imderstood. The prejudice
against him astonished the king and his new minister. Po-
lignac had recently, in the Chamber of Peers, declared his at-
tachment to the charter. " His declarations are sincere : he be-
lieved the charter compatible with the political preponderance
of the ancient nobility and the definitive supremacy of the
ancient royalty. He flattered himself that he could develop
the new institutions by making them subject to the rule of in-
fluences which they had been created for the very purpose of
abolishing or limiting. It is impossible to estimate the extent
of the conscientious illusions which may deceive a weak mind,
of some ardor and elevation, but mystically vague and keen.
Alarmed at his unpopularity, and afraid to increase it by his
actions, PoUgnac did nothing. The cabinet formed to subdue
the revolution and save the monarchy remained motionless
and fruitless. They prepared an expedition to Algiers, and
summoned the chambers, with constant declarations of their
devotion to the charter. They hoped to get rid of the difficulty
through a majority and a conquest !" * Henceforth it was as
president of the council that he had to keep up the struggle.
After some dissension within the cabinet, Bourdonnaye with-
drew, Montbel replaced him as home minister, and Guernon
Ranville waa appointed minister of public instruction.

The king and ministers thought to find a useful diversion
from the agitation of home affairs in general European politics,
at that time difficult and complicated. After being urged by
Russia, and without receiving much support from England, the
French government promised pecuniary assistance to the Greek
insurgents, and entered upon some negotiation with President
Capo d'Istria as to the future organization of the new state. It
was intended by the intervention of a corps of the French army,
supported by the English fleet, to assist the operations of the
Russians, and compel Ibrahim Pacha to return to Egypt.
This expedition was delayed through the Duke of Wellington's

* GuiKot's Mimoirea, eto.

fTS BISTORT OF FBANOB. [ot. xi»

objections and Mettemich's diplomacy, but on the ITfch August,
1828, the French troops set sail at Toulon, under the orders of
General Maison. On the 6th October the last Egyptian division
evacuated the Morea, all the strongholds were dehvered up to
us, and the Peloponnesus was freed from it enemies. The con-
ference of aUied powers, by arrangement with Capo d'Istria,
offered the crown of Greece to Prince Leopold, of Saxe-Coburg,
widower of the Princess Charlotte, heiress to the English throne.
After some discussion of the conditions of acceptance, the prince
definitively refused the crown. The English ministry, who had
supported him, lost their hold on the pubhc confidence. The
state of Europe was not reassuring. Don Miguel and the ab-
solutists triumphed in Portugal over the rights of Queen Maria.
In Spain, Ferdinand Vii., on the occasion of his young queen's
confinement, issued a pragmatic sanction, restoring the ancient
order of the Spanish monarchy admitting females to the royal
succession. The Dey of Algiers refused the satisfaction de-
manded in France, on account of the consul having been in-
sulted; and on the failure of a blockade to reduce the town, an
expedition, commanded by Bourmont, set out for Africa, on
the 16th May, 1830. The landing was successfully effected on
the 14th June; and soon news of the taking of Algiers (4th
July) came to fill all hearts with joy and pride.

This public satisfaction was not diminished by the discontent
of England. George IV. had just died ; and the Duke of Well-
ington, who was still retained in power by William IV., de-
manded from the French government an engagement to retain
none of the territories they had just conquered. Polignac
refused. "Never," said Lord Aberdeen to Laval, the French
ambassador, "never did France, imder the EepubUc or under
the empire, give England such serious ground of complaint as
she has been giving us for the last year." " Polignac is con-
sidered a man of worth and honor," said Wellington; " I look
upon him as one of the falsest and ablest men that exist."

WeUington did Polignac too great injustice and too great an
nonor at the same time. In his foreign as well as in his home
policy, he was animated by perfidious intention ; and his abihty
was merely the imprudent daring of a lofty but confused mind.
The Uberties of the people were not yet violated, but they were
felt to be seriously endangered. Anxious not only for the
safety of his throne, but for what he considered the inalienable
rights of his crown. King Charles X. assumed, to maintain
them, an attitude which was most offensive to the nation. Ha

9m.TXZ.] CHABLBS X. AND TEE REVOLUTION. 273

liraved her more than he defended himself against her. The
nation in her turn felt angry and haughty. There were hints
of coups d'itat on the people's side, ready to reply to those on
the king's. Without directly attacking the reigning power,
legal measures were used against it to their utmost limit; too
openly to admit of a charge of hypocrisy, and too adroitly to
be hindered in their hostile work. Press trials might follow
each other, and the hostile acts of the government clearly show
their tendency, but they also, like the opposition, kept within
l^ality. The constitutional royalists, who had sincerely ac-
cepted and supported the restoration, felt more than any other
section of the party the diflBculty and danger of the situation.
The address, called that of the 221, inspired by Royer-Collard
and his political friends, was the last and supreme effort of
those men of honor and foresight, then apprehensive of the
overthrow of the monarchy which their hands had helped to
raise. The speech from the throne contained one threatening
sentence:—

" Peers of France, deputies of the departments, I am fully
confident of your assistance in producing the good which I
wish to do. You will repel with scorn the base insinuations
which malevolence is seeking to propagate. Should guilty
intrigues stir up against my government obstacles which I
oannot, which I wish not to anticipate, I shall find power to
surmount them in my determination to maintain the public
peace in the well-groimded confidence of the French people,
and in the affection they have always shown to their king."

"Don't urge the king too eagerly," Eoyer-CoUard sometimes
said. " Nobody knows what stupid blunders he may be guilty
of." It was such blundering due to the royal illusions that the
Chamber of Deputies tried to prevent in 1830. The address
of the peers was embarrassed and hesitating; that of the
Chamber of Deputies was both firm and modest, inflexible
as to the basis of constitutional principle, sympathetic and
respectful in its desire to warn the monarch of the dangers to
which he was exposed. " They tell us that France is in peace,
that there is no disturbance of order," said Gtiizot, mounting
the tribune for the first time as a deputy, to speak on behalf of
the address. It is true that the material order is not disturbed ;
an move about freely and peacefully ; business is not interfered
with by uproar. The social surface is tranquil, so tranquil that
the government may well be tempted to believe that the bot-
tom is in perfect security, and thus consider themselves im*

f74 HISTOBT OF FBANOB. [ch. rat

threatened by any danger. Our words, gentlemen, the candor
of our words, alone can inform the government at the present
moment; they are the only voice that can reach up to them
and dissii)ate their illusions. Let us beware of weakening its
force ; let us beware of enervating our expressions. Truth has
already too much difficulty in reaching within the palaces of
kings; let us not send it weak and colorless; let us leave no
possibility of its being misunderstood, or of the loyalty of our
sentiments being mistaken."

On the 18th March, the address of the chamber was carried
to the Tuileries. A large number of the opposition deputies ac-
companied their president. Eoyer-Collard showed considerable
emotion, even in the tone of his voice ; that of the king was dry
and abrupt, though his attitude was dignified, without either
hesitation or haughtiness. *' Sir," said he, "I had the right to
expect the assistance of both chambers in effecting the good I
intended. My heart is pained to see the deputies of depart-
ments declare that, so far as they are concerned, there will be
no such assistance. I announced my determination at the
opening of the session— that determination is unchangeable.
The interests of my people forbid me to relinquish it; my min-
isters wiU let you know of my intentions." Next day, the 19th
March, the prorogation of the chamber to the 1st September
was announced in the Moniteur. The triumphant delight of
the ultras broke forth everjrv^here. "These people did not
know what a king was," said the Universel, Polignac's journal;
"they know it now: a breath has scattered them like chaff."
The more clear-sighted among the ecclesiastical party were not
so mistaken. " As the ministry have laid it down, the ques-
tion puts us between the republic and an arbitrary court
party," said Lamennais. "Considering everything, I prefer
the former, because I prefer fever to death or paralysis causing
death,"

The republicans, till then few and timid, held the same
opinion as Lamennais. At a banquet on 1st April, in honor of
the 221, Qodefroy Cavaignac refused to drink to the king's
health. Odilon Barrot reproved him with intelligent fii-m-
ness. They drank to the harmony of the three powers, the
constitutional king, the chamber of peers, and the chamber of
deputies. On the 16th May, the chamber was dissolved by
voyal order; the electoral colleges being summoned for the
end of June and first weeks of July.

Two days afterwards, Oourvoisier and Chabrol gave in

«H.xix.l CHARLES X AND THE REVOLUTION. 275

their resignation. Peyronnet became home minister and
Montbel chancellor of the exchequer. Chantelauze, first
president of the court of Grenoble, replaced Courvoisier.
When consenting to join the cabinet, the latter said he should
leave it the first day the liberties of the people were endan-
gered. Those who knew him considered his withdrawal very
ominous. Montbel and Guemon-Ranville retained their posts
against their real will. " I consider the favor bestowed upon
me by the king the greatest misfortune of my life," said Chan-
telauze.

Vill^le had hitherto kept in retirement, living in the country
since the abortive proposal of Labbey to bring an accusation
against his cabinet. He returned to Paris in March, when
Polignac offered him a seat in the cabinet, but the former
president refused, and returned to Toulouse. He advised
Montbel to agree to no new change in ministerial arrange-
ments. "The importance which they attach to it proves the
determination to get rid of the diflSculty by a coup d'itat,'''' he
remarked with penetrating foresight; "and that is a game
you are not fit for."

The whole of France was now waiting for the coup d'itai,
and Europe was waiting as well as France. "Your two
weakest points are the electoral law and the liberty of the
press," said Mettemich in Vienna to Rayneval; " but you can-
not touch them except through the chambers. A coup d'etat
would ruin the dynasty." At St. Petersburg the Emperor
Nicholas spoke in the same manner to the Due de Mortemart,
the French ambassador. "If they leave the charter it is
certain ruin ; if the king attempts a coup d'etat he must bear
the whole responsibility alone." His ambassador at Paris,
Pozzo di Borgo repeated this to the members of the council,
and to the king himself with all the authority due to the great
influence he had formerly exercised in the affairs of the resto-
/ation. He one day found King Charles X. seated at his
table, with his eyes fixed upon the charter, open at Article
XIV.* The king read and re-read that article, sincerely anx-
ious to discover the meaning and bearing which he wanted to
find in it. In such cases one always finds what he is looking
for; and the king's remarks, though vague and indirect, left

* "The king is supreme head of the State; commands the forces on sea and
land; makes treaties of peace, alliance, and commerce; appoints all the function*
aries in the public administration, and makes the rules and (Mtlen necessary fof
the execution of the laws and the safety of the State."

376 HISTORY OF FRANCS. [CH. xix.

no doubt in the ambassador's mind of what his intentions
were.

All the thoughts, efforts, hopes, and fears of the nation were
absorbed by the elections, which proved to all the world that
the constitutionals were right in resolutely opposing the min-
istry. "With very few exceptions, the 221 were re-elected, and
the opposition reckoned a majority of more than a hundred
votes. Nearly everywhere the elections passed without dis-
turbance ; the nation being ready to accept unhesitatingly the
supreme test, neither anticipated it nor hurried it by any
violence. On the 10th July, at a meeting of the leading men
of character who were friends of hberty, it was resolved that,
should there be a coup d'etat, the payment of taxes would be
refused. People still asked if it should take place. The peers
had received their invitations to be present when the king
visited the chamber^ The deputies who arrived from all parts
were as a body animated by an ardent and sincere desire to
maintain peace while obtaining justice and preserving their
Kberties.

Charles X. showed no hesitation. Before the elections he
had in principle decided what course to follow should the
government receive a check. Henceforward the only question
was with reference to the action to take for vindicating the
rights of the throne. Two fatal mistakes had taken firm hold
of the monarch's mind : he believed that he was much more
endangered by the revolution than he really was; and entirely
disbelieved in the possibility of defending himself, and govern-
ing by the legal com«e of the constitutional regime. France
nad no wish for a new revolution. The charter, in the hands
of a prudent and patient sovereign, supplied the means of
safely exercising the royal authority and protecting the
crown. But Charles X. had lost confidence in France and the
charter; and when the address of the 221 triumphantly re-
sulted from the elections, he beUeved he was driven to his last
entrenchments, and compelled to save himself in spite of the
charter, or perish by the revolution.

"There are only Lafayette and I who have not changed
since 1789," said the king one day. True enough he had not
changed : he remained candid and fickle, trusting to himself
and his surroundings, with little observation or reflection,
though active-minded; attached to his ideas and friends of
the old rigime as much as to bis faith and his flag. All
through tl.i profound changes undergone by France during

OH. XIX.] CHABLB8 X. AND THE RBVOLXmON. 2T7

the uprooting of the ancient bases of society, she had experi-
enced a transformation which influenced the most noble
minds, modifying their views as well as the inborn moral
sense. "Devotion to one's country, duty towards one's
country, are certainly not new sentiments, which our fathers
were ignorant of; yet between their ideas and ours, in this
respect, there is a profound difEerence. Fidelity towards per-
sons, towards superiors or equals, was in former French
society the ruling principle and sentiment; personal ties were
social ties. In the new social system sprung from the revolu-
tion, among various classes now brought together and mixed,
duty and devotion towards one's country have assumed an
empire superior to that of the ancient devotion and duty
towards persons. It was owing to social facts of extreme im-
portance that in 1789 the two parties sx)ontaneously and in-
stinctively called themselves the royalist party and patriotic
party respectively. In one, duty and devotion to the ktoj^
head and representative of liie nation; in the other, duty and
devotion towards the nation itself directly, formed the princi-
pal bond of imion, and ruling sentiment." * King Charles X,
was so imfortunate as not to imderstand this change in the
ziational sentiment. He believed himself deserted and be-
trayed by his servants, and ranged against himself in battle
all the patriotic fears as well as hopes. This was soon after-
wards proved in a striking manner by the attitude of a large
number of devoted and sincere royalista

The king determined not to unite the chambers, and not to
wait till they had acted before acting himself. He also in*
tended to keep in the most absolute secrecy the measiu«s he
was preparing. The idea of a coup d^Mat was everywhere de-
nied emphatically ; even the precautions necessary in case of
armed resistance were sacrificed. On Sunday the 24th July,
when the court was held at St. Cloud, as the king was on his
way to hear mass, Vitrolles stopped Guemon-Eanville and
said, "I don't ask you your secret, but I must inform yoa
that it is the fate of the monarchy that is at stake. Tou are
probably deceived in the difference of the times. A measure
which was easy at the beginning of the ministry, even six
months ago, is no longer possible in the effervescing state of
pubKc opinion to-day. It would inevitably have the most
deplorable and unlooked for effects. '^ The listener thought as

• Quizot'a Mitnoire*, eta

278 HISTORY OF FRANCB. [OH. xix.

VitroUes did, and had Raid the same thing in counciL He
passed on, and found the ministers met in the king's room.

After all had spoken, Charles X. took the pen to sign the
orders placed before him. He stopped and held his head in
his hands. " The more I think of it," he said presently, " the
more I am convinced of being in the right, and that it is im-
possible to do otherwise." He signed; all the ministers signed
also, bowing before the king as if by a tacit engagement which
linked their fate to his. " For life and for death, gentlemen,"
said the king; " coimt upon me, as I count upon you."

So faithfully was the secret kept, that Marshal Marmont,
placed on active service as governor of the first military divi-
sion, was still ignorant of his nomination, the king having
undertaken to tell him himseK. The orders in coimcil appeared
in the Moniteur of Monday, 26th July, preceded by a long re-
port drawn up by Chantelauze. On receiving from the keeper
of the seals a copy of the oflScial pubhcation, Sauvo, the editor
of the Moniteur, looked to the minister with an emotion which
he could not restrain, and said, "May Gk)d protect the king I
GkKi protect France I"

All France was thimderstruck on learning that morning the
king's fatal resolution. Convinced that a vast conspiracy threat-
ened both the tranquiUity of the country and the rights of the
crown, Charles X. believed he had a right to attempt a coup
d'itat, and moreover that it was not contrary to the letter of
the charter. The four orders in council thus announced sus-
pended indefinitely the liberty of the press, dissolved the
Chamber of the Deputies, modified the electoral law, and sum-
moned the electoral colleges to meet from the 6th to the 18th
September, the chambers on the 28th. Such was the arbitrary
«nd imprudent act against which burst forth all at once the
protestations of an indignant nation.

The first protestation, as it ought to be, was that of the jour-
nalists, ably drawn up by Thiers. It was immediately followed
by the seizure of the printing-presses of the leading journals.
The agitation, however, had yet led to no active results: the
distiirbance in men's minds was yet undeclared in action. The
king went to hunt at Rambouillet, and on his return to St.
Cloud he asked Marshal Marmont, who was still ignorant that
he had been appointed to the command of Paris, what was the
news. "Great alarm, sire; there is great depression, and an
extraordinary fall in stocks." " How much?" asked the dau-
phin. "Four francs, monseigneur." "They will rise again."

OLXix.] CHARLES X. AND THE SEVOLUTIOIT. 2T9

Next day the marshal was at last informed. "It seems there
is some doubt as to the tranquillity of Paris," said the king to
him; "go and take the command there, calling first at M. de
PoHgnac's. If everything is in order by the evening, you may
return to St. Cloud." The choice of the Due de Bagusa was un-
popular, as had also been that of Bourmont as war minister,
because both were blamed for their " treason" under the em-
pire.

While the marshal was being installed at head-quarters, and
crowds were already gathering in the streets, a certain num-
ber of deputies met in the house of Casimir P^rier, Rue de
Luxemboiu:>g, and discussed a proposal to protest in the name
of the illegally dissolved chamber. That drawn up by Guizot
was adopted next day, but in the meantime the troops had
several times charged the crowd, several shots had been fired,
and some barricades raised. The night passed quietly; but in
the morning every eye was struck by the formidable aspect of
a rising of the people. The soldiers had resumed their posi-
tions; against them a certain number of the national guards
had just joined the crowds. The Polytechnic school broke
open the gates, and the tricolor flag floated on the towers of
Notre Dame. The colmnns on march were shot at from some
of the houses. In the morning Marshal Marmont had written
to the king: "Sire, I had the honor of reporting to your
Majesty the dispersal of the crowds which disturbed the tran-
quillity of Paris. This morning they are again collecting,
more mmierous and more threatening. It is no longer a riot,
but a revolution. There is urgent need for your Majesty to
take means of pacification. The honor of the crown may yet
be saved. To-morrow probably it would be too late." Paris
was placed in a state of siege, the order having been signed on
the previous evening. The Due de Bagusa agreed to command
the arrest of several deputies. Amongst those indicated by
Polignac, General (J^rard and Lafittewere members of the
deputation who went to the Tuileries, the ministers having in-
stalled themselves there imder the protection of the governor of
Paris. The deputies brought to the Due de Eagusa a general
protest, and were authorized to ask him to cease firing, jind to
interpose between Paris and St. Cloud.

" The imdersigned," said the protest, "chosen r^ularly as a
deputation, consider themselves to be absolutely compelled in
duty and honor to protest against the measures which the ad-
visers of the crown have recently put in force for the over

280 HISTORY OF FRANCS. [cH. nx.

throw of the legal system of elections and the ruin of the
libery of the press.

" The said measures, contained in the orders of the 25th, are,
in the eyes of the imdersigned, directly contrary to the consti-
tutional rights of the Chamber of Peers, the common rights of
Frenchmen, the privileges and decisions of the tribunals ; and
are calculated to throw the state into a confusion compromising
both the present peace and our future security.

"The undersigned, therefore, being inviolably faithful to
their oath, protest with one accord, not only against the said
measures, but against every act which may result from them.

"And, considering that, on the one hand, the Chamber of
Deputies not having been constituted could not be legally dis-
solved; on the other hand, the attempt to form another (Cam-
ber of Deputies, in a new and arbitrary manner, is in formal
opposition to the constitutional charter, and the acquired rights
of the electors, the imdersigned declare that they still consider
themselves as being legitimately elected to represent the arron-
dissement or department whose suffrages they obtained ; and
that they can only be replaced by means of elections made in
accordance with the principles and forms appointed by law.
And if the undersigned do not effectively exercise the rights or
fulfil all the duties which they hold through their legal elec-
tion, it is because they are prevented by physical force." Six-
ty-three signatures were aflixed to this vindication of the legal
rights of the nation.

While the deputies, who were niraierous in the morning, and
easily counted towards the evening, were thus discussing in
Audry's house, the place was surrounded by workmen, boys
and young men, combatants of every sort, who filled the court,
and besieged the doors, speaking to the deputies at the drawing-
room windows — ready to defend them if, as was rumored, they
were presently to be arrested by the police or military, but de-
manding at the same time their immediate assistance in pre-
paring a revolution. Among the deputies various opinions
and expectations were manifested, in some minds still vague,
in others steadfast and decided. "Several wished to carry re-
sistance to the last limits of legal order, but not further.
Others were resolved upon a change of dynasty, wishing for no
further revolution, but considering that necessary, and that
the circmnstances seemed favorable for it, and flattering them-
selves that they might stop there or thereabouts. Others
again, more revolutionary without being aware of it, were

m. xnc.] GHARLBS X. AND THE HEVOLVTIOK 281

sanguine as to all sorts of imdefined reforms in the institutions
and laws, commanded as they imagined by the interest and
wish of the people. Others again, had a decided aspiration for
a republic, and considered as abortive or deceptive any other
result of the struggle maintained by the people in the name of
liberty. Those who declared they would not become revolu-
tionary while making a revolution, already found themselves
overwhelmed and urged forward — by the enemies of established
order, the regular conspirators, the secret societies, and the an-
archical dreamers who had thrown themselves into the move-
ment, and were every hour becoming more powerful and more
exacting. The tide still rose, reaching the elevated regions,
and spreading noisily amid the lower regions of society." *

Polignac, however, refused to understand the position of
affairs in Paris. On. being informed that at certain places the
soldiers apparently shared the sentiments of the populace, he
replied, "Very welll if the troops fraternize with the people,
let the troops be fired upon." The Due de Eagusa made a re-
port to the king of his interview with the deputies, and the
ultimatum which they brought in the name of their colleagues
—withdrawal of the orders, and a change of ministry. "In
my opinion there is urgent need that your Majesty should
without delay take advantage of the overtures made," "Let
your Majesty not be deceived," added the colonel appointed to
carry the marshal's letter; " it is not the populace, but the en-
tire population who are rising." Charles X. confined himself
to replying to the Due de Eagusa. " My dear marshal, I have
great pleasure in hearing of the good and honorable conduct of
the troops under your orders. Convey to them my thanks,
and grant them a month and a half s pay. Bring your troops
together and hold your ground ; wait for my orders to-morrow."
" We must treat only with large bodies," was his message on
another occasion.

The army had in fact begun to fall back ; for the insurrection
had gained too much groimd to leave Marmount the hope of
again occupying Paris. The H6tel de Ville was in the hands
of the rioters; 600 barricades intersected the streets every-
where; the troops surrounding the Tuileries and Louvre were
everywhere attacked during their march ; provisions began to
foU them ; and many soldiers wavered on account of the re-
peated appeals made to them by the people. "But where do

* Quizot'g Mimoirea, «to.

msrORT OF FRANCE. [cH. xa.

the insurgents get their powder?" asked the mimsters in as*
tonishment. " They get that of the soldiers," replied Bayeuz,
then acting as procureur-general ; "and often the soldiers
ttiemselves give them cartridges."

The government of Charles X. no longer existed in Paria
The ministers had resigned the power into the hands of the
Due de Ragusa, and now contemplated, like sad and persistent
spectators, the ruins they themselves had made. "What a
misfortune to have my sword broken in my hands 1" said
Polignac; "a little more patience and determination, and I
was about to establish the government and charter upon im-
movable bases."

The same illusions reigned at St. Cloud, strengthened by ths
respect and alarm of the courtiers. On the 28th, Vitrolles tried
to enlighten the king, but he was still confident of victory.
"Let the insurgents lay down their arms," said he; *'they
know my kindness suflSciently to be certain of the most gen-
erous pardon." The evening passed in the usual courtly cere-
monies. " Not a guard more, not a guard less," we are told
by an eye-witness. "The windows of the drawing-rooms
being open, several persons went on the balcony, listening to
the firing and the tocsin, and then retiring without remark,
as if they had merely been to breathe the fresh air after a day
of burning heat. In the royal drawing-room the king played
whist and the dauphin chess, without speaking of anything
else. During the game, which thus seemed to engross their
whole attention, several discharges of artillery shook the win-
dows. The most frightful news kept constantly arriving, but
without crossing the threshold of the royal drawing-room.
The Due de Duras left the room, and returned full of excite-
ment; but as he approached tne whist-table the courtier
resumed his attitude and silence."

The Due de Morteraart, who had come from Paris, could not
receive an audience of the king till next day. He declared
that the orders must be withdrawn. "They exaggerate the
danger," said Charles X.; "I know the truth," and on the
duke appearing to doubt it, the king said eagerly, " You were
bom in the midst of revolution, and, without knowing it, have
acquired its prejudices and false ideas. My old experience i?
above such illusions. I know what the concessions asked of
me would lead to ; and I have no wish to ride like my brother
on a cart." James II. had spoken thus in 1688.

Mesm while the ministers arrived at St. Cloud, preceded by

CH. ra.] CHARLES X AlfD THE REVOLUTION. 283

S6monville and Argout, who had been sent by the few peers
then present in Paris. The dauphin was appointed com-
mander-in-chief of the army ; and Marshal Marmont's political
opinions appearing as doubtful as his military movements, an
order was sent him to retire immediately upon St. Cloud
with his troops. When the royal messenger reached the Due
de Eagusa he had been obliged to abandon his positions and
fall back as far as the Arc de Triomphe. Two line regiments
had joined the revolution; the Louvre, the Tuileries, and all
the quarters of Paris, were in the hands of the insurgents.
Joubert, who was the first to enter the Tuileries, ordered the
tricolor flag to be planted on the clock-tower.

The principal point now was to secure order in Paris. La-
fayette was naturally appointed to the command of the
national guard. "The security of Paris depends on the gen-
eral's determination," said Guizot in a meeting of deputies;
"but we have also our duties. It is absolutely necessary that
we establish, not a provisional government, but a pubhc au-
thority that, under a municipal form, will undertake to restore
and maintain order." A municipal commission was at once
formed, composed of Lafayette, Casimir Perier, General Lobau,
Schonen, and Audry de Puyraveau. It installed itself at the
Hotel de Ville. General Gerard was appointed to command
the active troops.

While the revolution was being organized, the despairing
servants of the tottering throne vainly strove to save it. After
Mortemart had been rejected, VitroUes and Sussy, assisted by
Semonville and Argout, attempted to obtain for the country
legal satisfaction, and bring about some arrangement between
the effete monarchy at St. Cloud and the revolution boiling in
Paris. But on asking to see the king they were refused on ac-
count of the hour, the etiquette, miUtaiy orders, sleep; and
when at last admitted, found the king calm and yet angry,
obstinate yet hesitating. With great difficulty they succeeded
in forcing from him the dismissal of the Polignac cabinet,
repeal of the orders, and the appointment of Mortemart as first
minister. But, that being agreed upon, the king still hesitated,
and kept Mortemart waiting for the necessary signatures. He
at last gave them to his new minister, thus impelled by his
patriotism to accept a task which he hated. Mortemart, ill of
a consimaing fever, started for Paris without having obtained
the necessary passports from the displeased dauphin; and
being delayed at every step on his journey, by the royal

284 HISTORY OF FRANGB. [oh. xix.

troops or the volunteers guarding the barricades, he did not
reach the meeting of the deputies, who had been informed by
Argout that he did not bring the necessary powers. It was
with great difficulty that Mortemart succeeded in transmit-
ting to the parliamentary meeting and the municipal conmiis-
sion the orders of which he was the bearer. It was too late.
Nowhere were the concessions accepted; and at the Palais-
Bourbon and Hotel de ViUe it was with difficulty that any
notice was agreed to be taken of them. Lafayette had the
courage to write to Mortemart to acknowledge the receipt;
and two men on horseback having shouted on the Boulevard,
"All is finished; a peace is concluded with the king; Casimir
P^rier has arranged everything!" it was with great difficulty
that Greneral Gerard and Berard, who were on the spot, rescued
them from being massacred by the angry crowd. There was
no longer at St. Cloud any power, not only to act, but even to
speak to the country.

Lafayette had just issued a proclamation to the national
guard, and the municipal commission addressed the French
army. On the 30th July the deputies left off the vague and
purposeless meetings they had held, and assembled at the
Palais-Bourbon, in the hall of their sittings, and invited their
absent colleagues to join them, and raise again the great pub-
lic power of which they were the scattered members. The
peers then present in Paris also assembled in the Luxembourg.
The deputies entered into communication with them, and the
same day, at the dose of the morning sitting, on hearing that
the Due d'Orleans— who had hitherto kept himself aloof, inac-
tive and invisible — was disposed to come to Paris, the assembly
in the Palais-Bourbon adopted the following resolution: —

" The deputies now met in Paris feel the urgency of request^
ing H.R.H. Monseigneur le Due d'Orleans to come to the capi>
tal, to exercise the functions of lieutenant-general of the king-
dom, and to give expression to the desire of preserving the
national colors. They have also felt the necessity of striving
"Without intermission to secure for France, in the ensuing ses-
sion of the chambers, all the guarantees indispensable for the
full and entire execution of the charter."

It was M. Thiers who brought from Neuilly Madame Adel-
aide's promise, given in the name of her absent brother, that
he should agree to receive the delegates from the chamber.
The Duchess of Orleans, affectionately anxious, though so
high-minded a i*oyalist both in principles and habits, had per

OH. XIX.] OHABLES X. AND THE REVOLUTION. 285

suaded her husband to go to Ramcy to avoid the arrest which
some said was impending. As soon as Thiers introduced the
subjects he exclaimed, "All my happiness is ended!" Lafay-
ette feared lest the deputies were too hasty in concluding an
alliance with the Due d'Orleans and bringing the revolution to
a close. He instructed OdHon Barrot to insist beforehand on
guarantees of liberty and the revision of the charter. BHa
grandson, B^musat, on going to see him at the Hotel de Ville,
said to him: "Gteneral, if they make a monarchy, the Due
d'Orleans will be king; if they make a republic, you will
be president. Do you take the responsibility of the repub-
lic?"

" Lafayette seemed to hesitate, though he really did not.
Generously disinterested, although fully conscious of his impor-
tance, and with almost as much anxiety for the responsibOity
as desire for popularity, he was much more disposed to treat
for the people and in name of the people than ambitious of
ruling. That a republic, and a republic under his presidency,
should be thought of as a possible chance, was sufficient for
his satisfaction, I will not say his ambition. Lafayette had no
ambition: he wished to be the popular patron of the Due
d'Orleans, not his rival.

"The Due d'Orleans was equally unambitious. Self-re-
strained and prudent, in spite of his mental activity and the
mobile vivacity of his impressions, he had long foreseen the
chance which might carry him to the throne, but without try-
ing to find it, and rather disx>osed to be afraid of it than to
long for it. After the protracted sorrows of exile and the
recent experience of the hundred days, one thought especially
occupied his attention— the wish being again necessarily en-
tangled in the faults which the elder branch was liable to
commit, and in the consequences which might result from
these faults. On the 31st March, 1830, a few days after the
arrival of his brother-in-law, the King of Naples, at Paris, he
gave him a banquet la the Palais-Royal, at which Charles X.
and all the royal family were present. 'Monseigneur,' said
Salvandy to the Due d'Orleans, as he passed near him,
'this banquet is quite Neapohtan; we are dancing over a
volcano.' ' That the volcano is there,' answered the duke, *1
believe as well as you. At least the fault is not mine. I can-
not reproach myself with not having tried to open the king's
eyes. But what is the use? He listened to nothing. Heaven
only knows where they will be in six months 1 But I know

286 HISTORY OF FBANOB. [oh. to.

w^here I shall be. Whatever happens, my family and myself
will remain in this palace ; whatever danger there may be, I
shall not move a step from here. I shall not separate my lot
and that of my children from the lot of my country : that is
my fixed resolution.'

"That resolution held more place than any other intention
in the Due d'Orleans' conduct during the whole course of the
restoration. He had also resolved to be neither conspirator
nor victim. He was devoted to the country which he had
served since his infancy. If the definitive consolidation of
the restoration had depended upon him he would, without
hesitation on hig own and his family's accoimt, as well as that
of France, have preferred the certainty of that future to the
prospects which a new revolution might afford him. In the
bottom of his heart, and without i)erhaps fully weighing the
fact, he felt from that time that, for the present, and in a
future which he could not fathom, he remained the actual and
all important ' reserve' of France.

"Chateaubriand, after arriving in Paris, and being carried
in triimiph to the Luxembourg, said * As lieutenant-general,
yes; but for king, Henry V.' The words of deputies and
peers did not yet go beyond that, however free their thoughts
might be. The mimicipal commission having declared that
the government of Charles X. was deposed, Casimir P^rier
refused to sign the proclamation, on the ground that it ex-
ceeded their powers. Twelve members of the Chamber of
Deputies were chosen as delegates to go and offer the Due
d'Orleans the appointment of lieutenant-general of the king-
dom. He had just arrived in Paris from Neuilly on foot, and
not without diflBculty, and when the deputation presented
itself at the Palais-Royal the jjrince asked for several hours
to consider. Time was pressing; he accepted, and the follow-
ing proclamation was at once issued : —

" ' Inhabitants of Paris! the Deputies of France now assem-
bled in Paris have expressed the desire that I should come into
this capital to exercise the functions of lieutenant-general of
the kingdom. I have not hesitated to come to share your
dangers, to place myself in the midst of your heroic popula-
tion, and use every effort to preserve you from civil war and
anarchy. On my return to the city of Paris I bore with pride
those glorious colors which you have resumed, and which I
myself have long borne. The chambers are about to assemble;
they wUl consider the best means of seciu-ing the reign of the

OH.XIX.] CHARLES X. AND THE REVOLUTIOK 287

laws, and the maintenance of the rights of the nation. The
charter will henceforth be a reality.' "*

The proclamation did not satisfy all the violently excited
|[)assions and hopes of the people, but it corresponded to the
earnest desires and deeply felt wants of all enlightened men
who were anxious to bring disorder to a close. After the dele-
gates made their report, the Chamber of Deputies adopted the
following declaration, addressed to France, which was drawn
up, and read from the tribune, by Guizot: —

" Frenchmen 1

" France is free. Absolutism raised its flag, and the heroic
I)opulation of Paris put it down. Paris, when attacked, has
by arms caused the triumph of the sacred cause which had
just triumphed to no purpose in the elections. A power which
had usurped our rights and disturbed our repose, was threat-
ening both liberty and order: we resume possession of order
and liberty. No more fears for acquired rights; no more bar-
riers between us and the rights which we still want.

" A government which will at once ensure for us those ad-
vantages is what the country to-day demands above every-
thing. Frenchmen 1 those of your deputies already in Paris
have met together, and, until the chambers shall formally in-
terpose, have invited a Frenchman, who has never fought
except for France, the Due d'Orleans, to exercise the functions
of heutenant-general of the kingdom. That, in their eyes, is
the mode of promptly securing without war the success of the
most legitimate defence.

" The Due d'Orleans is devoted to the national and constitu-
tional cause, and has always defended its interests, and pro-
fessed its principles. He will respect our rights, for his own
he will hold from us ; we shall secure by law all the guaran-
tees necessary to render liberty sure and lasting,"

When this proclamation, which concluded by enumerating
the guarantees necessary for hberty, was read, the chamber
replied by acclamations, and at once went to the Palais-RoyaL
The Ueutenant-general made ready to go to the Hotel de Ville,
whither he was accompanied by the deputies. Several hostile
shouts were heard in the streets, some repeating, "No more
Bourbons 1" The general crowd, however, cried, "Long live

„„ _,^ *Qaiiot'8ifitffn<nre«,ete.

HF (M) Vol. 8

288 HISTORY OF FRANCR [oh. xdc,

the charter 1" " Gentlemen," said the Due d'Orleans as he
mounted the staircase, "it is an old national guard paying a
visit to his former general." Viennet read the proclamation
of the chamber, which was rather coldly received by the pop-
ulace. General Lafayette soon came to pay his respects to the
prince. " You know," said he, " that I am a republican, and
consider the constitution of the United States as the most per-
fect that has ever existed." "So do I," replied the duke;
" but do you think that in the present condition of France,
and according to general opinion, it woiild be advisable for us
to adopt it?" "No," answered Lafayette; "what the French
people must now have is a popular throne, surrounded by
republican institutions — entirely republican." "That is just
my opinion," said the duke.

The republicans did not reckon upon such princely declara-
tions, though they also had resolved to interview the lieuten-
ant-general. "To-morrow you wiQ be king, monseigneur,"
said Boinvilliers; "perhaps it is the last time you will hear
the truth : allow me to tell it you." On the prince referring in
severe terms to the convention, Godefroy Cavaignac quickly
exclaimed, " Monseigneur forgets that my father was a mem-
ber of the Convention!" "And mine also, sir," retimied the
Due d'Orleans in a sorrowful tone; "and while cherishing his
memory, I may be allowed the desire to save my country
from the procedure to which he was a victim." Lafayette's
conversation with the prince led to the engagement which was
called the programme of the Hotel de ViUe. It promised a
revision of the charter. "I am condemned to propose noth-
ing," said the duke. "I shall not take the crown; I shall re-
ceive it from the Chamber of Deputies on the conditions it
may suit them to impose. The modifications of the charter,
whatever they may be, must therefore be made by that cham-
ber alone." The popular feeling had already strongly pro-
tested against the phrase, " The Charter wiU henceforward be
a reality," which was contained both in the declaration of the
Due d'Orleans and the proclamation of the chamber. The
Moniteur of the 31st July contained this absurd correction,
" Jl charter wiU henceforward be a reality."

While the Due d'Orleans was being appointed lieutenant-
general by the deputies, a preparatory step as it proved to his
becoming king, Charles X., still at St. Cloud, saw Marshal
Marmont arrive with his troops, discontented, ill-fed, and
much reduced by desertion. The marshal advised the IHng to

OB. xn.] CHARLES X AIW TEE REVOLUTION. 289

retire upon the Loire, to Blois or Tours, and summon there
the great functionaries and the diplomatic body. The dauphin
flew into a passion, having been opposed to the withdrawal of
the orders and discharge of the ministers. " My father is the
master," said he, " but I am far from approving of all that he
has done." The quarrel with the Buke of Eagusa was so vio-
lent, that the marshal was conducted to his apartment as a
prisoner, and the old king had great difficulty in restoring an
appearance of friendliness. During the night, yielding to the
alarms of the Duchess of Berry, who beUeved the safety of
the palace was threatened, the king set out for Versailles, and
thence went to Eambouillet — the first sad stage of a new jour-
ney into exile. The dauphin attempted to take Sevres, but
Bome of the corps refused to fire, and others laid down their arms.

The royal princess just then retmued from Vichy. She had
constantly opposed the idea of a coup d'etat, from a conscien-
tious regard to a sworn promise. The king threw himself into
her arms, exclaiming, " How will you be able to pardon me?"
Always heroic in misfortune, the daughter of Marie Antoinette
had been persecuted by the mob all the way from Dijon. " I
shall never again leave you," was her reply. The king had
just sent the Due d'Orleans his powers as Ueutenant-general of
the kingdom. The latter respectfully refused them. "You
cannot receive them from everybody," said Dupin.

A new idea was now being originated among those about the
king, who consulted Marmont. " What is your opinion of an
abdication?" he asked. It w^as the only means of safety stiU
left for the tottering throne. "Let your Majesty not allow
yourself to be deprived of the crown, " said the Duke of Eagusa ;
"but take it off your head yourself, to place it on the head of
your grandson. " No objection being now made to this proposal
by the dauphin, who was sad and disheartened, the act of ab-
dication was at once drawn up, and addressed to the Due d'Or
leans as lieutenant-general: —

" Bambouillet, 2nd August.

•* My cousin, I am too deeply pained by the evils now afflict-
ing and threatening my peoples, not to have sought for some
means of preventing theuL I have, therefore, taken the reso-
lution to abdicate the throne, in favor of my grandson the Due
de Bordeaux.

"The dauphin, who shares my sentiments, also renoimces
his rights in favor of his nephew."

f90 EI8T0BT OF FRANCE. [ch. rsx.

"As lieutenant-general of the kingdom you will therefore
have to proclaim the accession of Henry V. to the throne.
You will, moreover, take every measure in your power to con-
duct the forms of government during the minority of the new
king. At present I confine myself to the announcement of my
dispositions, as a means of still avoiding many evils." The
small fugitive court at EamhouiUet already hegan to address
the little duke as ' ' sire. "

The ahdication of the king and dauphin came too late, as the
recall of the orders and change of ministers had done. A mon-
archy under the Due de Bordeaux, with Orleans as regent,
would have been not only the legal solution, but the more po-
litic one. On the 2nd August, 1830, it seemed to the most mod-
erate statesman more impracticable even than reconciliation
with the king himself. At that time neither the hberal party
nor the royalists would have had sufl&cient discretion, nor the
regent sufficient power, to conduct and maintain a government
so complicated, divided and agitated. The masses were giving
way to revolutionary passion, and the leaders were yielding to
the pressure of the masses. The state of men's minds, and the
circumstances, allowed no choice but a new monarchy or a re-
pubhc. Amongst the lower orders and most young men the
latter was every moment becoming more popular and threaten-
ing. Of their own accord, or under orders, some in confused
bands, others commanded by the chiefs of the national guard,
50,000 or 60,000 men were marching to Rambomllet. The old
king was soon to understand the startling message conveyed
by this demonstration. At the same time, three commissioners
—Marshal Maison, Barrot, and Schonen — were appointed to
protect the safety of the royal family, and impress upon them
the necessity for departure. "I have abdicated," said Charles
X., " but it is in favor of my grandson; and we have resolved
to defend his rights to the last drop of our blood." The Par-
isian columns were already surrounding the chateau. " Sire,"
said Barrot, with emotion, "I have no right to express an
opinion upon the rights spoken of by your Majesty, or the hopes
depending on them. But whatever may be the future reserved
by Grod for your grandson, prevent his name from being the
signal for the catastrophe now at hand ; let him not be stained
by the blood now about to be shed." Charles X. paused, full
of thought and emotion. He consulted Marshal Marmont,
"They have there 60,000 or 80,000," said the Duke of Ragusa;

OB. aox.] 0HABLB8 X. AND THE BBVOLUnON. 291

" with those who are gone, and those who refuse to march, we
do not muster 1300 men." " That is sufficient," said the king,
and he agreed to set out. At four o'clock in the morning, the
royal fugitives reached Maintenon, constantly informed of new
desertions. The king declared to Marmont, who had accom-
panied him, that he renounced all idea of maintaining a useless
struggle, and that he would make for Cherbourg by the way
of Dreux.

Those troops who had remained faithful withdrew. A small
body of the guards and picked gendarmes followed the royal
carriages through towns with the tricolor flags hoisted every-
where by the contagion of the Parisian revolution. The com-
missioners did not display their cockade before the fallen mon-
arch. "We are not jailers," said Odilon Barrot; "our
mission is one of humanity and respect." The wretched jour-
ney was much prolonged, rendering the revolutionist leaders
in Paris uneasy and impatient. '* What answer can be given
to an old man who tells you that he is tired?" wrote the com-
missioners to those who urged them. It was not till the 16th
August that the royal family embarked at (yherbourg, on the
American vessels the Great Britain and Charles Carrol, which
had been hired for them by Captain Dumont d'UrvlUe. The
king had announced his intention of going to England, and the
English government consented. At one time the diplomatic
body expressed a design of joining the king at Rambouillet,
but Pozzo di Borgo and Lord Charles Stuart entered a formal
protest. The Eussian ambassador soon after warmly espoused
the cause of the new dynasty. " The Orleans family wish to
reign," said he ; " they are right, they must reign ! I am with
them, to life or death 1" King Charles X. was abandoned by
Europe as weU as by France, when he went on board at Cher^
bourg to seek refuge in that Elngland which had so long shel-
tered his family, and which was one day to shelter in their
turn those who were now replacing him on the throne. As he
passed through the country the populace had received him
without any welcome; at the moment of embarking, there
were tears in every eye. The princess royal, dressed in mourn-
ing, and holding her children by the hand, cast a last look upon
that country which was for a second time sending her to e^file.

Meanwhile a new government was constituted at Paris, and
^he whole of France was, without resistance, passing under
new laws. In every ear seemed to resound the grand saying
of the psalmist, formerly repeated by Bossuet before Louia

HISTORY OF FRANCS. [CH. XIX

XIV. : Et nunc, reges, intelligite; erudimini, qui jvdicatis ter-
rain.

The new-bom power in Paris felt much joy and real relief
when they at last learnt, on the 17th August, that the royal
family had left France without danger and insult. The mass
of the population were fully engrossed with other interests.
On the 1st August the municipal commission had transferred
their powers to the lieutenant-general. Provisional coramis-
sioners were appointed to manage the public departments;
Dupont to the ministry of justice; Greneral Gerard, of war;
Guizot, of the interior; Baron Louis, of finance; Girod, of the
police. A privy council, including BrogUe, Lafl&tte, Casimir
Perier, Dupin, and Sebastiani, assisted the Due d'Orleans in his
first attempts of government. On the 3rd August the cham-
bers assembled to discuss the revision of the charter, noisily
demanded by some enthusiasts, both republican and monar-
chical. The inheritance of titles of nobility was the object of
the most violent attacks. The still excited populace seemed on
the point of again imposing their wishes by force. The duke
was disposed to let them have their way, but through the per-
sistent efforts of some of his principal friends the question was
deferred till next session.

The prince opened the session with much of the usual cere-
monial. "Attached both by feeling and conviction to the
principles of a free government," said he, "I accept all its
consequences. The past is for me a source of pain, I deplore
misfortunes which I should have wished to prevent ; but in the
midst of that magnanimous impulse of the capital, and all the
French towns, a well grounded pride fills my heart with emo-
tion, and I look forward with confidence to the future of our
country. Yes, gentlemen, she will be happy and free, this
France so dear to me; she will show to Europe that, being
solely occupied with her home prosperity, she cherishes peace
as well as liberty, and wishes only for the happiness and tran-
quillity of her neighbors."

Three days later (7th August), on the formal request of the
two chambers, who had declared the throne vacant, the Due
d'Orleans solemnly accepted the crown; and on the 9th
August, at a *' royaJ sitting," he took, in presence of the whole
country, the oaths which he was so long and faithfully to
keep.

OB. SX.1 PABLIJLMENTABT GOVERNMENT. 39d

CHAPTER XX.

PART.TAMWNTABY GOVERNMENT. KING LOUIS PHUIPPB.
(1830—1840.)

** It is neither wise nor honorable to overlook, when the ex.
citing stimulus is no longer felt, the true causes of events,"
says Guizot in his Mhnoires. "The necessity, a necessity
which weighed equally on all, royalists as weU as liberals, the
Due d'Orleans as well as France, the necessity of choosing be-
tween the new monarchy and anarchy, such was in 1830, for
men of honor, and independently of the part played by revo-
lutionary passions, the cause which determined the change of
dynasty. At the critical moment, this necessity was felt by
every man, by the most intimate friends «f King Charles X. as
well as by the most ardent members of the opposition. Several
of the royalists retired from public life. Others, and of the
highest character, swore fealty to the new regime. One single
conviction ruled all earnest men: by monarchy alone could
France escape the opening abyss, and only one monarchy was
possible. " The establishment of the new reign was a deliver-
ance for alL "1, too, am amongst the victorious," said Royer-
Collard, sad in the general rejoicing.

France had hastened to throw ofE a yoke which had neither
long nor heavily weighed upon her shoulders. Jealous of the
Hberties she had gained through so many shocks and crimes,
she revolted as soon as she saw them endangered, without em-
ploying that steadfast patience which experience has taught
nations exercised in self-government. She did not yet feel the
difficulties of the enterprise she was attempting by founding a
new dynasty in the face of numerous and keenly hostile
parties. She seemed to teike pleasure in aggravating those
difficulties, by changing the charter as well as the dynasty.
For that there was certainly no necessity. The charter had
just undergone the most severe tests successfully and honor-
ably. King Charles X., to escape from its rule, had been com-
pelled to violate it, yet it survived that violence. Both in the
streets and the chambers it was the flag of resistance and vio*

294 EISTOBY OF FRANCS. lea. XX.

tory. It came into their imagination to pull down and tear
that flag.

Resolute hands, however, were not wanting in its defence.
As soon as a decidedly revolutionary tendency was manifest,
the men who were engaged in the great event then being ac-
complished acknowledged how much they differed from each
other, and separated. It was from the revision of the charter
that the poKcy of resistance takes its date. The party of the
government began to be formed, still without luiity, inexperi-
enced, and feeling its way, but determined to make an earnest
experiment of a constitutional monarchy, and defend it boldly
against the revolutionary spirit.

Eepresentatives of the two opposing tendencies were brought
together ia the new cabinet formed by King Louis Philippe on
his accession. Dupont, the deputy for Eure, and Laffitte, led
the progressionists, assisted by General Gerard and Bignon;
Caaimir P6rier, General Sebastiani, Baron Louis, MoM, and
Dupin were all more or less obstructionists. Broglie and
Guizot pursued their path in constant harmony, which con-
tinued, with a shade of disagreement, through their long
career. " Though different in origin, position, and character,
we were united not only by a friendship already of long stand*
ing," says Guizot in his M^moires, but by sharing ultimately in
the same principles and generous " sentiments, the most
powerful of ties, when (as rarely happens) it really exists.**
Broglie, in his will, gave such witness of this close union as
afterwards touched the friend destined to survive him, to the
bottom of his heart. ' ' Our long fi-iendship," he wrote, " I con-
sider one of the most precious blessings that God has granted
me."

Ijouis Philippe's personal liking, if not his intimate confi-
dence, was reserved for those of his ministers who inclined to
the left. That side above all was then to him a source of dan-
ger and difficulty. The work of administrative reorganization
absorbed the strength of those appointed to carry it out, who
had at the same time to struggle against revolutionary at-
tempts everywhere secretly in action. Lafayette's appointment
to command the national guard was confirmed. The radical
passion for effacing the past was manifested, both in qualify-
ing the charter as that of 1880, and in changing the seal of
Btate, which was now decorated with tricolor flags, behind
the arms of the house of Orleans. In their turn the lilies were
Boon to disappear from the emblems of Franoe.

OB. XX.] PARLIAMENTARY GOVERNMENT. 295

The elections for the purpose of replacing the deputies who
had resigned, or confirming the titles of those called to public
functions, gave striking evidence that the people -were in
favor of the new royal establishment. The Chamber of Peers,
seriously reduced in numbers by a good many resignations, as
well as by the unreasonable expulsion of those peers who had
been appointed under the reign of Charles X., was moreover
threatened in its fundamental principle of hereditary descent.
Having obtained the right to choose its own president, Pas-
quier was appointed to that important post, which had already
been entrusted to him by the Due d'Orleans in his quality of
lieutenant-general of the kingdom. Many important bills
were at once brought befor. the chambers. On the 29th Au-
gust the king held his first grand review of the national guards
of Paris and the suburbs, and was received with enthusiastic
shouting. The repression of rioting, caused by the unsettled
state of the popular mind, and the closing of the political
" clubs," reassured all lovers of order, and restored hopes that
trade and industry would speedily revive. " France has made
a revolution," said Guizotto the chamber, "but she had no in-
tention of placing herself in a permanently revolutionary
state. The prominent features of a revolutionary state are,
that all things are being incessantly put in question, that the
claims are indefinite, that constant appeals are made to force
and violence. Those features exist in all the present popular
societies, in their action and tendency, and in the impulse
they are striving to impress upon France. That is not
progress, but disorder: it is aimless excitement, not advance-
ment. Since the government is armed with legal power
against the dangers of popular societies, it not only must not
abandon it, but it must make use of it. It has already done
80, and is resolved to do so as often as is demanded by good
order in the country and the steady development of its liber-
ties."

It was against King Charles's ministers that the popular rage
and rancor stirred up the most violent and almost uncontrol
lable hatred, " What would you have done to M. de Polignaa
if you had caught him?" said Odilon Barrot to an old woman,
who persisted in searching the carriage of the commissioners
on their return from accompanying the old king to Cherbourg.
•*Ah! sir," cried she, "I should have strangled him with my
own hands!" Those ministers who had been arrested could
scarcely imderstand the reason of their imprisonment or the

jjQQ BISTORT OF FRANCE. tOH. XX.

fury of the populace. It had to be explained to them that theii
captivity alone protected them from the mob, who were per-
petually threatening them. They were chained on the 27th
September, on the motion of Salverte, and on the 17th October
they found that they were threatened even in the Ch&teau of
Vincennes by a mob that had already proceeded to frightful
excesses. The crowd blocked the streets of Paris, shouting
loudly for the heads of the ministers, and after being driven
back from the garden of the Palais-Eoy al, rushed eagerly along
the roads leading to the fortress. General Fabvier, who had
the mihtary command of Paris, having felt anxious about the
prisoners' safety ordered General Pajol to make the necessary
arrangements. The mob had already arrived before Vincennes.
Awoke by their cries about eleven o'clock at night, the im-
prisoned ministers saw them throiugh their narrow windows,
crowding by torchlight in front of the fortress, and demanding
entrance. General Daumesnil, who commanded the guard of
the prison, ordered the gate to be opened, and presented him-
self alone to the crowd. "What do you want?" "We want
the ministers." "You won't get them; they belong only to
the law. I shall blow up the powder-magazine rather than
give them up to you." His looks were as full of energy as his
words; and the crowd, surprised and cowed, after pausing for
a moment began to return to Paris, shouting " Long life to the
Wooden Leg 1" During the night the rioters forced their way
into the Palais-Royal, which was still badly guarded, declaring
that they wished to see the king; and some were actually
going up the staircase, when some of the national guardis
arrived and arrested the ringleaders.

The king and his ministers acted together in repressing the
violence of the populace, and opposing the hateful excesses of
a vengeance which was as useless as it was crueL To lay down
the principle of the application of the penal laws, Tracy had
already proposed the abolition of capital punishment. In 1822,
in the midst of the plots and ix)litical trials which were then
causing much agitation, Guizot published a pamphlet On
Capital Punishment for Political Offences, to show clearly thai
it was inexpedient and immoral. An address of the Chamber
of Deputies supported an amendment to the same effect in
place of Tracy's proposal The king's reply gave grounds to
hoi)e that the question would soon be decided ; but from the
report of riots the discussion was considered dangerous, and
therefore adjourned, and the revolutionists grew bolder. The

OH. XX.] PARLIAMENTARY GOVERNMENT. 297

latent discord in the cabinet broke forth on the occasion of a
piroclamation issued by OdUon Barrot, prefect of the Seine;
and the conservative ministers, P^rier, MoM, Louis, and
Dupin resigned, as well as Guizot and Broglie. Laffitte and
Dupont were, like their former colleagues, resolved to use their
power equitably and gently in the great question of the trial of
the ministers ; and their connection which the party of progress
rendered this more easy of accomplishment. Montalivet, stiU
quite young, when summoned by the king to become minister
of the interior, shrunk from accepting the heavy burden.
"Then you will not assist me in saving the ministers?" asked
the king. It was to the honor of the young minister that he
successfully and courageously responded on this occasion to
the confidence of which he was the object.

The trial of the ministers began on the 15th December, 1830.
They had been brought with a good escort to the Little Luxem
bourg. More than a month previously, just after quitting the
cabinet, Guizot had openly declared his opinion, and that of
his friends among the deputies. ' ' When going to the tribune, "
says he in his Mdmoires, " as I passed in front of Casimir Perier,
he said in a low voice, ' All you can do is in vain ; you will not
save Polignac's head !' I had better hopes of the pubUc feeling,
and I expressed my own in a few words: ' I have no interest
in the fallen ministers, nor has any commimication passed be-
tween them and me ; but I have the profound conviction that
the honor of the nation, the honor of her history, forbids that
their blood be shed. After changing the government and re-
newing the face of the country, it is a wretched thing to pro-
ceed with a mean judicial act, side by side with that vast judi-
cial act which had struck, not four men, but a whole govern-
ment, a whole dynasty. As to blood, France desires nothing
unnecessary. All the revolutions shed blood from anger, not
from necessity ; three months, six months after, the blood so
shed turned against them. Let us not to-day enter upon a
path in which we did not march even during the struggle."

Martignac made it a point of honor to defend PoUgnac,
who had formerly overthrown him. Chantelauze's counsel was
Sauzet, still yoimg and little known, but most successful.
There was still immense danger and difficulty. For eight days
the cabinet with all its power, Lafayette with all bis popular*
ity, and King Louis Philippe with his experienced and wise
tact, and the Peers' Court with a bold discretion, consmned
themselves in efforts, ever nearly failing, to restrain tho

298 HISTORY OF FRANCE. [oh. xx

revolutionary intrigues and that imprudent rage which sought,
in the death of the prisoners, to find satisfaction and success
respectively".

On the last day of the trial, a carriage was in attendance in
a side door of the Little Luxembourg, into which the four
prisoners stepped as soon as the court was dismissed. Monta-
livet, minister of the interior, and lieutenant-Colonel Lavocat,
rode on horseback, one on each side, General Fabvier, having
wished to take charge himself of the escort posted in the Eue
de Madame. The horses galloped off, and soon the procession
reached the outer boulevards. As it entered into the court of
the fortress of Vincennes, a cannon-shot fired from the donjon,
reassured many anxious minds in Paris. The prisoners were
now safe from the fury of the populace. The baulked hopes
of the mob sought vengeance in the streets of Paris. At one
time the Louvre was threatened. The national guard grudg-
ingly restrained an indignation which many of them shared.
Polignac, Peyronnet, Chantelauze, and Guemon-Eanville, were
condemned to imprisonment for life, a sentence of "civil
death" being added in the case of the president of the council;
and almost before the verdict was pronounced, the ministers
were secretly, though not without diflQculty, conveyed to the
state prison of Ham by the courage and foresight of those to
whom they were entrusted, and thus freed from the iangers
with which their lives had been so long threatened. The fury
of the populace cooled dow^i, and the satisfaction soon become
general The danger was now past, and their self-love satis-
fied. Lafayette and his friends alone remained dissatisfied
and dejected: they had boldly and honorably compromised
themselves. The office of commandant general being sup-
pressed by the new law as to the organization of the national
guard, the king had an offer made to Lafayette to retain the
honorary title, with the effective command, of the nationsd
guard of Paris. Lafayette, laying down political conditions to
his acceptance— namely, a chamber of peers chosen from can-
didates elected by the people, a chamber of deputies elected in
accordance with a new electoral law, and a large extension of
the right of suffrage— with an expression of regret the king
accepted the general's resignation; and Count Lobau replaced
him as conuuandant-general, without any public manifestation
of great excitement. " Don't trouble me," said the old soldier
to Montalivet. "I know nothing about the national guard."
** WhatI you know nothing about it, when the question, this

«H.xx.] PARLIAMENTARY GOVERNMENT. 299

very day, perhai)s, is one of battle and danger?" "Ah! if
that is what is the matter, all right 1 Come what may, I
accept."

The street-fightings were not finished in the streets of Paris,
and the most deplorable excesses soon occasioned some rigor-
ous repression. Abroad, owing to the universally agitated
Btate of Europe, the nation generally wished earnestly for
peace. The world was tired of the troubles and suffering
caused by war: the passionate longing for peace had taken
possession of the nation. The revolutionist partisans and
dreamers still sometimes stirred up the popular emotion. The
explosion which had turned France upside down resounded all
aroimd: in Belgium, Switzerland, and Spain, revolutionary
disturbances shook Euroi)e from its centre to its extremitiea
In Gtermany, Poland, Italy, aU the questions and international
complications which are stirred up by revolution were raised,
as well as other questions, not revolutionary but poUtically
fanportant and difficult. The Ottoman Empire, more and
more tottering; Asia, more and more divided up and disputed
over between England and Russia; France conquering in
Africa; then in the New World, France and England, England
and the United States, the United States and France, engaging
in keen contests about territory, money, influence and honor.
Formerly war, many long wars, had sprung from all thesa
questions; from 1830 to 1848 there were only a few partial and
temporary threats of war. Everywhere men hastened to deal
with events in a summary manner. The world remained
motionless in the midst of the storms, recovering from its rest
strength to endure fresh harsh shocks.

It was the good fortune of the monarchy of 1830, from its
very beginning, to meet in England and amongst the English
people with a sincere and earnest sympathy , which influenced
the English government. The Duke of Wellington had assisted
with no good grace in Polignac's reckless proceedings, though
by personal taste and habit he had favored the fallen and pro-
scribed djmasty. His good sense and impartiaUty led him to
understand the change of opinion in France, and the serious
consequences which had followed from it. "That means a
change of dynasty," he at once said. The English government
was the first to acknowledge the new monarch of France; and
the choice made by King Louis Philippe of Talleyrand as his
ambassador at London, strengthened this good understanding
from the first. Frequently impatiently desirous of recovering

300 HI8T0RT OF FBANGE. [oh. xt,

his share of power and influence under the government of the
restoration, Talleyrand kept himself ill-naturedly aloof from
it. He accepted the difficult duty of placing the French gov-
ernment in confidential communication, and, when, necessary,
in common action, with the principal European governments.
It was a work of reparation analogous in some respects to that
which in 1814 he accomplished at Vienna. "He was well
suited to succeed in it, for he brought to it the very qualifica-
tions necessary — a. combination of Uberal intelligence and
aristocratic habits, impassiveness and daring, cool patience
and prompt tact, and the art of acting and waiting with a
certain lofty manner. " ♦

One important question brought together in London all the
representatives of Em-ope, now jealous and anxious. In the
midst of the revolutionary risings caused by the revolution
just accomplished in France, that of Belgium against the
hated yoke of Holland was the first and most serious (25th
August, 1830). A provisional government was organized on
the 26th September, and on the 3rd October the new state de-
clared its independence, which was soon confirmed by the na-
tional congress. A conference was already open in London,
for the purpose of determining the situation of Belgium in
Bhirope. It was a difficult and protracted imdertaking, com-
plicated by the claims and thoughtless defiance of the Belgians,
by the unmanageable obstinacy of the King of Holland, by the
irritation and distrust of the northern powers. King Louis
PhUippe personally contributed to these delicate negotiations a
disinterested prudence which raised and simplified the ques-
tion. " The Low Countries have always been the stone of
stumbling in Europe," said he ; " none of the great powers can,
without anxiety and jealousy, see them in the hands of an-
other. Let them be by general consent an independent and
neutral state, and that state will become keystone in the arch
of the European order." In 1814, England wished to place the
independence of the Netherlands as a barrier between France
the conqueror, and threatened Europe. In 1830, King Louis
Philippe wished in his turn to found peacefully a barrier of
neutrality and pacification. He refused to allow his son, the
Due de Nemours, to be placed on the throne of the new state.
In 1832, in agreement with England, he supported by arms the
resolution of Europe, against the obstinate and triiunphant

* Ouizot's Mimoirta, ato.

OH. XX.] PARLIAMENTARY GOVERNMENT. 801

Dutch. Subsequently, he continued in constant harmony with
the able and wise prince whom Belgium had the good fortune
to receive as her first king. The family alliance which wag
concluded between the two monarchs by the marriage of TTing
Leopold with the Princess Louise d'Orleans served to bind
closer together the natural ties arising from their similarity in
soimd judgment and foresight.

Italy was agitated without results, through the intrigues of
her refugees, who had been cast on the French frontiers by
the successive shocks of her internal revolutions. Spain was
still more so, with that ardor and persistence which character-
ized all her political movements. The Spanish refugees, who
were very numerous in France, and had long been actively
encouraged by the French liberals, offered King Louis Philippe
to unite the Duo de Nemours to the young queen, Donna
Maria, of Portugal, and combine the whole peninsula under
one sceptre, by overthrowing the throne of Ferdinand VIL
and disregarding the claims of Don Miguel. The king refused to
second the proposed insurrection. The procedure of Ferdinand
VII. with regard to him was bad, inconsistent, and disloyal;
but the French government confined themselves to granting
the Spanish refugees full liberty of action on the frontiers.
When they came back to France after their reverses, beaten
and dispersed, they were brought together and supported, on
condition of remaining at some distance from the frontiers in
places assigned to them. Ferdinand Vll. now assimied a con-
ciliatory attitude. " France is, and desires to remain, at peace
with all her neighbors, notably with Spain," such were the
government's instructions to its agents.

France wished also to remain at peace with Russia, and was
grieved to see (29th November, 1830) a Polish insurrection
break out under the most noble leaders, which waste end only
in redoubling the woes of Poland. The first attempt of Joseph
Chlepecki, as well as of Gteneral Skrynecki, only aimed at
obtaining from the Emperor Nicholas just and honorable con-
cessions in favor of Poland, eiich as the Emperor Alexander
intended to reconstitute her. The passions of the people, im-
prudent from the ardor of their patriotism, paralyzed those
efforts, squandered the influence, and then the lives, of their
bravest and most intelligent leaders, and delivered up Warsaw
and Poland to the horrors of unrestrained popular factions, to
let them then fall again under the heavy Bussian yoke. The
Poles had reckoned too much upon the promises of French

902 HISTORY OF FRANCE. [oh. xx

revolutionists, and their influence with the French govern-
ment. There had been no engagement entered into : nor did
France fail towards them in a single duty, as was proclaimed
by Sebaatiani with inconsiderate bluntness. " Order reigns at
Warsaw," he announced to the chamber, at the very time
when the Polish insurrection was expiring in a sea of blood.
France alone had tried to interpose with Russia in favor of
Poland, before the last days of the struggle ; and she for a long
time generously received the wretched fugitives.

The foreign policy of France, though everywhere really
peaceful, was not one of inaction or indifference. " It is neces-
sary," said the king, " to weigh the interests, and measure the
distances, far from us. Nothing obliges us to engage France.
We can act or not act, according to French prudence or in-
terest. Round about us, at our gates, we are engaged before-
hand ; we cannot permit the affairs of our neighbors to be
directed by others than themselves, and without us."

It was on this principle that we soon after took arms against
the citadel of Antwerp ; and this principle also suggested in
July, 1832, the expedition commanded by Admiral Roussin
against the exactions of Don Miguel in Portugal upon the
Frenchmen domiciled in his states. There had been delay in
redressing our grievances, and England had obtained satisfac-
tion analogous to that which we were demanding. The Tagus
was forced, the Portuguese fleet captured, and the compensa-
tion insisted upon was paid at a convention signed on board of
the French admiral's ship. In England the indignation was
intense. " A blush rises to my brow," said WeUington in the
House of Lords, "when I think of the treatment which our
former aJUes are undergoing with impunity." The tories had
been replaced in power by the whigs; Palmerston and Grey
did not ask France to give an account of the chastisement
which she had inflicted upon Portugal. At about the same
time the French government were acting in Italy with the
same vigor which they displayed in PortugaL Austria had
promptly repressed the insurrections which agitated the
states possessed by the princes of his house. She in the same
way assisted the papal troops against the revolutionary risings
in the legations. As soon as the Austrian forces retired the
agitation recommenced, and the European powers felt it their
duty to address a common appeal to the Pope, to induce him
to undertake in earnest some system of pohtical and adminis-
trative reform. Promises had proved of little value, and in«

9B. XX.] PABLIAMENTART GOVERNMENT, 808

dignation reappeared in the pontifical states. Cardinal Ber*
netti boldly announced to the foreign powers an intention to
renounce the proposed changes, and have recourse to energetio
repression. The Austrians returned from all parts to the papal
states. The French government resolved not to leave them in
sole possession, after having, without success, expressed this
desire at Rome. The occupation of Ancona being resolved
ui)on, " the smaU French squadron, commanded by the cap-
tain of the ship Gallois, arrived opposite it on the 22nd Feb-
ruary, 1832, having set sail from Toulon on the 7th, and carry-
ing the 66tli regiment of the line, imder the orders of Colonel
Coombes. At two o'clock in the morning the frigate Victoire
entered the harbor in fuU sail, and the troops were landed in
alienee. The gates of the town were burst open, and without a
drop of blood being shed the town and citadal were occupied
the same morning. Our soldiers mounted sentry everywhere
together with those of the Pope, and the French and Eoman
flags floated side by side. "If we succeed," wrote Barante,
the ambassador at Turin, to Guizot, " we shall displease Aus-
tria, without her wishing to quarrel with us, a very desirable
result. We shall have shown to the Italian governments that
we do not agree to their making themselves vassals to avoid
granting their subjects anything. We shall have actually
shown our strength, to the great joy of all the French-liberal
party, who will be encouraged and strengthened by the pres-
ence of our flag in Italy. The carbonari themselves will begin
to set more value on our ministry than on Lafayette."*

AH Europe was beginning to know the powerful hand which
had just taken hold, for too short a time, of the helm of our
vessel, beaten about by the waves. When the occupation of
Ancona was known in Paris, the representatives of the great
powers hastened to call upon Casimir P^rier, who had been
home minister since 13th March, 1831, and foimd him in bad
health, but excited and proud. On hearing the Prussian min-
ister. Baron Werther, ask if international law still existed
in Europe, he rose from his couch, and going up to him ex-
claimed, " The international law in Europe, sir, I am now de-
fending. Do you think it easy to maintain treaties and peace?
The honor of France must also be maintained ; and it enjoined
what I have just done. I have a right to the confidence of
Europe; and I reckoned upon it."

* Quizot's Mimoirea, eto.

804 HI8T0RT OF FBANOB. [oh. xx

Cadmir P^rier was not naturally disposed to reckon upon
other men's kindness, but his daring resolution was never hin-
dered by his prudent distrust. The occupation of Ancona did
not disturb our friendly relations with the court of Borne.
Through our ambassador, St. Aulaire, they accepted it as a
temporary act, the conditions of which were fixed by a conven-
tion (16th April, 1833). Peace was maintained in Europe, as
well as the honor of France. The determined and important
experiment was perfectly successful.

Abroad, however, as weU as at home, the efforts of the
French government were constantly weakened and hindered
by the revolutionary fermentation. It had fatally caused the
fall of Laffitte's cabinet, though they really and in majority
belonged to the left, but proved powerless and ineflBcacious
against the disorderly fury of the demagogues and rioters, who
were perpetually stirring up new agitations in the streets of
Paris. This weakness was soon to declare itself in a painful
and striking manner.

There was much alarm bef oi'ehand in the anticipation of a
popular manifestation on the 14th February, the anniversary
of the murder of the Due de Berry, which was to be conunem-
orated by religious services. The Archbishop of Paris, and
the cur6 of St. Roch refused to allow the celebration in their
churches by solemn mass, as was demanded by the legitimists.
It was at St. GJermain I'Auxerrois that the ceremony took
place. The government did nothing to prevent it, and took
no precautions against revolutionary excesses. Several days
previously, on the 21st January, the death of Louis XVI. was
brought to recollection without any insult to disturb its maj-
esty; but on the 14th February, the populace proceeded to
the most frightful excesses. The church of St. (Jermain, with
the presbytery and archbishop's palace, were sacked with a
savage fury. "Like everybody else," says Guizot in his
MSmoires, "I saw floating in the river and dragged in the
streets sacred objects, priests' robes, the archbishop's furni-
ture, paintings, and books; I saw the cross thrown down; I
have visited the archbishop's palace, or rather the site of his
palace, and the vicarage, and church of St. Gtermain I'Auxer^
rois, that ancient parish church of our kings, since they were
destroyed. Those sudden ruins, that naked desolation of the
holy places, formed a hideous sight; less hideous, however,
than the brutal delight of the destroyers, and the mocking
indifference of the spectators who crowded roimd."

OH. XX.] PARLIAMENTABT GOVERNMENT. 805

The same spectacle, under various aspects, was reproduced
in many other towns, sometimes provoked by similar manifes-
tations of attachment to the fallen monarchy. Not only did
Laflatte allow anarchy to display itself freely, without any
earnest attempt to repress or punish it, but he took advantage
of these disorders to ask King Louis Philippe to efface from
the coins and escutcheons the traditional arms of France ; and
unfortunately was too easily successful.

So much lack of energy and foresight could not suffice for
the government of the country, or the confidence of honorable
men, in the midst of times so disturbed. Without much per-
sonal liking, but from a necessity which he clearly perceived,
the king asked Casimir Perier to form a cabinet, at the same
time simimoning Marshal Soult to sit in it. "I must have that
grand sword," said Louis Philippe. Caaimir P6rier, however,
claimed the right of being president, to which the marshal did
not dare offer opposition.

It is a rare occurrence for a man in a single year of govern-
ment to impress his seal upon a whole policy, and establish his
glory forever. Those leaders of men who remain powerful in
the memory of their contemporaries and successors have gen-
erally long borne the burden of power, and learned to exercise
it with a steady hand. Casimir Perier deserved and obtained
success of a more striking kind. Devoted in his youth to
financial affairs, he was elected in 1817 to the Chamber of
Deputies, and constantly sat there, acquiring every year
greater infiuence, without taking any part at any time in
official duties. Borne to the front from the first days of the
revolution of 1830, he refused to be made a minister, saying, it
was too soon. In 1831, he was elected President of the Cham-
ber of Deputies, when he found it necessary to accept power.
"Do you not see that everything is crumbling about us?" he
had for some time been saying to his friends; " and that the
government is about to become impossible?" It was upon him
that the duty devolved of showing the nation that it must be
governed, and the revolutionists that a government had at last
seized the authority.

** He had been created by Gk)d for a wild and excited period.
Some expression of his mental earnestness was constantly re-
flected in his countenance, gait, look, and tone of voice. His
physical vigor equalled his moral. " How can you expect a
man of my bmld to yield?" he frequently asked. Elager and
restless, he always seemed to be defying his opponents, and

sod BISTORT OF FRANCE. [cH. jc*.

implicitly trusting his friends. From the latter he exacted a
never-failing devotion. "I laugh at my friends when I am
right," he exclaimed one day; " it is when I am wrong that I
require their support." In private conversation he hstened
coldly, disputed Uttle, and almost always showed that his
mind was already made up. In the chamber, he seldom showed
eloquence, and sometimes want of tact, but he was always
successful and powerful. Both in private and in the tribune,
he sometimes allowed himseK to be carried away by violent
fits of anger. He terrified his partisans somewhat as well aB
his friends, but possessed the confidence of the one in spite of
their doubt, and compelled that of the others in the midst of
their annoyance. This was due to the power of the man,
much superior to that of the orator." *

When he entered into power, on the 13th March, 1831,
Casimir Perier formed a just estimate of the difficulties of
the task which he undertook in undertaking to rescue the
ooimtry from anarchy; but he was not at first conscious
of all its tremendous import. "After all," said he, when
the revolutionary press was let loose upon him, and every
day giving a distorted view of his conduct and intentions,
" after all, what does it matter to me? I have the Moniteur
as a record of my acts, the tribune of the chambers to explain
fhem, and the future to judge them.

For the moment Casimir P6rier had scarcely strength
enough for the task. With dignity as well as enthusiasm and
abihty, he made use of all the resources at command. Ho
exacted and obtained from his agents perpetually renewed
efforts; but the evil was more deeply-seated than he had be-
lieved, and constant proofs of it were manifested. There
were frequent fresh riots in the streets of Paris, sometimes
with violence, at other times in secret, but always stirring up
the passions of the populace by various means, and under
various pretexts, in the name of the Polish insurrection or
some trials of obscure conspirators. Open or secret associa-
tions everywhere exercised their fatal influence. On the occa-
sion of the conmiercial and industrial crisis which weighed
upon the whole of France, serious insurrections in Lyons and
Grenoble in 1831 revealed the wretched slavery submitted to
by peaceful and sensible workmen, who were induced to
actions and crimes at which they themselves were afterwards

* Ouiaot's Mimoires, eto.

«B. XX.] PARLIAMENTARY GOVERNMENT. 307

ahocked. The juries too often were under tlie same influence,
and magistrates wore therefore put to the pain of seeing their
pression poweriess or insufficient. The audacity of prisoners
at the bar was redoubled ; *' we have still some bullets in our
cartridges," exclaimed several amongst them.

P6rier persisted in struggling, however great might have
been his real dejection and doubt. Brave to audacity in the
foreign relations of France and Europe, he showed himself not
the less obstinate in resisting insurrection, disconcerting the
offenders sometimes by a word or look. Stopped one day in
his carriage with General Sebastiani, in the Place Vendome,
he stepped out without hesitation, walked up to the rioters,
and addressing the row in front, who were shouting "Long
live Poland!" on account of the news received that very
morning of the fall of "Warsaw, he asked what they wanted.
" We wish for the rights of man and our liberties 1" "Well, I
give you them! What will you do with them?" And, shrug-
ging his shoulders, he quietly passed through the crowd, who
made way for him as well as the soldiers, then leaving the
sentry-post of the treasury. At the same time, in spite of the
serious troubles then beginning to show themselves in several
provinces, he obstinately refused to propose any exceptional
laws or rigorous measures. "The law should be sufficient for
everything," said he. "Order in Paris and Vendee by the
maintenance of law, peace in Europe by respecting sworn
promises, that is enough to serve as an answer to much re-
proach, to calm much anxiety, and rally many convictions."
He repelled, both for himself and the country, every sign of
weakness, proudly claiming the confidence and support of his
friends. "I do not, accept your indulgence," he exclaimed
from the tribune; "I only claim justice and my country's
esteem."

There was at that time no threatening danger, whatever
may have been said, in the visit made to Paris by Queen
Hortense with her son Prince Bonaparte, destined to become
the Emperor Napoleon III. The king and queen showed the
exiled princess a kindness and respect, which never inter-
rupted their relations with the Bonapartes, and the memory of
which must have produced certain results. Queen Hortense's
visit was unknown to the public. In spite of the shouts, ' ' Long
Kve the EJmperor !" sometimes heard in the mobs, the recolleo-
tions of Napoleon was then dormant, and Bonapartism in com*
plete abeyance. There was, however, a proposal made to th«

808 HISTORY OF FBANGB. [oh. xx.

Chamber of Deputies, asking that the ashes of Napoleon
should be brought back to France. " It is true," said Charles
Lameth, "that Napoleon suppressed anarchy, but there is no
need for his coflBn coming to increase it in these days." The
cabinet had ordered the emperor's statue to be re-erected on
the column in the Place Vendome, and made no objection to
referring the petition to the ministers. It was destined to
produce some result nine years later.

Throughout the incessantly recurring noise of insurrection,
heard even at the gates of the Palais Bourbon, the legislative
work was bravely and consistently pursued. Seventy-eight
bills, successively presented by the cabinet on the 13th March,
1831, disposed of a mass of pending questions, and political or
administrative reforms. By some of them several painful
duties were imposed upon the head of the government. He
foimd himself compelled by the pressure of public opinion to
propose the abolition of hereditary peerage, which he con-
sidered useful, and create thirty-six new peers in order to
oblige the chamber to weaken itself with its own hands. Hie
most determined supporters, Eoyer-Collard and Guizot, sup-
ported on this occasion by Thiers, were opposed to the bill, and
boldly attacked it. " You are very fortunate to be able to say
what you think," P6rier sometimes said to them.

The struggle meanwhile was prolonged, and while being
prolonged gradually undermined the strength of the resist-
ance. P^rier, however, though bravely supported by his
friends, f-olt weaiy and isolated. " No one does his duty com-
pletely," said he; "no one comes to the assistance of the gov-
ernment in moments of difficulty. I cannot myself do every-
thing. Though a good horse, I cannot without assistance get
out of the rut; yet, if need were, I shall kill myself at the
task. But let everybody do his honest endeavors, and pull
along with me. That is our sole chance of saving France. I
hope soon to obtain the disarming of the great powers. This
warlike fermentation will then subside ; and as for me, I shall
retire, my task being terminated. The burden is already too
heavy, and when the danger is gone it wUl be intolerable."
Prom his confidence in Guizot, he chose the latter to continue
his work, and expound his parliamentary doctrines. "AB
those discussions do not suit me," said he; "I am a man dl
active struggle."

His struggling was now drawing to a close, and precursory
iigns of eternal rest soon after caused even him some anxiety

OH. XX.1 PABLIAMENTABT OOVBRNMBNT. 300

Cholera bf«ke forth in Paris during March, 1832, being pre
dieted some months previously from scientific observation,
although no remedy had yet been discovered to cope with its
terrible ravages. The alarm of the populace soon produced
disorder and absurd charges. The horrible scenes which had
taken place during the epidemics of the middle ages seemed at
one time destined to be renewed in Paris ; several men were
msissacred on the charge of poisoning. Casimir P^rier xmf or-
tunately had an attack of it when already weak from ill-
health. "I shall only leave this place feet foremost," he said
to Montalivet, who called to see him. As danger increased,
men's courage revived. The noble side of human nature
was shown in deeds of kindness, multiplied everywhere, for
the assistance of the sick and unfortunate. The courageous
devotion of trustees, doctors, and priests, was equalled by that
of the women. The Duke of Orleans, then quite young and
already popular, visited the Hotel-Dieu hospital with Casimir
Perier, and Barbe-Marbois, then eighty-seven years old, and
president of the general council of the hospitals, offered to
accompany them. Several patients died during the visit, but
neither the prince nor the minister thought of hurrying it
over. Three days later, P6rier was ill in bed, and soon after
he was, despaired of. The prince was reserved for a more
tragical end, fatal to his country and his family. Death had
reaped an illustrious harvest, Cuvier being of the number, his
death (on the 13th May, 1832) being accelerated by the pre-
vailing epidemic. The friends of P4rier felt his case hopeless,
though he still struggled with all his physical and mental
vigor. During his delirious attacks, from which he frequently
suffered, he was still eagerly engrossed with the dangers of
the country, which he knew would soon be deprived of him.
Once he rose on his bed, and throwing away everything from
him, exclaimed in a ringing voice, " Alas! alasl the president
of the council is mad !" "I am very ill," he said, on coming
to his senses, "my wings are clipped; but the country is in
even worse health than I am!" When at last, on the 16th
May, he succumbed, there was a great demonstration of
national grief and gratitude before his deathbed and tomb.
The gap made was already felt in the foremost rank of those
rare servants of the country on whom Providence has be-
stowed as a gift "those subUme instincts which form as it
were the divine part of the art of governing." *' To his last
day," said Royer-Collard, in the speech spoken at his funeral,

810 HISTGRT OF FBANOB. [CH. xx.

" he fought with an intrepidity which never belied itself ; when
his strength was overcome, his soul was not."

The most striking testimony paid to P^rier's memory waa
the sudden increase of anarchy and conspiracy that at once
signalized the disappearance of his firm and strong will. His
cabinet were left mutilated when face to face with a situation
becoming daily more serious, as P6rier had himself foreseen.
Talleyrand, whom for a moment they had thought of to ap-
point premier, had no wish to accept a burden which did not
suit him. The difficult questions of foreign policy were nearly
resolved, but the mutual animosity of parties broke out simul-
taneously. While a new and terrible insurrection was being
prepared in Paris, the Duchesse de Berry had secretly arrived
in Vendue, to place herself at the head of a legitimist insur-
rection which had for several months been arranged and pre-
pared in several places.

The zeal of the royalist gentry and their impatience of exfle
had overpowered the wise advice of the friends of the royal
family, then living at Lullworth in England. Chateaubriand
Fitz-James, and Berryer strove eagerly to dissuade the princeas
from her journey, and their friends from the proposed rising;
but all their efforts were in vain. In April, 1832, the Duchess
de Berry on her return from Italy, where, unknown to any,
she had formed a new alliance, arrived secretly at Marseilles in
the Carlo-Alberto, freighted by herself. The hopes they had
formed of an insurrection in that town proving abortive, the
princess, on whom Charles X. had conferred the title of regent,
boldly crossed France in company with a few devoted Mends,
and reached the chateau of Dampierre in Saintonge. There
she received secretly the insurrectionist leaders, the aged rem-
nants of the former Vendeans, or brave inheritors of their per-
severance in a path that seemed interminable. Charette,
Autichamp, Eochejacquelein, and Marshal Bourmont eagerly
showed their devotion. The rising was fixed for the 24th May,
and the duchess travelled over the country districts in disguise,
brave and untiring, full of excited delight in her hopeful
activity. The royalist leaders, however, were depressed, for
the warlike ardor was extinguished. The peasants did not re-
spond to their appeals, and the hesitation of many of the coun-
try gentry on whom they had coimted delayed their opei*ations
till the beginning of June. The insurrection broke out only
partially and weakly, without that contagious brilliancy which
attracts and strikes the lower order& The repression wag

Ctt XX.] PARLIAMENTARY GOVERNMENT, fH

prompt and energetic; and the authorities endeavored to
apprehend the Duchess de Berry, who had unfortunately per-
sisted in her enterpi-ise. She was obliged to take refuge in
Nantes, while several trifling engagements cost her the lives of
her most devoted partisans. Several gentlemen still held the
Chateau P6nissi6re when the princess reached Nantes. Traced
up to her last retreat, and betrayed by a man of the lower
order to whom she had been entrusted, she was taken, along
with her friend Miss Kersabiec, in a place of concealment made
m the wall of a fireplace. Arrested on the 6th November, 1832,
she was conducted to the Ch&teau Blaye, where she was kept
for eight months, to the regret of all parties. On the 8th June,
1833, the duchess left her prison, without trial or condemna-
tion, and at once went to Palermo. Her illustrious friends who
had in vain opposed her project, Chateaubriand, Hyde, Fitz-
James, and Berryer, had been imprudently accused by the
government, but the tribimals pronounced that there was no
ground for the charge ; and the sentence of the Vendeans taken
armed was commuted by the crown, while many of the others
were acquitted. The total destruction of the hopes of the
royalists led to the subsidence of their passion, and soon the
only traces that remained of the insurrection were several ad-
ministrative difficulties.

The stirring up of the demagogic indignation was due to two
causes more serious and deep-seated. In 1830 the revolutionists
again flattered themselves with the hope of definitively seizing
the power; but it escaped them through that divine pity for
France which has often disarmed the enemies of her well-being
at the very moment of their apparent triumph. The constant
insurrections in Paris during the whole of the year 1831 kept
up amongst the lower orders an excitability and desire for ac-
tion, like the legitimist leaders, the republican leaders did
not think the moment propitious for a great effort, but they
could not restrain the undisciphned wishes of their soldiers.
Some seditious manifestations had already occurred, such as
the breaking of the official seals on the doors of the hall
formerly occupied by the "Friends of the People." Only an
opportunity was wanting for the explosion already projected
and prepared ; and the death of General Lamarque, well known
in the army for his enlightened liberalism and rare military
talent, supplied a pretext. An immense concourse of people
was assembled on the 5th June, 1832, to escort the car w hich
was to convey his body to the country, and after some speeches
HF (N) Vol. 8

312 BISTORT OF PBANOB. [ch. xt

were made, the tricolor flag was quickly replaced by the red
flag, with loud shouts of " Long live the repubUcI Down with
Louis Philippe 1 Down with the Bourbons!" Greneral Exel-
mans was insulted. Troops began to appear, but at the same
time there appeared an organized insurrection. The gun-
smiths' shoi)s were pillaged ; several military posts were taken
possession of, and barricades were erected in various places.
There was some keen fighting, but towards evening the impor-
tant positions were again in the hands of those on the side of
order. The national guards performed their duty with a cour-
age which surprised their miUtary chiefs, due partly to the
personal interests which were everywhere in danger. The in-
surrectionists were posted in the neighborhood of the Church
St. Merry. At the first report of the outbreak, the king had
left Neu^y, and was accompanied to Paris by the queen. At
five o'clock in the afternoon, and six next morning, the king
visited the bivouacs, and then the very spots where the fight-
ing had been hottest. He was welcomed with shouts. * ' I have
a good cuirass," said he to those who advised him to be prudent ;
" I have my five sons." A handful of men still resisted, repel-
ling the successive attacks of the troops, and secretly suppUed
with powder and provisions by friends whose courage did not
equal their own. The fighting lasted for two whole days, and
cost the lives of some of the bravest republicans, so enthusias-
tic and led away by generous motives as to lose their common
sense. "Almost at the same time, on the 6th June, 1832, 100
republicans in Paris at the Cloister St. Merry, and some fifty
legitimists in Vendee at the Chateau P^nissifere, smrounded by
enemies, fire, and ruins, fought in utter desperation, and died
shouting "Long live the Eepublic !" and " Long live Henry V. !'
respectively, thus giving up their lives as a htunan sacrifice, in
the hope of perhaps thus one day serving a futiu^ which they
were not to see."*

So many formidable shocks proved too much for the strength
of the cabinet over which Casimir P^rier had recently presided.
It was violently attacked both publicly and in the chambers by
the leaders of the opposition, and they published against it a
report, or "Manifesto to our constituents," trying to induce
the king to accept their conclusions. He replied by the partial
renewal of his ministry. Marshal Soult became president of
the council, Thiers home minister, and Broglie agreed to become

* Guizot's Mimoim, etc.

«H. rc» PARLIAMENTARY GOVERNMENT. 313

foreign minister on condition that Guizot should he appointed
minister of public instruction. Constituted on the 11th of
October, 1832, the new cabinet at once convoked the chambers
for the 19th November, being resolved to act on their own
accoimt, and endeavor to establish political liberty in the coun-
try—in other words, trustworthy guarantees both of the
security of individual rights and interests, and a proper atteu'
tion to pubhc affairs. Coming immediately after the terrible
trials which had just agitated the new monarchy, it was a
difficult and daring enterprise to govern with success and regu-
larity, while at the same time leaving in every direction strik-
ing traces of their action. It was to the honor of the cabinet
of the 11th October that they attempted this work, and in a
large measure accomplished it, notwithstanding the obstacles
which seemed certain to paralyze their early efforts.

Each of the new ministers found himself at first burdened
with a dehcate and heavy task. After a long alternation of
hurry and delay, the London conference finished its labors on
the 1st October, 1832; and the separation of Belgium and Hol-
land, accomplished in fact, was definitely acknowledged by
Europe. Eong William, however, still held the citadel of Ant-
werp. The English fleet assembled at Spithead and ours at
Cherbourg; and by a convention concluded on the 22nd Octo-
ber, between England and France, it was demanded that the
beUigerents should evacuate each other's territories before the
12th November. Should the king of Holland refuse, the French
army were to invade Belgium on the 16th. The evacuation not
having taking place, on the 17th, at one o'clock, the Dukes of
Orleans and Nemours passed through Brussels at the head of
the troops, Marshal Gerard being commander-in-chief. On the
29th the trench was opened against the fortress, and it was not
tiU the 5th December that the place surrendered. The garrison
remained prisoners of war, because the king of Holland refused
to abandon the forts of Lillo and Liefkenskoek at the mouth of
the Scheldt. The princes had greatly distinguished themselves,
Orleans insisting on superintending the work of the trenches,
and scaling the parapet of the St. Laurent lunette in the midst
of a storm of shot. " My sons have done their duty," said the
queen, with modest pride. " I am glad they have proved that
they may be relied upon." The kingdom of Belgium was now
foimded.

Thiers was at that time engaged in the pacification of the
WBStem province& He also undertook the completion of aU

814 HiaTORT OF FRANCS. [ch. t%,

the great public. monuments commenced by the empire and
languidly continued by the restoration. The chamber imhesi-
tatingly voted him large suppUes. It was the pacific honor of
KiTig Louis Philippe to accomplish grand works of which he
had not had the initiative, and to reduce to practical action
principles ot order and public utility which had been noisily
professed by his predecessors. The public instruction was a
striking instance. The legislative assembly and national con-
vention proposed to give France a grand system of public in-
struction. Three men of distinguished and very different
mental quaUties, Talleyrand, Condorcet, and Daunou, were
successively appointed to present to their respective sovereigns
reports on this important question. There was much discus-
sion without result. On emerging from the French Revolu-
tion, after some unsuccessful attempts, the only higher schools
were the " Polytechnique" and the "Normale;" and the "In-
stitut" was the highest stage for Uterary or scientific ambition.
By organizing the lycees, and then founding the university
under the fertile management of Fontanes, the Emperor Na-
poleon provided for the great and important wants of second-
ary education; but the modest and vast career of primary
teaching, the necessities of popular instruction, were still per-
sistently neglected. The revolution decreed that instruction
was to be public, gratuitous, and obUgatory. According to the
principles of Napoleon, the education of youth belonged ex-
clusively and entirely to the state.

No one passed from words to deeds. The expense of primary
instruction was left absolutely in charge of f amUies and com-
munes, which was enough alone to strike all the statutes with
sterility. In fact, since the various religious bodies ceased to
exercise their pious duty of instructing the people, schools and
teachers had disappeared throughout the greater part of
France, without being successfully replaced. Guizot undertook
to fill up this gap, and at last satisfy this want. He conceived
the idea of extending his reforms farther, and laid before the
chambers the proposal of a law at once Hberal and protective,
conserving to the university her dignified right to the foremost
rank in secondary instruction, without denying to her natural
rivals, the Catholic Church and free thought, the perilous
honor of free contest. He also endeavored to resolve the ques-
tion of intermediate instruction by higher primary schools ; but
the opposition encountered, and rapid changes of power, ren-
dered abortive those fair hopes, which have been repeatedly

OH. XX.] PABLIAMENTARY GOVERNMENT. 316

aimed at since by generous endeavor. Several months pre-
tiously, Montalembert, Lacordaire, and Lamennais, imited by
a sympathy of ideas and beliefs which was destined soon to
disappear, had boldly defended that hberty of instruction
under whose color they were afterwards long to fight on vari-
ous principles. To the close 'of his life, Guizot never ceased to
regret the fate of the great enterprise which he had been the
first to attempt, though imsuccessfully, and to which he was
afterwards to consecrate all his remaining strength.

A special satisfaction to Guizot as minister of public instruc-
tion was being able at least to found in France a complete and
prospective system of primary education, which, though often
modified in its details, has remained the basis and starting^
point of all the advancements which in the last forty- five years
have been made in popular instruction. It is the seal of inferi-
ority impressed on human works, that they are necessarily slow
in their effects, and only produce light in the midst of chaos
after long efforts. The results of the law of 28th June, 1833,
were thenceforward patent to all. The impetus which it gave
to popular instruction has never slackened. In the midst of
much sorrow, it will be to the honor of the present time that it
has supported it with fresh ardor.

The powerful development of higher education under emi-
nent teachers selected with the greatest care, the foundation of
new chairs in the great public schools, the appointment of a
class of moral and political science in the institute, the en-
couragement everywhere granted to literary and scientific
bodies, the grants procured with great difficulty from the
chambers for the moderate endowment of study and research,
and finally the great attention bestowed upon the improvement
of historical studies in France, — such were the special labors of
Guizot during the three and a half years that he held office as
minister of public instruction. The toils and combats of parlia-
mentary life left to the ministers but little leisure for the noble
enterprises with which they anxiously aspired to have their
names associated. Hostile passions were not yet entirely ap-
peased, and frequently the storm was heard on the horizon.
It burst out afresh after two years, which had caused hopes of
some repose.

Sincerely^and resolutely liberal, the cabinet of the 11th Octo-
ber did nofK¥enounce the policy of courageous resistance which
it believed compatible with the full exercise of every public
liberty. Compelled by the violent language of the newspapers

816 HISTORY OF FRANCS. [ch. xx,

to institute some press trials, it was most of all anxious about
the fatal influence exercised by perpetually urging the people
to form associations, as if the profuse publication of incendiary
articles -vrere not enough. The Catdchisme republicain, CaU-
chisme des Droits de Vhomme and Le Pilori gained much addi-
tional influence by being cried in the streets — a new abuse
against which the courts afforded no remedy. In order to
notify clearly the right thus claimed, Rodde, the manager of a
popular journal Bon Sens stood in the Place de la Bourse,
dressed in a blouse and cap, and began distributing a packet of
sheets, declaring his intention of repelling violence by violence
should the police attempt to interfere with his liberty. "Let
them take care," said he, "I am on the ground of legality, and
I have the right there to appeal to the courage of Frenchmen;
I have the right there to appeal to insurrection. In that case,
if ever, it will be the most sacred of duties." Two bills for re-
stricting the rights of public criers and those of voluntary as-
sociations were laid before the chambers by the cabinet. The
first became law without difficulty, and the second had under-
gone some keen attack when some practical difficulties came to
overthrow many optimist illusions. On the 5th April, 1834,
there was a violent outbreak in Lyons, soon accompanied by
bloodshed.

This insurrection, organized by Mazzini, the chief of the
Italian carbonari, had long been in preparation. It was to be
combined with an invasion of refugees upon the territory of
Savoy, and a strike of the Lyonese workmen. The refugees,
however, failed in their attempts, and the workmen resumed
their work, in spite of all that their leaders could tu-ge. A
second time, but merely by accident, they were induced to re-
volt. The Parisian leaders of the party, including Gk>defroy
Cavaignac and Gamier-Pag^s, had come to Lyons to rouse the
revolutionary passion. On the occasion of the trial of several
leaders of the Rights of Man Society, on the 5th April, there
were several violent scenes in comi;. " No bayonets!" shouted
the workmen when they saw the soldiers arrive. The presi-
dent adjourned the coiui; to the 9th, and on that day all was in
readiness. At daybreak any doubt was no longer possible:
Lyons was undergoing, not a tumultuous and disorderly agita-
tion, but a movement which was both violent and systematic.
Resolutions had evidently been made, orders given, time fixed.
The court was to open at eleven o'clock, and before its doors
the Place St. Jean remained, the whole morning, empty and

OH. XX.] PABLIAMENTABT GOVERNMENT. 31t

deserted. The insurgents wished to appear in a body and act
all at once. The secret agents of the Rights of Man Society
were waiting collected in their respective quarters. At half-
past eleven, when the court had opened, the first band arrived,
and then the others. Barricades were quickly thrown up at
the f oTir comers of the place, others being at the same time
erected in all parts of the town. An ultra-republican proclama-
tion, conveying the grossest abuse of King Louis Philippe and
his ministers, was distributed in great numbers. The attack
began in all parts, and was everywhere repulsed courageously.
For five hours, a civil war, premeditated and organized against
the existing government, caused blood to flow in the streets of
Lyons. It was kept up by the insurgents with skilful audacity
and fanatical keenness and determination; by the authorities
with steady firmness ; by the troops with a fidelity to their
colors and a vigor which towards the end almost passed into
fury. A similar outbreak was prepared in the same way at St.
Etienne, Vienne, Grenoble, Chalons, Auxerre, Arbois, Mar-
seilles, and Lun^ville. In the streets of Lyons, during the
fighting, bulletins, dated like the proclamations the year XLEL
of the republic, were incessantly publishing news, which waa
almost all false, amongst the insurgents to keep up their cour*
age. "At "Vienne," said one of those bulletins (22 Grerminal,
nth April), "the national guard is master of the town; they
have stopped the artillery coming against us. The insurrec-
tion is breaking out everywhere. Patience and courage ! The
garrison must of com-se become weak and demoralized. Even
should it hold its positions, we have only to keep it in check
tin om* brothers arrive from the departments." The garrison
did not become demoralized; the brothers from the depart-
ments did not come ; and on the 13th April, in the evening, all
over the town, the beaten insurgents gave up fighting. When
authority was everywhere restored, men were astonished to
find, among the dead, the prisoners, and the wounded in the
hospitals, scarcely one tenth of the workmen belonging to the
silk-mills, and six strangers for one Lyonnais 1

In Paris as well as Lyons the republican party had an-
nounced, and made preparations for, their victory. A Breton
gentleman, Kersausie, an eager partisan of the carbonari, took
the leadership of the "Society of Action," by whom the move-
ment was to be commenced. He was arrested, as well as all the
leaders of the Rights of Man Society, Qodefroy Cavaignao
alone escaping. The news of the definitive check suffered by

giS HISTORY OF FRANCE. [CH. ax

the insurgents at Lyons excited the rage and shame of the
masses enrolled under Parisian revolution. On the 13th
April, at five o'clock afternoon, the outbreak took place in
Paris. Barricades started from the groimd with inconceivable
rapidity, several officers were wounded, others killed. As in
1832, the insurgent operations seemed to be concentrated in the
St. Merry quarter. General Bugeaud commanded the troops,
and Thiers accompanied him when he went by night to take
observations. " They passed along close to the houses, at the
head of a small column, without any hght but that from some
candles in several windows falling upon their arms and uni-
forms. A shot fired from a cellar struck the captain of the
troop dead, and another wounded mortally a young auditor of
the Council of State who had come with a message to Thiers.
As they advanced forward, new victims fell, and they looked
in vain to discover the murderers. The soldiers' hearts boiled
with anger, and as soon as dayUght appeared a general attack
was directed against the insm-gents. There was a perpetual
firing kept up from the houses and barricades. In the Rue
Transnonain some soldiers were carrying their woimded captain
on a litter, when several musket-shots from a house they were
passing were fired at them, and kiDed their captain in their
hands. Wild with rage, they burst open the doors of the
house, rushed headlong over all the floors, into all the rooms,
and a cruel and indiscriminate massacre blindly avenged
savage assassinations."* This deplorable scene procured
among the people for General Bugeaud, the sinister surname
of butcher of the Rue Transnonain. It put a sad end to the
struggle, the insiu'gents either hiding themselves or effecting
their escape. A great many were arrested, shortly to appear
before the Court of Peers. Admiral de Rigny, and Guizot an-
Bounced to the chambers that the insurrection was subdued in
Paris as well as in Lyons. After having provided for the
evident necessities of legislation by passing a law respecting
the possession of arms and ammimition, the Chamber of Depu-
ties was dissolved on the 24th May, 1834.

The elections went almost everywhere in favor of the gov-
ernment, and testified strongly to the fears and repugnance
which the revolutionary attempts inspired in the minds of
honest people. Meanwhile the cabinet had suffered some loss
Cf strength, and further embarrassment was impending.

* Mtmoireapour aervir d Vhittoire de mon temp*.

•H. XX.] PABLIAMBNTART OOVERNMEITT. 819

Following on an adverse vote of the chamber on the subject of
the indemnities long due to the United States, the Due de Brog-
lie gave in his resignation. Guizot did not follow his example,
and at this there was some astonishment in the chamber
among those near Thiers. Thiers turning to those about him,
said smartly, "Guizot has not retired with De Broglie, in
order to ma^e him return." The result was soon to justify
Thiers' perspicacity. The question of the government of
Algeria at that time gave rise to some dissensions within the
cabinet. Marshal Soult, a very capable commander, was much
less suited to treat with politicians, and often caused embarrass-
ment to his colleagues. Not without difficulty he was replaced
by Marshal Q^rard, who in his turn retired some months later,
accompanied by most of the other ministers. They were all
determined to put the government of the country into the
hands of the third party, which waa increasing in the chambers
under the influence of Dupin. A ministry which lasted for
three days was the only success of this experiment. Again
power was accepted by Thiers, Guizot, Duchatel, Hiunann, and
Rigny. Marshal Mortier became president of the council.
Old, weary, and restless, Talleyrand quitted the embassy in
London. The veterans of the great stiniggles of the past were
disappearing from the arena, either retiring from active life,
or being removed by death. Lafayette died peaceably at La
Grange, surrounded by his children, and recalling piously in
his enfeebled memory the recollection of the admirable wife
whom he had recently lost. He wished to be interred by her
side in the cemetery of Picpus, consecrated to the memory of
the victims of the Terror, and no political demonstration dis-
turbed the solemnity of the funeral rites. After the ardent
struggles but recently extinguished, the populace, once so
easily excited, had become indifferent ; moreover, the leaders
of the insurrection had entered on a course in which the
patriotism of Lafayette prevented him from following them.

Before the Court of Peers burst forth the audacity of the
numerous conspirators put on trial for complicity in the rising
which took place in the month of April. The conflict was re-
moved from the streets to the palace of the Luxembourg; it
was boldly proclaimed, and systematically pursued by the
laimching of invectives, declamation, and theories, instead of
the discharge of arms. Lying letters and insulting proclama-
tions circulated everywhere among the people, seeking at the
flame time to sow erroneous impressions and artificially to ex*

890 HISTORY OF FRANCS. [ch. xx

dte the pubKc passions. The courage and calm resolution of
the Court of Peers was not relaxed, in spite of the provocations
constantly being launched by the accused and their friends.
•'You wish 164 heads; take them I" cried one of those at the
bar. "You have brought me here by force, you have ruined
me, you have butchered me ; here is my breast, strike me, kill
me !" But only one condemnation to death was pronounced.
Transportation was the most serious penalty inflicted. Guizot
was soon obliged, however, in the presence of the chamber to
support the necessity of the repression with a firmness for
which he was accused of cruelty. " They forget constantly in
this debate," said he, " what is the aim of all punishment, of
an penal legislation. It is not only to punish and to repress
the guilty, but to prevent the repetition of similar crimes.
Preventive and general intimidation, such is the principle, the
dominant aim, of the penal laws. It is necessary to choose
in this world between the intimidation of the just and of the
unjust, between the security of rogues and of orderly citizens;
the former or the latter must stand in fear; there must be a
sentiment, profound and lasting, of a superior power, always
capable of overtaking and punishing. In the bosom of the
family, in the relations of man with his God, there is some-
thing of dread, and this is so naturally and necessarily. He
who fears nothing, ere long respects nothing."

M. de BrogUe supported the same cause with a courage and
an elevation of thought and language that strengthened him in
the position which he had newly accepted in the cabinet.
After tedious struggles within, and repeated effort on the part
of the king to re-form a ministry, Marshal Mortier retired, and
the Due de BrogUe replaced him as president of the coxmcil.
The laws of September, 1835, intended to furnish the govern-
ment with the weapons suited for an efficacious repression of
the ceaseless attacks arising out of the revolution, bore by no
means the character of exceptional measures. They main-
tained the essential guarantees of justice, while providing for
the present and accidental wants of society. They were
defended by the leaders of the conservative party with pro-
found conviction; violently attacked both in the chambers and
In the coimtry by the opposition, they were nevertheless voted
by a great majority, and were favorably received by the im-
partial and honest onlookers, who felt themselves effectively
protected without oppression.

The tendencies and the events which broke out at the

CH. XX.] PARLIAMENTARY GOVERNMENT. 831

moment when the cabinet presented the laws of September
justified by anticipation their anxiety for the peace of society.
For some days vague rumors, which seemed mysteriously to
herald the fact as a secret that had escaped from niunerous
confidants, threatened the king and the royal family with
some unknown danger. Already seven projects of assassin-
ation had been discovered, when a grand review of the na-
tional guard was convoked for the 28th July, 1835 . At the
moment when the royal procession arrived on the Botdevard
du Temple, the king, who was bending over the shoulder of
his horse to receive a i)etition, suddenly heard a noise as of
platoon firing. He recovered himself instantly. "Join villa,
this is for me," said he to the son who was nearest him: "let
us go on." Meanwhile a crowd of dead and dying already sur-
rounded him, including Marshal Mortier, General Lachasse de
V^rigny, Captain de Vilate, many ofl&cers of the national
guard, and several soldiers and women. The Due d'Orleans
had received a contusion, and a spent ball had penetrated the
cravat of the Due de Brogle. Cries of horror at the crime
committed, and enthusiastic acclamations for the king, re-
sounded on all sides. At the Chancellery, where were as-
sembled the queen, the princesses, and those of his ministers
who had not accompanied the king, there prevailed the great-
est consternation and a terrible imeasiness. They did not yet
know the number and quality of the victims, nor the circum-
stances of the attempt.

One man attempted to make his escape by means of a rope
suspended from a window on the third floor of the house No.
60, on the Boulevard du Temple. Woimded himself by the
explosion which he had effected, he was easily arrested. The
"infernal machine" was presently seized; it consisted of
twenty-five gun barrels supported on a scaffolding of oak,
and the discharge of these was rendered stimultaneous by the
employment of a single train of powder. Several of the guns
had burst, while others had not gone off, and it is to this cir-
cumstance that the safety of the king may be attributed. It
was soon ascertained that the author of the crime was a Cor-
sican named Fieschi. Already guilty and condemned, dissat-
isfied with his social position, he had been urged on the path
of villainy by three Parisian workmen, who were ardent
demagogues and affiliated to the Society of the Rights of Man.
The latter were also arrested, and were tried and condemned
some months subsequently by the Court of Peers. Hardly had

822 BISTORT OF FRANCE, [ca. xx.

they suffered the reward of their crime (26th of February,
1836) when another attempt to assassinate the king was made
by a yoimg southern, Louis Ahbaud, who was formerly a
soldier, and had taken part in the revolution of July. On six
other occasions, either against Louis Philippe or his sons,
were similar attempts renewed without ever once having
shaken the calm courage of the king. On the other hand, he
had great difficvdty in ratifying some of the sentences pro-
nounced against the criminals.

Meanwhile order was re-established; the dread and terror
which the attempts had caused had assisted rather than eliaken
the prudent, resolute policy practised by the king and his
ministers. A military expedition in Algeria imder the Due
d'Orleans and Marshal Clauzel met with distinguished success;
the French army occupied Mascara, to the great honor of its
commanders. The discussion on the financial laws then
absorbed the chambers; Humann, able and bold, suddenly
rose, and proposed, without preliminary discussion in the
Council, the measure which De Vill^le had tried without suc-
cess in 1824, and which was based on the reimbursement or
reduction of the rentes. Humann, who had formerly sup-
ported the ministry of the restoration, attached great import-
ance to his enterprise. " What would you have?" said Royer-
C!ollard. " Guizot has his law on primary education, Thiers
has his on the completion of the public monuments, and now
Humann wants a share of fame." The cabinet refused to
allow itself to be entangled thus; the king was personally
opposed to the measm-e; and Humann was replaced in the
financial department by D'Argout. The fallen minister and
his proposition meanwhile reckoned on numerous partisans in
the chamber, who challenged the government to explain its
ulterior intentions respecting the conversation of rentes. They
accused the Due de Broglie of not being suflBciently expHcit on
the subject; he repeated the reasons for his reserve, returning
to the very terms of reproach which they had addressed to
him. " Is this clear?" he asked as he ended his speech. The
chamber was offended ; the Due de Broglie was not popular,
partly because of his defects, partly because of his very gifts
of mind and character. Certain propositions were formerly
presented for the prompt conversion of rentes; the cabinet
demanded an adjournment, but was defeated, and resigned
immediately.

Thiers shared the opinion of his colleagues on the question

«H. XX.] PARLIAMENTARY GOVERNMENT.

that had arisen; but he was not at all equally at one with
tiiem in his convictions and political views, and although often
fighting by their side for the same objects, he never enter-
tained much liking for the doctrinaires. When, therefore,
Humann, Mole, and Gerard refused to form a cabinet, and
when Dupin and Passy also declined the honor in the name of
the third party, the king charged Thiers with the difficult
function. The new ministry was definitely constituted on the
22nd of February, 1836, under his presidency. The harmoni-
ous union and action of men properly trained in the work of
free and monarchical government had vanished; henceforth
the wishes of leaders were diverse, if not antagonistic; the
powers and efforts that were put forth after the revolution of
1830, for the purpose of establishing and sustaining the throne^
were ruined absolutely and forever.

The country found itself at this time in a delicate situation
with respect to the great powers of the north, who had re-
mained suspicious and defiant even after they had ended by
accepting the government sprung from the revolution of July,
and the conclusion of the English alliance, which had dis-
pleased and embarrassed them in their relations with France.
The combination of narrow views and egotistical passions had
prevented the King of Prussia as well as the Emperor Nich-
olas and Mettemich from rendering to the sound foreign poUcy
of the country the justice which it merited. The revolutionary
movements which had disturbed Gtermany were attributed to
the contagion of French ideas, and to the protection which
France granted to political refugees. A conference of the
sovereigns at Miinchengratz in 1833, and near TopHtz in 1835,
had been followed by protests addressed to France ; while the
cold, determined attitude of the French discouraged such at-
tempts at intimidation, without improving the existing rela-
tions. The complication of affairs in the east, and the aspira-
tions of the Pasha of Egypt, Mehemet AU, towards independ-
ence, were a continual source of disquietude to Russia,
ambitious, with all her patience and ostentation — to England,
decidedly Turkish in her proclivities — and to Prussia,
disinterested but anxious. The attitude of France was shift-
ing and contradictory, fettered as she was by revolutionary
memories, by the traditions of the Egyptian expedition, by the
desire to maintain the Ottoman Empire, while serving the
ambition of the pasha. At different times Russia had already
intervened for the protection of the Porte, which she was desii*-

824 BISTORT OF FRANCE. [ch. xx.

ous of holding at her mercy. The convention of Kutaieh, con-
cluded under her auspices on the 5th May, 1833, had tempora-
rily api)eased the difference between Turkey and the Pasha of
Egypt, without calming Turkish uneasiness. On the 10th of
July, the treaty of Unkiar-Skelessi gave the sultan the assur-
ance of Russian protection, on the sole condition that the Dar-
danelles should be closed to all foreign vessels of war. The
Black Sea should thus be a Russian lake, while Russia pre-
served the fuU liberty of her maritime operations in the Medi-
terranean. Great was the displeasure of England and France.
In spite of his personal dissatisfaction, Metternich applied
himself to arrange matters. The relations meantime remained
difficult and strained between the Porte and Mehemet, and
between France and the Emperor Nicholas, who was naturally
prejudiced against Louis Philippe and his government. Eng-
land herself was somewhat affected by the good-wiU which
France had evinced towards the Pasha of Egypt. But the
agreement of the policy of the two countries on another point
contributed strongly to maintain a good imderstanding be-
tween the French and English governments.

King Ferdinand Vn. died in September, 1835, and left the
succession to the throne contested, in spite of the definitive act
sanctioned by the Cortes, which had guaranteed the crown to
his eldest daughter, the Infanta Isabella. Long distracted be-
tween his family affections and his absolutist tendencies, the
monarch had sown the seeds of the Carlist insurrection, which
burst forth immediately on his death. A nimierous and
resolute party supported the claim of Don Carlos to the throne
in the name of the Salic law, established in Spain by the Prag-
matic Sanction of Philippe V., which Ferdinand VII. himself
had for the moment recognized. Those wise and moderate
Spaniards who aspired to give their country a free constitu-
tion naturally supported the title of the young queen. Zea
Bermudez, who was placed at the head of the ministry of the
Queen Regent Christina, was known and esteemed in London
as well as Paris. The English and French cabinets did not
hesitate, but recognized the rights of Isabella II., in conformity
with the old Spanish law accepted by the nation. Civil war
already prevailed in Spain; it began in Portugal, where the
usurper Dom Miguel declared in the name of the same prin-
ciple the exclusion of the young Queon Donna Maria from the
throne. Don Carlos had sought support from Dom Miguel, but
the latter was defeated, and the new governments of the two

OH. XX.] PARLIAMENTABT QOVEKNMENT. 325

Bovereignties appealed to the great liberal and constitutional
powers for assistance. On the 13th of April, 1834, a triple
alliance was concluded in London, between England, Spain and
PortugaL A month later the French government protested
against the exclusively English policy of Lord Palmerston;
but while it chose to adhere to an existing treaty, it declined,
in agreement with England, aU armed intervention. The civil
war continued to rage, but Don Carlos embarked for England,
while Dom Miguel, taking a lasting fareweU of Portugal, re-
tired to Italy. Henceforth it^was against the revolutionary
Spaniards, her allies at one moment, that the Begent Maria
Christina had to struggle.

Some months before the government changed hands in
France, without seriously modifying the existing policy, the
power in Spain passed to Mendizabel, the leader of the radicals,
who were resolved to restore the constitution of 1812. He
inunediately manifested a marked preference for the support
of England, and that country testified towards him a feeling
of great friendship. Hardly had Thiers become president of
the council, than Lord Palmerston announced his intention
of intervening in the affairs of the Peninsula, and proposed to
us to act in concert. "France could occupy," he said, "the
port of Passage, the valley of Bastan, and Fontarabia. For
the rest, she shall trace at her wUl the line within which she
shall be willing to limit her occupation."

King Louis Philippe had constantly been opposed to all
thought of intervention in Spain. "Let us aid the Spaniards
from a distance," said he, "but never let us enter the same
boat with them. If once we are there, it will be necessary to
take the helm, and God knows where we shall find ourselves."
Thiers sustained the contrary principle with a settled convic-
tion; he had, however, flatly refused intervention at the be-
ginning of his ministry, but the situation had become aggra-
vated in Spain. In the Basque provinces, the Carlist bands
and the royal troops, fighting with a fury that was of little
effect, abandoned themselves to revolting cruelties, which
were everywhere tolerated, and sometimes commanded by
their leaders. At the same time the intrigues of the secret
societies, and the passions stirred up by the demagogues,
burst forth in the provinces of the South — Barcelona, Valen-
cia, Malaga, Seville, Cordova, and Cadiz — making the cry,
"Long live the constitution of 1812!" re-echo on every side,
and causing innumerable scenes of bloodshed. A military in*

8S6 HISTORY OF FRANOB. [OH. XX.

flurrection in Madrid was resolutely repressed by General
Quesada, the captain-general of Castille. The government
passed from the hands of Mendizabel to those of Isturitz, who
was more moderate, and less attached to the English alliance.
He claimed afresh the effectual aid of France. The services
indirectly accorded to Spain were multiplied, but the king re-
mained absolutely opposed to intervention. The French am-
bassador at Madrid was ill, and De Bois le Comte was commis-
sioned to carry thither the reply of the French government.
"The Spaniards, "he wrote to Thiers, on the 12th August, 1836,
" have been so accustomed to see us intervene in their affairs,
and to see us decide their questions of succession, from the
time of Henry of Transtamare downwards, to Phihp V., Fer-
dinand Vn., and his father and the Queen Isabella, that the
idea that we shall end by intervening now is profoimdly be-
lieved, and it is hardly possible to root the belief out of the
coimtry. They think that they must leave us to speak, and
that we shall always conclude by coming to direct interven-
tion, being unable to support in Spain either revolutionary
anarchy or the restoration of Don Carlos." A successful mil-
itary insurrection at St. Udef onso had forced Queen Christina's
hand by an invasion of the palace of La Qranja. She accepted
the constitution of 1812. Greneral Quesada w£is murdered by
the insurgents, and a new cabinet having been formed, the
Cortes were dissolved and a general election was decreed.
The king wished to testify with emphasis his neutraUty in the
affairs of the Peninsula; he demanded the retirement of the
corps of the French troops on the frontier. Thiers opposed
this, and the majority of his coUeagues coincided with him.
"Nothing can bring the king to intervention," said he, "and
nothing can make me renounce it." The cabinet of the 22nd
of February resigned, and Comte Mol6 was charged with the
duty of reconstituting the ministry.

The prudent, sensible, and moderate policy prevailed in
foreign relations ; as far as concerned the interior, it remained
both firm and clear, although without much ^lat or success.
An unfortunate expedition against the town of Constantine, in
pursuance of the schemes of conquest which at this time ap-
peared too vast, had caused the retirement of Marshal Clauzel
as governor-general of Algeria. The sentiment of misfortune
weighed painfidly on all minds in spite of the heroism of
which the troops and their leaders had given proof in the re-
treat. Commander Changamier at the head of his battalion

OH. XX.] PARLIAMENTARY GOVERNMENT. SSft

disputed with the Arabs each step as they followed up the puis
Buit with fury. He descried the cavalry of Achmet Bey, dis-
posed so as to make a general charge. As soon as he saw them
approaching the commander formed his battalion in square.
'* Soldiers 1" he cried, "look, these people, they are 6000, tmd
you are 300; you see that the game is equal." The courage of
the soldiers did not falter at this youthful explosion of an
heroic souJ, which continued to be worthy of himself even in
extreme old age. The glory of General Changamier began on
that day.

A new source of disquietude, prophetic in its vague imrest,
began to alarm the king and his counsellors. On the 30th of
October, Prince Louis Napoleon Bonaparte arrived at Stras-
bourg, where he maintained certain secret relations. With
no other support than that of Colonel Vaudrey and a major,
gEiined beforehand to bis cause, he paraded the streets of the
town, and presented himself at the barracks of the 4th regi-
ment of artillery, where he was received with cries of "Long
live the emperor 1" He then tried to gain the soldiers of the
second barracks, but the officers were not favorable to him,
and remained faithful to their duty. The general in com-
mand, and the prefect, whose hotel had been surrounded by the
insurgent soldiers, made their escape. They caused the arrest
of the prince and his followers; Persigny, his most intimate
confidant, alone contrived to get away. The attempts at in-
surrection immediately ceased, and order was restored. The
king denied himself the thought of using severity towards a
young man, who was haunted by the visions of grandeur as-
sociated with his name, and by the conviction that he was
destined to retrieve that name. The embarkation of the prince
for the United States was resolved upon before the prayers of
Queen Hortense were heard, imploring on his behalf the royal
clemency. He departed, loaded with tokens of the thoughtful
kindness of the monarch, and not without engaging himself
never again to set foot on French soil. His adherents were
taken before the court at Colmar, and were aU acquitted by
the jury. More than one of these have reappeared in the his-
tory of later years. Providence has impenetrable secrets; the
fiasco of Strasbourg prepared the way to the second empire,
by making ring once more in the ears of France the name of
Napoleon, the power of which on her soul has withstood so
many mistakes and so much of suffering.

Insignificant in itself, the attempt of Prince Louis Napoleon

828 mSTORT OF FRA.NOB. [oH. xx

indicated in the minds of the people and in the army a fickle'
ness and a tendency to waver that was disquieting. A slight
insurrection had also taken place in a regiment at Vendome,
this time to the cry of *' Long live the RepubHc 1" The minis-
ters proposed three legal projects, designed to complete the
penal code, in order to prevent the recurrence of similar dis-
orders. At the same time, and by an unfortunate combination
of circumstances, two measures, announced long before — the
one fixing the payment of the dowry 'of the Queen of the Bel-
gians, the other confirming the endowment to the Due de
Nemours — ^required to be presented in the course of the same
session. The Chamber of Deputies had never given proof of
liberaUty in its relations with King Louis Philippe. They
exaggerated in public the personal fortune of the king; they
attributed to him an avidity assuredly very foreign to his
spirit and his conduct, although the memory of his past dis-
tresses had occasionally left him disturbed as to the future for-
tune of his children. The pro j ects of endowments were unpopu-
lar, while the plans of penal repression were cleverly attacked
by the opposition, the first article presented being rejected.
The government felt itself checked ; the pubhc was convinced
of the impotence of the cabinet ; and the king inclined towards
a policy of concession and conciliation. After several days of
internal crisis, Guizot and his friends retired, and Mole recon-
stituted the ministry, immediately allowing the unpopular
measures to drop. A general amnesty was announced.
Already, some months previously, the grace of the king had
set free from prison the four ministers of Charles X. A certain
appeasement of passions made itself felt, a Uttle superficial
perhaps, and soon destined to suffer fresh shocks, but it pro-
cured for the ministry of M0I6 some years of calm and of gov-
ernmental freedom. The marriage of the Due d'Orleans on the
30th May, 1837, with the grave and intellectual Princess
H61^ne of Mecklenburg-Schwerin, who was subsequently to
bear her great sorrows nobly, seemed a pledge of stability, and
was favorably received in public opinion. Some months later,
on the 17th of October, the Princess Marie d'Orleans was mar-
ried to Duke Alexander of Wurtemburg. In her adopted
country she continued her artistic labors, in which she had
shown rare talent, modelling, after her statue of Joan of Arc,
the figures of the two angels which were one day to shelter
with their wings the tomb where she lay beside her brother,
the Due d'Orleans. The happy issue of the sec(Hid expedition

fOLXZ.] PABLIAMENTART GOVERNMENT. 829

to Constantine, and the distinction which the Due de Nemours
gained in the siege, contributed to invest the M0I6 ministry at
its outset with a certain amount of popularity. Several im-
portant laws, which had long been in course of preparation,
including those respecting the general and mimicipal councils,
and the closing of the gambling-houses, were readily voted by
the chambers. The left and the third party supported the
amnesty and the policy of conciliation. In the conservative
party many of the leaders were dejected and uneasy, but still
they supported the policy of the ministry.

Abroad, a short and brilliant expedition, under Admiral
Baudin and Prince de Joinville, secured the fort of St. Jean
dlJlloa and the town of Vera Cruz, forcing the Mexican gov-
ernment to sign a treaty of peace, on the 9th of March, 1839,
making allowance to France for the injury inflicted on her na-
tional interests. The complicated afEairs of the small South
American repubUcs at the mouth of the Plate, and the injuries
done to us by the repubhc of Haiti, afforded opportunities for
skilful and resolute management. At the request of France,
Switzerland interdicted its territory to Prince Louis Napoleon,
who had returned to Europe on the occasion of his mother's
death. The last difficulties of Belgium disappeared before the
kindly interposition of the great powers, and the King of Hol-
land agreed to accept the conditions of separation fixed upon
in twenty-four articles drawn up by the conference. The cita-
del and town of Ancona was evacuated on the oft-repeated de-
mand of the Pope, at the moment when the Austrians them-
selves quitted the Papal territory. The cabinet renounced in
Italy the policy of daring interference, liberal, and at the same
time conservative, which had been inaugurated by Casimir
P^rier.

The very persons who had recently opposed Casimir P^rier
saw with regret the abandonment of his foreign policy. The
declarations which Mole made in the chambers against abso-
lute governments offended those governments, without reassur-
ing the Uberal party in France. Every day the schism between
the ministry and the left manifested itself more clearly, the
latter having been sued for its help by the cabinet from the bo-
ginning; every day also the ministry unfortunately drew away
from that portion of the conservative party which wished to
found in order a regime of liberty, and to establish amid the
powers of the state the preponderance of the Chamber of Depu-
ties. Guizot combined with Thiers and Odilon Barrot against

830 EI8T0RT OF FBANCB. \ck. xx,

the cabinet, which neither satisfied the ultra-liberal aspirations
•of the first, nor the test of the others for stable authority side
by side with fearless Uberty. The coalition was necessarily to
be temporary, like the union which had allowed Mole himself
to supersede the co-oi)eration of Guizot and Duchatel in order
to get his measure accepted by the Chamber of Deputies. The
present imion had the grave disadvantage of presenting to the
country the problem of an alliance which was difficult to im-
derstand, and which was opposed to its common sense. It ac-
complished the dislocation of the great government party,
recently founded for the purpose of re-establishing order after
the revolution of 1830 ; it drove to the side of Mole that party
formed more recently in a less liberal direction, astonished and
displeased to see its natural leaders temporarily joined to
strange allies.

The dissolution of the chamber, called for in 1838 by M0I6,
modified the composition of the assembly, without acting pro-
foundly on the state of parties. The ministry zealously strug-
gled against a certain number of the particular friends of the
doctrinaires. The address of 1839, drawn up by a committee
favorable to the opposition, was skilfully discussed and amended
by the cabinet, which carried it with a majority too weak to
ensure success. A ministerial crisis, and some eflEorts on the
part of Marshal Soult to constitute a new cabinet, terminated
in confirming M0I6 in power, and in another dissolution of the
chamber. This time, and in spite of the little favor which the
coaUtion met with in general among sensible honest men, who
were friends of order, and spectators rather than actors in the
poMtical struggle, the weakness of Mole's situation appeared
undeniable. The majority was still too small to render gov-
ernment possible, and the ministry retiring, the coahtion was
immediately placed at the head of the affairs of the country.
The radical vice of its principle soon made itself felt. GKiizot
and Odilon Barrot were not able to govern together, as Guizot
and Thiers had done, and were still able to do. The opposition
evinced some natural enough distrust of Guizot and his friends;
it expected the less influential posts to be assigned to them,
and these they dechned on account of their personal dignity
and the honor of their cause in the common victory. The
crisis was prolonged, and business suffered in consequence.
The king resolved to form a provisional ministry which wielded
authority for six weeks in the midst of growing excitement.
Supported by the conservatives, Passy was elected president of

OH. XX.] PARLIAMENTARY OOVEBNMENT. 331

the chamber over Odilon Barrot, who had the support of the
left. In this disorder of parties and minds the important mem-
bers of the centre and left centre, who by agreement had sepa-
rated from their unpopular or incompatible leaders, prepared
with great exertion the constitution of a new conciliatory cab-
inet, when on the 12th of May an insurrection broke out in the
most populous quarters of Paris, crowds attacking simultane-
ously the Hotel de Ville, the Palais de Justice, and the Prefec-
ture of Police. Vigorous measures of repression put a stop to
this frantic attempt, which was inspired by the feebleness and
irresolution of the authorities. On the same day the ministry-
was definitely formed, under the presidency of Marshal Soult;
the centre properly so called was represented by Duchatel,
Villemain, and Cunin-Gridaine, while Passy, Dufaure and
Teste shared vsdth them the poUtical sway. Thiers was nomi-
nated by his friends for the presidency of the chamber, the
cabinet having supported Sauzet, who only obtained a majority
of seven votes. Meanwhile the political party of Uberal order,
80 often and so seriously shaken, raUied with a dawning of con-
fidence around the cabinet, which was composed of confused
and contradictory elements, but which began by securing a
victory under its colors.

The internal business of administration and organization,
and the movement of commercial and industrial development
which began to make itself felt, absorbed public thought more,
and occupied the government more than the evident and ad-
vancing decadence of the Ottoman Empire, and the covetous-
ness and ambition which that decadence excited in Russia and
Egypt. The Porte had determined to make one more vigorous
effort, which it believed itself capable of accomplishing under
the protection of Russia. On the 21st of April, 1839, the Turkish
army passed the Euphrates, for the purpose of attacking that
of the pasha, which was commanded by his son Ibrahim. Some
days later the European powers convoked a conference at
Vienna, and on the request of the two aides-de-camp sent to
Egypt and to Constantinople by Marshal Soult, the sultan and
the pasha ordered the suspension of hostilities, when it was
learned that the two armies had met, and that the Turkish
forces had been completely destroyed, on the 21st of June, 1839.
The Sultan Mahmoud died on the 30th of June, and a few days
later Pasha Achmet-Feruzzi, commander of the Turkish fleet,
conducted the whole fleet to Alexandria, in order to deliver it
up to Mehemet Ali. The yoimg Sultan Abdul-Medjid evinced

832 BISTORT OF FRANCE. [cH. xx

an inclination to make larger concessions to the Pasha of
Egypt. Such was not, however, the tendency of the great
powers, who were desirous of maintaining their influence in
eastern aflEairs. In the fear of finding herself condemned in
Europe to a position of troublesome isolation, Russia felt con-
strained to adhere to the resolutions of the projected confer-
ence of Vienna. On the 27th of July the representatives of
the five coiui» assembled at Vienna addressed the following
note to the Porte: " The undersigned have received from their
respective governments this morning certain instructions, in
virtue of which they have the honor to inform the Sublime
Porte that harmony on the eastern question is confirmed among
the five great powers, and to engage the suspension of all defini-
tive settlement without their concurrence, in consideration of
the interest which they take in his affairs."

It was a great deal to say, and a great deal to promise ; the
cabinets of London and Paris were agreed to maintain the
Ottoman Empire, but they were not of one mind regarding
the extent of the coKcessions which were necessary to secure
to the Porte the partial submission of its troublesome vassal
Lord Pahnerston said to De Bourqueney, " It will be necessary
to open at Constantinople and Alexandria a negotiation on the
double basis of the constitution of the heredity of Egypt in the
family of Mehemet Ali and of the evacuation of Syria by the
Egyptian troops." The French government, on the other
hand, claimed with emphasis the hereditary possession of
Syria for Mehemet Ali. The cause of the pasha was popular
in France, where the people had conceived a very exaggerated
idea of his forces. Moreover, no one expected to see Bussia
adopt unconditionally the policy of Lord Palmerston, and the
hope still remained that England could be brought to our way
of thinking. General S^bastiani, who proceeded to resume his
post in London, did not long allow these illusions to exist. He
was convinced that the resolution was unalterable in the minds
of the ministers of Great Britain; besides, it was suspected
that she was at heart favorable to Turkey. The friends of
Guizot in the cabinet urged the king to despatch him to Lon-
don on this difficult mission; he had recently handled the
question in the chamber; " Lord Chatham once said, * I would
not discuss with any one who tells me that the maintenance
of the Ottoman Empire is not a question of life or death for
Ehigland.' As for myself, gentlemen, I am less timid; I do
not think that for such powers as England and France there

CH. XX.] PARLIAMENTARY GOVERNMENT. 333

may be thus in the distance, and with certainty, any questions
of Ufe or death. But Lord Chatham was passionately con-
vinced of the importance of maintaining the Ottoman Empire ;
and England still thinks so strongly with him that she devotes
herself to this cause even with a touch of superstition, in my
opinion. She has often shown herself somewhat hostile to the
new states which have formed themselves, or which are in-
clined to form themselves, from the natural dismemberment
of the Ottoman Empire. Greece, for example, has not always
found her friendly ; Egypt still less. I will not enter into an
examination of the motives which may have influenced on
similar occasions the pohcy of England. I believe that she is
sometimes deceived, that she has sometimes sacrificed the
great to the minor policy, the general interest of Great Britain
to some secondary interests. The first interest that concerns
Great Britain is that Russia shall not dominate in the east."

It was this idea which Guizot was charged to represent in
London, when he accepted, in the month of February, 1840,
the mission of ambassador. King Louis Philippe had not been
favorable to this choice, on which the ministers had insisted
unanimously. The new ambassador had hardly arrived at his
post, when the cabinet from which he held his powers found
itself compelled to retire, in consequence of a new and painful
check, suffered for the second time, on the project of endow-
ment in favor of the Due de Nemours. Thiers was called by
the king to the presidency of the new ministry, which from
the beginning pubhshed its resolution to demand neither elec-
toral reform nor dissolution. Under these conditions of a gov-
ernment which in advance protected itself against its charac-
teristic tendencies towards the left, Guizot beUeved it to be
his duty to remain at his post. ** I here occupy the decisive
position on the question of war," wrote he to his friends. "It
is only here that the poKcy that would force on war, or would
lend itself to that purpose, or to whatever would bring about
war, may find a basis. As long as this position is ours we are
in a position to forewarn and arrest. It is here that we must
and can defend the policy of peace."

Peace was from that time seriously manaced by the growing
ill-humor of England and by the illusions of France. Guizot
appUed himself to calm the one and dissipate the other. He
diverted his government from certain intentions which he sus-
pected. "It is possible," he wrote to Thiers on the 17th of
Kardi, " that we may return to the policy of waiting, amid

884 EI8T0BT OF FRANCE. oh, XX.

endless diflacultiee, as the outcome of which we foresee in the
east the maintenance of the statu quo ; but it may be also
that events wiU be precipitated, and that we may soon find
ourselves obliged to take a side. If that comes to pass, the al-
ternative in which we shall be placed will be this : either to put
ourselves on a footing with England, acting with her in the
question of Constantinople, and obtaining from her in the
Syrian question some concessions for Mehemet Ali, or to retire
from the affair, and leave it to be concluded between the four
powers, we in the meantime standing aloof and waiting the
course of events. If we do not make an attempt to bring
about between France and England an arrangement with
which the pasha may be satisfied on the question of Syria,
it will be necessary to await the other issue, and to hold
ourselves prepared." Some days later he wrote to General
Baudrand, aide-de-camp to the king: " I wish much I had the
same security that the king has granted to you. I hope that
they wiU do nothing without us, and I work for it ; but this
is only a hope, and the work is diflBcult. The English policy
is occupied sometimes hghtly and very rashly in foreign ques-
tions. In this affair, besides, all the Powers except France
flatter the inclinations of England, and show themselves ready
to do whatever she wishes. We alone, her particular allies,
eay, no ! The others never dream of anything but pleasing ; we
want to be reasonable at the risk of displeasing. The situation
is neither very comfortable nor perfectly certain. We can
achieve success by good management and with time. I believe
that we would be wrong to confide in ourselves in the matter;
it is always necessary to fear a hasty and sudden stroke."

Meantime, and 'while the situation remained in this serious
and delicate state, good services were redoubled between
France and England: the French government helped to arbi-
trate between England and the King of Naples on a commer-
cial question which had failed to become a poUtical one ; soon
the negotiation of a commercial treaty, and the question of ex-
tending the right of search for the aboHtion of the slave-trade,
were to be the objects of diplomatic correspondence. England
responded with readiness to the desire manifested by the
French ministry to obtain the restitution of the ashes of the
Emperor Napoleon. Lord Palmerston wrote on this subject
to Lord Granville, his ambassador at Paris: "My Lord, the
government of her Majesty having taken into consideration
the request of the French government to obtain authorization

CH. XX.] PARLIAMENTARY GOVERNMENT.

to transport from St. Helena to France the remains of Napo-
leon Bonaparte, I request your Excellency to assure M. Thiers
that the government of her Majesty will accede with pleasure
to this request. The government of her Majesty hope that the
promptness of this response will be considered in France as a
proof of their desire to efface all traces of those national ani-
mosities which, during the hfe of the emperor, armed against
each other the French and English nations. The government
of her Majesty is confident that if such sentiments stOl exist
anywhere, they will be buried in the tomb in which the re-
mains of Napoleon are to be laid."

The Minister of the Interior, Eemusat, repeated these words
to the Chamber of Deputies when he announced the negotia-
tion and its results. " Henceforth France, and France ^one,
will possess all that remains of Napoleon. His tomb, like his
fame, shall belong to none but his own country. The monarchy
of 1830 is the only and legitimate inheritor of all the memories
of which France is proud. It was for it— for that monarchy
which for the first time has rallied all the forces and concili-
ated all the aims of the French Revolution, to raise, and to
honor without fear, the statue and the tomb of a popular hero.
For there is one thing, one only, which dreads not comparison
with glory, and that is hberty."

Liberty was still to be more than once menaced by the great
name of Napoleon I. and by the influence which it exercised in
France. In 1840 the nation, king and people alike, were eager
with a generous improvidence to raise a monument anew to
him. The most illustrious among those of whom France was
proud had already put their hand to the work; Lamartine, and
Victor Hugo, as well as Beranger, continued to nourish the
new generations from the story of the Napoleonic legend.
Other and more able hands were to work in turn at the same
task.

The enthusiasm which manifested itself in France on the
occasion of the transference of Napoleon's remains did not
carry away aU minds, and the chamber refused to vote more
than a million francs for the cost of the expedition and sepul-
ture. It was then occupied with great domestic projects, the
first serious enterprises in railways, a law on the labor of
children in factories, and many important questions of com-
mercial administration. The anxiety and interest was not in-
clined to lessen respecting eastern affairs, which were still as
obscure on the spot as in London.

HF (O) Vol. 8

836 HISTORY OF FRANCS. [cm xx

A Turkish plenipotentiary had arrived in London. For the
original proposals of Lord Palmerston, assuring to Mehemet
AU the hereditary possession of Egypt, and a title during life
to the pashalic of Acre, the representatives of Austria and
Prussia — Neumann and Von Bulow — seemed disposed to sub-
stitute the relinquishment for life of aU Syria, and the heredi-
tary cession of Egypt. At Paris there was hesitation over
these overtures. The grand vizier, hostile to the Pasha of
Egypt, was dead ; Mehemet Ali sent an emissary to Constanti-
nople, charged with direct proposals to the sultan. The cabi-
net of the Tuileries desired to wait the result of this negotia-
tion, to which it attached some value. On the other hand,
Lord Palmerston was resolved to break it off; and he suc-
ceeded. An insurrection of the Druses, cleverly fomented by
England, broke out against Mehemet All " They will rise to
the last man provided they are furnished with arms and am-
munition," wrote Wood, the dragoman, to Lord Ponsonby, the
ambassador at Constantinople. "There has never, perhaps,
been a movement more favorable to the separation of Syria
from Egypt, and to the accomplishment of the poUtical views
of Lord Palmerston regarding Mehemet Ali."

Guizot remained uneasy respecting the future, but the danger
was nearer than he believed. Two drafts of treaties had been
officially commimicated to him— the one common to the five
Powers, and containing the maximum concessions which they
could make to France ; the other, to be concluded between the
four Powers in case of France refusing the first arrangement:
they showed her concurrence should be dispensed with. The
French ambassador reckoned on a final delay, before the lapse
of which he could make a definitive resolution ; but Lord Pal-
merston had decided otherwise. On the 15th of July, without
calling afresh for the participation of France, the quadruple
treaty was signed in London, to be executed immediately.
Orders were already given to have presented to the Pasha of
Egypt the resolution taken to impose on him the conditions
which he had already peremptorily repelled. Only on the 17th
of July, Lord Palmerston communicated to Guizot a memo-
randum, carefully prepared, full of apologies and flattering
expressions towards France, claiming her good services at Alex-
andria with Mehemet Ali. " The sultan," said he, " will pro-
pose in the first place to the pasha to concede to him, always
under the title of vassalage, the possession of Egypt heredita-
rily, and the portion already offered of the pashalic of St. Jean

OB. XX.] PARLIAMBNTART GOVERNMENT. 83t

d'Acre, includmg the fortress, but only during life. "Bb will
grant him a period of ten days in order to accept this proposal
Should the pasha refuse, the sultan will make a new proposi-
tion, which will not comprehend more than Egypt, always
granted hereditarily. If, after a fresh delay of ten days, the
pasha still refuses, then the sultan will address himself to the
four powers, who undertake towards him, and among them-
selves, to force his vassal into obedience."

It was probable war at short notice, supported by Europe,
ajgainst a prince whom we had imprudently covered with our
protection; we should find ourselves isolated from Europe, and
condemned to a situation at once humiliating and dangerous.
The wrath and indignation in Paris were great; the feehngs
were legitimate, and found expression in Guizot's note to Lord
Palmerston in answer to the memoranduuL "France," the
cabinet said, "has not received in these latter circmnstancee
any positive proposal on which she might give an opinion;
it isnot necessary therefore to impute to a refusal that she
has not been able to make the determination which Eng-
land communicates to her in the name doubtless of the four
powers."

Lord Palmerston having protested against this phrase, Gui-
zot commented upon it with a grave and impressive dignity.
•'This phrase surprises you, my Lord; the fact which it ex-
presses has much more astonished the government of the
king, and myself as well. When you commimicated to me
last Friday the memorandum to which I resjwnded, intimat-
ing that, unknown to us, without our having either been defi-
nitely told or asked anything, a definitive resolution had been
taken by the four lowers, a convention signed, perhaps execu-
tion actually begun, I was profoundly astonished — I must say,
hurt. When you come to the end of a negotiation in which
we have constantly taken part you owe it to the government
of the king to invoke it, and to say to it: ' Since we have not
been able hitherto to put ourselves in harmony so as to act
together as five powers, we are unable to put ofiE any longer,
and we have resolved to act on that basis and by that means.
Will you join us? This is all that we desire. If decidedly
you do not wish it, we shall be obUged to act as four powers,
on the basis and by the means which we have indicated.'
That was the natural course. On the contrary, without in-
forming us, while preserving secrecy towards us, you have
resolved to act without us. This is not, my Lord, the proper

838 BISTORT OF FRANCE. [ch. xk.

proceeding for an old and intimate ally, and the government
of the king has every right to take offence at it. The alliance
of France and England has given ten years of peace to Eu-
rope; the whig ministry, allow me to say, was bom imder its
colors, and it has drawn from it during ten years some of its
energy. Canning, if I am not deceived, was your friend and
the leader of your poUtical party. In a great and celebrated
speech he portrayed England as one day taking into her keep-
ing the cave of storms, and possessing herself of the key.
France also has this key, and hers is perhaps the larger. She
has never wished to help herself by its use. Do not render
this pohcy more difl&cult and less sure for us. Do not give
serious reasons for, and a redoubled impulse to, the national
passions in France. This is not what you owe to us, what
Europe owes to us, for the moderation and prudence which we
have shown during ten years I"

This was indeed, and in spite of the eager protestations of
Lord Palmerston, the first resiilt of the treaty of the 16th of
July, the effect being to excite outbursts of passion, and of
that warlike f eehng which is always easy to awaken in our
minds. The revolutionaries profited immediately by it in
order to advance towards their aim, careless of the fresh em-
barrassments which confronted the country in a moment of
national crisis. Everywhere agitation was stimulated on the
subject of electoral reform, by means of petitions and ban-
quets. Important industrial strikes took place at various
X)oints. At home as well as abroad the attitude of the govern-
ment continued resolute and composed. Armaments were
being prepared in the meantime ; all the soldiers of the classes
of 1836 and 1839 still disengaged were caUed out, and the forti-
fied places were put into a state of defence. Threatened by
serious dangers, France held herself ready for any event, and
made this known to Europe. Her representatives maintained
their reserve, and were distant and gravely dissatisfied. The
powers were disquieted thereby, but without ceasing to pursue
the resolutions which had offended France. Count Walewski
was charged by Thiers to bear to Mehemet Ali counsels of
moderation and prudence ; he urged his futile efforts even at
Constantinople. Lord Palmerston had skilfully succeeded in
explaining his conduct before Parliament and to the pubUc,
which was at first very divided regarding the real nature of
the Eastern question, as well as the diplomatic proceedings of
the government. Henceforth the English feeling was carried

OH. XX.] PARLIAMENTARY GOVERNMENT. 339

away by party dissensions, which tended to strengthen the
ministry.

Meanwhile events were precipitated in the east, and the
powers seemed to seize the opportunity of discarding in ad-
vance all means of pacific solution. The first interval of ten
days had not expired, and already, by order of the govern-
ment. Commodore Sir Charles Napier began hostilities, by
capturing the Egyptian merchant-ships in the harbor of Bey-
rout, and by exciting the uprising of the Syrian insurgents.
Twenty years afterwards he himself pronounced upon the
part which he had then played in Syria. "I was ashamed
for my country and for myself," he said in Parliament, on the
17th of August, 1860. ' ' The government had sent me there to
perform a mission ; I acquitted myself of it, but against my
wiU. Under Mehemet Ali, Syria was quiet and peaceable. If
Lord Ponsonby had not sent agents to stir up the population,
it would have been impossible for us with the weak forces at
our disposal to put to ftight an army of three or four thousand
men." A few days later this army, under the orders of Ibra-
him Pasha, drifted miserably into the hands of a force com-
posed of Enghsh, Austrians, Turks, and Albanians, disem-
barked at Beyrout by the Anglo-Austrian fleet. Beyrout
succumbed on the 11th of September, and Sidon on the 21st,
giving up vast supplies of provisions to the victors almost
without resistance. On the 14th of September the sultan, sup-
ported by the allied powers, pronounced the deposition of
Mehemet Ali.

In France the astonishment and dismay were great; all
hope of maintaining peace was now at an end. The possession
of Egypt alone had been guaranteed to the pasha; on the
advice of the wisest councillors the ministry resolved to make
a casus belli of an attack upon this point, and to continue
warlike prejjarations, concentrating in the waters of the Isle
d'Hy^res the fleet which was then anchored in the neighbor-
hood of Salamine. "If you want to take Egypt from the
pasha," declared Guizot to Lord Palmerston, " the cannon
will decide between us." The attitude was resolute without
being provocative; it was unfortimately. too often contra-
dicted by rash words, and by that outburst of revolutionary
passions which had been so long unchained amongst us. In
England as well as in Germany the public feeling responded in
patriotic demonstrations, which were also ardent and incon-
siderate. "We are returning to 1831," wrote Guizot on tht

340 HISTORY OF FRANCS. [CH. xx.

I3th of October, to the Due de Broglie, "to the revolutionary
spirit, making use of the national power, and urging on war
without legitimate motives, and without reasonable chances
of success, in the sole hope, and with the sole purpose, of
creating revolutions. The question of Syria is not a legitimate
case for war. This I hold as undeniable. France, which has
not gone to war to liberate Poland from Eussia and Italy from
Austria, cannot reasonably go to war in order that Syria may
be held by the pasha and not by the sultan. No other ques-
tion has hitherto been raised in principle by the convention of
16th July. In fact, by its execution no great French interest
is attacked. Enterprise in the east may bring about some-
thing diflEerent from what is aimed at : questions may be bom
there, events may arise to which France could not remain in-
different. It is a question of arming, of holding herself ready;
it is not a reason for herself raising in the east events and
questions still more grave, and which are not bom naturally."
At home the natural results of the warlike agitation found
expression in revolutionary agitation ; a strange attempt hap-
pened which serves to show its effects on excited spirits ruled
by a fixed idea. On the 6th of August, at two in the morning,
a small English packet-boat, the City of Edinburgh landed on
the French coast, at Vimereux, near Boulogne, Prince Louis
Napoleon, accompanied by some accomplices, who had either
come like him from England or joined him on the shore. For
many months, in spite of the sentiments of gratitude which
he had formerly testified towards the king, the prince had
labored to gain over oflScers in various regiments occtipying
the northern departments. He had purchased the Commerce,
and its principal editor, Maugin, a passionate Jacobin in the
Chamber of Deputies, too corrupt to refuse the means of
making money. They had tried to spread the conviction that
the Bonapartist pretenders had experienced kindness at the
hands of several great powers. On embarking in the Thames,
Louis Napoleon announced to his companions the object of his
enterprise. "We proceed to France," he said. "There we
shall find powerful and devoted friends. The only obstacle
to victory is at Boulogne ; once that point is carried, our suc-
cess is sure. Numerous auxiliaries await us; and if I am
seconded as they have promised me, as sure as the sun shines
on us, in a few days we shall be in Paris, and history will say
that it was with a handful of brave men such as you that I
accomplished this great and glorious enterprise."

«H. xx.] PARLIAMENTART GOVERNMENT. 3^

Three accomplices only awaited the prince on the coast; one
of these, Aladenise, a young lieutenant of the 42nd regiment
of the line, reckoned to carry along with him all his comrades.
They marched on Boulogne, to which the packet-boat had just
returned. The barracks were naturally the first object of
attention. The lieutenant preceded the conspirators, announc-
ing to the assembled soldiers the downfall of King Louis
Philippe, as it had been decreed by Prince Louis in a procla-
mation which he had brought from England ; they were then
chosen to march on Paris in order to re-establish the empire.
Surprised, and excited by a speech by Louis Napoleon, the
soldiers cried "Long live the emperor!" But some officers
had already hastened to the spot; the captain, Colonel Puyge-
lier, with sword in hand, struggled against the conspirators
by whom he was surrounded. "Prince Louis or not!" ex-
claimed the captain, "I only see in you a conspirator. Clear
the barracks!" The soldiers advanced in order to protect him
in the struggle, which was prolonged. The brave officer had
just exclaimed, "Help, grenadiers!" when unfortunately a
bullet from a pistol which the prince held struck a soldier in
the neck very near where the captain was standing-. Discon-
certed by this accident, the insurgents retired in disorder,
addressing themselves on their route to the people, and direct-
ing their course to the magazines of arms in the upper town.
The gate of the arsenal resisted their efforts; the national
guard began to assemble ; the small force took in all haste the
direction of the shore, casting themselves pell-mell into the
long-boat of the packet. Pursued, summoned to stop, the
victims of some stray shots, they saw their hopes betrayed by
the waves as well as by man ; the boat capsized, and those on
board had some difficulty in saving their lives. Perhaps they
believed themselves threatened by the rigors of a government
which they had twice gratuitously offended. Honest people
reproached King Louis Philippe with the generous attitude
which he had maintained towards him whom they then called
an adventurer, but whom, by the strangest coincidence, they
were one day to call upon to reign over France. Condemned
by the Court of Peers to perpetual confinement, and impris-
oned within the walls of Ham, from which he was to escape
at the end of six years, Prince Louis acknowledged subse-
quently the justice of his sentence. Finding himself, during a
torn* as President of the Republic, imder the walls of the
fortress which had held him a prisoner (23nd July, 1849), he

843 HISTORY OF FRANCE. [CH. xx

expressed surprise that he had not been impeached for twice
violating the laws of his country. " To-day, when elected by
all France, I have become the legitimate head of this great
nation, I shall not glorify myself for a captivity which had
for its cause an attack upon a reguurly constituted govern-
ment. When one has seen how the most just revolutions
draw evils in their train, one understands fully the audacity
of having wished to take on one's self the terrible responsi-
bility of a change. I do not therefore compassionate myself
for having expiated here by an imprisonment of six years my
temerity against the laws and against my country."

The attempt of Prince Louis Napoleon excited more curi-
osity and raillery than apprehension. A fresh outrage against
the king, committed by a miserable feUow named Darm^s, on
the 15th of October, 1840, caused more uneasiness, and seemed
to indicate a growing state of revolutionary agitation. The
government suffered insensibly from the contagion of restless-
ness. Anxious as it was, it became more and more warlike.
Thiers proposed a fine plan for the fortification of Paris ; he
claimed the augmentation of the effective army; and the
chambers were convoked to respond to these wants. The
cabinet presented to the king a plan for the speech from the
crown ; its language was firm and dignified, but it was con-
ceived in the prospect of war, and for the purpose of demand-
ing from the country the means of putting it in a state of
preparation. The king dechned to place himself in such
jeopardy. He believed that peace was possible and desirable.
From the heart even of the cabinet he received advice to seek
elsewhere for other ministers, "Discharge us, sire," said
Cousin, "we drive you to war." For the second time in a
month the cabinet offered its resignation, which was accepted
by the king. Guizot was still in London, ready to take part
in the session of the chambers; the king and Thiers wrote to
him at the same time, pressing him to return to Paris. A few
days later, on the 29th of October, 1840, he formed, under the
presidency of Soult, and as minister of foreign affairs, the last
cabinet which was for many years to govern France imder
the constitutional monarchy by the noble and peaceable alli-
ance of liberty and authority.

It was a heavy burden which the new councillors had ac-
cepted from the crown in a situation of which they knew all
the dangers. "Why has the cabinet of 29th October taken
the place of that of the 1st of March?" said Thiers in the dia-

CH. XX.] PARLIAMENTARY GOVERNMENT 343

oussion of the address. " Because the cabinet of the 1st of
March thought that in a certain case it was necessary to make
war. Why has the cabinet of the 29th of October come? It
has come with certain peace." Guizot at once replied, "The
honorable gentleman has only uttered a moiety of the truth;
under the ministry of 1st March war was certain." The
preparations for war had not ceased, and the attitude of
France remained resolute in its isolation. The question of the
fortifications of Paris was brought before the chambers in
agreement with Thiers ; and in spite of the doubts of the pre-
servers of peace at any price, and in spite of the secret discon-
tent of the abettors of disorder, the law was voted, and the
great work commenced. The Duke of Wellington said on this
subject toGuizot: "Your fortifications of Paris have closed
that era of wars of invasion and of rapid marching on capitals
which Napoleon opened. They have almost done for you
what the ocean does for us. If the sovereigns of Europe be-
Keve me, they will all do as much. I know not whether wars
will be thus rendered shorter or less murderous, but they will
infaUibly be less revolutionary. You have rendered by this
example a great service to the security of nations and the
order of Europe." Even at the present time, after a double
and grievous experience— of enemies besieging the capital of
France with success, and of a triumphant insurrection ret3.in-
ing it for more than two months against the efforts of the
regular government— the words of the Duke of Wellington
remain true, and have been justified by events. The resist-
ance of France during the war of 1870 and 1871 concentrated
almost entirely in Paris ; only the fortifications of Paris ren-
dered that resistance possible.

Meanwhile the change of the French ministry weighed on
the diplomatic deliberations. It was known in Europe that
the new ministry was favorable to peace, without relaxing
anything of the quiet dignity of its attitude. The German
powers began then to manifest the desire of putting an end to
a situtation which with good reason disquieted peaceable
spirits. Despite the deposition pronounced by the sultan
against Mehemet Ali, it was the general opinion that the
heredity of Egypt had been guaranteed to the pasha on certain
conditions which he could still execute. On the spontaneous
advice of Sir Charles Napier, Mehemet Ali sent back to Con-
stantinople, the Turkish fleet which stiU remained in his har-
bors, and ordered the evacuation of Syria by his troopa

844 HISTORY OF FRANCS. [ch. nx

Henceforth, the treaty of the 15th of July was executed, and
it was left to the four powers to overcome the tardiness and
malice of the Porte. They employed themselves actively in
this, not without meeting ohstacles on the part of Mehemet
Ali as well as on that of Lord Ponsonby. At the same time,
and in order to signalize the return of France into the Eu-
ropean concert, a special convention, accepted by all the
powers, ruled the question of the closing of the Straits in the
Black Sea. The two treaties were signed on the 13th of July,
1841. Eventually, and in spite of the errors, the faults, and
the disquieting griefs which had for France marked the great
eastern question, the European peace had been maintained.
In the midst of peace the armaments of precaution raised by
France in 1840 had been maintained also ; the fortifications of
Paris arose ; and Europe, feeling the void which the absence
of France made in her councils, showed herself eager to make
her return to her place. France did not return till Europe
asked her, after having caused the Porte to make the conces-
sions claimed by the pasha, while declaring that the treaty of
15th July, 1840, was finally extinguished. Mehemet Ali,
driven from Syria, threatened even in Egypt, was established
hereditarily and under equitable conditions, not on account
of his own forces, but in consideration of France, and in the
firm desire of maintaining peace in Europe. By the conven-
tion of 13th July, 1841, the Porte found herself withdrawn
from the exclusive protection of Russia, and placed in the
sphere of the general interests, and of the common dehbera-
tions of Europe, while this sensible and wary poKcy removed
from her the grave dangers which had so long menaced her.

The re-establishment of good relations with England soon
manifested itself with heartiness. The ministry of Lord
Palmerston had been replaced by that of Sir Robert Peel and
Lord Aberdeen, both of whom were animated towards France
with kindly intentions. The diflftcult negotiations relative to
the repression of the slave-trade had been renewed with the
new cabinet; public opinion in France claimed the abohtion of
the reciprocal right of search among the vessels suspected of
trading. Prolonged and lively discussions took place in the
chambers. Immediately after these discussions, and while
the question was still pending, Queen Victoria came to pay to
Sang Louis PhiUppe, at the Chfiteau d'Eu, a visit of friend-
■hip and good nei^borliness, which the king returned to her
some weeks later at Windsor (2nd September, and 7th October,

CH. XX.] PARLIAMENTARY GOVERNMENT. 345

1844). At the beginning of this exchange of royal courtesies,
the Due de Broglie, entrusted with carrying out in London the
negotiation with reference to the right of search, inaugurated,
by mutual arrangement with the English commissioners, a
new system of watching and repressing the slave-traflQc.
And, on the successful result of a transaction which had been
conducted on both sides with dignified sincerity, BrogUe was
able to say to Lord Aberdeen: "I hope, my Lord, that
on this occasion, as on many others, it will be your good
fortime to say to your opponents what the Lacedemonian
did to the Athenian, 'What thou sayest, that I do.' It is
to you that the definitive overthrow of the trade in negroes is
due."

This good understanding between France and England, so
long disturbed, so necessary to the peace of EJurope, had to
resist all the difficulties and daily jealousies of diplomacy.
The two governments acted together upon the Porte in favor
of the Christians of Lebanon; and Lord Aberdeen's instruc-
tions to Sir Edward Lyons at Athens prescribed the same
moderation as Guizot invariably recommended to Piscatory,
who was then our minister in Greece, powerful and influential
in the midst of the diflSculties of a government which was
new, and therefore much exposed to the suspicions of the Eng-
lish minister. In Spain nothing could destroy that ancient
rivalry between the two nations which was produced by re-
mote recollections, as well as recent struggles. A dread of
the ambitious designs and preponderance of France in Spain
greatly and permanently influenced, and still influences, the
mind of England. The revolutions which continued to agitate
Spain, the fall of Queen Christina as regent, and elevation of
(General Espartero to power, conferred for a short time upon
the English agents a predominating influence, which was
moderated in its effects by the good sense and justice of the
cabinet in London. The same moderation, mixed with some
display of ill-temper, signalized Lord Aberdeen's attitude on
the occasion of the great commercial treaties concluded in 1843
and 1845 between France and Belgium. In the distant seas
no diflBculty was raised by the establishment of our stations in
the Gulf of Guinea, and on the islands Mayotte and Nossi-Be
on the east coast of Africa. France was still hindered in her
progress by the prejudice and distrust of England, though
certain of her eam^ good-will and her unswerving loyalty.
Happy times, when the politicians of both countries did not

846 HISTORY OF FRANCE. [ch. xx.

speak all they thought, hut never spoke anything but the
truth 1

The same harmony did not everywhere reign in our diplo-
matic relationa The Emperor Nicholas persisted in his sys-
tematic reserve towards King Louis Phihppe. On the 1st of
January, 1842, Coimt Pahlen, the Russian ambassador, when
about to become senior member of the diplomatic body, whose
duty was to pay their respects to the king, was recalled by the
emperor, and set out for St. Petersburg, The French ambas-
sador in Russia, M. Barante, was already in Paris, but the
French legation were indisposed on St. Nicholas' day, and did
not appear at the emperor's reception. Neither of the two
ambassadors returned to his post.

It was from abroad that in 1840, when the new cabinet was
summoned, the most serious dangers and urgent difficulties
came upon us, but a resolute and wise policy kept us clear of
their effects or weakened their power. With reference to
home affairs, France seemed stronger, and every day more
prosperous. Immediately after Guizot and his Mends came
to power, it was their duty to render to the emperor that
homage of funeral rites which waa then universally considered
the last of his triumphs. On the 2nd December, 1840, Prince
Joinville landed at Cherbourg, bringing back from St. Helena
Napoleon's remains; and the chaplain of the hospital gave ex-
pression to the general sentiment, when, with the deepest
emotion, he said to the prince, " Will your royal highness
allow a ploughman's son, who has become a navy chaplain, to
offer his respectful homage to the son of his king? You will
perhaps pardon me for joining my feeble voice to the great
voice of France, and anticipating the judgment which pos-
terity will form of your exi)edition to St. Helena, when en-
graving your name beside that of the king, yotu* august
father, on the tomb of the great man?"

The same confiding and sympathetic generosity which had
sent so far the son of the king to bring back the Emperor
Napoleon's remains signalized the whole of the ceremonial of
the 15th December, when King Louis PhiUppe, accompanied
by all his family and court, received the funeral procession at
the Invahdes. The popular emotion and curiosity remained
quite peaceful, in spite of some attempts to produce disorder.
A great memory and spectacle had attracted the multitude,
and nothing more. *' The friends of the regime of liberty and
peace were justified in beUeving that the imperial regime waa

en. XX.] PARLIAMENTARY GOVERNMENT. 94lf

entirely contained in the emperor's tomb. No fault of theirs
led to the events which revealed it. It is not because King
Louis Philippe and his councillors again raised Napoleon's
statue, and brought back his coffin from St. Helena, that the
name of Napoleon had such power amid the social disturbances
of 1848. The monarchy of 1830 would not have gained a day
by showing itself jealous and suspicious, eager to crush all
recollections of the empire. And in such subordinate attempts
it would have lost the glory of the hberty which it resi)ected,
and the generosity which it displayed towards its enemies — a
glory which remains to it after its disasters, and which is also
a power that death cannot injure." *

In their noble efforts to secure that difficult glory for their
country, the leaders of the hberal-conservative party fre-
quently met with painful deceptions and serious difficulties.
The passionate manifestations of revolutionary excitement
were succeeded by revolutionary theories, which secretly un-
dermined amongst the masses those remains of moral and
rehgious principles which had survived the protracted shocks
in our recent history, or were slowly reappearing with peace
and order. The St. Simonians had recently undertaken to
renew society by their principles; a famous trial exposed and
combated their tendencies, and the society was dissolved ; and
the many distinguished men who had yielded to the attractions
of P6re EInfantin's theories, resumed, like him, the duties of
practical life. Victor Consid^rant and Fourier in their turn
had their dreams of overthrowing or regenerating the social
state. Auguste Comte reduced to a philosophy the lower in-
stincts of human nature, and in the name of positivism ex-
plained away our consoling hopes of eternity. The results of
those theories acted vaguely upon many minds who believed
themselves free from their influence. The revolt against
divine and higher order necessarily begat a revolt against
human and material order, as was daily proved by the abuses
of the hberty of the press. The government felt this, and
were fully conscious of the present and future danger; they
allowed the institution fuU hberty of action, while endeavoring
to prevent or repress abuses. Several press trials resulted, on
the part of the juries, in dangerous acquittals. A new and
utterly abominable attempt was made upon the life of the Due
d'Auinale, colonel of the 17th regiment of Ught infantry, as he

• Qalzot's Mimoirtt, et«., toL L

848 HISTORY OF FBANGB. [ch. xx.

entered Paris at the head of his troops, with his brothers the
Dukes of Orleans and Nemours, who had gone to meet hun.
The horse of the officer beside the prince received the ball in-
tended for the latter, and feU dead instantly. The people were
deeply moved. Quenisset, the assassin, was not an isolated
fanatic ; there was a clearly proved conspiracy. The Peei*s'
Court shared in the excitement, and the debates were bril-
liantly conducted by Hebert, who was formerly for several
years a member of the Chamber of Deputies, and had just
been raised to the post of procureur-general at the royal
court, to which new position he was called till the king
should entrust him with the difficult functions of keeper of
the seals.

Whilst the legal authorities of the coimtry labored to defend
its peace, so constantly menaced, the chambers discussed and
adopted the more important measures of administrative and
social progress. A law referring to the work of children in
manufactories, the works necessary for the development of
national defence, the navy, and roads and bridges, tbe net-
work of the principal Unes of railway, were aU voted in the
session 1841-42. After a discussion marked by much keen
discussion, the Chamber of Deputies rejected Ganneron's pro-
posal to exclude official men from the Assembly, as well as
that of Ducos on electoral reform. The mind of the govern-
ment, in accordance with the real want of the country, was in
favor of the consolidation of the gains of liberty, so dearly
bought, and not in favor of new and dangerous enterprises.
"Be careful," said Gimot, "not to take up all the questions
they may be pleased to raise, or any business they may ask
you to enter upon. Do not so easily undertake whatever
burdens the first comer may fancy to lay on your shoulders,
when the burden which we must bear is already so heavy.
Decide the necessary questions, perform well the duties which
fall to be performed in due course, rejecting those which are
wantonly and unnecessarily thrown in your way."

The general elections of 1842 had just given the sanction of
the country to that firm and prudent poUcy, when a great
misfortune, sent directly by the hand of God, suddenly struck
the royal family and France. All could not say, as did Queen
Marie- Am61ie, when prostrate in her pious grief, " My God! it
is not too much, but it is a great deal!" All felt Uke the
mother, that it was a great deal, and that the new foundations
of the national repose were shaken, when, on the 13th July,

CH. XX.] PARLIAMENTARY OOVERNMBNT. 340

1842, the Due d'Orleans was thrown from his carriage, only to
survive a few minutes. Young, handsome, and of the most
attractive and amiable disposition, and well qualified to ad'
dress and please the people, the Due d'Orleans by degrees had
learned the lessons of wise government. He had become the
firm stay of the throne, and a source of consoling hope, at the
moment when an imtimely death removed him from his family
and coimtry. "I have no information to give you," wrote
Guizot to all the French representatives at the principal for-
eign courts; "the details of our misfortune are known every-
where. I was for three hours in that wretched room, oppo-
site that prince as he was dying on a mattress, his father,
mother, brothers, and sisters on their knees around him,
holding their breaths to hear him breathe, keeping back
everybody that a Uttle fresh air might reach him. I saw him
die. I saw the king and queen kiss their dead son. As we
left the house, with the prince's body on a litter, and the king
and queen on foot behind him, a long-continued shout of
"Long live the king!" burst from the crowd, composed of
people of the lower orders who had assembled round the
house. I have just seen the king. Yesterday, during that
agony, he showed admirable courage, presence of mind, and
seU-possession. To-day he is tired, and gives way more than
yesterday to sorrow, but with a physical and moral strength
that surpasses everything. We have hastened the assembly
of the chambers by a week, and they will now meet on the
26th, the obsequies taking place only a few days after. Every-
thing is, and will be, perfectly quiet. Good order is indis-
pensable, and everybody feels it. I hoi)e also that it will be
continued, and produce its proper result."

"In France the king never dies," said the Due de Broglie to
the House of Peers, on the 27th August, 1842. "An excellent
point in monarchical government is, that the supreme authority
never undergoes any interruption, that the supremacy is never
disputed; that between two reigns there cannot even be a
thought of detecting the least interval of delay or hesitation.
It is by that means especially that this government rules the
minds of men, and restrains their ambitions. The monarchy
i& the empire of right, order, and law. Everything must be
regulated in the monarchy ; everything which can be reason-
ably foreseen must be so; nothing ought to be left by choice or
forgetfulness to the uncertainty of events. Under such a gov-
ernment, in fact, the monarchy is the support of the State,*

d0O - HIBTORT OF FRANOB. [oh. xx.

when that support begins to fail everything falls to pieces;
everything is shaken as soon as it appears to totter. This we
have recently had experience of. At the moment when the
hand of Gk)d weighed upon us— when that infinite Wisdom
whose ways are not as our ways, struck the nation in the per-
son of the first-bom of the royal house, and reaped our dearest
hope in full flower, aU hearts felt frozen with secret terror.
Public anxiety manifested itself through the accents of grief;
there was uneasiness on every brow, as well as tears in every
eye. All mentally considered how many years still separate
the heir of the throne from the age when he can with a firm
hand seize the sceptre of his grandfather and the sword of his
father. AU asked themselves what should in the meantime
happen if the days of the king were not numbered according
to his people's prayers and the State's wants. All sought for
an answer in the charter, and regretted its silence."

It was to supply this omission in the charter, and calm
the well-founded anxiety of the country, that the chambers
were summoned to legislate regarding the regency. "The law
as proposed is very simple," wrote Guizot to the diplomatic
agents. "It is an application to the regency of the essential
principles of our constitutional monarchy — ^heredity, the Salic
law, the unity and inviolability of the royal power. The guard
and tutelage of the king in his minority are entrusted to his
mother and grandmother. The proposal does not aim at the
anticipating or providing for all imaginable hypotheses or pos-
sible chances. It decides the questions, and provides for the
necessities, imposed upon us by present circumstances."

The discussion in the chambers was more ambitious and
theoretical than were the deliberations in the ministerial
council. AU the characteristics of the different systems of
regency were laid down, with their respective advantages and
inconveniences. The opposition defended the principle of an
elective regency— in practical appUcation, a female regency,
but Thiers on this point abandoned his friends, and eloquently
spoke on behalf of the ministerial proposal. The extreme left,
through Ledru-RoUin as their mouthpiece, demanded an appeal
to the people, who, they said, were the only reaUy constituent
power. Guizot and Thiers were of one mind in rejecting this
theory. " The constitutional government is the sovereignty of
society organized," said the former. "Beyond that, there is
only the social mass, moving about at hap-hazard, struggUng
with the chances of revolution. Revolutions are not organ*

OB. XX.] PARLIAMENTARY GOVERNMENT. 351

faed; they have not assigned to them a place andl^alpro*
cedure in the course of the affairs of nations. No human
power governs such events; they belong to a greater master.
Gkxi alone disposes of them; and when they break out God
makes use of the most various instruments to reconstitute
shaken society. In the course of my life I have seen three
constituent powers; in the year Vm., Napoleon; in 1814,
Louis XVIII. ; in 1830, the Chamber of Deputies, This is the
real and actual state of matters. All that you talk about —
those votes, voting-papers, open registers, appeals to the people
— all that is fiction, imagination, and pretence."

"I do not believe in the constituent power," said Thiers.
"It did exist, I know, at different epochs in our history; but
allow me to tell you that if it was the real sovereign, if it was
above the constituted powers, it would, nevertheless, have had
a wretched part to play by itself. In fkct, it was in the French
assemblies in the wake of the factions; and under th« con-
sulate, and under the empire, at the service of a great man.
It then assumed the form of a conservative senate, who, on a
signal given by a man who made everything bend under the
ascendancy of his genius, made all the constitutions which he
asked of them. Under the restoration it took another form.
It concealed itself under Article XTV. of the Charter: it was
the power of conceding the charter, and modifying it. Those
were the different parts played by the constituent power for
the last fifty years. Do not say it is the glory of oar history,
for the victories of Zurich, Marengo, and Austerlitz have
nothing in common with those wretched constitutional com-
edies. I therefore have no respect for the constituent power."

Thus defended by most lofty and powerful arguments, the
law was passed by a great majority in both chambers. The
Duke of Nemours, who was resi)ected and esteemed by all,
was appointed to exercise, in case of necessity, the powers of
that temporary monarchy which is called the regency; and
the bereaved Duchess of Orleans bravely undertook the
chai^ and education of her two sons, Louis Philippe, Count
of Paris, bom 24th August, 1888, and Robert, Duke of Char-
tres, bom 1st November, 1840. She afterwards nobly pre-
pared them for a future more sad and troubled than could
then be anticipated.

The government also resumed their course, really weakened,
though in the long vistas of the future apparently strength-
ened by the harmony of thought and feeling which was mani*

862 HISTORY OF FRANCE. ^ [oh. xx.

fested immediately after the catastrophe. Affairs of great
complexity and im^portance were now in preparation, which
were exaggerated by the agitations of parliamentary rule, and
produced very serious results on the minds of the people.
Afar off, in the regions of the Pacific Ocean, the storms were
gradually gathering which were soon to burst upon London
and Paris, in the chambers and the diplomatic communica-
tions of both nations. AU was the natural result of events
which appeared unimportant.

French sailors had long felt the want of finding in the
southern seas a landmark and secure refuge under the na-
tional flag. In 1844 this want seemed to be met by an estab-
lishment on the Marquesas Islands, made by the advice of
Admiral Petit-Thouars, who had just returned from those
coimtries, and was now appointed to take possession in the
name of France. The ambition of the brave sailor was not
limited by these precise instructions; he thought he might
extend our protectorate as far as the Society Islands, and more
particularly Tahiti. The native queen, Pomare, afraid and
anxious, unresistingly accepted a rule which was speciously
disguised, and the French flag floated over Tahiti, as well as
the Marquesas.

No political power had till then taken possession of the So-
ciety Islands, and our occupation was regular. The religious
power, however, of some English missionaries had been there
in exercise alone, with a devotion which was at first attended
with danger, but afterwards uninterrupted and powerful. At
the thought of a possible invasion of apostles from another
Christian communion, the convictions and jealousy of the
English missionaries qmckly took alarm. Mutual suscepti-
bilities led to troublesome procedure. The influence of the
English missionaries was naturally great ; and Admiral Petit-
Thouars believed that the interests and dignity of France were
injured by the action of Pritchard, the English missionary-
consul, as well as by the conduct which he had suggested to
Queen Pomare. In 1843, on returning to those countries after
a long absence, the admiral declared the sovereign of the
island had forfeited her rights, on account of the infraction of
a treaty voluntarily concluded with France. He then boldly
took possession of the Society Islands, without, at first, any
resistance.

When in February, 1844, this distant news reached Paris,
the government considered the admiral's action violent and

CH. XX.] PARLIAMENTARY GOVERNMENT. 353

irregular, and at once disavowed it by restoring our simple
protectorate, in spite of the excitement and indignation of the
opposition, who charged the ministers with a cowardly com-
plaisance towards England. Meanwhile the anger of the
Tahitians and uneasiness of the English missionaries had
borne their fruits, A sedition broke out in the Society Islands,
which was firmly and prudently repressed by Admiral Bruat,
recently appointed governor of our possessions in Oceania.
His subordinates, however, were not so moderate ; and, on the
occasion of an attack on a French sailor, Commandant d'Au-
bigny ordered Mr. Pritchard to be arrested and imprisoned,
and declared Papeiti, the capital, to be in a state of siege. Ad-
miral Bruat set at Uberty the former consular agent, just ap-
pointed by Lord Aberdeen to the Friendly Isles, and placed
him on board a small English vessel, which took him away.
The missionaries gladly assisted our governor in his efforts to
appease the rising of the natives, though the struggle at Tahiti
still lasted for some time. It broke out also in London on a
question put to Sir Robert Peel in the House of Commons,
when the irritation of the ministry was clearly shown from
his reply. The resulting negotiations were long and intricate.
England thought her national honor was wounded ; and anger
was stirred up by religious prejudices. The good sense and
friendly intentions of the ministers on both sides, who had
been specially appointed to treat the affair, succeeded in avoid-
ing complications it might have involved. England agreed to
acknowledge the French protectorate of Tahiti, without pro-
testing against the expulsion of Mr. Pritchard, only asking on
his behalf a moderate indemnity for the losses he had under^
gone.

In his speech from the throne, at the opening of the session
1845, King Louis Philippe responded to the sentiments ex-
pressed by the Queen of England at the prorogation of Parlia'
ment: "My government," said he, "took part with that of
the Queen of Great Britain in discussions which might have
occasioned a doubt lest the relations between the two States
were altered. A mutual feeling of good will and equity has
maintained between France and England that happy har-
mony which is a guarantee for the peace of the world."

In Paris there was an extremely keen discussion upon the
paragraph of the address which approved of the conduct of
the ministry. Both in France and England public opinion
was excited. The concessions strictly indispensable to the

854 HISTORY OF FRANCS. [ch. xx.

peace of the world seemed enormous, and himiiliating to the
pride of our country. It was the first time for four years that
the parliamentary opposition felt itself borne by a current ad-
verse to the ministerial policy, and they lost no time in
taking advantage of it. The government boldly accepted the
challenge. "I thank the commission for the frankness of
their adhesion," said Guizot. "We are convinced that our
four years' policy has been soimd, honorable, advantageous to
the coimtry, suited to its interests, and morally great. But
such a policy is difficult, very difficult: it has many prej-
udices, passions and obstacles to surmount on these benches,
beyond these benches, m pubHc, everywhere— great and small
obstacles. To succeed, it requires the well-defined and steady
assistance of the great powers of the State. If that assistance,
I do not say entirely fails us, but is not so steadfast that that
policy can be continued with success, we should not remain in
charge of it. We should not allow what we consider a good
policy to be disfigured, enervated, and degraded in our hands,
or that it should become common-place by weakness. All that
we ask for is, that the decision be perfectly clear and intelli-
gible to every one. Whatever it is, the cabinet will be glad of it. "

The discussion ralUed several hesitating minds, but dis-
turbed others who were already influenced by stupid or mis-
leading reports in some of the newspapers. The majority of
the chamber approved of the conduct of the cabinet, but it
was seriously reduced in number, 213 having voted for the
paragraph, against 205. The cabinet resolved to resign.

It w£is an impressive scene, not easily forgot by those pres-
ent, the excitement suddenly pervading the Chamber of Dep-
uties on the comparative check of the ministry and the news
of their proposed resignation. Two hundred and seventeen
conservative deputies, in solemn assembly, resolved to make a
formal request to their parliamentary chiefs not to abandon
the helm of government at such a moment. Touched and
strengthened by this sympathy and confidence, the ministers
again accepted the burden. The deserters returned to the
flag; and the government soon found a new occasion of show-
ing their independence of action with regard to foi*eign pow-
ers. Amongst the more ignorant classes, the conservative
deputies who had supported the cabinet through that formid-
able crisis received and kept the name of "Pritchardists,'* as
an insulting memorial of a siUy and groundless public irrita*
tion.

OT.xx.] PARLIAMBNTABT GOVERNMENT. 355

The confidence and sympathy as well as the spirit of justice
and moderation of the French and English governments could
alone produce a peaceful result from a puerile quarrel, aggra-
vated and increased by the difficulties inherent to parliamen-
tary rigime. The good intentions of the English minister
were at almost the same moment put to another test. The
Due de Bordeaux had left the peaceful abode where he had
grown up in exile with his grandfather and imcle, his early
education being piously directed by the dauphin. He under-
took several voyages, first in Germany, and without any pro-
test on the part of the French government, no political char-
acter being attached to the courtesy naturally paid by the
sovereigns to an exiled prince. When the duke seemed about
to direct his steps towards England, the attitude of the legiti-
mists in France became aggressive. They declared their in-
tention of making a brilliant gathering round the prince.
Queen Victoria showed her desire to remain a stranger to any
manifestation, and not to receive the illustrious traveller; and
the French government expressed a similar opinion. The Due
de Bordeaux came to London in November, 1843, and lived
there several weeks, receiving many i)eople at Belgrave Square,
and noisily hailed as king by several thoughtless persons ; but
the Queen did not receive him, and her government referred
in severe terms to facts which they could not prevent. The
prince left London, but the agitation caused in France by the
provoking conduct of the legitimists soon came to a head.
During the discussion on the address at the opening of the
session of 1844, the commission used the phrase "the public
conscience branded by criminal manifestations." The expres-
sion was harsh and awkward, and went too fex. The stiff and
somewhat embarrassed defence and protest of the legitimists
produced no great result ; but the left took advantage of the
attack, and some violent scenes took place in the chamber,
Guizot being the principal object of attack. Without approv-
ing entirely of the address drawn up by the commission, the
government supported it loyally and bravely. The paragraph
was voted by a large majority; and the deputies who had
visited the Due de Bordeaux in Belgrave Square got the name
of "the branded," as the conservative deputies that of the
"Pritchardists." Thus were embittered the internal animosi-
ties, which were soon to aggravate the political situation, and
deliver France up to revolution and absolute power. " You
are trying to govern against the head and the tail," said

856 HISTORY OF FRANOB. [cm. XX.

Royer-Collard formerly to Guizot; "it is too difficult an un-
dertaking, and you will not succeed."

However faithful and reasonable the English minister proved
himself more than once in our regard and in the European
complications and agitations, he frequently showed a personal
impatience and suspicion when acted upon by the national
prejudices. The English had always shown interest in our
Algerian settlements, and the extension of our power in the
north of Africa^ Since Marshal Bugeaud succeeded to Marshal
Vallee as governor of Algeria (December, 1840), such fears
were redoubled. Bold and determined, passionately engrossed
in the work he had undertaken and the means of accomplish-
ing it, Bugeaud ardently strove to realize his ideas as to our
African settlements, the complete conquest of the Arabs, and
the system of military colonization. His convictions and
ideas being generally well-founded, if sometimes exaggerated,
he expressed them with the frankness of a soldier of honor
and the courage of a good citizen. As Governor of Algeria,
however, he had faults which naturally flowed from those
quahties. His zeal and spirit of initiative frequently urged
him to speak and act too quickly. His speeches to the cham-
ber and his pamphlets sometimes offended and embarrass«d
Marshal Soult in Paris. His success in Algeria was undoubted,
and he proceeded to carry his success further. In the spring
of 1844, Abd-el-Eader was pursued and beaten over the whole
interior of Algeria, most of the tribes, now decimated and dis-
couraged, having abandoned him, or only supporting him
secretly and with hesitation. The surprise and capture of
Smalah, on the 16th May, 1843, by the Due d'Aumale, was a
serious blow to his prestige even among the Arabs. Our re-
peated exx)editions into the least accessible parts of the re-
gency, from the defiles of Jur jura to the frontiers of the great
desert, and the permanent occupation of Biskra and several
other important points, spread abroad everywhere the con-
viction of our superior strength, and our resolution to establish
our empire on a firm basis. It might be said that the con-
quest was complete; but Abd-el-Kader was one of those who
never give up hope or the struggle. He took a position on the
west of the province of Oran, on the doubtful frontier of Mo-
rocco, and thence pursued or recommenced the war inces>
santly. Sometimes, with his roving bands he made sudden
raids upon the regency; sometimes he inflamed the natural

OH. XX.] PABLIAMBNTART QOVBBNMENT. 357

fanaticism of the Moorish population, and brought them with
him against us, being always sure of a refuge with them. He
had great influence over the Emperor Abd-el-Rhamman him-
self, at one time getting him to share in his Mohammedan
antipathies, at another terrifying him with accounts of us or
of his own projects. He stirred up between that prince and
us a dispute as to the possession of certain territories between
the course of the Tafna and the frontier of Morocco. On the
30th May, 1844, a niunerous body of Moorish horse invaded
our soil, and came ostentatiously to attack General Lamori-
ci6re, in his camp at Lalla Maghrania, two leagues from the
frontier. The explanations demanded by Marshal Bugeaud
from the chiefs being unsatisfactory, and the fanatical enthu-
siasm of the Mohammedans becoming more and more excited,
the government ordered that compensation should be insisted
upon by arms; and the Prince de Joinville was at the same
time placed in command of a squadron on the coast of Mo-
rocco. This caused in London much excitement, and a politi-
cal anxiety partly due to commercial interests. England had
much communication with Algiers, and the port of Tangiers
supplied Gibraltar with most of its resources. Men were
alarmed at the thought of a French conquest. Guizot lost no
time in reassuring Lord Aberdeen, who in his turn used all
endeavors to act diplomatically upon the Emperor of Morocco.
His action remaining unsuccessful, Bugeaud entered the Moor-
ish territory with 10,000 men, and on the 19th August, at Isly,
gained an easy victory over 25,000 enemies assembled against
him. The marshal took possession of their camp, artillery,
colors, and aU their baggage. At sea, on the 15th, Prince
Joinville bombarded, at the northern extremity of Morocco,
Mogador, Abd-el-Rhamman's favorite town, took possession of
the small island guarding the entrance to the harbor, and
stationed there a garrison of 600 men. Thus in five days the
war was finished, before the eyes of an English squadron, who
were follo\ving at a distance the movements of ours. The
news of our two victories increased the English dissatisfac-
tion: the government took this suspicious distrust into con-
sideration when imposing upon the emperor their conditions
of peace, which he had much difficulty in agreeing to. Abd-
el-Kader was to be exi)elled from the territory of Morocco,
and henceforward deprived of the assistance which had been
granted him. An exact limit was to be assigned to the ter*

358 HI8T0BT OF FBANOB. [CH. xx.

ritories of Algeria and Morocco; "beyond, nothing is known
exactly," said the old Turkish generals shortly before, "it is
the country of guns."

Guns lost their dominion when, on the 18th March, 1845,
the treaty between France and the Emperor of Morocco was
signed. Abd-el-Kader, nevertheless, still continued to infest
our frontiers, and frequently made sudden attempts to sur-
prise our soldiers, assisted by a wide-spread conspiracy of the
Arabian chiefs. One of the insurrections in the Dahra tribes
induced a struggle with a tribe till then unsubdued ; and on
the Mohammedans taking refuge in a cave when pursued by
Colonel Pelissier, he summoned them several times to com«
forth, promising them their liberty if they delivered up their
arms and horses. The Arabs refusing, the colonel had bim-
dies of wood heaped up at the entrance of the cavern, and
threatened to set fire to them. The Arabs fired upon our
soldiers from within the cavern ; the flames rose, and most of
the obstinate wretches perished, choked by the smoke. In
this deplorable alternative of the necessities of war, which put
in the balance humanity towards the enemy and the safety of
the soldiers whom he was commanding, Colonel Pehssier
(after, Marshal Due de MalakoflO acted as Ludlow did in Ire-
land against the peasants in revolt, as Napoleon did at Auster-
litz against the Russian battalions when crowded on the ice,
which he broke luider their feet by cannon-shot. This act of
Pelissier was fiercely attacked by the journals of the opposi-
tion. Guizot alone defended Mm. Marshal Bugeaud was
greatly offended, thinking that his attempts at military colon-r
ization were not sufficiently encouraged; and without being
authorized, addressed a circular to the chiefs of the Algerian
corps, ordering the apphcation of his views. The govern-
ment's embarrassment in Algeria was increased by their au-
thority being thus perpetually harassed. Bugeaud had al-
ready several times announced his intention to retire, but the
renewal of hostilities with the Arabs, and the distinction of
the campaign in the plains of the Mitidja against the insurrec-
tion excited by Abd-el-Kader, delayed the accomplishment of
this resolution. Marshal Soult, now old and weak, withdrew
from the practical direction of affairs, soon to rest altogether
with the title of Marshal-General of France, which had been
borne only by Turenne, Villars, and Saxe. General Molines
St. Yon, who succeeded bim as war minister, drew up a
scheme for military colonization which confirmed Bugeaud'g

OB. TO.] PARLIAMENTART GOVERNMENT. 359

views, thoiigh the latter considered it weak and colorless.
The chambers objected to the proposal, and the ministry, in
accordance with the decision of a special committee, rejected
it. Marshal Bugeaud inmiediately resigned.

The king had long thought of placing one of his sons at the
bead of the government of Algeria. The Due d'Aiunale served
there with distinction, and Bugeaud wrote, "I wish to be re-
placed here by a prince, not in the interests of the constitu-
tional monarchy, but those of the matter in hand. He will be
granted what would be refused to me. The Due d'Aumale is,
and will daily more and more be, a man of ability. I shall
leave him, I trust, the office in good working order; but there
wiU still be much to do for a long time. It is a labor of giants
and of ages." On the 11th September, 1847, the Due d'Amnale
was appointed Gk>vemor of Algeria, as the most natural suc-
cessor to Marshal Bugeaud, and best fitted to exercise upon
the army there, as well as the native races, a happy and pow-
erful influence. Only a few months, however, were to elapse
before the tempest of new revolutions tore him away from a
life and duty which were dear to him. Before that sad day
the yoimg prince had at last forced Abd-el-Kader to his last
entrenchments, compelling from the hero of that rehgious and
national resistance a submission which he was no longer able
to refuse. In spite of several further attempts at insurrection,
the conquest of Algeria was finally completed in February,
1848.

It was no doubt to our success in Africa and the prudent
firmness of our attitude that we must attribute the develop-
ment of our influence with the Mohammedans. From 1845 to
1847 the representatives of the great Mussulman powers
flocked to Paris— the Morocco ambassador, Sidi-ben-Achache;
Ibrahim Pacha, eldest son of Mehemet Ah; the Bey of Tunis;
an envoy from the Shah of Persia. Turkey had at last agreed
to give the various races of Lebanon the natiural chiefs whom
they demanded, especially the Druses and Maronitea In
spite of the opposition of the Pachas and their slow compli-
ance, the European diplomatic demands obtained a certain
amount of satisfaction. From 1845 to 1848 the state of the
Syrian Christians was sensibly improved, and gave them
hopes of a happier future. The same protection over the Chris-
tian populations extended throughout the Ottoman Empire.
By a convention of 21st March, 1844, the Uves of Christian con-
verts who had been seized with remorse and abjured Islam were
HF (P) Vol. 8

860 BISTORT OF FRANCS. [ct. xx

assured. Fraace^s influence had now regained in the east
much of her ancient empire.

She exercised the same influence, enhanced hy recollections
of earnest and practical sympathy, in the small Christian king-
dom lately founded on the limits of the east. Greece knew how
genuine and disinterested were the good wishes of France in
her behalf. " France has but one thing to ask from Greece in
return for all she has done for her," wrote Guizot to Piscatory,
on sending him as minister to Athens ; " that she may learn to
develop the infinite resources contained in her bosom; that by
a skilful, prudent, and active administration she may grad-
ually, without any shock, without encountering dangerous
risks, rise to the degree of prosperity and power necessary to
occupy in the world the place to which she is destined by the
natural process of politics. We shall then be amply satisfied,
and never think of claiming from King Otho any other proof of
gratitude."

Greece asked from the king whom she had chosen for herself
resolutions which his conscientious hesitation could not give;
and differences among the foreign powers at Athens fomented
the popular discontent. " The question of king cannot be laid
down," said Piscatory; ** he is already there, and must remain.
Yes, some reform is necessary to give the country assurance,
but more than that amounts to a revolution; and it is not the
business of governments to protect them."

The revolution, however, did break out (15th September,
1843), and comjwlled Eling Otho to accept aUberal constitution.
After some party struggles and disturbance, Colettis assumed
the reins of government in his country. One of the foremost
and most able of the patriots who conspired against the Turkish
rule, chief of the Palicares in the armed struggle, and ardently
devoted to the national cause, Colettis had learned much during
the seven years he was Grecian minister in Paris, but he re-
mained Greek to the bottom of his soul. He was at the same
time full of respect and love for France, sometimes suspicious
of England, and distrustful with regard to Russia and Austria,
who had looked with an evil eye upon the new revolution of
Greece.

The harmony which had recently reigned between the diplo-
matic instructions of France and England was now quickly
disturbed. The ministry of Peel and Aberdeen was replaced
by that of Lord Palmei^ton, and Sir Edward Lyons resumed
that course with which he had been so closely identified. The

OB. XX.1 PARLTAMENTABT OOVERNMENT. 861

interior troubles of Greece, which Colettis had firmly repressed,
were again fomented by foreign influences. The financial diffi-
culties of the small and poor state were increased by England's
demands for the payment of interest due on the loan formerly
guaranteed by her together with France and Italy. Colettis
met all these difficulties with unconquerable courage; and it
was to his wisdom and devotion that the Greeks and their
friends trusted, when he fell ill, and died on the 10th Sep-
tember, 1847, still hummsog with his trembling lips the old
national songs which had delighted his youth. His loss was a
dreadful shock to his country, and was felt long after, through
disorders that were perpetually reappearing. •* Colettis is
gone to join the battalion of Plutarch's heroes," was the sad
remark of those who had known and loved him.

It is the honor as well as the special difficulty of free govern-
ments that they live in the fuU li>^t of day, and are constantly
subjected to the complications which public discussion too
often brings upon the solution of questions still undecided.
Probably no government was ever more habitually struggling
with this difficulty than that of Louis Phihppe. Bom of a
revolution, it was, both in Europe and France, perpetually
undergoing the consequences of its origin. It was long sus-
pected, when no longer disputed; and at the very moment
when a temporary lull of interior excitement and passion
allowed it a glimpse of order in peace, it foimd itself dragged
into European complications which momentarily threatened
its repose and supplied new material for parliamentary attacks.
From 1840 to 1848 the discussions in the chambers bore con-
stantly upon foreign affairs. The ministry had undergone
various internal changes. Humann's death was largely due to
the difficulties and disgust which he had involuntarily excited
by ordering a new census. He was replaced, first by Lacave-
Laplagne, and then by Dumon, who had long been one of
Guizot's intimate friends. The departments of war, the navy,
and public works had beenimder various heads; but the chiefs
of the cabinet remaining the same, the opposition continued to
attack the same names. They were constantly losing strength
in this protracted attack, and the elections of 1846 retvuned to
the chambers a larger conservative majority than ever. Still
the effect of a continued persistence began already to be felt in
that majority itself. In the midst of the debates referring to
foreign affairs, as well as dining questions of business, only
the proposals relating to electoral reform constantly reap-

863 HISTORT OF FRANCE. [ch. xx.

peared, occasioning a silent agitation which was beginning to
stagger many minds. In their intimate and continual com-
munication with the members of both chambers, the cabinet
were soon convinced of this fact. The fundamental poUcy of
the conservative party since the revolution of 1830, had as its
object the establishment of a free government imder the pre*
ponderating influence of the middle classes, an influence
acknowledged and accepted in the general interest of the coun-
try, and submitted to every test and all the influences of gen-
eral liberty. It was this very conception of the governmental
regime in France which the opposition attacked by demanding
electoral reform, the results or tendency of which they had not
even themselves estimated.

It is the frequently burdensome, but always glorious cost of
public liberty, that all its conditions are incessantly discussed.
The French Government were not astonished at this, but they
foimd it necessary to calm, even among their opponents, the
dissatisfaction caused by the natural development of Hberty.
In accordance with men's natural tendency to refuse to their
adversaries rights which they claim for themselves, those who
loudly professed the most advanced liberal opinions were
doubtful about allowing liberty of teaching to the University,
and showed great anxiety at the free development of religious
bodies. The charter secured to new France all the liberty
advisable; and she had taken her share in freeing education.
"With reference to public instruction," said Guizot (31st
January, 1846), "all the rights do not belong to the State;
some of them are, I do not say superior, but anterior to her
own, and exist with them. Such are the rights of the family.
Children belong to the family before belonging to the State.
The State has the right to distribute instruction, assign it to
its proper institutions, and overlook it everywhere, but has
not the right to impose it arbitrarily and exclusively upon
families without their consent, and perhaps against their con-
viction. The r^me of the Imperial Umversity did not admit
this primitive and inviolable right of families. Moreover it
did not admit, at least to a suflBcient degree, another order of
rights, the rights of religious belief. Napoleon well under-
stood the greatness and power of religion; he also equally well
understood its dignity and liberty. He often misimderstood
the right belonging to men who are the depositaries of religious
belief, to maintain them, and transmit them from generation
to generation by education and teaching. That is not a privi-

OR. XX.] PABUAMENTABT GOVERNMENT. 863

lege of the Catholic religion; that right is applicable to all
creeds, to all religious bodies, Catholic or Protestant, Christian
or non-Christian. It is the right of parents to rear their chil-
dren in their faith, by ministers of their faith. In organizing
the University, Napoleon took no account of the right of fami-
lies, nor the right of religious beliefs. The principle of liberty
of education, the only real security of those rights, waa
foreign to the University r^'we. To the charter and the
government of 1830 must be referred the honor of having
brought this principle to light, and attempted its practical reali-
zation. It is not only an engagement and duty, but the in-
terest of the constitutional monarchy, to keep this promise
strictly. How remote originally from the principles of Uberty,
the great creations of the Empire — those at least which are
really conformable to the genius of our social system— may ad-
mit those principles, and thence derive new power. Liberty
may enter into that mighty apparatus created for the restora-
tion and protection of power. What is more strongly imagined
in the interest of power than our administrative regime, by
prefects, their Councils, and the Council of State? Yet into
that rigime we introduce the principles and instruments of
liberty. The Councils-General elected, the Councils-Municipal
elected, the mayors necessarily chosen from the elected Muni-
cipal Councils; those mstitutions, of great reality and vitality,
which will from day to day be developed and play a greater
part in our society, have all come to adapt themselves to the
administrative rigime which we have from the empire. The
same thing may take place with the great institution of the
University, and the government wiU thereby gain advantage
and liberty. In order that the present power may become
stronger and more durable, Uberty must come to its aid. In a
pubUc and responsible government, it is a too great bm^en
which monopolizes them, whatever be the shoulders support-
ing it. There is no strength or responsibility sufficient for it;
the government must be dischai^ed of part of the burden, and
society must display its liberty in the service of its affairs, and
be itself responsible for the good or bad use to which it is put,"
Few people dared to protest seriously against the general
laying down of the principles of Hberty ; but in practice and in
the daily application of the principles, the chambers and great
mass of the x)eople were opposed to liberty of education.
Twice, in 1841 and 1844, Villemain proposed without success
some schemes which, without fully deciding the question, pro

864 HISTORY OF FRANCE. [ch. xx.

duced notable progress in the principle of liberty. Salvandy
made fresh attempts, which also remained fruitless. Indigna-
tion and anxiety took possession of the partisans of liberty of
education. As it extended and became warmer, the struggle
changed in character, and became violent and aggressive. The
University found itself unjustly attacked, and several bishops
imprudently threw themselves into the struggle. In the eyes
of the public the question of the liberty of instruction became
a case of war between the University and the Church, that is
to say, the State and the Church. Then moderate and sensible
men who were indifferent believed themselves threatened in
their personal liberty by the increasing influence attributed to
the Jesuits. Founded in the sixteenth century for the defence
of absolute power in the spiritual order, and perhaps the tem-
poral too, the Society of Jesus, in spite of the immense services
rendered by her to the propagation of Christianity and the de-
velopment of instruction, had remained constantly suspected
by the partisans of liberty, who looked upon her as still faith-
ful to the first idea with which she started. The legislation as
to religious bodies bound down the Jesuits to rules which they
did not observe. The number of their schools was constantly
increasing, and their influence being boldly displayed, the pub-
lic alarm demanded that the laws should be enforced against
them. The government conceived the idea of a procedure
which was more eflScacious and more moderate. They asked
Pope Gregory XVI., the natural and supreme head of the
order, to dissolve in France the Society of Jesus. Bossi was
appointed to carry out this negotiation at Rome.

An Italian, of extremely liberal views, who had taken refuge
first at Geneva and then at Paris on account of his opinions,
Bossi was at the same time daring with self-control, patient
and persevering, endowed with a keen subtlety, and an influence
over men which was acquired gradually and quietly. After
long and complicated negotiations, Bossi was at last successful.
The court of Bome really laid down for the Jesuits the conduct
demanded from them by the French government and people,
though the court of Bome and the French government appar-
ently allowed the Jesuits the honor of a spontaneous and volun-
tary withdrawal. On the 6th July, 1845, the Moniteur con-
tained this oflBciaJ notice : " The government has received news
from Bome. The negotiation with which M. Bossi was en-
trusted has attained its object. The body of Jesuits in France
will cease to exist in France, and is going to disperse of its own

OH. xx.] PABLIAMENTARY GOVERNMENT. 365

accord.- Its houses will be closed, and its novitiates dissolved."
At Rome, Rossi laid special stress on the Holy See adhering to
its engagements. " I shall yield nothing," he wrote to Guizot,
"to party-spirit or a foolish hostility. No attack upon the
liberty of individuals; no obligation to leave France or sell
property; and no harassing interference in purely religious
functions; but the dispersal of the body, the closing of the
houses where they lived together, and the dissolution of the
novitiates; that has been promised, and that is indispensable."
Rossi had just been officially appointed ambassador at Rome,
when Pope Gregory XVI., already very old, died, on the 1st
June, 1846. Three days afterwards. Cardinal Mastai Ferretti,
who was piously devoted to his diocese, and personally un-
known to the majority of the members of the Sacred College,
was elected Pope, and proclaimed under the name of Pius IX.

During a period and in a country stiU entirely filled with
noble hopes, it was a beautiful and consoling sight to see the
new pontiff commence, after his high elevation, by a complete
and touching amnesty; and to see the Roman people, so re-
cently agitated by secretly hostile passions, eagerly rush before
the Pope, who promised them reforms ardently desired.
Thiers as well as the French government and their Roman am-
bassador strove to encourage Pius IX. in those popular meas-
ures. During his first conversations with Rossi, the Pope re-
ferred to everything, "both temporal and spiritual affairs —
the chance of his presiding over an Italian league, and his re-
lations to the foreign powers ; to his Swiss guard, and a, civic
guard; finance and commerce, administrative abuses and ju-
dicial reform. His mind evidently dealt with every subject,
and considered every question, with glimpses at every possible
reform, sometimes with a simple confidence, sometimes with a
half-oflScial anxiety; keenly enjoying his popularity, and, in
spite of his first generous impulses, with some hope of adher-
ing to the aspirations without passing to the practical applica-
tions of the theories. 'That is not the ideal of government,'
said Rossi, somewhat uneasy on seeing the promised reforms
go off into smoke ; ' it is government in an ideal state.' " *

Fear and anxiety were soon added to the natural sluggish-
neBS and hesitation of an old government which men wished to
draw from its long-continued paths and routine. Cardinal
Gizzi, appointed secretary of state, soon exhausted himself in

* OuiBot's Mimoirea, eta

966 mSTOBT OF FRANCE. ton. xx.

his efforts to act without displeasing anybody. A latent strug-
gle was engendered^ between old and young Italy, and the
inertia of the government chafed men's minds. The French
ambassador urged the Pope to give his people some proofs of
his liberal intentions. The efforts of Pius were sincere in spite
of their weakness. The iU-managed rule of the Austrians
weighed heavily on all the Italian States, and in all minds there
was now rising the thought of freedom from the foreign yoke
by the glorious effort of national unity. The Pope shared in
this thought and desire common to all the Italians, his acces-
sion and early reforms having impressed new energy upon
them. In Tuscany the grand duke entered upon a path of ad-
ministrative, financial, and judicial improvements. Piedmont
was about to receive a constitution. Even at Naples the popu-
lar agitation became intense, and the king had already granted
some commercial reforms. The whole of Italy was now ready
for action, and soon Pius IX. was induced to join thoroughly
in the national effort against foreigners. The Pope was still
advancing as leader of the generous effort for social and pohti-
cal reform. He had just formed a civic guard, armed with
French gims .The budget was published ; the municipal organ-
ization of the city of Eome was improved; liberty of the press
extended; while railways were decreed, schools and asylums
founded. The Pope convoked at Eome an Assembly of the
Notables for the 15th November. He wished to find support
from those liberal and moderate men in the laity who wished
like himself for reform without revolution. Both he and they
were destined to succumb imder the blows which the rival and
extreme parties aimed at each other. The projects of re-
actionary plots and threats of popular insurrections were al-
ready crossing each other in all directions, causing anxiety and
annoyance to the Pope and the friends faithful to his policy.
Bossi had already formed a friendly intimacy with Pius IX.,
which was soon after to engage him definitely in his service,
at the cost of his life, and to his own lasting renown. The
thought of the independence of the Italian States, delivered
from the presence of foreigners, and united in an Italian con-
federation, together with a thoroughgoing reform of their in-
ternal condition, constituted the basis of the Pope's fond hopes,
which his future minister had a clearer conception of, and the
French government steadily supported. " Peace and liberty,
progress without war or revolution" — that grand motto of the
monarchy of 1830 — ^had constantly directed its policy abroad

CH. XX.] PARLIAMENTARY GOVERNMENT. 367

as well as at home. At Eome, as well as in France, revolution
was destined to obtain the mastery. The cause, however, was
still good and great. In 1847, and the first months of 1848,
there were still hopes. The Pope had honestly commenced the
reforms, and then accepted the idea of having a lay minister.
"Your holiness has awoke Italy," said Rossi, *'it is a glory,
but on condition that the impossible is not attempted." The
attitude of the French government protected the ax;tion of the
Holy See. The Austrians had evacuated Ferrara, having oc-
cupied it without good reason. Appearances seemed to promise
well, but excited minds still retained their antagonism. " In
Italy," said Mazzini, " there exists no moderate party."

There was good reason for believing there was no moderate
party in Switzerland. The political struggles envenomed by
religious ones, divided the cantons, and threatened to break
the federal treaty. In presence of the radical movement,
which was eaily becoming more defined in Berne, Greneva, and
the Vaudois country, the cantons which were really Catholic
believed that their religious liberty and independent action
were threatened, and formed a special alliance (Sonderbund)
binding them to defend each other's indei)endence and rights
of sovereignty. The Helvetic Diet urged by their demands,
ordered the expulsion of the Jesuits, who had been invited by
the canton of Lucerne to superintend the schools. Several
armed fights had already taken place at various places, and a
civil war was in preparation. The French government were
Bomewhat anxious about this disturbance in a neighboring
country, whose federal treaty was under the protection of the
great powers by the very fact of its neutrality. In the inter-
ests of liberty, thus threatened, as well as peace, France be-
lieved it her duty to stir up on the part of Europe a diplomatic
intervention, which might disi)ense with a material and vio-
lent intervention. For that purpose a memorandum from the
five great powers was addressed to the Diet ; but it had been
with great difSculty forced from Lord Palmerston against his
inclination, and he secretly informed the Swiss radicals of it.
The latter precipitated their operations ; the troops of the Diet
marched against the free corps of the Sonderbund, who were
speedily disi)ersed. Friburg capitulated without great resist-
ance. The struggle was more severe at Lucerne, but it also
yielded. The Valais alone still resisted, and the defeated Son-
derbund had now no hope except in foreign intervention. King
Louis Philippe and his cabinet had no natural inclination for

.1 BISTORT OF FBANOB. (CH. m.

that, although resolved not to allow Austria to make use alone
of that last resource. ' ' Let us he ware of interfering in Switzer-
land as well as in Spain, " said the king ; " let us prevent others
from interfering. A great service is already done. Let each
people perform its own business, and hear its burden by the
use of its rights."

There was then a fermentation throughout all Europe, and
everywhere from the bosom of a long peace there bm«t forth
that violent imeasiness which generally presages the terrible
blows of fate. An old and dangerous element had reappeared
in the situation of Europe: England and France were now di-
vided and hostile. To the difficulties which had in various
points broken out between the two jwwers, to the struggle of
influences which had succeeded the "cordial understanding,"
there -was now added a -wounding of national pride. Lord
Palmerston measured himself in Spain with the French govern-
ment in an important question, and was beaten. The annoy-
ance of England was great, and anger succeeded the annoy-
ance.

Eevolutionary changes, in a country of perpetual agitation,
had brought Queen Christina to be regent of Spain. Having
the intention of marrying her daughter. Queen Isabella, she
and her friends of the moderate party strongly desired a
imion with the royal family of France. The king loudly and
resolutely repelled that idea. "Our policy is simple," wrote
Guizot to Flahault, the ambassador at Vienna. ' ' At London, and
probably elsewhere, they would not wish to see one of our princes
reign in Madrid. We understand the exclusion, and accept it
in the interests of the general peace and the European balance
of power; but in the same interests we return it, and allow of
no prince on the throne of Madrid who is not a member of the
house of Bourbon. It has many husbands to offer — princes of
Naples, Lucca, the sons of Don Carlos, the eons of Don Fran-
cisco. We propose none of them; we forbid none of them.
He who suite Spain will suit us — but in the circle of the house
of Bourbon. It is for us a French interest of the first order;
and in my opinion it is evidently also a Spanish interest and a
European interest." (27th March, 1842.)

This clearly expressed policy of the French government
had been loyally accepted by Lord Aberdeen, then foreign min-
ister. It was secretly attacked by Sir Henry Bulwer, English
ambassador at Madrid, who was intriguing in favor of the
jroung queen's tmion with Prince Leopold of Saxe Coburg. This

«B. XX J PARLIAMENTARY GOVERNMENT. ' 800

manoeuvre, openly condemned by Lord Aberdeen, caused com-
plications in our official negotiations. After long hesitation
with regard to a Neapolitan candidate— Count Trapani, brother
of the king — the French government modified their intention.
The influence of France was declared more definitely. It ap-
peared that the future spouses of the Queen of Spain and the
Infanta Louisa Fernanda must be the Due de Cadiz, son of
Prince Don Francisco, and the Due de Montpensier, youngest
son of King Louis Philippe. "For heaven's sake, don't let us
miss this prince !" exclaimed Queen Christina, as soon as she
saw the possibility of so desirable a union for her second
daughter. The fall of Peel's cabinet changed the relative posi-
tion of France and England in Spain. Lord Palmerston now
was in favor of the Prince of Coburg as a candidate. "I lay
infinite stress upon agreement in oiu* plans and action," wrote
Giiizot to Jamac, then oui* representative in London. "I
have already proved that sufficiently, and shall do much to
make it good. But in fact, France perhaps ought to have
an isolated policy in Spain ; aiJd if the initiation of an isolated
policy was taken in London, I surely ought to adopt in Paris
the policy also."

The interior policy of Spain, as well as her foreign alliances,
were at stake. The moderates, who were in power, were
threatened by the revolutionary "progressists," their constant
enemies. The support of France was certain and necessary.
After tergiversation and hesitation had uselessly prolonged
the diplomatic intrigues, Queen Christina, and her minister
Isturitz, at last decided definitely for the French alliance, and
the marriage of the Due of Cadiz with Queen Isabella, and that
of the Due of Montpensier with the Infanta, were officially
annoimced. On the 10th and 11th October, 1846, the two
unions were solemnly celebrated in the palace, and in the
chmxjh of Our Lady of Atocha, at Madrid Unions of difficult
completion, and which were to be variously crossed by many
shocks and griefs, but which were not to exercise, either on
Spain or on European politics, the influence attributed to them
by the triumph of France and the dissatisfaction of England.
The son of Queen Isabella, reared in exile, reigns on the throne
of Spain ; beside him, raised by spontaneous aflfection to that
elevation, is his cousin the daughter of the Due of Montpensier
and the Infanta. God sports with human anticipations and
anxieties, just as He often, in His impenetrable designs, de»
Btroys the fairest hopes and the purest happiness.

870 H18T0BT OF FRANOB. (CH.

CHAPTER XXL

REFORM AND REVOLUTION (1847—1848).

I HAVE gone over the history and policy of King Louis
Philippe's govermnent from 1830 to 1847, and after taking
pleasure in showing its steadfast tendency towards the well-
being and progressive development of the country under its
influence, I now come with prof oimd repugnance and sorrow
to those painful days by the faults and misfortunes of which
France was launched into dangerous enterprises, such that
men of the greatest foresight cannot discern their end. Our
country has paid, and will probably long pay, very dearly for
the fatal error which overthreiw the throne of the king who
had for eighteen years governed it with a wisdom, prudence,
and moderation acknowledged even by his enemies when they
are attacking him.

"The cabinet of the 29th October, and their political friends,
had a clearly defined idea and purpose. They aspired to bring
to a close the French era of revolutions by establishing the free
government which France had in 1789 promised herself as the
consequence and political guarantee of the social revolution
which she was completing." This policy, formerly the object
of their youthful hopes, had become theirs, whether in power
or in the opposition. "It was in fact both Uberal and anti-
revolutionary. Anti-revolutionary both in home and foreign
affairs, since it ^ ished to maintain the peace of Europe abroad,
and the constitutional monarchy at home. Liberal, since it
fully accepted and respected the essential conditions of free
government; the decisive intervention of the coimtry in its
affairs, with a constant and well-sustained discussion, in pub-
lic as well as in the chambers, of the ideas and acts of the gov-
ernment. In fact, this two-fold object was attained from 1830
to 1848. Abroad, peace was maintained without any loss to
the influence or reputation of France in Europe. At home,
from 1830 to 1848, poUtical liberty was great and powerful;
from 1840 to 1848 in particular, it was displayed without any
ziew legal limit being imposed! It was this policy that the

OT. XM.] REFORM AND REVOLUTION. 371

opposition — all the oppositions, monarchical and dynastic oa
well as republican— blindly or knowingly attacked, and tried
to change. It was to change it that they demanded electoral
and parliamentary reforms. In principle, the government
had no absolute or permanent objections whatever to such
reforms ; the extension of the right of suffrage, and the incom-
patibility of certain functions with the office of deputy, might
and must be the natural and legitimate consequences of the
upward movement of society and poUtical liberty. They did
not think the reforms necessary or well-timed, and were there-
fore justified in delaying them as much as possible, provided
they should one day allow to be accomplished by others what
they thought themselves still strong enough to refuse,"*
" We have too much and too long maintained a good policy,"
said Guizot afterwards.

A frequent and formidable sign that men's minds are secretly
agitated, is the anxiety by which they are seized with refer-
ence to intrigues and vices which they suppose around them.
It would be a serious error to see always a symptom of moral
improvement in the clamors against electoral or parhamentary
corruption. Immediately after the ministerial success in the
general elections of 1846, this preciu^ory indication of storms
appeared on the horizon. Guizot raised the question to its
proper point of view. "Leave to countries which are not
free," said he, "leave to absolute governments, that explana-
tion of great results by small, feeble, or dishonorable human
acts. In free countries, when great results are produced it is
from great causes that they spring. A great fact has been
shown in the elections just completed ; the coxmtry has given
its adhesion, its earnest and free adhesion, to the policy pre-
sented before it. Do not attribute this fact to several pre-
tended electoral manoeuvres. You have no right to come to
explain, or qualify by wretched suppositions, a grand idea of
the country thus grandly and freely manifested." The rumors
of electoral corruptions were soon followed by rumors of
parliamentary corruptions; but the majority of the cham-
ber declared themselves "content" with the ministerial ex-
planations. The "contents " figured in the opposition attacks
by the side of the " Pritchardists,"

Several improper abuses of long standing existed in certain
branches of the administration; some posts m the Treasury

* Oulzot's MimoirM, eto.

872 HISTORY OF FRANGB. [CH. xxt

had been the object of pecuniary transactions between those
who held the posts and were resigning, and the candidates who
presented themselves to replace them. A bill, proposed on the
20th January, 1848, by Hebert, who had become keeper of the
seals, formerly forbade any such transaction, imder assigned
penalties. Several months previously (June, 1847), M. Teste,
formerly minister of public works, and then president of the
Oour de Cassation, was seriously compromised in the scandal-
ous trial of Greneral Cubieres and Pellapra. Convicted of hav-
ing received a large sum of money in connection with a Tnining
concession, he was brought before the Peers, and being led
from question to question and from discussion to discussion,
soon made a confession of his crime. He, as well as his accom-
plices, underwent the just pienalty.

"It was, on the part of the cabinet, one of those acts the
merit of which is only perceived afterwards, and in which the
government bears the weight of the evil at the moinent when
it is trying most sincerely and courageously to repress it.
There were several deplorable incidents — the shocking miirder
of the Duchess of Praslin, some scandalous trials and violent
deaths following hard one upon another, and aggravating the
momentary depression and the excited state of the popular
imagination. The air seemed infected with moral disorder
and unlooked-for misfortimes, coming to join in party attacks
and the false accusations which the cabinet were subjected to.
It was one of those unhealthy hurricanes often met in the lives
of governments."* It was certainly culpable on the part of
the opposition to try to take advantage of this disturbed state
of men's minds to gain the end they were pursuing. Seven
times was parliamentary reform, and three times was electoral
reform, refused by the chambers, from 20th February, 1841,
to 8th April, 1847 ; the question being then displaced, it changed
its ground. The opposition made an appeal to popular passion ;
and parliamentary discussions were succeeded by the banquets.

" From the close of the session of 1847 to the opening of that
of 1848, they kept France in a state of constant fever— an
artificial and deceptive fever in this sense, that it was not the
natural and spontaneous result of the actual wishes and wants
of the country; but true and serious in this sense, that the
political parties who took the initiative in it found amongst
some of the middle classes and the lower orders a prompt and

* Ouizot's Mimoirta, sto.

OH. XXL] REFORM AND REVOLUTION. 373

keen adhesion to their proposal& The first banquet took place
in Paris at the Chateau-Rouge Hotel on the 9th July, 1847.
Gramier-Pagte has himself told how the royalist opposition and
the repubhoan opposition concluded their alliance for that
purpose. On leaving the house of Odilon Barrot, the radical
members of the meeting walked together for some time. On
reaching that part of the Boulevard opposite the Foreign OflBce,
at the moment they were about to separate, Pagnerre said,
"WeU, really, I did not expect for our proposals so speedy
and complete success. Do those gentlemen see what that may
lead to? For my part, I confess I do not see it clearly; but it
is not for us radicals to be alarmed about it." *' You see that,
tree," replied Garnier-Pag^s ; " engrave on its bark a mark in
memory of this day, for what we have just decided upon, is a
revolution."* Qamier-Pag^ did not foresee that the repubUc
of 1848, as weU as the monarchy of 1830, should in its turn
speedily perish in that revolution, so long big with so many
storms.

For six months banquets were renewed in most of the de-
partments—at Colmar, Strasburg, St. Quentin, Lille, Avesnes,
Cosne, Chalons, Macon, Lyons, MontpelUer, Rouen, etc. In
many parts, there was a great display of feelings and intentions
most hostile to royalty and the dynasty. On several occasions
— at Lille, for example — the keenest members of the parliamen-
tary opposition, Odilon Barrot and his friends, withdrew, soon
after taking their places at table, because the others absolutely
refused to dissemble their hostihty to the crown and the king.
At other banquets, notably at Dijon, the ideas and passions of
1793 unblushingly reappeared. They defended Robespierre
and the reign of terror. . The " red republic" openly flaimted
its colors and hopes. The attaek upon monarchy and the
dynasty ranged itself, it is true, behind the parliamentary
opposition, but like Galatea running away—

£t se cupit ante Tideri.

It had succeeded well enough in making itself seen. The gov-
ernment could no longer shut their eyes. They had tolerated
the banquets so long as they could beUeve, or seem to believe,
that the parliamentary opposition directed, or at least ruled,
the movement. When it became evident that the anarchical
impulse was more and more gaining upon the parliamentary
opposition, and that the latter was becoming the instrument

•Quisot's M6moirea, etc.

874 HISTORY OF FRANCS. [ch. XXL

instead of remaining the master, then only they forbade the
banquets. It was their duty.

It was also their right, in the opinion of the most competent
legal authorities, as well as according to the recent practice of
other free governments, in presence of a situation full of cer-
tain danger. This right, however, was disputed by the oppo-
sition. The government, pushing the principle of legality to
its farthest limit, arranged with several leading men of the
opposition for the purpose of enabling the question of right to
be brought speedily and methodically before competent tribu-
nals. Just before the opening of the new session, in order to
close the campaign, a new and formal banquet was being pre-
pared in Paris, to which all the deputies and peers who had
taken part in any of the preceding banquets were to be invited.
This manifestation was to take place in the twelfth arrondisse-
ment of Paris. It was therefore agreed between the opposition
delegates and those of the ministerial majority that the deputies
invited should go to the place appointed for the meeting and
take their places, so as to avoid any disturbance in the streets
or the hall, and that on the police-commissary declaring that
there was an order against it, the guests should protest and
"withdraw, to lay the question before the tribunals. The agree-
ment thus concluded was communicated by Duchitel to the
council, who approved of it.

Meanwhile the chamber met, the session was opened, and
from the very first the government could perceive a wavering
in the majority. Even amongst those who blamed and feared
the agitation out of doors, several believed in the urgent neces-
sity of a concession, to remove all pretext for clamors and in-
trigues. On the ministers being informed of it, Guizot said,
"Withdraw the question from the hands of those who now
hold it, and let it be brought back to the chamber. Let the
majority take a step in the direction of the concessions indi-
cated ; however small it be, I am certain it will be understood,
and that you will have a new cabinet, which wiD do what you
think necessary." It was in the same spirit that the ministry,
during the discussion on the address, rejected an amendment
tending to impose upon them immediate engagements with
reference to reform.

"The maintenance of the unity of the conservative party,"
said Guizot, "the maintenance of conservative poUcy and
power, will be the fixed idea and rule of conduct in the
cabinet. They wiU make sincere efforts to maintain or restore

CiLXXi.1 REFORM AND REVOLUTIOK 875

the unity of the conservative party upon that question, in
order that it may be the conservative party itself in its en-
tirety that undertakes and gives to the country its sohition.
11 such an operation in the midst of the conservative party is
possible, it will take place. If that is not possible— if by the
question of reforms the conservative party cannot succeed in
making a common arrangement and maintaining the power of
the conservative policy, the cabinet will leave to others the"
sad task of presiding over the disorganization of the conserva'
tive party and the ruin of its policy."

The question was not destined to be taken up again by the
chambers, having escaped from the weak hands that aspired to
direct it. The courtesy of the conservative reformers had no
result except disquieting the government, a sort of precursory
sign of the tempest. Even the parliamentary opposition found
themselves baffled in their prudent efforts, A manifesto pub-
lished in the National newspaper organized a noisy demonstra-
tion in the streets, though forbidden ia the banquet-hall, the
national guards being called to arms by the insuiTection, and
their services arranged beforehand. The convention was
clearly violated, and the legal appeal to the tribunals therefore
abandoned : the revolution itself declared it would decide the
question. In such a situation, sorrowfully admitted by those
who had negotiated the evening b^ore, the government offi-
cially forbade the banquet. The evening papers announced
that the deputies of the opposition had given up the intention
of being present, and therefore the proposed manifestation was
deprived of all importance. The revolutionary leaders in their
turn declared that the banquet would not take place.

Disappointment increasing their irritation, the parliamentary
opposition, in a momentary resistance, employed the remainder
of their strength. On the 22nd February fifty -two deputies of
the left laid before the chamber a biU of impeachment against
the ministry, on account of their home and foreign policy
during the whole coiu'se of their administration. "What
would you have them do?" said to Guizot an old member of
the opposition who had no share whatever in this act. " They
have just rendered the banquet abortive by declaring
they would not attend it, and felt compelled to do some-
thing to compensate for, and to some extent redeem, that re-
fusal."

Weakness has a constraining power difficult to understand,
which is not foreseen even by those who give way to it; and

876 HISTORY OF FRANCS. [ch. xxl

of this the history of the revolution of 1848 offers an eloquent
and melancholy example.

The king, as well as his ministers, still hoped that the crisis
had passed, and that the disorder avoided on the occasion of
the banquet should not reappear under any pretext. The dis-
play of military forces which had been agreed upon and pre-
pared was ordered to be suspended ; instructions to arrest the
republican leaders were issued slowly, and in but few instances.
Yet a secret agitation was indicated in several parts of the
capital; there were nimierous crowds; on the morning of the
23rd several corps-de -garde were attacked. As the fermenta-
tion increased, the streets were crowded with idle workmen;
people collected in knots from curiosity, or stood at their doors.
The storm was in the air, evident both to those who dreaded it
and those who were preparing to make use of it.

Meanwhile the appeal of the revolutionary leaders to the
national guard had been listened to. Many of the Parisian
shopkeepers took part in the "reform movement," without
well understanding it, and marched under the orders of their
dangerous aUies. Several detachments of the 7th, 3rd, 2nd
and 10th legions appeared in the streets, some in the Faubourg
St. Antoine, others marching to the Palais Royal, or the oflBce
of the National in the Rue Le Peletier, and others in the stu-
dents' quarter shouting " Long live reform!" in every street.
When General Jacqueminot, the Commander-in Chief of the
National Guard, ordered a general muster of the legions, a
large number of the guards, respectable and law-abiding men,
did not answer to the summons. They had no desire for a
revolution or reform forced from the legal powers by insurrec-
tion, but they shnmk from entering upon a struggle with sol-
diers wearing their own uniform, and influenced apparently
by reasonable motives. They remained in th«ir homes de-
jected and anxious.

The king was as dejected as the Parisian citizens, and still
more anxious. For several months he had frequently fallen
into very low spirits, which was attributed to his grief at the
death of his only sister, Madame Adelaide of Orleans, whose
life had been always intimately associated with his, and who
had just expired (December, 1847). His most intimate friends
Urged him to charm away the crisis by changing his ministry.
He still resisted, but every hour less vigorously. The cabinet
was not even informed of his perplexities. "Concessions
forced by violence from all the legal powers are not a means

OT. XD.] REFORM AND REVOLUTIOK. dTt

of safety," said Duch§,tel; "one defeat would quickly bring a
second. In the revolution there was not much between the
20th June and the 10th August, and to-day things advance
more quickly than in those times. Events, like travellers,
now go by steam."

The truth, however, was now becoming manifest, both in the
king's mind as to the tendency of his ideas, and in the eyes of
his ministers as to the determination now being formed in the
Palace. By the very statement of the question it was resolved
upon. Guizot and Duchatel thus expressed it to the king: " It
is for your Majesty to decide. The cabinet is ready either to
defend to the last the king and conservative poUcy which we
profess, or to accept without a murmur the king's determina-
tion to call other men to power. At present, more than ever,
in order to continue the struggle successfully, the cabinet has
need of the king's decided support. As soon as the public
should learn, as they inevitably must, that the king hesitates,
the cabinet would lose all moral influence, and be unable to
accomplish their task." The king seemed still in perplexity,
and said he should prefer to abdicate. "You cannot say that,
my dear," replied the queen, who was present at the interview
with the Dukes of Nemours and Montpensier; "you belong to
France, and not to yotu^elf." "That is true," said the king,
as Louis XVI. had formerly said to Malesherbes; " I am more
unfortunate than the ministers, I cannot resign."

The ministers then in King Louis Philippe's cabinet had not
resigned. The king, having made his decision, said, "It is
with the keenest regret that I separate myself from you, but
necessity and the safety of the monarchy demand this sacri-
fice. My will gives way ; much time will be needed to regain
the ground I am about to lose." There were tears in many
eyes. The king sent for M0I6, and Guizot himself announced
to the Chamber of Deputies the change of ministry.

There was much astonishment and sorrow in the parlia-
mentary majority, always strongly attached to the leaders
they had so long followed in spite of occasional vagaries and
good-natured weakness. The imminence of a great danger en-
grossed their minds, together with the consciousness of a great
defeat. The anxiety of the chambers was re-echoed in the
Tuileries ; and for the last time the ministers assembled there,
anxious at that last moment of their power to maintain order,
now everywhere threatened. Count M0I6 was laboriously occu-
pied in the formation of a cabinet. " To think that this resolu*

378 HISTORY OF FMANOB. [ch. xxi.

tion "was formed in a quarter of an hourl" exclaimed the king
when engaged with Jayr in some administrative details.

The excitement was great in the palace, but still greater in
the streets, being skilfully kept up by several insurrectionist
leaders, and spontaneously arising among the reckless portion
of the populace, who are easily influenced by revolutionary
clamors. Increased by those assembling from curiosity or
idleness, the crowds in the squares and boulevards assumed
alarming proportions. All at once, opposite the Foreign Office,
there was heard, about nine o'clock in the evening, one of those
fatal explosions, whether accidental or premeditated, which
history often records as the origin of great popular risings.

The soldiers, who till then had remained motionless and
patient, thought they were attacked, and fired in their turn.
Several persons fell, some dead, others wounded, and some
were knocked down and trodden under foot. The greatest
disorder, caused both by alarm and indignation, broke out in
the whole neighborhood. Then was the moment of action for
the keen and determined insurgents. A cart which happened
to be there was immediately loaded with the corpses and
drawn through the streets, from one newspaper office to an-
other, in the most populous quarters, with shouts of *' Ven-
geance 1 To arms! Down with Guizot ! The head of Guizotl"
By daybreak Paris was covered with barricades.

Mole having failed in his eflEorts to form a cabinet, the king
sent for Thiers. For the last time he claimed the devotion of
his old ministers. "I must have immediately a military chief
— an experienced chief," he said. "I have sent for Bugeaud,
but I wish M. Thiers to find him appointed. Will you grant
me this further service?" Buchatel, and General Trdzel, on
the previous evening still minister of war, signed without
hesitation Marshal Bugeaud's appointment as Commander-in-
Chief of the National Guard and the Army. It was three
o'clock in the morning. " It is somewhat late to set to work,"
said the marshal; "but I have never been beaten, and shall
not make a beginning to-morrow. Let me act, and fire the
cannon; there will be some bloodshed, but to-morrow evening
the strength will be on the side of law, and the factious will
have had their account settled."

The day had not yet dawned when the marshal was review-
ing his forces. He found them demoralized, having for sixty
hom^ remained motionless before the mob, with their feet in
the mud, and their knapsacks on their backs, allowing the riot

OH. XXI.] REFORM AND REVOLUTION. 379

ers to attack the municipal guards, burn the sentry-boxes, cut
down the trees, break the street-lamps, and harangue the sol-
diers. They were moreover badly supplied with provisions
and ammunition. The energetic language of their new com-
mander, and the precise orders which he gave for the march
of the coliunns, inspired the soldiers with fresh life and cour-
age. The movements indicated had already begun to be exe-
cuted, and the troops were taking position; but the crowds
again filled the streets, and at several points the soldiers were
prevented from marching. One of the generals at the head of
a column sent to tell Bugeaud that he was face to face with
an enormous body of men, badly armed, who made no attack
upon him, but only shouted "Long live reform! Long live
the army I Down with Guizot!" "Order them to disperse,"
replied the marshal; " if they do not obey, use force, and act
with resolution."

There was no fighting on either side. The staff were be-
sieged by the entreaties of a crowd of respectable men, who in
terror and consternation conjured Bugeaud to withdraw the
troops because they excited the anger of the populace, and
leave to the national guard the duty of appeasing the insur-
rection. The danger of such counsel was obvious, and the
marshal paid no attention to it, till Thiers and OdQon Barrot,
who had just accepted office, came to the staff with the same
advice, and it therefore became an order. The marshsJ at
first refused the ministers as he had done the citizens, and
then the same order was sent by the king. "I must have a
government," the marshal had recently said; and, as he was
now without the government, who thus relaxed the resistance
agreed upon, he in his turn gave way. His instructions for
retreat were thus given to his officers: "By order of the king
and ministers, you will fall back upon the Tuileries. Make
your retreat with an imposing attitude, and if you are
attacked, turn round, take the offensive, and act according to
my instructions given this morning."

Meanwhile the formation of the ministry was posted up
everywhere. A mixed crowd carried Odilon Barrot in tri-
umph to the home office, which Guizot and Duchatel had just
left. Those round him shouted "Long live the father of the
people 1" but most of the notices posted up were torn. At the
moment when the new ministers were about to leave Bugeaud^s
staff on horseback in order to pass through the city, Horace
Vemet, the artist, arrived out of breath. " Don't let M. Thiers

880 HISTORY OF FRANCE. [ch. xxi.

go," said he to the marshal. " I have just passed through the
mob, and they are so furious against him that I am certain
they would cut him in pieces !" Odilon Barrot presented him-
self alone to the crowd, but was powerless to calm the fury he
had assisted in unchaining. " Thiers is no longer possible, and
I am scarcely so, said he on his return to the staff. The king
on one occasion showed himself in the court of the Tuileries,
when reviewing several battahons of the 'national guards.
There were some shouts of "Long Uve the king!" but the
most numerous were ' ' Long live reform 1 Down with Guizot !"
**You have the reform; and M. Guizot is no longer a minis-
ter!" said the king; and on the shouts being again repeated,
he returned to the palace.

The palace also was thronged with a confused crowd, ani-
mated by various feelings, and agitated by evident fears or
secret hopes. Some urged the king to abdicate in favor of the
Comte de Paris ; others vigorously opposed such a relinquish-
ment of i)ower in presence of the insurrection. The great
mind of Queen Marie-Am^lie was displayed in all the simplic-
ity of its heroism. "Mount on horseback, sire," said she,
"and I shall give you my blessipg." She had recently urged
the king to change his cabinet; a very kind message, entrusted
for Guizot to one of his most intimate friends, at the- same
time proved her regret.

The king sat at his writing-table, agitated and perplexed.
He had begun to write his abdication, when Marshal Bugeaud
entered, having just learned what was taking place in the
Tuileries, and excited by the soimd of some shooting which
had already begun. " It is too late, sire," said he; "your ab-
dication would complete the demoralization of the troops.
Your Majesty can hear the shooting. There is nothing left but
to fight." The queen seconded this advice, and Piscatory and
several others were of the same opinion. The king rose with-
out finishing his writing, and then other voices were raised to
insist upon the king's promise. He sat down agafn, wrote and
signed his abdication. By this time the troops had received
orders to fall back, and Marshal Gerard took the place of
Bugeaud as commandant-general. The columns were marched
towards the barracks, and there was no detachment aroimd
the Palais-Bourbon, where the same disorder reigned, and the
same efforts were made in vain. The Duchess of Orleans pre-
sented herself before the Chamber of Deputies as soon as the
abdication of the king was known. The Due de Nemours

CW.XXI.] REFORM AND REVOLUTION. 381

accompanied her, leading the Comte de Paris by the hand;
and the Due de Chartres, who was weak and ill, was wrapi)ed
up in a mantle and leaned on Ary Scheffer's arm. Before
joining the princess at the gate of the chamber, the Due de
Nemours had, with his brother the Due de Montpensier, seen
the king their father take his melancholy depari;ure, to escape
the insurrection, against which he could not make up his
mind to use force.

The Duchess of Orieans already knew that depriving the
king of the crown was not giving it to her son. Her natural
courage, however, and her maternal affection, induced her to
make every effort to secure the throne for the prince of nine
years whom the nation had already entrusted to her keeping.
She had seen the Tuileries invaded before leaving that hall
where her husband's portrait by Ingres seemed to preside over
her son's destinies. "It is here one ought to die," she said,
when Dupin and Grammont came to conduct her to the
chamber. OdUon Barrot had gone to bring her, and succeeded
in finding her in the Palais -Boiu'bon. The crowd showed
sympathy for her, and made room respectfully, though she
and her small retinue had difficulty in getting within the
palace, every passage being crowded. The duchess stood near
the tribune holding her two boys close to her. After Dupin
annoimced the king's abdication, Barrot, after presenting the
legal instrument, asked the chamber to proclaim at once the
young king and the regency of Madame the Duchess of
Orleans. Shouts of protest were heard on several benches.
"It is too late!" exclaimed Lamartine, as he went to the
tribune, eager to urge this difficulty, reject the regency, and
demand a provisional government, so that the bloodshed
might be stopped. Some others were already mentioning the
word " republic." The crowd were gradually poiuing into the
chamber from the corriders, and Sauzet, the president, re-
quested strangers to withdraw, and made a special appeal to
the duchess herself. "Sir, this is a royal sitting 1" she rephed;
and when her friends urged her, *' If I leave this chamber, my
son will no more return to it." A few minutes before her
arrival, Thiers had entered the chamber in the greatest agita-
tion: "The tide is rising, rising, rising!" he said to those who
crowded round him, and then disappeared. Several voices
were heard together in confusion ; amongst the speakers were
Larochejacquelein, Ledru-Rollin, Marie, and Berryer. The
duchess had been conducted to a gallery, on ocoount of the

382 HISTORY OF FRANCE. [CH. xXL

threats of the insurgent battalions, who burst open the doors
after General Grourgaud had in vain tried to stop them.
Armand Marrast, one of the editors of the National^ after
looking at the invaders, said "These are the sham public; I
shall call the real!" A few minutes afterwards shots were
heard in the court of the palace : the posts in the hands of the
national guards opened before the triumphant mob, who, after
sacking the Tmleries, hurried up against the expiring rem-
nants of the monarchy. The Duchess of Orleans had already
twice oflEered to speak, but her voice was drowned in the
tumult. The new comers, stained with blood, and blackened
with gunpowder, with dishevelled hair and bare arms, climbed
on the benches, stairs, and galleries; and in every part were
shouts of "Down with the regency! Long live the republic I
Turn out the ' contents ' I" Sauzet put on his hat, but a work-
man knocked it off, and then the president disapi)eared.

Several of the deputies rushed to the gallery, where the
duchess was still exposed to the looks and threats of the in-
Burgents. "There is nothing more to be done here, madam,"
they urged; "we must go to the president's house, to form a
new chamber." She took the arm of Jules de Lasteyrie; and
on her sons being separated from her in the narrow passages,
she showed the greatest anxiety, crying " My boys I my boys I"
At one time the Comte de Paris was seized by a workman in a
blouse ; but one of the national guards took him out of his
hands, and the child was passed from one to another till he re-
joined his mother. No one knew what had become of the Due
de Chartres; but he was brought to the InvaUdes, where the
princess went for refuge ; and in the evening, after nightfall,
the mother and sons withdrew from Paris, and soon after
from France. "To-morrow, or ten years hence," said the
Duchess of Orleans as she left the Invalides, "a word, a sign
will bring me back." Afterwards, in exile, she frequently
aaid, "When the thought crosses my mind that I may never
again see France, I feel my heart breaking."

Wanderers and fugitives across their kingdom, after kneel-
ing for the last time beside the tomb of their children at Dreux,
and asking the hospitality of some friends who were still
faithful, and without a single attempt to recover the crown
they had lost, King Louis Philippe and Queen Marie- Am^lie at
last reached the sea-coast, and. set sail towards England,
that safe and well-known refuge of unfortimate princesl
Thunderstruck like them, and at their wits' end, the most

CD. XXI.] REFORM AND REVOLUTION. 883

faithful of their servantB and partisans waited for some sign
authorizing them to protest against the unparalleled surprise
to which France had been subjected. The fugitive king made
no protest. His sons quietly followed him into exile. Those
who were serving France abroad learned at the same time the
news of their fall and the rise of a new power, and thought it
their duty to bow to the national will, resolving that not a
single drop of French blood should be shed in their cause.
They had often unhesitatingly exposed all their own.

In bringing to a close this sketch of the history of France as
it was, the cradle still obscure of new France, we leave our
native land on the threshold of an unknown future, charged
both with storms and with hopes. We followed it throughout
the terrible acts and the pacific interludes of a long drama; we
saw it delivered up to the enthusiasm of inexperience, a victim
to most dangerous misconceptions, and hmnbling itself,
throughout the intoxication and crime of the reign of terror,
even to the corruption and inertia of the directory. We saw
order again revive, with glory, under the powerful hand of
Napoleon, as first consul, and then emperor. We saw glory in
alliance with the disasters of madness; the hopes of the first
restoration tarnished by the mutual distrust of the crown and
the people ; Napoleon's selfishness, together with the credulity
of the army and nation, bring again upon us the bitter chas-
tisement of foreign vengeance. The revolutionary tragedy
demagogic or despotic, seemed at last to be nearly complete.
The struggles for liberty were again limited to the parliament-
ary arena, and repose and hope were again reappearing. An
old man's illusions might occasion this glimpse of calm, having
witnessed new political disturbances, which were speedily
followed by a grand attempt at government. We have seen
the rise of noble efforts and fair hopes, the wisest and most
steadfast minds flatter themselves that at last they had reached
the haven, Gk)d did not give His permission: in His impene-
trable wisdom, our country, bandied about from revolution to
revolution for so many years, was not yet deemed deserving
of repose. It is at the painful moment of deception and down-
fall that we to-day close the book of history. Under the blow
of an extorted abdication and cowardly trickery, the edifice
which was at last to shelter futm^ generations disappeared,
and those who had raised it withdrew for a long time into re-
tirement. France resumed the course of her disturbed and
uncertain destinies. After some new exx)erience of republican
HF (Q) Vol. 8

884 BISTORT OF FRANCE. [ch. xxl

powerlessness, she weakly attempted a second trial of imperial
govenmient, and received a terrible fall headlong through the
want of foresight of the absolute power. Immediately after
her most painful reverses, in one of the great intervals of
national action, she shuddered at the renewed horrors of tJie
demagogic fever. Wounded, sick, humbled, borne on a raft in
the midst of the tempest, she often asked herself what hard-
ships were yet awaiting her. The course remains obscure, and
the nearest object remains imcertain and veiled.

France has not lost, and will not lose, courage. She is laboi^
ing; she is hoping; and, while endeavoring to find her propei*
path, she reckons upon the day when revolutions will be at an
end, and when liberty with order wiU forever crown the lon^
and painful efforts of her meet faithful servants of every na/an^
and every periodl

TOMB OF NAPOLEON

Frame*, vol. eigh*

SUPPLEMENTARY CHAPTER

Thb revolution of February, 1848, was destined to dis-
appoint its authors. Exhibiting at the outset strong so-
cialistic prepossessions which led to the establishment of
national workshops, it was brought to an end by a coup
d'etat which prepared the way for the restoration of the
empire. As early as April, 1848, the elections for the
constituent assembly showed that moderate men would
soon recover their ascendency in the country at large,
if not in the capital, and the apprehension of reaction
against socialistic tendencies caused in June a memorable
uprising on the part of the Paris workingmen, which re-
quired four days' fighting to suppress. At the election
for President, which occurred on December 10 of the same
year, Lamartine, who had been the idol of the men who
organized the revolution, was almost entirely forgotten,
and General Cavaignac, who had put down the June in-
surrection, and, subsequently, been placed at the head
of the Executive, received only a small minority vote.
Prince Louis Napoleon, who had been permitted to re-
turn to France, and who had been elected to the Assem-
bly from several departments, was chosen President of
the Republic by a majority so large that it encouraged
him eventually to violate the law making him ineligible
for a second term, and to overthrow the Constitution
which he had sworn to obey. The legislative assembly
would, probably, have been able to frustrate his design,
had it not lost the confidence of the masses of the people
by several reactionary measures ; by restricting the fran-
chise, for example, and by sending a French army to
overthrow republican government at Rome and to bring
back the Pope. The result was that, when, on December
2, 1851, the assembly was dissolved and sixteen of its
members were arrested, most of the Paris workingmen
declined to express disapproval of the measure, and the
usurpation was ratified on December 30, by a plebiscite,
no fewer than 7,439,216 out of 8,116,773 voters attesting

886 HISTORY OF FRANCE.

satisfaction at the change. The position of Louis Na-

Soleon was that of dictator up to March 29, 1852, the
atfe of the first meeting of the governing bodies which,
as the elected chief of the state, he called into existence.
Even under the new Constitution established by him, he
was, practically, an autocrat, although, at first, he ac-
cepted only the oflBce of President for ten years. On
November 21-22, 1862, however, he was declared heredi-
tary Emperor of the French by a plebiscite in which,
again, the vote was almost unanimous, being 7,824,129
against 253,149. Almost immediately afterward, over-
tures for the hand of Princess Vasa and for that of the
Princess Adelaide of Hohenlohe having been repelled, he
announced his intention to marry a Spanish lady, Mdlle.
de Montijo, Countess of Teba, and, on January 30, 1853,
the marriage was celebrated in the Cathedral of Notre
Dame. For some eight years the imperial regime was
autocratic in form as well as substance, the functions of
the legislative bodies being, practically, restricted to reg-
istering the sovereign's decrees. In the autumn of 1860,
however, the parliamentary methods were liberalized, de-
bates on the address being permitted, and other consider-
able advances were made toward a free constitutional
government M. Rouher, who became the chief spokes-
man of the government, had protested against the change
and had warned his master that he would be drawn into
fresh concessions which would, eventually, deprive him
of his personal power. The prediction was fulfilled on
January 2, 1870, when the principle of a government
responsible to the Chamber of Deputies was formally
adopted, and M. Emile Olivier was appointed premier.
Thenceforth, the emperor retired from the active direc-
tion of public affairs, and confined himself entirely to the
position of a constitutional sovereign. He cannot, how-
ever, be absolved from some share of accountability for
the policy of the Olivier Cabinet, which, six months later,
led to the ruin of his dynasty and to the most disastrous
war of modem times.

In respect of its foreign policy, the Second Empu-e was,
at first, successful. The Crimean War, undertaken in
conjunction with England, may be said to have begun
in April, 1854, and to have, practically, ended with the
capture of Sebastopol on December 10, 1855, although it
was not until the following year that a treaty of peace

SUPPLEMENTARY CHAPTER. 387

was signed by the Czar Alexander II., who had suo-
ceeded his father Nicholas I. during the winter of the
great siege. In the war against Austria, which began
in May, 1859, the French arms were victorious at Ma-
genta and Solferino, but the emperor's promise to free
Italy from the Alps to the Adriatic was not kept, a peace
hastily arranged at Villafranca on July 11 leaving the
Austrians in possession of Venetia. From 1858 to 1862,
France was also engaged in distant expeditions. In alh-
ance with England, she enforced the observance of trea-
ties upon the Pekin government; in the course of the
coercive measures, the allied troops ultimately took the
Chinese capital. In Cochin China, also, a war, in which
France had Spain for an ally, was brought to a close in
1862, and the foundations were then laid of the French
Empire in Farther India, which has, gradually, absorbed
Cambodia, Tonquin and Annam, besides making exten-
sive acquisitions at the cost of Siam. In 1860-61, the
Christian subjects of the Sultan in Syria were reheved
from oppression to a considerable extent by the dispatch
of a French army to that region. At this time, the pres-
tige of the Second Empire may be said to have reached
its height. Of the four European powers which had
taken part in the overthrow of the great Napoleon, his
nephew had humbled two: to wit, Russia and Austria;
and it was believed that he only bided his time to inflict
a similar punishment upon England and Prussia. The
decline of the influence of Napoleon III. in Europe began
with his failure to avert the dismemberment of Denmark
in 1864, and his popularity at home was seriously weak-
ened by the miscarriage of the Mexican expedition, which
was brought to an end by the return of the French troops
in February, 1867, their evacuation being followed, on
June 19, by the execution of the Archduke Maximilian,
who, at Louis Napoleon's request, had accepted the in-
vitation to become Emperor of Mexico. The attempt of
France to intervene in the so-called Seven Weeks' W ar
of 1866 having been unwisely put off until the decisive
battle of Sadowa, had no substantial results. It is true
that Austria agreed to surrender Venetia to Napoleon
III., who, on his part, turned it over to Italy ; but Prussia,
under the management of Bismarck, refused to give France
any territorial compensation for the startling political
change which had taken place upon her borders. The

888 niSTORT OF FBANCK

national pride of Frenchmen was galled by the percep-
tion that their ruler had permitted the accomplishment
of a great revolution in Europe, the outcome of which
had been that France was made relatively weaker through
the great addition of strength to her neighbors. The Sec-
ond Empire had witnessed the consolidation of Italy and
the formation of the North Gisrman Confederation, while
France, on her part, had gained nothing except Savoy
and Nice, which had been wrung from Victor Emmanuel.
There is no doubt that, during the first fifteen years of
the regin of Napoleon III., France enjoyed great prosper-
ity. Railways, canals, harbors, public buildings and
churches sprang into existence under the quickening im-
pulse of the imperial hand. The capital was almost re-
built by Haussmann, and there was scarcely an important
town that was not partially reconstructed. Arts and in-
dustries were encouraged ; commerce was fostered by the
subsidizing of great lines of ocean steamers ; by a treaty
with England, which was strongly tinctured with free
trade principles, the exports of France were signally in-
creased. It must also be acknowledged that, compared
with the state of things at the present time, the weight
of taxation under the Second Empire was scarcely felt.
The French people, however, could not be expected to
realize how much better off they were than their descend-
ants would be, and, by 1868, there were signs of growing
disaffection toward the imperial regime, especially in Paris
and the large manufacturing towns. The high price of
bread in the winter of 1868, and a coincident scarcity of
work, served the turn of the Opposition members in the
legislative chamber. Seditious cries began to be heard
in the streets; the repeated singing of the Marseillaise
provoked arrests and imprisonments. Dismay was ex-
cited by the announcement of the Finance Minister that
a new loan of seven hundred million francs was needed
in order to systematize the resources of the State, and, by
the declaration of the Minister for War, that the army,
including the first reserve, must be increased to 750,000
men, and that a Garde Mobile, which was expected to
afford 300,000 men in the course of a few years, should
be instituted as a second reserve. Thiers, who was now
a member of the leg^lative chamber, was listened to with
ereat interest when he undertook to demonstrate the hol-
kywness of the imperial finance, the burden of debt which

SUPPLEMENTARY CHAPTER. 389

then seemed appalling, and the growing dimensions of
the army expenditure, which, as he maintained, and as
the event was to prove, was not accompanied by any real
increase in the fighting strength of the nation. How un-
popular the empire had become toward the close of 1868
was indicated in November by the proposal of the Opposi-
tion to commemorate the death of Baudin, a leader of the
Reds, who, at the time of the coup d'etat ^ had been shot
on a barricade. For seventeen years, Baudin had lain in
a forgotten grave, when it was suddenly remembered that
he had fallen in resisting the myrmidons of Napoleon, and
that he perished in defense of what was then the law and
the Constitution. The assassination of the journalist Vic-
tor Noir by Prince Pierre Bonaparte, and the subsequent
acquittal of the assassin, gave additional ammunition to
the enemies of the imperial regime. Nevertheless, on
May 8, 1870, when the nation was invited to signify by
a plebiscite whether it continued to repose confidence in
Napoleon III., there were 7,257,379 ayes, which consti-
tuted, of course, a great majority. Grave suspicions of
fraud were current, however, and the returning officers
admitted that there were 1,530,000 noes, indicating a set-
tled hostility in Paris and most of the other large cities.
The circumstance that even the army recorded nearly
60,000 votes against the sovereign was a serious matter.
Within four months after the plebiscite. Napoleon III.
was a prisoner, and the Second Empire was no more.

It is now known that the candidature of Prince Leopold
of HohenzoUem for the Spanish crown would not have
resulted in a war between France and Prussia, had not
Bismarck, who believed that the time was ripe for a trial
of strength, provoked the French Ministry and legisla-
ture to a hostile declaration by publishing a garbled
report of an interview between Eong "William and the
French ambassador at Ems. We need not recapitulate
the incidents of the ensuing contest, which began with
the skirmish at Saarbruck on August 2, 1870, where the
Prince Imperial was said to have undergone his baptism
of fire. This insignificant success of the French arms
T^as followed by defeats at Wissembourg and Worth, and
by three great battles near Metz, on August the 14th, the
16th and the 18th, whereby, although the Germans suf-
fered terrible losses, Bazaine was, eventually, compelled
to draw back under the cannon of the town. On Sep-

390 HISTORY OF FRANCE.

tember 2, Marshal MacMahon's army, comprising more
than 80,000 men, surrendered at Sedan, and the emperor,
who was with the Marshal, became a prisoner of war.
On September 4, the imperial regime was overthrown in
Paris, and the empress, who had been discharging the
functions of Regent, was compelled to fly from the Tuil-
eries and to seek a refuge in England. A provisional
government of national defense was established, the chief
members of which were Jules Favre, Jules Simon, Gam-
betta and General Trochu. The last-named assumed the
command of Paris, while Gambetta imdertook the difficult
task of organizing a system of national defense at Tours.
Gambetta's efforts, although vigorous, proved ineffective,
and the capitulation of Metz toward the close of October
enabled a large German army to co-operate in the siege
of Paris, which had be^un on September 19. The sorties
of the garrison were foiled, and, on January 30, 1871, the
French capital was surrendered to the king of Prussia,
who, in the previous December, had been crowned Ger-
m^an emperor in the Palace of Versailles. On February
8, elections were held throughput France for a National
Assembly convoked at Bordeaux, and, if Napoleon III.
entertained any hopes of a speedy restoration, they were
dashed by the outcome of the appeal to the people. Only
a handful of Bonapartists were returned, and the Republi-
cans constituted but a weak minority, the great majority
consisting of Orleanists and Legitimists. The Assembly
proceeded to choose M. Grevy for presiding officer, and
M. Thiers as chief of the executive power, and then ad-
journed to VersaDles. Well-founded apprehensions of
reactionary designs on the part of the majority in the
Assembly caused an insurrection in Paris on March 1 8,
1871, and the Versailles Qt>vemment directed Marshal
MacMahon to undertake the siege of the capital. The
Commune, as the Municipal Government established in
Paris was called, lasted until May 21 ; during its brief
term of existence, it perpetrated many atrocities, and, by
the assassination of the Archbishop of Paris and a num-
oer of priests, provoked sanguinary reprisals on the part
of its assailants. It was a partially ruined city of which
the Versailles troops took possession, the Tuileries, the
Hotel de ViUe and many otner public buildings having
been destroyed. On the 10th of May, a final treaty of
peace was signed at Frankfort; by it a pecuniary indem-

SUPPLEMENTARY CHAPTER Z9l

nity of five thousand million francs was paid, an d Alsace,
together with a large part of Lorraine, was ceded to Ger-
many, while, on the other hand, the fortress of Belfort
was restored to France. An earnest attempt was made
by the Monarchists to bring about the acceptance of the
Comte de Chambord as king of France, under the name
of Henri V. , but, although he was recognized as the law-
ful sovereign by the Comte de Paris, the representative
of the House of Orleans, the scheme of fusion failed,
mainly because the Comte de Chambord insisted upon
substituting the white flag of the Bourbons for the na-
tional tricolor. To this change, which was too obviously
symbolic of reaction, the Orleanists refused to accede, and
it was, accordingly, agreed that a republican form of gov-
ernment should be provisionaUy organized. On the resig-
nation of M. Thiers in 1873, caused by a defeat of one of
his measures in the Assembly, Marshal MacMahon was
elected President, and, in the course of 1875, a Constitu-
tion was completed which went into operation in the fol-
lowing year. As this Constitution, with some amend-
ments, is still the organic law of France, it will be well
to mark some of its principal features. The organs of
the State, created in 1875, were a Parliament, consisting
of two branches, the Senate and the Chamber of Depu-
ties, and then an Executive, made up of a President, the
Chief Magistrate of the RepubUc, and of Ministers, who
form a connecting link between the ParKament and the
Chief Magistrate, and constitute the controlling factor in
the governmental machinery. The French Senate con-
tains three hundred members, of whom seventy-five were
to be appointed for life, and two hundred and twenty-five
were to be elected for nine years by the Departments. In
1884, however, the provisionff relating to the mode of elect-
ing Senators were amended, and it was enacted that, as
fast £is the life Senators died, their seats should be distrib-
uted among the Departments, so that, eventually, all the
Senators would be chosen in the same way. It is further
provided that a third of the Senators shall be replaced
every three years, the Senate being thus made a perma-
nent body. The legislative power of the Senate and the
Chamber of Deputies is the same, except that financial bills
must originate in the latter House. It is admitted that
the Senate may reduce proposals for taxes and appropria-
tions; whether it can mcrease them or not is disputed.

893 ft HISTORY OF FRANCE.

although, in practice, the Chamber has sometimes ac-
cepted augmentations. "Whether Ministers are responsi-
ble to the Senate as well as to the Chamber of Deputies
has been the subject of controversy ; but the resignation
of Premier Bourgeois in 1896, in consequence of the Sen-
ate's passing votes of censure and refusing appropriations,
seems to have answered the question in the affirmative.
The Senate has, moreover, two peculiar functions. First,
its consent is necessary for a dissolution of the Chamber
of Deputies, a provision designed as a safeguard against
the President, who might otherwise dissolve the Chamber
in order to attempt a coup d'etat during its absence; and,
secondly, the President is authorized, with the approval
of the Council of Ministers, to constitute the Senate a
High Court to try any one for an attempt on the safety
of the State. This power, we may remark in passing,
was used in the case of General Boulanger, who failed
to appear for trial, and was condemned in his absence.

The Chamber of Deputies consists of five hundred and
eighty-one members, certain seats being distributed among
the various colonies, and six being allotted to Algeria.
The members are chosen by secret ballot and by uni-
versal suffrage. A Deputy need be only twenty-five
years old, whereas a Senator must be forty. The mode
of election has varied from time to time between that of
single electoral districts, a system called the Scrutin
d* Arrondissementf corresponding to the method by
which members of Congress are chosen in the United
States; and that of the Scrutin de Liste^ which consists
in the choice of all the deputies of each Department on
a general ticket ; this latter method corresponds to that
by which Presidential electors are chosen in most of our
States. The Scrutin d' Arrondissement, or single dis-
ta^ct system, prevailed from 1876 to 1885, when the
Scrutin de Ltste was introduced. It turned out, how-
ever, that the reactionaries gained seats rather than lost
them by the Scrutin de Liste, and the apprehensions
aroused by the popularity of General Boulanger caused
the Republicans to restore the Scrutin d* Arrondissement
before the general election of 1889.

The important fact should be mentioned that the French
Parliament, like the British Parliament, possesses the
power of amending the Constitution. To revise consti-
tutional laws, however, the two Chambers must meet

SUPPLEMENTARY CHAPTER. 393

in joint session at Versailles, and they then form what
is called the National Assembly, which has one other
function, that, namely, of electing the President of the
Republic. This officer is chosen for seven years, and is
re-eligible; the only restriction on the choice of a candi-
date being found in the constitutional amendment passed
on August 14, 1884, which excludes all members of fam-
ilies that have ever reigned in France. The President is
the executive head of the nation, and, as such, executes
the laws, issues ordinances and appoints all the officers
of the government. He has the right of initiative in leg-
islation, but he has no veto upon the laws, and, although
he may require the Chambers to reconsider a biU, the right
has never been exercised. "With the consent of the Sen-
ate, he can dissolve the Chamber of Deputies, but this
power has fallen into disuse, no dissolution having taken
place since President MacMahon's unsuccessful attempt
to use it in 1877, as a means of getting a Chamber in sym-
pathy with his views. The President has power to make
treaties ; but treaties of peace, of commerce, or those which
burden the finances, affect the persons or property of French
citizens in foreign countries, or change the territory of
France, in other words, aU the more important treaties,
require the ratification of the Chambers. A declaration
of war also requires their consent ; but, as a matter of
fact, the government managed to wage war in Tunis
and Tonquin without any explicit consent, defending it-
self on the ground that the Parliament, by voting credits,
had virtually sanctioned its course. Sir Henry Maine
has observed of the French President that he neither
reigns nor governs. It is certain that, unlike the Presi-
dent of the United States, the French President is not
free to use his powers according to his own judgment;
for the constitutional laws declare that all his acts of
every kind, to be valid, must be countersigned by one
of the Ministers. When, therefore, the powers of the
President are enumerated, it is to be understood that
these are really exercised by the Ministers, who are, at
all times, responsible to the Chamber of Deputies, and
who have acfaiowledged, three or four times, responsibil-
ity to the Senate. As a rule, the President of the Re-
public is not even present at the Cabinet consultations in
which the real policy of the government is discussed. He
has power, it is true, to select the Ministers, and, in this

394 HISTORY OF FRANCE.

matter, he is at liberty to use his own discretion to some
extent; but, as a matter of fact, he generally intrusts
some leading politician with the formation of a Cabinet,
and gives him such colleagues as he suggests. The Presi-
dent's duty in these cases is not as simple as is that of the
English queen, for the reason that the Chamber of Depu-
ties is not divided into two great parties, but into a num-
ber of factions or groups, several of which may unite for
the purpose of forming a temporary majority, but they do
not possess the elements of permanent cohesion.

Having indicated the principal organs of the Constitu-
tion which has been operative in France since 1876, we
proceed to outline very briefly the principal events that
have marked the course of political history. It is not
needful, however, to discuss in detail each of the thirty-
five Cabinets which have come into existence during the
twenty-five jears since the Republic began to enjoy re-
sponsible ministries; that is to say, sinc(» MacMahon's
election to the Presidency in May, 1873. The first elec-
tion under the new Constitution took place early in 1876,
and the Republicans secured a majority of the Chamber.
President MacMahon, who, previously, had placed the
Due de Broglie at the head of a Cabinet of conservative
character, now deemed it his duty to select his Ministers
from the republican majority, and appointed a new Cab-
inet drawn entirely from the Left Center. This Ministry
resigned in less than a year, and was reconstructed under
Jules Simon, who, presently, although he retained the
support of a majority in the Chamber, was requested by
the President to vacate his office, on the ground that he
had not withstood the spread of Radical opinions with
sufficient firmness. A new Cabinet, largely composed
of Monarchists and Bonapartists, was formed, with the
Due de Broglie and M. de Fourtou in the most influen-
tial posts. This was, obviously, a violation of the funda-
mental principle of Parliamentary government, and the
members of the republican groups joined in a protest
which was answered, in June, 1877, by a dissolution of
the Chamber. In the ensuing campaign, a strenuous
effort was made by the reactionists to secure a triumph
at the ballot-box, but, in spite of their exertions, the elec-
tions in October resulted in a victory for the Republicans,
who had been marshaled by Gambetta. Upon the meet-
ing of the new Chamber, the President found himself

SUPPLEMENTARY CHAPTER. 396

obliged to dismiss the Due de Broglie and to appoint a
Republican Ministry, chosen, for the most part, from
members from the Left Center. The fact that, through-
out 1878, the reactionists continued to be preponderant in
the Senate was an obstacle to the complete triumph of the
republicans, but the Senatorial elections of January, 1879,
gave them a majority in that body also, and, henceforth,
they assumed a more aggressive tone. MacMahon now
saw no course open to him but resignation, and he, ac-
cordingly, withdrew from pubHc life. On January 30,
1879, he was replaced by Jules Grevy, a republican of
Gambetta's school. For many years thereafter, the Op-
portunists, as the followers of Gambetta were called, re-
mained the dominant faction in the Republican party,
but they were not strong enough to avert the instability
of the Ministries. Even the Cabinet formed by Gam-
betta himself, in November, 1881, was unable to hold
oflBce more than two months and a half. After his death,
at the end of 1882, Jules Ferry was, for a time, the most
influential republican politician, and the Cabinet formed
by him in February, 1883, was of unusual duration. After
the fall of Ferry, occasioned by the reverses which his ex-
pedition to Tonquin encountered, the people showed dis-
content with the Parliamentary regime by returning, at
the general election of 1885, an increased nimiber ormon-
archists. During the next four years, the most important
event was the appearance of Gfeneral Boulanger as the
head of the opposition to the party in power. He had
become conspicuous as Minister of War from January,
1886, to May, 1887, through his heavy expenditures on
the army and his aggressive attitude toward Germany.
He now proposed a revision of the Constitution, and was
supported by the Bonapartists, a considerable part of the
monarchists, and, also, a good many Radicals. At elec-
tions to fill vacant seats, held under the Scrutin de Listey
he succeeded in carrying several Departments, and was
finally successful by a great majority in the Department
of the Seine. At that moment, the danger of a coup
d'Hat was believed to be great, and, had Boulanger been
a man of capacity and energy, it is not impossible that
the Republic might have been brought to an untimely
end. The Republicans, however, appreciating the grav-
ity of the crisis, drew together, and, under the vigorous
leadership of M. Constant, the Minister of the Interior,

896 HISTORY OF FRANCE.

they administered a severe defeat to Boulangism at the
general election of 1889. Boulanger, himself, fled from
France, and, in his absence, was convicted of violations
of the law. He, presently, committed suicide.

Up to this time, the CathoUc Church had been the bond
of union between the reactionary factions. The Boulan-
ger episode led the Papacy to doubt the wisdom of ally-
ing itself with a discredited party against a powerful re-
pubhc. In the spring of 1892, Pope Leo XIII. issued an
encyclical letter to the effect that the Church was not
necessarily opposed to the republican form of government
in France, in consequence of which declaration, afterward
reiterated and emphasized, many of the reactionaries, un-
der the name of RalHes, have accepted the repubhc.

In spite of the Panama scandals, the disclosure of which
in 1892 discredited a number of leading republican politi-
cians, and, incidentally, the republican regime itself, the
more conservative republicans, or Moderates, as they now
began to be termed, gained a large majority of seats in
the elections of 1893. On December 3 of the year named,
shortly after the opening of the new Chamber, a Ministry
of Moderates, or Republicans of Government, so called,
was appointed, with Casimir-Perier at its head. For the
first time in the history of the Third Republic, a homoge-
neous Cabinet was supported by a homogeneous majority.
It was upset, however, in May, 1894, by an unexpected
crisis, but the same conservative policy was pursued by
the succeeding Ministry, which adopted a conciliatory
tone toward the Church, and maintained the authority
of the government against socialistic agitation.

A month later. President Carnot was murdered by an
anarchist at Lyons; we should here mention that M. Sadi-
Camot, the grandson of the man who is said to have "or-
ganized victory" under the First Republic, had been chosen
Chief Magistrate on M. Grevy's resignation, which, not
long after his election to a second term of the Presidency,
he had been compelled to offer, in consequence of the ex-
posure of the fact that his son-in-law, M. Wilson, had
been guilty of selling decorations. To the place left va-
cant by Carnot, the Moderates elevated Casimir-Perier,
but, after passing seven months in ofl&ce, a constant target
for slander and insult, he resigned the Presidency, and
was succeeded by M. Felix Faure, who appointed a Cab-
inet of Moderates, that, while showing more compliance

SUPPLEMENTARY CHAPTER. 897

toward the Radicals than their predecessors, adhered,
upon the whole, to conservative principles. The Moder-
ate majority, however, gradually grew feebler, until, in
October, 1895, it ceased to exist, and a Radical Cabinet
was formed by M. Bourgeois. He brought forward a
proposal for a progressive income tax, the principle of
which was adopted by the Chamber in March, 1896, but
only by a majority of sixteen. The Senate, where the
Moderates were preponderant, twice passed a vote of
want of confidence in the Ministers, and, when they de-
clined to resign, went so far, in April, as to refuse the
credits demanded for Madagascar, thus, virtually, stop-
ping the wheels of government. Under the circum-
stances. Premier Bourgeois thought it best to withdraw
from office, and he was succeeded by M. Meline, who
selected his colleagues entirely from the Moderates, and
who remained in power until a new Chamber was elected
in May, 1898. Soon after the meeting of that body, it
was made evident that M. Meline did not possess the
confidence of the majority, and ]»e, accordingly, gave
place to M. Brisson, who formed a Cabinet composed
mainly of Advanced Radicals.

A question which has given the Brisson Cabinet much
trouble was the expediency of ordering a new trial of Cap-
tain Dreyfus, a French officer who, at the close of 1894,
had been found guilty of treason by a court-martial, and
sentenced to imprisonment for life. It was, subsequently,
disclosed that the documentary evidence upon which the
judgment of the court-martial had been based had not
been submitted to the inspection of the prisoner or of his
counsel, and that Dreyfus had, consequently, been de-
prived of the safeguards which the statutory law throws
about the liberty of the French citizen. A vigorous
campaign in favor of a retrial was started by EmUe Zola,
the eminent novelist, but his efforts, for some time, seemed
unavailing, and only exposed him to prosecution in his
turn. A change in public opinion occurred, however,
when Colonel Henry, an officer on the general staff, con-
fessed himself to be the forger of a document which had
been put forward in the Chamber as conclusive against
Dreyfus, and he sealed the self -incriminating confession
by suicide. Premier Brisson, soon afterward, declared
in favor of revision, and persuaded most of his colleagues
to adopt the same view. The papers in the case were sent

398 HISTORY OF FRANCE.

to the Court of Cassation, and, if that tribunal shall de-
cide that there is ground for a new trial, Dreyfus will be
brought back to France and arraigned before a second
court-martial.

In respect of colonial possessions, France has made a
remarkable advance under the Third Republic. To Al-
geria, she has added Tunis, and has extended her do-
minions southward over the Sahara, to Timbuctoo, the
capital of the Middle Soudan. In West Africa, she has
greatly expanded her sphere of influence, and, in the
spring of 1898, succeeded in securing, at the expense of
England, some valuable territory in the basin of the
Niger. The French Colonial Office has even contem-
plated the extension of French sway across the whole
breadth of Africa from the Atlantic to the Nile, and
Major Marchand, at the head of a small expedition, act-
ually succeeded in reaching Fashoda, which, however,
was afterward occupied by an Anglo-Egyptian jBorce. In
Central Africa, the French possess an important strip of
territory next to that of the Congo Free State, and they
have established a protectorate, which practically amounts
to annexation, over the great island of Madagascar. In
Farther India, the conquests which were begun under the
Second Empire have been widened until they include not
only Cochin-China and Cambodia, but also Tonquin, the
whole empire of Anam and a considerable section of
Siam. France has also secured from China a lease of the
seaport of Kwang Chou "Wan in the southern province
of Kwang Tung, which port is the natural outlet for the
trade of the province of Kwangsi, and she has also ob-
tained certain exclusive rights of trade and of railroad
building intended to give her the control of the markets
of Southwestern China.

It seemed for many years that the gravest danger by
which the Third Republic was confronted was the condi-
tion of the finances. For a time, indeed, after the war
with Germany, the treasury was skillfully managed, and
France astonished the world by the rapidity with which
she paid the war indemnity. Subsequently, however, her
Ministers were guilty of wild extravagance. They poured
out money like water for roads, railroads and schools, and
rolled up a huge debt to pay for them. At the same time,
they built large fortifications, set up universal military
aervice, and strove to maintain a stronger army and a

• SUPPLEMENTARY CHAPTER. 39?>

more powerful fleet than her larger neighbor on the east.
Meanwhile, the system of financiering prevented the
French people from observing how fast they were go-
ing. A nabit grew up of dividing the expenditure into
ordinary and extraordinary, of which the former alone
was defrayed out of the annual receipts, while the latter,
as something, ostensibly, unusual, was provided for by
loans. As a matter of fact, the items for extraordinary
expenses reappeared every year, and became a normal
part of the budget. Thus the country sank deeper and
deeper into debt, with a gloomy prospect of bankruptcy
before it in case of war. Fortunately, of late, the finan-
cial administration has been, to a certain extent, im-
proved. Instead of the constantly recurring deficits,
there has, more than once, been a surplus, and what is
of even greater importance, many of the extraordinary
expenses have been cut off. Not until they are sup-
pressed entirely will the finances of the country be upon
a thoroughly solid basis.

INDEX.

- Abb«7, Battle, on Held of Hast-
ings 1.888

Abbio, Saxon chieftain, receives

baptism 1. 172

Abbo, monk of St. Germain des

Pr6s 1.907

— his poem on siege of Paris bv

Northmen i. 907,808

Abdel-Rhaman , Arab governor

of Spain L 150

— suppresses rebellion of Abl-

NessA 1. 151-163

— sends Lampagie to Damascus 1. 152

— marches into Qallic Vasconla 1. 158

— takes Bordeaux by assault. . . 1. 153

— slain at Poitiers 1.156

Abderame. See Abdel-Bhaman.
Abelard, philosopher of 12th

century 1. 857

— on Mount St. Geneviftve i. 267

— privateUfe L 400

» quarrel with chiuxsh. 1. 400

— doctrines condemned by

coimcils L 400

— death of i 400

Abercrombie, General, In Oan-

ada V. 127

Aberdeen, Lord, English pleni-
potentiary Till. 66

Abi - NessA Mussulman com-
mander L 161

— plans seizure of Peninsula. . . 1. 161

— overcome by Abdel-Rhaman 1. 152

— dies in defence of Lampagie 1. 152

Abo, conventions of viii. 24

Abou-Kacem, Khalif of Es^pt. . L 828

— takes Jerusalem from Turks i. 328
'-tenders gifts to leaders of

crusades 1.830

Abouklr, Bay of vl. 886

— battle of vl.887

Academicians, the Iv. 486

Academy, French, founded by

Richelieu iv. 149-161

— pronounces judgment on the

Cid lv.161

— Dictionnaire of Iv. 424

Academy of Sciences Iv. 426

Acadia, desolation of v. 120

Acadians, the story of v. 123

" Accolade, the" L 869

Accol6e. See Accolade.

Ach6, Count d\ commander of

fleet in India v. 107

Aoi, Regnault d'. massacre of . . il. 120
Aolocque, captain of National

Guard vi. n

Acqs (now Dax), on frontier c^

Guienne UL 198

Act of Accusation viil. 113

— Supplementary vllL 170, 17S

Adalberon, Archbishop of

Rheims L 288

— advocates cause of Hugh

Capet 1.S36-2S9

— and Duke Charles L 287-889

Adalbert, Coimt of Perigord .... 1. 240

Adalbert, De Ordine Palatii... 1. 188

Adam, Abbot, and Louis VI. . . . L 388
Adams, John, on Declaration

of Independence v. 867

Ade.aide, Madame vilL 376

AdL6mar, Bishop of Puy 1. 306

— dies at Antiocb L 388

Adhemar IL, Viscount of Li-
moges. 1. 866

— and monks of St. Martial L 857

Adrets, Baron of, barbarities in

Provence 111.848

Adrian I. invokes aid of Charle-
magne 1.174

— his reception of Charlemagne 1. 177

— advises Charlemagne to be-

come king of Lombards L 177
Aduaticans struggle against

Romans L 55

.£duans, a Gallic tribe L 17

— ask aid of Romans L 49

.^Igidius, Roman general L 106

.Stius leads Romans against

Attila L 106

— victorious over Attila at

Ch&lons i 108

.^^lians, a Greek people L 85

Affry, of Helvetian confedera-
tion Til. 60

Agace, Gobin, a French traitor 11. 84

Agenois, ceded to En^and i. 456

Agincourt, battle of 11. 814

Agnadello, battle of 11. 441

Agnes of Merania, death of. 1. 418

Agobard, of School of Palace. . L 196

Agoult, Marquis d' v. 861

Agrippa, Governor of Gauls 1. 68

— f oimds Cologne 1. 68

— admits Germans to Gaol L 68

Aguesseau, Chancellor d' ▼. 10

— deprived of the seals, retires ▼. 14

— recalled v. 17

— exiled v. 48

Aigues-Mortes, Charies V. and

FrancisLat 111.100

Algulllon, Duke of, repulses

English T.147

401

402

TUTDBZ.

Ai^uillon, Governor of Brittany T. 157

— minister of war and foreign

affairs ▼.841

— superseded by Count of Ver-

genues ▼. 841

Aiguillon, Due de vi 36

Aiguillon, Duchess of, niece of

Richelieu tv. 75

Aire, John d', of Calais 0.94,96

Aix, founded by Romans L 38

— Parliaments of ill. 178

— English flre-ships at viL 314

Aiz-la-Chapelle, Congress at,

1688 iv. 226

— treaty of, 1748 v. 95

— liberation of vliL 232

Aladenise, accomplice of Prince

Louis Napoleon viil. 841

Alain v., Duke of Brittany i. 266

— appointed regent of Nor-

mandy L266

— poisoned by his enemies i. 267

Alais, peace signed at, 1629 iv. 103

Alans. See German nations.

Alaric, Kiue of Visigoths L 109

Alaric II., King of Visigoths of

Aquitania. L 118

— interview with Clovis i. 119

Alauda, Gallic legion of Cffisar L 66
AJava, General, commands the

Spanish auxiliaries viii. 11

Alba, Duke of, Captain-general

of Spain iu. 196, 881

Albech, French troops fall back

upon vil. 120

Alb6ric, Cardinal, against here-
tics Li03

Albermarle, Duke of, defends

Denain iv. 297

Alberoni, Italian priest Iv. 449

— influance over PhiUp V v. 23

— his work in Spain v. 30

— fate of his navy v. 81

— and Marquis of Villena v. 82

— endeavoi-s to create civil war

in France v. 85

— dismissal demanded by

France and England v. 85

— fall of, 1719 V. 35

— carries away will of Charles

n V. 86

Albigensians, a religious sect. . . i. 401

—crusade against i. 401

•~ n^otiations of Louis WH ... i. 428
Albret, Henry d'. King of Na-
varre ill. 146

Albret, Jeanne d', birth of iil. 161

— and the youmg princes til. 270

— goes to the court at Blois.... iii. 277

— death of Ul. 288

Albret, Sire d' ii. 398

Alcuin, adviser of Charlemagne i. 196

Aldred, Archbishop of York L 277

Alenoon, Duke d', at the battle

of Cr6cy U. 88

— killed at Aglncourt 11.214

AlenQon, Duke of ii 250

— kind reception to Joan of

Arc iL251

Alenoon, Duke of, leaves fieki

of Pavia UL 71

-4teath of IIL 78

Alesia, capital of the Hando-

bians L 6, IS

— siege of L 6t

Alessandria, Convention of tU. 2t

Alexaqder II., Pope L 278

— espouses cause of William

against Harold i. "279

Alexander IV., Pope i. 451

— St. Louis asks for Inauisition i. 451
Alexander VI., Pope... ii. 402

— deathof iL4«4

Alexander, Emperor of Russia,

learns of his father's death vli. 42
Alexander, Emperor, corona-
tion vli. 42

— proposes mediation in Euro-

pean affairs. vii. 109

— treaty with England vli. 1 10

— admiration of Napoleon viL 196

— meeting with Napoleon at

Tilsit vii. 15»

— rejoins his troops vii. 159

— meets Napoleon at Erfurt. . . vli. 249

— dissatisfied with treaty of Vi-

enna vii. 820

— concludes war with Turkey. . vii. 879

— refuses to negotiat« with Na-

poleon vii. 384

— begins campaign against Na-

j)oleon vii. 889

— enters Breslau viii. 88

— unjust terms to St. Cyr viii 61

— personally engaged against

Napoleon vii. 89

— in Paris, 1815 viii. 20t

— Religious treaty with Prussia

and Austria viil. 217

— death of viiL 260

Alexandria, new and old vi. 388

— surrender to English viL 45

Alexis Comnenus. iSeeComne-

nus.

Alfred the Great, friendship for

RoUo L208

Algeria, question of govern-
ment viii. 81t

— extension of French powar

in viii. 857

Algiers, capture of viii. 878

Allemannians. ^ee German na-
tions.

— invade settlements of Franks L 115
Alliance, the grand, forming. ... iv. 258

— second signing of iv. 272

— quadruple, rupture of v, 69

— triple, signed at the Hague,

1668 .- iv. 224

— triple, 1834 viii. 886

AlUed armies march upon Paris viiL 97
—powers against France, dec-
laration of ViiL 50

— powers renew treaty of Chau-

mont viii. 166

— troops retreat from Jem-

mapes vL 800

-troops, successes and re-
verses of vL814

Alller, Chabot de r vii. 69

Allies defeated at Lutzen viii. 80

— determine upon an armistice viii. 86

— position after battle of Baut-

zen viiL 16

nwEx.

403

AllJes in Paris, declaration of . . . riil. 107

— demand person of Napoleon vlii. 300

— take possession of Pans vlii. 203

— in the capital viiL i»3

Ailobrogians, a Qallic tribe L 39

— lose existence as a nation — L 40
i^imanga., Spaiiish defeat Eng-
lish and Portuguese at . Iv. 288

▲taneida, stege of . . viL 844

Aloys of Re(Ung overtlirown vii. 59

Alphonso nT/King of Naples .... IL 402

— abdicates in favor of Ferdi-

nand n 1L408

Alquier, President of Tribunal

of Versailles vi. Ill

Alquier, mfaiister of France ▼!!. 181

Already distressed ii. 219

Alsace, Hungarian hordes in L211

— Henry IL attempts to conquer ilL 193

— Lorrainers in exile in Algeria It. 31

— restored to France. !▼. 800

— return of emigrants vL 220

Altenkirchen, fight of vL 881

AlTiano, BartJielmy d' and Louis

Xn ii.441

Alyinzy, Qeneral of Austrians.. . vL 834
Amaury I., King of Jerusalem., i. 848

Ambessa, Arab chieftain L 150

— leads Arabs into Gaul L 150

Amboise, Bussy d', killed in

duel iv. 89

Amboise, Cardinal d' ii 892, 397

— and Florentine envoys U. 449

— death at Lyons — IL 451

Amboise, Chaiunont d\ nephew

of Cardinal ii. 458

Amboise, the conspirat^ of ilL 229

Ambra ''braves," Qallic horde L 21
Ambria. See Umbria.
Ambrians. See IJmbrians.

Amelie, Queen vUL 868

Amelot, of Court of Aids, and

Cond6 tv.l89

Amelot, Marquis v. 800

America, armed resistance
■gainst taxation by Eng-
land TT^fl. 261, 264

— declaration of independraioe,

1776 V. 267

— commerce, embargo on vli. 838

— relieved from decrees of Na-

poleon vii. 838

American war, battles of Lex-
ington and Concord V. 266

— successes in the war v. 274

— army, sufferings of ▼. 876

— success at Yorfctown v. 288

Americans relieved from ir.nglt^

orders in council vii 888

Amhra, Ambrons. See Ambra.

Amiens, treaty of, with England vii 58

Amnes^, general, exceptions to viil. 211

Amphiaseans, a Oreek people. .. i 85

Ampisuarians, a Frankish tribe i 106
Amsterdam refuses submission
to Louis XIV. and cuts the

dikes. iv. 286

— eagerly receives French ... vi 817
Anastasius, Pope, to Clovis — i 117

— sends emba^y to Clovis. i 120

Ancenis, treaty of, 1468 ii.888

Ancients, Councfl of vi. %6

Anoona surrenders to Bonaparte vi. 841

— seized by French troops vii 169

— occupied by the Frencn vili 808

Ancre, Marshal d', murder of. . . iv. 18

Andalusia, insurrection in vii 224

— Marshal Soult's campaign in vii. 224

— French evacuate viii. 18

Andelot, Francis d' ill. 190

— sent to prison by Henry II. . . iii 214
Andre, Major, execution of ... v. 286
Andr6ossy, Generai leaves Eng-
land vii. 77

— appointed governor of Vienna vii. 278

Angeunes, Nicholas d' iii 849

Angilbert, scholar of Charle-

magne'stime i 196

Anglas, Boissy d' vi 222, 227

— uncovering bof ore the head of

the depufy Feraud vi. 230

Anglo-Sicuian army in Catalonia viii 11
Angouleme, Due d', arrival at

Bordeaux viii 95

— establishes regency in Spain. . viii 260
Angouleme, Duchess, Journal

quoted. vi. 141

— re-enters Paris viii. 134

— visits the troops viii. 167

— opposes coup cP6tat viii. 289

Anguiers, the iv. 480

Anianus, St., and Hun invasion i 101

Anjou, a state of France i 244

Anjou, Count of (Foulques, the

brawler). i258

Anjou, Duke of (QeofCrey Martel) i 270

Anjou, Duke of, son of John H.. ii. 140

— hostage for treaty of Br6tigny ii 140

— breaks pledge and returns to

France ii. 140

— aspires to dominion in France ii 175
Anjou, John of, Duke of Calabria ii. 315
A^u, Heniy, Duke of iii 860, 267

— Ignoble treatment of Cond6's

body iii.26»

— receives tender of crown of

Poland iii.288

— flight from Cracow 111.81*

— flight and insurrection of — iii 317

-deathof UiSM

Anjou, Duke of, brotber of Louis

TTTT. iv. 85

— See also Orleans.

Anjou, Duke of, grandson of

Louis XrV iv. 860

— See also Philip V.

Anjou, little Duke of, heir to

Flrench crown iv. 2M

Anjou, Ren6 d' ii 47»

Anne of Austria, wife of Louis

Xin. iv. 1»

— secret correspondence with

her brothers iv. 64

— regency of iv. 165

— retains Cardinal Macarin iv. 166

— tour througli Nommndy and

Burgundy iv. 18il

— commissions Mazarin to raise

levies in Gtermany iv. 186

— summons Parliament to Pon-

toise iv. 198

— proclaims Parliament rebel-

lious. iv.l9e

— fidelity to Mazarin iv. 196

404

INDEX.

MtMAAfl

Anne of Austria and Cardinal

Mazarin !▼. 198

— meeting vrith Philip IV. of

Spain iv. 207

Anne of Beaujeu, daughter of

Louis XI iL882

>- assumes govemment of

France iL 888, 891

— and Duke of Orieans iL 891

— war with Brittany iL 398

— and Tjouis of Orleans, reoon-

dliatJon. ii. 897

Anne of France. See Beaujeu.

Anne of Bourbon.. 11. 896

— See also Anne of Beaujeu.

Anne of Brittany ii. 892

— claimants for her hand iL 898

— marries Charles VUI iL 899

~ personal animositiee iL 486

— marries Louis Xn iL478

~ death of IL 478

Anne, Prineess. of Russia, wifeof

BolMvt ofFrance L 850, 251

Anne, Queen, of England, acces-
sion of iv. 278

— dismisses Marlborough and

the Duchess iv. 298

Annebaut, Admiral d' iH. 106

An^ard, bmvess, efforts in be-
half of WiUiam of Norman-
dy. 1. 289

Antigonus, King of Macedonia L 22

Antilles, French squadrons in. . viL 112
Antin, Duke of, son of Mme. de

Montespan v. 48

Antioch, capital of Syria 1.819

— besieged by crusaders t 819-822

— betrayed into hands of cru-

saders L 838

— horrible famine L828

— epidemic at L 888

Antiochus conquers division ct.

Gauls L 26

Antoin, village near Fontenoy . . ▼. 87
Antoinette, Marie. See Mane

Antoinette.

Antonelli, Cardinal viL 107

Anton ines, a^e of the L 79

Antoninus Pius, reign of L 79, 80

Antrustions, confidants of the

king fl. 148

Antwerp surrenders to Louis

XV V. 91

— fortiflcationsof vii. 815

Anvers, treaty of Flemish com-

mimes and English IL 54

Anville, Duke of, tfeet destroyed v. 120

Aosta, Duke of vl. 896

Apollo, oracle of L 25

Aquoe Sextioe, now Alx. I. 38

Aqultaine, a state of France ... L 244
Aquitania, division of southern

Gaul L125

Aquitanlans in Gaul L 10

— victorious over Arabs L 149

Arab blood in France L 401

Arabs and religion L 148

— terribly defeated by Aquita-

nlans L 149

— invade and conquer southern

Gaul L 149, 160

— QfSpain L160

Arabs under Ambessa enter Gfud L ISO

— tritunph over Aquitanlans at

Bordeaux L 168

— retreat from Poitiers L 156

— take Jerusalem L 298

— attack pilgrims i. 808

— in subjection to Mamelukes.. vL 884

— Mussulman, invade ETUX>pe ... L 148

— Mussulman, overthrow King'-

dom of Visigoths L 148

— Mussulman, conquer Syria,

Mesopotamia, Egypt, and N.

Africa L 148

Aranjuez vU. 187

— centralJunta at viL 248

Arcadius, an Arvemlan senator i. 127.

Architecture in middle ages ill. 186

Areola, battle of vi. 886

Arcon, Chevalier d', inventi(n]S

of V. 296

Arcot, in India, taken by CBve . v. 108

Ardres, royal meeting at ill. 88

Arecomicans, a Gallic tribe i. 19

Aregisius, Duke of Beneventum L 178
Arezzo, Mgr., interview with

Napoleon vii, 176

Argence, D' and Cond6 ill. 268

Aigenson, M. d', seals entrusted

to ▼. 14

— harsh dismissal v. 140

Argenson, party leader vtU. 245

Argenteau, M. Mercy d' v. 850

Argonne, forest of vl. 296

Anans and bishops of southern

Gaul L118

— a religious sect L 401

Aridius, adviser of Gondebaud,

1. Ill, 118

— perfidy to Gondebaud L 117, 118

Anovistus, chieftain of Suevians L ^
Aristoxena. See Gyptis.

Arlon, reduction by French,1568 ill. 209

Armada, Grand, against Eng-
land ill. 484

Armagnac, Bernard d' ii. 205.

Armagnac, James d'. See Ne-
mours.

Armagnac, Louis d', vlcerpy ot

Louis xn U. 481

— killed at Cerignola ii. 481

Armagnacs ancTBiu-gundians .IL 806, 216

— massacred by Burgundians. . ii. 228

Arminius (Herrman) L 168

Armoric League L 17

Army, Christian, the vi. 258

— of French Republic, first im-

portant victory vl. 800

— remains faithfiu to Napoleon viii. 116

— reorganization of viiL 188

Amauld, M., a Jansenlst ir. 846

Amauld, Ainaury 1. 411

Amauld, Mother Angelica tv. 77, 84i

Amhem in hands of French ... vi. 817

Arnold, Benedict, treason of — T. 884

Amulf proclaimed emjjeror. — L 888
Arouet, Francis Mari^. See

Voltaire.

Arras, sedition in fl. 108

— siege of 11.210

— peace concluded at 11.210'

— peace signed between Fnaoe

and Burgtmdy ILSB?

INDEX.

405

Aims, treaty of, Dec. S8, 148S. . . U. 878

Axrest of the members. t. 862

hit during reign of Louis XTV. . Iv. 865

— in France inl9th cen viL 210

Artevelde, James van, at his

door a. 58

— Bketchof iL54

— and Count of Flanders ii. 56

— In Ghent il. 67

— and Edward m. ii.60

— maintains right of Edward

III. to French crown 11. 68

— growing unpopularity 11.78

— killed by mob U. 80

Arteyelde, PhUip Van IL 170

Articles, organic vli. 56

Artois, allies invade, 1710 Iv. 892

Artols, Count Robert of I. 462

— defeats Flemish at Fumes L 462

— put to the sword L 464

Artois, Robert of 11.46

— intrigues and banishment. ii. 46

-~ desperately wounded at Van-

nes 11.67

— deathof 11.70

Artois, Comte d\ closes Tennis

Court vi 9

— in England vii. 81

— returns to Paris Tiii 128

— accepts constitution for Lou-

Is XVin vlH. 129

— strives to take part in the gov-

ernment vil.. 287

Arts, development In middle

ages 111. 185

Arvemians, a Galllo tribe 1.17

— defeat Sdxwnn L 49

Asfeldt, Marshal d' y. 66

Asia, source of wandering na-
tions 1. 211

Asiatic nations Inundate Roman

Empire L 105

Assas, Chevalier d'. death of. . . . v. 148

Assemblies of Charlemagne. — 1. 188

— provincial v. 812

— preparatoiy v. 888

Aflseniblv, National, Third Es-
tate becomes v. 896

— votes collection of taxe& vL 8

— adjourns to Tennis Court vt 8

—in Church of St. Louis vi. 9

— visit of Louis XVI vi. 9

— refuses to disperse vi. 10

— the three orders united tL 18

— pledged to provide constitu-

tion vi. 14

— asks withdrawal of troops vi. 17

— all power concentrated In

hands of vi 24.

— honorable action of nobflltry . . vi. 28

— vote of, Aug. 4 tLW

— takes property of clOTgy vt 41

— declares its mission ended vi. 66

Assembly, Constituent, N^ional

becomes — vi. 66

— review of its work vL 66, 66

— Louis XVI. takes leave of . . . . vi. 66

— defiance to sovereigns of Bo-

rope tL 891

— substitutes militia for pro-

vincial troops yL 898

•-tormation of auxiliary corps.. tL898

Assembly, Legislative, Constit-
uent becomes tL 68

— Insists upon oath from all

priests vi. 69

— receives armed petitioners ... vi. 74

— pronounces the coimtry in

danger vL 81

— Act of accusation vi. 88

— royal family in hall vi. 88

— Swiss Guards enter hall vL 91

— obeys the insurrection vi. 98

— legacy of umversal suffrage. . vi, 98

— recognizes Commune of Paris vi. 94

— abdicates power into hands

of Commune vL 98

— votes for domiciliary visits. . . vi. 100

— petitioners crowd to bar of. . . vL 108

— expires vi. 118

— threatening news from prov-

inces vi. 154

Assembly of Notables ill. 486

Assembly of Resistance at Caen vi. 278

Asjvem, struggle at vil. 874

Assietta, heights of, battle of . . v. 98

Assizes of Jerusalem i. 885

Astolphus, king of Lombards. . . i. 165

— conditions of peace with Pep-

in ... L166

Astros, Abb4 d', imprisonment

of vU. 860

Asturias, Prince of, arrest of . . . vil. 188

Ataulph, king of Visigoths L 106

Athanagild, king of Spain. L 184

Atheling, Edgar, nephew of Ed-
ward L 288

— proclaimed king of England.. L 288

— abdicates L 289

Athelstan, successor of Alfred

theGreat i.800

Athenians lead Greek coalition. . i. 84

Attalus, king of Pergamos 1. 86

— triumphs over Gauls L 86, 87

Attalus, the Christian. See Ly-
ons, martyrs L94,98

Atlila, king of the Huns L 108

— besieges Orleans L 107

— defeated by .Stius at Ch&lons, L 108
Attuarians, a Frankish tribe . . . L 108
Aubi^^ Theodore Agjisv». d\ . UL 468

— and Henry rv 11L468

— andHenrym 111.460

Aubi^y, Stuart d' IL 489

Aubin-du-Cormier, battle of IL 894

Auch, Martin d' vi. 9

Audovdre, first wife of Chllp6rfc5 i 186,187

Augereau, French general vL 886

— and Directory vL 860

— leaves Coimcil of Five Hun-

dred Ti411

— reply to Napoleon vilL 68

Augabiu^. entry of Qustavns

Adolpnus Iv. 119

— league of, t686 Iv. 868

August, lOtb. insurrectioii of... tL 9B
Augustulus, last Roman Empe-
ror <rf the West L 108

Augustus, Roman Emperor. — L07

— fflvidesGaul. L «7

— administrative energy, L68

— attacks religion of Gauls L 60

— Roman title of Smp»or L 88

Augustus in. of Poland t. 68

406

INDEX.

Augustus HL, Ung of Polancl,

death v. 168

Augustus, Stanislaus, king of

Poland V. 169

Aulic Council vi. 343

Aumale, Dulce d\ Historie des

Frinces de Conde.

ill. 229, 286, 268, 882, 888
Aumale, Due d', attempt upon

life of viii. 847

Aumont, Duke of, threatened

by mob vi. 57

Aumont, Marshal d' iii. 349

Auneau, Germans defeated at. . lit 831

Auquetonville, Raoul d'. ii. 199

Auray, battle of. il. 71

— military commission of vi. 871

Aurelian, Roman Emperor L 88, 86

Aurelian, messenger of Clovis

1. Ill, 112, 115
Aurelius, Marcus. See Marcus

Aurelius.

Austerlitz, battle of tU. 182

Austrasia, extent of. L 126

Austrasians proclaim CharleB

Duke of Australia. i. 146

— and Neustrians i. 148, 146, 147

Austria, part in division of Po-
land ,.... V.174

— falls at mediation viL 156

— secret diplomacy at St. Pe-

tersburg viL 281

— matrimonial alllanoe yriih

France ▼11826

— secret alliance with Napoleon vii. 877

— declares her position viii. 28

— joins coalition against France viii. 47
Austria, Anne of, wife of Louis

im iv.l2

— See also Anne.

Austria, House of, foundations

laid L 455

— split in two Iv. 170

— ^>d of its supremacy in Qer-

many Iv.l70

Austrian army enters Italy iv. 272

Austrians occupy Genoa v. 93

— defeated bv French at Rivoll vi. 889

— defeated at Hohenlinden vii. 80

Austro-Bavarian army encamps

ontheMein viiL58

Auton, John d', Chronique quo-
ted Jl, 427, 488

Autichamp, Marquis vL 808

Autun. See Bibracte.

Auvergne, portion of Gaul L 17

Auvergne, Count of iil. 870

Avalos, Ferdinand d', Neapoli-
tan ofHcer iiL 50

Avars, barbaric nation i 144

Avauz, M. d', French diplonur

tist Iv. 170

Avignon, governed by Jourdan vL 67

Avfles, Peoux>MeDendesde. v. 118

Aydie,0d6td' and Louis XL... IL874
Aymot, James, traoalator of

Plutarch ilL 848

Azdbes, Diego, bish<^ of Osma L 405

Babeuf , Gracchus, conspiracy of vL 822
Babua, envoy of Emperor Fran-
cis r; TiiLffi

Badoochl, Elisa, sister of Napo-
leon ▼11.108

Badajoz, treaty of vii. 47

— capitulates to the French. .... vii. 855

— taken by Wellington viii. 19

Baedhannat. See Barthanat.
Bagaudians, significance of

name L 84

Bagration, Prince vii. 181, 88fl

— death of vii. 403

Bailly , the learned astronomer. . vi. 8

— execution of vi. 177

Baird, Sir David viL 24«

Badazet I, Turkish Sultan iL 194

Balachoff, bearer of Alexan-
der's orders vii. 889

— dismissed by Napoleon viL 388

Baldwin, the Debonnair, Count

of Flanders i. 270

— regent of France i. 274

Baldwin, Count of Hainault .... i. 818

— and Tancred, strife between i. 318

— leaves Crusaders at Maresa. . I. 318

— becomes prince of Edessa,

afterwards king of Jeru-
salem 1.819

Baldwin II., emperor of Con-
stantinople, sells crown of

thorns to Louis L 4SS

Baldwin III., king of Jerusalem i. 342

Baldwin lY., king of Jerusalem i. 852
B&le, negotiations toward

peace vi 818

Baliol, claimant for throne of

Scotland 11.47

Balland, General rtiSO

Balue. Johnde ii. 867

Ban, Giulay, the vii. 288

Ban, Jellachich, corps of the — viL 288

Bank, downfall of the v. 17

Banquets in the departments — vilLSTS
Bar, Guy de, Burgundian pro-
vost ii.2ai

Barante, M., History of the

Dukes of Bur gundy... VL. 188, 888, 881

Barbaczi, Austrian ColonsL vL 400

Barban&gre, General, capitu-
lates at JEIimnigue viii. SIO

Barbarians assisted by Gauls

and Germans L 41, 4S

— defeated by Romans at the

Coenus L 46

Barbarigo, Augustin, Doge of

Venice iL 401

Barbavera, Genoese bnccanier.. iL 61

Barbaroux in Assembly vL 117

— joins in denimciation of

Robespierre vL 117

— death of vt 178

Barberini, Cardinal, nephew of

UrbanVni Iv. Ill

Barbezieux, Secretary of War. . iv. 261

Barcelona, treaty of iL 400

— attempts insurrection vii. 228

Barclay de Tolly, General vii. 886

— aims at junction with Bagri^

OoD.... rr... viL890

— sketch of vIL 898

Bamave in prison vi 171

— execution of vi. 178

Barras named commandant. ... vi. 208

— commandant of anned f oro* vL Stf

HTDEX.

407

Bairas, cbanuster of ▼!. 858

— yiolent scene with Gtohler. ... t1. 402

•— dislike of Bonaparte vL 407

Bure, Chevalier de la, exeon*

tlonof v.ao?

BaiT^, Ck>lonel, in ElngUsh Paiv

Uament v. 260

Barrere, character of vL 181

— report of danger to republio tL 811
Barree, William des, French

knight L 864

Barri, Godfrey de. 8e» La Be-

naudie.
Barricades, the triumph of the

iiL 840,344

Barrot, Odllon viil. 878

Bart, John, corsair of Dun-

kerque iv. 247

— anexploitof 11247

Barthanat. a Qallic chieftain. . . i. 2ft

Bar*h61emv, French diplomat. . tL 318

— arrest of tL 362

Bartholomew, Peter, priest. i. 824

Baecbet, La Diplomaiie VeHttu

eune au Seizikme Siicle

U. 888, 427, 430

Basle, conference at vi. 377

Basnage, Huguenot refugee in

Holland v. 6ft

BMQues, people in Southwest

Gaul L 11

— perfidy to Charlemagne i. 180

— In Aquitania, insurrection 1. 214

Bassana reprcBents Nai>oleon at

Wilna Til. 393

Bassompierre, Francis de, and

Henry IV iil. 468

Bassompierre, Count of iv. 10

— extracts from journal of Iv. 87, 42

Ba-ssompierre, ^Iemo^re» de.... iv. 112

Bastile, the, a fortress il. 174

— storming and capture vL 18, 20

Batavian Riepublic, revolution. . vii. 68

— authority of First Consul as-

sured in vii. 58

Battle Abbey i. 288

Baudricourt, Robert de il. 242

— reception of Joan of Arc li. 243

Bauffremout, Henry de, baron

of Senecy iv. 14

Bautzen, battle of vUi. 84

Bavaria, Gustavus Adolphus in iv. 120

— elector of, proclaimed

Charles VII v. 75

— secretly joins coalition

against France vilL 64

Bavian Republic, interior dis-
sensions vi. 879

B&ville,M.de iv. 840

B&ville, Lamoignon de ▼.52

Bayanue. Cardinal de. 711.177

BavanI, Chevalier de 11.417

— iinprisoned ii. 424

— and Ludovico Jl. 425

— wounded at Breflda ii. 465

— farewell ii. 459

— at Villafranca lii. 11

— death of Ui. 67

— honors by Spanish army at

hisdeath Hi. 60

Baylen, batUe of vlL 280

Bayonne, Junta formed a* vlL SU

HF(R)

Beachy Head, naval battle off iy. 9iS0

B4aru, re-establishment of free

Catholic worship Iv. 84

Beaufort. Duke of, arrest of . . . iv. 168

Beaugency, French take ii. 261

Beaubarnais, President of As-
sembly vi. 67

— French ambassador in Spain, vii 188
Beauhamais, Eugene de vii. 108

— See also Eugene Prince.
Beauhamais, Hortense de vii. 108

— marries Louis Bonaparte vii. 108

Beauhamais, Josephine. See

Josephine

Beaujen, M. de, at Ft. Duquesne ▼. 12(1

Beaumarchais, sketch of t. 271

— pleads and assists cause of

Americans v. 871

— as author t. 388

Beaurae, B^^ald de. Arch-
bishop of Bourges UL 409

Beaamont, Francis de, barbar-
ities in Provence ill. 248

Beaupuy, General opinion of

Vendean War. vi 261

Beauvais, Vincent of UL 110

Beauvais, Bishop of (brother

ofColigny) Ui. 244

Beauvais Naugis, Sieur de ill. 349

Beauvais, siege of ii. 348

— resists Burgundians U. 848

Beauvilliers, Duke of v. 46

Beda, Noel Bedier, Syndic of

Sorbonne UL 148

Bedford, Duke of, brother of

Henry V. of England U. 238

— regent of France IL 285, 238

Bedier, No61. See Beda.

B6huchet, Nicholas, treasiu^r

of King Philip IL 61, 68

Belg or Bolg. See Belgians.

Belgians in Gaul L 10

— kindly receive escaping

French soldiers viU. 187

Belgica, insurrection in L 75, 76

Belgium ruined by war with

France vi. 81«

— insurrection in 1793 vL 897

— independence declared viii. 800

Belin, of the League, taken

prisoner. Ui. 371

Bellay, Martin du, Mimoirea de Ui. 84

BeUe-Isle, Count v. 74

— cold reception at Paris. — v. 79

— arrested, carried to England v. 86
Belle-Isle, Chevalier, death of. . v. 93

Belle-Isle-en-Mer v. IJ

Belle Poule and the Arethusa. . . v. 277
" Bellerophon," the, brought its

illustrious passenger into

Plymouth Harbor vUL 205

Bellesme, William de, Norman

lord L2C5

BeUidvre, President, and Louis

xm Iv. M

Belzunce amidst the plague-
stricken V. 3t

Benedict XI. elected Pope 1. 481

— concUiatory measures of . . . . L 481

— supposed to be poisoned L 481

Benevento, Prince of <TaUey-

rand) viU. 90

' Vol. 8

408

INDEX.

Benningsen, General of Rus-
sian forces vii. 167

Benolt, Histoire de VEdit de

Nantes iv. 835

Berezina, crossing the vii. 422

Bei^gamo occupied by French. . vi. 829

— insurrection of vi. 848

Bergen - op - Zoom besieged by

French v. 94

Bergerac, peace of, 1577 iii. 823

Bernn captured and pillaged by

Russians v. 148

— triumphal entry of Napo-

leon ▼IL 145

— decree of Napoleon vii. 166, 338

— evacuated by the French viii. 23

Bemadotte vi. 33

— sent to Paris by Bonaparte. . vi. 360

— ambassador at Vienna vL 879

— refuses command of army

of Italv VL898

— removal of from ministry of

war vi. 406

— - bars passage of Prussians at

Weimar vii. 143

— principality bestowed upon vii. 174

— resentment against Napoleon viL 288

— proclaimed prince - royal of

Sweden vll. 836

^ eng^agements with Russia. . . . vii. 878

— commands army of the North vill. 47

— slowness criticised by Ger-

mans viii. 53

— English subsidies to viii. 89

— letter to Napoleon viii. 23

Bernard, a French monk i. 800

Bernard, Duke, of Saxe-Weimar iv. 128

— defeated at Nordling^n iv. 134

— dies 1639 iv. 131

Bernard, duke of Septimania. . . i, 218

Bernard of Italy and Louis i. 214, 217

Bernese army beaten by Ghen.

Schauenbourg vi. 378

Bemler Abbe vii. 50

— Bishop of Orleans vii. 106

Bern wald, treaty of, 1631 iv. 117

Berquin, Louis de, charged

with heresy iii. 152

- again a prisoner in the Con-

ciergerfe iii. 155

. ^ tran^erred to Louvre by

Francis I Ui. 158

^ liberation of iii. 159

— enters service of Marguerite

ofValois iii. 159

— third arrest of. iii. 162

— dies at the stake iii. 164

Bemiyer, (Jeneral, recalled vi. 2.53

Berry, Duke of, Charles ii. 312

Berry, Duke of iv. 458

• death of iv. 461

Berry. Due de, nephew of Lotds

XVIII viii. 235

-- assassination of viiL 235

Berry, Duchess of v. 455

— death at Palais Royal v. 38

Berry. Duchess de. the vill. 810

-arrives in Vend6e, insurrec-
tionary efforts viii. 810

— arrest and imprisonment of viii. 311
Bertha, wife of Pnilip I L ^1

— repudiated by PhiUp L261

Berthier, General, forms neiw

army vi. 8S4

— in command of army of Italy vi. 878

— character of vi. 874

— at Paris, minister of war vii. 6

— receives title of General-in-

Chief vii. 17

Bertrade, fourth wife of Foul-

quesleR6chin 1.851

— character of i. 263

Bertrand, Grand Marshal, re-
fuses to countersign the de-
cree viii. 154

B6rulle, Cardinal, labors of. iv. 74

— Father, sketch of iv. 108

Berwick, Marshal, son of James

n iv. «88

— defeats Anglo-Portuguese at

Almenza iv. 288

»— commands French army in

Spain V. 84

Besenval, Baron de v. 306

Bessleres, Marshal, at Rio Seco. vii. 227

— offensive order of Lannes vii. 275

— deathof vilL 80

BeumonviUe enters Flanders. . . vi 300

— arrested by order of Du-

mouriez vi. 806

Beveminck visits Louis XIV. at

Ghent Iv. 849

— peace iv. 249

Beyrout taken by allied pow-
ers vili.889

Bibracte (Autun) country of

JEduans 1. 17

Bicetre, the assassins at vi. 106

Biechel, Marshal vii. 148

Bievres. Lord of. See Rubem-

pr6 11.357

Billaud-Varennes vi. 108

Bingos occupied by Marshal

Bessieres vii. 223

Bicem, or Ironsides, Danish

prince L 204

— shipwreck and death i. 806

Biron, Marshal de, at La Ro-

chelle iii. 877

— conspiracy against Henry IV. iii. 466

— arrest of iii. 466

Biron, Dukeof v. 87

Biron, Marshal suppresses bread

riot in Paris v. 848

— commands repubUcan forces vi. 254

— recalled and sentenced vi. 255

Bituitus, King of the Arvemi-

ans 189

— defeated by Romans L 40

Bitxirigians, a Gallic tribe i. 18

Blake. General, overthrow of

his army vii. 260

Blanchard, Alan, hero of Rou-
en ii. 280

Blanche of Castile, wife of Louis

Vm 1.862, 415

Blanche, Queen, jealous of Mar-
guerite 1.428

— character of i. 424

— government of France 1. 4S4

— intrigue with Theobald IV. . . 1, 425

— insurrection of barons Ii 426

— deathof L 874

Blanche of Navarre U. 9f

HTDBX.

409

Btancbe-Taohe, ford of tiie

Somme U, 8S

Blancmesail, Presidait, arrest

of It. m

Blandina. See L^ons, martynt
of.

Btenheim, battle of, 1704. See

HocbBtett iv. 879

Blockade, Ck)ntinental, by Na-
poleon vU. 147, 836

Blois, Mile, de, daughter of

Mme. de Hontespan iv. 444

Bloia. treaty of 11. 422

Blonde!, Robert, a poet ii. 838

Blucber, Marshal, commands

Prussian army vlil. 28

— commands army of Silesia. . . viii. 47

— driven baclt by Napoleon viii. 92

>— cavalry devastates the envi-
rons of Paris viii. 198

Board of Works v. 158

Boeage, the tL 851

Bodin, John, publicist of 16tb

century ilL 816

BoStie, Stephen de la, friend

of Montaigne lii. 187

— republican treatise of ill. 815

Bohemond, Prince of Tarento. . i. 810

— treatment of Turkish spies. . 1. 831
Boians, isolated Kymrian tribe i. 19
Boileau, Stephen, provost of

Paris 1.448

Boileau and Racine iv. 407, 412

Bois de Vincennes iv. 196

Boisllardi vl. 268

Bois-Robert iv. 149, 154

Boleyn, Annie, maid of honor

to Mary Tudor.. ii. 480

Bolingbroke, Lord, at VersaO-

les lv.899

Bologna, siege raised by Gaston

deFoix H.465

— Leo X. and Francis I. at ill. 16

Bommel, island of vl. 816

Bonaparte, Napoleon. See Na-
poleon.

Bonaparte, Jerome, marriage

in America vil. 185

— King of Westphalia vil. 168

Bonaparte, Joseph, represents

France at Rome vi. 878

— king of Two Sicilies vli. 137

— proclaimed King of Naples., vii. 171

— proclaimed King of Spain

See Napoleon viL 881

Bonaparte, Louis. See Louis,

King of Holland.
Bonaparte, Lucien, efforts at

influence vi. 401

replaces Laplace Tli. 24

— sent as Ambassador to Mad-

rid vii. 25

— faithful to Napoleon viii. 180

Bonaparte, Prince Louis Na-

JK>leon at Strasbourg vii. 887
tempt at insurrection and

arrest viii. 837

- embarks for United States. . . viii. 827

— second arrest viii. 841

Bonchamps commands insur-
gent peasanta Ti. SSS

•-deathof ▼1.868

Boniface departs to evangelize

the Frisons L 1<J1

— yields his episcopal dignity

toLullus ...... rr L161

— slain by Imrbarians i. 168

Boniface VIII. decrees canon-
ization of Louis IX. i. 464

— andPhilipIV i. 468, 470

— addresses bulls to Philip IV.

1. 470, 471, 47B

— proclaims supremacy of

HolySee i. 474

— urges release of Saisset i. 474

— bull, "Hearken, most dear

son." .^ L 474

— accusation against L 477

— in captivity \ i. 479

— dies of fever i. 480

Bonifacius, Roman general i. 106

Bonnet, Qeneral, at Salamanca viii. 12

Bonnivet, Admiral iii. 82

Borde, Charlotte Arbaleste de

la iii. 487

Bordeaux, Due d', visits Lon-
don viiLSee

Bordeaux taken by Arabs i. 158

— besieged by Northmen i. 208

— King John at ii. 116

— two-fold capitulation of . ... IL 896, 298

— insurrection against Charles

VII iL 898-801

— opens its gates to English — ii. 298

— outbreakin 111.96, 185

— Ferious insurrection against

salt-tax Hi. 187

— in revolt against royal au-

thority Iv. 181

— opened to the English viii. 95

— General Clausel takes pos-

session of viii. 168

Borel, Duke of inner Spain I. 289

— asks assistance of Hugh Capet i. 289
Borgia, Caesar, receives fa-
vors from Louis XH ii. 480

Boreo, Count Pozzo di viii. 78

Borisow taken by Russians. . . . vii. 436

— battle of viL 429

Borodino, battle of, vii. 401. See

Moskwa.
Boscawen, Admiral, besieges

Pondicherry ▼. 100

Boso, Duke of Aries, King of

' Provence L 208

Bosq, Peter du. Huguenot

preacher iv. 387

Bosredon, Louis de 11.217

— commander resigns vL388

Bossuet disapproves of Mme.

Guyon's writings, tv. 356

— Bishop of Meaux Iv. 857

— Oraison fwxkbre de Louis de

Bourbon iv. 167

— Oraison fnnibre d'Henriette

d'Angleterre iv. 898

— real head of Church in 17tll

ceatury It. 808

— sketch of It. 800

Boston patriots throw tea over-
board T. 864

— English evacuate, 1776 t. 266

Botta, Marquis of, Austrian

commandant t. 9S

410

INDEX.

Bottles, Cardinal. See Louis

de Lorraine iii. 276

Bouchain taken by French, 1712 iv. 298
Bouchard, Lord of Montmo-
rency i. 888

— boast and death of t 383

Bouchotte, minister of war vi 254

Boucicaut, Marshal of France.. ii. 150

BoufiBers, Marshal, at Lille iv. 284

Boufflers, Duke of, at Genoa v. 93

Bougrainville, M. de v. 332

Bouille, M. de, ordered to re-
press the seidition vi. 43

Bouillon, Godfrey de, Duke of

lorrame i. 809, 310

— death of... i. 335

Bouillon, Duke of iv. 9

— arrested by order of Louis

YTTT iv. 57

— refuses to join Cond6 faction iv. 186

Boulay, M., report of ■■■... vi. 368

Boulogne taken by Henry Vm. iii. 107
Bourbon, Anthony de. See Na-
varre.

Bourbon, Peter of, son-in-law

of Louis XI Mi. 371

Bourbon, Duke John of, death of ii. 394

Bourbon, Matthew of ii. 416

Bourbon, Gilbert of ii. 413

— dies prisoner at Naples ii. 418

Bourbon, Charles, Duke of iii. 8

Bourbon, Duke of, Ctiarles IL iii. 40

— as Governor of Mllaness iii. 41

— campaign in Picardy iiL 45

— rejects hand of Louise of

Savoy iii. 46

— lawsuit iii. 47

— negotiates with Charles V. of

Spain iii. 48

— treason of iii. 49

— made lieutenant-general of

Charles V.'s forces in Italy iii. 67

— and Chevalier de Bayard iii. 59

— re-enters Mllaness with new

army iiL 67

— commands imT>erial armies

in Italy, 1527 ill. 89

— slain in the assault upon

Rome iiL 90

Bourbon, Constable de. See
Charles n. of Bourbon.

Bourbon, Henry de. See Cond6,
Henry de.

Bourbon, Louis de. See Cond6,
Louis de.

Bourbon, Cardinal of, decla-
ration of iiL 824

Bourbon, Charles de, pretends

to throne of France. iii. 866

— dies at Fontenay iii. 867

Bourbon, Duke of, claims

king's education v. 20

— ministry of v. 50

— dismissal of v. 61

Bourbon, Francis of, Count

d'Enghien lil. 104

Bourbon, Duke of, attempt at

insurrection vllL 167

Bourbon, Mary of. Mile de

Montpensier Iv. 37

BourboD, House of, plans for

restoring viL 89

Bourbon prhices protest against

usurpation of Bonaparte. . . vlii. K)6

— first restoration of vlii. 110

Bourbons authorized to quit

France vi. 239

— tremble on their thrones vii. 138

— overthrow of . viii. 148

— re-ascend throne of Naples. . viii. 175

— public opinion demands res-

toration viii. 198

Bourbotte demands death of

Louis XVI vi. 118

Bourges, transformation of ii. 10

Bourse, construction by Napo-
leon vii. 206

Bouteville, M. de, executed for

duelling iv. 89

Boutiot, T. Histoire de la
Vilie de Troyee et de la
Champagne miridionale . . .

iii. 149, 167, 247
Boves, Hugh de, a mercenary. . i. 392

Bouvines, battle of i. 893, 394

Boyne, the, battle of iv. 267

Braddock, General, death at

Fort Duguesne v. 125

Braganza, House of, fall of vii. 167

Brancas, Andrew de, Lord of

Villars iii. 406

Brandywine, English defeated. . v. 274
Brantome, (JSuvret de, quoted . .

iii. 37, 90, 96, 809
Brantome, Histoire des grands

Capitaines iii. 2S2

Bread riot, 1795 vi. 228

Br6da, 1667, peace between Eng-
land and Holland iv. 228

Breda, smrender of vi. 308

Brenn. See Brennus.
Brennus, most famous Gallic

chieftain L 28

— stabs himself. L 26

Brescia taken by Gaston d©

Foix ii. 456

— occupied by Ft«nch vi. 329

— insurrection of vi. 348

Breslau, Prussian court at viii. 83

Bres.suire, rising in subiu-bs of vi. 251

Brest, expedition from vL 336

Br6tigny, peace of ii. 137

Breton army defeated near

Rennes U. 394

— " Club" vi. 37

— becomes Jacobin club vi. 38

Bretons ravage Frankisli terri-
tory L 214

— and Normans, arrest and

decapitation ii. 77

Breteuil. William de, seneschal

ofWilliam L 277

Breteuil, Baron de.... v. 338

— desires Louis XVI. to leave

France

— personal agent of Louis XVL
Brez6, M. de, and National As-
sembly

Brigonnet, Bishop iii. 148

Brienne, Walter de, duke of Ath-
ens ii. 107

Brienne, Memoires de iv. 168

Brienne, Lomenie do v. 860

Brienne, battle of , 1814 • viiL W

vl. 55
VL299

vi 10

nrDEX.

411

BripindB .. U. 154

Brieault. Abb6 ▼. 28

BriBuega taken by Spanish,

\7\Q Iv.898

Brissac, Charles de, in war in

Piedmont iU. 19»

Brissac, Cotmt de, gOTemor of

Paris 111. 4ia

Brissot, member of Legisla-

tive Assembly ▼!. 67

Brit. See Pryd.

Britons of Armorlca tender

homage to Clovis 1. 180

— refuse tribute to Franks 1. 214, 815

Brittany portion of France L 17

— succession of iL 66

— insurrection i. 214

— state of France L 244

— failure of conspiracy. : v. 86

— states of refuse subsidy v. 822

— civil war reaches vl. 149

Brittany, John IIL, Duke of,

death of li. 70

Brittany, Duke of, Frands n.. . . U. 383

— death of li 894

Brittany, Anne of. S'ee Anne.
Broglie, Marshal, evacnates

Bavaria v. 81

— commands forces about Paris vi. 14

Broglie, Due de ... viil. 223

Brotherhood of the Holy Splrtt Hi 259

Brottier, Abb6 vi. 354

Broussel, Coimcillor arrest of . . Iv. 171

— released at popular demand Iv. 176

Bruat, Admiral in Oceania vlii 858

Bruce, Robert, Scottish hero i 467

Bruce, David, claimant tat

throne of Scotland H. 47

Bructerians, Frankish tribe L 103

Bruey, Admiral, commands

FVench fleet ri 886

Bruges, fair of.. i 460

— people dumb at aimroach of

PhilipIV i468

— burghers make a new seal ... 1. 467

— opens ita gates to the

French, 1707 Iv. 288

Bnme, General , in Helvetia vi. 877

. proclaims Democratic Con-
stitution vi. 878

— proclaims unity of Helvetic

Republic vi. 378

— replaces Mass6na in Italy .... vii. 29

— Itfarslial, murder of viil. 218

Brunehaut, wife of Sigebert . . . i. 185-139

— enterprise and charitrv i 138

— Instigates murder of St. Di-

dler i 189

— terrible death i 180

Brunn, French army in. vii. 128

— overcrowding of nospitals. . . vii. 184
Brunswick, Duke of. vi. 81

— commander of allies vi. 896

— proposes a conference vi. 300

— resigns his command. vi. 818

— mortally wounded vii. 142

Brueydre, Matthew de la til. 821

Bmey^re, Peter de la. Ml. 821

Brys, Edouard Faye de, Troia

afaoittrata fyancaitdu Sei-

zihne8iMe IU. 96

Biibenbe^, Adrian of tt. 856

Bubna sent to Paris viii 15

Budiarest, treaty of 1812, Russia

and Turkey. viL 879

Buckingham, Duke of, favorite

of Charles I. of England . . iv. 85

— sails for France iv. 85

— at siege of R6 iv. 89

— exjjedition to RocheUe iv. 90

Bude, Wilham, iii 185, 161

Buffon, sketch of v. 230

— superintendent of Jardin da

Rol V. 280

— elected to the Academy v. 228

— theories of .. v. 224

— writings of v. 221, 288, 285

— death of v. 225

Bugeaud, General viiL818,a58

— appointed Commander- in -

Chief viii.a78

— in Algeria viii. 856

Bulgarians, barbaric nation . . i. 144
Bullion, M. de. Superintendent

of Finance iv. 48

Bunker's Hill v. 266

Burdigala, afterwards Bor-
deaux i 19

Bureau des Longitudes vi 296

Biu^hers, growing power of 11. 84

— white hoods of ii. 56

Burgos captured by French . . . vii 848
Burgoyne, General, capitulates

at Saratoga v. 874

Bnrgundians. See Qerman na-
tions

— found kingdoms in Gaui i 108

— and Armi^nacs ii 805

— plot favoring iiStt

— masters of Paris. ii281

— defeated at Morat ii 865

Burgundy, a state of France. ... i 244

— del^rates repudiate cession of

duciiy Hi 86

Burgundy, house of, founded by

Johnll Iil48

Burgundy, Duke of, Philip the

Bold. iil47

— marriage of ii 147

— death S iilW

Burgundy, Duke of, John, and

Charles VI ii. 197

— John the Fearless, Coont of

Nevers ... li 198

— acknowledges murder of Or-

leans Iil9e

— re-enters Paris B. 200

— pardoned by Charies VL 11.205

— challenges Henry V li 215

— (John) prosecntes civil war in

France ii 218

— and Henry V ii 2S6

— and Dauphin ii 286, 280

— assassinated ii281

Burgundy, Duke of, Philip the

Goodi. Ii215

— besieges Compidgne ii207

— besieges Calais ii 2M

— protects Dauphin. II. 818

— dies of apoplexy. B. 830

— Charles at, and Louis XI. . . ii 825-887

— andLouisXI. atP6ronne.... ii. 884

— bnmsNesle ii848

— repulsed at Beauvais ii 848

412

UTDEX.

Bui^undy invadss Lorraine ... U. 849

— hasty retreat from Granson. . iL 853

— third campaign againstSwiss. ii. 358

— slain at Nancy ii. 860

Burgundy, Duke of, in Flan-
ders, 1707 iv.283

— affection for F6n61on iv. 881

— now dauphin iv. 465

— has favor of Louis XrV iv. 457

— and duke of St. Simon. iv. 468

— deathof iv. 461

Biwgundy, Duchess of iv. 445

— death of iv. 458

Burgundy, Mary of ii. 868

— declines marriage with dau-

phin. ii. 864

^ marries Maximilian ii. 866

Burrard, Sir Hemy viL 236

Bussv-Castlenan, M de., in India v. 100

— returns to India v. 294

Bute, Lord, adviser of George

m v.61,149

— requires destruction of Dun-

kerque v. 61

Buzot, flight of V. 158

Byng, Admlral,destroy8 Spanish

squadron v. 81

— trial and death of v. 187

Oabaixebo, Marquis of vlL 185

CJabarrus, Th^rSse vL 818

Oabridres, ravaged iiL 175

CJacault, French minister vL 841

— final instructions to viL 50

CaderSas, Don Inigo, Spanish

ambassador iv-. 18

Cadiz, insurrectionists at viL 221

— centre of insiurection viL 842

— fortifications of viL 842

— French raise siege viil. 13

— Cortes withdraw to viiL 250

— siege of, under Due d'Angoo-

leme viil. 250

Oadoudal, Georges vi. 269

— and Bonapartie viL 12

— dislike to Moreau..... vii. 84

— arrest of viL 86

Ceen, fugitive Girondian depu-
ties at vL 276

— Parliament of iiL 406

Ceesar, Julius, pro-consul in

Gaul L 50

— forbids passage of Helvetians. L 60

— attacks and defeats Helve-

tians L60, 51

^ occupies and garrisons Veson-

tlo L 52

— routs Germans under Ario-

vistus L 68

— conquers GauL i. 68-65

— character of L 56, 57

— employs Germans against

Gauls L 61

•'besieges and garrisons Mar-
seilles L 66

-strengthens his power in

Gaul L 66

— levies taxes in GauL L 67

Ccesars and Flavians compared. i. 78

CaffarellL General vL 888

— atRome ilL 104

OseUoBtro V.881

Cairo protected by Mamelukes. . vl. 88f

— besieged by Eleber viL 28

Calais, harbor of iL 90

— sie^e of iL 9t

— council of ii. 98

— surrender of iL 94

— once more becomes a French

town iiL 207

— taken by Spaniards iiL 481

— restored to French iiL 448

Calais, John, and family v. 20S

— execution of v. 68

Calder, Admiral of English

Navy vii. 114

Caldiers abandoned by Austrl-

ans vL888

Caligula, the mad Roman Em-
peror L 71, 73

— transforms Gauls into Ger-

mans I. 71

— auction sales of L 71

— erects lighthouse L 78

— assassinated L 78

Calixtus ni., Pope, expedition

of ILSOB

Callet, William. See Earlc

Calonne, M. de v. 158

— and Assembly of Notables v. 820

— sketch of V. 828

— exiled by Louis XVI v. 349

— intrigues of vL 64, 68

Calvin meets Marot at Ferrara. iiL 181

— pleads cause of Yaudians iii. 174

— sketch of ill. 178

— arrives in Gteneva UL 178

— reforms attempted in work

of iiI.17»

Calvinistic party, political or-
ganization of iii. 440

Calvin's Grotto Iii. 178

Cambac6r6s, proposition of vL 189

— Second Consul. vii. 84

— opposed to projects of Napo-

leon vii. 98

CamboD, minister of finance ... vi. 801

CambraL League of ii. 489

— peace of iii. 94

— the capture of, by the French. Iv. aW
Camden, Lord, and Franklin ... v. 280
Camillus, Roman consul, de-
feats Gauls L 80

— Dictator, delivers Rome from

Gauls L 68

Camisards, the, revolt of, 1704

iv. 279, 840

— Villars, account of iv. 848

Campan, Madame de v. 83S, vl 68

Campo- Basso, Italian traitor. . . ii. 868
Campo Formic, treaty with Aus-
tria vL 800

Campredon, M. de, French am-
bassador at St. Petersburg . . v. 84

Canada and Americsin colo-
nists T, 870

— French colonists in t. 118

— French colonisation in v. 115

Canadians, Indian allies of v. 126

Canclaux, General, suspended . . vi 258

Canonical Institution, order of vii. 370

Canopa, battie of vii. 44

Oape Breton, captured bv Eng-

^h. ..\7r.. T.118

INDEX.

413

OapAlHche leads rioters a^nst

Arma^acs IL 222

— city executioner, beheaded., ii. 224
Capet, Hugh, son of Huerh the

Great i. 236

— raised to throne 1. 289

— chiuracter and connections. . . i. 240

— crowns his son Robert i. 240

— and Adalbert i. 240

— hesitates to wear the crown. . i. 240

Capetian dynasty founded i. 240

Capetians, their accession a

national work 1. 241

— to time of Crusades i. 243-264

Capitularies, laws of Frankish

kings i. 193-194

Capitulation of Paris. See Paris.

Capponi, Peter, Florentine ii. 405

Caprara, Cardinal, legate of Pi-
us VII vii. 55, 104

— and revised catechism vii. 218

Capua surrendered to French. . ii.409

— capitulates to Gtonzalvo ii. 429

— resistance of vi. 894

Caradenc, M. de v. 160

Carbon, and attempt upon Bo-
naparte vii. 89

Carcassonne besieged by Clo-

vis i.l20

Cardinals and marriage of Na-
poleon vii. 326

Carlist Insurrection viii. 824

Oarloman, son of Charles Mar-

tel i.l69

— abdicates and enters mon-

astery i. 160

Carloman, son of Pepin the

Short i.l61

— death leaves Charles king i. 167

Carlos, Don, claim to Sptuiish

throne viii. 824

Carlovingian, pertaining to

Charlemagne i. 193

Carlovingians, decay and fall

i. 201-227

— and Papacy i. 241

Carmelites, massacre of vi. 105

Camatic, Nabob of the v. 98

Oamot in trial of Committee ... vi. 222

— has charge of war adminis-

tration vi. 812

— In the Directory vi. 827

— takes refuge in Switzerland vi. 862
.' protests against hereditary

succession of Bonaparte vii. 95

Caroline, Queen of Naples vi. 898

Carracena, Marquis of, Spanish

officer iv. 200

Carrero, Porto, a young abb6

arrest of v. 23

Carrier, fills Nantes with ter-
ror vi. 199

— cited before the Convention vi. 214

Carrousel, Place du vi. 97

Oarthagena, revolt in vii. 222

Cartier, James, French ex-
plorer V. 115

Casaccio, John Bernardino, a

leader of Milan insurrection ii. 424

Casole, siege of, by Spaniards iv. 112

— French prisoners at vi. 896

Oascaveous, revolt of the iv. 60

Casimir, Prince John, son of

elector palatine ilLMl

Casoni, Cardinal, minister of

state — vii. 177

Cassel invested by French un-
der Phihj> of Valois ii. 48

— burnt by Philip V U 44

— victory of, by French iv. 247

Cassini directs new observa-
tory iv. 427

Cassius seUs many Gauls i. 37

Cassius, Dion, quoted i. 64

Castafios, General vii. 229

— defeated by Lannes vii. 250

Castelnaudary , battle of iv. 47

Castlereagh, Lord, character of viii. 77

— arrangements with Bema-

dotte viii. 89

— preponderance in the Council viii. 89

— in English Cabinet vii. 164

Castiglione, battle of vi. 332

Castlenau, Peter de, missionary i. 404

— slain i. 406

Castlenau, Memoires de. .iii. 2:27, 285, 239
Castilles, agitation at measures

of Napoleon vii. 224

Castillou, siege of ii. 299-800

Castries, Marshal de, private

note to Louis XVI v. 828

Castries, Due de, commands

emigrants vi. S96

Castries, M. de, retirement of... v. 866
Caswallon (Cassivellaunus),Brit-

on chieftain 1. 56

Cateau-Cambr6sis, treaty of iii. 210

Cathars, a religious sect L 401

Cathcart, Lord, at head of Eng-
lish squadron vii. 164

— summons Prince Regent to

deliver Danish fleet viL 164

Cathelineau, the Saint of Aniou vL 252
Catherine of France marries

Henry V IL 288

Catherine de Medici addresses

Parliament iii. 206

— political position in France ... iii. 206

— forms a third party iii. 221

— sketch of ill. 248

— and massacre of St. Bartholo-

mew iii.281

— withdraws to Monoeaux iii. 287

— accepts regency iii. 818

Catherine I., widow of Peter the

Great v. 59

— offers her daughter in mar-

riage to Louis XV V. 60

— Russia makes alliance with

Germany v. 64

Catherine II. of Russia ▼. 158

— excites mutiny among sol-

diers V. 158

— proclaimed Empress of Rus-

sia V. 163

— policy of V. 158

— secret treaty with Frederick

II V.168

— share in partition of Poland., v. 17S

— invites D'Alembert to Russia v. 216

— patronage of Diderot . v. 218

Catholic triumvirate Ui. 243

Catholics, their rule under the

Guises UL ai»

414

INDEX.

Catholics, massacres of, 1661-

1673 UI.248

^ win battle of Moncontour iiL 270

— refuse to acknowledge Henry

rv.asking ili. 365

— oppose edict of Nantes iii. 445

Catinat, successes at Marsaglia It. 282

— superseded by Villeroi iv. 272

— finishes campaign as a simple

volunteer iv. 272

— fails in Gtermany iv. 278

Cattians, a Frankish tribe i. 103

C5auchon, Peter, Bishop of Beau-

vais iLa69

Caulaincourt replaces Savaiy

in Russia vii. 165

r— explanation concerning Hol-
land viL835

— directed to negotiate with

allies viil. 33

— urges the peace viil. 46

— appointed foreign minister. .. viii. 63

— argues for regency of Mari6-

Louise . vili. Ill

Cavaignac, Godefroy vlii. 316

Cavalier, John, chief of Gami-

sards tv. 840

Cayenne, transportation of

deputiesto ▼L864

Caylus, Due de vi. 11

Cazales, in National Assembly.. vL 11
Cazotte, Mile., filial tenderness

of vi. 106

Celestine III., annuls decree of

Compi6gne i. 416

Cellamare, Prince of, Spanish

ambassador v. 23

^^result of his conspiracy v. 25

Celtiberians, origin of L 21

Oeltica, country of the Celts. . . i. 16

— Little, province in Spain 1. 21

Celts, ancient use of term L 15, 16

Oengnola, battle of ii. 431

Cental, Madame de, lady of

Provence Iii. 212

Oerbellon, Count, at head of

Spanish insurrection vii. 223

Cercle Constitutionnel vi. 867

Ceresole, battle of iiL 107

06v6nols, revolt of. See Cami-

sards iv. 840

Chabannes, Philip of. Count of

Dampmartin ii. 878

Chabannes, James of iU. 8

Chabannes, Count v. 87

Chaboulon, Fleury de. viiL 146

Chabot, interview with Petion vi. 85

— efforts to free the convention

from yoke vi. 178

Chabrand, General, arrives at

Verona vi. 850

Chabrol, Prefect of Montenotte vii. 864
Ghalais, Coimt of, conspiracy

of iv. 37

— arrest of. iv. 87

— condemned and executed i v. 38

Chalons - sur • Mame. See Ch&-

lons.

Ch&lons, battle of. L 107, 108

CShalotais, M. de la v. 168

Chamavians, a Frankish tribe. . L 108
Cfaamber, Grand t. 71

Chamber, of htmdrttd days,

negative policy riiL 106

— of Peers, violent scene viiL 182

Chambers resolve upon sepfi-

ration from Napoleon viiL..189

Chambon, Doctor, Mayor of

Paris vL ISS

Chamillard becomes secretary

of finance Iv. 267

— obtains his discharge from

Louis XIV Iv. 289

Champier, Lea Gestes et la

Vie du Chevalier Bayard . .iiL 14, 58

Championnet, General vi. 893

— without command vi. 398

Champlain, Samuel de v. 1 15

— career in Canada v. 115-117

Champ rouge, le I. 219

Chanvpagny, minister of foreign

affairs viL 177

Champs de Mars vi. 16

Champs Llysefis evacuated. ... vL 16
Chanoemuggur, French estab-
lishments at V. 97

Chandos, John, English leader

in Brittany ii. 71

— adviser of Prince of Wales. . . ii. 163

— takes Guesclin prisoner ii. 154

— in joint command with

Prince of Wales ii. 160

— withdraws to Normandy ii. 163

Changarnier, Commander viii. 326

Chapel. Holy, the L 436

Chapelles, Count de, executed

for duelling iv. 39

Chararic, King of Framks of

Terouanne i. 123

Charbert. King of Paris. L 125

Charente, four large vessels ran

aground at the mouth of

the viLM4

Charette heads rising in the

Marais vL 25S

— makes peace with the repub-

licans vi. 866

— and the representatives of

the p>eople ....■■ vl. 266

— proclaims Louis XVlll vi. 279

— execution of vl. 274

Charity, Sisters of, cradle of . . . iv. 75

Charlemagne, son of Pepin. . . . 1.161

— character of L 167

— reign commences L 167

— campaign against Hunald. . . 1. 167'

— wars of L 168

— invades and lays waste Sax-

ony L 168

— captures fort of Ehresburg

1168,160

— determines upon conquest of

Saxony L 169, 178

— and the missionaries. i. 170

— inflicting baptism upon the

Saxons i. 171

— pimishes Saxons for revolt . . I. ITS

— and Wittikind L ITS

— campaign against Lombards 1. 174

— compels retreat of Lombards L 174

— besieges Didier i. 175

— visits Rome L 177

— confirms Pepin's gift to Ste-

phen U. L177

nTDEX.

Alb

Gharlemacrne, has his son bap-
tized King of Italy 1. 178

o takes Didler to France as

prisoner 1. 178

— aggressive campaign in Spain L 179
^wlmdraws across the ryr^

nees 1.180

>- disaster at Roncesvalles L 180, 181

■— hang^ Lupus of Aqultaine i. 181

— makes Aquitania independ-

ent kingdom 1.183

— crowned emperor of the Ro-

mans 1. 188

— extent of his dominion 1. 186

— and his government. 1. 186-SOl

— officers of 1. 186, 187

— lack of cohesion in dominion L 186, 19S

— general assemblies. i. 187

— yaasalB of 1. 187

— mini dominici of L 188

— advisers of L liJ6

— presiding at the school of the

palace 1. 196

— regard for science and litera-

ture L 196-198

— prepares for death 1. 196, 199

— bids Louis assume the crown 1. 199

— labors for church reform 1. 199

— dies Jan. 88, 814 L 200

— tomb of 1. 200

— and the Northmen corsairs ... 1. 202

— labors for Christianity 1. 299, 300

Cbarles,son of Pepin of Heristal,

afterward Charles Martel. . . i. 146

— twice defeats Neustrians 1. 147

— makes peace with Plectrude.. 1. 147

— takes a sluggard king, as Clo-

tairelV 1.147

— threatens Aquitania i 147

— repels invasions of Prisons

and Saxons L 147

.— contracts alliance with Duke

of Aquitania 1.148

— covets territory of Eudes 1. 161

— accuses Eudes of violating

treaty 1.161

— twice in 731 ravages poesea-

sions of Eudes 1.151

— arrests progress of Arabs L 168

— takes oath of loyalty from

Eudes L 168

— receives the name Martel L 166

— proceeds to restore unity of

Prankish dominion i. 156

— drives Arabs from Provence L 166

— attempts to drive Arabs from

Beptmiania i. ISO

— incorporates southern Gaul

into Prankish dominion i. 166

— recalled to northern Qaul by

SaxoB insurrection 1. 156

— offends the church 1. 166, 157

— gives safeguard to St Boni-

face I. 167,168

- promises assistance to Pope

Gregory 1. 168, 160

v^ divides dominion between

sons i. 169

— dies Oct. 22, 741 i. 169

Obarles the Bald i.S04

— negotiates with HaatinsB.... 1.906
-eketchof ■,...... LW

Charles the Bald, plots agalnst..l. 220, 2S1

— forms alliance with Louis the

Germanic L 221

— victorious at Fontenailles L 2X1

— character of L 226

— and Louis the Germanic, re-

newed alliance 1. 222, 22S

Charles the Fat, King of France 1. 206

— purchases retreat of North-

men from Paris i. 208

— deposed L 208

Charles the Simple. L 208

— offers his daughter to Rollo. . i. 209

— treats with Rollo 1.209

— sole king of France L 200

Charles I. of England Iv. 84

— marries Henrietta of France iv. 81, 109

— character of iv. 110

Charles II. of Navarre (ttie Bad) U. 99

— imprisoned by John II 11. 100

— secret treaty with King

John ILlOa

— liberated 11. 117

— and Qoodf ellows 11. 125

Charles n. of England Iv. 221

— sells Dunkerque to France. . . iv. 221
Charles II. of Spain iv. 258

— wills Spanish crown to Duke

ofAnjou It. 268

Charles III. of Spain. See Arch-
duke Charles iv. 28S

Charles in.. King of Naples and

Spain V. 160

Charles IV. the Handsome 1. 494

Charles IV. of Spain, demands

liberty of royal children vi. 236

— renews family compact vi. 886

— invokes advice of Napoleon. . vlL 18S

— abdication of vll. 186

— surrenders crown to Napo-

leon vll. 200

Charles IV., Emperor 11.118

Charles V. (Prince Charles, the

Dauphin), son of John n.. . . 11. 110

— summons states-general 11. 110

— meeting with Elmperor

Charles IV IL 118

— convokes states-general of

Langue d'ofl and Langue

d'oc 11.118

n^otiations with Emperor

Charles rv. and Pope 11.118

— war with Charles the Bad.... 11.118

— policy of » II 181

— accession of VL 141, 146

— civil councillors of li. 147

— government of 11.149

— ransoms Guesclin 11.154

— makes Guesclin marshal U. 165

— alliance with Henry of Trans-

tamare 11. 166

— pushes war against Ehigland li. 109

— desires recoveiy of Calus. ... IL 160

— dying sp>eech of iL 178

— brothers of li 174

— fondness for literatoro and

arts 1L174

— buflds Bastile IL 174

Charies v.. Emperor 11.484

— Austrian and Spanish antece-

dents ..,, llLtl.26

416

INDEX.

GbarlesV., etooted Emperor vf

Germany ill. 29

_ and Hemy VIIL of England

at Dover ill. 81

— and Duke of Bourbon ilL 67

— appoints Duke of Boiu-bon

lieutenant-general In Italy., ill. 57

— desires Marseilles ill. 62

— proposes condition of ransom

of Francis I lii. 75

— and the Popes lii. 87

— ill success of Provence cam-

paign Ui. 98

— takesTunis lii. 98

— bestows Order of Gtolden

Fleece upon Francis I iil. 103

— goes to Low C!ountries via

France 111.103

— convokes German Diet at

Spires 111.104

— and Henry Vni. against Fran-

cis I. and Turks 111.104

— threatens Paris iil. 107

— signs treaty at Passau Hi. 194

— at siege of Metz lii. 196

— raises siege of Metz ill. 197

— besieges Therouanne 111. 198

— abdicates in favor of Philip. . 111. 199

— and CoUgny ill. 800

— signs truce at Vaucelles lii. 200

— learns of battle of Saint-

Quentin ill. 204

Charles YI. and Dukes of Bur-
gundy 11. 174

— coronation of IL 175

— espouses cause of Count Lonla

of Flanders iL 177

— returns to Paris from Flan-

ders IL 180

— marries Isabel of Bavaria.... 11. 183

— assumes the government . . IL 185

— anger at attack upon De Clis-

son 11. 187

— madnessof 11.189,190

— and Odette 11. 191

— trial of the councillors 11. 198

— withdraws power from Louis 11. 197

— and royal family leave 'Pax\& li. 203

— pardons Duke of Biwgundr. . 11. 205

— death of U. 236

— funeral followed by Bedford

alone iL 238

Charles YI., Emperor, of Ger-
many !▼. 296

' death of v. 72

Charles VII. as Dauphin iL 224

— assumes title of regent ii. 224

and Duke of Burgundy ... 11. 226, 230

— reconciliation with Duke of

Burgundy IL 228

— assumes title of Charles Vn. ii. 237

— crowned at Rheims 11. 263

— swears the peace of Arras . . ii. 288

— lays siege to Montereau ii. 292

— solemn re-entry into Paris. . . ii. 292

— Influence of Agnes Sorel ii. 293

— honors memory of Joan of

Arc 11. .301

— character and reign U. S07-311

— deathof iL 818

OharleR VII., of Austria, a fugi-

tire in Frankfurt t. 81

CharIesVII.xif Austria, deathof ▼. 86
Charles VIII., betrothal to Mar-
guerite of Austria 11. 37A

— and Joan of France iL 396

— releases Duke of Orleans iL 896

— personal appearance IL 897

— meeting with Anne of Brit-

tany iL399

— marriage to Anne of Brittany iL 899

— Neapolitan venture iL 400

— enters Italy iL 401

— enters Rome with his army. . h. 406

— entei-s Capua iL 409

— captures garrison of San Gio-

vanni IL 409

— enters Naples IL 410

— King of Naples, Sicily, and

Jerusalem IL 418

— returns to France iL414

— at battle of Fomovo Ii. 416

— deathof iL 420

Charles IX, accession of, 1660.. iii. 238

— and religious wars lii. 237

— first rel^ous war under iiL 248

— marriage to Archduchess

Elizabeth of Austria iii. 274

— connection with massacre of

St. Bartholomew ill. 281

— Indecisive pKjlicy of ilL 286

— and Ambrose Par6 iiL 801

— defends massacre of St. Bar-

tholomew iiL 80S

— expires May 80, 1574 HL 812

Charles X viil. 269

— and revolution of 1880 vlli. 257

— compared with Louis iVUl.. vill. 268

— consecration of vlU. 260

— restores censorship of press., vlii. 282

— recall of Swiss brigade from

Madrid viU. 263

— journey in the eastern prov-

inces TilL969

— displays flag of counter-revo-

lution vill. 270

— attitude to the nation vill. 278

— sign.* the orders viil. 278

— government no longer exists

in Paris vill. 282

— government declared deposed viil. 286

— abdicates in favor of his

grandson vill 289

— flight of the royal family vlii. 291

Chariei XII., King of Sweden. . . Iv. 272

— joins Grand Alliance Iv. 278

— deathof v. 31

Charles of Anjou, King of

Sicily L 455

Charles Enunanuel I., Duke of

Savoy iii. 464

Charles Emmanuel, King of Sar-
dinia T. 64

— retires into Sardinia vL 897

Charles of Austria ill. 26, 29

— See Charles V., Emperor.

Charles of Blois clahns Brittany li. 66

— piety of 11. 67

— in Tower of London ii. 70

— dies at battle of Auray li. 71

Charles of Lorraine 1.287

— vainly asserts his rights 1. MO

— die8in992 LfM

Charles of Spain IL W

INDEX.

417

Oharles, favorite of John n.,

massacred ii. 99

CSiarles Edward, Prinoe v. 96

— See Charles Stuart.

— arrestof v. 91

Charles the Rash, the Bold, the

Terrible. See Burgundy.

— the corpse of 11.850

Oharles, Duke of Orleans, father

of Louis Xn II. 264

Charles, Archduke of Austria, iv. S68, 269

— disputes crown of Spain with

Philip..." iv.282

— enters Madrid, 1710 iv. 292

— new inheritance of iv. 293

Charles, Archduke, at Et-

tingen vL 332

— general-in-chief of Austrian

forces vl. 848

— negotiates with Bonaparte for

peace vi. 345

— proposals of Bonaparte vi. 846

— advance of vi. 898

— fails to dislodge Mass6na. .... vl. 404

— retreat of vli. 128

— disbands his army vii. 185

— crosses the Inn with his army viL 266

— tired of the struggle vii. 278

— on Heights of Wagram vii. 884

— defeated at Wagram vii. 286

Oharles Dauphin. See Charles

vn.

Charles Stuart, pretender to

English crown v. 91

Ohamac6, Baron, envoy of

Richelieu Iv. 115

Charlotte. Queen, second refuge

in Sicily vll. 137

Chamy, Qeoffry de, standard-
bearer of John II il. 104

Charolais, Count of (Philip the

Good, of Burgundy) II. 216

Oharolais, Count of. See Bur-
gimdy, Duke Charles.

Charter, the vIlL 182

— discussed by a commission. . . viii. 186

— constitutional, 1814 viii. 186

— triumph of viii 229

— silent regarding regency viii. 350

Chartier. Alan, a poet 11. 235, 238

— Qxiadriloge invectif il. 288

Chartres, treaty of IL 204

Chartres, Duke of, marries Mile.

de Blois iv. 144

Chartres, Duke of, at Jemmapes vi. 806
Chastel, John, attempts assassi-
nation of Henry IV III. 416

Chasteler, General vii. 271

Chastes, Aynar de, governor of

Dieppe lii. 868

Chateaubriand, writings of viL 58

— minister of France to Valais vii. 92

— resigns after execution of

D'Enghlen vii. 92

— Independence of vU. 211

— m^otres quoted viii. 186

— name erased from list of min-

isters viii. 282

— minister of foreign affairs viii. 249

and Journal des Ddbats viiL 266

— dismissal vlU.896

GhateMineof, Marquis of tr. t

Chateatmeuf-Randon, siege of.. Ii. 170

— governor surrenders to Gues-

clin ii. 170

Ch&teaurouz, Mme. de v. 8S

Chatelet, Marchiouness du v. 192

Chatellerault, siege of ilL 356

Chatillon, James de, French

governor of Flanders L 464

Chatillon, Odet de. Bishop of

Beauvais liL 244

Chaucians, a Frankish tribe i. lOS

Chaumont and Voltaire v. 207

Chaumont, treaty of viii. 90

Chauvelin, keeper of the seals., v. 66

Chaussard, Publicola vi. SOS

Chauveau, Lagarde vi. 161

Chauvelin, relations with Fleu-

ry V. 68

— French ambassador at Lon-

don vL 809

— receives his passports vi. 809

Chebreiss, comoat of vi. 886

Cherasco surrenders to French vl 825
Cherrier, M. de, Hiatoire de la

iMtte des Papers et des Em-
pereurs de la Maison de

Souabe i. 868

Cherin, General, and Barthel-

emy vi. 662,864

Cheruscians, a Frankish tribe. . L 108

Chevalier and Louis TTT il. 440

Chevreuse, Madame de iv. 80, 87, 64

— sent into exile iv. 168

Childebert, King of Paris L 124

— treaty with Gontran L 136

Childenc, son of Meroveus i. 108

Childeric HI., last Merovingian

king i. 125, 160, 161

Chilp^ric, King of Soissons L 125

— marriage of daughter I. 180, 181

— burns tax lists 1. 183

— death of sons I. 182,188

— deathof L 187

Chilp^ric n., taken from monas-
tery as king. i. 147

— dies Is replaced by Thierry

IV L 147, 148

Chiv6mey. Chancellor de ill. 410

Choiseul, Duke de v. 146

— banislied to Chanteloup v. 161

Choiseul, M. de, on American

colonies v. 259

Cholet, combat in the streets of vi. 258

Chouaiis, bands of vi. 284

— war of, finished vi 274

Christina, Queen of Swedeu. ar-
rives m Paris iv. 202

— goes to French Academ/. .. iv. 208
— description of iv. 208

— at Fontainebleau. iv. 204

Christian missionaries in G<iid.. i 101

— church in France, foimda-

tion of i 101

— army surrounded by Sara-

cens and fire i 848

— Doctrine, brethren of Iv. 78

— jubilee, first centenarian.. . i. 478

— army destroyed at Nicopolis ii. 195
Christianity, birth of i. 89

— against Paganism i 89

— moral force of i 89

— eetobllahmentln Ctoal L87,90

418

INDEX.

CSiristlauitT, advance of L 498

Christiaus, treatment by Boman

emperors i. 90, 91, 100

— and Mussulmans, struggle be-

tween i. 150

— and Mussiilmans, antipathy

between L 211

— expect end of world i. 846

— acts of oppression and vio-

lence i. 247

— persecute Jews i. 847

— persecuted by Mussulmans. . L 899

— persecuted by Turks i. 803

— depart from Jerusalem L 850

— of the Holy City dsflling be-

fore Saladin 1.850

>— massacred in Cairo vlL 88

Church, French, supports Hugh

Capet 1.241

— and state 1. 469

— in northern Frame© i. 899, 401

«— in southern France i. 401

— scandals in L 398

— and state, relations between

in time of CalTin Ui. 179

— under the Cross v. 58

Cichor, successor of Brennus,

Gallic chieftain L 26

did, the, dispute about iv. 168

Cimbriam peninsxila, now Jut-
land i 40

Cimbrians, Cimmeril, Cimme-
rians. See Kymrians. L 16

j~ invade Rome and Oaul .... L 40
Cinq-Mars, son of Marshal d'Ef-

fiat Iv. 64

— arrestof iv. 66

— treaty with Spain Iv. 56

— execution of iv. 60

— and De Thou going to exe-

cution iv. 60

Cintra, convention of vli. 837

Cisalpine Republic, formation

of VL858

Ciudad Roderigo, siege of vli. 344

— besieged by Wellington viii. 10

Civil war again breaks out viii. 173

Civilization, progress in Gaul. . . L 68
Civita Vecchia occupied by Nea-
politan troops vli. 174

Clarke, General, and Bonaparte vi. 837

Cilasses, theory of v. 159

Claudius in Gaul L 72, 78

— character of L 72, 78

• injustice to the Druids L 73

— aims to spread Latin tongue i. 78

— Civilis incites insurrection

against Romans i. 76

Clausel, General viiL 18

Clauzel, General vL 396

Clavier, member of tribunaL . . . vii. 108

Clavieres, portfolio of vi 94

Clement, James, assassin of

HenrylU liL 361

Clement v., pontificate at Avig-
non 1.483

— death of i. 488

Clement vn.. Pope, death of. . . iiL 95

Clement Vm., Pope iii 385

— character of IiL 409

~- prououiices absolution of

Henry IV ilt487

Clement vnL, annuls marriage

of Henry IV Iii. 48*

Clement XL, Pope v. 41

Clement, M. Pierre, Jacquet

Coeur et Charles VII. ii. 304

Clerfayt, General of Austrian

forces vi.293

Clergy in affairs of France L 841

— and Third Estate vL 10

— civil constitution of vL 46

— and the oath vL HI

Clerjon, Histoire de Ljfon quot-
ed I. 70

Clermont, Council of i. 308

Clermont, Robert de, Marshal

of Normandy ii. 118

Clermont, Count, head of army

in Germany v. 144

Clermont-Tonnerre, Duke of . . . . v. 366

— in Assembly vL 17

C16ry, valet - de - chambre of

LouisXVI vL 137

Clinton, Sir Henry, in America v. 280
Clisson, Oliver de, arrest, trial,

and execution ii. 71, 198

Clive, military successes in In-
dia V. 108

Cloderic has his father assassi-
nated L 180

— son of Sigebert i. 121

— slain by envoys of Clovis — i. 121
Clodion, first Merovingian king i. 124
Clodoald founds monastery of

St.Cloud L 128

Clodomir, King of Orleans i. 124

— cruelty of 1. 128

— violent death of i. 129

" Close up the ranks" vii. 278

Closter Severn, convention

of V.14

Clotaire I., King of Soissons L 124

— obtains all his father's do-

minions L 186

— slays sons of Clodomir i. 127

— forced to war against Saxons i. 140

— asks peace of Saxons 1. 141

Clotaire II., King of Soissons. . L 126

— gains possession of the three

kingdoms 1.125

— King of Frankish monarchy.. A. 187

— causes death of Brunehaut. . L 139
Clotilda, niece of Gondebaud. . . i. 110
Clovis, King of SaUan Franks. . i. 108-128

— founder of French monarchy i. 108, 123

— and Alaric i. 109

— takes Soissons i. 109

— and Bishop of Rheims. i. 109, 110

— seeks Clotilde In marriage. . .i. 110-117

— imix)rtance of his marriage. . i. 118

— deserted by Frankish war-

riors L116

— defeats Allemannians i. 1 15

— embraces Christianity i. 115

— levies tribute on Gondebaud 1. 117

— defeats Gondebaud at Dijon 1. 117
— turns his religious popularity

to account L 117

— slays Alaric in battle i 119

— interview with Alaric II 1. 119

— conquers Visigoths i. 120, 121

— besieges Carcassonne i. 180

— occupies Toulouie. LIMO

INDEX.

419

OIoTis, his ▼ersion of Olo-

deric'8 death i. 131, 128

— fixes seat of gOTemment at

Paris I. 121

— called Consul and Augustus i. 121

— shows his true character. . i, 121

— kills Bagnacaire and Riquier i. 122

— orders death of Rignomer.. . . i. 182

— has Chararic and son be-

headed i. 122

— seizes Charade's dominions i. 122

— hailed king by Bipuarian

Franks i. 122

— feigns sorrow at death of rel-

atives 1. 122

— becomes sole king of the

Franks. i. 122

— death of , Nov. 87, 611 1.128

— sons of i. 124

Clugny, M. de v. 300

Cluny establishes lotteiy v. 301

Clusium, an Etruscan city i. 28

Ooalition against France re-
newed viii. 208

CSobentzel, minister of Francis

II.ofAustrla. vi.71,367

Ooburg, Prince of, takes Ques-

noy vi. 312

Code, Napoleon, the vii. 168

— applied to Italy vii. 108

— proclaimed at Rome vii. 290

Oode of Civil Law made vii. 39

Coenus, battle of the 1. 45

Coeur, Jacques, celebrated mer-
chant 11. 302

— hostel at Bourges iL 804

— arrest of, by order of Charles

VII 11.805

— escape and death ii. 806, 807

CoSttier, James, doctor of Louis

XI ii.876

Coigny, Marshal v. 83

Coigny. Duke of, finds his office

abolished v. 869

Coinage, adulteration of ii. 113, 119

Colbert enters service of Louis

XIV lv.214

— sketch of .' Iv. 302

— revives the cloth manufac-

tures iv. 806

>• plain talk to Louis XIV. on

finances iv. 306

^ abolishes internal custom-
houses iv. 807

— fosters commercial interests, iv. 308

— encourages architecture iv. 310

— and Louvols, rivalry be-

tween Iv. 811

— death of, 1688 iv. 812

— family connections of. Iv. 813

Colettis. Qrecian minister in

Paris viii. 360

'- assumes reins of government

in Greece viii. 860

Ooligny, Gaspai d de Hi. 190

Ooligny, Admiral,and Charles V. ill. 900

— presents the petitions at Fon-

tainebleau Ui. 230

— in absence of Cond6 elected

general-in-chief of Protest-
ants. .. 111.868

— imiseBsieKe of Poitiers. ULS70

CoHgny. Joined by body of Ger-
man horse ill. 270

— appointed lieut.-general of

Protestant army ill. 270

— family sorrows and political

reverses liL 271

— second marriage of iii. 274

— advocates war with Spain iii. 286

— warned of impending assassi-

nation Ui.290

— woimded by Maurevart iii. 290

— murder of 111.296

CoUard, Royer vL 857

College des Quatre Nations iv. 209

— of France Hi. 128

— Royal, founded by Francis L. Hi. 186
Colleges, Cantonal vii. 70

— of Arrondisements .. vii. 70

— of Departments viL 70

Colletet, member of French

Academy iv. 164

Collingwood, Admiral of Eng-
lish viL128

Ck>logne, be^nning and end of

negotiations iv. 841

Colonna striking the Pope i. 479

Colonna, Prosper, Sir ,capture of ill. 11
Columbus, Christopher, French

followers of v. 118

Columns, incendiary vi. 263

Coman, son of Nann i. 18

— plots against Greeks • 1. 13

— surprised and slain L 14

Comnenus, Alexis, Greek em-
peror 1.309

— receives armies of Crusaders 1. 318

— duplicity i. 314

— takes possession of Nicsea i. 315

Comnenus, Manuel, Greek king i. 340

— reigns at Constantinople i. 340

— double dealing of L 340

Commission, Executive, voted

by Council of Ancients. vi. 418

— protestof viii. 304

— Municipal, declare govern-

ment of Charles X. deposed viii. 88S

— of Inspectors, transfers Corps

Legislatlf to St. Cloud vi. 409

— ofTwelve vi. 180

— suppressed and re-estab

lished VL151-I59

Committee of Sixteen iii. 837

— offer Philip II. throne of

Spain 111.388

Committee of Public Safety

constituted vi. 114. 145

— trialof vi.22a

— empowered to treat for peace vi. 818

— of uisurrection — vi. 151

— of General Security vi. 213

— of Demolitions vi. 288

— of Denunciations vi. 388

— of Sequestrations vL 281

— Purchase, the, of republic. .. vi. 301
Commonweal, the Lea^e of. . . ii. 3l9
Commune of Paris. vL 7i

— deputation marches to As-

sembly vL 91

— recognized by Aaaembly vL 94

— dictates laws to Assembly... vL 94

— ordered to lodge and gruard

theUng vL 9S

420

nroEX.

Commune demands banishment

of priests vi. 98

— domiciliary visits vi. 100

— reign assured vi. 113

— outlawed vi. 209

Communes, the ii. 6

— and Third Estate il.6-40

— in 13th and 14th centuries .... il. 29

— in Europe ii. 87

Commynes, writer and politi-
cian iU.119

— in service of Louis XL ii. 844

— quoted ii. 853, 355

— Memoires of ii, 374

Compact, Family vi 336

Compagnie des Indea v. 13

Compagnied' Occident v. 13

Company, Grand ii. 157

Company of the Sun vi. 239

Company, Ostend v. 62

Compi^gne, importance of. ... . ii. 266

— acts of i. 218

— besieged by Dulce of Bur-

gundy Ii.267

Comtat, Venaissin vi. 67, 342

Comte, Auguste viii. 345

Conan II., Duke of Brittany. ... i. 280

— message to William of Nor-

mandy 1.280

^ poisoned by Breton lord 1. 281

Ooncini, Concino, favorite of

Mary de Medici iv. 6

— Leonora Oaligai, and Mary

de Medici iv. 6

— piu-chases marquisate of

Ancre iv. 10

— created Marshal of France . . Iv. 10

Concord, battle of v. 265

Concordat, between Leo X. and

Francis I ill. 20

— Parliament decides against. . iii. 22

— Bonaparte urges vii. 53

— proclaimed m streets of

Paris vii. 66

— Italian vii. 168

Oond6, Prince Louis of, mute

captain of Malcontents . Hi. 225

— defends himself iii. 229

— trial of iii. 284

w at Orleans.... iii. 234

>- condemned to death iii. 235

— liberated iU. 242

— reconciliation with Duke of

Guise iii.S43

— taken at Dreux iii. 251

death of, at Jamac iii. 268

CoDd6, Prince of, Henry, and

Protestant army iii. 270

— marries Mary of Cleves iii. 276

Cond6, Prince of, and Bohan. ... iv. 102

— arrest of iv. 180

Cond6 the Great Iv. 183

— released by Mazarin iv. 188

— retires to St. Maur, negoti-

ates with Spain Iv. 184

— disputes with Retz iv. 184

~- resolves upon civil war. .' Iv. 186

— deliver s Talmont to Spanish Iv. 186

— arrives in Bordeaux Iv. 186

Cond6, defeats d'Hocquincourt iv. 180

— InParis iv. 189

•^ reception by Parliament iv. 189

Cond6, generalissimo of Span-
ish armies Iv. 198

— restored to favor of king iv. 206

— his last campaign iv. 246

CondS, Prince de, commands

emigrants vi. 296

Cond6, house of, against bastard

princes v. 20

— princes of vii. 81

Condorcet, of Legislative As-
sembly vi. 67

— manifesto of vi. 96

Confederates viii. 173

Conflans, Lord de, massacre of. ii. 118

Conflans, treaty of ii. 327

Conflans, Marquis of v. 147

Congregation, the viii. 248

Conrad III., Emperor of Ger-
many 1.888

— leads German crusaders i. 840

— defeated by Turks near Ico-

nium I. 340

—arrives at Jerusalem i. 348

— indignantly returns to Ger-

many 1.844

Conrad, son of Frederick Barba-

rossa i. 868

Consalvi, Cardinal vii. 51

— interview with Bonaparte vii. 68

Conscription for, 1808 vii. 155

— violently resisted in Holland, vii. 381
Conscriptions, of Napoleon vii. 876,

viii. 18

Conservatoire dea Arts et Me-
tiers vi. 226

Constance, daughter of William

Taillefer 1.248

— bad character of i. 845, 250

Constant, Benjamin vii. 18

— labors of viii. 170

— attacks the press law viii. 268

Constantino, son of Constantius i. 87

— defeats Maxentius L 87

— proclaimed Caesar and Augus-

tus 1. 87

— protects the Christians i. 87

Constantine, expedition to viii. 824

— second expedition to viii. 329

Constantinople, under direction

of French vii. 154

— Latin empire of, perils of . . . . 1. 436
Constantius Chlorus, a Roman

Caesar 1. 87

Constitution, flnal revision of... vi. 63

— presented for royal sanction vi. 62

— of 1791 vi. 68

— of year in vi. 236

— the new viii, 127

Consulate follows Directory vi. 5

— of 1799-1804 vll, 6

Consuls, meaning of term 11. 9

— appointment of vi. 410

Consulte of Milan rll. 61

Conti, Torquato, general of Em-

I>eror Iv. 118

Conti, Prince of, nominal head

of French army . v. 84

— Prince of, and Louis XVI v. 876

Contrecoeur, M. de v. 121

— in Canada v. 121

Convention, National, enters on

scene tL lU

INDEX.

421

ClODTention, declares royaltjr

abolished vi. lli

— axe on desk of yI. 120

•- pronounces sentence of death

upon Louis XVI ▼!. 137

•-a prisoner -vi. 157

— decides upon trial of queen . . vi. 164
•—declares the generals sus-
pect vl. 164

~ celebrates the Feast of Nat-
ure vl. 180

— decrees general levy — — vi. 811

— rejects intervention of King

of Spain vl. 127

— decree of outlawry vi. 209

— readmits imprisoned deputies vi. 219

— the multitude clamors "for

bread vi. 224

— revival of education vi. 226

— decrees restoration of confis-

cated property vl. 226

— andbreadriot vi. 229

— refuses to release the little

prince vi. 286

— expires vi. 249

— review of its work vi. 249

Cook, Captain, English naviga-
tor V. 882

Copenhagen, naval battle of. . . vii. 41

— bombarded by English vii. 164

Coptic population of Cairo vi. 884

Corbeil, disorder at 11. 142

Corbie, lost and regained by

French Iv. 127, 128

Corbogh&, Sultan of ^ossoul ... i. 822

— and Peter the Hermit 1.325

— scornfully refuses battle to

Christians 1.888

— flees toward Euphrates I. 827

Corday, Charlotte, sketch of . . . vi. 159

— visits Marat vl. 169

— takes life of Marat vi. 160

Oordelidre, ship of the queen. . . ii. 469

Cordeliers' cluD vi. 55

— revolt against Jacobins vi. 81

Cordova, pillage of vii. 234

Cormatin, Chief of the Chouans vi. 266

Corneille, Peter, and Richelieu Iv. 157

— as a writer It. 157

— at the Hotel Rambouillet iv. 168

— sketch of Iv.898

Comwallis, Lord, English offi-
cer V. 287

— surrenders Yorktown, 1781.. v. 288
Coronation, the (illustration). . . vii. 106
Corps Legislatif, declares war

against Imperial Majesty. .. vi. 899

— •djoumed for three months, vi. 410

— decree of deposition of Na-

poleon viil. 115

Corso, Colonel Alphonso, officer

ofHenrylV 111.388

Conmna, junction of allied

fleets off V. 288

Corsica becomes French posses-
sion V. 167

— rises against French rule vi. 310

— under rule of Bonaparte vi. 884

Oorsicans. defeat of, at Gtolo v. 167

Cortes at (^adiz vii. 851

Oossack turned his horse roand

aad disappeared yiLXB

Cossacks, irregular Russian

troops v. 171

— in Russian army vii. 416

— Platow's, at gates of Wilna. . vll. 486
Coss6, Marshal, does the honors

to Peter the Great v. 27

Coste, la, ravaged by fire and

sword m. 176

Cotton, Father, superior of

French Jesuits iv. 79

Cou3dic,Du, gallant conduct of v. 288

— death of v. 288

Coimcll of Ancients, arrest of

members tI. 868

— specially called together vl. 409

— of Elders. vi. 235, 241, 249

— of Five Hundred constituted vi. 249

— Privy vii. 71

— of Regency vili 28

Coup d'6tat, vi. 362, 864, 879, 418,

viil. 271, 275, 877, 278

— defined by Royer-€ollard .... vIM. 258

Court, Antony, sketch of v. 58

Court of Cassation vii. 8

Courtrai, battle of i. 468, 465

Cousin, John, French painter., ill. 18*
Cousin asks discharge of Cabi-
net vlii. 848

Coussergues, Clausel de viii. 285

Coustard, delegate for Nantes vi. 93

Couthon, friend of Robespierre vi. 114

— arrestof vi. 207

— enters Lyons vi. 281

— traversing the streets of Ly-

ons .». . . . vi 288

Coutras at confluence of L'Isle

and La Dronne UL 83S

Coysevox ... Iv. 430

Cracow, coronation of Henry,

Duke of Anjou UL 81*

— capitulates to Russians t. 178

Craggs, Mr., minister of King

George I. ▼. 9f

Craon, John de. Archbishop of

Rheims II. Vff

Craonne carried by the French Ttil. W

Cr6cy, battle of iL 88,89

Cremona, military insurrection

at vL 87S

Cr^ui, Marshal and Louis XIV. iv. 280

—defeated at Treves iv. 840

Crespon, Gilbert, Count of Bri-

onne L 900

Crespy, peace signed between

French and Spanish ilL 106, 189

Crevecoeur, Philip de iL 409

CrilloD, commandant of the

guards Hi. 850

Crimea, peninsula in south of

Russia i. 16

Croats defend bridge at Areola vi. 836

CromweU, protector of Inland iv. 199

— treaty with Mazarin. iv. 199

Croquants, uprising of the, iv. 00

Crusade, the first, four leaders

of L8M

— second L 840

— third L858

— under Henrjr VI i. 809

— against Albigensians L 406-407

— againstAlbigensians, p(^ticiU

character of L 409

422

INDEX

Crusade, new, 1896 11.194

Crusaders depart for Jeru-
salem i. 308

— disorderly conduct of i. 809

— at gates of Ck>nstantinople ... i. 309

— three great armies i. 312

— and Alexis i. 112,318

— chiefs pass the Bosphorus ... i. 314

— besiege Nicaea i. 814

— victory at Doryleum L 817

— suffer from heat and thirst . . i. 817

— besiege and enter Antioch i. 819, 322

— besieged at Antioch i. 323

— sufferings at Antioch i. 323

— vanquish Turks at Antioch . . i. 327

— expeditions into Syria and

Mesopotamia i. 328

— arrive from Flanders, Hol-

land, England i. 829

,— depart for Jerusalem L 329

— dissensions among i 380, 332

— before Jerusalem i. 331

— defeated near Iconium i. 340

— under Louis and Conrad i. 340

— disorder among French army i. 341

— decide upK>n sie^^e of Damas-

cus i. 843

— raise siege of Damascus i. 344

— at Messina 1. 853,354

— joined by English i. 355

— bum heretics 1.408

Crusades, the i. 896-334

— seven grand, undertaken 1. 336

— decline and end i. 336-880

— lesser i. 359, 360

— impopularity in time of Louis

Cuba taken by English, 1762 v. 150

Cuesta, Don Qregorio de la vii. 223

Cumberland, Duke of v. 91

— capitulates to French v. 141

Cunningham, Sir Thomas li. 300

Cur6e, Gilbert de la. Catholic

lord ill. 425

Curfew, law of i. 274

Custine, (General, army of the

north given to vi. 306

— accused of treason and im-

prisoned vi. 308

— beheaded vi. 164

faUof vi. 266

Cuvelier, quoted ii. 166

Czemicheff at the Elyssto vii. 879

D.AOOBERT I., King of Soissons. . i. I2S

— retakes Aquitania by force . . I. 139

— resigns Aquitania to Chari-

bert - L 189

— provides asylum for Bulga-

rians 1. 140

— cruelty to Bulgarians L 140

— counselors of i. 141

— as legislator i. 142

— encourages art L 142

Dalm, Oliver le, barber of Louis

XI IL 380

D'Alembert, pensioned by Fred-
erick n v. 816

Dalhousie, Lord, obelisk at Que-
bec.. _^ V. 180

Dalrymple, Sir Etew yil 838

Damascus, siege of L848

Damiens, Robert, would -be

murderer of Louis XV v. IM

Damietta, key to Egypt L 848

Dampierre, Guy de. Count of

Flanders i. 461

— invited to Paris i. 461

— imprisoned in tower of the

Louvre i. 461

— secretly negotiating alliance

with England i. 461

— concludes treaty with Edward

I i. 468

— imprisoned at CompiSgne i. 468

— sent as envoy to Flanders i. 466

— dies in prison of Compifeg^ne.. i. 466
Dampierre succeeds Dumouriez vi. 308
Dampmartin, Count de ii. 378

— restored to royal favor ii. 8f8

Damville, Marshal de. Governor

of Languedoc iii. 316

Danes, people of Denmark i. 171

Dangeau, Memoires de iv. 8T4

Danican, General, chief of the

sections vi. 246

Danish fleet, surrendered to

English vU. 164

Daphne, fountain of, at Antioch i. 319
Dant, effect of Verginaud's con-
tempt vi. 160

Dante, Inferno quoted i. 468

Danton, leader of Cordeliers. .. vi. 66

— heads deputation from com-

mune vi. 91

— minister of justice vi. 94

— takes king and Assembly

under his protection vi. 94

— harangues the volunteers vi. 104

— and prisoners of Orleans vi. 118

— defended by Robespierre — vi. 179

— arrest of vi. 188

— in prison vi. 184

— defence of vi. 185

— and others accused of con-

spiracy vi. 186

— and Camille Desmoulins in

front of the scaffold vi. 186

— execution of vi. 187

— at Brussels vi. 301

— opposed to Dumouriez vi. 306

Dantzic, bombardment of v. 64

— invested by Austrians v. 65

— invested by French vii. 155

— capitulates to French vii. 166

Danube, bridged by Napoleon., vii. 274

Dardanelles vii. 154

Dam, Secretarv of War vii. 117

— Uistoire de fa RSpubliqxte de

Venise ii. 438

— BiBtoire de Bretagne ii. 398

— protests against war with

Russia vii. 896

— appointed minister of war. . . viii. 62
D'Asieldt, Count, lieut. -general v. 34
Daumesnil, General, at Vin-

cennes viii. 296

Daunou, M., Histoire littiraire

de la France, etc i. 448

Dauphin, the, origin of the title ii. 110

— at the Temple and the shoe-

maker Simon vi. 886

Davout, Marshal of French

army vlL 148

INDEX.

423

DftTOOt, Manhal viL 144

— defeats Austrian troops at

Faugen vll. 866

— adniiaistration in Poland vii. 882

— and Murat, quarrel between Tii. 399

— protects retreat from Mos-

cow viL 418

— ofiFends allied sovereigns. — tUL 188

— courageous resolution of — viii. 197

— advises treaty with Louis

XVin viil. 197

— signs (tapitulation of Paris. . . viii. 199

— defends his friends viii. 811

Deane, Silas, American commis-
sioner V. 270

Decaen.Oeneralof French army vli. 29
Decazes, Due. goes to London as

ambassador viii. 287

DeciuB. a Roman consul L 81, 32

— dies for Roman people L 82

Deconing, Peter, weaver of

Flanders L 464

— leads revolt in Bruges i. 464

Decrds, minister of marine. ... viL 112

— letter to Napoleon vli. 115

D^eit, Madame ▼. 858

Deiaerolx, minister of foreign

affairs vl. 887

Ds la Marcbe's parting insult... L 4S1

Delaunay, governor of Bastile. . vi. 18

— massacre of vl, 10

D'£lbee, commands Insurgent

peasants vl 2SS

Delille, Abb6 ▼.888

Delphi, temple at L 24

D'Emery, superintendent of fi-
nance iv. 170

Democratic fermentation in

Gtermany vliL SS4

Denain. battle of, 1712 iv. 297

— taken by the French, 1712. . . iv. 297
Denbigh, Lord, English com-
mander at Rochelle Iv, 94

Denis, Madame, niece of y<d-

taire v. 198

Denmark, alliance with France viL 166

Derby, Earl of, victories in

Aquitaine ii. 77

Desaix, a French general in

army of the Rhine vi. 882

— chosen Bonaparte's chief of

staff vi. 872

— return from Egypt vii. 21

— death at Marengo vii. 21

Descartes, Ren6, sketch of. . . iv. 142
Descazes, M., his indictment

proposed viii 235

• - obtama permission to retire vill. 237
Desdze, M.. assistant counsel of

Louis XVI vi.l24

~- speech at trial of Louis XVL vi. 125

Deelon, Captain vL 67

Desmarets, member of French

Academy iv. 164

Daemarets, John, advocate-
general ii.l81

— execution of ii. 188

DesmollSres, GUbert vL86«

Deemoulins, Camille vL 16

-trialof Ttiao

D«qpont, H. Adolpli, HUiotn

duCotenUn. iL K

Dessalines, Ueatenant of Lou-

verture viL 64

Dessolle. General vllL 180

D'Estaing, C!ount, in American

war.—. V. 879

— at Savannah ▼. 880

Destouches, charge d'affaires in

London v. 37

D'Estr6es, Marshal ▼.189

Dettingen, battle oL ▼. 81

Diderot, Deny s, sketch <rf ▼. 814

— andthestage T.217

— goes to Russia . ▼. 81S

— and Catherine n V.9A9

— deathof ▼.218

Didier, King of Lombards L 178

— besieges Rome 1.174

— retreats before Charlemagne i. 174
Dieppe, Henry IV. arrives at. . . fU. 368

Dieskau, General v. 127

Dijon. encounter between

French and Spaniards iiL 428

— surrendered to Swiss iL 478

Dillon, Arthur, Irish command-
er V. J79, 298

Dillon, General Theobald vi 78, 298

Diocletian and the Druidess.... L 86

— slays Aper L 85

— declared EJmperor t 86

— divides the Roman world L 86

— adds a Ceesar to each Augus-

tus .^... L 86

— abdicates L 86

— persuades Maximian to abdi-

cate L 86

Directors, names of vL 821

— installed at Luxembourg. ... vL 888
Directory succeeds Reign oC

Terror vi. 5

— the, 1795-1799 vi 820

— closes the clubs vi 828

— and French success ia Italy vi 838

— refuses to treat for general

peace vi. 837

— stormy sittings in vi 868

— sends enemies to Guiana vi. 363

— abolisiies liberty of the press vi. 364

— presents flag to army of Italy vi 871

— annuls capitulation of Ber-

thier vi 375

— attempts to hinder commooe

of United States vi 898

— awkward diplomacy vi 898^

— forces in Ireumd defeated. ... vi 397

— assignment of generals vi 398

— attacked by Council vi. 401

— forbids anarchist assemblies., vi 406

— increasing dissensions vi 406

Directory, Dutch, effects coup

d'etat vii 68

Ditcar, a Frankish monk. L814

— the monk recognizing the

head of Morvar 1214

Divitacus, the JBMuan L 40

Documents inidita tur VHis-

toire de France HL 81

Dolder, leader of Swiss radicals vii 58

Dolgorouki, Prince vii 129

Dominic, sub-prior 1405

Domitian, son of Vespasian.. — L 75

— assassinated 1 78

Donauwerth, Napoleon at viL 119

424

INDEX.

Dormans, William de, Chancel-
lor

Doiylem, Saracens defeated at..
Douai capitalatee to Yillars, 1718
Dresden, cattle of.

— capitulates to the allies

Dreux, battle of, 1562

Drouet joins conspiracy of Ba-

— GeneraLreinf orces Massena. .
Droz, M. Histoire du r6gne de

Louis XVI

DruidisminGkuil....

— as a religion

Druids under Claudius

— the last of the

Druses, insurrection against Me-

hemet AJi

Drusus raises monument to

Rome and Augustus

Dubarry, Madame

— the reign of

Dubayet, Aubert, recalled to

Paris

Dubois, Peter, burgher-captain
of Ghent

— and Philip Van Artevelde

Dubois, valetHJe-chambre of

Louis XIV

^ministayof

— late tutor of Begent

— sketch of

— at the head of foreign affairs

— secret n^otiations with Eng-

land and Holland

— his trip to the Hague

— brings about great coalition . .

— makes himself archbishop of

Cambrai.

— and Madame

— becomes premier minister. ...

— death of

Duboi8-Cranc6 to authorities of

Lyons

— indicted

Dubouig, Anthony, ChanceDor

of Friancis I

Dubourg, Anne, arrest, trial and

martyrdom iiL

DuchateL Tanneguy

— treachery of

Duchastel, vote, at trial of Louis

XVI

Duckworth, Admiral, forces Dar-
danelles

Dufaure, councillor, arrest of. .

Dugommier, General, at Toulon

Duhesne, G«neral, in the Abruz-
zi

Duke's way, the

Dumas, General Mathieu

Dumont, J., Corps Diplomat-
ique du Droit des Oens. . . .tL

Dumont, Souvenirs de

Dumouriez, General

— at Jenunapes vL

— abandons fiie army

— plans invasion of Austrian

Low Countries

— quits ministry

•i- takes command of camp at

Maulde

ii.149
L 817
iv. 896
viiL 49
viii 61
iii. 249

vi824
viL849

V. 811
i. 69
L87,88
L 78
I 87

viii. 836

V. 161
V. 166

VL258

iL176
11.178

Iv. 187
v. 6
V. 28
V. 26
V. 25

V. 26
V. 26
V. 80

V. 87

V. 42

T, 48

V. 47

vl.279
vi282

iii. 220

216,890
iLS^l
11280

vil35

vii.164
iii. 216
vi287

▼i. 893

L269

vi860

486,472
V.891
vi 71

126,800
VL146

vL292
vt296

TL296

Domouriez, placed in command

of army vi. 908

— and rebellious battalions vi. 298

— advances of aUies to vi. 299

— goes to reUef of Lille vi. 800

— attackslAustrians vi. 800

— deUvers Lille vi. 800

— arrives in Paris vi. 800

— denounced to Jacobins vi. 801

— meditates invasion of United

Provinces vi. 802

— compelled to quit Holland vi. 808

— beaten at Kerwinde vi. 804

— secret understanding with al-

lies vi. 304

— summoned to bar of Assem-
bly vi.305

— suspended and arrest ordered vi. 306

— and Cannes vi. 306

— in Austrian quarters vi. 307

Dunes, battle of the, 1668 iv. 201

Dunk«%[ue, siege and surrender

of iv. 200-201

— fortifications by Vauban iv. 816

Dunois, Coimt, bastard, of Or-
leans IL 204

— steadfast adherence to Joan

of Arc il. 2i53

— at Orleans ii. 288

— recaptures Rouen ii 295

— at funeral banquet of Charies

Vn tt.814

Dupe's Day iv. 4S

Duphot, General, death of vi. 878

Dupleiz, Joseph, in India v. 97-106

— returns to France— subse-

quent death ▼. 106

Dupleix, Madame v. 97

Dupont, General vli. 120

— to subdue Andalusia. viL 226

— capitulation at Baylen vil. 281, 284

Duport, one of triumvirate vL 87

Duprat, Anthony iiL 8

Duprat, Chancellor, and Parlia-
ment ilL 18, 19

— death of iii. 95

Duquesne victorious over Ruy-

ter iv. 247

— destroys districts of Genoa. . . iv. 258

— bombards Algier8^682 iv. 258

— his monvunent at Berne iv. 886

Duquesne, Fort, English defeat

at V.126

Duroc sets out for Berlin vii. 117

— Marshal vii. 14*

— mortally wounded vilL 88

Dussaubc before the Assembly. . vL 107

Ebebsbero, victory and carnage vil. 27S
Ebl6, General, head of engineer

division vii. 878

— atStudianka vii. 488

Ecclesiastical benefices, sale of. . i. 898

— commission viiL 868

— Coimcfl, oath to the Pope. ... vii. 868

— reform 1.898

Eckmiihl, battle at vil. 287

ficoledeMars vi. 200

— Polytechnique vi. 288

ficouen, estabUshment of vii. 207

— royal edlctof iiL 818, 819

Edessa, capital of Armenia L 818

INDEX.

425

Ideesa, people offer gorenuneut

to Baldwin L 819

— retaken by Mussulmans L885

Edict of grace iv. 108

— of Nantes Jli. 444

— of union iii. S44

Edgeworth, 1>L, oonteeaor of

Louis XVL .■.. .... yi 189

_ accompanies Louis XVI. to

the scaffold vL 148

Edith, Swans' neck, mistress of

Harold L 287

— discovers the bodv of Harold L 887
Edltha, Queen, widow of Ed-
ward L889

Edward, tixe Black Prince. See

Wales.
Edward the Confessor, King of

England 1. 875

— reconciled to the Glodwins i. 875

— receives Duke William L 875

— bequeaths the crown to Har-

old 1.8T7

Edward I. of England. L457

— conquest of Wales i. 458

— hisdeath t468

Edward II. of England L458

— marrios Isabel of France L 459

Edward III. of England, victoiy

over Flemings at Cassel ii. 48

—seeks allies against Philip VI.. iL 49

— proclaims himself King of

France H. 60

— and Count of Flanders iL 53

— asks counsel of his allies ii. 60

— assumes arms of France ii. 61

— sends challenge to Philip VI.. ii. 64
• -effect of Artevelde's death. .. 11 80, 81

— marches his army over Nor-

mandy Ii. 81

— ravages Norman cities U. 81, 88

— takes Caen ii. 82

— message to Prince of Wales. . 11. 88

— institutes Order of the (Jarter iL 108

— renews war against France. . . ii. 185

— treaty witti Burgundians — Ii. 186

— supports cause of Peter the

Cruel ii. 169,160

— death of iL 168

Edward IV. of England, nego-
tiations with Louis XI iL 829

— meets LiOuis XI at Pecquigny ii. 347
^ alliance with Charles the

Rash ii. 349

Edwin, brother-in-law of Harold L 289
Egypt becoming goal of ambi-
tion L 848

— French army in vL 385

— Institute of vi. 886

— possessionof. question of.... vlL 43

— lost to France vii. 46

Snrptiaa envoy in Crusuders*

camp L 880

■ginhard, biographer of Charle-
magne 1. 196

— Life of Charlemagne quoted . . L 184

Eglantine, Fabre d' vL 181

Egmont, Count of Flanders,

killed at Ivry iii. 878

El Avish, treaty of French and

English viL 87

Elba ceded to Napoleon viiL 188

Elbeuf , Duke of, «otuitn of Quise ill. 848

Eichingen retaken by French. . . vli. 180

— Austrians occui)y vii. 180

Eleanor of Aquitaine, Queen i. 888

— of France, character of L 841

— marries Henry Plant€«enet. . L 847
EUeanor of Boye, wife of Prince

of Cond6 Iii. 236

Eleanor, sister of Charles V. of

Spain iii. 47

Elector, the Great vii. 8

Electoral law imiustly attacked viii. 232

El Haur, Arab chieftain I. 149

£lie, one of leaders of attack on

Bastile vi. It

Elizabeth of France, wife of

PhilipH iiL841

Elizabeth, Queen, accession to

English throne iii. 210

— on loss of Calais ilL 206

— takes in pledge jewels of Pro-

testants iii, 27

— sends troops to assist Henry

IV iiL867

— asks Calais of Henry IV . . . . iii. 488

— designates her successor iiL 447

— death of iiL 448

Elizabeth, Archduchess, of

Austria iii. 874

Elizabeth, Madame, sister of

Louis XVI vL 195

Ellison, Commodore, English. . . vi. 888

£1 Somah, Arab chieftain i. 149

Elsass invaded by Austrians. ... v. 88

Embabeh, Murad Bey at vi. 385

Embargo on American com-
merce vii. 888

Emery, Abb6, Surc.ior of St.

Sulpice vii. 210

— and Napoleon vli. 86S

Emico, Count of Leinlngen L 806

Emigrant princes, warlike pre-
parations of vi. 68

— law against vi. 68

Emigrants furnished arms and

money by English vi. 868

— defeated at Qulberon, 1795. . . vi. 268

— compelled to surrender vi. 270

Empire takes place of Consulate vL 6

— restoration proclaimed in

south of France viii. 168

EJmpress, the vii. 827

Encyclopedia 'published in 1478 iii. 110

— Chambers'^translated by Di-

derot V. 216, 217

Engen, French victorious over

Austrians vii. 16

Enghien, Duke of, commands

French army iv. 166

— wins battle of Rocroi iv. 168

— now Cond6, Prince of, wins

victory of Lens iv. 160

Enghien, Due d' vii. 88

— sketch of career viL 90

— trlalof vii. 91

— death of ... viL 91

England, conquest of by Noi^

mans L 864, 296

— coronation of William the

Conqueror i. 201

— and France in 14th cen-

tury 1891,291

429

INDEX.

Bngland, growth of democratic

element i. 894, 295

— government of 1. 381

—commerce with Flanders i. 459

--and Flanders in 14th century 11. 45

—-seeks alliance of Flanders... li. 49

— preparations for war with

France li. 60

— declares war a^lnst France ii. SO

— renews war with France ii. 101

— in time of Louis XI ii. 848

— enters into alliance with

France, 1535 Ui. 75

— news of capture of Francis I. iii. 78

— alliance with- France against

Spain, 1696 iii. 434

— at war with Holland iv. 221

— relations wiih Holland, 1668 . . iv. 228

— exhausted by war with Louis

XIV lv.265

— change in government of iv. 293

— her position in European

politics Iv. 298

— separates from alliance v. 77

— war against Spain, 1762 ■■.. . v. 151
^ in mourning for Louis XVI.. ▼1.144
>- and French Revolution vi. 293

— succeeds in renewing coali-

tion against France vl. 392

— actively engages in war

against France, 1799 vi. 405

•—declines paciiic proposals of

First Consul vii. 11

— Interference with commerce vii. 26

— scarcity of food vii. 40

— attempt upon Denmark vii. 41

— violates neutrality of Den-

mark vii. 164

•^ breaks with Russia vii. 164

— refuses to abandon Spain . . . vii. 246

— Ftlnce of Wales assumes re-

gency vii. 847

— war with the United States,

1812 viii. 9

— favorable to restoration of

Bourbons viil. 66

— in the congress of nations . . . viii. 78

— jealous of Russia's aggran-

dizement viii. 142

— crusade against slave- tirade. . viii. 144
Snglish towns occupied by Wil-

Uam of Normandy i. 288

— renounce Atheling 1. 289

— barons tender crown to Louis I. 416

— obtain Magna Cliarta 1.415

— throne, heir takes title Prince

of Wales L458

— in Flanders H. 45

— raise siege of Hennebon iL 69

— defeat French at Cr6cy ii. 89

— masters of Calais li. 95

— fleet reaches Harfleur ii, 213

— victorious at Agincourt 11. 214

— ' carry on war against Dauphin ii. 289

— commence siege of Orleans.. 11. 240

— defeated at Patay 11.261

— evacuate Paris 11. 266

— InQuyenne U. 298

— defeated at (.astillon ii. 800

— blockade and capture Therou-

aume ii. 469-471

— loeeCalais 111.207

English expedition to R6, failure

of Iv. as

— retreat from Rochelle Iv. 94

— fleet under Lindsay before R6 Iv. 96

— take Gibraltar, 1707 iv. 87»

— enter Madrid and proclaim

Charles III iv. 288

— lose Brihuega to Spanish, 1710 iv. 292

— victorious at Blenheim (Hoch-

stett) iv. 27»

— defeated at Fontenoy v. 89

— establishments in India v. 100

— colonies in America, 1765 v. 259

— embroiled with Holland v. 288

— squadron in the Bay of Abou-

kir vl. 387

— fleet, destruction of, in Hol-

land vi. 405

— squadron appears in French

waters vi. 268

— take posses.sion of Toulon vl. 287

— abandon Toulon vl. 288

— conquer French colonies vi. 313

— blockade at Copenhagen vii. 41

— victory at Trafalgar vii. 126

— cabinet, ultimatum to France vii. 78

— ambassador leaves St. Peters-

burg vii. 164

— bombard Copenhagen vii. 164

— involved in war with United

States vii. 167

— army leaves Spain vii. 266

— and French crowded on the

two banks vii. 811

— fire-ships at Aix vii. 814

— maritime expedition against

French vii. 814

— masters of India v. 110-111

Enlistment, law of viii. 280

Entraigues, Henriette d', and

Henry IV lil. 462

— M. de, pamphlet of v. 371

Enzensdorf , attacked by French vii. 285
Ep6mon, Duke of, refuses adhe-
sion to Henry IV Iii. 865

— plots with Mary de Medici ... iv. 20
fipmay, Francis D', Lord of St,

Luc 111.412

Eponlna, wife of Sablnus i. 77

— fidelity of i. 77

Erasmus. Berquin to ill. 167

Erfurt, surrender of vii. 144

— meeting of Napoleon and Al-

exander vii. 243

— theatre, the vii. 248

Erlach, operations of vi. 878

Escoiquiz, Canon vii. 188

Espinac. Peter de, Archbishop of

Lyons Iii. 352

— and I^maltre lil. 398

Espremesnil, M. de v. 852

— M. de, arrest of v. 361

Esquerdes, Baron d', Philip de

CrevecoBur 11.880

— opposes Neapolitan scheme. . il. 400

Essen. Swedish general vii. 156

Eesling, occupied by Lannes — vii. 274

— battle of vii. 277

Essonne, defection of the 6th

corps vlli. 121

Eetaing, Count d' v. 2TO

—See also D'Estaing.

nmsx.

427

Estelle in Plague at Marseilles., v. S9

Estienne. Robert, printer and '
publisher time of Francis I.,

apolo)^- of ill. 184

Estrades, Count d', French am-
bassador in Holland !▼. SSO

Estr^es, Glabriel le d', letter of

Henry IV iii. 400

-death of iii. 462

Etampes, session at ii. 329

Etruna, now Tuscany i. 80

— throne of. vll. 47

Etruscans, people of Etruria... i. 30
Eudes, Duke or Aquitania and

Nasconia i. 147

— delivers Chilperic II. over to

Charles 1.147

— alliance with Charles Martel i. 148

— leads Aquitanians against

Arabs 1. 149

— in danger from Arabs 1. 150

— meets and defeats Arabs in

Provence. . i. 160

— gives daughter in marriage to

Abi-Nessa i. 151

— forms secret alliance with

Abi-Nessa i. 151

— threatened by Charles Martel i. 151

— invokes aid of Charles Martel

against Arabs i. 153

— takes oath of loyalty to

Charles Mart«l 1. 153

— forced to retire before Abdel-

Rhaman 1. 164

Eudes, Count of Paris i. 807

— re-entering Paris through the

besiegers L 208

— electedking L 808

— negotiates with RoUo i. 209

— death of L 209

Budon. See Eudes.

Eugene, Prince of Savoy-Carig-

nano iv. 872

— honors to Marshal Boufflers iv. 284

— at LUtzen iv. 290

— becomes master of Quesnoy iv. 297

— old age of v. 67

Eugene, Prince (Eugene Beau-

hamais) vii. 108

— vice-king of Italy vii. 135

— marriage of vii. 185

— assured of succession of

throne of Italy vii. 166

— reverses in Italy vii. 269

— repulses Archduke John vll. 282

— takes from archdukes line

of the Raab vii. 283

- obliged to abandon Hamburg

and Lubeck vlil. 24

— defeats Austrians on Mincio . . vili. 87
Eugene, Prince of Wurtemberg vii. 144

— defends Halle vii. 144

Eugenius III., Pope 1.888

BSurope, successive invaders of i. 16

— Western, the reformers in. . . iii. 143

— aroused by dispjosition of

Spanish croNvn, 1700 Iv. 270

— how affected by death of

Charles vn v. 85

— breaks relations with France vL 144
>~ rises against the Republic vi. S97

— agitated at position of France tU. 77

Europe, mourns death of d'Eng-

hlen vii. M

— third coalition against France vll. 89

— again disturbed by revolu-

tion viil. 241

European coalition hostile to

France, 1812 vii. 378

Eusebius, Bishop of Caesarea. . . i. 92

— Ecclesiastical History. i. 92

Eustace II., Count of Boulogne 1. 809

Euxenes, Greek trader 1. 12

— marries daughter of Nann ... i. IS

— founds Marseilles i. 18

Evangelical Union, diet at Leip-
zig Iv. 118

Evangeline, Longfellow's poem v. 128

fivreux, enrolment at vi. 276

Exelmans, General, tenders his

services to Murat viil. 140

Eylau, battle of vii. 158

Faqel, Gaspard van, succeeds

Van Witt iv. 238

Fagon, chief physician of Louis

XIV iv.451

Falstoflf, Sir John ii. 241, 261

Family Pact, between France

and Spain v. 150, 281

Famine-pact v. 194

Fancher, brothers, execution of vlii. 221

Farel, William, of Gap iii. 144

— goes among Vaudians iii. 173

Famese, Alexander. See Paul

III., iii. 99
Famese, Elizabeth, Princess of

Parma iv. 449

— banishes Mme. des Ursins. . . iv. 460

— marries Philip V. of Spain. . . iv. 460
"Father, ware right I Father,

ware left!" ii. 104

Paur, Guy du, Sieur de Pibrac. . III. 818
Faure, M. Felix, Histoire de

Saint Louis L 431, 434, 486, 46«

Fauriel, Hittoire de la Oaule,

etc i. 149, 152, 163,217

Favart, Madame, the actress... v. 99
Favras, Marquis of, conspiracy

of vl. 42

— trial of vl. 49

Fay, Godemar, at ford of

Blanch6-Tache 11. 88

Faye, Anthony de la, Protestant

minister iii. 400

Fayette, Louise de la. iv. 58

Feast of Nature at Champ de

Mara vi. 189

— of Reason vi. 189

Federals, camp at Ch&lons vi. 298

Federalist insurrection van-
ishes vi. 277

FelixV.,Pope U. 804

Fenelon, anonymous state-
ments to Louis XIV. iv. 268

— and Madame Guyot Iv. 354, 357

— and Bossuet Iv. 857, 359

— and Mme. de Maintenon iv. 868

— description of Iv. 881

— sketch of It. 87i

— and the little Duke of Bur-

gundy. iv. 877, 178

— writes Tilimaqva. Iv. 879

— death of Iv. 88t

^

438

INDEX.

Fenelon, relations with Duke of

Burgundy hr. 468

Feraud, death of vl. 829

Ferdinand the Catholic, charac-
ter of ii. 428

— invades Navarre and threat-

ens Qascony il. 465

— marries Germaine de Foiz. . . ii. 465

— distrusts Francis I hi. 9

— death of iiL 24

Ferdinand n., Emperor of Ger-
many iv. 117

— recalls Wallenstein iv. 180

— death of, 1687 iv. 130

Ferdinand IL accedes to throne

of Naples ii. 408

— takes refuge in Ischia ii 410

— deathof ii. 418

Ferdinand VL succeeds to

throne of Spain ▼. 94

Ferdinand VII. of Spain vii. 186

— letter from Napoleon vii. 191

— signs treaty with Napoleon. . viii. 65
^released fromValengay viii. 81

— leaves Madrid viii. 250

— issues a pragmatic sanction. . viii. 272

— deathof viii. 824

Ferdinand, Archduke vii. 120

— escapes viL 120

Ferdinand, Prince of Asturias,

intrigues of vii. 183

— arrested at Madrid vii. 183

— pardoned by Charles IV vii. 184

Ferrara. Duke of ii. 453

— and Chevalier de Bayard iL 454

Ferrand, Count of Flanders .... i. 892
Ferrand, Qeneral, at Valen-
ciennes vi. 310

FerrS, Big, peasant of Longeull iL 148
Fersen, a Swedish gentleman., vi. 56
Fesch, Cardinal, French ambas-
sador in Rome vii. 104

— recalled from Rome vii. 174

— anger of Napoleon vii. 859

Feudal system in France i. 227-231

— political character of i. 831, 238

Fezensac, Duke of, recolleo-

tionsof vii. 433

Fiefa or petty states i. 228

Field of Cloth of Gold Ui. 81, 82

— of Martyrs vi. 278

Fields of Putrefaction i, 45

Fler-Rodp.rigue, Le v. 279

Fieschi. De, the attempt of viii. 817

— the infernal machine of viii. 881

Figuiera, evacuated by Span-
ish vi.3l8

Filles St. Thomas vi. 83

Finland, Napoleon aims at con-

quest of vii. 165

" First Ban," the vii. 881

Fitz-Osbem, William, Norman

knight i. 277

Flanders, Qount of. See Ferrand

Flanders, a state of France L 844

•— manufactures and commerce i. 459

— in 18th century i. 459

— submits to Philip IV i. 463

— again at war with Philip IV . . L 464

— Count of, Louis de Nevers. . . ii. 42

— England natural ally of il. 45

— unwise treatment of Englisb iL 46

Flanders, bears first brant of

Himdred Years War ii, 51

— petty civil wars H. 78

Flangieri, Captain-GeneraL vii. 228

Flavy, de, William ii. 286

Fleix. peace of. . . iii. 828

Flemings, consequences of Hun-
dred Years War sl 58

— defeated at Rosebe<wue iL 172

— retire from siege of Calais. ... 11. 298

— win battle of Cotirtrai L 465

— withdraw from Mons-en-

PueUe L466

Flemish conmiunes, treaty with

English at Anvers U. 58

— to^^-ns. division among. 11. 78

— war of Philip IV L 458, 459

— cities rise against Duke of

Burgundy ii. 881

— defeated at Fiunes i. 462

— commimes and Kngliah am-

bassadors IL 66

FlesseUes, Mayor of Paris vi. 20

Fleury, Cardinal v. 44

— administration of v. 61, 80

— resignation and recall v. 61

— and Parliament v. TO

— death of v. 77

Fleury, M. Joly de v. 820

Fleuriot, a Vendean conmmnder vi. 261
Floquet, M., Histoire du Par-

lement ae Normandie

iiL 405, 406, 407, iv. 67, 337
Florence, plague of. See Plague, black.

— republic of iL 401

— treaty ot Nov. 26. 1494 iL 406

Florent I., Cotmt of Holland .... L 251

Florentine envoys, mistrust of.. IL 460

Florida, French settlers in v. 118

Flotte, Peter, Chancellor of Phfl-

ipIV L474

Flushing, bombardment of viL 814

Fofac, Gaston de. 11. 458

— military operations of ii. 466

— Duke of Nemours, death of . . iL 464
Foix, Frances de, favorite of

FrancisI 111. 37

Folembray, royal edict signed at iiL 427
Fontainebleau, conference at,

1600 111.456

— treaty with Spain. iv. 18

— Assembly of Notables, 1626-6. If. 71

— peace signed at, 1762, v. 161

— convention of viL 169

Fontaine, secretary of M. de

Saci lv.851

Fontaine-Francaise ill. 426

Fontarabia, taken by Frendi v. 84

— taken by Spanish vi. 318

Fontenailles, battle of L 221. 228

Fontenay, Mme. de vL 21)

— See also Cabarrus and TalU^L
Fontenay taken by insurgents. . vL 254
FonteneUe, sketch of ▼. 181

— writings of v. 188

— death at ninety-nine v. 18t

Fontenoy, battle of v. 88

FontralUes, Viscount de, friend

of Cinque-Mars tv. 66

— escapes to Spain iv. 87

Food Council, appointed Inr

Napoleon vlL88I

INDEX,

429

Vorest, Peter de la, ArchUdhop

of Bouen. H. 107

Form6viUe, M. de, Histoire de
rancien Evech^-comt^ de

Sisieux iU. 802

Formlgny, battle of ii. 295

Pomovo, battle of ii. 415

Fortunatus, Bishop of Poitiera . i. 188
Foesse Marianse (dykes of

Mariusi) i. 43

Fouch6, of Nantes vi. 288

— at head of police vi. 408, vii. 6

— devoted to interests of Napo-

leon vii 98

— intrigues of vii. 829

— dismissed by Napoleon viL 838

— meditates vengeance against

Napoleon viiL 60

— returns from Dlyria and takes

part in n^otiations with

Monsieur vlH. 129

— placed at head of police by

Napoleon viii. 168

— new intrigues of .viii. 191, 196

— indignation against — viiL 200

— appointed minister of police

by Louis XVlli viii. 202

— career ended, leaves Paris in

disguise viii. 215

Foulon murdered by the mob. . . vi 25
Foulques le Rechin, Count of

Anjou i. 251

Foulques the Black, of Anjou. . . i. 255

Fouquet, attorney-general iv. 218

— arrested by order of Louis

XrV Iv. 214

— trial of iv. 216

— dies in prison, «80 iv. 217

Fouquier-Tinville sent to prison vi. 218

— execution of vi. 218

Fotu* Nations, sectk>n of vi. 84

Fourcroy v. 881

Foumier, the American vL 111

Fox, cordial advances toward

Napoleon viL 188

— received by Bonapai^ vii 48

1^ death of vii. 189

Foy, General, sent to Paris by

Mass^na. vlL 847

— at Waterloo, military Journal

quoted viii. 177

France, Ancient. i. 19

— Gauls in i 9-20

— name first applied to Frankiab

dominion m 730 1. 158

— reaction after death of Charles

Martel L 159

— renewed insurrections in the

North. 1.169

— the head of Christian Burope L 166

— renewed attempts at foreign

invasion 1.201

_ feudal, and Hugh Capet L 827-348

— clergy in affaire L841

— states of L 244

— of 11th century only a name L 244

— the community in I. 254

— society hi 10th-12th centuries L 267

— how affected by conquest of

Eiogiand .. 1.291

— and England in 14th century,!. 291, 292
— Ungshq) in Lno,881

France, kingdom of, extent L 881

— barons tiy King John L891

— and England, wars frequent. . L 467

— social classes in. tt. 88

— renewal of war with England ii. 101

— permanent army established U. 800

— result of Austro-Burgundian

marriage IL 866

— advance during reign of Louis

XII U. 478, 480

— and £ngland,alliance between,

1525 ill. 77

— CoD^e of iii. 128

— government of the Guises iii. 219

— government in hands of Cath-

erine and King of Navarre . . ill. 341

— change in conditions and

ideas HI. 814

— great towns declare against

Henry m III. 854

— religious peace in, 1598 IIL 401

— flocks to Henry Iv tlL401

— deplorable state of finances,

1596 iiL488

— alliance with England against

Philip U .T ill. 484

— religious liberty under Henry

IV. . ilL441

— concludes treaty of peace

with Spain iiL 444

— financial condition at death of

Henry IV Iv. 6

— change in government after

death of Henry rv iv. 7

— and Spain, double marriage

of royal families iv. 18

— war-footing in 1627 iv. 78

— end of Huguenots as a p(^ti-

calijarty Iv. 104

— joins league for defence of

Italy against Spain iv. US

— disavows treaty of Ratisbonne iv. 117

— and Sweden, alliance betwe^i,

1681 iv.ll7

— renews treaty with Sweden

and Holland. iv. 124

— new treaty of alliance with

Sweden iv. 126

— new complications with

Spain iv. 166

— convention witli Germany,

1670 Iv. 229

— make treaty with Sweden,

16ra iv. 280

— renounces Protestant allian-

ces in Germany iv. 280

— coalition of Europe forming

against Iv. 241

— people reduced to want by

war iv. 266

— marvellous resources of. iv. 288

— secret negotiations ta Eng-

land, 1711 Iv. 288

— Law founds a bank v. U

— visited by Peter the Great — v. 27

— secret treaty with Prussia.. . t. 88

— tTn^nfj^.ini^ amt>a8sador in Rus-

sia ▼. 88

— and England declare war

against Spain t. S

— guarantees Pragmatio Sano-

tion ■%. 60

430

INDEX.

nnnoe, recognizes Uaria Ther-
esa as Queen ▼. 72

— and England, mutual rivalry. v. 96
^recognizes Pragmatic Sano-

tion. V. 95

— carries the war into colonies, v. 96

— the war in India v. 100

— looks with disfavor on success

of Duplets ▼. 102

— New V. 115

— See also Canada.

— hopelessly weak at sea t. 122

— formal declaration of war

against England v. 136

— how, affected by Family Pact v. 150

— Equinoctial France. See

Guiana v. 166

— position abroad at end of

war. V. 158

— decline as a political power ,v. 178, 175

— art in reigri of Louis XV v. 240

— secretly aids Americans ... v. 271

— recognizes indei)endence erf

United States v. 276

— war with England, 1778 v. 277

— sends auxinary corps to

America v. 284

— disputes India with England. . v. 291
-- loses all on Ooromandel coast v. 291

— at home, ministry of M.

Necker v. 299

— refuses to engage in Austrifr-

PruBsiatroiibles v. 885

— treaty of commerce with Eng-

land V.842

— stvength drained by emigra-

tion vi. 51

— disorders in South vi 67

— no desire for republic vL 96

— horrors general throughout. . vi. 198

— civil war, 1792-1796 vi. 250

— treaty of peace with Holland vL 819

— war breaks out on all sides... vL 397

— renewal of strife with Eng-

land viL 77

— political relation with Europe vlL 98

— union with Prussia, 1805 viL 184

— fourth continental coalition

against viL 141

— secret treaty with Russia. vii. 168

— home government vii. 202

— public works under Napoleon vii, 205

— secret formation of fifth coali-

tion against vii. 264

— financial difficulties under Na-

poleon vii. 264

— rupture with Austria vii. 265

— treaty of peace with Austria., vii. 820
■^ matnmonial alliance with

Austria vii. 826

— political change produced by

reverses in Russia. viiL 14

— Biztb coalition against vlii. 28

— her condition in 1818 viii. 59

— lacks men and money viii. 62

— sacrifices demanded by ooon-

dl viii. 98

«• alliance with England and

Au8tria,1815 vilL 148

— waits for the coup d'itat viii. 275

^foreign polipy uztder Louis

France, inflicts cbastisemient

upon Portugal viii. 809

— system of public instruction. . viii, 814

— protests by conference of sov-

ereigTis viii. 328

— occupied with great domestic

projects viii. 385

— isolated from Europe on the

Eastern question viiL 887

— good understanding with Eng-

land viii. 846

— commercial treaty witti Bel-

gium viiL 845

— imuence with the Mohamme-

dans viiL 859

— reform and revolution, 1847-

1848 viii. 870

Frances of Orleans, wife of

Ck)nd6 iii.268

Franchemont, affair of iL 339

Francia, named used by Peutin-

ger L108

Francis I. marries Claude,daugh-

ter of Louis XH U. 480

— and Cliarles V iiL 6

— personal appearance iiL 8

— his reign begins era of mod-

em France iiL 6

— accedes to throne iiL 7

— first acts of government. iii. 8

— and Italian league iiL 10

— anxious for invasion and con-

quest of Italy iii. 10

— defeats Swiss at Melegnano. . iii. 18

— knighted by Bayard iiL 18

— enters Milan in triumph Ui. 15

— regains possession ofaU Mi-

laness HL 15

— reconciliation with Leo X iii. IS

— and Leo X. at Bologna iiL 18

— ordinance against poachers., iii. 17

— aspires to crown or Germany iiL 26

— and Henry VUL of England

at Ardres. iii. 88

— injustice to Trivulzio iii. 36

— visits Duke of Bourbon at

Mouslins IiL 48

— rupture with Duke of Bour-

bon Iii. 46

— army under Bonnivet enters

Italy UL 56

— loses Milaness for third time.. iiL 61

— besieges Pavia iiL 67

— letters to his mother and

Charles V iii. 7»

— prisoner to Charles V iii. 78

— taken to Spain iii. 74

— fflatMadnd iii. 78

— abdicates in favor of dauphin iii. 81

— sons as hostages go to Spain.. iiL 84

— espouses Eleanor of Portu-

gal iiL 84, 94, 90

— returns to France IiL 86

— and Parliament of 1587 iiL 80

— fails to execute treaty of Mad-

rid UL 88

— joins Holy League UL 88

— and Charles V., war resumed Iii. 88

— seizes fortune of Duprat..... iiL 96

— alliance with Henry VUL
againstTurks UL 97

— review of his reiga UL 101

INDEX,

431

Vkands I. ^renewal lo 1688 of

war with Charles V UL 98

— and Ch&rles V. sign a ten

7«ar«' truce, 15S8 iU. 08

— > and Charles V. exchange vis-
its at AJgues-Mortes Hi. 100

— and Charles V., fourth war.. . UL 103

— concludes alliance with Soli-

man U HI. 103

— and the Rennaissance iii. 110

— and literature of France fU. 116

— writings of iii. 133

— and Reformation. iii. 14S

— abolishes Progmatic Sanction iiL 143

— orders removal of Berquin to

Louvre iii. 168

— inrites Melancthon to Paris. . iiL 168

— decrees against heretics iii. 170

'» attempts to win over the

Qerman Protestants iii. 171

—death of, 1547 Ui. 181

•> description by Cavalli iiL 181

Itands U., edicts against here-
tics Iii.290

— dies, 1560 iiL237

Francis II. succeeds Leopold.. . . tL 71

— Emperor of Gemmny viL 77

— quits Vienna vii. 188

— ceases to be Emperor of Qer-

many viL 138

— becomes Emperor of Austria

only vii.188

— Napoleon tries to detach him

fromooalition Tiii. 89

Francis d'Angoulgme iL 471

— See Francis I.

Francis, dauphin of France ^201

— See Francis II.

Franco- Bavarian army, suoce»>

see of T. 76

Franco-Russian alliance „ TiL 348

Francois of Neuf chateau vL 364

Franconia, French army occu-
pies vii. 142

Frandi. Arab (name for Franks i. 148

Frandjas, Arab name for Qaul.. i. 148

Frankfort, free city of Qermany iii. 829

— ordered to pay war contribtt-

Uon vi.807

Frankfurt, elector crowned at., v. 76
Frankish dominion divided

among sous of Clovis L 124

— dominion in 789 takes name

France L 156

Frankish empire, last partition

of i. 884.826

— becomes three distinct king-

doms i. 8ST

Franklin, Benjamin, in London,

1754 V. 122

— and Lord Camden v. 869

— report to colonists v. 263

— arrives at Paris ▼. 872

— secures French aid v. 276

Franks, first appearance of

name L 108

— plunder Gaul and Spain i. 103

— distribution in Gaul L 108

•— chieftains or kings L 108

*- Bipuarian , a principal tribe. . i. 106

wSanan, a principal tribe L 106

•^aanquerThuriogie L Ui

HF (S)

Franks, defeated by Saxons L 141

— in strife with German neigh-

bors L144

— resist invasions of barbarians L 144

— masters of field of Poitiera . . L 196

— invest Narbonne for three

years L 168

— resume aggressive attitude

toward Britons i. 164

— approve war against Lorn*

bards i. 165

—-alliance with Christian Goths i. 211

Frayssinous, Abb6 viil. 247

Fredegonde, wife of Chilp^ric. L 131

— remorse of L 181, 138

— character of L 186, 187

— causes death of Audovdre'S

sons L 186,137

Frederick Barbarossa, £ing of

Germany L 85B

— leads Germans in third cru-

sade L 858

— dies in the crusade L 358

— remnant of army at St. Jean

d'Acre L368

Frederick I., King of Prussia. . . iv. 278
Frederick William L, King at

Prussia iv. 298

— character of v. 62

— joins treaty of Hanover v. 63

Frederick II. the Great, ascends

throne of Prussia v. 78

— and Maria Theresa v. 78

— acquires Silesia v. 77

— defection of v. 77

— signs new treaty with France v. 83

— great victory at Freilberg.... ▼. 89

— occupies Dresden v. 89

— invaaes Saxony v. 138

— Anglo- Prussian treaty ▼. 138

— victory at Prague v, 140

— and the deserter v. 142

— European admiration for. ... v. 144

— reverses of 1760 v. 148

— part in Polish instirrection. . . v. 171

— share In partition of Poland. . ▼. 174

— French taste of v. 194

— invites Voltaire to Berlin. ... v. 194

— letter to Voltaire v. 197

Frederic III., Emperor of Ger-
many iL 367

Frederic III., elector palatine,

thePimu, iii.309

Frederick William, King of

Prussia. vii. 141

— at Tilsit . . vii. 161

— asks for alliance of Napoleon vii. 377

— declares war against France., viii. 24
Frederick in. of Naples flees to

Ischia ii. 429

— dies in France ... iL 430

Freilberg. Prussian success at., v. 89
French Academy. See Acad-
emy.

— grandees assemble at Soi-

lis L 886,238

— lose battle of Ooortrai to

Flemings L 465

— meet Flemings at Mons-eo-

Puelle i. 4M

— fleet defeated at Eclose iL 68

— lose battle of Crtey. il 80

Vol. 8

432

INDEX.

French lose Calais il. 95

— defeat at Poictiers, cause

of IL 104

^ fleet cruises on coast of Eng-
land ii. 169

— defeated at Agincourt il. 214

— defeat English at Patay ii. 261

— alliance with Venetians ii. 422

— conquer duchy of MUan ii. 423

— defeated by Spanish at Ceng-

nola ii.431

— squadron set on fire before

Otranto ii. 483

— win battle of Agnadello ii. 441

— domination disappears from

Italy 11.465

— defeated at Pavia by^ Spanish, ill. 72

— army occupies Tunn ill. 98

— victorious at Ceserole ilL 107

— language, creation of iii. 115

— Protestants in 1547 111. 181

— defeated at Saint-Quentin iii. 203

— take Calais from English iii. 207

— take Thiouville iii. 809

— navy foiuided by Richelieu. . iv. 72

— success at R6 iv. 89

— raise siege of Heidelberg ... iv. 125

— naval victory off Beachy

Head iv. 260

— infantry, first bayonet charge iv. 262

— people desire Louis XTV. to

make peace iv. 263

— defeated at Blenheim, (Hoch-

stett), 1704 iv. 279

— evacuate Germany, 1704 iv. 279

— take Denain from English,

1712 iv. 297

— navy, development by Col-

bert iv.308

— school of painting at Rome . . iv. 427

— invade Germany as ally of

Bavaria v. 74

— navy in time of Louis XV. ... v. 74, 94

— colonies in India v. 100

— colonists in Canada v, 112

— colonists iB Florida, massa-

cre of V. 114

— literature ill. 116

— render aid to Poles, 1768 v. 171

— victory in the Channel, 1778.. v. 277
->■ guards drawn into national

movement vi. 14, 16

.^ Magistrates of Parliaments., vi. 40

— invade Belgium vl. 78

— monarchy, old, ceases to

exist vi. 91

— army, disorder in vl. 256

— fleet at Toulon , biuning of . . . vi. 290

— regime applied to conquered

districts vi. 801

— occupies Belgium vi. 301

>•- Revolution, European coali-
tion against vi. 809

^ Army, illiteracy in vi. 310

— takes Charleroi vl. 815

— occupies Belgium vi. 815

— successes in States-General. . vi. 817

— enters Pope's territory vl. 341

— In Switzerland vi 878

— Republic, allied or subject

o&es vl.879

— inB^Tpt. ▼1884

French defeated by KngHsh in

BayofAboukir tL 8W

— succumb to plague vt 800

— attack upon Capua vi. 806

— defeated at Magnano vl. 399

— in Germany, 17M vi. 899

— reverses in Italy vi. 899

— plenipotentiaries, outrage at

Rastatt vi. 400

— cross the Alps. vli. 18

— defeat Austrians at Marengo vil. 21

— reconquer Lower Egypt vii. 28

— victory at Hohenlinden vil. 80

— in Egypt, 1801 vli. 48

— troops mvade Hanover vii. 77

— united navy viL 118

— successes in Poland vil. 151

— defeat allies at Eylau vii. 158

— enters Rome, 18Ce vii. 180

— and Spanish insurrection vil. 226

— fleet at Cadiz surrenders vil. 226

— capitulation at Baylen vii. 282

— take possession of Vienna. . . . vii. 278

— columns, the passage of the

great bridge by vil. 284

— repulsed at Talavera. vii. 311

— in Portugal, privations of . . . . vii. 849

— colonies, loss of vii 860

— flight from Vittoria viii. 48

— in Spain, defeat of viii. 43

— retreat of vii. 358

— government, policy in Spain viii. 368

— desertions increased vil. 881

— losses in Russia vii. 802

— unanimous desire to leave

Russia vii 417

— thp fragment left after re-

treat through Russia vil. 486

— sufFerings during retreat

from Moscow vil. 481

— distrust Greeks L 840

— win battle of Bouvines 1.804

Frdre, General, massacred by

miUtia vii. 806

Freron denounces Fouquer-Tln-

ville vl218

— jeunesse dorie of vi. 218

Freteau, Coimcillor v. 366

Freundsbere, George of ill. 68

Freytag, affair with Voltaire. . . v. 199

Friburg, siege of v. 86

Friends of the People viii. 311

Frochot, Prefect of the Seine. . . viii. 7

Froissart, quoted 11. 78, 86, 164

— Chronicles of 111.118

Fronchet, coimsel for Louis

XATI vl. 124

Fronde of princes iv. 177

— of the people iv. 177

— end of .... iv. 196

Frondeurs, the iv. 177

— victory of , .... iv. 188

Fuendalsagna, Coimt iv. 101

Gabel. Se« Salt-tax

— In Bordeaux UL 96

— inRochelle ilL 184

Gaels, descendants of Oaols in

Britishlsles L 17

Gaeta given up to Spanish it 43S

— resistance of vil. 187

Qaetani, Benedetto, Cardinal. . . i, 480

INDEX.

433

Saetani, elected Pope i 409

Gaetani, Cardinal, Pope's legate

in France lU. 874

Gage, Ueneral, English com-

inander in America t. 266

Oaillac, massacre of iii. 246

O&illard, Histoire de thxmooit UL 9

Oalatia, or Gallic Phryjria 1. 27

Qalatians, or Phrygian Glauls. . . i. 26, 27

Qalba succeeds Nero L 74, 75

GteleriuB, a Roman CsBsar i. 86

— death of L 87

Galicia, Qallic province of

Spain L 21

Oaligai, Leonora, favorite of

MarydeHedici tv. 0

'- sentenced to death. iv. IS

Ctolitzin. Prince, heads Russian

force T. 171

Qallia Comata, province in

GauL L 66

Gtellia Togata. See Qaul, Cisal-
pine.
Gallic tribes i. 1«, 18, 17. 18, 19

— hordes become a people, the

Galatians L 27

Galilean Confession. .. . iii 218

— Church, theory of the iv. 78

Gallo-Roman province invaded

byHungarians L 211

Cbtllois, member of the Oon»>

mission vllL 68

Galsuinthe, daughter of A'^*'»MM-

gild L184

— marriage with Chilp6ria L 134

— deathof 1.134

Oamaches, Sire de iLS58, 256

Gamin, a blacksmith v. 826

Oanteaume, Admiral, squadron

of vii. 44

— blockaded at Brest vii. 113

Qarat, minister of justice vi. 117

— accepts commisiuon of Loois

XVl vl. 189

— remarkable proposal of vL 154

Oard, the white terror of vlii. 214

Garde, Baron de la, and Vau-

dians itt. 175

Gkurter, order of the. Instituted. IL 103
Gascons object to removal of

John II. to England ii. 183

Gassion, Colonel, sent against

Nu-pieds It. 67

Gaston of Orleans, brother of

Louis XIII. See Orleans. . . It. 87
Gates, Gleneral, victorious on

frontierrt of Canada v. 274

Gandln, minister of flnanoe Til. 6

Gaud ri. Bishop of Laon iL 17

— dragged from the Cask. 11. 21

— murdisred by the mob. iL 21

Gaul L9-20

— early inhabitants. L 10, 11

— OiBalpine i. 81

— Oiaalpine, becomes Roman

Gaul i. 86

— invaded by Teutons and Cim-

brians L 40

•- Transalpine, becomes Roman

province i. 41

— Casalpine, becomes Roman

province L 41

Gaul, Prankish passes to Austnk-

trasian Franlis I 146

— conquered by Caesar I 63-65

— under Roman dominion 1. 63-87

— five centuries tmder Roman

dominion L 65

— towns ravaged by Germans. . L 106

— united against Huns L 106

— southern, extent of L 1S6

— influence on destinies of Rome L 7S
Gauls t 10

— early habitations i 10

— barbarous customs of I. 18

— first inhabitants of Western

Europe L 16

— three grand leagues L 17

— send representatives to Rmne L 20

— invadeltaly 1. SO

— out of Gaul i 20-86

— invade Germany and Spain, L Sfr 21. 28

— and Alexander the Great i. 22

— invade Thessaly and Greece.. L 28

— and Greeks at ThermopylsB.. L 24

— as allies of Hannibal L 25

— defeated by Attalus 1 26

— invade Asia Minor L 28

— defeated bv King Antioohns.. L 28

— subjugated by Romans 1. 27

— found towns L 28

— destroy Etruscan towns L 28

— inRome L 29

— demand land of Clusiu 1. 29

— enter Rome L 29

— join Samnites and Etruscans

against Rome , L 31

.— destroy a Roman army i. 32

— depart from Italy L 36

— foUow Hannibal to Africa i 36

— ask protection of Caesar. .... L 61

— oppressed by Germans. L 51

— mounted i. 58

— their advance in civilization.. L 68, 69

— religion of i. 69

Gaultier, M. L6on, Academiedet

Inscriptions et BeUes-lettreg liL 120
Gauthier, Jules, Hiatoire de

Marie Stuart ilL 208

Gel6e, Claud. See Lorrain

Geneva united to France tL 879

Genoa occupied by Austrians. . t. 98

— insurrection in v. 9S

— partially destroyed by Du-

quesne Iv. 258

— repubUcof. vi. 858

— French re-enter tU. 15

Genoese fleet in pay of Philip IV. L 466

Gensoun6 replies to Robespierre vL 128

Geoffrey, Bishop of Contances.. L 290
Geoffrin, Madame, friend of

Fontenelle v. 188

George U. of England, faithful

to Pragmatic Sanction T. 74

George III., Xing of F.ngland.

1760 T.149

— recalls ambassador from

France T. S76

— recognizes independence of

America t. 297

— infirmities of tIL 40

— message to Parliament tIL 74

— of En^and, death of tUL 241

George IV.. death <tf TliL83>

434

INDEX.

9epidians. Se« Qerman nati<ni8.

Gerard of Boussillon . . L S12

Oerbert i. 242

— priest of Auvergne L 842

— letter to Univereal Church... i. 801
Gterman nations i. 108, 105

— princes, division of !▼. 298

— princes submit to Napoleon. . vii. 120
Germans, meaning of term L 48

— oppress Gauls 1. 51

— defeated by Caesar i. 53

-in Gaul i. 102

— at Vimony, routed by Henry

ofGulse iil.881

— violence of viiL 212

Oermantown, English defeated

at V.274

Germany takes up the cross of

crusade 1.839

— government of 1. 381

— aspirants for crown UL 25

.-- electoral power ill. 26

— Protestant princes ask aid

of Henry U iii. 190

— four free cities of, and Henry

m lii,829

— invaded by Gustavus Adol-

phus iv. 117

— evangelical union of Prot-

estant princes iv. 123

— progress of the war in, against

Spain iv. 181

— war recommenced in iv. 299

— French army in vi. 308

— growing irritation vii. 140

— covered by French troops. ... vii. 265

— patriotic rising of viii. 48

— democratic fermentation viii. 234

Germinal. 12th vi. 238

Ghent, alliance of Flemish and

EngUsh U. «1

— violent insurrection at iii. 101

— surprised and taken by

French, 1707 Iv. 283

Gibraltar twice supplied in face

of enemy v. 295

— attack on v. 296

— taken by English, 1704 iv. 279

Ging:uen6, French minister vi. 895

Girard, Count of M&con L 256

— in church of St. Philibert i. 256

Girardon iv. 480

Gironde, deputies of the vi. 67

Girondins, alliance with Com-
mune vi. 73

— predominate in Commission vi. 92

— declare war against Danton . . vi. 112

— takke seats on the right vi. 115

— sta-uggle with the Mountain., vi. 144

— supported by pubUc opinion vl. 149
^ with Madame uoland vl. 153

— carry arms vi. 155

— defeat of vi. 157

— majority assemble at Caen . . vl. 158

— fall of vtl64

*- trial of vi. 171

— - in Conciergerie vL 178

— last supper of vl. 173

— going to execution vl. 174

— execution of vi. 174

— lastofthe vl 178

— resist Beign of Terror. .. ■. vLSTB i

Girondins, proscription of tLI74

Gis^le, daughter of Charles ttis

Simple i. 209

Githa, mother of Harold 1. 887

— asks William for Harold's

body i.887

Giulay, Austrian diplomat vii. 129

Glacidas. See Gladesdale.

Gladesdale, Sir William li. 254

— retreat and death ii. 257

Glogau, blockade of French gar-
rison viii 38

Gnostics, a religious sect i. 401

" God wiUeth it^' L 308

Ciodeheu, M., a director of

French company in India. . . v. 104-
Godfrey de Bouillon, title at Je-
rusalem i. 384

God's peace, God's truce i. 249, 267

Godwin, Count of Kent i. 274

— leads Saxon revolt in England i. 275

Goethe at Weimar vii. 243

Gohier, President of Directory,, vi. 407

— under arrest vi. 410

Golden Book, the vi. 858

Golet, fool of William the Bas-
tard L868

Golo, bridge of, Corsicans at. . .. ▼. 187
Gondebaud, King of the Bur^

gundians L 110

— fearofClovis 1.118

— betrayed at Dijon 1. 117

Qondelour, sea-fight off v. 294

Gondi, Cardinal de UL 428

Qontram, King of Orleans and

Burgundy i. 125, 184, 188

— treaty with Childebert 1. 135

Gtonzalvo of Cordova ii. 428

— successes over French ii. 488, 483

Goodfellows ii. 124

Gortschakoff, General, Russian vii. 159

Goth, Bertrand de, elected Pope i 482
Gtoths, Christian, open gates of

Narbonne to Franks 1. 163

Giottschalk, a German priest i. 308

Qoujon, John, Frencfc sculptor., iii. 186

Gourgues, Dominic de v. 114

Gtouvion St. Cyr subdues Cata-
lonia vii. 253

Giovemment, Provisional, form-
ation of vi. 410

— members of viii. 118

Gower, Leveson, Lord, English

ambassador vii. 164

Gozlin. Bishop of Paris i. 207

— interview with Siegfried i. ?07

— death during siege i. 208

Grailli. John de, Captal of Buch ii. 161
Gramout, Countess Corisande

de iii. 369

Gramont, Duke of, killed atFon-

tenoy v. 87

Granada, army of vii. 287

Grand Alliance, composition of iv. 27S

Grand Pr6, Dumouriez at vi. 298

Granson, Burgundian defeat at ii. 351
Granvelle, Clianceller de, Pa-

piers d'Etat iii. 168

Granville, Lord, amiMissador at

Paris vilL884

Grasse, Count de, fleet of ▼. S87

— u:i val reverses ^ 2K

INDEX.

435

flnsse. Count d«. takes Tobago ▼. S87

Wavilliers in marching order.. yi. 210

Gravina, Spanish admiral vii 112

Qreat Ledger, the v. 391

Greece, affairs of riii. 263

Qreeks, arrival in Qaul i. 10

— combine against Qauls i. 94

Gregolre. Abb6 yl. 114

— election of, to Chamber viii. 233

Qregorj lU., Pope, asks aid of

ChariesMartel i. 166

Gregory of Tours, Hiatoires des

Francs L 128

— quoted i. 130. 131, 133, 184, 186, 141

Qr^ory VII., proclaims expedi-
tion to Jerusalem i. 302

— moral influence i. 898

Oregoiy xm., Pope iii. 283

Gregory XIV. elected pope, 1690 iii. 875

Grenada, treaty of u. AX!

— taken by French v. 279

Grenoble, insurrection of v. 865

— military attack attempted. . . viii. 226
Grey Leagues of Protestant

Swiss iv. Ill

Grhnaldi, Regnier de, Italian

admiral i. 466

Grippo. son of Charles Martel. . i. 169

— intrigues against his brothers L 169

— killed in combat L 160

Grisons, the Iv. Ill

— army at Trent viL 31

Grotius, Hogo, Swedish ambas-
sador Iv. 186

Grouchy, General, suspended., vi. 258

— fails to receire instructions

of Napoleon viii. 181

— learns of Waterloo viii. 187

GrouveUe,8ecretary ottbe coun-
cil vi. 139

Guadaloupe taken by English. . v. 151
Guadeloupe taken by English. . vi. 818
Guard, Catizen, becomes Na-
tional vi. 28

— National vi. 82

— refuses to remove Manuel. . . viii. 866

— Old, cold reception of Louis

XVIU viii. 183

Guards, French. vi. 19

Guastalla, battle of. v. 67

Ouerande, peace of ii. 168

Ouercheville, Marchioness of.. v. 116

Gu^rin, Bishop of Senlis i. 893

Guerin. advocate-general in 164fi,

condemned to death UL 218

Guerrilla, Spanish vii. 841

Quesclin, Bertrand du ii. 1.50

— takes Mantes and Meulan ii. I.V)

— made Marshal of Normandy ii. 152
- captured at A uray 11.153

—leads Grand Company toSpain iL 158

— constable of Castile ii. 160

.-surrenders to Prince of

Wales U.161

— ransoms himself ii. 168

— made constable of France. . . IL 166

— resigns sword of constable. . . iL 170

— illness and death 11.170

— funeral services of iL 171

Guiana, French settlements in v. 166

— Directory sends its enemiea

\» Tt»63

Guibert of Nogent, historian

time of Louis the Fat iL 22, S4

Gulcben, Count de T. 288

Guichen, M. de t. 364

Guidal, GeneraL tIIL 7

Guienne, Duke of, Charles,

death IL 830

Guignard, John, a Jesoit father,

hanged iiL 419

Guillotine, horrors of the. vL 196

— furiesofthe tL 228

Guines, M. de, French ambaiMii-

dor V. 268

Guines, Raoul, Count of, be-
headed by John U ii. 96

Guiscard, Robert, founder of

kingdom of Naples L SHI

Guise, Charles de. Cardinal of

Lorraine UL 190

— sketch of iiL 21S

— arrest and death of iii. 863

Guise, Claude of iiL 65

Guise, Duke of, Francis of Lm<-

raine UL IW

— defends UetE. UL IM

— is sent to Italy tti. lOt

— takes command of anny iiL 206

— captures .Calais ia. 207

— character of iii. :^17

— appointed lieutenant-general iii. 227

— deathof iiL 264

Guise, Henry of Ui. 267

— and Marguerite of Valois iiL 175

— marries Catherine of Clevcs iii. 27tf

— as leader of Catholics iii 319

— defeats allies at Port-&-Bin-

son iiL838

— defeats Germans at Auneau Sil. 381

— attempts repulse of Swiss and

German allies. iii. 881

— visits Henry IV. at Paris UL 888

— puts an end to insurrection. . UL 841

— warned of plots against his

life m.34i

— in council ctiamber of Henry

lU UL361

— assassinated iiL 3611

Guise, Duke of, Charles, gov-
ernor of Provence UL 481

Guises and Malcontents iU. 22S

— victory over conspirators ... iiL 227

— cruelty toward conspirators UL 228

— protjosition to Catherine de

Medici iiL840

— seek allicfiioe with German

Lutherans UL 245

— and their partisans leave

court of Charles IX UL 288

— return to court of Charles IZ. UL 290

— convention with Philip H . . . UL 8S4
Guiton. John, mayor of La Ro-

chelle iv. 99

— oath of Iv. 98

— dies at La Bochelle iv. 98

Guizot. History of Civilizaiion

inFVance. Ll«7,aM,86t

— Collection de* Mimoina, eta L 217

— Essays Upon a ComtparaHvt

History of France amd Bmg-

land. ^:. Law

— Kssais sur VHittoin 4»

France iL 8

436

nwEX.

Ouizot, ComeUle et son tempi

iv. ft7, 161, 405

— Histoire de la Republique d'

Angleterre et de Cromwell. . Iv. 800

— Melangt biographigues, quot-

ed y. 888, 331

— Washington, quoted. v. 265

— and Madame de Stael vii. 218

— quoted vii. 214

— Mimoires quoted. See vol. viii.

— on Napoleon vlil. 186

— difficult mission of viii. 194

— commissary for the king viii. 231

— lectures of viii. 867

— pamphlet On Capital Punish-

ment for Political Offences viii. 296

— and public instruction vlli. 314

— against the Cabinet viii. 330

— ambassador to London viii. 333

— receives drafts of two treaties viii. 336

— apprehensive of the future. . . viii. 3.36

— popular indignation against. . viii. 379
Gundichaire,Burgundianking.. i. 106

Gundioch, Burgundian king i. 106

Ountheuque, Queen, marries

Clotalre 1.189

Oustavus Adolphus, King of

Sweden iv. 106

— rising jwwer of iv. 115

— in Pomerania iv. 116

— marches upon Giermany. ... iv. 117

— successes in Qermany Iv. 118

— enters Augsburg iv. 119

— destroys army of Tilly iv. 1 19

— reverses in Germany iv. 120

—billed at Liitzen iv. 121

— and his page, death of. iv. 128

— review of his career iv. 128

Guy of Burgundy 1. 868

— conspires agamst his brother i. 270
Guyenne, conquest of li. 295

— English in ii. 298

Guyon, Madame, and F6aelon. . iv. 354

— imprisonment of iv. 356

Gyptfe 1. 18

— presenting the goblet to Eu-

xenes i. 18

Haarlkm, gat«8 closed to impe-
rial eagles vii. 3.33

— entered oy French troops. . . vii. 884
Hadrian, Roman Emperor i. 79

— reign of i. 79

Hague, treaty 1720 v. 36

Hainaiilt, Protestant insurrec-
tion in Ui. 285

Hakem, Kalif of Egypt 1.301

— persecutes Christians I. 301

Halle, Bernadotte attacks vii. 144

Ham, castle of, accused sent

to vi. 225

Hamburg evacuated by French

authorities viii. 86

— merchants, war contributions

of viii, 41

Hannibal finds allies in Oaul . . L 85

Hanover, treaty of, 1725 v. 68

— invaded by French troops. . . viL 77

Hapsburg, Rudolph of L 456

Harcourt, Godfrey d'. Counsel-
lor of Edward m It M

— •rrest and execution ii- 71

Hardicanute, last Danish Idag

of England i. M

Harlay, Acliille de, premier

president ill. 84X

Harlette, mother of William th«

Bastard i. 266

Haro. Don Louis de, represents

PhilipIV iv.80«

Harold, son of Godwin 1.275

— goes to Normandy i. 276

— oath to William of Normandy I. 276

— proclaimed king of England I. 277

— marries Saxon lady i. 278

— summons William to evacu-

ate England L 888

— rejects propositions of Wil-

liam i. 884

— slain on field of Hastings .... i. 886
Hastenc. See Hastings.

Hastings, a chief of the North-
men i. 804

— artifice for capturing Tuscan

city i. 204

— becomes landed proprietor. . i. 206

— becomes Count of Gnartres. . i. 805

— expeditions of 1. 205

— interview with Rollo i. 206

— sells Chartres to Tetbold .... i. 206

Hastings, battle of i. 886, 287

Hatzfeld, Prince of vii. 145

— condemnation and pardon. . . vii. 146
Hauranne, abbot of St. Cyran. . iv. 78
Hautefort, Marie de, maid of

honor to queen iv. 68

Haute-Guyenne, assembly of., v. 318
Hauteville, Tancred de, cousbi

ofBohemond 1.311

Haugwitz, explanations of vii. 139

Havenought, Walter, Biu-gun-

dian knight i. 808

Hawkesbuiy, Lord vii. 73

Hay, Lord Charles v, 87

He refused to go into the car-
riage viii. 98

— remained there a long while,

and his eyes were filled with

tears i. 202

— soon recovered himself, and

talked familiarly with the

bishops vii. 364

H6bert, editor of Pdre Duchesne vl. 140

— arrest of vi. 150

HMouville, General, ambas-
sador at St. Petersburg vii. 92

Heinsius, grand pensionary of

Holland i v. 259, 280

H616ne, Princess viii. 888

Helley, James de, knight of Ar-

tois ii. 195

H^ldise, abbess of the Paraclete 1. 401
Helvetians, people of Gallic

race L 49

— emigrate from Switzerland . . i. 60

— advance forbidden by Ceesar i. 5#

— overcome by Caesar L 60, 51

Hennebon, siege of IL 68

Henrietta of France marries

Charles I. of England iv. 81

Henrietta of England marries

brother of Louis XIV iv. 381

— death of iv. 239

Henriot directs the troops. ... vi. 169

INDEX.

437

Henriot outlawed yi. 206

BeniT I. of France, his mar-
riages 1.850

— acknowledges William the

Bastard i. 266

— excites revolt against Duke

of Normandy i. 278

— death of i. 273

Henry II., accession to throne Ui. 184

— takes important cities in Lor-

raine iii.194

— continues the war in Italy. . . iii. 199

— receives war herald of Mary

Tudor iii. 201

— asks for inquisition in France iii. 213

— death of, 1559 iii. 215

— of Qermany, and Robert i. 245, 246

Henry III. accedes to throne iii. 316

— and the League treaty, 1685. . iii. 385

— and Qerman ambassadors. . . iii. 330

— reception of Guise iii. 889

— abruptly leaves Paris iii. 342

— opens session of states-gen-

eral at Blois iii. 345

— makes overtiu^s to Henry of

Navarre iii. 866

— and Henry of Navarre, meet-

ing of iii. 368

— besieges Paris iii. 860

— assassinated by a monk iii. 860

Henry III. of England succeeds

John Lackland as king i. 415

— confirms Great Charter i. 416

— breaks truce with Louis IX. . i. 482

— does homage to Louis IX i. 438

Henry IV. (Henry of Navarre). . ill. 159

— at Orleans iii. 233

— marries Marguerite of Valois iii. 883

— again professes Protestant-

&m iU. 818

— leaves Paris for Btem iii. 318

— protest {^inst pope's bull. . iii. 325

— letter to Henry m iii. 827

— excommunicated by Sixtus

V iii.388

— interview with Catherine de

M6dici iil.828

— manifesto of loyalty to Hen-

ry III ili.856

— visits Henry in Ui. 858

^ accession to throne iii. 862

— proclaimed king of France

by Protestants iii. 868

— renews war against the

League iii. 867

— receives reinforcements from

Queen Elizabeth iii. 367

— compels retreat of Mayenne

from Arques Ui. 871

— growing strength of his gov-

ernment Ui. 878

— wins battle of Ivry iii. 879

— and Colonel Schomberg iU. 379

— invests Paris Ui. 880

— consultation with Rosny iU. 386

— abjures Protestantism UL 898, 401

— besi^^es and takes Dreux — iii. 399

— measures to c6mpel accep-

tance of conditions iii. 899

— home conquests of, 1694 iii. 408

—continued opposition of

Lemeue . UL408

Henry TV. sends solemn embas-
sy to Rome ill. 40*

— anointment at Chartres, 1694 iU. 410

— capture of Paris Ui. 418-416

— vi^ts the princesses of Lor-

raine U1.41«

— Lettrea missives de Ui. 418

— declares war against Philip n. iU. 421

— defeats Spanish detachment

near Dijon Ui. 428

— letters to bis sister Catherine,

quoted Ui. 428, 424

— letter to Du Plessis-Momay,

quoted iii. 427

— and Mayenne, reconciUation

of Ui.42T

— absolution of, by Clement

Vni Ui.427

— at Monceaux, visit from May-

enne iu. 428

— deplorable condition of his

miances Ui. 433

— his relations with the Protes-

tants Ui.487

— signs edict of Nantes iU. 444

— and Duchess of Beaufort Ui. 461

— passion for MUe. de Mont-

morency Ui. 469

— marriage with Marguerite of

Valois annulled Ui. 463

— marries Mary de Medici iU. 468

— permits return of Jesuits iU. 468

— conspiracy of Biron iii. 465

— assassinated in his carriage. . Ui. 473
Henry IV. of England, death of,

1413 U. 211

Henry V. Emperor of Germany i. 885

— retreats before Louis VI i. 386

Henry V. of England, accession

of U. 211

— renews war with France ii. 218

— invades France ii. 213

— defeats French at Agincourt ii. 214

— resumes campaign in France U. 219

— takes Rouen ii. 220

— and Duke of Burgundy U. 285

— carries Pontoise u. 228

— marries Catherine of France ii. 838

— death of U. 23«

Henry VI. of England U. 236, 288

— crowned at Notre Dame iL 281

— marries Margaret of An jou . . iL 294
Henry VIII. of England meets

Charles V. of Spain at Do-
ver UL 81

— and Francis L at Ardres iii. 83

— negotiates with Louise of Sa-

voy iii. 77

— as ally of Ferdinand the Cath-

olic U.465

— at war with Louis Xn U. 469

— besieges Toumai h. 471

— invests Toumai U. 473

— alliance with Charles V.

against Francis I. and SoU-

manU.,1643 liL 105

— passion for Anne Boleyn iU. 148

— proclaims himself spiritual

head of EngUsh church Ui. 148

Henry, Duke of Anion, crowned

mngof Poland Ui.Sia

— cold reception at Heidlebeiig UL 80t

438

nroEX.

Hfiniy of Navarre. See Henry

Henry of Transtamare claims

throne of Castille ii. 146, 167, 168

Henry, Duke of Montmorency,

at Castlenaudary iv. 47

Henry of Burgundy. i. 236

Henry, Patrick, in Virginia As-
sembly V. 260

Henry the Scarred. See Quise iii. 322

Heraclius, Greek emperor i. 298

— retakes Jerusalem. i. 298

Herbois, Collot d' vi. 114

— at Lyons vi. 284

— thunderbolts of. vi. 284

Hercules, Duke of Ferrara, mar-
ries Ren^e iii. 161

Hereditary rights established

1.229, 230

— monarchy, respect for i. 236

Heresy, death sentences for iii. 166

— executions under Henry IL . . iii. 212
Herrman. See Arminius.
Hermengarde, wife of Louis the

Debonnair i. 213

— deathof i 817

Herself drew out the arrow. iL 257

Herulians. See Glennan nations

Hervilly, M. d' vL 90

Hervilly, Count d' vi. 269

Hlldebrand, a monk 1. 278

HiUiers, General Boraguey d' . . vi. 851
Hincmar, Archbishop of Bheims

L 188,189

Hire, La ii. 239

— his soldiers dug a grave with

their swords, and buried

their general vii. 256

Hiatoire du bon Chevalier Bay-
ard ii. 454

Hiatoire du bon Chevalier sana

Peur et sans Beproche

ii. 426, iii. 18, 58, 61
Hiatoire de la Maiaon de Bour-
bon, quoted iii. 57

Hiatoire Univtrraelle ilL 896

Boche, General vL 271

.— pacification of Vend6« ■. vi. 225

— maintains discipline in army vi. 267

— imprisonment of vi. 818

— failure of his expedition vi. &38

— deathof vi. 866

Hochstett, battle of, 1704 iv. 278

Bocqulncourt, Marshal d', de-
feated by Ctond6 iv. 189

Bofer, Andrew, leads insurrec-
tion vii. 265

— execution of vii. 320

Bohwilohe, Prince at vii. 142

— allies of viL 144

— capitulates before Prenzlow vii. 146

Holieiilinden, battle of vii. 30

HoUabrunn vlL 128

Bolland accedes to treaty of

Kouen iii 484

— at war vh ith England iv. 221

— league with Spain iv. 232

— restores the sta>ltholderate. . iv. 237

— holds sea against hostile

fleets iv. 241

— clamors for peace iv. 246, 248

— iDeoial peace with France..- tv. SSO

Holland, effect of warnpon'itB

commerce iv. Ml

— end of her political influence iv. 298

— political revolution in v. 94

— re-establishes the stadthol-

derate, 1672 v. 94

— French invasion of v. 94

— decline of v. 856

— conquered by French vl. 817

— treaty with France, 1795. ... vi. 319

— invaded by General Aber-

cromby vi. 406

— projected wiion with France vii. 329

— insmrections and mutiny in vii. 881
Hollanders, prudence and abil-

ityof Iv.llO

Holy Cross, Feast of Exultation i. 298

Homspech, Ferdinand de vi. 381

Hondschoote, republican vic-
tory at vi. 8ia

Hononus in. succeeds Innocent

m i.41»

Hood, Admiral, takes posses-
sion of Toulon vi. 286

Horn, Count, miutlers for

money v. 17

— Swedish marshal iv. 124

Hortalez, Roderigo and Co v. 271

Hospital, Michael de r iiL 28*

— opposes Guises to Catherine

de Medici. iii. 24fl

— retires to Vignay iii. 266

— death of iii. 804

Hospitallers, brilliant days

ended vi. 887

H6teldeVille vl. 14

— pillaged iv. 198

— m hands of rioters vlii. 281

Bouchard, General, defeats

English at Hondschoote. . . vi. 318
Howe, General, English com-
mander in America v. 267

Hugh, abbot of Cluni 1.257

Hugh. Count of Vermandois i. 81i

Hugh the Great,Duke of France. i. 238
Hugonet, Chancellor of Bur-
gundy 11.364

Huguenot party receives deatb-

blowatRochelle iv. 100

— in France dead iv. 104

Huguenots, determination to

exterminate them from

France 111.288

— persecutions in reign of Louis

XIV iv. 828,337

— incidents of the persecution,

time of Louis XIV Iv, 340

— in Florida v. 118

Huillier L', provost of trades-
men iU.41«

Hullin directs attack on Bastile vi. 19

— assaulted by Malet viil. 7

Humbercourt. Sire de ii. 864

Humbert II., Count of Vienness 11. 97

— crusade against Turks ii. 97

— abdicates in favor of Prince

Charles of France ii. 97

Humbert, General, surrender

of vi.897

Hume, History of Eiigland

quoted 1. 48t

Humidres, Marshal tv.86S

nroEx.

439

eunineue, bridge of ▼!. SS8

unald, son of Eudea L 169

— attempts to win indepen-

dence 1. 159

f- abdicates in favor of his son 1. 160

— leave monastery to recover

Aqultania i. 16T

Hundred days, the vi. 6, viii. 146

Hundred Years War, from reien
of PhiUp of Valois to Charles

vn.. li. 41

— outbreak ii. 61

— end of . a 801

Hungarians, first appearance. . i. 211

— devastate Western Europe. . . i. 211

— rise in defence of Haria

Theresa. v. 76

Huns, the L 106

— defeated by Romans at Ch&-

lons i. 108

— driven out of Gaul i. 108

— a people of Northern Emx>pe L 173
Burault, Michal. pamphlet upon

J?Vee Z)iscoMr«e, etc iil. 844

Buss, Jolm, condemned and

burnt as a heretic ill. 143

Euzelles, Marshal d' hr. 291

— at head of foreign affairs — ▼. 9

— refuses to sign the quadruple

alliance ▼. 81

Hyder, Ali, conqueror of the

Carnatic v. 291

— honors to M. de Suflren v. 293

Iberians in Gaul L 10, 11

Ibero-Aquitanians, tribes of... 1. 17
Ibn-al-Arabi, governor of Sara-

gossa 1. 178

— tenders allegiance to Charle-

magne i. 179

Ibrahim Bey retires to Belbeys vi. 386

— at Cairo vii. 28

Ideville, Lelorgne d' vil. 899

" I have a sorrowful mission to

accomplish " — vii. 297

Imola, Bishop of. See Pius VIL

Impartials vl. 49

Imperialists capture Mantua. . . iv. 118

— defeated at Rocroi iv. 168

— masters of Italy, 1707 iv. 282

^ prepare to invade France. . . iv. 297
*' In bis hands the keys of the

gates" ii. 127

Incarville, Saldaigpe d', at Caen iii. 406

Index Expurgatorius of Europe vil. 147

India, French interests in v. 97, 101

— English establishments in . . . v. 100

— native disturbances in v. 101

— political advance of Dupleix v. 102

— renewal of English and

French troubles v. 298

Indies, Two v. 96

Infantry in time of Louis Xn . . U. 40

Informmg as a trade v. 16

Ingeburga, Princess, of Den-
mark !• 416

— repudiated by Philip TL i. 416

— appeals to Celestin^ HI i. 416

— cruel treatment of L 416

bmocent III I- <08

—- sends missionaries among

Albigensians. L 404

Innocent m. orders crusade

against Albigensians i. 406

— and Raymond of Toulouse. .1. 409, 410

— death of i. 412

Innocent xn., Pope iv. 269

Innocent XIII., Pope v. 41

Innspruck, capitulation of

French column vil. 271

— evacuated by Deroy vii. 281

Inquisition receives support of

Louis IX 1481

Inspectors, king's, the Iv. 70

Institute of Egypt...' vi. 886

Insurrection m favor of iHao

Commune at Cambrai ii. 28

Into the river ii. 281

Invalides pillaged for arms vi. 17

— people seize the arms vi. 18

Invasion, the vill. 80

Ireland, insurrection of French

troops vi 897

— Catholic, opposes elevation of

WilUam of Orange iv. 255

Irish troops defeated at the

Boyne !▼. 267

Irmlnsul, Saxon idol 1. 16

Iron Mask, the iv. 486

Ironsides. See Bioem.
Iroquois, Indian tribe in Amer-
ica ▼. 120

l8al>el, Queen of France li. 183

— of France, intimacy with

Duke of Orleans 11.196

— shameless life li. 217

— banished «t) Tours IL 217

— death of. il. 287

Isabella of Castile, death of ii. 466

Isabella II. of Spam viii. 824

— marriage with Duke of Cadiz viii. 860
Isabel of Aragon, wife of Philip •

m i.456

Isabel of Bavaria ii. 183

— See Isabel, Queen.

Isabel of Hainault, marries

Philip n i. 888

Isambert. Recueil dea anciennet

lois Frangaises iv. 6S

Ischia. Ferdinand n. at. il. 410

Islamism founded by Mahomet i. 296

— decline of power in Southern

Europe I. 164

Isle, Rouget de 1', author of

Marseillaise vi 178

Isle-Adam, Marshal, rebuked

by Henry V. of England. . . ii. 234

Isly, battle of viii. 867

Isnard, the threat of vi. 68

— President of Assembly vi. 160

•' It is rather hard bread " i 447

— was a sight at once brilliant

and sad vii 884

— was in the middle of the Nie-

men that the two emperors

met vil. 16»

Italian allies claim battle of For-

novi( ii. 418

— artists in France iii. 136

— Consulte vii. 60

— league. Mar. 81,1496. U. 411

— states, influence on Fremdi

expedition , il. 401

Italy, msurrection in. LflA

440

INDEX.

Italy, unsettled condition of. IL 148

^ six states in 15tli century ... ii. 401

— the sctiool of French art iiL 136

— the war in, 1640-1642 iv. 181

— French campaign in, 1?06. ... iv. 281

— war in, 1735 ▼. 67

— Frencli army in vi. 67

Ivry, battle of, letter of Henry

IV iiL876

Jacobin club vi. 88

iacdbtos, their power shaken.... ▼LCS, 218

— faUof vi.218

•-deputies condemned to trans-
portation vi. 224

— cmb re-opened vi. 406

Jacquery ii. 124

— reaction against ii. 125

Jaffa succumbs to Bonaparte . . vi. 888

Jakoubowo, engagement at vii. 392

James II. of England arrives in

France iv. 254

— reception by Louis XrV iv. 254

— leaves France tar Ireland,

1689 iv. 255

— retiu-ns to France iv. 257

— dies at St. Germain iv. 274

James III. or James Stuart v. 25

— unsuccessful attempt upon

Scotland v. 25

Jansenism stifled in France iv. 78

Jardin du Roi. See Jardin des

Plantes v. 220

— desPlantes v. 220

Jargeau, assault at ii. 261

— bridge defended by Turenne Iv. 189

Jamac, battle of iii 268

Jefferson, letter to Mr. Bandolph v. 268

— draws up declaration of inde-

pendence V. 267

J^rieu, French refugee in Hol-
land iv. 329

Jemmapes, battle of vi. 800

Jena, battle of vii. 143

Jerome of Prague burned as a

heretic iii. 143

Jerome, King of Westphalia,

crown threatened vii 281

— dethroned viii. 54

Jerusalem, the Holy City i. 297

— holy city to the Mussulmans i. 298

— taken by Arabs i. 298

— pilgrimages resumed i. 298

— persecution of Christians — i. 299

— pilgrimages to i. 301

— departm-e of crusaders for. . . i. 808

— siege of, by crusaders L 831-333

V- in the hands of crusaders — i. 833

•~ crusaders choose a king i. 334

^assizes of i. 335

— after Godfrey de Bouillon. ... i. 848

— Hospitallers of St. John of. . . L 848

— imder siege bySaladin L 849

«- capitulates to Saladin L 350

Jesuits in Portugal v. 166

— decree of Parliament against,

1761 • V. 1.56

— destruction of in France v. 157

— expelled from Spain, 1767 v. 157

— R')me dissolves the order, 1773 t. 158

— general prosecution ol, in

Paris...:, iiL418

Jesuits demand pennistdon to

retiu*n to France IiL 49

— receive permission to return

to Paris iiL 461

— driven from Portugal v. 155

— increasing influence of. vlii 364

Jews recalled for twenty years u. 138

— admit Northmen into Bor-

deaux 1.208

— persecuted by Christians i. 2^

Joan of Arc ii. 841, 29f

— hears heavenly voices ii. 24S

— visits Baudricourt ii. 24S

— manifesto to Enghsh. ii. 248

— visits Charles VQ ii. 248

— meets Charles VTI. at Tours ii. 268

— before examiners at Poi-

tiers iL 247,248

— bannerof ii. 250

— opposition to — IL 251

— enters Orleans at head of

Frencharmy il. 2G8

— wounded ii. 258

— re-enters Orleans 11.257

— urges coronation of DaupliJii ii. 258

— victories of U. 261

— atTroyes ii. 288

— after siege of Orleans ii. 265

— wounded at IL 266,266

— reception at Compidgne ii. 267

— distrusts Duke of Biu^undy.. ii. 267

— captured at Compi^ne ii. 268

— visited ia prison of Rouen ii. 270

— trial of iL 272-276

— burned at Rouen by English., ii. 279

— rehabilitation of ii. 280

Joan (Isabel) of AngoulSme i. 490

Joan of Belleville, story of iL 71-78

Joan of Flanders. iL 67

— burns enemy's quarters ii. 68

— vtuying fortunes of iL 70

Joan of France marries Charles ii. 99

— to Annie of Beaujeu. . . . ■■■■ ii. 396

— interview with Cliarles VHI.. iL 398

— dies in convent ii. 477

Joan of Penthidvre. iL 70

See also Joan tlie Cripple.

JoanofYalois iL 68

Joan Hachette iL 343

Joan the Cripple, wife of

Charles of Blois 11. 70

— ably conducts cause of her

husband iL 70

— convokes general assembly of

partisans

Joans, the three, war of

John L of France

John n. the Good, accession of..

— beheads Count of Quines

— breaks up banquet of his son

— unwise financial policy

— captured by English

— convokes states-general of

Langue d'oil

— held prisoner by the English

— at Bordeaux .

— captivity in England

— ransom

— liberated byPrince of Wales

— meeting with Edward III

— founds second house of Bur-

gundy IL 140

iL

70

ii.

78

L494

iL

98

ii.

98

ILIOO

iL 101

iLl04

ii.

107

ii.

110

ii.

116

fLl34

ii.

im

ii.

138

ii.

138

INDEX.

441

Jbhn n., knightly faith of IL 140

^ dies in London 11.141

John, Sling of England (Lack-
land), asks safe-conduct of

Philip 1.390

^- assassinates young Arthur. . ■ L 890

— cited before French court 1. 390

^ character of I. 390

~ alliance with Otho IV 1. 891

— insurrection of English bar-

ons 1. 396

— death of L 415

John, King of Bohemia 11. 49

John XVI., Pope 1.341

John, Archduke of Austria vli. :^

— repulsed by Prince Eugene. .. vli. 288
John, Count of Nevers 11.194

— ransom of 11. 196

John of Halnault at battle of

Crecy 11. 89

John, Piince, of Lichtenstein. . . vlL 287

Join ville. Sire de i 827

JoinviUe, writings of UL 117

— History of St. Loiua. Hi. 117

— quoted 1. 448, 449, 452

Jolnville, Prince, In Algiers vlii. 857

— brings remains of Napoleon

to France vlll. 846

Joly, M., confeesor of Mazarin... vi. 209

Jomondes, Gothic historian 1. 107

Jominl, Oeneral, joins service of

enemies vlil. 48

Jones, Paul, American privateer v. 281

Jordan, Camille t1. 855

— demands reUgious liberty — vi. 356

— pledged to service of restora>

tlon V11L219

Joseph, Emperor of Austria — iv. 292

— death of ,1711 iv. 298

Joseph n. Emperor of Austria., v. 171

— reigns alone v. 836

— and Catherine n v. 855

Joseph, King of Spain vli. 228

— enters Madrid vli. 227

— abandons his capital vli. 235

— holds court at the Prado vli. 252

— retakes possession of Madrid., vli. 258

— position in Spain vli. 802

— froublesome complications of vli. 307

— feels weight of Napoleon's an-

ger vlii. 48

— r^salled to Paris viii. 74

Josephine, marries Napoleon.. . vi. 821

— atMontebeUo vl.851

— fears a divorce vli. 71

— intercedes for D'Enghien — vlL 89
•rowned Empress vli. 107

— receives news of projected di-

vorce vli. 338

— the unhappy, screamed, and

ttatabx&Dg vil.828

— diaracterof vlL 828

Joubert triumphs in the Tyrol . . tL 814

— manifesto at Milan vi 896

— placed in army of Italr vi 898

— appointed to army of Italy... vL408

— deathof Ti.40i

Jourdan the Headsman vi. 68

— at head of the army vi.812

— deprived of hia command — vL 813

^military conscription of vi. 897

«— duuudcerof viLUM

Joumiac de Saint Mteid tL 107

Journal d'un Bourgeois de

Paris, quoted ... .hi. 158, 162, 164, 16«

— des D6bat8, power of vlil. 866

— des Savants, Colbert founds. . iv. 427
Joyeuse, Anne, Duke of Hi. 888

— deathof ilL 886

Joyeuse, Cardinal de, of states-
general iv. 14

Juan, Don. Spanish general Iv. 200

Jium, Gulf, the debarkation in. . viiL 147
Judltn of Bavaria, marries

IjOuIs the Debonnair L 217

— intrigue with Bernard of Sep-

timiania L 218

— powerful opposition to. . . . , . L 218

— shut up in convent L 218

— gains friends for Louis L 219, 220

— plots against L 280

Juigng, M. de. Archbishop of

Paris :.... v.aSS

Julian U., Pope 11.484

— character of 11.449

— takes field in person 11. 458

— deathof U. 486

Jumon ville, M. de ▼. 181

Jubalnville, d'Arbois de. His-

toire des Dues et des Comtea

de Champoffne 1. 486

Jumonville. M. de, in Canada. . v. 121

Jung, Murzapha t. 101

Jung, Nazir v. 108

Junot, aid-de-camp of Napo-
leon vi. 246

— before Venetian Senate vi. 349

— sent to Portugal vli. 165

— established in Lisbon vli. 167

— isolated in Portugal vli. 286

— ordered to Spain vii 860

Justin, Pdre, capucln, Histoira

des Ouerres excities dans te
Comtat vejiaissin par lea
Calvinists du seiziime sikde Ui. ITS
Juvenal des Undns, King's ad-
vocate 11.808

— advice to Duke of Burgundy IL 807-809

Kaja, threatened by allies. . . vill. 81
Kalbreuth, Marshal, terms of

Napoleon vli. 166

Kaliscb, secret convention at. . . vilL 96
Karle, William, chief of Qood-

fellows ILiai

Kaunitz, Count, diplomat of

MariaTheresa ▼. 187

— draws up manifesto ▼. 174

Kehl, fortress of vl. 888

Keith, Admiral, squadron of. . vli 238

— demanding Nap>oleon'8 sword vlii. 206
Kellerraaiin at Valmy vi 186

— accused of weakness vi. 288

— at Vimeiro vii 886

— account of war in Spain. ... vli. 840

— to organize army of reserve viii. 74

Keppel, Admiral v. 877

Kerengal, Le Guex de vi 88

Kersaint resigns from conven-
tion tI.1»

Khevenhuller, General of Au»-

trians v. 76

Khoeroes IL, SoTereign of Per-
sia LM

142

INDEX.

Khosroes 11. takes JesuaalraA. . i. 397
Kieumayer, General of Aus-

trians vii. 119

Kilidge-Arslan, Turkish Sultan i. 314
Kilmaine, General, sections

under orders of vi. 288

— at Verona vL 350

King's Chamber at the Louvre v. 155

K16ber vi. 887

— Mayencais under vi. 257

— and his insubordinate sol-

diers vi. 389

•— sad state of army in E^ypt. . vii. 27

— assassination of vii. 28

Knesebeck, Prussian envoy to

court of Alexander viiL 23

Knighthood, creation and devel-
opment i. 258

— ceremony of admission i. 259

— oaths of 1. 259-261

— increasing power i. 260

— due to Christianity i. 264

KCnigsherg, defence and evacu-

ation of vii. 159

— Macdonald falls back upon. . vii. 436

KSnigseck, Field-Marshal v. 77

Korsakov, Russian general vi. 404

— defeated by French at Zurich vi. 405
Kotzebue, Auguste, assassina-
tion of viii 234

Kourakin, Prince, Russian am-
bassador vii. 377

— asks his passports vlL 385

Kraminski, Polish bishop v. 170

Kray, Marshal, defeat at Engea vii. 16

Kremlin, the army leaving the vii. 414

Kutaich, convention of viii. 324

Kutuzof, Russian general vii. 127

— clever manoeuvre pf viL 128

— supersedes Barclay vii 396

Kymiiansin Gaul L 10; 16, 17

— pa^iutoSpain i. 42

— join in invasion of Italy i. 44

Kymro-Belgians, tribes of i. 17

LiBfiDOY^itJE, trial and execu-
tion of vUl. 821

Labouchdre sent to England by

Napoleon vii. 329

La Bourdonnais in India v. 98

La Bruyfire, sketch of. iv. 894

Lachesnaye, General vi. 86

Lackland, John. See John,

King (Lackland)
La Ciochetterie, M. Chandeau

de V. 277

Lacroix in Assembly vi. 102

Iiad6bat, Lafond de vi. 862

La Fayette, Marquis de v. 273

— Congress confers title «f

major-general v. 274

— ^vice-president of Assembly., vi 17

— commander of Citizen Guard vi. 22

— resigns. vi. 55

— Besumes his functions vi. 65

— orders arrest of royal family vL 67

— placed at head of an army.. vL 70

— fetter to Assemblv vi. 78

— at bar of Assemblv vi. 79

— accused in Assembl j' .... vi. 80

— protests against sedition..... vL 85

— arrested by Austrian tro<^ vL 96

La Fayette intrusted with Inva-
sion of Belgium vi. 290

— arrest and imprisonment vi. 296

— speaks from the tribune viii. 188

— replies to Lucien Bonaparte viii. 190

— as party leader viii. 245

— purposes to head insuri-ection viii. 246

— appointed to command Na-

tional Guard viiL 283

— considers question of repub-

lic viii.285

— dies at La Grange viiL ,319

La Fayette, Madame de iv. 391

Lafltte vuj. 297

— generous advances of , . viii. 200

Lafitteau, Jesuit, Bishop v. 41

La Fontaine, Boileau, Molidre,

and Racine iv. 40S

— sketch of. iv. 414

La Force, Marquis of. iv. 9

LaForce vi. 10«

Laforest, minister at Berlin. . . . vii. 140

Lagrange, M. de v. 331

Laharbe, Colonel, advocate of

Vaud vi 377

" La Henriade," the rescue of . . v. 188
La Hire 11851,253

— dies at Montauban ii. 294

Lahorie, General viii. 7

La Jonquiere, Marquis of v 120

La Luzerne, Chevalier de v. 297

Lally-Tolendal, Count, sketch of v 10«

— in India v. 106 111

— at Pondicherry v, iOf

— returns to France, dies upon

scaffold V. lia 111

La Marche, Count of v 163

La Marck, Count of v. 369

Lamartine, keeps alive Napole-
onic legend vUl. 885

Lamballe, Princess of v. t28

— murder of tL 109

Lambert, Bishop of Arras i 862

Lambesc, Prince de vl 16

Lameth, Alexander.. vl 87

Lamoignon, keeper of seals T. 3G6

La Mothe imitates La Fontaine t. 176
La Motte, Valois, Countess de t 386
Lampagie, daughter of Eudes.. 1161

— sent to Damascus I 16S

Lancaster, Henry of (Earl of

Derbv), success in Aquitaine it 77

Landau freed from siege vi 818

Landes de Charlemagne L 154

Landqn, General, occupies Ty-
rol vt84»

Lanfranc founds abbey of Bee L 272

— encounters William the Bas-

tard i.278

— becomes Archbishop of Can-

terbury • 1.878

Langres, meeting of allied sov-
ereigns vUL 77

Langton, Stephen, Archbishop

of Canterbury i. 89t

Language, French, creation of UL 115
Langucdoc, Hittory of, quoted i. 418

— Assemblyof iL 107

— Histoirn generale du iiL 847

— proclaims revolt against

LouisXin. iv. 46

— canalof It. 807

INDEX.

443

buuTie d'oQ, northern France ii. 107

Lanjuinais, rage in Convention tL Vi6

— protest against decree of sup-

pression vi. 151

— courage in the Assembly — vi. 155

— protests against dictatorship vii. 69

Lannes, General, at Areola vi. 336

Lannes, Qeneral, of BYench

army vl. 841

— report from Saragossa vii. 259

— directing the assault vii. 267

— and Marshal Bessidres vii. 274

— farewell to Napoleon vii. 278

— death of vii. 378

Lannoy. Charles de, viceroy of

Naples 111. 67

— receives sword of Francis I.

at Pavia ill. 78

La Noue, Francois de, M&moire»

de iii. 261, 261, 288

Lanusse, Gteneral, killed at Ca-

nopa vii. 44

Lansknechts of Francis L liL 18

Laon, commune of U. 14-Ji9

— at end of 11th century 11. 15

— insurrection of. IL 19-23

— the cathedral of ii. 19

La Pey rouse. M. de v. 332

Laplace. M. de v. 831

Larks, William-a- 11. 143

La Riviere, Etienne dfi vl. 25

La Rochefoucauld, Duke of . .iv. 177, 188

— and his fair friends Iv. 392

— assassinated vL 110

La Rochelle, siege of, by Louis

Xin Iv. 95

Larrey, Surgeon, ordering the
the Russum wounded to be

collr'ted vii. 896

La Salle, expeditions of v. 118

La 8alp«tridre vl. 108

Lathi E-<apire of the E^ast i. 861

— literature lli 116

Latouche-Truvllle, Admiral,

commands Toulon squad-
ron vll. 110

— death of. vii. Ill

Latour, Count vL 826

La Tr6moille, M. de v. 864

Launay, Mile, de v. 19

Lauriston, Oeneral, aide-de-
camp of Napoleon vtt. 114

— replaces Caulaincourt vii. 876

Lausanne, Protestant seminary

at .. V. 66

Lauzun, M. de., and Louis XIV. iv. 435

Laval, Andrew de 11.839

Tiaval, Charlotte de, wife of

Coligny 111.884

Laval. M. de v. 33

LaValette, Marquis of, gover-
nor of Metz iv. 87

— trial of Iv. 68

Lavalette, Father, a Jesuit v. 156

Lavalette, aide-de-camp of

Napoleon vl. 852

— sent to Paris by Bonaparte. . vi. 359
^ before the Council of the Re-
public of Genoa vi. 858

^ condemnation and escape. .. viii. 2M,

885.

i^wtteof vill 886

La Valliere, Mile, de ir. 481

La Vendue, war of vL 868

— army of vl. 258

— end of war vL 8S1

La Vieuville, Marquis of, chief

of Council iv. 84

Lavoisier, the chemist /.... v. 331

Law. a Scotsman settled in

France v. 18

— banking system of v. 12, 15

— made comptroUer-g^eneral... t. 16

— arrest of v. 16

— public indignation against. . . ▼. 17

— retires to Venice v. Itt

— St. Simon's estimate of his

character y, 18

Law of Hostages vL 408

Lawfplcit, battle of v. 94

Lazarists or Mission-priests iv. 76

League, Arnioric I. 17

— of Cambrai a^^ainst Vene-

tians ii.43»

— French Iii. 888

— Holy iiL87,3aO

— the Iii :M0

— and Henry IV., treaty, 1586. . Hi. .385

— defeated at Ivry iii. 379

— splits into two parties. iii. 888

— waning power of liL 396

— uneasiness of, in Paris iii. 410

— concluded March 31. 1495 11.411

— Catholic, renouncesneutrality iv. 118

— of Augsburg, 1686 iv. 858

— of Cambrai ii. 439

— of Neutrals against England vii. 86

— of the Holy Union. ii. 488

— oftheRhine iv. 8»

— Spanish iii. 388

— Spanish, reign in Paris iiL888

— Spanish, and Duke of May-

enne iiL 888

Leagues, Orey, of Protestant

Swiss iv. 100

Leake, English admiral, takes

Sardinia, etc. iv. 884

"Lean upon me." said the em-
peror: "I have strength

enough for both" vii. 198

Lebas, suicide of ▼! 810

Le Blanc at bead of War De-
partment T. 48

Lebrun, Charles iv. 487

— sketch of iv. 489

Lebrun, minister of foreign

affairs vi. 94

L^chelle, General vi. 258

Leclerc, John, martyrdom of . .. iii. 150

Leclerc, Perrinet ii. 231

Leclerc, General, in St. Do-
mingo vll. 68

Lecocq, Robert, Bishop of

Laon ii. 116,118, 137

Lefebvre vi. 881

— Marshal, impatience of, be-

fore Dantzig vii. 156

Lefdvre. Jacques, of Etaples. . . iii. 144
Left, the. See Assembly
Legendre, a revolutionairy lead-
er vi re

— threatens Lanjuinais vi. 1S6

— speaks against Owriar vi. 216

LeQaUoi8,anwtof vtt.a8l

444

INDEX.

Legnano, repulse of French at vi. S99
Legrand, James, Augustine

monk li. 196

Leghorn taken by General

Murat Yi. 330

L^on of Honor. vii. 67

— Police of Paris vi. 828

"Legions of Paris." vi. 67

Leidrade, scholar of Charle-
magne's time i. 196

Leipzig, Tilly, compels capitu-
lation of iv. 118

— battle of viii. 55

— destruction of the bridge viii. 58

Le Jay, Father, prophecy con-
cerning Voltaire V. 184

Lemaitre, President, decree of iii. 397

— at dinner of D'Espinac iii. 398

Le Mans, massacre of vi. 261

Le Notre iv. 430

Lens taken by French iii. 201

— victory of, 1648 iv. 169

Leo m. , Pope, and Charlemagne i. 183

— mutilated by conspirators. . . i. 183

— vetoes marriage of William

the Bastard i. 272

— removes veto i. 273

Leo X. , Pope, and France ii. 468

— treaty with Francis I iii. 15

— and Francis I. at Bologna iU. 16

Leopold, I. as Archduke iv, 169, 178

— raised to head of empire iv. 205

Leopold, Emperor, assumes to

regulate Spanish succession iv. 266

Leopold, Emperor vi. 63

Lepelletier, section vi. 245

Lepoussin and Claude Lorrain iv. 428

— painter, of French School ... iv. 427

Lerida, siege of vii. 343

Lescun, Lord of ii. 374

Lescure, commands insurgent

peasants vi. 252

— mortally wounded vi. 259

Lesdiguiefes, Duke of. iv. 9

Lespinasse, Mile, de v. 216

Lessart, minister of foreign

affairs vi. 71

Lestrange, Huguenot nobleman iii. 272
Lesueur, Eustache, pupil of

Le Poussin iv. 428

L'Estoile, journal de iii. 406, 486

Lettenhove, Baron Kervyn de,

Histoire de Flandre i. 460, Ii. 55

Leudes, (great vassals) i. 135, 138

L6vi8, General de, succeeds

Montcalm v. 181

Lexington, battle, opens Ameri-
can war T. 266

Leyva, Antony de, governor of

Pavia ill. 68

Liancourt, Ducde vl. 13

'- and Louis XVI vl. 21

Library, Royal, foimdatlon of. . Ii. 178
Licinius adds two months to

year 1. 70

— extortions of 1. 70

— colleague of Galerius I. 87

— defeat and death I. 87

Liebert, Bishop of ( ^ambraL i. 808

LIfege, revolt at ii. 202

— taken by Burgundians it 840

»eyacuated tL 803

Ligne, prince of r. 98B

Ligny, battle of vlil. 179

Ligurian Republic vi. 896

Lille, siege and surrender of,

1707 iv. 284

— besieged by the Austrians . . vi. 300

— capitulates to Philip IV i. 462

— second siege of i. 467

Limoges, massacre of IL 167

Limo@lan, execution of. vii. 39

Lincoln, General, American

officer V. 280

— capitulates at Charleston v. 288

Lindet, Robert, in Convention vi. 121

— undertakes pacification of

Calvados vi 277

Lindsay, Earl of, English fleet

commander iv. 97

Linois, Admiral, successes of . . vii 45
Lionne, M. de, diplomatist in

reign of Louis XIV Iv. 218

Literature, French iii. 116

— Latin iii. 116

— in France, in time of Riche-

lieu Iv.148

— in reign of Louis XrV iv. 865

— in time of Louis XV v. 176

— during reign of Louis XVI. . . v. 833

— in 19th century vii. 210

Lithuanians, reception of Napo-
leon vii. 887

Loano, French victory at vi. 325

Lobau, island of vii. 274

Lockhart, English general, the

Dunes Iv. 200

Lodi, bridge of, 1796 vl. 327

Logrono, msurrection of vii. 224

Loignac, officer of guards of

HenryUI IU. 850

Lombards, barbaric nation L 144

— threaten to besiege Rome L 158

— at war with Pope Adrian I. . .. i. 178
Lombardy submits to Napoleon vi 827
London authorities make over-
tures to William L 289

— Invested by William of Nor-

mandy i. 289

— Tower of i. 290

— peace signed with England., vii. 48

— quadruple treaty signed at. . . viii. 888

Londonderry, siege of. Iv. 2SS

Longeuil, pea-sant defence of . .11. 146. 146

Longueville, Duchess of Iv, 177, 181

Longumeau, peace of ilL 262

Longwy, Jacqueline de, DuchesB

Montpensler III. 286

Longwy taken by Prussians vi. 99

— opens its gates to French ... vi. 800

Lorient v. 18

Lorraine, Cardinal of IU. 206

— renounces ecclesiastical dig-

nity Iv. 126

Lorraine, Duke Charles of, ab-
dication of Iv. 125

Lorrain, Christine de IIL 849

Lorrain, Claude, painter of

French school Iv. 428

Lorraine, Duke Francis of v. 78

Lorraine, Marguerite de UL 883

Lorraine, Maiy of, mother of

Mary Queen of Scots ill. 201

Lorraine, Prince Charles of ▼. 88, 91

INDEX.

445

XiOrraiDe princes, petition to

Hemylll., 1M8 Hi 887

Lorraine, impurtaut dtiee taken

byHenijU ifl. 194

Loreoauo, Leonardo, does of

Venice U.444

— address on siege of Padua ... ii. 446
Loria, Roeer de, Italian admiral i. 455

Loris, customs of U. 11

Lorris, charter of iL 11

Lothafre, son of Louis the De-

bonnair i. 212

— crowned emperor i. 213

— conspires against young

Charles L 220

— duplicity of L 220

— mtuces overtures to Cbaiies

and Louis L 224

Lothaire Conti becomes Inno-

oentlll 1.408

Lottery, Climy establishes y. 801

Louis the Ueboniiair, son of

Charlemagne L 182

— anointed Kmg of Aq^oitaine. . . L 182

— enters his kingdom L 182

— made King-emporer i. 199

— as Kingof Aquitania L 212

— as Emperor of Fr*noe L 212

— strives to preserve unity of

empire j. 212-214

— character of L 212

— shares throne with Lothaire L 218

— consecrated emperor by Pope

Stephen 1. 218

— his sons crowned king i. 213

— and Pope Stephen IV L214

_ army for subjugation of Brlt>

ons L 216

— second marriage L 217

— delivers himself to oonq^tiia-

tors L218

— court rivalries L 218

— revolt of his sons L 218

— deprived of title of emperor L 218

— confers territory upon Charles

theBold 1.218

— reaction in his favor L 218

— recovers title and power L219

— renounces the throne i 219

— deserted by his army L 219

— gives Aquitaine to Charlwi

the BoW L219

— surrenders to his sons 1. 219

— second revolt of his sons L 219

— again restored to the throne L 220

— dmdes his dominion L 220

— dies at Ingelheim L 220

Louis of Bavaria, son of Louis

the Pious i 220

Louis the Stutterer, son of

Charles the Bold 1.230

Louis v., of Bavaria, Emperor

of Germany U. 49

Louis VI. (The Fat, the Wide-
awake) 1861,882

— and crusades L 836

— government of L 383

— on an expedition i. 383

— wars of 1.884,385

— prepares for death L 886

— deathof i 887

i^oommunea under li. 89

Louis vn. (the Young) LS86

— marries Eleanor L 887

— lays siege to Vitry L 886

— embroiled with Innocent IL . . i 886

— excommunicated I. 886

— receives the cross L 888

— leads French crusaders L840

— narrow escape from Turks. . . L 841

— arrives at Antioch L 848

— enters Jerusalem L 848

— confidential letters to Soger . . i. 844

— embarks for France L 844

— and Eleanor, marriage an-

nulled L847

— divorce, results of L 887

Louis VIII. (Prince Louis) son of

Philip Augustus L414

— joins English barons agtunst

King John L 416

— receives offer of ^i^e""^

crown L 416

— returns to France L41ft

— becomes Louis Vin L48S

— inheritance of L4SS

— consecrated L 488

— wars of L428

Louis IX., character of L861

— receives the cross i. 868

— sets out for the Holy Land. . L 864, 866

— takes Damietta 1366

— makes overtures to Saracens L 808

— retreats from Damietta i. 868

— and the Sultan L 870

— and his army betrayed L870

— gives up Damietta L 871

— accedes to throne 1486

— marries Marguerite i. 488

— against great vassals L 488

— carries on war against La

Marche 1.488

— end of feudal troubles L4S8

— afterward called St. Louis.... 1484

— neutral toward other sover-

eigns L4S4

— receives homage from Heniy

m L488

— arbiter in dvll war in Eng-

land L488

— care for interests of subjects L 441

— upon excommunication .... L 448

— Character of i 444-448

— his private life L 444, 446

— founds hospitals, aeiytauns,

etc L447

— and inquisition L 461

— account of his death.... .. L879,880

— canonized L 454

Louis X^ the QuarreUer L491

Louis XI., son of Charles VQ

(dauphin) iL 812

— accession to throne ii. 818

— coronation of. iL 818, 420

— character of iL 814

— punishes rebeUious sohjectB

atRheims U. 817

— political designs of iL817

— relations with houses <A Yoik

and Tjipcaster IL 817

— manifestoof iL8a0

— and Count of Charolais iL 886-827

— treaty with League. 11887

— summons otatoo general JLa81

446

INDEX.

Louis XI. and Charles the Bash

at Peronne II. 884

— in castle of Peronne ii. 836

— an^ Edward IV. of England,

Pecquigny ii. 347

— Quienne restored to. ii. 850

— and Swiss cantons ii. 852

~- and burgesses waiting for

news Ii. 825

— institutes post horses and let-

ter post m France ii. 377

— advance of civilization during

reign Tu. 874, 377

— preparations for death ii. 879, 880

— death of ii. 381

— famUy of ii. 882

Louis XU. (Duke of Orleans) . . .

ii. 196, 891, 897

— intrigues of ii. 392

— taken prisoner near Bennes . ■ ii. 394

— recovers freedom ii. 896

— ascends throne ii. 420

— claims duchy of Milan ii. 421

— concludes treaty with Vene-

tians ii. 422

— triiunphal entry into Milan. . . ii. 424

— puts down insurrection in

Milan U. 426

— undertakes conquest of Na-

ples ii. 427

— aUiance with Ferdinand of

Spain ii. 427, 428

— enormous concession to King

of Spain. 11. 434

— opens states-general at Tours ii. 436

— coalitions from 1506-1515 ii. 438

— history of his career in Italy., ii. 488
^defeats Venetians at Agna-

dello ii. 441

— embroils himself with Swiss . . ii. 460

— threatened by the coalition, .ii. 466, 467

— reopens Italian wars. ii. 468

— "affair of Spurs" ii. 470

— at Amiens ii. 477

— private Ufe of ii. 477

— marriages of ii. 477-479

— marriage with Princess Mary

ofEngland il. 478

— marries Anne of Brittany Ii. 478

— dies of gout iL 479

Louis XHL and Albert deLuynes iv. 11
Louis XIII., struggle with

queen-mother Iv, 28

.- civD war vnth partisans of

queen-mother iv. 22

.— opinion of Richelieu iv. 25

— raises seige of Montaubau ... iv. 80

— requests queen - mother to

retire to Mouslins . : iv. 44

- and Duke of Epernon iv. 50

— and siege of Bochelle iv. 88

— and deputies of Bochelle Iv. 96

— enters Savoy iv. 118

•^declares war against Spain,

1635 iv. 126

— Bichelieu, Qrotius, Oxen-

stiem iv. 126

— last interview with Bichelieu iv. 182

— after death of Richelieu iv. 186

•- dying hours of iv. 137

-^ Richelieu and literature.. . Iv. 188

— distrust of Anne of Austria. . iv. 166

Louis XIV., baptism of It, 18T

— proclaims general amnesty. . iv. 103

— and Mary de Mancini iv. 206

— marries Spanish infanta iv. 207

— his wars and his conquests ... iv. 210

— M^moires, quoted, .iv. 211, 213-215, 247,

301, 305, 327

— dismissing Fouquet iv. 214

— orders arrest of Fouquet iv. 214

— new treaty with United Prov-

inces iv. 219

— conquest of Franche-Comt6. . iv. 225

— reduces duchy of Lorraine ... iv. 230

— besieges and captures four

places in Holland iv. 235

— reduces Franche - Comt6 to

submission, 1U74 iv. 248

— campaign of 1676 iv. 247

— learns of marriage of William

of Orange iv. 247

— concludes peace with the coa-

lition iv. 249

— extension of his power .• . iv. 252

— takes Strasburg, 1681 iv. 252

— revokes edict of Nantes iv. 253

— endeavors to re-establish

Catholicism iv. 253

— once more opposed by the

coalition, 1686 iv. 254

— his armies masters of Palati-

nate Jv. 254

— his reception of James n iv. 264

— armies ravage the Palatinate iv. 258

— armies experience reverses . . iv. 259

— corsairs in his navy iv. 262

— treats with Duke of Savoy ... iv. 264

— and William XIV. sign treaty

of Ryswick iv. 266

— his wars and his reverses iv. 267

— negotiates for partition of

Spain iv. 268

— his grandson becomes Philip

V.ofSpain iv. 270

— declares for Prince of Wales

against William III iv. 274

— proposals of peace iv. 284, 287

— recommences war with allies iv. 289

— famUy bereavements of iv. 294

— concludes peace witli the

allies iv. 299

— the five peaces of his reign. . . iv. 800

— his relations with his rninis-

ters iv. 801

— loans contracted by iv. 822

— conU-asted with William IIL . iv. 325

— literature and art iv. 866

— and his court iv. 431

— and Mile, la Valli6re iv. 431

— magnificence of his court iv. 487

— death of the queen iv. 441

— privately marries Maintenon iv. 442

— m old age iv. 443

— affection for Duchess of Bur-

gundy iv. 446, 459

— death of grand dauphin iv. 451

— and death iv. 461

— wiUof It. 461

— provides for his natural chil-

dren iv. 461

— his interview with the little

dauphin iv. 468

— death of, 1716 iv. 4»

INDEX.

447

Aouis XV., proposed anion with

Spanish inf&nta v. 48

— coronation of v. 47

— ministry of Cardinal Fleury.. v. 60
^betrothal to tipauish infanta

annulled r. 68

— marries Mary Leckzinska — t. 69

— the magistrfites visit Marly. . v. 71
<*- war of Pragrmatio Sanction . . t. 72

— ally of Bavaria Y. 76

— declares war against England

and Maria Theresa T. 81

— places himself at head of

army v. 8S

— and tne ambassador of Hol-

land V. 88

— his troops victorious at Fon-

tenoy v. 87, 88

— returns in triumph to Paris., v. 89

— takes Antwerp t. 91

— campaign in Italy, 1745 y. 93

— France in the colonies ▼. 98

— attempt to assassinate ▼. 189

— and Madame Dubarry t. 101, 165

— and Damiens T. 139

— protest of the princes t. 168

— taste for private specula-

tion ▼, 164

— death of the dauphin t. 165

— dies of small-pox, 1774. ▼.175

— the philosophers T.176

— loses India ▼. Ill

Louis XVI V.289

— leD68ir6 ▼.889

— coronation of ▼.260

— loan to United States ▼.287

— Franco-Spanish attack upon

Gibraltar ▼.296

— lottery royal institution ▼. 800

— abolishes mort-main v. 315

— and deputation from Fran-

che-Comt6 v. 821

— character of ▼. 826

— defensive alliance with Hol-

land V. 836

— convokes Assembly of Nota-

bles V. 314

— troubles with Parliament — ▼. 862

— convokes states-general v. 867

— in National Assembly vi. 10

— commands imion of three

orders ▼!. 12

— orders Necker to quit Paris

and France vL 15

— ministers resign ▼i. 22

— returns to Paris ▼i. 23

— Restorer of French Liberty.. ▼!. 28

— will not leave Versailles ▼i. 83

— the dauphin is hungry ▼!, 35

— horror of civil war vi. 55

— departure for Montm6dy ▼!. 66

— at Varennes vL 57

- royal family return to Tuile-

ries yi. 59

— accepts the constitution ▼L 64

— character of foreign support

offered ▼!. 64

— takes leave of constituent

assembly. ▼!- 66

— desires return of emigrants . . vL 68

— declares war against Bohemia

and Hungary yi. 71

Louis XVI. awaits advance of

for^gn armies si. 81

— Roederer urges him to leave

Tuileries vi 87

— reviews his defenders vL 87

— massacre of Ilia defenders... vL 91

— Luxembourg appointed as his

residence vL 98

— and Coustard vi 98

— and royal family in the Tem-

ple vl 95

— life in the Temple tL 121

— at bar of the convention vi. 122

— will of ▼L125

— trial of ▼i. l'J5

— sentenced to death ▼i. 137

— and Garat ▼!. 189

— farewell to his famllv vi. 141

— sufferings and deatn of his

son vi.836,239

Louis XVU., imprisonment and

death of ▼i239

Louis XVin., Ctomte de Prov-
ence ▼!. 240

— at Venice and Verona ▼! 330

— in Germany ▼iL 81

— returns collar of Qolden

Fleece to Charles rv vii. 93

— writes to Bonaparte vii 84

— resides in England ▼Hi. 2S

— manifesto from Hartwell ▼iii. 22

— asks asylum in England ▼iii. 106

— embarks for France ▼iii. 136

— royal declaration of ▼iii. 188

— entry into Paris, 1814 ▼iii. 134

— refuses to receive Davout. . . . yVL 138

— press in his reim viii. 140

— Insufficiency or liis cabinet. .. ▼iii. 140

— plots against government of. viii. 145

— persuaded to appoint Fouch6

minister of police viiL 20i

— refuses permission to retain

the tricolor viii 204

— again enters Paris viii. 204

— the new party viii. 219

— dissensions in the cabinet . . . viiL 227

— dissolves Chamber of Depu-

ties viii. 228

— entry of, into Paris ▼111.184

— himself closed the eyes of the

nephew whom he called

his son TJii. 235

— sends Due d'Angoul^me to

Spain at head of army ▼iiL 219

— European inter^eation in

Spam vlll.248

— death. 1834 viiL 257

Louis Philippe, trial of ministers

ofCharlesX viiL »7

— refuses to allow his son to ac-

cept the throne of Belgium viii. 800

— summons Marshal Soiilt to

his cabinet viii. 8Q5

— administrative difficulties viii. 311

— partial renewal of ministry . . viii. 312

— attempts to assassinate him viii. 321

— cabinet of Feb. 22 resigns. . . . viii. 326

— releases the four ministers of

CharlesX viii. 828

— visited by Queen Victoria. viii. 344

— reserve of Emperor Nicholas viii. 346

— raoeives remains of Kapoleon viii. 346

448

INDEX.

Ix>uis Philippe, administrative

and SOC16U progress vill. 848

— signs his abdication viiL 380

— departure of viii. 381

— goes to England viii. 888

Louis, Archduke, reinforces

Archduke Charles vii. 274

Louis Bonaparte, King of Hol-
land vil. 108

— reluctant marriage with Hor-

tense Beauhamais vil. 108

— refuses to govern Italy in his

son's name vi. 108

— becomes king of Holland,

1806 vii. 187

— severity of Napoleon vii. 828

— protest against schemes of

Napoleon vii. 828

— defence of Holland vii. 830

— yields to Napoleon vii. 831

— abdication and secret depar-

ture vii. 834

Louis, Baron viii. 137

Louis, son of Louis the Debon-

nair i. 218

Louis, Duke of Orleans, after-
wards Louis HI 11.891

Louis Napoleon, Prince, goes to

France vlil. 840

Louis, Prince, son of Phihp HI.,

Louis Vni 1.414

Louis the Bold iv. 468

Louis the Fat and the com-
munes -. U. 89

— See Louis VI.

Louis the Pious. See Louis the
Debonnair. ^^

Louis the Young. See Louis VII.

Louisa, Queen of Prussia, at Til-
sit.. vll. 162

Louisiana ceded to Law by the

king V. 18

— named in honor of Louis

XIV V. 118

— ceded to United States vii. 78

Louisbourg, captured by Eng-
lish V. 119

— siege of v. 128

Louise, Madame, daughter of

Louis XV V. 166

Louise of Savoy, passion for

Duke of Bourbon 111. 46

— as regent during captivity of

Francis! ill. 76

— negotiates with Henry VHI iii. 77

— atCambral iii. 94

— deathof iii. 94

— and the reformers iii. 148

Louvel, assassin of Duo de

Berry viii. 233

-trial of vlil. 289

Louvre, colonnade of the iv. 309

— Colbert urges completion — iv. 310

— and Tuilenes iv. 810

— the, in the 14th century li. 114

L'ouverture, Toussaint vll. 61, 63

— exile and death of vll. 64

Louvois, Marquis of iv. 218

— deathof iv. 260

Louvois at enmity with Colbert iv. 811

— his position in service of

Louis XrV Iv.814

Louvois conceives Idea of Hdtel

des Invalides .• iv. S15

— death of, 1691 iv. 820

Low Countries, Queen Mary

deputy in iii. 99

— war in 1636-1689 iv. 130

— governor invades French ter-

ritory iv. 166

Lowendahl, Count, victories of v. 94

Lozier, Bouvet de vii. 84

Ltickner, Marshal, one of three

French commanders vi. 298

Lugon, Bishop of iv. 14

Ludovic the Moor, position in

Italy ii.421

— recovers Milan ii. 424

— prisoner to the French 11. 426

— dies in prison ii. 427

Lu^udnum. See Lyons.

Lmtprandt, King of Lombards 1. 158

Lullus, disciple of Boniface I. 161

Lun6ville, treaty of -vll. 38

Lupus, Duke of Champagne 1. 138

Lupus II., Duke, son of Waifre i. 179

— swears submission to Charle-

magne 1.179

Lusignan, Guy de, King of

Jerusalem 1. 360

Lusignan, surrender of vi. 839

Lutetia, ancient name of Paris 1. 419

Luther in Germany Ill, 148

— discussion with Dr. Eok at

Leipzig iii. ? 47

— writmgs condemned by Uni-

versity 111.147

Lutheran propaganda, spread

of 111.146

Lutherans, application of term iii. 178
Luttheroth, Henri, La RefoT'

mation en France pendant

sa premiSre periode iii. 211

Ltltzen, battle of, 1632 iv. 120

— battle of viii. 30

Lux, Adam, deputy for Mayence vi. 162

Luxembourg, Due de vi. 18

Luxembourg, Francis de, at

Rome ill. 374

— John of. King of Bohemia. . . ii. 88
Luxembourg, John of 11. 269

— gives Joan of Arc Into hands

of English 11.270

Luxemboiu-g, Louis of li. 368

Luxembourg, Marshal iv. 21 3

— recalled to command iv. 259

— death of iv. 262

Luxembourg, residence of royal

family vl. 98

Luynes, Albert de, page of

Louis Xin iv. 11

— marries daughter of Mont-

bazon iv. 17

— becomes constable of France iv. 28

— and Rohan, conference be-

tween Iv. 90

— dies of malignant fever Iv. 80

— Richelieu's estimate of Iv. JK

Lyons, Bishop of. See St.

Pothlnus.

Lyons, development of 1. Of

— four fcreat roads from 1. 66

— destroyed by flre 1. 74

—latitude to Nero L 74

nTDEX.

449

flm>ns, centre of OhristlanItT In

Gawl i. 90

— martyrs of 1. OS-lOO

— treaty of, April 5, 1803, 11.431

— goes over to Henry IV ill. 404

— m the revolution vi. 278

— invested by army of Conven-

tion ▼!. 881

— violent outbreak, 1884 vlil. 816

Macdokald evacuates Naples. . vi. 899

— defeated on the Treble vi. 400

— crosses the Spliigen vii. 81

— arrives at headquarters of

Prince Eugene yil. 870

— at the bead advanced vii. 286

— Marshal, amd Qenerals Beur-

nonville and Dupont vlll. 130

— in Russia 711.892

— abandoned by General York. vii. 436

— as plenipotentiary of Napo-

leon vlil. 119

Macedonia terror-stricken at ad-
vance of Qauls i. 28

Macedonians conquered bj

Oauls ... i. 23

Machault, M. de v. 339

Machecoul, the taking of vi. 252

Mack, Colonel, of Prince of

Coburg's staff vi. 304

— commands troops at Naples vi 893

— seeks refuge in French camp vi 395

— surrounded by French troops vll. 119

— capitulates at Ulm vii. 121

Madame the Great. See Anne

of Beaujeu.

Madgeburg, fall and massacre iv. 118

— Queen of Prussia at vll. 144

— siege of vii. 144

— surrenders to Marsha] Ney. . vii. 146
Madison, President, of United

States vlli 9

Madonna, the weeping vi. 841

Madras, ransom of v. 98

— English establishment in In-

dia V. 98

Madrid, treaty of ill. 88, 84

— insurrection against French

troops vii 199

— Frencn abandon vU. 235

— submission of, to Napoleon . . vii. 252

— Cortes leave. viii 250

— military insurrection viii. 826

Madman, Michel ie vi. 395

Maestricht, siege and surrender

of lv.241

— besieged by French v. 95

— besieged by Duinouriez vi. 802

Magistracy, reorganization of. . viii. 141

Magistrates, resignation of

Magna Charta granted to Bng-

Magnano, French defeated at. .
Magon, Admiral, dispatched to

Martinique vll. 118

Magyars. See Hungarians i. 211

Mahomet foimds Islamism i 298

Mahrattas, natives of India v. 294

Maignet, complaints regarding vi. 214
Maillart. John, a captain of

municipals U. 187

— murders Marcel tt. 187

71

i415
vi. 899

Maillart, John, captain of mu-
nicipal forces of Paris U. 187

Maillebois, Marshal, at Dxissel-

dorf V. 78

Mailly, Marshal de vi 86

Maine, Duke of, natural son of

Louis XIV iv. 45S

— at Palace of Justice v. 6

— retires to Sceaux v. 8

— arrested v. 94

Maine, Duchess of v. 19

— conspires against the regent v. 28

— arrest of v. 24

Maintenon, Madame, de, influ-
ence of Iv. 258,268

— and Racine Iv. 408, 409

— growing power of iv. 439

— private marriage with Louis

XIV lv.44i

— and the Duchess of Burgundy iv. 445

— dailylife of iv.447

— and Princess des Urslns. Iv, 448

— retires to a convent iv. 451

— pensioned iv. 464

— visited by Peter the Great ... iv. 464

— career of Iv. 487, 46S

Maintenon, Sieur de lii. 850

" Maire de Paris " vl. 8S

Maisonneuve, Paul de v. 117

Maisse, Hurault de, ambassa-
dor of Henry IV ill. 878

Malcontents, conspiracy against

Guises iii 224, 226

Malek-Adhel, brother of Saladin i 860

— his generosity I. 850

Malet, Claude Francis de vHi. 6

— and accomplices vlll. 6

— shooting Gfeneral Hullin vUi. 7

Mal^zieuk, M. de, secretary of

Duchess of Maine v. 28

Malherbe, Lettres de, quoted — iv. 81

— (Euvres de, quoted iv. 186

— poet of the court in time of

Richelieu tv. 146

Malleteers, the 11. 180

Malmaison, favorite home of

Madame Bonaparte vii 60

Malmesbury, Lonf vl. 887

— receives his passports vJ. 888

— receives passports second time vi. 868

Maio-Jarostawetz vii 416

Malouet, M ., king's commissioner v. 874

— Memoirs, quoted. ...1. 877, 381, 882, 898
Malsherbes, seconds Turgot v. 50

— Lamoignon de v. 168

— called to mlnistrr by Louis

XVI V.260

— sketch of V. 2fS0

— resigns v, 264

— tenders his services as counsel

ofLoulsXVI vl.124

— execution of vi 194

Malta ofQcially ceded to French

RepubUc vL688

— Order of, abolished vi 888

Mamelukes at Cairo vl. 888

Mance, Mile., founds hospital-
sisters of Vllle-Marie v. 117

Mancini, Mary de, niece of Ma-

zarin iv. 906

Mandat, commandant of guard vi 85

of ... vi. 88

«M)

INDEX.

Handublaos, a Qallio tribe L 61

Manheim taken by Pichegru. . . . -vL 319
Manicheans, heretics of llth cen-
tury L 947,401

Manlius, a Roman consuL i. 27

— holds Oauls in check i. 80

Manny, Walter de, TJinc'^^

knight ii. 93

Hansard iv, 430

Mantes, capture of iL 150

— conference at. iiL 899

Mantua, Duke of, dispute over

dominions of. iv. Ill

Mantua, Marquis of, ooauuands

Italians ii. 416

Mantua, siege of vi. 838

— capitulates to Bonaparte vl. 840

— military insurrection at vi. 876

Manuel, procureur-general vi. 78, 94

— resigns from convention vi. 136

— i)arty leader viii. 245

— provokes fiuy of the rifi^t. . . . viii. 253

— expelled from the Cham-

ber viiL 849, 855

Manufactures in France, revival

of iv.807

Marais, the vi. 268

Marant, seaman of Abbeville. .. ii. 91
Marat advocates massacre of

generals vl. 78

— isolation of vi. 79

— " friend of the people" vi. 116

— denounces himself. vi. 117

— jfTOwing power vi. 146

— sent to the Abbey vi. 147

— unanimously acquitted vi. 147

— activity In solitude and ill

health vi. 159

— visit of Charlotte Corday vi. 160

— deathof vi. 160

Marbois Barb6, minister of the

treasury vii. 204

— dismissal of vii. 205

Marc6, General, imprisonment

of vii. 258

Marceau, General, death of vi. 331

Marcel, Stephen, provost of

tradesmen ii. 107

— leads opposition to dauphin,ii. 114,116

— and confederation ii. 120

— dictator in Paris ii. 121

— assists insurrection ii. 125

— liberates English prisoners . ii. 126

— negotiates with Charles the

Bad ii. 126

— slain by Maillart Ii. 127

— review of his career ii. 128

Marche, la. Count of, war

against Louis IX 1.431

* Marck, Robert de la, Mimoiret.. i. 442

Marcus Aurelius, (quoted i. 64

— succeeds Antoninus i. 80

— astonished at obstinacy of

Christians i. 89

— persecutes Christians i. 00-92, 100

Mvengo, battle of viL 80

Marescot, General, reconnoitres

the Alps vii. 17

Mareuil surprises Charles of

Spain II. 99

Mai^aret of AjqIou, marries

Henry VI. of England ILSM

Margaret of Anjou, prisoner In

England 11.847

Marguerite of Austria, betrothal

of iL879

— sent home ii. 399

— government of Low Countries ill. 88

— m peace of Cambria iii. 94

Margaret II. of Flanders i. 460

Margaron, GeneraL at Lindenan viii. 66
Marguerite of Valois, sister of

FrancisL iii. 7

— death of husband, Duke of

Alengon iii. 78

— at court of Charles V. of

Spain iii. 80

— writings of iii. 138

— character of iii. 146

— defends Berquin charged with

heresy. iii. 155

— marries Henry d' Albret, King

of Navarre iii. 146

— takes Berquin into her ser-

vice 111.169

— deathof iii. 183

Marguerite de Yalois, sister of

Charles IX iiL 875, 288

— marries Henry of Navarre at

Notre Dame iiL 284

— Henry IV. desires marriage

annuUed iii. 455

— refuses assent to annulment

of marriage iii. 460

— marriage annulled iii. 468

Marguerite, Princess of Flanders IL 147

— marries Philip the Bold iL 147

Marguerite, Princess of Prov-
ence i. 427

— marriage with Louis 1.428

— is ambitious L 444

Maria of Brabant, second wife

of Philip m L 466

Maria Theresa, daughter of Em-
peror Charles v. T. 71

— Europe opposes claims. v. 78

— consents to take old oath of

Andreas U v. 78

— flees to Hungary v. 76

— refuses aid from English

women v. 77

— and Madame de Pompadour v. 137

— letter to Marie Antoinette — v. 326

— death of, 1780 v. 836

Mariage de Figaro, production

of. ..... V. 334

Marie. See Maricus.

Maricus proclaims indepen-
dence of Gaul i. 76

Marie- Ain611e, Queen viii. 878, 880

Marie Antoinette marries the

dauphin, 1770 v, 166

— at Trianon v. 8^

— begins to take part in politics v. 324

— and home circle of royal fam-

ily V.327

— and the diamond necklace. . . v. 337

— letter to Duchess of Polignac v. 378

— shows herself to the people... vi. 14

— distrusts l>af ayette vL 42, 80

— hated by the populace vi. 75

— indomitable courage vi. 94

— transferred to Conciergerie. . vi. 168

— death sentence. vL 160

INDEX.

451

ICarifl Antoinette, execution — t1. 170
Marie- Louise of Austria Til. 325

— visits Napoleon at Mayence. . Till. 47

— last farewell of Napoleon vlii. 74

— leaves Paris viii. 98

— goes to Vienna viii. 126

— declines to return to Napoleon viii. 166
Marigny, Bernard de, fate of . . . vl. 874
Marigny, Enguerrand de, trial

and execution i. 491

Marillac, M. de, keeper of the

seals ili. 40

Marillac, Marshal, arrest and

execution of iv. 42

Marine, royal, in time of Louis

Xm iv. 81

Marius, a Roman consul i. 42, 48

— dykes and mules i. 43

'—judicious policy against bar-
barians i. 48

— bums the treasure gift L 46, 46

— defeat Kymrians near Verceil L 47
Marlborough, Duke of iv. 278

— commands allied armies iv. 278

— dismissal by Queen Anne iv. 298

Marie, Henry de, chancellor 11. 220

Marie, Thomas de iL 22

Marly ,*^ extravagance of Louis

XlV.at iv.448

Marmont lacks cooperation in

Spain viii 11

— wounded at Salamanca viii. 12

— negotiates with allies vlii. 118

— appointed to command of

Paris viii. 278

Marmontel, friend of M. and

Mme. Necker v. 803

Marot, Clement, ix>et in time of

FrancisI ill. 129

— and Calvin . . . ; ili. 181

Marquesas Islands, French es-
tablishment in viii. 852

Marrah taken by Raymond i. 328

— destroyed by crusaders i. 829

Marriages, desert v. 64

Marseilles, foundation of i. 18

— accessions to population i. 14

— founds permanent settle-

ments L 14

— commercial, scientific, and

intellectual activity i. 14

— an ally of Rome i. 37

— plague at. 1720 v. 88

— taken by CsBsar 1. 66

— siege of Hi. 63

— massacre in the prison vi. 239

— in the revolution vi. 285

— appeal to English admiral. . . vi. 286

— garrisons under orders of

General O'Hara vi. 286

Marsellais. arrival of vi. 83

— the massacre by vi. 105

Marseillaise, battle-hymn of re-
public vl. 178, 800

Marshals, the murder of the — vi. 120
Martel, Geoffrey, son of Foul-

ques 1.866,856

— at war with Henry I i. 270

— wounded by William the Bas-

tard. 1.870

Martel, Charles, Duke of Axut

trasia. See Chas. Martel... 1.146

Martignac, ministry of. viii. 907

Martin, H. Henry. Hiatoire de

France 111.864

Martinico, taken by English vi. SIS

Martinique conquered Dv SSng^

lish .TT V.161

Martyrs' Causetoay i. 160

— Arab battle-ground L 160

Mary d'Anjou, wife of Charies

vn 1L882

— justly offended 11. 811

Mary of Hungary, Queen, sister

ofCharlesV ill, 99

— advises local truce lil. 90

Mary Tudor marries Louis XII. ii. 470
Mary de Medici, second wife of

Henry IV lil. 468

— death at Cologne Iv. 58

Mary Josepha of Saxony. t. 166

Mary Leckzinska v. 00

— marries Louis XV v. 00

— character and Ufe of v. 166

Mary of Anjou 11. 898

Mary, Princess, daughter of

Duke of York iv. 240

Mary Stuart (Queen of Scots). . . lil. 201

— marriage with dauphin Fran-

cis iU. 801

Mary Tudor sends Henry 11. her

declaration of war ill. 301

— marriage with Philip n 11. 801

— influence of II. 801

Massacre of St. Bartholomew,

1572 Ul. 881

Masselin, extract from report of ii. 81

Masselin, John, at Tours IL 886

— French general vi. 886

— ordered to Rome vl. 875

— sedition against vl. 877

— commands army of Helvetia vi. 898

— takes Zurich by assault vl. 406

— successes in Switzerland. . ri. 406

— commands army of Italy vli. 16

— Inltaly vH. 88

— successes of tU. 186

— opens road to Vienna vil. 9TI

— at Aspern vlL 277

— protects the bridge at Aspern vil. 880

— assigned to army of Portagal vll. 844

— on the Tagus vil. 847

— retreat of his army in Portu-

gal vii.868

— defeated and recalled to

France vtt. 868

Massilia. See Marseilles.

Massillon t. 87

Matilda, wife of William the

Bastard 1. 871

Maturus. See Lyons, martyrs of.

Maupeau, M. de, chancellor v. 160

— fall of T. 243

— death of v. 844

Maupertius, president Berlin

Academv v. 196

Maurepas. sketch of v. 241

— on report of Necker v. 810

— death of v. 381

Maurevard, " king's ' slaughter-
er". 1U.890

Maurice, Count of Saxony v. 76

— See Marshal Saxe. *
Maurontius, patrician of Aries i. 109

453

INDEX.

Msurontius, negotiates wlUi

Mussulman leader 1. 155

Maury, Abb6 tI. 43

— in assembly vi. 54

— Archbishop of Paris vii. 360

Haxentius. son of Mazimian. .. i. 87

— defeated by Constantine i. 87

— drowned i. 87

Maximilian, Archduke, marries

by proxy ii. 395

— joins Holy Leagxie ii. 465

— raises siege of Padua ii. 448

— offers to sell his imperial dig-

nity to Henry VIII ill. 25

— Emperor, dies at Wels, 151».. iiL 25

Maximilian II., Emperor iii. 309

Maximilian, Archduke vii. 272

Mazimian i>ersuaded to abdi-
cate i. 86

^ reappears as emperor i. 86

Maximmus, colleague of Diocle-
tian i 87

Maximum, law of, abolished. . . vl. 221
Mayence, Qustavus Adolphus

halts at iv. 119

— capitulates to Custine vi. 307

Mayenne, Duke of ill. 322

— becomes leader of League. . . iiL 3.54

— retreats from Arques iii. 371

— treaty with Duke of Parma. . iii. 384

— renews alhance between

League and Spain iii. 403

— reconciliation with Henry IV. iii. 427

— visits Henry IV. at Monceaux iii 428
Mayenne, young duke leads

royal army at Montauban.. iv. 27

— death of iv. 28

Mayors of the palace i. 143

Mazarin, Julius, vice legate to

France. iv. 80

— succeeds Richelieu iv. 138

— attempt to assassinate iv. 168

— Parliament's decree of war

against iv. 177

— contest with Cond6 iv. 181

— defeated, leaves France iv. 183

— Lettres d la reine iv. 185

— recalled to France iv. 186

— warns queen against Orleans iv. 187

— full return to power iv. 198

— cone 1 udes treaty of peace and

commerce with Cromwell. . Iv. 199

— provides for his relatives Iv. 208

— death of iv. 209

— opinion of Louis HV iv. 210

Mazaron, Marshal, at Mockem viil. 56
Mazzini, chief of Italian carbo-
nari viii. 316

Meaw, Brihtric, a noble Saxon . i. 271
Meauz, taken by French under

Richemont 11.294

MMa, a gendarme vi. 210

— shoots Robespierre vi. 210

Medici, Catherine de', marries

Henry of Valoia. iii. 95

^ warns King of Navarre of

peril iii.236

— Interview with King of Na-

varre Iii. 240

— policy of iii. 240

— meeting with Henry of Na-

varre. litaaB

Medici, Catherine de\ death of iU. 858
Medici, Ferdinand de\ Duke of

Tuscany iii. 349

Medici, John Oaston de' v. 68

Medici, Mary de', coronation of Hi. 471

-— regency of iv. 5

— favorites of iv. 7

— confirms edict of Nantes. iv. 18

— atBlois iv. 18

— escapes from Blois iv. 19

— plans ruin of Richelieu iv. 40

— and Louis yiTT- at Com-

piegne iv. 4A

Medici, Peter de', driven from

Florence 11.406

— governor of Florence ii. 402

Medina, sacking of town vii. 227

Mediterranean pirates viii. !?64

Mehemet All, Pasha of Egypt. . viii. 323

— condition of Syria under viii. 339

— deposition pronounced by

Sultan viii. 339

Meilleraye, Marshal la, and the

queen iv. 172

Melancthon and Francis I iii. 168

M^las, General of Austrians. . . . viL 15

Mele^ano, battle of iiL 18

Melitme, a Roman legion. L 81

Melun, Duke of. L 116

— See Aurelian

Mello, Don Fna,ncisco de, gove^

nor of Low Countries tv. 100

— besieges Rocroi Iv. 160

Melzi, Don Joseph Palaf ox de... vlL228
Memoires de la 'Tremoille, quo-
ted .. 11.472

Memoires de Ligne iiL 428

Mendoza, BeiTiard de, nmhanfift-

dor of Philip n IiL 837

Menou, General, arrest of vi. 246

— trial of vi. 247

— acquittal of vi. 248

— surrenders Alexandria viL 46

Menus Plaisirs, buildings of vi. 7

Merania or M6ranil. See Mora-
via.

Mercure Francais, sheet con-
temporary with Louis XHL. iv. 81

H6rindoI, ravaged by fire and

sword iiL175

M6ricourt, Th6roigne de v. 87

Merlin de Douai vi 167, 364

— minister of police vL 322

— tears up paper before Bona-

parte vi. 880

— vnthdraws from Directory ... vi. 402

Merlin de Thionville vL 80

MeroveuSj King of Franks. L 108

Merovingian lungs, charaoter

of i 124, 130

— violent deaths i. 184

— polygamy among L 182-134

— after Dagobert i. 142

Merovingian line, fall of. i 144

Merovingians, origin of i 194

Merwinde,I>umouriezdefeatedat vi 804

Merveldt, Austrian general viii 66

Mery, tower of iii. 99

Mesmer. arrival of ▼. 881

Mesnard, Generai at I.aiiRanne vi 377
Messina revolts against Spain-
lards tr.M!

INDEX.

453

MeBsina, destruction of Spanish

squadron ▼. 81

Mestnel, seaman of Abbeville ... ii. 91
Metternicb, Austrian ambassa-
dor at Paris viL340

— asks his passports vii. 266

— replaces Stodion in power ▼!!. 824

— negotiations of ▼ill. 2S

— interview with Napoleon ylii. 89

Metz, siege of iii. 196

Meulan, capture of il. 150

Mexico, treaty of peace with — vili. 829
Michaelade, the, massacre at

Nimes 111.247

Michau, Code iv. 72

Mlchaud, M. Hiatoire dea Grot-

sadea 1.808

Michelsberg, Ney seizee heights

of V1L120

Mlgnard becomes first painter

totheking Iv. 480

Mignet, M. Etude aur le Conn-

teable de Bourbon ill. 55

Miguel, Dom, claims throne of

Portugal vlll. 801

Milan, duchy of li. 401

— conquered by France ii. 428

— insurrection in ii. 424

— taken by Kapoleon tL 827

— Consulte of, accepts constitu-

tion vlL 61

— decrees of Napoleon. vli. 888

Mnaness (the Milanese district) iL 421
Military commission at Auray

and Vannes vl. 871

Minorca, French capture t. 186

— surrenders to Franco-Spanish

army ▼. 289

Minsk taken by Russians tU. 426

Mlollis, General, heads French

army in Rome vtt. 179

MIrabeau, sketch of v. 888

— quiets bread riots at Marseil-

les and Aix v. 884

— adopted by third estate v. 884

— ana Dreuz-Brez6 v. 894

— in national assembly v. 896, vl. 10

— position tn the assembly v. 48

— aemanas withdrawal of

armed force vi 16

— aspires to govern revolution vi. 86

— advocates proposition of

Necker yL SI

— impeaches Parliament of Bre-

tagne vl. 40

— isolated in the assembly — vL 48

— president of Jacobin club vL 49

•- speaker in assembbr vL 49

— conference with Malouet vL 50

— rivalry with Lafayette vi 62

— death of vl. 68

— funeral honors to vL 68

Mirabeau, Viscount vl, 88

MIrabeau, Marquis of IiL4SS,vL 88

MIron. Robert, provost of trades-
men of Pans Iv. 14

Miasi dominici, inspectors un-
der Charlemagne , i. 188

MJssiessy, Admiral vii. 118

Missionaries, Christiaii, in OaoL. L 100

Mississippi, the r. 18

"Mobilea,"the TLSa?

" Moderates" Vergniaud and. . . vL 14B

— leave Jacobins vi. 68

Moessldrch, battle of vii. 16

Modjer-Eddyn, Emir of Damas-
cus L 848

Molay, James de, Burgundian

nobleman I. 486

— summoned to France .... i. 485

— James de, Grand Master of

Templars i. 48«

— trial and death of L 487, 488

Mol6 premier president of Par-
liament. Iv. 174

— Memoirea de iv. 174, 176

— before Orleans iv. 188

— Count viii.888

Moliere, Racine iv. 416

Moliere, (John Bapltet Poquelin)

sketch of iv. 419

— death of iv. 428

Moliteme, vl. 896

Molleville, Bertrand de v. 864, vi 71

Mollieu replaces Marbois vii 806

Monarchy, fall of the v. 16

Monarque, Orande Iv. 861

Monasteries as schools i 890

Moncey, Marshal, fails before

Valencia vii 887

Moncontour, battle of.. iii 870

Monge, M v. 881

Monge, offtcer of Bonaparte's

army vl. 886

Monheur, captured by Duke of

Luynes. .* iv. 80

Moniteur. the vii 78

MonmoutJi, battle of v. 876

Monopolists, the v. 164

Mons capitulates to Louis XTV . . Iv. 260

— the allies take with heavy

loss, 1709 iv.280

Mons-en-PueUe near Lille i 406

Monsieur ordered to return to

France vi 68

— Count d'Artois to Charette. . . vi. 278

— desires to be declared r^^ent vi 899
Monsieur's peace at Chastenay,

1576... rr?. ili828

Montagnards, the. vi. 217

— See Mountain.

— trial of vi. 284

Montaigne, Michael de, visits

I^Ho^tal m. 808

— sketch of iv. 140

Montauban, siege of, 1681 iv. 28

— 8ubmi.s8ion to RicheUea iv. 104

Montbel, Jacqueline de,Madame,

and Coligny. ili 874

Montboucher AufTroy de, ofQoer

of Charles of Blols ii 67

Montbrison, capture of, by Pro-
testants Hi 848

Montcalm, Marquis of ▼. 136

— his successes m Canada t. 187

— killed at Quebec ▼. 188

MontecucullI, imperialist oom-

mander fv. 941, 944

Montereau, besieged by Charies

Vn tLSM

— bridge of li 980

Monteepan, Madame de, ftiTortte

of Louis XIV It. 488,488

MontesquiKi,8katohof t. 177

454

INDBX.

Montesqiiieo, elected to French

Academy t. 178

— writings of V. 178

— death of, 1755 v. 181

Montesquieu, Marquis of v. 35

— General, escapes the scaffold tI. 809
Montferrat, Blanche, govems

Piedmont 11.401

Montfort, Simon de i, 408, 404

— ambitious L 408, 409

— death of i. 413

Montfort, Amamy de, constable

of Louis IX 1.882,418

— surrenders domains ceded to

Simon i.418

Montfort, John de H. 66

— wife and son of iL 67, 68

Montfort, John de, ^oung, be-
comes Duke of Brittany 11. 71

Montglat, Memoires de iv. 188

Monteolfier, M. M. de v. 888

— balloon ▼.882

Montgomery, Count de HL 215

Montmery, battle of. ii. 822

Montigny, Sieur de iii. 417

Montlosier speaks for right vi 62

Montluc, Blaise de and francis I UL 104

— at fortress of Sienna 111. 199

— sent to Guienne to restore or-

der iU.245

Montmirail, battle of vUL 84

Montmorency, Anne de, at bat-
tle of Dreirx , Ill 96

— in outbreak at Bordeaux lU. 96

— at insurrection of Bordeaux. . iiu 186

— taken prisoner at Saint Quen-

tin 111.808

— captured at Dreux ilL^l

— mortally wounded at St.

Denis, 1567 111260

Montmorency, Henry, Duke of,

defection of iv. 46

— mortally wounded at Castel-

naudary Iv. 48

— Journal de quoted iv. 48

Montmorency, M.de,execution of iv. 51

Montmorency, Memoires de iv. 100

Montmorency, Charlotte Mar-

gfuerite de ill. 468

— marries Prince de Cond6 Iii. 469

Montmorency, Mathiea de vllL 248

Montmorin besieged in his hotel vi. 57

— massacred vi 106

Montpellier sold to France ii. 98

— peace of iv. 81

Montpensier, Duchess de,v8.Hen-

ryin 111.336

Montoensier, Mile, marriage of iv. 37

— Memoires iv. 134, 206

— the Great at Orleans. iv. 188

— takes conunand of city of

Paris iv. 190

— the Great mie iv. 188

— claims possession of Orleans iv. 188

— and Orleans iv. 190

— sketch of Iv. 390

— marriage of. iv. 486

Montreal f oimded by Jesuits — v. 117

— capitulates to English v. 182

Montrond's mission to Talley-
rand. vilL 164

— receives secret instructioos. .. vliL 164

Montrond's mlsBion, ftrihm cA. . vlii- lOS

Montsabert, Qoislard de v. 860

— arrest of v. 860

Montserrat, expedition of vii. 226

Moore, Sir John vii. 248

— death of vii. 256

Morals, condition of, in 16th cen-

tuiy ill. 278

Morat, Swiss victory at .... ii. 856

Moravia L 417

Morbeoque, Denis de, knight of

Artois IL 104

— receives surrender of J(dm n.

atPoitiers ii. 104

Moreau vi. 898

— placed in army of Italy vi. 898

— letter to Bonaparte viL 16

— victory at Engen vii. 16

— in Germany vii. 28

— approached by conspirators . . vii. 88

— implicated in consputicy vii. 84

— promises to join Bourbons ... vii 84

— arrested by order of First Con-

sul vii 101

— trial and defence of vii. 100

— joinsallies viii. 48

— siurender of Soissons viii. 91

— deathof viii 60

Morfontaine, treaty of, vrttb

United States vii. 25

Moriamur pro Rege nostra! v. 76

Morisson in Convention vi. 119

Morkar, brother-in-law of Har-
old i 388

Morla, Thomas de vii 288

Momay. See Plesste-Momay

Momay, Young Philip de Hi. 466

— killed at Gueldres 111.457

Mortier, General ▼11188,408

Morvan, King of Bretons. i. 214

— wife of L 815, 216

— deathof i 216

Moscow, Holy, Capital of oW

Russia vii 404

— the burning of yU. 409

— second burning of vii. 416

— second departure from ▼ii. 417

— retreat from vH. 480

Moskawa, battie of vii. 408

Motte, Dubois de la. Admiral. . . v. 127

Motteville. Madame de iv. 389

— Memoires de iv. 179, 807, 809, v. 49

Moulin, General, escape of vl. 410

Mounier, M v. 366

— resistance to assembly .... v. 366

— leads the women to the palace vi. 88

— withdraws from assembly,...,, vi. 35
Mountain, the . . . . vi 115

— arrayed against Bobespierre vi. 206

— the defeat of vi. 218

Moussa-ben-Nossair, first gov-
ernor of Mussulman Africa i 148

— opinion of Franks 1. 149

Moussage, M. de la, Relation de iv. 166

Moustier, in plague at Marseilles v. 80

Mouton, General, enters Medina vii. 227

Mttlhausen, fight of iv. 24t

Mulhouse imited to France ▼!. 879

Miinchengratz, conference of

sovereigns at — viii. 888

Munich, Gustavus levied war*

oontributioa fv. 180

INDEX.

455

Mnncbgiv«niiptopflla^. t. 78

U urad Bey, leader of Mamelukes

vl. 88S, vU. 28
Mnrot invades kingdom of Na-
ples vil. 40

— governor of Paris vil. 88

— Grand Duke of Berg. vli. 160

— aspires to throne of Poland . . vlL 160

— general-in-chief of armies in

Spain viL184

— suppresses the insurrection at

Madrid vii. 199

— becomes president of the

Junta viL 199

— receives kingdom of Naples . . vii. 289

— seeks death at Smolensk. . . . vii. 896

— and Davout, quarrel between vii. 899

— treachery of viiL 65

•^unfortunate undertaUncr in

Italy vULlTS

—execution of •. vlli 226

Murzapha, Jung ▼. 101

Mussulman pirates UL 08

Mussulmans and CSuistiaos, an-
tipathy between i 211

— persecute Christians 1290

>> general uprising for delivery

of Antioch L 822

— enter Damiett* L871

Nabob of the Oamatic, death of

the T.lOl

Kajara, battle <^ Gnesclin de-
feated ii. 160

Namur, French victorvjieoa. ... iv. 268

— retaken by WiUiamm iv. 264

Kancy, siege and capture hj

Burgundians U. 849

— third siege of iL859

— meeting of Lorraiiie princes

at liL 887

— rebellion of vi 44

Nann, chief of Segobrigiaiis ... L 12, 18

Kantais, S82, trial o< yLn4

Nantes, edict of iiL 444

— ordinance of , 1626 Iv. 70

— edict, revocation of iv. 834

— bishop of, Tressan v. 51

Napier, Sir Charles, in S^ria ... viiL 889
Naples, throne restored to the

Bourbons vlli. 176

— kingdom of U. 401

— ovation to Charles Vm IL 410

— dissensions between French

and Spanish 11.481

— lost to King of France 11.483

^ frightful disorder in vL 898

— insurrection at gates of king-

dom vi. 398

— fli^t of the nyal family vi. 894

— evacuated by Macdonakl vL899

Napoleon Bonaparte vL 246

— conducts operations of army

inltaly vi 246

— at the siege of Toulon vi. 287

— directs military operations of

Directory vl. 821

—marries Josephine vi. 821

— dismisses a Jacobin meeting.. vL 821

— named commander-in-chief of

army in Italy ▼!. 821

— his ta-iumohs in Italy vLSSS

HF (T)

Napoleon Boiia|«ite and gonr

norofTurln, ▼1825

— letter to Directory ▼1.888

— reviews troops at Rivoli ▼ISSt

— repulse at Caldiero vL 884

— at liie bridge of Areola vi 886

— atBivoU ▼1889

— leads Massena's division to

Mautua vl 880

— and aid-de-camp of Wurmaer vi. 889

— addresses papaipriBioners ... vL 841

— sends objects of art to Paris vi. 842

— policy toward French priests vl 842

— writes to Archduke Cbarles. . vi. 344

— reproaches Hoche and Mor-

eau vl. 847

— to Venetian senate ▼!. 348

— declares war against Venice vl 861

— to Doge of Veiuce vi.SSS

— differences with Directory. . . ▼i. 857

— demands his retirement yi. 866

— interview with Cobentzel — ▼! 308

— breaking the porcelain tea-

service vl 860

— treaty of peace with Austria vl 860

— and Directory at the Luzem>

bourg vi. 370

— sends the flag to Lannes vi. 371

— beforeMalta vi. 881

— master of Alexandria. vlSSS

— sett out for Toulon ▼i. 880

— Barras on ambition of ▼! 880

— takesCairo ▼I 886

— in palace of Murad Bey ▼1886

— sees the pyramids ▼!. 386

— establishes Insti tute of TS.gypt vi. 888

— inscription on Pompey'sITl-

lar ▼1887

— opinion of Sidney Smith ▼1880

— returns to France ▼i. 801

— arrives in Paris vi. 406

— sounds Sieyds and Barras ... vi. 407

— refuses a chief command ... vi. 407

— resumes costume of Institute vl 407

— meeting of generals at his

house vl 406

— secures cooperation of

several genertils vl 406

— banquet given by Corps Lejf-

islatlf vl406

— commander-in-chief of forces

around Paris. vi. 40f

— and his Renerals take the oath vl. 400

— in Council of Five Hundred . . vl 411

— his soldiers dear hall of Five

Hundred vi.418

— recalls proscribed priests — vil 6

— government concentrated in

hands of vil •

— repeals Law of Hostages ... vil t

— writes to George IIL and Em-

peror Francis vil 10. 11

— crushes insurrection of Choo-

ans vil U

— passage of the Alps ▼<•. 18

— at Marengo vil 21

— formidable coalition against

England. ▼ii. 26

— concludes treaty of Morfon-

taine ▼!! 28

— surrounds himself with a

coort. '•• viL B

Vol. 8

456

INDEX.

Vapoleon Bonaparte wins OTer
United States on rights of
neutrals

— negotiates with Spain for

Louisiana ...■.

— replies to Louis XVn

— attempt upon his life

— represses Jacobin conspiracy

— abstract of concessions sent

to English

— restores general peace

— inclined to religious tolera-

tion

— schemes regarding Switzer-

land

— to Toussaint Loverture

— institutes L^on of Honor . . .

— law on public instruction . . .

— as life consul submitted to

people

— prindiple of hereditary suc-

cession

— and Lord Whitworth at the

Tuileries

— cedes Louisiana to the United

States

— contemplates invasion of

En^and —

— and House of Bourbon • • -^^ ■ • ■

— refuses to see Duke d'Elng-

hien

— senate confers title of Empe-

ror

— proclaimed Emperor

— active marshals

— honorary marshals

— meeting with Pope Pius VIL.

— coronation of

— message to Queen of Naples.

— crowns himself King of Italy

— entmsts government to Eu-

gene de Beauharnais

— to Latouche-Trfiville

— failure of maritime plans —

— distrusts Austria

— orders concentration of his

armies

— at Strasburg

— at Donauwerth

— summons Prince of Lichten-

stein

— capitulation of Ulm

r- abandoned by King of Prus-
sia

,— enters palace of Schoenbrunn

— at Austerlitz

— meets Francis at mill of Pal-

emy

— gives a king to Holland

— order against booksellers —

— and Prince of Hatzfeld

— at Potsdam

— enters Berlin in triumph

— declares British Isles m state

of blockade

— excites the Porte against Rus-

sia

— enters Poland

— and Marshal Ney

— Interview with Alexander

— re-enters Paris

— decorates ffaissian soldier... • .

vli. 85

vlL 26

vlL 86

viL 36

vU. 38

vii. 4«
vil. 49

vii. 50

vii. 59

vii. 62

vii. 67

vii. 68

vii. 70

vii 71

vii. 76

vii. 78

vli. 78
vii. 81

vU. 90

vii. 95
vli. 96
vlL 96
vli. 96
vii. 106
vii 106
vll. 108
vli. 108

vii. 108
vii 110
vli 116
vii. 110

vli. 117
vii. 118
vli. 119

vii 120
vii. 121

vll. 127
vii. 128
vii. 132

vli 138
vU. 137
vil. 140
vli. 146
vii. 144
vii. 146

vli 147

▼11.148
▼li 149
vii. 158
vii. 1.59
vii. 168
vlLl«S

Napoleon Bonaparte resolves to
end reign of Bourbons in Eu-
rope vil. 16$

— retaliatory decrees of vii IM

— gives Tuscany to his sister. . . vli. 168

— dissolves marriage of Jerome

Bonaparte vii 169

— alarm s Caprara by his threats vii. 176

— and Mgr. Arezzo vii. 178

— orders foreign cardinals to .

quit Rome vli 181

— instructions to Murat vli. 184

— policy relative to troubles in

Spain vii 198

— receives Ferdinand VH vii. 194

— arbiter of insurrection in

Spain vii.188

— description of royal family of

Spain vil. 19«

— receives King and Queen of

Spain at Bayonne vll. 197

— tenders crown of Spain to Jo-

seph Bonaparte vil. 201

— orders Joseph Bonaparte to

throne of Spain vil. 201

— does not neglect public

works vii. 206

— instituting the House of the

Legion or Honor at Ecouen.. vli. 207

— founds new nobUlty vii. 206

— aversion to Madame de Stael vii. 211

— and the press vii. 218

— revision of catechism vii. S17

— suppression of the tribunate, vii. 21t

— breaks his promise to Spanish

Bourbons vii 290

— conscriptions of vii. 268

— and Spanish insurrection vil. 286

— open war with Pius Vn vil. 29«

— suspects loyalty of Austria ... vil. 239

— and Mettemich vli 240

— demands Austria's recogni-

tion of KlngJoseph vil. 241

— at head of French army in

Spain vli. 245

— takes Madrid vli. 25tl

— instructions to King Joseph . . vii 887

— detects change m atmos-

phere of France vli 8M

— loss of the Tyrol vii. 871

— at ShSnbrunn vll. 87»

— broaches the project of di-

vorce yVL. 881

— negotiations for hand of

Grand Duchess Catherine, vll. 882, 886

— divorced from Josephine — vll. 8M

— and the cardinals vli. 888

— marriage with Marie-Louise

of Austria vll. 885

— reply to the directory vl. 88T

— determines union of Holland

and France vll. 888

— administration in Holland. . . vll. 886

— modifies his government in

Spain 7. vli.8«l

— exasperation against King

Joseph ^ vU.848

— anger against Talleyrand ... vii. 868

— campaign in Gtermany vli. 866, 888

— victory at Eckmtthl vii 807

— crosses the Danut>e • vti 874

— check at Esaling « vlLSIV

INDEX.

457

Hitpoleon Bonaparte, instrno-

tions to Prince Eug:6ne tU. 283

^•adfortof £guillette vi. 287

-^makes peace with Austria.... 711.288
„ tnstrucUons regardliur Pius

VII Til.aB6

'— ezconununicated bv Pius Vu yii. 295

— fixes residence of tbe Pope. . yiL 800
•^ Urth of his son viL 859

— and ecclesiastical commis-

sion yii. 862

— and tbe Pope vii. 373

~- Busman campaign yii. 374

— idliance with Prussia yii. 877

— aecret alliance with Austria., yii. 877
«» repulses Bemadotte yii. 878

— his army against Russia ylL 883

■» at Dresden yii. 384

— incivility toward Murat yii. 886

— crosses the Niemen yii. 387

— complaints to Balachotr yii. 389

— at Vltebslc yii. 891

— crosses Dnieper yii. 804

— takes Smolensk yii. 395

— and the young Cossack yii. 399

— loss at Moalcwa yii. 403

— enters deserted Moscow yiL 406

— overtures to the Czar Alexan-

der yiL 410

— retreat from Moscow vii. 414

— orders burning of Moscow <m

retreat of French yii. 416

— alarming news at Dorogo-

bouje yil.420

— his desertion of Marshal Ney yii. 424

— ominous news at Orscha vii. 425

— evacuates Orscba vii 426

— sets out for France vU. 431

— leaves command to King of

Naples yll.481

— twenty-ninth bulletin of great

army ylL 482

— council of bis generals at

Kowno vIL4a8

— mes-sage to the senate vUi. 6

— rumors of his death yiii 6

— bold conspiracy against .. .. viil. 6
^ yisits Pius VIL at Fontaine-

bleau yiU. 20

—^confides regency to Marie-

LouLse vill. 28

— leaves Mayence for campaign

against allies. ylil. 29

— collecting the young guard... yiU. 81
^regains possession of Saxon

army viii. 82

te- sends for Murat viii. 34

— and Qeneral Duroe vUL 36

— andMettemich viii. S9

••interview with Mettemich... viii 39

— anger falls upon King Joseph viil. 43

— three armies advance against

him yiii. 47

^ Interview with Merveldt viii. 65

— loses battle of Leipeic viii. 68

— deserted by Oennan princes. vliL 69

— Intrigues forming against

him vllL 60

•» demands more soldiers from

exhausted France vUL 6?

^oonsents to negotiate with

Fenlinand VU TiiL 88

Napoleon Bonaiiarte lajrs doeti>
ments of negotiations t>ef ore
senate yiii 08

— last interview with the sena-

tors viil. 71

— farewell to his wife, 1814 ... viiL 74

— expresses his distrust of Tal-

leyrand vilL 74

— orders the Pope conducted to

Rome vilL 82

— Instructions for safety of his

wife and son vill. 82

— victories over Sileslan army viii. 84

— tries to separate Emperor

Francis from coalition viii. 88

— on surrender of Soissons yiii. 91

— learns of capitulation of Paris viii. 103

— abdicates viii. 118

— Elba ceded to him viiL W2

— terms of the treaty with allies vUL 188

— formal deed of abdication vill. 128

— farewell to the old guard .... viiL 124

— attempts to poison tiimself . . viiL 124

— leaves Elba viiL 144, 146

— informed of proceedings at

Vienna ylU. 144

— lands in Frtince yllL 147

— soldiers flock to join him Till 151

— decree from Lyons. viiL 154

— devotion of army viil. 160

— once more enters Paris ylil. 160

— resumes reins of government viii. 162

— formation of his ministry viii. 168

— instructions to Grouchy viii. 181

— at Waterloo viii. 184

— returns to Paris after Water-

loo yllL 187

— second abdication viiL 191

— asks for a few hours at tbe

head of his troops vilL 200

— decides to take refuge in

America. vllL 200

— taking leave of his soldiers at

Fontainebleau. viii. 126

— asks safe conduct of English vilL 204

— letter to prince-regent of

England viii. 205

— embarks on tbe " Bellero-

phon" viiL 205

— sent to St. Helena viil. 208

— deathof yilL aO«

— genius, renown, character. . . viii. 307

— remains brought to France. . yilL 346
Napoleon, Prince Louis. See

Bonaparte, Prince Louis. . . . vUL 840
Narbonue becomes stronghold

of Arabs L 160, 165

— passes under rule of Franks 1. 168
Narbonne, minister of war vL 00

— at Vienna vilL 26

Narbonness, part of southem

Gaul L126

Nassau, Count Louis of Ui. 286

Nassau. Hotise of, gains ground

In Holland ... iv. 2M

National Assembly. See Assem-
bly.
National Convention. See Coo-

vention.
National Guards, general ffite

of yt 48

Navarre, invaded by Spanish.. U. 4M

458

INDEX.

Navarre, Eine Anthony de Bour-
bon 111.214

— character 111.221

— interview with Francis n Hi. 286

— visits Catherine de Medici . . . Hi. 240

— death of lil. 251

Navarre, King Charles the Bad 11. 106

— marries Joan of France 11 106

— Imprisoned II. 106

-liberated U. 117

Navarre, Henry of. See Henry

IV.
Navarre, Philip of, brother of

Charles the Bad 11.118

Navarre, Queen of, Jeanne d'

Albret ill. 214

Navarre, Queen of, reviews

army 111.270

Navarette. See Najara.
Navy, royal, help from England

and Holland Iv. 81

None, La, Protestant chief 111. 806

— and deputies of La Rochelle ill. 806
Necker, James, minister of fi-
nance v. 301

— and public opinion v. 304

— financial report of v. 310

— Burke on reforms of v. 311

— Mitnoires, quoted T. 812, 381

— resigns v. 317

— atSt. Ouen ▼. 318

— place in public esteem v. 318

— recalled by Louis XVI v. 868

— ordered to quit Paris and

France ▼!. 16

— again recalled vi. 22

Necker, Madame v. 301

— attenipts hospital reform v. 806

Necker Hospital v. 807

Neerwlnden, French victory,

1693 iv.282

Ndgociations Diplomatique de

la France avec la Toscane 11. 452

Ne^repelisse, massacre of iv. 30

Neipperg, Count, commander

of Austrain army v. 78

Neisse, conference at, 1769 v. 172

Nelson ordered to reinforce

blockade of Cadiz vl. 881

— arrives at Naples vl, 888

— precedes French at Alexan-

dria vl. 883

— vlctorv of Abouklr vl. 886

^ and Neapolitan cause vl. 893

— at Copenhagen vll. 41

— encounters villeneuve vll. 114

— death at Trafalgar vll. 125

Nemours, Duke of. II. 870-872

— sentence and execution IL 872

Nemours, treaty between Henry

m.andLeague 111885

Nemours, Duke of, noblesse at

house of Iv. 182

— killed in duel by Beaufort. . . Iv. 198

Ndrac, peace of, 1579 111.828

Nero, last of the Ceesars I. 74

— at biuTilng of Rome I. 74

— contribution to Lyons I. 74

— death of 1. 74

Nerva succeeds Domitlan 1. 78

^ Roman EmjKsror, reign of. . * 1. 78

Nesselrode, diplomat of OEar. . . vll. 879

Netherlands occupied by French

troops Til. tSt

— kingdom of, England desires vlil. 78

— formation of the kingdom vlii. 148

Neuf ville, Nicholas de. See Villeroi.
Neumann, representative of

Austria vlil. 888

Neumark, battle of vi. 345

Neustria, extent of 1. 126

Neustrians i. 148, 146

— drag Chilperic U. from mon-

astery 1. 147

— and Austraslans i. 146, 147

— make Rogerfried mayor of

palace L 147

Nevers, Count de 1888

Nevers, Louis de. Count of

Flanders U. «^45

— at coronation of Philip of

Valois a. 4S

Nevers, John, Count of, the

fearless 11.198

Nevers, Duke de, victories of. . Hi. 208
Nevers, Duke of, Louis dl Gon-

zaga 111. 328

New Orleans beginning to arise t. 18
Newf ovmdland, naval encounter

off V. 122

— ceded to England iv, 294

Ney, Marshal, at Eylau vil.lSS

— advance upon Freidland vll. 168

— sent to Spain vIL 284

— places stone on tomb of Sir

John Moore vll, S56

— anger against Marshal Soult vll. 807

— masterly skill of vll. 864

— revolt of vll. 866

— on retreat from Moscow vll, 422

— crosses the Dnieper. . . yil. 426

— and the rear guard vU. 486

— proclaims his allegiance to

Napoleon vlli. 157

— at Quatre-Bras vll. 180

— at Waterloo vlil. 184, 186

— trial, defence, execution.. vUl. 221-228

Nicsea, siege of 1. 814, 316

Nicholas v., Poi)e, and Jacques

Coeur ii. 306

Nicholas, Emperor, of Russia., vtii. 263
Nicolai, premier president of

the Exchequer Chamber... v. 16
Nicopolis, slaughter of French

army at 11.196

Nile dyke, national ffite of rup-
ture vi. .388

Nimeguen assembly abolishes

acts of Compieg^e, 1.218

— assembly restores title to

Louis 1.218

— peace of Iv. 261

Nimes refuses to join revolt

against Louis Xm Iv. 46

— excesses of the rabble vlli. 215

Nlsmes, revolt of troops at viii. 169

Nivemais, a state of France. . . i. 244
Noailles, Cardinal de, and the

nuns iv. 868

Noailles, Duke of v. 9

— resigns his presidency v. 14

— exiled T, 48

Noailles, Marshal, appointed

minister t. 81

INDEX.

459

ICoailleg, Vicomto de tL S7

KOrdlingen besieged by Axm-

trians hr. 134

Nogaret, William of 1. 478

Nolr, Ermold le, TaiU et Gttrtea

de Louis le Pieux 1.217

Noricum, now Austria. . 1. 144

Norman peasants, troubles of . . i. 248

— conquest of England i. S04-29S

Normandy, a state of France . . i. 244

— meetings of peasants i. 247

— during minority of William. . i. 266
Normans and Britons, arrest

and decapitation U. 77

— communications with Eng-

land 1.874

— powerfulin England 1.276

— on eve of battle of Hastings 1. 286

— victorious at Hastings i. 286

North, Lord, prime minister of

England .• r. 288

— ministry resigns ▼. 290

Northmen, people in northern

Europe.. 1. 171, 178

— most rormidable invaders of

Gaul 1.202

— incursions of i. 902, 208

— plunder and bum French

cities 1. 203

— besiege Bordeaux and Tou-

louse L 808

— unitefor capture of Paris... 1.205

— the barques of the 1.206

— lay sieg;e to Paris t 206-308

— raise siege of Paris 1. 308

— varying fortunes during reign

ofEudes 1.209

— invasions ended 1. 210

Notables, convocation of v. 848

Notre-Dame, Image de il 198

Novara. French retreat from. . . li. 469

Novempopulania (Aqultania). . . i. 106

Noviant. Le Mercier de li 186

Nowosiltzoff, Russian ambaasa-

dor vll.109

Noyon, commune of 11. 18

Numerian assassinated L 86

Nu-pieds (Barefoots), revolt of Iv. 66
Nuremberg, free cil^ of Ger-
many iU. 929

OcHS, a citizen of Basle vi. 377

Ogier the Dane, comrade of

Charlemagne 1. 176

O'Hara, General, prisoner of

the French vl. 287

016ron, Isle of t1. 864

Olivier. Francis, chancellor,

deathof 111.228

Olmfltz, Alezajider, joins Fran-
cis at vii. 129

Omar. Mosque of L 898, 299

— a successor of Mahomet i. 298

Oporto sacked by French vii. 806

<^pMe, Baron d', accuses Vaa-

dians 111. 174

— Maynier d', trial of UL 212

Optvmu Oallus. pamphlet

against Richelieu. iv. 80

Orange Prince of, taken at

Itennes. iL 894

Orange, Prince of UL 810

Orange, Prince of, matbatttj

totterinir tL SM

Orders in Council. EngUah. . .viL 148, 16«
Ordonnances de* Roia de

Prance, extract from. iL 100

O'Reilly, General, at Vienna. . . vii. 278
Orleans, Duke of (Louis), assoosi-

nated ii. 198

— lustiflcation of 11.808

Orleans, Duke of, and Henry V. ii. 214
Orleans, Duke of, Louis IL 891, 480

— See Louis XU.

Orleans, Duke of, Gaston, mar-
riage of iv. 87

— revolt of iv. 43, 46

— second marriage iv. 45

— defeated at Ccwntelnaudary.. iv. 48

— dishonor of iv. 68

— makes treaty with hostile

princes Iv. 188

— retirement and death iv. 196

Orleans, Duke of, Pliilip,nephew

of Louis XIV iv. 281

— at battle of Turin, 170A. iv. 981

— takes L6rida, 1707 iv. 881

— becomes regent iv. 404

— accused iv.4Al

— regency of v. 6

— at Palace of Justice, 1715 r. C

— character of v. 19

— informed of the duchess' con-

spiracy Y. 88

— tender care of Louis XV v. 88

— dies of apoplexy, 1183 v. 48

Orleans. Duke of, brother of

Louis XV V. 368

— banished to Villers-Cotterets r. 868

— named lieutenant-general. . . vi 14

— (Philippe fi^lit6) vi. 118

— votes for death of Louis XTL vl. 181

— execution of vi. 175

Orleans, Due d'. character of. . viii. 285

— alliance with the deputies. .. viii. 285

— appointed lieutenant-general

of the kingdom vlli 288

— at the Hdtel-de-ville vilL SBB

— accepts the crown viii. 888

— marriage of viiL 328

— death of vliL 349

Orleans, Duchess of, and her

children in the Chamber. . . viii. 380

— leaves France with her sons viii. 388
Orleans. Bastard of. John IL 304

— See al»3 Count Dunols.

Orleans, Princess Marie d' vllL 388

Orleans. Maid of. ^e Joan of Arc.
Orleans, besieged by Attila .... L 107

— under the kings li. 11

— siege of. by English.... fl. 240

— entrance of Mile, de Mont-

pensler It. 188

— canal of Iv. 307

— prisoners, massacre of tL 111

Ormesson. Oliver d', counsel aft

trial of Fouquet tv. 216

— Joumtaa: tT.81«,.896

Ormesson. M. d' v. 328

Omano. Colonel, release and

subsequent arrest Iv. 86

Orscha evacuated by French. . . vii. 486
Orval, Baron d', son of Sully... tv. 87
Orves, Admiral d', dies at sea., t. 808

460

INDEX.

Orvilllers, Count d' ▼. 877

Ofisat, Arnold d', afterwards

cardinal ill. 409, 462

Ostend Company. v. 62

Otho the Great, Bmperor i. 228

Othon., Klngof Qermany i. 236

Otbo IV. flies from field of Bou-

vlnes I. 394

Otto, Rhineerave iv. 125

Otto, French minister iv. 48, 73

Ottoman Empire, imi>ortance

to England and France viil. 333

Oubril, envoy from Alexander vii. 188

Oudinot, Marshal, in Russia vii. 892

Our Lady of the Noble House. . ii. 103

Oviedo. Junta of vii. 223

Oxenstiem, Axel, friend of Ous-

tavus iv. 119

— convokes the deputies at Er-

furt iv. 184

— summons Protestant princes

to Heilbronn iv. 184

Paoc A, Cardinal vlL 290

Pacha, Dervish vlL 28

Pacha, Nassif vii. 88

Pache, Mayor of Paris vL 147

Paderborn, assembly at i. 171

Padua again becomes Venetian it 444

Paganism, Qrseco-Roman i. 88

Pimlen, Count, governor of St.

Petersburg vii. 48

— heads Russian cavalry vii. 891

Paix, Prince de la vi. 836

— vii-tual head of Spain vii. 183

— humiliation vii. 186

— under protection of Murat. . . vii. 196

Paleice or Justice iv. 192

Palafox, Joseph, to Marshal Le-

f ebvre vii. 259

Palais-de-Cardinal iv. 134

Palais-Royal iv. 185

Palissy. Bernard 111.881

Pallou, Father, confessor of Vol-
taire V. 184

Palmerston, Lord, ministry of., viii. 325
^ proposes intervention in Pen-
insula viii 325

— claims good services of

France with Mehemet All . viii. 836

— negotiations with France — viii. 337
Panoonians. See German nations.
Pantheon finished by Napoleon vii. 206
Paoli, Pascal, Corsican leader. . v. 167

— returns to Corsica, 1789 vi. 810

Pai>acy and Gallo - Franklsb

kingship, alliance 1. 161

'- foundation of its temporal in-
dependence 1.166

— and Carlovingians i. 241

— relation with foreign govern-

ments 1.480

Papirlus. Carbo, Roman consul L 41
Par6, Ambrose, surgeon of

CharlesIX lit 801

Paris, a neutral city for Frank-

ish kings L 125

— besieged by Northmen L 807

— ancient name of L 419

— malfeasance in police. 1.448

— civUwar U. 18

— parliament of tt. 88

Paris falls into hands of Bi^

gundians B. SSI

— imder English ii. 889

— aroused By arrest of Brous-

sel Iv. 178

— increasing disorder in iv. 198

— treaty with England, 1657 . iv. 199

— besieged by Henry HI. and

Henry of Navarre iii. 360

— factions iii. 411

— road, the iv. 897

— treaty of, 1768 v. 158

— general peace, 1788 v. 898

— mob in streets of , 1789 v. 890

— consternation at dismissal of

Necker vi 16

— given over to the mob vi 16

— tumult and bloodshed vi. 16

— disorders in vi. 80

— lacks bread vi. 88

— reception of Swiss fioldiers.. vi. 78

— "Sections" vi. 88

— public buildings display black

flag vi. 104

— reaction against excesses of

commune vi. 118

— scarcity of wheat vi. 149

— put in state of siege by con-

vention vi 284

— the mob demands bread vi. 889

— royalist conspiracy discov-

ered vi. 354

— scarcity of provisions, 1811 . . vii. 881

— appearance in 1814 viii. 75

— resistance to the allies viii 99

— left without government. . . . viii. 100

— capitulation of viii. 101

— allied sovereigns enter viii. 108

— placed in a state of siege viii. 279

— insurrection and revolution

viii. 281, 888

— indignation against ministers

of Charles x: viii. 895

— cholera breaks out, 1882 viiL 809

— constant insurrections, 1831 . . viii. 811

— indignation at quadruple

treaty viii. 837

— covered with barricades viii. 378

Paris. Deacon, a Jansenist v. 70

Paris-Duverney v. 50

Parker, Sir Hyde, English ad-
miral V. 289

— at Copenhagen vii. 41

Parliament of Paris iii 18

— resists registration of con-

cordat 111. 81

— begins to take form Ii. 88

— of Toulouse protests a^^ainst

peace of Crespy iii. 108

— and Berquin iii. 158

— of Aix and Vaudians iii. 178

— refuses to acknowledge yoke

of papacy iii. 218

— becomes instnunent of

league 111.854

— commencea prosecution of

Jesuits 111. 418

— opposes return of Jesuits 111468

— censures administration of

Richelieu !▼. 68

^declares Mazarin enemy to

Mngand state It. 177

INDEX.

461

Parliament of Paris, decrees
princes guilty of high trea-
son iv. 187

«- orders sale of Masarin's

library !▼. 188

— furious at return of Mazarin !▼. 188

— reading of will of Louis

XIV T. 7

— differences with clergy v. 166

— and Jesuits, 1763 v. 156

— refuses to act. v. 163

— the Maupeou v. 164

— the old, restoration v. 246

Parliamentary government im-

der Louis XVIU vIU. 207

— government, King Louis

Philippe viil. 208

Parliaments, French and Eing-

lisb compared ly. 196

— French magistrates of vi. 40

— cease to exut vi. 40

Parma, Duke of, opens to Paris

navigation of the Mame ... ill. 881

— treaty with Mayenne ill. 884

Parma, Duke of, Etrurla

guaranteed to vii. 47

Parma, French defeat Austrians

before v. 67

Parsdorf, truce signed at viii. 28

Parthenopian Republic pro-
claimed vL 89S

Partouneauz division, the vlL 429

Pascal, Blaise iv. 866

— sketch of Iv. 366

Pascal, Jacqueline, a nun of

Port-Royal iv. 849

Passau, treaty of public peace,

1B52 111.194

Passy elected president of

chamber viil. 881

Pastrengo, Austrian camp,

seized vi. 899

Patay, battle of 11. 861

Paterson, Miss, marriage with

Jerome Bonaparte vii. 168

Patriarch's house, the 111. 244

Patru, CEuvrea diversea de iv. 204

Pau, council of iv. 24

Pau, iMallet du vi. 81

Paul I., Emperor of Russia vi. 381

— pronounces against French

Republic vi. 392

— embargo on English vessels vii. 32

— demands cession of Malta. . . vii. 82

— assassinated vii. 42

Pauim.,Pope iU. 99

Paul v.. Pope iv. 17

Paul, St. Vincent de, work of. . . Iv. 74
ParU and Virginia, the reading

of V.802

Faulicians, a religious sect L 401

Pavia besieged by Francis I — UL 67

— Napoleon suppresses Insur-

rection vi. 888

Payan, national agent vi. 209

Payerne. conference at vi. 877

Payne, Thomas, in National

Convention Tl. 120

Paz, Captain Pedro de, aod

French ofHcers. il. 468

PeaceofQod L K7

— of the church tr. 86S

Peasants resolved to live ac-
cording to their Inclinations

and their own laws iL 8

— uprising of ii. IM

Pecquigny, treaties of U. S47

Pedro, Don, the Cruel, of Spain

ii. 187, 168

Pefla, General de la vii. 281

Pennsylvania troops, revolt of v. 280
Pentinger, Conrad, Gterman

philosopher L 108

Pepin of Landen I. 141, 145

— attempts to carry Chris-

tianity across Rhine i. 145

Pepin of Heristal, mayor of

palace I. 144, 145

— three important acts 1. 145

— appoints Theodoald his suc-

cessor 1.146

Pepin the Short, son of Charles

Mattel 1.169

— and Carloman vrise policy ... i. 180

— sole master of France L 160

— anointed by St. Boniface L 161

— anointed by Pope Stephen II.

i. 161, 105

— proclaimed king of the

Franks 1.161

— consults Pope 2jachary con-

cerning title i. 101

— and the church i. 162, 101

— completes conquest of south-

ern Gaul 1.104

— overpowers Lombai'ds L 105

— the Short, divides donxinion

between his sons i. 160

— death of, 768 L 166

Pepin, King of Italy L 178

— death L IflT

Pepin, King of Aquitaine,

brother of Charles the Bold L SOS

— treaty with Northmen L 906

Pepin, son of Louis the Debon-

nair 1.811

— revolts against Louis L 819

Pepin. King of Aquitaine, sud-
denly dies. L 890

Pepins and new dvnasty I. 143-166

Perceval shot in Hotise of Com-
mons viii. 9

Pire Duchesne, journal vi. 140

P6rier, Casimir, home minister viii. 306

— character of viii. 906

Pemelle, Abb6, confined in Ab-
bey of Uorbigny v. 71

Pdronne. Louis £., and Charles

of Burgundy 11.884

Perpignon, the siege ended iv. 131

Perrault. architect iv. 480

Perron, .A.bbot James du ill. 486

Pesaro in Bonaparte's camp. . . vi. 848
Pescara, Marquis of, g^nersu of

Charies V iii. 50

Peschiera captured by Louis

Xn 11448

Peter, a Biu-gundian hermit ... i. 800
Peter the Cruel claims the

throne of Castile IL 146

— civil war with Henry of

Transtamare ii. 167

Peter the Great and little Louis

IV V. 98

462

nroEZ.

Feter the Great visits Franoe. . . ▼. 27

— deacription of v. 28

— interview with the little

Ung. . . V. 28

— at monument of Richelieu. . . t. 28

— tenders to France alliance of

Russia V. 29

Peter HI., Czar, brief elevation v. 61

~- deposed, dies in prison v. 153

Peter the Hermit . .i. 304, 805

— and Simeon i. 304

— joins the army of crusaders i. 314

— deserts the crusaders before

Antioch i. 820

— visits Ciorbosha i. 3ii5

— goes into retirement i. 334

Peter the Venerable, abbot of

Cluni i.400

P6tiet, French minister vii. 23

P6tion, mayor of Paris vi. 77

— andLouisXVI vi. 79

— and Chabot vi. 85

— kept as a hostage vL 85

— arrest of vi. 89

— flight of vi. 158

Petit, John, Norman C!onleller ii. 201

Petit-Thouars, captain of vi. 387

— Admiral vili. 352

Petitioners, armed, visit assem-
bly vl. 74

Petrarch, Epistolae Familiares,

quoted i. 469

Petta. iSee Aristoxena.

Peutingeri, tabula i. 103

Pfuhl, German general vii. 890

Pheasants, Island of Iv. 206

— meeting of French and Span-

ish ministers Iv. 206

Philadelphia evacuated by

British v. 278

' Philip I. of France, marriages i. 251
^promises to renounce Ber-

trade i. 252

— succeeds Heniy I i. 273

— banishes "his wue Bertha i. 251

— excommunications of 1. 251, 252

Philip II. (Augustus), King of

France i. 852, 388

■ - joins in siege of St. Jean

d'Acre i. 355

— and Ckeiirde Lion, jealousy

between i. 356

— returns to France i. 357

— marries Isabel of Hainault. . . i. 388

— and Henry II. of England .... i. 389

— extends his dominion i. 891

— war in Flanders i. 392

— fleet blockaded i. 392

'- victorious at Bouvines L 394

.^ character of L 896

— refuses to engage in crusade

against Albigensians i. 413

— good will to Raymond VI 1. 414

— refuses to recog^nize new

Count of Toulouse 1. 414

— marries Princess Ingeburga. i. 416

— marriage with Ingeburga an-

nulled. L416

— marries Agnes of Merania. . . 1. 417

— banishes Ingeburga to Etam-

pes 1418

» affection for Agnes L 418

Philip n. resists the Interdict. . L 418

— yields to Pope 1. 418

— recalls Ingeburga L 418

— finally restores Danish prin-

cess •. i. 418

— orders paving of Paris 1. 419

— improvements by his order, i. 419, 420

— premature death i. 421

— wiUof i.421

— King of Spain succeeds

Charles V iii. 200

— and French ambassadors iii. 200

— marries Mary Tudor of Eng-
land iii.201

— lands in Flanders with ar-

my Iii. 208

— convention with Ouises iii. 324

— offers Charles IX aid against

heretics iii. 309

— refuses to acknowledge Hen-

ry IV. as king iii. 420

— characterof iii. 44S

— dies at Escurial iii. 440

Philip ni. (The Bold), acces-
sion of L 454

— returns from Italy with five

biers L456

— death of wife i. 456

— inherits new provinces L 4S6

— character i. 456

— concessions to Elngland and

Rome i. 456

— dies on return from Aragon. . i. 457

PhiUp ni. of Spain, reign of iii. 448

Philip IV. , the Handsome, char-
acter of i. 457

— succeeds Philip ni L457

— treaty with Edward I L 458

— wars of i. 450

— Flemish war i. 45»

— besieges Lille i. 468

— troubled by silence at Bruges i. 463

— visits Flanders i. 468

— renewal of war with Flanders i. 464

— army defeated at Courtrai. . . L 465

— negotiates with Flemings i. 465

— sends third army into Flan-

ders i. 46<5

— receives submission of Flan-

ders i.467

— and Boniface VIIL i 468,470

— taxes French clergy L 470

— and the church L 470

— possessions in mort-main L 470

— bull burned in his presence. . i. 476

— and Archbishop of Narbonne i. 478

— chief councillors of i. 478

— message to Boniface VIII i. 474

— receives bull " Hearken" i. 474

— convokes first states-general I. 476

— restrictions upon French cler-

gy i. 478

— and Templars i. 484

— commits nis cause to keeping

of Nogaret L 478, 47»

— persecutes Templars i. 485, 487

— blackmail i. 488

— death i. 488

— taxes and debasement of

coinage f. 489

— sons of i. 491

PhiUp IV. of Spain, dies in 1666 iv. 881

INDEX.

46S

nuip v., the Long, ooronfttioii 1. 494

— death 1.494

Fhilfp v. of Spain, Krandson of

Louis Xrv^ Iv. 270

— marries daughter of Duke of

Savoy It. 278

— loses Italy, 1707 Iv. 282

— removes from Madrid to Bur-

gos iv. 882

— removes capital to Yalladolld iv. 292

— refuses to aMlcate Iv. 292

— renounces claim to French

throne Iv. 295

— second marriage Iv. 460

— proclaims his right of sucoes-

sion to French tnrone v. 82

— death of v. 94

Philip VI., or, PhUip of Valois. . U. 41

— crowned at Rheuns 11. 41

— restores Flanders to Louis de

Nevers U. 42, 48

— embroiled with Robert of Ar-

tois U. 46

— seeks allies against Eng-

land ^. U. 48

— seeks support of Flanders... 11. 60

— challenge of Edward in ii. 64

^ and Calaisians 11. 96

— marries Blanche of Navarre ii. 97

— dies, 1350 11. 97

— purchase of Montpellier iL 96

Philip of Champagne iv. 429

Philip of Orleans. See Orleans.
Philip the Bold. See Philip m.,

also see Burgundy.
Philipsburg recovered by France,

1^ iv.264

— the dauphin at tv. 468

— capture of , by French v. 67

Philippa intercedes for burgh-
ers of Calais ii. 95

— at the feet of the king IL 95

Philippe Egalit6 (Duke of Or-
leans) vL 118, 131

— See Orleans.

flitZfopicf, the, by La Orange. . . v. 88

Phillippines ravMed by English,

1762. V. 161

Philosophers of middle ages — ill. 110
Phocea conquered by Cyrus, 648

B. c i. 14

Phoeeans desert their homes. . . 1. 14

Phoddians, a Greek people i. 25

Phoenician road in Oaul 1. 12

PhcBnicians in Gaul as traders i. 10, 11
Picard expedition lands in Eng-
land iL186

Picardy and Flanders, war be-
tween French and Sptanish ill. 202
Piccolomini, Max, German gen-
eral lv.184

— reveals intrigues of Wallen-

stein iv. 124

Pichegru, General, placed in

command vi. 224

— takes Bommel vi. 816

— treason of vi. 861

— arrest of, at the Ootmoil of

Hve Hundred vi. 868

•- returns to France vii. 88

— arre8»of vll. 88

~- found dead in bed tU. 87

Plcot, M. Geonre. HUtorv of
the States-Oeneral, quoted,

ii. 134, 884, 438, 474. iii. 282. ML

Piedmont, Italian state ii. 401

— fate decided by French vi. 896

— reduced to condition of

French department vii. 48

Pignat«lli, Prince vi. 394

Pignerol, surrender of iv. 118

Pilgrimi^^ to Jerusalem i. 802, 308

Pilgrims attacked by Arabs .... i. 80S

Pillar-house ii. 120

Pilnitz, conference at vi. 68

Pilsen, oath of confederacy at., iv. 124
Pinon, Counsellor, dean of grand

chamber iv. 68

Pisa, general council of church

at 1L458

PiU (Lord Chatham), at head of

English Government v. 128

— strikes final blow at French

I>ower in America v. 128

— reigns over Parliament and

England v. 149

— prejudice against France v. 149

— resignation of v. ISO

— reetunes office as Lord Chat-

ham V. 261

— spurns intervention of France

in American affairs v. 278

— proposes repeal of stamp act v. 261

— last appearance in House of

Lords V. 275

Pitt. William, son of Lord Chat-
ham, English minister vi. 386

— pacific overtures to Directory vi. 886

— retm-ned to power vii. 108

— death of. 1806 viL 186

Pittsburg (Fort Duquesne) 1. 126

PlusII.,Pope 1L315

Pius III. succeeds 11.484

Pills VI., arrest ordered vL 875

— refuses to quit Rome. ▼!. 876

— dies at Valencia vL 876

Plus VIL. Pope vi. 881

— at coronation of Napoleon . . . vii 106

— asks restorations of legations vii. 107

— repels pretensions of Napol-

eon vii. 178

— opposes demands of Nimx)!-

eon vii. 176

— stripped of his throne by Na-

poleon viL 286

— rdations with French authori-

ties viL290

— angerof vii. 291

— open war with Napoleon vii. 296

— removal of, from Quirinal .... vii. 297

— at Savona vii. 868

— at Fontainebleau vii. 878

— removed to Fontainebleau. . . viii. BO

— restored to Rome viii. 81

Plus IX., Pope viii. 86e

Placentia (Plaisance) founded . . t. 84

— battle of vii.Sia

Plague, black ii. 97

— of 1363 U.141

— ravages of the, 1790 t. 89

Plain, the vl. 116

Plantaganet, Henry, Duke of

Normandy L 847

— e^Muses Kleanor. . L 60

464

INDEX.

Plantaganet becomes Elntr of

England 1.347

Plectrude, wife of Pepin Heris-

tal 1. 14«

— Austrasians rise against i. 146

Pleiad, the, a literary associa-
tion iv. 148

Plelo, Count, death of v. 66

Plenipotentiaries, massacre of

the vi. 400

— for allied nations vlii. 78

Plessis, incognito of d'Enghien rii. 89
Plessis-Ies-Tours, views of the

castle of ii. 362

Plessis Momay, Philip du iii. 828

— sketch of, iii. 452

— writings of iii. 454

Pliny the Younger, quoted i. 82

Poictiers, battle of. . . li. 104

Polrson, M. Hiatmre du rhgne

d' Henn /F. ... .ill. 865, 876, 884, 408,

407, 431. 439
Poisson, Mile. See Pompadour

Poltou, a state of France i. 244

— insurrection in 1. 898

Poitiers, Diana of, favorite of

Henryll 111.195

— dismissed by Francis II Ill 217

Poitiers, John of, and Duke of

Bourbon lil. 48

— sentenced and reprieved 111. 64

Poitiers, peace of, 1677 lU. 828

Poland, Duke of Anjou elected

King of lli.«12

— contest for the throne v. 65

— Russians occupy v. 148

— religious discord In t. 168

— renewed troubles in T. 168

— insurrection in ▼.170

— dismemberment of, 1772 v. 174

— entry of French and Russian

troops vii. 149

— the question of vllL 142

Police Legion. See Legion.

Policists, a new political party Iii. 315

Polignac. .\bb6 de Iv. 291

Polignac, Madame de 7.824

— sketch of V. 828

— leaves France vi. 28

Polignac accused vll 98

— ministry of vilL 270

— offers Vill61e seat in cabinet viii. 275

— cabinet dismissed vlil. 288

Polish insurrection, 1880 viii. 308

— war, second, begun vii. 386

Polotsk, battle of vll. 897

Poltrot, John, murderer of Duke

of Guise iii.256

— pattodeath ill. 867

Polysynodie v. 42

Pomerania ravaged by impe-
rialists Iv. 116

Pompadour, M. de v. 88

Pompadour, Madame de v. 184, 166

— power temporarily shaken.. v. 140

— fears influence of Jesuits v. 156

— character of v. 160

— death of ▼. 160

Pompignan, Lefranc de v. 865

Pondicherry ▼. 97, 100

— siege of ▼. 109

— disasterof T.801

PoniatowsU, Prlnoe fUL M

— surrender of viL f71

Ponsonby, Lord, sends agents

to Syria viiL 339

Pontchartrain, secretary of fi-
nance iv. 2flJ

Pont de C6, republicans defeat-
ed at vi. 858

Ponte Corvo, Prince of (Bema-

dotte) vii 876

Pontifical states, spoliation by

Napoleon vii. 894

Pontoise taken by Henry V ii. 288

Portalis, minister of religion. . . vii. 216

Port-Royal, nuns ot Iv. 345, 848

— Abbey of iv. 358

— destruction of Iv. 853, 854

Porto Carrero, Cardinal Iv. 809

Portugal supports Archduke

Charles iv. 888

— faithful tofEnglish alliance, vll. 40, 166

— French invasion of vii 165

— flight of court to Brazil vii. 167

— rises in insurrection vii. 1I3H

— evacuated by French vlL 237

— again lost to the French vii. 806

— revoltsin vlil. 863

Pot, Philip, Lord of la Roche. . . ii. 886

Potsdam, alliance at viL 134

— Napoleon at vii. 144

Pradt, Abb6, appointed to Po-
land vil.885

Pragmatic Sanction, object of

i. 441, ii. 810, 816, lil. 19

— guaranteed by France v. 60, 71

Prague, French army retreats

from ▼. 77

— victory of Frederick II v. 140

Pra^uery 11.811

Pr6amenea, Bigot de, at Coun-
cil vlL8«7

Pr^OT^ commands volunteers of

Lyons vl. 278

Prenzlow vll. 14C

Presburg, peace of, 1806 viL 184

Presbyterian regim^ IIL 180

Presle, Duveme de vL 864

Press, the, position under Napo-
leon TlLSll

— censorship of vlil. Hit

Pretender, fate of the ▼. 81

Prie, Marchioness of ▼. 60

— exile and death ▼, 61

Prieuse, William, superior of

the Carmelites. 11. 288

Primogeniture, law of vlil. 800

Prlmoguet, Herv6, French ad-
miral 11.400

Princes, legitimatized, denied

succession to throne v. 80

Prior, Orand, the, arrest of Iv. 80

Prlsons.horrors of, during Reign

of Terror vl. 197-190

— opened to all parties. vl. 848

— erections under Savary vii. 840

Privas besieged by Louis XUI. . iv. IM

Probus, Roman Emperor 1. 104

Protestant success at Roche

I'Abeille 111. 270

— insurrection in Hainault Hi. 28(

Protestants, French, In 1547. ... UL 181

— massacres of, 1561-1678 iU. 8«

INDEX.

465

ffkoCflstaiits defeated at Mon-

contour ... ill. 271

— freedom under Henry IV lil. 439

— holding ofQce imder Henry

IV lli.442

— emigrate from France Iv. 263, 818, 822

— forced conversions iv. 881

— under the regency^. r. 10

— decree of Louis XV. against,

1724 V. 64

— dvil status for v. 846

Protocol, An^o-Russian viii. 268

— of Russia, Prussia, and Aus-

tria viil.241

Provera, General, surrender of vi. 339
Prussia advances toward

peace vl. 317

■— defection to allies vii. 134

— accepts alliance with France vii. 134
Prussian army, destroyed at

Jena vii. 143

Ptussians take Longwy vi. 99

— besiege Verdim vi. 103

— driven from French soil vi. 126

— invade Saxony vii. 142

— war indemnity viiL 212

— despoil the museums viii. 212

Pryd or Pnrdain i. 17

Ptolemais (St. Jean d'Acre) As-
sembly i. 842

Ptolemy, King of Macedonia. . . 1. 28

— answers tialllc deputation. . . i. 28

— killed by Gauls 1. 23

Puget iv. 480

Puisaye in communication with

Mr. Windham vl. 269

— embarks on English vessel,

abandons emigrants vi. 270

Putting the keys on Du Ques-

clin's bier ii. 170

PuySegur, If ^mofrca de iv. 42

Pyramids, battle of vL 884

Pyrenees, peace of the, signed iv.t206

—There are no iv. 270

QuADiAKa. See German nations.
Quatre-Bras, French reverse at viii. 180

Quebec, foundation of v. 116

— Champlain first governor. ... v. 116

— bombardment of. v. 129

— surrender of, 1769 v. 180

Quercy vi. 271

Quesnoy taken by the French,

1712 Iv. 298

Quetiueau, General vi. 253

Quiberon, defeat and execution vi. 241

— emigrants defeated at, 1796. . vi. 268

— peninsula of vi. 268

Qtil6ret, Hugh, titular admhtd U. 61, 63

Qulncampolx, la rue v. 15

RiAB, battle of vll. 288

Rabaut, Paul, Huguenot pastor v. 66
Rabelais, prose writer, tune of

FrancLsI 111.128

— Bketchof 1IL136

— varying fortunes of UL 186, 187

— Bohemian life of ill. 188

— writingsof IIL 140

Rabiitin, Francois de, Commen-

taire de. etc ilL 208

Racine, sketch of tr.401

Radet, General, removal of the

Pope TiiMM

— and Pius VII vii. 897

Ragnacaire, King of Franks of

Cambrai i. 188

Ra^usa, Due de, and deputies. . viii. 879
Raunbault, Count of Orange. . . 1. 818

Rambouillet, Nicholas de ill. 855

Rainier, Coimt of Hainault i. 809

Raimond, Florimond de, HU-

toiredeVHir6*ie iU. 14«

Ramel, arrest of vi. 861

— murder of vllL 814

Ramllies, French defeated at,

1706 iT.880

Ramus, writer on political re-
form ili814

Raoul, Count of Guines 11. 98

Raoul, Count of Vermandois. . . i. 88S

Raoul of Beaugency L 818

Raoul of Nesle i. 461

Raoul, Count, constable of

France B. 98

— secretly beheaded ii. 96

Rapinat, proceedings in Switzer-
land vi. 879

Rapp, General, prediction of. . . vii. 868

— m Russia vii. 897

Ratbod, Kingof theFrisoDS i. 170

Rationalism, dawning of 1. 400

Ratisbon, taken by Austrians.. vii. 967

— retaken by French viL 268

Ratisbonne, treaty of, 1630 iv. 114

Rastatt, conference at vi. 897

— military convention at vl. 870

— outrage upon French pleni-

potentiaries vt 401

Raudine Plains near Vercell i. 47

Ravaillac, assassin of Henry

rV' 111.478

Ravenna, battle of 11.468,466

Ravenstein, Philip de, com-
mands French fleet IL 429

Raymond IV., Count of Tou-
louse i. 810

Raymond VI. of Toulouse 1. 408

— trouble with church i. 406

— and Innocent ni L 409, 410

— dominions ceded to Simon. .L 409, 418

— recovers his dominions L 418

Raymond VII. of Toulouse 1.418

— refuses citadel to Bohemond 1. 827

— leads cnisaders toward Jeru-

salem L 829

Raymond of Poitiers, Prince of

Antioch 1. 848

— desires conquest of Aleppo

and Caesarea

R6, island of, defence of

Reoecque, denounces Robes-
pierre

Rteamier, Madame, recollec-
tions of

Recollects, a religious sect

Reformation, the

— work of. in France

— first martyrdom in France. . .

— progress in France in 16th

century

— among the higher classes . . .
Reformers, insurrection in time

Of RicheUeu It. 61

i

iv.

848
86

vi.

117

vll. 96
V. 116
Ui. 148
ill 148
ULISO

Ui.811
ilL 814

466

nwEx.

Regency, CouncU of, decree of t. 90
fiegent, FUlip of Orleans and

Count of Toulouse v. 21

— sends army to Spain y. 34

— secret communications with

Philip V V. 85

Begnier, L. Histoire de VEtat
de France tant de la Repfub-
lique que de la Religion,

sous Frangois H iiL 285

fieig^ of Terror vL 5

'- established at Lyons vi. 288

Beinhart, charged with govern-
ment of Tuscany yi. 397

Beligion in France in middle

ages iil. 112-115

— in reign of Louis XrV iv. 325

— observed in Paris vi. 288

B6musat, minister of the in-
terior viii. 385

Benaud, Duke, Oallo-Frankish

general L 306

Beiiaudig, la, Lord of, heads

malcontents iii. 226

— death of ilL 227

Renaissance, the iii. 110, 114, 134

Een6, King ii. 294

Ben6 II., Duke of Lorraine U. 349

— takes Nancy by siege ii. 358

Ben^ of Ferrara, Duchess, at

court of Francis II. at Or-
leans.. iii. 234

Ben6e, Princess of France, mar-
riage of iii. 161

Bepenti. Philip de, regent ii. 121

— execution of ii. 121

Bepnin, Count, ambassador of

Catherine II. in Poland v. 170

Bepublic, rise of the vL 5

— homage to Supreme Being. . . vi. 192

— French recognized by ouier

nations vi. 319

— Roman, proclaimed vi. 375

" Republican marriages" vL 199

Republicans demand war.... . . . vi. 71

Restoration imder Louis XVIII. viii. 207

— plots against . viii. 245

BetB, Cardinal de iv. 171

— M4moirea de iv. 175, 177

— MidCond6 iv. 184

— arrested by M. de Villequier.. iv. 196

— removed to Nantes and after-

wards escapes iv. 197

— his ruin resolved iipon iv. 194

— urged to tlirow off his inac-

tivity iv. 194

~- and Jansenism iv. 349

— character of iv. 398

B6vellidre, L6peaux vi. 880

R6veillon, attack upon v. 890

Revolution accomplished vi. 24

— war declared between mon-

archy and vi. 78

— French, national defence by vi. 291
r- French, position of European

rjwers vi. 29

1848 viii. 876

Revolutionary army being or-
ganized vi. 88

^ tribunal, formation of vi. 96, 164

— tribunal, registry of condemn-

•tions vL 196

Revolutionary tribimal, renewal

of vi.213

— Committee vi. 216

— tribunal at Lyons yL 284

Bewbell and Bonaparte vi. 380

Bheims, grand council at ii. 184

— rebellion at ii. 817

Rhodanusia or Rhoda, founded L 13

Rhodians, a Qreek people L 18

Bio-Seco, Spanish defeat at vii. 227

Ribalds, guards of John n - iL 100

Ribaut, John, expediticm to

Florida V. 113

Ricci, Father, general of the

Jesuits T. 156

Richard's (Coeur de Lion) fare-
well to the Holy Land i. 335

— King of England i. 352

— marries Berengaria of Na-

varre 1.355

— massacre of lilussulman pris-

oners L 368

— having the Saracens be-

headed L 358

— and Saladin arrange truce. . . L 359

— character of L 389

Richard II. of England, son of

Black Prince 11.160

— accedes to English throne ... iL 169

— seeks alliance with Isabel of

France IL 194

Richard the Fearless, Duke of

Normandy L 188

Richard II., Duke of Normandy,

punishes the peasants i. 247

Richelieu, Alphonse, Louis du

Plessisde iv, 14

Richelieu, Armand John da

Plessisde iv. 14

— appointed secretary of state iv. 16

— ordered to retire to Avignon, iv. 17

— Letters of, quoted iv. 18, 34

— concludes treaty between

Louis Xm. and his mother, iv. 21

— Memoires, de . . iv. 31, 35, 41-46, 49, 65,

83, 84, 88-90, 98, 100, 110, 112, 116

— called to the council iv. 84

— promoted to cardinalship iv. 84

— obtains from Louis xiiT ordi-

nance against duels iv. 39

— his ruin determined by queen-

mother Iv. 40

— and Cinque-Mars iv. 58

— intrigues against, by Orleans

party iv. 55

— serious illness at Tarascon ... iv. 57

— leaves Lyons for Paris iv. 59

— and the provinces iv. 61

— home policy of iv. 64

— convokes assembly of nota-

bles iv. 71

— his administration of naval

affairs iv. 78

— the Huguenots' cardinal iv. 73

— maintains the independence

of the civil power :... iv. 78

— defends kingly power against

Jesuits Iv. 79

— and the reformers iv. 81

— concludes alliance with Spain

against England iv. 85

— and foreign affairs (▼. 105

INDEX.

467

Blchelleu, treaties concluded by ir. 106

— and Father Joseph iv. 109

— negotiates inarriafice of Hen-

rlettii with Charles I It. 1(19

— treaties w ith Holland !▼. 110

— seconded by Hollanders

against Spain and Austria. . iv. 110

— on death of Qustavus Adol-

phus It. 128

— summons ancient Flanders to

revolt against Spain It. 125

— Oxenstiem, Qrotius, and

Louis Xin iv. 126

— Voiture's tribute to Iv. 188

— the real head of France iv. 130

— failing health of iv. 182

— death of Iv. 1«8

— his will Iv. 184

— review of his services to

France iv. 185

— founds French Academy. . .iv. 149^151

— draniaiic writings of iv. 154

— La Uruydre on Iv. 184

Elchelieu, M. de v. 28

Bichelieu, Duke de, cabhiet of. . viii. 216

— royalist.s call for viii. 237

— once more accepts power viii. 237

— success of attack arainst viii. 244

— death of vliL 247

Richelieu, Marshal, takes Mi-
norca V. 186

— supersedes d'£str6e8 v. 141

Richemont De iL 881

Richemont De, Arthur, of Brit-
tany U.288

— character of li. 289

— takesParis U. 291

— takes Meaux ii. 894

— valuable services of 11.808

Richepanse, General of French

army vii. 89

Rieux,M. de v. 364

Rigaud, portrait-painter iv. 480

Rifht, the. See Assembly.

— feet themselves beaten vi. 60

Right of search viii. 844

Rignomer, King of Franks of

LeMans i. 122

Riviere, bureau de la iL 185, 198

Rivi(^re, Marquis de la vii. 83

Rivoli. battle of vi 888

Robert, King, son of Hugh Capet i. '<4t

— described. i.yil'

— marries widow of Eudes. — L 848, 84j

— marriage assailed by church i. 24.<

— espouses Constance of Aqul-

taine '.. .;46

^ and Henry II. of Germany . .L 9*6, 840

— and Constance, sons of. L 945

— character of i. 850

— had a kindly feeling for the

weak and poor L 850

— death of i 860

Robert, Duke of Normandy i. 864

— undertakes pilgrimage to Je-

rusalem L 884

— make« William the Bastard

hisheir L 966

— poLsoned while retiuning

from Jerusalem L 966

Robert of Normandy (Short-
hose) 1.818

Robert of Normandy deserts

crusaders before Antioch . . i. 880

— refuses kingsldp of Jerusalem i. 888
Robert the Strong, Count of

An jou i. 207

Robert, son of Hu^b Capet. ... i. 240

Robert, Count of Artois L 367

— falls at Mansourah i. 367

Robert of Artois retiu^s to ESng-

land to die ii. 78

Robert, Count of Flanders i. 31S

Robert of Paris, Count L 318

Robert the Magnificent. See

Robert of Normandy.
Robertet, Florimond, finance

minister ii. 450

Robespierre dares not go home vi. 68

— his hatred pursues Qirondins vi. 71

— takes his place in council vi. 96

— manifesto of vi. 101

— denounces the Qironde and

Brissot vLlOB

— dictatorship of vi. 114

— pronounces for death of

Louis vi. 120

— answers Vergniaud vi. 158

— reigns alone vL 187

— and religion vi. 188

— conspiracies against vi. 200

— takes refuge with Jacobins . . vi. 203

— refused permission to speak

in Assembly vi. 206

— under arre-st vi. 207

— suicide of his brother vi. 210

— executicnof vi. 211

Rocca Romano. Duke of vi. 395

Rochambeau, Count de v. 28S

— commands one of armies. ... vL 299
Roche I'AbeiUe, Catholics de-
feated at iii. 270

Rodhefoucauld, la. Francis de. . iii. 267
Rochefoucauld. Cardinal, called

to council of Louis XIII iv. 84

Rochefoucauld, la, Duke of iv. 391

Rochefoucauld. Due de la vL 21

Rochejaquelein, Henri de la — vi. 251

— deathof vi. 362

Rochelle, la. harbor of. iv. 84

— patriotism of ii. 138

— defence of ii. 240

— insurrection in iii. 184

— assemblage of French Protes-

tants T iii.884

— general synod of reformed

churches 111.277

— siege of, 1578 iii. 806

— peace of, 1573 iU. 808

— position of the allies before. iv. 88

— deputi€)s and Louis XIII iv 98

— its capture death - blow to

Huguenots iv. 100

— army, the vi. 256

— plot, the ^iiL 246

Rocroi delivered from imperial-
ists iv. 168

Rodolpb. Count, King of Bur-
gundy 1.208

— crowned at St. Maurice L 808

Roderigo Hortalez and Co v. 878

Rodney revictuals Gibraltar.... v. 283

— takes St. Eustache v. 888

Roaderer,Procureur of Paris.... vi S7

468

INDEX.

Roederer advises rcyal family to

leave Tuileries Ti. 87

E<^er-Duco8, resignation of vl. 409

— appointed consul vl. 413

Rohaii, Due du, Memoires du. . . Iv. 99

Boban, Cardinal v. 37

— grand almoner t. 836

— arrest of v. 837

— discomfiture v. 837

— trial and exile of . . v. 339

Rohan, Duchess of, at La

Rochelle iv. 91

— and daughter imprisoned — iv. 99

— dies at Du Pare iv. 99

Boban, Duke Henry of iv. 9

— at Montauban iv. 26

— interview with Luynes iv. 29

— bold enterprise against Mont-

pellier iv. 100

— treats with King of Spain iv. 101

— his reply to Prince Cond6. . . iv. 102

— appointed to command of

kmg's troops in Valtellne. . . iv. 103

— appointed generalissimo of

Venetian forces iv. 103

— dies in Switzerland iv. 103

Boban, James de, Viscount. — ii. 893
Boland, prefect of marches of

Brittany i. 180

— death at Roncesvalles L 181

— song of 1. 120

— heroism of i. 181

Boland, a Camisard chief iv. 340, 343

— death of iv. 343

Boland secures his portfolio vi. 94

— chosen for home affairs vi. 71

Roland, Madame, death of vi. 175

Bolf. See RoUo.

Bollo, the founder of Nor-
mandy i. 205

— captiu'es Rouen L 206

«- forms friendship with Alfred

the Great i. 208

— negotiations with Eudes i. 209

— accepts overtures of Charles

the Simple i. 209

— ascendency of i. 209

— and Countess of Brabant — i. 209

— pledge of loyalty to Charles

the Simple 1.210

Boman colony settles at Sena,

Gallic town i. 34

^consuls defeated by barbar-
ians i. 42

— name, power of i. 42

— emperors and Christians, i. 90, 91, 100
Boman Empire, golden age, five

great emperors 1. 79

— A.D. 96-180 i. 97-83

— inimdated by Germans from

Asia L 106

— decay of L 106

— genej>al invasion of, by bar-

barians i. 144

— generals, titles of i. 106

— armies, last struggle with

barbari«uis L 106

— armies, barbarians in 1.106

Bomana, Marquis de la vii 287

— general of united armies vii. 260

Bomans conquer Qauls i. 27

— purchase retreat of Gauls L 80

Bomans seek allies in Gaul

against Hannibal. i. M

— sacrifices i. 84

— colonize Gaul i. 86

— defeat the barbarians at the

Coenus i. 46

— eminent in war and poUtics. . i. 88, 84

— defeat Huns at Chalons i. 108

Romanzoflf, conferences with

Champagny vii. 243

Rome besieged by Gauls i. 80

— coalition of Etruscans and

Samnites against i. 31

— extends favor to Massilians. . i. 38

— invaded by barbarians from

the north i. 40

— consumed by fire i. 74

— after death of Marcus Aure-

lius i. 88

— tyrants ot i. 88

— government ii. 402

— treaty of, January 16, 1496. . . ii. 408

— sacked by Bourbon's army. . ill. 91

— frightful disorder in vl. 87«

— invaded by French army vii. 180

— imperial decrees at vii. 294

— King of, birth of vii. 369

— the little King of, at Vienna viii. 166
Roncesvalles, disaster to Franks

i. 180, 181
Roncevaux, Port de, summit of

Pyrenees i. 16S

Konsard, prince of poets, sketch

of iv. 146

Ronsiu sent to watch adminis-
tration of Dumouriez vi. 801

Rosbach, defeat of the French

at V.148

Rosebecque, victory of French

over Flemish 11.179

Rosen, commands French

troops in Ireland iv. 266

Rosetta, English take vii 44

Rosily, Admiral, replaces Ville-

neuve vii. 122

Rosny, Sieur de, confidant of

Henry of Navarre ill. 856

— conference with Henry IV.iil. 389, 890

— in council of finance iii. 484

— sent to Rouen by Henry IV. . iii. 406
Rosoy, Roger de. Bishop of

Laon Iii. 26

Rossi, negotiations at Rome. . . viii. 864
RossignoL arrest and promotion

of. vi. 256

— appointed general-ln-chief.. vi. 256
Rostopchin, Count, at Moscow. . vii. 406

— dies in France vii. 411

Rouen, besieged by Henry V. of

England, 1418 ii. 219

— capitulates to Henry V ii. 220

— taken by Dunois ii 295-297

— gives adherence to HenrylV. iii. 406

— submission of to Henry IV. . . iii. 415

— treaty of, English against

French iii 484

— assembly of notables iii. 485

Rouill6-Ducoudray, M v. 11

Rousseau, John Baptist, and

Voltaire v. 185

Rousseau. Jean Jacques v. 227

— writings of ▼. 228

USTDEX.

469

Bousseau and Madame d'Epinajr ▼. 228

— goes to Neucbatel t. 235

— quarrel with Voltaire v. 886

— in England v. 287

— dies in France t. 237

Bovigo, Puke of (Savary),

seizure vllL 7

— ilimoires, quoted viii. 144

Royal bank v. 15

Royalist plot vii. 81

— prisoners vil. 108

Royer-Oollard, re«i«:nation of. . viiL 834

— character and iiinueuce viii. 840

— defines coup d>tat viii. 253

— president of the chamber . . . viii. 286

Boce, ChevaUer v. 89

Babempre, John de, Lord of

Bidvres IL 857

Buccellal, domestic adviser at

Mary de' M6dici Iv. 80

Bnssia, advances and successes v. 171

— European allies of, 181:? vii. 878

Bussian prejudice against Eng-
land V. 64

Busslans in third coalition vii. 187

— defeated at Eylau vii. 158

— retreat towai-d interior vil. 890

— defeated at Mosijwa vii. 403

Buyter, Admiral, success of, in

Africa. iv. 222

— mortallv wQ\mded off Catana iv. 847
Byswick, treaty of, 1697 iv. 266

Sabatixb, Abb6 v. 856

Sabinus, Julius, a young Gaul.. L 76

— assumes title of Caesar i. 70

— sucoess of insurgents under. . L 76

Sacrilege, law on tUI. 860

Sacy, M. de, a Jansenist chief,iv. 846, 861
Badolet, Cardinal, and Vaudians iii 174
Satnt-Ailalre, M. Rosseeuw,

Histoire d' Espame 111. 800

St. Angelo, castle of, trioolored

Oa^ upon vii. 894

St. Anianus, Bishop of Orleans i. 107

g. Anselm, Abbot of Bee i. 867
. AncoLae, Faubourg, rebellioa

in visas

St. Antoine, Porte, the fight at iv. 190

St. Arculf , French pilgrim L 300

St. Amoul, Bishop of Metz i. 141

St. Aubin-du-Cormier, battle

of 11.894

St. Aadoenus, Bishop of Rouen L 141

St. ▲ugustin, Spaniards found v. 114
St. Augustine, father of the

church L *97

St. Austremotne i. 101

St. Bartholomew, massacre of,

1572 iii. 848, 881,899-308

— massacre of, effect upon

Europe ill. 308

St. Benign us, missionary i. 101

St. Bernard, illustrious monk of

middleages L 857

St. Bernard. Abbot of Clairvauz 1. 337

— favors crusade 1.888

— letter to Pope i. 846

— dies, April §0, 1158 1.8*7

•- against heretics i. 402, 406

Bi. Bonifaco. Ghristian mis-

Amary L ISB'

St. Boniface protected by

Oharles Martel i. 157,166

— is made Bishop of Mayence . . L ISl

— work of I. in

St. Claude, chapter of v. 816

St. Columba, Irish missionary. . i. 139

St. Cyr. General Gouvlon tL Sa

— sent to Italy vt 37»

— compelled to return to Dres-

den viiL 61

St. Cyr, convent founded by

Madame de Main tenon iv. 451

— Madame Main tenon at iv. 464

St. Cyran, Abbot of iv. T8

— work of, writings iv. 76

— prisoner in the Bois de Vin-

cennes tv, 77

St. Cyrau, M. de, death of iv. 846

St. Denis, missionary L 101

St. Denis, Abbot of L 806

St. Denis, rallying point of

French against Edward iL 88

St. Didier, Bishop of Vienne. .. i. 189
St Domingo, French expedi-
tion to vlL 61

St. Eligius, Bishop of Noyen. . . L 141
St. Etienne, Rabaut, at trial at

Louis XVI vi. 127

St. Eustache restored to Dutch v. 288

— English garrison maintjtin

maritime renown v. 888

St. Feiix, missionary L 101

St Ferreol, missionary L IW

St. Fortuiiatus, mis.sionary 1. 101

St. Genevieve, the church of . . . , ▼. MO

St. George, Chevalier t. 96

St. Germain, M. de, sketch of, t. 861, 2GS

St. Germain 1' Auzerrois viiL SM

St. Germain, the court estab-
lished at iv. 190

St. Germain-en -Laye, treaty,

1570 111908

St. Gregory of Nyssa 1. 88T

St. Helena, moth«- of Oonstan-

tine Laor

— first roval pilgrim. L 897

Sainte-H6l6ne, counsel at trial

ofFouquet tv. 816

St. Hilaire, Count of iv. Mt

St. miaire. General, death of . . viL 278

St. Huruge, Marquis of vi. 76

St. Udefonso, treaty of, with

Spahi, 1796 vi. 386

St. Irsenus, Bishop of Lyons — L 100

— martyrdom of L Vtk

St. Januarius, patron of Capua vi. 896
St. Jean, Mother Angelica de..iv. 848i,348

St. Jean d'Acre under siege ... i. 855

— surrenders to crusaders L 866

— siege of , bv French vl 888

St. Jerome duoourages pilgrim-
ages L 297

St. Jerome. Correggio's vi 888

Saint- Julien, Reai> Admiral .... vi 886

St. Jidien of imperial armies. . . vii 25

St. Just in convention vi 119

— proposes Robespierre as dic-

tator viSOl

St Laud, cross of. IL 838

St Lazare, convent of. vi 16

St. Liebwin among Saxons L 168

— Anglo-Saxon priest Lld8

470

nwEX.

St. LieTiti, Irish bishop i. 146

St. Louis, the death of i. 380

St. Lucia taken by English ▼! 313

St. Lupus, Bishop of Troyes. ... i. 107
8t. Malo, Briuconnet, csardinal

of 11.412

St. Marcellus, missionary 1. 101

St. Martial, missionary 1. 101

St. Martin v. 359

St. Maur, treaty of .... 11. 327

Salnt>MenehouId vi. 297

St. Merry, cloister, insm-rectlon

In the viil. 312

St. Michel, Mont, abbey of 11. 239

St. Nicaise, Rue, the attempt

of vii. 35

St. Norbert, illustrious monk. . . 1. 257

St. Omer, capture of, by French iv. 247

St. Paul, missionary i. 101

S^t Peres, battalion of vi. 83

St. Philip, Fort, capitulates to

Franco-Spanish army v. 289

St. Pierre, Abb6 v. 42

St. Pierre, Bemardln de v. 333

St. Pierre, Eustace de, of Cal-
ais 11.94, 96

St. Pol, Count of, Louis of Lux-
embourg li. 868

St. Pothinus 1. 90

— See Lyons, martyrs of.

Saint-Quentln, sie^e of ill. 202

St. R6jant, execution of vU. 39

St. Remi.Blshop of Rhelms, 1. 109, 110, 115

— Life of 1. 116

Saint-Remy, French engineer. . ill. 202

Saint- Roch, the steps of. vl. 249

St. Roque troops, rising of Til. 227

St. Sebttstiaii taken by French v. 34

— taken by Spanish vl. 318

St. Simon, Duke of Iv. 458

St. Simon, M^moirea de iv. 269, 323

St. Sulpice, seminary of iv. 76

St. Valentine, Italian pilgrim. . . 1. 300

St. Victoire, church of i. 46

St. Vincent, battle of tv. 262

— taken by French v. 279

St. Vincent de Paul, charitable

work of iv. 75

St. Vincent, Robert de v. 357

St. Wiilibald, English pUgrim. . L 300
St. Willibrod, apostle of Fries-
land 1. 145

St. Willfried, apostle of Fries-
land 1. 146

Saisset, Bernard de, legate of

pope 1. 473

— accused of inciting revolt i. 478

— arrested i. 474

Saladin, a Turkish leader 1. 848

— assails Christians with fire. . . i. 848

— commences his forttme in

Syria 1. 348

— lays siege to Jerusalem i. 349

— takes possession of St. Jean

d' Acre 1. 849

— possesses Ascalon i. 849

— character of 1. 850

— orders Christians out of Jeru-

salem L 850

— generosity of L 860

•- respect for Christian knight-
hood L861

Saladin desires expulsion of

Christians from Palestine . . i. 861

— attentions to Richard i. 356

— retaliates for massacre by

Riclmrd i. 868

Salamanca, evacuated by

French viii. 11

Saleedo, Admiral, arrest of . . . vii. 223
Sales, St. Francis de, founds

Order of Visitation iv. 74

Salic law i. 494, 495

Salm, Annie de, wife of D' Ande-

lot iu. 264

Salt tax ill. 184, iv. 67

— opposition to 11. 108, ill. 184, iv. 67

Sancerre, de. Marshal of France ii. 170

Sanctarel, Father, Jesuit writer iv. 79
Sanctus. See Ijyons, martyrs of.
Sancy, Harlay de, maintains

Salic law iii. 863

San Giovanni, Monte, garrison. . ii. 409

Santander, insurrection of vii. 224

Santerre vi. 73

Sapinaud signs with Charette. . vi. 266
Saracens, application of the

term i. 178

— invasions of southern Gaul. . 1. 210

— invade western Europe 1. 301

— surrender Jerusalem to cru-

saders i. 838

— attack camp of Louis IX 1. 868

— demand Louis IX. as hostage i. 868
Saragossa, siege of i. 180

— in Spanish insurrection vii. 823

— taking of vii. 260

— siege of vii. 829

— surrender of vii. 258, 260

Sarazin , James, sculptor iv. 480

Sarchalnville, bishop of Artois ii. 18
Sarmatians. See German nations.

Sartines, M. de v. 816

Sas-de-Gand, capture by French v. 94
Saumur, ceded to Henry of Na-
varre iii. 867

— taken by insurgents vi. 864

— conspiracy discovered viii. 848

Sauvigny, Berthier de, arrest of vl. 86
Savannah, taken by English ... v. 879
Savary, General, at headquar-
ters of allies vii. 129

— at St. Petersburg vU. 166 .

— accompanies Ferdinand Vn. vii. 190

— appointed minister of police vii. 883

— administration of vii. 340

Savona, Pius VII. at vii. 868

Savonarola, Jerome JDominican 11. 404
Savoy, Duke of, Emmanuel-

Philibert 111. 208

Savoy, Duke of, at Pignerol iv. 113

— death of iv. 113

Savoy, Duke of, joins Grand Al-
liance iv. 878

— among declared enemies of

France and Spain iv. 878

Savoy, Louise of, made regent

by Francis I 111. 9

— character of lit 7

Saxe, Marshal (Maurice ot Sax-
ony) T. 86, 88

— military genius of. ▼. 86

— atFontenoy v. 88

— honors to T. M

HTDJSX.

471

SazoD contederattoa, how oom-

posed L 170

— forces, defection before Leip-

8ic .. vlil. 67

— See German nations.

— defeat Franks 1. 141

— retaliate upon Charlemacrne i. 109

— invade territory of Franks. . . i. 171

— Tictory over Franks at Weser i. 171

— butchery at Werden 1. 172

— on eve of battle of Hastings i. 285

— defeated at Hastings. i. 286

Saxony, Prussians invade vii. 142

Saxony, Prussia reduces her

claims upon TiiL 143

Saxony, Ck>unt Maurice of. See

Saxe, MarahaL

Scabini (sheriffs) L 186, 187

Scarron. Madame It. 437, 488

— See Madame Maiutenon.

Schauenbonrg. GeneraL Ti. 877

Scherer. French general yL 325

— commands armv of Italy vi. 898

Schill, Malor, leader of partis-
ans vii. 271

— fails at Stralsmid viL 281

Schimmelpeniiinck. of Holland viL 187

Schneider, (lerraan ex-priest, . . vl. 167
Scholars of the school of the

pwlave, classical names of.. i. 196
Schomberg. Colonel, of Qerman

auxiliaries ilL 379

— atRochelle Iv. 90

— commands English army at

Carrickferg^us It. 266

Schonbrunn, treaty of, 1805 ... vU. 134

Schools, hedge UL 213

Schouvaloff, Count, commis-
sioner of allied powers . ... viiL 126
SchwartzenberR, Prince of. . . viil. 25

— commands army of Bohemia viii. 47
Scotland, assistance to Charles

Stuart ▼. 90

Sculpture in middle ages UL 186

Sebastiani, General, and the

Porte tH. 148

Sechelles, Herault de tL 160

" Sections" of Paris vi. 88

" See, see," she cried U. 60

Segobrigians. a Gal lie tribe i. 12

— Jealous of Marseilles 1. 18

— massacred at Marseilles i. 14

Siguier, Chancellor, accepts

presidency of councU tv. 199

8^1 ir. Count. Philip de, Hi»-

toire de ChnHee VJII ii. 898

Segur, Count, besieged in Lintz v. 76

Beighelay, son of Colbert iv. 312

S6meport. conference at ii. 288

Semblan^ay, Baron de, trial

aod execution ih. S8

SemUan^ay, Charlotte de, fa-
vorite of Gnise '. . . Hi. «4«

Seminara, battle of ii. 4SJ

Senate, Conservative, the vti. 7

'Proclaims dethronement of

Nap<ileon vtti. 118

— votes for new constitution . . rlii 127

Senatus Consultum tIL 70

Beneff, Cond.^ Ra'ns victr>ry at. . Iv. MS
Sen lac. battle of. See Hastings.

Benlis. a Huguenot leader iii 286

Senlis, grandees of Prankish

Gaulat i. 886,288

— treaty of. May 23, 1493 ii. 400

Sepoys, native Indian soldiers

in pay of Europeans v. 101

S^ytember, Ma.ssacres of vL 104-118

SeptimaniaL See Southern Gaul L 125

Sequanlans, a Gallic tribe i. 17

8«risy, Abbot of St. Fiacre. ... ii. 203

Serre, eloquence of viii. 231

Sertorius penetrates camp of

Ambrons .. L 44

Sfirurier, French general vl. SiS

— repulsed by Kray vi. 893

Servan, portfolio of vi 94

— minister of war vi 298

S4vign6. Madame de hr. 866, 367

— sketch of iv. 884

— family relations. iv. 384

— writings of iv. 385

Sdvres. porcelain of v. 185

Sextius sells prisoners atauction L 88

Sforza Ludovic. the Moor ii. 401

Sforza, Maximilian, surrenders

to Francis I iii. 16

Sicambrians, a Frankish tribe. . i. 108

Sicilies, Two vU. 40

Si6yd8, Abb6, pamphlet of v. 3T2

— hi National Assembly v. 395

— advocates return of deputies vl. 220

— sent to Berlin as ambassador vi. 379

— replaces Rewbell . . vi. 401

— opposition to Bonaparte vi 407

— sends resignation to Bona-

parte vi 409

— his part in the nation vi. 17

Siegfried. King of the Danes .... L 171

— called king by Northmen ... 1. 206

Sienna, fortress of iii 199

Sigebert, King of Ripuarian

Franks L 121

Sigebert I., Khig of MetB L 126

Sigismund, King of Hungary . . ii. 194

— threatened with invasion by

Turks Ii 194

Sillery. Brulart de, ambassa-
dor Ui. 44S

Simon. patriarch of Jerusalem.. i 304

— and Peter the Hermit L 804

Simon the shoemaker and son of

Louis XVI vl. 837

Simon de Moutfort. <SSee Mont-
fort.

Singlin, M., a Jansenist iv. 346

Sinnamari. place in Guiana vi. 364

Sinzheim, battle of, 1674 iv. 248

Sixtus v.. Pope iii 326

Slave-trade, repression of viii 344

Slavonians, body of, enter Ve-
rona vi. 860

Slavons. barbaric nation L 144

Siuvs, capture of, by French . . T. 94
Smith, Sir Sidney, at St. Jean

d'Acre V. 889

— sends European journals to

Bonaparte Ti 891

Smol«ni8k, attack upon yU. 894

Smorgoni, French army at vii 430

Sobieski. King of Poland iv. 258

Society Islands, French occupa-
tion viii8W

— seditionin viiLS58

473

INDEX,

Society of Action viii. S17

Society of Jesus abolished, 1764 v. 157

— Rights of Man vili. 817

Soissons, surrender of viii. 91

Solano, Captaiu-Qeneral, mass-
acre of vli. 824

" Soldiers, remember that from
the summits of those monu-
mepts forty centuries look

down upon you" vL 886

"Soldiers of the 5th, do you

recognize me ?" viii. 151

Soliman, an Arab chief i. 164

— submits to Pepin 1. 164

Soliman II. , Sultan of Turks iii. 97

— alliance with Francis I ... iii. 103

Solms, Count, Prussian ambas-
sador V. 173

Sombreuil arrives at Qulberon . . vi. 269

— execution of vi. 271

Sombreuil, Mile, de vi. 106

Somerset, Duke of ii. 296

Sorbon, Robert of, founds Sor-

bonne i 449

Sorbonne, society of secular

eccletdastics t 449

— pronounces against the re-

formers Hi. 147

— voteof,1587 Iii. 836

— and College Royal iii. 184

— opposed to Rabelais iii. 138

— opposed to Henry m iii. 854

Sorel Agnes ii. 293

— influence over Charles Vn... ii. 293

Sorlingues (Scilly) Islands v. 282

Soubise, Duke of, brother of

Rohan iv. 26

— captures the royal ships iv. 81

— violates truce iv. 82

— carried to England iv. 90

— defeated by Frederic n v. 143

Soult, Marsha], capitulation of

Meningen vli. 120

— conqueror of Burgos vii. 250

— campaign in Portugal viL 804

— obstructions in Portugal vii. 304

— retreats from Oporto vii. 306

— violates bargain with Ney vii. 807

— junction with Ney vii. 307

_ campaign in Andalusia vli. 341

— distrust of Eling Joseph viii. 12

— appointed minister of war. . . viii. 138
Spain invaded by Qauls i. 21

— invaded by Franks i. 103, 104

— elevation of Ptiilip V. to

tlu^ne iv. 270

— government of i. 381

— tmsettled condition of ii. 146

— treaty negotiated by Cinque-

Mars iv. 66

— enfeeblement by Riche-

lieu iv. 106

— France declares war, 1686 .... iv. 181

— progress of the war with

France !v. 181

— concludes secret treaty with

United Provinces iv. 169

— enters Into league with Hot

land iv.282

-- rises against Charles III Iv. 282

— under administration of Al-

bwoni v. 86

Spain offers her ports to Ostend

Company v. 69

— Pragmatic Sanction v. 82

— takes part in American

war V. 281

— signs peace with coalition ... v. 88

— French army enters vli. 184

— division of royal family viL 186

— insurrection and abdication

ofCharlesIV vii. 187

— Charles IV. surrenders to

Napoleon vii. 200

— revolt at arbitrary conduct

of Napoleon vii. 22S

— peculiarity of the war in vii. 841

— lost to French viii. 48

— European intervention viiL 249

— civil war in viii. 250

— Due d'Angoul§me establishes

regency viii. 250

Spaniards evacuate Paris by

order of Henry IV iii. 416

— entering France iv. 192

Spanish priests' advice to Ro-
man legates i. 406

— defeat French at Cerignola . . ii. 482

— win battle of Pavia iii. 71

— defeat French at Saint-Quen-

tin iii.20t

— defeated by French near

Dijon iii.428

— take Calais iii. 481

— marriages, how regarded in

France Iv. 18

— monarchy disarmed by Louis

Xrv iv.260

— succession, contest for iv. 268

— expedition lands in Florida. . v. HI

— massacre French colonists in

Florida v. 114

— weverses in war against re-

public vi.818

— princes, captivity of vii. 901

~ constitution adopted in Ba-

yonne vii. 221

— battalions in Denmark vii. 238

— guerrillas vii. 341

— revolution viii. 241, 248

— refugees in France viii. 801

— throne, succession contested,

1835 viii. 324

— marri^es, the viii. 869

Spinola, Spanish general iv. 113

— death of iv. 114

Spire taken by General Custine vi. 307

Splilgen , the passes of the vii. 81

Spurs, affair of ii. 470

Stadion, Austrian diplomat vii. 129

StaSl, Madame de, daughter of

M. Necker v. 16, vi. 81, 860

— forced to retire from Paris. . . vii. IS

— persecuted by vii. 211

— banishment of vii. 889

— drawing-room, centre of libe-

ral movement viii. 160

— prepares to leave Paris viii. 160

— Oermany ot vii 889

Stsemans, desperate defence

against Romans 1. 40

Stahrenberg, Count von iv. 299

— retreats before Spanish iv. 898

Stair, Lord, English ambassador v. 26

nrnsx.

473

fltamp-tax for Amerioa. repeal

of T.861

Stanhope, Lord, escorts Charles

III. to Madrid Iv. 298

— invested by Vendome in Bri-

huega iv. 298

— goes to Spain v. 81

Stiuiislaus, the dispossessed

king of Poland y. 69

— called to Poland v. 65

— shuts himself up in Dantsio . ▼. 65

— seeks refuge in Prussia ▼. 66

— renounces throne of Poland . . v. 66

Star, knights of the U. 104

8taraiedei,French entrenched at Till. 80

Btete, relations with church i. 469

StatesKilstricts iv. 68

States-General of 14th century.. U. 106

— of Langue d'on ii. 107

— and taxes il. 108

— convoked at Tours ii. 884

— meet at Tours, May 10, 1SO0.. ii. 436

— convocation of, 1614... iv. 14

— convoked at Meaux, 1560. ill. 231

— French successes in vl. 817

States - provincial, composition

of iv. 69

" Stay, here is the sabre which I
bore at the Pyramids; I give

ltyou,"etc vi. 408

Steiger, defender of Swiss lib-
erty vi. 878

Stein, Baron, resignation (A vii. 241

Steinkirk, battle of, 1692 . . ir. 202

Stephen, Count of Blois L 812

Stephen II;, Pope L 161

— anoints Pepin and his sons. . . i. 161

— asks aid or Pepin 1.165

StofiBet, Vendean general vi. 261

— rivalry with Charette vi. 266

Stradiots, Qreek light-infantry ii. 416

Stralsund, Swedes attack. . .■ vIL 166

Strasburg, free city of Germany iiL 329

— taken by Louis XIV., 1681 ... iv. 268

— riot at vi. 26

— Napoleon at vii. 118

Strozzi, Peter, death of iiL 209

Stuart, Charles Edward v. 90

Studianka, French bridge at vii. 427

Suard, M., secretary French

Academy v. 180

Suetonius quoted L 90

Suevians, a German confedera-
tion L 49

Suffren, Peter Andrew de t. 291

— fleet of T. 291

— at Trioomalee , . . . v, SJ94

Super, Abbot of St. Denis I. 887

— letter to Louis VII 1, 845

— his government of France i. 845

— deattiof 1.347

— birth of i. 882

Soleau, massacre of vi. 87

SolebnAD assassinates Eleber... vii. 28

— strook him with his dagger vii. 28
SolUvan, General v. 278

— and D'Estaing, expedition v. 278

Sully (Rosny), Xf«'j/iotre« de 111898

— relations to Henry IV iii. 460

— and GabrieUe d'EBtrSes. iii. 461

— shuts himself up ki the Baa-

tOle 111.47*

Sully, action oo d«atb of Henry

IV Iil.47»

— resignations of iv. 7

— at Montauban iv. 87

Sultan, Just vi 888

Suresnes, conference at iiL 8M, 886

Suspected persons, law <tf vL 97

— described vi. 168

Suspects, seizure of vi. 101

— law of , repealed vL 221

Suwarrow, General, invests

Cracow y, 178

— of Russian army yl. 800

— sent to Switzerland yL 406

Swartzenberg, Prince viL 808

Sweden, alliance with France,

1681 iv.117

-throne threatens to become

vacant vii. 886

— succession to throue vii. 886

— protest against decrees of Na-

poleon yU. 880

— arrayed against France viL 879

Swedes victorious at Lfltzen iv. 128

Swiss, great victory at Granaon U. 8S8

— pronounced against Louis Zn. ii. 400

— force French to retreat from

Novara ii. 408

— enter Burgundy and bestege

DiJon iL471

— raid upon Vaud iL 8tt

— allies, withdrawal from Pro-

testants ULSSl

— Guards defend Tuileries vi. 87

— regiments, treachery of. — vU. 887

— raiments, desertion (tf vU. 880

— territory, military roads tra-

verse vi. 878

Switzerland, French army in... vLST?

— revolutionary agitation in vL 877

— French army in vL 406

— delivered by Mass^na yL406

— diet of yiL 00

— political and religious strug-

gles yliL 887

Syagrius, Roman general L 106

Sybula, Queoi of Jerusalem — L 860

Sybilline books at Rome L88, 108

^ria under Mehemet All vUL 880

Syrian insurgents, upridng of . . . viiL 880

Tahiti, French flag floats ovar.. vilL 8S8

Talavera, battle vii. 811

Talbot, English officer at Or-
leans iL 861

— taken prisoner at Patay iLi08

— at Bordeaux iL 888

— death at Castillon iL 800

Talleyrand, Henry de. Count of

Chalais Iv. 86

— Bishop of Autun. vL 40

— visits Mirabeau yL 8i

— returns to France vL Sfl

— accepts portfolio of foreign

affairs vi. 861

— at head of foreign affairs vii. 6

— instructions to Joseph Bona-

parte viL 00

— to Otto vii. 78

— negotiations with Fox viL 188

— aprincipality bestowed upon vlL 174

— (nrinoe of Beoevsnto) yttt. 00

«74

nTDEX

TaD^TTand meditates yengeflaoe

against Napoleon ▼lil. 60

— diserences with Napoleon viL 263

^ remains in Paris after capitu-
lation viil. 102

— requested by allied sovereigns

to remain in Paris viii. 107

— first interview with Louis

XVm vili.181

— at Vienna, instructions of. viil. 142

— his influence at Vienna viiL 142

— breaks tiie coalition viiL 143

— draws up manifesto of sover-

eigns viii. 165

— fall of his cabinet viiL 215

— ambassador at London imder

Louis Philippe viii. 299

— quits embassy in London viii. S19

TaUien publicly arraigns Bobes-

piere vi. 206

— heads Thermidorians. vi. 212

— orders liberation of several

prisoners vl 218

— attack upon, in conventicHi.. vi 247

— as dictator at Bordeaux vi. 277

Talmont delivered to Spanish ... iv. 186

— death of vL 262

Tancred and Baldwin, strife be-
tween. 1818

— brings hack recreaxit crusad-

ers 1.820

Tangen, Austriaos defeated at. . viL 267
"Tapping with his fingers on

the window-pane." iv. 41

Target declines to serve as coun-
sel for Louis XVI vl. 128

Tarragona, siege of viL 851

Tartars, barbaric nation of Asia i. 144

— Mongol L 484

— overspread eastern Eiirope . . 1. 434
Tasso, Jerasalein Delivered. ... 1. 808
Tavannes, Gaspard de, oiganl-

aes Drotherhood ilL 259

— toCharlesIX lli. 282

Taxes, popular anger against., viii. 77
Tchitchakoff, Admiral, Russian

commander vii. 879

Tchunda Sahib v. 101

Techsen, peace of, 1779 v. 835

Tectosagian, a Gallic tribe L 19

Templars, the L 848

— defend their order i486

— grand master of i 485

— history of i 484

— order aboUshed by pope i487

— tortured i486

Temple, becomes home of rqyal-

family vi. 95

Ten, coimcil of 1L401

Terray, Abb<^, dismissal of v. 243

— corfaptroller-general v. 161

Terror, Reign of, beginning of . . vi. 166
TesBon, Raoul de, Norman lord L269

Tetbold, Count, a Frank i 206

Teutgaud, bandit, murders Gau-

& ii. 21

Teutobod, King of Teutons ... i 46
Teutons, national name of Ger-
mans i 40

"The Arabs had decamped si-
lently in the night." il66

— battle lasted two days viiS90

The boy king and his people v. 46

— cavalry snot inmiediately in

advance vii 168

— conqueror traverses the bat-

tlefield vii.l8&

— constable made his entry

on horseback ii 265

— crowd at the door of the ba-

keries vi224

— duchess went herself to the

barracks viii. 16?

— French officers were not a lit-

tle siu-prised to see them get

into their carriages vii. 18t

" The guard dies and never sur-
renders" viii 188

— horses of tiie French envoy's

carriage were imhamessed.. vii 4(

— last cart vilW

— manor house of Trianon v. 878

— procession went over the gates ii. 180

— soldiers rushed on their gen-

eral to kiss his hands and

garments viii. 157

Theatre, paganism of, 17th oesat. iv. 168
Theobald U., Count of Cham-
pagne i 886

Theobold IV., Count erf Cham-
pagne i486

— rises against the king i. 426

— coalition against i486

— and Queen Blanche i. 486

Th6odebert, King of Austrasia i 184

Theodoric, King of Visigoths, i. 107, 108
Theodoric the Great, King of

Italy i 118-180

— cheeks progress of Clovis i. 120

Theodoric, King of Metz i 184

— campaign against Thurin-

gians i 129

— plans death of Clotaire i 129, ISO

— devastates Auvergne i. 141

Theophilanthropists vi. 880

Th6ot, Catherine vi. 201

Th6rouaime capitulates to Eng-
lish ii.469

— surrendered to Spanish iii. 198

Thermidor, 9th, conquerors of vi. 218

Thermidorians, the vi. 218

" These are the conditions which

I offer your general " vi. 340

Thibaudeau opposes attempts

at dictatorship vl. 247

— and General Pichegru vi. 361

Thibault. See Tetbold

Thierry I. -See Theodoric i. 124

Thierry IV. made king by Charles i. 148

Thierry, M. Augustin, quoted. . ii. 15

— Bisioire des Qaulois, quoted i. 70

— Conquest of England oy Ihe

Normans 1.288

Thiers, M. History of the Con-
sulate and Empire 1. 68

— home minister viii. 312

— ministry of viii. 823

— president of new ministry. . . viii 338

Thion ville, Merlin de vi. 78

Thionville, siege of iii 209

ThirdEstate ii 6, 80-88, v. 371

— as a new power ii 80

— origin of ii. 88

— from 14th tel9tbo«ntui7.... iL 86

INDBX.

475

flblrd Estate as an element In

French civilisMitlon y.STZ

-' alone in hall of states-g^ene-

ral v.395.vi.7

— becomes National Aasembiy v. 895

— representatives of vi. 6

— in church of St. Louis vl 9

Thirty, battle of the ii. 78-75

Thomas of Norwich, serves

under Prince of Wales il. 88

— asks help from Edward IQ.

atCrecy U. 88

Thomas, M., as a writer v. 308

Thorismund son of Theodorlo. . i. 107

Thou art betrayed .' 11.189

Thou, Nicholas de, Bishop of

Chartres lU. 113

Thou, De, quoted Hi. 225

Thou, President de iii. 821

— Histoire Univeraelle de F. .iii. 834, 419

— President of Parliament iii. 418

— execution of iv. 60

Thouret named president of

assembly vl. 32

" Throw this letter Into the Are" yli. 146
"Thrust him away or thou

diest in his stead." 1.127

Thugut, Austrian minister vI. 348

Thundering. See Melitlne

Thurlot on tht< revolution vl. 97

" Thus did'st thou to the vase

of Soissons" L 110

Tlllemont Lenain de, Vie de

Saint Louia, quoted I. 427, 446

Tilly destroys Madgebure iv. 118

— soldieiy let loose on Saxony iv. 118

— defeated by Oustavus on the

Leek, and mortally wounded Iv. 119
Tilsit, treaty of, France with

Russia, 1807 VIL168

Tinville, Fouquier, public ac-
cuser. See Fouquier • "nn-

ville vi 169

Tippoo Sahib v. 294

Toiras, Sieur de, favorite of

LoulsXHI Iv. 86

Tolasa taken bv Spanish vi. 818

Tolentlno, conference at vl. 842

Tolocsin, battle of vIL 426

Tommaseo, M. BeAationt des
ATnbaaiadeura vinitiens
sur lea Affaires de France

au aeiziime aidcle iii. 183, 242

Toneres taken by Li^gese IL 885

Tflpntz, conference of sover-
eigns at vUL 823

Torcy, Marquis of, French sec-
retary of state iv. 287

—sent to Holland by Louis XIV. iv. 287

Tories in power in England v. 150

Torre, Duke della. burnt vi. 896

Tott, Baron, at Dardanelles v. 171

Toul, fortress of, commandant

to Charles V Ui. 197

Toulon succumbs to revolution-
ists vl. 285

— taken by republican army... vi. 287
Toulouse, capital of Visigoths i. 190
Toulouse, Count,of besieges Mar-

rah 1.848

Toulouse, Count of, and Be-

goit, at Tulleries t. SI

TourduPin, M. dela v. M8

Toumai capitulates to English ii. 47S

Toumav, siege of ii. 68

Toumelles, attack upon ii. 258

Tours, negotiations at iL 204

— states-general at, 1484 11.384

— truce of , 1444 ILSBi

Tourville, biums English ship in

roads of Cadiz Iv. 2tt

— defeated by English and

Dutchfleets iv. 8«

Tourzel, Madame de, governess vl. 56
Tower of London. iSee London

Trafalgar, battle of vll. 128-198

Trajan, successor of Nerva. i. 79

— reign of i. 7»

— quoted i. 91

Treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle, 1668 iv. 227

—France and coalition, 1748 v. 95

— Amiens, with England, 1802 viii. 58, 68

— Ancemis, Sept. 10, 1468 ii. 388

— Arras, Dec. 2S, 1482 ii. 378

— Ardres, Henry Vm. and

FrancisI iii. 3S

— Arras between Charles VII.

and Bui^undians ii. 287

— Barcelona, Jan. 19, 1498 ii. 40O

— Bemwald, France and Swe-

den, 1631 iv. 117

— between French and Swiss

1515, 1516 iU. 16

— Blois, Feb. 9, 1499 ii. 439

— Blois, May 14, 1618 ii. 467

— Br6tigny ii. 187

— Bucharest, Russia and Tur-

key,1812 vli. 3T»

— Campo Formio, with Aus-

trians vl. 369

— Cateau-Cambrteis, with Eng-

lish, 1559 iiL210

— concluded by Richelieu iv. 108

— Conflans, Oct. 5, 1466 ii. 327

— Crespy, French and Spanish iii. 108

— Florence, Nov. 25,1494 U. 408

— Fontalnebleau, French alli-

ance wltti Spain Iv. IS

— Hague, Spain and Coalition,

1790.....^^ V. 88

— Grenada, Nov. 11, 1600 IL 497

— Hanover, Franse and Eng-

land, 1726 V. 61

— Luu^vilie, with Austrians . . . vll. SS

— Lyons. April 5, 1508 IL 4S1

— Madrid, Francis I. and

Charles V. of Spain UL 81

— Mantua, French and allies,

1707 Iv. 281

— Louis ZI. and Swiss cantons IL 869

— Nemours, Henry IV., and the

League Hi. 828

— Noyon with Spata. 1616 III. 94

— of partition of Spain Iv. 268

— Paris with England, 1657. ... Iv. 199

— Paris, end of American war,

1783 v.«9e

— Pussao, Charles V., and Pro-

testant princes, IBS UL 194

— Pecquigny, Aug. 99, 1475 ii. 347

— PresDurg with Austria,

1805 vU. 188

— Pyrenees, peace with Spain,

1669 f?r!T rrr. iv.908

m

HfBEX.

IVeaty of Ratisbonne, with Qtr-

many, 1630 !▼. 114

— Rome, Jan. 15, 1495 ii. 406

— Rouen, English and French,

1596 lit 484

•- Ryswick. France and Eng-
land, 1697 iv. 265

^ St. Ildefonso with Spain, 1796 vl. 336

~ St. Maur with League, 1465 ii. 327

~Senli8,1493 11400

— Tilsit with Russia, 1807 vii. 163

— Tolentino, with Rome, 1797. . vi. 343

— Utrecht, with England, 1718. iv. 300

— Vervins, with Philip U., 1598. IIL 443

— Vienna, European peace, 1736 v. 68

— Vienna, Spain and Germany,

1725 V. 62

— Vienna, 1809. TiL 820

— Viterbo,0«t. 18,1616 UL 16

Treilhard vL 860

— replaces Francois as direcbw vL 892
Tremblay, Joseph du, confldaat

of Richelieu Iv. 20

Tremoille, la. George iL 258

— downfallot ii 282

Tremoille, Louis de la H. 394

— successes in Brittany iL 394

— in hall of Parliament ilL 22

— mortally wounded at Pa via. . ill. 71
Tremoille, La. refuses adhesion

toHenrylV HI. 865

Tribun du Peuple vL 322

Tribuneship, the vii. 8

Triumvirate, the. .iv. 286, 293, vL 807, 212
Trivulzio, John James, surren-
ders Capua ii. 409

— governor of Milaness U. 424

— death of UI. 36

TrogofT, Admiral Jl. 286

Tromp, Van, admiral of Dutch

fleet !▼. 282

Troyes, treaty of d. 288, 234

— capitulates to Joan of Arc ... iL 268

Trudaine, M., resigns v. 805

Truguet, Admiral, in councU... vii. 37

Tyrannicides, volunteer vi. 98

Tyrol entered by Austrians. vi. 334

— insurrection of the vii. 265

Tyroleans, second rising of vii. 280

Tudor, Mary, Queen of Eng-
land Hi.201

Tuileries, assembly of notables iv. 71

— bed of justice at, 1718 v. 21

— entrance of royal family .... vl. 86

— invaded by the mob vl. 75

•- abandoned to insurgents . . vl. 89

— destruction of vi. 90

Tungrians, Frankish tribe 1. 189

Tungrians, (Tongres) in Belglca L 85

Turckheim^ght of iv. 248

Turenne, Viscount de, and

Catherine de'Medici ilL 828

^ 3 marshal of France Iv. 169

— revolt of iv. 178

— obliged to flee from his army Iv. 179

— refuses to join the Oond6

faction Iv. 186

— defends bridge of Jargeau. . . Iv. 189

— wins battle of the Dunes. iv. 901

— successes in campaign on

Rhine hr. 848

— kiUedat8alzbach,l«76 tv.S44

Turenne.Napoleon'sestimatoof iv. Ml

Turgot, M., ministry of v. 241

— financial innovations of ... . v. 246

— and bread riots v. 247

— dismissal of v. 256

— advocates neutrality tA

Americans v. 270

— death of v. 320

Turin, battle of, 1706 iv. 881

— citadel ceded to French vi. 396

Turkish army l)efore AbouMr. . vi. 890

— army passes Euphrates vUi. 331

— plenipotentiary in London... viii. 386
Turks invade Asia Minor, Syria,

and Palestine i. 308

— take Jerusalem and persecate

Christians 1.808

— defeated at Nicsea i. 816

— surprise crusaders at Dory-

leum 1.816

— slaughtered at Antloch i. 328

— abandon siege of Antioch i. 887

— defeat crusaders near

Iconium L 840

— imder Soliman n ill. 97

— sent to aid of Poland v. 171

Turreau, General vi. 868

— loses his command vL 884

Tuscany, Grand Duke of v. 86

— proclaimed Emperor Francis

I V. 80

— recognizes republic vl.817

— obliged to qmt his states vL 897

Tuscany in hands of Napoleon, rii. 168

TJdinb, Cobentze) sent to vi. 867

Uhlans, the vL 297

Ulm, free city of Germany ih. 829

— capitulation of Austrians. . . . viL 121

— capitulation of viL 121

Umbria, portion of n<Mtbem

Italy L 81

— subjugated by Etruscans 1. 21

Umbrians subjugated by Etrus-
cans L 21

Unigenitus v. 89

United Provinces, private

treaty with Spain iv. 109

United States of America, Inde-
pendence of V, 287

— protests against execution at

LouisXVI vil86

— commerce hindered by

Directory vL 898

— treaty with Bonaparte vii. 85

— second war with England vlL 168

— commerce affected by decrees

of Napoleon vlL 147, 168

Universitv, Imperial vii. 207

^ opposition to reconstituting viii. 141

— regime of viii. 368

Unkiar-Skelessi, treaty of Till. 324

TJnterwalden, cow of ii. 85S

Unzmark, flght at vi. 345

Urban II., Pope, at council L 80S, 808

Urban v.. Pope IL 146, IIT

Urban VIIL and Richeliea iv. 80

Uri, bullof iL8S8

Ui*gel, castle of, falls intohamlB

of French T. 84

Urquijo, counsellor c^ Obarlea

lV.of^;>ain vlk 198

INDEX.

ATi

Undna, deg, John JunTeal U. 193

Unina, Prinoeas des It. 449

Ursulinea, the, founded It. 76

Uflhant, aaral battle off ii. 469

Utrecht in hands of French tI. 317

— treaty of, 1718, It. »4, 800

nzeUoaunum, insurrection of . . L 56

Uzda assembly at !▼. 86

Taoa, QarcilasQde la, the Span-
ish Petrarch iii 00

Talaz6, reports on papers of

IiOUlsXVI Tills

— suicide of yi. 178

Val-des-Dunes, battle of i. 269

Talencia, massacre of French. . vii. 233

— failure of Marshal Moncey. . vii. 227
Talenciennes, capture of iv. 247

— besiegred by Duke of York. . . vi. 810
Valentine de Milan, death of . . U. 204

Valerian, Emperor, quoted i. 108

Valjouan, M. de, brother of

Afuesseau v. 10

Valladolid, rising of populace. . vii. 223

Valiiere, Madame de la iv. 432

VaUny, French victory at vl. 126

Valois, Charles of L 491, 492

Valois, Marguerite de. See Mar-
guerite de Valois.
Valteline, revolt of the. . . .iv. Ill, vL 854
Vandals. See Oerman nations.
Vandamme, Oeueral, disaster

to vlii. 50

Vannes, military commission of vi. 271
Van Witt, Cornelius, commis-
sioner of estates iv. 286

— torture and murder of iv. 288, 239

Van Witt, John, grand pension-
ary or Holland iv. 210

— resigns as coimcillor pension-

ary iv. 288

— murdered by the mob iv. 239

— review of his career iv. 240

Vasconia, division of southern

Gaul i 125

Vascons. See Basques.

Vassy, massacre of. iii. 246

Vatimesnil, minister of public

instruction viii 267

Vauban, sieges under his direc-
tion .- iv.816

— characterof ty. S16

— engineering skill of iv. 816

— death of, 1707 iv. 317

Vaublanc heads a deputation

to Louis XVI vl. 70

Vaubois, general of French. . . vL 832, a36

— governor of Malta vi. 383

Vaucelles, truce between

France and Spain iii. 200

Vaudemont, Prince of, governor

ofMIlaness iv. 281

Vaudery, master of il. 401

Vaudians. See Waldensians.

Vaudians, a religrious sect I 401

— the. described iii. 178

— persecutions ofl. iii. 173

— exterminated oy order of

FrancisI iii. 175

Vaudreuil, castle of i. 266

Vaudreuil, M. de, governor of

Canada v. 138

Vaugelas and French Academy iv. 4S4

Vaux, Marshal v. 866

Vedel, General vii. 226

— surrender of vii. 288

Velasco, Ferdinand de, con-
stable of Castille iii. 427

Vendean army disbanded and

flying vi. 860

Vendue laid waste by dvll war vi. 149

Vendome, Duke of, arrest of . . . iv. 36

— sent into exile iv. 168

— commands in Italy iv. 277

— commands French army in

Flanders iv. 281

Venetian senate sends an em-

ba.ssy to Bonaparte vi. 329

Venetians send aml>a8sador8 to

Louis Xn il. 422

— alliance with French 11.428

— refuse asylum to French giail-

levs ii. 488

— defeated at Agnadeilo ii. 441

— re-t«*ePadua ii. 444

Fienpeur, loss of the vi. 814

Venice, republic of ii. 401

— and Directory vi. 829

— neutrality in Italian war vi. 348

— incurs vengeance of France vi. 350

— massacre of the French vi. 851

— formal installation of demo-

cratic government vl. 852

Ventadour, Madame de, gov-
erness of Louis XV V. 8

Verciugetorix leads united

Gaul against Caesar i. 57, 58

— siurenders to Caesar 1. 94

— adorns Caesar's triumph L 64

— put to death by Caesar L 64

Verdun, treaty of L S»4, 886, 887

— royal meeting at i. 224

— besieged by Prussians vl. 108

— opens its rates to French vi. 800

Vergennes, M. de, minister of

LouisXVI V.269

— on report of Necker v. 318

— on Necker . v. 817

Vergue, Madelaine de la. Mar-
chioness of La Fayette. ... iv. 890

Vergniaud, barrister from Bor-
deaux vi. 67

— attacks upon the king vi. 78

— surrendei-s chair to Guadet. . vi. 98

— denounces Dan ton and his ac-

complices vl. 118

— fears aspirationa of Roliee-

pierre vl. 140

— and Robespierre vi. 153

Verhuell, Admiral, reoeivea

passports vii 334

Vemeuil, Marquise de iii 464

— See Ekitraigues.

Vermond. Abb6 v. 366

Vemis, Abb6 de, dismissal of. . v. 146

Vergmand. execution of vi. 220

Vernon, Lambert de, president v. 16

Verona, massacre of tne French vi. 850

V6rune, la, governor of Caen. . . iii 368

Versailles iv. 810

— Colbert's opposition to iv. 310

— treaty (1756) with Austria. . . v. 188

— National Assembly at vi. 80

— invaded by the mob vL 82

478

nwEx.

Vertfeuil, oastle of L 408

Tervins, peace of, with Philip

U : iiL448

Vesontio (Besangon), country of

Gaul i. 17

Vespasian, Roman emperor. ... i. 76

— and Civilis L 77

— and Julius Sabinus i. 77

Vespers, Sicilian i. 465

Vesuvius, eruption of, as omen vi. 395

Vtto, Madame v. 863

Via Domitia i. 40

— See PbcBnician road.

Victor- Amadeo, Cuke of Savoy iv. 259

— joins coalition iv. 259

— concludes treaty with Louis

XIV iv.265

— his abdication and arrest v. 64

Victor, Marshal, operations in

Spain vli. 307

— M&moires of, quoted. vi. 289

Victory, temple of . i. 45

Vielleville, Marshal de ilL 190

— Memoi7-es, quoted iii. 190

Vienna, treaty of , 1725 v. 62

— peace of, 1735 v. 68

— Congress of vii. 60

— treaty signed, 1809 vii. 830

— peace negotiations at viii. 26

— Congress of viii. 142

— declarations of the sovereigns viii. 165
Vienne, John de, governor of

Calais. ii. 91

Vieux Cordelier, the vL 180

Vilaine, Le Begue de ii. 185

Villaret-Joyeuse, Admiral vi. 268

Villars and elector of Bavaria.. Iv. 279

— campaign in Germany, 1707. . iv. 283

— wounded at Maplaouet, 1709 iv. 290

— again commands the army

in Flanders iv. 296

— Memoires de iv. 296, 297, 299, 841

— and Prince Eugene iv. 297

— takes Douai, 1712 iv. 298

— success in Germany iv. 299

— in Italy, 1735 v. 67

Villehardouin, Geoffrey de Iii. 117

Villeheurnais, Berthelot de la. . vl. 354
Villdle. at the head of the gov-
ernment viii. 244

— anger at Chateaubriand viii. 255

— waning power of viii. 257

— Intelligible effort toward pro-

gress viii. 258

^ increasing opposition to vilL 264

— withdraws In favor of Mar-

tignac. viii 26C

Villena, Marquis of, and Alber-

oni V. 82

Villeneuve, Admiral, mournful

forecast of vii. 113

— encounters Nelson vii. 114

Villerol, princlpcd of French

league ill. 897

•^ismadesecretary of state.... ill. 408
•^ goes over to service of Hemy

IV. iil.408

^sketchof lii.461

— fails in Italy iv. 277

— Marshal de, protest of v. 22

— arrestof ▼. 46

— and the regent. v. 46

Villon, Francis, a French poet ilL IM

Vimeiro, heights of vii. SSS

Vimont, I'atner, Jesuit priest. . v. 117
Vimory, Guise victorious over

Germans IIL 8S1

VIncennes, Bois de iv. 196

— Diderot imprisoned at v. 215

— tower of, attacked by popu-

lace vi. 62

— assassination of d'Enghien. . . vii. 91
Vincent of Beauvais. See Beauvais.
Vincent, M. See St. Vincent de Paul.
Vinci, Leonardo da, dies in

France Iii. 136

Visconti, John Gal6as, Duke of

Milan Ii 138

Visconti, Valentine, death of. . . ii. S04

— wife of Duke of Orleans ii. 800

Visigoths found kingdom in

Gaul i. 106

Vissant, James de, of Calais ii. 94

Vissant, Peter de, of Calais IL 94

Vltellius, pretender to Roman

Empire 1.74,76

Viterbo, treaty of ilL 16

VitroUes to Emi)eror Alexan-
der vUi. 107

— character of viii. 107

— expelled from Privy Council viii. 882
Vitry, Baron de, appointed mar-
shal of France Iv. 12

Vitry, disaster at i. 336, 887

Vittoria, English victory at viii. 48

Vivarals, league of iii. 816

Vivonne, Catherine de iv. 14*

Vogii6. Count Melchlor de. Le

Temple de Jerusalem I. 299

Voiture. CEuvres de iv. 188

Volg, Volks, Voles. See Bolg.

Vop, disaster to the French vii. 428

Voltaire, Steele de Louis XIV.,

quoted Iv. 226 263, 875, v. 85, 168

— praises Frederick 11 v. 72

— demands reforms v. 164

— Racine, the model of v. 176

— sketchof V. 188

— early tendency to irreverence v, 184

— visits Mile. Ninon de I'Enclos v. 186

— obliged to quit Paris v. 186

— shut up in the Bastile v. 186, 189

— takes uie name of Voltaire . . v. 187

— quarrel with Chevalier de

Rohan v. 188

— in England v. 191

— and Marchioness du Chatelet v. }98

— elected to French Academy. . v. 1 94

— goes to Berlin v. 195

— attack upon Maupertuis v. 198

— arrested on return to France v. 200

— campaign against Christian-

ity V.208

— writings of V. 187-208

— quarrel with Rousseau v. 204

— and the family of Calas v. 206

— efforts in behiUf of Chaumont v. 20T

— at Ferney v. 209

— opinion of Catherine IL v. 209

— dies at Paris v. 811

— at Academy and National

Theatre v. 818

Volusian, Bishop of Tours 1. 1 18

— imprisoned and put to death i. 118

INDEX.

479

Von Bulow, representatiTe of

Prussia vlll. 836

Vouet, Simon iv. 427

Wack, Robert, Romance ofRou....i. 248,
282 ii 8

Wasrram, battle of vili. 285

Walfre, son of Hunald i. 160

— character of. i. 164

Wala. Abbot of Corbi6 I. 218

Walcheren, island of vii. 314

Waldensians. See Lutherans . . Hi. 172

— iSfec also Vaudians.

Wales conquered by English. . . 1. 458
Wales, Prince of, becomes heir

to English throne i. 468

— victorious in southern France 11. 102

— governor of English Aqui-

taine U. 132

— the Black Prince li. 161

— declares war against Charles Y ii. 164

— death ii. 168

Wallace, William, Scottish hero i. 458
Wallenstein, commander - in-
chief of imperial army Iv. 117

— deposed by Ferdinand II Iv. 117

— recalled by Ferdinand n iv. 120

— defeated at Ltitzen iv. 192

— secret advances to Richelieu

and Oxenstiem iv. 124

— intrigues revealed by Piccolo-

mini iv. 124

— assassinated iv. 124

Wallia, King of Visigoths i. 106

Wallon, M. ^ Jeanne d'Arc ii. 247

Walmoden, General vi. 316

Walpole, Robert, English min-
ister V. 76

Walter, Count of Vexim i. 274

War, Armagnacs and Burgim-

dians H. 206

— France and England, 1512. ... ii. 469

— France and Spain lii. 190

*- Francis I. and Charles V Hi. 45, 47

^ in Canada, French and Eng-
lish V.121

— civil, Catholics and Protes-

tants iii.248

— civU vi. 250

— fourth religious, opens iii. 306

— hundred years Ji. 41-106

— in 14th century ii. 158

— third coalition against France vii. 119

— second religious, breaks out,

1567 iii.260

— seven years v. 106, 18.3

— third reUgious, begins, 1568. . . iii. 263

— thirty years, ends iv. 170

^ with Russia vii. 374

Warsaw, the confederates in. .. v. 172

— Diet, proclamation of vii. 887

— grand duchy of, formation. . . vii. 885
Washington, George, sketch of, v. 121, 265

— to Captain ^lackenzie v. 262

— commander-in-chief Ameri-

can forces V. 265

— dislike of France v. 278

— seeks alliance of France v. 276

Waterloo, battle of viii. 182

Weimar, battle of vii. 148

— supper at, with Ck>ethe and
Wieland Til. 248

HF (U)

Weirother, Austrian general vll. 180

Weissenf els, allies repulsed at.', viii. 29
"Well, Cardinal! you wished

then to break!" vii. 58

Wellesley, Sir Arthur. viL 164

— See Wellington.
Wellington, Lord (Sir Arthur

Wellesley) vii. 344

— entei-s Portugal vii. 236

— operations in Portugal vii. 805

— becomes Lord Wellington vii. 344

— army invested by Mass6na . . . vii. 346

— generalissimo of Spanish

army vili. 42

— enters France viii. 61

— leaving the Duchess of Rich-

mond's ball at Brussels viii. 179

— at Waterloo viii. 168

— proclamation to French peo-

ple viii. 195

— opinion of Polignac viii. 2T8

— on fortifications of Paris viii. 343

Westermann, his band joins

Jlarsellais vi. 90

— accused to convention. vi. 255

Westphalia, peace of iv. 170

— crumbles to pieces viii. 54

West Point, Washington at. . . . v. 285

Whigs in power in ^igland v. 290

Whitworth, Lord vii. 74

— at Tuileries vii. 75

— leaves Paris vii. 77

" Who made thee king?" i. 240

Wiazma, battle of vii. 419

Wicholorsky. Count. v. 175

Wieland at Weimar vii. 24{i

William of Nangis, The Contin-

ner of, extract ii. 136

William of Normandy, birth of i. 265

— childhood of L 267, 268

— conspiracy against i. 268

— escapes to 1 alaise 1. 269

— takes field against traitors. .. i. 269

— claims help of Henry 1 1.269

— joined by Henry I i. 269

— defeats the insurgents at Val

desDunes i. 269

— makes vigorous use of victory L 269

— aids Henry I. against Geof-

frey Martel i. 270

— at war with Geoffrey Martel . i. 270

— Strang courtship L 870, 271

— mamage with Matilda i. 270

— at war with Henry I i. 278

— defeats Henrv I. at Mortemer

and Varaviue i. 278

— and Matilda found abbeys L 273

— and Lanf ranc — L 278

— attends coronation of Philip

I i. 274

— suspected of poisoning Count

ofVexin 1.274

— publishes law of curfew L 274

— visits En^^and L 275

— exacts oath from Harold — L 270

— receives news of death of M-

ward the Confestor i. 277

— remind."' Harold of his oath . i. 278

— claims English crown L 278

— submits his claims to decision

of the pope L 878, 279

— and estates of Normandy — i. STC

Vol. 8

480

HTDEX.

William of Normandy assembiM
army for conquest of Eng-
land. 1.280,281

— and Conan n 1. 880, 281

— lands on English coast i. 282

— armament against England, .i. 282, 283

— makes three propositions to

Harold 1.284

— wins battle of Hastings L 286

\ — lays foundation of Battle Ab-
bey i.288

— occupies English towns i.288

— invests London i. 289

— crowned King of England 1.290

— builds fort L290

William the Silent, Prince of

Orange iil. 210

— and treaty of Cateau-Cam-

brgsfs iii.210

■William of Nassau iv. 231

— See William HI.

William III. of England (WU-

liam of Orange) iv. 284

— appointed cai)tain-general

lor one campaign iv. 234

— Btadt-holder, captain-graieral,

and admu-al iv. 237

— camj)aign against Louis XIV. iv. 241

— marries Maiy of England iv. 247

— Massillon's estimate of iv. 262

— proclaimed King of England,

1689 iv.2M

— arrives in Ireland iv. 258

— at battle of the Boyne iv. 857

— arrives in Holland, 1691 iv. 259

— news for Iv. 269

— popularity in- England re-

vived iv. 276

— ambassador withdraws from

court of Louis XIV iv. 275

— review of his life iv. 277

— death, of, 1702 iv. 276

— review of his life Iv. 277

William in., Count of Poitiers i. 255

— refuses the crown of Italy. . . i. 265

William VII. of Poitiers i. 255

William, Archbishop of Tyre... i. 853

— at Parliament of Gisors 1. 862

William, Covmt of Melun i. 880

William the Bastard. See Wfl-

liam of Normandy.
WflUam of Orange. See Wil-
liam in

Wimpffen chosen general vi. 276

Wincnelsea, capture and pil-
lage ii.l86

Winslow, Colonel, and Acadians v. 126
Wintzingerod, Count, a pris-
oner to French vii. 417

Witt, the brothers iv. 220

Witt, M. Comelis de, Histoire

de Washington v. 261, 262

Wittemberg occupied by Da vout vii. 144

Wittenagemote, Saxon council i 288

WittensteiB, Count, of Busstan

army .. vlLflSI

Wittikind, a Saxon chieftain. . . L 176

— encourages revolt of the Sax-

ons i. 171

— takes refuge with the Danes i. 171

— takes refuge with North-

men 1. 171,178

— receives baptism 1.178

— created Duke of Saxony L 172

— death of i. 178

— descendants of i. 178

Wolfe, General, English officer

in Canada v. 128

— mortally wounded at Que-

bec V. 129

Wolsey, Cardinal iii. 3fl

Women defending the cars i. 45

Worms, diet at ir. 126

Wttrmser, Austrian general re-
pulsed vL Sit

SL&iKTRAiixES at Orleans . U. 26t

Ximenes, Cardinal iiL 9

YARJcotJTH, Lord vlL 138

Yolande of Arragon 11.250

— supports Joan of Are iL 261

York, Duke of, besieges Valen-
ciennes vl 310

York, General, capitulation to

Russians vii. 438

— trial and reinstatement viii. {|23

Yorktown, surrender of v. 888

Youssouf, governor of Narbonne i, 166

— conquers and occupies from

Aries to Lyons i. 156

Ypres, town in Flanders 1. 460

— siege of vi. 314

Yriarte, M. d', and royal chil-
dren vi. 236

" You are no longer the Auge-

reau of Castiglione" viii. 53

Yoes, Bishop of Chartres i 251, 658

Zach, general of Austrian

troops viL 21

Zachary, Pope, and Pepin the

Short i.l61

Zanghi, sultan of Aleppo and of

Mossoul 1.336

Zeeland capitulates to French . . vi. 317
Zlmisces. John, Emperor of

Constantinople i. 300

— war against Mussidmans i. 800

— receives keys of Jerusalem., i. 300

Zuaim, treaty of vii. 287

Zuazo, French defeated at viii. 43

Zurich taken by assault by

French vi. 405

— battle of vi. 40«f

Zwlngle in Switzerland ilL Itf

Zannequin. Nicholas, burgher of

Furnes IL «3

UCS'

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